The Sun.
London, England, 1839-10-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MOANING PAPERS Or THIS DAT.
(From the Morning Advertiser.)
The recent polemical exhibition between the Bishop
of Exeter and the Rev. Mr. Head is an incident of too
much importance to be passed over with a cursory no-
tice. It is one which has an intimate bearing on the
interests of evangelical truth ; but that is a point of
view in which it would be foreign to the objects of a
political journal to consider it. We shall merely re-
mark that Mr. Head's refutation of the preposterous
dogma of the apostolical succession of the clergy of the
Church of England—a dogma which is exceedingly
current among Churchmen at the present time—was as
triumphant as the friends of truth could desire. Were
the columns of the .Iforning Advertiser the proper place
for the discussion of such matters, we should have
asked Dr. Phillpotts and those who, like him, claim
for the clergy of the Church an apostolical succession,
in what precise respects they consider themselves the
successors of the Apostles ? Is it only in the authority
of their office ; or do the present clerical race of
claimants to the character consider themselves the suc-
cessors of the Apostles in humility, self-denial, zealous
labours for the conversion of the world, and in the
holiness of their life and conversation ? If such be the
notions of the Reverend Gentlemen, headed by the
Prelate of Lxeter, all we shall say is, that those no-
tions are peculiar to themselves. Dr. Phillpotts, the
successor of the Apostle Paul ! Well, really, the
very idea, as they say in Ireland, beats Banagher.
Cobbett used to describe, in his own graphic way,
the expression of surprise which escaped the country-
people who witnessed the exploits of the Learned Pig ;
all the learned pigs in the world would not by their
deiais, however marvellous, excite in us a tithe of the
surprise which we should feel at any one's seriously
asserting that the proud political Prelate of Exeter
is the " apostolical" successor of the Apostle of the
Gentiles. But we promised not to dwell on the super-
lative absurdity of the apostolical succession dogma.
We shall quit the subject altogether, with a brief
allusion to a very characteristic circumstance which oc-
curred in the course of the " exhibition" between the
haughty Bishop and the humble clergyman whose mis-
fortune it is to be under what is called Dr. Phillpotts'
"spiritual jurisdiction." Mr. Head was anxious that
the collision scene should take place in the church in
which the imperious Bishop delivered his politico-
religious tirade. Ia other words, Mr. Head was
desirous that his reply to his Bishop's rebuke
should be made in the same place and before the
same audience. But the autocratic Prelate, the
haughty servant of a mild and indulgent Master,
determined it should not. He " descended from his
throne"—so we are assured by the reports of the
proceedings—erected for him for the occasion, in the
immediate vicinity of the altar, and walking in the
pride of majesty along the passage to the door, an-
nounced to Mr. Head, that if he had any thing to say
in answer to the rebuke administered to him, he (the
Bishop of Exeter) would hear it in the--In What
place do our readers suppose ? We are sure they
would never guess. Dr. Phillpotts graciously in-
formed Mr. Head, that he would condescend to hear
him in the inn ! A rather odd and out-of-the-way
place, one would think, for discussing the essential
truths of the Gospel, and some of the more knotty
points of divinity. Whether it was that the Rev.
Prelate thought that he had been too long in
the church already, or that he felt irresistibly
appetized for dinner, or that he has some pe-
culiar partialities for hotels, it is impossible to
say ; but so it was ; he would remain no longer in
church, but proceeded in breathless haste to the inn,
where, after plentifully regaling himself with the good
things of Boniface, in the shape of an excellent dinner
and wines, he invited Mr. Head to the discussion of
*heir differencea Aa affer.dineer consideration of such
topics as the apostolical succession of the Clergy—the
reiative authority of Church and the Bible, and the
obedience due by an inferior clergyman to his Bishop—
wae not very likely to be followed by sound conclusions.
Mr. Head very properly refused to enter the arena,
under such circumstance, with his Bishop, remarking
that as he (Dr. Phillpotts) had refused to discuss mat-
ters in the church, he (Mr. Head) would not enter on
their consideration in a tavern. And so the matter
ended. Every successive day the Church must more
and more feel the necessity of praying that she may be
saved from her friends.
(From the Morning Herald.)
1' is amusing to trace the sell-contradictory modes in
`s a eel the Corn-laws are assailed by the advocates of
fr •;-• rade. On no point are the " philosophers" more
decidedly at war, than in regard to the influence which
i the Corn-laws exercise on the market value of labour.
It one time, we are assured, that the framers and sup-
P ,w rs of the Corn-laws have deceived the Jabots:dug
peer, in maintaining that these laws preserve the ge-
f eree rate of wages at a high level of value. At another
time the chief char to w
hide is levelled against the Corn-
laws, is, that they constitute the sole reason why labour
is dearer in England than on the Continent ! It might
be serviceable to the cause of truth that theli opponentsdbfor
0: English agriculture should be,
coming into court for the purpose of
of givingcope evidence,ee to
agree together as to the charactertheir testimony.
vital The disagreement which exists on
points,n ought
at all events, to have the effect of abating
the tone of confidence, in which both sectrions
opinions
the
Of the two
Tenisousen,
Anti-Corn-law party indulge!
to which we have alluded, our Contemporary
inclines to the latter variety. The sionahliosih 1 ibou risd,
that the
Corn-laws are the sole cause why
dearer than Polish :
~ But in what does the cost of cultivation
d e
vsactelencoortnis,itsitie?pr\iNc'ee
answer the price of labour, the price of
of everything in which labour is employed that the culti-
vstor has to buy. And why is labour higher priced hire
than abroad :1 Because earn is dearer. Why is corn
dearer? Simply because the Corn-laws make it so. is
they were not in existence corn would be about the same
price here as on the Continent. Thus the high price of
corn caesei by flirt Corn laws is an effectual bar to profit-
able agricultural improvement. Now as we cannot possibly
exclude at all times the cheaper-grown corn of the Con-
tinent, would it not be for the interest of the farmers, and
ultimately for the interest of the landlords, to allow corn
to he grown here, by the abolition of the Cern•laws, as
eccaply as it is grown on the Continent ?"
The Cern-laws, then, on the admission of our Con-
temnorary, increase the labourer's reward ; and the fact
i , the labourer's reward is high, is made the chief

ground of complaint against the Corn-laws. But this,
surely, is a very strange position to be taken up by The
Sun ! Why does not our Contemporary at the same
time, make it a ground of complaint, that our traders
possess large capitals ? The complaint would be, at
least, as reasonable as that which he does urge in refer-
ence to the high wages of our labourers! But the high
price of corn, we are assured—in other words the high
rate of wages in this country—constitutes " an effectual
bar to profitable agricultural improvement." How high
wages can, on such an assumption, constitute a more
effectual bar, than low wages, to agricultural improve-
ment, it might puzzle our Contemporary to ex-
plain. It is his specific argument,—that the price of
labour is regulated by the price of corn. The facility
of producing corn, therefore, will not be increased by
lowering wages—because The Sun tells us that corn
will fall in price as labour shall fall in price. Unless,
then, our Contemporary be prepared to contend, that
falling prices are the chief inducement to increased pro-
duction, he will scarcely reach his conclusion, by the or-
dinary processes of logic ; and if he shall be disposed
to maintain such a position, then he must devote his
energy to the overthrow of the prevailing error, that
rich customers are better than poor ones ! Let the in-
fluence of the Corn-laws, as expounded by our Contem-
porary, on the condition of farmers be carefully noted !
" A great outcry is made against the farmers for not
raising wages corresponding to the price of corn, and in
many districts they have raised wages. But whether
they raise the wages of their own men or not, they must
pay the higher wages and increased profits which are given
to all the artisans and masters whose services they require,
whether directly or indirectly. The consequence is, that
they are now cultivating their fields at an expense tanta-
mount to wheat at 70s. a quarter. They must realise that
price or a greater price next year to cover their expenses,
and obtain the ordinary profit. But either an abundant
harvest, or the admissicn of foreign corn, should their
own crops be short, would prevent their realising such a
price, and thus the high cost of cultivation caused by the
Corn-laws, while it is impossible to exclude foreign corn,
and impossible to prevent an abundant harvest, will in-
fallibly cause agriculture to be an unprofitable occu-
pation."
Our Contemporary, it will be perceived, commences
this last paragraph by expressing a doubt as to the
truth of the position which he had, in the former pa-
graph unhesitatingly asserted. ." A great outcry is
made against the farmers for not raising wages corres-
ponding to the price of corn." Why, unless The Sun
be altogether in error in this matter, the farmers can
exercise no choice in the case. The Sun previously
laid it down that corn is dearer in this country than on
the Continent, for no other reason, than because labour
is dearer in England ! The expression of a doubt on
the point is, therefore, on the part of our Contemporary,
an abandonment of all his previous reasoning on the
question. It is exceedingly difficult, however, to discover
on what intelligible grounds our Contemporary objects to
the Corn-laws. These laws, he declares, raise the
wages of agricultural labourers to the level of the in-
creased price of corn. The Corn-laws, moreover, se-
cure " higher wages and increased profits to all the ar-
tisans and masters," with whom the farmers deal—in
other words, to all classes of artisans and traders :
why, then, are the Corn-laws objected to? According
to our Contemporary's exposition of the working of the
Corn-laws, they press with severity only on the farmers
themselves. Since, however, the farmers do not com-
plain of these laws—laws which impoverish only them-
selves—enriching at the same time, as our Contempo-
rary proves they do, all the rest of the community :
why are not the agriculturists left in the undisturbed
enjoyment of their illusion on the subject ?
(From the Times.)
We had occasion, during the discussions on the two
Jamaica Bills, to express our own opinions on the in-
temperate tone which pervaded the printed despatches
of Sir Lionel Smith, then the Governor of that colony.
Lord Stanley, in the debate on the first Bill, and Lord
Lyndhurst, in the debate on the second Bill, pointed out
those inconsistencies and contradictions into which this
Governor's want of temper and prejudice had betrayed
him. We had hoped that Sir Lionel Smith would have
quitted the island without giving further cause for serious
complaint against him. We are disappointed. We have
read a written reply given by him on the 28th of
August to an address of certain members of the Baptist
Society. The whole reply is very unbecoming a Go-
vernor. He ought to discourage rather than promote
the feeling of irritation and distrust which the address
excites, The Governor surely ought not to pass over
even in silence general attacks on the existing institu-
tions of the colony, and general charges against any
class of inhabitants. Still less ought he to indulge him-
self in such attacks. But there is still a graver charge
against Sir L. Smith. In his written reply, he has
spoken of repeated threats of assassination, with the
view, as he insinuates, of deterring him from doing his
duty to the emancipated population. When were these
threats given ?—by whom ? How comes it that conduct
violating the respect due to the representative of the So-
vereign, menacing the good order and peace of the com-
munity, and evincing a degree of disorganization most
frightful to contemplate, was never communicated to
the public until Sir L. Smith is on the eve of his de-
parture? We have been informed that neither to his
Attorney-General nor to any gentleman in the island
did he ever intimate that a single threat had been used.
The first intimation is in a public address on the
eve of his departure, that he had received repeated
threat: of assassination. Surely the Governor ought
not to have locked this up in his own breast, but
have imparted it to the legal advisers of the
Crown, in order that prompt and effectual means
might be taken to punish the delinquent. But
in common justice Sir L. Smith ought to have
shrunk from giving utterance to an imputation that the
whole community was capable of participating in such
an atrocious act as the threat of assassination, when by
his own previous silence, if any single threat were ever
uttered by any single individual, he never deemed it of
sufficient moment to communicate it to the law officers
of the Crow o, or take any measures by which it might
be ascertained whether any person participated in that
threat. We need scarcely say that no man in his sober
senses possessed of common charity can for a moment
entertain a suspicion that there was the slightest pretext
for making this most unfounded imputation.
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
In the subscription for extending the operations of
the British and Foreign School Society, we observe,
with much gratification, the name of her Majesty con-
nected with the donation of 1001. for the special purpose
of aiding in the formation of a normal school, and also
with the munificent subscription of 1001. per annum.
The friends of education have not forgotten, nor ever
can forget, the services rendered to this, as indeed to so
many other philanthropic institutions, by her Majesty's
illustrious father. The influence of his active support
and personal exertions was most valuable. All who are
interested in the promotion of public instruction,
will rejoice to see her thus treading in his steps, and
doing honour to his memory, not only by such
sacrifices as that recently made, of 50,0001. from the
Privy Purse for the extinction of his debts, but by the
liberal patronage of objects that were nearest to his
heart. In this act her Majesty shows that her rejec-
tion of the remonstrance of the anti-education Peers
and Bishops was not merely official. It indicates that
her personal feelings accorded with the counsel of her
responsible Ministers. The calumnious and disloyal
faction, that where it gives one cheer for her Majesty,
roers out nine for King Ernest ; the faction that wanted
to transform a minority into a majority by making her
its slave, and constraining her to falsehood ; the fac-
tion that hates popular education, and hopes to flou-
rish by fomenting all intolerance, may howl at
this well-timed generosity ; but the public will appre-
ciate its merit, and accept it as an additional omen of a
beneficent and prosperous reign. The liberal contribu-
tors to the extension of the British and Foreign School
Society have consulted the best means for the efficiency
of that institution in their proposition for a normal or
training school. No improvement can ever, according to
our apprehension, render voluntary societies an ade-
quate substitute for a truly national system. The
common argument against voluntaryism in religion has
fifty times the force as applied to education. There
can be no substitute for schools planted by the State all
over the country, proportioned to the population and
wants of the different localities, and their efficiency
secured by a judicious admixture of governmental pa-
tronage and popular control. But during the ad-
mitted impracticability of such a system, and pending
the preparatory measure adopted by the Government,
,ve are right glad to see one of the existing voluntary
societies disposed to take such a step as that now con-
templated. It is the best mode in which it could co-
srete Tne immediate good will be great. More
instruction will be afforded, and to a larger number ;
a superior race of teachers will be produced ; and this
eventual good will be yet greater.
(From the Morning Post.)
The courtser Radicals, calling themselves Whigs,
who belong to the present Administration, have
never been able to make a decent defence for their
conduct in making the will and authority of the Sove-
reign the main principle of Government. There is a
manifest and glaring perfidy in this which, it puzzles even
their powers of impudence to excuse. 'I 'hat the public
men, or the party, that fOr thirty years were perpetually
magnifying in speeches, and toasting in convivial assem-
blies, the principle of the sovereignty of the people—that
they should now exult in lording it over the people by
means of power derived directly from the Sovereign, and
by means of that power alone, is certainly as gross and
flagrant an example of selfish and perfidious abandonment
of principle as can be found in the worst annals of
civilized mankind. Some of the more paltry and per-
severing parasites of the Ministry have indeed gone so
far as to say that though the Whig's made it a first
principle to oppose the wishes of the Crown
when those wishes were not conformable with the
interests of the people, that is no reason why they
sohoteuillednpot avail themselves of the wishes of the Crown
wfhn eoe.
those
plwishVtlesasary clevereconformablethto be u
with
sthe interests
re and, at
all events, immensely impudent. May
we venture to
ask who the judges are to be
ofle
hat -was
the
wt?res conformable
foofrinTaorbi ve
with the interests of the people
govercicent, and what is conformable with their interests'

THE SUN, Li

at the present time ? May the people themselves be per-
mitted a voice in this matter—the " sovereign people"—
no longer toasted, by the bye, at Whig dinners, at least
in Englaud—or mw.t a certain set of exceedingly en-
lightened and marvellously modest persons, calling
themselves Whigs, be the sole judges? How is the
nation to decide what is for the people's interest, and
what is impudently, selfishly, and falsely assumed so to
be ? It is very convenient for the Whigs to say that
when the Tories were entrusted with the Royal autho-
rity the wishes of Royalty were inimical to the interests
of the people, and were therefore fit to be resisted ; but
that when Whigs are similarly entrusted, the wishes of
Reyalty are conformable with the interests of the
people, aad therefore to be universally respected and
implicitly obeyed. All this is easily said by Whigs who
are mad with vanity and the enjoyment of power ; but
where is the man of common sense who can listen to
such consummate impudence without scorn';

(From the Globe.)
A letter from the Committee of Privy Council on
Education to a clergyman of the Established Church,
who applied to their Lordships for information on cer-
tain particulars, has been forwarded to us for insertion.
This letter explains the mode on which their Lordships
have determined to conduct the inspection of schools
connected with the Established Church, the promoters
of which may accept portions of the Parliamentary grant;
and is therefore so important in the information it con-
veys, that we hesitate not to give it prominency in our
columns :

" Committee of Council on Education,
" Council-office, October 5, 1839.

" Reverend Sir,—The Lords of the Committee of
Council have had under consideration your letter of the
Ist October, in which, referring to my former communi-
cation, you inquire whether some or all of the inspectors to
be appointed to visit schools will be clergymen; and if
not, whether they will at least be members of the Church
of England; and you observe that as religious instruc-
tion must necessarily form the chief part of the
education of your school, if that instruction and the dis.
ciplinc and management of the school be withdrawn from
the cognizance of the inspectors, there would be litlte
else to which they could direct their attention—the
Lords of the Committee of Council of Education direct
me to assure you that it is intended to appoint one or
more inspectors specially to visit the Church of England
schools ; that no person not a member of the Church of
England will be appointed to discharge this important duty ;
that it is their Lordships' wish and intention to select in
preference (other qualifications being equal), clergymen
•f the Established Chnrch to inspect schools connected
with the Church; and that their Lordships will be solici
tous to appoint as inspectors persons whose character shall
be a guarantee of their conduct, both to the Established
Church and to the public at large.
" With respect to the latter part of your letter, which
relates to the limitation of the inspector's powers, I am
directed to state to you that the points to which it adverts
had already received the serious consideration of the
Committee ; and that the disadvantages which may arise
from excluding the religious instruction from the super-
vision of the inspectors have not escaped their Lordships'
attention. The Committee have been anxious to give to
promoters and managers of schools the fullest possible as-
surance that in accepting the public money, coupled with
the condition of inspection they will not incur the slightest
risk to the full integrity of the religious principles
upon which the schools are established; and for this
object the above-mentioned limitations are necessary. It
does not, however, appear to the Committee that there is
anything in these conditions to prevent the promoters and
managers of any school from obtaining from the inspector
an examination into, and a report upon the religious in-
struction which may be afforded therein, provided that a
requisition to that effect should previously be presented to
him by the Clergyman, Committee, or other person under
whose superintendence the religious instruction is ordinarily
afforded to the school.

" With respect to the general management and discip-
line of the school, the inspectors will be instructed to
inquire and report, but not to interfere or to regulate.
" I have been instructed to add that you are quite at
liberty to make public use of this letter. I have the
honour to be," &c. &c.
The absence of all interference in the management
of the Schools, and of all examination of the method of
imparting religious instruction, seems to us so calcu-
lated to disarm the fears excited by the numerous mis-
representations of the intentions of the Government,
which have for various purposes been circulated, that its
publication will, we do not doubt, effect the removal of
these apprehensions from all who are not willingly deceived.
The advance of national improvement, as respects the
management of the schools, can only proceed, pari
passu, with the spread of information on this subject ;
and to this and the establishment of a system of inspec-
tion, by which the wants of the promoters of schools
may be made known, and their exertions encouraged
by the diffusion of useful information, must contribute—
perhaps not in so powerful a degree as the sanguine
promoters of primary instruction may desire—but cer,
tainly so as to prepare the way for the realization o
their hopes.