The Sun.
London, England, 1863-04-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

DAILY NEWS.—The bill for amalgamating the
City Police with the Metropolitan Police, intro-
duced by the Home Secretary last night, was not
formally opposed in its first stage. This would
have been a most unusual course, and one whieh, in
the case of a Government measure, could rarely be
justified. When the Government undertakes to
bring in a bill for a special object, it must be sup-
posed to act, not only deliberately, but on public
grounds and for strong reasons, and it is perfectly
right that these should be fully stated and dis-
cussed. It was hardly to be expected, however,
that a measure which has produced such intense
local excitement would be allowed to pass even its
introductory stage without provoking some hostile
demonstration of a more or less formidable kind.
In anticipitation of this Sir George Grey felt it ne-
cessary to offer a rather elaborate explanation and
defence of the motives which had induced the Go-
vernment to bring in the measure. Without
assuming, which would probably be unfair, that the
Home Secretary's speech exhausts the Government
case on behalf of the bill, we must say that even as
a preliminary justification of so important and
sweeping a measure, it was singularly weak and
inconclusive. In defence of the proposed amalga-
mation the right hon. gentleman appealed almost
exclusively to authority, quoting the reports of
various commissions and committees of inquiry that
have at different intervals investigated the subject
during the last thirty years. Apart, however, from
the special reasons on which those reports rested,
such quotations are of little value, and from altered
circumstances many of the reasons which had some
force thirty years ago have none at all now. But
if mere authority is to decide the question, or even
to be appealed to as one of the elements of a decision,
the weight of authority in favour of local government
as opposed to centralisation is overwhelmingly deci-
sive. While the centralised system of the Metropoli-
tan force is at most barely 30 years old, the system of
municipal government which prevails in the City is
as old as the Constitution, as widely diffused as the
Empire, and has always been regarded with justice
as one of the strongest safeguards of our national
rights and liberties. It rests on the intelligible
principle that the citizens whose lives and property
are to be protected having the most direct interest
in securing the efficiency and economy of the means
employed for this purpose, are the national guardians
and governors of local defence, and ought to have
the exclusive control of the municipal police. This
principle has worked well for a thousand years, and
is working at this hour with undiminished efficiency
in every town and city of the kingdom. It is, in
fact, the rule of our national police, the Metropoli-
tan or centralised system being the anomaly and
exception, only to be justified, or even tolerated, for
special reasons and under peculiar circumstances.
Apart from the appeal to authority the only argu-
ment urged by Sir G. Grey in support of the bill is
the limited area of the City, and therefore of the
municipal jurisdiction compared with that of other
cities and corporations. The right hon. gentleman
pointed out, what is no doubt perfectly true, that
the Municipal Reform Act, while enlarging the
municipal authority in other cities and boroughs of
the kingdom, which had outgrown their ancient
limits, and thus including the new districts with
the old under one local government, had left the
ancient boundaries and the local government of the
City of London untouched. This exceptional posi-
tion of the City in relation to the adjacent and out-
lying districts of the metropolis is, no doubt, true
as a fact, though, as Alderman Sidney reminded
the house last night, the case of the City was in
this respect haidiy quite so unique as the advocates
of amalgamation represent it to be. The City of
Manchester, for example, partially surrounds
the borough of Salford, the dividing line run-
ning through a densely populated district, yet
each has its own police force, under the control
of a separate local government, and the plan of a
divided authority over a force locally continuous
works without confusion or complaint of any
kind, The city of Manchester has never at-
tempted, in virtue of its larger area, to usurp autho-
rity over the adjacent borough, and any such
attempt would, it may safely assumed, be
promptly and effectually resisted. But even allow-
ing the exceptional character of the city in this
respect to the fullest extent, it is difficult to see how
the fact of a limited central area can be used as an
argument in favour of the proposed amalgamation.
At first sight, indeed, it would probably appear in
the eyes of most unbiassed judges to tell the other
way. If throughout the enormous extent of the
metropolis the system of local self-government in the
matter of police is represented in the limited area of
the City alone, this would seem to be a powerful
argument in favour of maintaining it in full vigour
and efficiency. But how the comparative smallness
of area to which a system admirable both in itself
and in its results happens to be restricted, should be
urged as a reason for its destruction, we do not
understand. Had Sir George Grey attempted to
show that the system was necessarily inefficient,
that it fated to provide the security for life and
property for which it was established, or was inborn-
patible with the fu 1 enjoyment of this security in
the adjacent districts, his reasoning would have been
intelligible. But he brought no charge of general
inefficiency against the City Police. On the con-
trary, the Home Secretary's historical review of the
legislation and inquiries of the last thirty years told
rather in favour of the efficiency of the City Police.
When gir R. Peel brought in his measure in 1829,
the City of London was excepted from its provisions
expressly because its system of local defence was so
grealty superior in efficiency to that prevailing in
the adjacent City of Westminster. The system in
both at the time was that of the- old watch. Under
the new system, however, the Metropolitan force
soon became superior to the old City watch, and on
this ground, ten years later, Lord John Russell pro-
posed to extend the new system to the City. The
City, however, successfully resisted the, proposal,

and at the same time wisely reformed its system of
defence by substituting a highly efficient police force
for the old watch. That system has worked so well
that for upwards of t wenty•yeare, until I,,st night in-
deed, no attempt at amalgamation has been subse-
quently made. Now ii a system of government ad-
mitted on all hands to be admirable in itself, and
prow d by a quarter of a century's experience to be
efficient in practice, is to be suddenly assailed, and
if possible destroyed, there ought at least to be some
strong reasons for suet), a summary proceeding. We
fail to discover any such reasons in Sir George
Grey's statement. The plea of economy recently
urged in some quarters he vel‘y justly dismissed in
a sentence as not only trivial but irrelevant. The
cost of the City police is the affair of the citizens,
and if they do not complain, if, on the contrary,
they are perfectly satisfied, it is idle for others to
urge that there is any grievance on this score. After
all, the only ground for the introduction of the bill
to be gathered from Sir George Grey's speech, is the
partial failure of the City police arrangements on
the night of the illuminations. It is quite true that
Sir George verbally disclaimed being influenced by
this motive, but it is, nevertheless, the only practi-
cal reason urged in support of the bill the Govern-
ment have introduced. We must say it appears to
us as unjust as it is ungenerous that any attempt
should be made to take advantage of the feeling
which the accidents in the City naturally produced.
The failure of the arrangements made by the Metro-
politan police on that night was even more conspi-
cuous, though fortunately not attended with any
fatal result. It ought to be remembered moreover
that, only a few months ago, during the garroting
panic, the authorities who now rashly condemn the
City police, as rashly denounced the Metropolitan
force as utterly inefficient, and for all practical pur-
poses worthless. Temporary failure of this sort,
even if it can be proved, is no valid argument
whatever in favour of organic change.

POST.—In the strict sense of the word it would be
incorrect to speak of the intelligence which so
frequently reaches us from the other side of the
Atlantic as being American news. The American
nation appear to consider that a state of war is the
normal condition of a prosperous and independent
• people, and that the industrial powers of the
population and resources of the country are best
developed by a state of things which affords the
most extensive field to speculative contractors.
Armies are levied, equipped, clothed, fed, and trans-
ported to distant regions with apparently no other
object than that of filling the pockets of the various
classes whose energies are called into operation in
order to effect those several operations ; for, when
once those armies have reached their destination,
they appear to be entirely forgotten. It must seem
scarcely credible to any in this country who has
taken the trouble during the past four months of
glancing at the American news, that, in the course
of that period, the Federal Government have had
simultaneously sent into four or five different regions
of the Southern States armies each of which was as
great as that with which we invaded the Crimea.
For information respecting the condition, the opera-
tions, or the fate of those armies the curious in-
quirer would search the files of American journals
in vain. Not more than 60 miles from the Federal
capital is an immense army which at various times
has been known by the name of the river or the
place in the vicinity of which for time being it hap-
pened to be. At its creation, and when, like a
thunder-cloud, it was expected to sweep over the
South, spreading universal devastation,it was known
by the high-sounding title of the " Grand Army
of the North." Subsequently, when the sphere of
its operations became more accurately defined, it
was called the " Army of Virginia," and at one
period, when the fortune of war compelled it to re-
trace its steps, it became the "Army of Maryland."
Since the disastrous defeat of Fredericksburg it has
been known as the "Army of the Rappahannock,"
and with that title it appears determined to remain
satisfied. At recurrent intervals, when questions are
asked in New York respecting the operations of the
army, a sop is thrown to the public impatience in the
shape of an announcement that a forward movement
is in contemplation, or perhaps a few divisions tra-
verse the intervening distance between their canton-
ments,Acquia Creek and the banks of the Rappahan-
nock, and then march back again ; or reconnaissances
are pushed up and down the river, and the Govern-
ment at Washington is gladdened with the intelli-
gence that several nests of rebel smugglers have been
discovered and their occupants dispersed. In the
meanwhile, however, the army continues to be the
" Army of the Rappahannock," and the contractors
of New York grow rich upon its wants. The rebels
are daily growing weaker, and must shortly be
starved out, whilst the population of the North are
by the very same process becoming more and more
wealthy and prosperous, Why then should not the
war continue ? Why should not armies continue to
be fed and equipped at the public expense until
every citizen of the North has accumulated an im-
mense fortune in Mr. Chase's greenbacks. What
may be said of the army of the Rappahannock may
equally be said of those in the West and South-west.
We have the expeditions of the Yazoo, of Vicksburg,
of the Gulf of Charleston, independently of a few
minor ones which have not yet earned distinctive
names; but what any of them are doing remains
the profoundest of secrets. The bombardment of
Charleston, so long threatened, is week after week
regularly announced as having commenced. By the
last mail we learn that considerhble excitement had
been occasioned by reports that the Federal troops
had landed in the vicinity of Charleston and driven
in the Confederate pickets. These reports, how-
ever, as usual, turned out to be unfounded. Every
contrivance which strategy could suggest for re-
ducing Vicksburg seems in turn to have been tried
and abandoned. A canal was cut which was to
have diverted the course of the Mississippi, but the
river only entered it to make it impassable with
mud and rubbish. We now hear that " all the
Federal expeditions intended to reach the rear of
Vicksburg by way of Sunflower River and the
Yazoo Pass have been abandoned." In Tennessee
the military situation is said to be what it has
long been, " unchanged." Whilst, however, the
position of affairs in the field continues every-
where unaltered, the report of the committee
appointed to inquire into M'Clellan's conduct
whilst commanding the army of Virginia has
been published, and his inactivity when in that post
severely censured. We never entertained a very
high opinion of M'Clellan's qualities as a general,
but he certainly did infinitely more than his succes-
sors. The check which he gave the Confederates
at Antietam, with an army hastily collected out of
the debris of Pope's " Grand Army," had the effect
of arresting the invasion of the Northern States, and
very probably saved Washington. Admitting the
incapacity of M'Clellan to direct the movements of
immense masses of troops, still a report censuring
him appears particularly ill-timed at a period when
inexplicable inactivity reigns everywhere. Why
new committees are not appointed to inquire into
the conduct of the present chiefs of the Federal
armies can only be accounted for on the supposition
that the Northern Government and the Northern
public have become reconciled to a state of passive
warfare. It must speedily suggest itself to neutral
States to consider hew long they can acquiesce
silently in a course which entails upon them the
heaviest losses without any corresponding advan-
tage. The Polish insurrection has for a time diverted
the attention of England and France, and more espe-
cially of the latter country, from America ; but in
the event of the disturbances in Central Europe be-
coming more serious than they at present are, the
" American question" could not continue to be re-
garded with the same placid indifference as hereto-
fore. The Government at Washington have heard
of the defeat and flight of Langiewicz, and have
shared the mistake into which some in this country
fell, in supposing the insurrection was at an end.
This they regretted, on account of the supposed
freedom it would give to the European Powers to
intermeddle in American affairs. A very little re-
flection, however, might have satisfied them that
European complications which might necessEute the
active intervention of England and France would
equally strain to the utmost the resources of those
countries. Suppose, for instance, that the Polish
difficulty gave rise to a European war, neither
France nor England would willingly engage in
hostilities with an important branch of their com-
merce crippled. A simultaneous war both with
America and with Russia would not of course be
contemplated by France and England ; but the inte-
rest of the latter countries in bringing the Ameri-
can war to a close would be redoubled, and the
earliest opportunity made available for effecting
that object. The distress of the cotton manufac-
turing oistricts both of England and France is
steadily increasing, and the Government of the
latter country have afforded unmistakable evidences
of late that their patience is well nigh exhausted.
If the belligerents were making any progress either
one way or the other, or if the faintest prospect
were held out of the termination of the war at any
definite period, we might become reconciled to our
sufferings, and make provisions for those which we
might still be called upon to undergo. It is, how-
ever, the want of any basis for calculation, and the
conviction that the population of the Northern
States are drifting into a state of "chronic whr,"
which may continue for an indefinite period, that
excites our apprehensions. We take no pleasure in
reading accounts of engagements in which the slain
are counted by thousands ; but still it is only by a
series of such engagements that war can be effectu-
ally carried out. For months past the North has
done nothing besides keeping the South, both by
land and sea, in a state of blockade. Such a course,
if persisted in, can never reduce the Confederates
to submission, whilA it must entail ruin upon the
Northern States and heavy losses upon the neutral
Powers of Europe.

INVENTION OF THE SEWING NibHINE.