The Sun.
London, England, 1830-03-16 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 16, 1830.

of the taxes in question is not to he in full operation until
the year 1831, Ministers postpone any further provisions
for the Sinking Fund, until they can ascertain by experi-
ment, whether the increased consumption of commodities
still subject to taxation may not of itself supply the means
required for that prop to public credit. Coupling the
actual- reductions of last night with the solemn promise
held out by Mr. Goulburn, of further exertions on the
part of Ministers to extend the scale and system of re-
trenchment, we finish as we opened, with declaring our
approbation that so much has been actually done, and •
our conviction that much more may be.— Times.
It will be seen from our Parliamentary report that
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as was expected,
opened his Budget last night. There has not been
a period, during many years, when more anxious and
intense curiosity was manifested to know by what
financial process the Right Hon. Gentleman intended
to meet the alarming exigencies of the country. In -
introducing the subject he took the interests of the
agricultural and manufacturing classes principally
into his consideration, and those that were to be
chiefly benefitted by his proposed reductions. He
reviewed the financial operations of last year, and
challenged Parliament to say whether all the antici-
pations which he had formed had not been realized ?
He observed that, if there had been a deficiency in
one quarter, there had been surplus in another. After •
some other general remarks he proceeded to open
his plan. As the public are most interested in the
reduction of taxation, we will briefly state that he
proposes to reduce taxes to the amount of 3,390,0001.
in the following way :
The beer duty (not malt) estimated at £3,000,000
Duty on leather
Duty on cider 50,000
But he calculated the total amount at 3,400,0001.
All these taxes are to be absolutely repealed, no
part of them remaining, which is certainly more
judicious than the partial repeal of a greater variety
of taxes to the same amount. The repeal of the
beer and cider taxes will come into operation on
the 10th of October next, and that of the leather
tax on the sth of July. Another part of the plan
is, that the beer trade is to be thrown open, and, so
far, the licensing system done away. He states that,
as those reductions will affect only a portion of the
present year, the loss to this year will be only
960,000/. He also promised the fullest inquiry
into all departments of the public business—colo-
nial, &c.—and these inquiries to be conducted by
Committees not connected with the departments
under investigation. This announcement was re•
ceived with loud cheering. But we very much
doubt the effectiveness of the proposed inquiries,
seeing that the Finance Committee, of which such
great hopes were once enter.ained by the country,
is not to be re-appointed. Was it apprehended that
it would apply the pruning-knife of retrenchment
too roughly to the luxuriant branches of Ministerial
patronage ?—was it expected that it would make
pampered sinecurists and overpaid functionaries of
State contribute to the alleviation of the expen-
diture of the country, as well as hard-working clerks
and half-pay officers ? At all events, its non-
revival does not say much for the sincerity
of Ministers as to cutting down the public
burdens to the exigencies of the nation. The
set off which the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposes
against the above reductions is as follows :—He lays 2d. a
gallon upon Irish and Scotch spirits, raising the duty from
2s. 10d. to 35., and Is. extra upon English spirits, rais-
ing the duty from 7s. to Ss. This will improve the re-
venue to the extent of at least 300,000/. He calculates
upon an increase under the stamp duties of 110,0001. from
a better management and an assimilation of Irish and Eng-
lish stamps, and expects also a considerable increase in the
Post-office department. The grand feature of his plan is,
however, the reduction of the Four per Cents. He did not
propose it to be carried into effect immediately, but inti-
mated that he would, at a future day, submit a proposition
on the subject, to meet the full amount of the reduction
next year. This part of his plan was coldly received by
the llouse. It was objected to by Mr. Baring, who, how-
ever, at the same time stated that it would not have any
bad effect on the credit of the country ; and he expressed
his confidence that the public would receive the Budget
well—none verrons. Mr. Hume afterwards expressed his
approbation of the reductions, as far as they went ;
he only lamented that the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer had not proposed greater reductions, as he
felt persuaded that they would have relieved the
people without injuring the revenue. The amount of re-
lief this year, he contended, would be only 550,0001.
namely, 750,0001. for one quarter's beer tax, and one
half-year's leather-tax 200,000/, making together
950,0001. ; from which was to be deducted 400,0001.,
the produce of the assimilation of the stamp duties, and
the additional duties en spirits, leaving a reduction only
of 550,000/. on the money payments for the taxes of the
year. Mr. C. Barclay also gated his approbation of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer's propositions, particularly
that for reducing the beer tax, as it was to be accom-
panied with the opening of the trade. With that accom-
paniment he held that the reduction would not much in-
jure the beer trade; and lie added, that as the beer tax
was to be taken off, the brewers had not the least ob-
jection to the trade being entirely open. We have not
time or space for further comment now, but cannot avoid
expressing surprise that there should be any desire to con-
tinue the delusion of the Sinking Fund still to be kept up.
The only principle on which we can have a real Sinking
Fund is a surplus revenue, and the only proper application
of a surplus revenue at present would be to remit taxation
to that amount. We fear that the proportion of taxes
which is to be reduced, according to the above plan, will
go but a short way in relieving the distresses of a people
who are pressed down to the earth by a debt of 813 mil-
lions, who pay upwards of 50 millions in taxes for the in-
terest of that debt and the expenses of the State, and who
pay upwards of eight millions besides in poor-rates—whirls
poor-rates equal the whole amount of the taxes in the
middle of the last century !—Morning Herald.

In another part of our Paper will be found the
most important official statement for the year—the
Budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,—a
statement, in fact, to which all classes have been
looking with an anxiety never befoie evinced, and
which we fear, notwithstanding its very plausible
appearance, will cause no inconsiderable disappoint-
ment. That any reduction in the taxation of the
country is a good, there can be no possible ques-
tion, and that much good will be derived from the
non-existence of those taxes which the Chancellor
of the Exchequer proposes to repeal, we do ant
mean to deny ; but the reduction is not to the ex-
tent required by the necessities, and distressed con-
dition, of the country, nor, much as we have already
heard his selection of articles lauded, do we con-
sider it the best. The reductions which he pro-
poses are—

I st.—The tax on Beer, amounting t0....X3,000,000
2d.—The tax on Cider .... 30,000
3d.—The tax on Leather 400,060

Amounting in the whole to £3,430,000
The relief to the country, however, will not amount
to much more than half this sum ; for, in the first
place, the repeal of the duty on beer will greatly
increase its consumption, and in consequence also
increase the amount of the duties on the various
materials, malt, hops, &c., of which it is composed;
and, in the second, an additional duty is to be im-
posed on British spirits, from which an addition is
expected of 300,0001. But this is not all. The
relief for the present year is to be only a mere drop
in the bucket. The beer duty is not to cease until
the 10th of next October, so that in that article
there will only be a reduction of 750,0001. ; in
leather of 200,0001.; while by the imposition of
additional duties on spirits, and an increase in the

Stamp department, the country will be benefited
for this present year to the amount of something
more than half a million only !—There are two
other points in the speech, however, which we
Must notice before we offer any further ob-
servations upon this plausible scheme for the
relief of the existing distress. In the first place,
the Four per Cents. are to be converted into Three per
Cents., though not during the present year; and; in the
secund, according to the arrang,ment of the Chancellor• of
the Exchequer, a surplus revenue is still to be placed at
the disposal of the Government for the reduction of the
National Debt. Nov, allowing the proposed conversion
of stock to he a righteous and wise measure, we should
be glad to know what benefit can possibly result from any
attempt to reduce the National Debt—to take away a few
millions of pounds from a sum which the country can
never pay—which every one knows it can never pay—
and only effect a saving of the annual interest on these
millions, instead of reducing taxes to the amount of the
millions them elves ? Had the Chancellor of the Ex-
quer adopted the latter plan, the taxes might have been
reduced to the extent of two millions mere, and a sensible
relief thereby afforded to the country ; whereas by that
which he has selected, taxes to that amount are continued
in order simply to save the interest? But these are not
our only objections to the notable scheme which was
brought forward last night. The reduction, in our opi-
nion, is not to an amount which will afford any substan-
tial relief to the country, nor is the selection such as we
could have wished. The repeal of the duty on beer is
right in principle, and will prove beneficial in practice;
but the two other taxes which are to be repealed, ate
utterly trifling in amount, and will do little or any good.
-Now, we ask, why not have repealed the whole of the
Assessed Taxes? There would in that case have been at
once a most substantial relief to the country, both from
the repeal of the tax, and from the-saving in the expellee
of the collection ; and we believe that every one would
have been grateful for it, and have exerted himself gladly
to meet all other legal burthens ; but strange to say, thine
is not only to be no repeal, but even no reduction of these
taxes, all of which, however, press hardly on trade and
manufactures. To conclude, what the country wants is a
substantial reduction of taxes, to the tune of five or six
trillions at least ; and this reduction effected in such a
manner as will not only afford relief by the non-payment
of them, but increase the consumption of the various ar-
ticles which are either most in use by the labouring and
middle classes, or which form articles of general mer-
chandise; and we are not without hopes that the Govern-
ment will ba compelled to adopt such a course. This
evening the whole subject will be debated, and if the Le-
gislature will but do its duty by the country, we are con-
fident that the Government will speedily find the means
of bringing down the expenditure to its diminished means
of expenditure —2I/Ornin9 Advertiser.

It will be perceived by those who may take the
trouble to peruse the verbose speech of the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer last night, that he and his
colleagues are determined to carry into effect the
nefarious measure which they propounded some time
ago, of throwing the beer trade open, and ruining
all those who are now engaged in it, for the nke of
giving a chance of a new business to those who have
now none. What they expect, or can expect, from
such a measure, it is impossible for us to divine ;
but this we will venture to assert, that they cannot
now, with any possible grace, object either to the
total abolition of slavery in the West Indies, or to
the despoiling of the Church of such revenues as
still remain to her. The right of property in all
the three cases is precisely the same ; and if
the public good, without respect to equity, be to
be the order of the clay, we can see no reason
why, if the one class be ruined, the other two should
not share the same fate. We denominated the
scheme of throwing open the trade in beer nefa-
rious, and we again repeat that it is nefarious; first,
as being a direct spoliation of every licensed victu-
aller who has embarked his property in public-houses,
in the faith and persuasion that the law, which gave
them an artificial value, would not be repealed; and,
secondly, as being a spoliation of one of the most
deserving—if not the most deserving—classes of so-
ciety in the metropolis. The Chancellor of the
Exchequer, we dare say, is not perhaps aware
that the licensed victuallers of the metropolis con-
tribute more to the support of valuable charities
than almost any other class—that they not only '
relieve the aged, the infirm, and the decayed, by donations
of money to a large extent, and provide an asylum for
them, when they are destitute of the means of providing
one for themselves, but that they have established a school,
in which the children of those who have by accident or
misfortune been reduced in circumstances, are clothed,
maintained, and educated ; but such is, nevertheless, the
fact, and we will venture to assert that he cannot point
out any class which can exhibit equal claims to the candid
consideration of the Legislature. Yet it this very class, '
respectable and praiseworthy as it is—which he has se-
lected for sacrifice, and which he proposes to visit with
ruin and misery !—Let him try it, and he will find that
his experiment will fail. The trade in beer is altogether
a different trade from that in any other article, and cannot
be thrown open without great injury, not only to those
who are now engaged in it, but to the public morals. At
the same time, and on these grounds, let us advise the
Licensed Victuallers to be united, firm, and persevering.
The trumpet has been sounded, but the battle has not yet
been lost. They have justice on their side, and if they
will but guard themselves from false friends—for we
conscientiously believe that they hare been sold—we
mare little question that they will yet succeed in offering
an effectual opposition to a measure no less nefarious in
principle than, we arc confident, if carried into effect, it
would prove most injurious in practice. —Morn. Advertiser.
The vindictive and sanguinary character of our
Criminal Code has long been a reproach to the
humanity, and a stain upon the civilization of Eng-
land. Efforts have been made, from time to time,
by enlighted and humane men, to redeem us from
this national disgrace. Those efforts have been
hitherto abortive; for our Legislature seems to be
tenacious of the bad pre-eminence in penal legisla-
tion which our code of punishments have obtained
for us in the eyes of the Christian world—nay,
Pagan antiquity could boast a greater advancement
in civilization in this respect than England, adorned
with all the moral and intellectual triumphs of the
nineteenth century! It is time that the Statute-
book should be purified from those exterminating
laws which, like the code of Draco, may be said to
be written in blood. But Draco's laws were
scarcely enacted when they were repealed. The
mind of the Athenian people revolted at their
cruelty—they expunged the barbarous decrees of
callous, unreflecting severity, and consigned the
name of their author to the execration of history.—
Alas ! in our Christian Legislature, no man has
yet appeared intrepid, persevering, and fortunate
enough, to achieve the honourable and glorious
labour of making our criminal laws consistent with
the principles of reason, of justice, and judicious
policy. The task which Romilly failed to per-
fora), and Mackintosh attempted in vain, has not
since called forth the talents and energies of any other
within the walls of Parliament. The narrow limits
which Mr. Peel prescribed to himself in his " amend-
ment of the Criminal Law " has left this task un-
touched for some man of greater moral courage and
more comprehensive intellect than his legislative
exertions have yet di-played. On various occasions
we have endeavoured to bring this subject under the
notice of the public and of Parliament. We have
always looked upon the multiplicity of capital pu-
nishments which disgrace our Statute-book as not
less abhorrent from humanity than at variance with
the soundest principles of civil wisdom. All great
legislators and writers on law have held the op:nion
that certainty of punishment is much more effectual
in repressing crime than an extreme, but capricious
seventy. Now, in a country far advanced in civi-
lization, it is scarcely possible that laws of a cruel
and inhuman nature can be invariably carried into

effect. If all the persons who receive sentence of
death at the Old Bailey were actually to pass into
the hands of the executioner, the feelings of the•
people would not tolerate the repeated exhibitions
of the wholesale work of blood; or, if they did, the
frequency of the scene would so brutalize them, that
they would think no more of the waste of human
life than of the spilling of water I And what an
awful responsibility would rest upon a,Government
that could so harden and degrade the hearts of its
subjects ! What a number of convicts, too, have
sentence of death recorded against them at the
several Assizes, and who, as a matter of course,
never suffer the last punishment of the law! These
facts prove that we have a criminal code which is
equally cruel and impracticable. Why not change it
for one so just and reasonable in the apportionment of
the penalty to the offence as to be capable of certain
and uniform execution ? If death ought not to be •
inflicted—if, in fact, it dare not be inflicted on the
greater number of those to whom our laws award it,
is not the solemn passing of the sentence, and the
recording it in open Court, and in the face of the
people, a mockery of retributive justice which is
equally impolitic and indecorous ? Then see the
other evils which arise from such a state of the law':
—one Judge is humane and sensitive, another has
less of the milk of human kindness in his disposition.
The one will not leave any man for execution who
is not convicted of some very heinous crime; the
seller will be less compunctious about taking away
the life of a fellow-creature, and send wretches to
the scaffold who are guilty of less flagrant offences,
because the law gives him the power of doing it.
Thus it may be said that men are executed or saved,
not by a certain law, but by judicial caprice. While
this state of things continues, there are a great
number of persons in society, who, rather than
avenge a wrong by risking the life of the offender,
desist from prosecution altogether, by which means
the very severity of the law counteracts its
own purpose, and he who, under a more rational
system would have received a proportionate punish-
ment, escapes with perfect impunity ! We are glad
to see, however, that many intelligent and respect-
able persons are exerting themselves in various parts
of England to obtain, by public meetings arid peti-
tions to the Legislature, such a revision and reform
of the Criminal Laws as the interests of justice and
the progress of Christian civilization demand. At a
meeting convened for the purpose at Southampton,
the other day, a Mr. Buller exposed the present sys-
tem in a•speech reasoned with great power, and re-
plete with the testimony of convincing facts. There
is one passage, in particular, winch we cannot
avoid quoting, and in the sentiments of which we
p rfectly concur :—" But we are told," says Mr.
Bullar, " by some, that ours is a weak humanity,
but that legislators must have stouter nerves,
and do their duty, and not allow those whom they
nick-came humanity-mongers to interfere. We
reply, if this is a weak humanity, it is the weakness
of Dr. Johnson, who could never think that to pick
the pocket and to pierce the heart are equally crimi-
nal, whatever epithets of reproach or contempt his
confession as to unjust punishments might incur
from those who confound cruelty with firmness."
It is the weakness of Judge Blackstone, who said
that " to shed the blood of our fellow creatures is a
matter which requires the greatest deliberation,
and the fullest conviction of our own authority, for
life is the immediate gift of God to man, which nei-
ther he can resign, nor can it be taken from him,
unless by the command of Him who gave it." If
this tenderness of human life is, indeed, a weak hu-
manity, it is the weakness of Beccaria and Mon-
tesquieu—of Erasmus and Sir Thomas More, and
Chillingworth—of Goldsmith and Franklin, and
Howard—of Fox, of Pitt, arid of Romilly. " So
deeply (says Mr. Wilberforce) was Mr. Pitt con-
vinced of the improper severity of our laws, that,
to my knowledge, that distinguished person had it
in contemplationto submit the whole Penal Code to
the revision of some able lawyers, for the purpose
of digesting a plan to diminish the sanguinary na-
ture of punishments;" nay, it is the weakness of
that solemn and venerable Liturgy which earnestly
prays for " all prisoners and captives," and declares
of the Almighty that " he willeth not the death of
a sinner, but rather that he may turn from his wick-
edness, and live." At this meeting Mr. Hammond
the Recorder of Southampton, attended, and
strongly supported the object and prayer of the peti-
tion. We trust such meetings will become more
general, and that the voice of enlightened huma-
nity will be raised throughout the kingdom, until the
laws which doom our fellow-creatures to perish un•
justly shall themselves perish before the irresistible
power of public opinion.—Morning Herald.
The principal feature in the Budget is the repeal
of the beer tax. The Chancellor of the Exchequer,
in stating the reasons which had determined the
Government to fix on this tax, observed that the re-
strictions on the manufacturer which the collections
of the duty rendered necessary, operated very much
against its manufacture. " Among others (he said)
may be instanced, that while a man may brew one
specific quantity of beer, he may not brew another.
So he is prohibited from varying its strength but in
certain degrees, besides other circumstances, which
in themselves impose upon the article of beer an
amount of duty which may be supposed to be repre-
sented by tile degree of inconvenience and restric-
tion to which the whole combined give rise. But
there is a still heavier duty on beer, which I have yet
to mention; and that is the system under which it is
permitted to be retailed to the public. I am not
afraid to estimate it, at the very least, at one-third
of the whole amount of duty paid to the State; and
therefore we may assume that if we repeal the whole
beer duty of three millions, we shall give to the
country a relief of little short of four millions and a
half from the measure." We were glad to hear the
Right Hon. Gentleman urge as a reason for
taking off the whole of the beer tax, in pre-
ference to making a compromise, by taking off half
the beer duty and half the malt duty, that it would
enable Government to make a still further saving
by making some reduction in the establishments.
Many fragments of taxes used formerly to be re-
tained, not so much for fiscal purposes as to prevent
the necessity for reducing establishments. This is
therefore a remarkable change. The beer duty is
to continue till the 10th of October next, because
the freedom of the trade enters into the plan of Go-
vernment, and this cannot take place till the period
when the licenses are renewed; arid because duties
have been paid on large stocks, and in all cases of
repayments of duties already received, extensive
frauds are invariably committed. In the case of the
Silk-trade, for instanct, it is well known that Go-
vernment was outwitted, and repaid much more
than they had received. The cider duty, which
amounts to from 25 to 30,0001. is also to be re-
pealed. Another repeal, important from the extent
in which the commodity on which it is levied is
used in almost every branch of industry, was an-
nounced—that of the duty on leather. Here, agaill,
the Government deserve commendation, for ihp.
manner they have gone to work. " The presetit
amount of revenue," said the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, " derived from that tax, is about
400,0001.—a tax heavily felt by the agricultural po-
pulation. Moreover, an abolition of the tax altogether,
and then doing away the restrictions that are now
laid on the manufacture of the article, which compel
the manufacturer to manage the business differently
from what he otherwise would, and which compel
one man to be a tanner and another to be a dresser

of leather ; in removing the restrict, ons we shall
give a relief to the people, as well as by the 'educ-
tion of the duty. At present, these restiietions-
affect the manufacturers injuriously, and are useless
to the revenue. It is for this reason that Ido not
propose tire reduction, but the abolition of ti ese
taxes. If I had not done that, the restrietien,,,
nhist have been continued on the trade—an esta-
blishment must have been kept up for collecting the
trt~ —and tedticing the duty one-half, would hare ap-
peared like doing nothing. in acting on this principle,
the Government has not booked to keeping up a
large establishment, and it has deferred to what
has been considered necessary by the House." It
is
Imporsible not to see in all this an honest disposition
on the part of Government to adopt those views
with respect to the repeal of taxer which have ob-
tained the sanction of the best informed persons in
the country. In considering what tax ought to be
repealed, the restrictions which the collection im-
poses on a manufacture ought always to have great
weight. These two taxes—the beer duty and the
tax- on leather—coupled as the former is with the
determination to open the trade in beer, are, there-,
fore, judiciously chosen for repeal. As the beer
duty ceases only in October, and the leather
duty in July next, the reduction will not be much
felt in the revenue of the present year. It is calcu-
lated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer at
960,000/. Against this, however, there is a set-olf
in an addition to the duty on spirits. In a country
over-taxed as this is, a repeal of taxes is not always,
a reduction of revenue, and therefore we conceive
the Chancellor of the Exchequer fully justified in
his anticipations with respect to the compensation
from increased consumption. The Chancellor of
the Exchequer announced extensive inquiries into
various branches of the expenditure. " Indeed,"
observed the Right llon. Gentleman, " I may say
we are engaged in an examination embracing
every public department, and we presume, in con-
formity with the precedent which has in one case
proved to be beneficial—that respecting super-
annuatioris—to confide the execwtioa of that inquiry
to gentlemen connected certainly in some way with
the Government, but totally unconnected with the

particular departments to which these inquiries are
to be extended, with a view of ascertaining how far
it may be possible to make a still further reduction.
In the same manner and to the same extent, the
Government propose to empower a Commission to
deal with the whole of the Colonial expenditure."
With respect to euperannuetions—that prolific
source of abuse—a deduction is to be made hence-.
forward from the incomes of the servants of tho
public as a fund for superannuation, and in a few
days a Bill is to be brought in for regulating the
management and appropriation of the fund. It
would appear that the great brewers are reconciled to
the plan for throwing the trade in beer open. Mr.
Chalks Barclay observed, " that he was happy to
say that he had not the least objection to the measure
proposed, and the brewers had concurred in it."
This statement was loudly cheered by the
House. On the whole, the Chancellor of the Ex•
chequer estimates the balance of the receipts above the
expenditure at 2,667,000/., and the produce of a
duty of 2d. a gallon on spirits in Ireland and Scot-
land, and of Is. a gallon in England, at 330,0001.,
making in all three millions. He looks forward to
the possibility of converting the 4 per Cents. into
31, and announced art intention of bringing the sub-
ject before the House on an early day. Wherever
Government can effect a saving in this way they are
bound to attempt it. All attempts at partial tax-
' ation are deserving of reprobation ; but there is a
material difference between a partial tax levied on
fundholders and the taking advantage of the state of
the money market to effect a reduction of interest.
Lord Althorp observed, with reference to some re-
marks of Mr. Baring on this subject, that the con-
templated reduction could not possibly create any
apprehension in a free country. The only differ-
ence of opinion in the House related to the extent
of the repeal of duties, and not to the principle
which had governed the Chancellor of the Exche•
goer in the repeals.—Morning Chronicle.
Accounts of the improvement of trade, and meet-
ings on the subject of the distress of the country, not
unfrequently from the very same quarter, are pouring
in on us. The Leeds Mercury, for instance, tells
us that at Leeds and Manchester, the two great
capitals of the woollen and cotton manufacturers,
there is a greater demand than astral at this season
of the year ; while a meeting at Huddersfield, en
Thursday last, agreed to a resolution recommend-
ing a reduction of the interest of the National Debt !
On Friday there was a meeting of the County of
Kent, on Penenden Heath ; and on Saturday a
meeting of the County of Hertford. At the latter
a letter was read from Lord Deere, in which his
Lordship said, " I never have been able to compre-
hend the advantage of voting by ballot. Unless the
English people are ashamed of acknowledging the
principles and object of their choice, I cannot see
the benefit to be derived from it. I hope never to
see the day when such shall be the condition of
English voters." Lord Mere we believe to be a
very worthy man, but he is not one of those who
will ever set the Thames on fire. There are not,
we firmly believe, six men in either House of Par-
liament, who hale the courage, or the imprudence
to express their real sentiments without reserve
publicly; and yet these skulkers have the efrontery
to declare, that poor men should have the courage to
do that at the hattard of the ruin of themselves and
families, which they dare not do, for fear of the sneers
of the coteries to which they belong. We will not do
Lord Deere the injustice to believe him insincere;
he has never thought at all upon the subject, and
merely repeats what he has heard, like many others.
The meeting in Kent was remarkable for the un-
expected turn which things took. We alluded,
some weeks ago, to the hostility of the secondary
class of gentry and yeomanry throughout the country
to tithes, and a pretty decisive confirmation of our
opinion was afforded at this meeting, by the unani-
mous adoption of a resolution, moved by Mr.
Bentley, the respectable Chairman of the Kent
Agriculturists.
" That it is the opinion of this meeting, that amongst
the various causes of the distress which so generally per-
vades the people of this country, there is none more power-
ful than the present system of collecting tithes, which, by
affecting the tenth part of the produce of the land, produces
the most injurious consequences to the eonimenity at large,
to the agricultural interests in particalar, and to the best
interests of religion itself. To the eomninnity at large, by
unavoidably increasing the price of articles of general and
necessary consumption—to the agrieulturitt, by the vexa-
tious tax upon the culture of the land—by disabling the
English farmer from competing with the foreign grower,
and being part of that overwhelming system which it was
too much the present policy of the eoantry to encourage;
and to religion, by being the fraitful soiree of discord be-
tween the Clergyman and his parishioners, and by destroy-
jug that harmony, upon the preservation of which the sue-
eess of his spiritual labours must is a great degree depend.
—(Cheers.)—This meeting, therefore, submits it to the
consideration of the Legislature, that no better mode of
giving relief scold be devised than the getting rid of this
impolitic system."
The Essex meeting, in like manner, agreed to a
petition against tithes, so that we are warranted in
assuming that the agriculturists have at length de-
termined to take the bull by the horns. What
wonderful r t s are
sympathy open pressing
h upon t
h s
sufferings he o-
pleases us the most is to see that the real nature of
tithes begins to be correctly understood by the
agriculturists. They see that tithes are a tax, and
tr
a heavy tp t lie px, pressing at one time on the consumers,
tci a" :It e‘,vhhealsi a ducers. Lord Stanhope, who, like the rest of hia
of the labourers, once in twenty years or so, when it
suits his purpose, declared at this meeting that " he
had witnessed the extreme and intolerable distress
which prevailed so universally throughout the
country; and he deeply regretted its existence, most
of all because it affected so much the happiness and
comfort of the labouring classes—(Hear, hear)—
who, above all others, contributed to the welfare of
the state, and, therefore, had the best claim upon
the raipport and protection of Parliament." Was
there ever such benevolence ! It reminds us of
the love of the House of Commons for economy and

retrenchment in the ab.,tract. But Mr. Bentley put
his Lordship's sympathy to the test.
" Mr. BENTLEY, in support of his Resolution, begged
to say a few words. His object was to enforce upon the
attention of the Legislature such topics as he thought most
condasive to relieving the distress of the country. His
proposition, he thought, was so self-evident that he lind
merely to ask their assent to it. It would be t Waste of
time to set about proving that tithes were a grievous bur-
den to the country. He would only state one fact—the
amount of titlys was seen millions; now with such a
tax—

" Earl StaxnorE—They arc not a tax.—(lTear.)

" Mr. BINTLEY contended that the tithes were a tax,
and a tex of the worst sort—a tax upon labour and culti-
vation.—(Cheers.)—He would ask them, with a drain
nr '7,000,0004 upon the gross produce of the land, if it
>did not unavoidably raise the price of the necessaries
of life? The fact was so self-evident, that it would
be a waste of time to argue it. Equally notorious was
it that the tithes contributed very much to prevent
the English farmer from competing with the forei.rner.—
(1 rear, hear. )—And what was the consequence of this tax ?
That with a cultivation superior to all the world
besides, yet the tithes had brought the agriculturists to the
greatest distress. He was warranted, therefore, in saying
that the tithe system was ruinous to the community at
large, and to the agriculturist in particular. With respect
So its being injurious to the cause of religion itself, could
it be denied that anything which disturbed the harmony
which ought to exist between the pastor and his flock;
would have a strong tendency to weaken the effect of the
admonitions of the former to the latter'--(Cheers.)—This
was another of those propositions which were so self-
evident that he should be wasting their time to discuss it.
But it was said that it was done out of hostility to the
Church. He disclaimed any such hostility—(Cheers)—
and he did not understand that there was any necessary
connection between the destruction of religion and the
abolition of tithes. Again, it was said that there were so
many difficulties in the way of a satisfactory arrangement
for Members of the Church, that the plan was oh-
ieetionable. But surely these difficulties were not insu-
perable, and there could be no very substantial objections
to to salutary a measure upon that score. For all these
reasons he hoped the resolution would be adopted by the
meeting."

I-lera we have a proof of the extent of his Lord-
ship's sympathy with the people. A sentence or
two thrown in, for decency's sake, about labourers
is one thing, and to meddle with the tithes another.
Tithes are not a tax—no such thing. It is no
hardship on the agriculturist, in a season when the
wants of the population compel an importation of
three or four millions of quarters, that one-tenth of
his crop shall be taken from him before he can go
into the market ! However, the aristocracy find
the agriculturists not so tractable on their part as
they could wish. We rejoice to see so general a
hostility to tithes among the agriculturists. An
arrangement must be come to some time on this
point, and the sooner the better. It is impos,ible
that one-tenth of the gross produce of the soil should
be suffered to be paid much longer. It is very well
to talk of property ; but it must never be forgotten
that property is the creature of law, that the great
object of law is the saris populi ; and that when a
particular destination of property to a religious, or
other corporation, is at variance with the salus populi,
it ought to be changed forthwith. Tithe in a rude
age, with a scanty population, is not burdensome ;
hut when population becomes dense, and the wants
of society cause large capitals to be embarked in cul-
tivation, it is a most oppressive tax. It increases
with the increased cost of rasing food. What a
blessing it would have been to England, if the
people had had the courage to imitate their brethren
in the Northern part of the Island, two hundred
years ago, when they put an end to all disputes
about tithes !—Morning Chronicle.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OP LORDS—(LAsr NIGHT).

The Earl of KINNOUL presented a petition from
Perth, praying for free trade to China.
The Earl of lIARDWICKE presented five petitions
frown parishes in Cambrdge, praying fur relief from tax-
trios.

The Earl of ROSSLYN presented two petitions from the
Chamber of Commerce and town of Kirkaldy, praying for
free trade to India.

Upon the motion of the Noble Lord the Earl of Jersey
was added to the Committee on the Coal Trade.

Lord DE DUN STANVILLE presented a peti,ion from
the Mayor and Corporation of Farnham for an alteration
in the criminal laws.

Lord KING presented a petition from a pirigh in Glom-
oestiershire, praying for the removal of the monopoly of the
core laws and reduction of taxat;on.

Lord STANHOPE presented a petition from the Trinity
Reuse of Kingsten-tipon-Hull against the renewal of the
East India Company's Charter, which was referred to the
Committee. The Noble Lord also presented a petition
from the same place, praying the House to take into
rensideration the distress of the country and the shipping
interests. The Noble' Lord took the opportunity of
asking the Noble Duke (Wellington) opposite, if he should
have aurobjection to the appointment of a Select Com-
mittee, to inquire into the irate of the shipping interests.
The Duke of WELLINGTON thought the proper
course to be adopted by the Noble Lord woold be to make
a motion on the subject. As yet he did not think his
Noble,Friend had put forth any ground for such a measure.
The NOBLE DUKE presented a petition from South-
ampton against the punishment of death in certain cases.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE presented a petition
from Galway, for the removal of the duty on coal im-
parted into Ireland. The Noble Marquis gave notice, that
-in Tuesday next he should submit a motion to the House
relative to the affairs of Terceira.

The Marquis of BUTE presented a petition from
Greenock, against the renewal of the East India Com-
pany's Charter.
The garquis of LONDONDERRY presented a peti-
tion from the coal-whippvrs of London, on the subject of
the Coal Trade.
ELLENBOROUGH DIVORCE BILL.

The Earl of ROSSLYN rose to move tie sucond read-
ing of the Bill, but as he understood the Noble Lord (Tr-
ains (Radnor) wished it to stand over, he s,hould have no
objection to allow it to stand over till Wednesday, which
was ordered.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented several peti-
tions.

The LORD CHANCELLOR gave r.otice that en
Friday next (the 19th instant) he should move the
second reading of t'oe Lunatics' Property and Chancery
Contempts Bill. The Noble Lord also took this oppor-
tunity of stating, that his Majesty had ordered two Com-
missions to be issued, appointing Lord Tenterdco Deputy
Speaker in the absence of the Chancellor; and also ay-
pointing Lord Wynfor,l Deputy Speaker, in the absence of
the Lord Chancellor and Lord Tenterden, The Commis-
sions, en the motion of the Noble Lord, were read.
The Exchequer Bills' Bill, and the Transfer in Aids
Bill. were read a second time.—Adjourned.