The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-24 00:00:00

l'ancien regime ne renaitra nulle part." That, as the
text ! And, as the closing sentiment, " Malheur a
ceux qui fermeraient les yeux a cette evidence!"

The speeches of Mr. FITZGERALD and Lord PAL-
MERSTON last evening, with reference to the long-
pending dispute between Denmark and Germany,
will be read with considerable interest and satisfac-
tion. Mr. FITZGERALD, adverting to the late period
of the session at which we have arrived, expressed
his anxiety to obtain from her MAJESTY'S Govern-
ment some indication of the policy which they in-
tended to pursue on this important question. The
right hon. gentleman gave a clear outline of that
perplexed and complicated case, which has been a
standing trouble to European diplomatists for many
years. He commented upon the extraordinary
change which appeared to have come over the views
of the English Foreign Secretary, and justly stig-
matised the remarkable proposition made by Earl
RUSSELL to the Danish Government, at the close of
last year, es an absurd, and at the same time a dan-
gerous proceeding. It needs no very keenperceinpttiohen
to trace the results of that singular missive
present crisis of affairs. It gavefreshspirittothtaht,e
German aggressors, who naturally concluded
in case of war, England would no longer protect
DheErNmolAic
old ally.
his
nlt dischoeuanrtseeurs2 and made
neodtheKing of
them feel that they could trust their interests
to none but themselves. Accordingly, feeling
that the responsibility of settling the matter de-
volved upon them alone, they decided upon the im-
portant step of the 30th of March. The patent
then issued granted, as we all know, an almost en-
tire constitution to the unruly State of Holstein.
It gave them fall independence of Denmark, as far
as regarded the civil list, the public debt, the army
and navy, the customs, and the postal arrangements ;
granting, as all independent spectators of the quarrel
observed, more than the Holsteiners had any right
to ask. But wine men shook their heads and said
that, liberal as this offer appeared to be, it would not
content the Confederation, it would only serve to
incense them ; and that such has been the case is
sufficiently proved by the recent proceedings re-
ferred to Mr. FITZGERALD. On the 9th of this
month the committee of the Diet of Frankfort called
upon the Danish KING to annul the patent of the
30th of March within six weeks, and warning him
that if that were not done they would proceed at
once to Federal execution, that is to say, the Duchy
of Holstein would be occupied by the Confederation,
according to Mr. FITZGERALD, by Austrian forces.
The reason of this outrageous and apparently incon-
sistent conduct is no secret. As Lord PALMERSTON
said plainly last night in the course of his straight-
forward and sensible speech, " There is no use in
disguising the fact that what is at the bottom
of the German design for connecting Schleswig
with Holstein is the dream of a German fleet, and
the desire to get Kiel as a German seaport." That
dream, as the noble lord very properly went on to
say, may be a very good reason for their wishing to
get Kiel, but it is no reason why they should violate
the rights and independence of Denmark to fulfil it.
It is fortunate that at this critical conjuncture Mr.
FITZGERALD has drawn from the noble lord at the
head of her MAJESTY'S Government so full and ex-
plicit a statement of their views on the matter, Lord
PALMERSTON did not, it is true, expressly say that
in case of an invasion of Danish possessions Eng-
land would be prepared to support her ally by force
of arms, but he said enough to make the members
of the Diet pause before they take so rash a step.
He warned them that the independence of the gal-
lant little Northern State was of vital importance
to the great European Powers, and that war begun
in a petty quarrel about the institution of Holstein
might draw after it consequences the most serious
and extensive in their nature. We are not disposed
to trust too much to the good sense and sound views
of the Germanic Confederation which the noble
Premier professes to reckon upon, though he may
be right in not anticipating that that sedate and
ponderous body will act with " too much precipita-
tion." The support of Denmark by England will
be of much more service in the way of convincing
their reason than any arguments founded upon good
sense or common justice, and the reluctance which
Austria would naturally have to embroil herself in a
European war is also in favour of the Danes. Lord
PALMERSTON, in referring to the pretensions
founded by the Germans upon the memories of
1640, reminded 'those advocates that if the States
of Germany and Prussia, more especially, wished
to go back to the territorial limitations of that
period they would have some awkward work to
do themselves. The rights of tenure by which
Silesia and Posen form part of the Prussian mon--
archy, might not bear inspection quite so well as
those by which Denmark holds Schleswig. The
latter, indeed, has been expressly admitted by the
Confederation to form part of the Danish kingdom,
and the pretensions founded upon the residence of
a number of Germans in that province cannot be
admitted in international law. But, in fact, all these
rights and recollections are mere pretexts, for which
the old fable of the wolf and the lamb may serve
for examples. Aggression has never wanted an
excuse, and the arguments of a powtrful State
against a weaker neighbour are generally conclu-
sive. They can only be an
PALMERSTON
sweredbydelcalsatrations
such as that made by Lord
even-
ing, when he declared that it was an important
matter of British policy to maintain the indepen-
dence and integrity of the Danish monarchy, and
that, although but a small State, it had its rights as
well as larger ones. It rests with the English
Government to see that those rights are respected,
and they may rely upon it that this is a case in
which a firm and resolute attitude taken at the
proper time will avoid the troubles and complica-
tions consequent upon a European war.

Mr. COBDEN does not possess the faculty of see.
ing when a question is settled. If he takes up an
ides, no matter upon what subject, he cannot let it
drop, but goes on reiterating his vehement demands
and making his endless suggestions. Thus yester-
day morning, in the House of Commons, he drew
attention to the old story of the vessels in America.
He referred to the memorial from some shipowners
at Liverpool regarding the evasion of our foreign
enlistment law. Re said that " there were three
vessels specifically known which were now preying
upon the commerce of a friendly Power—the Oreto,
the Alabama, and the Virginia. After descanting
upon this theme for some time, Mr. COBDEN ex-
plained the purport of his speech, that he wished
the Government to devise soma means by which
they could " seize in British ports vessels that were
destined for the use of the belligerents." He
thought that if they inserted the word " building,"
th
as well as " furnishing and arming,"
would be attained. Really this is rather e object
a strong
measure to propose even for a man of Mr, COIDEN'S
consummate assurance. After all that has been
said and written on the subject after the case of the
Alexandra has been successfully carried through
the Exchequer Court, after the law officers of the
Crown have decided on these vessels possessing the
right to furnish warlike equipments to both sides in
the struggle, Mr. COBDEN is to step in and alter
all the arrangements because some of his friends do
not like the Federal Government to be annoyed in
any manner. He asserted, in virtuous indignation,