The Sun.
London, England, 1830-09-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We do not
_apprehend that much more,* trans-
Aired respecting the progresa or complexion of affairs
in the Netherland!, than was communicated in our
last publication. The pith of that intelligence, al-
ways provided it were true-,.was, that the King had
not given a decisive (and therefore not a satisfac-
tory) answer to the demands of the Commissioners
front Brussels; •and, secondly, that a new demand
had been forced upon the Prince of Orange, which
had formed no part of the ostensible propositions
put forth by the, patriots at an earlier period--,namely,
diet Vast, if not-inauspicious desire, for a dissolution
of the incorporating; union of the two countries, and
the establishment of a Federal Government in its
place. Taking all the circumstances of Holland
and the Netherlands into account, the unfortunate
opposition of feeling at least, if not of interest, which
has long prevailed between theM, and which has
rather been strengthened than conciliated by their
compulsory marriage,—the exasperation of the
Netherlanders .at the increase of. taxes, whether
great or small, entailed upon them as the first fruit
of their subjection to the Dutch King,—the injury
o a large class of their manufacturers, produced by
the exclusion of their wares from the French
market,—and the two important incongruities, that
of religion, which has separated them, and of language,
which • goes far to disable them from re-uniting
es—with, we say, all these serious grounds of
alienation, there. does appear to us nothing un-
mound, though at the same time We greatly
regret it, in the solicitude pid—with what truth
we know nots—to'have been displayed by the Flem-
ings far a less intimate incorporation with a race
of men to them obnoxious. But if—what do we
not wish to see—such an event should occur, how
will the Allied Powers contemplate the change ?
The " settlement of Europe," the everlasting set-
tlement of Europe 1 how will its authors face this
second outrage on the immortality of that mighty
work ? To be sure, the backbone of the " settle-
ment" was broken, when the successor of Louis
XVIII. was ousted from the land of his divine-right
succession; but that was a different sort of wound
from this, which threatens the Belgic throne.. The
restorative properties of the Congress of 1815 were
discovered to'be powerless, save only (and that but
for a moment) over the materiel of the French ma-
narchy. The spirit of that monarchy could not be
reanimated. It had consisted in a sympathy—un-
definable, perhaps, and irregular—between the
Prince and people, which, down to the year
1785 or
.1780, had sufficed to hold together the
antiquated machine; but to sympathy antipathy
sueeeeded, and produced the revolution ; and
since the revolution the people of France had been
moving onwards, while the family of their old rulers
stood obdurately still. The nation hail outstripped the
Court ; and the Allies of 1815, who could neither force
the French people to retrograde, nor the House of
Bourbon to advance in knowledge, made sad patch-
work of the restoration, which fell to pieces after 15
years. But it seems as if the creative power of the
Allies was reserved for equal misfortune with the
restorative, Though reinforced by a sensible and
honourable man for sovereign, in the person of the
then Prince of Orange, the great courts of Europe
failed here also, by meditating only the relations in
which the new kingdom of the Netherlands was to
stand to other countries, and forgetting the relations
which the parts of the new monarchy were to ex-
hibit towards each other. Mire there was as little
sympathy between Rolland and the Netherlands, as
in France between the crown and people. So we
see a possible termination to the artificial monarchy
which the Castlereaghs of that time created, as we
have seen already the death by paralysis of the
worn-out monarchy which it had cost them 25
years to restore. The great Courts of Europe
then, we fear, if the King of the Netherlands should
listen favourably to the demands of his people,
may tell him it is an illegitimate example, and must
not be shown' to mankind. Should a federative
connexion be granted to the Belgians, will not
Prussia anticipate a similar necessity, some day, for
yielding to the demands of her Rhenish subjects,
and giving them a representative constitution, with a
separate government and tune ? Poland has, indeed,
the shadow ofan independent state; but if Belgium, by
bully ing,-gains the substance, why should net Poland
likewise ? Se, in case of the Prince of Orange on
his return reporting to the people of Brussels that
the King has acceded to their wishes, how, we beg
to ask, are the taxes to be distributed ? Will the
Flemings continue voluntarily to pay the interest of
the large debts of Holland ? or can they, by any
exercise of their volition, compel France to admit
their goods across her frontier ? The grievances,
therefore,--the main grievances we imagine,—which
have really pressed upon the spirits of these Belgians,
mutt remain unmitigated, notwithstanding their
sacrifice to the proud theory of independence should
have been accepted, though it is probable that the
anger and distrust of neighbouring States would
throw embarrassments in the King's way, too power.
ful to be overcome by any wish on his part to in-
dulge the solicitations of his subjects for a division
of the realm. The only other alternative which
presents itself being to reject the proposition with
which the Prince of Orange is said to have charged
himself, every body who has watched the course of
the insurrection may judge what must he.the come-
quence.of bomb a determination in the King,—it civil
war, of which no man can see the result. It is right,
therefore, that allowances should be made for the
great and numerous difficulties which beset the ques-
tion, and that men's minds should be prepared
(though we trust in God they will be disappointed)
for the contingency of it prolonged and painful
struggle. The march of foreign troops to elitist
either party, we deprecate es the most dreadful of
ell expedients; for sure we ate, that in such a case
there is not a power of the first or second order in
Europe whose troops would not soon be in the field,

We publish a letter to-day, signed "A Man,"
against the "Morgue Aristocratique" of the ancient
French nobility, anti descriptive of its fatal conse-
quences. Our correspondent writes with a little of
Morgue Democratique, but still his communication
at this time deserves attention. it will be perceived
that the new Government of France have intro-
duced a stew mode of address among the Peers of
France, and even among the great functionaries of
State. There era to be no more My Lords"
among them—no longer Monseigneur, but M. I.e
Ministre. Now there is no country in Europe in
which the distinction between Peer anti Cotturioner
is so marked as in England ; and that owing to the
existence of those absurd tutu even profane addresses
" My Lord," as applied to the former; and.. Your
Lordship," " your Grace," " noble lords."
Foreigners are disgusted with US, On this account;
told think that, with the freest institutions, we are
the losest people, to suffer such a distinction to exist
in daily practice I No one would or could interfere
with a Lord as a Legislator in the Upper House—a
member of the House of Lords, if you please; but
Lord Grey, for example, or Lord Grenville, would
quite as well discharge all the duties of that station,
if addressed " Sir ;" " Yes, Sir ;" " no, Sir;" as when
called that which they are not, " the Lord " of hint
who addresses them. We Ghould like to see this
profane and disgusting foolery put an end to in Eng.
land. It exists nowhere else. It is not worth the
while to inquire how it crept in here; but this is the
last country where it ought to tied a place ; and
eve have en doubt but that being once branded, it
"jilt very won vanish hence. The sooner this takes
Pleee thet li)..etter_;ara.natl;no time- so good as the pre-
sent.'
inectie_ outruns then We?, that the servility of
;pout.
,orebto.
boo lancl;natlay of the law in this re•
titles to the younger
di 04111,1).1:kce::Inolyttwrittliist;'sit;
oridt
t:listit,Caigeeortg.for,(ltr-:
yet each or these persons in My Lord ! - la°
w a My
Lord
I—a
Events thieken on the Conk 0
German correspondents, who writes "r ""r
the mine, and whose letter will he-ioOrt-ent'it':a°nl"
parr of out mcntioes the new toed itepoler:l

tent fact that the Cologne landwebr' which were
assembled for the grand review at Coblantz, mani-
fested symptoms of insubordination. 11. Another cor-
respondent, who writes from the letter town, states
that, on his arrival there, on the morning of the
-Ist inst., he found the town in commotion, in con-
sequence of the intelligence which had been received
of disturbances at Aix-la-Chapelle, and the break-
ing out of a slight tumult at Cologne. The
landwehr, our readers need hardly be informed, are
a force somewhat resembling our local militia, and
includes persons of all conditions in life, who must
serve in that body, for a year at least. Our corre-
spondent says this period has been increased by a
recent ordinance in a most oppressive, and, conse-
quently, unpopular manner. If the source of dissa-
tisfaction among those troops is to be traced to the
ordinance extending the term of service,. and to
that alone, the disease can be easily eradicated
by the removal of so obvious a cause. If Royal
ordinances, of an arbitrary nature, in another
1 kingdom, had not been too obstinately persevered
in, after the danger of enforcing them became
manifest, history might have been spared the latest
page of the deserved calamities of the Bourbon race.
If the King of Prussia, who is said to have ex-
pressed himself in strong terms on the misconduct
of Charles X., be as just and as moderate as the
sentiments lately ascribed to him would imply, he
Will instantly take measures to strengthen his autho-
rity, not by coercive laws, but by removing from
among his subjects all reasonable grounds of discon-
tent. The world is aware of the promises which
he made to his subjects of extending to them the
blessings of constitutional liberty, when he excited
them to rise against the power of Napoleon. Promptly
and nobly did their patriotism respond to his call;
but though their devotion and courage rescued their
King from vassalage, and their country from a fo-
reign yoke, the Royal promise remains to this day
unfulfilled. If, by performing his part of the com-
pact to which he became a party at that eventful
crisis, he attaches to his throne in the bonds of
affectionate loyalty his hereditary dominions, he can
the better secure the allegiance of the more recently-
acquired dependencies of his kingdom. There is,
however, a passage in the Courier of last evening,
which seems 'to contemplate the possibility of
the King of Prussia preferring an armed inter-
ference with other States to the peaceable reform
of Isis own. • That paper, after alluding to the
continuance of tranquillity at Ghent, says, " There
can be little doubt that, with the whole of Holland
against the revolted towns of the Netherlands, the
confirmed loyalty of other towns in the latter coun-
try, and the proximity of the Prussian troops, who
aro ready to march on the first application to the
King of Prussia, the task of putting down the in-
surrection by force would not be difficult; but the
King of the Netherlands appears disposed to act a
more wise and Immune part than Charles the Tenth.
He is willing to rule with the law, and his convoca-
tion of the States-General is an earnest of the sin-
-1 cerity of the professions which he has so frequently
made, of a desire to be regarded only as the head
of the State, subject to laws passed by the repre-
sentatives of the people." Now this passage in.
duces us to observe that, if the King of Prussia is
once persuaded by the illusions of a heated imagi-
nation, or the no less dangerous deceptions of flat-
terers, that he can put down the insurrection in the
Netherlands by force, he will most probably attempt,
and it is not difficult to foresee that such an at-
tempt would eventually involve Europe in a ge-
neral war. We believe the French Govern-
ment to speak in perfect good faith when they
disclaim all intention of hues tering between the
Belgians and their King; hut it Prussia once
poured in her legions to settle the dispute be-
tween the House of Orange and the refractory
Burghers, we are quite certain that the armies of
France would not remain quiet spectators of the con-
flict ; but we think, from what has already happened
on the Rhine, that the King of Prussia will find he
has quite enough to do at home, instead of troubling
himself with the affairs of his neighbours. The
writer in the Courier, however, condescends to con-
sole us, who are lovers of peace, by the assurance
that the King of the Netherlands is more wise and
humane than Charles X., and that he is content
to govern by the law. If he be sincere in his
pacific resolves, and in his preferring constitutional
authority to military force, so much the better for
himself, because, in that case, we are quite certain
that the revolutionary movements in Brussels, and
other Belgic towns, will soon lose their revolu-
tionary character, and end quietly in a wholesome
reformation of abuses. The refractory Burghers
demand the constitutional privileges of trial by
Jury--the liberty of the Press—that it, the actual,
not the pretended liberty of the Press—and die res
sponsibility of Ministers. 'there appears to be no-
thinF either irrational or extravagant in these demands;
and if they are enlightened enough to appreciate those
advantages of a frets community, they cannot be
the besotted slaves of ignorance and priestcraft, as
Some writers have stated. At all events they have
taken a formidable attitude, and it is right that those
who have to cope with the danger should know the
extent of it, because Governments, as well as indi-
viduals, have been lost by presumption, as well as
by timidity. The fate of Charles X. is a warning
to Kings whose prerogatives come its collision with
the rights of their • subjects. If the King of the
Netherlands be more moderate and humane than
the ex-King of France, he has also the benefit
of Isis experience ; and we suppose we need not
remind him of the trite adage " Felix quern
faeiunt (therm pericaia cautans." Whatever may
be the issue of these continental commotion%
we trust our own Government will act strictly
upon the principle of non-interference. Whether
the several stations of the continent prefer despotic
risk, limited monarchy, or republicanism, they should
be allowed to suit their own taste. It is neither
our duty or interest to go on a crusade either for
or against the liberties of other people. We have
that Const i t tiers which suits us ;—; t was established
by a revolution ; and if other realises choose to fol-
low our example in asserting civil liberty, or if they
prefer remaining under despotic rulers, it is no con-
cern of is people who possess at this moment the
best system of rational freedom and the most popu-
lar King in Europe.—Morning Herald.
We received yesterday, by express, the Messages.
des Chambres, dated Sunday, and the other Paris
Papers of Saturday. Extracts will be found in
another column. A good deal of alarm has been
occasioned by the war of the working classes against
machinery. We have not the smallest doubt that
they think they have substantial justice on their
side; and recent events have demonstrated, that
strength is also on their side. " In ordinary times,"
says the Standard, " this outbreaking of the spirit
of General Loud would not be of much importance,
and could be easily repressed; but in the present
circumstances of Paris, it must be considered to be
very serious." No doubt the system of repression
and coercion does not accord well with a time when
this mass of the population have hardly yet had time
to cool from their exertions in effecting a change in
the Government. But oven if repression and coer-
cion were easy, is it necessary that society should
constantly he thus divided into repressors lnd re-
pressed ? Must the middle classes constantly view
the working classes as men who can only be kept in
order by their fears ? Anil must the working classes
constantly view the middle classes us opposed to
their well-being ? We should say in this case, that
the Tories and High Churchmen are right, and
that the Liberals are wrong. The High ChurAmen
say, the educations of the lower orders is an evil,
us it indisposes them to that passive obedience, with-
out which no State can enjoy tranquillity. Know-
ledge, they say, is power, and if the lower orders
are only kept down by fear, why should we, by the
conorsimieation of knowledge, add to their power,
and thus supply them with the means of overcoming
us ? And, in truth, they who believe that the truths
of moral and political science cannot be communi-
cated to the working classes, are exceedingly ineon-
slava in encouraging the communication to them of
ES mote limited degree of instruction. T e interests of

the various classes of society are not in reality op-
posed to each other; but if it is impossible to make
the working classes sensible of this, and to free them,
from the idea that the various means by whiCh the;
resources of society are so astonishingly augmented,
are injurious to them, the more they are held in' :
debased state the better. But why must we assume
that the working classes cannot be made acquainted
with the most essential truths of moral and political
science ? There is no other ground as far as we
can see, for the assumption, than that the attempt
has never fairly been made to instruct them. The
ability to read is merely the possession of a key to
knowledge; and when we have taught children to
read, it cannot be said that we have educated them.
In all the ordinary affairs of life we see that there is no
mighty difference between one man and another; and
as no great exertion is necessary to give to any one
the average share of instruction possessed by what
are called well-educated men, we hold that a respec•
table education may be given to nearly the whole
mass of society. 'ln that case we should be in-
debted for order to conviction, and not to fear; be-
cause, if the working classes were persuaded that
nothing was taken from them by their superiors, but
what ought to be taken from them ; that the ad-
vantages enjoyed by the rich could not be taken from
them without making the poor more poor ; and that,
for example, machinery, by abridging labour, enables
the person who saves something in the purchase of
what is produced by the abridged process, to extend
his purchases either in that or some other produce
of labour, we might count with certainty on their
disposition to order. It is consolatory to think that
society is susceptible of this grand improvement ;
for if we were to assume that society must be eters
nally divided, then we give to the ruling class the
most powerful of all motives to misgovern, in their
knowledge, that whatever evils are inflicted on the
middle classes they must be borne, as a concurrence
for a redress of grievances with the mass of the
people would only end in their common destruction.
In the Life of that excellent man, Mr. Richard
Baxter, he tells us, that while settled in Kidder-
minster a great furtherance of his work was the
writings which he wrote and gave among his flock.
" I had found (he says) the benefit of reading to be so
great, that I could not but think it would be profitable to
others ; and it was a great advantage to me that my neigh-
bours were of such a trade as allowed them time enough to
read or talk of holy things. For the town liveth upon
the weaving of Kidderminster stuffs ; and as they stand in
their looms they can set a book before them, nr edify one
another; whereas ploughmen and many others are so
wearied or continually employed, either in the labours or
the cares of their callings, that it is a great impediment
to their salvation ; freeholders and tradesmen are the
strength of religion and civility in the land : and gentle-
men and beggars, and servile tenant', are the strength of
iniquity (though among these sorts there are some also
that are good and just, as among the other there are many
bad.) And their constant converse and traffic with London
(loth much promote civility and piety among tradesmen."
We quote this passage from the life of a con-
scientious as well us intelligent man, to show the
ease with which knowledge may be communicated to
mechanics in general. Few trades exhaust. the
muscles to a degree that incapacitates the workman
in his leisure from giving attention to books; and
the occupation of reading serves as a relief to the
ordinary occupation. But, then, all those who have
an interest in the continuation of abuses have also
an interest that the people should be kept in igno-
rance. Those, on the other hand, who mean ho.
nestly by the nation, ought to endeavour to enlighten
the people as much as possible. The borough-
mongers, if they are consistent, must be opposed to
the diffusion of knowledge; because, as Hobbes
says, when reason is against a man, he will be
against reason, and borough-mongering is irrecon-
cileable with good government. The High Church
Clergy, for the same reason, must bate the instruc-
tion of the people, because an instructed people
would be desirous to reform all abuses, and, among
others, the abuses of the Church ; and hence we
see the Clergy stoutly fighting in the cause of the
horoughmongers,' and advocating the foulest and
most abominable corruption at elections, Even
Blackwood, in an elaborate article on a
new reign in the September number, admits
that the Church is rapidly sinking in power...,-
" that theclergy have, to to large extent, lost the con-
fidence of the laity—and that the power of its enc.
mica is increasing in all directions." All those who
hue an interest in the continuation of abuses—all
those who have interests at variance with the inte-
rests of the community at large, hate the instruc-
tion of the people, because they found, on the want
of such instruction, the division of the different
classes of society from their mutual fears. When
the news of the French Revolution first reached
this country, the countenance of all who are con-
nected with the aristocracy visibly lengthened. The
respect for property, the humanity of the lower or-
ders, the aversion to the effusion of blood, filled
them with horror, for they saw in all this the chance
of the termination of that jealousy at home which
has secured to them their rule. The intelligence
of the crusades against machinery, on the other
hand, will till them with inexpressible delight,
for it revives their hopes of the continuance of
the divisions of the people. In this country,
those even who are well-affected towards the
people are too often cowards, and love to
compass their ends by round-about ways which, after
all, deceive no one. Why, for instance, do the So-
cieties for the diffusion of useful knowledge among
the people, shilly-shally with mathematical treatises
and books about buttes flies arid the like, when what
the people chiefly want are well-written treatises on
moral and political subjects. The knowledge of the
duties of men towards each other is the knowledge
in the diffusion of which society has the deepest
interest ; and in this knowledge the great body of
the people are greatly deficient. The delay pro-
ceeds from a silly disposition to conciliate those
who never can be conciliated, because their inte-
rests are hostile to the general interest. It would
be far better to be without lukewarm friends, than
to paralyse the exertions of real friends. We say,
then, that the great object with all men who wish
good government and the preservation of order,
ought to be the instruction of the people. To this
object let them give their utmost efforts; or as the
physical force is with the people, where the work-
ing classes labour under errors on national points, a
revolutionary movement can hardly fail, sooner or
later, to receive an unfortunate direction from that
ignorance.---Morning Chronicle.

The advantages to be derived by a nation from
the unsubstantial sceptre of a citizen King, and from
authorities created by the fiat of a mob, exhibit
themselves in France with continued and increasing
clearness and effect, and the value of a Revolu-
tionary Government becomes daily more conspicuous.
It is, for, instance, the barbarous and tyrannical
practice, in countries not yet regenerated by the
progress of Liberalism, when men violate the law
to the danger or injury of their fellow-citizens, that
they should be punished by the power and in con-
formity with the provisions of the law. This in
unregenerated countries has been thought the most
convenient and effective expedient for causing the
laws and the general rights of the community to
be respected. But let us not be insensible to
the manifest improvement in this respect which
immediately ensues, us the first anti most im-
portant consequence of n popular revolution. In
France, the workmen having been taught the secret
of their importance and strength, by seeing in the
places of power and authority a Government the
recent creation of their own hands, rely very, pro-
, perly and naturally upon their paramount dominion,
and upon the infirmity if not the gratitude of the
puppets whom they have manufactured and installed.
Perceiving or imagining that their interests as a Chita
are injured by the employment of machinery in ma-
nufactures, they resolve to abolish its use, and in-
stantly the engines of Paris stand still. Several
Journals, the loudest and most effective in inciting
the Revolution, but which bad nevertheless taken
so imperfect a measure of the popular will and the
popular strength as to work the Press by means of
these obnoxious machines, ate compelled to suspend

their publication ; others are permitted to publish,
on the solemn promise of their proprietors forthwith
to abate
,the offence thus committed against the
sovereign people. Theworking' hands of, the Re-
volution, the physical force of Liberalismi achieve
in fine a much easier triumph ,over 'mechanical
science and manufacturing prosperity than it
had previously gained over legitimate governtnent
and monarchical authority. This, however, may
perhaps be thought an equivocal advantage. The
real triumph of Liberalism is to be seen in the im-
punity with which the laws are violated, in the en-
lightened forbearance of the officers of justice, in
the mildness of expostulation, and the gentleness of
the moral reproof, which the suffering and com-
promising Journals venture to address to the in-
vaders of their property and rights. How enviable
the situation of a community in which individual
interests and the harsh dictates of law . bend so
easily to the will of the majority of the citizens--min
which persons whose avocations are suspended, and
whose implements of trade'are broken, by any por-
tion of the sovereign people, are debarred from all
recourse to the rough and vulgar protection of
constables or gensdarme, and compelled to betake
themselves to the intellectual weapons of philo-
sophical reasoning and lectures on political eco-
nomy—in which wrong-doers are to be assailed
only by argument, (and coercion to be re.
served for the tame and pusillanimous few who
possess property and respect the laws which have
been framed for its protection I The glory and happi-
ness of the French Revolution would, however, be
incomplete, if all its triumphs were enjoyed by the
working population of Paris; nor would. it even
suffice that other cities should have equal victories
to boast over the rigour of the laws and the invidious
and exclusive rights of property. The soldiers of
France are citizens like the rest, and why should
they not partake the high privileges and valuable
immunities which the revolution has conferred upon
others of their order ? They would indeed have
shewn themselves unworthy of the name of French
soldiers had they submitted to en exclusion so hu-
miliating and unjust. Of , this little apprehension
need now be entertained. We see by the French
Papers that two regiments of cavalry at Metz
have already proved the army to entertain a
just sense of the rights of the majority, and
to participate fully' in the spirit and prin-
ciples of the revolution, by cashiering their
officers, and insisting upon the appointment of
others, possessing in a higher degree their confi-
dence, affection, and esteem. They will prevail,
no doubt, and will enjoy the further advantage of
having amusement and instruction administered to
them by the revolutionary press, unaided by ma-
chinery, in the form of ingenious and elaborate
articles to prove the duty and necessity of military?
subordination. The successful assumption of ille-
gal power by the workmen of Paris, and the equal
success in an enterprize equally illegal of the mili-
tary at Metz, are in such perfect harmony with the
whole spirit and progress of the French Revolution,
that the admirers of the latter cannot, we suppose,
affect to decry or condemn the former; it is certain
at least that they cannot do so without exposing
themselves to the general derision of mankind.--s
Morning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.