The Sun.
London, England, 1837-12-23 00:00:00

Canadian riflemen had taken a lesson from their Kentuckian
friend!, and went down on their knees to take aim and
fire low. But it might be supposed that all this took place
in a French district, and amongst a disaffected French popu-
lation. No such thing. It was in the township of Norfolk,
in the district of St. John—( Hear, hear)—in a district chiefly
inhabited by British settlers, and supposed by Government to
be well affected.—( Hear.) Certainly it must be refreshing to
the Government to look to the state of Upper Canada, and to
repose upon its loyalty.—(Hear, hear.) But were there no
meetings in Upper Canada at which men appeared in arms,
and at which resolutions were entered into, pledging the inhabi-
tants of the Upper Province to go down to the assistance of their
brethren in Lower Canada, should the oppression of the Go-
vernment compel them to have recourse to arms ?—( Hear,
hear.) If Upper Canada were in so quiet a state as her Ma-
jesty's Ministers would persuade themselves to believe,
why bad that paragon of Governors, Sir Francis Head,
been re-called ? Why had the Government sent in his place a
man who, if there were no rebellion, would be sure to force
one?—(Hear, hear.) He knew nothing of Colonel Arthur
personally ; he believed the Colonel was a brave soldier, but no
man could be more unfit to govern a free colony. He (Mr. L.)
would pass by the grave charges which had been brought
against Colonel Arthur, and the petitions which had been sent
to that House by the inhabitants of Honduras respecting his
government of that colony. But his ten years govern-
ment of a penal colony was not the fittest prepara-
tion for that of a free people. Indeed he ought not to be
called the governor of Van Diemen's Land, but the
head jailor—( Hear, hear)—an office in which he had to en-
force a system of cruel punishment, which was not exceeded
by the inquisition, or the penal systems of the most barbarous
nations of antiquity.—( Hear.) But Colonel Arthur had effi-
ciently enforced that system, and kept the colony tranquil, to
the satisfaction of the Government, and that was his qualifica-
tion for the office of Governor of Lower Canada. Was not
the appointment of that person under such circumstances,
galling to the pride of the Canadians ? The discontent
of Lower Canada was ascribed to a French faction.
But was there a French faction in Newfoundland ?
—( Hear, hear.) The people of that colony could get no re-
dress of their grievances, and they stooped the supplies.—
( Hear, hear.) The Governm nt papers, in recording the
event, remarked that no riots had yet taken place there, evi-
dently expecting that riots would be the natural result of the
course which was pursued by the Government there as well
as in Canada. If the Government were to act consistently
it should send out a Coercion Bill to Newfoundland.
In fact, it was not Lower Canada alone that was in-
volved in the present struggle, but the whole of the British
Colonists in North America. Let the House consider
the forces that were engaged on both sides. On the one side
they had the Executive Government of this great country, but
he would not say that the people of England were on the
same side.— (Cheers.) He was sure the people would not sup-
port the Government in keeping en unwilling colony in
subjection.—( Hear, hear.) On the other hand there
was the people of Canada united in resisting an oppressive
Government—being in the immediate neighbourhood of the
United States, which held out hopes of succour to the re-
volted, and inducements to desertion to the soldiers. A
Noble Lord had told him, the other night, that deser-
tion was very rare in the Colony ; but he believed the
fact was, that soldiers deserted in whole companies.
If the soldier should fail to quit the place, there would be
plenty of hints given to him to do so by the Canadian Press
The popular party in Canada had lands with which they
rewarded those who assisted them. Those lands are
confiscated and divided in 'proportion to the service rendered,
and there could be no doubt that the Canadians would use that
land for the purpose of rewarding the British soldiers who
deserted to them. Many persons imagined that the American
citizens would be prevented from rendering assistance—that
was, in his opinion, altogether a fallacy, and he thought
that the recent example of Texas had proved it. There
was no Foreign Elistment Act in America it should be re-
membered ; and there could be no doubt that large and well-
organised bodies of American citizens would march over the
border to assist the Canadians against the British forces. It
had been said over and over again, and repeated in that House
and in all the public papers, that the Canadians might he
easily put down--that this was only an ebullition of a small
p rty of English demagogues.—( Cheers.) They had been
told that the account of the Governor was, on the whale, satis-
factory, and that even if a few silly people did rebel, they
might easily be put down, and would cost the Government only a
regiment or two, or one or two fligates.—(Cheers.) He
wished to know whether the Noble Lord bad ever heard of a
Paper by Dr. Franklin, intitulcd " Rules for Reducing the
Great. Empire to a Small one." In that Paper there was
one rule so applicable to the present state of the
Canadian Government, that, with the permission
of the House he wculd read it. It was rule No. 16. " If
you are told of discontents in your Colonies never believe they
are general, or that you have given occasion for them : therefore
apply no remedy. Redress no grievances, for if you do, the
parties asking for redress would ask you for it, for those
things that are nut grievances. Grant no request that
is reasonable, for if you do requests will certainly he made
tint are unreason tble. Believe nothing you hear from the
friends of the people—suppose all their complaints to be in-
vented by a few factious demagogues, who if you can catch
and hang all will be well. Catch and hang them, and the
blood of the martyrs will work miracles in your cause."—
(Cheers.) These opinions might be well applied, in his
(Mr. Leader's) opinion, to the present state of Canada.
It would appear that the disgrace and distress of the American
war was to he eitnes=cd over again ; as though Franklin had
never written, or Washington never fought, against the
power of Great Britain, in defence of an injured and
oppressed country.—( Loud cheering.) Supposing even
that the Canadians could easily be put down, what wculd this
country gain ?—A disaffected province, ready to rebel again
an the first opportunity.—( Hear, hear.) Montreal and
Quebec might be occupied by a military force, but it would
be impossible to occupy the whole country ; and how could the
navigation of the St. Laurence, front Quebec and upwards,
be protecte 1 against the attacks of small parties posted in the
numerous islands that studded its surface, or on the heights
that surrounded it? Supposing Lower Canada to be conquered,
what advantages would be derived from it ? The benefits which
a country derived from the possession of colonies were first an
outlet for its manufactures, employment for its shipping,
and a fair field for emigration. But there was not one
of these advantages w hich could not be much better de-
rived from an independent country, as had been abun-
dantly proved in the case of North America.—( Hear, hear. )
If this country succeeded in the struggle with Canada, we
should he obliged to keep military possession of that country.
If C inada succeeded what would be the result? There would
he a feeling of hostility against Great Britain that, for many
years, the tide of emigration to Canada from this country
would he almost entirely destroyed.—( Hear. )
The SPEAKER here interrupted the Hon Member, inti•

own misgovernment driven into a state of open rebellion. As
the Noble Lord bad stated there was to be a further discus-
sion on this subject, and that they were to meet on the 16th
of January for that purpose, he would not now advert
to the last news that had arrived from Lower Ca-
nada. He cnly wished the case had been entrusted
to better hands, but he had laid the case as fairly as he could
before a very unwilling audience.—( Loud cries of " Oh, oh,"
and " No, no.") When he said unwilling, he meant to say there
were perhaps not more than ten individuals who felt as he did ;
he would therefore not say unwilling, but adverse audience.
He was going to thank them for having urged sentiments that
must have been so disagreeable to their cars, with the atten-
tion and indulgence they had shown. The Hon. Gentleman
concluded, by moving for copies of all dispatches which have
passed between Lord Gosford and the Colonial-office, since
the date of those last presented to the House.
Mr. C. LUSHINGTON said, that although he did not
intend to enter at largo into the affairs of Canada after whit
the Noble Lord had stated he could not quietly sit
down and hear the language which had been used by
the Honourable Member for Westminster, without expressing
his utmost indignation.—( Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentle-
man had described to the House scenes of bloodshed and
of hatred among their unhappy countrymen in a dis-
tant part of the world, and had dwelt upon them with
feelings of exultation.—( Hear, and great cheering.) It
must have been unpleasant and most cruel to the feelings of
Hon. Members in that Assembly—but the Hon. Member for
Westminster had not expressed the slightest cotnmiseration
for the miseries into which this state of things must have in-
volved Canada. He had not deplored the bloodshed which
took place, but he had indulged himself in exultation at
treason, which he (Mr. L. ) did not certainly expect to hear from
a Member of the British Legislature.—(Loud cheers.) The
Hon. Member seemed to revel in the idea that the course
of justice had been suspended, and preferred the law
of a party of insurgents to the established law of the land.
The Hon. Member had hailed with feelings of pleasure and
delight the prospect of desertion from the British army, and
had ad►erted to the advantages the insurgents had gained from
deserters.—(Cheers.) He did not intend as he had stated when
he rose to enter into the discussion of this measure ;
but he had thought it his duty as a good subject
of the Queen, and as a Member of that House, to express
the dissatisfaction, indeed the indignation he felt, at certain
passages in the Hon. Gentleman's speech.
Mr. HUME said the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down
had expressed his indignation at the language used by
his Honourable Friend, but Ise thought it would have been
better if the Hon. Member had considered whether there
was just cause for that indignation.—(Hear, hear, hear. )
le wished the Hon. Member had directed a little attention

to-the causes of these things, endless( not begun by attacking
his Hon. Friend for doing that which he considered to be his
duty. He considered that his censure was unjust. The Hon.
Member had applauded rebellion, and had alluded with
delight to the desertion of the soldiers from the British army.
He looked with deep regret upon a state of things
where soldiers were called upon to support tyranny.
Who was to blame for all that had taken place ? Not
the citizens of Lower Canada, but the Colonial Government,
who by their acts had forced the unwilling citizens to rise in
arms to resist the oppression of the mother country. The No-
ble Lord had intimated the assembling of Parliament, to take the
affairs of Canada into consideration. Why did he not take
the advice given him by all parties years back ? Let him look
to the year 1828, when petitions out of number were daily
Laid on the table of the House of Commons, complaining
of the manner in which Lower Canada had been treated.
What was held out then—promises of redress, and that
the evils of which they complained should be done away.
Had those promises been performed ? Certainly not.
It was the colonial policy of this country that was
depriving her of all her colonies.--( Hear, hear.) Oppres-
sion and injustice were allowed to be continued with impunity
by their Governors, as in the case of Colonel Arthur,
in Van Diemen's Land. If the Canadians lice' yielded to the
tyrannical resolutions of last Parliament, they would have de-
served to be treated as slaves.—(Hear.) The Canadians were
to be oppressed, forsooth, because the majority of them
were of French origin.---( Hear, hear.) In Lower Canada
there were seventy-eight Members returned to the House
of Assembly, and of the,:e not more than seven or eight
had supported the resolutions of the British Parliament.
He (Mr. Hume) knew from the opinions of many influential
men in that Colony, that they wished for no revolution—that
they sought no separation—and that all they asked for was a
change in the system that bad been carried oa in that coun-
try. He could refer the House to the resolutions of various
public meetings in Canada ; all of which plainly showed that
the people of that country were deeply imprei.sed with the con-
viction that they had nothirg but oppression and injustice to
expect from the -British Government. Let them look also at the
effect which the resolutions of that House had produced upon
them. Did the Noble Lord (J. Russell) believe that the re-
solutions of that House could coerce men who for ten years had
been remonstrating against the injustice with which they had
been treated ? The Hon. Member he, e referred to resolutions
that had been passed at various public meetings in Lower
Canada, from which lie read extracts, and proceeded.
When Lord Gosford found that the people would meet
to express their opinions on the resolutions of the
House of Commons, he issued a proclamation forbidding
them to meet.—(Hear.) The proclamations were torn 1
from the Church doors, but the Governor dismissed
from the magistracy and the militia two persons who took
hart in tearing down, or rather in removing these proclama-
tions from the doors. A member of the Assembly also, who
had been requested to meet his constituents on the subject,
was also dismissed from the Magistracy. After ths every
officer and traeistrate who attended these meetings was simi-
larly dismlssecr. When this was found to be the system pur-
sued by the Governor a meeting of the inhabitants took place,
where it was resolved that to hold a commission under Lord
Gosford, under existing circumstances, would be disgraceful,
and where a'l the friends of the Canadians, who held such
offices, were called upon to resign them. This invitation was
immediately acceded to, and scarcely one of the former niagis-
ti aey remained. Upon this Lord Gosford appointed others;
but the people again met, and &elated that, as the newly-
appointed Magistrates were men who were koown as those who
were in league with the oppressors of their country, they would
not submit their cases to them, but appointed Magistrates of
their own to act as arbitrators in all matters of dispute
which might arise among them. Meetings of 1,200 and
1,400 persons were held to entertain the officers and
Magistrates who had resigned their commissions. Here
was a state of things which the most submi,sive meekness
cou'al not endure. He agreed with his Honourable friend
the Member for Westminster that there was a time when
resistance became a virtue.—( Hear, hear.) Whether that
time had arrived or not the Canadian pecyle were the
judges. The only question was, whether the conduct of the
British Government, tor the last ten years, had not produced
that state of things from which the present lamentable con-
dition of the Canadians had arisen ?—( Hear, bear.) He saw
by a paper which had been placed in h's hand since he came
to the House, that it seemed to be a question whether com-
panies of British troops were taken prisoners, or whether they
had succeeded in burning villages or destroying the country.
These were lamentable surnaises.—( Hear.) He fully believed
that the Noble Lord ( leted John Russell) was ignorant of the
state of the Colony when he proposed the measures which
were adopted. He would remind the Noble Lord of an opi-
nion which had been uttered by a Noble Duke, who, in
speaking of the possible consequences which might result
from the continued oppression of Ireland, declared that he
never could feel satisfied in his conscience if the result of per-
severing in oppression were to be civil war.--( Hear, hear.)—
And who was that Noble Duke? Why, no other than the
Duke of Wellington.—(Hear, hear.) Did any ono blame
him for that announcement? No ; the whole country ap-
plauded the sentiment thus manfully expressed, and Ireland
profited much by it.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") The fruit
of the Noble Duke's timely concession was peace ; and was it
too much to ask the Noble Lord to follow so salutary an ex-
ample ? When the Noble Lord saw how happy that country
became after having been oppressed and trampled upon by the
Tories, he ought to recollect that they had formerly been in-
variably told that Ireland never could be at peace, and that
the people of that country were naturally rebellious, discon-
tented, and factious. No sooner, however, was the obvious
remedy of yielding in time adopted, and granting that measure
of relief which ought to have been long before conceded,
than the whole appearance of things was changed.—(Hear.)
And what had since been the condition of Ireland.—( An ironi-
cal cry of " Hear" from the Opposition.) He knew it was the
fashion for Hon. Members on the other side of the House to
represent Ireland to be in a state of greater distraction since
than she had been before that period. But this only con-
vinced him how short-sighted some men were, and how un-
willing they were to open their eyes to the fact that Ireland
had been, and was now, in a peaceful state. She waited, no
doubt, for further concessions.—( Hear, hear, from the Oppo-
sition.) Had she not a right to them ? So long as one
grievance remained unredressed, she ought never to rest
contented.--(Hear, hear.) There was no reason why her
people ought not to be placed on the same footing with those
of England and Scotland. He could not understand the
opinions of gentlemen, who said—" You see the conse-
quences of your concession ; it only acts as a stimulant
for a still further demand, and thus you must go on from
year to year adding to the grants which you have made."
Why, he maintained that such was the natural course of
things ; for every concession added to the power of the
oppressed, and helped them to raise themselves from the
state of suffering and degradation to which they were
reduced.—( Cheers.) It was to him a matter of sincere
gratification to see the change of policy adopted with regard
to Ireland; and if anything could add credit to the Melbourne
Administration, it was the course which they had adopted
with regard to that country in opposition to that pursued by
those who had preceded them. When Mr. O'Connell brought
forward the question of the repeal of the Union, what was the
answer to the motion ? Why, that Parliament would take into
immediate consideration the evils of Ireland, grant them all
just requests, and place them in as situation to benefit by,
the union which had been formed. Ho entreated the Govern-
ment then to take the same steps with regard to Canada as
those which they had so successfully followed in the case of
Ireland. Let them not be ashamed of retracting the pro-
ceedings which they had taken, and which caused the inflic-
tion of so many wrongs and such great irritation. Let them
not now persist, and be hereafter obliged to express their re-
gret in sackcloth and ashes. The Noble Lord (Lord John
Russell) had declared that if the opinion of that House
had not been declared by a large majority against the House
of Assembly, he should not have felt justified in adoption,
the measures which had been put in execution. If the;
Noble Lord, then, did not expect that the House would
alter its conviction, why should he not, now that he had
triumphed, now that he bad a subservient House of Commons,
and a power to command the majority which he desired, ad-
mit, without any of the hesitation that some persons felt in

mating that there was a message from the House of Lords.
Justices CoLertiooz and COLTMAN then advanced to the
table, and informed the house that their Lordships had passed
a Bill for regulating- her Maj: sty's Household.
Mr. LEADER then resumed—There was this advantage
in not continuing the connection of the Canadas with E ngland
against their will. The pople of England were now taxed
to an enormous extent to keep it up, and were com-
pelled to take from them a very inferior species of
timber.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") More than
three-fourths of the trade with the Canadas was forced
and factitious, and could be proved to be highly injurious
to British interests. By compelling the Canadians to
continue subject to them, they would not only have this
weight remaining upon them, but they would have the
additional burden of supporting troops to keep them down.—
( Hear, hear.) It might be asked how they were to remedy
these evils, and avert the mischief that was approaching.
13efere the resolutions which passed last Session had been
sent out to Canada, before any of these disturbances
had taken place, and before any blood had been shed,
two courses remained open. The one to accede to the prayer
of the Canadians to redress their grievances (that was
now too late); and the other, the only one which remained
open to them, for the Government to propose an amicable
separation of the Canadas from England.—(" Oh, oh," from
the Opposition Benches.) He saw that Gentlemen opposite
were indignant at this proposition. He had no doubt that it
would be highly advantageous for England to plunge into
war, and above all highly advantageous and creditable to en-
gage in a war unjust and indefensible in principle. He,
however, saw no other course to avert the evils of war, although
perhaps the Noble Lord might have some other suggestion
to make. The question now was not merely a Canadian ques-
tion—it ceased to be a question between the authorities and
the people—between the French and the English party—or
between the majority or minority. It had become the great
and vital question, whether the Government of England would
plunge the country into a war which was indefensible on
the principles of justice ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Then,
again, did they suppose that they were strong enough to
preserve their bold of the Canadas. They knew well the
increasing resources of those provinces, and that in the natural
course of events they must soon be independent of them.
If there were such advantages resulting from the trade
with the Canadas, they ought to reflect that in the event
of their becoming independent they would forfeit those advan-
tages by pressing their hostility against them to such an extent.
He had thus endeavoured to show by what means Canada had
been driven into a state of rebellion. He had also endeavoured
to show by what means the evils pending over Canada,
and the still greater evils pending over this country
and Canada, could be possibly averted, or at
all events, be much mitigated. By the vaccilation and bad
conduct of the present Government, all these evils had been
produced. It was the present Government who, after ac-
knowledging the claims of the Canadians were well-
founded, refused to redress them ; it was the
present Government who, when the Canadians called
for justice sent them the Coercion Bill, overturning the first
principles of the Constitution ; and it was the present Go-
vernment who, after' having by these measures driven the
Canadians into an open rebellion, now sought, by
the force of arms, to reduce them to a slavish
submission. He rejoiced that Canada had resisted. The
Noble Lord, no doubt, would remember by whom it was said,
and on what occasion, " Could half a million of people be so
dead to all the feelings of liberty as to submit to slavery."
This was said 70 years ago by a great statesman. It was a
warning that was indelibly stamped on the tablets of
history. The Noble Lord's Government was now pur-
suing the very same course which the British Govern-
ment pursued more than seventy years ago, and he
would tell them that if they obstinately persevered in that
course, he trusted, and verily believed, that even if they
should chance to escape immediate well-merited punishment,
they would be held up to the scorn and execration of posterity,
as men who plunged this country into a war with the example
of the resistance of the Americans before their eyes, for the
purpose of chastising a colony which they had themselves by their

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1837.

confessing themselves to be in the wrong, that he acted for
the best, but was mistaken ; that he expected the advice of
the Commissioners would sanction the steps which had been
taken, though they had been told that the Commissioners
knew nothing about the matter ; and that if he had commit-
ted a fault, he only sinned in common with the House of Com-
mons, which, with the exception of fifty-six members, con-
curred in his view, which was fortified by the favourable
opinion of another branch of the Legislature said to have
great influence, with the exception of one man who dissented
from the proposal, for passing thosa resolutions which had
produced such a talismanic offect.—( Hear.) Instead of
producing peace, from the day on which they were promul-
gated every county and city was a scene of agitation and de-
struction, and no tranquillity existed for the period preceding
the actual outbreak of civil war. Lord Gosford had acted
with a want of judgment and knowledge of mankind which
showed him to be incapable of discharging the high and
important duties entrusted to him, and had been allowed
to linger out in possession of his official station until a state
of discontent and dissatisfaction was produced, which, in-
stead of being calmed by conciliatory steps, was inflamed
by a firebrand cast into the elements of strife and discord from
Upper Canada. The government of Upper Canada was
placed in the hands of a few Orangemen ; and this produced
all the evils which they were now called upon to remedy.
What the result of the late changes in the appointment of
Canadian governors would be he could not foretell; but he
thought the troops, as far as he could judge from the accounts
which had been received, were sent out to tyrannise and op-
press. Ho trusted, then, that the Government would see
the propriety of retracing their steps before civil war was
rendered inevitable. All he asked was, that justice should
be done to the Canadians ; and the rights of the Constitu-
tion imparted to that oppressed people. He trusted that in
a case which so nearly resembled that of their own country,
the Irish Members would not, as many of them he was sorry
to say had done on a former occasion, desert their posts
during the approaching discussions.—( Hear, hear.) Par-
liament would meet on the 16th of January ; that time would
soon arrive; and the Irish, Scotch, and English Members
would be once more assembled. He had no hopes that
Hon. Members on the opposite side would assist the cause
of the Canadians.—(lronical cries of " Hear" from the Op-
position.) When the maintenance of misrule was the ques-
tion, his experience told him that it would meet with the
most powerful aid from that quarter.—( Hear, hear.) If the
gentlemen opposite would allow the Government and those
who thought with him (Mr. Hume) to proceed with this
business, there would be some chance of preventing her Ma-
jesty's Government from persevering in acts of tyranny and
oppression.—(lronical cries of " Hear" from the Opposition,
answered by cheers fram the Ministerial side.)
Mr. GLADSTONE, though he concurred in the opinion
that they were discussing topics exceedingly vague, and that
they had entered into many particulars of a contradictory na-
ture, which it would be necessary to investigate before they
arrived at any legislative measures on the part of her Majesty's
Government, yet he could not reconcile it to his conscience or
his sense of duty to remain altogether silent, when he recol-
lected what important interests were involved in this discussion,
as it regarded the mother country as well as Canada, and how
essential it was not to allow any species of party divisions to
influence that House in underrating the magnitude of the mat-
ters which had been submitted, or in failing to consider them
of deep concern. It was on that score that ho wished to re-
turn thanks to the Noble Lord, for having declared his resolu-
tion to shorten the duration of the adjournment. He was sure
that opinion must meet with the concurrence of Hen. Gentle-
men opposite.—( Hear, hear.) He might be tempted to di-
verge into many topics, if he followed the example of the
Hon. Member for Westminster, who, although he owed his
seat in a great measure to the influence of the Government,
legitimately exercised he admitted, addressed to the House a
speech in which he dwelt on the dismemberment of the empire
by the separation of Canada with a strong degree of satisfac-
tion, if not cf glee, and scarcely a single expression fell from him
during his whole speech which seemed to indicate that he felt
any concern at the accounts which had been received describing
the state of things in the colonies.—( Hear, hear.) He con-
fessed, too, that he had listened to the speech of the Honour-
able Member for Kilkenny with astonishment. He had sup-
posed that Honourable Member to be a man of dry facts and
figures, but the observations which he had made proved him
to possess a most vivid imagiaaton. The Hon. Gentleman
said " such were the oppressions which these parties suffered,
that they were driven unfortunately to brave the rigours of win-
ter in a northern latitude." Now what were those oppressions ?
for that was the pith of the whole queetion.—( Hear.) If the
Hon. Member proved the existence of grievances, if ho showed
that persons and property were insecure, that the great
man was able to oppress the humble, and if the taxes were
heavy and unjust, instead of being, he believed, none at all—.
if, in any one of these particulars, it appeared that oppression
existed in Canada, then he would sty, " Let no consideration
of shame and pride—let no reliance on the superior power and
resources of this empire hinder you from retracing your steps,
rescinding your resolutions, and rendering full indemnification
to this people."—( Hear.) He owned he was not terrified at
the prospect of separation. He did not think that the pros-
perity of England was dependent on its connection with Ca-
nada. Ile was aware that there was an interchange of good
offices and commercial advantages, but if any one were to look
to the balance of the account, he would find, undoubtedly,
that in point of commercial advantage England gave more than
she received.—( Hear.) But that was not the question. The
question was, whether in a country where no practical oppres-
sion was proved to exist—where person and property had been
secure, and would be so at this moment but for the machi-
nations of popular agitators —where the law was duly admi-
nistered, and where the taxes were mild or none at all—
they were, for the sake and on the ground of speculative
and organic changes, which promised no advantage to the
colonies, and which must prove utterly destructive of the
analogy and harmony which had existed between the mother
country and the Canadians, to be terrified from maintain-
ing that which they believed to be just on the first manifes-
tation of the spirit of insurrection.—(Cheers.) Pe trusted
that, whether on the first outbreak or on the last, they would
never show that they were terrified so long as their cause was
just ; but on the other hand, that justice, and not strength,
shou:d guide their proceedings, and that they would not suffer
themselves to be swayed by threats or menaces, whether de-
livered in that House, or expressed at the other side of the
Atlantic. There were those, too, in the colonies, whose inte-
rests they were bound to protect. Let it net be supposed that
he meant to contend that this island should have dis:ant por-
tions of the globe for ever dependant upon it; but the time
when a separation on the part of Canada might be bene-
ficial had not certainly arrived at the present period,
when her population was divided into two parties of dif-
ferent origin, and inflamed by their passions into continual
collision with each other.—( [hear, hear, hear.) In this
state of things this country was enabled by her power to act
as a mediator and umpire, and thus prevented contests which
might be found still more fatal.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon.
Member for Middlesex had referred to the cases of Ireland
and the United States. He declined discussing the admi-
nistration of Lord Mulgrave in Ireland. He refrained from
going into particulars relative to the insurrection in the
United States; but he must say that the whole resistance
of the American people was based on irrefutable fasts, and
on statements of positive and palpable grievances; and the
abstract rights of man, such as they conceived them
to be, were appealed to in support of the facts which
had been previously stated. Let it, then, be shown
that practical grievences existed in the case of the
Canadians. The Honourable Member for Westminster
had ingeniously quoted the opinion of Dr. Franklin in
favour of the opinion that this was a case in which the
redress of grievances would not bo attempted. If this had
been true, he should confess that disturbances would follow
naturally in the train of legislative consequences ; but he
found the case to be quite the contrary, for the attention of
the Home Government had been actively engaged in consider-
ing, and the greatest care had been taken, and the most
sedulous respect paid to, both the wants and wishes of the
Canadian people ; and he was not aware that, during the whole
course of the discussions which occupied so many nights of the
last Session, one single instance of a grievance unredressed
was laid before the House which was not instantly refuted.—.
(Cheers.) If that were so, what became of the horrors—
what became of the menaces, the anticipations, and the pro-
phecies of evil, which the prophets themselves contributed
more than any other party to verify? He rejoiced to find the
Hon. Member for Westminster confessing that, after a long
series of speeches which might be supposed to convey the opi-
nions of the British House of Commons, there were scarcely
ten Members present who coincided in his views. He trusted
that that House would be ever ready.to listen to complaints
of grievances, come from what quarter they might. The
Honourable Member had referred to the American war, and
quoted the language of Lord Chatham. The Honourable
Gentleman had come forward with no case of oppression—
with nothing but a demand for organic changes; and he
modestly asked, as a remedy for the dilemma in which
retha
we were placed, that Canada should be separated from the
mother country. Had the Hon. Gentleman forgotten that
memo-
rablesev seventy years
earsoangobi Ls olradstCghraetahtamappheaadrapnrocen,ouainicdedd:d
hiscla
notwithstanding the oppression for which lie ever sought to
procure a remedy, and the resistance which he rejoiced to
have seen take place, he was ready to spend his dying ener-
gies in expressing a hope that consent would never be given
to separation.—( Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman, it appeared,
did not concur in the recommendation of the authority to
which he had heedlessly appealed.—(Hear ) He should no
longer occupy the time of the House. Whether these mani-
festations of resistance were trifling, or on the other hand
serious, he thought it was a subject on which there should be
no exaggeration. He trusted that there would be not only
firmness in their proceedings, but that a conciliatory spirit
would pervade them ; and, above all, that nothing would be
granted which would weaken the connection between Canada
and the mother country, or that no act of apparent justice
would be done otherwise than according to the laws of the
country.—(Cheers.)
Sir W. MOLE SWORTH—The Hon. Gentleman, who
had just sat down, had asked what grievances the people of
Canada had to complain of, and inquired if they were not its
their person and property secure. He thought, if the Hon.
Gentleman had listened to the debates of last Session, he
would find that it was admitted even by the Treasury benches
thatthere were many just causes of complaint existing with
respect to the condition of the Canadians.—( Hear, hear. )
They complained first of all that the Legislative Council was
adverse to the wishes of the people, an that every act of
authority required from them an unwilling assent. Another
evil under which they suffered was, that there were appointed
corrupt and improper Judges. They alleged, too, the bank-
ruptcy of their Treasury ; but the last, greatest,
and most
severe grievances of all had been inflicted by the resolutions
of that House, passed that year, to empower the Governor to
seize the money of the Canadian people.—( Cheers.) He for
one should ever rejoice that he was so fortunate as to oppose