The Sun.
London, England, 1837-12-09 00:00:00

,b ,

LONDON :
SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 9, 1837.

The question of the Pension List came on for discussion
last night in the House of Commons. The CHANCELLOR
of the EXCHEQUER brought it forward, by moving for the
appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the
subject—a motion which the Tories opposed with their ut-
most skill and energy, but which was nevertheless carried
against them, by a majority of 62. It gives us pleasure to
state that this inquiry is intended to be in every respect a
bona fide one—no sham, partial investigation, got up merely
for appearances sake ; but, to quote the language of Mr.
SPRING RICE, " the fairest and the fullest enquiry, unfet-
tered and unrestricted." Such being the determina-
tion of Ministers as regards the matter in question,
what wonder that the Tories are in arms about
it ; and that Sir ROBERT PEEL, as Coryphmus of the
faction, tasks his utmost powers of sophistry to prove,
that to meddle in the slightest degree with the Pension
List, is to violate one of the first and most sacred prin-
ciples of justice and honour ! The Right Hon. Baronet
is a dextrous special pleader ; no man can make more out
of a rotten cause than he can, or show with greater inge-
nuity the worse to be the better reason ; and last night he
had a subject every way worthy of his Jesuitical abilities.
It was his duty, as an accomplished Tory sophist, to con-
found the eternal distinctions between right and wrong,
truth and falsehood ; and it is doing him no more than
justice to say, that he would have succeeded in his
task, had success been possible. But the question
was based on too adamantine a foundation for even this
practised engineer to undermine. It was impregnable to
his covert, as well as to his open, assaults, even though he
strained every nerve to gain his point. " Will you," he
asked—and the question is a characteristic one—" will
you interfere with pensions granted thirty years ago,
in conformity with public feeling ?" Conformity with
public feeling indeed! Was ever such intrepid so-
phistry ? So the aristocratic pensions—granted dur-
ing the CASTLEREAGH Administration the most no-
toriously unpopular and anti-national one that ever
swayed the destinies of England—so, the pensions granted
to grasping, needy, and undeserving Tory sycophants
during this detested administration, were in " conformity
with public feeling !" Why, public feeling never had a
voice in the matter ; was never consulted ; but, on the
contrary, held in sovereign contempt by all who then
exercised Ministerial authority ! Look at the long
list of titled Tory mendicants, who figure on the Pension
List, and whose nearest and dearest friends and
kinsfolk never gave a vote but against the people—look at
this scandalous List, and ask if it be possible that " public
feeling" could ever have placed them there ? No, " pub-
lic feeling," from a natural wish to award impartial justice,
would far rather have sent them to the work-house, or
put a hammer in their hands, and set them to
break stones upon the roads ! It is curious that Sir
ROBERT PEEL, of all living statesmen, should be ig-
norant of what is, and what is not, " public feeling,"
when it is notorious that this feeling—and this only—
turned him out of office the other day, and still keeps him
on the shady side of the Treasury Bench. But the truth
is, he is an incorrigible Tory, and to hope for any amend-
ment in his political temperament, is as absurd as to hope,
by a process of scrubbing, to wash the blackamoor white.
If the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagues be really as
desirous as they profess to be, to keep up these Tory pen-
sions ; if they really think that many a deserving object
will be reduced to penury by being deprived of what lie
or she has so long enjoyed, they have the remedy for such
a calamity in their own hands. Et is well known that the
Tories are a wealthy faction ; let them then subscribe for
their brethren in affliction. They can subscribe to injure
purity of election ; they can subscribe to blast the rising
prospects of Ireland by their SPOTTISWOODE combination ;
why, then, can they not subscribe to befriend those of their
own faction, whose just rights they think will be jeopardicd
by an enquiry into the Pension List ? They are always
talking about generosity ; here, then, they will have a
fine opportunity of putting it into practice. But no ; this
is a species of generosity of which your thorough-bred
Tory has no idea. He can be generous enough with the
public money, or even to promote the interests of his
party ; but as for putting his hands into his own pocket, in
order to assist those from whom he can expect no assis-
tance in return—this is a generosity far above his com-
prehension.
Mr. HARVEY, who made the best speech of the even-
ing—indeed the best that has been made this Session—put
the question on its proper footing, when he instituted a
parallel between the principle of the Poor-law Act, and
that of the Pension List. " What," inquired the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman, " what is the principle upon
which the Poor-law Act proceeds ? That no man nor
woman shall be allowed to live upon the labours of others,
whose strength or years enable them to labour for them-
selves, or whose relations are in a condition to extend to
them that support which nature requires, and kind and
proper feelings prompt. Upon what principle, then,
do those gentlemen, who are so anxious to maintain
these pensions, defend them P I ask you to apply the
same rule to these State pensioners that you apply to your
parochial ones." This is sound, just reasoning, however
sophistical and inconclusive it may appear to Tory intel-
lects. If the labouring community are expected to sup-
port their decayed relations, surely the aristocratic classes
have no right to be exempted from such a burden ?
Why should a Tory Duke's mother be quartered on
the Pension List, when her son is fully qualified
to support her—indeed, ranks among the wealthiest
Nobles of the land ? Is this seeing fair play be-
tween rich and poor ? To our thinking, the Act that
was passed for the express purpose of elevating the moral
character of the labouring classes, is quite as much needed
for the aristocratic orders—as the abuses of the Pension
List demonstrate beyond the possibility of question.

The Bishop of EXETER is never in his proper element
but when he is in a state of warfare. The quiet and
peaceful atmosphere of Christianity suits not his restless
and turbulent spirit. If he cannot find occasions for gra-
tifying his pugnacious propensities, he will create them.
No matter how frivolous the pretext, the Bishop's pur-
pose is answered if he can fasten a quarrel on a political
opponent. Then out comes a furious pamphlet or a
letter in the Times as long as a pamphlet, and as tedious as
one of his Lordship's own sermons. We have a glaring
instance of this infirmity before us. Lord MELBOURNE,
in the debate on Lord RODEN'S motion the other night,
remarked upon the unfairness of certain parties who always
quoted an expression of his respecting the Irish Tithe Bill,
without the qualifications with which that expression
was accompanied ; and mentioned among others, the
Right Reverend Dr. PHILPOTTS, as having done this in a
late charge of his. The Noble Lord left no doubt as
to the person of the charger, for he expressly named the
Bishop of EXETER. Well, what does this pompous dig-
nitary do, but sit down and formally write a letter to the
Premier, merely for the purpose of asking whether he
(PaiLrorrs) was the Prelate alluded to by his Lordship,
although, in that very letter, he says he knows he is the
person meant. Having obtained this information (we refer
our readers to the letter and answer, in another part of
The Sun), he sets to work and writes a discourse of an
interminable length, dull as ditch-water, and stuffed with all
sorts of irrelevant matter. The pretended object of this second
epistle is to vindicate himself from the charge of unfairness,
but it is easy to see, that its real intention is to afford this

Is

-
champion of clerical abuses, an opportMiiity of venting be
spite towards Lord MELBOURNE. He does not vindicate
himself from the charge of unfairly quoting and nasre
for
con-
senting the words of the Noble Viscount ; but on the on
trary, stands by this very defence, self-convicted—
he is obliged to acknowledge, though indirectly, that
the meaning of the words " heavy blow
and greatdiscouragement to the Protestant religion in Ireland,
was qualified by what followed, the context clearly
shewing that in the opinion of the Noble Viscount,
this effect of the Tithe Bill would be but temporary. Nc'w
it is unnecessary to say that this completely upsets the
whole fabric of factious vituperation which Bishop PIM'
POTTS and his calumniating coadjutors have been so
dustriously raising upon the adini,sion of Lord MELBoußtss'
It is needless to bestow more time upon this pitiful effu-
sion of spleen. There is, however, one passage in the lonii,
g
letter of the Bishop that we think will amuse our reader
and therefore we give it. It runs thus :
" Your inconsistency of sentiments can, I fear, only be
"tat_
tributed to that disregard of principle when opposed tofault
wib
fancied expediency of the day, which is too common a fa°,b
among politicians to require to be visited on your Lordship
extreme severity."
We have heard of Satan's reproving Sin ; but we never
imagined we should have lived to see so complete an illus-
tration of the adage. There was once a certain Memhe
of the Church militant who assailed with Quixotic self- de;
votion all who presumed to advocate the measure calle:ai
Catholic Emancipation. Pamphlet after pamphlet issue
from the nimble pen of the ecclesiastical hero—whether
they issued as fast from the publisher's shop we no
at
undertake to say—until he found himself transplanted intl
corner of the vineyard, yielding, in the good things of this 11,e'
somewhere between four and five thousand pounds by
the year. A fat rectory is a good thing, but a bishopric 0.
a better. So thought this worthy successor of the to
Anodes
and to secure this happy consummation, he engaged
ed
" digest the venom of his spleen" against the Catholics' t°
bridle his tongue, sheath his pen, and look through his
w
fingers, while the Catholics were emancipated, and--4
cording to his former doctrine—the fence of Protestantirl 3
thrown down. Does not this look something like
d 'sregard of principle when opposed to the fancied
God,
diency of the day?" Can the Right Rev. Father in
HENRY, Lord Bishop of Exeter, guess who this recrea
was ?nt

The unrortunate declaration of Lord JOHN RUSSSI'LL
against the Ballot has called forth a Manifesto from the
a
Council of the great Birmingham Political lr'
alay
which will be found in our columns of this
the
Sympathizing, as we most cordially do, wit-ag
•
members of this Union in their struggles to °V
the Ballot, Triennial Parliaments, an Extension of theo
Suffrage, the unqualified Abolition of Corn is
and of monopolizings restriction upon trade, "fig'
with a degree of pain that we find ourselves conWe't.b-e
by a sense of public duty to express, in oposition t
of the
Council, our conviction that the immediate downfall the
MELBOURNE Cabinet would prove most injurious to e
best interests of this country. We have, perhaps, 8,5 Id.
Ad-
confidence in the abstract sincerity of a purely Whtleal
ministration as the Council of the Birmingham r°"--(1,/
Union, and whatever be the opinion of that great lAie•';
we will not yield even to it in attachment to the Prieeil3
of honest, straight-forward Radicalism ; but we d°
tend, nevertheless, that the very position of the eh it
Government—that the peculiar circumstances in tville-i;ey
is placed—must lead to the developement of a PA°A-'
more liberal than any that could be obtained by a suuie:
change in the Cabinet. The Birmingham Unionists, a3i:
examining the question..on British and Irish gr°°,ll„rsi
deny that " A Tory Ministry would be either a 113- at
or a necessary consequence of the dissolution of the Pre° es
Cabinet." Their reasons for such a denial appear t°
very inconclusive. "We have no such mean opinion," 1:;,.
they, " of England and Englishmen as to believe thatT4
lack of other choice, our youthful Sovereign must, in 1.11"-.;
missing Lord JOHN RUSSELL, fall back on Sir B°lso-re
PEEL. We trust that there is ample store of men t"us
worthy of their principles, and more capable by theirlen i.e.
of guiding the free energies of our dear native land." rebr
spotlit this expres,ion of confident hope as to the number of be
nest patriots and men of genius in England, but Ice elaYlcl
permitted to doubt whether the QUEEN at present e°"o..
reject the Whigs without taking the Tories to her
ells. Her MAJESTY might, it is true, appoint a 118"- d
Administration, but could a Government so constitute.
carry on for a week—nay, even for a single day--theAbiuslis-
ness of the country ? Most assuredly not. The Ra eatY
must bide their time. They are now powerful ag a ir:tb;
because there are two other nearly balanced parties:o-- er°
State mutually ha.ing and oppaLing each other • sb
they in office, Whigs and Tories, would combine' tel,eruge
them—and crush them the yiwould, In the event 014 C;;:le•
of Ministers, a dissolution has been spoken of as inesl-bot
Were such a change to occur before Christmas, We --„ielsts
believe that Sir R. PEEL, if invited to change to
with Lord J. RUSSELL, would think it necessificoe
advise such a measure. The Right Hon. Baronet': of
of policy would of course be different after a rnaj°r;
the House had pledged themselves to the carrY'nv;
measures hostile to the views of his party. But, weerth
peat, were the Right Hon. the Member for Tattisi.reati
now entrusted with the seals of office—were he at the "00.
of the Government, before the waverer!, the hangers-00ff;
Providence, the neutrals, and the hungry expectant's efagoa
cial patronage, had committed themselves by their Of 'for
support of the Whigs—we do consider it possibl 00,
him to continue, in spite of the people out of 7.e the
Prime Minister of England during the existence ell to
present Parliament. This would be a great eci all
England and Scotland ; but to Ireland it would heicith
but absolute ruin. That country is worn out with
but
her long struggles against oppressio. She Wants repose
that she may Increase her moral, and recruit her Phydseeri
)(I
energies. The absence of political agitation is
to the beneficial operation of the proposed Poor.4evjaya'oB
Municipal Bills, to the cultivation of wastes, the :foie'
down of railways, and, above all, to the progress w
tional education—that great moral lever by Whiebb:. re'
social abuse must, in the progress of time, ""Dir
moved. For these reasons we are opposed to the of
mingham Political Union's views as to the dissolutionith
the MELBOURNE Cabinet, while entirely agreeing der
its Members upon every other point. We ct
merits
would
of present the best time for canvassing the -oula
of• the Ballot, which we think the Reformers f the
act prudently in discussing apart from any °yet
other two questions usually mixed up with It• no
us obtain the Ballot first, and we will bac" and
difficulty afterwards in obtaining short Parliaments'oirsg
an Extension of the Suffrage. The danger is in gaers`t.b°
at more than we can catch at a time, and so ristonoopeo
loss of all. Be the Ballot the watchword of evel.b_dthe
Reformer, and we shall soon obtain it, notwithstaintalubart•
P4Pf
declaration of the Noble Secretary for the Home the
ment—aye, and obtain it, too, without a dissolution °
W Cabinet.
nAIL.)
LLOYD'S SHIPPING. (THIS
DEAL, DEC. B.—Wind S.W. to S , moderate, 7." raisTrobsl.
rived and sailed for the river the Scourfield,. Evans, from 1,i00°,:
Arrived 3 from the river and proceeded the Soho steamer, Pf,i, slit"
ORTSMOUTH, DEC. B.—Wind S. S.W. to N. W., sque' 1!
Od
rain—Sailed several coasters.breezes
FALMOUTH. DEC. 7.—Wind E.N.E. to N., light Freoe
fine.—Arrived the Allitries, Hayes, from Fayal. Gaitedthe
e An"
steamer of war Pharr, for Havre de G.
ABERDEEN, DEC. 6.—Arrived therace Sir William Wall 6" Pe ,
S.
derson, from Quebec. t
FLAMBOROUGH HEAD.—Off, the Sylph, Barlow, °ell'
tersburg.