The Sun.
London, England, 1837-04-19 00:00:00

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL in answer' to a question
from Mr. C. Pelham, which was totally inaudible in the
gallery, said that according to the orders of the House, the
Hon. Member for Coventry should have precedence, but he
wished to submit to him, not for the convenience of Go-
vernment, but the House, the propriety of postponing his
motion, in order that the debate which had been begun last
night, and which deeply affected the interests of the country,
and likewise contained a charge against the Government,
might be proceeded with.

Mr. WILLIAMS was most anxious to comply with
the wishes of the Noble Lord, and to consult the conve-
nience of that House ; but if he did so, he must request
the Noble Lord to appoint a specific day, when he might
bring it forward in a fortnight or three weeks at most.
Mr. TENNYSON D'EYNCOURT said he was most
anxious that so important a question should come to an
early decision ; and he was resolved to persevere at the
present
moment to bring the House to a division on the
subject, if the Noble Lord did not give him an assurance
to appoint an early day, within the period prescribed by
his Hon. Friend the Member for Coventry, for the dis-
cussion of this most important question. If an early day
was not appointed, lie should take the sense of the House
upon the subject, and if he was overborne he should move,
upon an early day, an amendment upon an order of the day,
in order to force the House to a discussion on the question.
He trusted, however, that the Noble Lord would relieve
them at once by naming one of his own days on which the
question might be brought forward.
Lord J. RUSSELL hoped the House would allow him
to say a few words on behalf of the Government on this
occasion. The question which the Right Hon. Gentleman
meant to bring on would not be brought forward for the
advantage of the Government, but to surprise the Govern-
ment. There were questions of grave importance which
he wished to bring before the House ; there were the
Irish Poor-law Bill, the Resolutions relating to Canada,
Bills for the better administration of justice in Scotland,
the Church-rate question ; and there was also a measure
with respect to Irish Tithes.—(Hear, hear.) Now it
would not be denied that those questions to which only the
Monday and Friday of the week could possibly be devoted,
were questions of seriods national importance. Be the opinions
of different Members on those questions what they might,
why should Gentleman pass over the notice days, and ask
the Government to give up order days for their motions ?
There was Tuesday, the 9th of May, for which several
notices had been given that were not of a very pressing
nature. Now, he would ask the House whether lie was
to give up the Irish Poor Law Bill, or any other of those
national questions he had alluded to, or whether they
would not ask Gentlemen to give up a notice day for that
purpose ?
Mr. WILLIAMS considered the discussion on the
Septenaial Act, and the expression of the House on that
subject of far greater importance than any of the measures
the Noble Lord had alluded to. He should feel it his duty
to go on with the motion, unless it was the opinion of the
House that he ought not to do so, and in that case he
would give notice at once that he should make his motion
as an amendment to the first Orders of the Day or Com-
mittee of Supply on Friday, the sth of May.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not object to the course
the Hon. Gent. hid taken. He thought it was desirable
to go on with the debate of last night ; at the same time
he,must say the Order of the Day fixed for the sth of May
would be of more importance than those notices which had
been given for notice-days in the month of May.
Mr. WALLACE gave notice that he should bring for-
ward his motion relative to the Post Office, on the 9th of
May, and no persuasions on earth should induce him to give
way.—(A laugh.)
Mr. WILLIAMS did not think he should give way.
As he had before stated, for the convenience of the House
he had agreed to allow the Right Hon. Member for Lam-
beth to brine forward his motion first.
Mr. T. D'EYNCOURT was placed in a very unplea-
sant predicament, and regretted the Noble Lord did not
assign an open day on which the question might be brought
forward.

Lord J. RUSSELL, as we understood, said he had no
objection to its being brought forward on the Bth of May.
—(Cries of " The Budget.")
Mr. D'EYNCOURT had no objection if the Budget
was postponed, as he thought his motion of much more con,
sequence than any Budget.—(A laugh.)
colonel SII3THORP objected to the Budget being

postponed, as he had a Nery important motion to bring for-
ward.

After some further discussion it was arranged that the
question of the repeal of the Septennial Act should be
brought forward on either Monday, the Bth May, or
the Friday following.
Sir E. wiLmoT had a notice upon the book, but
it was almost a matter of course. He hoped he would
meet with no opposition in bringing in his Bill, and
taking the discussion on the second reading. lie then
moved for leave to bring in a Bill to empower Magistrates
to award summary punishment in cases of conviction before
them, where the parties were under 15 years of age, and tle
value stolen below 10s.

Lord J. RUSSELL had no objection to the arrange-
ment, and leave was given.
The other Hon. Members who had notices on the book
having given way,

ADJOURNED DEBATE—SPAIN.
Mr. MACLEAN rose, and resumed the adjourned de-
bate on the affairs of Spain. He was very imperfectly heard
for some time, in consequence of the noise made by Men"
hers leaving the House. He said the party with whom
he acted could not be charged with any wish to hara
the Government, for they had allowed the whole period
to elapse which the Order in Council contemplated,
before they had brought the foreign affairs of the
country before the House. Before he sat down he
would be able to show the House that the anticipations of the
Noble Lord, so far from being realized, had been frustrated.
What was the language the Noble Lord had used at the
close of the last debate but one, when this subject was un-
der discussion ? Why, he had said that he did not shrink
from the anticipations of the result upon the subject. What
was the result of the course of proceedings adopted by the
Noble Lord ? lie would ask whether they had not been
the source of disappointment ? Upon being asked what in-
terest England had in the sacrifice of the lives of her
countrymen and her property in the cause of Spain. the
Noble Lord had said if England had no interest, then she
had been wrong in entering into the Treaty. It was the interest
of England to make Spain part of the balance of power in
Europe, and for that purpose it was necessary to give her
that Constitution which Martinez de la Rosa had propounded;
Thus it would seem that the basis of the interference that had
taken place was of a two-fold kind : first, because it was the
interest of England to make Spain an element in the balance,
of power; and, secondly, to enable her to reap the benefit °L
the Constitution propounded by Martinez de la Rosa. NoW
he (Mr. Maclean) thought that the conduct pursued by the
two Governments of Great Britain and Spain had tended in
no eminent degree to protect the Constitution which had been,
so much lauded by the Noble Lord. When the Queen of
Spain first ascended the throne, she proposed to conduct the
Government on the principle of enlightened despotism obi
served by her predecessor ; but when, from the effects of the
movements in 1812 and 1823, she found it impossible to sus.,
tain a Government of that kind, she sought the assistance el
Martinez de la Rosa, and adopted the Constitution which he
had propounded. What did Martinez de la Rosa do ? He
brought forward, in the first instance, the Estatuto Real, as e
constitutional form of Government, and it was to that form o'e
Government that the Noble Lord opposite had, as he (Mr'
Maclean) understood, pledged himself. The Noble Lord
shook his head; but had not he (Mr. Maclean) quoted the
Noble Lord's own words, in which the Noble Lord said that
the reason upon which he grounded his intervention was that
Spain might reap the advantage of the form of Government
which Martinez de la Rosa had endeavoured to procure
for her. He begged to ask the Noble Lord whether the
views of the English Government relative to the Constitution
of Martinet de la Rosa were entertained by the Governments
of France and Portugal ? The Noble Lord would remember
that in 1835 the Spanish Government applied to this country
and to France for an armed intervention. France refused.
Martinez de la Rosa at that time ceased to govern, and was
succeeded by Mendizabal, who was then in London, deeel
interested, together with the great mercantile house of Ri•
cardo, Rothschild, and others, in negotiating a loan for the
Queen of Spain. These parties, dreading the moral effect 01
the refusal of France to interpose, applied to the Noble Lord
for permission to raise an auxiliary legion of 10,000 men je
Great Britain to assist the cause of tise Queen. That request
was complied with, and the troops were raised. This lie be'
lieved was the true cause of the armed interference which had
been made in support of the Queen:s cause. The Hon. en', Learned Member for Kilkenny last night complained of the
Hon. and Gallant Officer who opened the debate having
spoken disparagingly of General Evans. But so far from that
being the fact, the Hon. and Gallant Officer most carefully
abstained throwing the slightest reflection on Gen. Evans. net
what had been the course of the Legion since it landed in Spells
in Dec., 1835 ? He was in possession of the correspondence
of an officer belonging to that Legion, in which he detailed hoe.
rors almost incredible, and recorded the sufferings of the Legion
at the very initiative of the campaign. He stated that on
starting from Portugalette to Vittoria, they were laden with
three days' salt provisions, furnished from his Majesty's ship
the Ringdove ; and he represented the troops, soon after
reachinc, Vittoria, to be in a situation revolting to humanity
They suffered from fever of the most dangerous kind, while
labouring under the utmost privations, the Spanish authori-
ties refusing to render them the slightest assistance. WV*
he:would ask, did not General Evans interfere, and obtain
for these men whom he had taken out from this country the
same assistance and the same comforts which, we were told.
the French General obtained, on his threatening to march
his troops back to France if proper necessaries were not sup'
plied to them ? Why did not General Evans also threaten to
march back the British Legion ? The correspondent whom
he (Mr. M'Lean) was quoting told him that what with dis-
ease, discomfort, and privation, the Legion lost while at Vit-
toria upwards of 2,000 men and seventy officers, That wall,
the first operation of the Legion, and what was the second
operation ? They marched back again in April, 1836, to
St. Sebastian ; and from that period up to the present'
April 1837 (with the exception of the unfortunate CS
pedition against Fuentarabia), the Legion had not marched
five miles out of St. Sebastian. What had been the advan-
tage resulting to this country from our interference in the
Spanish civil war ? The Noble Lord would perhaps inform
the House what this country had gainel in point of com Merl
cial advantage or political influence ; but the only results of
which he (Mr. M'Lean) was aware were, that half a million
of British money had been expended in stores and provisions'
and another half-million for shipping; and that the Legion'
which had originally consisted of 10,000 men, had been re'
duced to 4,000. So that the effect of our interference bad
been the expenditure of a million of money, and the 100°r
6,000 British subjects, besides holdingf up ourselves to De:
rope as incapable, after two years' operation, of producinb
the slightest effect in the way of putting an end to the w,er
in Spain. Nay, had it not been for the most
provident°i
presence of his Majesty's marines, nearly the whole of the
British troops would have been sacrificed to the Carlists. ,
disastrous, indeed, had been the result, that they were n°7
absolutely debating whether they would suffer the contest t`.,
;
go on for six weeks longer, or at once abandon it. \Vila;
had the Noble Lord gained at Madrid by these sacrifices,?
Had he made England more respected ? The 5".
nistry of Spain had run through every phase of govern'
ment, until it had reached the existinr, Government, e°11;
ferred upon it, not by any one of the Ministers with whom
the Noble Lord had been in communication, but by Sergeant
Garcia. All that had been done by Don Martinez de la 11°,,sa
was put an end to in one night by Sergeant Garcia; and tu:
result was, that the Government now actually existing
Spain was the Constitutional Government of 1812—a forin
Government which had been rejected repeatedly, as wholly
unsuited either to the modern or ancient institutions and sus'
toms of that country. When the Noble Lord instructed Al.r;
Villiers to make application to the Spanish Government. 1
order to save the lives of twenty-seven Carlists who had been
taken prisoners by the Queen's troops, and propose that tbose
prisoners should be liberated or exchanged, what was the answer
which Mr. Villiers received ? The answer of the Spanishc
Government was, that although all things combined to inclee
them to lend themselves to the arrangement proposed,
.Y 0
they were prevented front carrying their good intentions in
effect by public opinion—( Hear, hear)—which, with all trr,
excitements incidental to a civil war, caught at ever,' sir'
cumstanee as indicative of the views and intentions cd lio
Government. Those unfortunate men were finally sent to
prisoners to Porto Rico, the Noble Lord not being ableo,o,
excite the slightest feeling on the part of the Spanish noe
vernment towards these twenty-seven persons, who were
taken in arms, but were captured unarmed on the high sea
Much had been said of the Durango degree. He edrerly
°
that was a decree barbarous in principle and foolish in Po'eu
Pointed ; but did not the Noble Lord recollect the edict
teen
by the Spanish Minister against the adherents of Don Carle, r
soon after he had got to the Peninsula, and before the Ale
tender, as he was called, got into the Basque provinces? 0
madover was at that time Captain-General of Valencia an.
osti..
President of the Cortes. The junta of Valencia, at the local
gation of the people, asked Alinados er to deliver over to
were
ten individuals for slaughter. He gave eight, and they
put to death. Soot' after this the junta displaced him fro
tored
the Captain-Generalship ; but he was subsequently resorder
to that situation, and then it was that he issued an
rap,
which, if they were to take all the decrees of Turkey, °r to
sack the archives of Ali Pacha, it would be imnpssibloeoler
equal in atrocity. The tenth article of that atrocleueo,
or finnan was especially directed against all those w joiane
writing, or word of mouth, or otherwise, expressed Oci to
contrary to the estabiiThed order of things. In short, an who
crown all, judgment was pronounced against all 111'4'r way
were arrested in the streets. This edict of Almadcve‘roble
issued before the Durango decree. But did not the ''ever
Lord also recollect the massacre of Barcelona ? Had he u' pe;
been able to bring the parties guilty of that massacre t°
nishment ? No. The monster Mina, he who ent-h.d, the'
Ilerod, afterwards possessed such influence at Aladrio was
the Noble Lord knew that the Government of Silt, hie
afraid to punish such a man, because it via:3 t the
power to have raised the whole of Catalonia aga'esd to ill"
—( Hear, hear, hear.) Mr. Villiers was again direcot%itig in
terfere : he did so, but he obtained absolutely n 100 bed
the way of stopping the horrors of war. This wa' 1%, No",
ginning to end the sum of the influence possessed Lor"
ble Lord at Madrid. The time was when the Noble by
might have done much to allay the horrors of this e r in'
negotiation, but he had thrown to the winds the n",:e,,ourl
terference with a probability of success which this Nebt
once possessed over the destinies of Europe. ."
; tale"- tta3;
Lord perhaps might say_that this country hae .n-,
tween France and the United States ; but the trurtle'Llia;fec.'a
such inteiference was not looked upon with any Pe: contest It_
ing of favour by either party. But in the presenisciligernd
Spain, in which this country appeared as a oust.' the
we had no power to enable us to interfere between

parties. Similar language to that used by Colonel Evans to
his constituents had been used by Mr. Villiers, the English
Minister at Madrid, at a festive meeting held at Madrid in
commemoration of the raising the siege of Bilboa. He was
represented to have said that they were then carrying on a
contest for constitutional liberty in the Basque provinces—
and he added, that the object in supporting the cause of the
Queen of Spain, was to create a new balance against the
despotic Powers. Now, teas not this language calculated to
provoke the Great Powers, !f they had not heard sufficient
previously, to take part in tie contest ? The truth was,
the Noble Lord was involved in a dilemma by the cause he
had favoured. He would ask, had the Noble Lord read the
letters that passed between Ferdinaild and Don Carlos, when
the latter was in exile, relative to the cession of .I,is right to
succeeding to the Throne of Spain? In these letters .tte con-
stantly refused to surrender his right of succession, and
that he wool I rather part with his life than yield.—[The Hon.
Member here read extracts from this correspondence.] The
character of Don Carlos had been assailed in every possible
Way, and he had been designated as a bigot and an assassin ;
but were the Ministers of the Queen of Spain less assassins,
who had issued the cruel decree relative to that Prince to which
he had adverted ? So far from Don Carlos being the cruel
despot that had been described, he spared the lives of five
Englishmen who had been taken prisoners, on Baron de Haber
instigating him to do so ; and this took place notwithstanding
the feelings of exasperation entertained by the Basque people
against the invaders of their provinces. In addition to the
t3ritish naval force, the marines and artillery, it appeared
that a number of sappers and miners were also employed in
the North of Spain, and the Secretary for the Admiralty
told them last night that this force never received orders
from General Evans, but they merely attended to his re-
quest to carry into effect the detail of operations. Now
What would that Honourable Gentleman say to the fact
that the marine force of his Britannic Majesty were
brigaded on the heights above St. Sebastian with the Le-
gioe on the 7th of January last, and for sonic time follow-
ing ? lie would appeal to the sense of the House whether
this was not an extraordinary explanation to emanate from the
Secretary of the Admiralty ? It ought to be a warning to
the Government of this country that the first step of the new
President of the United States had been to declare his decided
!"'/Jlection to interference with the affairs of other countries.
What were the words of Mr. Van Buren ?—" Our course of
foreign policy has been so uniform and intelligible as to con-
stitute a rule of executive conduct which leaves little to my
discression, unless, indeed, I were willing to run counter to the
of experience, and the known opinion of my constituents.
We sedulously cultivate the friendship of all nations, as the
condition most compatible with our welfare and the principles
°f Our Government. We decline alliances as adverse to our
Peace. We desire commercial relations on equal terms, being
ever willing to give a fair equivalent for advantages received.
sve endeavour to conduct our intercourse with openness and
sincerity, promptly avowing our objects, and seeking to esta-
blish that mutual frankness which is as beneficial in the dealings
of nations as of men. We have no disposition, and we dis-
airn all right, to meddle in disputes, whether internal or
foreign, that may molest other countries, regarding them in
their actual state as social communities, and preserving a strict
neutrality in all their controversies." This was what he (Mr.
'Maclean) looked upon to be sound policy, and he was sure
that even the Noble Lord opposite must in reality be of the
same opinion. He trusted that the Noble Lord would explain
to the House on this occasion what course it was he intended
to pursue in reference to Spain.
Mr. HENRY L YTTON BULWER had many things on
which to compliment the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who
had just sat down—on the lessons lie had given in courtly man-
ners, on the length to which he had been able to protract the
subject in debate—( Hear, hear)—but more especially on the
°PPortunity which he had at last found of celebrating his coun-
trYtneo's defeat.—( Cheers.) As to the Hon. and Gallant
his who brought forward the motion, he did justice to
Is talents and character, but he still thought he was placed
In an unhappy position when he had to prove a national dis-
grace, in order to obtain a political triumph—( Hear, hear)--.
ande when there would also be many who would think that on
this occasion he had bean too ready to make the ruined reputa-
tion of his brethren in arms a stepping-stone to party purposes.
thi(Hear, hear. Sir H. Hardinge made some observation.)
he said the more frankly and considerately, when he
looked at the time at which the motion had been brought for_
Ward.`( Hear, hear.) Had he waited until after the 10th of
ti
"n, ne, when the engagement of those persons would have ex-
P'red, and when, if the service they were engaged in was so
unprofitable, they would be returned home, then the Hon.
Gentleman would have acted in a manner well consistent with
lies established character for manliness and generosity. But
what did he do ? He called for the recal of these gallant men,
at a time when such recal must be most painful to their feel-
Ings as men and officers. He would not allow them a me.
Inent's delay, by which they might profit by a success that
Would take the sting out of his motion.—( Hear.) The House
Was then entering on a party contest, which would decide which
of two parties should direct the foreign policy of Great Bri-
tain• But before they went farther let them for one moment
Pause there—let them for one moment forget whether they
Ware Whigs, Tories, or Radicals, and only remember that
they were Englishmen ; and that they had countrymen who
had, upon the whole, exhibited great gallantry, as well as suf-
fered great privations, and who were at that time placed in a
Position eminently critical to their professional reputation. It
Was not fair that these gallant men should be made the vic-
tims of any favourable opportunity for a party manceuvre in
that House. If the Noble Lord's policy was wrong, let that
Policy be attacked and condemned—let those who had sup_
ported that policy be condemned and attacked ; but it was not
rn. he said and repeated, that any blame or reproach should
been
east upon these persons. And what, upon the whole, had
had
their conduct ? He would not go into every detail which
"ad been quoted from a book where the author had, at least,
toe merit of binding up his recent and former opinions toge-
ther, so that you might on the face of the volume see the
felth that should be placed on its authority—he would
cot go over all these details, but he would say what upon
the whole had been the conduct of these men ; and here he
refound to the Honourable Member for Sandwich. That
Hon. Member had said last year in the House that he held
lasrtaite document in his hand--the report of the Adjutant-Ge-
wof Don Carlos. And what said this Adjutant-general ?
_'1111?y, that there were 100,000 men well armed and equipped
ou der the eommand of the Pretender. Well, then, taking
on
half of what the Hon. Nembcr said—and the lion. Mem-
ber' could not, at all events, believe this to be an ex-
04,,fferated statement—what did it say ? Why, that the 5,000
1
ar..„,1,000 men who bore the British name, and who had every
I._n!eulty to contend against, and that yet notwithstanding they
contended for two years against 50,000 men, and had ac-
,t,adY heat them in seven or eight engagements—( Cheers)—
n when he said seven or eight engagements he did not speak
tviaakliely or loosely—at Arlaban, on the heights of St. Sebes-
ho:, at the capture of Passages. on all these occasions they
their victorious ; twice th Carlists had attempted to force
t "' lines, and had been driven back—twice they had at-
ifitiked the lines of the Carlists, and had driven them in ; and
oie"en the gallantry of these men merited praise, still more
the Frier,constantly heroic conduct of his lion. and Gallant
his their Commander. That Hon. and Gallant Friend of
in been attacked continually and indirectly, perhaps, dur-
th%this debate, but more openly on other occasions; he would,
eetrefure, make no apology to the House for reading two
Gall cts from letters which related to his Honourable and
th oatt„t Friend—one bearing upon a specific charge,
w. "ir regarding his general conduct,. and abitity—
the Itti regard to your queries relative to the command of
Pla.e:e.gi'm in connection with the punishments which took
and oil: it, I know that the opinion of many superior officers,
respeet•se of experience, was, that if he erred in any manner
dis . punishments, it was not in the severity, but in his
Avoson at all times to carry his pardon too far."—(Col.
tut i ugall, who commanded his own regiment five years with_
ti_ n.meting a lash.) What says another officer equally dis-
e.ngurthed, who has retired from the service on account of his
'sound_
tietin s. and does not think glory is to be attained by calurn-
I ut• g his chief ?_n Never was General so beloved, indeed
a
et4lV)._t almost say idolised, by those under his command, both
in da.i.s, and soldiers, as General Evans is; and his intrepidity
alie "ger and cool foresight in action are the admiration of us
used trs.) The strongest argument he had heard
hloas n that which had reference to the Basque provinces.
'ihert l ee"tlernaesaid, Would you interfere with the
der Y and hide
ordin,_ yendence of the Basque people ?" And un-
People
~tore
circumstances he should not. But the Basque
stru, „.`ere in a particular situation—they deemed they were
the for
e 'estrum their own liberties, but they were made
iii'stookthents °f those who in a most important case
emit' if the Policy of the country.--( Hear, hear.) No
terroHon. and Gallant Gentleman were to describe
qualifier) " of a field of battle, which no one was better
'wow, to do;
or
the horrid scenes which that field
of a "towexrillibit after battle—if he exhibited the storming
nutted b 'arid all the savae acts of atrocity like' ) to be com-
tr
thyatinfuriatedsolders
, at that time rarely under cons
tteuse bub,evwould be able to harrow up the feeling. of the
questionr `,%.as.that a statesmanlike way of meeting a great
"..4 horrors of
1`1,,,,e all , he not reply in the same manner by show-
that cause against which these men were
rack", the
...A. light lie not lead the House to the dungeon, the
scree. 4tase? Mir ne not point to the torture the thumb-
kelt I:.alid all those devilish and inquisitorial engi'nes by which
Rev v“, attempted to torture not merely the body but the
,5 is of their eonte_creatures? But was it in rational argument to
you to nlaed that the ill-timed acts of any ally wereb to induce
vsithdrawo from his cause, if it was according to your
hea .") a"d to
systr' • Last nSi your engagements to adhere to it 2—( Hear,
.reference had been made to the frightful
?af,telt4le Lifs,s‘sNa.ssfriation which had prevailed during the whole
t 0 the e etiu 2oreat: throughout the Peninsula. But there was a
'" in. point, that of El Arish—it had been alluded
etlthe Irii_g_hitsprevious. There we acted in company with allies
~rrrod?"%\,,,--1--witli those allies we took the fort. What oc.
Sid,ey vsltnyi,thour allies murdered 300 men in cold blood.
protested against this ; he did all lie could
_thiriP.kreivteln't,,i_te—ssbnut certainly the British Government did not
e ry to deliver up Egypt to Buonaparte, to
1114sN)ave 4"vietnu..rest of their countrymen. If we triumphed
rtt,re pee ltd be e. free as the Basque people;
t°° it to believe ttrilumlp but if the
hed, then, indeed, there was every
.tbie man whose cause they had espoused
spre,lde.Nulf theiratli
lerty in the general tyranny be would
turnughout the e ie and. Now, as to the two cases of the
Legion,gb
t(.41-loptinnio the Hon. Gentlemen would express
n on the quadruple alliance itself ; but they
a 4440 t,.en-ns of
that alliance declare you should only afford
as al force t
Ynritue Queen of Spain, and time use of marines
the employ See them is not a naval force
much
Hon Friend
:r_inus inatitY_
_of the Admiralty had with* mach abir
nracival foreeues' two in particular, where marine.s'atYs pjahrutw;
wh- ._trad been so employed ; but then, said a Noble
And 4)110weu.,, you should not employ so !nee
upon lat did all marines.
treaty, ._(3.LI"S amount to ? Why, that welliad acte4
t a niggardly, but in a generous, manner.