The Sun.
London, England, 1863-06-26 00:00:00

CONVICT PRISONS.

Mr. H. SEYMOUR asked the Secretary of State for the
Home Department why the report of the directors of Irish
convict prisons had not been laid upon the table of the
house ?

Sir G. GREY said the report was presented about a
week ago, but he was not responsible for its distribution.
He thought that rested with the officers of the house.

THE MHOW COURT-MARTIAL.

Mr. CONINGHAM asked the Under Secretary of State
for War whether, subsequently to the memorandum of the
18th December, a second memorandum or letter, embodying
the opinion of the Commander-in-Chief on the Mhow
court martial, had not been issued ; also, whether the pro-
ceedings, alleged by Paymaster Smak4 to have taken place
on his court martial, were Fabmitted to the Judge Advocate
General in England for his opinion, and whether that opi-
nion was obtained before the paymaster was gazetted out of
the service ?

The Marquis of HARTINOTON said that no second
memorandum had been opened. The second part of the
question was so vague and inadequate that he ehould not be
justified in giving an answer to it.

Mr. BENTINCK asked whether there was any precedent
for holding such a court-martial, and if not, whether it was
not an insult to officers in India ?

The Marquis of HARTINGTON believed there was no
precedent. He did not think that there would be anything
insulting to the Indian officers.
Mr. DISRAELI complained of the expense that Would
be incurred.

Sir DE L. EVANS recommended that the whole regi-
ment should be called home,

A long discussion took place. An adjournment of the
house having been moved for the purpose of making it an
order. The motion was of course withdrawn.
EDUCATION (IRELAND).
Mr. COGAN asked the Vice-President of the Com-
mittee of Privy Council, whether any correspondence had
taken place between the Irish Government and the depart-
ment of Science and Art or the Treasury, on the proposed
abolition of the Museum of Irish Industry in Dublin ; if
so, whether in that correspondence an opinion hostile to the
proposed abolition of that institution had been expressed on
the part of the Irish Executive ; and whether he would lay
that correspondence upon the table of the house ?
Mr. F. PEEL, in the absence of Mr. Lowe, said that
there had been some correspondence between the Irish Go-
not
exmplmaiintteheohwadtnaelrrenavdnyrtbeoebntalianidedoncitrhmile taatbiolen
vtherenemn ent and the Treasury on the subject. The report of
produce the correspondence.
was given to the house. He did not think it
expedient lbde
iefeocitel dot
said the Dublin Royal Society
Mr' C°G.AN
l the hands of tnenabes yet it had never been placed in
met that day
to consider the report, and
elexorrespondenee.
move for the proialwtion,ofilthe gave notice that he would
UNIVERSITIES
ndSCOTLAND.
/sir. STIRLING asked the IT
us, who
and
Acbhermust be taken by
bdneeo, in order that
War if he would state the steps which
riSeeretarY of State for
the universities of St. Andrew's
candidates for direct CoEUrniasi,
gree of M.A. in these universities, may obtvaei taken the de-
r tion from examination under clause ri th:latehwe elren-
tions, which his Royal Highness the Commander
is
has been pleased to grant to candidates who have taken
similar degrees in the University of Edinbnigh.
The Marquis of HARTINGTON said the universities
had only to make official applicaticr.s to the War-orace to
obtain the same privileges.
POOR LAW.

Mr. FERBAND asked the of the Poor Law

Board whether he had yet received the return of the num-
ber of unemployed unmarried woolen in the cotton factory
districts of Lancashire and Cheshire ?

Mr. VILLIERS said he bad not yet been able to obtain
such returns.

THE BRAZILS.

Mr. BRIGHT inquired whether the Government could
lay the case submitted to the King of the Belgians and his
award on the table.

Mr. LAYARD said the award was only received yester-
day. It would be printed and laid on the table at once,
RELIGIOUS ENDOWMENTS (IRELAND) BILL.
On the motion of Mr. DILLWYN this order was read and
discharged.
THE WELLINGTON CAR.

On the order for going into supply,
Mr. C. BENIINCK asked the First Commissioner of
Works to explain the circumstances under which the Wel-
lington funeral car, wicker work horses, trappings, &c., are
exhibited to the public at sixpence a head, by the vergers
in St. Paul's Cathedral.

Mr. COWPER said he believed that the vergers were
allowed to take 6d. a head from persons going down into
the crypt. Whether the dean and chapter were right in
allowing that he could not say. Persons could not go into
the crypt without a verger, and there were no cathedral
funds out of which those officials could be paid,
Mr. OSBORNE said that if this was a work of great
genius it would ba a rare opportunity for the Brompton
boilers.

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 26, 1863

which justified him in battling against the decision of the
court-martial. He appealed for justice for Captain Smales,
whe was a husband and a father, was entitled to the sym-
pathy of the public at large, and of every man in whose
breast dwelt those feelings which had long been the pride
and boast of every Englishman.
The motion was then agreed to, and the house went into
committee of

SUPPLY.

The Irish educational vote was resumed.

A long discussion of a very diversified character ensued,
in which several of the Irish members took part, on topics
connected with the vote, which was eventually agreed to.
Upon the vote of £12,028 for the expenses of the National
Gallery,

Mr. CONINGHAM moved the reduction of the vote by
£1,400, the amount still charged for the expenses of a Ger-
man travelling agent.
Mr. PEEL thought the vote could not be considered ex-
travagant. The travelling expenses were only £6OO out of
the amount.

Mr. A. SMITH thought that was one of the excrescences
on the national expenditure that ought to be cut off at once.
It was met ely paying for continental trips for the amuse-
ment of the agent. The amount of money spent for pic-
tures was ridiculously small when compared with the
amount charged for expenses.
Mr. GREGORY defended the vote.

Mr. MITFORD complained of the difficulty experienced
in inspecting the pictures at the Na ional Gallery. The
rooms had become a regular Lunging-place for tall Guards.
men and nursemaids, and he suggested that on the two
students' days the public should be admitted at a small
charge,

After a short discus-ion, the vote was agreed to.
The vote of £1,500 for the National Portrait Gallery was,
after some opposition, agreed to. Several small votes were
afterwards agreed to.

£1,200 w,tsvoted for establishments at Bermuda; £1,288
for ecclesiastical establishments in British North America;
£7,200 for British Columbia; £2,500 for Vancouver's
Island ; £27,745 for governors, &c., of the West Indies ;
£9,000 for salaries to judges, &c.
On the vote of £20,200 for civil establishments on the
West Coast cf Africa,
Sir F. BARING moved to reduce the vote by £2,000 for
the civil establishment of Lagos. The trade of the place was
rapidly increasing under its uncivilised Government; but
since it had greatly declined, owing to the high duties im-
posed on the trade of the place by this Government. Ho
complained that the p spars be had moved for in reference to
the expenditure at Logos had not been produced. He hoped
the committee would insist on having the necessary infor-
mation before voting the sum asked. We were attempting to
make the whole coast subservient to our views, which was
not the way to obtain our object. Our policy ought to be
to encourage the Governments of Africa, and to support
those who were willing to give treaties which would lead to
the suppression of the slave trade, and not exhibit inclina-
tions to take possession of land and rob the chiefs of what
fairly belonged to them.
Mr. FORTESCUE defended the vote. There was
every prospect that Lagos would henceforward pay its
own expenses, and turn out one of the most successful
British settlements rn the coast of Africa. The papers
referred to had not been produced from a misapprehension,
but they would soon be laid on the table of the house. So
far from the customs duties being excessively high and
detrimental to trade, they were moderate and beneficial
as a fiscal measure. The hon. gentleman referred to the
state of affairs generally at Lagos, Abeokuta, and Da-
homey, and the attempts which were made to put down the
slave trade. He hoped the committee would grant this
small assistance to a new colony.

Lord A. CHURCHILL considered it a very fair vote,
and one the committee might readily agree to. He under-
stood the French had taken possession of a neighbouring
place called Porto Lago, and intended to make it a free port,
the effect of which would be to interfere with the trade of
Lagos. It would be as well for the country to give this
small assistance to the colony.
Mr. BUXTON supported the vote, on the ground that it
was of great importance towards suppressing the slave trade
that Lagos should remain in our possession.
Mr. CAVE doubted if we should ever put an end to the
slave trade by our present policy. Our course appeared to
be to suppress the slave trade with one hand and encourage
it with the other. He should not oppose the vote, because
he believed the establishments were of great value to the
coast; but he did not think the slave trade would be abo-
lished until the inducements which occasioned its continu-
ance were less,

Mr. LAYARD eulogised the conduct of Commodore
Wilmot, and maintained that he had done all in his p ,wer
to induce the King of Dahomey to give up the abominable
institution of human sacrifices.

The amendment was negatived without a division, and
the vote was agreed to.
The following votes were also agreed to :—.C5,602 for the
Island of St. Helena, £7OO for the Orange River Territory,
£5,000 for British Kaff. aria, £960 tor Heligoland, £4,286
for Falkland Islands, £6,850 for Labuan, £6OO for Pitcairn
Island, £26,622 for New Zealand, £5,000 for buildings as
Cape Coast (North Australia), £10,720 for the Emigration
Office, £46,000 odd (being the balance of £166,543) for con-
sular establishments abroad, £81,054 for China, Japan, and
India, £35,000 for embassies and missions abroad, £50,0.0
for special missions, £4,825 to defray the salaries of three
undersecretaries to embassies and missions abroad, and
fer the North American Boundary Commission.
The Chairman WAS then ordered to report progress, and
the house resumed.

PUBLIC WORKS (MANUFACTURING DIS-
TRICTS) ADVANCE BILL.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in com-
mi' tee of the whole house, moved the following resolution :
" That the commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury be
authorised to issue, out of the Consolidated Fund of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, to an amount
not exceeding £1,200,000, upon security of local rates, for
facilitating the execution of public works in certain manu-
ficturing districts." That sum, with money in hand, would
amount to £1,500,000, and that, it was thought, would be
sufficient till the meeting of Parliament next year. The
balances in the Exchequer Were so favourable that the sum
asked to be advanced would in no way interfere with the
regular expenditure of the country,
Mr. HENNESSY was happy to find the balances in
the Treasury were so satisfactory, and he asked the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to assist the public works
on the Shannon. A sum of £38,000 would be required
for that purpose.

After some remarks from the CHANCELLOR of the
EXCHEQUER,
The resolution was agreed to.
NEWCASTLE UPON-TYNE (ST. MARY MAG-
DALEN HOSPITAL) BILL.

This bill (with some amendments) passed through com-
mittee.

The Sir Robert Hiteham's Charity and the Ruthin
Charities Bill was read a third time and passed.
The Police and Improvement (Scotland) (Provisional
o:der) Bill was read a second time.

Howth Harbour Bill passed through committee.
Harwich Harbour Bill as amended was considered.
Walmer Vestry Bill was read a third time and passed.
Postmaster-General (Sale of Land) Bill was read a third
time and passed.
Port Erin (Isle of Man) Bill was read a third time and
passed.
STIPENDIARY MAGISTRATES BILL.

The house went into committee pro forma on this bill.
The English Church Service in Wales Bill was passed
through committee.
The Poor Removal (No. 2) Bill was withdrawn.
The Costs Security Bill was read a second time;
The Courts of the Church of Scotland Bill passed through
committee.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—There is hardly a financial question that
goes so deep into our domestic institution 89 the
history of the Malt Tax. It is a question that con-
cerns every farmer, every considerable householder,
and every employer of labour. The history goes
back very far, and there is not an agricultural so-
ciety or a market table in the country in which the
tax is not frequently alluded to with the most un-
affected feeling of hardship. The farmer feels for a
thirsty man, and would gladly give his labourers,
or his harvest people, a better beverage than the
pale and watery stuff which is all that he can now
afford. Everybody would like to be independent
both of the brewer and the exciseman ; and there
are few village households that do not possess a
knowledge of brewing above their opportunities of
putting it in practice. It is the old wine of Eng-
land, as old as any civilisation among us ; and it,
as our antiquaries tell us, the Romans natu-
ralised the vine, that plant never prospered atter
they left us to our tate, and was speedily superseded
by Sir John Barleycorn. Our financiers gaze with
incredulity and envy at the immense figures to
which the consumption of good ale attained a cen-
tury and a half ago, when England was not a third
so populous as it now is, or a twentieth part so rich.
The good people of those days must have cared
more for good liquor than even gcasd cheer, and for
both more than finery. Ail classes must have had
a large daily altowence of beer. To be sure, it stood
instead of tea and coffee, and sugar, of wine and
spirits. The jog of beer went round many a house-
hold where now you would see two decanters of
divers-coloured liquids making :heir appearance day
after day, with the water line, if we may so call it,
siowly sinking down to zero. Perhaps the new
custom is better than the old, but rough hospitality
has a charm unknown to the superfine habits of
these days. Ale was always called the Englishman's
drink. He was always proud to have it good, and to
be able to drink it himself and give it to all who had
done him a service and shown themselves his friends.
So we don't wonder at the agriculturists always
returning to the charge, and asking their never
ending, still beginning question about that Malt
Tax. You may drive out nature with a hay-fork,
says the old moralist, but she will come back again
still. So, here are the farmers and the farmers'
friends still at their old agitation for the reduction
of the Malt Tax- The argument this time is also an
old one; it has been advanced any number of times
within the memory of man ; experiments have been
made, and committees have reported on it. It is
quite clear that the agriculturists are no; yet con-
vinced. They say that this is a question of cattle
as well as of man. Cows and sheep like malt or
wetted barley, and terive upon it. They fatten on
nothing better. Candid and intelligent farmers
affirm this most positively, and say they have tried
it. One would have thought that everybody who
felt an interest in the question would have tried the
experiment of feeding a certain number of cattle on
malt, and an equal number on some other favourite
food. Agriculture is an experimental science, and
is learning something new every day. Sir F. Kelly
is remembered to have once stretched a point in
medical jurisprudence, but he would hardly amuse
the House of Commons with a positive receipt for
the quick fattening of cattle, if he did not know
something about it. He pledges himself deliberately
to the nutritive qualities of malt and its value to the
feeder of cattle. It he says truly, than it is clear
England is losing a great advantage placed by
nature at her feet, and carelessly thrown away.
Barley is a hardy plant ; it can stand longer delays
and greater exposure to changing weather than
most other crops, and a summer that would almost
destroy wheat will take little more than the colour
out of barley. What will not do for brewing
will do for cattle. Sir F. Kelly, whose views on this
subject are endorsed byCol. Barttelot and Mr. Ben-
tinck, does not tell us the precise nature of the de-
velopment produced upon cattle fattened on malt.
Nor is it necessary that he should do this. If malt
will make an animal fat, that is enough. It is true
that many of us think beef and mutton fat enough,
and suspect that fat meat is a swindle between the
cook, the butcher, and the tallow-chandler. But that
is wholly beside this question. We assume it to be
an object to fatten beasts quickly and young, so as
to convert them as soon as possible into a saleable
commodity. The man who can make a sheep
thirteen months old assume the weight and form
of one a twelvemonth older is pronounced a public
benefactor. We conclude that Sir F. Kelly and
Mr. Bentinck have seen this done upon malt,
and wish the process to be cheapened and made
general. Orcourse there are other questions which
cannot be lost sight of. There are the taxes on tea
and coffde, and upon spirits. We must have the
money, and the money must be levied with as much
fairness as possible. Beer contributes too large a
sum to the Treasury to be carelessly tampered with
So malt must pay its share, since there must be
taxes. If it can be shown that a malt tax becomes
incidentally a meat tax, and that any important
brunch of husbandry is actually fettered and in-
jured by this tax, it would be worth while to find
out some way of malting for cattle that should pre-
vent the chance of fraud. The agriculturists them--
selves do not suggest the substitution of a beer-tax
for a malt-tax, which would certainly save the
trouble of distinguishing between malt for brewing
and malt for cattle. They see that quality, not quan-
tity, is the thing to he taxed. So we must look else-
where for the protection of the revenue. We can-
not, however, afford to lose a source of national
wealth simply because the officers of Excise will
have a difficulty in preventing it from being misap-
plied. Our agricultural societies, our cattle shows,
and the wonderful displays of butcher's meat with
which an English Christmas is celebrated, will
testify to the value of feeding. It is also the most
gentlemanly branch of farming. Let us, then, make
the most of it, and endeavour to save gentleman
farming from the reproach of unprofitableness. It
is now one of the most expensive amusements. Per-
haps we shall have to thank Sir F. Kelly and Mr.
Bentinck, at least, for cheapening it.
POST.—It is not to be wondered at that the great
European Powers should undertake to settle the
affairs of Poland without consulting what is now
styled " the National Government" of that coun-
try. In the first place, it would be rather difficult
to find that institution ; and in the second, when
found, it would not be considered to possess any of
the qualifications which would justify official inter-
course with constituted Governments. Neverthe-
less the views of the National Government with
reference to the negotiations now pending are of the
highest importance, and we are therefore glad to
have it in our power to lay before our readers the
three conditions under which alone an armistice
would be consented to by the Polish National Go-
vernment. They are as follow :-1. The armistice
must extend throughout the whole Kingdom of
Poland as it existed previous to the first division in
1772. 2. A plenipotentiary on the part of the
National Government must be admitted to defend
the interests of Poland at the conference. 3. A
national diet, composed of delegates from the pro-
vinces, as well as from the Kingdom of Poland,
must meet under the gurantee not merely of Europe
but also of the national army which occupies all the
provinces. If these conditions are not complied
with, our information goes on to say, the Poles will
hold out to the last. Such being the temper of
that nation, we can hardly expect Russia to accept
the proposal for an armistice. With every desire
to do so, it would be impossible for her to suspend
hostilities if the Poles do not. Are the Powers
prepared to grant a conference upon the remaining
propositions, supposing that Russia should consent
to one, without an armistice as a preliminary con-
dition ? It is by no means certain, or even likely,
that she will do so; but the contingency being pos-
sible is worthy of consideration. The peace of
Europe and the interests of humaeity being at
stake, would a conference under such conditions
secure the one or advance the other ? We venture
to think not. The same atrocities which we now
daily record would continue to be perpetrated, and
one of two results would arise. Either, which is
meatimprobable, Russia at ould concede the de-
mands of the Powers, in which case the conces-
sions granted to Poland would enable her to make
a much more successful campaign next year than
she has this; or the Russian Government, foreseeing
this, would break off negotiations as the season ad-
vanced and as the chances of the insurgents became
desperate, in which case the conference had better
never have taken place at all. With every desire
to find a pacific solution to the question, it will not
do to ignore the fact that the National Government
have it in their power to thwart the efforts of the
Powers in this direction. It is very natural that
they should say, " We will not submit to any
arrangement which may be imposed upon us
against our will. If we are excluded from taking
part in a conference we will continue hostilities,
and every concession which may be granted in
our favour at any such conference we will take
advantage of to secure the only result which will be
ultimately satisfactory—namely, our national inde-
pendence." Tho proposals we have made to the
Cabinet of St. Petersburg are really an effort of
diplomacy in its favour. If they fail in consequence
of the determined attitude of the National Govern-
ment, the Russians have only themselves to thank
for ih; had they, instead of driving the Po es to the
position of stubborn resistance which acts of bar-
barism and atrocity have justified them in assuming,
adopted a more humane and civilised policy, the
Poles would have been more easily appeased, and
Europe, apprecirting the difficulties with which the
Emperor has had to contend, might have interfered
in his behalf to some purpose. But how can we
exert ourselves to extricate the Czar frcm his em-
barrassment when such acts are being perpetrated
as are recorded in the private letter of a Polish

nobleman which will be found elsewhere in our
columns. Inasmuch, then, as in the opinion of the
Poles a conference from which they would be ex-
cluded could lead to no result, and inasmuch as by
refusing to suspend Loatilities they are determined
to render any such conference impracticable, it will
become necessary for the Powers 90 agree upon some
collective form of subsequent action. The indica-
tions which we have received from Perla do not
leave ua in much doubt as to the readiness of the
Emperor to co-operate with us ; but the hsaviest
responsibility will devolve upon Austria, because
she has most to lose, most to gain, and is in a posi-
tion to make her influence felt more decidedly than
either of the Western Powers. It is to be hoped,
therefore, that should France and England deem a
conference impossible without an armistice, Austria
would not refuse upon that ground to continue with
them in united diplomatic action, or hesitate, if the
infatuated policy of Russia rendered still stronger
measures necessary, to throw into the scale a weight
which might secure peace to Europe, or at any rate
render any prolonged resistance to so strong an
alliance impossible. We are far from wishing to
predict a European war, but we can imagine a
combination which would render such a war rather
a name than a reality. There is no reason why
it should consist in anything very much more
serious than the breaking off of dip'omatic relations.
If Austria allowed the tree transport of arms and
munitions of war across her Galician frontier, and
placed a corps darmee of 60,000 men in Galicia it-
and if the Russian fleet were blockaded in the
Baltic, so as to keep open the coast of Samogitia,
the Poles could do the rest for themselves. There is
no reason why any European power should send a
soldier abroad It would, in other words, merely
am unt to m king a ring and seeing fair play. It
is possible that Sweden might undertake operatiains
for her own behoof, but there could be no moral
obligation either upon France or England to do
more than make a naval demonstration. It is with
no desire to see any such consummation arrive that
we allude to these contingencies, but it is as well
that the bugbear of a European war, such ae might
possibly arise out of the present complications should
be reduced to its proper proportions. It is, more-
over, because we do not wish to be exposed to the
charge of " drifting into war," as though we were
the mere sport of circumstances, that we point out
the direction of those currents into which, for the
sake of certain great principles, we may, when the
time comes, deliberately steer. All foreign inter-
vention on the part of this country is an inconveni•
ence. Could we avoid it consistently with our
position in Europe and our duty as a great Power,
bound by treaties and fettered by moral oblige
tions, there can be no doubt that in a purely sel-
fish point of view it would be our interest to do so.
Our policy abroad, then, generally resolves itself
into a choice of evils. If the alternative of assum-
ing a hostile attitude towards any one European
Power is disagreeable, it is less so when all Europe
is with us and the cause is one of justice and huma-
nity. If we had from the first outbreak of the Po-
lish insurrection refused to take any cognisance of
it whatever, which was the only other course open
to us, we should have been false not merely to the
liberal principles we profess but to the actual obli-
gations imposed upon us by treaty. In this respect
the analogy fails between the case of Poland and
that of the Southern States of America, whose in-
pendent national character we never stipulated in
a treaty should be maintained. If the course we
have followed should lead to a rupture with a great
European Power, we shall at least feel that we
have exhausted every means furnished by diplo-
macy to avert it; and that while the cause justifies
an active sympathy, the conditions under which
that sympathy will be displayed are such as will
secure a triumph to ourselves and freedom to a
suffering and heroic nation.
HERALD.—Her Majesty's Government aro in no
haste to make public the award of the King of the
Belgians in the dispute with Brazil. The substance
of his Majesty's decision has been communicated to
Europe some 48 hours. The very words in which
judgment is delivered have been given ; yet, when
Mr. Bright asked a very simple question about it,
he was required to give notice, and when he re-
peated his question he was told the papers would,
as soon as possible, be laid upon the table of the
house. We can understand the repugnance of Mr.
Layard to precipitate the fiasco. It will undoubt
edly be a trial to the Government to have to eat the
leek, and, after having talked so loudly about the
honour of the British flag, to find that the King of
the Belgians has declared not only that there was
noinsult, but not even any intention to insult. Yet
this is substantially King Leopold's decision. He
dismisses the case of the officers of her Majesty's
ship Forte with costs—that is to say, he convicts
the English Government, or Lord Russell, or Mr.
Christie, of having trumped up an unfounded charge.
Could any reasonable being outside the small Mi-
nisterial circle have expected any other result ? The
worst part of it is, that up to the latest moment
Lord Russell persisted in including the alleged in-
sult to the officers of the Forte in the list of crimes
for which satisfaction and pecuniary redress were
to be demanded. So that our Foreign Minister
stands arraigned at the bar of public opinion for
having exacted, at the cost of war upon a country
unable to resist, reparation for an injury never com-
mitted. And the Liberal press defends this spirited
policy. The " leading organ," which could hardly
find epithets to express its disgust at Lord Palmers-
ton's attack upon Greece, a power which had sys-
tematically cajoled, swindled, and betrayed us, enters
into an elaborate defence of Lord Russell's last es-
capade on the ground that weak powers must not
do wrong with impunity. It is the old story of Ihe
wolf and the lamb. But the mischief is done, the
rupture is complete. Let us hope that the Govern-
ment will be satisfied with their triumph, and that
having driven M. Moreira out of the country they
will now put the best face on the matter, acknow-
ledge the mistake into which that blundering, irri-
table Mr, Christie has led them, make the amende
honorable to a friendly Court, and shake hands.
Lord Russell has offered the affront : a graceful
apology may almost render it an obligation.