The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-05 00:00:00

MSC.

too,
of quilt-
il to pro-
also said
illy added
not dia-

1s stated,
isint kana
be dis-
h. !lowly

obliged to
ititeos, be
Dr petulisi
I beef
le athirel.

Wee* to contain ; and he therefore felt it difficult to al)-
. PIT himself to the observations which be had to make, and
to the amendment which he imtended to propose, in such
a manner as would make them intelligible to the House.
Under such circumstances, he might be justified in taking
a course which had hewn adopted on several previous oc-
tiliong—he meant that of proposing the adjournment or
. the debate on the address till to-morrow, is order to
give time for consolidating into the address such topics as he
Might Wish to se* introduced into it. That course, how-
ever, he should not follow at present, because it appeared to
lam not to be Accordant with the temper and spirit of
tb. House. He should therefore grapple with the
Itthject as well as be could as it passed on, and make a
f",' remarks on some of the topics that had been
adduced. In the Speech from the Throne, which he
took to be the speech of his Majesty's Ministers.—(Cries
of No, no.) What ! not the speech of his Majesty's
Alinisters? What then?
Mr. WARD—I only meant by " No, no," that his
Majesty's Ministers were not to be considered responsible
for What I had said.—(Laughter.)
Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL of course did not
mean so to be understood ; but in that Speech pre-
pared by his Majesty's Ministers, the House was
told that the distress of the country existed in some parts,
and the Hou. Gentleman who last addressed the House,
h?d
described it as being of an extraordinary character.
'now, if the Speech proposed to be carried back
4°, the Throne contained any thing like the sentiments
wnkh every Member must entertain, there would be
nothing to differ upon or complain of. The Noble
Lord who was the mover of the resolution had de-
scribed the distress of the country as general, and there
Solid not be the slightest doubt that it prevailed generally,
and to a most extraordinary degree. With respect
to the political conduct of his Majesty's Ministers,
be could not possibly ascertain why is was that
Pon Miguel, the actual possessor of Portugal,
had not been, as the Hon. Member was stare he would be,

acknowledged by this country as the King of that coun-
trY. After the Hun. Member had adverted to the
different subjects in his Majesty's Speech to that
Reuse, ke returned to the subject of the distress of the
country, the sole point to which his amendment had refer-
°nee. Had he heard it stated that that distress prevailed
Iniversally, and that it was intended to be represented
to his Majesty that the House would take every
measure which diligence, wis lom, and sagacity could
Ingest, to alleviate the misery that prevailed, he should net
have said one word. He might by asked what evidence he
bad of this distress? He himself could give per-
'Phalli' evidence of the great distress that prevailed
"1 that part of the country with which lie was connected.
Were he to be asked to give further proof, he would call
aPon every Member of the House to state the conditions of
those parts of the country with which they were immediate),
4°*nected, and with their faithful reports he should be
• perfectly satisfied. What was the House now called upon
to do ? Hoa. Members were asked on this, the first day
Perhaps the most important day, of perhaps the most
important Session oa which that House had ever met to
aPProach his Majesty with an expression respecting the
"ate of the country, very much like a falsehood. Here he
appealed again to the authority to which he had alluded.
in asking Hon. Gentlemen to weigh deeply the respoesi-
hillry under which they laid themselves, by the resolution
Which they were about to return to the Throne. As
aa the effect of the Malt Tax, the change of the
currency, aid so on, he should not detain the
Yenta with observations at that time, but would express
cis sentiments fully on them when they should come on
ler discession. What he wished for now was, the naked
and simple truth to be stated in the resolution, that the
distress was general throughout the country, that it pre-
vailed in some parts to an entering extent, and that the
Knave would adopt every possible means for the purpose of
alleviatime that affliction.
The Marquis of BLANDFORD—Iie seized that early
artnertunity, as one of the representatives of the people of
England, of stating his firm conviction that the circum-
steacee ef the country were in such a condition as so
render it impossible to attemp a return to a sound and
healthy state until such a diminution of her burtheus
elsould take place as would put the productive inoerests of
the country in such a situation as to enable then to
Contend with the low prices of the produce of their
Industry and oapital._(Loud cries of " firer, hear.")—
the most effective remedies mast be resorted to—no pal-
half measures--would restore the country, he
* 'ate not to a state of prosperity, but to a state in
which the productive classes could obtain even a subsist-
The best and most efficacicus measures
were necessary, hut these could not be attempTed, or even
looked at,.until tee had a House of Commons so consti-
...sod as to create, if not feelings of confidence, at 'cut
feelings of respect.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The, deeds
of disaffection and thicoutent were deeply sown, and
Which would be in vain to attempt to check er restore
their growth, except by a speedy and temperate applica-
tion of the Seat principles of the Constitution in the choice
lathe Representative of the people. He should support the
amendment of his Hun. Friend, and after that was dis-
posed of, he had a case of his own which lie intended to
suinsit to the consideration of the House.—(Laughter.)
The SPEAKER having put the Amendment,
Sir J. BRYDGES, amid much confusion, made a
Sew observations in support (as we understood) of the
An met t.
Mr. WESTERN assured the House that the Noble
Duke at the head of hiz Majesty's Government must have
been eygrcgiously misinformed as to the state of the coun-
-17, whole he advised his Majesty to state, in the Speech
• from the Throne, that the distress which now preaailed
Was partial. He could assure the House that the distress
Was universal and unprecedented ; that the entire laborious
6114 productive classes of the community were in a
''stato Of misery such as had never before existed
during aiy period of the history of this country. The
distress, he begged leave to observe, was not a partial
calamity. • Such was the distress, that which notwith-
stauding the arduous struggles which had been made
by the productive clam of the community to maintain
their station for the last 14 year's, was now pressing upon
ahem to such an extent as to bear down all energy and
• • ex.ertien, mad if any Hon. Member of that House
ltd not feel alarm at the state of the country at
Present, lie (Mr. W.) owned that he felt much
aurpristel, unless the absence of alarm proceeded from ig-
!icranee of the actual state of the people. Nothwithstand-
„int the gigantic efforts which had been made by the
eople, during a war which he had reproleited,
-PecllPosed, notwithstanding the lavish expenditure pro-
-4c,c4 bY that war—an expenditure which the bold efforts
'c people, from the commencement to the close of that
war' enabled the country to meet, and at the close of
Which this country was in a state of unexampled prospe-
rity and power ; yet from the moment that war was
4 ; °lied, the country had, in fact, to pay a taxation double
amount to the war expenditure, and from that
14;tant, the people began to feel the distress which they
1411 felt, and against which, those gigantic efforts, that color-
P''`frer of the country, which resisted all the mischiev-
ous measures of that period, and successfully struggled
"Ilinst them, were no longer of any avail. Such were the
ficulties with which the people had now to con-
taatii that be fell confident that all the energy, all
the efforts of the people, would be unavailing unless
a repeal of some of the rueaseres which lied taken place
With respect to the currency of the country should be first
effected; and, unless that House would appeal to the
People with an assurance that those measures could not he
Proceeded in unless such measures should he adopted, the
country was in such a state as must be followed
6Y a convulsion more terrible than could he here-
lirotd.—(Heer, hear.) With the public eye fixed
neon that House, he could hardly bring himself to
helieve that it was not intended to adopt some decided
Icestsures to work such a convulsion ; but lie at the same
tittle confessed that he was very much astonished
et the statement in the speech from the throne, which re-
Presented the distress as ptrtiel, and spoke of the severe
etlamitius of the people as it were in a pareuthesis.—
• (Hear,)—He was really surprised that the speech front
se, lb* Throne should not have adverted to that distress is a
fore serious tnenner ; and he should, therefore, he in-
tilted to support the Amendment, which stated these &sties-
" with more firmness. The course which the House must
adept was an inquiry into the causes of this unprecedented
state of things—(Hear, hear)—and to ascertain how
't happened that the powers, the energies, and the
interpriae of the people should be exerted in the
"i4oats aad still that the productive classes should besina
State of the lowest and most unexampled misery.
AA enquiry certainly should be institutod with a view
to relieve the industry of tho country from ti,e
ieffects of the panic produced by those Bills, which
by taking a surreptitious advantage had doubled the burdens
of the country, by causing double taxation in a currency of
increased value, and thus pressed upon the working classes
tire mechanics—the operatives—and the peasantry of the
*estuary, from whose labours, from the sweat of whose
brow, the public creditor was paid. This class was loyal
44d laborious, notwithstanding their fends were
exhausted, and that they had fur several years lived
bPco their eepital, and sustained out of their capital a
?seems which the productive labour of the country was
Aaalsle toHe felt it his duty to say this, and
. produce. •
4. could assure the House that the country would be
44IPPoIntrd, unless such aentinaerite prevailed in that

House. Such wss the degree •f alarm in the country,
that the morals and the cedn'ons of the people were
undergoing a change, ard that they no longer
entertained the least respect for any authority, but
on the contrary, that a feeling of respect for autho-
rity was getting into contempt. It was impossible fur
things to last, and its had felt it his duty to warn Mini-
sters of the cowrie they had run, and to express hie epi-
non that the) Message did nut come up to the expecta-
tio❑ of the country.
Mr. PROTHEROE observed that during the three
Seesione in which he had the honour of holding a seat in
that House, he had very seldom risen to speak, because
he preferred listening to the wisdom of others to putting
forth any observations of his own. The country, how-
ever, was now in a situation is which it less required elo-
quence than sympathy, and active exertion in its behalf.—
The House had long been in the habit of hearing corn-
plaints from particular classes in the country. It ap-
peared to him that those complaints were no longer reite-
rated from the. old quarters, but that the hollow murmur
of discontent was approaching the House in an awful
manner. No person but the Hon. Member for Essex
(Mr. Western) had accurately described the dreadful state
of the country. Not long since he had read in a political
work which had not been much in the habit of attacking
the institutions of the country, that the House of Com-
mons was not only chargeable with want of wisdom,
firmness, and integrity, but was besides totally ineffi-
cient to discharge the important duties which were
imposed upo❑ them. He did not mention this
with the view of setting the Attorney-General
upon a prosecution for libel, but because he thought
it right that the House should have such a piece of
wholesome censure brought under it. serious consi-
deration. He thought that if the House should adopt the
address which had been moved, it would be a deliberate
insult to the people. The Duke of Wellington must have
known that the existing distress was general and universal.
The sentiments he uttered did not proceed from the spirit
of party. He did not think that the country looked for
its advocates among men of party feeling. It desired
rather the exertion of humble abilities, fairly and
honestly directed, than the aid of brilliant talents, tainted
by feelings of party or ambition. It was impossible to
expect train the Address, which was a mere echo of the
Royal Speech, a fair expression of the feelings of the House.
To supply the defect, he had draw❑ up an amendment
which he intended to move. He might be charged with
the want of a sociable disposition, on account of not hay-
ing preciously submitted his amendment to the gentlemen
amongst whom he usually sat, but the truth was, he had
Abstained from doing so because there never was a period
in the history of the country when a document was less
likely to meet with support as an expression of party feel-
ing. Tlie Hun. Member concluded by moving his amend-
ment.

Mr. Alderman WAITIIMAN said he had never been
better pleased with any speech than with that of the Hon.
Member who had just sat down. He trusted that the
Hon. Member who moved the first amendment would
withdraw it in favour of that just proposed, which seemed
more fully to express the cense of the House. Feeling so
strongly as he dist on the present occasion, he would give
his hearty concurrence to any and every amendment
which bad for its object an inquiry into the existing dis-
tress. He must confess that, looking to the extreme dis-
tress of the country, he expected more from the Royal
Speech on the present occasion than he usually did on
similar ones. The Speech contained only vague expres-
sions of economy, and of hope that we would soon sur-
mount our distresses. These hopes had been held forth
in every Speech from the Throne within his recollection,
and had uniformly been disappointed. There were no Mi-
nisters whom he would sooner repose confidence in than
the present; but he knew from experience that it was im-
possible for a Member of that House to place confidence in
any Ministers without its interference with the strict per-
formance of his duty. The Royal Speech stated that our
exports had increased. The same thing was stated last
rear, and on many former years. It was evident that the
effieial value of cur exports had latterly increased, but it
was equally evident that there was no profitable return for
them ; otherwise there would be larger imports. The
public distress had been auginearted from year to
year, until it had reached a point where it was
past further endurance. Would any man stand up in his
place and declare on his honour that the distress was con-
fined merely to particular parts of the country ? He was
surprised that the lion. Seconder of the Address had not
made more particular allusion to the great body of trader,
in the city of London. The distress of that class was
,
extreme. Their stocks had in general suffered a depre-
ciation of 40 per cent. Their interests were not so fully
represented iu that House as those of other classes. The
fact was, that the distress was not confined to any parti-
cular class,—the great body of the people were equally
distressed. The agriculturists, undoubtedly, formed a
great and important branch; but that portion of the cam-
munity was not the only one that was now suffering. The
distress equally affected the mercantile and manufacturing;
111
classes. He was much surprised, when an Hon. Menther,
not now in his place, (he alluded to the Hon. Member fur
Callington) brought forward a motion for inquiring into
the distressed state of the country ; he was, he confessed,
surprised on that occasion, and he merle the observation
" more in sorrow than in anger," that the agriculturists
did not exert themselves. But those gentlemen had now
come to their senses—the danger had overtaken them—it
was at their own door—and they stool forward,
boldly, honourably, and in a manner worthy of the
aristocracy of the country. They, he was sure,
could make an impression on that House and on the Go-
vernment. They had only to say, " This must be dune," '
and it certainly would be done. They were told that no
legislative measure could do any good—they were desired
to trust in Providence—to trust, in short, to any thing
but themselves. If this advice were c-arect, what WAY the
use of their meeting together ? It would be better to have
no Parliament at all, rather than to meet fur no purpose.
He would say, if they were in such a hopeless situation,
that the people were misrepresented—that they were mis-
governed—and that the waste of the public wealth noticed
in tha amendment was perfectly true.—( !leer. )—Such was
really the present state of things ; and if they looked back
steadfastly to what occurred for a series of years past, and
acted justly and fairly, there would then be some chance of
reformation. If rho things which lie had described bad
happened in spite of their legislative measures,—in spite of
their liberal policy, as it was called, and if those measures
were founded in wisdom, there was no hope of salvation.
They had come to that pass, that they could not avoid doing
something. He -could not state the remedies that ought
to be resorted to ; but this he knew, that they must either
bring up the prices to a level with the taxation, or liming
down the taxation to a level with the prices.—(llear.)
If Parliament did not adopt one or other of these plans, be
was as certain as that he stood there, that he should lire to
witness—and at his time of life he could not expect to see
many years—a scene of dreadful confusion in this country.
—(Hear, hear.)—ln stating his opinions, he was actuated
by no ill feeling towards any party or set of men. lie
had nothing to hope or to expect from any party. He
:torsi there merely to do his duty; and however unwor-
thily placed in that House as one of the representatives of
the metropolis of the British empire in Parliament, he
should betray his trust if he did not openly state his opi-
nion. Therefore, he entreated the House to forego all
private and personal feeling, and to look to the general
state of the country, every part of which was suffering
under the most dreadful disiress.—(Hear.)
Mr. E. DAVENPORT doubted very lurch whether
many material amendments ought not to be added to the
Address proposed by the Noble Lord. The first amend-
ment, in his mind, to the motion of the Noble Lord,
ought to be a declaration of the expediency of getting rid
of that immense military force which, in times of peace,
their ancestors considered as an unconstitutional incuni-
brance, and which only enabled Ministers to hold out
bribes for the support of Members of Parliament. The
second obvious amendment was one which the circum-
stances of the country naturally suggested—namely, that
if they had the capacity, they should pledge themselves to
his Majesty to call the public servants to account, and to
being them to condign puuishment who had betrayed their
I trust ; and, with a view to their own emolument, conti-
nued to receive unreduced salaries to the present hour. As
to the Speech which he had heard read, lie thought he
should be able to explain some portions of it which seemed
to strike with surprise several Hon. Members who had
spoken before him. In the first place, however, he begged
leave to express his extreme concern at that part of the
Speech which related to our diplomatic relations with
Portugal. His view of that part of the Speech was dif-
ferent from that of the Hon. Baronet who moved the
amendment; for he heard with great concern that his
Majesty ever meant to conciliate a man whose conduct.
ought to put him out of the pale of the Sovereigns of
Europe. lie should, if this were the proper time, dilate
further on this subject; but he would only say at present,
that when the pressure of affairs enabled them to consider
this question, he would bring before tee House the subject
of our relations r'ith Portugal ; and he woull show on
that day, that the existence of this monster (for so he would
[
call him) on the throne of Portugal was mainly owing to
this country. The Speech declared, that the distress in the
country was merely partial. This seemed to pueaie eeve-
ral Gentlemen. But it was not difficult to show why
that distress, which they all knew to be general, appeared
to Ministers to be only partial. The fact was; that amongst

Cue landowners of t.iis country, there w a strong
position to do any thing that might ii en.; their losing; me
patronage of Governmeen They vs he believed,
rather encounter ruin than come forwaid and feie!3, de-
clare the desperate condition in whir% i tGded property was.
They did not like to state the fact plainly, lest they might
thereby interfere with the presecte to the doing genera-
ration : that was tile reason why they Wg not like to come
forward, as they ought, to that House to sei k redress.
Now, what was the state Gf the gentry of England? Why,
every men, whether a gentleman or a clergyman—(Laueh-
ter)—wishei to make all the males of his family gentle-
men, and this could only be done by piecing them in the
different professions. Now, the attempt to attain that
ob-
ject had changed the once independent gentlemen of Eng_
lend, and turned them into courtiers. Lord Bacon had
skid, " A country overcharged with taxes cannot be thriv-
ing ;" and he also observed, "Let any country that wishes
to be great, not allow the nobility and gentry to increase
too Gott, for where the nobility and gentry are extremely
numerous, the people will be base." This Gorernasent
seemed to proceed on a principle different from that. A
hotly of Ministers, abler he supposed than Lord Bacon, had
cantrived, in the eighteen years during which his present
Meiesty was in power, to nuke no less thin sixty Peers ;
arei he was informed by an individual who was conversant
in these matters, that at the period of the Union a majo-
rity of the other House did not sit by hereditary descent.
Now, when they considered these points, it was not won-
derful that the country gentlemen had not complained
either to this or to the other House of Parliament. The
next point in the Speech related to the unfavourableness of
the seasons. But would that account for all the distress ?
Would it account for a fall of SO per cent. in the price
of cattle? Would it account for a reduction of 30. per
cent. in the value of cheese? Would it account for the
tall in the price of every thing in the shop and in
the warehouse? The next expression would be exceed-
ingly consolatory, if we could atisteh the slighted authority
to it. The expression to which he alluded was, that the
distress was not of a permtnent character. Now, he
thought be could satisfy the House that that assertion was
not worth owe farthing. In 1826, when the Chancellor
of the Exchequer vette told of the danger that would en-
sue from the withdrawal of several millions of 1/. notes,
he stated their amount at about 2,250,000/.,—a state-
ment which was entirely erroneous. An :individual had
writter to him on the subject, and stated that, on exemi-
nation, he found that four-fifths of those motes had been
out three years, and considerably above one-half of them
had been out seven years. He therefore inferred that the
amount was 7,000,000/. or 8,000,000/., instead of
2,250,000/. The Hon. Member then proceeded to argue,
that the increased issue of 5/. notes did not make up for
the deficiency this created, and that the issue of sovereigns
was not likely to increase a circulation the basis of which
was credit. As to the boast so often made is that House
with reference to the extent of our exports, its fal-
fary had already been clearly shown by the Hon. Alder-
man below him. Ministers appeared to entertain Wangs
ideas of political economy. They looked to the pro-
duction of a vast quantity of goods as a proof
of the flourishing state of the country, no matter whether
those goods fetched any thing or nothing in the market.
Now it was notorious that the master-manufacturers who
had produced those goods had been obliged to sell them
under prime cost. And was that, he would ask, a matter
of boast to he inserted in a King's Speech ? lie knew
that the Noble Duke at the head of the Government enter-
tained very singular ideas as to the situation of the country.
He said that the extravagant system which prevailed during
the war must be abandoned, and moderate and sober
habits introduced.—(Hear.)—Sober habits, he admitted,
were very good, but why not extend them to all—ta
Ministers, to sinecurists, to all who live ou the taxes

" Order and sobriety
" Are the rules of his society,"
why not make them general? The Noble Duke ought to
recollect, that those sober people had each contributed his
mite to present hint with the most splendid reward ever
given to a soldier. But he doubted whether they would
have granted him 700,0001. if they thought that he would
have supported laws the tendency of which was to double
that sum. In conclueion, the Hon. Member observed,
with respect to the national credit, that there were two
species of debts,—that which the Government borrowed,
and that which by Me. Peel's Bill was doubled. The firs,
would be paid, but the second never would, and never
ought.
Mr. Alderman THOMPSON observed, that as Minis-
ters had themselves admitted that the country was in a de-
plorable situation, he would not oppose the address, but
would give them time to develops their views and opinions
for the purpose of removing that distress. The Hon.
Aldermen warned Ministers not to rely on the increase of
expectation as a proof of prosperity. To prove that trade •
was in a deplorable state, he read a letter front one of his
constituents, in which he stated that the various goods he
dealt in had Mien from eIS to 40 per cent. in value. In
such a state of things, nothing but the Government enrerc-
ing the strictest economy, and reducing the burdens of the
people, could give effectual relief ; and if this were not done,
was sure the worst consequences would ensue. He was
not an advocate fin- unrestricted issue of paper, but some-
thing must he done to increase the circulation, or to reduce
taxatien.—(Hear.)—The manufacturers were now paying
their men in paper money and in goods; they had com-
menced chandlers, and were paying their servants in clothes
and is provision., instead of money, and not eufficient of
these to maintein them. On these grounds he should sup-
port the amendment of his Majesty's Government--(A
laugh)—but if he did not find that the measures they
adopted were suited to the emergency, he should fed it his
duty to support thoee gentlemen who were anxious for a
change of men as well as of measured.—(Hear.)
Sir JOHN SEIIRIGHT opposed the amendment, He
made no doubt that his Majesty's Ministers would do all
in their power to relieve the distresses of the country.
The AtiN4tCEonlaLfOoriltneorf tolicecaE.iymfil t EQHER began by
obehad
been usual to
leave for eeperate discussion those topics in the Speech
sr vin CHANCELLOR
front the throne which required the consideration Of Par-
liatnent ; and unless some great and imperative duty in-
terposed, to concur in the address, leaving the general
topics till the period when they could be fully and ably
considered. The Hon. Baronet, the Member for Kent,
however, had thought proper, on this occasion, to depart
from the former practice ; lie had moved an arnentheent,
which, with respect to the paragraph in the Speech to which
it was intended to apply, was as little at variance with it
as any amendment he had ever known. The Speech
stated that his Majesty lamented the distress of the agri-
cultural and manufacturing classes in some parts of the
United Kingdom, and the Hon. Baronet emoted that
this was a false and unfounded representation of the state
of things. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) begged
the House would believe, that however strongly some
might affect to feel the distresses of the people, none
could feel them more than his Majesty's Ministers; and
he hoped the House would not think otherwise, because
they had advised the Crown to state the distress
according to their own views of it. He believed the dis-
tress was great ; he believed there was a severe pressure of
distress on the manufacturing and agricultural classes in
Bogie parts of the United Kingdom; and if he expected
other parts, it was because be believed there were parts of
the United Kingdom which, so far from being visited by
that distress, were in a state of comparative comrert and
prosperity. The Hon. Ilaronet had confined his views to
England ; he had emitted that part of the United Kingdom
which always attracted a large share of due attention of the
House—he meant Ireland —( Hear. )—Had the Hou. Ha-
! renet investigated the state of agriculture there ? If he
had, lie would have found that, as far as agriculture was
concerned, it enjoyed prosperity and comfort. The dis-
tress which hod been felt in some parts of this country
• had arisen, partly, from the excessive introduction of Irish
produce. How, then, was it possible for his Ma-
jesty to tell Parliament that disn els, sthich he knew
prevailed in parts, pervaded the whole kinedom ? The
Honourable Baronet might have been informed, that even in
the northern provinces of this country, the distress had not
been felt in an equal degree with other parts. In this view
the House had a justification of that expression which the
Hon. Baronet had referred te. He (the Chancellor of the
Exchequer) could not forget that the Hon. Baronet had
been supported by the Hon. Member for Essex, and he
could not forget the principle on which that support was
given. Was there a man who had heard the principle on
which the atnendmeat was supported, who did not believe
that it was proposed to make an alteration in die slanderd
of value, or the currency of the country, in short, to
change those laws which Parliament had adopted after
anxious deliberation ? He must say, that to entertain a
proposition for altering the standard of value laid down in
ISI9, as the basis of our circulation, or to concur in the
re-establishment of 1/. notes, were concessions which his
ijesty's Government could never Iteprepered to make.—
(Hear. ) iie felt it to he his duty, therefore, to oppose
the amendment of the Hon. Baronet. There was nothing
in the Address to the Speech froththe Throne which pre-
cluded future discussion en any topic, or pledged any men
as to the cause of the distress, or the measures for relieving
it ; on the contrary, the Speech said that his Majesty in-
tended to propose estimates on a redneed Beale. In abort,
the Speech comprised is itself the strict and literal truth ;
though it did not deny to any one the power to controvert
any insulated fact. Above all, it did not preclude any
Member from proposing measures for economising our re-

it llgwever, the first determination of his
:jesty's (30,-,..r..11..eet to m•there to those measures which
h.•d this nizht '•L;•;, questirm, but which he (Mr.
Gool;,urn) beieveri c,-eree s-..-n!ial to the eventual prosperity
.1" the country.

' 74r. MABERLY said that Cie Right lion. Gentleman
imputet, to the eupporters of the amendment a wish to
te'ter the a tand.trd. He (Mr. Mabel-1y) would tell him
that there war a means of tanning at a sound paper car-
rency that would not touch the standard. The Hon.
Baronet had not said he wished to alter the standard of
the cur rency, or that he wanted an equitable adjustment,
or any such thing. The Hon. Baronet had dealt with the
Speech as he had done, because it was deficient ; it did
not describe one situation accurately. The Hon. Baronet
considered the distress to be greater than his Majesty had
barn induced to think it was. The main cause of this
distress was the previpitaecy of the measures pursued, and
the error of legislating for a part of the country instead of
the whole; the consequence of which was, that Ireland
had one currency, Scotland another, and England another.
The Speech said nothing respecting a reduction of taxa-
tion ; but the people could not pay the present taxes, if
the present low prices continued, which were the result of
the existing system. The House, then, would not do its
duty unless it supported the amendment. Reduction of
taxation was the great remedy, and at a fit time he (Mr.
Maberly) should offer a proposition for a sound piper
currency, which would enable the country to carry en
its transactions without injury. He (Mr. Maberly) con-
cluded that we were to have no paper currency whatever.
Why, the very currency we now had was unsound ; it
rested on the Bank of England, and great part of the
capital of the Bank was employed and invested in securi-
ties which were not immediately convertible. We had
even now no sound metallic currency; it must give way
in time of pressure. Unless the dead weight and its
paper were taken from the Bank of England, it could not
meet its engagements. These things were a fit subject of
inquiry, but Ministers offered, none ; they stopped inquiry.
His Majesty's Speech recommended can:ion : lie (Mr.
Maberly) hoped the House would be cautious. The lion.
Member complained of the large expences of the charges
of collecting the several sources of income, and hoped the
House would insist upon a large reduction of taxation,
and Ministers must shape the expenditure accordingly.

Mr. O'CONNELL then rose. The lion. Member
spoke from the third bench on the opposition side. His
rising excited a considerable degree of curiosity in the
House and in the gallery. He began by saying, that the
people whom hr represented had sent him to that House
to attend to their interests ; and in doing the duty they
eenficied to him, he should frequently be obliged to express
his opiaions to the House. In requesting the indulgence
of the House on this occasion, he should endeavour to re-
pay it by being as concise as possible. He should address
hiraself to the subject of the Speech which had been reed
to the )Huse, and he felt it to be his duty to speak of it
with respect. It was entitled to respect as the
Speech of the Sovereign; it was entitled to respect as
the production of Ministers, particularly the Noble and
gallant Doke; it was entitled to bespoken of with courtesy
on the gyounds, and on these grounds hs should trent it
with respect. But when he earns to consider the con-
tents of it, any thing so unsatisfactory and inconsistent
with a wise Government could scarcely be conceived. An
Hon. Member near him had made some allusion to the
speeches iu other eountries, and particularly America. Did
he think that even in France such a Speech would be en-
dured, or from a President of America addressing the ge•
ruine representatives of the people? Contrast it with the
Presider-see late Speech ; look at the wise end sound
sentiments that Speech contained, and he asked, if this
House were the undoubted Representatives of the people at
large, whether such a Speech as that now read would have
been offered ?—(Hear.)—What did the Speech contain?
Why, first of all, the foreign nations gave the strongest
assurance of peace and amity. To be sure they did ; they
had heard this before ; even when war was actually going
on there would be strong professions of a desire for peace.
Then they were told that the Russian war was at an end.
This was an important piece of information. He supposed
they did not know that before.—(A laugh.)—Then they
were told that no:hies; had been determined on respecting
Portugal. Why not ? Was the character of Don Miguel
doubtful? Was it doubted that he had usurped the throne,
and that he had endeavoured to cement that throne with
innocent blood ?—(Hear, hear.)—They were then toll
that there was a partial distress. Was this the fact?
Was it a fact that the distress was partial ? The expres-
sions which fell from from the Lion. Members on the other
side upon this topic were curious. One said the distress
was general, the second that it was extraordinary, and
the third that it was overwhelming.—(Loud cries of
" Hear.")—So this partial distress was general, extraordi-
nary, and overwhelming. A happy discovery had been made
by the Chancellor of the Exchequer of some cases in the
desert. In one country there was no distress; and that
country—who would have thought it?—was Ireland.—
(Hear, hear, hear.)—He (Mr. O'Connell) had re-
ceatly come from that country, and be knew that
there had been a fund raised by the Lord-Lieutenant
of 3,5001., and a second collection of 300/. ; that these
funds were all exhausted, and that 7,000 persons were
subsisting upon three halfpence a day. What stiney land-
lords were the agricultural interest of Ireland, if, in the
midst of so much prosperity, they refused to contribute to
the necessities of the poor. He (Mr. O'Connell) did not
like to pledge himself to matters of fact, but he had tra-
velled through the provinces of Leinster, and Connaught,
and Munster, and be had seen no proofs of prosperity,
but, on the contrary, hail observed much distress. He
had hexed of one estate in the north of Ireland upon which
the November rent had in one instance been levied by the
sale of the blanket arid potato-pot of the tenant. Yet tine
distress had, in all probability, reached Ireland less rapidly
than other parts of the country, for this reason, that there
was a smaller currency. He thought the state of 'relent]
ought to have been mentioned in his Majesty's Speech,
and not introduced merely as a parenthesis by the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer in the course of his address. The
Right Hon. Gentleman said the,cuirency was to remain in
its present condition, and it was satisfactory to hear such
e declaration, but it was clear the Right Hon. Gentleman
could not keep his pledge without a very considerable di-
minution of taxaeion—(Elear)—and a reduction of the
public expenditure, riot by candle-ends and cheese-
parings, but by millions. In fact, instead of raising
60 millions of taxes in a gold currency, as .we were
mow doing, we must come down to 15 or 20 millions,
if the system of a metallic currency were persevered in. A
perseverance in that st stem would bring about other nue-
sures. We roust have reforms in the law, and the present
piebald system of equity common law of the Ecclesiastical
and Admiralty Courts (different in each) must be simpli-
fied and assimilated. He offered his humble meetl of sin-
cere thanks to the Right Hon. Secretary for his successful
attempts to break down some of the legal defeets which de-
formed the system. But we should proceed further—ba-
nish the barbarities of special pleading, nail cause all our
Counts to act upon one consistent and defined principle.
That distress existed in many places must be admitted.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer admitted its existence in
England. What was the cause of this ? Was it owing
to want of industry, intelligence, economy, or perseverance
in the people? Certainly not—the people of England
were possessed of all these qualities in an eminent de-
gree, and yet they were distressed. What was the cause
of this? It was to be found, not in the people, but in
the misgovernment to which they had been subjected.—
( Hear. )—pate salutary effect of the existing distress would
the
ti.nfi w
olldyd,biel ~ ofi thetati people.vtNotil f they
ddelprivethe Administration of
met in their cities and
countive, and made use of a gentle and constitutional com-
pulsion towards ministers, ministers would yield, and a sa-
lutary reform would lie the consequence. As he before stated,
we should have a thorough reform of the law. Talk not of
modifying the Genie Laws for instance, but abolish that
cruel code altogether which now filled our prisons. There
should be an investigation of the state of the representa-
tion, with a view to render it satisfactory to the people,
w 10), if properly reps: seated, could not complain with
justice of the measures adopted by Parliament. If the
people, instea 1 of being properly, or even partially repre-
sented, were left unrepresented—if there was a traffic in
Lot-tingle to fill up the ranks of the Mini-terial legions—
(Hear)--it could not he expected that the people ehouled
be satisfeol. He looked forward to the existing distress
with satisfaction in erns point of view—it would cause the
people to raise their voice aloud, and demand a radical and
complete reform. He had now made a profession of his
political faith—from the people he came ; they had sent
him thither to do the work of tine people. He should sup-
port the amendment proposed by the Hon. Baronet, the
Member for Kent; and if that were lost, he wished to
propose a resolution to the effort that the existence of dia-
t•raeusssedb ebiy"g anya fault' nlithe
petloniile,
tt this distress not being
t
it was the first duty of
the House to inquire into its causes, with a view to afford-
ing radical and satisftetary relief to all parties.—(flear.)
lie would then !neve (supposing his resolution to be
adopted) that the House do sit from day to day until it
had ascertained the cause of the public distress.—(clear,
and laughter,)

Mr. HUSKISSON said, there had keen already one
amendment proposed, and notice given of no fewer than
three others. lie was far from censuring the practice of
proposing amendments on such occasions as the present.
Ile came down to the House altogether ignorant of the
contents of his Mjesty's Speech, and equally ignorant of

the intention of the Hen. Beronet, or of any other Gen-'
tieman, to propose an emendment—but an amendment
having linen moved, and a eh bate having arisen upon it,
1e Isle calhd upon, without reference to the passibility of
prospective arrangements which mielit be for considera-
noo hereafter, to express his opinine on the subject with
rsference to ,he ample matter of firer as to the state of the
cauntry, which wis the real vestioe at isssne. If the
question were as to any particular mode of tenet', it would
be equally unwise and unbecoming to go into it when as-
sembled to thank his Majesty for his gracious Speech from
.lie Throne; eta from any thieg of that sort he
'horrid cautiously abstain. But, after what he had heard
from the Noble Mover and Hon. Seconder of the proposed
address—after all that hail fallen from these who had since
addressed the House—and fi sin his own kuowledge of
facts, he felt bound to state his opinion that the real facta
of the case, as regarded the public distress, were more tear-
rect:y stated in the amendinent—(Hear)—moved by the
lion. Bart. than in the addreeo proposed by the Noble Lord.
Entertainiog that opinion, whatever might be his wish to
alestairt from saying anything open this occasion, he' was no
longer at liberty to support an Address which did not contain
so accurate an estimate of the actual state of universal dis-
quietude and dissatisfaction that prevailed, not to provoke a
hostile discussion between the representatives of the people
end the people themselves, and not to call down on the
House of Commons reproach by understating the distress
and difficulty of the time. The best cosine to be adopted
in order to meet and overcome these difficulties was to look
at fled avow them fairly. He was not one of this! who
Vaught the ffifficulties so great as they had been represent-
ed in many quarters—lie (lid nut despair of seeing the
conntry restored to a situation of prosperity; but from all
the information he possessed, he felt satisfied that there
now existed that degree of pressure on the productive
classes generally, which, were it to be permanent or long
continued, would be incom; atible with their continuous
existence.—(Hear.)—He was of opinion that the country,
as far as the productive classts were concerned, was in au
unsatisfactory anti suffer4ig, but he trusted and believed not
in a decaying and falling state. If Parliament looked at
the subject nropeely, and acted as a part o the Speech re-
commended, they would find themselves fully competent to
cope with the existing difficulties, and overcome them
But it was by studying to benefit, to the utmost, the in-
dustrious classes that we could alone lay any solid
fitmd.&on of public happiness, or revve prospe-
rity. There were many things difficult to be ac-
counted for in our present condition, but which Par-
liament would do well to attend to. Some geetlerneu
attributed the distress to a supposed deficient'', in the
currency—a proposition which he thought it would be dif•
ficult to maintain, for we now saw money more abundant
in this metropolis than at any farmer period. We saw
Exchequer Bills prodacing 2:1 per tent. interest sel:inz at
a premium of 755., and we saw the low rate at which
naeney was every day borrowed. The fact was there
wits a stagnation in several parts of our productive in-
dustry, and an overflow of capital in others. It was a
cause of satisfaction to observe that the produce of our ex-
perts last year exceeded the exports of any preceding year,
but at the same time we knew that the property and ca-
pital so employed had in many instances been unproduc-
tive. It would be difficult to reconcile the two facts of a
deficient currency and a low rate of profit. In almost all
branches of productive industry the profits were so small
as not to compensate for the amount of capital employed.
or afford sufficient support to tlos individuals whose la-
bour was required. There roust be sonic irregularity if
action in our condition. Circumstanced as we were, to
propose to increase the currency would be similar to re-
commending an iedieidual subject to too great and rapid
an action of the blood to drink a quantity of brandy. He
would not support the Hon. Baronet's motion, if, by so
doing lie should be thonnht to imply an assent
1 to some of the doctrines urged by its supporters.
—(Hear, hear.)—So far was he from concurring in these
doctrines, that he had heard with satisfaction what
fell ;from the Chancellor of the Exchequer in answer
Ito them. He was satisfied that among the causes of dis-
quietude and dissatisfaction that exiend, were the delusive
hopes, the unfounded aeprehensions, and general anxiety,
that must prevail in a country, so long as that which
formed the measure of value with respect to property was
subject to doubt and change. if then we had even been
in error (which hit was far from admitting, but maintained
the contrary) in 1819, 1825, or 1826, it would be better
to persevere than to unsettle the state of the country, by
again tampering with the currency.—(Hear.)—lt was to
' other means that the country must look for relief. An
unsettled state of the public mind was one of the greatest
evils that could befal a conntry. He did not collect from
the speech of the Hon. Baronet that any Member was
I required to commit himself to particular measures, if he
supported the amendment. His Right Hon. Fr iced hinted
that distress was not so general as the amendment would
make it appear ; but all his ingenuity could not prove
,
1 teat the distress was confined to some particular parts of
'the country, as the address stated. The productive
classes generally were in a state of distress. Ile
believed that this was otving to causes, to many
of which it was beyond the power of Parliament
to apply a remedy, but it was in their power to
satisfy the country as to what the causes were, and
to afford partial relief by giving a better direction to the
'vital of the country : upon that point he differed tnate-
rially front the Hoe. seconder of the Address. The Hon.
Member seemed to third' that the reduction of die rate of
intereat in some atilt. higher denominations of the public
securities would operate favourably, but it appeared to him
that even that reduction was far fronnbeieg an unmixed
good. The amendment had been described to be a " milk
and water amendment," but that rather sec immended it
to his support.—(hear, and laughter.) He did not wish
to enter into the large field of foreign polities, but he
might observe, in passing, that his Majesty's Speech
merely stated that the war between Russia and Turkey
had terminated. This was the statement of a fact (it had
been said) before known ; but such statements were not
uncommon in Speeches front the 'I hrone. For his part
lie was glad that it Was state,lS4llply that the war had ter-
minated, witheut any explanation of the mode by which
that termination ha; been effected.—(hear, hear, and
laughter.)—lt was a received principle, that the Miles
pendence of Turkey was absolutely necessary to the
maintenance of a just balance of placer in Europe,
and that circumstance did throw upon Government
the eons of showing that there was nothing whatever
in the treaty between Turkey and Bessie. cantrery to tide
principle. However, when the documents were before
the House, it would he time enough for them to discuss
how far the spirit of the treaty of the tith July hail been
subsequently preserved. Up to the arrival of the Russiens
in Adrianople, no great progress appeared to have been
made in the eause of the Greeks. With respect to Porten-
gal, whatever disposition there had been, during the two
last Sessions, to abstain from looking into the question of
our foreign relation+, he hoped that we should no longer
avoid an inquiry which it was necessary fur the character
of the country to make.—(hear.)—A recognition of Don
Miguel had been hinted at, but if it was carried iuto effect
we ought to receive more information on the subject thin
we had obtained last Session. 'fill we had obtainsd further
information, we were not in a situation to investigate
whether (not merely in reference to the question of legs!
right, but with regard to the honour of the country and
our auc:ent alliance with Portugal) we had properly dis-
charged ell our obligations. lie had witnessed with great
regret in his Majesty's speech, which ought to advert to
all matten of general interest, an emission of all reference
to wars staging in another hemisphere. There was a treaty
of peace and amity between this country and Mexico, and be
should have thought that the efforts made to prevent the in-
dustry of that country from taking a natural direction—
that the attempts at a predatory warfare, inconsistent
with the revival of industry in Mexico and other etates of
the New Continent, inconsistent with the iutereats of com-
merce and nasigetion, hostile to the proper management of
the mines of South America, which it was our interest to
have as productive as possible,—he thought that these were
matters which required home notice, and would Lore been
glad to hear that his Majenty continued to use endeavours
for the restoration of peace, tranquiliity, and security in the
new stags, in the prosper:ty of which this country had the
greatest possible interest. It wt's not the interests of
trade and cormeerce that were alone concerned, the matter
did not relate to th a country only. Europe had the
greatest poneilile interest that South America should be
in a state of tracquihlity and independence, and that those
states should be made valuable and useful civilized societies.
'litre was a time when these states hooked up to this
count'', as a power ready to r scue them from impending
(hangers, not by military demonstrations, bat by its good
offices, of which they were worthy as far as they could be
exerted, if not in refereece to their peace and tranquillity,
yet with reference to our own interest: The omissions
of the speech hail been complained of:—it did not ad-
vert to Ireland. He did not pretend to know with any
degree of accuracy the state of Irelarol. He concurred in
gt:teL.:earE,,mi,,,teiet.firits:olale:sisztet:irltreisoell.llebito:ul:l;ild,etfir‘p,
jeheu,:,aioitieilli,eta;:"caueuogaecndll
lici
,tii,lntliiiaittet;elabi)
etiehreiata:l,:ytricattdistst,ll.ple:
the observation, that the great supply of ngnmit,,,ai
he
l
pro-
duce from that country wits sonic proof of difficulty, but
still he looked upon that. supply as an advantage to Eng-
great act
or justice idlest Session, we might have been told whether
Ile believel it had prie illie:uit.eite-tc,t...lei:ool:ffgeltriiiefmicoalrti
' one had anticipated.

Tt was not !Ratter of szrpaise
tare, that Ireland did not hold so prominent r position as
r,,zne gentlemen appeared to suppoae it aught; but it 17a•
matter of surprise to him that the efTnt of t.is measure
had not been mentioned. The Right llon.-Gentlem,at
coEcluded by declaring that he felt himst-if bound in jus-
tice to Nupport the amendment, becatoe it expres,r-eil the
facts of the case with more justice to the feciings of the
You e, and the duty which the Throne and coun-
t: y had a right to expect from them, than the or4;in-.1
amendment.

Mr. PEEL was certaiely net serprised to hear. his
alight Hon. Friend atey, that the shier recommendation
of the Hon. Baronet's utneadmeut in his eyes censisted in
its being- " a milk and water anteninneut," becaime wi.en
he recollected the votes uniformly given by Isis 1--Z:ght Hoe.
Frier d, and the doctrine, which he as uzirotioly held, he
must say, that the smallest poesible iefeedoa of milk
in the water was precisely that which would beet suit
the Right Hon. Gentlernan's::eonotitution.—(Henn, cad
laughter.)—The doctrine of his Right lion. rrieed was,
" beware how you excite fallacious l:ops•s—tress to the
melee energv—the natural elasticity of ear resources,
as Hell we have so often triumphed: and don't risk the
permanent interests of the country by rash experietents
on the capital and industry of oar fellow-sahjeet.e."
The Right Hon. Gentleman bee: not oily resietedprectiral
re.outcts, but cumuli:tete of inquiry, lest he el:ould cis cite
false expectatiens; and now, tearing sat manen.iment
proposed, on principle 4 from which be totally d;s•rnts,
he is, nevertheless prepared to support it, hceetate hr third,
the exposition of fact. contained in the amendment better
than that in the Speech front the turner. Whet Gellite did
tie Right lion. Gentleman take with regard to the tante,.
mittee moved for to inquire into the state of the currency?
He resisted its appointment to the last, h.st its appeint-
relent should unsettle men's minds, and urten the sere
principle he resisted the inquiry iota the state of the sill:
trade last Session. However, it weivl4 have been
more consistent if his Right Hon. Frieze! bad evaiied
till he heard what specific measures were to be
proposed before lie opposed his Majesty's Govern-
ment. It would have been better if Ile had isot
endeavoured to raise the expectation, of the, conntry, es
they must be raised, if we admitted the existence of uni-
verse' distress, and dissented from the Speech frotet the
Throne, stating that his Ilejeaty's Ministers had been roie-
informed—that all our interests were eeffering 'er no
eleitiary pressure, and that he would direct our of ert-4 to
the relief of it—(lean )—Depend upon it, if you vote the
amendment now proposed, and if it shall turn out that
your efforts to reliev► the digress are vein, you will have
done more harm titan good, and you will Imre releed expec-
tations which it will be impossikl• to fulfil.. The bite:ern:-
merit was not correct ; the expretrions centeited in it nae-
rowed the sentiments of the King's Spoe.ela ist;texil of ex-
t'ndiug them ; it spoke a distress " in particaler place' ;"
the Speech mentioned " sonic parts of the I:hired King.
dotal as being distressed," a wider and more coterrehensive
expre-sion.—(lfesr.)—As to the omission of eel topic
in the Speech, and among the rest, the cm :anion of all
mention of Ireland, he certainly did think, !het alter the
completion of that measure in which Irelsed Seek torch a
deep interest,—after that country bad been I.teeeti au a
footie.g of equality with the rest of time entpirei—there
existed no necessity for snaking special mention of a par t
of the kingdom which had no longer any thing to dietin-
rettish it front the remainder. Since the parkivz of that
measure it might be said of the twoeonetriee--

Pariblia amt legibus amble
" Inaictme gent": materna. in faemlera nmittant."

The quotation had been applied try Mr. Pitt to the Ix-
peeled effect of the Union, and certainly it was tint lmis
appropriate when used with reference to the sneaeure re-
cently accomplished. Under suck eircumetanves it might
fairly be said that the tints had arrived whets we miekt
consider the condition of Ireland the Yonne as that of the
other parts of the United Kingdom, and, exee:st the oc-
currence of special circumstances reemired, Ireland need
not be particularly mentioned. It was Hew is ltioked
upon as England or Scotland. Me would say, however,
that the condition of Ireland was now touch better told
more satisfactory than it had been preview; t• the last
Session of Parliament. An lion. Gentleman had Brae u
a coinparieon, nnfavenrable to the latter, between the
American President's Areessge and his Itlejeety'li Speech.
Whatever might ba that geutleman's satietaction at the
tenuur of the Americas Massage, his ia-ae as great. The
manner in which England was iteeetiound by the Presi-
dent gave his Majesty's Government, in cemmon with all
other claws of their fellow-sabjecte, the sincerest plea-
sure ; and he was glad of that opportuuity to repeat the
expressions of amity and friendship nand by that dietiii-
guished man when speaking of this country. His words
were these—." With Great Britain, alike distingniohed in
peace and war, we may look forward to years of peaceful,
honourable, and elevated competition. Every thing in
the condition and history of the two nations is ealcelated
to inspire sentiment* of mtetual respect, and to carry
cunvictien to the minds of boils, that it is their policy
to preserve the most cordial relations. Such are my
own views, and it is not to be doubted that such are also
the prevailing sentiments of oar eonetitiente." lle re-
echoed these seatimeme :—May all the competition be-
tween the two countries be the competitien of industry,
civilization, and peace!—May she foothill sentiments of bi-
dividual hostility entertainen by sores in both countries,
gradually vanish before the influence of good Reuse and
right feeling ; and as both nations posses. a common
gutige, and are derived from a summon teem., may they
ha united in lasting relation, of good will Red amity !
He gladly took this opportunity on the fart of the English
Government of re-echoing with respect to Amerien those
kindly sentiments which her President hail expressed to-
wards us. But in contrasting the two speeches, the lieu.
Geritle,nan began 6y complaining of the mention made in
his Alajetity's message of so notorises a fact as the tenni.-
nation of hostilities hetet-rem Russia and Turkey. As his
Mijesty had announced to Parliament, the breaking out of
the war hetwen these Powers, it cuss proper that be should
mention its termination. The Hon. Gentleman also com-
plained of our treatment of Don Miguel, sad spoke of the
supposed feelings of America if she had received tech an
intimation as the English Parliament had reeeiveil on the
etiliiect. But the fact was, that the A inericen President
recognised Don Miguel, as was apparent from this passage
of his inest4e t " During the recess of Conereee, our diplo-
matic relations with Portugal Lave hien rent:med. The
peculiar state of things in that country caused a suspension
of the recognition of the represenettiee tvb, preeented
entil an opportunity was had to obtain, front our
(Afielal organ there, information regarding fee ectuel, scat
as far as practicable prospective, emadition of the audio: icy
by which the reeresentative it: question was appeinteci. This
information being received, the applieatioe ef the et tablisleni
rule of our Government in like carnet wits no longer wit :held."
(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman attributed all oar
distresses to misgovernment, and a defect in our repro-
irritative system; but, urfortunately for his hypothesis,
the same distress irehich we complained of in England
existed in America, where the representation was con-
structed on the basis of universe! ruffrege.—(Hear.)
What said President Jackson on this subject?—" No neey
considerable change has octierred durieg the recess of
Congress, in the condition of either ear agriculture, cont.
merce, or manufactures. The operation of the tariff was
rot proved su injurious to the two former, leer as benefpciul
to the latter, as was anticipated. Importations of foreign
goods have not been sensibly diministatiti, while doineati
competition, under an illusive excitement, lute increenci
the production much beyond the demand fur home cone
sumption. The consequences hove been low pricen tem-
po:etre, einharraesment, and partial hies. Teat such of our
maatifacturing establishments as are based tepee capital,
and are prudently managed, will survive the shock, sn.ki
be ultimately profitable, there is re geed rtasCn to doubt,"
The Right Hon. Gentleman proceeded to areoe, that
during the last SQ years there had bean as eceneitin upon
which an amendment to an Addrees Lod been verried ;
thet in 19 years out of the SO no mood neat was proposed
—and that the present was an Addrees in reopert of which
no objection could be made, with the exception of the
omission of two or three tepid. A Gentleznau
complained of the policy of late Carer:Anent/4 ire
I adding to the Ileuie of Peers; het from thee
charge the Duke of Welliegton, who keel mot,
only one Peer since he became Prime Aliniotee, was
free. The Speech stated the imcinaiie 6r exenree is the
last year, and it was said we inferred front th;nee that our
trade and commerce were in a fourishinn COaditit)a.
ireoe
tthen
inferred
h
edn.i
t each
in uhtchreiasngea; we only mated feels; end.
n 1 exports, hie Majeetv tweet-
, ted the prevalence of distress in soave puts of axe laine-
: dom. It was said Minister. had no: ateteil 'facts come:the
and that they were indifferent to the distreez, bee use tidy
recommended no remedy. Where erns the proof that the
Speech from the Throne mie-stated facts ? Was the House
prepared at once, without inquiry, sail without the neon-,
! tary information before it, to sanction by its vote the alive
gation made in the amendment of the Her. Miamian, that
the distress was universal, and existed Aron:limit pares
tif the country? The lion. Bareeet's amendment acted
that all the productive interests of the count, v were stiffen-
ing severely under a general depiension. Tette Via, null
qualification whatever in the steno:tient. Was the leseee
prepared, in the face of Europe, to eneetion such a Mite.
went ?—(He.r.)—" Dietreee exists is own neie,he
bourhood," argue the Hon. Baronet wet thane who eup,
port hint, " therefore 1 am bound to ennelude Unit
tress is universal amongst all the prednetive ion-feats el
the country." Should not the Reuse paw Weir it