The Sun.
London, England, 1839-01-25 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 25, 1839.

with a determination to remedy the evil from which our presen
complaints originate.—( Hear, hear.) We have found, in al
that pertains to our manufactures that nothing has been so be-
neficial to them as the principle of free competition, and that
from the time that great principle was introduced into our Le-
gislative Acts, a new vigour appeared to be imparted to our
manufactures. The great strength of Britain lies in her ca-
pital, loaded as that capital is with taxation in all directions.
There are only two ways of availing yourselves of the advantage
of your capital ; one is by cheapening the price of the provisions
of the people ; the other is by facilitating in every possible
mode the exchange of your productions. Gentlemen, in one
part of the country we are seeing the gigantic efforts of steam
navigation filling our rivers, and sailing across our inland seas ;
and in another we see it, making its first great stride across the
Atlantic, baffling the tempest, and riding securely through the
hurricane. We see, on the other hand, a connection by rail-
ways, established from the remotest parts of the country to the
metropolis, extending the facilities of communication between
man and man ; but unless we superadd to this great modern
improvement that other species of communication between
nation and nation which consists of freedom of exchange, and
giving facilities in every possible manner to the interchange of
our commodities for theirs, all these great undertakings will
be in vain.--( Hear, hear.) They will be the efforts of a
mighty but a falling giant, who raises his monument only
in the hour of his dissolution.—(Cheers.) And, Gentlemen,
while we hail the offsets of competition, and feel that
ite blessings have been so perceptible, we naturally ask
ourselves the question, why it is that that competition which
is so advantageous to the manufacturer, may not also be of
some slight benefit to the agriculturist; and why if we under-
stand the free and open action of unrestricted rivalry, the same
principle may not safely be administered to our agricultural
friends also ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Gentlemen, poli-
tics ought not to be introduced on an occasion
such as this; but it is impossible to advert to this
question without tracing to its source the real origin of those
partialities which are perceptible in the differences prevailing
in favour of the landed interest of this country.—( Hear,
hear.) It is not a political allusion but an historical alk sion
to say that, in our legislature, the landed interest has most
unquestionably hitherto possessed the predominance,
and possessing that predominance it has arrogated
to itself a privilege unknown to the other classes
of the community.—( Hear.) Is is for the abrogation
of all those privileges (for all those privileges are unjust) that
we form such meetings as I see before me at this moment. I
am using no harsh terms when I say the landed interest of this
country have been the spoiled children of the state.—
( Cheers.) Let us now try whether they would not be bene-
fitted by being let loose from their leading-strings—whether
the healthy action of free air and open exercise would not im-
part to their hitherto restricted limbs some of that heal-
thy vigour and vitality, without which neither agricul-
ture nor commerce can flourish.—( Hear, and cheering. )
But this is not a question between manufacture and agriculture.
No, it is not a question of classes ; it is a question of the
community against a part—of the whole against a few. It
is no narrow, no isolated, no local question ; but it is a na-
tional one. It is not the question of the landed interest or
the aristocracy against the commercial and manufacturing, in-
terest ; it is the question of Great Britain versus the land-
owners; and with that title as the denomination of the cause
we plead, we come boldly into Court, and we put ourselves
before God and our country.—( Cheers.) It was once said
by Lord Chatham, as much as a hundred years ago, when he
ventured in the House of Lords to remind some of those epi-
curean Senators, who listened in soft repose while he made
some of his eloquent declarations—he disturbed the slumber
of many a venerable and gouty Lord—(A laugh)—by asking
them, whence they derived the princely revenues which sup-
ported them and their establishments ? And great was their
astonishment, when he said, " It is from the trade with Ame-
rica that your Lordships' revenues have been increased four-
fold."—( Cheers.) It is from the trade of this country that we
have seen the landed property wrought up to an amount al-
most incredible, and we naturally ask how came they to merit
this extraordinary and this unexampled preference ? We are
told they submit to a great aggravation of taxation, but for my
life I never could discover where this invisible taxation was to
be found.—( Laughter.) If we turn to any other country we
find there is something in the shape of a property tax imposed
on the landed interest of these territories. Either there is an
Impel Fouciere, or you will find that same direct contribution
must be paid by them, and that they are the great feeding ar-
teries, what Lord Bacon calls vence portre, of the State.—
( Hear, bear.) They are the persons who pay the taxes in
England ! Adam Smith tellS us the land tax was originally
proposed to be a direct tax on land, which, by a success-
ful management of the Legislature of this country, became
almost no tax at all, or else it bears so unequally—it is so
small in some places, and so much larger in °tears, that it can
scarcely be called an impost, and thus the landed interest has
escaped from that which was originally a legitimate burthen
to be borne by them.—( Hear, hear.) The vast property of
this country is buoyed up and supported by this country's
trade and manufacture, and I should like to know, with this
evidence of past times and of modern times staring
us in the face, whether we can say the agricultural
interest are unjustly oppressed, or even that they come in for
their fair share of the burthens of the community. But a few
years ago you will recollect it was said the poor-rate exhausted
almost the whole of the income of the landholders. By the
poor laws the estates of landlords have been improved to the
extent of twenty or thirty per cent.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It
appears to me this case should be looked at as that of Eng-
land, Ireland, and Scotland, against a portion of the community,
and that we have a right to ask from any Administration which
governs this country that oe a question shown by do-
cuments and facts to be so vitally important to the
nation, any Government ought to take it up as a na-
tional question and to stand or fall by it.—( Loud cheers. )
If it were merely supporting or encouraging manufactures or
trade, such a request ought not to be made ; but what we rest
it on is tl:is, whether it is not a question involving the conti-
nuance of the prosperity of the nation, and if it so involves it
it is a national question, which deserves the support, even if
that support involved the forfeiture of place, of any patriotic
Government.—( liter, and cheers.) Gentlemen, I confess
should like to see a Government in this country which would
stake its future existence, setting aside all future plans and
reforms on the two vital questions which concern the pros-
perity, the happiness, and the peace of this country; one of
these is free and unrestricted trade in corn, and the other
the universal education of the people.--( Vehement cheering.)
It appears to me, Gentlemen, that in future times, and even
in the present, any Government which stakes its existence on
measures so intimately interwoven with the welfare of the com-
munity, would deserve well of the nation, and command its
support. It might be swept hack from the helm of Govern-
ment, but it would arise again, and speedily regain its power
and influence.—(Cheers.) Like the giant in the fable, when
smitten to the earth, but like the earth and the great commu-
nity over which its principles extend, it would again spring
back from the earth with renovated vigour, and borrow that
strength from its very fall, which had been for a moment only
wrung from it by the superior power of a too influential adversary.
I see not for my o*n part how any Ministry can long continue
at the head of affairs without boldly meeting the all-important
question which conies before us this evening. Will my Lord
Melbourne meet this question ?—( Hear.) I think he would
do well to do so. Supposing he does not—will or will not
Sir Robert Peel meet this question ? We know that Sir
Robert Peel has been what is called an expediency Minister ;
and an expediency Minister is not, perhaps, the very highest
character which can be conferred upon a political man. I
trust that the present Government will show that they arc
something even beyond expediency Ministers ; but we must be
aware of this, that even an expediency Minister is better than
ado nothing Administration.—( Hear.) Ido not believe that
the present Ministers can go on doing nothing.—( Hear, hear.)
I believe that the popular impulse, which now declares itself
springing from this great centre in Manchester, and develop-
ing itself throughout the manufacturing districts, and all over
the land—l believe that in the face of that agitation, no Minis-
try can continue to go on doing nothing,_( Cheers.) The
cause which we advocate will always triumph in the end—it is
the deeply seated cause of justice, which, although it may be
baffled for a few short years, or procrastinated for a century,
still whether it be political, or religious, or commercial, justice
will eventually triumph—it will force its way through senates end
palaces—it will make its course past the very penetralia of
Ministers, and arise with still greater power even in the
presence of King's..---( Hear and cheers.) And now, Gentle-
men, when I allude to that name, I feel in my own mind a
perfect conviction that the admirable education which our pre-
sent Queen has received is of such a nature—is so well-
grounded upon those common principles of political economy,
that when her Majesty knows what are the complaints of her
manufacturing population in this empire, she will ask certain
pertinent questions, and demand certain reasonable explana-
tions, without which she will not be satisfied, that one part of
her people should be oppressed to pay an unjust preference
to another. I cannot believe but:that:not only the knowledge of
the Queen, but her feelings will interest her upon this
most vital question—( Hear. hear)—l cannot possibly
believe that she will not demand whether or not justice
is on our side, and that she will not be satisfied without a full
explanation of whether we are or are not unjustly treated.—
( Cheers.) But this question, being a national one, forces
itself before Senates, before Ministers, and even Princes. It
must be heard—it calinot be thwarted. It is founded upon
justice and reason, and it will finally make its way, and the

principles upon which it is founded, before Commons, before
Lords, and within the precincts of the palaces of Ministers.
But let us not be content, looking on it as a national question,
to regard it as one affectin% merely the interchange of com-
modities throughout the world, but as men bound to look for.
ward to the promulgation of the doctrine of free trade, and above
all of a free trade in corn. We are, many of us, bound up

_ .
by mere national prejudices and local views ; but we must not
consider it in this light, we must look still further, and in so
doing we will, depend upon it, justify the ways of God to man,
for God told us to " increase ;" that great fiat was issued at
the time of our existence, and all human legislation should be
conducted with a regard to that great principle which was in-
terwoven with our existence, and to defeat which is to defeat
one of the ereat objects of creati9n, and one of the most perfect
designs of Providence. ( Cheer.. ) No person will more perfectly
develop these great principles than you will, in advancing this
great question with firmness, but without violence—with vigour
but without any of those means which, while they add nothing
to the force of vigour, deteriorate considerably from its effects.
With the utmost vigour, but at the same time without anything
which can diminish your characters as gentlemen and men,
you will advance firmly, bent upon the utter annihilation of
those odious laws ; and having done that. you will feel that
you have done that which England expects from each of y ,u,
that you do your duty."—( Great applause.) Gentle-
men, the flame which has been lighted in Manchester,
already makes its radiance perceptible throughout the
whole extent of this kingdom—already it begins to
scare away the evil-omened birds of ignorance,
and prejudice, and they flee away, staggered and stunned by
its astounding light. Conducted by you it beams on the path
of truth—it confounds and dazzles error, and finally aroused

by you, this genial and overpowering light will cheer while
illuminates the world.—( Loud and general cheering. )
The CHAIRMAN said the text toast he would give them
although it was not in the regular routine, would be the dcpu
tation from the Anti Corn-law ik-soci,..tion of Wolverhampton.
—( Cheers.) They had distinguished themselves upon that
question. They had made it a sine qua non that their Members
should be advocates of the total repeal of the Cort-laws,
( Cheers.) To that town they owed their valuable advocate
Mr. Villiers, whose adaiiia'ile speech they had last night
heard, and it was that town that had established, efter Man-
chester, the first anti-Corn-law Association.
Mr. GEORGE WYNNE regretted that his other colleagues
from Wolverhampton had left him in the lurch, and he the
more regretted it, because the chairman of their Association
was well acquainted with the subject; but he would be want-
ing in duty to the place that sent him there, and to the com-
pliment that had just been paid him, if he did not say some-
thing on the present occasion. Nothing had pleased him
more in all that had been s rid in that room than that it was not
to be considered, in any sense of the word, a party quest ion.
He presumed it was so meant, although the word political had
been used, because it was at present the very first political
question. It was a question upon which they might call forth
the assistance of all parties. They might call upon the Do-
structives, for no laws were more destructive than the Corn-
laws. The next party who did not go to that extreme, and
who were the friends of education, might be appealed to be-
cause you could not educate the people until you had filled
their bellies. To a third party, who were the opponents cf
exclusive legislation, the question recommended itself because
there was no legislation more exclusive than that upon the Corn-
laws, and they could not strike a grew or blow at it then in tk;sr as
ting its mightiest iniquity.—( Loud cheers.) Much had been
said of the 'evils of the factory and of the Poor-law system,
I but none of the measures introduced for effecting reforms on
these subjects would be of any value unless the Corn-laws
were repealed.—( Cheers.) It was a question not of party—
not of a single grievance, but it was en., which applied itself
to everything in their national and commercial policy. The
first great maxim of their ration was that there should he
freedom,' the next were peace and plenty, but he would ask,
could there he freedom in a commercial country where com-
merce was not free ?—( Hear, hear. ) Could there be peace
where there was such a system of imposts, and taxes, and
vexations imposts, which had on one occasion led to the
American war, because they resisted the tariff of duties
which had been imposed by England? Would it not be the
interest of other countries to keep at peace with a country
which Providence had constituted a manufacturing nation for
the rest of the world ? England had been called the manu-
facturer of the globe, and the neighbourhood from which he
had come, that of Wolverhampton, which had long been cele-
brated for its hardware manufactories, standing as it did, along
with Birmingham, Sheffield, and other manufacturing towns,
was now suffering as much as any other part of the I- ingdom
from the operation of those unjust laws. It was well ascer-
tained that there was not a single manufacturelin Wolverhamp-
ton, that they were not now manufacturing upon the Continent,
and these articles were daily sold to parties who bad been
the customers of England. —( Hear, hear.) He held in his
hand a book which contained a list of prices of hardware arti-
cles manufactured in Germany, and it contained every article
manufactured in Wolverhampton. That book contained the
name of each article in English and German, and what was
the meani•.g of that ? Why, that the Germans were taking
their goods into the markets which were formerly supplied I,y
the English—that they were to be taken to the American co-
lonies, marry of which only enforced a restrictive duty of five
per cent. He had been Lady in New South Wiles, whi re the re
a duty of only 5 per cent. It appearer: by thar book that the
German manufacturers were making these artistes 50 per cent.
under the price they could be made for at Wolverhamp on.
If, therefore, the restrictive duty was only five per cent. they
could beat the English manufacturer by 45 per cent. —( H ar. )
The book being printed in German and English was incontro-
vertible evidence that it was intended to send the articles
into the markets, formerly supplied by the English, for it was
well known that the English goods were purchased by parties
who could not speak the language, and yet only knew them by
their English names. Many of the gentlemen present were
not perhaps aware of the importance of Wolverhampton. In
a radius of six miles it contained a larger population than
Birmingliala in a radius of tire same extent—all its interests were
manufacturing interests. It contained no resident gentry, for no•
body would live in the smoke and filth of its furnaces, who pos-
sessed an independent fortune. Its bane hitherto had been
the Corn•laws, arid if not speedily repealed its ultimate ruin
would be the Corn-laws. Mr. Ewart said that the question
was one between Great Britain and the landed interests, but
he was pleased last night to hear one of the speakers say,
that it was for the interest of the landed proprietors that the
Corn-laws should be repealed.—( Cheers.) It was well
known that the land of England would never have been so
valuable but that the commerce of the country had made it
so. How much more valuable was it not in the neighbour-
hood of towns, than in isolated country districts ?
( Hear, hear.) How ranch larger a sum did the landowners
receive for a small patch of ground in the outskirts of a
town than in the more remote places. Why was it
that the farmers were now, instead of bringing up their sons
upon their own lands, sending them into towns, aid ince, the
warehouses of merchants. It was because the land without
trade could not support them. If the present system were
continued, they would be no longer able to erect factories or
purchase land for the purpose, and its value to the landowner
would be proportionably decreased. If the present system was
continued much longer, the Wolverhampton mechanic could
not longer afford to purchase butcher's meat or other food for
which land was required, and in that way also the profits of
the landlord would fail. Mr. W}nne concluded by apolo-
gising for having detained the meeting so long.
The CHAIRMAN, in proposing the next toast, said he bad
a piece of information to give to the deputation from Leeds,
which they would not much like to hear. An agent had been
in Manchester from Leipsic, who had offered a friend of his an immense
quantity of woollen cloth manufactured at Leipsic, and suitable for the
Chinese market. It aePurchased nearly '0
tier cent. cheaper at Leipsic than at Leeds, and it was important that
the people of Leeds should be acquainted with that fact.
" The Deputation from Leeds."
Mr. PLINT returned thanks. lie wss sorry that the facts
which had just been communicated to then by their worthy
Chairman on the subject of Prussian manufactures were by no
means unknown to the woollen trade of Leeds. The circumstance had
been alluded to at a public meeting last week, and a friend of his, two
years ago, had informed him that an American merchant, who had been
in Russia, said that if Russia was as near New York as Leeds, he would
not buy a single yard of woollen cloth at the latter town, because he
could buy theca better and cheaper in Prussia.—(Hear, hear.) With
respect to the woollen trade, it was not, perhaps, so easy to estimate
the difference in price and value as in articles of hardware, where they
could be exactly compared and ascertained. The quality of
razors scizzors, or sickles, could be easily ascertained; but it
was exceedingly difficult to discover whether a cloth which
cost Os. in Leeds and Cs. in Prussia, were of the same value, or what
was the amount of the diftrence. In woollen cloth there were a
number of articles to be taken into account, the raw material, the indigo,
and other stuffs used in dyeing and dressing it, and then the labour ;
but where the value of the raw material was comparatively small, as in
the case of hosiery, which was only
.5 per cent. of the whole, there the
Belgians, Prussians, and Germans were sure to compete with them suc-
cessfully.—(Hear.)safety lie believed it would be found that ultimately there
the case of the cotton manufacturers. Although he was not connected
with the worsted trade, he would mention one circumstance, to show in
what imminent peril the town of Bradford was at this moment placed.
A friend of his had that morning told him that he had been invited to
go and settle in Germany—that he had strong inducements to go there,
because the application of capital would be far more profitable than
in England.—(Hear, be'ar.,
; Ile said that if he went he would
take yarns, and yarns only,
and take with him men to get them
up," and he would actually make a profit of 30 per cent. by working
up and finishing the article in Germany. Now that individual, who
was highly patriotic, debated for some time in his own miiid whether lie
would expatriate himself, by which he could much more profitably em-
ploy his capital, and thus be instrumental in destroying the trade
of England with the rest of the world, and assist in cutting
the throats of his own countrymen at home.—(Hear, hear.)
He would take the liberty of making
a few brief remarks upon what
fell from the preceding speakers. Mr. Paulton had informed them that
he had always been successful when he had appealed directly to the good
sense of the working classes. He (Mr. PIMt) had found that to be time
case, although he had opposed them in some of their strongest preju-
dices, and some of those things they most loved and cherished. On the
subject of combination, he hail waged a war with them through the co-
lumns of the " Leeds Mercury ;" and although it was pretty well
known that he was the author of the letters, they showed that
they properly estimated his motives. Not long afterwards they
were blessed with a Municipal Corporation, and he congra-
tulated the people of Manchester in having also obtained one.— (Loud
and long-continued cheering.) Not long afterwards, whether wisely
or not he would not say, they subscribed ss. each until they had raised
a sum of 1901. to bedizen their Mayor with a handsome golden chain.
On the occasion of its being presented he (Mr. Plint) was, among
others, solicited by the operative classes to go as the repre-
sentative of that body.—(Cheering.) They said they knew he had
opposed them on a vital question,but they were satisfied of the integrity
of his motives—that they had seen their error, and they now requested
him to act as their representative.—(Hear, hear.) He would repeat,
therefore, that whenever they threw themselves manfully and
fairly on the operativer.classes, by acting in a spirit of kindness
land conciliation, they would be sure to gain over the hearts of those
to whom the appeal was:addressed. He would take the liberty of
observing, that with respect to the remarks of Mr. Ewart on the sub-
ject of the education of the people, these sentiments found a response in
his breast.—(Hear, and cheers.) Odd as it might seem, that question
was a stomach question—(Hear)—for they might depend upon it, if they

did not place a sufficiency of food before the people, education would
not be attended to, and to tender it when the frame was mentally and
physically exhausted was absurd. He agreed also with Mr. Ewart,
that all legislation for limiting the hours of labour in factories
was of all legislation the most absurd, and a tinkering which
he alt Nether disliked.—( Hear, hear.) He would throw the respon-
sibility on the Iparents, and he would by education fit the parents
for the exercise of that duty. Mr. Plint here alluded to the question
put by one of the London Papers, of why it was that they were
still building factories if they were so unprofitable, and obsei ved
that it reminded him of the caricature of the lishman who
thrust a red hot poker into a barrel of gunpowder, sup-
posing it to be whisky, and when he was 11, en into the
air, his companion oxelaimed, "if you do not come down, I will tell
the exciseman The reason he was there was because he could not
. . _

help it, and that was the case with the manufacturers.—(Hear.) But a
better answer might be' given, he apprehended. Up to this
period the demand for years
.had been going on increasing,
and more machinery was being continually erected, which must
then necessarily be worked. It had been stated that wages were
always proportioned to the price of food, but that was false.—(Hear,
hear.) If that were so, then there should be some defined quantity
which the working classes were to consume. In Ireland the labourer was
fed on potatoes and butter-milk ; in Scot land he lived on oatmeal. In the
agricultural districts of England, a large portion of the agricultural popula.
tion were supported by rye-bre id, barley:bread, and in some instances on
wheaten bread and bacon, but in the manufacturing districts the men
were supported by wheaten bread, and beef, and mutton. The demand
for labour in Ireland was less than the supply of labour, and consequently
the condition of the labourer was reduced to the lowest possible point.
There were two simple principles that regulated the rate of wages. The
first princip'e was this, that the wages of the labourer were to be

dote mined primarily by the amount of the productiveness of
the whole community. If the whole community were working on the
best soils, and with the best implements, the amount of the produee
would be large, and if there- was a demand for labour, and f Kid was
more abundant than labour, then the remuneration would be large also ;
and the proportion which :the demand for labour bore to the supply
would always regulate the supply.—(Cheers.) What effect would the
repenl of the Corn-laws have on the agricultural interest ? In that in-
terest he included the labourer, the' farmer and the land-owner,
for he coutd not forget that the landowner was his fellow.
_ .

subject—his fellow-man.—(Hear, hear.) The solution of this question
would be best settled by a short inquiry as to what' was the condition

of English agriculture at this moment, and comparing it with the con-
dition of Scotch agriculture. Last night their worthy Chairman ad.
verted to an admirable work which he sated had not before been no.
ticed in pubUc. He (Mr. Plint) begged to say that he called the at-
tention of the people of Leeds to it last Tuesday.--(Hear, hear,
and cheers.) They were aware of the contents of the book
and would do their best to make it public. The book was a digest of

grain,

evidence presented to the Committee of the House of Commons in
1836, appointed to inquire into agricultural distress. On that oc-
casion a vast body of evidence was received, but the Committee took
special care that they would make no report.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Why did they not do so ? Because the evidence cut two ways. It
showefi the condition of the English agriculturists was bad, because
rents had been extorted to the last shilling that could be got out
of the pocket of the tenant. He would give them one or two very
short questions and answers from the book. The first was the evidence
of Mr. William Cox, a gentleman residing in the county of Buckingham
(and they all knew that the Marquis of Chantlos was especially con-
nected with that county), and it was a most damning fact that in that
county the condition, alike of the tenantry and the peasantry, was the
worst that could possibly be. The Chairman of that Committee enquired
" Are the farmers doing well or ill that occupy land of that descrip-
tion ? A great part have failed, and mote than half the re?t are, if they
were to reckon, in a state of insolvency. What is the condition of the
labourer I n the reighboi iood? The labourers are not well off in Bu k.
inghamshire." Mr. P. read several further extracts, which he said went
to show that the tenants of Buckinghamshire had been paying rent
oat of capital, because the landlord had been killing the
goose for the sake of the golden eggs.—(Cheers and laughter.)
He would just observe, that the Scotch farmers had adopted every im.
provement in agriculture up to the present tour, and that they had
taken a decided lead in inventions. They had done that with respect
to agriculture, which the enlightened men of Manchester had done
with respect to machinery.—(Hear, hear.) The Scotch farmers
stated that if wheat was at 40s. per quarter they did not care if the
Corn laws were thrown off to-morrow.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
He did not wish to say anything that might be unj,tst towards the body
of the landlords—he would not be guilty of vituperative or abusive lan-
guage; but he must be allowed to say this, that the landlords had not
half the wisdom, half the forethought, or the economy in spending the
income that arose from his lands which the manufacturer chewed in ex-
pending his capital.—(Cheers) Need they go to Newmarket or Doncaster
or Paris, or the hells in London, to see where the rents went ? (Hear,
hear.) Supposing there were to be a repeal of the Corn-laws, and the
rent-roll went down, what would be the consequence? Why that the
landlords would become co-partners with the farmers in the cul-
tivation of the land.—(Loud cheering.) If they subjected the
agricultural interest to that severity of competition that would arise
from a free trade in corn, they would be able to supply their
own markets with their own produce. It has been asked where
would be the benefit of free trade in corn? Why, by free trade the'
price on the continent would be brought to the same level as the price
in England; they would pot a stand for a time to the embarking of
fresh capital in manufacture. There was a certain class of our manu.
facturers and merchants who took great alarm at anything like the no-
tion of free trade in corn, because, as they said, it would destroy the home
market. Of what amount was the value of manufactured goods consumed
by a family of five persons, who were not earning more than 411. a-
year ? Why. if it was estimated at 31. or 41. a head, that was the
outside. lie was glad to hear from several speakers that they did not
consider this to be a party question. In seeking the repeal of the Corn
laws they did not seek to injure any one, but to do good to all.—
t Hear, hear, hear.) He was glad to hear from a member of the Society of
Friends that the same great first principles that had been applied in seeking
for the removal of that great *tail] on our national honour, the Slave
Trade—(Cheers)—were to be acted on now, and that, in seeking for
the repeal of the Corn. laws, they were seeking for the happiness of man-
kind.—(Cheers.) What, after all, was the amount of increased physical
comfort,•compared to those feelings of amity and love with the nations
of the world, that would result from free trade ?—(Cheers.) War
would then be an impossibility, because war would be destructive to all.
In conclusion he would take leave of •them, hoping that the very high
and nob-e example which had been set in Manchester would be imitated
by the people of Leeds.—(Cheers.)
The CIIkIRM.IN said, that,perhaps as the company had heard a good
many speeches within the last two days, they would now like to hear a
song, and he knew of none so appropriate as " Willie brewed a peck
o' maut."—(Laughter.)
This was sung in very excellent style by some professional gentlemen

present.
The CHAIRMAN said they were all aware that a meeting of the Dele.
gates had been held that morning, at which much useful information
had been given, and their plan of proceedings for the future decided
upon. He could read to the meeting the resolutions which had le en
adopted on that occasion.
The CHAIRMAN here read the resolutions, which will be found in
another place. The reading of the resolutions was hailed with much
cheering.
The Chairman then called upon Alderman Brookes to propose a toast.
ALDERMAN BaooKES then presented himself, and was received with
loud and vehement cheering. He was much obliged to them for the
compliment., There was an old adage and a true one—that half a loaf
was better than no bread. John Bull was that very day stand-
ing up with half a loaf in his mouth (Loud laughter)
The lion roared five years ago, as they were told last night, and he was
now roaring again. He hoped there would be a great many young lions
from that meeting, and it was perfect nonsense for these Members of Par-
liament to think of getting on without the people.—(Hear.) In his de.
partment of calico-printing he did not now sell a hundred a-week,
where he formerly sold a thousand or 1,5001. Why was that? because
the Germans were now n•anufacturing for themselves. He had been
for thirty years in business, and knew practically what had been the
working of the Corn-laws. When the trade was young the effect was
not so much felt, but now it was certain ruin on them.
About seven years ago the calico printers petitioned Parliament
for the repeal of the duty on calico pieces ; but their remonstrance was
not the roaring of a lion, but only a squeak, and was therefore useless.
They were at last obliged to call upon the gingham manufacturers, their
opponents, who had manfully come forward, and they had succeeded in
getting the duty taken off.—(Hear, hear, hear.) That was a proof
of the advantages of unanimity. He could assure the meeting
that if the foreign trade was destroyed, he would not be able to live.
The trade with foreign countries was considerably reduced, and unless
something was done, the manufacturers would soon be ruined. The
worthy Alderman then complained of the vexatious regulations
which prevented produce being sent direct to that country from
abroad, which occasioned great delay, and entailed vast expense
upon the manufacturers. He hoped the Reporters, of whom he heard
there were upwards of 20 present, would prick the consciences of the
landlords, expose them, and make them ashamed of themselves. Let
them be exhibited in the first page of the paper, and exposure would
make them smart. He felt that to be the case when his wife touched
him with a curtain lecture.—(Roars of laughter.) He had almost lost
his toast, which was the Hon. Mr. Murray, the Deputy from Edin-
burgh,"—(Cheers.)
The Hon. Mr, MURRAY said—Mr. Chairman, when I came here I
had no intention of addressing you. I came to listen to the facts stated,
and the arguments adduced against the unworthy and iniquitous Corn-
law system. It appears to me that until lately the agitation of the
Corn-law question has had its character much the same as that which
attaches to the skirmishes in advance of an army. Until lately we
Merely heard a shot now and then fired from the various towns in the
country, just sufficiently loud to convince the advocates of the Corn.
laws that the enemy were not slumbering, but it is only within the last few
weeks that the real true and sound agitation has begun. The skirmishers
have now been called in—the Manchester grenadiers have led the way,
and the battalions assembled on this occasion, and increasing in every
part of the country, are rallying with the men of Manchester.—
(Cheers.) If their leaders were determined, they would secure the
victory. As an instance of the effects which the proceedings of the
Chamber of Commerce has produced in the part of the country from
which I come, I may state to you that the inhabitants of Edinburgh
have formed an Anti-Corn-law Association, although previously they
were quite apathetic on the subject. I could not have dreamed of their
getting up a meeting in Edinburgh, and petitioning against those laws a
short time since, more especially as great dissension exists in the ranks'of
the Liberals, but the details of your proceedings, which reached
them had the effect of rousing the people of Edinburgh, and when I
tell you that it was only on Thursday last, 2,000 citizens filled the
largest room in that place, to aid in the good fight, you will feel
asured that your agitation has not been without its erects.—(Cheers.)
lam glad to say that there was perfect unanimity 014 that occasion.
Our motto was yours'—" The repeel, the total repeal, and nothing
but the repeal of the Corn.laws."—(Loud cheers.) There was no
talk of surrender—no idea of compromise ; —there was the total
abolition of all duties, and no substitution. Nay, I rather think we
went farther, for we demanded not only the abolition of the Corn-laws,
but the abolition of all other taxes upon human food.—(Much cheering.)
I will not enter upon the details of the question before you, as you are
so much better acquainted with it. You are aware that many of the
other necessaries of life arc taxed heavily upon the poor mechanic.
His bread is taxed, and upon every sixpence worth of cheese he has to
pay 2d. duty. It is the same with regard to butter, meat, and other ar-
ticles of food, and there not only are the oppressive Corn-laws, but
other taxes which oppress him.—(Hear, hear.) I had not time in
Edinburgh, seeing that the meeting only took place on Monday, to
adoptany regular deputation, and I had only time, as one of the Mem.
bees, to put my foot into the mail, and be here in time to attend your
meeting.—(Hear.) But although I am speaking the sentiments of the
people of Edinburgh on this occasion, I am here also in another point of
view. I am here as an individual whose bread and whose children's
• bread depends, in a great measuae upon the produce of the soil.—
(Hear, hear.) And lam here to entreat you to go on in the course you
have adopted, and to use your best endeavours to obtain a repeal, and an
immediate repeal, of these laws.—(Great sheering.) The situation of
the agriculturists and landowners has been very ably stated to you by
gentlemen who have already addressed this meeting. It has been said
that the introduction of foreign grain into this country under the free
t rade system will reduce the price to so low a rate that we, agriculturists,
will not be able to compete with it. Gentlemen, I say that such
will not be the case.—(Hear, bear, hear.) We have
never feared competition in Scotland, not even from the English
people where they were more advanced in agricultural pursuits. We
entered the lists with them, and I say it with all deference in a meeting
of Englishmen, we have fairly beaten them.—(Hear, and laughter.) It
is my opinion, and it is not an opinion of yesterday, or one taken up
when it has become a little more fashionable, but an opinion i f many
years standing, that if we examine the details of this subject it is im-
possible to suppose that foreign corn can be imported into this country
at so low a rate of duty as to threw even indifferent land out of culti-
vation. From all the evidence I have heard and read Ido not believe