The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-22 00:00:00

lions • to deal with ; but even twelve millions, ac-
customed as Ministers have been to talk of millions
as if they were only pounds sterling, ought not to
he lavished on unnecessary establishments.—What
use, let us ask, has the country for 80,000 men in a
time of profound peace, and when, according to the
Royal Message, we are " receiving assurances of
amity" from all foreign Powers ?—What sense is
there in paying more than six per cent. for the col-
lection of taxes which any one would engage to
deliver into the Treasury for a third of that
sum ? Why also is that grave of English-
men, Sierra Leone, still kept up ? Why do we
expend the resources of the country in main-
taining establishments in different colonies
which ought to pay the whole of their own ex-
penses, and which, sooner or later, will be wrested
from us ? But it is needless to put questions.

There must be sweeping economy in every quarter,

and in addition to economy a return to paper cur-
rency, convertible into gold or silver. Without this
last measure all the economy that can be practised
will be of no avail. Nothing else can relieve the
country from the pressure of the debt. To this
point, therefore, we say, above all others, let the at-
tention of the Members of both Houses be e,pe-
cially directed. Let them insist on economy, but let
them also insist on paying that in paper which was
contracted in paper. We can assure them that the
country is not now to be trifled with, and that if they
do not do their duty by it, it will assuredly do its
duty by them, when they happen next to present
themselves for re-election.-211orning, Advertiser.

The motion of the Marquis of Blandford, on
Thursday night, for leave to bring in a Bill to
new-model the House of Commons, and the debate
it occasioned, are chiefly deserving of notice on ac-
count of the extravagance of the scheme of Re-
form which the Noble Marquis offered to the us-
ceptance of the House. The old stagers upon the
question—those to whom it cannot be imputed that
their convictions or professions respecting it are
founded upon a single vote of the House in opposi-
tion to their views, and who have been goaded into
Reformers of the Constitution of Parliament, by
the bitter experience that Parliament as it is uni-
formly left them in a minority—were somewhat
scandalized,- and not a little embarrassed, by the
wildness and intractibility of their new ally. They
implored him earnestly, but in vain, to substitute
a vague and general Resolution in favour of Re-
form, such as for years had been the constant
theme of their declamation, for the definitive and
tangible pi 'eject upon which he had determined
to take the opinion of the House. There eon
be no doubt that he was right in this, and that
they were wrong. If Reform is insisted on, let
us by all means, we say, see what the nature
of that Reform is to be. Despising vague and
unmeaning generalities, as the Marquis of Bland-
ford
despises them, let each of the reformers in his
turn propose his specific plan of Reform. Then it
will no doubt be seen, absurd, mischievous, and
ridiculous as was the scheme of the Noble Marquis,
that yet it was just as safe, as salutary, and us
ra-
tional, as any of the rest. We are not about to
repeat the details of a project which has now been
dead and buried for above four and twenty hours,
but we cannot refrain from the remark, that one
part of the Noble Marquis's scheme ought, if Par-
liament be as venal as some persons pretend to
believe, to have secured it a more favorable recep-
tion than it experienced. The comfortable income
of 21. per day for every Borough Member, and of 41.
far every Knight of a Shire, which it proposed
tsars secure, might to have excited a feeling-
otgeatitude towards the proposer, -rather than
the ungracious sneers with which he was
encountered from every side of the House. A
House of Commons constituted by the votes of his
scot and lot electors, would in this respect at least,
we believe, have manifested greater sympathy with
the Noble Marquis. In the speech by which this
tardy recruit to the standard of Reform introduced
his motion, he claimed the right of referring to the
ancient Constitution of England as an authority and
a mode!, without fixing upon any particular epoch
as that at which the several principles which he
says are inherent in that Constitution were conjointly
in operation. He has a right, he contends, to spurn
the question " to what time do you refer when you
speak of the British Constitution as the Constitu-
tion you wish to restore ?" The question, he says
is sophistical, and unworthy of an answer. He in-
sists that he may range from century to century, se-
lecting from the records of each the good principles,
or such as he deems good, then in operation, with-
out regard to the circumstances of the times, or any
other principles or practices with which they were
combined. Be it so. Let him exercise this right,
and when he has done so he will only have con-
structed a new Utopia from the materials of British
history ; and although he may dignify the offspring
of his labour with the name of the British Constitu-
tion, it will nevertheless he a Constitution, even by
his own admission, which has never been actually in
operation either in Great Britain or any where else,
which has never been subjected to the severe test
of experience, and which is in fact at this moment
as utterly untried, as any of the thousand and one
Constitutions by the fabrication of which theoretic
politicians have amused their leisure. The Marquis
of Blandford is mistaken if he thinks it possible for
any man to acquire political importance in England
by advocating general and sweeping changes in the
Constitution. It may do very well for young men
first entering into Parliament to expatiate in this
field, for the trial and exercise of their oratorical
powers; but the discreet and sober-minded people
of this country are indifferent to the subject. They
do not wish for rash and hazardous innovation, and
they know that any sudden and extensive innovation
in the form and powers of Government would be
rash and hazardous. They amuse themselves with
it when seen at a distance, but if they saw the least
probability of its approach, they would prepare them-
selves for resistance. And what is still more
worthy, perhaps, of the Marquis of Blandford's con-
sideration, they look upon the advocates of innova-
tion, upon the most popular of these advocates, only
as persons fitted for their amusement ; and expect
of all who aspire to the higher and graver taste of
Ewing the country, of all who are ambitious of the
name of Statesmen, that they should abandon the
pursuit of an object which is not odious only because
it is to believed to be chimerical.—. Morning Post.
It is related of an Irish Lord Lieutenant, whose
veracity was not of the least questionable kind, that
he once told the chief magistrate of some district
to inform his brethren that a certain matter should
be done immediately. " Please your Lordship,
I cannot tell them it will be done, but I will
tell them your Lordship said so," was the reply.
Even so is it with the recent statement of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. Those who have
informed the public that the Right Honourable
Gentleman meant to do anything to lighten the
heavy burthen under which a whole people groan
and suffer have acted most indiscreetly ; but
those who only stated that the Right Honourable
Gentleman said lie would do so have taken the
more prudent course. Mr. Goulburn holds a si-
tuation by no means enviable. If he were a man
of profound ability—one who could talk a starving
mechanic into an idea that his hunger was ap-
peased, or persuade a ruined agriculturist that
his fields were rich with the coming harvest,
or lead the benkrupt ship-owner to imagine
that the ocean was wafting the wealth of a
dozen lands into his stores—he would find
it necessary, at the present moment, to put
forth all the talent of which he was master. But
Mr. Goulburn is a man who can do no such thing,
and whose attempts at such a matter would be
like the efforts of the ass in the fable to con-
vince the lord of the forest that he was the most
eloquent of brutes. lie must be satisfied with
stating facts, and can never expect to prevent
those who listen to or hear them from drawing
inferences of their own. The country is by this
time in possession of the statements made by him
in the House of Commons on Friday
.night—It