The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

Cession of territory whatever, but merely a resignation of
a protectorate which has been entrusted to us under the
treaty of 1815. Now this is very dangerous ground to taker
and we should pause before we accept a Fepiessfitation of
that kind. The treaty of 115 entrusted the lonian Islands
to England is almost the same manner as it did Paris to the
French people. How did we become possessed of the lonian
Islands ? We became possessed of them by conquest before
1815. Why were they conquered ? We did not conquer
them, I suppose, out of wantonness and for amusement.
We conquered them because the great men to whom we en-
trusted the duty of guarding British interests and main-

taining British power in these waters thought they were
most important ; and as they could not accomplish behests
of the British Government so long as these insular harbours
were in the power of our rival and enemy, they therefore
occupied the lonian Islands. The control—the injurious
control—which the French forces in these islands exercised
during the war on British shipping and interests was so
great that so eminent a name as that of Lord Collingwood
impressed upon the British Government the absolute neces-
sity of these harbours being taken. It has been said that
Corfu was not seized in a military sense. Six of the islands,
including Cephalonia, which Sir C. Napier, a man of the
highest authority upon any subjeat connected with war, and
especially upon this question, said was of the utmost im-
portance, had been conquered. Corfu, which was not taken,
. ,

was an arrow in our side, but we strictly blockaded it, and
when Napoleon suddenly fell it was surrendered to us by a
military convention; and it was in every sense of the word
a military surrender. Therefore, when the congress of
Vienna had to deliberate upon die settlement of Europe
we were in military possession of those islands, which we
had conquered and occupied, because when in the posses-
sion of an enemy they were injurious to our power and
interest. The noble lord now proposes that these islands
should be given to Greece. See what the effect of giving
them to Greece is. You are favouring that very policy
which on the 27th September of last year the noble lord
had denounced, as I think, with unnecessary warmth.
You are increasing the resources, the wealth, and popu-
lation of Greece. And what interpretation the Greeks put
upon this cession you may see by what took place in Corfu,
where they used in regard to it an expression well known in
this country, that they weuld take it as an instalment. This
shows that the Greeks regard your policy as encouraging
them in their views against the integrity of the Turkish
empire. It may be right to do all this; but I do not
think this is the occasion to enter into that discussion.
Still, let the house understand that her Majesty's Govern-
ment have followed a different policy, and have changed
the view which they have always upheld in this house with
regard to the East; that they are not pursuing that course
which the noble lord advocated in such burning terms in
his despatch to Prince Gortschakoff. (Hear, hear.) Well,
then, so much for its influence upon Greece. What is its
influence upon England ? I have shown the house that, as
regards England, these islands were taken by us because
their possession by the enemy was injurious to our interests,
and therefore it is quite absurd to maintain that their pos-
session by us is not conducive to our interests. It is said
that Government will not give up these islands without
conditions. The very fact that you are giving them up with
conditions attached proves that you ought n .t to give them
up—(hear, hear)—and that to surrender them without con-
ditions would be injurious. Then what security have you
got that your conditions will be fulfilled ? (Hear, hear.)
What are your conditions ? Your conditions are that Greece
shall have a constitutional monarchy, and at the same time
shall not disturb her neighbours. What is the result of
constitutional monarchy ? Constitutional monarchy pro-
duces party ; and is it not obvious that the Liberal party of
Greece will demand an expansion of territory and endeavour
to carry out the Greek idea? Thus the very condition of
the surrender will precipitate the very conclusion which the
noble lord wishes to be avoided. (Hear, hear.) Therefore,
so far as regards Greece, you have changed your policy, and
you are pursuing a policy which will necessitate the results
you yourselves have denounced. But as regards the power
of England, if these islands do conduce to it, why are they
given up ? And if they are not necessary to our power and
influence, why were they taken ? Some of the first men in
England have said that they were necessary ; therefore it is
idle to argue the case on mere technical grounds, and to say
that it is only a protectorate. By the treaty of 1815 Prussia
was made protector of the Rhine for the purpose of form-
ing a barrier against France. The Italian provinces were
entrusted to Austria for the common good of Europe; but
Prussia and Austria believed, and believe, that the posses-
sion of the Rhine and the Italian provinces contributed to
their power, or why would they retain them ? Are we, then,
to be told that we are only protectors, and the cession of a pro-
vince is to be settled by a special pleading and an argument
like that ? I am sure the House of Commons will never sanc-
tion such a proceeding. What has happened during the last
25 years ? Have you not practically changed your route to
India ? And has it not been constantly alleged that the pos-
session of these islands is of the utmost importance in main-
taining that route ? lam perfectly aware that there is a
school of politicians who are hostile to every principle of the
British empire—but I have to learn that her Majesty's Go-
vernment have adopted these wild theories which have be-
come so prevalent of late. Professors and mere rhetoricians
will find you systems for every contingency and principle
for every chance—but we are not going, I hope, to have the
British governed by such views and maxims. There may be
a question as to the best mode of acting. Some may be in
favour of protection to domestic and colonial interest—
may be in favour of commercial treaties and treaties of re-
ciprocity, which have become so modish nowadays—but
there can be no question in the country as to the best mode
of preserving our wealth. The best mode of preserving our
wealth is tby power—and you must get possession of the
strong places of the world if you wish to have this power.
As far as this question of Greece is concerned, I hope that
the arrangement is not a matured arrangement, and that
we shall have an opportunity of considering it before any-
thing is finally determined. I understand that by agreeing
to this Address we are not pledging ourselves to this policy
with regard to the session of the lonian Islands. This being
so I shall not propose an amendment to the Address—but
I thought it right to warn the house of the very dangerous
consequences of the proposal announced in the Speech from
the Throne, involving as it does the gravest considerations
that can possibly be discussed in this house. (Loud cheers.)
Col. SYKE o denounced our policy in China. We were
drilling the Imperial soldiery in order to oppose the progress
of the Taepings, who were Christians. The result would be
that some day a cause of quarrel would spring up between
us and the Imperialists, and the armed bands that we are
new training would be turned against ourselves. He hoped
that a definite vote would be taken with respect to that
policy.

Lord R. MONTAGU said he had listened to the an-
nouncement in the Speech respecting retrenchment with
some feeling of irritation, bearing in mind the tardiness
with which the undertaking; had been given. No doubt
it was due to the very uncertain grasp of the reins of
office held by the Government. He believed, however,
that not only would there be no surplus, but a serious de-
ficiency, for, although the country had not actually de •
dared war, they were carrying on wars in every part of the
world. Our foreign policy, and'that system of making loans
in every quarter of the globe, was the cause of our financial
embarrassment. These loans brought us into unpleasant
contact with every country in the world. It was absurd to
suppose that if the money was not sent out of the country
for loans, it would not be profitably employed at home.
The objections to the loans were that we took guarantees
which we did not know hoseto realise. With regard to the
question of the lonian Islands, he must object to the silence
and secresy of the proceedings. It was not true that the
pretended cause of that cession was sudden or unexpected.
He had never before heard of a Government intriguing to
get rid of territory, and he asked her Majesty's Government
what right they had to cede any territory which belonged
to the nation. In any case, no promise should have been
made until the great Powers had been consulted, and until
the matter had been brought before the house. Her Ma-
jesty's Government had treated the representatives of the
people as if they were too contemptible to be consulted.
The hon. member cited strong opinions given at different
times by her Majesty's Ministers against the cession of the
lonian Islands, which he said would be looked upon
throughout the East as a sign of weakness on our part.
He combated the arguments which had been advanced in
favour of the cession, and insisted that Corfu was an im-
portant military post which it was most unwise to surren-
der, If the principle upon which the cession was to be
made was once admitted, no end of claimants wostld spring
up, whom it would be impossible to satisfy.
Mr. MAGUIRE thoroughly sympathised with the Go-
vernment in their wise and generous cession of the lonian
Islands. It was wise taking advantage of a favourable
opportunity of getting rid for ever of a cause of reproach.
embarrassment, and expense. There was an allusion to the
Lancashire distress in the Speech. He was happy to find
that, in the opinion of the Government, that distress was
rather diminishing than increasing. He was sorry to be
obliged to state that, whatever the distress might be in
Lancashire, he solemnly believed that there was twice,
nay, ten times more serious distress impending at the
present moment in Ireland. When he made similar
statements last year in reference to certain districts,
they were derided or denied ; but returns afterwards
proved the truth of his assertions. Whatever the
distress was then, it was ten times greater now, cwing
to the bad harvests of the last three years. The last
was the crushing blow, and he appealed to the Govern-
ment and the English people. Rants could not be paid
with punctuality, and the small farmers were en•
tirely crushed. They were in debt to everyone, owing en-
tirely to accumulated calamity, and not from want of perse-
severance and frugality on their part. The country shop-
keepers suffered in proportion. The meal merchant's was
the only trade that was prosperous. Processes had increased
ten and twenty. fold. The artisans in the towns were also
suffering, and, as showing the state of the country, he in-
stanced the emigration of between 70,000 and 80,000 last
year from Ireland to America, notwithstanding the civil
war in that country. The population was decreasing, relief
committees had to be established, and Lord Castlerosse had
mercifully given employment to 500 labourers on his estate
to alleviate their distress. He complained of the want of
outdoor relief in Ireland, except in very rare instances,
which created much misery amongst the labouring popula-
tion. They had a repugnance to enter workhouses, yet the
per centage had greatly increased last year, and it was 50
per cent. more than the year previous to that. Poor rates
were also increasing in the same proportion. The state of
Ireland was eminently dangerous, and the people of Ireland,
who sympathised with Lancashire distress,were entitled to
some consideration from the people of this country. The
gentry of Ireland must give relief, but that must be neces-
sarily restricted to their means. He did not ask for alms,
but the means of employment by public works.
reduced alm arr marriage. ea.m
amount
net o o kTehd bforward
wtooaulrde ine
of t fromres
t
satisfied without some relief
Mr. C. FORSTER expressed his
gratification at the
taxationpro-
esed
the Chancellor of the weeafforded
and a modification of the income-tax--if not
greatly
was a matter of certainty—would The
public ed them.
jurtdyiwouid He hoped
Exchequer, disposing of his sur-
plus—whichapply it to
the reduction of this inquisito • nal and oppressive income-
tax. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE eulogised the conduct of
the Greeks, and praised their moderation since King Otho
had left the country. The hon. member then complained
of the course of the Government with respect to the candi-
dature of Prince Alfred for the throne of Greece. The par-
ticular organ of the noble lord at the head of the Govern-
ment had from the very outset distinctly supported the
election of the Prince, and the French Minister, M. Drouyn
de Lhuys, had quoted its opinions in proof of the views of
the English Cabinet. If, however, those opinions were not
shared in by them, why had not that organ been at once dis-
avowed ? No doubt Earl Russell might pride himself on
the dodge which he had practised, and of his having got
rid thereby of the Duke of Lend] tenberg ; but he forgot
all the time the injury which he was inflicting upon the
Greek nation by not announcing to them at once that the
candidature of the Prince could not be accepted. He must
protest against the language of the noble lord the member
i°r Huntingdon (Lord R. Montagu) with reference to the
Greeks. He was not one to advocate revolution. but he
could not but
see that the position of the late King was
•
wholly different from that of an ordinary monarch; for he
had not inherited his throng, rone, but he had been placed upon
it by the three powers had upon conditions which he en-
tirely failed to observe. He hoped that before the discus-
sion closed the noble lord at the head of the Government