The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-09 00:00:00

POLAND.

The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a petition,
agreed to at a meeting held in Guildhall, in favour of the
Poles. The noble earl also presented 61 other petitions to
the same effect. He said it was not to be wondered at that
sympathy should arise in a country where so much liberty
existed as England, in favour of a nation which had made
such struggles and sacrifices for freedom as Poland. The
noble lord then proceeded to touch upon the present
prostrate state of Poland, and said the convention enter-
ed into by Russia and Prussia was of a most abominable
nature ; the later convention was not of a more favourable
character, and the manner in which Prussia had submitted
to Russia was most disgraceful. He hoped that Russia would
not at the present time be allowed to revive that against
which England had been so long protesting, viz., a fugi-
tive slave law—a more ferocious encroachment on the rights
of man he had never heard of. When the Emperor of Russia
received a deputation, he stated that any dis-
affection or any desire to reconstitute Polish na-
tionalty would bring down upon them great mis-
fortune, and conclw: ed by saying that "he would
in such a case destroy Warsaw, and that he was not a per-
son likely to build it up again." The noble earl then went
on to recount other incidents in the history of Poland,
until he came to the present outbreak, occasioned by the
abominable conscription, which, he said, was one of the most
refined species of cruelty the heart of man ever conceived.
It was done by surprise in the dead of night; husbands
were torn from their wives, and sons from fathers, half
naked from their homes and confined in prison.
It was one of the greatest atrocities ever per
petrated by man on man, but like all satanical measures
it was too strong, and the devilish act had recoiled on
the head of its projector. The result of all the dreadful
proceedings showed the necessity of separation between
Poland and Russia. It was impossible that two such
nations could go in union again. The spec-
tacle before the country was neither temporary
nor spasmodic,but the result of a long series of oppressions,
and it could not be said to have shown anything like dimi.
nishing, but quite the contrary. With respect to the late
amnesty, it was only so in name, that it was in fact merely
talk and subterfuge, and the Poles had done right to reject
it. The insurrection might be put down, but the
spirit of it would never be quenched. It would
break out afresh again and again, and Gortschakoff
had truly said that nothing would entirely crush it out but
total annihilation and extinction.

Lord HARRO WBY condemned the policy pursued by
the Russian Government, and was of opinion that by the
violation of the Treaty of Vienna it had forfeited its rights
as regards Poland.

Earl RUSSELL—My lords, I listened with the greatest
pleasure and attention to both my noble friends who have
just addressed your lordships; and L rise to address a few
observations to your lordships with a deep sense of respon-
sibility. That sense of responsibility arises from two causes
—the one is lest I should give too sanguine a colour to the
representations which have been made by some of the powers
of Europe to Russia, and lest I should say too much as to
my expectations of the success of those efforts, and so in-
duce your lordships to think and hope the consummation of
those desires is speedily to be arrived at. The other consi-

deration which affects me is lest I should induce your lord-
ships to think that her Majesty's Government are prepared
—still more lest I should induce the Polish nation to believe
that her Majesty's Government are prepared—to take part
in this contest, or to do more than address to the Govern-
ment of Russia those representations which we feel it be-
longs to a country such as this, and more especially when
joined with two powerful Governments like those of France
and Austria, to make. '1 hese representations should be
made with a due regard to her own interest, with a due re-
gard to justice, and with a due regard to the character of
the Emperor of Russia. Now, my lords, before I speak of
that which has lately happened, more especially with refe-
rence to the representations which have been made,•l ask
your lordships' attention for a few moments to what was
done in 1831. In 183 t. my noble friend, Lord Palmerston,
who then held the situation of Secretary of State for Fo-

reign Affairs, addressed these words to Lord Heytesbury
—" Tho treaty of Vienna declared that the kingdom ol
Poland should be attached to Russia by its constitution

A constitution the Emperor of Russia accordingly gave;
and it is surely no forced construction of the meaning of
that treaty to consider the constitution so given as exist-
ing thenceforth under the sanction of the treaty." Now
I do not believe it requires me to use any lengthened ar
gu-

.went in respect to the treaty of Vienna, or the cons
tution as being necessarily connected with it; that argu-
ment has appeared in the state despatches of 1831, and in
those of the present year; but there is one consideration
that arises from reading the papers of 1831, which, I think,
ought to be present to the minds of Parliament, and to the
minds of the public, amongst whom the question is some-
times naturally asked, Whst is the use of diplomatic repre-
sentations? I wish to call your lordships' attention to the
despatch of Lord Heytesbury in 1832. He tells my noble
friend Lord Palmerston that it is true our representations
have not achieved the object we wished, but that it would be
a great mistake to suppose that they were fruitless, Our re-
presentations have been entirely confined to the kingdom of
Poland ; they have no bearing on those provinces of Russia
which do not form part of the kingdom of Poland. Now.

mark the difference in reference to these different provinces'
Lord Heytesbury writes, "It will be sufficient to cast cur
eyes towards the Russo-Polish provinces not included in the
kingdom of Poland, and consequently out of the reach of
foreign intervention, to be convinced to the contrary. In
the kingdom of Poland, setting out of the question those
accused of assassingtion and the officers of the three corps,
Kaminski, Rybinski, and Ramorin, who form a class apart,
and who are now gradually returning to their homes upon
consenting to renew their oaths of allegiance, there are not
above 20 individuals excluded frim the amnesty or who will
_ _ _

suffer for their political conduct. But in the Russo-Polish
provinces incorporated with the empire confiscation of pro-
perty, exile, or deportation to Siberia, are the general lot.
Not an individual has been suffered to escape who took any
part in the revolution. This different measure of punishment,
though it speaks little in favour of the clemency of this Go-
vernment, shows clearly the effect of foreign intervention.
We may not have gained much, but we at least have the con-
solation of knowing that the course pursued would have been
infinitively more severe had we not taken the line we did."
This shows, I think, that some advantage may be derived
from the influence of a great power using language founded
on truth, and that such influence a power like Russia may
not like to disregard. Now, in speaking of that which has
lately happened, I must, in the first place, endeavour to do
justice to the character of the Emperor of Russia, and,
differing in that respect from my noble friend, I should say
that I entirely believe in the benevolence and sincerity of
that sovereign. Ido not regard as mere profession on his
part those sentiments that all sovereigns are apt to profess,
but I do say that there is hardy any act which ennobles the
reign of a sovereign more grand in its effect or more bene-
volent in its conception than the emancipation of the serfs
of Russia. Every one who has attended to that act knows
that the persons of most influence at the court—that the
great aristocracy of Russia were deeply interested in the

maintenance of serfdom. To some it has bean the loss of
one-Ulf their annual rent, to some five-sixths, and to others
even nine-tenths; but the Emperor of Russia, seeing that
the interests of humanity were involved in that question—

seeing that millions upon millions, not only of the present
race, but of those yet unborn, would derive benefit from that
proclamation of freedom, has not hesitated, with due delibe-
ration, but at the same time with the utmost boldness, to

declare the freedom of the serfs throughout the wide extent

of his dominions. Well, I say, when a sovereign who has
performed t u3h an act—who has done that from sentiments
that he himself conceived, and who was not forced to it by
anything like insurrection, we should not presume—we
hive no right to presume—that, with regard to another part
of his subjects, he has been animated by intentions which
were other than for their welfare. But having said thus
much, having declared what is my opinion, I am next
obliged to say that in nothing that he has done with regard
to Poland—that in nothing that I have hitherto seen, d. o I
foresee the foundations of that prosperity, of that enjoy-
ment of just rights, which the Poles are entitled to expect,
I find in the last despatch of Prince Gortschakoff what is
held out with regard to Poland. Prince Gortsehakoff says
—"By the side of an act of clemency to which it has been
possible to give a large extension since the dispersion of
the most important armed bands, the Emperor has s
main-
tained in force the institutions already granted, and has de-
clared. that he has reserved to himself the power o
to them the developments indicated by time and tghleviri!
quirements of the country. His Majesty can then refer to
the. past ih the rectitude of bit 091180101100 to the