The Sun.
London, England, 1839-12-04 00:00:00

DON. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1P39.

13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH-STREET. the parents of the violence which they are the firs;
"MICHAEL ARMSTRONG,"
COMPLETE. to demand, shal; he laid of
Mr. COLBURN will publish, ,)ri the 9th instant, the corn- Properkt doe.si the puhlic condemn the violet,ce
VfrteEedi tai,oldn , inA3DvvoEls,
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MICHAELto of
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of
i the Ch :mists on account of its mischievous teii-
STRONG, the FACTORY BOY." chuicy ; but nine-tenths of the evils imputed to
By Mrs. TROLLOPE,
With all the Illustrations, by Hcrvieu Buss, arid Onwhyn. them is proTect;ve onl) and imaginary, •.vhde those
Orders received by all Booksellers, and at all the Libraries. which have been inflicted on the country by the
selfishness and baseness of the Tories, are certain
and incalculable. Let the reader just run over in
his imagination the riots, rebellion, and bloodshed
which were caused by the Tories in the first half of
the last century ; let him trace the wide, wasting cru-
elties of their war against America, carried on by red
savages and German mercenaries ; let him contem-
plate the stupendous misers, of the national debt,
with its accompaniment of a bread tax ; let him
look at a land endowed with an immense capacity
for improvement, having in colonies almost a world
at her command over which to spread her numerous
children ; and let him see, as he must feel, the irk-
some constraint, the impediments to happiness, the
crimes which devastate society,caused by a long period
of Tory misrule—wasting the national resources, and
hemming in or misdirecting the stream of population
—and he will be at once convinced that the injuries
actually inflicted on the community, by the brutal,
selfish, ignorant policy of the Tories, surpass a
thousand fold those which the imagination supposes
might be or would be caused by the Chartists.
Coercion, violence, tyranny, are the principles of
Toryism ; they are not necessarily the principles of
the Chartists ; though Mr. FROST and his followers
have imitated the Tories and adopted their prin-
ciples ; and Toryism has, in every community and in
every age of the world, been the prolific parent of
measureless misery.

THEATRE ROYAL COVENT GARDEN.

We see with no surprise, but much regret, that
great distress prevails at Paisley, Nottingham, Bol-
ton, and several other towns. Neither are we sur-
prised, though somewhat indignant, to see the Tory
papers founding, on the distress which is caused by
the Starvation Laws, arguments to continue them,
and something like sneers at the unfortunate suf-
ferers. One thing that distress has made painfully
manifest, namely—whatever may be the case in the
order of nature—that, under the rule of the Corn-laws,
the interests of the agriculturists, particularly of the
landlords, is directly at variance with the interests
of other classes. This year is for the landed inte-
rest, as was last year, one of great prosperity. If
the harvest be short, which is doubted by some per-
sons, they haveobtained high prices, and rents are well
paid. We have always been told that prosperity
for the landlords was prosperity for manufacturers ;
but the former are gloating over their replenished
purses, while the latter are sinking under distress
and misery. To make them the more sensible of
their misfortunes, the Tory Journals draw vivid pic-
tures of the great advantages possessed by the Con-
tinent, and at the same time strenuously deny to our
manufacturers any participation in them. Because
we are obliged to use dear steam power, and the
manufacturers on the Continent can use cheap water
power, they are also to retain exclusively ail the ad-
vantages of cheap bread, and we must contend
with them under the disadvantages of dear bread.
It is not enough apparently that our people are
doomed to poverty and starvatio❑ to gratify the
stupid and blind avarice of the landlords, but
they must also be tantalized and insulted by their
oppressors.

It will be seen from our Mansion House re-
port, inserted yesterday, that the subject of Church-
rates underwent a rather curious discussion be-
fore the LORD MAYOR. His Lordship was
saved the trouble of taking any part in the debate,
by his predecessor, Alderman %VILsoN, who chi-

valrously volunteered his services in defence of the
nefarious exaction." If the worthy Alderman,
when in dike, had not argued the coal question
with greater ability than on this occasion he did
that of Church-rates, he would not, we fear, have
won the popularity to which his spirited, judiciously
directed, and highly beneficial exertions against the
coal monopolists so justly entitled him.

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Lopire.

" I am here, by command of our Most Gracious
Queen, for the purpose of executing my share in the
administration of this Government, according to the
Laws and Constitution of Jamaica.—There is no desire
on the part of her Majesty's Ministers, or the Imperial
Parliament, to interfere with your legislation ; and it
is, I conceive, in your own power, to preserve it invio-
late. Bur for this, there is, in our relative position, one
tnia% oidahie condition. We cannot legislate against, the
general policy erahliqwd by ur S,vereiln and the Im-
perial Parliament for the Government of the whol., Em-
pire, of which this island forms a part. Our own Island
Constitution indeed precludes the enactment of Laws
of that character, for it is a part of this Constitution,
that no law can be passed without the concurrence of
the Governor, or become permanent without the confir-
mation of the Crown, and neither the Crown nor the
Governor can be expected to co-operate in the enact-
ment of Laws inconsistent with the principles by which
the whole Empire is regulated.
" The Acts of the Imperial Legislature of late years
afecting this in common with the other colonies, have
arisen almost wholly from the conviction that the great
measure of Emancipation and freedom, granted to hun-
dreds of thousands, and eventually to countless millions
of our fellow-creatures, was a work that could only be
effectually, speedily, and uniformly accomplished by the
interposition of the Imperial Legislature. Hence there
has been a greater degree of direct legislation for the
colonies, and of urgency on the local Legislatures by
Their respective Governors, than could probably, under
any other circumstances, have taken place ; but that
great measure having been accomplished, there is no
reason to expect further interference, unless our local
legislation should tend to counteract or retard the full
accomplishment of the benefits of emancipation and
freedom.

" You must be sensible, from the conduct of the Im-
perial Legislature, on that great question for a long
series of years, that our proceedings in legislating for
this island, with reference to the change that has been
produced in the relations between the landed proprie-
tors and the agricultural labourers, will be watched with
attention and anxiety, and will bring down on us that
interference to which we object, if our measures be not
in manifest conformity with the principles which have
worked out that change in our eternal Constitution. I
see no reason to suppose that jou will give cause for
such interference, and none, therefore, to anticipate its
occurrence. I cannot promise that the Imperial Par-
liament will not exercise its paramount authority, when-
ever it sees fit to do so ; but I can assure you, that it
has no desire to interfere without necessity, and is
anxious to avoid interference, and to limit its exercise
when unavoidable, within the narrowest bounds com-
patible with the due protection of all classes of the
community in this island. It. is in your power, I trust,
to prevent any emergency that would require or justify
such interposition. We have only to legislate for this
island according to the spirit of the age, and on the prin-
ciple of the perfect and equal freedom of every class of
its inhabitants.
" Not only the eyes of our own country, but those
of all the world, are upon us ; and the interest of
humanity, as well as the reputation of Jamaica, are in-
volved in our proceedings. The entire abolition of
slavery—the perfect establishment of freedom, which
was regarded by our country as an indispensable duty
to be performed at any cost, is watched in its operation
by other nations as an interesting experiment, and by
its result in this, the most wealthy and most populous
country in which it has been effected by the voluntary
act of the State, their future conduct with regard to
the same question will probably be guided. If we
make the emancipated population comfortable, con-
tented, industrious, and thriving, and promote, as we
can hardly in this case fail to do, the prosperity of
Jamaica, you will not only gain for this island an en-
viable reputation, but will also, it is probable, lead to
the eventual freedom and happiness of the incalculable
multitudes who are now, or hereafter may be, doomed
to bondage.
" In the Session before us, there will be much to oc-
cupy your attention, and require your utmost exertions.
There are expired laws to be re-enacted with such
modifications as the change of circumstances may re-
quire ; there are old laws inapplicable to our present
state to be rescinded or revised, and new laws to be
made adapted to our changed condition. I need not
enter into any detail on these points, your own know-
ledge will indicate better than I could all that is neces-
sary for the welfare of our island. It will be my duty
to bring to your notice such measures as have appeared
to her Majesty's Government to be essential to the
public good. It will be most satisfactory to me to find
that similar measures, or such as conceived in the same
just and benevolent spirit, may be more suitable to the
state of the island, originate spontaneously with you ;
but as you will necessarily have to deliberate on at least
some of the same questions, it may be expedient that
you should be put in possession of the documents, re-
lating to them, at an early period of the Session.
" I was about to enter on a review of the actual state
of the Island, and of the interesting questions which
agitate our community ; but I find that I should be
led into a discourse too lengthy for the present occa-
sion, and at the same time tedious to you, who are so
much better informed on all the subjects, on which I
could only have offered the uncertain impressions of a
stranger. Those questions nevertheless occupy my
anxious attention.
I deplore the losses which property, in many in-
stances, and chiefly in the sugar plantations is sustain-
ing, from the want of continuous or abundant labour ;
and I should be heartily glad, if any measure could be
devised to remedy this evil, consistently with the perfect
freedom of the labourers, and the true principles of po-
litical economy ; but this, I apprehend, must be re-
garded as one of those difficulties and distresses which
are everywhere beyond the reach of legislation, and
which only time and the operation of a sense of self-
interest can subdue or repair, I trust that more cheer-
ing days are in prospect, for those who now suffer. With
moderate rents and fair wages, with such alterations in
the system of agriculture, as the want of superabundant
manual labour may suggest, with an increasing popu-
tion, with the extinction of distrust and acrimonious
feeling, and the substitution of cordiality and attach-
ment, we may surely hope that this beautiful country,
so highly favoured by nature, will be prosperous and
happy.

Let us then strive, gentlemen, with one accord,
for the prosperity and happiness of Jamaica, as the
great object of our endeavours ; let us prom,)te them
by all means in our power—let us encourage industry ;
let us cherish the population committed to our care,
and do all that we can to make them virtuous and
happy in their freedom—let us foster their educa-
tion, and religious and moral instruction, for which
I am happy to learn numerous schools already
exist—let us give security to property, and do equal
justice to all classes—let us improve our Judicial aiol
Magisterial Tribunals, on which the happiness of the
people so much depends—let us furnish the means of
obtainingjustice to the poor as well as the rich—let us
mitigate our criminal laws—let us ameliorate the state
of our prisons—let us support all useful i.nstitutions for
the public good—let us endeavour to inereate the
number of our valuable productions, enlarge our com-
merce, and draw forth new sources of wealth—let us
put away from us all recollection of past differences with
the mother country—let us cordially co-operate in the
general views of the Imperial Government—let us allay
our own internal dissensions, and cultivate universal
harmony, the want of which must greatly impede our
prosperity,

" I am not so sanguine as to suppose that our best
exertions will be sufficient to accomplish all that is de-
sirable, but our united labours as a Legislature, and
individually by precept and example, as well as by good
laws, may do much ; and you, Gentlemen. will be able
to do more by your influence in your respective counties
and parishes. For the rest, we must rely on the good
sanse and good feeling of all classes of the inhabitants.
In undertaking the trust confided to me by our Most
Gracious Sovereign, I have been actuated by an anxious
desire to render service to my country, in contri-
buting, as far as my humble ability will allow, to the
welfare and happiness of this island. I cannot pretend to
be secure against error in the course I,f my administra-
tion ; but of this you may be firmly assured, that my
zealous endeavours will be unceasingly exerted for the
prosperity Jamaica, and that my own happiness will
be envolved in the result. My heartfelt wishes and
devoted efforts will, however, be of no avail without
your aid. It is on your wisdom, knowledge, and expe-
rience that I chiefly depend. On these I implicitly
rely, as well as on your patriotism. and on that loyalty
for which Jamaica has ever been celebrated, and ;
of brotnheorul:yr
united and honest endeavours in this, work
love, we may humbly hope that the I.l.essing of the Al-
mighty may be upon us, wit hint which all the attempts
If
of human frailty must ha vain,