The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

Col. SYKE denounced our policy in China. We were
drilling tho Imperial soldiery in order to appose the progress
of the Taepings, who were Christians. The result would be
that some day a cause of quarrel would spring up between
us anti the Imperialists, and the armed bands that we are
new training would be turned against ourselves. He hoped
that a definite vote would be taken with respect to that
policy.

Lord R. MONTAGU said he had listened to the an-
nouncement in the Speech respecting retrenchment with
some feeling of irritation, bearing in mind the tardiness
with which the undertaking: had been given. No doubt
it was due to the very uncertain grasp of the reins of
office held by the Government. He believed, however,
that not only would there be no surplus, but a serious de-
ficiency, for, although the country had not actually de •
dared war, they were carrying on wars in every part of the
world. Our foreign policy, and'that system of making loans
in every quarter of the globe, was the cause of our financial
embarrassment. These loans brought us into unpleasant
contact with every country in the world. It was absurd to
suppose that if the money was not sent out of the country
for loans, it would not be profitably employed at home.
The objections to the loans were that we took guarantees
which we did not know how to realise. With regard to the
question of the lonian Islands, he must object to the silence
and secrecy of the proceedings. It was not true that the
pretended cause of that cession was sudden or unexpected.
He had never before heard of a Government intriguing to
get rid of territory, and he asked her Majesty's Government
what right they had to cede any territory which belonged
to the nation. In any case, no promise should have been
made until the great Powers had been consulted, and until
the matter had been brought before the house. Her Ma-
jesty's Government had treated the representatives of the
people as if they were too contemptible to be consulted.
The hon. member cited strong opinions given at different
times by ber Majesty's Ministers against the cession of the
lonian. Islands, which he said would be looked upon
throughout the East as a sign of weakness on our part.
He combated the arguments which had been advanced in
favour of the cession, and insisted that Corfu was an im-
portant military post which it was most unwise to surren-
der. If the principle upon which the cession was to be
made was once admitted, no end of claimants would spring
up, whom it would be impossible to satisfy.
Mr. MAGUIRE thoroughly sympathised with the Go-
vernment in their wise and generous cession of the lonian
Islands. It was wise taking advantage of a favourable
opportunity of getting rid for ever of a cause of reproach.
embarrassment, and expense. There was an allusion to the
Lancashire distress in the Speech. He was happy to find
that, in the opinion of the Government, that distress was
rather diminishing than increasing. He was sorry to be
obliged to state that, whatever the distress might be in
Lancashire, he solemnly believed that there was twice,
nay, ten times more serious distress impending at the
present moment in Ireland. When he made similar
statements last year in reference to certain districts,
they were derided or denied ; but returns afterwards
proved the truth of his assertions. Whatever the
distress was then, it was ten times greater now. cwing
to the bad harvests of the last three years. The last
was the crushing blow, and he appealed to the Govern-
ment and the English people. Rents could not be paid
with punctuality, and the small farmers were en-
tirely crushed. They were in debt to everyone, owing en-
tirely to accumulated calamity, and not from want of perse-
severance and frugality on their part. The country shop-
keepers suffered in proportion. The meal merchant's was
the only trade that was prosperous. Processes had increased
ten and twenty. fold. The artisans in the towns were also
suffering, and, as showing the state of the country, he in-
stanced the emigration of between 70,000 and 80,000 last
year from Ireland to America, notwithstanding the civil
war in that country. The populatiDn was decreasing, relief
committees had to be established, and Lord Castlerosse had
mercifully given employment to 500 labourers on his estate
to alleviate their distress. He complained of the want of
outdoor relief in Ireland, except in very rare instances,
which created much misery amongst the labouring popula-
tion, They had a repugnance to enter workhouses, yet the
per tentage had greatly increased last year, and it was 50
per cent, more than the year previous to that. Poor rates
were also increasing in the same proportion. The state of
Ireland was eminently dangerous, and the people of Ireland,
who sympathised with Lancashire distress,were entitled to
some consideration from the people of this country. The
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the reduction of this inquisitorial ould apply it to
tax. (Hear, hear.)

1 Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE eulogised the conduct of
sinceple
cetn
totKingthe
h candi-
dature E
the Greeks, and praisedThtheehir moderationon.winietmhbreers
then complained
ohfadthleefctouthrse Governmenttrecooufnthey.
of Prince Alfred for the throne of Greece.
par-
ticular organ of the noble lord at the head of the Goeve
ment had from the very outset distinctly supported the
-
election of the Prince, and the French Minister, M. Drouyn
de Lhuys, had quoted its opinions in proof of the views of
the English Cabinet. If, however, those opinions were not
shared in by them, why had not that organ been at once dis-
avowed ? No doubt Earl Russell might pride himself on
the dodge which he had practised, and of his having got
rid thereby of the Duke of Leuchtenberg ; but he forgot
all the time the injury which he was inflicting upon the
(Greek nation by not announcing to them at once that the
didature of the Prince could sot be accepted. He must
protesteitul against the language of the noble lord the member
wholly different from
had not inheritedrilt
Huntingdon (Lord R. Montagu) with reference to the
Greeks. Re was not one to advocate revolution. but he
could not but
it by the three Powers
that the position of the late King was
that of an ordinary monarch; for he
throne, but he had been placed upon
: lord h
upon conditions
tehead
which he had en-
tirely failed to observe. Re hoped that before the discus-
sion closed the noblel
of the government

Mr. HENNESSY believed the present state of Ireland
was this, that everything in Ireland which indicated pros-
perity was wanting, and everything which indicated de-
pression was to be found there. No mention had been made
of Ireland in the Royal Speech or in the address, and he
was not surprised at this, looking at the constitution of the
Government. With 105 members representing Ireland, not
one of them was to be found on the Treasury Bench. With
regard to the state of Poland, he would take that opportu-
nity of asking the noble lord the First Minister whether,
during the Crimean war, any overtures were made by Aus-
tria to the allies with reference to Poland. For his own
part, he believed that Austria had offered to join the allies
upon the condition that Poland should be made a depen-
dency of the former. We were bound by treaty to protect
the interests of the Poles ; and inasmuch as Run is had
violated the treaty of Vienna with regard to Poland, we
should lose all our character for honesty and honour if we
did not now do something for the relief of that oppressed
country. He also thought it would be interesting to know
whether the papers to be laid on the table on the sub-
ject of Italy would include all the papers sent by Lord
Russell directly or indirectly to the Pope. The
account given by Cardinal Antonelli was that Mr. Odo
Russell had informed him that a private letter had been
received from Earl Russell, expressing his regret that the
Pope was not disposed for the moment to accept his propo-
sition, and adding that he had reason to believe his holiness
would feel himself in a short time under the necessity of
adopting it. To this Cardinal Antonelli made no reply, and
he considered he was right. This proposal did not degrade,
and he had reason to believe it did not annoy the Roman.
Government; but he did think it degraded another Govern-
ment, for it was degradation to make a threat when there
was not the power of executing it, And it was from the
author of the Durham letter that this letter and this advice
proceeded. It was the author of the Durham letter who
said he acted thus in the interest of catholicity. His love
of catholicity and the Pope was so profound that he advised
the Pope to leave Rome. If this was not hypocrisy it was
a piece of impudent audacity on the part of the noble earl.
(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) From beginning to end the
policy of the English Government in the matter was dis-
graceful and inconsistent. It was feeble, and it was a
failure. (Laughter.) The basis of that policy was laid by
the noble viscount opposite. In March, 1849, the noble
lord wrote—" The British Government are desirous that
the Pope should be placed in such a temporal position as
would enable him to act with entire independence." Al-
though he agreed in that opinion he doubted the propriety of
any English Government going that length, (Hear.) The
noble viscount further said that the Pope's friends were
the majority and his enemies in the minority at that time,
and that he learned with much pleasure that the French
had been invited, with Austria, Spain, and the kingdom of
the Two Sicilies, to intervene on behalf of the Pope—the
object of the intervention being to restore the Pope to his
dominions. Again, he thought the noble lord went out of
his way when, as an English minister, he expressed great
pleasure at that circumstance. But the conduct of the
British Government was not only feeble but treacherous.
After the Pope had been restored he was anxious that the
occupation of his territories should terminate, and it was
Count Cavour who, in a memorandum approved of by
Lord-Clarendon, recommended, as the means to that end,
that the Pope should create an army half composed of
natives and half of foreigners. The Pope fell in with that
view, and an army was created composed two-thirds
of natives and one-third of foreigners. Yet this same
Count Cavour, who suggested the formation of
an army composed of half natives and half foreign-
ers, was the very person who afterwards sent a note to
Cardinal Antonelli complaining of the employment of
foreign mercenaries. (Hear, hear.) And a very few days
after, General Cialdini, at the head of 35,000 men, marched
into the Pope's territories and destroyed the Pope's army.
He believed the occupation of the French troops would
have ceased but for that act, which was denounced by all
parties, and by every statesman in Europe, except by the
noble lord at the head of the Foreign-office, who defended
it. (Hear, hear.) The noble viscount not only attacked
the Government of the Pope, but he attacked the French
Government for the occupation of Rome. Yet the noble
viscount himself encouraged the armed intervention of
France. He believed the conduct of the noble viscount was
calculated to endanger the alliance between the people of
France and this country, for there could be little doubt as
to the feeling of the French people on this subject. A
division took place the other day in the French Senate, and
the minority against the policy of France was composed of
a single member. There was not a single place in France
at which a candidate could show himself who would vote
for the policy now pursued by the noble lord. Ho (Mr.
Hennessy) wished to contrast the conduct of the Pope and
of King Victor Emmanuel with respect to the Polish in-
surrection. The Czar had notified to the Pope that if his
Holiness would endeavour to put down the Polish clergy,
and particularly the Archbishop of Warsaw, the kingdom
of Italy would not be recognised by Russia. About the same
time it was notified to King Victor Emmanuel by the Em-
peror of Russia that if the Polish schools in Piedmont were
closed, and the formation of a Polish legion prevented, the
kingdom of Italy would be recognised. The Pope at once
declined to interfere. Victor Emmanuel, on the other hand,
accepted the proffered conditions.
'Mr. SMOLLETT called attention to the omission of India
from the Royal Speech. He regretted the absence of the
members of the Indian Council from this house. Their
absence made the Secretary for India master of the situa-
tion, and a dictator over 180,000,000 of people. (Hear.)
He called attention to the meetings that had been held at
Manchester in reference to the state of India and the cotton
trade during the recess. Charges of gross misconduct were
brought against the Secretary for India and the Prime
Minister. He, however, concurred with the right hon.
gentleman on those points on which the Manchester meet-
ing had condemned him, and should be ready, when the
time came, to defend him. (Hear, hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON,on rising to address the house,was
loudly cheered. He said—l am not going to follow all the
hon. gentlemen who have spoken into the many and desul-
tory topics upon which they have made their observations,
but there are a few remarks which I think it my duty to
address to the house. In the first place, I am sure the
country must be gratified by the manner in which this house
has received the announcement of the approaching marriage
of the Prince of Wales—a matter of the deepest interest,
not only to the Royal family but also to the whole nation ;
of the deepest interest for the present and of augury of good
for the future. (Hear, hear.) One may remark this, his
Royal Highness has been peculiarly fortunate in that re-
spect—that whereas the common fate of Royal marriages
has been that persons are contracted together who have had
no previous knowledge of each other, and with whom poli-
tical considerations are the guiding principle of union, in
this the-marriage may, in the fullest sense of the word, be
called a love-match, while the amiable and excellent quali-
ties of both parties give the fairest promise of permanent
and complete happiness. (Hear, hear.) The right hon.
gentleman who spoke immediately after the seconder of the
Address took a wide range of attack upon the foreign policy
of the Government. That appeared to me to be the topic
uppermost in his mind. He made broad accusations against
the Government—some really, I must say, of a very dis-
agreeable kind, (A laugh.) He accused the Government
of an intriguing policy. (Hear, hear.) I could not help
thinking in my own mind that the right hon. gentleman
must have had some sort of recollection of the policy of
some former Government, of which he has, doubtless,more
knowledge than of the proceedings of the present Cabinet
—(a laugh)—or that, by some confusion of ideas, he was
reflecting rather upon the conduct of certain leaders of the
Opposition than upon that of the Government of the day.
(Hear, and laughter.) All I can say is that I utterly deny
and repudiate the accusation of the right hen, gentleman—
(hear)—and I will venture to add that there never was an
accusation brought against any Government more com-
pletely unfounded than that comprised in the words he
used. (Cheers.) If any proof were wanting of the influence,
the just influence, which this country possesses over the
opinion of other nations, without intrigue, without any un•
derhand, or other than honourable conduct, it would he af-
forded by that which we have seen lately passing in Greece.
The whole nation—not simply that portion of it which in-
habits Greece,but also those members of the Greek commu-
nity who are scattered over every country in Europe—
has with most astonishing unanimity declared iu favour
of a Royal Prince of England, on account of the
high character of the Rc yal family of England, and on
account of the fair and honourable policy which
England has pursued. (Cheers.) There was a curious
instance of that happened the other day in the
Moldo-Wallachian provinces. A deputation of the Greek
merchants and other persons residing in one of the towns of
those provinces called upon our Consul—a person they did
not know except by name--and said their object was to
tell him that the Greek nation was unanimous in their
desire of having a British prince as their ruler, because,
they stated, of the honest and straightforward policy of
England, and because England was the only pewir which
invariably protected the weak against the strong. (Cheers.)
At the commencement of his speech the right hon. gentle-
man referred to our relations with China, and found fault
with the Government for not having mentioned China in
the speech from the Throne. If there are any papers which
anybody wishes to have relating to recent transactions in
China, there will be no difficulty in producing them. But
the right hon. gentleman said that the policy we were pur-
suing in China was inconsistent with that which we origi-
nally followed, and was a policy leading us into a Chinese
war. The policy we pursued in China from the beginning
was to protect our trade and commerce with that country,
and those who know anything of China will not hesitate to
admit that our commerce with that country is a most im-
portant outlet for the productive industry of these islands,
Whence in the outset proceeded the obstructions to our
commerce in China ? From the Imperial Government. It was
the duty of the Government of this country to endeavour to
remove those obstructions, and to insist upon those rights
which properly belong to our subjects resident in China.
At that time, therefore, we were in conflict with the Govern-
ment of China. We are no longer in conflict with the Go-
vernment of China; on the contrary, our Ministers and
officers there are on the most friendly footing with the Go-
vernment, which, having its eyes open to its true interests,
seeing that the old prejudices which induce it to keep the
" outside barbarians" away from the country were illusions,
now does all it can to promote commercial intercourse with
other nations. Who now are the obstacles? The Taepings.
(Hear, hear.) All the information we get from China goes
to show that wherever the Taepings pass peace, commerce,
industry, are destroyed. Their course is marked by murder,
by bloodshed, by plunder, by everything that destroys com-
merce and the elements of commerce. (Hear, hear.) But
we are not
making war against these Taepings except so
far as this--we require them to respect the neighbourhood
of those cities in
which our commercial establishments
are fixed. We are withdrawing troops from China, instead
of sending them there. (Hear, hear.) It is true, indeed,
that. we have authorised British officers to engage in the
service of the Emperor,
- Organise in his service and his

pay certain small bodies of men who, by drilling and in-
structing his troops and his navy, may enable him to re •
store tranquillity in his dominions. You may depend upon
it that there is a strong English interest in that. Until tran-
quillity and order are restored in the provinces of China we
cannot expect that development of British commerce which
otherwise could not fail to take place, (Hear.) So much
for our policy in China, which is not in contradiction to
that we orginally acted upon, but is entirely in unison with
it. The result has shown the success of our policy because
we have converted an enemy into a friend, a suspicious and
jealous people into friendly and eager traders. (Hear, hear.)
Passing from China, the right hon. gentleman touched upon
the question of Denmark, and he said—which no doubt was
true, with reference to the person speaking—that he found
it impossible to understand or explain anything relating to
that subject. (Laughter.) If he had extended that observa-
tion to those other topics upon which he dilated, perhaps we
should not have been much disposed to question the accu-
racy of his description of his own apprehension—(laughter)
—because he certainly showed in his remarks how essential
it is that the Government should do that which they have
announced—viz., lay explanatory papers on the table of the
house. Here is a right hon. gentleman of undoubted talent
and genius, who has turned his attention very much to these
questions, whose study of the ordinary sources of informa-
tion has brought him into that sort of hazy temper of mind
which shows how much he would be benefited by the papers
which we have intimated our intention to produce. (A
laugh.) But the tight hon. gentleman is mistaken in sup-
posing that the despatch of Lord Russell which appeared
in the autumn was a sudden act, unconnected with anything
that passed before, and that my noble friend suddenly
dashed, as it were, into a transaction with which we had no
previous connexion. The fact is entirely different. We had
for several years previously been engaged in attempts to
mediate between Denmark and Germany. It had been my
lot while in the Foreign-office to endeavour—not, I am
sorry to say, with much success—to accomplish that object.
Our mediation was invited by the two parties, but they
were found so completely at variance, and the question was
encompassed by such difficulties, that all that could be
effected was a sort of provisional arrangement which pre-
vented the worst consequences of the dispute. But in the
course of last year there was a threat of what was called
execution on the part of the Diet at Frankfort. The Diet
of the German Confederation threatened to marcle troops
into Holstein with the object of carrying into effect
their view of the matters then in dispute. My noble friend
at the head of the Foreign-office prevailed on them to sus-
pend that operation; but in having so prevailed he was
bound, at all events, to make suggestions by which a per-
manent arrangement of a friendly character might. be este-
blshed between the two parties. We can't say that we sue.
ceeded in our endeavour ; but that endeavour was a link in
the chain, and not a sudden thought unconnected with the
transactions that had previously taken place. Papers will,
however, be presented on that subject, and the house will
then see upon what ground the step was taken to which the
right hon. gentleman adverts. Then, with regard to Greece,
the right hon. gentleman hopes that we took an early oppor-
tunity to inform the Greek Government that it was impos-
sible for Prince Alfred to accept the throne. IV ell, the very
first moment that the Greek nation indicated a desire to elect
Prince Alfred we communicated with France and Russia,
the other two protecting Powers, to state our opinion that
the protocol of 1830 was still in force, by which no member
of the reigning families of either of the three protecting
Powers can ascend the throne of Greece. There was, un-
doubtedly, some delay, arising, I won't say from an objec-
tion
on the part of the Russian Government to admit the
principle, but from a hesitation to admit its application to
the Duke of Leuchtenberg, to whom, however, it was ulti-
mately admitted that it does undoubtedly apply. But the
Greek Minister was informed at the earliest possible mo-
ment, and by myself, that in our opinion the protocol ap-
plied to Prince Alfred, and excluded both him and the Duke
of Leuchtenberg from being elected as Sovereign of Greece.
I am asked what is the present state of the question in re-
gard to the Duke of Coburg. lam not able to answer that
question, because communications are still going on, the
result of which lam not yet acquainted with. The right
hon. gentleman expatiated at great length on the intimation
made by her Majesty's Government of a readiness, under
certain circumstances mentioned, to recommend a revision
of the treaty by which the lonian Islands were placed under
the protectorate of Great Britain. The right hon. gentle-
man really treated that question in a manner that surprised
me. He said that the lonian Islands were by the treaty of
1815 placed under the British Crown in the same way as
Paris was placed under France. The right hon. gentleman
is not a man who speaks in this house without knowing
what he is saying. He knows the value of words and the
nature of things ; but I was astonished at his making an as-
sertion:of that kind . Compare it to Piedmont and to the Prus-
sian Rhenishprovinces. Why, he himselfstated that which
negatived that general assertion. The lonian Islands were, as
he said, six of them, occupied militarily by a British force
at the time of the termination of the war, and Corfu sur-
rendered at the downfall of Napoleon. But their fate was
determined, like the fate of many of the countries of Europe,
by the treaties concluded in 1815, and to those treaties, and
especially to the treaty in regard to the lonian Islands,
Great Britain was a party. Well, what did that treaty do?
Did that treaty say that that the lonian Islands were to be
what the right hon. gentleman stated—a British territory,
and to belong to the British Crown as one of its posses-
sions ? Quito the contrary. It stated that the Septinsular
Republic was to be a separate and independent State, but,
as a separate and independent State, was to be placed under
the protection of the British Crown. (Hear, hear.) But
it is no part of the dominions of the British Crown. The
Queen is not Sovereign of the lonian Islands. Our treaties
do not include or bind the lonian Islands. When a treaty
of commerce is made there must be a separate act on the
part of the lonian Islands to give them the benefit of that
treaty. They have a separate Legislature of their own; we
don't make laws for them. They are to all intents and pur-
poses literally and legally a separate State, forming no part
of the British territory or dominions, but under the protec-
tion of England, by virtue of the treaty concluded between
England and the other great powers of Europe. There-
fore all the argument of the right hon. gentleman, founded
on the supposition that Corfu and all the other lonian
Islands were to England what Paris is to France is, if he
will allow me to repeat his own words, a perfect absurdity
—(a laugh)—and has no bearing whatever on the question
which the house may have to consider with reference to
these islands. It is not now the time to discuss the policy of
making that cession under the circumstances contemplated
by the paragraph in the Queen's Speech. My own opinion
is that it would be a wise measure. (Hear, hear.) I think
it would be a generous measure. (Hear, hear.) 1 think it
is due to that lonian State, which was placed under our
protection for its benefit and not for our advantage. We
were bound to do the best for it. I believe we have done
the best for it hitherto by maintaining the protectorate, but
if Greece is established under au enlightened Sovereign,
who will develop her internal prosperity and maintain her
external peace, it will be for the benefit of those islands to
be united with their fellow. countrymen. (Hear, hear.) I
think, too, that it is an example which may not be lost
upon other countries. (Hear, hear.) There are other ques-
tions pending in the world, in Europe especially, with re-
gard to which an example of generous disinterestedness on
the part of Great Britain, for the benefit of those whose fate
has been committed to her charge, may not be without re-
sult, and I trust it may be imitated hereafter. (Hear, hear.)
The right hon. gentleman adverted, as other gentlemen
have done, to certain communications which have taken
place in respect to Italy, and especially with respect to
Rome and the Pope. A statement appeared in the book
published by the French Government, and contained in a
despatch from the French Minister at Rome, which was
founded upon a complete misapprehension and misinforma-
tion as to what had really occurred. The statement made
to the French ambassador, and by him conveyed to his
Government, was that Mr. Odo Rus ell one fine day asked
for an audience of the Pope, and having been admitted, re-
commended the Pope to leave Rome, and offered him a re-
fuge at Malta. Now, the course of the transaction was
exactly the reverse a that. It was the Pope who sent for
Mr. Russell—(hear, hear)—and, Mr. Russell not knowing
what he was sent for, it was the Pope who in conversation
expressed a wish to know whether, in the event of his being
compelled by circumstances—which he, of course, did not
then think likely, but which were possible—to leave Rome,
he would be received and protected in England. (Hear.)
Well, Mr. Russell could not of course give any other an-
swer than that he had no instructions, but that it was the
custom of the English nation to receive, and hospitably to
receive, all those who might from any circumstances feel it
desirable to take up their abode in their country. Mr. Rus-
sell was then on the point of coming home to England.
When he returned in November he carried the despatch,
which was to be communicated to Cardinal Antonelli, in
which Earl Russell instructed him to say that if circum-
stances should occur which would lead the Pope to leave
Rome, and he should not think fit to take refuge in France
or in Spain, the British Government would provide for him a
suitable residence at Malta, where he would be received and
treated with all the respect due to his rank and position.
(Hear.) I think that was a proper communication, and it
was one that was received apparently with great satisfaction
by the Pope, as a proof of the goodwill and friendly feel-
ing of the British Government towards him. The hon.
member for King's County has gone into a long disserta-
tion on transactions which took place in the year 1848,
and he accuses me especially of inconsistency in the views
which I have at different times entertained in regard to the
occupation of Rome by the French. Why, the circum-
stances of 1848 were totally different from the circumstances
of the present time. The hon. member says that the Pope
had no army in 1848. Why, if my memory does not very
much deceive me, the Pope declared war against the
Austrians, and sent his army to assist Piedmont . attack-
ing them. I think I am not mistaken in stating that. (Hear,
hear.) But, no doubt, in the then state of Italy, it was
thought desirable for the peace of the country
established thatc a
t
re-
volutionary Government which had been es_
a
Rome should cease, and that the Pope should return into
the possession of his dominions. I believe
that
was a great
deal of unjust accusations brought against tha revolutionary
Government. (Hear.) It was a much better Government
than that which has since prevailed, but the state of things
was very anomalous, and we thought it wise and useful that
it should be terminated. It does not follow, however, that
because we held it to be an unobjectionable move on the part
of the French in 1849 to restore the Pope we think it advis-
able that the French troops should continue there from that
time to this, with the appearance of remaining till Heaven
knows when, for the purpose of maintaining a Government
which, in our opinion, is distasteful to the majority of the
people of Rome. (Hear, hear.) There was no inconsistency
in that. At any rate, if we are to be condemned for having
approved the entrance of the French into Rome, we may
fairly be acquitted of any desire for the continuance of
foreign bayonets in that city in order to maintain a Govern-
ment which the people do not wish to have. (Hear, hear.)
Allusion has been made to certain recent transactions in
Brazil. They arose from a just claim for compensation for
British loses and injuries to British subjects. The Brazilian
Government would not agree to meet that claim until re•
prisals were commenced. Communications are still going
on, but I believe that a satisfactory understanding has been
come to on the subject. (Hear.) A very legitimate tribute
has been paid by an hon. member to the Greeks for their re-
cent conduct. . They have certainly shown as much self-re-
straint and moderation as the Italians, and higher praise
can scarcely be bestowed on them than by comparing them
to that nation. (Hear.) The Greeks have behaved with
great good seine, and I trust whoa they brie obtained a