The Sun.
London, England, 1830-10-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP TIIE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We insert to-day, under tbe head of " French
Periodical ,Pressi" a:letter which appeared in a Paris
jacobinical journal last week. The: author, M. de
Cormenin, .was, under the. Mertignitc- Ministry, a,
Counsellor of State and Member of the Chamber
of I)eputies. Doting the existence of the Polignac
Cabinet, he was again 'returned to the Chamber,
and voted for the hostile address in: the famous ma-
jority of 221. On the dissolution of that Chamber,
he wits a third time elected a- Member of the ex.
fisting Chamber, hut resigned his seat, on the ground
that, being rettirned under the old Charter and the
Bourbons, he had not received from his constituents
any euthority to' cashier a dynasty, to- elect a king,
or to make a Charter. Being a liberal of the first
water, his constituents are likely to forgive his re-
pudiation of their favour, and to place him again in
the Chamber, with powers to sanction proceedings
in which he thought himself not entitled to co•ope-
rate. M. de- Cormenin had probably a right to act
on his own individual opinion or to indulge his own
personal whim; but what would have become of
public order and national freedom in France, had
all its chosen representatives, in the moments of
anarchy and danger, adopted his caprice or been
guided by his principles ? It will be observed by
his letter, that the :x-Deputy is ultra-liberal with
respect to the Press, and it may be stated that be
speaks the sentiments of a large body of those who
brought about the late revolution. From the power
displayed by the Press of France before the ex-
pulsion of the Bourbons, it might be inferred by
those unacquainted with facts, that the French peri-
odical Press was entirely free from all the restraints
of fiscal law and alt the burdens of the Treasury.
Nothing could be snore
,erroneous. In the first
place, before the Martignac Ministry, no journal
could be published without an authoritative licence
from the Ministry, who were not likely to grant
such a privilege to persons disposed to question
their integrity, or to criticise their measures:
in the second place, up to the end of July,
and to this very day, no political journal
can be published without a deposit of money,
or an offer of security to a large amount. Nothing
could have a greater tendency to create a monopoly
in favour of existing Journals, or in favour of rich
proprietors, than such a regulation. Inthe 'third
place, the limitation of printers to a certain number
who: enjoyed patentes or licences, created a mono-
poly in favourof ,that class, and thus not only in-
crease the expence of, printing Journals to all, but
doubled the obstacles to the publication of free opi-
nions to those who choose to indulge in a greater la-
titude of political discussion. In some cases 'such
licensed printers created themselves into unlicensed
censora of the Press, and from a pretended fear of
being liable for its excesses, refused to'print Jour-
nal; till compelled by the order of a Magistrate: In
the fourth place, the Treasury came in for enormous
&thee, exceeding in amount the price of the paper,
of the printing, and of literary labour put together.
Lastly, the journalists accused of libel were degraded
by being brought into the tribunals of correctional
police, and subjected to the treatment of petty
thieves, swindlers, and pickpockets. Yet, with all
this additional expence—all this monopoly, and all
these vexatious, the Daily Papers actually became a
power toe strong for the iWonarchy; and, under the
name of journalism, prepared and liccornplislied the
late Itevolutieri. In considering this circumstance,
along with the narrow basis of the French electoral
system, which, though far from being popular, has
operated such popular wonders, we are more ,than
ever struck with the fact, that the Bourbons bad no
hold over the minds or feelings of the present race,
of Frenchmen; that . they were entirely isolated
from the nation ; and that their system of govern-
ment could never again have been naturalized in the
country. .A Pries soburdened and alutekled as we
have described, end, a Chamber -of Deputies re-
turned by in electoral, oligarch), of 80,000 voters,
had become too powerful for the BOurbon Monarehy,
because ..the Bourbon Monarchreitui an exotic,
which had not fixed its routs in the nation, and de-
rived,support frotu no large class of:tlie people.--
Vows.

A. good 'proportion of our paper yesterday was
accupied with the proceedings of parochial meetings,
called together for purposes not quitelrieridly to till'
continuance of the New Police. There is no doubt
that, whether frotn the paint taken to get up a SVC-
cilic opposition to, this establishment, or from the
existence of a real feelin; of dislike
,to it in the
muds of the public, the, merits of the police system,
*renew so much canvassed, and with so much heat
and pertinacity, as to make it elmost inevitable that
some attention should be given by Government to
the question, whether the JpresenVeonstitution, or
adaninistration of the police force, might net attrnit
of improvements so considerable,as greatly to dimi-
nish thii burden of supporting it, without impairing(
its efficiency as a conservative power. We have al-
ways defended the principle of the New Puliee: of
the objections now-made•to it, some do not affect its
principle, and of those which do, the greeter pro.
portion ate not tenable in reason. The parishes
complain bitterly of the increased expense entailed
on them by' this establishment. If the business of
preserving the public peace,: and of securing perion
and property, was badly executed by the ancient
watchmen, and if much of the ineflicecy (at least
toward any good purpose) of those confederates
with thieves end vagabonds, wait easily traceable to
the wretchedness of their pay, it follows that all
who regard the peace of society, and the protection
of life and goods, as things worth paying for, at the
nuirketj price of severe labour, can ground no fair ob-
jection to the.' police, merely on the rate of their
wages being higher than that of watchmen's. It is
otherwise, if the, extra taxes levied on parishes be
snare than sufficient to defray the itdditional expellee,
The communication of a correspondent—Who pro-
ceeds,.we suspect,. on good authority—informs us
that the extra charge for the last twelvemonth ought
to have been levied out of the poor rate, and ought
not to hive exceeded Bd. in the pound.. If; 'there-
fore, there be parishes. in Or about London where
the charge occasioned by the pollee, as compared to
the watch, amounted to' the difference between
2,300/. end 1,4001., or between 1,700/. end • 900,.,
we can only 'regret that such foul play should have
been committed, and protest against the abases of
perochial administration being laid to account of the
neeesiary charges for police. It is alleged that there
are too few policemendistributed over certain dis-
tricts, and too many 9thets ; that also is a. defect
of administration, 164 in no mintier addueible as an
objection to the system itself. It is said that it
greater number of robberies andjilisorders are com-
mitted now, than under the superintendence of
the ancient watchmen. 'This assertion is best
met by a positive contradiction. There is a
'striking contrast between the security of house and
person fat present, and- while the parish govern-
nsenta jobbed their Watchmen: very few rob-
fieries, comparatively, are brought 'forward, and as
we may be certain that none are concealed, it is
reasonable to conclude that twiny arc prevented.
lint the grand argument—the " constitutional" sr-
gument....as it is desctibedte be by some constitu-
tional wiseacre, goes to the minium of leaving the
police under the direct controul of his Majesty's Go-.
rernment. Now, we really_ wish to tisk, what is,
the meaning of this objection? or has it iiny ?
the ativocateerfor II return to the'old system believe
that-the SeCretory of State has toy interest in mak-
ing an attempt on the natiotial liberties by means of
the police constebice? If on that score the pariah
potentates are to be' set up as, preferable to the au-
flunkies of the state,- let the case be carried, as it
snntiit to he, a little further, end give up the corns j
pawl, of the King's troops to the ' I pans les ; since i
they, undoubtedly, are instrument, far more dar
1;1011.‘ to freedonvin the haudsof Oo ethan
"( Pe4".44Emertir *boa tveynun 114
wily tam*. our apprehension, thee e4p*or their
dfivieney of the service, de ends mainly sits mplicity
maid
subordinate to a central meteor r which the
Home-office is the bead.- t';OneuthntolOws' -tias-71
are too Wien coliJiktii)g— ones. There- :06ritict-iur,t-

bcrless instances formerly, where watchmen have'
refused to follow thieves beyond their own. beat, or
ont;of their own parish—" because, indeed, it was
not their business. So complaints against watch-
men were often set aside by their worthy patrons
in ithe respective parishes; whereas no charge
against a pelice-conitable ever fails to meet With re-
dress. We shall be glad to see the question of the
police brought forward, and abuses remedied if any
are proved to exist; but it would give us sincere
conceru to find the system itself abandoned.—Thecs.
Our readers will find, in another column, an ac-
count of the Mayor's Feast, at Lynn, in Norfolk, on
Wednesday, the 22d ult., which we have received
.from a gentleman in this metropolis, personally
known to us, who vouches for its authenticity. On
this occasion Mr. Coke is reported to have said—
if The Almighty will soon send me to my grave ; but,'
Ithank God ! I have lived td see an end put to that system
first begun by a nun in this kingdom, anti afterwards
continued in a neighbouring kingdom by the infamous
Boorbons. The picture of that man is in this room:—
There it is—(Mr. Coke here pointed to a full-length por-
trait, hung over the Mayor !)--the worst man that ever
eat on a throne—George the Third, that bloody King."
According to the account".'..
These words were no sooner uttereel than loud and
continued hissing proceeded from various parts of the
Hall. The disapprobation evinced evidently arose not
from Any personal feeling of disrespect to Mr. Coke, but
froM the heartless injustice of gratuitously raking up the
remains of a venerated Sovereign, so long cold in his tomb."
We would here observe, that if Mr. Coke believed
thet George the Third was the worst man that ever
sat on a throne, his expressing this opinion could
not be heartless injustice, for to him he could not be
a venerated Sovereign; and, as for being " long
cold in his tomb," we should like to know when the
truth is to be told of Sovereigns? The question is
not that George the Third is in his tomb, but
whether his memory ought to be venerated? The
company at the Mayor's feast think that it ought,
and Mr. Coke thinks otherwise; and the company
conceived that all who do not think as they think
are heartless. When a Sovereign is alive, lie is al-
ways the best of Sovereigns; but it used to be
thought, that after death the character of Sovereigns
belonged to history, till Mr. John Hunt, the pub-
lisher of The Vision of Judgment, was thrown into
prison for " raking up the remains of George the
Third," soon after their consignment to the tomb.
The crime then was raking up soon after he was
laid in his tomb—the crime now is long after he was
laid in his tomb. The reel truth is, that the em-
ploy would have had no objection to raking up the.
remains of any man obnoxious to the higher ranks
of this country ; of Tom Paine, for instance, who
was a Norfolk man; but to speak unpleasant truths
ofeven a dead King, came in collision with that
slavish deference for rank which is so distinguish-
ing a characteristie of too many of our countrymen.
We are no admirers of George the Third; and
readily concede to Mr. Coke that he greatly contri-
buted to the ruinous wars with America and France,
from the burdens caused by which we are now suf-
fering so severely. Mr. Coke during the whole of
his parliamentary career opposed the system which
he now consistently condemns. But let us be just.
The war with America was supported in the House
of Commons by majorities of as nearly as possible
three to one. Mr. Fox's resolutions against a war
with France were negatived by a Majority of 270 to
41. George the Third was a man of a weak un-
derstanding. The published letters on .the subject
of time Coronation Oath prove that ho was utterly
incapable' of reasoning. His capacity, according to
the accounts of those charged with his education,
was exceedingly weak; and he owed so little
to education that there is hardly a mechanic in
London who would not express himself in more
correct language than that of the King in
the . correspondence above alluded to. How
happens it, than, that a King, confessedly so
weak in point of abilities, should be able to carry
the measures reprobated so much by Mr. Coke by
such overwhelming majorities ? The truth is, that
the measures which Mr. Coke condemns are the
measures of the Aristocracy. Whet) we see a ma-
jority of 270 to 44,, we must allow that time King
only shared the feelings of the body of which he
was the head. The exception of two or three con-
scientious men, like Mr. Coke, only makes the guilt
of the body more conspicuous. The struggle be-
tweet] the Crown and the Aristocracy terminated
with the Revolution of 1685, which gave the vic-
tory to the latter. A new era commenced. The
defects of time Parliament did not appear during the
struggle. Even in the reign of Charles the Second,
When loyalty was at its height; and Church and
State prtnciples were in the ascendant, the [louse
of Commons was niggard of its money. Mr.
Carte proves that " all that was raised upon
the people of England by all manner of taxes
whatever, in the twenty-four years of King
Charles's actual possession of the Government, cloth
not, one year with another, amount to full one million
three hundred and lifty.three thousand, ninety-five
pounds a year." " The world (he adds) will be,
perhaps, surprised, after all the clamours and calum-
nies thrown out of late against his person and reign,
to find how little King Charles cost this nation, and
with how inceusiderable an expcitcc for so rich a
people he maintained all his wars, and carried on all
the affairs of Government." But when the King
of England became a mere tool in the hands of the
Aristocracy—the carver nut of good things for them,
without whose aid they would have fallen by time
ears, a new reading of the Constitution was given.
Already in 1698, Trencherd, a staunch Whig, con-
trasting the period of time Stuarts with the period
since the Revolution, says—
" The places in the King's gift were but few, and most
of them patcot places fur life, and time rest great Offices of
Stile, enjoyed by 'tingle persons, which seldom fell to the
abate of the Commons ; such as the Lord Chancellor,
Treasurer, Privy Seal, High Admiral, &e., and when these
offices were pouseised by the Lords, the Commons were
severe inquisitors into their actions. In those early days
the art was not found out of splitting and multiplying
places • as,inatetul of a Lord Treasurer, to have five Lords
of time Treasury ; instead of a Lord Admiral, to have seven
Lords of the Admiralty ; to Lave seven Commissioners of
the Customs, nine of the Excise, ten of the Stamp-office,
eight of the Prize. office, sixteen of the Commissioners of
Trade, two of the Poet.office, fair of the Transports, four
for Hackney Coaches, four for Wine Licenses, four for the
Vietualling-office, and multitudes of other offices which
are miles,,t to enumerate. I see no reason wby they may
not be made twice as many, and so ad infinitum, unless
u the nmber be ascertained by Parliament ,• and what
danger this may be to out Constitution I think of with
honor. Per if in ages to come they should be all given to
Parliament men what will become of our so much boasted
liberty i• What :hall be done when the criminal becomes the
Judge, and the malefactors are left to try thermielvea ?"
About the same time time honest and indefatigable
Daniel Dc Foe explained the conspiracy against the
people, with a view to plunder, which had grown
up through the jobbing of Boroughs. Sales were
then as well understood as now. Ile gives us as a
specimen the following notice
" If Sir E. F. G. IL will dispose of his interest in the
town or—a--., I can help him to very good terms." " We
think, (lie observes), 'tie no tartan misfortune to the Eng-1
lish Consthotitire that so great a number of Members are
chosen by the Corporation,' of England ; and according to
our weak npinione, it seems' not equal, that all the free-
holders of a county ehould be represented only by two men,
and the towns in the same county be represented by above
forty, as it is lu Cornwall, and near the like in other coun-
tiet. Again, in some of their Corporations, where the
right of voting it in the Mayor and durata ; in some, the
Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council; in others, time
Mayor, Aldermen, and Capital Burgesmea ; in others, the
Bailiff and Jurats, and the like; the right of voting is re-
duced to so few, and those No mean and mercenary, that
they are easily prevailed with to choose such as they know
not, but are recommended by others.
" And what is worse, saute towns, whose charters ra-
main, though the towns themaelves seem to he dead, are so
mean and contemptible, that nothing remaitte of them but
a despicable village, with the ruins of what they have been.
" We think it would be but reasonable that the charters
and privileges of town. should die with the towns; and
that whereas when they were poi-where and rich they were
represented in Parliament because they were so, when they
are deperlated and desolate, there can be no need of any
peruses to them. What eau the Member/ who

have saved the town of Winchasea answer, ;f they Were
asked whom they represent? They must answer, they
represent the ruins and vaults, the remains of a good old
town now lying in heaps ; as for the inhabitants, they are
not to be named among the most despicable endships, or
villages in the county.
Bramber, in Sussex, Old Sarum, Stockbridge, Oat-
ton, Queenborough, and multitude* of towns the like, who
send up gentlemen to represent beggars,. and have bad
more money spent at some of their elections than all the
land in the parishes would be worth if sold at a hundred
years purchase.
" While, on the other hand, a great many good towns
in England, being of more modern rise in tbe-werb4 are
not permitted to choose at all; and the City of London
itself, though some say it bears a proportion to six parts
of the kingdom, sends but four Members of itself, and but
eight in the whole circumference.
" This inequality, we humbly conceive, opens the door
to the fraudulent practices which have all along been made
use of in elections, buying of voices, giving freedoms in
Corporations, to people living out of Corporations, on pur-
pose to make votes, debauching the electors, making whole
towns drunk, and feasting them to excess for a month,
sometimes two or more, in order to engage their voices.

" The truth of it is, 'tie a paradox, a riddle, that we
countrymen cannot understand, nor never could, what
makes our gentlemen so fond of being Parliament men ; we
do not very well understand what the business is at the
Parliament. Only we are swingingly taxed, and they tell
us 'tie done by the Parliament; but we never understood
they' had any of the money themselves, we always thought
the money was for the King, though they had the giving
of it."

The Author of " The History of the last Parlia-
ment, began the 10th of February, 1700," pub-
lished in 1702, observes that the friends of our liber-
ties while afraid of attempts from abroad—
" Were so continually alarmed with petitions and com-
plaints of undue returns, and corrupt elections, that they
were justly sensible that were in no less danger of being
condemned at home. They were rightly apprehensive
that such sort of merchants looked upon their House only
as a place of traffic, and that they bought only in order to
sell, and that if they did not immediately •strike a bar-
gain for us, it was only because they wanted a chapman
or expected a better market. They were convinced that
this trade bad long been driven, but that the nation was
never so openly stock-jobbed as now. They saw that if
they suffered these practices to be continued much longer,
no man would be able to call his freehold his own ; but
that all the free estates in England would become the mer-
chandize of a number of small Boroughs, most of whose
inhabitants had none of their own to dispose of . . . .
This evil was grown so familiar, that, in divers corpora,.
lions, men were chosen, whose faces had never been seen
there, and their names scarce heard of, till the bargain
came to be driven. Societies and companies set up men
at the charge of the common stock, and private persona,
who had any point to drive at, spared no expense to pro-
cure themselves or their creatures, or both to be elected.
It is easy to guess what sort of representatives these Would
prove, who came thither only as solicitors of particular
affairs, and perhaps resolved to sacrifice all the refit to those
few points they aimed at." •
We have seen the average taxation in Charles
the Second's reign, in Which there were six years'
war with Holland, and wars with Denmark and
France, not to speak of wars with the Moors, Alge-
rifles, &e., amounted only to 1,353,000/. ~year ;
but when Parliament, from granting money to the
King, became sharers with the King, things as-
sumed a very different complexion. During the 28
years of peace, from 1715 to 1742, besides the in-
terest of the debt, never less than two millions a
year, the average expences of Government exceeded
four millions a year. And how should it have been
otherwise ? The English Constitution is merely a
piece of machinery for enabling a certain number of
rich individuals to take from the people as much
as their patience will suffer to be taken, As
long as the King wished to have the exclusive mas-
tery, and the proprietors of boroughs and the people
had a common interest, the Constitution might
answer. But the moment the Crown and the Aris-
tocracy combined, the people were utterly without
protection. From thenceforward the Constitution
was utterly worthless—existed • only in name; for
the check upon power at present is the same
as that which the people of every country-1
possess—the knowledge that the physical power is
with them. Directly the people can effect resist-
ance to no demand; indirectly they may awe their
rulers, and that is all. Carte says the proportion of
the number of representatives for counties, great
towns, end lesser boroughs continued fair enough
" till the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign ; be-
tween which time and the death of Charles I. that pro-
portion was gradually altered, till at last it was en-
tirely destroyed by the addition of 250 representa-
Lives of poor inconsiderable boroughs; the venality
whereof bath exposed us to all the evils- of a gene-
ral corruption, the greatest grievance that any na-
tion can possibly labour under, and which cannot
fail of being the ruin of this country, if not speedily
remedied."lhe tendency of such a Government
as ours is to go on continually taking more nod more
money from the people. The very growth of the
resources of the country necessarily adds to the
core option, because a greater number of influential
individuals must be gained over. The proprietor of
a borough is but the head of a company of jobbers,
with the various members of which he must distri-
bute, according to some understood principle, the
share of the taxes accruing to the place. There are
claims of all sizes which must be attended to. From
the government of a colony, a living in the Church,
down to the place of a tide-waiter, all must be job-
bing. And yet there are people who are astonished
the science should decline in England, that the
Church should be shared between haughty Arista-
(late and paltry canting psalm-singers, displaying
neither the learning nor the talents of a twiner
period. The Quarterly Review, published the other
day, admits that the Clergy of the present day do
not possess learning enough to understand the la-
bours of the German Divines, and advises them to
acquire sufficient knowledge to say whether they are
to be praised or condemned. But why should they ?
Livings are not given to learning—the Minister
would be a fool that gave livings to "canted men.
The Standard asks why the Rev. Mr. 11. Horne
Should be condemned to the drudgery of porters'
work at porter's wages, he being one of the most
learned theologians in England ? But if it Clergy-
man possess interest, why should he trouble him.
self with learning ? And if he do not possess inte-
rest, why should the Minister trouble himself with
him ? So long us the Aristocracy disdained the
Church, it might be as well to encourage learning;
but from the time they crept into it, which War.
burton, in one of his letters to Hurd, says was
about the middle of last century, adieu to all but
Parliamentury influence. The very increase of
the revenues of the Church adds to the evil.
In no other country in Europa do the parish
Clergy belong to the Aristocracy; because in
no other country of Europe do the tithes of
parishes form a temptation to the gentry,
all plans for giving representation to two or three
towns to be the mere tubs thrown out to the whale.
The evil is, that those only are represented who
have an interest in plundering the We hold
people. The
:ammeter of Parliament cannot in the least be af-
fected by an addition of one or two Members
honestly ,returned to a body, the great majority of
which.ure - nominees of those who have interests at
variance with the interests of_ the people, As to
Mr. Brougham's plan for diminishing the expences
of County Elections, we question whether, if carried,
curt J
it would not be injurious. It would mere' give
rich landlords a greater facility in cu ingaunty
Elections. At present the popular Members have
disinterested voters, end the Aristocrats must pay
for the conveyance of theirs to the poll. Whatever
assists in breaking up overgrown Aristocrats is it
benefit to the country. Allow them to poll in dis-
tricts, end if the tenants of the Ariatocrucy are not
protected by the ballot, they will be obliged to vote
for their Member withcnst any expellee to them,
which would give the candidate of the Aristocracy
a positive advantage over the popular candidate. At
present a popular man can, at little expence, put the
aristocratical Member to a very heavy one. But re-
form of any kind, however inadequate, is an admis-
sions that the Constitution is defective, and in this
light alone, is any thing which will. be proposed in
WWI? A representation
this Session of -the least

Mitch is named by a *mall fraction or a nation, must
as necessarily spoil that nation as sparks fly upwards.
But one amendment, .however inadequate, does not
exclude a future amendment.—Merning chronicle.
The Paris journal, Le Temp:, which so honour-
ably distinguished itself in vindicating the liberty of
' the Press against arbitrary power, uses the follow-
ing language, as copied into our paper of Tuesday,
relative to the affairs of Belgium :—" The English
journals, among whom the national spirit is the first
moving principle, had at first considered the affair
of Brussels as a mere riot, and, whatever may be
the divergency of their opinions, had called for
rigorous measures against the revolters. However,
notwithstanding their unanimous desire to see the
Low Countries preserved to England, as a point of
support against France, they have all changed their
language since." Now upon this subject Le Temps
is somewhat in error, and we must, in justice to
ourselves, set it right. Any person who will take
the trouble of looking back to our comments upon
the disturbances at Brussels, from the very com-
mencement of the Revolution there, will find that
we were neither so ignorant nor venal as to consider,
the first indication of that national spirit, which has
since shaken the dynasty of Nassau, as a mere riot.
On the contrary, we described it in express terms
as " revolutionary;" for which we brought on our-
selves either the direct or oblique attacks of nearly
all the London journals—as well those who were in
the habit of merely echoing the sentiments of the
Treasury, as those which affected no moderate zeal
in defence of popular rights. Indeed we do not
know on what occasion so great a went either of in-
telligence or integrity was shown by the London
Press in general. One Morning Paper informed its
readers, and persisted in the statement for several
days, that the rioters, as it called the people of
Brussels, were completely put down in the first in-
stance by the discharge of a few rounds of mus-
ketry ; and this, too, at the time when the troops,
so far from being able to disarm the people,
had thought proper to evacuate the city—and
the Burgher Guard held all the posts under the
Brabant flag, which had supplanted the colours of
Orange. An Evening Paper called the people of
Brussels, who had succeeded in expelling the
troops, a " rascally rabble," and described them as
a pack of drunken coward. The Paper that arro-
gated to itself the title of the " leading Journal,"
ridiculed the Brussls insurrection as a " weak imita-
tion of the revolution at Paris ;" and led its readers
to believe that the ebullition would evaporate like
the fumes of the liquor which had inspired • it.—
Against this mass of passion, prejudice, venality,
and ignorance, we had to contend in giving the
people of England a right view of the matter, not'
only as to the events themselves, but to the causes
which led to them. We stated what we knew
historically of the character of the inhabitants of
Belgium for courage and energy when roused into
action. We referred to many instances of their
heroism, to show that they had the warlike instinct
of which the Dutch have been of late years re-
markably deficient. Still the Journals to which we
have alluded endeavoured to carry on the delusion
which they had created relative to what they were
pleased to describe us the contemptible nature of
the Brussels insurrection. If the Dutch Govern-
ment were influenced by the opinions of the English
Papers, they must have supposed that it was easier
to reduce Brussels to submission by force of arms,
than to pacify the insurgents by a redress of
grievances. Such was the course which those Pa-
pers in general suggested. It was fatal advide, and
in an evil hour did the House of Orange adopt it.
Thus do the flatterers and parasites of Kings, by
concealing and distorting the truth, lead them on to
their ruin. We would have saved the Government
of the Netherlands from the embarrassments in
which it is now involved, by letting it know the ex-
tent
of the danger, and advising those constitu-
tional concessions which the Belgians at first de-
manded, and which, without compromising the
Kingly principle, were necessary to the: protection
of the Press, and the establishment of the liberties
of the people.—Morning herald.
A great deal is said by some writers in the Daily
Journals about the pacific and conciliatory proceed-
ings of the King of the Netherland', and the anxiety
which he evinces to bring about that sort of arrange-
ment with the Belgic people which they themselves
proposed originally, but which, since their recent
triumphs, they seem no longer desirous to obtain.
Those writers accuse the Provisional Government
of being influenced by the most ambitions or the
most unpatriotic motives, and the people with being
inflated with all the insolence of success in prefer-
ring the establishment of an independent State to
a federative union with:Holland. it is not our ob-
ject at present to•• enter into a discussion of the policy
of the measure which seems to please the majority
of the Belginns—of the fighting Belgians, at least;
but we cannot avoid observing, that whatever diffi-
culties beset the King of the Netherlands, they are of
his own creating. "If," to use the language of Junius,
" his bed be a bed of torture he has made it for
himself." Without mitering into the original causes
of the discontent in Belgium, since its compulsory
annexation to Holland, such as the continuance of
the odious Van Mermen in power—the' prosecution
of the Press—the refusal of the responsibility of
Ministers—and the Trial by Jury, let us confine
ourselves to the conduct of the King since the
breaking out of the disturbances, and let us see
whether he lies acted like one who is entitled to the
credit of sincerity or wisdom. What was his
conduct when the people of Brussels rose against
his troops, and demanded, with arms in their
hands, a redress of grievances ? Did he pro-
claim them as rebels—call forth his legions—
and order them to return to their allegiance be-
fore ho listened to their remonstrances ? Ile did
no such thing. On the contrary, he sent his
sou, the heir-apparent, who affected to treat in an
amicable spirit with the armed citizens, received
their statement of grievances, and pledged the ho-
nour of a Prince to submit their demands to his
Royal father, for the discussion of the States-Ge-
neral. Well, 'the promise was kept in much the
same mariner that Jesuits keep promises when they
think it their interest to violate them. The States.
General were convoked—the demands of the Bel.
gians were submitted to them—but, in the midst of
the discussions, the King orders his second son,
whom he had appointed to the chief command of
the forces, to concentrate the available troops in the
vicinity of Brussels; and, when all was prepared,
he summonses the citizens to lay down their arms,
and enters the town at the head of his troops to
compel them. Does history, Ire ask, afford any ex-
ample of Royal perfidy greater than this ? We know
of none ; nor do we know any instance of treachery
practised by the chief of it nation on his subjects
that has been more signally avenged. Are we, un-
der those circumstances, to wonder that the Bel-
gians, having succeeded in repelling this perfidious
attack, decline to place any more confidence in the
promises of the Klng ? By what obligations ran
they bind one who has so grossly violated his faith ?
Ily what authority can they hold him to an observ-
ance of his engagement? Can they trust in the
honour svhich he has tarnished ? Can they rely on
the Royal word, which he has so wantonly broken?
They now believe that his actions cannot be con-
trolled by a sense of justice or by a feeling of mora-
lity, but that superior power alone can bind him to
the observance of his solemn promises.
trust sl
proureiseiy the King o
s
f
. Weregret
this state of things—but, wherever embarrassMents
the Belgic affairs may throw in the way of the pa.
coteNreeltaltiejarus
7liosfis responsible w
sible for them.—Arorning
Verdi/.

DOCTORS DISPENSED the hos.
pito .1 tiu! nunnery there were several sick ; and, on our
inquiring for the doctor, and asking whet remedies were
usually employed, they pointed to the image in a corner of
theb
apartment, and said, "That is our doctor
;e
done?
if it is
(arm's ~ill the
?si"Qk %(‘iiiiilbreeicriogvearsked; if not, what's to ,
" If a person breaks
a lag, what's to be done ?" the reply was, " If it is Gon's
pleasure, it will become straight again !"...Alexander's
Travels in Atasia.

PROCEEDINGS AT ICBM-IRELAND.

We have received from our correspondent at
Kells an account of further proceedings on the
Common, in the neighbourhood of that town, of
even a more extraordinary character than those
which were noticed in his previous communications
from thi same quarter. Our readers are already
aware, that after the Magistrates bad deemed it
prudent to liberate the eighteen persons taken into
custody, the poor people returned to the Common
on Wednesday morning, and busily employed them-
selies in the completion of their humble habitations.
The open unenclosed portion of the Common, upon
which the huts were first erected, was soon
found insufficient to accommodate the numerous
claimants, and in consequence they entered upon
the remaining part of the Common, which
had been fenced in, and the entire plain, con-
taining five hundred acres at least, was soon laid
out for houses, half an acre being allowed for each
family. The miserable people (who are represented
by our correspondent as in a state of utter destitu-
tion) occupied themselves in this ►ay, without
interruption during Wednesday and a part of Thurs-
day, when it was ascertained that the Marquis of
Headfort again made his appearance in Kells, and
it was understood that he had been in Dublin for
the. purpose of obtaining legal advice to regulate
the course of the corporation, and also the opi-
nion of Government upon his own conduct regard-
ing the proceedings at Lloyd. On his Lordship's
arrival all the freemen were summoned to the Sea-
sioos House, where they remained in consultation
until about four o'clock, when they proceeded in a
body to Lloyd, accompanied by a strong detach-
ment of the police, the military remaining in
town. The police stationed themselves at a con-
venient distance, whiles some of the corpora-
tors attacked the small cabins, and unroofed the
greater part of them, without the slightest opposition
having been offered by the people. The Reverend
Mr. M'Evoy was on the spot, and under his advice
and direction they abstained from any act of vio-
lence which the intemperance of the freemen might
be calculated to excite. Determined not to break
the peace, they remained passive spectators of the
work of destruction, until the corporators left the
ground, when they quietly returned to the Com-
mon, with the intention of resuming their employ-
ment on the next morning, and repairing the injury
sustained in the best manner they were able.
About two o'clock on Friday afternoon, how-
ever, the Lancers and the police were called out—
the corporators assembled and hurried away to
Lloyd, escorted by the military and pollee, and on
their arrival there, burned all the habitations that
had been erected. The people did not offer the
slightest opposition, or betray any disposition to
disturb the peace.
The above facts have been communicated by our
correspondent, who says—" It is due to the soldiery
and police to state, that they did not in any manner
interfere ; nor should I omit to mention that the
Marquis of Headfort took every possible precaution
in having the people removed, lest any of the hap-
less creatures should perish in the confligretion.
On this occasion, our correspondent adds, five or
six men were taken into custody. Having been
handcuffed, they were conveyed into 'Cells upon a
dray, as it was supposed, for the purpose of being
lodged in Bridewell until next tiny, when the Magis-
trates sitting in Petit Sessions might dispose of their
case. They were, however, hurried off in a moment
out of the town, and were sent, escorted by a troop
of Lancers, to the county gaol at Trim, It appears
that this summary proceeding excited much surprise
and dissatisfaction. The people, all through, mani-
fested the most peaceable disposition, and no danger
whatever could be apprehended from adopting the
ordinary course—that of giving a fair and open hear-
ing of the case before the magistrates, who, if they
thought it expedient, might accept bail for the ap-
pearance of the persons charged. The people in
the neighbourhood were in a very excited state, but
the Catholic clergyman, the Rev. Mr.lll4.lvoy, was
using the most strenuous exertions to preserve good
order, to appease the minds of the people, and in-
duce them to place full confidence in the law. It
is said that the
.poor people will endeavour to pro-
cure a legal decision of the question.
We have given the facts above detailed without
comment. But a most melancholy reflection must
arise from a perusal of them, To what a condition
must the country be reduced, when, in a single
district, no less than one thousand families, the in-
tended occupants of the Common, are reduced to
such a hopeless state of destitution as to seek for a
miserable abode, and the scanty means of supporting
existence which half an acre of common could
supply, under the perilous circumstances described
by our correspondent ! It is not our purpose to
canvass the right of the Corporation of Kell& to the
possession of the Common in question, or to defend
the course adopted by the peasantry; but we cannot
without feelings of the deepest pain contemplate
the existence of such hopeless misery.—Dublin
Morning Register.