The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-28 00:00:00

.N°. 22,231,

Now ready, in 1 vol., with Illustrations, 155., bound,

WINTER IN UPPER AND LOWER
EGYPT. By G. A. HOSKINS, Esq.,
"ro travellers recommended to explore the Nile in search
of health this volume will be invaluab'e. It abounds with
excellent practical advice and instruction—an advantage
which renders it anterior to all other Egyptian works of
travel we have met with."—Sun.
Hurst and Blackett, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

TILACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE
for OCTOBER, 1863. No. DLXXVI. Price 2s. 6d.

CONTESTS.

Tony Butler. Part I.
Caxtoniana.—Conclusion.
No. 25.—Readers and Writers.
No. 26.—0 n the Spirit of Conservatism.
No. 27. - Thoughts on Politics.
L' Envoi.
Sheridan Knowles.
To-day in Italy.
Harrow School.
Chronicles ci Carlingford : The Perpetual Curate.—
Part V.
Amen ! In the Cathedral, St. Andrews.
Gold and Social Politics.
William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London.

BENTLEY'S MISCELLANY.
The OCTOBER NUMBER contains
CARDINAL POLE.
OR, THE DAYS OF PHILIP AND MARY.
An Historical Romance.
By WILLIAM HARRISON AINSWORTH.
Book VIL—THE TREASURE-CHESTS. Chaps. I. to VII.
11. The Russian Magna VIII. Six Weeks at Hunsdon
Ch arta. Manor. Part 111.
111. 'h eves, the Belgicßome. IX. Oriental Embassies.
IV. Scent Memories. By X. The Ass Election. By
Francis Jacox. Edgar A. Bowring, C.B.
V. The Sicilian Vespers. XI. A Remote Corner of
VI. Baron Von Stockmar. Wales.
VII. The Pont Neuf. XIL A Night at the Caf6
Anglais.
d Hall, 103, Piccadilly.

London : Chapman

CIOLBURN'S NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE.
Edited by W. HARRISON AINSWORTH, Esq.
Contents for OCTOBER. No. DXIV.
I. Southwood Priory.
11. Tr e Shadow of Ashlydyat. By the Author of " East
Lynne." Part XXV.
111. Cleon. By Sir Nathaniel.
IV. Evening at the Land's End. By Nicholas Michell.
V. Twice Sacrificed. By Mrs. Bushby. Part 11.
VI. Killarney, and some Parts of the South of Ireland.
Part I. -
VII. Strathmore ; or, Wrought by his Own Hand. By the
Author of "Granville de Vigne." Part IV.
VIII. Madden.
IX. My own Experience of a Ghost.
X. Gipsies.
XI. Bayard.
MIL Reuan and D'Eichthal.
Chapman and llall, 193, Piccadilly.

T " 0 XF OR D,
6, OXFORD STREET, W.
THIS EVENING, will be performed Operatic Selections
from Sir Henry R. Bishop's THE SLAVE and Bellini's
SONN A MBULA.
Principal Artistes—Miss Russell. Miss Ellison, Messrs.
Green, Bernardi, Huish, &c., with full band and chorus.
Conductor, Mr. F. Jonghmans.
Flute Solos by Drew Dean &a.
Comic, by UNSWORTH ("or an; oiler man "), Eugene,
W. Randall, A. Lloyd, and George Hodson.
Alen, a Pei formarce by Herr S ATALKENBACH on his
wonderful instrument, the PIANO ORCHESTRE, contain-
ing a full baud of 40 instruments.
'The HALL has just been newly Decorated and Ventilated,
and is one of the most Beautiful in the Metropolis.
Open at 8 o'clock. Admission, 6d. ; stalls and balcony, ls. ;
private boxes, 10s. 6d.

CIANTERBURY HALL " GHOST."—In order
j to gratify the curiosity of nightly-increasing crowds,
Mr. C. MORTON has transferred the representation of Pro-
fessor Pc pper And Henry Dirks, Esq.'s, world-famed spectral
Illusion, " THE GHOST," from the ricture Gallery to the
Concert Hall, where a new and elegant stage is erected,
affording a more ample view of the Illusion from Stalls, Bal-
cony, and body of the Hall. He has also arranged for Mr.
A. Silvester to give (with all that gentleman's latest im-
Erovements and effects), REPRESENTATIONS EACH
VENING, at Ten o'clock.

All the other Musical and Pictorial attractions as usual,
including Operatic Selections, &c. ; Utsworth (the modern
Demosthenes), Eugene, Arthur Lloyd, George Hodson, &c.

POLYGRAPHIC HALL.-MISS HERAUD
and Herr KRUEGER'S celebrated SHAKESPE
RIAN ENTERTAINMENT 111uAtrative of THE PAS-
SIONS, interspersed with Descriptive Music, THIS EVEN-
ING, and every Evening, at Eight; Saturdays at Three.
Music by J. C. Beuthin, Esq. SoinS Miss Mabel Brent
31-rs, Beuthin, Herr Bonn, Mr. Page. Mr. Stedman, and Signor'
Nappi. An efficient chorus. Booking, &c., at the Hall, King
William-street, Strand, from Ten to Five, or Tickets of
Musicsellers.

ARGYLL ROOMS, Windmill•street, Piccadilly.
These elecant Rooms are NOW OPEN for the Winter
Season. They have been entirely redecorated.
Musical Director, Mons. Jullien, of monster concerts cele-
brity. The band )s selected from the Crystal Palace, the
Italian Operas, and the Household Troops of her Majesty.
Doors open at 8 o'clock.
Admission, Is.

Manager—M. GRENZT.

ROYAL ALHANIBRA PALACE. The
GHOST ! new version—The FAIRY FOUNTAIN—
Grand Divertissement—Favourite Opera Selections—NlCO-
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Evening.
Doors open at 7—commence at half-past 7.

110YAL ALHAMBRA PALACE. Great
Musical Attraction —lmmense success of SIGNOR
NICOSIA, the eminent Violinist, who will appear Every
Evening.

ITARPER TWELVETREES' GLYCERINE
SOAP POWDER makes its own Soap, and saves
one-half of time, two •thirds of Soap, and Viree-fourths of
labour! Patentee: Harper Twelvetr. es, Bromley•by-Bow,
London. Sold by Grocers, Druggists, and Oilmen.

TEA.—MOORE BROTHERS respectfully inti-
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MOORE BROTHERS, 35, London-bridge, City, E.C.

ORNAMENTS for the Drawing-room, Library,
nd pining-MOM, consisting of a new and e,eo•ant assort-
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Imported and manufactured by JAMES TENNANT, Mine-
ralogist to her Majesty, 149. Stand, W.C., Lonaon.
Mr. Tennant arranges elementary collections of SHELLS,
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DR. SCOTT'S BILIOUS AND LIVER
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Sold by W. Lambert, 8, King William-street, Charing-cross.
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ROYAL NATIONAL LIFE-BOAT
INSTITUTION
(Incorporated by Royal Charter).
PATRONESS—Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen.
PRESIDENT—Vice-Admiral the Duke of Northumberland,
K.G., F.R.S.
CITAIRMAN—Thos. Baring, Esq., M.P., F.R.S., V.P.
DEPUTY-CUAIRMAN—TheMaS Chapman, Esq., F.R.S., V.P.
APPEAL.
The Committee of Management have to state that, since
the beginning of the year 1860, the Royal National Lifeboat
Institution has expended £32,000 on various Lifeboat Estab-
lishments on the Coasts of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
The number of lives saved by the Life-boats of the
Society and other means, since its formation, is 12,800 ;
for which services 82 Gold Medals, 718 Silver Medals, and
.£16,480 in cash have been paid in rewards. The Institu-
tion has also expended £67,000 on Life-boats, Life-boat
Transporting-can iages, and Boat-houses.
The Committee desire to express their grateful sense of
the generous support which they have received from the
British public during the past few years, a support which
has enabled them to establish their present magnificent fleet
of 123 Lifeboats on the shores of the United Kingdom
Deeply sensible, however, of the great responsibility that
rests on them to maintain their fleet in a thoroughly efficient
which can only be effected by a large and permanent
state, and i' Crews practised in the management of their
l income, they earnestly appeal to all classes of their
boats
countrymen to aid them in upholding' and perpetuating so
Theeatandt
Committeerul n
hagtiroant
fluawy ork
acknowledge
the following con-
tributions:—

'.LIE SUN, LONDON, MO :\ DAY EV EN ING, SEPT +' MBER 28, 1863.

title of original partition, on the title of conquest, and
rejecting all those conditions by which by the treaty
3f Vienna that title was, as it were, accepted by
Europe. What may be the consequences of that act,
what conduct the different Powers of Europe may follow,
are not questions eti which I can properly enter. I merely
wish you to remerk the fact that those conditions which are
contained in the treaty of Vienna, by which Russia ob-
tained the kingeThra of Poland, have not been complied
with, and with the conditions of the tenure broken the title
itself can hardly be complied with. (Cheers.) There is
another question concerning our foreign relations on which
a good deal of misapprehension has very likely prevailed.
I mean the question of Mexico. It is said that there has
been intervention in Mexico, and that we took part in that
intervention ; now that word intervention is not unfre-
quently appplied with a great degree of looseness and con-
fusion to very different kinds of proceedings. There is an
intervention certainly when the subjects of a power are
wronged, and that power seeks redress for these subjects
when their property has been unjustly seized, or when the
persons of these suljects have been injured; but that in-
tervention is quite justifiable and indispensably necessary
—(cheers)—but there is another kind ofintervention against
which I have protested; and which I think is very rarely,
indeed, to be justified, and which generally finds its con-
demnation in the consequences which flow from it; I mean
intervention in the internal affairs of another nation to dic-
tate what form of government it shall adopt and who shall
be its rulers. In the former kind of intervention we have
taken part ; but immediately the latter kind was adopted
by one of the three powers concerned in these hos-
tilities in Mexico we at once parted company with our allies,
and have not since taken a part in the_ affairs of Mexico,
- (Hear, hear.) Such is our condition at the present moment.
If the people of Mexico approve of the intervention that has
taken place—if they like to set up a monarchy—if they all
like to obey—if they are willing to seek peace and prosperity
in Mexico on these conditions—l say with all my heart let
them do it—(cheers)--if they have adopted them, I say it
is no business of ours to contradict them ; but the people of
Mexico, however irregular their form of government has
been, and however the country has been deformed by acts of
robbery and violence, yet I do not think we have any right
to interfere with their own choice or their own form of go-
vernment. Well, gentlemen, I come now to another ques-
tion, a question interesting to us all, a question to which I
beg your attention, because I want to explain some circum-
stances in which I think the character of this country has
been maligned. lam speaking of what occurred in what a
few years ago were the United States of America. A few
years ago we we exulting in the prosperity of that country,
we were happy to see the people derived from the same an-
cestors as ourselves enjoying free institutions, enjoying ap-
parent harmony with one another, and with whom we had,
at least before the civil war broke out, hardly a difference—.
there was a difference about a small island called San Juan,
and which we proposed to refer to the arbitration of the
Swiss Republic. Such was the state of affairs when that in
which we certainly had no part broke out; nine of the
Southern States of America declared that they would form
an independent republic. Our course on this subject
has been attacked and blamed, sometimes in the bitterest
terms. Blamed sometimes by the Federals, sometimes by
the Confederates. The first offence was felt by the
Federal& They state that we had no right to grant, as
far as we were concerned, to the Confederate States the
rights of belligerents. Well, gentlemen, that question of
the rights of belligerents is a question of facts, and I put it
to you whether, with five millions of freemen declaring
themselves in states, and collectively an independent state,
we could pass it over as a petty rebellion? Our admirals
asked whether the ships they met bearing the Confederate
flag should be treated as pirates or not. If we had treated
them as pirates we should have been taking part in that
contest. (Cheers.) It was impossible, looking at it as a
community of five millions of people, to treat it as a mere
petty insurrection—(hear)--or as not having rights which
at all times have been given to those who by numbers and
importance, and the extent of territory they possessed, were
entitled to those rights. Well, it was said that we ought not
to have done it, because it was a community of slaveholders.
I trust our abhorrence of slavery is not in the least abated
or diminished—(cheers)—for my own part, I consider that
it is one of the most horrible crimes that yet disgrace
humanity, but when we are treating of the relations which
we bear to the communities of men, I doubt whether it
would be expedient or useful for humanity to introduce that
new element, declaring that we will have no relation with
a people that permits slavery to exist among them. We
have never adopted that yet—never adopted it with Spain
or Brazil, and I do not believe the cause of humanity would
b 3 served by -adopting it. (Cheers.) But tteleile-wartaid
that the Confederate States were rebels agalst the Union;
perhaps we are not so nice as we ought to be on that sub-
ject. But I recollect that we rebelled against Charles I. and
James 11., and that the people of New England, not con-
tent with these rebellions, rebelled against George 111. I
do not now say whether all these were justifiable or wrong.
I do not say whether the rebellion of the Southern States
is a justifiable insurrection—whether it is a great fact or a
great crime ; but I state the mere fact that a rebellion is
not in itself a crime of so deep a dye as to cause us to re-
nounce our relations with the people guilty of rebellion.
(Cheers.) But to look at the orations of New England
orators—and I have been reading lately, if not the
whole, at least the greater part of a long speech
by Mr. Sumner in New York, and I cannot but wonder that
this man, the offspring of three as we are of two rebellions,
should be speaking like the Czar of Russia, or Louis XIV.,
of the dreadful guilt of a crime of rebellion. Then comes
another complaint, and it tames from the so-called Confe-
derate States. It is said we have—contrary to the declara-
tions of Paris—contrary to international law, permitted the
blockade of 3,000 miles of American coast. It is quite true
we did so; and the presumable cause of complaint is quite
true—that, although the blockade is kept up by a sufficient
number of ships, yet these ships were sent into the United
States navy in a hurry, and were ill fitted for the purpose,
and did not keep up so completely as was required an effec-
tive blockade—(hear, hear)—still, looking at the law of na-
tions, it was a blockade we as a great belligerent power in
former times should have acknowledged—we ourselves had
a blockade of upwards of 2,000 miles—it did seem to me that
we were bound in justice to the Federal States of America
to acknowledge that blockade. But there was another rea-
son that weighed with me; our people were suffering severely
for the want of that material which was the main support of
their industry, and it was a question of self-interest whethe
we should not break that blockade. But in my opinion the
men of England would have been for ever infamous if, for
the sake of their own interest, they had violated the law of
nations, and made war in conjunction with these slave-hold-
ing states of America against the Federal states. (Cheers.)
I am not speaking sentiments which are peculiar to me, who
had no interest in the question, but such I believe to be the
sentiments of that noble-hearted people of Lancashire who
lived and flourished by that industry, but would not
sully a single spot on their escutcheon in order to the
maintenance of that industry. Well, gentlemen, we come
to new complaints on the part of the Federals that we
allowed ships to leave the port of Liverpool which after-
wards committed depredations on their commerce. It
would lead too far if I were to go into all the particulars;
but you must know that in order to prove you require evi-
dence—such evidence as might be sifted in a court of justice
—and it was not until the day the vessel left that we had
an opinion of lawyers sufficient to stop that vessel; and I
doubt that if even then we had brought it before a court of
law whether there would have been evidence sufficient to
condemn her, because, by an evasion of the law, the ship
was fitted up without arms or equipment, and that equip-
ment was conveyed to her in the waters of a foreign coun-
try, very far from the jurisdiction of this country. Gentle-
men; these questions must be weighed, and I think they
will be weighed, as they have 'oeen by the Government of
the United States of America, in the balance of equity.
(Hear, hear.) We know that the Foreign Enlistment Act
and the whole law respecting the subject is one of difficult
application. The principle is clear enough. If you are asked
to sell muskets you may sell them to one party or the other.
Guns, powder, cannons in the same way. If you are asked
to sell a ship you may sell it in the same manner; but if
you train and drill a regiment with arms in their hands, and
allow that regiment to go out with arms in their hands, and
to take part with one of the two belligerents, you violate
the neutrality, and commit an offence against the other
belligerent. So with regard to ships, if you allow a ship to
be armed, and to go out at once and make an attack on a
foreign belligerent, you are thus, according to your own
law, taking part in the war, and that is an offence which is
punished by the law; but these questions will lead, as you
will see, to most difficult problems—as, for instance, a thou-
sand persons here may go out as labourers to the Federal
States in one ship ; there may be a thousand muskets
go out in another ship, and when they arrive, those thou-
sand labourers, having had an understanding before, now
make a formal engagement with these States, and are
armed with these thousand muskets ; but if that had
been done in the territory of this country it would
have been an offence. There are other matters with regard
to ships that have lately been prepared within this country,
because these ships are not like ships that receive the usual
equipment ; they are not like vessels you sent in former
times of war, but are in themselves, without any further
armament, formed for acts of offence and war; they are
steam rams, which might be used for purposes of war with- j
out ever touching the shore of a Confederate port. Well,
gentlemen, to permit ships of this kind knowingly to depart
from this country, not to enter into a Confederate port, not
to enter the ports of a belligerent, would, as you see, ex-
pose oar good faith to great suspicion; and I feel certain
that if during our war with France the Americans had sent
out line-of-battle ships to break our blockade at Brest, what-
ever reasons they might have urged in support, we would
have considered it a violation of neutrality. Such is the
spirit i 4 71aich lam prepared to act, Ayerytjaing that the

A CRY FOR MORE MONUMENTS has been raised
in the following terms by the Atheneum :—There
is a sort of poetical felicity in the fact that there is about to
be erected in the Sandwich Islands a monument to Captain
Cook, whom his countrymen have, so far, forgotten to
honour. It is true that some of the greatest benefactors to
England remain uncommemorated, and peculiarly so of
those who have served her at sea—boasted to be her pecu-
liar element. Where is the public monument to Rodney,
to Duncan, or, out of St. Paul's, to Howe, Jervis, Shovel ?
Have any of the Arctic discoverers monuments to say how
great were their courage and endurance ? Dibdin, who
served his country in his way, has not even a stone with
his name on it erected at public charge. Above all, there
is the memory of the Author of . Robinson Crusoe'—a book
which has done infinite service towards making English
lads into sailors—entrusted to his works alone.

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emaciated to a skeleton. She is now, thank God, a perfectly
healthy, blooming, fleshy girl,—.N. Lange, Commissaire de
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lls ; 121 b, 225; 241 b, 40s. Barry du Barry and Co., No. 77,
Regent-street, London ; also Fortnum and Mason; and all
groom and ctepaista in every town of the IjuitedE-ingdOm4

Her Majesty the Queen • £ a. d
Campbell, the Hon. Mrs. G. ~ • • • • annual 50 C 0
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_,,. •.• • • annual 50 0
Coutts and Co., Messrs., Bankers .: • • annimi 11 0
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.. •• • 4th do n.lO o 0
don. 10 10 0
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Fenwick, G. J., Esq., cost of a Lifeboat and Trann.
Fanshawe, Vice-Admiral Sir A., K.C.B. .•:
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sporting Carriage • • .. .. .. -
Harvey, Rev. G. G. and Mrs. •• 250 0 0
• • ••
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Stirling, Col. Sir Anthony, K.C.B. .. .. annual 20 0
Thomas, Lady, Weston-super-Mare, collected by her
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Willoughby d'Eresby, Lord .. .. .. annual 50 0
Donations and Annual Subscriptions will be thankfully re-
: eived by the Bankers of the Institution, Messrs. Willis,
Percival, and Co., 76, Lombard-street; Messrs. Coutts and
Co., 59, Strand; sfessrs. Herres, Farquhar. and Co.. 16, St.
James's-street, London; by al the Collectors of Customs
and Bankers In the UnitedKlugdom; and by the Secretary
Richard Lewis. Esq. at the OffiCe 01 the illtititl4l9ll, 14,
John-street, Agelphi:L9Adcw, WA.; .

41 •
14, 4.
• •
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law of nations reciuires,everything that the present Foreign
Enlistment Act requires, I am prepared to do—even if it
should be proved to be necessary, for the preservation of our
neutrality, that the sanction of Parliament should be asked
to further measures that her Majesty's Ministers may still
add. In short, to sum up, we are prepared to do everything
that the duties of neutrality require, everything that is just
to a friendly nation, taking as a principle that we should do
to others as we should wish to be done unto ourselves.
(Applause.) But this we will not do. We will not adopt
any measures that we think to be wrong; wo will not yield
a jot of British law or British rights in consequence of the
menaces of a foreign power. And now, referring again to
the complaints that have been made. It is singular to ob-
serve how jaundiced is the mind of some of those who speak
in the New England States upon this subject. There
were some persons in the House of Lords who
thought fit to complain upon an apparent grievance,
and not one apparent cause, but many apparent causes
of grievances of ships of ours that had been seized,
iu some cases passing from neutral ports, in other cases on
the high seas, but apparently on legitimate voyages; and it
was urged that we should not submit to have our vessels
thus seized and our vessels thus interrupted. I had to deal
with that case ; and my answer was, that according to the
law of nations, if a ship had an ostensible voyage to a desti-
tination which was not her real destination, if she was bound
in effect to the enemy's port with munitions of war, that
belligerent had a right to stop that vessel on the high seas,
and said that law had been laid down by Lord Stowell and
other great English authorities, that it had been laid down
by those great English authorities in time of war, and that
now we were neutrals 1 did not think we should depart
from the law we had laid down as belligerents. I said that
although in America there were some of the local courts
which did not know the authority of such men as Lord
Stowell and Sir William Grant, there was a court of appeal
—the Supreme Court of the United States--which contained
and had contained for many years men as learned and of as
high a reputation for law and as unsullied a reputation for
integrity as any that had sat in our English courts of jus-
tice, and that we ought to wait patiently for the decision of
these tribunals. Now, what was my surprise, and what
will be your surprise, to find that Mr. Sumner has his mind
so prejudiced as to bring against me the charge that I have
attempted to diminish the reputation of the American
courts, and show myself biassed against the American states,
by the declaration I had thus made. I will not detain you
further on this subject, but one remark I must make—one
remark on the general tendency of these speeches and of
these writings in America. The Government of America
discusses these matters very fairly with the English Go-
vernment. Sometimes we think they are quite in the
wrong, and sometimes they say we are quite in the wrong.
We discuss them fairly. With regard to the Secretary of
State, I see no complaint to make. I think he weighs the
disadvantages and difficulties of our situation in a fair and
equal balance, but there are others—and that speech of
Mr. Sumner's is one of them, being an epitome of almost all
that has been contained in the press of America on the sub-
ject—there are others by whom our conduct is very diffe-
rently judged. I say, with regard to all these matters they
are difficult questions. We may have reason to complain
in some instances, and the Federal Republic of America
may have reason to complain in others. But let us recollect
that we are, as I have said, descended from the same ances-
tors, that in the courts of justice in America the common
law of England is constantly cited, the decisions of whose
judges aro constantly referred to as decisions ever respected
—(applause)—that our Shakespeare and Milton are to them
the classic books they are to us; that we have the same in-
heritance of freedom ; that many of our institutions—as you
may see by reading that excellent book of De Tocqueville's
—many of our institutions are identical; that the same spirit
of liberty animates us both; that though we, after our re-
volution, chose constitutional monarchy as our form of
government, and that though, after theirs they chose a
republic as their form of government, yet the community
have the same spirit of law, have the same spirit of liberty,
have the same spirit of freedom. We ought, when these
unhappy days are over, to embrace one another as friends.
We in the old world, and they in the new, ought to be lights
to promote the civilisation of mankind. (Loud applause.)
Now, gentlemen, with this feeling, I own I almost lose my
patience when I see men in what is called an oration heap-
ing up accusation, misrepresentation after misrepresenta-
tion, all tending to the bloody end of war between these
two nations. I cannot but say are they not satisfied with
the blood that has been shed in the field in the last two
years, with that field of Gettysburg, where 10,000 corpses
of men, mostly in the prime of manhood, lay stretch ed on
the ground, who had been vigorous. in the Jaarky -morn-
ifftenreli?,efa:) Are they not satisfied with this blood-
shed, but would they seek to extend to the nations of
Europe new days on which fresh sacraees are to be made
of human life, human interest, and I.:amen happiness I' Gen-
tlemen, I trust that will not be the case. (Cheers.) I know
at all events that my efforts, such as they are—weak they
may be, ineffectual I hope they will not be—but my efforts,
such as they are—will be directed to keep peace between
these two nations—to do everything which I think is just,
everything which I think is right, towards this people; and
I trust we shall be ready to meet an attack, if we are un-
justly attacked—ready to bear our part in the contest, if
contest there must be, but yet believing that we ought to
make every effort that all these various complications may
end in peace to the nations and in friendship. (Applause.)
I say, at all events, I shall have a conscience that I have
done my beat to preserve peace between these mighty na-
tions. Gentlemen, this is a great subject, It affects the
people in our part of tne world and of America. It affects
the future state of civilisation. It affects the well-being of
the black race, whom it was the crime of our ancestors to
introduce into America, and who, if these matters are
arranged, as I believe they will be, are fitted to be peaceable
and intelligent members of a free country, on behalf of
whose welfare we have been ready to make great efforts,
to sacrifice much. (Cheers.) But we will not sacrifice any
of those views of ours to mere pretence. (Applause.) We
have as strong a feeling for good of mankind as any people
can have; but we must maintain our own position, and my
belief is that the people of what were the United States,
whether they are called Federals or Confederates, will
finally do us justice, that they will observe, as they cannot
help observing, that in this free country, where there is so
much discussion and so much difference of opinion, there
are parties, very considerable in number, who sympathise
with the Confederates, and there are other large masses,
I believe superior in numbers, who sympathise with the
Federals ; but, whether sympathising with one or the
other, we have all impressed in our hearts the sentiments
of justice, and that we will do to others the justice we ex-
pect for ourselves,—(cheers)—and I hope I interpret the
feelings of your minds when I say that justice ought to
prevail. (Loud applause.)
The CHAIRMAN then proposed "her Majesty's Ministers."
Earl RUSSELL, in returning thanks, said—l have already
given an opinion, and an account of what have been our
doings with regard to foreign policy, and I do not think it
would be right in me to trouble you again with any long
remarks. My noble friend has very truly said that at pre-
sent there is no great dispute about principles. I do not
know that there is any great difference between the princi-
ples of Lord Palmerston and Lord Derby. Gentlemen, in
my humble opinion, Lord Palmerston governs a great deal
better than Lord Derby—(laughter)—naturally that is
my opinion as a member of Lord Palmerston's administra-
tion ; but with regard to domestic policy I think we are all
pretty much agreed, because the feeling of the country and
of those who have conducted great reforms is very much
like that of the man who having made a road in your own
highlands put a stone on the top of the mountain with an
inscription, "Rest and be thankful." (Laughter.) That
seems to be very much like our feeling, not that there are
not other roads to make and other mountains to climb, but
it seems to be the feeling of the country, in which I cannot
help joining, that our policy is rather to "rest and be thank-
ful," than make new roads. (Cheers.)

22~ l

STAMPED ....sd.

TIiAITESCIVING FOR TEE HARVEST.

__,G..____-_

The following circular has been issued by the
Bishop of London :

" Palace, Bangor, Sept. 36.
" Rev. and dear Brother,— There scorns now to be no doubt
that throughout the country we have been blessed with an
abundant harvest. It is natural and right that we should
return thanks to God for His goodness.
"If I requested all the clergy of such a diouss as London
to set apart one specific day for a Thanksgiving service, I
might be interfering with important parochial arrange-
ments already made and announced, I prefer, therefore,
to request you to communicate with the clergy of your
deanery, and to set before them how desirable I think it
that, if they have not already done so, they should, when
the present season of comparative vacation is ended, and
their chief parishioners have returned to their homes, each
of them select for themselves some convenient :•unday or
other day on which their people's hearts may ho stirred to
thoughts of our dependence upon God for all daily blessings,
and to gratitude for His goodness. The very fact that, from
the peculiarity of our diocess, so few comparatively of our
people have the sight of the harvest, with its anxieties
brought before their eyes, may make such an observance only
the more desirable fur us.

44 The ordinary service of our Church, with the Holy
Communion and suitable hymns and sermons will afford us
sufficient opportunity for the expression of the feelings
suitable to such a day.

"As it is not improbable that at this season of the year
some of those to whom this circular is addressed may, like
myself, be absent from their homes, I shall endeavour to
have it published in the newspapers, in order to avoid any
unnecessary delay in making my wishes known to the
clergy.

"Believe me to be, Rev. and dear Brother, yours very
faithfully, "A. C. LONDON."

SCIENTIFIC BALLOONING.

Lord Wrottesley, Sir J. Burgoyne, and a large number of
the local gentry were present on Saturday at the Stafford-
road works of the gas company at Wolverhampton, expecting
to ace Mr. Glaisher make the last scientific ascent this sea-
son on behalf of the Balloon Committee of the British As-
sociation, under the guidance of Mr. Coxwell, and in the
mammoth balloon of that clever aeronaut. It had been in-
tended to make the ascent on Friday, but when Mr. Glaisher
came down from London it was discovered that some repairs
were required to the balloon. By the time they were com-
pleted a thunderstorm prevailed, and Mr. Coxwell deemed
it imprudent to venture up whilst the atmosphere was so
highly charged with electricity. On Saturday the prepara-
tions for the inflation commenced at five in the morning,
and it was being successfully proceeded with up to eleven
o'clock, when it was found that owing to undue despatch
the valve• line had escaped from the arm of the man who
was holding it, and a large quantity of gas escaped. Whilst
the valve-line was being sought for the balloon became
slightly rent. By the time all was again taut upwards of
30,000 of the 50,000 cubic feet of gas that had been let into
the balloon had escaped, and it was nearly one o'clock. A
consultation was held, but as Mr. Coxwell could not pro-
mise that the arrangements would be complete to enable
Mr. Glaisher to leave the earth before five o'clock, the as-
cent was postponed until to-day (Monday). If the weather
of to-day should prove unpropitious, then the proposed as-
cent will be abandoned.