The Sun.
London, England, 1837-12-04 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, DECEIT BER 4, 1837.

Just published, price 45.,
THE LO V E CHA C E.
A Comedy in Five Acts.
By JAMES SHERIDAN KNOWLES.
Edward ➢loxon, Dover-street.

Just published, price 9s. boards,
CHAPTERS ON EARLY ENGLISH
LITERATURE.
Ry J. H. HIPPISLEY, Esq., M.A.
Edward Moxon, Dover-street.

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THE POETICAL WORKS OF WILLIAM
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CAMPBELL'S POEMS, nniform with "ROGERS'S ITALY."
Just published in One Volume, illustrated by Vignettes frora Designs
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THE POETICAL WORKS of THOMAS
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THE PROSE WORKS of CHARLES LAMB.
Also, in 2 vole, price 21s. cloth,
THE LETTERS OF CHARLES LAMB.
With a Sketch of his Life.
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Just published, in two volumes, price 325. boards,
MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE
PLIGHT HON. SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH.
Edited by his Son,
R. J. MACKINTOSH, Esq.
Second Edition.
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Beef,

Ttig bIARKETIA—(THIS PAT.)

corn' IEIL :Cllisitigeff,.
The last week's report of ar rivals presented good quantities
of both Grain and Flour, and the trade was without variation
for every article. This mornh 7,g the fresh supplies of all de-
scriptions of Corn have been moderate. The millers being
in want of fine dry Wheat, suc found a ready sale and rather
exceeded the terms of this da.! se'nnight,, and other qualities
have maintained last quotatic ins. Barley of good quality is
firm in value, and other des( ;riptions are not lower. Beans
support their previous rates wi .th a fair demand. Peas of both
kinds are rather improving in pi ices. There has been a good
trade for Oats to-day, last wee k's curreney has been rather
exceeded for the best parcels, and the quantity left on hand
is inconsiderable. The prices of Flour are well maintained,
wiih a tolerably good sale for m .ost sorts.
TRICES ON OF SHIT.
Wheat, Red (old) 525. 60s. ' Beans, Small (new)
(01d).........565. 655,
1837) 421. 465. - Tick (new)
Fine 48s. 525.
Superfine 54s - Harrow (new)
White (1837) 445. 538.
Fine 548. Brank
Superfine 588 635..1 Oats, Feed
--Foreign free 50s. 668.1 New
Rye 325. 355. j - Poland
Barley .2s. 255. I New
- Grinding 255. 21's , Potatoe.
- Malting l32s. 16s. New
Malt 465. 548.
- Fine New 565. 60s.
Pease, Grey, New 3ls. 33L
- Maple New 33.5. Ai.
- White 355. 355.
- Boilers 375. 38s.

36s 393
425.405.
31s 335.
. 365. 3is,
•. 33i. : 5,,
, 40s. 425.
15+. 238.
21s. 25c.
285.30
. 9.65. 235.,
- Scotch „ 26,. YBs.
- Irish IBs. "2 Is. s.

Flour Town (i ,er sack) 50s. 525.
- second s 45c.4145.
- North t;ountry 425. 44s
Bran 8• 9.

ARRIVALS OF GRAIN IN LONDON DURING LAST WEEK,
4.-4043 Wheat. 1 Barley. Oats. Fla,,I.
English 8,230 qrs. 18,670 qrs. 6,320 qrs. 11,746 sacks.
Irish .. 1,6 7,940 -
Xeres's;
____,

SMITHFIELE
This day's supply was very gooc
alteration from the prices last quo

PRICES PER STONE OF tiLl
S. d. to e. el.
Interior Beasts 2 2 4
becond quality ditto 2 6 3 0
Prime large Oxen S 4 3 li
Prime Scots, &c.
Large coarse Calves 4 0 4 6
Prime small ditto 4 8 5 0
3.ickling Calves (each; 17 0 34 •

3 MARKET.
1, and the sale vas dull at littl♦
Ited

To SINE THE OFFALS.
s. d. tor. d.
Inferior 2lO 3 0
Second quality di ;to 2 2 3 4
Coarso-woolled ditto 3 8 310
Southdown Wethers ... 4 0 4 4
Large Hogs
Small Porkers .
Quarter old Pig
,eachi 12 o 11 •

SUPPLY LT MARKET.
yeasts. Sheep. Calves. 1 Pie:
3,962 I 26,200 159 451
About:l7oo orthe Beasts came up the St. Alban's read ; about SOO up
the other northern roads alma: 370 (including Irish) Isom the western
and inidland district:: about :3:/0 Iron) Norfolk, Suftlilk, :Essex, and Cam-
bridgeshire ; about 125 from I(Pilt and Sussex ; and most of the remainder
from the marshes, &c. is: the neighbourhood of London..

NEWGA'

.TE AND LEA
At per stone, !
s. d. tos d.
....... 3 0 3 4 Mutton, inferior ..
$63 8 -
3 IA 210 prime
4 4 2 Pork, large
3 6 410 small

DENHALL I
ly the Carcass.

inferior ,
middling

AB.RETS.

- prime la;ge
- prime small ,
Veal

!ORN MARKETS DURIN

s. a. to s a.
3 6
3 8 816
4• 4 4
G 4 4
48 6 2

PRICK sd.

LORD JOHN ALISSELL AND THE

• LLO T

We feel every confidence that, notwithstanding the weak dis-
play of Mr. Wakley, the Government will receive as it will
earn the confidence of those with whom that gentleman usually
consorts. By subscribing to their creed? Certainly not; but
by adhering to the principles on which it reassumed office.
Those principles have received the sanction of three Parlia-
ments. They have withstood the fiercest political contention
ever yet visible in election and parliamentary annals. They
are the principles of the majority of the representatives of the
people in three consecutive Parliaments.—Carnarvon Herald.
Lord John Russell's denunciation against the Ballot, has
given great dissatisfaction to the Reformers of this town, who
have recently bad such palpable evidence of the stern neces-
sity which exists for some measure of protection to the depen-
dent voter, that they cannot but feel amazed at the ignorance
of popular facts, or the disregard of public feeling, which
called forth the observations of the Noble Lord in his high

place in Parliament. Perhaps the subject was prematurely
mooted—we think it was so—but the judgment of the Cabinet
Minister was assuredly slumbering when he gave utterance to
the sentiments in question. Government will find that the
people will give them no rest, until either the Ballot, or some

equally or still more effective protection of elective franchise,
is fully conceded to them. The same energies which wrested
from the Legislature a reform in the representative system,
will prove equally irresistible when applied to the vote by
Ballot.—Merthyr Chronicle.
The Noble Lord might or might not be correct in his
views, but he does not deserve those imputations that were
showered upon him. It is absurd to imagine that he wishes

he Reform Bill to be a dead letter. His conduct from the

commencement of his career, the notices which he has al-

ready given of motions to remedy its defects, give the lie to
such a supposition. The campaign has begun with a vigour
seldom equalled. We trust, notwithstanding, its commence-
ment in strife. that something will be done for the nation. A
bold and manly policy will yet save Ministers. Let them im-
prove the lesson that has been thus timely read, and mode-
rately and discreetly, but unshrinkingly, follow that course
which the good of the nation justly demands at their hands.
—Kendal Mercury.
On a former occasion, his Lordship's quondam friend and
colleague, Lord Stanley, writing to a friend respecting a re-
cent disarrangement of the Cabinet machine, is reported to
have said, with more familiarity than reverence, " Johnny has
upset the coach." If his Lordship has now expressed the
sentiments and determination of the rest of the Ministry—or
rather if they submit to his attempt to drag them along with
him—he has indeed " upset the coach" with a vengeance.
But what then ?—Liverpool Mercury.
This awkward contretemps at the commencement of a Ses-
sion is much to be lamented ; but there is vitality enough in
the Reform cause to surmount the present difficulty as it has
surmounted many others. Those who remember the crises
which repeatedly brought the public business to a pause during
Lord Althcrp's leadership, will not be disheartened by what
has occurred on this occasion. Much, however, depends on
the prudence of the Radicals ; and we hope that, after having
heard Lord John Russell's explanation, they have sense enough
to see the alternatives which lie before them. The can put an
eud to the present Government when they please ; but they are
well aware that they cannot form another from their own party ;
and therefore that the choice lies between Lord Melbourne's
Ministry and one of a much less liberal destription, whether com-
posed of Tories alone, or of Conservative Whigs coalcsing with
moderate Tories. We have very little doubt that the Radicals
will choose the safer and wiser alternative. If they incurred the
responsibility of destroying the only Liberal Government which
can exist in the present circusestances of the country, such in-
sane conduct would annihilate all confidence in them, and seal
their fate as an influential party.—Scotsman.

On Tuesday night, Lord John Russell, to some extent, ap-
peased the alarm of the Reformers by an explanation which,
on consideration of the importance of the subject, we hare
given at considerable length in our parliamentary report. His
Lordship's speech is manly, and evinces high moral courage ;
we do not, however, believe that his Lordship speaks the sen-
timents of all his colleagues : he expressed his wish to assist
in any measure which should give that efficiency to the Re-
form Bill intended by its framers; " it is my opinion," said
the Noble Lord, " that it will be far better for us to cndea-

your to improve the system in its details, and carry on the
business of the country under the Reform Act, than attempt
any new plan of suffrage." We cannot think that Lord John

Russell is aware of the-immense accession which the late elec.

tion brought to the ranks of the advocates of the Ballot ;
otherwise we are convinced his Lordship would not throw him-
self in the breach against public opinion.—Hereford Times.
Something like a faint hope is here encouraged that his
Lordship may yet become a convert to this great measure :
we know that some of his colleagues and many of his party
already are convinced of its necessity. On the question of
the extension of the suffrage his Lordship thinks it safer to
try to amend the present system in its details, and to carry out
the business of the country under the Reform Act, than attempt
any new system of suffrage ; an opinion which may be very
wise for the moment, but which will not long please the great
mass of the unrepresented portion of the community.—De-
vonport Independent.
In any light the people must suffer by the overthrow of the
Whig Ministry, and the Radical party are playing a desperate
game, in which they may lose all, and cannot possibly gain
anything, unless the mind of the people of England undergoes
a mighty change towards the whirlpool of democracy.—De-
vonport Telegraph.
The Parliamentary campaign commenced on Monday, when
her Majesty opened the Session in person in a speech from
I the Throne. It would now seem that Lord John Russell has
shaken off his Ultra-Liberal friends, and made such declara-
tions in the House as to bring about his ears a whole host of
malcontents. From what has occurred, it clearly appears that
_ _

it is not the intention of Ministers any longer to succumb to
this party, but to set them at defiance, and take all the conse-
quences of their opposition.— Worcester Herald.
With regard to the inquiry into the Civil List proposed by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer. the Ministry has certainly
taken a firm and inviting step in this matter towards effecting
a wholesome and effective union between the Whigs and the
Liberals; the Tories saw it with dismay—for they saw therein
the best assurance that Reform will again steadily advance, '
and that it is the fixed determination of the Ministers to clear 1
the administration of public affairs, and the public expenditure
of all its crying abuses.—Lincoln Gazelle.
It may be regretted by ardent Reformers,' that Lord John
Russell is indisposed to give the Reform Bill a more demo-
cratic tendency, but such of them as are candid and honest,
must unhesitatingly admit, that he attempts no deception, that
he commits no breach of faith, but on the contrary, he refuses
to avail himself of the ordinary reserve and official caution
practised by some Ministers, and, therefore, justifiable in some
sense by custom, and refusing to temporise, and thus conceal
his views, he at once avows the course which his principles
and his sense of honour and independence compel him to
adopt ; and so far from attempting to gain one vote by deceit,
or even by concealment, he says he will give up office at once,
rather than do so.—Reading Mercury.
The Whigs have not only damaged themselves, by seriously
weakening the confidence which had been placed in them, but
the cause they were bound to advance. Their tenure of ffice
now depends upon the Tories : and bitterly will they yet have to
repent the folly of building up a wall to break their own heads
against.— Carlisle Journal.
It is certain, as regards Ministers, that a change has come
over the spirit of their dream. They have opened the Session
in a quasi-Conservative vein—a few weeks will show whether,
having become Radicals to obtain office, they are not changed
to comparative Conservatism to maintain it. We really do
distrust all sudden conversions—as the sheep said to the wolf
when he came among them to preach. If Ministers think
themselves right now—what excuse CAN they make for their
factious opposition to Sir R. Peel in 1835 ? They have
changed opinions, to a certainty : let us charitably hope that
this has been rather from conviction than expediency.—Der-
byshire Courier.
We fear that the declaration of Ministers will strike a damp
in the heart of every ardent and enthusiastic reformer in the
country. So believing, we have little heart to praise the un-
doubted candour and manliness which Lord John's conduct
evinces.—Lancaster Guardian.
As to Lord John's declaration being "fatal to the Admi-
nistration," the statement is absurd. Neither the present
Ministry, nor that of Earl Grey, ever expressed opinions in
accordance with those of Mr. Wakley, on the subjects in
question ; and therefore neither their official existence nor
their political character are at stake, upon any of them. The
idea that, because Lord Melbourne and his Colleagues will

not go to the same extent of change as Mr. Wakley approves
of, they are therefore throwing themselves into the hands of
the Tories, is equally absurd ; and to talk of a coalition Mi-
nistry being in contemplation, is too ridiculous to deserve
serious notice.—Halifax Express.
The Ballot, like the Reform Bill, will be carried out in the
teeth of all the opposition that can be offered to it. The
people have hitherto made great struggles for a pure repre-
sentation in the House of Commons—they have suffered much
for " conscience sake," and it is unjust and ungenerous to
deny them a constitutional protection. We are for principles
—not men ; and if, in the words of Mr. Ward, Lord John
Russell " has signed his death-warrant," we look beyond his
pol'tical grave for the triumph of the Ballot. In the speech
made by his Lordship on Tuesday night, he stated that the
" landed interest should have a prepondernnce in the repre-
sentation of Parliament."—Merlin.
On Tuesday Lord John Russell made some explanations in
connection with his " untoward" speech of Monday—but the
explanations left him much where he was before. We do not,
however, partake of the apprehensions which some of our Con-
temporaries entertain on this subject. We think that when his
Lordship is made alive to the real state of feeling in the coun-
try, he will see ample reason for unsaying his speeches of
Monday and Tuesday.—Liverpool Chronicle.
Lord John Russell has said nothing, and can say nothing,
fcrei' c-.10..gh to prove that Vote by Ballot is unnecessary—
much less that it would be mischievous. The circumstances
which occurred during the last election—the bribery and inti-
midation that were practised (a fact admitted by Lord John

n cessity of throiving a shield of protection round the electors.
1 he Ballot is emphatically that shield of protection ; and with
the facts staring him in the face, we are astonished that Lord
John Russell should have denounced its introduction.--Hamp-
shire Independent.
It is obviously dangerous for Ministers to go the whole
length with the Radical-Republican party, and hence the
fierceness of Lord John Russell on Monday and Tuesday
evenings. They know they have little to expect from the aid
of the Ultra-Radicals, and are inclined " to tack about," and
see what they can make of the forbearance of the Conserva-
tives ? But what will such of them do as stand pledged to
short Parliaments, a gradual extension of the suffrage, and
the Ballot? They will not relinquish their places we suspect ;
will they resign their seats ?—Shetfield Mercure (Tory. )
The arguments by which the Radicals endeavour to chew
that Ministers should concede the m. asures which they de-
mand, do not say much for their own political morality. Lord
John Russell boldly demanded, as we have on many occasions
done, in what respect Ministers had changed their views, and
upqn what part of their conduct their Radical a,sailhnts had
founded their belief that they would concede what was
sought. To this, as might be expected, no answer was given,
but his Lordship took good care that there should be no room
for conjecture as to his policy in future. He distinctly de-
clared his uncompromising hostility to measures which he said
would virtually repeal the Reform Bill, and told those who
advocated them that neither in office nor out of it would ho
countenance their projects.—Greenock Advertiser.
The position taken up by Lord John Russell in respect to
the Established Church, and in respect to the opposition ha
means to give to the measures of Mr. Wakley, is quite a
Conservative one, and justifies, in some degree, the anticipa-
tions formed, that Ministers will be more disposed to lean to
Conservatism than to Radicalism for support in carrying their
measures under a new reign.—Paisley Advertiser.
We do not believe that Lord Melbourne's Administration is
at all identified with the opinions stated by Lord John Russell
in the House of Commons on Monday and Tuesday evenings.
—Brighton Herald.
_ _

Do we despair of Reform ? Not at all ;—our cause is that
of truth, reason, and justice—its principles are eternal, and it
must ultimately prevail against all opponents. If Lord John
Russell retires to-morrow, the country possesses, as the glo-
rious old ballad says, " five hundred good as he."—Liverpool
Mercury.
But will the country put faith in the hollow trickery, and
hypocritical professions of Ministers? Will it be content to

receive Conservative measures from those who obtained office
by denouncing them ? We say—No ! The country will say
—No The Queen will say—No 1 The men who thus
change their principles as the snake throws off its skin, from
the force of an influence it cannot resist, are not the less dan-
gerous for the change. However attractive the colours of the
renewed reptile, it does not alter its innate tendency to mis.
chief, or neutralize the injury it has committed. The Ministers
have been compelled into the course they have adopted—to
retain office they have played the traitor to their accomplices,
and the same motive would impel them to any other act of
perfidy their position might demand. Conservative measures
to be effectual must come from Conservative Statesmen—.
they must neither be fettered with restrictions or clogged with
compromise. The roused feeling of the country requires that
those at the helm of affairs should act from principle instead
of from expediency, and that where the safety of the Throne
and the Altar are in jeopardy, they should be in the guidance
and keeping of proved friends, instead of the custody of inti-
midated foes.—Hampshire Independent (Tory).
On Tuesday his Lordsbip entered into a lengthened ex-

planation of his preceding evening's remarks, but the explana-
tion will not go far to remove the apprehension of a coalition,
however energetically disclaimed, of the aristocratic parties
against the people. In defence of his opposition to the ballot,
he urged tl:at several of its most strenuous advocates had de-
clared the necessity of its being accompanied by an extension
of the suffrage and a limitation of the length of Parliaments.

This is precisely the Tory argument, that to concede one
point would lead only to the demand for the concession of an-
other. It is Sir Robert Peel's argument that protection to

:he voter would make the House of 'Commons to,; democratic.

The people intend that it should add to the democratic, and
diminish the aristocratic influence in the House. They mean
nothing else, and will take nothing less ; and the coalition,
not the less real though disavowed, of the Whig and Tory
representatives of the aristocracy, will ra7her stimulate them
them to increased energy of demand than intimidate thc:n into
cowardly acquiescence.—Manchester Times.
While we thus freely admit and deprecate the injudicious
conduct of the ultra-radical section of the Lib/ral party, we
equally regret that Lord John Russell should hate suffered
himself to be irritated out of the equanimiy so essential to
the statesman, and should, by too batty declaration;, have in-
. .

creased the difficulties of the Government by plPcing them in a
position from which they will find it inconvenient, if n,,t im.
practicable to retrace their steps. What right has any Minis-
ter to allege of any measure that it sha.l b. final? It is an

arrogant assumption of perfection thus to restrict the possible
wisdom of any future legislature. Oa the part of the people
we still demand the ballot. If it be thought too great a change
—if, as a general measure, it be considered of doubtful ten-
dency, we ask to have it tried as an experiment in Bristol and
a few large 'places where intimidaticn and corruption have
been most notorious. All we seek, is rim it shall have a fair
trial, and, according as it shall be foun to work, let it be ex-

tended or repealed. If our fellow-citizens approve the hint,
let them petition ; and we do not think either the Ministers or
the legislature are in a position to turn a deaf ear to them.
Bristol Mercury.
Lord John Russell acknewledjes that the people of England
are not precluded from re-considering the provisions of tho
Reform Bill (we thank him for the hint) ; and they required
the information that was to prepare them for the effective dis-
charge of their duties. Thanks to Mr. Wakley, they now
possess it. They now see that they havo comparatively no-
thing to expect from Lord John Russell. His Lordship's opi-
nions may be typical of those of the rest of the Cabinet ;

though from his guarded abstinence from even the most dis-
tant allusion to them we arc inclined to th:nk otherwise. We
are rather inclined to believe that there is a prospect of ob-
taining from them what he refuses to yield—at least that they
will leave the several questions open. But however this may
be, it is now the bounden duty of the people to " agitate ;"
and greatly are we mistaken if they do not, between now and
February, take up the business with an earnestness and deter-
mination, a vigour and power, that cannot be withstood.—.
Durham Chronicle.

THE MINISTRY AND THE PEOPLE.—Supposing Lord John
Russell to have delivered the real sentiments of the Ministry
on Tuesday evening, we are forced to the unwelcome conclu-
sion that the Tory minority has compelled Ministers to be

Conservative. Whenever we see the House of Commons
setting honestly about reducing the present enormous and
wasteful expenditure, we shall be disposed to thinksthat far-
ther organic changes may be deferred fur a short period.
But if the majority which Ministers commended in last
Parliament was too small to enable them to carry out a single
extensive economical reform, we may despair of even the at-
tempt being made now, if it be left to the option of the Mi-
nistry.—Bolton Free Press.
It would have been well if Lord John Russell, who had
shown such admirable skill in instructing his Royal Mistress
to speak and vet say nothing, had taken a leaf out of the
same book. Unfortunately, however, his words were but too
pregnant with meaning—with meaning which has,destroyed
the hopes of hundreds of thousands of brave and honest men,
who put their trust in the Ministry, and were willing to be-
lieve that they waited only a favourable opportunity for giving
the people all those securities for good government which
would result from extended suffrage, a due protection of the
voter from the corrupt and corrupting influences of the aris-
tocracy, aed a shortening of the duration of Parliament.
"Johnny has upset the coach," said Lord Stanley in his famous
note to Sir James Graham when Lord John Russell declared
in favour of the appropriation principle of the Irish Church
Revenues. " Johnny" has again accomplished the same
feat. The Reform Coach, with its present leaders,
wheelers, driver, guard, and passengers, is virtually upset by
the speech of Lord John Russell on Monday night.—Carlisle
Journal.
We received yesterday several loners on the offensive attitude
which Ministers seem to have assumed towards reformers, and on
the connection of Mr. C. P. Thomson with a government
disposed to resist the reforms to which he is professedly fa-
vourable. Next week, unless in the meantime it appear that
Lord John Russell has spoken without the sanction of his
colleagues, we shall select one or two of these letters for pub-
lication, and advert more particularly ourselves to the repre-
sentation of the borough.—Manchester Times.
The bubble of Whig-Radical patriotism has now burst : it
remains only for the Conservative party to temper with pru-
dence their pity for fallen Whiggery ; and to repudiate at an
early period any alliance with a body of men whwe public
conduct has proved so utterly unworthy of the English cha-
, ratter. The time is most propitious for a perfect restora-
tion of the sound and wholesome principles of the Constitu-
tion ; guided by which whatever ameliorations may appear de-
sirable in its details, will receive the hearty co-operation alike
of the aristocratic, the middle, and the industrious operative
classes ; and will therefore be worked out in that spirit which
alone can render the progress of legislation useful to the
State.—Salisbury Herald (a Tory paper. )
SUICIDE OF THE Mr:Beim—With mingled feelings of
sorrow and indignation, we call the attention of our readers
to the language of Lord John Russell on the subject of the
protection of the franchise—with sorrow that he should have
brought inevitable destruction upon his Ministry by opposing
it to the almost unanimous demands of the suffering people—
of indignation at the insulting coldness with which he treated
their complaints, denied their grievances, spurned their
remedy, and sought refuge from the just reproaches of his
friends in the derisive cheers of hit enemies. This unhappy
declaration that he would never, under any circumstances,
become a party to carrying the Ballot, has changed at once
the position of parties. It has, we fear, set a great gulph be-
tween the present Ministry and the people, which nothing can
close. This sudden desertion by men on whom we, in com-
mon with the great body of Reformers, had placed the firmest
reliance, has taken us too much by surprise to permit us at
once to suggest the line of policy which should be pursued by
.the people. We arc willing to pause awhile and wait the tide
of events. There is only une query that seems to turn the
scale, and that is, whether 11 be not better to have in the Go-
vernment avowed enemies than treacherous friends?—Serncr-
set County Cavite.
We are afraid that the present Ministry have mistaken to a
fatal extent the opinions and wishes of the people. The hate-
ful word " coalition" is striking us as too apparent, and if so,
they will be swept away from the Government of this kingdom
dived
apteeo. value
is aLmoirddst
joti,
ne
iexecrations
eosf
theinsultedt
oai,n;d
bduetc coifs-
is the denial of a crafty Minister, when he declares opposition
to every measure without which the Reform Bill is merely so
much waste paper ? What is there to be gained by courting

the enemies of the people? What influence can the Whigs
hope to obtain by playing the game of the Tories?—Cardiff
Chronicle.
When the Radicals told him (Lord J. Russell) to look to
his position in that House, his answer evinced the disdain he
felt at the supposition that he would seek to prolong his power
as a Minister at the expense of his convictions as a man : he
replied, that what he looked to was not his own position in
Parliament, but the true interests of the country ; and that,
not professing to be anxious to retire into private life, or even
to be indifferent to his continuance in office, he would permit
no personal considerations to induce him for one moment to
take part in forwarding objects which he conscientiously be-
lieved would be injurious to the interests of the nation, and
fraught with hazard to the stability of its institutions. The
Ultra-Radicals now know, therefore, that, in regard to their
three great stalking-horses, they have nothing to expect from
the Government—they never had any right to expect amyl
thing—and let them vote with the Tories, or abstain from
voting, if they choose so to do.—Manchester Guardian.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL AND THB BALLOT.—We trust that
Reformers will not be discouraged by the rather hasty con-
clusions that have been drawn respecting Lord John Russell's
permanent hostility to the Ballot. We have watched every
declaration that has been made by the Noble Lord on the sub-
ject, and we do not see that what fell from him in the House
of Commons amounted to a declaration that
.he would resist
the measure under any circumstances sn which the country
may be placed. We have no doubt—indeed it is evident from
his language that he felt greatly annoyed and disappointed, as
the leader of the House of Commons, in not being able to
carry what he knew to be acceptable to his Royal Mistress—
an unanimous Address from the Commons of England to the
foot of the Throne. That Lord John Russell did, and we
believe does think there may be circumstances in which it
would be his duty to support the Ballot, we have only to refer
to his speech, delivered at the Torquay Reform Dinner in
September, 1832. Western Times.
Those Liberals who expected Ministers to support the Bal-
lot and other measures for perfecting the Reform Act, have
been disappointed. It does not appear to us that there has
been any bad faith on the part of Ministers. But while we
give them credit for sincerity and fair dealing, we must pro-
test against their pclicy. Bitter was the disappointment among
the independent Reformers at the tone and substance of Lord
John Russell's speech. We know that at the Reform Club,
in London, there was but one opinion as to the disastrous
effect it would have on the stability of the Administration.
There was a general concurrence in the declaration made by
Mr. Ward in the House, that Lord John had " signed his
death warrant—and chalked out the grave of the Administra-
tion."—North Durham Chronicle.
His Lordship seems to us altogether to have mistaken his
way and to have forgotten himself and his country. His fool-
ish attachment to the Reform Bill has in it the very essence of
Toryism. It is perfectly on a par with the slang in-which
Tories have ever been wont to speak of " our Constitution,
venerable institutions, vested interests, and things as they
are." It bas at length become too evident that the Noble
Lord so entirely misunderstands the principles and tendencies
of his own vaunted measure, as to dream that the people of
England will regard it as a final one. If, however, he sup-
poses that this mere scaffolding of Reform will satisfy those
minds in which the fair type of the structure has so long lain and
been cherished, he only proves he is a man intended by nature
for little things, that he is only fit to he the insignificant
pioneer of great generals and a mighty army. Take that
Reform Bill even at the best, strip it of all those adjuncts
which have made it little better than a nuisance, carve it into
all the neat compactness characteristic of the mind of his
Lordship, and, at best, it is but a plaything suited to the
infancy of political regeneration ; it is but a promissory Bill,
which the author himself is now prepared to dishonour. It
is but tco evident that her Majesty's Ministers are content to
shine by reflection from the Throne. They seem to dream
that Court favour will prove a sufficient substitute for national
approbation. It needs not, however, a prophetic eye to
discern a day not far distant when this delusion, under which
they are relapsing into a state of ill-disguised Toryism, will
be dispelled by the irresistible rebuke of the people.—Leices-
tershire Mercury.
Let not Lord John Russell, or any other member of her
Majesty's Cabinet, imagine that they can stifle the voice of the
British people. They may talk to us of errors in detail, but
will they convince the people whether it may be a new or an
old system which it is intended to introduce, that the present
system works well ? Will a Minister of the Crown be per-
mitted to declare that it would be a most unwise experiment
" to look for other and new securities for the representation of
the people ?" Those who use language like Lord John's it
humbly appears to us, seem to forget the principles upon which
that measure was based, a representation of the real wealth and
intelligence of the country. The Reform Act will be amended
in its details, or if the Noble Secretary will have it, in its
" principles," through the medium of popular feeling.—Kelso
Chronicle.

NORWICH UNION LIFE INSURANCE

COMPANY.

A very numerous and very highly respectable meeting of
this Society took place on Thursday, at Norwich, in pursu-
ance of an advertisement calling the members together for
special purposes_ Deputations frsm Bristol, Birmingham,
Manchester, and many other places attended, and the greatest
excitement prevailed.
Mr. Recorder PRESTON bogged to be allowed to propose
that Colonel Harvey should take the Chair ; he had done so
at each of the former meetings, and he believed by the deed he
was entitled to be chairman.

Mr. PONTIFEX seconded this motion, and it was carried by
acclamation.

Colonel HARVEY hawing taken the chair, stated that the
Directors had submitted a case fur the opinion of counsel,
as to the right of admission to general meetings of those parties
who held policies as assignees ; that case had been laid before
Mr. Brodie, Sir F. Pollock, Sir W. Follett, and Mr. Sergeant
Wilde ; and their opinion had been given, that no gentleman
so holding a policy had any right to be prcs,rt, or to vote ;
but the Directors were =tic us that the utmost liberality should
be shown, and that the utms et freedom of admission should
be given to every person who had any interest in the society.—
( Hear, hear.) He wa, proud to address a meeting so nume-
rous, and at the same time so highly respectable as this was.
He would not inflict upon them a speech as regarded the busi-
ness of the day. All he should do was, to impress upon
their good sense, as well as good humour, the propriety of
abstaining from anything- of a personal nature in their discus-
sions. At the two former meetings there had been a tone of
defiance and rcrimony--a ne which ought not to haAe ex-
isted. He I new he was addressing the friends of the institu-
tion ; and he wee persuaded they all meant to come to the
same point, though they might disagree about the mode of
doing so. One interest was paramount, when their comfort
and convenience and blessing might be continued or lost by
the stability or failure of so great a society as this was. They
had waited some time in the bore that on illustrious gentle-
man (Mr. O'Connell) would have arrived, and he regretted
he was not present, end the more so in consequence of the
liberal and truly Irish expression he had used, that he wished
there should be indemnity for the past. and correctness
for the future.—(Loud cheers.) He (Col. Harvey), dis-
claimed this on the part of the Directors. He disclaimed
any thing like indemnitv.—(Cheers.) He would be put upon
his trial, and he would have the investigation reach himself,
and his colleagues concurred in that sentiment. They con-
demned an indemnity. He might say, that his colleagues and
himself had only been two years in office, and with regard to
those who had preceded them, however they might have
erred in judgment, he was sure they had no right to imagine
that they were actuated by improper motives. There was an
ordeal through which they must pass, and if they could not go
through that test, the penalty was the most severe that could
affect an honourable man—it was the censure and disappro-
bation of their conduct by honourable men.—(Cheering.)
He should meet with the concurrence of those with whom he
had acted when he said that they claimed investigation—
(Cheers)—and the mode of that investigation was the only
point upon which they differed. On former occasions there
had been something like hostility, something like a stigma,
that the Directors considered they had not deserved, but
a full and fair investigation the Directors required, and
he thought the public required it also.—( Cheers.) He
could not conclude without giving his opinion as to
the state of the Society, and he did so as a man
whose credit was before the world, and he should be sorry
at his great age (84, it was understood,) that a taint
should now be put upon him ; but he would freely say that
their lives and property were perfectly secure in the Norwich
Union-office. The Directors wished to preserve the lives of
the members,_ and they would take care they should have their
property. He knew his duty that day was to collect the
opinions of others instead of promulgating his own. He
would request that there might be discussion and not dispute,
so that they might act up to Mr. O'Connell's views. Let
there be an amicable discussion, and let them come as near to
it as possible, though gentlemen might find the atmosphere of
Norwich was rather detrimental to that feeling. He would
place himself at their disposal. He had no power but what
they delegated to him, and if he spoke to order, he should
expect to be supported.—( Cheers.)
A desultory discussion now took place, accompanied by con-
siderable confusion, and lasting for some time. Sir E. Lacon,
Mr. Paynter, Mr. Pontifex, Mr. Evans, and several gentle-
men of the different deputations addressed the meeting, but
nothing like business took place. Some gentlemen wished to
have the Reports of the Directors and the Committees read,
but others would suggest that a motion for suspending the con-
sideration of the by-luws should be first put.
Mr. Alderman FAREBROTHER would beg to address a few
words to the meeting. The speech of the Hon. Chairman,
desiring, on the part of the Directors no indemnity but in-
vertigation into their conduct, was what this meeting and
every honourable man would have expected of him, and if the
Hon. Chaim:lnn had not stated it, every person would have
given him credit for such a sentiment. From the accounts
submitted to the meeting, it was clear there could be no bonus,
and it would be unjust and un-English to require it ; but what
did that signify when they all looked so healthy ? they would
have it doubled the next time. The Society, not the Direc-
tors, was on trial, and by their conduct they would pronounce
its condemnation, or raise it higher than ever. He had felt
it his duty to speak to their surveyor (Mr. Newton) on the
subject of the securities, and Mr. Newton had told him that
there was 781,6501. on undeniable security, 193,4091. on safe
security, and 110,857/. on doubtful security, making a total of
1,085,9161. As to the latter head the security chiefly con-
sisted of houses and property in different parts of the kingdom,
one portion being at Brighton, where property had much
deteriorated in value, but upon a consultation with the surveyor
it appeared that the rental far exceeded the interest, and
therefore the surplus rental would be applicable to the re-
duction of the debt, and they should not, therefore, hurry the
property into the market, and then, probably, by applying the
surplus rent in diminution of the principal, they might ulti-

mately get off quite clear. He felt confident that, upon in-
vestigation, everything would tend to prove the honour of the
Directors, and the intelligence and respectability of the Sc-

cretary.
Mr. Brightwell, Mr. Leigh, Mr. Taylor, and Mr. Blundell
then addressed the meeting, but still nothing was proceeded
with, when Mr. O'Connell entered the room, about 2 o'clock,
and was received with loud cheers.
The CHAIRMAN said the meeting would be glad to hear
that the illustrious Mr. O'Connell was present.
Mr. O'CONNELL begged to protest against the epithet.
Mr. PAINTER said, in order to prevent public discussion, he
had bad a conversation with some of the Directors, and he

thought even this might now be brought to a conclusion in a
manner most satisfactory to the meeting. He believed the
Directors were under a misunderstanding as to the course of
proceeding.
An atimated discussNiri 'den tool* plalce reladve'to reading
the reports before the discussion as to suspending the conside-
ration of the by-laws was proceeded with.
Mr. O'Connell rose, but the right to speak first was claimed
by the Rev. Archdeacon BATHURST, who said that no deputa-
tion from all the towns in England would ever induce him to
judge a man or thing without a hearing. It was so un-Eng-
lish, it was so unconstitutional, and it was so contrary to the
principle of natural justice, that he protested against it. Was
it reasonable to propose that which should impugn others with-
out first hearing those who were accused ? How did they
know but that the amendment which might appear in the re-

port might remove all objections?
Mr. O'CONNELL had not known who the Rev. Gentleman
was. He disclaimed any thing like personality. No gentle-
man had greater claims upon him than any member of the
Rev. gentleman's exalted family.—( Cheers.) It was most
desirable that there should not be any difference of opinion upon
matters of property among themselves. They were all part-
ners. An unreasonable point ought not to be listened to, but
that which was reasonable, and fair, and proper, ought to be
acceded to. One thing was clear, that all of them were inte-
rested in this property. The public was always ready to at-
tend to the black colouring, but did not give the same atten-
tion to the favourable view of any subject, and more especially
in pecuniary matters. They were now come to a crisis of busi-
ness, and if the accounts were satisfactory, no office would
stand so high, and he was sure that in Ireland there would not
be one good insurable life that they would not get, and means
would be taken to prevent bad lives being insured in that coun-
try.—( Hear, hear.) The way to obtain their property was to
agree quietly among themselves, and to see what ought to be
done to satisfy the public upon the existence of the securities
and of the general property. It was the first thing in the
world that every one should know his own pounds, shillings,
and pence. He did not think the interests of the Society re-
quired that they should be over-scrupulous ; let them know
what they had to go on with, what their funds were, before
they went into an unnecessary discussion on the terms of
the by-laws ; let the public and the insured be first satis-
fied. It had been suggested that it was the wish of
the Directors to meet the amicable feeling which he was
anxious to promote, and he would suggest that two or three
gentlemen on the side of the foreigners, for they were aliens
there.—( Cries of " No, no.") He only meant that in joke ;
but that a number of gentemen to be agreed upon, should re-
tire for ten minutes, and should come back with a plan for go-
verning the proceedings of the meeting.—( Here were loud
cries of " Read the reports.") Mr. O'Connell had not the
slightest objection that the reports should be read. It was a
compliment due to those gentlemen who had prepared them.
He had no notion of gentlemen taking so much trouble, and
not to be listened to. The meeting was divided upon that
point, but he would suggest that five persons on behalf of the
Directors, and five on the part of the general body, should re-
tire and consult as to the best mode to be adopted. If they
were unanimous very likely the meeting would attend to their
suggestions ; if they were not unanimous, they would have
no report to make.
Mr. Alderman FAREBROTHER did not think this course
would be attended with advantage.
Mr. O'CONNELL thought the experiment worth trying.
The Rev. Mr. COLLIER said there was a substantive motion
before the Chair, and let that be disposed of.
Mr. PaeNTER would withdraw his motion.
Mr. Alderman FAREBROTHER said, if they separated with-
out coming to some decision they would be in the Court of
Chancery, and would be ruined for ever. If the application
was renewed in the Court of Chancery, and it was stated that
there had been so many meetings, and the members could not
come to a decision, the application would be granted. The
observation of the Vice-Chancellor yesterday had been, " Go
to Norwich and vote; the majority must bind the minority."
But if they could not come to a conclusion they must go
hack again to Chancery, and the motion would be granted.
If the majority of the meeting were against him, he should
think he was wrong, and should bow to their decision, but he
would teke the opinion of the meeting before he would con-
sent that any body of gentlemen should retire from the room ;
for if they did so, there was an end of their institution, and
they would become children of the Court of Chancery.
Mr. O'CoNNELL observed, that they could not make par-
ties for a suit, and he was convinced that a suit ought not to
be persevered in. It was -important to come to an amicable
arrangement ; it was not to be expected that the parties would
give up the by-laws.
After some discussion as to the parties who should form the
retiring Committee, it was moved by Sir E. K. Lacon, Bart.
seconded by Mr. C. Evans, and unanimously resolved,
" That five directors, namely, Mr. Recorder Preston, Mr. E.
T. Booth, Mr. James Winter, Mr. I. 0. Taylor, and Mr. F.
Noverre, together with Mr. J. Greening, and Mr. T. Bignold,
be appointed a deputation on the part of the directors, and
Mr. O'Connell, M.P., Mr. Francis Lloyd, of Birmingham,
Mr. Biundell, of Hull, Mr. Armstrong, of Manchester, and
Mr. Moore, of Bristol, together with Mr. Paynter, and Mr.
Pontifex, be appointed a deputation from the meeting, to
agree if possible upon terms of arrangement, and that their
report be not received unless unanimous."
During the absence of these Gentlemen several persons
observed that it would be one of the wonders of the world if
14 Gentlemen were unanimous. After a lapse of 20 minutes,
the deputation returned, and
Mr. O'CONNELL addressed the meeting. " Gentlemen,
whether we are right or wrong, we are unanimous.—( Loud
cheers.) It is open to the meeting to determine whether we
have acted wisely."
Mr. PONTIFEX then read the following propositions, which
had been unanimously agreed to :
" Suspend the confirmation of the by-laws until the report,
hereafter to be made, shall be presented.
" That the proceedings in Chancery be stayed ; that coun-
sel shall attend and state that the suit has been settled to the
entire satisfaction of all parties, and that the bill should be
dismissed without costs.
" That Mr. Alderman Farebrother, Mr. Timothy Steward,
and Mr. Francis Lloyd be the examiners as to the sufficiency
of the securities and the investigation of the accounts ; that
their reasonable expenses be paid ; and that they report to a
Special General Meeting to be called for that purpose ; that
the expenses incurred by the London and other deputations
be defrayed out of the funds of the Society, not exceeding
7001."

It was then mrved by Sir E. K. Lacon, Bart., and seconded
by Mr. C. Evans, that the same be adopted by the meeting.
On the resolution being put to the largest assemblage of
Members that were ever paesent, it was unanimously agreed
to and carried with acclamations.
Sir E. LACON then moved that the meeting to which the
examiners should make their report should be held in London.
—( Cries of " No, no.")
Mr. PONTIFEX said, by the deed, the meeting bad not the
power to determine on the place where their meetings should
be held ; but the Secretary had the power to name it.
Mr. BIGNOLD.—The Vice- Chancellar stated so yesterday,
but it is a power I did not know I possessed.
Mr. PONTIFEX would therefore put it to Mr. Bignold,
whether, all things having been so satisfactorily settled, and
as London was a more convenient place of meeting for the
great body of the members, he would not meet the amicable
feeling which had been displayed by fixing London as the
place where the report should be received.—( Question,
question.)
Mr. PA TNTER observed, that he had been fortunanate enough
in some degree to be the pacificator, and he must say that
Mr. Bignold must find it difficult, situated as he was with his
Norwich friends, to pledge himself to call the meeting in
London. He thought it would relieve him by taking the
sense of the meeting.
Mr. BIONOLD would have much pleasure in placing himself
in the hands of the meeting.
Mr. Alderman FARABROTHER would suggest that the report
should first be presented to a meeting in Norwich, and then
to another meeting in London. He thought that would be
satisfactory to all parties.
Sir E. LAcoiv having pressed his motion that the next
general meeting should be in London,
The CHAIRMAN put that motion, but being unable to decide,
Mr. O'CONNELL undertook, at the request of the Chair-
man, to be teller. He counted the hands held up in favour
of the London Meeting, and declared them to be 77. He
then counted those held up for the Norwich Meeting, and de-
clared them to be also 77 ; but at the same time he stated that
if he was guilty of any error, he thought he had undercounted
the Norwich.—(Loud cheers.)
It was then moved by Mr. Alderman Farebrother, and se-
conded by Mr. Pontifex—" That two meetings of the Society
be held, one in Norwich and the other in London, to receive
the Report of the Examiners."
The Reports of the Directors and Committee were then
read.

Mr. Alderman FARM:MOTHER said, in performing the duties
which the meeting had imposed upon him, he should not take
the word of any man. He should judge for himself ; but he
should be happy to receive advice and assistance from any
gentleman.
Mr. LLOYD felt the responsibility of the duty he had under-
taken. If in their Report they failed to satisfy the members,
he felt assured they should have to deal with a generous con-
stituency. He had been armed with a protest on this occa-
sion, and he had come with complaints from the assured, but
he was happy to say the proceedings of the day had dispelled
all his previous impressions and suspicions, and he should go
into the investigation with the most friendly feeling towards
the Secretary, the Directors, the Auditors, and all the other
officers.—(Cheers.)
Mr. STEWART felt sure that the result of the investigation
would be that the magnificent institution of the Norwich
Union Life Insurance Company would be placed on a base
firm as the rock of ages.--( Loud cheers.)
It was moved by Mr. PONTIPEX, seconded by Mr. O'CON-
NELL, and carried unanimously, " That the report of this day's
proceedings be advertised in four London papers, two morn-
ing and two evening, and the Norwich papers, and sent to
each of the Society's agents, for as large a distribution as
possible."
It was moved by Mr. TAYLOR, of Manchester, seconded by
Mr. LEIGH, of Taunton, and carried unanimously, " That

the thanks of the meeting are due to the examiners, who have
kindly taken upon them the duties referred to."
It was moved by Mr. WALLER, seconded by Mr. PONTI-
Fax, and carried with acclamations, " That the thanks of the
meeting are due, and be hereby given to Mr. O'Connell, M. P.
for the great service rendered by him on this occasion."
. .

The Rev. Mr. COLLIER wished his motion to be put.
Mr. BIGNOLD stated, that at a former meeting be had said
that, as regarded his emolument, he should place himself in
the hands of the Directors, and that determination be now
repeated.—( Loud cheering.)
It was moved by Mr. Alderman Farebrother, seconded by
Mr. Pontifex, and resolved unanimously,—That the thanks of
this meeting are especially flue xo the Chairman, for his manly,
dignified, and able cdhduct in the chair:
The meeting then dispersed, being highly satisfied with the
result of their conference: •

WESTMINSTER MEETING.

(THIS DAY).

A meeting of the electors of the City of Westminster tom
place this day at the Crown and Anchor Tel-ern, Strand, in
consequence of the declaration made by Lord John Russell in
his place in the House of Commons, against the extension of
the Suffrage, Triennial Parliaments, and Vote by Ballot. The
meeting was very numerously and respectably attended.
Among the gentlemen on the platform we observed—J. T.
Leader, Esq., M. P., Otway Cave, Esq., M. P., Sir William
Molesworth, Bart., M. P., R. Dillon Brown, Esq., M.P., Sir
Wm. Brabazon, M. P. Henry Warburton, Esq., M. P., D.
W. Harvey, Esq., M.P., Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M.
P., W.
Ewart, Esq., J.' A. Roebuck, Esq., Carteret J. Ellis, Esq.,
Howard Elphinstone, Esq., George Rennie, Esq., Dr. Car-
pue, Mr. Prout, Colonel Thompson, &c., &c.
At a quarter-past one o'clock, Colonel De Lacy Evans,
M. P., attended by the Gentlemen of the Committee, entered
the Room, and was received with loud cheers.
On the motion of Mr. PROUTT, seconded by Mr. ELLis,
the Chair was taken by Colonel EVANS.
The CHAIRMAN said—Electors of Westminster, I feel highly
honoured at being called on to fill the Chair on this occasion.
No man who recollects what Westminster has been on all oc-
casions, when the public interests or the public rights were
concerned, but must feel highly honoured at being placed in my
present high situation. However, I have a strong feeling of reget
that a Noble Lord who had discharged those duties infinitely
better than myself has been prevented from fulfilling your
wishes by presiding upon this occasion—l mean Lord
Brougham.—( Loud cheers.) His letter, declaring his strong
adhesion to, and ardent support of, the principles you are
convened to express your opinion upon this day, will be read
to you, and I have no doubt will give great gratification to
those assembled.—( Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, the declaration
made by a Minister of the Crown a few evenings back in the
House of Commons regarding the three most important ques-
tions which the liberal part of the public, who comprise the great
mass of the people of this country, are most anxious about, has
been the cause of this meeting. The Reform Society of West-
minster have thought fit to convene this meeting, and if any ob-
stacles or difficulties rise in the establishment of the principles we
have at heart, it appears to me that in no part of the Kingdom
ought the commencement of the declaration of our adhesion to
these principles more properly come than from this place.
Gentlemen, my business is very brief ; it is to perform the duty
to which you have called me. You will, I have no doubt,
perform yours with firmness and resolution, and by your con-
duct this day I have no doubt that you will promote the cause
of reform throughout the kingdom; not only by your deter-
mined and honest devotion to the principles you profess, but
by the steady, temperate, and determined manner in which you
will have performed them. It is a few years since
I was here before, but I cannot enter the room without recol-

fecting that it is almost classical ground in relation to popular
principles.—( Cheers.) For 30 or 40 years, or even half a
century, it was here that the torch of liberty has been illumined
with the greatest brightness, and from this room it has cast its
light more beneficially on the cause than in any other part of
the kingdom.—(Cheers.) I feel great pleasure in coming
into this room upon such an occasion, and although I have
frequently advocated those important measures of the Vote by
Ballot, Universal Suffrage, and the shortening of;Parliaments,
I believe that to-day, in point of fact, we are only about to
commence the struggle seriously and ardently. For my own
part, as your representative, I need only assure you of my con-
stant adhesion and entire devotion to the principles which I have
professed on the hustings before you.—( Much cheering.)
The Secretary will now read for you the letter of Lord
Brougham.
The SECRETARY then read as follows :

" Gentlemen,— I deem myself greatly honoured by the de-
sire, of which you have been the bearers, that I should preside
at the meeting of Reformers in Westminster; and I am ex-
tremely sorry to be under the necessity of refusing to comply
with such a request. This is the course which I have been
obliged to pursue, with very few exceptions, for many
years, and of late without any exception whatever. But
let it not be imagined that I am indifferent to the great
subject which brings you together. At no time within my re-
collection have the friends of improvement and reform had
more ground for anxiety regarding the prospects of their
cause. That they will act firmly, as well as temperately, I
confidently expect. That they will shun to the utmost of their
power whatever may widen the breach among them, I ear-
nestly hope. That they shall always find me in my place
while I have any means of helping them to further the best
interests of the people, they may rest assured. Upon all the more
important matters which occupy the minds of men, there appears
now to be a general coincidence of opinion. That the duration of
Parliament should be shortened is confessed by all who can
descry the natural operation of a six-years' security upon the
conduct of the nation's representatives. Put more frequent ap-
peals to the country may be of little avail, while a mighty body of
our fellow citizens are excluded from all share in the manage-

—...-..
ment- of their own affairs, and left without the power of en-
forcing opinions which they have at the least as much capacity
to form, and at the very least as much independence of spirit
to assert, as those who at present possess the elective
franchise. This exclusion I certainly regard as the worst
of grievances now complained of. Nlly for whom I
entertain the greatest respect hold another opinion, but
to them I freely admit that the means must be pro-
vided of restraining those corrupt practices so disgraceful
to the age, and of protecting the elector in the exercise of
his right, to the end that the law may no longer foster corrup-
tion, and the subject may no more be mocked with the per-
mission to choose whom he pleases, provided he pleases to
select those whom others shall choose. The effectual control
of the constituent over the representative body—protection to
the voter in the possession and in the exercise of the fran-
chise—an extension of that franchise to all whose
intelligence and respectability enable them to use
it beneficially for the State—these are the objects of all
the efforts which remain to be made for reform. May Ibe

allowed to add what can only be of any importance to myself,
because it relates to me alone ? My opinion in favour of the
Ballot has been forced upon me slowly and with extreme re-
luctance by the experience of later years ; the enormity of
the evil universally complained of in the cruel sufferings of
honest men ; and the hopelessness of finding a less objection-
able remedy. Upon the yet more enormous injustice, the
incomparably more perilous mischief of excluding so many
thousands from those political rights which they are so un-
questionably entitled to enjoy and so well fitted to exercise, I
have again and again declared my fixed opinion both in Par-
liament and to the country. I am confident of having done so
repeatedly while I was carrying the Municipal Reform Bill
through the House of Lords in 1835. I distinctly recollect
having done so in that House both early and late during the
last Session ; and I addressed to the great Manchester Edu-
cation meeting six weeks ago, the same sentiments which
I have just now expressed to you. Nothing in the occurrences
of the day has affected these sentiments in any manner of
way ; nor increased nor lessened my attachment to those prin-
ciples which have ever been the guide tof my public conduct.
" The events of late years, indeed, may have severed the
ties of ancient friendship, and weakened for a season those of
party connexion ; but neither time, nor chance, nor change
can ever estrange me from that people in whose ser-
vice, under the guidance of a judgment unfettered by
any dictation, my life has been passed; whom, and as
I have never flattered nor ever deluded, so have I never either
deserted or betrayed that people whose confidence I know was
never withdrawn, because it never was forfeited, and for whom
my affection can never be impaired.
" I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
" Your obedient and humble servant,
( Signed) " BROUGHAM.
" To Messrs. Prout, Kemp, and West."
Letters of apology were also received from Mr. Flume,
M. P., Sir S. Whalley, M.P., Mr. Ward, M. P., Mr. Grote,
M. P., &c., &c.
D. W. HARVEY, Esq., M. P., on rising to move the first
resolution, was loudly cheered. He said—l feel peculiarly
gratified and honoured by having been selected by my fellow-
citizens to move the first resolution. It is impossible to over-
rate or to exaggerate the objects which have called us toge-
ther—whether we look to the circumstances under which we
meet, or the causes in which the meeting originated.—
( Cheers.) As has been correctly stated by our honoured and
gallant Representative, the electors of Westminster have been
in all times, notwithstanding peril and tribulation, foremost in
the work of Reform.--( Cheers.) Many whom I have now
the honour to address have, with myself, been accustomed,
during many a long and dreary year, to meet in this place for
the advancement of the great object of Parliamentary Reform.
Often have I deeply deplored the defections which have been
made in the ranks of the Reformers.—( Cheers.) In past
times this great cause has resounded with the stirring and in-
dignant eloquence of men who have led us on to noble pur-
poses, not less by their strong and exciting language than by
the high objects to which they directed our attention.—
(Cheers.) We have had men here to address us who have
told us that they were not to be deterred from the great cause
of the people by the fiat of King, Lords, and Commons.—
( Cheers.) Yet the " Pride of Westminster" has at length
sheltered himself behind the dark canopy of Conservatism._
(Loud and repeated groans)—while another, if possible
still more eloquent in his oratory, the leader of Demo-
cracy, who took up his abode in a neighbouring prison,
to vindicate the justice of this cause is now waiting silently in
a Cabinet for the accidents of pay or peerage.......(Loud cheers. )
Now, it is time that the people should rely upon themselves,
and no longer on the broken reed.—( Hear, hear.) Now it is
time they should arise and take that station in the land, to
which not only their numbers but their intelligence entitle
them.—( Hear.) What a high compliment to the sovereignty
o f the people is conveyed in the eloquent letter which has
just been read? But on the other band—he to whom is con-
fided the peace of the land—who is the chief civil authority of
the state—the leader of the House of Commons--second to
no one in the Cabinet—he has put forward a most valuable
Proclamation.—( Hear, hear.) He has told us that the cause
of Reform is in danger.—(Cheers.) He has told us that the
people must arise, and follow out that example, which iu 1832

saved the Whigs and the Reform Bill.—(Great cheering.)
But, my friends, if late circumstances throw a shadow over our
cause—if we see, with regret, that distinguished men
have deserted from our ranks—it remains only for
those who have followed in the rear to press forward
into the foremost ranks, and the people will not be betrayed.
I rejoice to see such a meeting as this. I look upon this as a
great conference assembled to deliberate, not only what we
should do in this great city, but what advice we shall give to
less fortunate bodies of our fellow-citizens ; for as we act, so
will great masses of the people act in remote parts of the
country.—( Hear.) I look upon this as indeed the modern
Runnymede, in which we are met to draw up the new Charter
of our liberties.—(Great cheering.) There is now no ab-
stract question to divide our judgment, and create
differences of opinion, or justify any pleadings for
delay. Those considerations which heretofore induced Re-
formers to be cautious are now at an end. Who could now
stand up in behalf of the Government and say that they are
checked in their course of reform by those obstacles which
used to meet them at every step as they paced the palace of
their ancient master?—(Great cheers.) There is no reason
now why they should not advance every measure which is com-
prehended under the name of good Government.—(Cheers.)
For my part, I am thankful for that light of discernment in
myself, which saved me from the delusion in which others were
involved, for you know that for five years past your ablest advocates
have been whispering in every form of language eloquence
could supply, that it was impossible to urge on the bark of
reform ; that it was floated on a sea of corruption—( Cheers)
—that every person who had access to the Royal closet, or
could influence the Royal mind by those secondary agents by
which they had surrounded him, were the enemies of Reform.
The Ministers found themselves, we were told, surrounded
by the enemies of the people, and they were treated by their
master with coldness, distrust, and sometimes with positive
dislike.—( Hear, hear.) We were told that we should not
urge them - we were told that they consented to remain in
office, which was thus made so disagreeable to them only
through their exceeding patriotism. We were told to wait
until they should have a monarch not less friendly to Reform
than they themselves, when they would unite with the people
and the Sovereign to carry out the great purposes of Re-
form in all their amplitude.—( Hear, hear and cheers. )
They were obliged to the Ministry that hitherto the people
had been deceived, and that the Government had only used

them for the purpose of keeping them in place and power as
long as possible. They had been formerly deceived, but now
eeader of the House of Commons told them, and that with-
out being goaded by irritating language, but after a night's
sleep—( Cheers)—Lord John Russell came forward with a
mind which seemed incapable of irritation—he came forward
with a mouth which might have been closed in his official capa-
city, and told the people that the tide of improvement
should no longer flow forward.—(Cheers.) Thanks to Lord
John Russell for his candour !—all hail for the tardy conver-
sion of Lord Brougham !—(Cheers.) They would give his
Lordship many occasions to show his sincerity.—( Cheers.)
Tardy conversions were often the result of much study, and
therefore they hail his Lordship as a sincere friend to the
measures which they had met to support.—( Cheers. ) It was
almost unnecessary for him to dilate on the questions to such a
constituency as had sent his two Hon. and able Friends into the
House to represent them.—( Cheers.) They were told it was
their special duty to agitate.—(Mr. O'Connell here waved his
hat amidst loud cheers.) They must not be content to trust to a
broken reed—they were not then crowding some county hust-
ings, or some miserable polling-booth, for the purpose of
shouting out the name of some wealthy neighbouring gentle-
man, and praising his private virtues ; they had a nobler
object in view—a much nobler and higher object in view than
any such trifling matter. They were to act for greater re-
sults. Then as far as in us lies, so far as it is possible to
adapt existing powers to remote contingencies, the people
might talk of their final Bill.—(Loud cheers.) There are
so many objects for the Legislature to effect, that nothing
can be so mischievous as bit by bit Reform.—( Hear, and
cheers.) There might be a time when this might be justified ;
but that is at an end now, and we cannot be too thankful to
the Government for telling us so. If there bad been am-
biguous terms resorted to, if we had heard a few whispers, as
we did at the end of the last session, that the time might
come when the Government might adopt the Ballot, or if
there had been an intimation, that if they were not friendly to
the Ballot they were to the extension of the Suf-
frage, or for more frequent Parliaments—( Loud cheers)—
if one or more of these things had been stated in intelligible
terms, though we might not have believed this, yet it might
have allured us. —( Cheers.) But one and all alike of the
Government tell you they will abide by their nomination
boroughs.—( Cheers.) Let it not be forgotten there is as
rank a spirit for nomination boroughs now as there was under
the old system.—( Cheers.) There are now eighteen Mem-
bers returned by the metropolitan districts with a vast consti-
tuency, and there are upwards of one hundred members re-
turned for nomination boroughs, where the constituency are
not more than six thousand, and in many cases only
300.—( Cries of " Shame I") This, we are told, constitutes
the excellency of the final measure —( Grea t cheers)—while
Ministers have declared that they will not shorten for a day
the existence of Parliament.—( Cheers.) It is nothing to
tell us that within the last seven years we have had five Par-
liaments.—( Cheers.) What we want is a Parliament that
will represent us, and not the holders of nomination boroughs.
Gentlemen, I am the more anxious to impress on your minds,
and through you to the country, what it is we seek, that we
may not be divided in our House ; for however much in the
higher walks they may be divided amongst themselves, let the
united millions stand forth as one.—( Cheers.) There is no-
thing we cannot accomplish, only let us understand each other;
let us know who are our friends and to what extent they are
such, whether they are mere timid calculators or firm and un-
flinching friends of the public cause. I know that some
friends and Reformers, in and out of Parliament, think it
would be well for the people to confine their agitation to one
object, that there ought now to be meetings in all towns and
boroughs urging Election by Ballot. However valuable that
may be, and I am not here to say anything to its disparage-
ment. If we were called upon to select which of the three
objects would be the better, if we could not have the other
two, I shall entertain great doubts myself whether that or the
Ballot is the best. But be that as it may, I tell those gentle-
men whose sincerity and judgment I do not suspect, I tell
them they cannot excite the people throughout the country.
—( Cheers.) They cannot draw the people forth in those
formidable arrays which rendered them so fearful and resistless
in the year 1832, merely by calling your attention to the Bal-
lot, because we know the parties to be benefited by the Bal-
lot on the present constituencies.—( Hear, hear.) But what
are the present constituencies, if they were all combined toge-
ther into one solid mass and one solid object; unless we can
bring the broad arm of the people into action our efforts would
be useless.—( Loud cheers.) And allow me to say, that we
arc just as likely to get one as all.—(Laughter.) What was
the argument of Lord John Russell the other night? He
said, " If I were prepared to give a willing ear to the Ballot,
would you stop here ?"—( Cries of " No, no.") Unreason-
able as you are, would you stop there? No sooner would you
get the Ballot as an instalment, then you would say we are
now for more frequent Parliaments; and, having got that, the
, next cry would be—we are for a more extended suffrage.
Where, in this field of evils, will you stop ? He says you will
never be content, until you have got what you say you ought
to have—and we never will be content. There is one other point
to which I am anxious to draw your attention, because I wish,
as far as I can, to anticipate and to answer those remarks which
will be made not only in this room, but far away from it. He
would say, Agitate agitate ! agitate !—( Loud cheers.)—
We are told to agitate. " Agitate, agitate" is the word,
but what will that avail ? They have got a lease of six years
and by the expiration of that time, how much shall we be the
better of it? The present moment is the life of man. It
may be said that by that time the eyes of the people will be
opened, and truth and reason will be vindicated ; but I will
ask, have not the eyes of the people already been opened by
experience—havo they not seen the abuses and corruptions
which have crept into all the institutions of the State? Listen
to me, my friends, on a subject which I cannot consider but as
a painful one. I say you can do nothing worth while
with the present Parliament.—(Cheers.) It is utterly im-
possible. The only comfort which suggests itself to us from
the formation of this House is, that it can do no mischief.—
( Hear, hear.) The Tories will tell you " we are not seeking
power; we have titles and estates ; we do not want the emolu-
ments of office ; we want alone to protect our rights and pro-
perties from the encroachments of the Democracy. It is for
this purpose we sit here from night to night; it is sufficient for
us that we can keep them from doing mischief, and we
seek not power until that time shall arrive when the
Government shall have so completely disgusted every one that,
like the blasting influence of frost, every leaf shall have
dropped from the tree of liberty, and left nothing but a barren
and sterile stump."—(Cheers.) I know that many acute and
able men, who feel strongly and speak feelingly on this sub-
ject, labour under the apprehension that the present Govern-
ment will be supplanted by a Tory one. These men appear,
however, to forget that if the Tories are so numerous in the
House of Commons as to prevent the Whigs from doing mis-
chief, the people are sufficiently numerous to hold a check over
both.—(Cheers.) If the Tories come into power to-morrow
their first step should be to dissolve Parliament ; and I do not
apprehend, that with a consciousness of the delusion that has
been practised upon them, and a knowledge of who are really
their friends, and who are their enemies, that an appeal to the
people under such circumstances would, be attended with worse
results than when the franchise was swamped by corruption and
intimidation. How did they act in 1832? How did the abused
freemen of the towns and boroughs act ? Did they not come
around the Reform candidates, to surrender their vested rights
into their hands ; and are we to suppose that those who were
brought into being by the warming influence of the new
Reform Act, will not follow an example so splendid and deci-
sive. Gentlemen, I have now explained to you, as briefly as
I could, what appears to me to be the object of this meeting;
and it is important for you to consider, from one extremity to
the other, that in proportion to the magnitude of the object,
so is the necessity for your pressing forward on its behalf
strenuously and decidedly. There must be no hesitation.
Why, any friends, what mighty consequences—what mighty
benefits might we not have derived, up to the present
time, from that ill used and much misunderstood country
over which I was almost about to say my Hon. and Learned
Friend near me (Mr. O'Connell) presides.—( Vehement
cheering.) Even his giant mind and unsubdued and ceaseless
energies, would have been inadequate to these great objects,
if it were not for the powerful manner in which he had been
assisted by the associations of that country.—(Cheering.) We
also, my friends, must have a British Association.—( Vehe-
ment cheering for some minutes, in which Mr. O'Connell
heartily joined.) We must infuse into somo metropolitan
association the same energies which animated the Associations
of Ireland.—(Renewed cheering.) There must be a justice-
rent here as well as there.—( Cheers.) In short, there must be
no rivalry between the two countries, but that great struggle of
who shall outstrip the other in the career of public improve-

ment.—( Applause.) Gentlemen, I speak guardedly, for I
know not how soon a Whig Government may send its Whig
Attorney-General among us.—(Groans and hisses.) I
shall not, therefore, speak of corresponding associations,
but there must be a complete union, intercourse, and
communication between all the branches of this Asso-
ciation, of which there must be one in every
country in every town and in every hamlet. —( Great cheering. )
Combine then, and agitate—agitate and prosper. The Hon.
Gentleman was here interrupted by sonic person in the body
of the Meeting, who asked the Hon. Member a question.
[The interruption occasioned much confusion.] Gentlemen, I
think that Gentleman asked me, what these Associations were
to do? [A voice in the crowd,—" No, no, I asked
you why it was there, although you sanctioned Mr. Wakley's
amendment on the address you left the House without voting ?
—( Cheers, and some confusion.) Gentlemen, although it is
not usual for a speaker to be interrupted in the course of his
remarks, yet it is no interruption to me to have a question put
which I can so easily answer.—(Cries of " No, no.") That
gentleman must recollect that I am not addressing the elec-
tors of Southwark, and that I have already appeared before
my own constituents, and rendered an account of my conduct.
I feel, therefore, that I would be acting an unbecoming
part in frittering away the object of this meeting, if
I turned aside for so idle an object.—( Hear, hear, hear.)
But, Gentlemen, without suffering ourselves to be diverted by
even the best intentioned inquiries, I will conclude by admo-
nishing you, and, through you, the people of the entire coun-
try, not to suffer this occasion to pass away as an idle day—not
to go along the streets linked in each others arms—asking each
other what do you think of the meeting? or, who was the best
or rem the worst speaker, but think what you can do your-
selves.—( Loud cheers.) You cannot expect your generals
to do everything.—( Loud cheers.) In all great efforts the
citadels of power, whether of corruption or policy, have fallen
before the giant arm of numbers. It is the people who must
invigorate the feelings of their :elders in the House of Commons.
The Tories and the Whigs are powerful there—the liberal
party, though feeble there, is resistless in the nation.—( Loud
cheers.) Therefore do I call upon you rightly to appreciate
the duty which falls upon you, which consists in doing all in
your power to protect the rights that have been conferred on
you by your predecessors, and send them down improved to
your successors.—Agitate and combine—combine and agi-
tate.—(Tremendous cheering.) Let there be no place
where the banner of kindred freedom is not unfurled.—
( Cheers.) Let the purpose for which that combination and
agitation take place not be the victory for a man, or for an
isolated principle, but for a measure which shall carry in itself
all the elements and all the capacities of good government.
—( Loud cheers.) Then shall we have achieved an object
which illustrates this great principle, that in doing justice to
all, we do injustice to none.—(Tremendous cheers.) The
Hon. Gentleman then read the first resolution, which was as
follows :—" Resolved, That the paramount objects sought by
the people from Parliamentary Reform at the passing of the
Reform Bill, were to secure to the people of the
United Kingdom the right of choosing their represen-
tatives in Parliament ; to guarantee to them the free
and conscientious enjoyment of that right, by protection
against intimidation and corruption, and to provide for the re-
sponsibility of their representatives. That this Meeting look-
ing at the corruption and intimidation practised on the Elec-
tors at the last election, is confirmed in the conviction, that
the changes in the Representative System, introduced
in the said Bill were improvements in the abuses
which had before prevailed ; yet unless the constituent
bodies materially enlarged, the electors protected from perni-
cious influences, and the representatives rendered responsible
by shorter Parliaments, the great objects contemplated by the
Reform Bill must be defeated. That this meeting deplores
that the party who introduced the Reform Bill, and who
enjoyed for five years political supremacy in the councils of the
empire, almost without interruption, have made no attempt to
place the electoral system upon the solid basis of an extended
suffrage, freedom of choice, and the frequent appeals to the
constituency."—( Loud cheers.)
Mr. Eernieseoee, M. P., rose to second the motion. He
deprec ited and most deeply deplored the recent decla: ation of
Lord John Russell in the House of Commons. He was one
of those who thought that the Ballot and a very great exten-
sion of the franchise were absolutely necessary for the purpose
of securing good government. It was only by such measures
that the opinions of the Government could' be assimilated to
those of the peoplc.—( Cheers.) A slight reference to facts
would prove to them how much they had been mistaken in
the results which had flowed from the Reform Bill. They
were told that the constituency would amout to a million and a
half. How deficient they were to that had been told them by Mr.
Harvey, but he could assure them by calculations he had made
there were not 14 out of every hundred grown persons who had
the franchise. Such results proved that the Reform Bill
never could be considered as a final measure.—( Cheers.) He
was aware that there were many who called themselves Re-
formers, who looked upon an extension of the franchise with
much distrust. He was not one of those. In his opinion the
franchise ought to be extended to every person who could read
and write.—( Loud cheers.) He would go further than Mr.
Harvey had done, for he was aware that there were 56 Mem-
bers in the House who were returned by a smaller constituency
than that which had done honour to itself by returning
their gallant chairman, and his friend Mr. Leader.—
( Cheers.) In Scotland the case was worse, for there the
county constituencies of not more than 400 to 500, and one
county, Sutherland, had the bad pre-eminence of having only
125 electors. He thought that system should be put an end
to, and there ought to be an Order in Council, that when any
district ceased to contain a certain number of electors it
should cease to have Members.—( Cheers.) If he could
have formed any possible excuse for the ill-judged decla-
ration of Lord John Russell, he should have been sorry
to have made any comment upon it, because it must be ad-
mitted that in former times that Noble Lord had done great
service to the cause of Reform, but he looked upon this de-
claration as his Lordship's premeditated intention to depart
from the cause of the people and stand by the Aristocracy,
that always was against the people and their interests.—
( Cheers.) He considered the object of Lord John Russell
and the section of the Whigs that went with him were not the
objects of the people.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Their
object was to foster and promote a particular party ; they wished
to support the landed gentry. Wile; the people wanted was
they should support the cause of Reform, that it should
gradually but progressively proceed, and that no class of the
community should be subject to different laws.—( Cheers, )
Under such circumstances he considered it the duty of a large
meeting like the present to impress upon Members cf Parlia-
ment, who called themselves Reformers, the necessity which
there was at the present time for them to take an independ-
ent and manly line of their own.—( Cheers.) They should
separate themselves from bad :leaders, and show the House
and the country that the professions of Reform which so many of
then made on the hustings were not!mere words --(Cheers.)
It was with these feelings and impressions that he considered
the people ought to he active and exert themselves. He be-
lieved that there were very few men in the House of Com-
mons who would act up to the people unless it was for the sake
of promoting their own individual interests. Feeling, how-
ever, that there were many in that House who were capable
of taking a manly course, he called upon the meeting by their
expressions, and by the adoption of other meetings like the
present, to strengthen them in their right course.—( Cheers.)
It was clear that the leaders of Reform had deserted the cause
of the people ; and if the people tacitly acquiesced in that,
they deserved to be deserted by any leaders which they might
hereafter choose.—( Hear, hear.) Let them express their
opinions on the conduce of their present leaders promptly and
strongly, and those whom they might hereafter choose would
be warned, by the fate of those whom they succeeded, not to
pursue a similar course.—(Cheers.) He concluded by second•
ing the motion.
The Resolution was then put from the Chair, when a forest
of hands was raised for the affirmative, and the negative being
put, one hand was raised against the Resolution, but we thought
from the countenance of the dissentient, that this was done
playfully, and to make the assent of the meeting more marked.
—There was great laughter and cheers, and cries of " We
have one Tory at least,"—"Oh that's an honour,"—" Much
obliged," &c.
Mr. LEADER (who was received with vehement and re-
peated cheers)—ln addressing his fellow-citizens and consti-
tuents, the electors of Westminster, he took it for granted
that every man taking to himself the name of a Reformer
would agree with him, that certain reforms were neces-
sary in the Church and the State.—( Hear, hear.) He
fancied, also, that every man who wished to gain those
ends would agree with him, that certain means were
necessary for their attainment.--(Hear.) Without a thorough
reform of the Reform Bill—that is wrong—without a full and
free representation of the people, it was impossible that those
reforms which they desired could become the law of the land.
Hear, hear.) One of those reforms was that the elector
should be protected in his vote—the second reform, which
was indispensable in the Reform Bill, was, that the
representative after short intervals, should come before his con-
stituent to be judged for his conduct ; the third, and not the
least important change in the Reform Bill was, that the fran-
chise should be extended to those masses of the people whom
that Bill had left unrepresented. To all these Reforms
Lord John Russell, speaking he supposed for the Cabinet,
had declared that he is decidedly opposed. He asked the meet-
ing whether, after that, they could haee any confidence in the
present Administration ?—( Loud cries of " No, no.") Of
course tdey had not—(laughter)—of course they could not
have confidence in men who, out of office were the very
strongest advocates of those very measures.—( Hear, hear.)
Now that they were in office they said, " We made a corn.
pact with our aristocratical friends on the other side of the
House that the Reform Bill should be a final measure.—(Hear,
hear.) In the short time that had elapsed since the opening
of Parliament Lord John Russell—speaking, he supposed, for
the Cabinet; for no member of the Cabinet denied that the
Noble Lord spoke his sentiments—had made three proposi-
tions as much opposed to reform and to the wishes of the people,
as ever was uttered from the mouth of the most rampant
Tory.--(Laughter and cheers.) The first of these was a de-
claration against the reform of the representative system ; the
next was his declaration against a national system of education.
—( Hear, hear.) But did not every man know that nothing
was more wanted than such a system as would give to every
man born in this country the means of obtaining that know-
ledge, without which man is little better than a brute.
Hear, hear.) What did Lord John Russell say about
Education ? Why, that the subject was so beset with difficul-
ties, there were so many obstacles to it—that the High-
Church party was so much opposed to one scheme, and other
persons would be dissatisfied if the schools were not large
enough, and that in short it was such a disagreeable subject,
that it would be too much to expect any Government to take
th smatter in hand. Now after all the severe declamation they
ha re heard from Whig gentlemen about the necessity of a
great scheme of education, and after the people had been
led to expect for years that one of the first measures
of a Whig Government would be a National System of Edu-

cation, but after having been in office for five years the Whigs
now told them this vital religion was not, at least for
bth. e pre-
sent, to be brought under the notice of the Ca inet..c.
(Cheers, and laughter.) That was declaration, No. 2,. which
third de-
was quite as bad as declaration, No. 1. The h,
claration did not perhaps touch the meeting so much,
but
their the
ny
personal w oul d
interests—thefeel
third same
a distant celcny.—( Cheers. ) The other night he asked Lord
John Russell when he meant to bring forward his measures 2
his conciliotory measures—(Laughter)—for Canada ? Ther
Noble Lords answer was, he could not tell, but that whenevle_
he did bring them forward, they would be measures to upho 01,
that party in Canada which was well affected to the Crown of
deacslariaftioitn it-leildatitvLoeucto.h
Great Britain.—( Shame, shame.) Now what was the mean-
ing of that declaration ? It meant that he was going to 11135;
hold the small minority against the majority—that heCries
going to uphold the officials against the people.—(
of
r"
iHmedarg,ivehneaarn."a)nsniter as a
gasthneestsiaomnefroams t
Mr.ohe,conieeb,lile_
Cheers'
L)
as to what he meant to do in Ireland, and had a.
meant to uphold the Orangemen in Ireland.—(
and cries of " Shame 1") After those declarations, it yi:n:
utterly impossible that any set of men calling couldhe
selves the representatives of the popular party.
have any confidence in the present Government, or g:lv.
them their support in party measures against the Tories, ors
cause it became a matter of indifference to
whether the Whigs or Tories sat on the Treasury benches:
He was well aware that a declaration of that sort might be.re,
ceived with a good deal of displeasure, and perhaps indignatien_
and he had no doubt, if they at all discussed what he ir
doing. they would say he was doing a great injury to Refer,:
and that it was the duty of every reformer to support
it
bt
Government.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Why tbeY,gda
just as well have had a Tory Government ruling
s would have
He would ask them to consider what the Whig
done if the Tories had proposed such measures for Can
with
They would have had public meetings in every district, wg:
Reform
the Whig gentlemen agitating against the despotic measurel
.;
they would have had inflammatory discourses in Whig sty en'
against the despotic Tories, who were oppressing their thebrethre
in. Canada, and who, because the Canadians were Whigs' uss
Tories thought they might safely deprive them of their .1,
_,,
rights.—( Hear, and a laugh.) They were told, forsooth, tata;
it would be a very terrible thing for the cause of Refcrin 0
destroy the present Government. He would say that he for le
his
.part, often felt very uncomfortable when supporting tra
Whig Government, and longed many times to bring f°rwa
measures and declare certain principles in the House of Co,m
mons, hut had been persuaded not to do by Geutleme
so a that
saying it would damage the Reform Government, ocl
their friends in office would do them a great deal glut
He knew a great many who entertained the same feelingiL
the present Government was destroyed, and he wished t°T-o°o-
En-
who had destroyed ? Why, positively, in spite of all the'rtwo
treaties to the contrary, in spite of the Reformers baying fate,
or three times saved them from their unhaPPY bier,)
they were determined to commit suicide.—(Lang,„ ent
n
As to the fear of Tory rule, they had had a Tory Govan-- ice
for a great many years.—( Cries of too many.) But spite
of that they managed to get those measures of Reform Mora,
they insisted upon ; they managed to get the Test and Corr,,ir,
tion Act repealed ; they managed to get the Emancipaticer,
and they managed to get the Reform Bill.—(Cheers.)tole
,s they
they not in a better situation now—and was he to be -be.
were to refrain from upholding the cause of the penPl;
i''sirlif
cause forsooth their doing so might )ring back theToriesiu,f or
the business of the people was not to be frightened by \'",.;aily
Tory power, their business was to look to what thei '-hat
wanted ; and when they had made up their minds as to n
n,i
the really wanted, then to be combined and organized, and ab-s.
tate throughout the country in order to satisfy those wat,
It was impossible to argue with the unfortunate and infatuade
gentlemen—they were unhappy in their minds—and sictibB t
they would commit ; and he (Mr. Leader) verily believeu .„0
the verdict of the public within a few years hence To
to be given, it would be " temporary insanity, eausn,r )
a little favour shewn them at Court."--.(Great lauguq,:
In many of the Papers which called themselves Reform but
/aces had blamed the Radicals for blaming the Governments
after the declaration of Lord John Russell, it was imposs'pot
for the Radical portion of the House to set the Geferrlo..
Co-
upon its legs—it was impossible fir them to save the
vernment from its fare. All that was in the power of t
Radicals was to supasrt them and share in their d'sgraFeg
They had all heard of the two friends who were returturlsa
from a convivial party. Orie being rather more fresh tb
the other, fell into the gutter.—(Laughter.) He called uPeiF,
his friend to help him out, but, said his friend, I cannot be )
you out, but I can and will lay down with you."—(lsaughtera•
The Radicals were in the same position as the frie_4•ll
They could not possibly keep the Government on their 17;
but they might tumble into the guttel with him.—(Ch
and laughter.) If the people were satisfied they would esu,s
port the Government and condemn the Radicals—but i''tso
he expected, they were not satisfied, they would support od
Radicals, and they would assemble, the would agitate 500 g
organize, and cover the table of the House of Coll3,,il'lag
with petitions until it groaned, praying for and deina'incle,
such measures as the people wanted.—(Loud eheer7oie
Being, as he was, a sincere and ardent friend to the Peclig
and their cause, he should despair unless the people no !par('
something for themselves.—(Cheers.) They. all bad 70
of the spaniel, who, when chastised by his master, shore] if
teeth and slunk back to his corner. So would the P,..e°P;ra'
they did not now withdraw their support from the kfricose
inent, after such a declaration as that of Lord 'r,/
Russell—they would show no more spirit than the 61'0
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let the people knock at fbel
door, and it would be opened to them—whatever 'clia
desired they could effect ; but when they neltt„ er'
.
knock, let it be in a manner which could not be „ be
stood -( Loud cheers)—and when they made the deraand
trusted they would never be contented until they had ne'"-tbei
the whole of their demand.—( Cheers.) He trusted that isef
would take their proper position, and then they woult1:-osel
must—put an end to the two aristocratic factions whic",hieb
misgoverned the country—(Cheers)—the two factions 0,)
were now frittering away the rights of the country.—(Chee
He had much pleasure in moving— r p
" 2. That to secure one of the great objects of
mentary Reform, viz.: a faithful Representation of the: the
pie in the House of Commons, a further extension n'
suffrage is required."—( Cheering.) meet'
Mr. ROEBUCK, next presented himself to the 1-.00.
ing, and was received with the most enthusiastic aPP',:isle'
When silence had been restored, the Hon. Gentleman 5-oorsei
We are here to-day, my friends, to consider the c e
that ought to be pursued by the people in conseou,ericie of
the declaration made by Lord John Russell in the 11°„ucithis
Commons the other night. I have been invited to atte"t
meeting, and I suppose that it is intended by ithB-sbsl.;
vitation, that every one who comes here this uaiboarei
give the opinion which he really holds.—(Hear'
(LEFT SPEAKING.)
cl ""(
The following arc the other resolutions to be proP°s;,sse 0'
3. That to protect electors in the conscientious e%c",,-rAicelo
the Suffrage from the influence of intimidation and eerirs-o'ece
another of the great objects of Parliament Reform, itil'id be bf
sary that the voting for Members of Parliament si°-
way of Ballot, of
4. " That in order to render the Representatives ad'
people responsible for the duo discharge of the trust rest is Pe"
them, another great object of Parliamentary Reform'
cessary to shorten the duration of Parliaments." that it se
.. That the declaration of Lord John Russell, so t-
the object of the Reform Bill to give a preponderance Os
ended interests over the other interests of the Countrtat
ioo9
declaration at variance with free and equal represe° 0504
o
and likewise at variance withe principle avowed by the P jos°
Ministry, in their Government of Ireland, where this oa'
profess to oppose the undue ascendancy of one Part °
oe'
tion over any other part ef it.
6. " That a petition embodying these resolutions h'bioo.
sented to House of Commons, and that it be presented, oder:
Representatives, Colonel De Lady Evans and J. T. hPreo.
Esq., who are hereby requested to support the prayer t., otir
[We shall give the conclusion of the meeting I
Second Edition.' - _ de

—_,
The great Spanish Grandee, the wealthy -.-1/Llfro'll
l'lnfantado, who was expected to arrive in this cowl,
Madrid, in consequence of the 'Political crisis in Spa Aide
rived at Bordeaux, in company with the Marquis de 11540 "t
rillas, late tutor to the infant Queen Isabel. The Psefe°
l'lnfantado has acted as Regent of the kingdom at
et.
epochs. 0
Lieutenant Bland, the eldest son of that or'f;other
chanting ballad-singer, Mrs. Bland, who married thfiquindior,
of Mrs. Jordan, is one of the Naval Knights of gel/
which honour was conferred upon him by his Dite eight
King William, who instituted the order. There afe.„oloo'
these Naval Knights ; their residences are in swab "L ayear'
cehxuecreuhteadtaNtvt
below Windsor Castle, and their emoluments about 3°Ls jtist
Richard Wcstmacott,' jun., the sculptor, Pe; Perr"c''
finished, in alto relieve, the monument of the late Janice e of the
ihmebelcxdpoennrwahnedre
members of the Fox Club. It is intended to be Pit!
was butiel2.,.sl;
THE PLAGUE.—BUCHAREST, Nov.
,sosicietlis
cent accounts from Odessa say that there are a cu 0 an 40
uiNnidre.rptehrerysuperintenueecd in t•_,
number of cases of plague (about 100 are spokene_ „oartv_e
is by no means checked ; new cases occur, but onlYlt.ici`ispePo
with which all communication is cut off. The rabPelo chiii.be
of the disorder in the beginning is said to have
barracks on 110
caused by the flight of the women from the ost of
iris
first news of the breaking out of the disease.. ,f of Austof
foreigners left the town immediately. On tbeh:Snatiers
re,
8,000 are ordered to form a Canton
spect to strangers from Odessa, who had of the 24t11•0140 of
Buckowina. Every precaution is of cou:s_i; atrdcoii,,t,eucisi;ipSbasioefti,
the Austrian frontier. Letters from
All letters ,
the plague from Southern Russia.
,rs P.
country are fumigated.night, iao•
Wednesday vwater .
state that measures are taken to preVviee:tuathe introfdruo
About half-past five on . • he ban
t a e
'cliog down
Johnson, of Lancaster-place, was ri •
lit, accomPael ightll'
road, the horse of a gentleman s wthigb in a r. 5010
took fright and ran against
his
that it removed the 5, boy
manner. The shock was so great
et
off at full sPeges cos:
from the back of the horse,. which s yin Johnson :Iced 00
was stopped at the turnpike-igafte•
delay, and reee •
veyed back to his residence vrit iou. _ orav
required. 0 e%to on
medical treatment as his case
• which Was s. eason. „
The garvie or sprat fishing,
d for this rkeit',.
,commence m lille hie"
narily successful last _
boats brought fro ..I,_ 0
$,
Wednesday. One of the ferry
rl ten crans of tbessexb'er tb ;
ing Bay to Newhaven, that —ay, . at least 5 • "10100,
sold readily at Iss. per crag--a price were then
on; they .. pijot.
they were ever sold at last seas
Scotto',
may be remembered, as 2s. a cran. coo
tot

S:

IPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

vve Must urge all Liberal Members to be in their
Places during the whole of the present week, as Sir
Robert Peel and Mr. Goulburn have almost intimated
their,. intention to oppose the appointment of a Com-
mittee to
inquire into the Pensions. In the Committee
nit
the Civil List on Friday, the Chancellor of the
titehequer proposed that the sum of 75,0001. be con-
ulled permanently on the Civil List, to be applied
L
her Majesty in pensions. Mr. Grote opposed this
proposition, and moved that whatever sum should
ereafter be thus applied should be charged upon the
Consolidated.. Fund, with a view to its being brought
constantly under the view of Parliament. This ;notion
was seconded by Sir Robert Peel, and the Chancellor
of
r: the Exchequer was left. in a minority. What Mr.
urote's object was is sufficiently evident. There can be
no harm in he separation of the pensioners from the
Civil
List. But had Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Goul-
burn the same object with Mr. Grote ? By no means.
Sir Robert opposed the proposition for settling
the
1, amount of the pensions for the purpose of em-
ufassi..._ arr
the uovernment, by stopping the settlement
the Civil List till the whole inquiry into the pen-
-81(244 should be completed. Sir Robert wishes to
/flake the inquiry into the pensions as obnoxious as
possible, and at all events he and the Tories mean to
prevent the appointment of a Committee if they find
the Reformers absent from their post. The country
Will not easily pardon any Liberal Member who ab-
Sentg himself during proceedings of so much impor-
tance. If any Members had thoughts of leaving town,
and we have heard that some were preparing to leave
it, in
the expectation of there being no further divi-
-84415, we request them to undeceive themselves. There
will not only in all probability be divisions on the mo-
tion fora Committee to inquire into the Pension List,
Ix," on other questions of importance during the week.
"e may instance the motions respecting election pea-
ti°llB. No excuse will be allowed for absence at such
a time. We trust, therefore, that we shall not have
Members
painful duty of recording the absence of Liberal
"v-tembers from their post, and that their constituencies
Fill not have cause to reproach them with a signal ne-
glect of duty. There must be no mistake.—Morning
_Chronicle.

The present Ministers have the repulation, and
none will say that they do not well deserve it, of being
gifted with a large amount of cunning. Cunning, as
eontradistinguished from sagacity, is that power ich
qualifies men to succeed in securing immediate ob-
leets, and which, generally speaking, disposes them to
be somewhat unscrupulous about the means of such
success. But cunning does not often, like sagacity,
enable men to take a comprehensive view of their own
Interests, even when understood in the most selfish sig-
nification of the term, nor does it suggest to them
complex or multiform contingencies, or fit them to
aPpreciate justly, results, however important and
however probable, if they be not close at hand.
Cunning, therefore, is for the most part shortsighted,
and the cunning of these Whig Ministers has
Proved itself in many instances to be nearly purblind.
The Reform Bill was one example of that instruc-
tive fact. It was designed for the narrow and selfish
Purpose of bringing about a speedy change in the re-
presentation, which should be favourable to the in-
stantaneous aggrandizement of the faction that framed
the Bill, and for the no less prompt demolition of a
rival party. The new construction of the elective body
under that Bill accomplished both the ends proposed
by it—accomplished them for a time, a very short time.
It gave the Whigs a formidable majority in Parlia-
ment, and reduced in the same ratio the effective
numbers of the Tories. But where are the two par-
ties now, and what is their relative power ? Before
the Reform Bill was four years in operation, the free
vent which it had provided for the expression of the
Public feeling, aided by the experience which the
People of England ,had by that time acquired of the
gross incapacity of the present Ministers as states-
Men, transferred the majority of English representa-
tives from the framers of the Reform Bill, which was
their only merit, to its opponents, whose only crime
Was their opposition to it, and constituted Sir Robert
Peel and his friends the de jure, and almost de facto,
administrators of the Government. Among the fruits
of the 'Whig Reform Bill it may be recognised as
o_ll,e beyond all question, that the jealousy of which
l °ries were the natural objects when they wielded
an unconstitutional monopoly of power has compa-
ac
cin7elY disappeared, and that the Conservative prin-
atands at this moment on broader, firmer, and
ore enduring ground throughout the nation than it
hevekr, did or could have done while associated in the
public mind with the inherent vices and extravagancies
°r the old borough system. That was one punishment
inflicted on the Whigs by their own licentious greedi-
ness for power, through the introduction of a change
in the elements of the Constitution which they had
previously and solemnly, in the face of Parliament,
condemned. Another offence, proceeding from the
same vile motive, has been followed by similar conse-
quences. The part of the faction which remained
united after Lords Grey, Stanley (with his friends),
and Althorp had broken away from it—every one of
them—in more or less disgust, had neither fortitude
to sustain the entire loss of office, nor dignity to ab-
jure the resumption of it, if attainable no otherwise
than through profligate and disgraceful courses. They
differed from the party calling itself Radical, and their
differences were publicly recorded upon questions which
might be termed organic—viz., an extension of the
suffrage, a curtailment of the life of Parliament, secret
voting, the transfer of the army to the House of
Commons, an encroachment on the recognized rights
of the Peerage, and a spoliation of the ancient property
of the Church. Had the Whig Ministers, therefore,
been either honest or longsighted even, they would
have made up their minds at once to the moral impos-
sibility of any co-operation, real or apparent, with a
body of revolutionists, between whom and themselves
there existed an absence of all sympathy so perfect,
Upon a series of questions comprehending whatever
Was most vital to the nature and permanency of the
State itself. But no such difficulty met the eyss of
gentlemen gloating over one concentrated and exclu-
sive object, namely, the Treasury Bench. They saw,
that although an ostensible disclaimer of their old
professions in favour of the Established Church
might degrade them with the more respectable por-
tion of the world, and separate them for ever from
the great Conservative party, it would recommend
them to the indulgence of the democrats and Papists,
and enable them, by means of that conjoint machi-
nery, to seize again, perhaps retain, the patronage and
salaries of office. They realized, so far, their corrupt
theory of morals. Parties who abhorred each other,
agreed upon a make-believe political alliance, and
here, as in all other cases, the outrage to truth and de-
cency has burst upon the heads of the double-tongued
hypocrites who on both sides offered it. The Whigs
have been utterly lost throughout the kingdom by their
base concessions to the devouring principle of Radi-
calism ; and even the Radicals have been spit upon
by the multitude, whom they individually have duped
and disappointed, for their creeping subserviency to
those very Whig placemen who began by overtures of
peace and complaisance, and have ended by insolently
sctting their makers at defiance. But there are points
more tangible, and of more specific, though limited
bearing, to be noticed under this head of retributive
Justice, which in the order of Providence is sure to
visit political, as it does personal, offenders. Mi-
nisters have in nothipg been more culpable and servile
than in yielding to those exactions of democracy
as against the Crown which, while they themselves
censured as unreasonable and pernicious, they never-
theless sanctioned by their measures. We do not dis-
approve the subjection of the Civil Lis, and, above all,
of thePensionList, to the strict investigations of a Com-
mittee of the House of Commons. But the Whigs
wben they turned out the Duke of Wellington's M-
inistry upon the question of submitting the Civil List
t
o a Committee, proved the hollowness of their pro-
fessions upon that subject, by afterwards, in their
preparation of King William's Civil List, flying un-
(gr_atefully in the face of that Committee, the institution
) which had forced them into power. Now, let us
L:
I°ok a little into their recent conduct. On the 20th
fo:, Nov. ult., there was a skirmish, somewhat after the
31li0n of a stage fight, between Whigs and Radicals
inueh mutual jawing—much clattering of brass and
°"
her base metals. It had all the semblance of an at-

tack by Radicalism, but, as we declared at the time,
very little, if anything of the substance. Radical
pride, however, demanded that the sauciness of office
should come down a peg or two, and that some sort
of Brummagem atonement should be made to demo-
cracy for the Brummagem superciliousness of Lord John
Russell. There came, three clays afterwards, the desired
opportunity—Mr. Spring Rice brought forward a Ci-
vil List once more, and Mr. Whittle Harvey pushed
for that form of concession which had been so de-
cidedly refused him by Lord Althorp, viz., a Com-
mittee of Inquiry into the details of the Pension List,
exemplified in the merits of each particular pension.
Mr. Spring Rice, after some miserable—but to those
%li° were in the secret most ludicrous—affectation .of
being taken unawares" by an alleged change in Mr.
Whittle Harvey's motion (the altered motion being
previously as well known to Mr. Spring Rice as it
was to the clever mover himself) gave way according
to the plan concerted, and the Committee of Inquiry
was allowed. It is the acknowledged privilege of
this Committee to report to the House which of the
existing pensions ought to stand, and which to be abo-
lished. Very well. But in the mean time, the Commit-
tee for revising the entire Civil List has been sitting, and
of this Committee, Mr. S. Riee is Chairman. They
met on Friday, and what occurred ? The Chancellor
of the Exchequer, who had formally consented that the
new pension list should not be voted but subject to the
report of Mr. Whittle Harvey's Committee, had the
assurance to propose, point blank, that the sum of
75,0001. should be granted to her Majesty for pen-
sions, thereby nullifying in effect the whole object of
Mr. Harvey, and of the pledge which had been ob-
tained ! But the Right Hon. Superficial fell into the
popularity-pit which he had dug for the interment of
all rival Finance Ministers. Mr. Grote at once ex-
claimed " No ; you must wait for Mr. Harvey's Com-
mittee." Mr. Hume—" No, no ; see what Mr. Har-
vey says to you." Sir Robert Peel again—" No, no,
we can't do this. I dislike your Committee ; on prin-
ciple I opposed it. I think it mischeivous and repre-
hensible ; but you carried it against me, and you
must now abide by it as I shall. It would be
inconsistent, it would be a breach of faith to vote
this pension list until Mr. Harvey has reported.
Suppose his Committee to recommend to Parliament
that 20,000/. of specific pensions should be struck off
the list, and that in the mean time the Civil List Bill
should have passed, fixing the gross Pension List at
the 75,0001. now demanded by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer—what happens ? Why, that existing pen-
sioners, to the amount of 20,0001. per annum, will
have been sent to starve, and the equivalent sum of
20,0001. will be left at the disposal of the Minister to
grant to whom he pleases I" The proposition upon
this was put to the vote, and the Minister was actually
beaten on his own pet question, in his own Committee.
Is not this " retributive justice ?" How will the
tricky man get out of this predicament ? What will
he try next ? Will he dare to do a second time what
he did before, and set aside the vote of the Committee
because it is adverse to him, as he and his colleagues
have threatened that they will supersede the existing
law of the land because it is unfavourable to the usur-
pations of their virtuous supporters ? We look on
with curiosity, but with not much more, to see the ca-
tastrophe of this drama.—Times.

The editor of the Lancet has conferred upon the
author of Don Carlos an obligation of no common
magnitude. Lord John Russell has hitherto enjoyed
the reputation of being a politician of bad principles,
or of no principles : whereas, the confession of faith
elicited by the merciless infliction of Mr. Wakley's
amendment to the Address has demonstrated that his
Lordship's present principles are comparatively—in-
deed, up to a certain point, positively—good. Neither
is the dissipation of that cloud of obloquy in which the
humiliating necessities of his political position had in-
volved the Conservative leader of the liberality-mongers
in the reformed House of Commons the only practical
advantage proceeding from the well-timed motion of
the Member for Finsbury. It has drawn between
Ministers and the Radical section of their sup-
porters a line of distinction in principle so
broad and well-defined that henceforward neither
can deceive the other ; nor can the public be
again imposed on by the joint exertions of both.
The Radical revolutionists have been taught that the
oligarchical and exclusive Whigs, though condescend-
ing to make use of them as an indispensable though
dirty and dangerous convenience, are far from disposed
to endanger the pride, pomp, and circumstance of their
own social position by realizing the Republican theories
of their obscene allies. Ministers, on the other hand,
and their natural supporters the Melbourne 'Whigs,
have learned the wholesome lesson that if they like
the purchase they must pay the price ; and that, too,
not, as hitherto, in mere mouth homage to liberal
principles, in an interchange of Parliamentary and
public courtesies, and an occasional condescension to
personal intercourse in private ; but in the current
coin of revolutionary measures equally incom-
patible with the inherent principle and with
the long-descended practice of the Constitution ;
and, what is more to the purpose, leading by a
direct and compendious process of Liberal logic and
Jacobin law to the abolition of hereditary rank, the
destruction of entailed property, the overthrow of our
mixed and balanced Government, and the ultimate
establishment of a pure democracy. This was too
much even for the " large and liberal" conscience of
him who first defended, and then, for a paltry mess of
party potage, sold, the old representative system of
England ; and, by way of illustrating at once the con-
sistency of his principles and the acuteness of his in-
tellect became the champion of that Reform Bill which
perniciously diminished the saving influence of pro-
perty, and now menaces its very existence ; for, con-
cede the Ballot, Universal Suffrage, and Annual Par-
liaments, and the legitimate influence of property is
at an end. What, then, is to defend its existence
against the ravenous appetite of the hungry masses ?
Lord John Russell has discovered at the eleventh
hour the imminent dangers of the path into which
he and his colleagues had betrayed the country. For
his unexpected apparition as a Conservative the pub-
lic is indebted to the magical amendment of Mr.
Wakley. By fracturing the august skull of the
Olympian Jove, Vulcan gave birth to the Goddess of
Wisdom. By an obstetric operation equally unex-
pected and efficacious, the Finsbury Vulcan deli-
vered the Jupiter of the Reformed House of his
long-carried and well-concealed Conservatism. For
this patriotic and professional performance the Mem-
ber for Finsbury has been, nevertheless, to use the
expressive phrase of the Spectator, " snubbed" on
all sides. This is both ungrateful and unjust. Mr.
Wakley not only exhibited that " moral courage" which
is the essential, but most rare, qualification for a
Representative of the people," but he rendered the
Radical cause another and an important service, by
teaching " the masses" to distinguish between the
men who are devoted to them and to their objects,
and those who, " for a reason they have," are un-
willing to embarrass the march of the Ministerial dis-
pensers of patronage. Our acute contemporary, the
John Bull, is of opinion that Lord John's warnin, to
his Radical supporters is a mere " sham," "a shabby
trick," " a Whig-Radical shuffle," to cheat the Con-
servatives, and cover some intended thimble-riggery in
reference to the election petitions. This would be
quite worthy of Lord John Russell ; and the idea is
confirmed by the subdued and peace-preaching tone of
the cautious and calculating Examiner, who sees evi-
dences of a good sense and a good temper which do in-
finite honour to the Radical Reformers, and which will
secure a safe course through all difficulties, if met
by some portion of the corresponding qualities on
the part of Government ; in the pacific language
of Mr. Hawes, Mr. Charles Buller, and Mr. Clay,
at the late 'Camberwell meeting ; as well as in the
equally rod-kissing and pretty-behaved declaration of
Mr. B. Wood, the Chairman of the Southwark din-
ner. Those respectable Radicals do seem rather slow
at taking a hint, or at taking offence, it must be con-
fessed ; but those self-respecting individuals have, no
doubt, their reasons, and expect to have their reward.
The question seems to be, as John Bull observes,
" how long they will consent to be kicked and spit
upon—in fun.' This question we will not undertake
to answer, not having any standard by which to mea-
sure the depth of degradation into which a Whig Mi-
nister may, with impunity, plunge a Radical parasite.
But we must admit, with the. Examiner, that, " At

present all the forbearances are exercised on the side
of the Radicals." The secret of " all the forbear-
ances" is easily explained. The Conservative Lord
John Russell can dispense with the Radicals. The
Radicals cannot dispense with Lord John Russell.
Therefore, it would be hazardous to conjecture " how
long they will consent to be kicked and spit upon."
Probably, however, till they think they are strong
enough to set up for themselves.—Morning Post.
A few clays since we congratulated our readers and
the country on the unequivocal declaration of Lord
Brougham in favour of an extension of the franchise.
We expressed, at the same time, our conviction that
we should soon have to number the Noble Lord among
the converts to the Ballot. Our prediction is already
verified, and it is now our grateful duty to proclaim to
the British nation, that the most distlnautshed man
and greatest genius of the present day has publicly
and unequivocally declared himself in fizvour of the
Vote by Ballot. This important declaration was made
by Lord Brougham on Friday evening in the House of
Peers. It will diffuse universal joy among the people.
Need we add, that it will strike terror into the hearts of
the Tories ? In that declaration the people will see the
germ of infinite good : they will see in it the realiza-
tion of all their highest and most hallowed hopes. The
question of the Ballot we now regard as virtually car-
ried—the very name of Henry Brougham is in such
a case a tower of strength. He is a host in him-
self. Opposed to his advocacy, the hostility of a dozen
Lord John Russells were but as the feebleness of a
pigmy in antagonism to-the mighty energies of a giant.
The manliness of Lord Brougham, in thus openly
avowing himself a convert to the Ballot, will excite
universal admiration. He had, up to the present time,
been its most decided and most formidable opponent.
He has written against it in every variety of form ; he
has spoken in uncompromising opposition to it times
without number. For a man, then, openly to avow
himself a convert to the very principle which he had
systematically and with unusual zeal denounced for
the period of thirty years, requires a degree of moral
courage which none but a philosopher of the highest
order could display. The Noble Lord could no longer
resist the overwhelming torrent of evidence which
pressed on his mind demonstrative of the necessity of
the Ballot, and the moment the conviction was forced
on him, that the protection of secresy was indispen-
sable to the legitimate exercise of the franchise, that
moment he comes forward with all the inherent manli-
ness of his generous nature, and declares in that very
place—the House of Lords—where the announcement
was sure to be more unpopular than in any assembly
of men that could have been got elsewhere together,
—that the voter was entitled to the shield of the Bal-
lot, and that that shield must be thrown around him.
Lord Brougham is, we rejoice to say, perfectly re-
covered from the indisposition which for the last two
years has deprived the country of his invaluable ser-
vices ; and he now stands up in the House of Lords
to the utter dismay of the hosts of corruption, like a
giant refreshed by his recent cessation from labour.
He has now fairly committed himself anew with the
people. He has done so at a time of great emergency
to the popular cause. Already has he declared him-
self in favour of two of the three great principles which
Lord John Russell a fortnight since so vehemently
denounced in the House of Commons—the principles,
namely, of an extension of the Suffrage and the vote
by Ballot. The remaining principle, to wit, triennial
Parliaments, is one to which he is equally favourable.
To this fact we pledge ourselves, though he has not
yet made any public declaration on the subject. That,
we doubt not, he will do without delay. Here, then,
we have the Noble Lord closely identified with the
people in their efforts to secure the triumph of the
three great principles in question. Let the people
strengthen his hands and encourage his heart by
every demonstration of their confidence and sup-
port which it is in their power to give him,
while he stands boldly forward as the great pio-
neer in their hallowed cause. And in justice to
our fellow-countrymen, let us assure Lord Brougham
that all eyes are at this moment towards him—that the
people look on him as emphatically their representa-
tive—and that their hearts are not only exulting at
the noble declarations to which we have referred, but
that he occupies in their esteem the highest place
which a fellow-subject could occupy—a place, more-
over, from which neither the mendacious efforts of his
open enemies, nor the cunning and skulking attacks
of pretended friends, can ever dislodge him. Never
did man occupy a more lofty position than does Lord
Brougham at this moment. The work before him is
glorious work, and gloriously will he perform it. The
millions he represents, and whose destinies are in his
hand, are panting with an unquenchable eagerness of
desire to see 'him once more fairly pitted on the floor
of the House of Lords against the Tory hosts.
Their desires will soon be gratified, and rare havoc
will he make in the Conservative ranks.—Morning
Advertiser.