The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, IHURSDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 10, 1863.

On his estates he had built some for which he ought to have
a return of £l3 a year. But they could not afford to pay
more than four. Well, his tenants came forward and said
if he would sacrifice £1 they would pay the other, because
they both would benefit by the improved moral condition of
the labourers. He hoped to see the day when small cot-
tages would be built in all parts of the country.
Mr. RANSOM, of Ipswich, denied that the large manu-
facturers of agricultural implements wished medals and
prizes to bo abolished for the purpose of checking talent.
It was their interest to bring it out and employ it, for the
more they could obtain the greater would be their profit.
Mr. ROBERT SMITH differed from the last speaker, and
attributed all the success which the Royal Agricultural
Society of England had achieved to their prize system.
Mr. II Ammicx. regretted that the paper had not touched
upon the importance of agricultural statistics. He hoped
that during the next session of Parliament some member
would bring forward a well-digested scheme for obtaining
agricultural statistics. (Hear, hear.)
The CHAIRMAN, after paying a high compliment to Mr.
Morton for his able paper, said he could not agree with him
that there was less acreage of food for cattle cultivated than
formerly. His experience led him to a different conclusion.
The use of guano' had greatly stimulated the growth of tur-
nips for cattle. He thought that no man ought to be asked
to cultivate land without the security of a lease. (Hear.)
A vote of thanks was then returned to Mr. Morton for
his valuable paper, and the proceedings terminated.

THE PROPOSED CONGRESS.

THE KING OF THE BELGIANS.

The following is the reply of the King of the
Belgians to the proposed Congress:—
Monsieur mon Frere,—l have received the leiter handed
to me on the part of your Imperial Majesty by M. le Baron
de Malaret, and I can but approve the sentiments which
dictated it. It would certainly be most desirable if, by the
effect of a pacific agreement, the existing causes of anxiety
in Europe could be settled ; and, without at present express-
ing an opinion upon the means of coming to an understand-
ing with the different States interested to attain without a
collision so noble an object, I am happy to assure your Im-
perial Majesty that my Government would be quite inclined
to join in it in so far as I could do so. As regards my own
personal feelings, I should take advantage of the cordial pro-
posal of your Imperial Majesty with the greatest satisfaction.
I take advantage of this opportunity of renewing the as-
surances of the high esteem and inviolable friendship with
which I am,

Monsieur mon frere, your Imperial Majesty's bon frere,
Chateau de Laeken, Nov. 20. LEoroLD.

THE RING OF ITALY.

Monsieur mon Frere,—The letter which your Imperial
Majesty has addressee to me is inspired by a grand and
generous idea which will be appreciated by all those who
understand the tendencies of the age we live in.
A permanent struggle has been established in Europe be-
tween public opinion and the state of things created by
the Treaties of 1815. Hence has arisen a sickly state of
things which will increase unless European order is placed
upon the basis of the principles of nationality and of liberty,
which are the very essence of the life of modern nations.
In presence of a situation so dangerous to the progress of
civilisation and to the peace of the world, your imperial
Majesty has become the interpreter of a general sentiment
by proposing a Congress to settle the rights of Sovereigns
as well as those of nations.

I adhere with pleasure to the proposal of your Imperial
Majesty. My concurrence and that of my people are assured
to the realisation of this project, which will mark a great
progress in the history of mankind.
As soon as the international Conference takes place I shal
take part in person, or at least send a representative.
Italy will appear at the Congress in a spirit of perfect
equity and moderation. She is convinced that the justice
and the respect of legitimate rights are the true foundations
upon which a new balance of power in Europe can be
founded.

it is my most sincere wish that the initiative of wisdom
and concord which your Imperial Majesty has taken in
hand may prevent the dangers of war and increase the
friendly relations between nations.

I take advantage of this opportunity to renew the expres-
sions of my inviolable friendship, and of the high consi-
deration with which I remain,

Monsieur mon fr4e, your Imperial Majesty's bon frZtre,
Turin, Nov. 22. VICTOR EMMANUEL.

THE KING OF THE NETHERLANDS.

Monsieur mon Frere—The courteous and cordial letter
which your Majesty has addressed to me, under the date of
the 4th of November, has for object to unite the Powers of
Europe in a Conference to advise measures to settle the
affairs of Europe on a peaceful foundation. I respond to
the generous idea of your Majesty, and am willing to join
all the other Sovereigns of Europe in realising the noble
object your Majesty has in view.
I take advantage of this opportunity to renew the assur-
ances of the high esteem and inviolable friendship with
which I remain,

Monsieur mon ft ere of your Majesty, (Le sic) bon frare,
The Hague, Nov. 29. WILLIAM.

VIENNA, Dec, 9.

The following is a summary of the letter of the
Emperor of Austria in reply to Napoleon 111.,
dated the 15th of November :
The Emperor acknowledges the important objects of
the Congress for the settlement of the political questions
at present pending and the security of the future; but
wishes, before taking part therein, to learn with some ac-
curacy the bases and programme of the deliberations of the
Congress. Should the questions to be discussed be indicated
beforehand, and the Powers agree upon the tendency of the
deliberations of the Congress, unforeseen accidents, which
might overthrow everything, would be less to be feared.
The dangerous and insolvable problems, which would create
fresh instead of removing existing complications, would
then be set aside.

This idea is more fully explained in a despatch of Count
Rechberg to Prince Metternich, of the same date as the
Emperor's letter. It says—lt is not sufficient to put forward
a programme of a negative character as the bases of such
important discussions. The Austrian Government wishes to
know how the declaration of the Emperor Napoleon relative
to the treaties of 1815 is to be understood. These treaties
have been partially modified; but so far as they have not
been altered, they are considered as the foundation of public
right in Europe. Some improvements are necessary, Let
the French Government point out those it considers desir-
able. Certain remedies might be more dangerous than the
evils themselves. The programme of the Congress might
fulfil all the conditions for the maintenance of peace, which
is the principal object to be attained.

THE FRENCH SENATE.

THE LATE GALE.—Considerable anxiety is felt at
Great Yarmouth with respect to local fishing smacks,
upwards of 40 of which are still unaccounted for. Yester-
day the smack Vulture was towed into port disabled, and
with only three apprentices on board, the four men belong-
ing to her having been washed overboard and drowned.
During the gale the boys were ordered below, otherwise
they would have been swept away by the terrific seas. Some
cases of noble self-devotion have been recorded. Thus, on
the morning of the 4th inst., the smack Catherine bore
down to the assistance of the smack Fortitude, of Yarmouth
but, finding that the crew of the latter were two much ex-
hausted to jump on board of the Catherine, two men, named
William Wilson and William Hemp, both married, lowered
a boat and proceeded to their assistance, Just as they left
the smack a tremendous sea swamped their boat and they
were both drowned. Ultimately, however, with the excep-
tion of a boy, the crew of the Fortitude werethreesecrueewd.of Ithne-
eroefw of the Russian
tberlilgi g
ue
Francis.n c e e 0
3, huna sinbeee been
Tuesdayreceived
number,and
yesterday
o f
w tehree safetyrtehereceived
n
th following vessels :
e
Home, their vessel having been abandoned during the gale.
The crew of the Belgian sloop Joseph, of Ostend, six in
number, were also received yeaterday at the Home. Both
of these crews were rescued by fishing smacks. No fewer
since Friday at the
thanT The
e Allen,
Home. 7115 n Some sailors, brig,
of
wht
them
to
e timber
belongedbeen
receivedoff Cromer; the Scipio, brig, of Shields, for London, aban-
doned off Lowestoft; the Luna, brig, oft and from Sunder-
land, abandoned on the Outer Dowsing _
i the Thomas
e
Kennion, brig, of Shields, for London with timber, lost on
the Well Bank, &c.
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The following is the text of the Address of the
Senate, in answer to the Speech from the
Throne :

Sire,—ln presence of a new Legislature, and of
the grave questions which are agitating Europe,
France impatiently awaited the solemn moment
when your Majesty yearly puts yourself in com-
munication with the country. Your voice, Sire,
enlightens, appeases, and strengthens public opinion.
It prevents it from straying in a policy of conjec-
tures and false interpretations which disturbs the
public mind and injures the public interests. Your
Majesty has spoken, and the country now knows
that in entering on a period which leads. it to the
aeleventh
loftiest ideas of concord and civilisation.
n pyreecaerdoinf
gthyeeEarms,psetraobrijsi t
yreign o
progress,
ews lafinuddthine
it, "
It is not that France has to fear the want of
stability arising from street tumult. Our popula-
lations are quiet, and applied to their labours ; they
move only to throng around your Majesty, and
accompany you with their acclamations.
"Neither have we reason to fear anything from
instability—always so pernicious—of political in-
stitutions. The understanding (accord) between
the great bodies of the state has never been more
complete, and France has responded to your ex-
pectations by elections which have shown the
force of the dynastic feelings of the country.
Happy results of a constitution so well adapted
as that of 1852 to the interests of our nation, and'
which by a wise system of conciliation has organised
a power strong without excesses, combined with real
liberty, and devoid of license. It is your Majesty's
will that that constitution be faithfully protected.
The Senate will the less forget it that it is convinced
without that constitution France would behold
the days of prosperity, which it owes to it, for the
last eleven years, grow darker and darker. No
doubt, Sire, that constitution is perfectible—your
government, Sire, has shown it by proofs precious
to the liberal spirit of our epoch. Bat that consti-
tution is not an ephemeral convention which can be
altered by transformations antagonistic to its prin-
ciples. The people has willed it ; it has voted its
bases, and a people that knows the value of its word
makes no stipulations for a day; its compacts are
made to last—they extend afar into the perspective
of its future. The history of your dynasty, Sire, is
a proof of this. Notwithstanding reverses, in spite
of exile, in spite of death and revolutions, the suf-
frages given to the First Consul might be traced
after the lapse of half a century, in the suffrages
given to his nephew. The reason of this is that,
whatever may be said to the contrary, the French
nation is not fickle in its affections or beliefs, and
when it restored the Empire in 1852, it measured
no less the depth of its resolution than when it
first created it 50 years before. Let us, therefore,
gather round the popular work—round that consti-
tutional compact which is the true manifestation of
the Imperial regime. That compact is not on trial
—it is in itself a whole political system, in which
are to be found on the one hand the programme of
your accession to the throne, and on the other the
assent of eight millions of votes. We should be
inexcusable if, more versatile than that immense
mass which is the people itself, and which is often
taxed with inconsistency, we give it, after the lapse
of eleven years, the example of mobility in a matter
where every day records its perseverance.

" But what shall always be well received by the
Senate are the ameliorations claimed by public
wants—also the liberal reforms, whenever they
leave unimpaired within your hands the power in-
dispensable for the tranquillity and prosperity of
the country. Progress has penetrated everywhere
since 1852, both as regards our institutions and our
moral and material interests, and nothing has been
able to arrest its advance, not even the sufferings
occasioned by the events in America, in important
manufacturing districts—sufferings, which, un for-
tunately, have not entirely ceased, but which may
always rely on the constantly beneficial efforts of
Government and private charity. Progress, there-
fore, will pursue its career
" As regards the financial situation it would have
been still more satisfactory if the two expeditions of
Cochin-China and Mexico had not brought about
extraordinary charges caused by unforeseen conaoli-
cations, unavoidable delays, and imperative news_
sities. The force of circumstances often imposes
sacrifices on a nation which wishes her name to be
respected, and keep up her rank in the world.
France hopes, however, to be reimbursed her ad-
vances by the war indemnity which your Majesty
requires from Mexico. Generosity does not stand
in the way of right and justice.
"Moreover, everything in the documents before
us contradicts the hypothesis that the expedition
was undertaken with a view to create a Mexican
empire under the sceptre of a foreign prince.
What is but a possible end must not be mistaken
for a cause—to protect our countrymen, to de-
fend our honour and our interests, to strike a deci-
sive blow in a distant country, whither commerce
invites, and where an inhospitable government
has so often deceived us, such has been the
Emperor's fundamental and patriotic object. France
is a democracy, ardent in its labours, and which
would consume herself in sterile activity if, for want
of a vast outlet, she was compelled to fall back upon
herself. It is to favour her immense labour that
your Majesty has taken steps to extend her commer-
cial relations by means of treaties. It is also watch-
ing over, to create for her beyond the seas secure
communications, open new markets, and show her
speculations and industry protected by the powerful
hand of France. What your Majesty and the
country now desire is that the undertaking glori-
ously commenced should, as soon as possible, receive
a solution worthy of the Emperor and of French
interests_ Then our heroic soldiers and sailors,
proud of- the task they have fulfilled, will return,
like their brothers of the Crimean and Italian
armies, and receive at the hands of the country the
tribute of admiration and gratitude which their
exploits have deserved.
" Allow us now, Sire, to arrive at the great idea
of your Majesty's speech.
" In the course of last session the affairs of Poland
assumed unforeseen gravity, and the Senate, in an
order of the day, the sense of which was entire
confidence in your Majesty's policy, associated itself
with your lively sympathy for the misfortunes of
that country, for every blow that strikes it
awakens a powerful echo in France. Your
Majesty, on entering upon a collective diplomatic
action with England and Austria, was justified in
hoping that Russia, yielding to friendly counsel6'
and to the voice of humanity, would grant favour-
able terms to an oppressed people. But Russia did
not come to an understanding with the three Powers.
_
It was then that your Majesty conceived the wish
h
to exhaust all means of conciliation, and that, giving
a wider scope to your pacific views, yon addressed
to the Courts of Europe the
proposal of a Congress
embracing in its arbitration the aggregate of those
questions which are leading a disturbed period like
ours through difficult transitions and desires of re--
has followed your
novation. Sire, France, who
arms with enthusiasm on the battlefields of the
Crimea and Italy—France, who always and every.
where will be looking on—will accompany you with
invited
happiness to that areopagus to regenerate
the European compact by the spirit of trio lern times.
At the commencement of this century the Congress
of Vienna was more disturbed (se preoccupait) by
the then recent dangers of French revolution than
by the quiet, but formidable transformations the
leisure of peace was about to introduce into the
ideas and interests of nations. Now time has
ruined cr undermined these combinations so that
it's equilibrium of 1814 and 1815 is everywhere
compromised. It is not France that can com-
plain of the downfall (decadence) of the
painful treaties of that period—but neither
•is it she who can rejo tat beholding Europe pur-,