The Sun.
London, England, 1830-09-04 00:00:00

.
Constitution--no cries of, 'Viva la Libelled,' in
any part of the Peninsula.", . This letter bears date
the 23d of Augtvit' at which date it is more than
probable that no demonstrations of any sort had'
been. made in fivour of the Constitution. Vet what
must we infer from Other parts of this same letter
of our correspondent ? Why was it taken for
granted that 20 or 30 poor people drinking at an
ule-honse, near Madrid, must be conspiring against'
be State? Why that the commanding officer of a
regiment must he disaffected ; and why was he ac-
tually arrested by the Minister at Ware---because
his drum.major had ordered the band to play a French'
march on entering Madrid ? Why, again, were ball-
cartridges served out to the Royalist Militia (as they.
are called), if no danger existed, or any suspicion of
danger, more than for six years past ? This gentle-
man also, we obset ve, attributes the report of ap-
proaching insurrections in Spain to stock job-,
biog manoeuvres for a rise in the Cortes bends..
That the occurrence or even hope of a formidable
-insurrection. in Spain would tend to raise that de-
scription a national paper is manifest enough ; but
the French ultra Royalist dream that all the animo-
sity of the French nation against the Court of:
Charles X. hail been the work of the popular jour-.
nuts, instead of the popularity of those journals hav-
ing arisen front the odiousness of the Government,
was on a par, in point of sagacity, with this guess
of those who furnished intelligence to the Madrid
letter. in both ea-,es the effect is put for the cause.
The precautions of Carlos d'Espogna, in Catalonia,
tinly likowke help to open the eyes of many worthy
individuals whet have hitherto seen nothing beyond
the ordinary phenomena of the last six years in,.
Spain. Prince i'olignsc, his colleagues, their nn-
happy !nester, h and, we dare say, the whole fan-'

bourg St. Getman), saw nothing on the 25t1) of
last July hut a long vista of unimpaired legitimacy
for Chai X.-and his successors. On the With of

August that wretehttl King was transported, an
',tripled culprit, from the scenes of his visionary
triumph, and the contemptible creatures who bail
deluded arid destroyed him wore under escortifor the
Castle of Vincennes; bo, practicuble is it even for
clever men to reside in a country and know vrry
little about it. l'inics.

A Second Edition has just been published of

" The Letters on England," by the late M. A. de
Stat.! Holstein, with additional letters, and a Life of

the Author, by the Duchess de Broglie. The amiable
and virtuous author was,well acquainted with Eng-
land, spoke the language, as Sir Walter Scott ob-
servCd, like a naive, and was peculiarly well qua-
lificd• to institute a comparison between England
And Vivito. lie has been accused by his country-
men,.. indeed, of partiality to England ; certainly he
Will pot he accused of partiality to France. The
oddilionol.lotters wore written after he had added to

his experience the witnessing a General Election in
Bitekind, which seems to have given him more
in,ight than he before posssessed. into the working
of the Constitution. He 'Allows that in many things
France may profit by the example of England, but
he seems to have stumbled on the truth, that Prance
is in the right path, while England is getting further.
and-further from it.

" Fora long time (he observes) we may and ought to
profit by its example ; but I am not the less convinced
that its social organization requires fundamental rt forms,
and I would not venture to affirm that its political in-
stitUtions are sufficient progressively to lead to these re-
forms, without having dangerous crisis to pass through.
In this respect, perhaps,. our situation is more favourable
than hers ; perhaps, after long-continued shocks, we
begin to enter an easier and straighter path. The corm
parison of the career of these • two countries, during the
latter years, would almost seem to point it out. • . •
. Let us now turn our eyes to France. I have no
mind to play the politician here, and I believe myself to
he perfectly impartial while writing to you ; hitt our Go-
vernment (the late French Government) will have no
right. to complain, if, in judging of the state of the country
eta influence has been left entirely out of the question.—
Equity cannot go farther for if we were to judge of iltl
int•otitms by its attempts, and of its influence by its acts,
we toust•hold another language. Let us then take it for
what it really is—for a.construint, for a troublesome ob-
stacle to the moral and political development of France,
but an obstacle which is nut powerful enough to stifle the
elements of prosperity and good sense, which germinate in
the country. If, notwithstanding this obstacle, prosperity
has increased, if public good sense has made any progress,
will it not lie evident that we must meek the causes in the
very ecinstitution of society,' in the manners of the people,
and the state of property ?
" A constant subject of meditation is afforded by the
sight of two neighbouring countries, continually connected'
by commerce and business, making a daily exchange of
Woke and Ideas, as well as of goods and of Merchandise,
governed by analogous political laws (since our Charter is
but nu imperfect imitation of the English ,Constitution),
anti nevertheless remaining so different in their manners
and their tendeney, that we must say, in certain respects,
they are, placed at the two extremities of the social scale."
After noticing our institutions . and customs, be
proceeds to observe—,
" But if in all those divers elements the sum of good is
immense, there is not the less reason to be surprised at the
. . •

mass of evil. Crying abuses subsist in the face of mi.:
limited publicity, and without any serious: thought of
combatting them suggesting itself even to those who suffer
me,,t by them; about' customs 1114iiititift their ground by
the side of the soundest good sense; the misery of Man.
attester with the luxury of London ; unparalleled frivolity:
by the side of serious and exalted virtues; unbeard.of
scandal and profound piety ; :and under the most en.,
lightened of European Governments, Ireland more wretched

than the Countries subject to the despotism of Austria.
44 Whet do we bee on this side of the Channel ? No
Institutions—for how can we give this name to, liberties
without guarantee, superinduced, as it were, no the utl.;
ininistrative Monarchy?—an imperfect and wavering ad-
ministration of justice; an aristocracy witliont indepen.
derive sod without wealth ; a democracy without vigour,
Icc. Am; it nut gam that a.state of society composed of
such eleineots must present a melaticholy spectacle? And
yet what impartial observer can look at Prance without.
being struck by its progress, and the prosperity of its in—
habitant?, In what Alonarehy is the condition of. the
labourieg classes better ? And if liberty consisted only in
following wlthout constraint one's private `Sfraire, where is
that faculty enjoyed to a greater extent ?
44 Undoubtedly ;sectirities are wanting. Undoubtedly
we have no teal iserriets,. to oppose so the caprices of
power; but a sort of public moderation, a general sense of
propriety supplies their place in a certain degree; end.
precisely boo use we are without institutions either good.
pr bad, nothing can long maintain its ground which will
not bear the exuminetion of reason, The relations between

laaa and man ere aimple and true; mural and intellectual
'auperiOrity ate estimated at their 'real value, and the ad-
vintages el bitth or ofsitoation, in themselves without in-
flames!, romans their place in public spiniest wherever
theY are accompinied by individual merit; a taste for
eertous 'demi and occupstions takes the place of royal end
imperial vanities; a love of order animates all classes, be.
cause all have something to preserve. . . .
I toast also confess there still exists in Franca a class of
own who have need to learn that there is no more dignity
of soul in looking at superior stations in society with a
jealous eye, than in seeking them with ambitious vanity.
Let us gone farther, and auk forget that aristocratical in-
atitutions are only the titans, while the object is, first of
all, lilpity—that is :sitsay, justice and morality—then
ProPetity. Now, there is a point at which aristocratic
customs would end with rendering illusory all the beat
guarantees of liberty.
In vain shall I be told—in vain shall I sty to myself,
that there ianothingeaselusive in Constitutional aristocracy
—that every kind of career is open to everybody—that
there is no tewlal advantage that is not accessible to talent
and to fortune. It is, nevertheless, true, that the obstacles
may be SO multiplied, and the ofjeet placed so high, that
fur one trim succeeds in reaching it, there are thousands
who suffer and perish by the Way.
" I have enriched myself by labours which have been
advantageotia to my country as well as to myself; I de-
sire honourably to enjoy my fortune in my native pro•
vince, and to acquire the influence and the means of
being useful, which landed property confess. flow can
I do this, if I urn as it were imprisoned on all eiders by

the immens►; poste issions which are perpinueted by entails
in one family, the heed of which is, perhaps, the n►ort
useless of soon ? :

•& I have conceived the piano( a canal, which will animate
the commerce of a %Oink town; which will enrich a
whole province; very well; but it must puns through the
park of great nobleman, to whom the plan is inconve-
nient, atili all is %topped. I may certainly have remold
to the power of Parliament, and to the still greater power
of, the Prism ; but whom shall find in the Parliament?
the friteds, the relations, the dependenta him whose in.t