The Sun.
London, England, 1839-06-13 00:00:00

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LONDON :
THURSDAY, JUNE 13, 1839.

The Lords did not meet yesterday.
The Commons met early, and a great number of
Petitions were presented for a uniform penny postage,
for and against the Government plan of education,
&c. &c.
The Rating of Tenements Bill was lost on a division,
after a short discussion, on the question that the House
go into a Committee. The numbers were, 70 for, 94
against. We do not regret the loss of this Bill, which
Was another step towards debasing the lower classes by
Making the landlords pay the rates on their dwellings.
The Custody of Infants Bill went through a Corn-
raittec, after Sir EDWARD SUGDEN had vainly attempted
to despoil it of its chief provision. The Committee
,decided against him by 49 to 11. Sir EDWARD must
°e erotchetty, for he is generally on the losing side.
Several other Bills were passed through Committees.
The Sugar Duties were voted for the present year
I_4ll Committee of Ways and Means, and at a Quarter
nu Nine the House adjourned.

hh MACAULAY has written a short and em-
phatic letter to his constituents, which contains the
"owing passage
:
I cannot refrain from expressing to you in a few sin-
te_• e.itnd earnest words, the feelings with w hick I have en-
or'fanew functions. It is not easy for any re-
tovriltative to owe more to his constituents than I owe
Pt,. I appeared amongst you without rank, or wealth,
or local connection. To scarcely one of you was I known
en by sight. I stayed only a week amongst you. I can.
%Bed not a single elector. I gave no pledge as to any
Particulior vote. I made no attempt to evade any question
gist was prOposed to me. I did not disguise from you,
that on some subjects I keld opinions different from yours.
.?:tle!rity and reason were the only means which I em-
raVor the purpose of winning your confidence and
▪ ho„ And the result is that you have conferred on me
fir h.-"r such as free people only can bestow,—an honour
of
.V rin my estimation, than any patent of mobility or
order of knighthood,—an ,1151Pqm: which hundreds, far
"Perim' to Me in birth and fortune, would consider as
cheaply purchased by profuse expenditure, and by months
of assiduous personal solicitation. I should be indeed of
▪ cold and insensible' Indere if I could receive such :a dis-
tinction without exultation and gratitude."
That is.frank and honourable, alike to Mr. MA-
CAULAY and his constituents. Nothing recom-
mended him to them but his talents, and they
valued his talents more than high rank, dignified
birth, and great riches. Would to God that all,
or the half, or the fifth part, of the constituencies
of the empire acted on the same principle, and were
equally independant ! Then should we have a House
of Commons which, from its knowledge and talents,
would deserve the confidence of the nation. Ambi-
tion might lead such a House astray, but if • it be-
came a tyrant, we should at least have the consola-
tion of being tyrannized over by men of the first
abilities of the empire.
Mr. MACAULAY being thus honourably distin-
guished by the citizens of Edinburgh, who are a
comparatively enlightened race of men, being by
"18 own acquirements and abilities a first-class
Nth, and a representative, by his matured opinions,
of Some of the most enlightened classes in every
Part 'of the empire, whatever falls from hint
15 as well worthy of public notice, as the
Words of any man, which is saying a great deal
'Nn this wide and vast empire. Now, Mr.
MACAULAY was rather forward at Edinburgh in
repelling the claims of the bulk of the population
t° a share in the elective franchise. We consider
that question to be of the most pressing import-
ance ; as it is decided so will be the willing obe-
dience, or the fear-constrained submission of the
linen- franchised classes ; and as we consider Mr.
MACAULAY to be a very great authority, so we
esteem it our duty to subject one of his arguments
4t least to examination.
We do not, we beg it may be understood, call
this question of pressing importance, merely because
tine Chartists have taken it up ; but because the
bulk of the community are not done justice to by
the ruling classes, and they are sensible of it. if
either of these conditions are wanted, we
should regard it of secondary importance. If
the people were not'sensible of injury, and if injury
were not actually done them, the ferment might be
allowed, patiently to subside. It is the actual ex-
istence of both conditions which makes us say, that
the question of the Suffrage is, for the future inter-
nal peace and prosperity of England, one of the
most important and pressing questions which
the'press can discuss. Mr. MACAULAY grounds
his objections to the extension of the franchise
mainly on the ignorance of the buik of the people ;
if we can show that lie is himself ignorant of the
very principles on which the progress of society de-
pends, or erroneously interprets its phenomena, we
tray venture to doubt whether the rest of his argu-
ments applying to this very important and pressing
question, be deserving of mote weight than they de-
rive from his deservedly great name.
Let .us first observe, that if ignorance be the
Principle of disfranchisement, it ought to be carried
throughout. When a Peer is a nearly natural fool,
like the Duke of This, or the Marquis of That, he
ought not to be allowed to vote, much less be al-
lowed, when besotted with wine, or when he is
seeking his pleasure among the enchanting opera
danserfses of Paris or Naples, to vote
away by proxy the liberties of his countrymen.
When a poor man is endowed with natural talents,
which he has cultivated by education, he ought, oa
nr..MAcAuLAY's disfranchising principle, not only
to have a vote for a representative, but to be eligi-
ble to sit in Parliament. If ignorance he the test
of disfranchisement, knowledge should betheof
only
test for granting political power. The difficulty
defining ignoraoce and knowledge and of settling at
what exact point incapacity should commence, and
enfranchisement begin, must at once, we should
think, satisfy Mr. MACAULAY that, on principle,
his test for bestowing or withholding political power
would be impracticable.
In the speech he delivered on the day of nomination
at Edinburgh lie expatiated at great length, and
With great justice, on the advantages enjoyed by
civilized man, even of the humblest rank, over his