The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-21 00:00:00

The War District in New Zealand.

In order to the better understanding of the stirring events
we attempt, in a few words, to sketch the district in which
they are occurring. Si far the trouble is confined to the
south of the town. The country looking south from Auck-
land to Waikato may be described as a plain bounded on
the west or right by a low range of bare hills dividing the
Manukau lagoon from the sea, and on the east or left by
very irregular hills, wooded, with patches of fern. The
plain is not to be considered as a fiat valley. It undulates,
and has several extinct volcanic cones of small elevation
scattered about it. The whole extent may be about 30 miles
square, of which the lagoon of Manu.kau occupies some-
thing like 15 miles square on the western side, and a belt
of 10 or 12 miles of forest skirts the Waikato, which is the
southern boundary of the plain and of European terri-
tory, The main southern road heads' the long navigable
creeks of the lagoon, leaving Onehunga a few miles on the
right, and passing through Otahubu, Papakura, and
Drury, in a south-easterly direction, nearly to the great
bend of the Waikato. The river Waikato itself, rising in
the heart of the island, runs most of its course to the north-
west, in a line bearing directly on Auckland, but about 30
miles south-east of that town it bends abruptly at a right
angle, and fl-we some 25 miles S.W. till it reaches the
ocean. At the great right angle bend the little stream of
Maungatawhiri falls in on the east side, prolonging the
southern boundary of the European territory-towards the
east-, The country bordering the Waikato, and its brandh, the
:Waipa, is open country, containing fern, flax, tei-toi grass,
and scrub. Between the two main branches lies Ngarua-
wahia, the capital of Mitoridom, 65 miles, as the crow flies,
from the capital of the colony. Maungatawhiri is therefore
nearly midway between the two capitals, and in direct line.
No " engineering difficulty," as it is called, intervenes in
the whole distance. The river passes through one abrupt
range of above a thousand feet high, but it is a very
narrow range, and there is not, in the Nelson sense of the
words, a gorge even at this spot. Vegetation is the
great military obstacle. The forest (though under
General Cameron its impenetrability has ceased to be talked
of) is a great resource to a lightly equipped irregular foe.
Extending in an unbroken line along the southern frontier
of the settled district, and stretching on the eastern side
towards Auckland, it furnishes a cover under which the
scattered villages of the plain, if not the city itself, may be
menaced, and a mere handful of natives, under its screen,
have attacked and inflicted loss on our brave and well
armed soldiers, and committed half-a-dozen cold- blooded
murders on peaceful settlers. The wooded hills ou the east
of the Auckland plain were pointed to by the natives two
years ago as their stronghold in ease of war. It must be un-
derstood then, that, at the time of the events of a fortnight
back near Auckland, General Cameron's front was advanced
beyond the European boundary, and beyond the forest.
He had nothing but open land—fern land, that is to say—
between him and the centre of the country; and no ob-
stacles except the want of roads, and a few inconsiderable
tributaries of the Waikato. We are not aware what forti-
fications the banks of the Waikato may possess—whether
the large earthworks at Rangiriri have ever been completed
(Wata-wata lies above the capital)—but the ground, gene-
rally, offers no important advantages against a resolute in-
vader ; and if the now steamer proves equal to the naviga-
tion, as it is probable she will do, at least till summer dries
up the stream, supplies may be carried inland in spite of
the want of roads. General Cameron's real difficulty is the
defence of the town and villages ho leaves behind. Ngarua-
wahia, the Maori capital, offers no reprisals, and a large,
weak, and wealthy frontier absorbs his force, and leaves
little for forward movements.

THE Aufs-HousE Pumr.—Titbull's Alms-
Houses are in the east of London, in a great
highway, in a poor, busy, and thronged neighbourhood. Old
iron and fried fish, cough drops snd artificial flowers, boiled
polishedpigs up with'feetand
lip
household furniture that looks as if it were
'salve, umbrellas full of vocal literature
and saucers full of shell-fish in a green juice which I hope
is natural to them when their health is good, garnish the
paved side-ways as you go to Titbull's. take the ground
to have risen in those parts since Titbull's time, and you
drop into his domain by three stone steps. So did I first
drop into it, very nearly striking my brows against Titbull's
pump, which stands with its back to the thoroughfare just
inside the gate, and has a conceited air of reviewing Tit-
bull's pensioners. " And a worse one," said a virulent
old man with a pitcher, there isn't nowhere. A harder one
to work, nor a grudginer one to yield, there isn't nowhere 1"
This old man wore a long coat, such as we see Hogarth's
Chairmen represented with, and it was of that peculiar
green-pea hue without the green, which seems to come of
poverty. It had also that peculiar smell of cupboard
which seems to come of poverty.. "The pump is rusty, per-
haps,' said I. " Not at," said the old mau, regarding it with
undiluted virulence in his watery eye. "It never were
fit to be termed a pump. That's what's the matter with it."
"Whose fault is that ?" said I. The old man, who had a
anger and
mouthto which seemed to be trying to masticate hie
much
of it,
v.,,./-pflinieki,d,thoaTt
hitornteasgentotolemhaerni.l,, and
,41tvh
hate) •e la
gentle-
„
e ns
ttloeu-
"
men?
" Maybe you're one of 'em ?" said the old man,
suspie' The trustees P
‘bl utu trust 'tehme
m_ " "
./self," said the virulent old man. If ld n
yon
gentlemen who administer this place, no, I am not one of
them; nor have I ever so much as heard of them,," " I
wish /never bean of them," gasped the old man : "at
my time of life—with the rheumatics—drawing w ater—
from that thing 1" Not to be deluded into callinl; it a
pump, the old men gave it another virulent look, took up
d
his pitcher, and carried it into a corner\ elling-house,
shutting the door after him.—Charles Dickens's last Unc. om-
merciA

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

POST.—The negotiations for an amicable settle-
ment, of onr differences with the Government of
Japan having, as we anticipated, ended in failure,
steps have been taken to enforce the reparation
which was refused. We learn, from a telegram re-
ceived yesterday at the Foreign-office, and which
we publish elsewhere, that the seaport town of
Kayosima has been bombarded by our fleet, three
of the batteries defending it silenced, and the town
reduced to ruins. Three Japanese steamers are
also reported to have been destroyed. The suc-
cess, however, appears to have been dearly pur-
chased on our part, two naval captains having
been returned amongst the killed ; and, as the
batteries are said to have been well served, the
damage sustained by the fleet was doubtless not
inconsiderable. With the particulars of the en-
gagement we are not yet made acquainted; but as
on the second day of the attack the fleet is stated to
have " stood out, engaging the whole of the batte-
ries," we may conclude that so far as their destruc-
tion was concerned the victory was not complete.
It is certainly not pleasant to reflect that we are
engaged in another of those petty wars which are
from time to time forced upon ns in the most dis-
tant regions of the globe. They are always unsatis-
factory, and nearly always profitless. But they
are not the less inevitable. In the present instance
we are making war less against the Japanese Sove-
reign than against one of his princes, and there is
every reason to believe that the Tycoon would
gladly have obtained for us the redress which we
demanded had it been in his power. It is un-
doubtedly a great hardship that we should be ob-
liged, so to say, to regulate the internal affairs of
an Eastern empire with which we are unconnected,
and, in order to vindicate the rights of those British
subjects who have settled in Japan, to mete
out to offending Daimios that punishment which the
native Government is too feeble to inflict. It is
really with the Prince Satsuma that we are at war,
and the town which has been destroyed is one in
which he exercised undisputed sway. It was in his
territory, and at his instigation, that the murder of
Mr. Richardson took place some months since, and
it was from him through the Imperial Government
that reparation was demanded. For many weeks
the English Envoy was led to believe that redress
would be given, but the time which was by us lost
in negotiation was turned to account by the Japa-
nese. Prince Satsuma knew that it was on his ter-
ritory that the threatened blow would fall, and
made his preparations accordingly. The batteries,
which are said to have been so well served, and
which were still able to respond to the fire of the
fleet when the latter withdrew, were most probably
constructed, or at least placed in their late effective
state, whilst diplomatic messages were being inter-
changed between our representative and theGoverne
ment of the Tycoon. It would be incorrect, however,
to suppose that the powerful Daimio, whose town
we have destroyed, stood alone. The traditional
policy of excluding strangets from Japan is still
respected by a numerous portion of the native
princes, and Prince Satsuma is merely the represen-
tative of a class which we must either subdue or
appease before we can hope to prosecute peaceably
oue commercial relations with Japan. The first
thought which will occur to the minds of our
readers will doubtless be, where will all this end ?
In a naval wer with the Japanese, or with such
of the Daimios as thought proper to espouse
the cause of Prince Satsuma, we should be able
to inflict endless damage on shipping and seaport
towns. Bat there our exploits would end.
No place within reach of an Armstrong shell dis-
charged from the deck of a man-of-war would be
sale, but beyond carmen range of the coast line the
Japanese and their towns would remain secure from
molestation. The general principle that a central
Government is responsible for the acts of every in-
dividual living within its territory, and nominally
submissive to its authority, might possibly be en-
forced, and the town of Yeddo consigned to the fate
of Kayosima if full redress were not given by the
Tycoon. But it is doubtful whether even the threats
of destroying their capital would influence the
Daimios, and certainly even, if carried into effect
would not conduce to the establishment of peaceful
relations at a future time. But except with our fleet
it is not easy to discover how we can inflict punish-
ment on the Japanese. If it should be deemed
expedient to carry war into the interior of
the Japanese islands, an expedition would be re-
quired of whose magnitude it is not easy to form an
adequate notion. From the skill which the retainers
of Prince Satsuma evinced in serving batteries,dt is
not improbable that the same skill would be mani-
fested in conducting operations against land forces.
It is incontestable that the Daimios can, by co-ope-
ration, bring into the field most numerous and well
appointed armies, and to subdue those armies it
wuuld be necessary for tie to prosecute the war on a
very extensive scale. Cui bond? the public will natu-
rally inquire. The reply is, the necessity of protecting
British interests in Japan. The Japanese for several
centuries totally excluded foreigners from their em-
pire, and refused to trade with the rest of the world.
But some Years slice this rule was broken through in
favour of the Americans, and subsequently in our
own. Then followed the treaty which was conclUded
by Lord Elgin, and which, as was supposed at the
time, established our commercial connection with
Japan on a satisfactory basis. But that treaty,
though entered into by the Tycoon, and approved
of by many of the influential "Daimios, excited the
bitter resentment of the remainder. Then suc-
ceeded the long Series of outrages on English resi-
dents in Japan which culminated in the attack on
the British Embassy. No alternative was left to
us but to demand reparation or discontinue pro-
tecting our interests in: Japan, and therefore neces-
sitate the withdrawal of every British merchant.
As the latter course oliviodaly could not be adopted,
the alternative was only nominal, and we were
obliged to have recourse to force to secure com-
pliance with our demands. The punishment in-
flicted upon Prince Satsuma has been so signal and
severe that when he and his brother Daimios see
how little is to be gained and how much is to be
lost by provoking our enmity, they will doubtless
acknowledge the expediency of permitting English
merchants to pursue their avocations in the cities
of Japan unmolested by their savage retainers. If
they will not now admit themselves convinced, we
must only continue in our present course until we
have carried conviction to their minds.
HEItALD.—The Conservative candidate have been
defeated at Barnstaple by the slender majority of 16.
The ups and downs of electioneering are such that
we must be content to put up with an occasional
disappointment of this sort. The election of Mr.
Lloyd, if indeed that gentleman is to be left un-
molested in the enjoyment of his newly earned
honours, will be a small gain to the Government,
and, as far as the Conservatives are concerned, it,
but a poor set off to the great triumph at Coventry,
and the election at Tamworth and Reading of
independent members, who are more likely to
give trouble to Lord Palmerston's Government than
eeen its avowed opponents. In three electioneering
speeches of the past week, at Richmond, Plymouth,
and Reading, we are struck by the attempts which
are made by Government candidates to effect an in-
dependent tone. They are all Palmeretonian as
voters, but as talkers they belong to the people.
Even Sir Roundell Palmer, on Saturday, made a
show of criticism with regard to the admitted home
policy of the Whigs. It was necessary. It was even
indispensable after that preposterous Pindaric in
which he had just before extolled his leader and
patron as the Michael Angelo, the Napoleon, the
Seven Champions and the Nine Wonders combined,
of European pot tics, But is it not pitiful at such
a time as this to hear an English bar-
rister, elevated to the rank of Attorney
.
General, assuring the coun:rY
that it needs to be
governed by " honest and exptarlel?ced men ?" Who
doubted it ? More than that—aahoeverdoubted
of
view, is
the "experience" of the Whig party:? Wt
_
ever, from Sir Roundell Palmer's point o
" honesty ?" The electors of Richmond, Y rk.
shire, were told to believe that it meant W!ilif
patronage. Yet we learn, at any rate, chem.lng
news. "A body of men of purer integrity anel
patriotism was never at the head of affairs." Every-
body must rejoice to hear it, although Mr. Beres-
furd Hope, in one or two recent addressee, has com-
mented with damaging force upon the purity and
patriotism by which Great Britain, within the last
few weeks, has been scandalised and disgraced. As
to experience, men may have had too much of that;
so that it was possibly rather mischievous on the
part of the new A ttoiney-General to remi •
nd his
constituents that Lord Palmerston had become a
mature statesman of the old Wtiig school before
some of his colleagues in the Administration were
born. Upon the whole, nevertheless, the law officer
of the Crown just restored to Parliament by the
Yorkshire borough of Richmond appeared very
grateful for the favour he had received—and de-
served—and disembosomed himself of much that
might have been difficult for men of a weaker con-
stitution to declare. There never was, he said, a
statesman who loved England as Lord Palmerston
has loved her. We presume that, in saying this,
he does not hold the Premier irresponsible for the
policy of his Foreign Sccretarv—so splendidly, and,
in a Roman spirit, illustrated-by the sinking of two
junks, and the blowing in of a calico battery on
the coast of Japan. Of course he does. He had
his word of flattery for Lord Russell, his paren-
, thesis of patronage for Lord Lyons, his culmina-
tions of applause for Mr. Gladstone, and his not
overdone postscript of approval for himself. So far
the Attorney-General, next to the Lord Chancel-
, for the highest law officer of the British Crown.
He has approved of his Wrong, his colleagues,
and himself, and he has uttered no tangible

opinion. That was at Richmond, in Yorkshire.
At Plymouth, in Devonshire, the new Solicitor-
General " sniffed a tainted breeze" of a different
character. It was necessary, there, to be
a little less reserved, and rather more popular ;
so, as the Attorney-General had been all in favour,
throughout the various speeches of the North, the
Solicitor-General, in order to keep up the neutrality
and impartiality of her Majesty's Government, was
bound to be all in favour of the South. In delight-
ful dissonance with his learned colleage he declared
that the North was not fighting for the abolition of
slavery ; he thinks, or affirms at least, that the
South are fighting for independence and the North
for a centralising Union ; he appeals to six millions
of people in New York habit of styling them rebels;
but then, keeping in view his new appointment, he
veers round, after admitting as much as the
Southerners could 'desire, and ;declares that Great
Britain has preserved a perfect and unimpeachable
neutrality. Where is the evidence? Mr. Collier
is ready with it. " Both sides are offended with
us." Now, we are not to suppose that Mr. Collier
believed what he was saying. Might not the North
be justly dissatisfied while the South was unrea-
sonably discontented ? " The South," continued
Lard Palmersion's new Solicitor-General, " is a
great nation waging war." But he goes on, escap-
ing from the consequences of this admission, to
urge that the Confederates must clear their terri-
tory of the Federal forces altogether before they
can claim to be recognised as independent. We
know not upon what basis the argument rests. Cer-
tainly not upon historical precedent. But, beyond
doubt, Mr. Collier, in the unspotted robes of his
virgin:, Solicitor-Generalship, thought it incum-
bent upon him, firstly, to echo the national senti-
ment with regard to the Southern States; secondly,
to apologise for Ministerial defalcations in their
diplomacy with America ; and, thirdly, to assume
an independent part, and promise that justice
should be done, though the heavens should fall. So
far the Solictor-General.

TlmEs.—From the beginning of the American
war: the Federal Government has shown itself
equally anxious to inspire fear and goodwill among
the English people. Under theimpression that there
existed among the politicians of this country a de-
sire to [recognise the seceded States at the first
opportunity, if not to aid the establishment of their
independence by force, the rulers at Washington
have, by themselves or their emissaries, made use
of two kinds of reasoning, and sought to appeal
to two different instincts. One class of orators
and writers will tell of nothing but the power of
the Union, the speedy collapse of the insurrection,
and the final punishment which is to overtake all
who refuse their sympathies to the North in the
hour of trial. England is to be deterred from any
hostile act by the fear of offending an irresistible
nation, which its representatives declare to be even
now kept with difficulty from resenting the insults
we have offered. Mr. Seward's verbose despatches,
Mr. Sumner's bitter invectives and misrepresenta-
tions, and generally the whole current of public
speaking in America, are addressed to this object.
But, at the same time, there have not been wanting
men to work for the same purpose in a different
manner. While those who take the defiant line
have been exclaiming, " Only wait till our civil war
is over," another class of persons have been intrusted
with the task of friendiy and fraternal expostula-
tion, and have endeavoured to bring public opinion
in this country to their side by appeals to political,
or religious, or philanthropic feeling. It need
hardly be said that these attempts have failed. The
Liberal party, identified as it is with the cause of
popular government and negro emancipation, has
not from its long list of eminent men given a single
supporter to Mr. Lincoln's confiscations and con-
scriptions. But, rejected by the educated opinion
of the country, the Federal emissaries think that
they have sail some chance of success with the well
meaning but narrow-minded class which can see
nothing ;n this war but a question of slavery
against abolition. To enlist the feelings of the
emancipationists on behalf of the Northern invasion
and to exhibit England as approving the war by
pointing to the sentiments that were uttered and
cheered at crowded meetings, would . be a triumph
for a Federal orator, and we cannot wonder that we
have had a number of them in succession playing
the chief part at Abolitionist and philanthropic
gatherings throughout the country. The most im-
portant of these gentlemen appears to be Mr.
Henry Ward Beecher, who has been lecturing at
various places to a more or less discordant audience
on the great question of the day, and who spoke at
Exeter-hall last evening under the patronage of
the Emancipation Society. Mr. Beecher comes
from America with the best of all, credentials as an
orator. The sittings at his church are regularly put
up to auction, and produced last year the sum of
18,549 dollars. That he is possessed of gifts
of speech such as are appreciated highly
across the ocean is evident from these figures ;
but whether his oratory is suited to the colder
Briton, accustomed to associate elevated sub-
jects with a chaste and decorous language,
we are inclined to doubt. Indeed, in his own coun-
try there are malevolent critics who object to his
style and deride the taste of his congregation. From
his late orations we are now able to form an esti-
mate of his talents ; and certainly in our judgment
he is not the man to convert the British public to
the Federal cause. Unless his speeches here are
very unworthy samples of his genius, we must con-
clude that the religious politicians of America are
pretty much on a par in conception and language
with the politicians proper, and that the pulpit is
not more intellectually elevated than the stump.
Last evening he made a summary of the arguer ents
which, he tells us, he has used since he •has been in
this country, and added others which were to com-
plete she' impression in his favour. Mr. Beecher's
audience heard again the whole story of the politi-
, calesinflicts which preceded secession, and were in-
formed that it was impossible for his Government
to draw back from the work it had begun until the
devastation of the; South was complete. War had
justified the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln, and was
itself justified by the necessity of maintaining entire
the territory of the Union. We should have ex-
pected that in this the final address delivered in the
metropolis and in the traditional temple of Aboli-
tionism, there would have been something more
original and more humane than is produced by the
ordinary Federal politicians. But Mr. Beecher's
address is but a repetition of what may have been
read in the Federal newspapers anytime since the
outbreak of the war. For instance, somebody had
asked Mr. Beecher why he would not let the South
go peaceably. " Oh," he answers, "if the
Southerners would only go, we would furnish them
with a free passage ; but then we say, ' That terri-
tory which you inhabit is ours, and we do not
choose to have it wrested from us.' " This argu-
ment, which would exactly suit a Russian discours-
ing of Poland, or an Austrian official defending the
tabula rasa in Hungary, is the most convincing that
the speaker can find for a London audience brought
together for alleged sympathy for human freedom.
Again, the war which has already filled a continent
with mourning is to be persisted in that a flagitious
violation of the freedom of vote may not be suffered
to pass with impunity. In order to make the
matter clearer to the English intelligence, this
group et American States, containing six or seven
millions of white people, and extending over nearly
a million of square of miles, is compared to the
county of Kent ; and the Exeter-hall audience are
seriously asked whether they would suffer Kent to
set up for itself as an independent kingdom on the
southern coast. It need hardly be said that when a
speaker who is conversant with his subject has no
better and newer arguments than these to produce
anyt
thoroughlyh er en e
wis
e le
elucidation.
examinediddean n .and
thatthelvais
question has been
looknoitn likely
vain f
any
receive
rea-
soning from Mr. Beecher's lips which should induce
us to .sympathise with the objects for which his
party are striving. He makes great efforts to show
that this ie a struggle in which we and Europe gene-
rally are interested; but he involuntarily and un-
consciously returns from general interests to those
"Feelw furhicha us, are exclusively'
u
inlasiuvely9-,
pray
American and sectional.
for our success," such
is his request to the English religious would, " for
we desire to keep our large territory, we desire to
incease the strength of the Federal Government,
to pat down the theory of States rights as danger-
oussuch is the sum of his
to our nationality.
argument. ore his eyes, pre-
ealfset,hientdiemede,bceafn he say ? Can
pre-
tend dwith a thethat
th
eW eventshat
principles of self-government, which
make the safety of England, can be advanced by
the subjection of a lam population to military rule
for an indefinite term ? Already the evil example
of the Federal States is seen in the boldnass with
which the Russian Government in Poland h.ravhes
the censure of the world. 'The recognition of t
e
principle that we are to applaud the repiriesusinown
ieliltient'-
cised by established Governments a
populations, on the ground that the territory.boelonggs
to the ruling Power, and that the only right the
inhabitants have is to expatriate themselves, would
be equally baneful iu its effects ou other parts of
Europe. We leave out of account the arguments
which Mr. Beecher both last night rip datot lit;r times
has addressed to our material interests. He told us
last night that division in America would tend to
keep up armies which would be formidable to us.
He told the people of Liverpool a few days since that
when the South is conquered there will be a better
market than ever for oar cottons. All this is en-
tirely useless for the purpose of obtaining the good
will of the English public. All through this war our
' conduct has been regulated by a' strict regard to
' law, and our sympathies by what we conceived to
be the rights of the contending parties. We have
acted and felt with as little selfishness as is possible
to a nation. History has proved—the history at

many Quixotic and bootless wars—that there is no
people less influenced by considerations of material
gain and loss than our own. Mr. Beecher, if he
learnt his history from American manuals, may be
excused for not knowing this ; but it is true, never-
theless. Let him then avoid telling us what we
are to get by applauding the invading armies of
President Lincoln ; let him rather inform us why,
in the name of justice, humanity, and commcn-
sense, we are to forsake the cause of peace and
give our voices for the continuance of this wasting
and endless contest. Another year is drawing tm
a close, another period of inactivity has to be passed.
through. Daring this liime the passions of the com-
batants may possibly grow cooler and give a chance
of a settlement. Are we, just at this moment,
when the war is again happily languishing, to
goad on the Federals to .another year's slaugh-
ter at the bidding of a clerical politician ? We
think that there will be but one answer front
the intelligent society of England. Those cheers
which any fluent speaker on any side of a question
can obtain will represent no opinion worthy of seri-
ous consideration by politicians. The mind of this
country is made up ; in three years it has had time
to fix itself so as to be wholly unchangeable; and
the opinion of the nation is, that Mr. Beecher'a
section of the late Union is waging a war of in-
justice under the influence of an ambition with
which the world in general has no reason to
sympathise.