The Sun.
London, England, 1839-10-28 00:00:00

is.......s.apnsnawmkssa•••nmoso•s
MARE ET and CITY NEWS'

ing to escape from the consequences by partial rather
than by general measures ; by an interdict against the
paper of all joint-stock banks rather than a diminution
both in time and in amount of all commercial discounts,
distributed equally over the whole monied interest of
the country.
The annexed passage, which is part of a communi-
cation to the Liverpool Albion, goes to establish the
feet just referred to, of over issues in the latter end
of 1838, for the sake of the Bank accounts, as sub-
mitted to the Court of Proprietors last month, which
is curious, though by no means essential to a true
judgment of the question. The main ergutnent of the
letter, in which there is nothing new, relates to the in-
terdict against joint-stock barks, and the injurious ef-
fect of it upon the manufacturing districts. Proceed-
ing, then, to consider the origin of the present difficul-
ties which arc made the excuse for that interdict, the
writer says—

" The most off•nsive feature, however, in the present
proceedings in the Bank of England is, that she is
herself the cause of the very difficulties she thus takes
upon herself to remove. The recent holding of the
Court of Proprietors affords a proof; indirect., indeed,.
but conclusive, of the truth of this statement. On no
other conceivable ground than that the Bank of Eng-
land has been guilty of gross want of caution, can we
account for the large surplus profits which are announced
as being carried to the rest account. The profits
which hare thus accumulated, at. a time when the
cautious trader was almost inactive, can only have been
acquired through loans to the public, which a due re-
gard to the precarious state of the currency, occasioned
by an anticipated large importation of foreign groin,
would have sternly prohibited ; but the Directors of the
Bank of England are .always behind the rest of man-
kind in detecting the signs of approaching difficulties, and
whether this obtuseness arises from a mental part:cipa-
tion in the passe character of their monopoly, or be oc-
casioned by a less doubtful regard to the interests of their
proprietary, the result and consequences are the same,
and the fearful inefficiency of the Bank of England in
the discharge of her dnties, towards the public at least,
is proved to demonstration. It has been very much the
fashion of late to denounce the United States Bank as
a principal cause of all our difficulties, and to make the
operations of that establishment the 'scapegoat for con-
sequences more justly attributable to the defective ad
ministration of affairs nearer home. I have no wish to
extenuate or excuse any departure from the principles
of sound banking, of which the great institution referred
to may have been guilty, but I do mean to contend
that had our monetary affairs been under safe manage-
ment, no violation of principle on the part of any fo-
reign banker could have entailed upon this country one-
hundredth part of the evils which have accrued under
the existing system. The Bank of England affects to
adjust the currency, but in her attempt to do this she is
destroying trade."

CHRONICLE.—In the Railway Magazine of
this day (Saturday) we observe a report of a meeting
which took place on Tuesday evening of the Pro-
prietors of the South British Cotton Com-
pany ; a concern possessing claims, it seems, to no
very enviable notoriety. The Chairman of the meeting
is reported to have said—" He was sorry the Com-
mittee had been unable to render to the Proprietors a
report .in consequence of there being no accounts, or
copies of them, and the state of the books was inexpli-
cable. It would appear that the whole number of
the black shares amounted to 19.500, of which 15,700
were issued, leaving 3,800. The number of red shares
was 25,000, *of which 20,700 were issued, leaving
4,300. But these are of no avail, as by the public ad-
vertisement they became forfeited. Of the 25,000 is-
sued, deposits have been received upon only 995 ;
upon the blacks nothing had been received. The Di-
rectors found they had no means of paying the maid-
servant ; they then issued 200 shares, which were sent
into the market for that purpose—(Hear, hear)—and
at another time, for the purpose of paying taxes, a fur-
ther number of shares were issued."

This presents a most extraordinary picture. A
Joint-stock Company is furmed with 911 the usual staff
of Director;, Secretaries, and so on. They issue
15,700 " black shares," and 20,000 " red shares."
They receive d.:posits upon 995 of the reds, and the
blacks pay nothing at all. It further appears, by the
Report of the meeting, that on the 995 " reds" 20s. of
deposit was paid ; still there are no accounts or copies
of them, and the state of the books is inexplicable !
This is pretty well ; but the scheme of issuing 200
fresh shares to pay the maid servant, and another to
pay the taxes, are brilliant strokes of financial policy !
Well might the proprietors compare this South British
Cotton Company in deceit to the famous South Sea
scheme. But so long as people will trust their money
without due inquiry, in hopes of unusual gain, they
must occasionally expect to get their fingers burned ;
and such proceedings as those of the South British
Cotton Company could not have taken place if the
proprietors, who paid their deposits, had exercised a
moderate degree of inquiry and caution.
Something is said, we observe, of a new 'Company
being in contemplation, and that the old shares are to
be taken at 10s. in part payment of the new. If this
arrangement take effect, the " red share" men will
come off much better than, from their imprudence, they
had reason to expect.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

(From the Times.)
The last measure of the late Session of Parliament
was the Bolton Police Bill. We believe that there
have been but few attempts at legislation on the part
of the present Ministry which have exhibited greater
bungling in their concoction, or greater ignorance of
the situation and circumstances of the place for
which it was proposed to legislate. The Bill was at
first so framed, that, while it gave a power of appoint-
ing about twenty policemen, it repealed the Special
Constables Act, under whose provisions nearly a
thousand special constables were sworn in during the
late riots at Bolton, which furnished the pretext for
the BR That defect remedied, in consequence of
suggestions made in the Upper House, there appeared
next two other obj,:•ctions—that the Bill included as
part of the Borough certain districts not belonging to it
—and that it gave no power to tax more than one entire
township, though parts of the two other townships were
comprised wilhin the borough. That Ministers should
be ignorant of the extent of the borough to which they
had advised her Majesty to grant a charter was not to
be wondered at ; indeed, with them, ignorance is the
general rule, information the exception ; but still, igno-
rant as they were, it became necessary, when the objec-
tions were raised, to meet them in some way, so as to be
enabled to carry the Bill through Parliament. Lord
Duneanaon, therefore, in despite of assurances given him
that. the privileges of the House of Commons would be
invaded, obstinately persisted in introducing an amend-
ment, with a view to set right, at least, the question of
taxation, and subsequently, even after the Bill had been
read a third time, withdrew the same amendment for
the very reason which had been suggested against its
insertion. What, then, was to be done ? The Bill, it
not suffered to increase the stock of Government
legislative waste paper, must be made to work. So, in
the Commons, on the day before the prorogation,
another arm ndrnent, in violation of a well-established
rule of Parliament, was introduced, which was adopted
by the other House, after some observations from the
Duke of Wellington in condemnation of the proceed-
ing, and an order obtained at his instance, for a special
entry in the Journals, to prevent its being " drawn into
a precedent." We have here traced the progress of a
measure to which her Majesty adverts in the speech
from the throne in the following terms I have given
my cordial assent to the Bills which you have presented
to me for the establishment of a more efficient constabu-
lary force in those towns which peculiarly required it."
Now the necessity, if any, which existed for such a
measure in the town of Bolton has been created
by the very men whose bungling we have above
exhibited. They had thought fit, in the vain hope,
no doubt, of strengthening the Whig-Radical inte-
rest, to advise her Majesty to create a Corpo-
ration under the Municipal Reform Act in a
great manufacturing neighbourhood, where a corpora-
tion was the last thing requisite for quiet government,
and persons had been appointed as magistrates—we beg
pardon, as boroughs justices—who, being engaged in
manufactures in the town, were not the most fit to de-
cide questions between masters and workmen, and some
also the open advocates of Chartist doctrines. What,
then, was the reason for the " cordial assent" on the part
of her Majesty's Ministers to their own Bill? It is to
be found in the word " patronage," the object sometimes
apparent, sometimes concealed, of nearly every measure
introduced by the present Government. The Bill gave
to the Crown the appointment of a Commissioner
of Police, at a salary not exceeding 600/. a year,
and it vested the appointment of receiver at a salary
of half that amount in the Treasuer of a corporation,
the legality of whose charter is admitted by the Bill
to be in dispute. 300/. a year for collecting a rate,
which is to support twenty policemen, a sergeant per-
haps, and an inspector !! and 6001. a year for the Com-
missioner, who is to select the men, and act as a justice
of the peace !!! True it is, that, in deference, proba-
bly to the grounds urged in Parliament against the Bill,
and the taxation proposed to be inflicted by it, the re-
spective salaries had been fixed at 5001. for the Com.
missioner, and 200/. for the receiver ; still their amount
exceeds, we believe, by more than 1001., the whole sum
paid for the police force of Bolton, which before the
creation of the Corporation was found fully adequate to
the duty of preserving the peace. Now, we are confident
that the duties of the receiver would be efficiently dis-
charged by a clerk at a "provincial banking-house for
a tithe of the present salary ; and there °happens to
whomlyino n %
Septembervie ssio shallne
r ,Ltihe now
ue
Home
be a very valuable authority on the subject of the
Commissioner's stipend,E
dsueccreettoaroyuraprpeoaintdesrs.as
tla,
re Commissioner
n
Colonel Angelo. This gentleman arrived in Bt intro-
duce
understand, on the 26th of that month, and about
the Bth of October he quitted the town, never, as it
would appear, to return as the Police Commissioner,
for or the iMe of this month a letter is said to have
b. 1,;a: of thc. ju6-
i

4).
etTY?"I ES ••--Connected with the transactions yesterday
(Friday) in Foreign exchanges, it was remarked that some
drzhe parties who act for the Bank of England in the
ughts on Paris, drew bills at three months, but later
in the day became takers also of short bills on the same
tt'hieet Hence it was concluded that these latter were
- PaY for bil:s coming to maturity under the arrange-
ment with the Bank of France, and that the long bills
are to serve to open the new account. If this, however,
Should be the true state of the case, it follows that no
&teat further influence upon the exchanges is to be
expected under that arrangement, unless there should
be some extension made of the original credit. That the
mere operations of trade will bring any relief to it, there
s no present iikelihoo 1, and the piospects continue,
in that respect, most unfavourable. What the issue
will be therefore is, or ought to be, a matter of some
anxiety in the Bank parlour. As the drawing and re-
drawing of the bills on Paris create some additional
ilarges in commi:sions and brokerages beyond the rate of
!terest paid for the money borrowed of the Bank of
11.vance, various calculations have been made of the ac-
tual Cost of the operation. None estimate it at lower
Yuan 8, and some fix it as high as 12 per cent., but it is
1 tZPossible to be quite exact without knowing more. cf
•": account than tbe parties concerned may be willing
to a-
t, `uvulge, but that the operation will be a costly one
lure can
be no doubt. It must be attended, therefore,
t-ito much loss as well as humiliation, and no man yen-
tiPes as yet to predict a successful issue to it.
tl.tB°l.t of contradiction is put torth on the subject of
Unite ,°Posed loan in Holland to the Bank of the
o States, to the allegation that it is to cover post
-otes
1., over-due on the Continent, and we are told that
the
is not any of such damaged paper in circulation
ere, ss,
sant to make the contradiction effective, it
bshould he ~.. „ ,
, affirmed Luso tnat there are no bonds, or
cut °' exchange of the said bank, to be provided for
er of the loan in question, since that would otherwise
6onle exactly to the same thing. That it is to be a
rind fide loan, apart from any provision for old debt,
the sum itrepresents to be remitted to England
or ts._ United
.aid .
the he States in of the general operations of
with'nk in question, is what few people will believe
11. ut better authority than any which at present is to
7 met Witt_ .
n If it should be so, it will be a favourable
jn/rtiPtonl in the affairs of the Bank, and, of course, an
ioTument of some consequence in turning the exchanges
set Tour of this country. But it will be time enough to
tobt;te, this point when the contract is actually concluded,
,r,• en, it seems, is not yet the case.
1,4:" he angry feeling towards the Bank of England,
fte 101 has arisen among the joint-stock banks, in con-
e qr,ucei4ee of the late interdict against all their trier-
s: `e Paper, has not, during the week, undergone
thueh alleviation. Both parties, however, are cautious
ta°,.,lt Proceeding to extremities. On the side of the
the "England, hints are allowed to go forth, that
0 0 rule is not intended to be an absolute one on all
eetsions, while the banks, who have a vague notion
er°;ll4lY that they might injure themselves by pro.
aorkei;v.'ng to actual hostilities, content themselves with
--meat and threat rather than action. These are
aosw. ,
_ct th--.l.eu in kind by their powerful antagonists, and
aEn -",-- matter rests, the advocates of the Bank of
ple-!'ia:ed adopting precisely the same sort of special
tshri:eg that they have always resorted to, and
those answers the temporary purpose of keeping
th 'e quiet who have never bestowed any attention on
e subject.
or The Bank is bound, say these casuists, to take care
~hnse Itself, and the deficient harvest of 1838 is the real
,
torin.. of all our difficulties, it being perfectly n. o-
i of " all the time that a most imprudent extenTn
or the issues took place in November and December
i full at Year, when the results of the harvest acre
Wiwi ascertained, to which the ensuing
)
mischief is
k
of , much greater justice to be ascribed. The Ban
orttatirland is blamed, therefore, in the controversy ad-
camel to, for two reasons—first, fr.= having becn the
=sv of the e1:464 ' , a---;..p1
pri..,,„,., , ~....,,,, *I. 1.

tices, communicating the fact of his having tendered
his resignation, and intimating his opinion that it
would be " a complete robbery upon the inhabitants of
Bolton" to take from them 500/. a year for the manage-
ment of twenty policemen ; and yet this, or even a
greater tax, may be imposed upon the inhabitants by
a measure passed at the express request of the Town
Council. We congratulate the Ministers and the
Town Council, foisted by them upon the people of
Bolton, upon the present success of their Police Bill.
Did ever governing body sustain such a defeat ? But
more of discomfiture seems to have been reserved for
these corporators. It was not sufficient degradation to
be deprived of the power of paying their own police, or
to be abandoned after 12 days' acquaintance by the
Government officer sent down to take charge of it, who
denounces their proposed profligate expenditure of the
people's money, or to be involved, as we collect from a
recently published account, in a debt of 1,0001., to dis-
charge which they dare not levy a borough rate, or to
have their appointment of a Coroner brought in ques-
tion, without possessing sufficient funds or sufficient con-
fidence in their own position to sustain the appointment.
Unsatisfactory as all this ,must have been to Messrs.
the Mayor, Aldermen, and Councillors of Bolton, they
bad reserved for them something worse—the decision
upon their conduct of a public meeting recently called
in the town they goyim (save the mark'), and called,
too, by numerous notices placarded throughout the
town. By that decision, opposed by one speaker
only, and perhaps by both his hands, they are de-
clared " to be deserving of the severest reprehension
for their conduct during the last twelve months," the
whole period of their existence as a corporation. Is
there to be found any body of men whose condition re-
sembles that of these unhappy corporators ? We be-
lieve not, unless it be that collection of individuals who
invest—we had nearly said infest—the Royal Palaces
of Buckingham-house, 'Windsor, and Brighton, under
the denomination of Ministers. Like the corporators of
Bolton, these men do not enjoy the confidence even of
their Radical fellow labourers, whom they have alike
deluded ; like them, they originate measures and after-
wards abandon them ; like them, they are deficient in
credit : we might further pursue the parallel, but we
should seek in vain among Ministers or their official de-
pendents, from the pitchforked jobber Monteagle, down
to the inefficient coxcomb who presides over the Home-
office, and the Admiral, whose inaction while on service
has been rewarded by the Governorship of Greenwich
Hospital, for any one who would have the honesty to
declare with Colonel Angelo that the taking his salary
would be " a robbery upon the people."
(From the Morning Advertiser.)
If the Times, which so stoutly declared itself, in the
case of Admiral Fleming, we think, to be above the
perpetration of a lie, for the sake of Jew or Gentile,
party or object, or interested motive of any description,
be not the most lying, as it is the most bragging journal,
we know not where there is one to be found within the
bounds of the united empire. If there be a difference
in lies,—that is, a gradation in them, positive, compara-
tive, and superlative, as there is in most other vices and
crimes--the Times may, perhaps, with some show of
justice, claim exemption from the charge of being guilty
of the lesser; for it lies with a force which is unmatch-
able—with a boldness which has no fellow—and with
an assurance sere durior, and an air of assumed
integrity, regalique situ pyrammidunz altius, which
readily imposes upon the unwary, and leads them to
give credit as truths to the most easily refuted
inventions. Its assumed superiority over its rivals—
its braggadocio 'style—its Billingsgate tirades against
all who choose to difThr with it in opinion—its gross
attacks upon all who have sounded its hollowness, and
have had the energy to set at nought its pretended
thunder—are all fruits of the same system, and children
of the same school of scandal and falsehood. We hive
heard it asserted, and we are much of the opinion of
those who entertain the belief, that if the truth were
known to it, it would, if it suited its purpose, prefer
either a misrepresentation or suppression of it, to its
actual representation ; but, however this may be,
we shall lay before our readers one splendid speci-
men, a mere sample of others—first, of its assump-
tion of superiority of foresight over every other
journal ; and, secondly, either of its negligent or of
its wilful lying. We allude to an article—and a
studied article too—in its publication of Thursday last,
in which we find the following passage :—" The intel-
ligence of Lord Breugham's death," says it, " believed
so generally, and with so much confidence, throughout
the whole of Monday last, and on authority supposed
to be so unquestionable, owed no part of its circulation
to this journal. the only one among the Morning News-
papers (ef Tuesday by which the disastrous incident was
not assumed for fact, and nzadc the occasion of some
sort of obituary article." Now, here two of the grossest
ta:sehoods asserted which ever appeared in the columns
of any journal—the first, that the Times was " the only
one among the Morning Newspapers by which the
disastrous incident (the death of Lord Brougham) was
not assumed for fact ;" and the second, the asser-
tion that it was " made the occasion of some sort of
obituary article." Now, we believe that, with the ex•
ception of the Chronicle, which was imposed upon by
false information, and to which every journal of exten-
sive connection and correspondence is liable, there was
but one Morning Newspaper which gave anything like
countenance to the report that Lord Brougham had
been killed. The Herald did not, if we are rightly in-
formed, and the readers of the Advertiser scarcely re-
qurie to have the following paragraph repeated to them
as a proof either that " the incident was not assumed for
fact," or that "it was made the occasion of some sort
of obituary"—

" REFORTED DEATH OF LORD BROUGHANI. —A report
was current in town last night that Lord Brougham, on
his way to the North, had been thrown from his carriage
and killed on the spot. We could not trace the rumour
to any authentic source, and would fain believe it to be a
weak invention of the enemy."
So much for the first fact. As to the second, the
obituary of Lord Brougham required not to be written
by us. It is to be found in the history of his country,
and in a lite of activity redounding alike to his own
credit and to the benefit of his country, which has no
parallel in the annals of Europe. May he long live to
ue the delight of his friends and the terror of his enemies
—the vindicator of the rights and the promoter of the
velf'are of his countrymen, must be the sincere prayer
of every well-wisher of' the human race.
(From the Herald.)

To perceive that popery is a non-conductor, that it
can hold no lasting peace, fellowship, or communion
with Protestantism, that all its vows and professions
are nothing better than "promises made to the ear,
and broken to the hope," we have but to cast our
eyes towards Prussia, that " land of promise," whence
all our educational improvements are to be derived.
There it is you may behold the living fruits of a di-
vided allegiance—the ecclesiastical and civil powers at
open strife. Popish archbishops defying the crown and
appealing to Rome ; the prelate of Cologne refusing to
submit to the regulations of his Prussian Majesty, re-
ipceting the children of mixed marriages ; the prelate
of Posen breaking his parole at Berlin and stealing
away to his bishopric, in the hope of creat-
ing civil commotions. These are the blessings
of a Prussian education, these the evidences
that Papists and Protestants have mutually for-
gotten their religious differences! So long had
we heard of the millenium of Prussia—that
there " the lamb might lie down with the wolf, the
sucking child might play with the asp, and the weaned
child put his hand in the cockatrice den"—that we
began to think either Romanism had been
tamed down by the " Code Frederic," or that Pro.
testantism had lost all its peculiarities in pervading in-
difference. But the Archbishops of Cologne and Posen
have put an end to our delusions, and we have scenes
now passing before our eyes which may remind us of
the pride of Wolsey, and rocal the catastrophe of Becket.
IVe ask what would be the. consequence of stirring
up similar strifes between the civil and ecclesiastical
powers in these kingdoms ? Suppose Popery to be
admitted to a perfect equality with Protestantism amongst
us—suppose these things to be in London what they
are at Berlin—how are we to correct the daring contu-
macy or ambition of some modern Bonner ?, In
Prussia his Majesty sends his officers and seizes the
Archbishop in his palace, and commits him to safe cus-
tody at Potsdam. The people look on, and know they
arc living under an arbitrary Government—but here,
the whole kingdom would be convulsed, every one would
take his part in the dispute. The mobs of Birm'nghans
in the days of Priestly, or of London in those of Lord
George Gordon, would be continually reminding us of
the age of the millenium. We deem it fortunate, per-
haps we might have said providential, that such an out-
break should have occurred in the present age, and in
the heart of Prussia. It sweeps away all the dreams
and lies of modern infidelity. It speaks with the voice
of thunder to rouse us from our lethargy. It tells us
that neither the terrors of Prussian dungeons, nor the
cbilil4 effects of German theology—nor time, nor place
—nor art, nor science, nor any other category, can
deprive Popery of its " immortal hate" of Protestantism,
and of its never-dying efforts at universal dominion.
With such spectacles before us, we may smile at all
the smooth sayings of Dr. Crolly at Cork, of Mr.
Wyse on the Treasury Bench, or of Mr. Shill at the
Privy Council. O'Connell would have us believe, ac-
cording to his last after-dinner oration, that Popery is
so much in love with Protestantism, that Messrs. Wyse,
Sheil, and O'Ferrall, are sitting up, night after night,
for our moral and intellectual improvement—devising
schemes of benevolence for the Saxons. Yet the Popish
scoff breaks out amidst all this dissimulation, and our
" bishoprics are tumbled down like nine pins." The
truth is that the inbred scorn, hatred, and contempt of
Popery for Protestantism exceed even the powers of the
most jesuitical sophistry to disguise. Ever conscious
and mortified that she owes all her apparent improve-
ments to her antagonist, Popery affects to shake hands
with Protestantism at the very moment she is secretly
cursing in her heart., and is contriving her ruin,
when she oilers the Judas kiss of national education.
to mental and If Popery were really friendly even
moral im-
provement, why is it that she never even affects this
love, but when she is urged ouly co:aiections with
bezetie sLataz iluti IL been 111(.4,..3,t, a„ti ,oni.4„l:al to

Popery to encourage national education, we should have
beheld Italy and Spain and Portugal in a very different
condition ; but darkness, ignorance, and credulity are
her natural offspring and companions. When forced,
by her connection with Protestants, to befriend arts and
civilizat'on and literature, she is always jealous and
uneasy—at once clamorous and querulous—" ready for
treasons, stratagems, and poi Hence these quarrels
with the Russian government—hence her desire to ob-
tain the inspection of our English schools'--hence her
pretended love of universal toleration. this is
" Popery in a mask"—acting a part to obtain a pur-
pose. To see her without disguise, you should see
her at Rome, at Naples, at Madrid, at Lisbon. You
will never hear her there prating about national edu-
cation. Tais is done only in condescension to heretics.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF SATURDAY.
(From the Courier.)
The education of the people has ever been the
grand object of the Protestant Church ; rather than
leave the child without education they would consent
to it in cases of difference of creed, without reference
to religious instruction. And in this, they but
follow the instinct of the Protestant religion.
By education and the progress of knowledge
among the people, the errors of the Roman Catholic
faith were exposed. As the light of knowledge dispelled
the darkness of religious superstition in former times,
so it is felt that with the increase of knowledge the
cause of true religion cannot but be promoted. By edu-
cation the Protestant Established Church has every-
thing to gain, and nothing to lose. In proportion to
the ignorance of the people the Roman Catholic faith
has the deeper root and the firmer hold. It is the
very maxim of the Protestant Church to say, " Reid,
reflect, examine, and decide accordingly ;" on the contrary,
it is the maxim of the Roman Catholic Church dogmati-
cally to lay down the ru:e—" do not read, do not exa-
mine, but let your belief be determined by other men's
will." In the termer case, Education is the ally; in the lat-
ter, it is the opponent of its Church. If it, be to the inte-
rest, therefore, that the people should be universally edu-
cated, to what better hands, as a matter of policy for
the advancement of the end, could their education be
entrusted than to the clergy of the Protestant Church ;
whose interest it evidently is to spread knowledge
among the people, that they may be the better able to
understand the merits of their creed, and be the more
strongly imbued with the desire to uphold and ex-
tend the influence of their Church. The Clergy of the
Established Church ask that they may be permitted to
take charge of the education of the children of the
poor ; they say to the Government, do not throw
difficulties in our way, but as the Protestant Govern-
ment of a Protestant State, afford to its Protestant
Clergy all possible facilities for training the children of
the poor in the religious faith which we all profess.
(From the Globe.)

The Standard having discovered that a certain Char-
tist of the name of O'Brien, who suffered the unplea-
santness of being locked up for a night lately, which
we regret, but which is an accident apt to happen
to gentlemen who go about preaching that all pri-
vate property and existing occupations and trades
are nuisances--except that of traders in the unstamped
papers, and National Conventions—employments which
the laws have unhappily knocked up, and by so dning
(the above-named gentleman asserts) have deprived him
of the means of making at least a thousand a-year
by mischief-making—the Standard, having discovered
that the above-named personage, who has never made
himself marked in any way but by undiscriminating
frenzy against the whole order of society (a madness
which we now find had a method in it, by his
talk of a thousand a year)—is " a gentleman vastly
Mr. O'Connell's superior in birth, education, and
manners, and of a much more honourable character"
—the Standard having dissovered this—we do not know
by what length of intimacy, or by what intuitive sym-
pathy of congenial souls, similar to that which linked it in
affectionate friendship to that other physical-force gentle-
man it so greatly respected, Mr. R. Oastler—goes on to
tell us that nothing like O'Connell's excesses can be im-
puted to Mr. O'Brien," and yet the Government, which
prosecutes that gentleman, pampers and encourages
the Irish traitor." " Will Lord Melbourne
cause Mr. O'Connell to be proseuted for his Mallow
speech ? The question must provoke a smile from
every reader. Yet 'justice to Ireland' would demand
that the same measure observed in dealing with
Mr. O'Brien, or any other Chartist, should be
employed towards Mr. O'Connell. Now we will an-
swer this question by another. Would a Peel Govern-
ment prosecute Mr. O'Connell for his Mallow speech,
and for having affirmed (for that is the head and front
of his offence in that speech) that the Lords are " a
sworn confederacy against the rights and liberties of the
Irish people," and that there is no hope for Ireland but
(by inuenclo) in national independence ? Would a Peel
Government prosecute Mr. O'Connell for these repeal
doctrines ? If so, may we beg to ask why the Wel-
lington-Peel Government did not do so in 1830,
when the same doctrines were uttered, and when the
Birmingham Union sprung up in England, under the
vigorous rule of Toryism ? Why were not these
Irish doctrines put down then, if they should be now ?
The Tory Government never took a step, nor would
now, to prevent their utterance.
(From the Standard.)

It is a device, now somewhat of the stalest, that the
Globe or (rather the Privy Council Committee writing
in the Globe), attempts to play off
.in its yesterday's
article on national education. It is of the following
description :—First, constantly and obstinately persist
in ascribing to your opponent sentiments which he does
not hold ; which, on the contrary, he sedulously dis-
avows ; but which are odious in themselves, and
therefore convenient to be attributed to. him. Then
watch your opportunity, and when it is impossi-
ble to keep up the delusion any longer, contrive
suddenly to discover, with affected delight and sur-
prise, that your opponent has seen the error of
his ways—that he has been subdued at last by the
force of your arguments, and admits that he has
been all along in error, and is now compelled to
succumb to truth. By this double device, you first
keep up, as long as possible, a prejudice against your
antagonist ; and then, when this can no further be
maintained, you claim an important triumph over
him. And this has been, and is now, the miserable
device of the Globe and its assistants of the ministe-
rial press. How many hundreds of times have they
deliberately asserted that " the Church demanded to
have the whole education of the people entrusted to
her exclusive care," that " the Clergy insisted en
grasping at the entire public grant for the purposes
of education," and the like in every variety of
phraseology ; every single writer who indulged in
these deliberate misrepresentations well knowing that
all that the clergy and the friends of tile Church de-
manded, was, that things should be left as they
were,
National
public
g Society,"ln t divided,
i dr e
the
eas
Church,heretofore,
and
between the
the British and Foreign School Society, for the Dissen-
ere, and the
Dissen-
ters. At last, however, this falsehood is thoroughly
worn out, and the Bishop of Exeter has Uri:, given
it the coup de grace. In an authoritative manner,
and with a voice which must be heard, his Lordship
denounces and extinguishes the slander. Forthwith
the second part of the device comes into play, and al-
though his Lordship says nothing which has not been
said by Churchmen generally thoughout the entire
controversy, a cry is set up, wholly based upon the pre-'
vious fiction—that the Bishop has been converted—that
he sees the error he had fallen into, and admits the pot,:
rectness of the Ministerial principle.

RO3 Kl 9

.16,0 U

JOCKEY CLUB'S DECISION—WAKEFIELD p.,
&meas.—The case of " Wakefield v. Sowers'.' *Was_
brought before the Jockey Club at the last meeting:,
The decision of this tribunal has created much siirprise.
It appears to have been acknowledged by Mr. Somers
and Mr. M'Donough, his authorised agent, that the bet
was obtained by wilful misrepresentation. If this be'
the case, is it not most extraordinary that Mr. Wake..
field should be adjudged to pay half the sum claimed,
he having publicly declared the bet off before the race,
because of its having been fraudulently ob4,:ained ? It
is argued by some that a bet once made cal the money
staked (which was the case here) cannot be declared
off by any power but by the consent of both parties.
So be it, then ; but if so be it, Mr. Wakefield should
have been adjudged to pay the whole sum, and such
an expression of opinion of the transaction, issued by
the Jockey Club as to have precluded the possibility of
the party accepting the money, although proffered.
The case is by no means concluded, as Mr. Wakefield
means to appeal ; and it is well it is so. Surely some
rule ought to be added to those already published to
meet a case of this kind ; in any great ;race we, the
public, being liable to the same imposition, and on ex-
planation should we he liable to be condtemned to pay
half forfeit? The laws of the Jockey Club want revi-
sion sadly, or is it that in consequence of th e unparalleled
------- ----- ---- --- --
untoward events that have, I might say, disgraced the It is with surprise that we find the Journal
year ? I might instance as one case the bombast threat des Debats, a paper in some quarters said to be in com-
Ps'a.on of that af- munication with the French Ministry, so often repeating
the falsehood that the British Government had joined
signedtoi fo 11n lr.
againsttli eh e
po abtpiaielodrs,e o
expressiveof
membersP e u l i noc
of
on
to.
theirtirlei e
opinion
Jockeytco -
Club who
with that of Sain in recommending the immediate re-
fair, and the refusal of those gentlemen to meet the lease of Don Carlos. Now, so far from this being true,
charge. Is it that the house divided against itself has we can state from information which admits not of doubt
no confidence in its foundation—is ignorant of its own that the British Mission in Paris presented to the French
strength ? If it is, we can no longer refuse our sanction Government a written request that, under existing eir•
to the conduct of those noblemen and gentlemen who
Court of cumstanees, Don Carlos should not be set at libert
j
prefer seeking the superior justice of "the
y,
and thus possibly be. enabled to assist in continuing the
Law," which never could refuse Mr. Wakefield its hopeless resistance of thoge rebels who still hold arms
verdict, provided it is true, as published, and publicly against their Queen. We deem it necessary to give
reported, that " Mr. M'Donough, on the part of Mr. this positive denial to the French journal, notwithstand-
Somers, acknowledged he had no authority to make the ing the expressions of disbelief with which our well-
declaration about the horse starting, by which means informed Morning Contemporary, the Chronicle, has
only the bet was obtained."— 3401ning Pis/. already met the unfounded assertions of the Journal des
GREAT WASH DRAINAGE.--A meeting
to Debats.—Obserrer.
consider the expediency of, d
an_ objections to, this great ULSTER RAILWAY.--The traffic on the ran-
undertaking was held at
%Visbech last Friday. Among way is increasing steadily and satisfactorily. A splen-
a very numerous assemblage of gentry we noticed Sir W. did new locomotive, the Spitfire, of seventy horse power.
B. Folkes, R. G. Townley, Esq., M.P.,- R. J. Eaton, has been added to the engines formerly plying, and
Esq., M.P., George Pryme, El., M.P., the Rev. works admirably, having made a trip, during th late
Algernon Peyton, &c. Lord George Beutinek took . Maze races, in ten minutes, or at the rate of about
:• • ,
the elealc.—Camb,idBe' C;;;,,detc. v I fort-eix English miles an hour l—Beijiect News Letter.
.
,