The Sun.
London, England, 1863-06-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—It is singularly difficult to speculate on
American politics or to forecast events from reports
of American opinion, but there is a certain character
about the recent proceedings at New York which
induces us to attach unusual importance to them.
It is not now for the first time that mention is made
of peace, or that a peace party has raised its voice
in the North-Eastern States. We recollect how the
Democrats commenced a manifestation of this kind
some few months ago, and how abortively it termi-
nated. We have been repeatedly assured that the
North-West was seething with disaffection, and
that it might be expected at any moment to make
peace on its own account, but all its agitations have
hitherto ended in quiescence. It is possible enough,
therefore, that the " Peace Convention" at New York
may prove as unproductive as the various movements
which have preceded it in the same direction ; but it
cannot be denied that the proceedings have an un-
wonted aspect, and that the whole report is full of
significance. Omitting, for the moment, the purport
and language of the resolutions adopted, and the
extraordinary boldness of the speakers, we observe
numerous incidents which express the confidence of
the meeting and the deference of the Government. It
was fully expected that military force would be em-
ployed, as on severalrecent occasions, to intimidate or
disperse the assembly ; but no such interference was
hazarded. The journals most active in the support
of the Government speak with tolerance, and even
approval, of this uncompromising demonstration.
They admit that " the people" may have peace if
they will, and that a peace party is just as lawful
a faction, and just as privileged a league, as a war
party. They still stigmatise the policy as" re-
creant and ruinous ;" but they no longer deny that
it may be constitutionally advocated by those who
believe in it. Finally, we find that Mr. Fernando
Wood, the boldest speaker and the guiding spirit of
the whole assembly, instead of being sent to Fort
Warren, or escorted to the Confederate lines, is
quietly closeted with the President two days after
the meeting, and is allowed to reiterate in private
discourse his arguments against the continuance of
the war. When we remember that such opinions
would have been prosecuted as treasonable a few
weeks ago, we may well conclude that a change is
at last coming over the opinions of the American
people. Nothing except speeches of the Southerners
themselves could be mere opposed to Northern
policy than the speeches at this Northern meeting.
The war was denounced with all the particularity
of a solemn excommunication. It was cursed in
its origin, its principles, its conduct, and its end.
It was execrated in its design, its progress, its pros-
pects, and its fruits. It was condemned as a Grime,
a folly, and a failure. There were no words too
hard for it; and one of the resolutions demanded
that "an end should be put to it," as "repugnant
to the law, abhorrent to the humanity and civilisa-
tion of this enlightened era, and inconsistent with
the benignant spirit of morality and religion." But
then arose the question of the alternative. Grant
the condition of Union, and all Americans would be
peacemakers together; it is when the independence
of the South is contemplated that the test of peace
politics come. Mr. Seward said with perfect truth,
when the Emperor of the French suggested media-
tion, that mediation could never mean anything but
the recognition of the Confederate States. It was
evident then, and has become still more so since,
that the Southern people would listen to no terms
but such as included their own independence, and
that there was no chance of coercing them. With
the North, to parley is to surrender, and those
who sincerely advocate peace must necessarily
be prepared for disunion ? Did the Con-
vention go as far as this ? The reader shall
judge for himself. Mr. Fernando Wood, the chief
of the party, did retain the decorous veil with
which the Democrats have hitherto disguised their
speculations, and spoke of peace" as the only pos-
sible hope of the restoration of the American Union;''
but the resolution formallyproposed,and deliberately
adopted by the assembly, was in the following
words :—" We recommend, in the name of the
people, that there be a suspension of hostilities be.
tween the contending armies of the divided sections
of our country, and that a Convention of the States
composing the Confederate States, and a sepa-
rate Convention of the States still adhering
to the Union be held, to finally settle and de-
termine in what manner and by what mode
the contending sections shall be reconciled." Short
of immediate recognition of Southern independence
we hardly see how language could go further than
this in the interests of the South. There is no talk
of rebellion or insurrection; none of that pretence
by which Mr. Seward affects to be blind to a rival
Government and a nation conterminous with his
own. The separation is acknowledged, and the co-
equality of the two divisions admitted ; and though
it is just possible to argue that the projected Con-
ventions might advise a restoration of the Union, it
is perfectly obvious that a treaty of peace between
two independent Powers is the result really antici•
pated. When we reflect that this resolution, with
others of a similar character, was enthusiastically
adopted by a meeting of some 30,000 citizens in the
powerful but hitherto quiescent city of New York,
we shall surely find reason for thinking th.attiea
the
Civil War may be touching its close. Y
doubtful question. All this boldness and
leave things
andgoetodl sense
may evaporate in another week,
and _
by the
just where they were. It remains to be seen whether
Mr, Wood will be supported, and enabled
There 'is strong
of Mr. Lincoln's Government.
p ation. We know that the
sympathies of his countrymen to modify the policy
ground for such
erful and there is an '
that large ante-
cedentDemoerparteihc
Pxt we: statement_
of the Northern people are desirous of peace, if they
dared but speak their &Ands. War visits them
with heavy taxation, and with the loss of all those
liberties of which they were so justly proud. It
does not bring them in return even the excitement
n
of victory or the intoxication of military suc-
cess. It has not provided them with a single
hero, or a soldier whom they could idolize for
an hour. Their greatest achievement has
been
to save their own capital from capture, an exploit
which they may, perchance, be unable to repeat. If
they were to win a battle, it would do them little
good, but they cannot ob • tam even this temporary
gratification. Of all the hard words used at th,
New York
meeting, the hardest of all must have
been those which
stigmatised
the war as a dead
failure. From that truth
there was no escaping.
Whatever might be said for the struggle in other
respects—whether it was constitutional or unlawful,
patriotic or factious, necessary or gratuitous—this,
at least, could not be denied, that up to the present
moment it had proved utterly hopeless. " While
our men," said Mr. Wood, " have fought as men
never fought before, yet we have only gained defeat,
humiliating to our sectional pride, destructive to all
our material interests, and annihilating to every
spirit of liberty. Candour should compel us to ad-
mit before the civilised world that we have been

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beaten, and cannot succeed in what we Itelkdiii:
,g t., Piri4
taken.' Every man in the assembly mlt iitervol.f:re 4t,,,.7.,;,
that these words admitted of no contradictlii7.444ll2WV
further, that the resoences t,f the North, whiff had) s----'
proved thus insufficient, were now far less sufficient'
than at first. Never was logic pressed with moro
inexorable facts. If this meeting should prove in-
fluential enough to liberate opinion and open men's
mouths, we may, perhaps, wonder six weeks home
where the strength of the war party could ever have
lain, just as in France, after the fall of Robespierre p
people asked each other who could have been thet
Jacobins. There is everything, except the uncer—
tainty of American politics, to make us regard such
en event as prcbable. It would also seem, from the
report of the interview between Mr. Wood and Mr.
Lincoln, that the President himself would have no
objection to peace if he knew hew to reach it. Per-
haps this meeting may show him the way. It an
armistice were proclaimed, we believe that neither
party would be in a hurry to renew the war, and
the desire of peace would supply the two Govern-
merits with the strongest motive for coming to rea-
eoneble terms of separation.

IiF,RALD.—Lord Russell is making the best of a
very bad case. Conscious of the enorwity of thee
proceedings of Mr. Christie, he .8 furbishing up alt
sorts of weapons of def-nce from the pigeon-hales of
ihe Foreign office, end ignoring the question of the
Prince of ‘Valcs and of the officers of the Forte,
he brings a general charge of bad faith and ha-
bitual disregard of our representations against the
Brazilian Government. It will be recollected, that
in accordance with treaties and in deference to our
expressed desire, the Brazilian Government years
ago abolished the slave trade. So effectually was
this done, that for many years past not one slave
has been landed on the coast of Brazil. But out of
the arrangements between the two Governments
grew all sorts of claims and new engagements,
which have from time to time given rise to an ani-
mated correspondence. Lord Russell alludes to
two distinct grievances—the failure to account for
the emancipados, or Africans liberated by the
mixed commission and the claims' convention of
1862. On the 12th of February Mr. Christie
claimed for all the negroes who had been liberated
by the Mixed Commission Court unqualified free-
dom. On the 28th M. D'Abrantes replied " that
the Brazilian Government were studying with
earnestness and solicitude the question as to the
free Africans, in order to proceed with such dis-
cretion and prudence as the case required." The
truth is it is now 20 years ago since any negroes
were so emancipated, and in 1852 the Brazilian Go-
vernment put an end to the slave trade. It is
plain that to institute a rigid search for the sur-
vivors under the conditions of the arrangement
would produce a great dislocation of Brazilian so-
ciety—and knowing that, Brazil will not at once
and without consideration accede to it. Then as to
the claims' convention of 1862, that was really ter-
minated by our own Foreign Office directing its
commissioner to stop work, because the Brazilian
Government would not accept its interpretation of
the word " claims," which both Governments con-
sidered to be unsettled, and which was introduced
for the express purpose of including Brazilian
claims, which are now rejected. The truth is, the
Aberdeen Act of 1845 is the real cause of the pre-
sent state of things. Lord Aberdeen undertook to
repeal it when the slave trade was at an end. The
slave trade in Brazil has ended, but the act is not
repealed, and its maintenance is a palpable breach
of good faith. Until it is repealed we understand
that Brazil will do nothing. Lord Malmesbury was
willing, on the ground of suppression of the slave
trade, to repeal it. Lord Palmerston positively re-
fuses. And now Lord Russell, in his last despatch,
positively indicates that further outrages are pro-
bable. The policy of the present Administration
towards Brazil has uniformly been unfriendly. It
has culminated in Mr. Christie's outrage upon her
flag. So far as our Minister is concerned the affair
is over. Mr. Christie will not return to Brazil. He
is virtually withdrawn in compliance with M.
Moreira's request. It is left to a charge crafaires
to gather up the threads of this troublesome diffi-
culty, and to retire, with the best grace he can
assume, from a quarrel in which the fault is deci-
dedly ours, and ours alone.
POST.—The Emperor of Austria has a right to
felicitate himself both on his foreign and domestic
policy. In either respect he stands forward in an
equally marked contrast to the King of Prussia,
whose dynasty was hitherto wont to parade itself
as the distinctive champion of German liberty and
progress. The Emperor's speech to the Reichsrath
is highly satisfactory, whether we regard it in rela-
tion to the maintenance of thepeace of Europe or to
the internal reformations which are taking place in
the Austrian dominions. He expresses his trust that
nothing will occur !..a disturb the general tranquil-
lity much iu the language used by Lord Palmer.
ston at the Mansion House on Wednesday night,
though he speaks as a Sovereign on whose frontiers a
desperate revolution is now raging. When we place
these calm words beside the programme of domestic
improvements which he submits to the Reichsrath,
we see fair evidence of the Emperor having as-
sumed a policy of moderation and progress as dis-
tinct as possible from that both of Russia and Prus-
sia. This is certainly the manner in which the Aus-
trian Government should act in its present position.
It has still enemies to conciliate, it has but an im-
perfect constitution, and it seeks to consolidate its
empire by pointing out the community of all inte-
rests in that result, and by evincing a disposition
to rely upon its own intelligence, and upon the
affection of its subjects, rather than upon force.
The Reichsrath is a great experiment, and it is still
upon its trial. The object for which it was devised
was to establish a system which we may describe as
representative centralisation. Between the Crown
and several parts of the empire—such as the Hun-
garian and Venetian kingdoms—two classes of con-
tests had been maintained. The earlier advisers of
Francis Joseph had endeavoured to make the go-
vernment both homogeneous and despotic. The
Hungarians and Venetians, on the other hand, de-
manded both political liberty and also distinct go-
vernment. Neither party has been able to carry its
point. The Reichsrath is in itself the offer of a
compromise on the part of the Crown. By it the
Crown abandons its pretensions to despotic govern-
ment, but still clings to the principle of centralisa-
tion. On this basis the Emperor of Austria offers
political liberty to his whole empire indifferently.
We all know that this proposal has at present been
very imperfectly accepted. The Hungarians have
been reluctant to merge their peculiar legislative
rights in a general parliament of the empire. This
is but natural. They have been deceived more than
once, and theyare s'ow to trust those in whom their
former confidence was misplaced. On the other
hand it is natural also that the Emperor of Austria
should wish to assimilate his own government to
the conditions which render France so powerful a
State. In these days it is almost as hard to rule
without centralisation as without political liberty:
The genius of the age is opposed to mediaeval tra-
ditions and to complicated administrative machi-
nery. We think, therefore, that the Emperor of
Austria and his present advisers have a claim to
the moral support of Europe in their endeavour to
redeem the past errors of the State, and to ask per-
sistently for moderate centralisation while they
yield the principle of representative government.
Unless we are greatly mistaken, the Austrian
monarchy is now assuming a strength. and settling
itself on a broad basis, such as it has not for a long
time experienced. The reforms which are proposed
for the new session evince that the Government are
prepared to pursue their advantage. The altera-
tionsby
they now propose in the administration of jus-
tice strike at once to the root of very much of the
in
been entertained
cases,
the
gp rr, eojuunddi
de r h
, rat
distrust—thater,has
whole German people, in almost every State of the
Confederation, against their rulers. TheGoverntnent
of Austria now propose to introduce oral
procedure,
trial by jury, and publicity. These three condi-
tions of satisfactory justice have long been demanded
in vain. In our own opinion, the latter is the most
important amendment of the three. Those who
have most accurately
analysed the ill feeling
which
has actuated the Germans towards their princes
have commonly agreed i
that judicial tribunals weren ascribing it to ti belief
closed to the public in
order to shelter their mai nreatione of justice. Nor
is it surprising that such a belief should have
thrown a general odium
of the country over all the political insti-
tutions The u 'dici I
a a procedure,
though rarely, we incline to think, corrupt, has
hitherto been greatly in fault • and we believe that,
in German Austria at all events, the general
intelligence is
fully equal to the satisfactory work-
ing' a trial by jury. We see no reason why
Austria should not become a prosperous, and in
time a more or less united, nation. If Transylvania
should now give in her adhesion to the Reichsrath,
as the Emperor announces that his Government
expects, a great step in this direction will be gained.
It will be the more important, as Transylvania is
a province hitherto possessing a Diet of its own,
and touching the Russian frontier. Nor can Francis
Joseph's moderation in his conduct towards the
Galicians be without its influence on the resolution
both of the Transylvanians and of other nationali-
ties of the empire, whenever they also may consent
to take part in the Reichsrath. With increasing
public confidence, an amended currency, and a com-
merce developing itself largely year
by year, the
trading position of Austria is likely thoroughly to
recover from the discredit to which alternate con-
vulsion, war, and misgovernment have reduced it ;
and, if the Reichsrath will legislate justly in the
interest of all, we see no reason why the most fas-
tidious referenceto local privileges and traditionary
right should interfere with a readiness on the - part
of all to meet together and legislate in cowmen asi
all matters of imperial concern

"1-Ik7 -4••
'4l
„ t*Atirk Su".
444

LONDON, FRIDAY, JUNE 19, 1863.

The power of the Press is a recognised fact in this
nineteenth century. Captain PEN holds at the
present moment a more unlimited and a more omni-
potent sovereignty than any royal monarch of
ancient or modern days. Apart from the political
influence of the Public Journals so conspicuous in
this country—" a country," as the late Lord
STRANGFORD happily called it, " which is governed
by its journals, though the names of its journalists
are unknown"—apart from the political power
wielded by the journalist, how great is the influence
continuously, perhaps unconsciously, but not the
less powerfully, exercised over the tone and morals
of society by the Literature of the day ! How
many abuses have been tolerated until the finger of
Genius pointed them out to universal scorn! How
many gigantic hypocrisies have crumbled away at
a single touch from the same master hand ! It was
not a figurative thrashing that NICHOLAS NICKLEBY
administered to the Yorkshire Schoolmaster, After
the revelation of the iniquities of Dotheboys Hall,
the days of that despotic Pedagogue were num-
bered. According to the definition of the School-
master himself, " the coat of arms of the SQUEERSES
was torn, and their sun had gone down in the ocean
wave." We might particularise many kindred
instances—the plaintive appeal of little OLIVER
" asking for more," the portentous incapability of
Mr. BUMBLE, the east wind raised by JARNDYCE
and JARNDYCE, which blew so cuttingly through
the purlieus of the Court of Chancery—but the
enumeration is unnecessary. The many social reforms
which have been suggested by the most popular of
our novelists are recognised by all. Others, in like
manner, have done the State good service by their
fictitious representations of its real grievances, by
their imaginary exhibition of its actual offences.
And it is only right that so it should be. High in-
tellectual gifts entail upon their possessor a weighty
responsibility. It is a lesson impressed upon every
manly nature, from boyhood upwards, that the pos-
session of physical strength entails upon its owner
the exercise of great restraint and forbearance. He
is rightly dubbed " coward" who dares to assail any
one inferior in size or power to himself. The na-
tural chivalry of human nature has raised up this
potent barrier of defence, to protect the weak and
the helpless from the physical power of the strong.
How much more is this law required in the moral
than in the material world ? How far more
cowardly and despicable is his conduct who, gifted
with intellect and genius above his fellows, employs
those potent weapons to injure the unwary—whose
eloquent tongue allures to destruction all who in
their blindness listen to the voice of the charmer
—whose craven hand deals the dastardly blow
which destroys not the body but the soul.
Happily it is far otherwise with the majority of
the authors and authoresses of our day : some pain •
ful exceptions there are ; but the most gifted and
the most popular are exerting their talents for the
noble purpose of social regeneration. On this
theme the writer of a recent romance, which has
been the subject of much admiration and of much
censure, has addressed a long letter to a contem-
porary. Mrs. NORTON, in alluding to some com-
ments upon her new novel, " Lost and Saved/ de-
clares that her object in its publication has been not
only to point a moral, but to arouse the attention and
startle the conscience of society. If she has laid
bare secret offences, it is with a view to effect their
remedy. When reminded that a single hand can
do nothing against an universal evil, the authoress
dauntlessly replies—it go far from individual pro-
tests being worthless, they are the small hinges on
;"which the great doors of change for ever turn
and in this bold assertion she is certainly
justified
by the experience of the past, as among many others
the examples we have alluded to above may testify.
It is assuredly the mission of the novelist, while
depicting human nature as it is, to exhibit in the
strongest light that Imagination can suggest or
Eloquence enforce, the errors and the faults and the
follies which constitute the vast difference between
what is and what ought to be. In so doing the
fiction-writer is only following the teaching of that
best of models for every artist—Truth. The Lesson
of Life that might be summed up by every death-
bed is the same, and compared with ench a revela-
tion, the romances of the mopt imaginative would be
tame and commonplace. The man (or the woman)
of genius could not possibly have a higher ambition
than that laid claim to by Mrs. NORTON—we say
advisedly laid claim to, because we do not think
that her work has justified her intentions.

"To put a tongue in every • social' wound,
And raise the very stones to mutiny,"
ist indeed, a task worthy of the highest intellect

and the noblest aspirations. Every author and
authoress (and their number in this day is legion)
who reads Mrs. NORTON'S protest and ponders over
her opinion as to the power of an individual voice,
" the small hinge" on which so much may be made
to turn, will do well to take the lesson to heart.
" And I, too, am a Painter ! (ed io anche son pzttore)
was the ambitious exclamation of the Italian
student, enraptured by the work of some great
master. Would that a kindred spirit might animate
our " sensation" writers, and, looking at the reforms
brought about ere now by their brethren of the
pen, they might emulate their ambition, even if de-
void of their great gifts. Inasmuch as such was
her desire, vie honour Mrs. NORTON'S undertaking;
but, as we have said, we cannot consider that she
has been successful in her attempt.

The motion of Sir J. HAY, on Wednesday last,
attempted to introduce a very necessary and long-
called for reform in the distribution of our naval
prize money. At present the grievance is of a very
serious character, and one likely to receive very
little attention at the hands of the Admiralty, who
seem to consider abuses of the kind as venerable
from their antiquity. The hon. baronet, in moving
the second reading of his bill, said that its main,
object was to enable the captors to appoint an
agent to protect their interests and to secure their
rights, and to provide that he should be paid at the
rate of 21 per cent. out of the money he received.
It would seem that little objection could be taken
to such a measure ; but, however, we are told that
the Admiralty intend bringing in a bill of their
own on the subject, probably next session, and
therefore Sir J. HAY was advised by Lord CLARENCE
PAGET to withdraw his own measure, and to lend
his energies to the support of the Admiralty bill.
But the facts whirl were adduced did not exactly
tend to show the readiness of the Admiralty to
mend matters. The Kertch prize money, due for
six years, has only recently been tendered, while
the amount due for the agent's services is not
allowed. Colonel DUNNE remarked that a
similar delay had taken place in the army,
and mentioned the case of a man who
was now in a state bordering on starvation,
though money had been due to him by the Govern-
ment ever since the Kertch and Yenikala expe-
dition. Sir JOHN ELPHINSTONE referred to a
similar incident. A midshipman of the James
Watt brought home a prize and found himself and
his crew of 15 without any means of livelihood.
He applied to the Admiralty, and received the
gratifying intelligence that he and his party would
receive the necessary means when the proceeds of
the prize had been realized. An exactly similar
case, he added, had occurred to an officer and crew
belonging to the Euryalus. Under the old law the
officer in charge would have been consigned to an
agent who would have made the necessary advances.
This is certainly not the way to iacite our seamen
to extra exertion, or to reward them for acts of
bravery. It is more likely to disgust them with
the service than to stimulate their efforts, and
really it would seem as if such were the object of
our Admiralty, who deserve the severe rebuke of
Sir JOHN ELPHINSTONE, who declared that our
naval administration had done more harm to the
English navy than had ever been done by the
French. Sir JOHN ELPHINSTONE pointed out
further differences between the new act and the old
one, showing the inferiority of the former. He said
that Lord BROUGHAM had expressed apprehensions
at the time of the change as to its possible result, and
those fears had been only too well founded. It is a
shameful fact, that the system of distributing, or
rather of not distributing, our prize money is alike
discreditable to the nation and irritating and inju-
rious to the men. Every obstacle and delay possible
is put in the way, until, perhaps, the brave men
who have justly earned their reward, die off one by
one, and considerably reduce the number of appli-
cants. Such a result may be satisfactory to the
Admiralty, but it is certainly most unsatisfactory
to the public, as Col. DUNNE indignantly said in
reference to the military side of the grievance.
" Burmah, Lucknow, Delhi, the Deccan—not one
of these names can be mentioned without recalling
scandals of the worst kind." Before the decided
tone adopted by the numerous and influential sup-
porters of the bill the Government opposition was
compelled to withdraw—Lord CLARENCE PAGET
giving the House a solemn warning that it was
assuming a responsibility properly belonging to the
Government. The First Lord did not apparently
see that his reproach was in reality directed against
himself, or rather against his office—that it is the
incapacity or unwillingness of our naval adminis-
tration to fulfil its responsibilities that has trans-
ferred the duty to independent members. It is
time that some one undertook to fight the cause of
the men who have been so long kept out of their
rights ; and we trust that hon. members will not
relax their efforts until a thorough change is made
in the system of distributing both naval and mili-
tary prize money, and the cruel injustice that has
so long disappointed and disheartened our best men
shall be rendered a future impossibility.

The arrival of the explorers of the Nile is a very
interesting event. It is always gratifying to wel-
come home the successful explorer, and the wonder-
ful discoverer, but it is rendered doubly so by the
fact that so many valuable lives have been lost in the
cause of these arduous undertakings in distant lands.
As soon as it was known that the Pera had arrived
at Southampton, the Mayor, accompanied by the
town clerk and eeveral gentlemen, waited on the two
Captains, and presented them with au address. In
the course of that brief address, a very apt allusion
was made to the great achievements of the tra-
vellers, and the object of their presentation could
not have been more forcibly explained than as fol-
lows:—" It would ill beseem the representatives of
an ancient seaport, whose history is connected
more or :ess with every period of the annals of Eug-
land, to neglect an opportunity of most respectfully
greeting travellers whose recent discoveries have
solved the perplexing problem of all ages, by ascer-
taining the true source of one of the most wonder-
ful rivers on the face of the earth." It must be a
source of satisfaction to the inhabitants of South-
ampton that they should have been the first to
hail the presence of these illustrious men, who
have earned a place in history side by side with
those who in all ages have striven to improve the
knowledge and extend the experience of their fel-
low men. There is no royal road to such attain-
ments ; it must be won by individual exertion, and
gained by personal sacrifice. As the services are
arduous, so should their recognition be com-
plete; and it is therefore a step in the right
direction that the officials or local authorities
should have hastened to do them honour upon
Mayor congratulated
the threshold of
their native land. When the
them on that "Divine pro-
tection which carried them unharmed through re-
pave s eiinthewrhi feahllesno victi man
ms to pestiferous climates,
or have perished by the hands of their savage in.
habitants," they must have felt deeply grateful that
they had been permitted to return to their country,
and there to enjoy the fruit of their labours in the ap-
pt.( ciation of their fellow-countrymen. After a short
time there is no doubt that these ,xplorers will
pub.iAt au account of their wanderings, which
will be certain to prove most attractive

and interesting. It is said that they
have already testified to the fertility of
the regions through which they have passed. Cotton
and every tropical product was seen by them grow-
ing in lavish abundance, and vast accumulations of
ivory strewed their route for many leagues. This
will be deeply interesting information for those who
study such subjects, in reference to their social
advantages and political importance. The ex-
plorers appear to have met with great difficulties
and dangers in the course of their wanderings. They
went on undaunted, however, and made their way
where even their guides shrank from proceeding;
on their journey to Lake Wyanza being, however,
robbed of everything by the barbarous tribes they
encountered. Only a portion of their followers
remained with them to the end. Nevertheless, they
have brought home with them many trophies of
their expedition. The skull and bones of a gigantic
buffalo, which was shot near the Equator, and the
photographs of some huge savages of various
tribes, are among the collection. It seems almost
impossible to over-estimate the importance of the
services that have been rendered to science by the
successful result of this arduous expedition ;
and it is to be trusted that the ener
getic explorers will long be spared to witness
the satisfactory consequences that ensue from their
toil. Their exertions and endurance have not been
thrown away. They have triumphed in the good
and great cause they had undertaken ; but because
they have met with no serious casualties, and not
fallen by the wayside, in their arduous pilgrimage,
their perils on the road to fame must not be for-
gotten, nor their services thought less of. They
have a right to that eminent position and distin-
guished consideration which England has ever
awarded to those enterprising sons who have carried
her fame to the uttermost ends of the world, and
rendered the name of Englishmen as celebrated for
discoveries and as renowned for explorations as they
have ever been for gallant and glorious services in
the field.