The Sun.
London, England, 1839-11-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, gOVEMBER, 23, 1839.

ante of an article in this journal, where the igneminious
• grovelling malpractices of the gaol de-
liverer were exposed and held up to public scorn. It
they cannot be goaded by conscience into truth or jus-
tice, they are at least amenable to the scourge of the
executioner.

(From the Morning Post.)

The Ministerial papers continue to utter their mali-
cious falsehoods respecting the Queen Dowager. These
attempt will recoil upon the heads of the Ministerialists.
Already the indignation of the public is aroused to a
height which it would require stronger language than we
are in the habit of using adequately to express. The
Queen Dowager, as we have already said, possesses
every quality which the British people are habituated to
respect and love ; and it is not because the Ministe-
rialists are mad with envy of that public favour which
they do not possess that her Majesty is to become the
victim of their spleen. The Globe of last night, slavishly
following in the wake of the Chronicle, which it affects
rather to blame, says that—
" The Tories have recently, among a host of other in-
sults on her Majesty, thought proper to set up the Queen
Dowager as a rival candidate for the expressions of popu-
lar regard."

The Ministerial paper must know that all this is
perfectly untrue—nay, it is ridiculous and absurd.
How could the Queen Dowager be set up as a rival
candidate to the Sovereign of the country ? The one
is treated with respectful affection on account of her
eminent virtues, and for the sake of the memory of the
late King, her husband ; but this is quite different from
the dutiful sentiments of the people towards their So-
vereign, and it is downright stupidity to attempt to com-
pare the one with the other. As for the ilirorning
Chronicle, it would appear that some one who is obliged
to be the tool of the paltry creatures of the Radical
Corporation of Leicester has enough of influence in that
paper to cause it to disgrace itself by malignant slander
of the Queen Dowager of England.

to the Established Church, Thus speak:: a " Reverend"
ranter, named Legge—
" It may suit Churchmen, groat and small, it ho swal-
low the Bock of Common Player, the Thirty-nine Articles,
and the Anthasian',Creed—(Laughter)—it may suit them,
too, to mock at the consciences of Dissenters—aye, and it
may suit some Dissenters too—white-livered, pigeon-hearted,
addle-headed, power-worshipping, rank-admiring, money-
loving, knee-cringing, mealy-mouthed, lick-spittle Dis-
senters—( Loud laughter and cheers)—it may suit such as
they to sneer at the consciences of other Dissenters; but I
am sure there is not an individual here who will echo the
sneer. —(Cheers.) However these may sneer about con-
science, there is such a thing, and John Thorogood has
rightly exemplified its power. He feared God more tnan
man. He would not sanction a system which, calling it-
self apostolic, branded him and his minister as vile schis-
matics, guilty of a crime worse than drunkenness. He
would not give his sanction to a system which, in its union
with the State, is the master-piece of hell—(Loud cheers)
—which is pervaded by the spirit of Anti-Christ ; which,
while arrogating to itself the exclusive possession of Chris-
tianity, has left the greater part of the land in worse than
heathen darkness—( Hear)—the fountain of all heathen
principles ; the great obstacle to the progress of true re-
ligion ; the fosterer of all feuds amongst the disciples of
Jesus."--( Cheers.)

PROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
(From the Globe.)
The Tories were more liberal ten years back, when
the long possession of office had given their leaders
power to preserve discipline, and when they could re-
inforce moderate and official Toryism by Whig aid
—the Tories were more liberal five years back, when
they bid for Doubtful* and Waverers, than they
are now, or possibly can be, in their present posi-
tion. The experiment of Liberal Toryism with Whig
volunteer aid, was tried, and succeeded neither worse
nor better than might be expected. The Duke per-
formed a stunning surprise one day on his No-Popery
janissaries, and with his household troops, and Whig
levies, succeeded as well as Sultan Mahmoud. But the
stroke was fatal to Liberal Toryism. It had made one
large step in defiance of the party which formed its real,
though inert, strength amongst the community. It had
thrown itself on the tolerance of its new allies in the
Liberal camp. Political tolerance, like political gra-
titude, is founded on expectation of future favours.
'if the Tories would have conceded Reform, after
Emancipation, they would have had Liberal aid in
carrying through that next. " improvement required
by the age." But they could not have done this
without losing the " good will" of their remaining con-
nexion. They could not have moved on without forfeit-
ing all that remained of their party character. We do
not blame them for stopping ; but we say that they
then gave the measure of their utmost Liberalism—aad
even thus, with all the advantage of a long unquestioned
possessio❑ of power, they fell—because their preceding
measures, however required by national policy, had beet,
destructive to the principle of union in their own party.
What possible reason have we to believe that the party is
more disposed now it was then, to permit its leaders ta,
carry on " the improvements which are required by the
age ?" On the contrary, the party of Resistance, nay of
Retrogradation, is the only one whose voice has been
heard at all their late gatherings. The virtual or direct
repeal of the Act of Emancipation—the rejection of Ro-
man Catholics from all places of trust and power—the
prostration of Dissent beneath the triumphal wheels
of the Church-militant—the undoing of all that has beer,
done these ten years for civil and religious liberty—such
is the sole programme and prospect which can be held
out to Tory assemblages with any chance of calling
forth their responsive applauses. This exclusive re•
sort to the most outrageous and desperate topics, if
connived at by the Tory leaders, proves they have
nothing better to put into the mouths of their par.
tisans, as grounds of attack on the Government—if
discountenanced by them, proves that they have again
lost all command of that ultra spirit which, ten years
back, zealously assisted in their overthrow.
(From the Standard.)
A correspondent using the signature " Britannicus,"
has addressed to us a letter of reproach, complaining of
the tone in which we have met the Morning Chronicle's
attack upon the Queen Dowager. We elsewhere insert
our correspondent's letter, because we respect his feelings,
and because, if we have fallen short of our duty
from error in judgment—as is very probably the
case—that letter will go far in making good our defi-
ciency. As this is not the first occasion upon which we
have been charged by our friends with coldness—let us
offer a word of apology. It is our conviction—the
effect, perhaps, of temperament at first, but certainly
confirmed by some experience—that the use of what
is called strong language, and the recourse to
strong measures, though very convenient, where
falsehood and wicked designs are contemplated, arc
always rather injurious than otherwise to a good
cause. The advocates of such a cause ought always,
we think, to address themselves to the reason of
thoughtful and good men, and they will, question-
less, before such judges, find the advantage of so
guarding their language and their acts as to be sure
not to commit injustice. It is always more effectual as
well as more becoming to prove bad men to be villains
than to call them by the name. This conviction, which
we have always felt very strongly, forces itself upon us
with unusual weight at the present moment. We
hear from all the Whig-Radicals and Romanists
just now one concerted yell of treason, &c., against
the Conservatives ; but not one word attempting to
prove, what indeed it would be impossible to prove,
that the Conservative party does not compre-
hend every really loyal subject whom Queen Vic-
toria possesses. No, let us leave to Mr. O'Con-
nell and to the Ministerial journals the exclusive
exercise of the fraud that always seems to lurk and
that almost always is involved in impassioned
charges and vague generalities. Let us leave also
to the party to which Mr. O'Connell and these Jour-
nals belong, the exclusive resort to libel prosecutions.
What imaginable advantage can accrue to any virtuous
woman or honest man from obtaining a conviction or
a verdict of damages in circumstances in which the
most worthless member of society would obtai❑ the
same conviction or verdict ? The Libel Laws are avail-
able only for the bad, and let none bat the bad make
use of them.

(From the Courier.)
The power brought to bear on the whole machine of
Government, whether in its internal or external action,
by the Slave-trade question, has increased so prodi-
giously, znd its effects are becoming nationally so pre-
judicial on various grounds, that it becomes a matter
of pressing obligation to ascertain the extent and the
consistency of the meshes of the system in which we
have been gradually enveloped, and the nature of the
sub-anti-slavery agency which is reigning so despo-
tically now in most of our public departments. It
is notorious that, day by day, our relations with
Foreign Powers become more complicated, and mis-
understandings more frequent, on the account solely
and wholly of an interference in respect of the Slave-
trade, capricious, arbitrary, and insufferable, by any-
thing in the shape of a nation, with even the most ragged
remnant of pretension to independence of character.
Our conduct is to the last degree grinding and insup-
portable to the lesser powers with which this great em-
pire descends into the arena to squabble, call names, and
plant the seeds of future hostility ; and our demeanour
towards the higher powers, on the same question, is only
less offensive, because the want ofequal daring and bravado
and the forward display of accommodating meanness,
as in the practical cases of American and Russian slave
shipping, are much more calculated to provoke con-
tempt than resentment. Whilst such is our involvement in
foreign quarters, we do not seem to fare better, even if so
well, at home; for our colonies are all, with scarcely an ex-
ception, to use mild terms, in a situation of great con-
fusion and undeniable distress. And this state of things
is not confined to what were the Slave Colonies only, but
is found to extend to those far removed from the conta-
mination of property so unhallowed. For the Canadas,
and Upper Canada in particular, are even more perturbed
than the West India islands.

LEAMINGTON SPA, TIIURSDAY.—The Duke
and Duchess of Sutherland, accompanied by the Mar-
quis of Stafford and the Ladies Leveson Gower, took
their departure on Tuesday, for Lilleshall, their seat
in Shropshire. The first of our winter subscription
balls was given at the Royal Assembly Rooms, and
among the company were Lord and Lady Harley, Vis-
count and Viscountess Eastnor, Sir Edward and Lady
Mostyn, Lady Annabelle Macleod, Lady Teynham,
Sir John and Lady Gerard, Major and Mrs. Bishopp,
Sir Edward and Lady Hamilton, Miss Hamilton, Col.
and Miss Clements, and upwards of 150 of the leading
fashionables residing at the Spa. The Earl and
Countess of Belmore have arrived from CastlF Coole,
their seat in Ireland. The Noble Earl isin an impaired
state of health. Lady Cameron, J. Bailey,r Esq. M.P ~
and Mrs. Bailey, Sir C. and Lady D Oyley, Major
Vivian, M. P.,
&c., are among our recent arrivals.
Ladg Anna Maria Cust and Mr. Quintin Dick, have
left after a brief stay. The next winter ball takes
place on Wednesday, the 4th of flex!, month, under the
patronage of Lady Mostyn and Major Bishopp, K. H.
DREADFUL COAL PIT ACCIDENT.-011 Fri-
day morning the 15th instant, as four men, Henry
Kent, John Heap, John Harvey, and William Tay-
lor, were descending a coal pit shaft, situate at Swami-
lincote, in Derbyshire, the chain broke, and precipitated
them to the bottom, a depth of 150 yards. A scaffold
had been erected across the shaft towards the bottom,
for the purpose of
getting a shallower coal, but such was
the violence of the fall, that the scaffold gave way before
it. There was a considerable quantity of water at the
bottom of the shaft, and although assistance was at
hand, the bodies of the unfortunate men were not re-
covered until late in the afternoon. They presented a
horrid spectacle. All were dreadfully mutilated, but
one was literally crushed to pieces. An inquest was
held on the bodies on Monday last. The jury pro-
ceeded to the colliery, and inspected the chain minutely,
and after a protracted examination of witnesses, came
to the conclusion that the chain was not so thoroughly
efficient as it ought to have been. They therefore re-
turned a verdict that the deceased were killed by the
accidental breaking of the chain, and imposed a deo-
dand of 5/.—Derby Mercury.

TREASURY MINUTE AisiD PENNY

A

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SlR,—Permit me, as Chairman of the late Committee
of the House of Commons, appointed to inquire into
11Ir. Hill's plan of penny postage, to request the inser-
tion of the following in an early Number of The Sun.
Having received numerous letters of inquiry, and still
more expressive of alarm and doubt, respecting the real
object of the Government in bringing forward the mea-
sure which has been intimated by a Treasury Minute,
I beg to give the following reply to those who have
already addressed me on that subject, or who might
think of doing me that honour :
I believe the Government is perfectly sincere in de-
claring the measure as set forth in the Treasury Minute
as preparatory only to penny postage ; and, in so far as
I am a judge, I consider the temporary plan, as pro-
posed, to be not only unobjectionable, but salutary and
judicious.

I believe charging letters by weight does require
considerable practice, in order to enable those employed
in the manipulation departments to perform them on the
new plan with the accuracy and expedition which will
be so essential when the full measure of penny postage
is introduced.

I have not a doubt that faith will be strictly kept with
Parliament and the people by Government bringing for-
ward, as soon as possible, the uniform penny postage
with the use of stamps.
I have no information whatever, direct or indirect, as
to the use of stamps, or the mode in which they are
likely to be applied.
In utter ignorance, then, of the contents of the 3,000
proposals, which it is said have been deposited with the
Treasury, I adhere to the view I stated in the House
of Commons when the Penny Postage Bill was read the
second time, viz. :

That there should be sheets of stamped paper, half
sheets of stamped paper, and loose single stamps, for
being attached to any kind or size of paper ; those
three modes will accommodate rich and poor, as well
as meet the freaks and prejudices of the ignorant ; and,
so far as I can see, they will even meet the objections
of the sordid, self-interested crew, who would evidently
sacrifice every thing which is generous and truly good
in this great national measure, rather than see the
Tightest hazard to their own pecuniary interests.
To carry penny postage into practice is, as I under-
stand, in the immediate department of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer. I have had constant communication
a•ith Mr. Baring ever since he became Secretary to the
Treasury. I have at all times found him an excellent
man of business, which he conducted with the most
;rank sincerity and scrupulous integrity.
Mr. Baring is now Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
penny postage, and the use of stamps are, in my humble
judgment, quite safe in his hands ;—so I firmly believe,
Ind on this will I act, until I see good cause to enter-
tain doubts, or alter my opinion.
When speaking on the second reading of the Penny
Postage Bill, I certainly mentioned the sth of January
as the time it appeared to me the Act should come into
'ore° ; but I had no authority for this—no data to go
by. I was replying to an objection taken by Sir R.
Peel, regarding the probable deficit in the years' reve-
nue ; and with this in mind said, that the change, if
made on the sth of January, which was the earliest pe-
riod I contemplated, would only affect one quarter of
this year's revenue,
Respecting the time the Penny Postage Act shall
t•ome into play, of course I can know nothing ; but I see
no good reason for its exceeding the sth of January, or
at the very most that day month, which would taring it
into use when Parliament meets, if it shall assemble at
the usual period ; and I feel very confident, if there
should be good reason for delaying it until Februa7y,
that the temporary measure which will commence on the
sth of December will be found in the meantime to be of
much practical benefit to the Post-office department,
and consequently to the public.
I hope to be excused for resorting to this method of
answering queries which I felt a desire to reply to, but
could not possibly overtake in proper time by corres-
pondence.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
ROBERT WALLACE.
Kelly, Nov. 20, 1839.