The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-05 00:00:00

April 28.
We hear to-day from Warsaw that Archbishop
Felinski is confined to his palace, and that 14
canons have been arrested. An Archbishop has
also been arrested in Samogitia, a part of Lithuania
which is said, since its comparatively recent
conversion to Christianity, at ways has been Catho-
lic. This unceremonious treatment of the high
I cannot say that the
rCeaptihyo
tl ioc ct
hl eergAyu
si nt r
iPa onl aNnodt
ei.s perhaps intended as a
news has produced an unusually b4cl effect. It has
excited more natural indignation; but the last mea-
sures of the Russian Government are also locked
upon as signs of a kind of madness which may lead
to a catastrophe. The cause or pretext for the ar
rest was the refusal of the clergy either to forbid or
to abstain from assisting in the procession in honour
of St. Mark (26th inst.). The Archbishop was not
present at the ceremony, but wrote to the Govern-
ment to say that he held himself responsible for its
aaving taken place. When the news of the arrest
of the canons and of the detention of the Arch-
bishop in his palace reached St. Petersburg orders
were sent back to liberate them at once; but
it has been proved that the Russian Government
at Warsaw does not see any impropriety in subject-
ing the clergy of the country to the orders of the
police, and that fact of itself is important. The
Archbishop of Warsaw, from being one of the most
unpopular, is fast becoming one of the most popular
men of the day, so thoroughly does the Russian
Government understand the act of turning even its
fancied supporters into its open and declared
enemies.

There is a general expectation here that some
sort of Constitution will be proclaimed for the king-
dom of Poland, and it is even said for the Russian
Empire, including, of course, the Polish provinces,
on the 3d of May, the anniversary of the adoption
of the celebrated Polish Constitution of 1791. It
is not hoped, it is rather feared, that this step will
be taken. I do not say that the fear is altogether
reasonable, tut it exists, and has its origin
in a very natural conviction that such a seem-
ing proof of an intention to govern Poland on equi-
table principles would at once put an end to all
chance of foreign intervention. It 'would undoubt-
edly conciliate the Polish nobility, who until the
Polish insurrection broke out were nearly unani-
mous in their pressing demands for a reformed go-
vernment, in which not only they, but all classes,in
proportion to their importance, should have a voice.
If it did not conciliate the Poles it would at least
deprive them of a great amount of sympathy, and
would weaken considerably the moral basis of-their
insurrection. The object of this insurrection is, in
the words of one of the manifestoes issued by the
National Government, " not to obtain this or that
concession," but to free the country from the foreign
yoke"—a noble end, but one which the Poles un-
aided are by no means certain to attain. Neverthe-
less, in their present spirit they are not likely to
accept any offers which are not equally extended
to Lithuania and the Ruthenian provinces; that is
to say, Volhynia, Podolia, and the Ukraine. They
ask for the independence of the Poland of 1772 as
their maximum, and the union of the Russo-Polish
provinces to the kingdom of Poland under the
Russian Crown, with a national Diet, a national
administration, and, above all, a national army as
hei minimum,
sl3nsot
tvvveeenry much difference, and
minimum and the
maximum ther
there is, of course, no chance of Russia granting
either unless compelled to do so by force of arms.
The Poles are quite aware of this, but seem resolved
to let their fate be decided by war, reserving to
tnemsetves the right, if the result should be against
them, of endeavouring to resume it in another 15
years, or whenever the opportunity may present

Whatever becomes of the insurrection, it is said
that thb National Government, which is now stronger
than ever, owing to the new and influential members
that have recently joined it, is determined to render
the Russian rule impossible in Poland. The National
Government, which for some time past has been
obeyed by all classes, including the large landed
proprietors, who in the first instance were opposed
to the present movement on the ground that it was
premature, the country having neither arms nor am.
munition, has now all classes represented in its
working committee, and if on a given day it orders
all the civil functionaries in the kingdom to quit the
service, the civil functionaries will certainly give up
their places. It would
i be curious to see how the
Russians would get on f all the posts in the
ei andtx ed. 'low Poland Russia would no
d
Ad-
ministration, central and local, Were suddenly
thrcwn on their hands. The country would be re-
duced
doubt
ub
t be a
t o a
good state
deal o f anarchy,
ppl
would be benefitted, however, is not quite so clear.
On the other hand, a sort of counterpart of the above
project is said to be actually under consideration,
an
y persons who are ge.
plans of the Russian
Government to have been already adopted. The
neraa
great scheme is to establish military government
throughout " Congress Poland ;" to divide the
kingdom into 200 districts, and in each district to
Place the minor Polish officials under the direct
control of Russian officers.

TELEGRAPHIC COMMUNICATION WITH AUSTRA-
LIA.—T wo projects are
i In the field for connecting
Australia with Java. It s proposed to lay the cable on
the north-west of Australia, on the shores of the Gulf of
Carpentaria, or to take it round to Brisbane, the capital of
Queensland. At this poi . t the cable would be in communica-
tion with the existing intercolonial lines, and New South
Wales, Victoria, and South Australia would thus be brought
into connection with the countries of the old world. The cost
of laying the line from Java to Queensland is estimated at
£1,100,000; but from Java to the north-west a cable or uld
be laid for £243,000. Considering the many risks to which
the submarine cables are exposed, and the uncertainty of
cable, but the shorter line could be
their action, there can scarcely be a doubt as to the policy
at so much less cost than the longer
of selecting the cheaper route. Au accident might impair
like a wanton risk of money to select the
or theenpett, ei rho
d(
that
teonirt crayephopefewatrehsde
estimated more expensive scheme. If the cable is laid on the north-
west coast land lines will, of course, be necessary to bring
it into connection with the existing system. Thecost of such
a ndline has been
the
nh.
aw to Adelaide a sum
at Xl2O
£l2O per mile, or for the
whole distance
of Z i 77,000, which would make together a sum of £420,000
as the cost of the complete system from Java to Adelaide.
wla
from
—iluetralknt and Neto Zealand Gazette. .

for horses, carts, and corn, I must give them what
they want, or they willThang me. If, on the other
hand, I let them have inyt Ging more than I am ac
tudly forced to give, you will hang me. However
ii they hang me my son will never find a wife in
Poland nor my daughter a husband, and 50 years
after my death peop!e will turn their backs upon,
my children ; whereas if you hang me I shall have
monuments erected to my memory. On the whole,
then, as mere matter of calculation, I cannot refuse
assistance to the insurgents."
I believe that in this particular instance the Ge-
neral was satisfied with the explanation given by the
proprietor, who perhaps, might have added that
before long all his class will be drawn into active
co-operation with the national movement. Hitherto
they, the actual owners of the estates, have left
persons to represent them on the field, though
they have supported the insurrection indirectly in
a variety of ways, and d:rectly by means of money
contributions.

E is notorious that, the spirit of the Polish women
is more Polish even than that of the men. Occa-
sionally a man who for upwards of 30 years has
been conspiring and fighting for his country—now
in Poland, now in Hungary, now in Turkey, now in
Italy—and reflects that it is still quite as much at
the mercy of the partitioning Powers as ever, will
have moments of despondency and count the cost
of the insurrection, thinking how many villages
will have been burnt, how
many inoffensive per-
sons massacred, and, above all, how many of the
best young men in Poland will have given their
lives for the lives of an equal number of the most
savage ruffians that the Russian empire can pre-
duce. All such reflections are looked upon by the
Polish ladies not as uncalled for and out of place
but simply as disgraceful in a moral point of view;
and any one who talks in such a strain is avoided as
though he had spoken against the Christian religion
or attempted to defend the Marquis Wielopolski.
It is not strange that they should not dance now,
and that they should all be in mourning, inasmuch
as there is rot a family here which has not lost a
relative, either in a battle or in a massacre or by
exile, for as many as 2,000 Poles have already been
sent into the interior of Russia.