The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-01 00:00:00

°til~ F

,
,
,I„y. Ho-*, f,t the purpose of passing a temporary
11i4i, qv, woohi r. ,it ask if Ministers had or had not
the reyfeleeee of she Sovereign, or of the people.
4r 4.4 i':,!,44.4,0,mt, but be would ask, had they their
,i;en eentidenee ?—(Cheers.) The fact was, they bad no
reliance. open theinselves—they desired to run away froM
Hh it over: '41114, (tool which if they did not run away,
'those lid* would soon steal away from them. They
tereht. a tlissolution, in the hope that in a new , Perna.
7 rrn, n t ti 4 64,, might ft A more compliance. The Noble Duke,
rune neig‘it hope that in a new Parliament he might find a
Chaficellor i)1 tlw V, kehequer capable of bringing forward
,t Budget precticable and intelligible—he might wish all
that ; }r St wee he theeefore justified in advising the Crown
ta prouttunce a emarre upon the House of Commons—to
&elm them, nom in June, at that not very advanced pe-
: diet of the year, Meapabie of exercising the function.
whetted to them by the Wilt:tuition. Upon grounds such
me these, he premed upon the Ilouse the adoption of the
amen4l44o sty dwelling upon the extreme shortness of the
time et/Ailed for eousideration. Let the question, how-
ereta he decided ;le it might, the country would not hesi-
tate to deeide between those who supported the motion of
Ihe Nattle Duke and those who voted for the amendment
er tee Noble Earl. Ile declared that in opposing the
neeloti 13,- was niit influenced by hostility to the Noble
he acne infleenced by nothing but a persuasion that
~, :0 adoption of that motion could not fail to create dis-
ettisfaction them:omm the country at this importanterisiv.
The Earl ef 'WICKLOW had the most perfect confidence
in the Noide Duke at the head of the Administration, and
Li .: 044:,10it that, both in the opinion of the House and the
,ewitti.ry. he WI, h the great measure of last year, eata-
eledo d th'e strong* claim to that confidence. The time
w. 1,,, too short for the memory of those great services to be
bet 1'1e,.1 therefore leave the Noble Duke his most cordial
end imeealified support; and the more readily he gave that
auppoet, when he saw the amendment supported by one of
the most unnatural coalitions that had ever been witnessed
in this country, .
The Earl of HAREWOOD acknowledged the great
importance of the question under discussion, and he was
perfect'y satisfied that, in the present state of things, Par-
liament could not do justice to such a question. Though
not one of those who was grateful to the Noble Duke for
the measure of last year, yet he would, as an independent
man, support him on this occasion. He had been too
long in Parliament not to know what was the meaning of
the adjournment for twenty-four hourse The facts stood
thus t—Within twenty-four hours after his accession to
the Throne his Majesty. appointed *thee Noble Duke and
others to be his Ministry ; and was the Muse to offer re-
sistance to the first proposition that came from the King
after his accession ? Whatever might be his wish to assert,
and to preserve his independence, ke weuld not set himself
againit the first suggestion they had received front the new
Sovereign; that, however, did by no means pledge him to
a general support of the measures of Admini-tration.—
Though, technically, bound to regard the appointment of
the present Government as an appointment de amen, yet
he would, on this occasion give than the support required.
The Earl of RAJ)NOR observed that the Noble Earl
opposite supported the present motion merely on the
*cunt of its having been the first which proceeded from
,yesent Majesty, and, so far as he could perceive, for
'ter reason. Now he conceived it tube uoconstitu-
impute any political motive to the Sovereign.---
% he did was by the advice of responsible Mini.
ae Noble Earl did not favour the House with a
ament except one, and that was the most falls.
it could easily be imagined. A Noble Earl
') who spoke on the other vide said that his mind
e up on the subject. He bad probably had an
0pf,,,, „ city of considering and deliberating on the subject
for some time; art then he ought
.tn ;:llow other Noble
Lords time to deliberate on the measure. recommended,
and make up their minds upon it. The Ministers, the
Noble Eatl said, had deliberately considered the measure
before they laid it before the -House; but if they had ex-
amined the matter with so much deliberation, why not
allow others time for deliberation, and then perhaps others
might cornea to the same conclusion? ' He (Lord Radnor)
admitted, however, that it. was not likely that he should
mine to the seine conclusion. He considered that . if
Peillement should agree to the proposition of the Noble
Duke, they would be taking a great part of the
responsibility on themselves which ought to rest
with Ministers. It would be considered that their
Lordship had concurred with the Ministers in recom-
mending an immediate dissolutitm. lie hoped that this
was a responsibility which tlutir Lordships would not he
di- posed, under existing circumstances, to take upon them
heaves. it was manifestly of the highest importance that
Pediment should continue to sit for.some time longer, fur
besides the measure of great and paramount importance
upon which the Noble Earl who moved the amendment
had principally insisted, there were many other considera-
tions which' rendered an immediate dissolution highly in-
expedient at this moment. A Noble Baron (Ellenborough)
on the opposite side talked about giving repose to the
country by this plan of a dissolution. That argument
was not very consistent with some that had been used by '
those who puppet ted the proposition of the Noble Duke; I
but it was well known that measures had been recom-
mended in the Speech from the Throne, which.lad not
es yet been passed. Several measures of legal reform had I
been mentioned, and were now in progress, but none of I
them had as yet been passed.. A prospect had been held '
out that taxes would be reduced to the amount of three
millions, but that reduction hall not as yet taken place. '
The Beer fill was - in progress,
.hut that too would be
,444141.40 d by a dissolution. This people, who were oppressed
by the :burden of taxation,, hod been looking to the
1 vliPf which lad been 'promised, but they would be die-
appointed. The beer trade would be thrown into confu-
sion, and the progress of many commercial measures now
hefore Parliament would he arrested. There was another
matter of the highest importance to be considered, anti
that was the state of the country, and the distress under
it hich the people had for sonic time laboured. A promise
had been made at the opening of the Session, that Nome
meesures would be brought forward to alleviate the distrese,
but none had been adopted ; and yet their Lordships were
call, d upon to recommend an immediate dissolution, and
that, too, without being allowed the short spice of twenty-
four hours for deliberation. The question came upon them
completely by sttrerise, and they were celled upon to de-
cide, without time to counitler ; and under these circum-
stances b, thought it might well be anticipated that the
mejloityof their Lordships would vote against the propo-
,i:Mn of the Noble Duke and for that of his Noble Friend
,
near him.
Earl MANSFIELD---Their Lordships had been wit.,
eeseee of some practical inconveniences arising in Bil 9, on
the death of George 111., when theTarliment was dis-
solved so early after the time of its being assembled ; and
why should they expose themselves to such inconveniences
on the present occasion, without any reason for it? It was.
true, that Parliament was.very considerably in arrear with
the public business. But 010 was an argument against the
dissolution, and not for it; and in point of fact no reason
was assigned for the dissolution. Did the Ministers mean
to say that it would be extremely inconvenient and hazard-
ous to bring the question of the Civil List before the Com-
mons when that house was ,an its death.hed ? Did they
Ine4il to say that in such a situation the Commons would he
parsimonious to the SOversigo ? the did not think that
either the Parliament or.the people deserved that reproach,
for both had always been ready and antione to supply
whatever was necessary to support the due 41414n:41.44r end
independence of the Crown. , It was a libel tot them to
suppose that it was otherwise. But there might he some
parts of the Civil List not at all connected with the per-
sonal dignity and splendour of the Sovereign, about which
a naaaa of Commons, on the eve of a dissolution, might
be jealous. The Members of the Ileuse of COMUUSOI need
lic under gto apprehension when .they granted liberally
what was necessary fur,the .sole it of the real dignity of
the Crown, fur the peopkwould concur with them in the
opinion that this was in strict conformity with the due
execution ottheir trust; hot, as toothier items of the Civil
List, :hey might have tome apprehensions that unpleasant
tpteitiope might be asked, in case they did not closely in-
vestigete the list, and setVe it with a proper regard to
economy. It was not very likely that the Ministers wouhl
fiod another Parliament more favourable to there than the
present, end why.then. resort to an inttnediate diseolutien,
when there was no reason for it, but many strong Iva-
suns against it ? There were several Money Bible, as
well as. others of great importance now depe.nding.
But then the Ministers proposed to 'dissolve, and,
to enable them to do so, they intended to raise
, the, money by a vote of credit. But credit required conti7
deure, 41141 he had no confidence in the present Adminis-
tration. As to the cam! of a Regency, some temporary
nroviaion et least ought to be made for it befoie the
'diseolution. The proposition made, by the Nobs Earl near
him was merely for a delay of one 'day, in order to t;014-
iitler.the question. There Might be cireuntstenvea of veri
great difficulty indeed consequent on the want of S.' ite-
geocy
, and he had often regretted that ate Minister had
been hold enotigh tea force that subject onthe consideration
of. the Crown. lie 114 bimeelf seen the incoovenience
(of the want of a legislative trientanits. to Meet Smelt a crisis ;
and if the dreaded event should occur, the country would
he lent. without protectioM lit hoped, therefore, that the
voice of Parliament end of the country would Induce
.
Ministers to reconsider their project, or at least to state
.. ,
i
one good reeson in its (.dour.
Lotif WfIALINCLIFFIS said, ' that he had some confi-

dance in the present Administration, but this was a case
which required extraordinary confidence ; and he hoped
that the proposition for a delay would be adopted, that
they might have time to consider in what words they
could most respectfully to the Sovereign intimate their
(Onion that immediate dissolution ought not to take platy.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM regretted that so many
appeals had been made on both bides of the House to the
Catholic question. lie could not tree how any advantage
could arise from these allusions to that measure, and he
thought it would be much better to refrain from them.
He admitted, that in any view in which it could be,con-
sidered, the situation in which they were placed presented
coneiderable difficulties, but the question was on which
side the difficulties preponderated? It ought to be remem-
bered that the Crown could of its own authority dissolve
the Parliament whenever it thought proper. There were
difficulties attendant on the actual state of the public busi-
ness ; and they arose partly from the manner in which
the other House of Parliament chose to conduct its busi-
ness, and partly from other causes. But the Crown hav-
ing declared that it intended to exercise its undoubted
prerogative to dissolve the Parliament, the question was,
how they could enable it to do so with the least possible
inconvenience? It had been observed by a Noble Earl,
that the convenience of the Members of the House of Com-
mons, who might wish to take journeys and make ar-
rangements with regard to the approaching elections,
ought not for a moment to be put in competition with
the vast consequence of the continuation of Parliament
for some time longer. But whether their Lordships chose
to consult their convenience or not, and whatever might
be the importance of making provisions with respect to a
Regency, it would be impossible for them to prevent the
feelings of an early dissolution and the approach of a ge-
neral election prevailing strongly all over the country;
and ought their Lot dships to proceed with the considera-
tion of the question of the Regency during such a state of
general effervescence? His opinion was, that the better
ceurse was to agree to the proposition of the Noble Duke;
and on these practical grounds he would vote for it.
The Duke of WELLINGTON requested the indulgence
of their Lordships While be said a few words, and they
would be but few, on the subject now before them. Some-
thing had been said about the loss of influence which belled
sustained in consequence of the measure of last year, which
had been so often Mentioned, lie did not mean at present
to say a word on that measure except this, that however
sorry he might be to lose the support of the Noble Earl
(Mansfield) on the opposite bench, and of other Noble
Lords who concurred in that Noble Earl's views, if the
thing were still to be done he would take exactly the same
steps as he had taken last yetee--(Heare hear) The
question now before their Lordships was to be considered
with reference to the actual situation of Parliament. This
was net a state of things in which there was a balance of
inconveniences, nor had it been so represented by the Noble
and Learned Lord on the Woolsack. It was a balance be-
tween positive and greatinconvenience on one band, and
a remote risk on the other ; and the best and the easiest
mode of getting out of that risk was by means of the dis•
solution. 'Their Lordships were very much mistaken if
they thought that the matter of the Regency could be
settled merely by a short Bill. It was a subject of very
great difficulty, and one which it was impossible to settle
properly in the present Parliament. The Ministers
bad not adverted in the way of objection to the con-
duct of the House of Commons. But the pressure of
business was so great, and so much still remained to be
clone, that it was hardly possible, in the course of the
present Session, to get through that business in addition
to the important measure which .F" bur, so much Li..
slated upon> in the ,euerse of this discussion. A Noble
Earl en the other side had said that the Ministers, by the
proposition which they had this night submitted to their
Lordships, wished to throw on Parliament the responsi-
bility of the dissolution. That, however, was not the
case, nor was it ever intended. The Ministers had merely
brought down a Message from his Majesty, who stated,
that he saw the inconvenience of the present Parliament's
sitting much longer, and he requested their Lordships to
adopt such measures for carrying on the public service as
would enable him to dissolve the Parliament as soon as
possible. The Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack
—(looking at Lord Eldon, who took off his bat),—(a
laugh.)—He meant to say, his Noble and Learned Friend
on the Cross Bench—whom he bad been so long accus-
tomed to see with so much satisfaction on the Woolsack,
had observed, that the Alinieters by this measure of ditto-
. lutiots proposed to dispense with the advantage of the Act
of William and Anne, as if they had disapproved of that
statute. 'flea, however, was very fir from being 'the
case. On the contrary, it was that Act which enabled
them to recommend these measures to Parliament ; for
had it not been for the Statute in question, the measures
would, of course, leave been lost along with the Perlin-
meat, He regretted that he could not concur with
the Noble Earl in the delay which he lead proposed. He
did not mean in the least to impute to the Noble Earl any
other motive in making the proposition than thatwhich be.
himself avowed; but he could see no use in the delay, and
therefore thought it best that they should come to a de-
cision on the question this night.
Rail GREY—Me would not take up the time of the
House in making any thing like a reply to all the topics
that had been touched upon in the course of the discus-
sion ; but in some points he had been misunderstood as to
what he had stated when he before addressed the House ;
and as to these he hoped the House would indulge him
with a few words. In the first place, a Noble Marquis
on the Cross Dentin who spoke early in the debate, lied
said that he (Earl drey) lead admitted that there was no
other objection to the dissolution except that the great
measure of the Regency would thereby be postponed, and
that he was willing that the consideration of the Civil
List, and the other measures before Parliament, should be
waived. But the Noble Marquis very much tnietook what
he said, if he thought that he had made any such admix-
riots ; although be had said that if the measure of the Re-
gency was one of such great and paramount importance,
that Parliament could not, without a flagrant dereliction
of duty, express its concurrence in the propriety of an
early dissolution, leaving that question unsettled. Us had
been told, forsooth, that his own object would be best at-
tained by an early dissolution, butt that was not the light.
in which he viewed the matter. This was not a question
of prerogative as to whether Iris Majesty 'should dissolve
the Parliament or not, but the question was whether their.
Lordships would furnish him with the means of executing
his prerogative to dissolve? He WWI astonished to hear it
insinuated that he was ready to .indulge in , gloomy',
contemplation of the event of the King's demise.-
Ile certainly had no disposition to indulge in any such
gloomy contemplations. He was too well aware of the tem-
perate habits and strong and healthy constitution of hie
Ilejesty to feel any extraordinary apprehensions on that
head. He merely contemplated the possibility of the
early occurrence of such an event from any of those va-
rious accidents to which human nature was always liable,
and that was amply sufficient ground for the proposition
for which be contended; which was, that the earliest op-
portunity ought to be taken to prevent the dangerous con-
'sequences of the situation in which the country might b
placed, if the event should happen without any previous
arrangement having been made. And in comparison wi Is
the great importance of having that matter settled, what
wars the inconvenience of protracting tire sitting of Perlis.
recent for a few weeks. But although this was the con-
sideration of the most paramount importance, there could
be no doubt but that great inconvenience would arise from
the total destruction which the dissolution would bring on
the measures now before Parliament. Some Bills of sup-
ply were in progreee—some measures for the alleviation of
the public harthens, and these and all other measures now
depending would be left incomplete by the dissolution.
Now as to the object of his motion. It had been said that
his motion was a trap to catch votes, and was supported
by an unnatural coalition. He could not conceive
how it had ever entered the imagination of any one
to impute to him such a motive. He would state
what was the real 'Object of his motion for the delay
of one day. It was merely this—that the Mini.
stere might have that time to consider whether
they ought to advise his Majesty not to persist ' in
the dissolutions ; or, if the Ministers did not choose to
give that advice, that their Lordship* might have time to
consider how they could most respectfully communicate to
his Majesty their own sense of the in.expediency of an im-
mediate dissolution. That was his object, and with that
he had resolved, after consultation with a few friends with
whom he had usually acted, to eubmit to their Lordships
this !imposition. At to what had been 'mid about 1111 um.
natural coalition, he hod only to say he concurred in what
had been said by the Noble Earl near hime-that he knew
of no coalition. It was true that he had differed on many
points from that Noble Earl and his friends, but he had
never ceased to consider them as honourable men; and
although there was no troalition, yet; if he *Weld happen
to propose any measure in which they 'could concur, be
would feel himself highly honoured by their approltetion
i 'and support. A Noble Baron opposite had said, that he
1 (Fred Grey) had now openly shown his opposition to the
present Ministers, and he appeared in contradiction to. his
thriller conduct and a want of gratitude. He remembered
I well that he had given the Noble Duke's great Measure of
test year a moat cordial support, but he did so en public
! -grounds, and riot from coy personal motives ; and As to
~ the debt of gratitude, if be could suppose that his Wu-
core hurl been of any use to the Noble Duke in assisting
. him to carry that measure into effect, he believed the debt

of gratitude might be considered as pretty nearly egital.—
(Hear, hear.)—As to the matter of general confidence in
the present Administration, it was true that he had a
strong dispositien in favour of the Noble Duke, and much
good will towards him ; but be had stated when he sup-
ported the great measure of last year, that he still re•
mained exactly in the same situation as before, and was
not prepared to give his full confidence to an Administra-
tion constituted as the present was. Judging from what
he had heard of many of their measures, he certainly did
consider that they were such as conduced neither to the
honour nor the interests of the country. They had pro.
posed measures in certain shapes, then altered and with-
drawn them—proposed them again in other shapes, and
then altered them again, until they appeared to have got
into a state of inextricable confusion. lie was far from
imputing the blame of this to the Noble Duke personally,
whom he held in the hithest estimation ; but he spoke
from a c!ote observation of the proceedings of some of
those with whom the Noble Duke was connected, and in
his opinion of their competency be believed he would be
joined by three-fourths of the who'e nation. He did not
think it possible, after what he said in the commence-
ment of the evening, that any Noble Lord would impute
motives to him ; but that imputation had been dis-
claimed, and he accepted the disclaimer. Ile might ex-
pect to be accused of rashness, of feeling too warmly, of
expressing himself too warmly,--but he never expected to
hear himself accused of secrecy—of a desire to conceal his
opinions; and least of all did he expect to be so accused
by a Noble Lord wham he once had the honour to earl his
Friend. lie would net say any more. He repelleJ the
necessity of opposing the Address, and begged the Nettle
Duke not to suppose that he meant any thing personal
to him. He had contemplated the very important con-
sequences alluded to by the Noble Earl (Ilarrowhy); but
he had stated what seemed to him most likely to occur,
and most likely to have claims on their Lordship's consi-
deration. He was glad, however, that the Noble Earl
had mentioned the other point, and had suggested a re-
medy which seemed of ready application, arid would be
deserving of future consideration. The Noble Earl con-
cluded by moving an amendment for the adjournment till
to-morrow.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH explained. He di-claimed
any wish to impute improper motives to the Noble Earl ;
and he was extremely sorry to perceive that the Noble
Earl had taken up such an idea. Ile had, on a former
occasion, shown hint the highest mark of respect it was
possible for one public man to show to another, and si nee
that time he had seen nothing in the Noble Earl's conduct
to abate his respect ; on the contrary, his whole proceed-
ings had increased it. Ho wished, also, to state, that it
was not In the contemplation of his Majesty's Ministers to
dissolve the Parliament so speedily,as to deprive the people
of that relief which had been promised them by the mea-
sures introduced into the other !louse.

The Marquis of BUTE explained.
Their Lordships then divided on Earl Girl's amend-
ment, when there appeared,

Contents
Non•Contenta lOO

Majority in favour of Ministers —44

On our return into the House we found Earl Gnav
moving another amendment of the tenor he had stated in
his speech.

Hirt CAWDOR took the opportunity of asking the
Noble Duke whether his Majesty's Ministers intended to
abandon all those measures—including one in which the
people of Wales were much interested—which had been
recommended from the Throne, and introduced into Par-
liament ?

The Duke of WELLINGTON replied that it was the
intention of his Majesty's Government to proceed with
those laws which could be passed in a reasonable time.
The Beer Bill would be carried through, as well as such
of the Bills relating to the administration of justice as
courtl be carried through. The Bill for regulating the
Scotch Courts, which had been brought up to that House,
would, he believed, pass into a law. There were others
which it was probable might be passed, and ethers which,
considering the difference of opinion in the other Home,
it was not likely could be passed. He believed the parti-
cular Bill in which the Noble Lord was interested was
likely to pass, but the other Bill for the improvement of
the law would, he believed, be abandoned till next year.
Lord HOLLAND inquired of the Duke of Wellington
if he meant to pass an Appropriation Bill?
The Duke of WELLINGTON replied that an Appro-
priation Bill would be passed.
The amendment, as we understood, was then put and
negatived without a division and the Address carried.
Their Lordships then adjourned at Ten o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-(LAST NIGHT.)

Boydell's Divorce Bill went through • Committee.

Mr. WM. O'BRIf!N rose, but the noise was so great
we were unable to catch what the Hon. Member said. We
understood him to complain of a letter that appeared in
one of the Irish newspapers from Mr. O'Connell.
The SPEAKER asked the Hon. Member if he intended
to bring forward a breach of privilege?
Mr. O'BRIEN returned some answer, which was in-
audible in the gallery.
The SPEAKER said the Hon. Member must be aware
that the proper mode would be to move that the Editor or
Proprietor of the Newspaper be brOught to the Bo of the
House, as strictly speaking, it would he a breach of privi-
lege to publish the reports of that House. The regular
way would therefore be to bring forward the Editor or
Proprietor.
An Hox. Messina said that Mr. O'Brien's object was
to show to the mom the nature of the publication.
The SPEAKER—That would be quite irregular, as
there is no motion befime the House.

A number of Members called ont " Give notice—give
notice," and the matter dropped.
Several returns and petitions wire then presented, with,
notices for next Session.

Sir R. PEEL moved that the Order of the Day be
read fur takirer Into consideration the Message of his Ali-
jetty, after the reading of which the Right Hon. Gentle-
man expressed himself as follows :--Sir, I now time
for the purpose of calling the attention of the House
to that part of his Majesty's gracious Message which
expresses a hope that this House will make provi,
lion for the conduct of the public service in the in.
terval that may elapse between the termination of the
present Session, and the assembling of a new Parlia•
went. Sir, I cannot proceed to the performance of that
duty without expressing...4o far as an individual may pre.,
stone to express it—my deep sense of the considerate and
respectful forbearance with which the House was pleased
yesterday to limit its proceedings to the consideration
of an Address of condolence and congratulation, and
unanionotody refused to mix with the consideration of
those topics any thing calculated to provoke and irritate,
or even to lead to the expression of a difference of opinion.
Sir, the demise of his Majesty hat necessarily devolved
upon the Government the duty of giving their advice to
his Majesty with respect to the course it is fitting to pursue
for the despatch of business. The House is, no doubt aware.
that by the ancient law of this - country the demise
of the Crown necessarily dissolved Parliament. The
reason assigned for this by Illarkstinie is, that the King
was considered the head of Rudiment, principium et
finis, and that the demise of the Crown at once
put an end to Parliament. Sir, it was 'not till
King William's reign that an alteration in the law was
made in this respect. By an Act passed in the 7th
and Bth years of -King William, it was provided that, on
the demise ofthe Crown, the existence of Parliament o.ould
not necessarily terminate, but that it eliould continue, un-
less sooner prorogued or dissolved, for six months. The
preamble of that Act points out the cause of that
'enactment. It is stated that danger might arise
on the demise of the Crown, either from the
invasion' of foreign enemies, or from the conspiracy of
evil-disposed persons abroad or at home. No doubt the
original cause of the alteration in the preceding law
had reference to the • very peculiar circumstances at•
tending the demise and the danger of a disputed
succession. It has been generally said that the Act of
King William was temporary ; but I apprehend that that
was hot the case, but that it was permanent, although it
is recognised by a subsequent Act of Queen Anne. But, ski
what- ver were the circumstances which originally led to
the passing of that Act no doubt, I think, can be enter-
tained that it was a proper precaution, to provide that the
demise of the Crown should not necessarily put an end to the
Parliament, but that there should•he a power to continue
it in ease circumstances might require the deliberation of
Parliament. The question now is, Whether or not in the
prettent state of business, and whether with reference to the
businese which must he instituted on the demise of the
Crown, and the -accession of a new Sovereign, it be more
advisable to dissolve Parliament, or to proceed to the de..
'watch of business. Now, sie, I have no doubt that under
mature consideration by his Majesty's Government, with
whom it rests to advise, they have considered it their duty
to advise a communication to the purport of the Mas-
sage of the Sovereign to this House. The guess
tier' is, whether or not the !White will accede
to the 'proposal made by the Crown, taking care that they
should make temporary provision for the conduct of public
business; that I apprehend to be the subject for the cohsides
ration of the House. Now, Sir, I apprehend it cannot
be questioned, that although 'circumstances may arise
which may snake it necessary for Parliament to continue

Its deliberations, yet, upon the whole, there is much
inconvenience attending its kitting, when it is known
that at an early period, by law, a dissolution
II must take place. The law provides that within six months
IParliament must terminate. It is impossible but that the
preparation for the election of Members to serve in
a new Parliament must immediately take place. Sir,
I hold that the expense incurred by those pre-
parations is productive of no good.--(Hear, bear.)—
That it is an expense not calculated to facilitate the free
expression of the opinion of electors—but that that ex-
pense incurred in consequence of a six months' preparation
for
corruptingan eventual
rather election
th
an is aan
beneficialecpn whichinflata ce. hue_
a
(Cheers and laughter. )—I hold also, Sir, that it sloes
submit the Members of the existing Parliament, who are
willing to attend here in the performance of their public
duty, to an unfair disadvantage;--that the parties opposed
to them, in the first place, are free of any public affair
on account of no public business pressing on them,
by which they are enabled to devote the whole of their
attention on the spot to the promotion of their own inte-
rests, and to act in conformity with the views of those
around them, having the great advantage of being personally
on the Tat, and being able to devote their attention en-
tirely ta busiri6s. The consequence, I apprehend, of this
has been in former periods when Parliament has conti-
nued sitting, after the demise of the Crown, that there has
been a complaint of the want of sufficient attendance for pub.
lie business, and I find even on the Journals of this House, of
the proceedings when Parliament has continued its sittings
after the demise for the transaction of the business submitted
to it, that there are instances in which letters have been
addressed to the Sheriffs and Members complaining of the
want of attendance, and requiring their return to London.
On these grounds, Sir, I think it cannot, unless there he
special circimestaneess requiring the immediate intervention
of Parliament, I think it cannot be denied upon the whole,
that it is more conducive—most calculated to ensure imps.-
tiatity between contending parties, fur the voices of their
constituents--that at us early a period as may he convenient
for the public service, the prerogative of the Crown should be
exercised in forming a new Parliament. Sir, I sin quite
aware that since the Act of Queen Anne passed there
have been instances in which a different course has been
pursued. I am quite aware that in the reigns which
immediately succeeded Queen Anne it was usual to send
a message to Parliament, proposing arrangements for the
sittings, and that in conformity with that message arrange-
ments were made. At the same time it must be borne in
mind that the constitution of the civil list was very
different at that time to its constitution now ; that
at that period the Sovereign was in possession of the here-
ditary revenues, and that a certain sum was voted by Par-
liament, in addition, in order to snake up the deficiency
between those revenues and the charges upon them ;
and, in point of fact, the time devoted at the
periods I am speaking of, up to the reign of George 111.,
to the Civil List, would not be considered sufficient now
for the due consideration of matters of so much importance.
I find, for instance, in the reign of George I. the Bill for the,
settlement of the future Civil List, passed with very great
expedition. Queen Anne died on the let August, 1714.
The Act for the arrangement of the Civil List was in-
troduced into the Gammons on the 12th of August, 1714.
It passed through all the stages from day to day without
exciting much attention. It was sent to the Lords on the
17th August; it was returned on the 19th August,
with the assent of the Lords, and Parliament itself
was prorogued on the 25th of August, 1714.
Those periods, therefor,. althengh they were periods in
which the Civil List was settled by Parliament on the
demise of the Crown, were not periods to which we can
refer at present, I think, in respect to similar pro.
eroding+. Sir, I am quite certain it must be the al-
most unanimous feeling that on the settlement of the
Civil List, under the circumstances under which the pre-
sent claims come, that it is most desirable that the Govern
ment, on whose responsibility that Civil List is to be settled,
should have a full opportunity of maturely consider.
ing the arrangements, as far as can be given to a sub-
ject so important, and that the Commons after-
wards should have an equally full opportunity of
deliberating en the details of that list...(Hear.)—
Sir there will be to be considered the Civil List of three
different parts of the Empire—the Civil Establishment of
Scotland, Ireland, and of this part of the United
Kingdom. Upon the settlement of the Civil List
fifteen years ago, the general recommendation of
the King having been given at a time when his Majesty
eras; unrestricted Regent, was nearly followed in the ar-
rangement of the Civil List when his Majesty succeeded
to the throne. At the same time it is impossible
not to admit that there are certain matters connected
with the Civil List which call for additional consideration.
For instance, there are at the present moment several of
the public officers who desire their salaries partly from
the Civil List, and partly from the Consolidated Fund.
There are the Judges, who • derive their salmi's
partly from the Civil List, and partly from the Conso-
lidated Fund. There is the Treasury---a part of the effi-
cere of the Treasury derive their salaries partly from the
Civil List, partly from the Consolidated Fund. Sir, I do
not know that I could illustrate this better than by the
circumstance of one individual officer—the Chancellor of
the Exchequer ; he derives his emolument from five diffe-
rent sources; part of it from the Civil List, part from
the Consolidated Funds, part from the Civil List
of Ireland, part from Come other source in England
and the fifth from fees on transactions on business m the
office. Now it is necessary that the salary of those
officers should be maturely considered, and that
ample time should be given for the deliberation
of all important matters. Now, Sir, adverting
to the period that must elapse before his Ms.
jetty's Government should be prepared with any well-
adjusted plan for the arrangement of the Civil
List, adverting to the period Parliament must
have to give to any Bill a sefficient consi-
deration of any proposal, I do not think that the
practice of continuing Parliament after the demise of the
Crown is to be considered binding, and that there is much
m are public advantage in reserving the settlement
the Civil List for future consideration, rather than it
should he pressed on now, which would keep Perlin
;sent sitting for a long time, leaving all the preparations
for a new election, and the expenses attending a xis
months' preparation, nut of the question. We
proposs, Sir, to follow the later precedent of 1820. F, r
I have no doubt that the present Parliament will make a
just provision fur his Majesty, whatever their just desire
may be to curtail the public expenditure. I sin
satisfied that no desire of, meeting their constituents will
prevent their making what will be thought a juat allowance for
their Monarch.--(Cheers.) And that Hon. Members wilt
consider they are discharging their duty to' their constituents
by making that provision which, at the same time that i.
is consistent with economy as much as possible, will be
sufficient fur hie Majesty. Solely on the ground of the
important subjects connected with the Civil List re-
quiring more deliberation than is at present consistent with
public duty, I think it better that that consideratioit
he postpones'. Sir, I said we Were desirous of
following the later precedent of the year 1820.
In that year the Parliament, which had been elected dur-
ing the Regency of his Majesty George the Fourth, ha.l
only been in existence for one year and six months at the
demise of the Crown, which took place not at an ad-
vanced period of the Session, as is the case at present,
hut on almost the very hest day of the Parliementary
vacation, and at that period which iai the ordinary corn-
trientennent of the Session of Parliament ; but in addition
to that fact, there is another and a material difference be
tween the circumstance, in which his late and his present.
Majesty stood on the demise of the Crown ; for, in the
former case, the Parliament was elected during 'the Re.
gency of his late Majesty, who had then for several years
exercised the fnnetions of Sovereign—whilst in the latter
case his present Majesty has never adminiatered any of the
functions of Sovereign up to the moment of the demise of the
Crown. Sir, this Session of Parliament his Already lasted
five months, during which period we hive been occupied,
I will not ray in very successtful, but certainly in very
severe anti arduous labours, and the tithe has arrived
When an interval between our past and our future labours
is desirable. not only for the convenience of Hon. Mem-
bers but for the due consideration of publicbusinessa. Still,
Sir, there can be' no doubt that we are by law competent to
sit, competent to transact public business; and if the
public interests required a further continuance of the' See.
sion, no private considerations ought to be allowed to
stand in the way of public business, and we ought to pro..
ceed. But, Sir, although I contend that no such para-
mount necessity exists, 1 do not pretsnd to say that
the proposition is one entirely free from difficulties,
and one upon which the House could, without
any difficulty, arrive at an unanimous conclusion.
An Hon. Gentleman opposite has referred to one or two
omissions in the Message from the Throne without Mating
in terms what those omissions are, bet I suppose the
Hon. Gentleman most have' meant the Civil List, . and
some provision fora Regency in the trent of a detrise tsf
the Crown.--(Hear, hear.)l do net mean, Sir, to
avoid those questions, and particularly the letter, or to
pretend not to know that the Matter is considered to
he one involving considerations of great delictiey,
I also think it a question of great delicacy, ,4nd I therefore
think it better to treat with, the utmost fratiknesis a sub-
ject open to so many end Serious considerations, and_upon
which redone opinions are entertained, But I must say,

thatth
aimportance,
afterqu
estthioe mon,asnt andaxdimouitstianngd
itdeltoilrete co
beraoneonf stleeragtreioanteos ft
the
his Majesty's Ministers are of opinion that they
aproestpoacntienmgenftorof the
Ipuuebslti
pre-
sumptive to the throne is a minor of very tender years, and
good
o(7!. Regency iiie ree's a fornita Ihte n deh the
heirpi nr
eg a e n
--(Hear.)-4 know, Siric,oni
it is desirable dirt Parliament should not separate without
making some provision for the event (which God avert)
of an unexpected demise of the Crown ; and it is de-
sirable that some provision should be made for the ad-
ministering of the Royal prerogative from the demise of
the Crown until such time as the successor to the Throne
should arrive at a proper age to assume the functions
of Sovereignty.—(Hear, hear.)—Sir, I can contemplate
no question involving public interest which requires more
cautious and dispassionate consideration, and therefore
trust the House will indulge me whilst I contrast the pre
sent state of this country with the circumstances under
which the question of the Regency had on two for occasions come under the consideration of Par-
liament. We arc not, Sir, placed in exactly the same
situation as the country was placed in upon either of the
former occasions, in 1751 and 1765. At each of those
periods the Heir to the Throne was Heir Apparent, and
although bosh the periods were not far distant, yet Par-
liament had thought tit to make a material difference in the
conditions upon which the Regency was to be conducted. In
the year 1751 the Princess Dowager of Wales being the
mother of the Heir Apparent, was appointed Guardian,
hut in the year 1765 Parliament empowered his Majesty
George 111. to nominate, by his will, a Regent, but with
this restriction, that such nomination was to be confined
to certain persons named in the Bill. I refer to those
circumstances, not for the purpose of expressing mynpinion
upon either of these arrangements, but I do it only
for the purpose of showing that there is a ma-
terial differenee between the two courses pursued by Par-
liament upon those occasions, and that therefore the sub-
ject is one which ought to be treated with the most grave
and serious consideration ; Sir, it must be admitted, that
to make a permanent provision for the administering the
functions of sovereignty in every case, and under every cir-
cumstance in which the Heir Presumptive should be
a minor on the demise of the Crown, is a question de-
serving of the moat deliberate investigatinn.--(Hear.)—
But it may be said why not make a temporary provision
until Parliament shall meet again? Sir, at very early
periods of our history instances have occurred in which
infant Sovereigns succeeded to the Throne, without any
previous legislative provision having been made for such
an event. Those instances were Henry 111., Richard IL,
and Henry VI., in neither of which instances did the in-
fant Sovereign attain eleven years of age, and in one
of which the Sovereign was not more than one year old ;
but after the accession of the Sovereign a Regent was ap-
pointed to administer the functions of GovernMent until
the infant an ived of age. Since the Revolution a diffe.
rent course had been pursued, for, upon the two occa-
sions, in the years 1751 and 1765, the Parliament
seeing the consequences of the mistakes on the former
occasions made provision fur future similar events. But
the House would perceive that on neither of these
OCCW.
ohms' was the provision made immediately upon the
accession of the reigning Sovereign. For in the
latter case no provision was made until three years
after the birth of George the Fourth, and in that
case the risk run by Parliament, and the necessity which
existed for appointing a Regency were, to say the least, as
pressing as at present. --'--(Cheers.)—That the necessity in
the present insturiee may not arise is the undivided wish
of the country.—(:nod cheering.)—But when we
consider that it may mioe, our duty requires that we
should meet it, if we shoulil thick it necessary. I have
stated to the House that in the 'l%!en of George
the risk was run for three years after the birth of
an Heir Apparent, and that after the death of
Frederick, Prince of Wales, three year* more were suffered
to elapse without any provision having been made by
Parliament. Thus, Sir, I say, that, in point of precedent,
on such occasions, I am justified in proposing the delay.
In case, however, of such an unfortunate occurrence
taking place, I apprehend that the infant would have full
authority to give her assent to any Act of Parliament
passed for the appointment of a guardian, and I
apprehend that though the act of a minor, it would
have equal validity as the act of a Sovereign
at any time. Still, Sir, it may be urged even
by those who admit this proposition, that some
temporary provision should be made, empowering some
persons in such an unfortunate event to give consent on
the part of the infant to the appointment of a Regency.
Sir, after giving every circumstance of the supposed east
every consideration, I am induced most earnestly
to impress the House with the impolicy of
adopting such a course. I will not refer in de-
tail to the circumstances which would attend marls
a measure, I will only observe, that any temporary pro-
vision of the sort could only tend to fetter the future deli-
berations of Parliament.—(Cheers.)—I nerd scarcely
dwell upon the presumption that the appointment of such
a power, and still more the exercise for a time, however
limited, of such functions, if called into operation,
would most materially fetter the future deliberations of
Parliament, when they came to consider of a permanent
provision during the minority of the infant.—(Cheers.)--
For these reasons, which I think 1 have stated with as
much delicacy as possible, I trust that I have said enoogis
to show that his Majesty was justly influenced itt deciding
against making any temporary provision of that descrip-
tion....-(Hear, hear.)—l stn not aware, Sir, that it
is necessary for me to trouble the House with
any further observations in justification of the ad-
dress which I have to propose to his Majesty.--
(Hear, hear.)—lt will therefore only remain for me to
state what is' the course which, under the present
circumstances, hie Majesty's Government propose to pur-
sue with respect to public business —(Hear, hear )—That
address assumes the assent of Parliament to make without
delay such temporary provision as may be necessary be-
tween the else of this Session, anal the opening of the next
Parliament for the public service. Assuming that acquies-
cence on the part of the House, I will state what it is that
the Government mean to propose with respect to the public
business, so far as they are concerned in it. If it be de-
termined that there shall be a dissolution of Parliament,
and if the House consents to perform its part by asssenting
to the temporary provision I mean to propose, those two
points conceded, 1 believe it will then be yielded, that the
sooner the business is despatched, consistently with the
public interests, the better for the country.--(Hear,
hear.)—taere are, however, Sir, some measurer before
Parliament of great importance ; and, in stating what it isl
that Government proposes to proceed with, I feel that itl
would involve us in difficulty if we were bound as to it.
disposal. (Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") I trust, Sir,'
the House will bear in mind the peculiar situ-
ation in which, by an unforeseen occurrence, we
find ourselves unexpectedly placed.—(llear.)—ln this',
situation we feel it to be our duty to bring the present!
Session to a conclusion as speedily as may be consistent
with the public service, and to postpone the consideration
of all those questions which may be likely to lead to serious
discussion. The best way I can now explain the course we
mean to pursue, is by referring to those measures in detail
with which it is our intention to proceed.—( Hear. )-1
After the expectation which has been held out of relief to
the poorer classes of society, we feel that it is our duty to
go on with the Bills for the remission of the duty OA beer,
and also with that for giving it a more extended sale.—.
(Much cheering. ).,-We feel that those Bala should res.
though the Bill for the remission otthe sugar duty Is trot yet
introduced, and although the Bill for the more general
sale of beer has not yet passed through the House of Com-
mune, yet as the latter has reached the thitd reading, anal M the former is not likely to provoke any serious diaeus•
sion, we think they should be carried into execution. There
is also another Bill which it is absolutely necessary to carry
sat'tlhhl aeanntodcaatwwuieceehrialiirinowanedeite,iorilnrityli sinterfereswhich
. whenever any propositions for a reform in our Courts
6°Ttahrhieja:uittid*tei Bill,:r mcP(aS:inmtr patent
en,pttruiolonevi 11;i1 relcserehs
gthienytewnmert: always found a great obstruction in the way of reform, it
being always difficult, in cases of partial reform, to provide
such compensation for those officers as would be just to
the public. At present the fees in the Court of Excite.
quer avers three 'times as great as in the Court of King's
Bench, and it was therefore not at all surprising, that
the business of the latter Court far exceeded that
W}
toy
reform
fees,nf fifi
iacc
itel htietvesosptwuieafni:edr rrioleiit Eat
Parliament
vofr
tc
or
i"—r.,l
tei't
as
rill l
necessaryt
se considerationtdrleeraoa fif le
Judicature,vi hear
etspo ahari
n i hlt;oy at
lf
this
inu.se d—tiß Parliament
unfetteredi l: taro t:m;in o,l:;bdioi
irtr:sharti:lsss-s
e
f
d
h
considerations. With respect to the spirit-duties, tie last
proposition made by his Right Hon. Minot near him was,
that a deity of 6d. per gallon should be 'reposed on British
and colonial spirits. It is our du papra press that measure upon
the House. The passing of &it Bill, however, roams
pele us to take -into consideration the Writ India
rests; and the House will bear in mind that the pre
sent ,duties will expire on Monday next. The House
will n ,t, of course, permit those ditties to tease,
but will make a provision for levying a duty of some sor‘
and the questiOn is, what that duty is to bs. I do
think that as the present dial% wilt expire on Mon--
day next, and as the propositiot, of my Right Honourah'e

IIIMINIIIIIIIINNIOMNIIIIPt... .. -
Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer wa s— so severely
contested, and as they were agreed to by so ery small a
me;ority—(Cheers)--under these circumsta ces I feel 1
that it is impossible to call upon Parliame t to adopt
these resolutions between this and Monday next. (Cheers.)
Haring, however, attempt d to confer a bene'.fit on the
West India interests, which they slid not dhootte to
accept, or rather, I should say, which they did !ant con-
ceive to be so great a benefit as it appeared to be to his
Majesty's Ministers, still, in proposing to rets.in the
additimial duty on rum, I think the depression tinder
which those interests are suffeting at the present mo-
ment, undoubtedly gives them a fair claim that we
should realize their expectations of benefit.—(Cheers, )........
Some reduction mu.t take place, and it is desirable
that that reduction should be made in the simplest
possible farm. Still I fez! bound to say that I have
consulted many practical men upon the difficteties whictl
it was supposed would attend the resolutions of my Right
Hon. Friend, arid their opinion was, those difficulties were
by no means so great &swag supplied in the former debate.
After the best consideration Government had been able to
give to this subject, they had determined to recommend an
absolute teed detennin de duty, instead of a fluctuating one.
What they proposed, therefore, was to imposes duty upon
West India sugar of 34., and upon East India sugar
of ss. That proportion appeared
.nearcst calculated to
meet the various circumstances by which these interests
were affected. It would, of course, be also necessary to
alter the drawbacks in similar proportions. If the mea-
sure should pass bits a law, it would be said
that, during the present Session, the following re-
duction in . taxation had been effected. The first
oa ffn d principalwas that o article
ftioiadthe
would summit to 3,000,000/. ; upon the leather tax to
heer, nupoponn wtlhiincthtthhee
losstluty en taken
300,0001., and upon the sugar duties to the amount of
450,0001., making a total of 3,750,0001. The addition
of 6d. upon colonial spirits would, it was calculated,
bring in 600.0001.: thus making the net total of
reductions effected l'uring the present Session ei
amount to 3,150,000!.--(hear.)—He wished it to be
understood that Government did not yield to the argu-
ments en the other side of the House about the consolida-
tion of stamps. it was not, however, their int•ntion to
press that measure at the present period; it would be
necessary to postpone it to the next Parliament.—
The principal thing for their consideration then was what
List. What Ministers intended to propose was a vote of
they should do with the Approptiation Bill and the Civil
credit. They did not intend to eater into any estimates
or any particulars respecting the future provision for the
Civil List. Nor did they ask for the vote for a whole
year, but only for the limited period till the assembling of
the new Parliament. He was not now prepared to say the
amount that would be required—that would be mattes
for future consideration. With regard to the Bill now
liefJre the House for the better administrition of
justify., he proposal, in consequence of the very
large minority that had sanctioned the measure in
that Huse, to carry into effect the Welch Judica-
ture Bill. Respecting the new Chancery Judge Bill
the Maiter's Office Bill, and the Registrars' Office Bill, lie
thought,aeso many amendments had been proposed, it was
proper to take those amendments into serious considera-
tion, and therefor.: he should postpone them until next
Parliament. He h:d now attempted to explain in
the shortest and plainest way he was able, why
he had considered it his duty humbly to advise the
Crown to make a temporary provision for the carrying
on the Government, and he hail now only to move
that the following humble address be presented to his
Majesty. The Right Hun. Baronet concluded by moving
the Address (for which see Lords' Report).
Lord ALTHORP said that there were some propoai
irons in the speech of the Right Hon. Secretary of such
great importance, and involving great constitutional ques-
tions, of such great importance, not only of the
highest welfare of the Monarchy, but of every class o
the community, that be found great difficulty in being
called upon to decide upon so short a notice.
The Right lion. Baronet had certainly stated with great
candour the views of Ministers; and it appeared that the
personal convenienreof Members of that House were sup-
posed to be consulted by an early dissolution taking'
place; but he contended, that all considerations of per-
sonal convenience should give way to public benefit. Tnt
Right Honourable Baronet had dwelt upon the inconvie
nience of arranging the Civil List at the present period
previous to it dissolution of Parliament. Now it certainly
did appear to him (Lord Altborp) extremely desirable ilia
the people should see how their representatives voted u
such a question before they were sent back to them
their suffrages. The question, however, was not •
point in the statement of the Right Hon. Baronet w i ci
tnost pressed upon his mind, or the oars with regard to thi
necessity of taking which into immediate consideration, he
was most sensible. There was another question, alludes
to by the Right Hon. Baronet, of still greater—in
deed be would say, of paramount'-.importance. Wit}
respect to that question, he (Lord Althorp) shout.
only discharge his duty as a Member of that House ii
stating fully what he felt upon the subject. He was sun
that no man in that House could feel deeper regret than h
did that any misfortune should call for such a measure a
that of providing for a future Regency ; and he share
with all the common feeling that the necessity of an:
such Regency might be deferred to a far distant period
But he would ask whether any private man would no
be considered as extremely itnpredent, if he delayed nit
longer than was necessary in making provision fur hi
family in case of his death ? They could only be looke,
upon in the light of trustees for the public, and as sue
they were bound at once to make for the public a pre
vision of that nature.—(liear.).--Some such prevision
analagous to the eettlement in a private family to which he ha:
alluded, was now absolutely necessary ; and he did think
that his Majesty's Ministers and Parliament would n,
properly discharge the ditties imposed upon them, if the
delayed any longer the arrangements which were necessar
; fur making such a provision.--(Hear, bear.)—Navin
shouldn inclinedounoenot
a tod e
chg
ei
so i alongoncalled
tix withmupont
he
stated thus much, he conceived that the House would b.. 1.
ahpnirmohposteniniiytiontnhnsidnwkatihniongeheet
hhaatdot
bept br
eeoyn. :
submitted to them by the. Right lion. Baronet, and that
some time should be afforded for their due consideration.
With respect to the other measures to which the Right
Hon. Baronet had alluded,—those measures which be had
stated that Government bad thought proper to select for
the purpose of pressing forward in the present Session, and
those measures which according to his statement, in the
opinion of his Majesty's Ministers might be for the pre.
sent abandoned—with regard to all those measures, they r;
severally involved questions of great importance; and ;•
time should he afforded for the due consideration i
them ; so that the House might have it-Pieper opiio
tunity to decide whether his Majesty's Ministers ha
adopted a right course; and whether, under all ti
circumstances of the case, it was necessary that tl
plan recommended by them should be adopted. It w
usual in c*ses of dais kind, when questions of greet important
were brained forward, that notice of their introductio
should be given for some time previously, in order thi
time might be *Stilled fur their due consideration ; ht
here they were called upon to vote the Address propose
by the Right Hon. Baronet, and to decide at once opts
all the important matters to which it had reference. Ile,
(Lord Althorp) really hardly knew what course should be I
meet advisable for the Hews to adopt in reference to all
those various matters; he had not made up his mind or
that point, and he thought that under such eircumetance
the debate ought to be adjourned for twenty-four hours
—he did not ask for more.--(Hear, hoar.) -Ffe-only alike
for an adjournment of the debate for twenty-four hours, if,
order that they might approach the question with a due
and deliberate consideration of the different important
topics which it embraced. He should not detain the
House further at the present moment. It was up ei
these grounds that he was for adjourning the further coo-
sideratian of the propositiou made by the Right Hot
Gentleman, and it was out of no feeling of disrespect t
his Majesty that he proposed the postponement until to-
morrow of an answer to that portion of his Majesty',
message which had been delivered to the Houses yestenlse
and to which the present Address referred. To one pre
of that gracious Message the House had already giveo',
answer, and it did not strike him that any inconveniet
could result from the poetpouitig an &mover to the reu4
ing portion of it until tternorruw. Under such vie.
stances, he (Lord Altborp) should move that the '
sideration of the proposition of the Right lion. Gentle Than ' ,
should be adjourned until to-morrow, ..:
Mr. IIROUGIUM then ruse, and spoke to the tot-
lowing effett :—Sir, I rise to second the motion of my
Noble Friend ; but is doing so I take the liberty of stating
most explicitly that, anxieus as I am that there shoultl::.:,
bes sa adjournment of this debate, yet I should have tare,:
fully abstained from pressing it, could I believe that thir::
motion of adjournment could be so far perverted by ant -
person in any quarter as to wear by possibility the emu .;,.
Mince of disrespect towards the illustrious Prince whore."
we yesterday congratulated on his accession to the throne
of three three realms..—(Cheers.)—l go farther —I do not htoe-:'-
sitaM to say I would lament as much that any recommete
elation of mine should bare the semblance of a disposition'
wantingaition— Ifuruatitierelly,e dobieriectarimai2lit., w
upon my part, captiously and needlessly to embarrass la
Majority's Government. I, for one, have not this diepi::
Ihichrisrananyobew, urged irtsteadunc2'.

the contrary side, because I think I shall thus best reply
to the candour and openness of the Right Hon. Gentle-
man's statement, by now declaring, shortly and decidedly,
once for all, my impressions respecting those principles
broached by the Right Hon. Gentleman in his proposi •
lions to this House. I think this a more convenient and
more candid course than lying by to answer the arguments
which may be hereafter advanced. Now, first, re-
specting the question of adjournment as it affects the
Civil List : This is a subject of great delicacy and diffi•
culty—and how do I propose to meet it ? By recommend-
ing that which I recommended ten years ago on a similar
occasion—on the accession of his late Majesty George the
Fenrth—and it was that we should follow the precedents
of the three former accessions. It is a fit, a Constitu-
tional, and a wholesome exercise of the functions of this
House, that Members should consider of the arrangements
of the Civil List before, and not after they should have
met their constituents. I certainly entertain no more op •
prehensions than the Right Hon, Secretary that this
House would now, more than it would hereafter, forget
the duty it owes to the Crown (that is to say to the people,
for whom it is established—and for whose benefit it is
supported and maintained) so as to refuse a suitable sup-
port for his Majesty ; and when I say suitable, I mean
splendid as regards the head of a limited monarchy ; but
at the same time I know that the people are feelingly
alive upon this subject. I know that there is Lit ex-
treme watchfulness and utter jealousy entertained by the
Commons of England towards all espences for the
splendid support of the Monarch ; and I am well as•
sured of the fact that it is for the comfort of the nation
in general, and particularly of the illustrious Prince who
has just succeeded to the throne, that a cordial under-
standing upon this subject should, as speedily as possible,
take place between him and his people. And so strongly,
Sir, ant I convinced of the advantage of this immediate
understanding, that I do not hesitate to declare that the
same precautionary arrangements would cease to have the
same grace—the same effects, and the same favour, if they
were made by a new Parliament, as they would if made by
a Parliament about to render to its constituents an account
of the transactions in which they were engaged.—(Cheer-
ing )—I therefore consider it highly important that we
should come to some decision respecting those arrange-
ment, here, and not in a new Parliament. I consider it
important to the character and dignity of this House, int-
portant to the interests and well-being of the country, and
of paramount importance to the Crown itself. It is true,
as it was stated by the Right Hon. Secretary, that on the
death of William, of Anne, and of the two first Georges,
the existing Parliament did arrange the Civil List, and
that the only deviation from this rule was on the death of
the father of our late Monarch ; but this was a peculiar
ease, and such was the argument Lord Castlereagh ad-
vanced against me ten years ago. His Lordship said the
ease was different from all others, and that it was
one to which no precedent could apply. And now,
therefore, I beg to suggest (or, I should rather say,
to throw out—for as we have had no notice, or no
time for deliberation, I cannot do more), that this
is, in my mind, a reason why we should assent to the
very moderate proposition of my Noble Friend for twenty-
four hours' delay. And now I come to another question
of exceeding importance—a question, in point of univer-
sal interest, far surpassing any other which could be now
brought forward. I allude to that most difficult and de-
licate question to which the Right Hon. Gentleman justly
supposed (although I gave no direct intimation of it) that
I alluded last night. The question is, touching the mode
of best supplying any possible defect in the Royal progeny
on the occasion of an event (which, may it be far distant,
is as sincerely and honestly my prayer as it is that of the
Right Hon. Baronet, or of any other Member of this
this House, or subject of these realms)—but on the neca-
sion of an event, which, if not previously provided for,
might leave the cottutry under circumstances of much
embarrassment. And if I, as a British subject and Mem-
ber of Parliament, thought it was consistent with my
high duties as such to suffer myself to be actuated
solely by motives of delicacy or personal regard or de-
ference to what might be felt elsewhere, I would
gladly refrain from at all touching upon this topic--
though 1 hope there is elsewhere too much magna-
nimity, ton much patriotism, too much manliness to
permit the Illustrious Sovereign now upon the Throne to
hesitate—to contemplate—to shrink from looking in the
face that ultimate termination of his earthly existence
from which a recent event may well show him Prinearr
no more then their subjects are exempt.—(Cheers.)---I
say, Sir, if we were to look only to such delicacy and
such personal feeling, I would gladly abstain from all allu-
sion to even such a possible contingency. I would gladly
close the eyes of my Sovereign against the approach of
any calamity, however remote—but I have a duty to per-
form. The House is compelled to look to the irresistible
progress of natural events—and, as far as human wisdom
may, to provide against them. We have a duty to per-
form to the State. Feelings of delicacy and personal pain
are not to be entertained. It is our bounden and our
highest duty to disregard such; and to prove to our con-
stituents and to the nation at large that in our deCisions
we bow to the dictates of reason, but are inaccessible to
the sway of feeling.—(Cheers.)—We have then most
carefully, most cautiously, most anxiously to see that
the common weal is exposed to no risk.—(Cheers.)—
And to what risk do you not expose the common weal
by leaving this question undetermined.—(Cheers.)?—
In what difficulties may not the State be plunged here-
after ? In what more embarrassing circumstances could
these two Houses of Parliament be placed than by beii.g
called on to supply a defect in the Executive Government
at a time when that defect must be supplied by an Act of
the Legislature of an anomalous nature—injurious and
unconstitutional in itself. and only to be justified by the
plea of severe necessity?—(Cheers, )—Supplied, in fact,
by a thing contrary to all law, formed, as it must be, by
two branches of the Legislature, framing a law to which
the third, namely, the Crown, cannot give its assent.—
(Cheers.)—lt may be urged in answer to this—we did
,'so in the reign of his late Majesty. True, you did—and
you did well ; the emergency came on you unawares ; and
you did the best you could. But then, as to the Act you
' Pissed, it was not a law—it was only, as it was truly de-
nominated, the phantom of a Royal Act—a thing tenditrf
, more than anything this House ever did to bring the Royal
authority into disrepute throughout the kingdom.—
(Cheers)—to strike a blow at Royalty. It went farther
than any thing 1 know to teach the people of England a
lesson which it was not easy to unlearn. It showed them
that it was possible to do acts of legislation without a
King, and without the sanction of a Crown.—(Cheers.)
—Now, Sir, this is one reason why I think the house
, should adept means to prevent their being ever again
thrown into st condition which would compel them to pass
a legislative Act of a nature so anomalous. Again; I
have most earnestly to press upon the House, that if we
wait until the emergency shall arise, that we cannot either
discuss the question respecting the filling up of the Re-
gent's place, or the conditions to be imposed upon the
person by whom it is to be so filled, with that coolness,
calmness, and freedom from personal feeling, which we
would bring to the discussion at this present time. We
.., could not decide with that unbiasaed judgment which
3 would now direct us. We could not then decide between
the rival claims of the various illustrious individuals who
might be smarm, to assume the reins of Government, as
we might at this moment. The rule of the succession was
tikinct—the entire right of the Crown was vested in the
~ , Pt incess of Kent; but then we should have " placed a
a barren sceptre in ht r grasp ;"_ and by no extension of self
A flattery could " we lay the flattering unction to our souls"
that she could exercise a salutary controul upon the Coen-
,,i eila of the State, and it would be a monstrous tnockery of all
reason and comma sense to presume the possibility, or
,
7} for an instant to think that a child of eleven years old, was
, , to say who was to be Regent for the next seven years—to
• decide whether her own mother should be Queen for this
• period, or whether her uncle should be King, or whether
it, several of her uncles should form a Regency according to
e the mischievous precedent of 1751 or 1765 ; or finally,
whether her mother's brother, to whom she was naturally
endeared by feelings of mutual kindness and affection, and
v to whom she was under the greatest obligations, should be
$ for those seven years the Sovereign of these realms,—
(Cheers.)—.llat be this person a man or a woman, the
uncle or the mother of the Princess of Kent ; as he or
she must he, in fact, the director of a child in leading
strings, I do marvel that any Member, possessing reason-
ing powers, should hesitate to pronounce in favour of an
k immeliate decision of this question, to prevent the possi-
p bility of the many evils which must, upon a future occa-
sion, throng in, when intrigue and agitation must naturally
t, be rife, and Parliament would be called upon to decide
upon
the spur of an emergency, and without the advantage
..: of that deliberation which should precede every legislative
measure.—(Cheers.)—And, Sir, this appears in my mind
1 the snore strange, when I consider that by this timely
!. precaution we should above all avoid that which all men
i ought to be most cautious in avoiding—a departure
1 frotn the fundamental principles of the Constitution.—
' (Hear, hear, )ear.)—l agree for one with the Right
Honourable Gentleman in the principle that a tempo•
rary or provisional Regency should not be countenanced.
1' I could really entertain no feeling but one of pity for that
i
,' unfortunate individual who should thus hold a worse than
" barren sceptre in his grasp," and groan beneath the
ii" t pressure of a crown of thorns; but there is besides some-
:thing eminently ridiculous in the idea, that he or she, as
it might happen, should be called on for the act by which

a superior power was to be established, and this upon all
grounds of common sense awl precedent (in saying prece-
dent, I do not know of any precedent for a provisional
Regency in this country, though there may be in others).
I repeat, upon all grounds of common sense and precedent,
we should, by pursuing the only rational and constitutional
course which lies open to us, avert the possibility of our
being compelled by any sudden demise of the Crown to
appoint this Provisional Regency, which I concur with
the Right lion. Gentleman in thinking inconvenient and
injurious.—(Hear, bear, hear.)—These are my reasons
for joining the Right lion. Gentleman in peremptorily
rejecting any temporary or.provisional Regency. I look
to the delicacy and difficulty of the situation in which
this country may be placed. The Princess is an infant.
Parliament is called on to say who is to be Regent
during the minority. Now, the first person to whom I
must look, and this without any question or regard to po-
pularity or prejudice, is the eldest uncle of the Princess of
Kent. This is a r ule to which, as the subject of a limited
Monarchy, in return for the removal of many things that
are evil, and the alleviation of many things that are
burtkensnme, lam compelled to submit. This rule of ac-
cession to this office, established against sound reason and
the general principles of liberty, does yet minister to us
one inestimable advantage—it enables ate to avoid the
difficulties and dangers of a disputed succession ; and this
is the polar star to which I look as the subject of a limited
Monarchy. I then look to the Heir Presumptive, and I
find that he exists in the person of an lilustrions Prince,
the Duke of Cumberland ; and I find, to embarrass me
the more, that I am not at liberty to consider his personal
virtues or defects--I am not at liberty to prefer any other
person to him. lie is a Protestant Prince, and he is mar-
ried to a Protestant Princess. On these considerations
alone could he be disqualified, and, if not upon these, upon
no other.—(Cheers.) But, Sir, there is yet ano her
thing to he considered. Parcel of the Salique law pre-
vails in Hanover. The Princess of Kent cannot succeed

to the throne of that Kingdom ; the Duke of Cumberland
must ; and thus is it separated from Great Britain.
Nuw, then, we have the Princess Victoria—a child of 11
years of age—Queen of these Realms, and her eldest uncle,
King of Hanover—a foreign kingdom. Here there is no
question of prejudice, or popularity, or disfavour. But it
remains for me to con*ider whether it would not be un-
constitutional that a Foreign Prince or i .:acess should
exercise that power within these realms to which his station
as Heir Presumptive—indeed, I should say, Heir Apparent,
for such he would then become—would he entitled. Am I

then, under these circumstances, to abide by the prece-
dent or am I not ? Am I to protest against the interfe-
rence of a Foreign Prince, as injurious to the interests of
the Britsh people; or am I to adhere to this principle,
which, although originally unconstitutional, is convenient ?
Or, am I--so to speak—to take my chance of the interests
of the farm being sacrificed to those of the freehold.—
(Cheers.) 1 throw this out to show that there is no time
to be lost in coining to a conclusion respecting this ques-
tion. It may be urged that, at this late period of the Ses-
sion, and in the state of public business, it may not be con-
venient to enter upon a measure of such magnitude and
importance, and that sufficient time has not been granted
Members to make up their minds upon the subject; but
who, with a serious face, will tell me that the lamentable
event which has recently taken place has not been long
contemplated ? For the last six weeks the minds of some
without the Cabinet were turned to the consideration of
this subject, and its probable consequences, and I should
fancy the minds of some within the Cabinet were not
altogether idle.—(A laugh.) Certainly, unless they
were made of extraordinary materials, they were more
or less engaged.—(Cheers.) Now, Sir, I allow that
it may be very inconvenient that a discussion touching
the establishment of a Regency should take place at
present ; but would it not be better to (Neuss it now
and in this way, than when the event which would
cause it should have happened ? I come now to dis-
cuss the respective claims of the Princes of the Blood
with a degree of calmness, and with an absence from all
bias ; but who can answer for our being able at a future
period, and under other circumstances, to bring to the
discussion that due solemnity and deliberative mind which
it would requite ? Can we promise ourselves that we
shall be able to give away the Crown calmly and disinte-
restedly to one or the other of the claimants ? That we
can elect our Regent as the subjects should a Sovereign,
and deside whether we are to have one Duke or another
Duke for our Sovereign during these seven years' mino-
rity ? Now there is an actual accession of the Duke of
Cumberland to the Throne of Hanover, and Parliament
are autitleuly called upon to decide upon his election to the
Regency—to the supreme rule in this country, to which
he has a paramount claim, although he has not a strict
right.—(Cheers.) On all these grounds I call upon the
House not to suffer the possibility of a defeat in the Execu-
tive Government, and to support the motion for the consi-
deration of a Regency Question. I shall certainly give my
cordial support to the motion of my Noble Friend in re-
quiring a brief delay of twenty-four hours, to enable us to
consider the various topics which have been, without any
notice, brought before us this night. Upon many of them
I cannot profess to have mule up my mind. I consequently
require some breathing-time; and is it not more fitting that
we should hare this space than that matters should be
so hurried forward ? It is but fair that we should have
some little time to turn this question over in our minds
and view it in the multifarious lights it presents, since, by
agreeing is this Address, we at once express our assent to
the passing of about two dozen Bills, on which there is an
infinite vatiety of opinions. The Right lion. Gentleman
tells us what measures he proposes to adopt and what to
abandon. One man is in favour of the Beer Bill—but
another says he has had enough of beer—(A laugh)—and
so say many others. There are others who do not like
some other Bills, anti I believe there is nobody who will be
disposed to comfort the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the
loss of his Sugar Dutios. For myself, however, I must
beg to say to the Right lion. Gentleman dulcia sunk), if
not in the actual existence at least in memory.—(Loud
laughter.)—Nor, I believe, will anybody rise to say a
single word in favour of the Fourth Judge in Equity. lie
it is had his day—or rather, I say, his sight—and his ex-
position on that occasion will, I presume, prevent him from
ever again claiming the favour of any other audience—
(Loud laughter and cheers.)--There aro various other
measures Which are scarcely more popular in this House.
I myself, however, agree generally in the selection made
by the Right lion. Gentleman; but I fear lie will not find
this assent elsewhere. Shame of the measurers brought
before us in this hurried fashion are of momentous import-
ance—others are produced for our decision under circum-
stances at once difficult and novel. By the courtesy of
his Mot Gracious Majesty's Message we are now placed
in the novel situation of being called on to advise with
the Crowe whether the Parliament should be dis-
solved or not. It is not merely ft question of corporate in.
terests, where a Corporation drams that it will abandon
certain vested rights, but we are called upon to concur in
an Address for the termination of our own existence; anti
I,' for instance, without being a Prince, or possessing any
part or parcel of Royalty, am placed in the singular posi-
tion of being called on to abdicate my portion of legislative
power, such as it is, as a Member of this House.—(Hear,
and laughter.) In deciding upon this amendment too, it
ought to be taken into account, that contrary to the usual
forms of the House, we have lied no notice. The Address
was general, and slid not point out to us any one of those
measures which we are now urged to pass. I, therefore,
give my most cordial and strenuous support to my Noble
Friend in his motion for a few hours' delay.—(Cheers.)
One word more, Sir, and I have done. I trust that in
speaking as I have spoken, I may not appear ts have done
that which if I did appear to have done, nothing could
have possibly been snore fallacious. I trust, Sir, I have
not appeared in any the slightest degree to violate that pro-
fouuri respect and cordial attachment which, humble indi-
vidual as I am, I beg to express with the same sincerity I
feel it towards the illustrious Prince who is now seated
upon the throne of these realms.
Sir C. WETHERELL said he had no objection to the
postponeinement of the arrangement respecting the Civil
List ; but he was glad that the Noble Lord had proffered
them an opportunity of considering the question before
deciding upon it. lie thought there ought to have been
ewe Messages—one of condolence; the other respecting
the question of the Regency. There was no precedent
on their Journals for suspending the consideration of the
question of Regency, sunder circumstances like the present.
There were many important questions for consideration.
The House lutist take into review the question of the
mode of proceeding. But without entering into the
question, whether in Parliamentary form the answer to
the Message from the Throne ought to take precedence of
that question, ho must say, that on the present occasion he
hail been taken by surprise ; fur that he did not know
that this question of the Regency would have been men-
tioned. Light as the rumour of that question had been,
it hail been repudiated and abandoned by the Right lion.
Gentleman. What, then, were the House called en to do ?
Without any previous intimation from them that this
question of the Regency would or oat be considered, they
were called on to come to a resolution ; and the Right
Hon. Gentleman, in effect, asked them to suspend the
question of it Regency.—(Cries of " Question,")--He beard
those cries—he knew that it was a quarter past seven
o'clock, and that many, very many Members thought they
could be employed quite as pleasantly elsewhere as
there ; but he did think that at this moment the *said
principles of the Constitution were of snore importance

than solid pudding.—(Laughter)—and that they had
fore them a constitutional repast not less slid and not less
interesting than any that was to be found elsewhere.—
(Laughter.)—lle repeated that they bad had no notice of
the question. What were they called on to do? They
were called on to declare that they would not entertain the
question of the Regency now, though they did not know
but that the event that would render the consideration of
that question obsoletely necessary might happen before
they met stain. The Right Hon. Secretary had detailed
the Constitutional %natter quite correctly. There was no
doubt that the infant Sovereign might, for certain pur-
poses, be deemed an adult agent, and might be competent
to do lawful acts as if she were of full age. But would the
Right lion. Gentleman tell them what would be the con-
sequence in the event of the demise (quad Deus avertid)
of the present gracious Sovereign, whose benevolence of
character had justly acquired for him, and would secure
the affections of his people.—(llear, hear.)—On
that subject the comfort given to the House by the Right
Hon. Gentleman was poor indeed ; as poor as that given
by the lion, and Learned Member for Knareeborough to
the Chancellor of the Exchequer upon his sugar duties.—
(Hear, hear, and a laugh.)—lr the melancholy event to
which he hail alluded were to occur, what would then
happen? There would be an infant Princess, heir to the
Throne of these realms. She might give her assent to a
Bill which her counsellors and advisere—her Regent+, he
might call them—would induce her to sign—to one, re.
commended by those who were her enemies, who might
ruin her honour, her reputation, and her glory, an I in the
ruins of these, involve the ruin of the country. In fact,
they were told by the Right lion. Secretoiy, that it was
improper now to consider the question of the Regency,
although, at the same time, the Right Honourable Gen•
tletnan acknowledged that the infant might take her pen
in her hand, and consent to a Bill that would involve her
own ruin and that of the empire. Ile could not concur
with such a proposition, although the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman had accurately detailed :the circumstances under
which the same question had been passed over before the
Revolution, when Parliament did not make any provi-
sion whatever, either for the Heir Presumptive or the
Heir Apparent. Though the Right Hon. Gentleman had
truly stated that the intervention of Parliament was not
then employed to guard the Constitution, yet he must say
that he looked on its intervention in such cases as a de-
sideratum. The Right Honourable Gentleman had said,
that the first Act with regard to successions and foreign
alliances was passed in the reign of William the Third ;
but that the grounds on which that Bill was rased were
special ; and that since that time, whenever the question
of a Regency hid occurred, regret had often been ex-
pressed that no permanent measure had been adopted ;
but that, in each instance, a law bad been passed to pre-
vent the particular evil on the particular occasion. That
want of some general measure had been much regretted
by Mr. Pitt and other great Statesmen ; but, though
no such measure had bean adopted, he ventured to as-
sert that the question had never passed without no-
tice. What had the Right Honourable Gentleman
done on the present occasion ? He had called in the aid
of the whole House. When lie (Sir C. W.) heard this
call made, he believed himself no longer a plain Lawyer
and a Knight, but a Privy Councillor.—(A laugh.) In
fact, every lion. Member was thus at once made a scut
of Privy Councillor—(Laughter)—and all in the Howie
were called on to deliberate on this important subject, which
no one knew would be brought under consideration ; and
the benefits of deep and mature consideration of which, be-
fore coming to a determination on it, were obvious. On
these grounds he should support the motion of the adjourn-
ment; When they were fairly called on to deliberate upon
it, he should know what to advise the House to do ; but lie
did think, on the one hand, that it ought not to he
postponed altogether ; and, on the other, that the House
ought not to be called on to decide upon it at so short and
hasty a notice. Ile repeated that the Howie ought to
give some opinion on the subject, especially as they had not
been told when the Parliament was to be dissolved, and
therefore could form no idea when it would again assemble
and what it ought to provide against in the mean time.—
Though the Right Hon. Secretary knew that matter well
enough, and could, no doubt, tell precisely when the Par-
liament was to be dissolved, that was a Cabinet secret,
which was nut now to be communicated to the other Privy
Councillors of that House. These were great and im-
portant matters. It was possible that a Regency might be
wanted. How and on what basis that Regency was to he
founded Le could not tell. He would not say more in a
general way; but be thought that no man would do his
duty to that House, to his Sovereign, and his country,
who did not concur with the resolution of the Noble Lord
for taking further time for the consideration of this reso-
lution. They had yet time enough to devote to its due
consideration, whether they had yet to sit five or six
months, or only so many weeks. On those grounds, whe-
ther others concurred with him or not, he most say that
the most important subject that could depend on the con-
sideration of Parliament was this on which they were now
called on to give a vote without previous notice, and
without previous opportunity for deliberation. The Right
lion. Gentleman had asked them to enter into a sort of
bargain with him. The Right lion. Gentleman said that
some measures might go on, and some must stop ; that he
should suspend the consideration of some, but still asked
for a vote of supply, and left it doubtful whativ measures
would he allowed to go on after that vote was gen. He
trusted the blouse would think with him that they could not
concur with the resolution of the Right Hc.n. Gentleman
on this incalculably important subject, without something
more definite was declared by the Government, especially
that they could not cutter into any such bargain with him.
He repeated that as things now stood, with no provision
made for a Regency, the infant Sovereign might be placed
in the predicament of signing a Bill herself, or of having
it signed for her, which might be of the ruinous kind he
had before described. He would use the words of Burke
on a similar occasion—" Instead of a child they might
have a Lord Chancellor to do it." He did not wish to
say anything disrespectful of the present Lord Chancellor;
but these were the words of Burke, and they applied not
to this or that Chancellor, but to all men who might be
placed in the same situation. " Instead of a child they
might get a Lord Chancellor to do it—they might
even get any image that could be built up by a
carpenter, with a wig upon its head, and a great seal
put into it. hands to act as Chancellor—in 'hurt,
there was no joint stool that any carpenter could make--
there was no wooden image—there was nothing in the
shape of a chair or a table that would, under such circum-
stances, less fulfil the duties of the Constitution, than the
person who would then by the direction, and under the
government of another, Rive his or her assent to such a
Bill."—(Ilear, hear.) 'Whatever might be the forms used
on such an occasion—whoever was the Lord Chancellor—
be he Lord Lyndhurst or Lord Thurlow—that Chancellor
would indeed personate the will of the Cabinet but not of
the Sovereign ; and he might in his former capacity give
his consent to a Bill that would ruin the dignity and cha-
racter of the Crown, and destroy the best interest* of the
people. For himself he would not consent to this hasty
measure that might involve such consequences; and he
begged the House to reject it likewise, and not to adopt
that bargain which the Right Hon. Gentleman bad ten-
dered them, and which gave them no security for the
settlement of this important question, while it left that
Right lion. Gentleman to dissolve the Parliament as soon
as he might find the present wants of the Govermnent
provided for.
Sir R. PEEL said that the Hon. and Learned Member
was mistaken in point, when he supposed that a bargain
had been tendered to the House. There was nothing fur-
ther from his (Sir It. Peel's) intention than to :mike any
bargain or compact on the subject. He had been requested
to state what were the views of Government with respect
to the postponement of some of the business of the Session.
He had stated what would be postponed and what would
be persevered in, so far at least as the Government was
concerned only, with a view of meeting what was the ge-
neral wish of the Mouse, and thus promoting the general
concurrence.

Mr. C. WYNNE concurred with the Noble Lord's
motion, and should give it hie fullest rupport, Ile
thought there were other considerations of iMportanee be-
sides those which were stated by the Right Hon. Gentle-
, man. Hu did not think that, on the dissolution of Par-
' liament, it should be left with the Ministers to provide
fur thik: events which Parliament ought to have antici-
paced, and for which it was bound to have prepared ; and
whatever might be the opinion of others as to the propriety
of Parliament going on with the public business, he could
not state his concurrence with them. He saw no reason
why this Parliament should not proceed with the discussion
of these subjects, more especially as the gravest difficulties
might arise in the event of the occurrence of some cirrtum-
stances, which, though not now distinctly foreseen, might
hereafter arise, and which might be of a nature that abso-
lutely required to be provided for by Parliament.
The Marquis of CHANDOS said, that the West India
interest, which was one of immense importance, bad been
much neglected. The House must, no doubt, have felt the
same surprise as himself at the speech of the Right Hon.
Gentleman on that subject. The Right lion. Gentleman
had withdrawn the relief be had at one time offered the
West India interest, and had tendered them in its stead
that which would be no relief, but would rather occasion
4U increase of their difficulties. He recalled the attention
of the House to the propositions of the Right lion.
kicutletnau, sad appealed to the House whether they could

be called a keep;ng of faith with the West Indian interest.
which w is at this tinni.nt lahouring under severe distress?
He could not accept the Hight lion. Gentleman's proposi-
tions an relief to teat interest, ner would he allow the Bill
now proposal t•o pa.s through the house without his de.
cided opposition.
_ .

Mr. TIART DAVIS' thanked the Ministers fur what

they had done for the \Vest India interest, as far as they
had hitherto gone, but wished thry hid gone much further.
Mr. It. CORDON was glad that the Noble Marquis
hail directed the attention of the House to this subject,
and had spoken upon it the universal feeling of those who
were connected with the West India trale. Ile thought

that interest had been treated with contumely and neglect,
and he trusted that those who were connected with it
would constantly agitate its claim., by which agitation
alone, as the example of the Catholics had shown, was
their object to be attained.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER confessed

that the subject which had just been introduced to the no-
tice of the House was one on which be did not expect to
have been called on to speak. The Moose must see from
what had already been stated upon it, what wete the dif-
ficulties that attended the arrangement of it, and must
have formed some idea of the obstacles that the Govern-
ment had to encounter, in the endeavour to conciliate
thole whose interests were engaged in that trade. On
this subject he would say no more at present, than that
. _ .

the Government had felt the most anxious wish to relieve
the West India interest to the greatest possible extent con-
sistent with the means of the country. He had himself
originally proposed a mode which appeared to him calcu-
lated to effect that purpose, and to operate extensively for
their benefit. When that plan had been stated in de-
tail objections were taken to it, and he had then pro-
posed another of more general relief, of relief fully co-
extensive with the means of the country, and prepared
in a manner most conformable to the views of those who
had objected to the previous measure. That bad like-
wise been objected to; and with respect to the proposi-

,ions that were soon to come under the consideration of

the House, he would make no further remark, but
would reserve himself to some future stage of the pro-
ceeding. Having thus expressed himself on the question
of the West India interest, he should now come to that
matter which was more immediately under the considera-
tion of the House. That question was, whether they
should postpone for 24 hours the answer to the King's
Message, in order to take into consideration the question
of a Regency ? He entirely dissented from those who
were in favour of such a postponement. Ile did not think
it consistent with the character of the House, when they
received a Message similar to that now addressed to them
by his Majesty, to delay answering that Message. The
delay was asked for on two separate grounds. First, by
the Hon. and Learned Member for Plympton, on the
ground that the House had bad no notice of the question.
In answer to that, he would nsk what notice could be
more distinct than that which was conveyed in the Mes-
sage of yesterday ?_(Bear, hear.)—His Majesty in that
Message distinctly gave the reasons why he was unwilling
to submit to the attention of Parliament any new matter.
1 It could not, therefore, be expected that the question of
the Civil List, or that still more important question of
the Regency, would now be brought forward. But

the Honourable ❑nd Learned Member for Knares-
borough had fully answered the objection of want
of notice, for he had said that for the last six weeks
the minds of all men had been directed to this subject.
That Hon. and Learned Member, therefore, did not coin •
plain of surprise, nor did he assert that further notice was
necessary, for he distinctly announced that the attention of
others and of himself had been for six weeks past directed
to these points. As to the objection male by the Hon. and
Learned Member for Plympton, that no man knew when
this Parliament would be dissolved, and when a new Par-
liament would be assembled ; but surely the observations
of the Right Hon. Secretary for the Home Department
had removed all doubt upon that subject. For himself he
must say that he thought there were considerable objec-
tions to consider these questions of the Civil List and the
Regency in the present Parliament. The commencement
of a new reign tweeted a great many important subjects,
and Members ought to know the opinions of their con-
stituents, not from old and doubtful suggestions, nor from
any belief of what might afterwards be found acceptable,
but from the more certain ground of knowledge acquired
from the previous instructions of those whom they
represented. The absence of Members from their
places was not a personal question merely, because
they would thus be disabled from attending their public
duties, and topics like those of the Regency and the
Civil List, ought not to he commenced unless they could
receive undivided attention. The Hon. and Learned
Member for Plympton bad complained that the Re•
gency had not been formally brought before the House,
and the answer was, that the Crown, under the special
circumstances of the times, had forborne to press it on
the notice of Parliament. The same Honourable Mem-
ber had remarked, that the whole Howie had been called
upon to advise the Crown as Privy Councillors, taut he
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer) apprehended that the
course taken by no means trenched upon the undoubted
prerogative of the Crown to dissolve one Parliament and
to summon another. The sole object was to pursue that
line which would be least detrimental to the I►ublic ser-
vice. If the House, on the other hand, was of opinion
that it would be inexpedient that Parliament should be
dissolved, an Address to that effect might be proposed and
carried. For these reasons he would not assent to the
proposal for an adjournment of the question : if that
amendment were intended as an indirect opposition to the
Address, the course was not as downright and straightfor-
ward as might be expected from the Noble Mover; and
if, on the other hand, it were meant only to gain further
time, it was unnecessary. He believed that no precedent
could be found for the re-postponement of it motion of the
kind in order to avoid the expression of any opinion upon
the real merits of the question.
Lord MILTON was able to infer what were the senti-

ments of the Chancellor of the Etchequer regarding the
amendment, although he had not directly avowed them.
fie (Lord Milton) saw many and weighty reasons fur de-

laying the question for twenty-four hours.- The Right lion,
Secretary had stated what *lmmures were to be pressed,
and what were to be abandoned ; and he had further

called upon the House to vote certain sums upon account
hut he had never stated the amount he should require, al,
though upon that amount depended the only security Par

liment possessed for its re-assembling. The Might Hon.
Gentleman had relinquished his usual fsirners upon this
point, and unless the amount to be required were stated
with more clearness and candour than had been displayed

on some of the late measures, and particularly on the Beer
Bill, he (Lord Milton) must say that Ministers would im-
portantly neglect their duty. On the Beer Bill the Excise
regulations hail been kept in the back ground, end con-
cealment had characterised the proceeding from first to
last. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that the House
of Commons would abandon its character, and not do its
duty, if it did not vote this Address; but he (Lord Milton)
begged leave to remark, that there was nothing inconsistent
with the character of the House, and with the discharge of
its public duty, if it required a postponement of the Address
—if, for nothing else but to elicit from Government a full
statement of their views. His Lordship agreed that it
would be inexpedient now to introduce new measures, and
one fresh topic of discussion he intended to avoid by
withdrawing a motion which was standing upon the
paper; but there were other points of novelty involving
considerations
.of the utmost novelty on which the House
ought to deliberate before its separation. He was of opi-
nion, therefore, that those Ministers did not well whore
the Crown who recommended the postponement of mea-
sures embracing the most valuable and important inte-
rests, and perhaps risking the peace and tranquillity of
the country. He could not sit down without expressing
a doubt whether the lion. and Learned Member for
Knareaborough (Mr. Brougham) were not wrong in the
interpretation ho had put upon the terms used by Mr.
Pitt in 1789, when he stated that the Prince of Wales
had a paramount claim to the Regency. In the event of
the accession of the Princess of Kent, no member of Ile
family would possess the paramount claim which was en-
joyed by the late King, when Prince of Wales. If by
the cruel—more properly by the awful—dispensation of
Providence, the Throne should lose its present Royal and
benign occupant, not oue of the uncles of the Priucese
of Kent would be Heir Apparent, but only Heir Pre-
siiiiiptive. He was surprised that the lion. and Learned
Member, with his legal habits, should have fallen into
this error ; and he begged not to be concluded by the opi•
111110 which the lion. Member for Knareaborough had
expressed with less than his usual consideration. Al-
though neither the Right lion. Secretary nor the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer had given any explanation, and
yet strenuously contended against postponement, lie hoped
that some other Minister of the Crown was present, who
would afford the House some farther satisfaction, by giving
a few details. Sure he was, that if nothing more Were
141.1, people out of doors would feel that Ministers had not
dealt fairly by the House, nor the House by the country.
The CHANULLOR of the EXCHXQUER and Lord MIL-
TON explained.
Mr. 11C$K1SEION.e.liowever important to an eaten-
Mee interest, I cannot help thinking that the Chancellor of
the Exchequer would have done better to have postponed
whet he said upon the comparatively minor question of
the Sugar Duties until some regular motion was matsh.
upon the subject. Whatever relief may be just and ne..

eessary for the West India planters, I agree with the
Chancel'or of the Exchequer that the shortest measure,
under the circumstances, may be the hint, leaving other
points to future discussion, I notice this matter, first,
because it is the only part of my Right Hon. Friend
speech in which I can concur. Ile asks, why do we wish
for twenty-four hour, to deliberate upon these important
matters? and he urges that we have already had the time
we require. I confess that I was never much more sur•
prised than by this assertion. Yesterday the Most Gracious
Message of his Majesty was brought down, with the con-
tentt and import of which, until it was read by the Speaker
none but the immediate servants of the Crown were ac•
(painted. We are there told that his Majesty is unwilling
to recommend to the attention of Parliament any new
matter that might admit of postponement without detri-
ment to the public service. Hence may arise a question
whether the matters on which we are now engaged cut
be postponed without detriment to the public Fer•ice ? Ilut
when the Chancellor of the Exchequer asserts that we
have already had 21 hour.' notice, let me ask him whether,
after the reading of the Message yesterday morning, Mem.
hers did not go away from the House with the impression
that some description of Regency adapted to the exigenci.a
of the State would be proposed ? Many also were of opi-
nion that some temporary arrangement of the Civil List
would also be recommended ; and such was not only the
opinion of intelligent individuals unconnected with office,
but I could nan►w lion. Gentlemen in office who went away
in the entire belief that the topic of the Regency nes to he
submitted to our consideration. If the Right lion. Gen-
tleman were at all acquainted with what has been passing
out of doors, he would know that so much has the point
been mooted elsewhere, that it has been made a subject for
wagers whether the question of the Regency was or was
not this night to he introduced. Therefore let it not he sup-
peed that the information on this' subject was clear and
distinct that no mistake could arise. The principal Minis-
ter ofthe Crown in this House, in his speech to-night, most
fairly and candidly said that he would proceed to what he
apprehended was uppermost in the minds of all—what
might be the situation of the Throne in case of the
unexpected demise of his present Majesty? lie admitted
that it was a subject full of doubt and difficulty, wide)*
had not escaped the anxious attention of Government; and
he added, that it had been considered the least of two evils
not to bring it forward in the present Parliament. Go-
vernment, no doubt, has taken amide time to deliberate
upon this point—and when, on our part, we ask for only
21 hours for consideration, we are told that it is altoge-
ther unnecessary. Called upon to decide upon the sudden,
it seems to me that there is no room for hesitation; look-
ing at the disadvantage on the one hand of having a few
Members employed in canvassing, certain expenses thereby
incurred, and possibly a corrupt effect, as my Right lion.
Friend observed, produced upon the people; and looking
on the other hand at the fearful dangers and possible con-
sequences of that contingency which I pray Heaven to avert,
not only as a loyal subject, but as a Member of Parliament
anxious for the tranquillity of the people and security of
the Constitution ; I cannot doubt as to the balance, and
as to the impolicy of the course we are so hastily
called upon to pursue. Remember that we are dealing
with an event in which human foresight will be of no
avail—which cannot be measured and fathomed I►y the
wisest—which no prescience can foretell—no prudence
avoid : no shield can guard, no sword defend, the Sove-
reign front the inevitable lot of humanity. The wisdom of
our ancestors has provided that Parliament may continue
sitting for six months after the demise of the Crown, in
order to watch the public interests, and, to use a technical
expression, to attend time inheritance of the Crown. Should
that disaster befal us which my argument implies, and no-
thing have been done in the way of precaution, we shall
have set the wisdom of our ancestors, which gave us this
opportunity, at nought, and the dreadful consequences
may be measures subversive of the Constitution itself.
Shall we then, witl► our• eyes open, and with the means of
avoiding these evils within our reach, expose ourselves to
the risk, not indeed of a disputed or doubtful succession.
but to a risk only second and minor to it, that of having the
powers of the Crown to devolve into hands totally impotent
and incompetent? For aught we know that very impotence
may be the occasion of an act subversive at once of all the
rights, privileges, and prerogatives of the Crown. I do nut
mean, of course, that such dangers must end in such
disasters ; but ought we needlessly to expose ourselves to
the peril, and would that exposure tend either to the se-
curity of the Throne or to the happiness of the people ?
Again, let me observe, that we are not only called upon
to deal with this question, but with other' necessarily in-
cluded in the Address ; and upon none of these are we to
be allowed even twenty-four hours for deliberation. My
Right Hen. Friend says that we are not at present to
touch time Civil List ; and I confess myself that I do not
see so strongly an some the inconvenience of postponing
the permanent arrangement until the meeting of a new
Parliament. Government ought to have time to discuss
and weigh all the details, and when the plan is at length
brought forward it ought to be referred to a Select Com-
mittee ; and that inquiry will unavoidably occupy time.
-Therefore, I do not view with either jealousy or• alarm tl►e
proposal to continue the present Civil List for a short
period, on the understanding that no part of time new ar-
rangement is thereby prejudged. Next we are called
upon by the Address to do—what? To declare that all
the important measure% that have occupied us so UnCeae-
ingly during the present arduous Session shall be at once
abandoned ! To say the least of it, this is to stultify
Parliament ; for we must declare that all the measures
which, in the opening of the Session, came reconunended
from the throne itself, as essential to the well-being of
the country, are not so essential as the dismissal of
the present Parliament, by which they are to be gra-
tuitously, and, perhaps, for ever abandoned. Whet
the country think of us, after the labours we have undergone,
and the long debates we have held, if we at once break of
with doing literally nothing? Did I say nothing ! We
than have done worse than nothing—we shall have
brought forward measures only to relinquish them for
°there which in turn have been also abandoned. We could
not bet night extract from the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer what be meant to do with the Sugar Ditties, and yet
now, on a Wednesday night, not ordinarily devote►tl to
business, we ■re required to decide at once upon the most
important topic that can ever engage the attention of the
Legislature. I do not dwell upon the danger and confusion
—which itself is danger, to arise from time fatal and un-
looked-for demise of the Crown, when, if the course now
suggested be adopted, there will exist no executive autho-
rity, excepting by means of one of those temporary expe-
final which have been of late too MCI) the fashion. An
Order of Council might temporarily settle the question of
the Sugar Duties, by directing the collection of more than
time subject was entitled to pay ; but what I now refer to
goes to the root and foundation of the Monarchy itself;
*MI is that too to be settled by an Order of Council ?
What I contend for is this—that there are risks it is in no
way necessary to incur ; let tot settle the Regency now,
and not leave it to a period of unforeseen calamity, when
all the excitement of party animosities will be in full and
violent operation, and when we shall be deprived of time
reliance we might be disposed to place on the executive
Government. I cannot too often impress upon the Henke
that all we ask, in order to avoid the chance of the evils I
have pointed out, is a delay of twenty-four hours. As to
the estimate% alone, I beg to know whether it is too
much to ask for a delay of twenty-four hour" before we
decide whether we shall grant a vote of credit, or whether
we shall proceed with the supplies in the regular Parlia-
mentary course? That comae was settled by the wisdom►
of our ancestors, and shall we determine, upon the spot,
to depart from it, lest a new candidate should unexpectedly
start and derange the interests of some favoured, because
favouring Member ? Do not let us forget that we have
six menthe before us for the deliberate consideration 0!
these great questions ; and heavy will be the responsibility
of Members of Parliament, and fifty-fold heavier the re-
sponsibility of the Members of Government, if they ne-
glect this opportunity, and expose the nation to the perils
and calamities which all may foresee, but which it may be
soon too late to avoid. On three ground., I implore my
Right lion, Friend to reconciler his proposition, awl to
allow us the short delay we require. I implore it the
more, became we are now on the last day of June, and
how shall we be better quelifieti to decide these great
[natters in September than in July ? We know that
Patliament has beet► not unfrequently called upon to con-
sider menet% of importance in time month of July, and
even in August; and I tem see no peak reason why
time Advisers of the Crown should recommend the re.
assembling of the two Houses at the most inconvenient
period of the year. That Parliament, if now dissolved
will be stn re-ayseinbleti, as soon as the write are re-
turned, I cannot for• a moment doubt ; and I never will
believe that a House of Commons with }wham two or
three hundred new Members will premise more knowledge
of public affairs, more capability of deciding great ques-
tions connected with the public' interest, titan the present
House of Commons with the assistance of all its experi-
icti,e;t4lcrel;one eeeni ingel i't'cnvy(aut;.W..:ritititsii4:bea°gdrgrra'ridtli:td'euiranotici°gmlniti?;:itt(mcYiri-uvoYwi will not l
thot:elatstteetilimarti
e
rionamene meat inevitably be re. altistaitilie:rnoub:lnte,mtruli,nautteeontcomamiltlitteonnudor
with all the complicated and iteetimulateil difficulties, and
tplaiseseadleir:ilrfigdinignmet,ehtatrtitly,utilii:rmotuetnttmay:
great commtitutional eatablithmenta.
Mr. BRIGHT referred to the period when the Act

~.
.. . .
homer than for sic months artee'lmtiv:deteivir of the .Peow".
and contended, by analog/. list the mptisint '‘liite. wf, or]
times the moat proper for'noisiditeing thse.citcuttestenerayif mse
the country connected wit the iuopossion'tolitollaiino.
Ile also adverted to the seritsueyeapimribilistitictitmekiby
Ministers in refusing to dinants M.-now the queetiote ef;the
Regency, and to the great importance and interest of the ..
subject to the country. He agreed with' the-. Right ilmomm :`
Member who spoke last, that the Civil List did not pre, '4)
with so much urgency, and that it required much time I" 1 '
investigation before the House consented to any pentium,'
settlement. He called the attention of the Museum the main I ,i
great questions yet remaining undecided upon the Ordeme
of the Muse. Something ought to be determined regard- ~
ing the Canada', which were in a stem of disturiuuwe
and uncertainty. The growth of tobacco in Ireland wa# ',
a matter of no small moment ; but that, end the questions
connected with the Courts of Equity, tithes, and beer .
were not to be finally concluded. He complained that ,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer bad never yet sufficiently #:
stated the nature of his proposed change regarding beet, ~
although the Bill hal arrived at ha last stage. The Visit!). f-t
Laws, Secondary Punishments, and the Ecclesiastical !
Courts were three other questions that wheee to be wholl) e
abandoned ; and with reg ird to the sugar duties be would
ashen, that the proposed alteration by the Chatfeellor m.l ;.
the Exchequer was very far from giving sitiefactice so
..,
the West India interest. The planters, during the whol..
Session, had been ill treated ; relief had been promised II)
a change in time duties nn rum, but that had been ro m
linquished for the present scheme, which, itself, was 11 r
to be hurried through the House without any opportunii)
of ascerteining the views and wishes of the parties mote .
immediately concerned. With all 'these matters unfinieheme
was it fit, then, independent of any consideration of the .
Regency, that Parliament should be dismissed in ordet
' that in the next Session the topics should be wive.' la
before those who, from their want of knowledge and ex. 4
perience, were unable to arrive at a sound decision ?
Besides, it ought to be remembered that no period of the rt,
solution could be more inconvenient than that now about
to be chosen ; in the middle of a circuit, Members con 41)
*meted with the profession would be led by personal ate. 114
bition to neglect the interests of their clients.
Mr. LENNARD suported the motion of the Noble `et
Lord for postponing time debate. The llonse seas calms'
upon to take this important question into consideration .! ,
by a regard for the interests of the country.—(" Question, i
question.") imt
Lord JOHN RUSSELL could not suffer this great con,
stitutional question to pass by without expressing -his ,k,
opinion.—(llere the Noble Lord was interrupted by cries
of " Question, question," " liar, bar.")—The Noble
Lord observed that the House had, on limner (recisions
sat patiently till two or three o'clock in the morning die.
cussing questions of far less importance than this; yet
they were, at this early hour, impatient to come to the
vote on a question which went to overrule every offie 1,
and to pledge the word of the house that every possible
means should be afforded to dissolve it in as short a time
possible. Was it too much to ask for a little attention
from gentlemen before they came to a vote of this nature ?
When he (Lord J. Russell) analyzed time reply of the
Right Hon, Gentleman, it amounted to this, that it was
convenient to the Members of the House that they should
abandon their places, Sind be enabled to carry on their m-
eats with the smallest expence. It was convenient to hill. :.
doubtless, that instead of having t i deal with Membem•
about to meet their constituents, he should have Members
who would not have to pass that ordeal for six yeatms.
when the votes they had given on the Civil List, and other
matters of that kind, would be forgotten or overlook, d
by their constituents. These were the real reasons of tt
Right Hon. Gentleman, when stripped of the ornaments he'
hal clothed them with. He only had to appeal to the
personal interests of lion. Members, in his opinion, to
make them forsake the claims which the public may had
upon them. The Right Hon. Gentleman, in speaking. I I
the Civil List, had referred to the precedents of the the. *
first Princes of the House of Hanover; but he lied not ad.,
vcrted to the discussion on the accession of George 111., r
when not merely the Civil List came under consideration V
but the change of the whole private revenue of the Crow, . m;
which was transferred to the eublic service. The questiomm
ought to be discussed and decided in the present Path,
mount. There was, indeed, another and a greater questio.
which was worthy to claim the attention of the House— s
he meant the Regency. In the year 1705, George 111. ie.
vited time House tea consider this very subject; and them. I
was not * single reason which existed in 1765 far settline
by authority of Parliament, what provisions should Imo,
made in time event of the demise of the Crown, whim.'
did not exist now. The same evils, the same (hinge.. I
which induced George 111. in 1765 to come down it
Pediment and recommend the appointment of a regete ).
fur the realm, impended at the present time. In the eve ml
of the demise of the Crown, all power would fall into the
hands of a child of eleven years of age, who might diseolvm
the Parliament, and the power of the government might ,
fail lute the hands or persons of whom Parliament and timm
Ministers would be ignorant. It could make little differ
cure to his Majesty's Ministers whether the question w ms
considered now or six months hence, and the Public l"-
term urgently called for its consideration pow At lea. r 1
let the House have twenty-toile hours fur consideratimme 1
before it was called upon to pledge itself to the King, met '
resolve on a question never promulgated before that evenimme
anti of which no one had an adequate conception till ihm
Right lion. Gentleman had finished his speerh—(Lot,ml
cries of " Hear.") It was the duty of the House not to
decide on such an important question in a hurry, or i
might decide what it might see reason hereafter to repent
No one could vote in favour of this question but from am
implicit confidence in Ministers ; and he was bound to say,
that however well he might think of some of their AC. !
mid intentions, that confidence he was by no means pee -
pared to give them.—(blear, hear.)—Notwithstanding Vmm
talent, the skill, and the discretion of the Right Hon.
Gentlemen, in the Ministry, as a whole, sod partieulai is
in that House, be had no confidence.--(hear, hear.)--
Oae alter another, their propositions, if not rejected, had
bren so taken by the House, that when the end of the
Session approached, half of them were obliged to be threw',
over-board.—(Naar.)—Thie fact of itself area a proof imm
the weakness with which they conducted their &Grim.
There was one question which had been brought into the
House by an Hen. Friend of leis, and brought in et a
late hour, and after repeated discussions (time Galway toe re
Regulation Bill), for the purpose of destroying corrupt in-
fluence, which heti been so dealt with as to musket that
town a clue„ borough, and place it in the hotels of a single
person. He understood by the public Papers that the per-
son who bud proposed this anti-popular mode of settling
the borough of Galway was at the head of his Mej#sty'..
Government.—( Hear, hear. )—Witetever he (Lord Jolt!'
Rummell) thought of the Noble Duke's meaatires, and some
of them he thought were not founded on right views, Im,
said not think a week ago that he would hoe soiled his hands
with such a job as this.--(Cheep.)—The Nobl# Lord con
chided with urging that It was the ditty of the House to
postpone this question till another day ; it could only be
justified by a blind confidence in his Majesty a Milli.
eters. Ile should give his support to the motion of his ,
Noble Friend.
Sir R. PEEL said, that the question was, whether ot
not time House would present to the Thiene an answer to '
its gracious Message, expressive of the acquiescence of the
House its time proposal made to it, and pledging itself that,
SO far as depended on the Commons, them wee every di,
position to concur in it, or whether the consideration . 1
it ahould be postponed for twenty-four hours.—(lleur.)
This was the nature and extant of the amendment.—
(Hear.) The whole proposition put in junta-position ,
with the motion, amounted to this--that whereas the
house hid had twenty-four hours to sontrider the epee.
Lion—(Loutl cheers front the Opposition, eultoed fro me ,
the Ministerial side).-should it ar Sholliii it not hew
forty-eight? Could soy men doubt, when the Mes-
sage was delivered, that the 'newer mold lee, in comm.•
icsiii:teiritgiulhlinto3l'avyn:yiyiu:ehrste ihttaihaonetn
f:;lo64Ortiivlsb"itxhoaftwtl:oliika
itstitiollehuvewserr:y.sauufteirtnnielectifieltilaiel
hadl' vv
ti iii tt Ihil.Aftlii.
eismm•
m
josty.ii GoVerOltlatlt bed been considering this queetimom
of a Regeuey. If so, surely blembeis mut be perfectly
competent to decide whether the question of the Regenee
shottid be considered or net, But really the considetatiou
of a fit person for Regent, which involved many other int.
fortant questions, was is matter which, at this late pet hid
of the Session, stud on a vote of credit, it was not very can
;Telma to discuss. But it was said this question had bee mm '
bought on upon a Weilnesday—(llear)—etlith was one ;,;',
the reasons given why the House should postiente its con- M
sideration.—(Hear, heer.)—So the% the King of F.nglaud '
leaving died on a Saturday, and the House of Common.
not being in a condition to meet for Wahines till Tuesday '-m
then, when his Majesty's Governnieat called on the House.
to offer tin Wrests to his Majesty on time next socceetlimmi
day, his Right Honourable Friend found out that time.-
day was a Wetinesday.--.(ilear, hear, and a laugh.)—''m
dtilfui atttyh eloirttirbamitmet,:i‘rtpael ludmillimiteslGv:ea.ryi :al e titniavinis4lialvi were not 'nHeiiottnw. prepared"t)il°l oiTmlitT4
l:
kieson) had termed this Parliament * eternideet (tmemlhri'mliril
meet ; but his Right Hon. Friend seemed tis Prget, as he ha 4
on other Orcil4lolol, that be had himself been a versant of the
Crowit.—(tienr.)—•Vhere wee scarcely a spleen wirtell eelt t,,t,it
his !tight lion. Frielut, front which it slid not appear to, hint
It. Peed that he bad consigned to oblivion Os fart that i,t.,
twenty years no gentlemen hart hoot mere enorosesee With altsi:
acts of time trovetionent than he hads-illeer)--arie it hems-