The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-26 00:00:00

INDEPENIIIINCE OF POLAND,

Last night a public meeting of the inhabitants of
,
Islington, convened by the National Polish League,
was held in Myddelton Hall, 115, Upper-street
Islington, in favour of the independence of Poland.
The Right Hon. Lord Campbell, one of the vice-
presidents of the League, presided, and among those
ALP.; F. Lawrence, Esq. ; Richard Wl
present on the platform were Pope Hennessy, Esq.,
Napoleon F. 1
zma ob ta , , E
Esq.sq . ;
Major Chas. Szulczewski,
(Polish delegate); J. L. Lech Szyrma, Esq.; T.
Vize, Esq. ; C. H. Elt, Esq. ; Messrs. Wallarage,
Collett; E. Beales,
Esq., (President of the League),
Peter Carrigan, Esq,,
William Fitcham, Esq.
Mr. J.R. TAYLOR, the hon, secretary, read let-
ters of apology
M. Pete, ALP.,
for unavoidable absence from Sir S.
Mr, Cox, M.P., the Rev. Hugh
Allen, D.D., and Mr. R. B. Sheridan, M.P., the
letter enclosing a cheque for ,£5 in aid of the funds
of the Leagues
The Noble CUAIRMAN on rising to open the pro-
ceedings was loudly applauded. In the absence of
the representatives of Finsbury he ventured, as one
of the vice-presidents of the League, to explain the
objects of the meeting and the position which the
League took with reference to the question at issue.
They wished to draw out the expression of a strong
public opinion in the first place of the people of the
metropolis on the question of Polish independence.
From its extent it was impossible to do this
thoroughly unless by holding separate meetings in
the various boroughs of the metropolis. Last week
they broke ground in the great borough of the
Tower Hamlets, with, he hoped, good results, and
he hoped a similar result would ensue on this occa-
sion. The meeting had a right to ask what were
the precise results at which the League aimed in
calling them together. They aimed at creating as
it were such an atmosphere around the Government
as would enable them to act with confidence and
determination upon their own views and convictions
on this question. They did not aim at urging upon
the Government any definite opinion or policy, but
simply to call into existence a public feeling which
would enable them to take high ground, and at the
same time deprive them of the power of complain-
ing that they were held beck by any slackness or
faintness on the part of the people. (Hear, hear.)
If an additional reason was wanted it would be
found in the fact he had stated at the Tower
Hamlets last week, namely, that the most
eminent patriots at -Warsaw, whom he had recently
consulted on that subject when in that capital,
were most desirous of an agitation in this country.
Finding that such an agitation was not undervalued
by the Polish leaders, he felt bound to take part in
it. He held that in the interest of Great Britain it
was important that Poland should be a free and
independent nation. If it was restored to its ancient
position it would exist, not as a republic or under a
despotic regime, but under constitutional arrange-
ments, and every country so governed was a source
of strength to constitutional Great Britain upon the
Continent. The desire of the leaders of the insur-
rection was to restore the Constitution of 1791,
which more nearly approached that of Great Bri-
tain than any on the Continent. Sweden, Norway,
Denmark, and Belgium, all constitutionally go-
verned countries, leant most strongly to British
policy. What countries were most strongly opposed
to that policy ? The most despotic, such as
Russia. (Hear.) Should, therefore, the indepen-
dence of Poland be restored, it would be under con-
stitutional arrangements, and that would lead to an
alliance with us. (Hear, hear.) It was said by
some veteran diplomatists that if a war should hap-
pen between France and Great Britain, it was im-
portant that Russia should hold Warsaw, in order to
enable her to act in -Western Europe. But if a war
of that kind did arise, who could say that Russia
would not side with France, instead of England—
(hear, hear)—and in that case England could only
look to the German Powers for allies, and as long as
the Czar reigned at Warsaw he reigned also at Ber-
lin and Vienna. (Hear,) It might be asked, if
Poland was made independent, what guarantee
would there be of the permanence of that situation
in the face of the tremendous odds they would have
to face ? What chance was there of that object being
attained against such fearful odds ? The League did
not disguise from themselves that the Poles were
fighting against fearful odds; but they saw that
since the commencement of the present struggle,
three years ago, the Poles had made few errors,
while very many had been committed by the Russian
Government, and they had hopes that success would
be ultimately found on the side which committed the
fewest errors. (Hear, hear.) Calculation of contin-
gencies united with sympathy in commanding our
best wishes as well as our best efforts in aid of that
success. The present troubles commenced almost
with the accession of the Czar to the throne. He
visited Warsaw, and the Poles, misled by the reports
of his clemency and friendly feeling, approached him
with an ill-founded confidence in his good intentions
towards their country. When they met him in this
spirit, they drew from him in reply this language—
"No dreams. What my father did was well done,
and I endorse it." That was the first error. Then
in 1860, by the fiat of the Emperor, the representa-
tives of the three partitioners of Poland were assem-
bled in Warsaw, and that meeting roused all the old
love of Polish nationality—the presence of these men
was an error, because it brought to the recollection of
the Poles all their wrongs and all their ancient glory-
(Hear, hear.) Then, in 1861, came the well known
massacre of February, in which Polish blood was shed
without the smallest provocation or justification.
That error was followed by the still greater one of
the dissolution of the Agricultural Society and the
banishment of its high minded and enlightened pre-
sident, Count Andre Zamoyski. That society was
composed of the most patriotic, enlightened and mode-
rate men in Poland, whose counsels would have had
Et lnimense influence on their country. Its dissolu-
tioll 't once threw the influence into the hands
ot, extreme men, and made the insurrection inevi-
table.ount Zamoyski and his friends would
ashave lon utg
aoff the evil day of internecine war
the day ef
nelizrate iible ; but with their downfall
counsels passed away and
the civil war was
recruitment with the result. Then came that
all Europe has rung, and
which all Europecame
tilcondemned as a gigantic
error; Ilhieall a
and lastly
error of contumeliously
rejecting the six Points urged upon Russia by the
Great Powers, and Practicall
Poland not by treaty but by co mig to hold
quest and the strong
hand. Such an accumulation of errors of judgment,
and of actions induced
of policy, a Strong hope that
the Power which could be guilty of them must fail
in the end, and the League, in that belief, urged
people of this country such an
upon the expression
enable as would the Government
to public opinion eminent
to take their stand upon their own recorded opinious
on this question. (Loud cheers.)
s warmly received,
Mr. HENNESSY, who we
moved the first resolution, which was, "'Tat the
devoted heroism of the Poles in their present and
in their past struggles for the independence of their
country entitles them to the admiration and support
of Great Britain." The hon. member said the cause
of Poland appealed at once to the judgment and the
feelings, and he was glad to see present both men
and women. The cause of Polish independence was,
no doubt, familiar to many, if not all of them, but
in support of the resolution he would briefly run
over the lending facts with respect to the partition