The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-09 00:00:00

STATE OF TRADE.

DUNDEE, July 7.—The market was less excited to•day
than on recent market days, but a very cheerful tone pre-
vailed, and prices are decidedly strong. Some of the larger
spinners having supplied themselves last week, there was
rather less inquiry for flax, tow, or cedilla to-day ; but the
sales reported are at very full prices. The demand for jute
is active, and prices very steady; but stocks of suitable
quality are very light in sellers' hands here. Yarns of all
qualities, flax, tow, and jute continue in great request, and
prices are still rather against buyers. Any parcels that can
be got for early delivery are quickly bought up, but there
are few such, spinners being generally largely foresold.
The Brazilian letters to hand yesterday are very unsatisfac-
tory for linens, stocks having largely increased and prices
fallen seriously since the previous mail left. Neither are
the American advices received this week at all favourable,
as burlaps and heavy linens are reported dull, and every-
thing selling being at low prices. Notwithstanding this,
the demand was again very active to-day.
LEICESTER, Bth.—The hosiery trade is tolerably ani-
mated, and a good season's business is expected to be done,
Manufacturtrs are now engaged finishing orders, and the
workpeople have rather more employment. In the rural
districts business is without much alteration. Yarns are
selling at high rates, with a fair market, spinners producing
only what are required. In wools there is no important
change. Prices are firm and dear.
NOTTINGHAM, Bth.—There has not been much doing in
the cotton branch of the lace trade during the past week.
All classes of cotton goods are in much less than an aver age
demand. There is, however, fully as much doing in the
silk department as for some time past. For black laces and
edgings there continues a fair demand, and silk quiltings
are selling freely. Home and foreign buyers have been in
the market, and some fair purchases have been made.
Stocks of all kinds of goods are kept down. There is not
much alteration in the hosiery trade. Some orders are com-
pleting, both for shipping and for the home market. Yarns
keep up in price.

Full benefit of reduced duty obtained by pur-
chasing Horniman's pure Tea; very choice at 3s 4d. and
48. "High Standard "at 4s. 4d. (formerly 4s. Bd.), is the
strongest and most delicious imported. Agents in every
own supply it in pickets.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The state of things disclosed by all the
intelligence and all the Opinions from America is one
wholly uninrelligible, either upon the professed cha-
racter of the great cause now trembling in the
balance, or on all our own notions of the last agony
of an empire. A large army of real soldiers, fight-
ing not for an abstraction but for their free homes,
amply provided with all that is absolutely necessary
for war, but with a garden of Eden before them and
a desert behind, have broken through the flimsy line
of Federal defences, and planted themselves securely
in a central point, equally threatening, it not com-
manding, Baltimore, P hiladelphia, and Washington.
With regard to the points which have hitherto
formed the basis for the defence of the capital, Gen.
Lee was considered at the last date to be actually iu
the rear of Washington. He had turned the thin
and pretentious Federal front, extending from near
Fredericksburg, on the Rappahannock, to Harper's
Ferry, on the Potomac, and left General Hooker
watching an imaginary foe, hut little disposed to
advance in quest of the shadow, far away to the
south and south-east of Washington. The design
had been foreseen, but foreseen in vain. That
might, indeed, be simply the incapacity of the
coterie of lawyers who sit in the Federal Cabinet
and command its armies. But for more than a

week the danger had been not only foreseen, but
present ; not only present, but advancing by sure
and not very slow steps into the State of Pennsyl-
vania. The alarm had been sounded, and the Con •

stitutional appeals had been made. The' Governors of
New York and New Jersey had sent considerable
bodies of militiamen with an alacrity which ought to
have shamed both the State authorities of Pennsyl-
vania and the War Department at Washington.
But after the first effort New York had declined to

send more, and New Jersey, on a Constitutional pre-
tence, had withdrawn the forces already sent. From
New England nothing more was to be expected,
and, its for the Federal forces, they are everywhere
except where they ought to be ; and unless Penn-
sylvania chose to be ravaged, or make terms with
_ _

the invader. she would have to find her own defen

dere. But, to say that all was panic, depression, and
indifference is only to describe the universal break-
down of the defensive system. There was that which
was vastly worse for the Federal cause, which has
been now the evident secret of its long weak-
ness, and which produces the paradox of an ap-
parently accepted defeat. Every where—at Penn •
sylvania, New York, and Washington—public
opinion was expressing itself strongly if not loudly
against the Federal Government, and even the
Federal cause. It was not merely that no con-

fidence was felt in the President, his Ministers, or his
Generals, but there prevailed a positive wish that
t he Confederate President might establish himself at.
Washington and dictate terms to the Union. There
has been nothing like this in history—at least
nothing with which it could fairly be paralleled.
There have been stories of great cities and empires
distracted and weakened by factions, which even in
the last hour kept up a war within the gates, only less
ruinous than that which raged without. There have
been stories of empires eo degenerate and so devoia
of patriotism that it was impossible to recruit the
ranks or replenish the coffers of the garrison. Half a
century ago there were those who hailed the advance
of the Allies in, o France because they believed the
Imperial cause hopeless, the country exhausted, the
star of victory fallen, the destiny accomplished.
That was simply to be beaten in a more than mortal
enterprise, and to find the whole world more power-
ful than one man. But from the first it is now clear
there has been a strong underground current and an
obstinate protest, even in the heart of the Federal
side, against the Federal cause. For this we have
been long prepared. Every visitor to the States has
long been struck with the fact that the elements of
wealth, of high education, of refinement, and of
social importance have had no place in tao politics
of the Northern States. There men with these qua-
lifications have been virtually ostracised from public
affairs. Neither were they wanted nor did they want
to obtain seats in the Legislature or take office in the
Government. The truth was they understood and
felt the complications which rendered it a gross
hypocrisy to maintain on the one hand a high tariff
and an aggressive policy, and on the other hand to
denounce the institution of slavery, which formed
the chief basis of wealth, territory, and aggression.
These men, at once so politic in their intelligence
and so unpolitical in their lives, knew that if the
Union was to endure it could only be by mutual con-
sideration, and by cherishing, rather than destroy-
ing, the sovereignty of each State. They now speak
with more chance of a hearing, when all depends
upon hearing them ; and they seem bolder to speak
when they speak not for place and power, but for the
restoration of peace and the salvation of their coun-
try. They are not compromised in the Federal cause.
Mr. Lincoln is not their man, and they have nothing
to say to the Generals to whom the lives, the treasure,
and the honour of twenty million people have been
committed. They are under no obligation of secrecy
or submission ; so they speak and are beard. It
is needless now to ask why they have not spoken
before. There is not a State in the world which does
cot throw important portions of the people out of
political life by one accident or another. Even in
this country there are numbers who, with every
personal qualification, are hardly so much as units
in the political calculation. The popular institu-
tions of the United States, especially in the Free
States, have thrown out and insulated the very men
who would have been their best corrective and check.
But this is no conquest, if, indeed, that is the event
which is shortly to be expected, when the conquerors
are invited as deliverers. It the war has proved
anything that was known betore, it has only made
it more evident that, on the whole, the Southern
temperament and the social organisation of the
South produce the men best qualified to govern
and command. That is a matter independent of
moral principles and political opinions. Rome was
at once the stave market and the mistress of the
world, and the very men who never appeared but
to show a natural superiority over the rest of the
haman race were themselves slaveowners. Whether
they made the best use of their superiority, and
whether they were as good as they were great, is
another question. In this country we are accustomed
to ascribe certain moral deficiences to the aristocra-
tic class in the comparison with that engaged in
manufacture and trade, and the latter claims to it-
self a large share of the virtue supposed to be cha-
racteristic of England. With this estimate•it is un-
necessary to interfere ; but be it ever so correct, it is,
nevertheless, equally true that the habits of govern-
ment and command are more natural and familiar to
the higher class than to the lower, that is, to the gen-
try than to the trading class. Even when the fact is
resisted, and when it is urged that such a state of
things ought not to be, and there are good moral
reasons against it, the fact is all the time admitted.
We mean, then, no defence or palliation of the
moral condition of the Southern States, when we
admit that they produce the best soldiers, the best
Generals, the best Statesmen, the best public func-
tionaries of all kinds in the Union, and are thereby
proved to be the nearest approach to a governing
class. A fact is not the less a fact because it has its
dark side, its dangers, and perhaps even a decidedly
objectionable character. England has no interest
to maintain the moral superiority of the South, for
it is to Southern Statesmen that she owes the
numerous insults she has received from America,
and the generally impracticable tone of Ame-
rican diplomacy. But this is only a fresh
testimony to the resolute, persistent, uncompro-
mising temper of the Southern States, and their
power of carrying their point when once their
honour or their pride is engaged. That is a senti-
ment and a habit very likely to prevail against the
calculations of self-interest and mercenary motives.
It is the way that small States have become great
and have changed places with their masters. Such
is the trial of strength we now sae in America. War
is simply a trial of strength, and it seems to prove
the South the stronger.
DAILY NEWS.—The time spent, in each session,
in the discussion of Cotton-supply from India will
not be wasted if the effect of the argument should
be to rectify the popular notion of the sort of people
who live in India, and the sort of life they lead. In
course of years, it is to be hoped, both humanitarians
and economists may learn to speak more fittingly
of the Indian farmer class than they do at present ;
and that they should do so is important, because
their so called practical suggestions are, oftener
than not, grounded on a thoroughly false notion of
the capacity and character of the class they under-
take to pity and manage, or show how to manage.
We are so accustomed to near the native fume)
groaned over as a helpless sort of savage, victimised
by civilisation, and the tyranny which accompanies
it, that the absurdity does not strike us till we hear
somebody else talking in the same way of some other
class with as little reason. For instance, we laugb
when we read in foreign newspapers of speakers aut.
writers who avow that their sympathies, in regard
to the India of 1857, are with " the poor sepoys."
if we could inquire what notion these compas-
sionate persons have of " the poor sepoy" we should
find it not much further from the truth than the
parliamentary and popular notion in England of
"the poor ryot." The proud and menacing soldiery
which kept our Indian empire in jeopardy and its
rulers in anxiety for years before 1857 is not more
unlike the hungry, naked, grovelling, whipped, in-
sulted, and outraged poor sepoy of the American and
German imagination, than the intelligent, indus-
trious, well-toe do farmer of an accessible and popu-
lous district is unlike the conception of " the poor
ryot" entertained by those who suppose him to be
as far below the Irish conacre of 20 years ago as an
Asiatic and a heathen must be, eceteris paribus,
below a European and a Christian, though a papist.

On each occasion of a debate there is now usually
somebody who speaks well of the capacity and
position of the cultivators of India ; and in course
of time this testimony may operate to the advan-
tage of the landed interest or India and the ma-
nufacturing interest at home, as well as of good
government and a friendly understanding ail
round. On Friday evening there was a good deal
of such testimony. Four of the principal speakers
on Mr. Caird's motion delivered their opinion that,.
on the subject of cotton-growing in India, the
ryots were quite as able to teach as to learn, and
that they have not only the usual faculty of self-
interest, but a rather uncommon ability in putting
it to use. The strength of the habit of supposing
that the poor ryot wants to be protected, and ma-
nagee, and taught how to do everything, appeared.
in Mr. Cohden's horror at the account of rural life
given by Mr. Smollett, and at the advice to let the
farmers alone, to manage their tillage in their own
way. The facts afterwards related by Mr. Craw-
ford and Mr. J. B. Smith ought, however, to make
all Lancashire, and all champions of " the poor
ryot," pause, in order to consider whether their way
of going to work to get cotton, or to impeach ,the
motives and doings of everybody who takes a dit•-
ferent view, is correct or prudent. What are these
ryots like ? What is their life ? and how far is it
likely, in its natural course, to yield cotton to is,
and the profits of the crop to the cultivator ? We
ought to know this before we listen to proposals
that Government shall take the matter out of native
hands, and go to work to grow cotton in India as
the French Government is doing in Algeria. Mr.
Baxley tells us how the authorities at Paris arc ir-
rigating and preparing the soil in Algeria, while
the authorities in London and Calcutta are doing
nothing of the sort in India. What help the ryots
really want is in the shape of roads and markets.
Government is helping with the roads, and, in so
far, with markets. But the most effective sort of
market in this case is one which other parties could.
manage better. In every cotton-growing district
there should be some place where the growers may
carry their produce for sale, with a certainty of
selling it, if of certain quality, and for ready money.
By such a method, which would include an orga-
nisation for preparing, packing, and transmitting
the cotton to port, more of the material might be
obtained, in better condition and sooner, than by
any great scheme for opening up waste lands. Let
waste lands be opened up, by all means ; but let
not expectations of relier from our present difficulty
take that direction. We can obtain much cotton
crow from India, and more and more hereafter ; but
before we can obtain the advantages that India
would naturally yield, we must learn to understand
and appreciate better the native farmer, whom we
have no right to despise in his own function, and
who can and will give us what we want, if we take
him into frank consultation, instead of subjecting
him to the insult of interference and the burden of
Government protection.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

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HULL-TUESDAY.

The wheat trade since our last report has been very dull,
and under the influence of brilliant weather millers and
dealers show but little inclination to operate. At to-day's
market there was but a moderate supply of English
wheat, which was taken off slowly et is under last week's
currency. Foreign neglected, at is lower. Grinding bar-
ley steady. Beans and peas sold at last week's rates. Oats
dull, and rather cheaper.
Wheat.... Old white per qr. .. 47s Od to 50s Od
Old red

New white .. ~
New red ... • I,
Barley.... English malting 36s Od to 37s Od
Grinding 26s 6d to 28s Od
Saal and Oderbruck

Holstein and Danish 2Bs Od to 29s Od

-
Grinding
Oats English, old 26s Od to 28s Od
Archangel and Riga, per st osl2lcl to 13d
Friesland and Dutch osl3d to 0a1341
Swedish and Danish Osl2id to osl3d
Beans ....English, old, per qr. 43s Od to 45s Od
New pigeon 42s Od to 44s Od
New tick. 4os Od to 42s Od
Egyptian
Peas Foreign boilers
Grinding
Tares ....Spring. s Od to —s Od
Indian Corn
Linseed, feeding
crushing •• 4os Od to 52s Od
Linseed cakes (Hull)
Foreign Bl5 oto 9 0 0
6 '2 6to 0 0 0
Rape cakes
Bones