The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

-2

NEW S Rt%.PE
icr," FL4t,„
tier, he would ar,vl-- `,43 4 e Powers to o lA*: •
for the surrender to such a monarchy of 401 r
My lords, I think that would be postpls..n&i
4fLta.?-74 ,
of the lonian Islands to a very long , -ae)
Graeae kalendas. How soon will the 4itle Arl
be satisfied, not that the monarchy is established,
but that the legislature of that monarchy will be sufficientlT,
willing, sufficiently able, and sufficiently determined to dis-
courage that dangerous spit it of aggression against which the
noble earl protests ? Then how does he propose to assist
them ? Hejproposes to join to them a number of islands at
present under the protection of Great Britain, that have
been the foremost agitators in that spirit of aggression
against Turkey which the noble lord says would be an abso-
lute bar to the cession. The very address of thanks of the
chamber for the promised surrender contained expressions
of gratitude, for they saw in it the support of England for
the future struggles which must take place for the extension
of Christianity in Asia—in other words, for assaults upon
the territory of Turkey. The noble earl assists this constitu-
tional government to resist this spirit of aggression by
throwing into them a nation who as one man are in favour
of this very spirit of aggression. The noble earl says, " No
doubt that is quite true, but our cession is entirely condi-
tional upon our terms being complied with." Coul,l the
noble earl devise any means more injurious for rendering
the government of these islands absolutely impossible than
hanging over their heads for two or three years the prospect
of the attainment of the object on which they are so bent?
I think that this conditional promise made a government
not yet formed—a government uncommitted to any line of
future policy, and as to the future policy of which it is im-
possible to form an opinion—this cession of the lonian.
Islands, proposed to be made to a country suited as I have
described, and utterly incapable of coping with the naval
piracy which invests these seas—(hear,'• hear)---and which
has hitherto been kept down by the power and assistance
of Great Britain, is one of the greatest mistakes which in
my memory has been ever committed by any minister.
(Cheers.) But, my lords, I do not despair that the country
will yet refuse its assent to this ill-judged proposition.
(Hear, hear.) Nay, I think from the terms used in the an-
swer to the address, in reply to her Majesty's gracious
speech, that there is sometlittle hesitation, some feeling
`that this -prtrpolallhaqiidt-take effect, and that the arrange-
ments made by the noble lord together with diplomatic
liabilities may concur in preventing the noble earl from
carrying out the cession of the lonian Islands. The noble
duke opposite has already pronounced an opinion which is
perfectly just, that the sense and intelligence of the lonian
Islands, if it could be fairly ascertained, and more especi-
ally that of Corfu, is strongly against the proposed cession,
and against the popular clamour in favour of it. Then look
at the position of Corfu, one of the most important of the
islands from the situation of its harbour and its fortifica-
tions, the efficiency of which I don't say much for, but
which at all events have cost a great deal more money than
they should have cost. What is the position of Corfu with
reference to any part of Greece ? It lies 80 miles north, at
the nearest point, of the boundary of Greece, but within a
mile of the coast of Thessaly, a part of the Turkish domi-
nions which offers a most favourable opportunity for con-
stant—l will not say invasion—but constant broils being
kept up which will infallibly lead, if not to war, at least to
struggles in which Greece may probably get much the worst
of it, and to some new arrangements which may lead to
Corfu falling into the hands of some other Power—neither
Greece nor Turkey. (Hear, hear.) I implore her Majesty's
Government, if they have not already gone too far, to con-
sider the importance of the step they have taken, and I
earnestly conjure Parliament and the people of this country
maturely to consider the question, in the hope that public
opinion will successfully interpose against the carrying
into effect a step the most suicidal and most imprudent of
any I recollect.• (Hear, hear.) Upon the subject of our
domestic relations on some occasions, undoubtedly, I have
had reason to complain that her Majesty's Government
have made great professions and promises which they
have not fulfilled. That cannot certainly be said of them
on the present occasion. The noble earl who seconded the
r Address said a few words upon one of the bills about to be
brought in in pursuance of the recommendations of her
Majesty's Government in order to carry out the views of
the commission, which has already had two or three
sittings about a week ago, in which they settled the
whole of the complex and difficult question of convict esta-
blishments. I think the noble earl in this respect spoke a
little out of the four corners of his brief. (A laugh.) Of
course, whether he has had a confidential communication
on this subject, it is not for me to say. Her Majesty's Go-
vernment have not thrown any great light upon the mea•
stares they propose to introduce this session, and therefore
they will not lay themselves open to any blame for having
fallen short of their professions. I presume they will be
satisfied with their measures being humble and useful--
that there are to be no very ambitious measures, no great
and sweeping alterations of the constitution, no attack upon
the Church of England made or sanctioned by the Ministry,
but that they will go quietly along, improve the turnpike •
roads, amending the Bankruptcy Bill—(a laugh)—which
was passed only two years ago, and in the amendment of
which they will find plenty to do, and that we shall have a
quiet, amiable, useful, hundrum session. (Laughter.) Be-
fore I sit down I wiil say one word upon a topic not men-
tioned in the speech, but which has already been touched
upon by a noble lord—l mean the public and the personal
loss which we have all sustained by the death of a noble
marquis, of whom the noble earl (Russell) and I have
each been a colleague. The noble earl will, I am sure,
feel deeply with me the obligations we were under to the
noble marquis for the uniform patience, forbearance,
good judgment, and good temper which he manifested on
every occasion that came under our consideration. Your
lordships have had the opportunity of seeing him for several
years leader of her Majesty's Government in this house, and
some years ago, upon his partial retirement from public
life, a most unanimous testimony was afforded of the esteem,
respect, love, and affection with which he was regarded
both by his own supporters and by this side of the house.
(Hear, hear.) Of late the noble marquis has not taken a
very active part in your lordships' discussions, but in the
circle of private life he has shown that he has not lost the
esteem and regard of his friends, and he goes from this world
honoured and respected, a good old marl, without leaving
behind him a single enemy. (Cheers.)
Earl RUSSELL—Your lordships will not have been sur-
prised that the greater part of the noble earl's speech has
been taken up with foreign affairs, and I shall attempt to
answer those parts of his speech which attack the manage-
ment of our foreign affairs. But first I must touch upon
those topics in the noble earl's speech in respect of which I
have the happiness of agreeing with the noble earl. The
first is that we congratulate her Majesty upon the auspicious
marriage that is about to take place. I think we must con-
sider that in wishing happiness to those who are about to
be united in marriage we are wishing for the advancement
of our own interests, because the happiness of the Royal
pair may greatly tend to form the happiness of the country
at large. Passing from that topic, I come to a question
upon which the noble lord spoke at considerable length;
I mean the United States. Upon that topic, also, lam
glad to agree, for the most part, in the observations of the
noble earl. I believe that her Majesty's Government has
exercised a wise discretion in not interfering, or rather—
for it was not interfering—in not joining in giving advice
as the Emperor of the French proposed to one of the
belligerents. I think we were right, for this reason,
that there may come a time when the belligerents them-
selves, exhausted by the struggle, may wish to refer to some
foreign Power to assist them in making that peace which it
is so desirable to establish. As to the question of recogni-
tion, the noble earl has rightly remarked that there are
two kinds of recognition. As examples of the first kind of
intervention we have in old times the cases of Holland and
Portugal, and in modern times the cases of Belgium and
Greece ; but no one in this country, I believe, wishes for a
forcible intervention on behalf of either of the parties to the
pending struggle. The cases of Holland, Portugal, Bel-
gium, and Greece were small matters compared with the
vast and dreadful struggle in which we should have to in •
terfere if we should attempt to decide the claims of
that
teirs
parthetioetsheirs
party, But there is another kind of recognition, and .
failed, and when, there-
tYht.hasWe are not arrived at that
aeihreacuogetenidtiohny wthheewnarit, iswhoenbvithouse
attthei.:natpotnwe ofm the parties
and of the Southern States is
fppooarri,yt
peaceys ue submit
becaisit
antousthios asyuttashoteougn:
the struggle now going on in different
say with undiminished, but with in-
creased uedoPf,ptlohwevillerU, nianntdoetduron a vaster scale. Therefore nothing
ni
tbi at
btentgyh.
reformed,
eeetr
fhaerTin
otseeremxuae
it t
calamity,
otaedrom,
tha
fi
his.itfth.
ynten,hntslaeotefnr
struggle,
i thing,l
tgdt
gve
hwflaeeet:rr recourse
sennhogtpdouhswowrsesoeshsefvui
possible
that ittv itc
ouhojah igaen imtiteptydthiohowbemlen eit nulluo dfnoi kfr
eitwohrnoeu unwise
nee might
blstde e
Southba
af-
fection and attachment towards it could be revived in the
South, I for one would be glad to see the Union again
formed. If, on the other hand, the North were to fail, and
separation were finally decreed by the events of the war, I
should be glad to see peace established upon those terms
But there might be, I say, one end of the war that would
prove a calamity to the United States and to the world, and
especially to the negro in those countries, and that would be
the subjugation of the South by the North. One of the first
consequences of such a subjugation would be that the North
must keep up a large army, must renounce all its former
policy, and must put down by force free discussion and a
free press in the South. That would be a dangerous thing.
Would not anarchy prevail in the South I' Would not the
whole state of society and of labour be disorganised, perhaps
for a century to come ? I hope, whatever may be the issue
of this contest, that such may not be the results. I trust
we shall see at the close of this struggle either one great
republic or two great republics in the full enjoyment of free-
dom and all the advantages of a great and independent
Power. For my part, I own that before the contest began
to wit
ancestors,o noeusrs o thea .parnolcistp
wehraai
vtsy,i
nlogf a people descended
I rejoiced in seeing the progress of the United States, and
t hl
nwks,
aa ns dp e
eptearesloenaa
at
was proud
Englishman must rejoice, and I should rr t
wlfirhohermiethyoueevirmeoryi
cer-
tainly lament if the end of this struggle did not leave the
people in those States in the full enjoyment of the benefits
an d privileges which dignify and adorn mankind. The noble
earl next referred to a subject which is indeed a very paiuful
one, and that is the distress in the North. Far be it from me
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