The Sun.
London, England, 1837-09-11 00:00:00

didates at auv of the recent elections ? We fearlessly
ask these questions, for we know that the Standard
cannot justify its own reckless conduct by an example
taken, in this parallel case, from its opponents. The
conduct of the Irish Government has been impeached
with regard to this dreadful outrage, and insinuations
are basely thrown out that Lord Mulgrave, by offering
so small a reward as fifty pounds for the detection of
the murderers, testifies a disinclination to bring them
to the light. If that were the only step which he
had taken to secure their apprehension, there might
be some grounds of surprise, though still none what-
ever to harbour so infamous a charge against a no-
bleman who, from the day of his arrival in Ireland,
has exerted himself, with more effect than any
of his predecessors, to make every dender against
the laws and the peace of society amenable to
justice. The mere sum of money which may be pub-
licly offered for the apprehension of an offender
is no test of the opinion entertained by the Go-
vernment as to the nature of his crime. The amount
is regulated by other and totally distinct considerations.
The promise of a very large reward has frequently been
known to defeat its own purpose, by terrifying sus-
pected individuals and driving them beyond the reach of
pursuit. In the present case, as in most others where
the accomplices are supposed to be numerous, it would
most probably have that effect ; and, therefore, Lord
Mulgrave has prudently forborne to hold out such a
notice to the guilty parties. But in all cases of flagrant
and atrocious crime the police authorities have the
power of paying most liberally for secret information ;
and if the Standard will venture to say that such
power has been inhibited as against the murderers of
Allen and M'Kenzie, it will state that which is not
true. If the villains are to be come at, it will be
through such means and by the employment of a
considerable reinforcement of police, whom Lord
Mulgrave sent into that district long before
the Government reward or the melancholy oc-
casion of it became a matter of angry com-
ment in the candid columns of our Contempo-
rary. But that it would not answer the ends of
these upright journalists, we would strongly recom-
mend to them a precept out of holy writ, "-Blame
not before thou hest examined the truth." But they
will not even revoke their censure and ribaldry after
the truth has been made manifest to the whole world ;
that would strip a " picturesque murder," such as the
Standard designates this to be, of the colour with
which their ingenious industry loves to overlay it. Mr.
Cooper, the Tory Member for Sligo, is at present, we
believe, in town. We presume he knows what steps
the Government has taken for the apprehension of
the wretches who perpetrated that horrid crime ; and
let the Stndard assert, if it dares, that he is dissa-
tisfied with Lord 'Mulgrave, or believes that his Ex-
cellency wants the disposition to bring them to con-
dign punishment. We challenge—we defy—the
Standard to bring its spiteful and groundless allea-
tions to this test.—Morning Chronicle.
Li looking at the present state of parties, it must b:.A
evident that before any satisfactory progress can be
made in the improvement of our laws, some additional
power must be called into action to overcome the re-
sistance which the Lords, the Tories, and corruptionists
of every grade and character oppose to all just and li-
beral legislation. The superiority of the Reformers in
the present array of the antagonistic forces, though for-
tunately sufficient to ward off all danger of a Tory inroad
upon the government, is not, without some fresh i:npulse,
adequate to give legislative effect to the wishes of the
people. It is sufficient for defensive, hut not for effec-
tive offensive operations ; it is sufficient to secure the
stability of a liberal Ministry—ao object of the first
importance to the state, involving as it does, perhaps,
the peace of the whole and the preservation of a large
division of ,lie United Kingdom—hut it requires n
increase either of power or stimulus to enable it to
drive dospotism, bigotry, and corruption front their for-
tresses. Even the powerful reinforcement which Re-
lerm has received in the auspicious accession of our
young, liberal, and enlightened Sovereign, serves rather
to guarantee the nation in the continuance of a just
and patrio:ic executive, than to warrant the expecta-
tion that the laws and institutions of the country will
be adapted to the exigencies of the times without still
further assistance. smother power must yet be
evoked. It is not enough that the Queen, the Minis-
ters, and a majority of the House of Commons should
be willing to advance towards the consummation of
civil and religious liberty—the effort to give effect to
this wish must be made by the people. A polished
and profound writer observes, " It is only the calm
energy of reason, constantly bearing up against the
encroachment of power, that can with certainty per-
petuate the freedom or promote the happiness of the
human race :" and never was the exercise of this
" calm energy of reason" more imperatively required
than at the present moment. As it is, from the people
must come the demonstration necessary to work out
the principles of Reform and good Government ; the
first duty of every citizen is to endeavour to develope
this essential power in the most effective manner, and
direct it to the accomplishment of objects embracing
not only present success, but permanent security. In
Mr. O'Connell's recent letter to the people of Ireland,
it is observed—

" It is a species of melancholy consolation to know that
the same obstacle which prevents justice to Ireland'
equally prevents that justice to England' which consists in
the extension of the suffrage, in the shortening of Parlia-
ment, and the voting freely by Ballot—l mean the House
of Lords. There is to be found the impassable impediment
to every political improvement in England and Scotland,as
well as in Ireland. Once terrified into granting the Re-
form Bill, it has recovered from its fright; and now the
Lords, in the insolence of security, and backed by a large
and formidable minority in the House of Commons, laugh
the people to scorn, and set them at defiance. In their sel-
fish rashness they anticipate the moment of regaining the
power of plundering the nation, and reprepressing just
discontent by military execution."

Here " the impassable impediment to every poli-
tical improvement" is specifically defined ; and pursuing
the question which naturally suggests itself, Mr.
O'Connell continues—
" What is to be done to overcome this obstacle to the
peaceable amelioration of our Institutions ? What is to be
done with the House of Lords ? That is a question which
the British people must answer sooner or later. I heartily
wish that the solution of it may be peaceable and bloodless.
But with or without violence it must be answered, or the
British nation must consent to have engraved on their front-
let a word that was never there before—Slavery—for, dis-
guise it as you may, submission to despotic power—and the
power of the Lords is despotic—is Slavery."
This is a truth, and as such, however unpalatable
its expression to the opponents of organic changes, is
wholesome pabulum for the digestion of those who are
sincerely and earnestly desirous to give full effect to the
representative, the only just principle of Government.
While hereditary legislation forms part of the British
Constitution, the question, " Irrhat is to be done with
the Lords?" will be of perpetual recurrence ; and
most sincerely do we participate in Mr. O'Connell's
wish, that when peremptorily put, as it must ultimately
be, it will meet with a peaceable and bloodless solu-
tion. In the mean time the great desideratum is to
excite, combine, and judiciously direct the exertions of
the people. By these means, and by these only, need
we expect to effect any efficient Reform. To this sub-
ject the following paragraph from Mr. O'Connell's
letter is remarkably apposite :
" If British Reformers of all classes will but unite—if
they would in every county, town, and city, form a Reform
Club or Society—if they clamoured, by their public meet-
ings and petitions, for further reform—if they attended to
the registry, and to the correction of erroneous opinions,
and the refutation of false statements—if, in short, the Re-
formers were up and stirring against the common enemy—
the plundering, peculating, bigoted Tory faction—if, ani-
mated by the spirit, not of paltry discontent or querulous
resentment against the Whigs, but of genuine and high-
minded love of constitutional freedom—the Reformers of
all classes would unite in energy, exertion, and combined
strength—the proposed advantages of the Reform Bill
would be realised—the necessary ameliorations in cur insti-
tutions would be secured, and the traffickers in corruption,
bribery, and bigotry, be banished for ever from power and
authority."

This is an excellent plan of operations, and one well
worthy of the universal adoption of Reformers ; it is
the best, in fact the only mode, to break down the
outworks of faction, and clear the way for the effec-
tual bombardment of the Lords—that citadel of cor-
ruption, biptry,
.prejudice, and despotic power.—
Athdveser.

The spirit of the Protestants of Ireland, instead of