The Sun.
London, England, 1830-11-15 00:00:00

linglon anti sir tobert Peel have loudly declared that
they would never consent to a Parliamentary Reform ;
that the Government would have recourse to military
force to preserve the old and absurd principles of the
English Constitution. Never was there a tbatration
more at variance with Parliamentary usage and Ministerial
ability delivered to the Parliament and the nation. This
ought not to tttoniah us—the Duke of Wellington
has not changed. Ile is still the man of the Holy Alli-
mice ; the Minister does not differ from the Pield Marshal
of Waterloo. We do nut modify easily the first opinion%
of our political life. It appears to'us that the only pos-
sible Means of avoiding a disagreeable conflict between the
Reputation of London and the Government, is the dietnis•
mon of the Duke and the remotion of a Whig Cabinet."
We observed that if Ministers really entertained no design
to interfere with Belgium, after the language put in the
King's mouth, they would not receive credit for their in-
tentione,and that it would be believed that they enter-
tained the worst passible designs, but that they had been
compelled to ehantion them. This charitable interpreta-
tion has, as we anticipated, suggested itself to the Perisfan
Jeurnelist. .The Constitutionnet says, " Whatever may
be the issue of the poplar movement which- has broken
out in Londe's, We may consider it as a sure guarantee of
external peace. It appears certain that the probabilities of
an armed intervention in the affairs of the Continent, and u
profound antipathy against the Ministry of Wellington,
chief of the Burepean Aristocracy, ought to be placed in the
number or motives which have roused the indignation of
the t neat people. If a revolution proceeds from the
present crisis, the Aristocracy asst vanquished, and we shall
no longer have to dread their affections and their influ-
ence. If the iesult is only a aline of Ministry, there
will be also a change of political system ; and, fur a long
time at least, we should not have to dread the British
diplomacy. Suppose even, What appears at present pro-
bable, that the present Ministry overcomes the resistance;
after such a convulsion, it Will be under the fleet silty of
reapreting public opinion, calming men's minds, and
deifying its projects, if they exist, against the independ-
ence and lan rty of the nations. In either of these
hypotheses, the result will be, that external peace will not
be troubled; for England once out of the question, no
Power would dare to enter the lists with France,
tend support the 'formidable aspect of the tri-coloured
standard." The Journal des Debats, though it does not con-
sider a revolution, in the true sense of the word, actually
at hand, still believes that the Affair must have been very
serious. " The popularity of William IV. (it observes)
is great, and deserved in England. Let not the Ministers
risk it against the chances of a political obstinacy hence-
forward very incompatible with the repose of their country.
The troubles of the city may be appeared, the troops may
return to their barracks, the Bank be re-opened to !specu-
lation; but there will always remain this grave fact—that
one: day the English Ministers were obliged to dissuade
a popular King from paying to the city the visit which he
had promised to it. This fact is important, with the
state of irritation of the public mind in London and in the
provinces. We shall put up ardent prayers that the con-
sequences may not be more fatal than a Ministerial revo-
lution. We make allowances for all that the force of the
institutions of England offers to tranquillize us ; but we
should view with terror the prolongation of such a crisis,
and we wait with anxiety the denouement." The Ga-
zette de France thinks that what has taken place in Eng-
land, indicates a strong diepositmn, on the part of the
people of England, to pillage, and that a Revolution in
"England would be the signal for universal spoliation. We
may be assured, that the revolution of London, trumpeted
forth in this manner, will not serve to give stability to the
tottering thrones of the Continent. What asinine imbecility !
...Morning Chronicle.
" I place, without retervaret your disposal my interest
in the Hereditary Revenues, and in those funds which
I may be derived front any Droits of the Crown or Mini-
ratty, front the West India Duties, or from any casual
revenues, either in my foreign possessions or in the
United Jcinjjdoes." Such are the words in which, speak-
' ing by the mouth of his Majesty, Ministers announced to
the House of Commons the cession which, on the part of
the Crown, they were prepared to advisees the foundation
for and preparatory to a new settlement of the Civil I.ist.
In what more general and comprehensive language the
revenues of the Crown could have been described, or how
the most unreserved unconditional surrender of those reve-
nues could have been more distinctly announced, we are
at a loss to iMagine ; nor would it have been credible that
any men, even the Members of this Cabioet, with all their
inaptness in this choice of language proper to be employed
in the great and solemn Illanifestnee of Government,
should have conceived the preposterous notion of recon-
ciling with a renunci Alen, au, specific and redundant
even to tautology, the reservation which, by the speech of
Mr. Goulhurn, on Friday night, appears to be now intended.
In vain does Sir Robert Peel outrage common sense, by
attempting to divide the Royal Person into two distinct
and separate essences; arguing that the surrender which
his Majesty announces from the Throne binds him
only in his Kingly character, and not as Duke of
Lancaster. Among Sir R. Peel's farmer constituents, the
pedants and theologians of the cloisters of Oxford, such a
distinction may possibly be recognised ; but beyond those
cloisters, where, except in the dialectical brain of Sir
Charley Wetherell, can such quibbling he understood ?
How is hie Majesty, Duke of Lancaster ? Why, as King;
and shall he not, thee, addressing the assembled States of
the realm, be deemed to speak of all that appertains to
him in that kingly character? But it is said that his Ma-
jesty is Duke of Cornwall no less than Duke of Lancaster ;
yet, nobody conceives him, by the Speech from the Throne,
to have renounced the revenues arising from Cornwall ;
why then should he be supposed to have signified an in-
tention to give up those of the other Duchy ? For this
plain reason, that his Majesty has in the Duchy of Corn-
wall only a defea,iblo interest, what lawyers call, a base
fee; art estate liable to be divested at any moment by the
birth of a sin (the Duchy of Carmel, by a course of in-
heritance, contrary to the rules of common law, but
created by the force and strength of en ancient Act of
Parliament (see the Ptince's case, S Coke) pasting out of
the King, and shifting to hi* first-begotten son and his
heir app trent on the instant of his birth, without other
grant or conveyance whatsoever.) The Duchy of Corn-
wall is not, therefore, his Majtsty's to part with ; but it is
far otherwise with the Duchy of Lancaster, the estate in
which is indissolubly and irrevocably vested in the person
of the Sovereign, and of which his Majesty's tenure
is co-existent with his enjoyment of the Crown. Sir IT.
Peel refers to other King's Speeches anti settlements of
the Civil List, and proposes to read his present Majesty's
Speech, and construe his present Majesty's surrender by
the light of those; but in the paragraph next succeeding
the large, and cemprehensive surrender which we have
cited, the King distinctly excepts against any such mode
of interpretation, by signifying his consciousness of bay..
ing surrendered revenues " which haVe in former settle'.
ments of the Civil List been reserved." But whatever
erroneous inferences might have been drawn from the lan-
guage of the Speech, ought to been correctied, it is urged,
by an intimation of the real meaning given in the !dupe of
a reply to a question put by an Honourable Member, across
the table ; just as if this species of casual and informal in.
formal intimation of the intentions of Ministers were to
countervail the solemn and authentic declaration put into
his Majesty's mouth, and of which, " to guard against
mistakes, Mr. Speaker procures a written copy:" in
point of fact, the answer to Mr. Harvey's question passed
unnoticed ; and the effect of the whole proceeding has
been to betray the King into a Cabe position, the word.
suggested to Isle Majesty importing a more ample and Wise
sal conceseism than was intended; the House ot Commons
being deceived; and the hopes of the people excited only
to be baulked i just as in respect of our foreign relations
their fears were wantonly awakened by hints of maintain.
ing general treaties, and a certain political system, the
alarm ocensiuned by which, not all the asseverations stud
dasavowals of attains members of the Cabinet are sufficient
entirely to dissipate.e—Mornisty Chronicle.
It will be seen by our Parliamentary report, that both
Mr. Spence and the Solicitor-General have given notices
of measures to be submitted to the House of Commons
after Christmas, on the subject of the Court of Chancery.
We trust the House will not longer suffer itself to be
trilled with by such ill-considered propositions as those the
Chancellor launched in the late Session, and which his
I Lordship, heving so lauttelied, abendoned with a careless
facility, more suitable to tins slender merits of those prop-
&Worts, than is the vehement pledges for thorough and
effective refine which bird Lytelburet has, ever since he
became connected with Courts of Equity, as Master of
the Rag drul in his present high station, been repeating
toque ad nauseam, If the measures for reform of our
Courts of Equity in his contemplation were peeper to be
announce(' in'the King's Speech to the late Parliament,
why were they not so dutch as alluded to in his present
hiejesty's opening Speech to the New Parliament? Or
were the purposes of this weak anti incapable Administra-
tion attained m appealing to national diseontent by the
mere promise ot Improving this important department of
the public service ; and Is it to Mr. Spettee'e. laudable ac-
tivity that wet owe the movement, on the part of the Go-
vernm.nt, now indicated by the Solicitor-General's no-
that ? Mean'time, five Judges, enjoying salaries aniount.
ing to little short, in all, of !WOOL per annum, met on
Friday morning in the Court- of Exchequer, and after
sitting about five-end-twenty mieutes, rose and departed,

having concluded the labours of the day. Such is the
discreet economy, and such the judicious frugality, with
which the finances of the country are hushinded ! We
said that the present appointment of an additional Baron
to the Exchequer would be monstrous. That appointment
ties taken place, and we ask how ehe can it be dame-
terised?—/Iforning Chronicle.

We have received a pamphlet published by Mr. Ridgway,
under the title of " A Letter addressed to his Majesty's
Ministers on the State of the county of Kent," by a
Freeholder of Kent. The writer observes, " that the evil
is deeply rooted; it springs from a source which no half
measures can rectify ; and the terms on which you have
expressed yourselves respecting it proves the imperfect in-
formation which you possess. 'With a peasantry in a state
ofstarvntion, the bayonet has lostmore than half its terrors;
and it is idle to expect the farmers, who are themselves
nearly reduced to pauperism, to increase the wages of the
labourer by way of appeasing his discontent. More than
one parish in a very limited district has already declared
its utter inability to comply with the wishes of the Magis-
orates to this Act, and it may be doubtful how far the
Magistrates have any power to enforce it. The inevitable
result must be, that the whole burthen will ultimately fall
upon the landlord." We have already condemned, in strong
terms, the mean conduct of the Magistracy—which is be-
sides utterly irreconcileable with the plainest dictates of
common sense. The writer observes further, The dtspe•
ration of the peasantry has been plainly expressed, and the
opinion of the class immediately above them has been no
less unequivocal. Among nearly 300 farmers assembled at
Maidstone, to be sworn as special constables' not more
than forty could prevailed upon to take the oath, and of
these no more than ten would act ; many declaring
openly that they considered the cause of the rioters
as their own; that they had repeatedly, but in vain,
petitioned for a redress of their grievances, and that
they were become indifferent to the result. Some
even of those who did their utmost to put down the
rioters, disapproved more of the manner than the mutter of
their demands; and you may rest assured that all
classes who do not live upon the taxes will, at no distant
period, unite in telling you that something must be done,
and that by:refusing to listen to them, you more than risk
the safety of the country." These are alarming indica•
tions. The views of the writer of this pamphlet are shared
by a correspondent of the Times of Saturday, from
'Sussex :

" The risings where they occur (he observes), arc now with
the ostensible view of reducing the tithes and crams (taxes),
without a diminution of which, the men say, their wages can.
not be paid. In short, they seem convinced that;in the case of
the petty farmers, the latter are nearly as:badly offas themselves;
and it is shrewdly suspected by some, that these conflagrations
are viewNl with comparative indifference by some of the farmers,
even when they happen on their own farms ; the hay and corn
destroyed may be nominally theirs, but they are really the land-
lord's, to whom they are pledged for arrears of rent."—Morning
Chronicle.

The general principle of the proposed Civil List is now
before the country, though it will hereafter, no doubt, un-
dergo a rigid discussion, and perhaps be subjected to some
slight changes hereafter. The principle is this—that in
lieu of the hereditary revenues of the Crown, amounting,
it is estimated, at the present time, to upwards of
800,0001., a civil list shall be grunted of above
1,000,0001. in round numbers. But then of that
1,000,0001. the King can only be said to take to himself
something short of one half, as under the following
heads :

Privy Puree
Great Officers of the Household 140,000
Tradesmen's bills

Total amount £460,500
The rest is applied to the payment of Judges' and Am-
bassadors' salaries, and other objects which are of a public
rather than of a personal or private nature. The reduc-
tion is, as we stated briefly on Saturday, 160,0001. per
annum : this is to be the whole tetrenelinaent upon the
Civil List ; but then there is an establishment for the
Queen, estimated at 100;000/., and this sum of 100,000/.
is nut to be added to the Civil List, but is to be comprised
within it, after it is diminished by the amount above stated of
160,0001. The next subject for consideration is the cotters-
s:on on the part of the Crown of the droits of Admiralty, the
44 per cent. duties, and other casual revenue, thus an-
nounced in the King's speech on the opening of Parlia-
ment_.-." I place, without rtstervi, at your disposal, my
interest in the hereditary revenues, and in those funds
which may be derived from any droire of the Crown or
Admiralty, from the West India duties, or limn any emul
revenues, either in my foreign possessions, or iu the
United Kingdom." Hereupon a discussion arose, whe-
ther the revenues of the Duchies of Lancaster and Corn-
wall were not, or ought not to be, included in the term
" hereditary revenues." That they were not meant to be
bestowed by the donor, or those who made the donation
for him, is now but too plain. That they were meant or
expected to be received, we cannot conscientiously say,
at least we certainly never thought of them. Propriety
and right are different points as connected with the
question. With respect to the duchy of Cornwall par-
' oculatly, it would nut, we apprehend, have belonged
to the King, in case he had hail a sou of age. The last
Mince of Wales, on his coming of age, put in a claim
for the whole of the revenues which had accumulated
during his minority. It is not yet matter of discuarium
what may be the amount of the revenues of the too
Decilitre or of either of them ; but we do not observe in
Mr. Goulburn's speech that any estimate is given of the
rest of the donation made by the King—the West India
duties and droits of Admiralty : front which circumstance
the public will begin to apprehend that the amount is but
small, and more especially as the droits of Admiralty have
been pretty tvell drained, and there is no froth influx into
the cistern front captures made before a declaration of war.
One saving arises at the Commencement of the present
reign, as compared with the opening of the last—that
there is no great provision to be made now for the servants
of the departed Sovereign. His present Majesty may be
said to hive come to the Crown almost front a private
station, so that he could not probably do better than eon-
Untie the servants of his late brother in their several cm-
copatione. George IV. mounted the throne with a pretty
expensive establishment of his own, so that he was obliged
to remove the servants of his deceased parents, and fix
them on the nation as pensioners. The provision to the
domestics of George 111. and Queen Charlotte after the
demise of the Royal pair, amounted to 40,0001. That
for the domestics of George IV. will, from the cause
which we have just specified, not exceed 5,0001. The
debate will be resomed this evening.—Times.
The statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer rela-
tive to the Civil List requires some commentary to render
it intelligible, which we shall endeavour to supply, being
not disposed to consider a financial statement profound in
proportion to its obscurity, or to consider that mystifica-
tion in these matters can serve any other purposts.than to
cover incapacity or delusion. When we made some obser-
vations on the Speech from the Throne, the variety of
topics which it embraced prevented us at that time from
doing more than touching slightly upon the passage in re-
ference to the Civil List---the attempted exposition of the
Minion- of Finance has made the subject more difficult
than it was before. We shall endeavour to simplify it, and
to render the subject more intellit,ible to reader* in general
than it has yet heeu made by any explanation in Parlia-
ment or elsewhere. For this purpose, and to make the
real value of the portion of Crown revenue surrendered by
his Majesty clearly understood, we must give a histotical
sketch of the Civil List, and show of what it consisted,
and to what use it was applied in former ages and in
modern times. It is not necessary to go farther back than
the reign of Winfred), when the Civil List included all the
public expenses, and, consequently, the payment of the
Army and Navy, though it was then no higher than
600,0001. per annum. In the reign of Charles I, we find
it increased to 800,0001., and in that of Charles 11.
to 1,200,0001. Out of the latter sum the annual charge
for the Army and Navy was 800,0001., leaving 400,0001
only for defraying all the other public expensed, both thoa,
peculiarly belonging to the King's establishment and those
belonging to the State. In the reign of James 11. it was
nominally the same amount, but W4l in reality nearer to
1,600,0001., besides a grant of additional Custom's by Par-
Nutrient, which amounted to 400,0001. Out of these sums
the charge of the Army and Navy, was 1,100,0001., Irate-
public expensee, It was
aisout 800,0001. fur alt the
took
itself
fount::
de the
a;Cuneitvetainil
not until the Revolution that the payment of the army
illiam
aLliisdt,eaLyd was
timn stiz rl rat:laden ftrotmoomt
maintenance of those branches of the machinery of the
State, and settled upon King
Mary a Civil List revenue of 70000/. That Civil List
revenue consisted of the produce of certain brandies of the
Excise and Custoins, the Yost-office, thy duty
on
wine
licenses, the revenues of Crown lands, the profits arising
from Courts of Justice, together with an annuity of
120,000/. in money. If those sources of revenue failed at
any time to amount to the stipulated sum which was
fixed as the minimum of the King's revenue, Patils.
meat was pledged to make the deficiency good. The
Civil List continued at the alum nominal amount
in the reigns of Queen Anne anti George. 1., but
in the reign of George 11. the minimum was fixed at
800,000 L, and so continued to the elan of his reign. It
wits not until the reign of George 111. that the Cis ii List
Was placed upon the principle in which it has since con
tinned. -
That King was the hat who, under the advice of
Ministers, surrendered to the disposal of Parlimment

his hereditary revenues, in lieu of which 800,000/. was
settled on him by Parliament as a Civil List Revenue,
which, in the 17th year of his reign, was increased: to
900,0001. We need not state how this was increased,
until, in the last reign, it amounted to upwards of
1,200,0001. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his
zeal f'r " simprfication," has made the Civil List a sort
of financial monster with " ten heads," and with a far
greater number of ho:ns than the " beast in the Revela-
lions ;" but then the sum which Parliament is to vote for
its 'support is only 970,0001. Let us see whether this
bears out the professions of economy which bad been so
lavishly thrown out to quiet the clatnours of the public.
His late Majesty's Civil Liat, including what was derived
from Irish and Scotch revenue, amounted to upwards
of 1,200,0001. As we have stated, out of this his Ma-
jesty had to pay certain charges, which are not to bg in-
cluded in the proposed Civil List—for instance, a por-
tion of the salaries Of the Judges, the salary of the
Speaker of the House of Commons, and the 'greater part
of the expenses of the Consular Department, which are
not to be paid out of the new Civil List, but out of the
Consolidated Fund. Nor is the new Civil List to 'be
charged with the payment of any portion of the salaries
of public officers, the greater part of whose salaries is at
present paid out of the Consolidated Fund, but the whole
is to be chargeable on that fund. Thus we believe that,
when the difference between the payments chargeable
upon the new Civil List and that of the late reign come
to be taken into account, the reduction will be found to be
very trifling, and nothing like the 200,0001., which'
the Ministerial Papers said, some time ago, his Majesty
meant to give kick to the country. As to the sur-
render of the hereditary revenues of the Crown, that
is no sacrifice on the part of his Majesty. The two
preceding Kings had placed them at the disposal
of Parliament, on the consideration of obtaining a
fixed instead of a fluctuating revenue. They had so
placed them at the disposal of Parliament for the term to
which the Civil List is limited in each reign—namely, for
their respective lives. If his present Majesty did not
follow their example, then it would be necessary that Par-
liament should follow the precedent established in the
reign of George 11.—that is, of allowing 120,000/. to he
settled on the King, as a clear annuity, in addition to the
hereditary revenues, and stipulating that if the whole to.
gether fill below 800,000/., to make good the deficiency.
It is only on the condition of his hereditary revenues that
he could have any claim whatever to such a sum as that
now proposed to constitute the Civil List or any thing
like it. So far no sacrifice—no concession whatever has
been made. But then the King gives up the Droits of
the Admiralty, which we were aware must be very small
in time of peace, and which, with. the casual revenues,
&c., Mr. Hume has shown. do not amount to more than
an annual sum of 24,000/. Toile& a paltry sum has
boasted concession dwindled down ! As to the 44 per
cent. duties, it appears the return is till / and that if
there were any return, it would be payable in support
of the West India hierarchy ; to that, as Mr. Hume
justly observed, his Majesty's Ministers have advised him
to surrender to the country what did not belong to him.
No one but the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who im-
mortalised himself by the Sugar Duty scheme of last Sea.
sion, could make so ridiculous a blunder ! We quite agree
with Mr. Brougham and the other Members, who think
that a deception has been practised on the public by the
statement in the Speech which Ministers put into the-
King's mouth, stating that he placed at the disposal of
Parliament all his interest in the hereditary revenue, with-
out reserve, and which statement is now said not to in-
include the Duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall. We are
aware that the hereditary revenues, both ordinary and ex-
traordinary, chiefly consists of both ecclesiastical and lay
perquisites distinct from the income of landed property,
and also of certain taxes ; but most certainly the income
derived from the demesne lands of the Crown .are as much
a put of the hereditary revenue, as a Bishop's first-fruits,
or the fees in Courts of Justice ; and we have yet to learn
how the income from the Duchy courts is less a part
of the hereditary reveuue, either in point of law, or
common-sense, then the rent of forest or demesne lands
of the Crown. It is not a technical quibble that can
save Government in this instance from the charge of inten-
tional deception. We are also decidedly of opinion that, as
theexpenc+ got the army and navy had been formerly separated
from the Civil List, and the salaries ofJudges, of the Speaker,
and of Consuls, are now to be separated, there is no good
reason why all other public expences, save those of the
King's Household, should not be provided fur indepen•
ilently of the Civil Litt—that the public might know.;
whit the expences of the Royal Establishment really are,
awl also to prevent the grievance of all those other ex..
pi.-nees being fixed upon the country for the life of his Ma-
jesty, as forming part of the Civil List, and consequently
during the present reign being incapable 'of reduction,
however jest or necessary. As to the saving a f 160,0001,
which the Chancellor of the Exchequer states is to take
place in the whole of the Civil List, such is the complica-
tion of his plan and the confusion of hie statement, that
we cannot understand by what process of calculation he
makes it out. In one part of his speech be says there
was a saving of 88,0001. (we speak' in round numbers)
effected in the Civil List. He then proceeds tau inform the
House that the sums allowed to the Duke and Duchess
of Clarence, amounting to upwards of 51,000/, charge-
able on the Consolidated Fund, would cease, and that thus
the saving would amount to 139,0001. ; and then, add.
ing to this latter sum the difference between the pen-
sions chargeable on the new Civil List and the former
one, which, we suppose, he estimates at 22,0001., in
consequence of the expiration of certain charges which
may now be got rid of, he makes the total saving,
which we Have before stated, of 161,000/. But
surely there never was a grosser, or, indeed, a
more stupid delusion attempted to be practised on a
people, who had credit for possessing the least poolible,
share of understanding, than to calculate the expired pen-
sions to the Duke and Duchess of Clarence as among the
savings of the new Civil List compared with the old. We
should have thought this too absttrd an artifice even for
the Right Hon. Henry Goulburn to attempt. The demise
of the Crown put an end to the existence of the Duke of
Clarence—there is no such personage now in England.
This pension, and that of the Duchess, could, in no case,
survive to the Crown, for it was never settled on the
Crown. To take credit for these items of expired expen-
diture, is to maintain the monstrous proposition that Mi-
nisters, if they pleased, could have had the Civil List
settled on the King and Queen, and their pensions, us
Duke end Ductless el Clarence, also continued to them.—
Admirable specimen of financial ratiocination ! It is, in
fast, impossible to understand the statement of the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, without a Select Committee to
examine the subject. item by item. It may then be ascer-
tained what the difference, in reality, is between the new
Civil List and that extravagant one which had preceded
it. We believe the difference will be found to be very
little indeed—certainly nothing like what it ought to be,
if we take into account the difference between the value
of the currency at the present day and when thut Civil
List was settled. But, above all things, it is necessary
that his Majesty's household expences should be kept this-
tinct from all other branches of the public expenditure.—
Morning Herald.
There are few men more proficient than Mr. Brougham
in the arts which tend to impart to the public character
and exertions of an individual an undue degree of import-
:ince, and to obtain for them an excessive celebrity. If
the public regard with indifference the efforts and the
sacrifices of the Learned Gentleman, nothing can be inure
certain than that it is no fault of his; for assuredly never
dirrany man strive more uaremittingly or more dexte-
rously to extol the value of hie own labours, to magnify the
dangers with which the stern and rugged path of his publin
duty is beset, or to enhance the temptations against which
he has painfully and succeeefully struggled, rather than
abandon for a moment wKat he considers his useful and
patriotic course. We recollect ti-at on some occasion or
other in the course of the last Session the Learned
Gentleman produced a good deal of amusement in
Parliament, and iu society out of doors, by gravely
asserting that nothing but his inflexiblee adherence to
political principle* had prevented him from tilling the
very highest legal situation in the gift of the Crown;
which be gave his hearers to understand had been dis-
tinctly offered to hitu, and most magnanimously and pa-
triotically rejected. Every body laughed at the self-de-
nisi of time Learned Oenlleman, but no one was heard, to
doubt that the resolute practice of this virtue in the case
supposed would have given him a very substantial claim
to the character of a public benefactor. In the present
Session the difficulty to the Learned Gentleman of main-
taining the narrow and arduous path of duty is, it appears,
of an entirely opposite character. It is no longer the
splendid vision of high judicial rank and political power
which flits boors his disturbed imagination, but the dreary
And cheerless prospect of the foes of briefs and of fees,
which, placing in conflict the interests of the advocate
and the duty of the senator, vastly exalts of course the
merit of him who without hesitation or regret sacrifice+,
the former to the latter. Mr. Brougham intimates that
be is threatened with 4 combination of the attorneys to
deprive bhn of his practice is he persists in hi, Bill for the
better administration of justice in the inferior Courts.—
We believe that the great body of the attorneys in London
are persons quite 44 tespectable as the Learned Gentlemen
himself, and quite as little liable to the suspicion of ail
voosting any pernicious, or resisting any useful change in

the administration of justice, from any interested or sin is-
-1 ter motives. If a large proportion of the practitioners of the
I law disapprove of Mr. Brougham's proposed alterations,
it is no doubt their duty to say so much. If a large pro- .
portion of these skilful, able, and experienced men see in
the proposed alterations so much of rashness, of indiscre-
tion, of manifest inexperience, folly, or presumption, as to
abate their confidence in the professional qualifications of
the advocate who urges Parliament to adopt them, this
also, we suppose, they have a right to say and to chew
without any breach of the privileges of the House. The
idea of a conspiracy among the attorneys to punish Mr.
Brougham for proceeding in a measure likely to be bene•
finial to the public, merely because it is supposed to mili-
tate against the interest of the legal profession, is revolting,
preposterous, and libellous in the highest degree. If this
be the idea which the complaint of the Learned Gentleman
is intended to suggest—and we cannot extract from it any
other intelligible meaning—he may fairly, we think, be
charged with an assumpt ion of superiority in legal know-
ledge and experience, as well as in political purity and
disinterestedness, to the body whom he would thus have
denounced, to which his warmest partisans can scarcely,
we suppose, consider him entitled. However lightly Mr.
Brougham may profess to think of the professional judg-
ment or the public virtue of attorneys, even he will scarcely
venture to arrogate to himself the monopoly of those quali-
ties to the exclusion of other barristers who can meet
him on the floor of the House of Commons ; and if the
latter description of persons should happen to coincide with
the attorneys, it is evident that the Learned Gentleman,
after his recent bouncing and blustering, will cut a very
ridiculous figure. The result of the whole matter we ex-
pect will be, that saving that part of Mr. Brougham's Bill
which provides for the more easy recovery of small debts,
the measure will be scouted by every member of the pro-
fession..--the Learned Gentleman liiinklf, and perhaps Mr.
O'Connell, who loves mischief fur its own sake, only ex-
cepted. It will be recollected that some time ago Mr.
Secretary Peel introduced a Bill into Parliament, which
was read a first time and printed, to facilitate the recovery
of small deists. The principle of this measure Mr. Brougham
has incorporated in his more comprehensive Bill, and this
is the only part of his proposed change which seems at all
likely to obtain the sanction of the Legislature. Pending
the more extensive scheme and the larger pretensions of
the Learned Gentleman, the Right Hon. Secretary mu-
deafly suspended the progress of his well-considered mea-
sure—so that in the end we shall probably find the boasted
merit of Mr. Brougham reduced to that of having re-
tarded the adoption of a safe and practicable proposal, of
acknowledged and undeniable utility.—Morning Post.
The statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on
Friday last respecting the Civil List, is another proof of
the hollow nature of Ministerial promises—of the love of
mystification and delusion inherent in Cabinets—and of
their reluctance to effect any considerable reduction in the
national expenditure. Whenever, of late years, the
amount or the nature of the Civil List became a ground of
censure, hie Majesty's Ministers have parried the blow by
saying, " Wait till a new reign, and the whole shall beret
right;" and even so lately as the opening of Parliament,
our readers will remember, that such promises were not
only renewed, but that the King's Speech was made to
say, that great retrenchments should take place. And
what is the result? Why that the accounts are to remain
in the same unsatisfactory state in which they have always
been—that the personal expencea of their Majesties
are to be mixed up with the expenses and salaries, and
parts of salaries, of persons with whom they have nothing
more to do than with any others of their subjects—that
the words " giving up properties without reserve," mean
giving up a part only, and retaining as much more as may
be agreeable—and finally, that the whole of the boasted
retrenchment in the Civil List expenditure only amounts
to the paltry sum of 86,0001. ! It is true that the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, in his very clear expose of the
different items of the Civil List, contrives, by cutting off
here, and adding there, by certainties and contingents, as
he calls them, to make out a total of 161,0001. ; but then
there goes on the one hand, to make up this amount, the
38,0Q0/. which the King enjoyed as Duke of Clarence,
and on the other, some arrangements of little moment
respecting Irish pensions, and civil contingencies. With
regard to the " givings up," it appears that there was
really very little to give up—the West India duties being
not only exhumed for the present, but appropriated for
the future—and that the "reserves" included every thing
that was really valuable. The diffeience altogether be.-
tweee the Civil List as it stood during the late reign, and
as it is now proposed to be settled, is 86,0001. ; the amount
in the former case being 1,066,00 a, and in the latter
970,000/. The proposed saving is, therefore, altogether
so paltry and trifling, snore especially when the enormous
amount of the salaries of Ambassador', and Envoys, said
Ministers Plenipotentiary, is considered as forming part of
it, that any mention of it might safely enough have been
omitted in the Royal Speech ; but we trust the result of this
evening's debate'on the subject will prove to his Majesty's
Ministers that the House of Oummons is not to be gulled
by mystified statements, certainties and contingencies,
and that their promiiis of retrenchment, if not fulfilled by
them, will be enfordtd by the country. There is no wish
in the country to limit the expenditure of the King to an
amount which would he insufficient for his comfort and
splendour ; but there is a strong desire to cut down the
useless and enormous expenditure which hasbeen cunningly
mixed up with his personal income, in order to prevent
Members, from a motive of false delicacy towards the
Sovereign, from doing their duty towards the country.
This mingling of accounts must be done away with—the
sum necessary for the personal comfort and splendour of
the King must be separated from that which is required
for the services of his subjects ; and then, without any
°Mane to his I%L.jesty, the items of the latter may be
scrutinised with es much care as an army or navy estimate.
This is the first point to be insisted on—the question of the
amount of retrenchment may easily be settled afterward,.
—4llorniny Advertiser.

POLIGEINTiaIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

Numerous complaints have been lately made at the Man.-
sion-housa against a person who has been in the habit of
selling ink, or rather lamp-black and water, instead of ink,
in the city. The officers were in consequence-on-The look•
out for him; but without success. At last he got himself
into a trap on Saturday, and was brought before the LOAD
M.svoa for examination.

lie stated that his name was cox, and that he had dealt
in the article of ink, and lived by it, for the last three years.
Many persons stood forward to complain against the
prisoner, who little thought that he would be committed
fora felony.

His plan was as follows:--He carried about him stone
bottles, containing what be called superfine, and well
waxed over the corks, and when he learned, upon knock-
ing at a door, that the master of the house was not at
home, he handed over one of there bottles and a receipt
for 3s. tlde to the servant, stating at the same time that
the muter had ordered him to bring the ink, and that
payment was to be made by one of the domestics, if he
(the master) should not return home in time. This pro.
ject generally succeeded, and even at some houses it suc-
ceeded once a year. The ink, it is unnecessary to say,
was mere rubbish, and the master of the house had given
no more order to the prisoner to supply it, than be heti to
his servant to pay for it,
The Loan MAYOR, after the first charge was brought,
waked if there were any other persons in attendance who
had complaints to make.
The servant of Mr. Robinson, a medical gentleman,
had been defrauded by the prisoner about 12 months ago,
when he produced a bottle of filthy stuff, which be celled
the' superfine," and a receipt for Bs. id., the trade price.
On Saturday he called again, and wanted to repeat the
time, but the wham recollected hi►n well, on account of
the former transaction, and asked him to walk in, while
she stepped up stairs for the money. He entered the house
sure of success, but the witness brought down, not what
he wanted, but a lodger, who gave notice to the police,
and had him apprehended, and taken before the Lord
Mayor.

The prisoner had sold the ink to the witness, and had
been honourably paid for it, and he had purchased it him-
self as an excellent article. As he had cot.elutled the quan-
tity was out, he had made bold to call again, which he
certainly would not have done if he k ul bad any idea that
the stuff *as not genuine.
The servant of another family stated, that the prisoner
knocked at her master's door on the 30th of May, when
that gentleman wus from home, and presented a bottle of
the " superfine," and a receipt. The witness had no
silver, but produced a half-sovereign between her, finger
and thumb. " I really don't know," said she, " that 1
am doing right in paying you the money." " Oh," said
he, "you are all right, you may depend upon it;
Set you change next door;" and he whipped away the
half-sovereign, and disappeared.' The whiten in vain
looked after and waited for him. He was out of eight in
an instant.

A third 'servant stated fist the prisoner had treated her
exactly in a similar manner, and disappeared with her
half-sovereign, leaving her a bottle of stinking water in
place of it.
The Loan Ill Avon asked the prisoner whether he wished
to say any thing in his defence.
" Why, my Lord," said be, " not exactly now, this is