The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The elections are now over. If any doubt existed as
to the extent of the reaction in favnur of ennstittitional
principles, that doubt has I.).rt cletlnitely set at,
The voice of the people of England has conaemneti
the Melbourne Administration by returnittg a majority
of representatives to tiett it from her Maj'esty"s
councils. The King of lielgiinin is neither so ill-
informea
.about the affairS of this kingdom as to
be ignorant
.of the fact in question, nor so indifferent
to his niece's popularity as to decline
ing the caution t© het Malesty which the . fact
obviously enforces ; -a.ua by delaying to come here till
the public imtd Was duly ascertained by the returns,'
King Leopold has both put himself into a fitting
condition for advilitnr his Royal niece to advantage,
and for tuning with especial force the propriety of
withholding any deciaive or premature exercise of her
Majesty's confidence and prerogative. The gratifying
reception which Leopold met with on his arrival at
Ramsgate, taken in connexion with some of its ae-
cchpanying circumstances, will also suggest im-
portant lessons for his Majesty's guidance. The
pier and the adjoining streets of that watering place,
which at present is crowded with visitors conveying
an average specimen of national feeling, were throngedr
with an immense multitude of spectators. During
his Majesty's short progress from the steamer to the
Albion Hotel, he received many tokens of a respect-
ful and highly decorous welcome. We do not mean

Lord Palmerston's address has expcsed him to a
copious discharge of filth from Puddledock. The
American journalists were at one time considered unri:
valled in their command of the vocabulary of scurrility,
but we are much mistaken if our transatlantic Con-
temporaries do not themselves admit that the Times
has for some time outstripped them in what used to
be their distinguishing characteristic. There is an
inexhaustible supply of filth in Puddledock ; and our
Contemporary certainly throws it about with a lusty
arm. Before the Times went over to the Tories it
now and tit:en exhibited its familiarity with the vulgar
tongue ; but it now seems to use no other. Burke
said that Kings were fond of low company. Is the
increased partiality of the Times for slang and ribaldry
to be attributed to the taste of its Tory masters for all
that is low and degrading ? What must enlightened
foreigners think of the Tory Aristocracy of England
when they thus perceive that they derive satisfaction
from what must fill every well-constituted mind with
loathing and disgust ? " What a condition of State
affairF, (says the Times) that in which the opinions of '
such a Cabinet Minister as Cupid are worth the fools-
cap which his protocols convert into waste paper
One would suppose that, even by way of relief to
its readers, the Times would at length abandon in
discussion the use of a nickname, barely allowable in
a squib, till it becomes hackneyed. If the English
be " a thinking people," as it is said they are, they
cannot surely derive any satisfaction from the substi-
tut:on of Billingsgate for decorous discussion. Lord
Palmerston, we are next told, is " the thorough-going
hack of every Tory Adminimation for the last thirty
years." In this style does the Times proceed for
several paragraphs, bespattering his Lordship with its
filth. As a matter of taste Lord Palmerston can
only be disgusted with the blackguardism ; but in
other respects it must be satisfactory to him to know
that nothing better than abuse can be levelled at him.
" A reformed Tory," says the Times of yesterday,
"makes the best Whig-Radical ;" and we do not
doubt to see many such " reformed Tories" before the
next Parliament shall have sat to the end of its first
session. We almost expect even to witness, before
that date, not the conversion, but the re-conversion of
the Times to the notions it entertained and promul-
gated two or three years. It is an excellent judge of
the violence with which the professors of ex-
treme opinions can rush in an opposite direc-
tion. Experto crede : it has so recently tried
its hand in this way that it would be folly
to deny its authority ; it has seen that a Ra-
dical newspaper in 1834 makes a most un-
scrupulous Tory journal in 1837 ; and ? converso it
concludes, by the safest logical deduction, that " a re-
formed Tory makes the best Whig-Radical." When
the Tories reform, as they will do one of these fine
days, we shall have an opportunity of knowing what
excellent thorough-going Radicals they will become ;
and in the mean time we are willing to take the word
of the Times upon that subject. This is saying a
good deal. As to the argument in the article in the
Times, it may soon be disposed of. Lord Palmerston
inferred, as he was justly entitled to do, from the de-
cisive support given to Ministers in Ireland, that the
Irish had thereby demonstrated their opinion of the
relative merits of the two opposite .systems of govern-
ment upon which opposing candidates had taken their
stand. The Times, on the supposition that his
Lordship alludes to the Irish Church and Corporation
questions, argues that the Government will not have a
decided majority " unless the Reformers unite with the
Destructives." This is begging the question. Mi-
nisters will propose the measures they deem best cal-
culated to promote the welfare of Ireland ; and we
have no doubt they will find a decided majority in the
1-louse of Commons disposed to second them in their
liberal and enlightened endeavours. Whether the
Duke of Wellington will have sufficient influence
with the extravagant ultra Peers in the Lords to
bring them to something like reason remains to be
seen.—Morning Chronicle.

to say that the total absence of anything like popular
enthusiasm on the occasion was at all intended as any
disparagement to the Royal cortege ; on the contrary,
we believe that every other public feeling was Absorbed
in that of a quiet, scrutinizing, and complimentary
curiosity. But the moment that his Grace the Duke
of Wellington was ascertained to he present, as Llbrd
Warden of the Cinque Ports, the decorum of the
well-dressed multitude gave place to the deafening
shouts of exultation. Never was that illustrious Con -
servative more enthusiastically hailed. It was a noble
and spontaneous tribute. The air literally rung with
acclamations ; and though nothing could exceed the
delicacy wherewith his Grace hastily withdrew himself '
in order to leave the King and Queen of Belgium in
sole and undivided possession of the admiration of the
public, enough was seen and heard to convince his
Majesty that a high Conservative sentiment is at this
moment proudly buoyant in all quarters of the king-
dom. The signs of the times are manifest on every
side ; and King Leopold, if we mistake not, is no
bad judge of them.—Times.
If each of the parties in the union now so happily
and auspiciously established between the Sovereign,
the Ministry, and the people of these realms, duly and
faithfully discharge the several obligations involved in
the compact, a brighter future never cheered the hearts
of a people than that which, notwithstanding the par-
tial reverses sustained in the recent elections, now
opens to the British nation, and awakens new hope in
the bosom of the patriot. That these obligations will
on all sides be inviolately observed, we have the
strongest reasons to entertain the most implicit con-
fidence. The naturally elevated and liberal disposi-
tion of her Majesty; the high moral guidance which
has directed her education, the truth and candour
characteristic of well-disciplined youth, and that here-
ditary firmness of mind, not to be diverted from the
pursuit of that which is right or believed to be right,
eminently developed in her character, render it not
less absurd than it would be criminal to entertain a
doubt of the Sovereign's steadfast adherence to the
principles to which she has so graciously and glo-
riously pledged herself. Of Ministers' fealty, the
best guarantee is to be found in the history of
the two last Sessions, the well-known and well-

tried sincerity of the noble Premier, and his reite-
rated refusal to return to the House of Commons
measures which the mutilations of the Lords had de-
prived of all capacity to give satisfaction to the coun-
try. These are most gratifying and conclusive pledges
to the people of the good faith of those high contract-
ing powers which are now associated with them in

the struggle for their liberties. It then only remains
for the people to be true to themselves to secure a com-
plete triumph orer their enemies. It will not be suffi-
cient for the people merely to approve the Liberal po-
licy of Ministers, but they must make an effort to
carry that policy into practical effect. The Queen,
the Ministers, and the majority of the House of Com-
mons, are powerful auxiliaries to the cause of Reform,
but without the active co-operation of the people, even
these potent influences must prove insufficient to the
accomplishment of any extensive or satisfactory good.
The people, without such allies, nay, even when they
were arrayed against them, as in the cases of Catholic

In the present state of political parties in this coun-
try, a visit from the King of Belgium to the Court of
St. James's is a matter of no inconsiderable moment.
To suspect that the Royal guest can be actuated by
any sinister designs were neither courteous nor cha-
ritable ; and therefore, without presuming that the
critical position of British affairs will fail to command
a more than ordinary exercise of his Majesty's ha-
bitual tact and discretion, we are free to confess that
this visit of the Belgic Sovereign is, under all the
circumstances of the case, both natural and seasonable ;
nor can we forego the hope that by a sagacious and cir-
cumspect use of its accompanying facilities its results
may be highly conducive to the prosperity of these
realms. To the peculiar situation of our youthful
Queen his Majesty of Belgium is no stranger; and as
the first movements of our Sovereign Lady's rule will
unquestionably go far to determine the character and
popularity of her entire reign, it is idle to suppose
that the universal interest attaching to her Majesty's
infant councils will not be participated in by her
Royal uncle, or that he will wholly abstain from giv-
ing his illustrious niece the benefit of his experience.
In ordinary cases, any attentions of this sort on the
part of a foreign potentate would be viewed with
extreme jealousy by the British nat;on : nor are we
sure that even on the present occasion such a feeling
will be entirely or generally renounced. But certainly
the case of Queen Victoria is by no means an ordi-
nary one. At the early age of eighteen, when the
mind is easily imposed on by the agencies and in-
fluences that more immediately surround it, her Ma-
jesty is suddenly summoned to the sovereignty of a
mighty people, among whom various antagonist prin-
ciples-are in active operation, the force of impulse being
often opposed to the force of reason, and the ancient
bulwarks of the monarchy exposed to democratic as-
sault. Between two political parties, whose respec-
tive objects are to encourage and to repress the uncon-
trolled license of popular caprice; the people (not of
Great Britain, but of the United Kingdoms) are nearly
equally divided. The Ministers, whom the merest ac-
eident had left in possession of power at the close of
the preceding reign, have been forced upon her Ma-
jesty ex necessitate. A general election just closed has
established beyond all cavil or doubt that the vast
majority of our Protestant fellow-subjects are utterly
opposed to the existing Administration on important
points of policy. Emphatically and unequivocally
condemned by the counties and boroushs of Great
Britain, their only dependence for support is on the
Popish and anti-British section of the empire. Mean-
whilc.the Queen is surrounded. 'and besieged by poli-
tical parti;ans, whose ellef business it is to conceal
from her Majesty the. Teal sate of public opinion
among the more wr.:Alfity and intellicTent classes of her
subjects ; and as she is precluded by Court etiquette
from receivieig any other counsel than the accidents. of
office hate forced upon her, we can scarcely conceive
a eau; wherein the cautions of an experienced relative
can be more allowably tendered, or, if given in an
honest spirit, may he more usefully exercised. Now,
la the difficult and critical position of our youthful
113veeei„en, nothine can be more natural thao that she
should hold an occasional conference on the present
state of affairs with her Royal uncle ; nor, provided
King Leopold subject himself to the prudent restraints
and abstinence which his own delicacy will commend
to him, could there he a shrewder or safer adviser
for the immediate emergencies of the moment. Of
()outset ell uegociations and proposals touching her
Majesty's personal happiness are at present entirety out
of our view. We take it for aranted that the Royal
visitant will have more judgment and considera-
tion than to meddle with any such matter. Nay,
we assume that he will even see the propriety of with-
holdiag his interference as well in regard to specific
tluestions of policy, as with reference to the persons
who ought or ought not to conduct the Government of
this empire. These are points which, without mean-
in; the slightest disrespect, we must plainly say his
Majesty has nothing to do with. In the present
nicely-balanced state of parties, if Leopold possess
the wisdom and discreetness we give him credit for, lie
will confine his suggestions to the one simple and ex-
clusive purpose, of cautioning his Royal niece against
committing herself on one side or another : and if he
do this, and nothing more, he will render essential ser-
vice both to the Queen and to the country. The time
chosen by his Majesty for visiting his lovely and inte-
resting relative appears to us to be singularly judicious.

Emancipation and of the Reform Act—for there can
be no doubt that in high plades a majority of the sup-
porters of those measures acted from compulsion—the
people, with such forces to contend against, were able
to wrest the victory from their oppressors. Of their
success, now, when these powers are faithfully en-
listed on their side, what doubt can be reasonably en-
tertained ? But there must be no supineness nor
apathy, nqr Inuit confidence in the Government
be allowed to supersede that vigilance and acti-
vity on the part of the people, without which it is
utterly futile to expect that any sensible progress can
ever be effected in the good work of Reform. Not-
withstanding all the vapourings of the Tories, and
their much vaunted minority in the House of Com-
mons, we can scarcely believe that if office were offered
to the:n to-morrow, they would be so rash as to ac•
cept it. What purpose would it serve ? They know
from experience, the best of all monitors, that they
could not hold office for a week in defiance of the na-

tional sentiment, and_that their accession would serve

only to aggravate the abhorrence already entertained
towards them, and rouse the public mind to a general

manifestation for their expulsion. Another Tory usur-
pation would be the most injurious occurrence to the
policy of the faction that could possibly befal it. It
would, by the indignant excitement it would neces-
sarily produce, provoke the people to insist upon more
extensive Reforms than those in which the present
Government is . If the Tories have not lost
all sense and discretion, they
_must perceiVe that the
more quietly they keep themselves the better for their
cause. The demands of Reform will increase in pro-
pertiou to the inveteracy of the opposition--and if
legislation be marred by obstruction a relief will be
sought in organic change.—Morning Advertiser.
Let those who have a turn for straw-splitting discus-
sion dispute about the precise number of persons
whom O'Connell returns to the Imperial Parliament.
To us all such discussion appears idle and superfluous,
when it is as notorious as the sun at noon-day that
this wholesale horoughmonger returns the great majo-
rity of the Irish Members, either by direct interference
of by means of the system of priestly coercion and
popular intimidation which he has established. Some
years ago, when he was less practised in this line than
he is at presnt, and his machinery less perfect, he
counted at least 38 of his nominees in Parliament, who
dared no more vote against him than any nominee of
of a borough proprietor under the old boroughmonger-
ing system dared vote against his patron. On the
question of the Repeal of the Union the votes of the
Irish repcalers, including that of Daniel himself, were
39. That " glorious minority," as our readers may
recollect, was " swelled" to 40 by the vote of a soli-
tary English Member—Mr. Kennedy, to whose disin-
terested patriotism, anti a lively expectation (since
realised) of a Colonial appointment, Lord Pal-
merston, upon being deservedly ejected from South
Hampshire, owes his seat for Tiverton ! So
much for the working of the Reform Act in
both countries ! At the time when the repeal of the
union was moved by Mr. O'Connell, he was in oppo-
sition to the Whig Ministers. All the Conservative
Members for Ireland supported the Whig Government
against the dismemberer of the empire. We need not
add that all the Liberals who were not O'Connellites
did the same, and yet he was able to muster 39 Irish
votes, including his own, against Whigs and Conser-
vatives. His political power, great as it was then,
was small and feeble compared with what it is now,
since the comp.act at Lichfield House made him the
dictator of the measures, and the protector of the in-
terests of the Whig Ministry. The knowledge that
he had, at length, prostrated at the footstool of his
power those " base, bloody, and brutal Whigs," who
had denounced him in the speech from the Throne- gave
an immediate and immense accession to his political in-
fluence in Ireland. But when it became known by the
most convincing " outward and visible Signs," that all

THE SUN, LONDON, THrRSDAY, AtiGITST ,1, 1837.

tho iiAtiOnage of Ireland was placed at his
his influence an:_i
wer—tiiieditha personal influence
and power---were contiderably ittcreased, Until he has
l
br_Toine the leliathan disposer cf Parliamentary seats
that we noW behold hilb* ibithifig the inethory of all
botouglimongering, that existed in this country look
insignificant and contemptible* compared with the
grandeur awl tmkgiiitiide of the scale on which he
opel'ales, in turning to personal advantage the repre-
scntative system, and controlling the freedom of elec-
tion ! What matter" it, then* whether of the 73 non-
Conservative Irish Members, the influence of O'Con-
nell, direct or indirect, returns some half dozen more
or less? Can any man seriously aver that the great
majority,,of the 73 are not returned either by his direct
nomination or permission ? Our own opinion is, that
there are not ten supporters of the Whig Government
now returned in Ireland without his leave. We ques-
tion if there be six. His skull 2nd cross-bones system
is worked for him in all quarters by intolerant priests,

been wont to do when they desired to mark their
disaporobatlon of a Ministry, and to procure its re-
mova, from
•
Until now the very palpable hint
of leaving Ministers in a minority Z.: `.leemed quite
sufficient. but with the growth of the power of tug
Irish rabble, and the adoption and adulation of that
power by a Ministry—which we can no longer bring
ourselves to call " British"—it would seem that Irish
modesty has also become the happy inheritance of our
rulers. They will interpret no hint, however palvable,
as against themselves. The gentle remonstrant in the
song, who says—
" Perhaps it was right to dissemble y6lif le*ei
But why should you kick me down stairs?"
was evidently wanting in that happy indifference to all
but the ultimo ratio, which is the lot of our present
Ministers. No dissembling of the love of the British
people, whether high or low, Lords or Commoners,
will satisfy them. They will accept of no notice to
quit less intelligible than that of fairly kicking them
down stairs ; and really if, on the strength of having
the Irish mob at hand to help them, they continue to
affront the nation with their presence in places which
ought not to be disgraced by such occupants, it will
be necessary for the British people to determine upon
some mode of summary expulsion, to convince these
gentry that we really are not quite so well disposed to
submit to the O'Connell domination as they appear to
be.—lliorning Post.

" Who deal daMnation round the land

On each they judge his fue,"
and by ignorant, fanatic, and ferocious mobs who,
armed with tougher implements of Popish logic than
crabbed syllogisms, _ _

" Prove their doctrines orthodox,
By apostolic blows and knocks."
And, gracious Heaven ! this is the mode of election
~-the system of representation—which the authors of
the Reform Act patronise and praise I Every day the
journals of the Reform Ministry teem with sycophantic
adulation of the great Irish borouglimonger, and the
most shameless admiration of his system of electioneer-
ing terror, jobbing, and corruption. Nay more, .the
Ministers, through their journals, have the flagitious
hardihood to avow that it is upon a majority created
and wielded by the " safe speculator" in the Carlow
traffic, and the author of the more recent Kildare job,
they rely to govern the empire and control the enlight-
oneil opinion of Great Britain ? This requires a
degree of vicious boldness whiCh amounts to despera-
tion. We question if, with the decided and unequi-
vocal expression of the opinion of Great Britain
against them, their Popish patron, and their destruc-
tive policy, they will, upon reflection, he disposed " to
screw their courage to the sticking place ;" but
whether or not, no sense of shame, no feeling of
repentance, nothing but a salutary apprehension of
the consequences, too strong even for the sordid
love of place, will ever induce them to obey the voice
of the English constituencies, and retire from the po-
litical position which they have filled only to bring dis-
grace on themselves and humiliation on the country,
both at home and abroad. Will King Leopold and the
diplomatic favourite of the Russian autocrat,the author
of the electioneering Durhamite letter, intended to
catch silly Conservative birds, by throwing salt on
their tails—will they be able, we ask, to extricate the
Melbourne-O'Connell cabinet from their difficulties,and
reconcile to that Ministry the public opinion of Eng-
land which it has disgusted ? Intrigues are rife, but a
little true English feeling and spirit in our statesmen
would be worth a great deal of intrigue. We presume our
respected contemporary of the Standard must by this
time be convinced how greatly he was imposed upon
when induced to believe that Lord Melbourne, touched
at length with shame and contrition for the policy
which has led to the repudiation of his Ministry by the
English electors, repeatedly declared, since the recent
elections, that he " would obey the voice of the Eng-
lish constituencies, and resign."—Morning Herald.

During the past fortnight a fellow calling himself
Mr. Edleston, jeweller, possessing a decent exterior and a
plausible manner, visited Chesterfield for the purpose of
" doing a little business" with the inhabitants. His first
step was to take a house in Narrow-lane ; he afterwards
waited upon several tradesmen, and made various purchases,
for cash, to be paid on the Wednesday morning following.
In his dealings he was what might be termed " a hard
customer," bantering down prices, and' showing a decided
determination to obtain his goods at " ruinously low prices."
On the Wednesday some of the creditors called at the house
to receive their respective amounts, by appointment, but the
wily rascal had decamped, leaving behind him an empty
porter-barrel, half-a-dozen mahogany chairs, and the dregs
of a gin-bottle. Nothing has been heard of him since his
abrupt departure. It is suspected that he had confederates
in the town, who assisted him in conveying away the pro-
perty thus fraudulently obtained.—Derbyshire Courier.
An investigation has been going on for some days in
in the last week, at Mangotsfield, respecting the death of a
young woman, named Sophia Bissex, about 17 years of
age, who was reported to have died from the effect of gross
injuries received from some young men in a cow-house, on
her return from a revel, on the night of the 31st July. The
evidence was of that nature as to be unfit for publication ;
but the purport of it may be presumed from the verdict,
which we understand was to the effect that her death was
accelerated by the treatment she received from the young
men. We hear they have absconded.—Gloucester Journal.
UNCLE HORACE.—Mrs. S. C. Hall's new and
delightful novel, bearing the title of " Uncle Horace,"
more than sustains the high reputation of its popular writer.
Its bachelor hero is a capital and perfectly original sketch,
more truly and emphatically English than any character of
the kind that we are acquainted with, at least from a living
pen. The same may be said, in a lesser degree, of Peter
Pike, his faithful attendant and humble friend. On the
other hand, the two principal female characters, Mary
Lorton and Lady Ellen Revis, are the very poetry of real
life—each resembling the other in the scope and result of
the sketch—yet each as utterly different from the other as
the light of the sun is from that of the moon—Lady Ellen
brilliant and piercing as the first, Mary Lorton gentle ant:
spirit-soothing as the second. This delightful work pro-
mises, and most assuredly deserves, to attain a popularity
not surpassed by those of any other female writer of the day.
LORD KENYON'S CLOTHES.—Erskine would
declare that he remembered the green coat of this modern
Lord Mornington for at least a dozen years. He did not
exaggerate its claims to antiquity. When I last saw the
Learned Lord he had been Chief Justice for nearly fourteen
years, and his coat seemed coeval with his appointment to
office. It must have been originally black ; but time had
mellowed it down to the appearance of sober green, which
was what Erskine meant by his allusion to its colour. I
have seen him sit at Guildhall, in the month of July, in a
pair of black leather breeches, and the exhibition of shoes
frequently soled afforded equal proof of the attention which
he paid to economy in every article of his dress. To these
unfortunate shoes Dr. Dibdin bears a similar testimony :
" Once in the case of an action brought for the non-fulfilment
of a contract on a large scale for shoes, the question mainly
was, whether or not they were well and soundly made, and
with the best materials. A number of witnesses were called.
One of them a first-rate character in the gentle craft, being
closely questioned, returned contradictory answers, when
the Chief Justice observed, pointing to his own shoes, which
were regularly bestridden by the broad silver buckle of the
day, Were the shoes anything like these ?'—' No, my
Lord,' replied the evidence, ' they were a good deal better
and more genteeler.' The Court was convulsed with
laughter, in which the Chief Justice heartily joined." But
we should not have his dress complete were we to omit the
black velvet smalls worn for many years, and threadbare by
constant friction, which he used to rub with most painful
assiduity when catechising or browbeating a witness. For
the whole man was in polish about a par with Sir Fletcher
Norton, who, when pleading before Lord Mansfield on
some question of manorial rights, chanced unfortunately to
say, " My Lord; I can illustrate the point by an instance
in my own person : I myself have two little manors." The
Judge immediately interposed with one of his blandest
smiles, " We all know it, Sir Fletcher."—Law Magazine.
Of all the popular works of the great American
novelist, Cooper, none has given more general delight than
such of his romances as describe the boundless wildernesses
of his native land, and the strange adventures of the savage
tribes inhabiting them. Of these " The Prairie" is among
the most conspicuous. But the theme, though treated in
so masterly a manner by Cooper, is far from being ex-
hausted ; and the public will be gratified in learning that
Mr. Irving has adopted it as a subject of a new romance,
now in the press, to be called, " The Hunters of the
Prairies ; or, the Hawk Chief."
Yesterday morning, about a quarter-past eleven
o'clock, as Mr. William Fortune, a gentleman residing
near Kennington, was driving in a four-wheeled chaise, ac-
companied by one of his sons, a youth about eleven years
of age, when near the Horns Tavern one of the wheels came
in contact with that of a spring cart, and, by the collision,
Mr. Fortune and his child were pitched out. The former
escaped without injury, but the latter fell on his head, and
so severely fractured his skull that his life is despaired of.
Near the Thames Tunnel, on the Rotherhithe side
of the river, is a small cottage called Bligh's House, in
which a person so named was,, in 1805, murdered by his
foreman. The murderer, whose name was Patch, con-
victed by a most extraordinary piece of circumstantial evi-
dence. On being desired on his trial as is usual in such
cases, to hold up his right hand, he from the force of habit,
held up his left instead, which incident, coupled with pre-
vious proofs that Bligh had been shot by a left-handed per-
son, procured his condemnation and execution.—Thaptes
and Planet Guide.

Nothing more clearly indicates the weakness of the
Ministerial cause, than the eagerness of its professed
advocates• to shift their ground when an attack is made
upon them. Finding it impossible to defend them-
selves, they wish us to show what the Conservatives
could do to maintain their ground if they had posses-
sion of the Government. This is a demand which
our antagonists have no right to make. We are not
to leave the discussion of important facts, in order to
indulge them with an anticipative discussion of hypo-
thetical circumstances. We charge the actual Govern-
ment with feebleness, with incapacity, with want of
principle, with gross and palpable dependence upon
avowed enemies of British institutions. We charge them
with attempting to carry on the Government of Great

Britain, though a majority of the representatives of
Great Britain in the House of Commons, and an im-
mense preponderance of the aristocracy of Great Britain
are against them. We charge them with making this
monstrous attempt through a base desertion of those
principles of honour which hitherto even the worst
Administrations have held in some respect. We
charge them with beim-, the poor, wretched, drivelling
tools of a Popish-Radical faction, whom, by their
weakness, they have allowed to take complete posses-
sion of Ireland. They have found the invariable fate
of the mean-spirited and the stupid, in becoming the
slaves of the perseveringly turbulent and tyrannical.
We charge them with having, by their folly, their sel-
&hness, and their pusillanimity, placed the Govern-
ment of this empire very much at the disposal of the
rudest, the most bigotted, and the most un-English
faction that, from the days of the usurper John to the
present day, has ventured to put forth the hand of
tyranny over the British people.
" So this one Minister—he who is ever
Among the paltry still most paltry found—"

in miserable fear of the absence of quarterly wages and
the presence of unpaid tailor's bills, acquaints the
people that they are to be quite satisfied with his Go-
vernment, though it be nothing but the instrument of
the Irish Priests, became " in Ireland remedies arc
most urgently required for existing evils !" But this
Minister's logic is rather " too bad," except for those
who, like himself, are
" By sloth corrupted, by disorder fed,
Made bold by want, and prostitute for broad."

The regular advocates of Ministerial policy know
that such poor stuff as this has no chance at all of
going down with the British public, and therefore
they abandon their weak defences to make a sally upon
timse who attack them. To the charges we have enu-
merated they have, in fact, no answer, except it be
that they do not feel any alarm, or sense of disgrace,
from the facts which we call alarming and disgraceful.
Of that matter let the nation judge. If to hold the
Government through the aid of the avowed enemies of
the Protestant Church—if to continue in office with
a decided majority of the Representatives of Great
Britain against,
_them, and to rely solely on an Irish
preponderance to save them from defeat—if these things
be not alarming and disgraceful in an Administration,
then we are wholly wrong in our estimate of that which
British statesmen ought to shun and men of honour to be
ashamed of. But we are warranted in believing that, except
in the estimation of so miserably worthless a creature as
the Minister we have quoted, and another contemp-
tible Lord, who is his colleague, even the iVliniste-
rialists are not so dead to all British sentiment as to
feel it possible to dwell upon such circumstances in
the language of approbation, or even of defence. On
this account they turn upon us, and, granting the
battle to be won as against them—or assuming it to
be so, for the sake of the argument (the argument
is not convenient on any other terms)—they ask
what we could do, supposing our party were in ? We
readily admit that if affairs had in effect come to
this point, we should probably have a much more
difficult task in hand than we have now, in pointing
out the utter unworthiness of the present Ministers
to hold the reins of Government. Looking into the
future, the pinching point undoubtedly is to say how
the poisonous fungi which have arisen out of the
darkness and corruption of Irish policy are to be
eradicated ? It is a mournful tale to tell, but it is the
truth, and it is a miserable disgrace, which the Whig-
Radicals have to answer for, that, looking to the
fitture, the difficult question is to say how English
policy—English spirit—English principles in Church
and State may regain their ascendancy in the manage-
ment of the affairs of the British empire? But it
would be a very silly thing to lose heart, and to waste
our time upon future possible difficulties, when a present
pressing evil, about which there can be no mistake, chal-
lenges our best attention. Whatever embarrassment there
may be in future—and we assuredly believe there can be
none which resolution and honest plain dealing with the
British people will not easily overcome—there will be
nothing so bad as a base submission to the present pre-
posterous Administration. They at all events have no
claim upon the consideration of the people. They
have nothing to say why sentence should not be imme-
diately passed upon them by every man who has a
particle of British spirit in his breast. The British
people have already done all that the people have hi,

REFORM JUBILIES.—" Rejoicing" seems to be
the order of the day in North Derbyshire. At Hardwick,
Darley, Dale, Edensor, Pilsley, 'and other places, females
have been regaled with tea, buns, punch, &c., and the festi-
vities have generally terminated with a dance on the " green
sward." A hundred and fifty of the inhabitants of Edensor
assembled on Tuesday se'nnight, and " tripped gaily on the
light fantastic toe" till midnight. The Baslow 13,-ass band
were in attendance. At Pilsley, on Friday evening, one
hundred met to celebrate the triumph of Liberal principles.
At Darley Dale the fete was on a very magnificent scale ;
and at each place have reigned " jollity and joy."—North
Derbyshire Chronicle.
Sweden, though, perhaps, the poorest nation in
Europe, is making extraordinary strides towards the ad-
vancement of steam-navigation. Sweden already possesses
no less than twenty-four steam-vessels, and others are ra-
pidly building, and will be afloat before the close of the year.
We hear that those Ministers who are now absent
from town will return early in the next month, when a Ca-
binet Council will be held, at which the time for the meet-
ing of Parliament will be fixed, and will most likely take
place in the second week in November.
A HINT.—The reception rooms whence the pas-
sengers start upon the Paris and St. Germain railroad at
Paris, are decorated and fitted up in a style of showy ele-
gance, which, though not calculated to bear critical exami-
nation, is exactly adapted to its purpose, and presents a most
effective coup d'ceil.—Galig,nani.

The flowers of the changeable rose hybiscus are
white in the morning, pale red at noon, and bright red in
the evening ; but this change does not happen if the ther-
mometer fall below 70 degrees of Fahrenheit, but it then
passes indirectly into yellow, the colour assumed by the
petals of most fruit trees when dying.—The Botanist.
An old farmer of the name of Greenaway, who is
now 87 years of age, and residing in the parish of Blisslam],
in Cornwall, has this season, in addition to the usual routine
of his farm, shorn the whole of his flock. On one of the
days when he was so occupied, this veteran accomplished
the surprising feat of shearing twenty-six sheep without the
help of any one but his dog, whose business it was to fetch
the sheep to his master.--Falmouth Packet.
Last week forty-three tubs of foreign brandy, which
had been sunk near the Eddystone, were discovered, and
seized by the Fox, revenue cruiser, Lieutenant 13c*, and
brought into Pow€l,.....Faht/Quo p‘cket.