The Sun.
London, England, 1863-06-29 00:00:00

Where Gen. Hooker is, and what is his strength or
the amount of confidence reposed in him by his men,
are equally unknown ; bnt that Hooker has been
outgeneralled by Lee—that he is greatly in Lee's
rear, and that he is in far inferior force, are suppo-
sitions, if not facts, that are present to he minds of
most people, together with the suspicion that the
cavalry raid of Ewell and Stuart into Pennsylvania
is but a small and comparatively unimportant episode
in the great drama which has commenced for the
world's wonder; and that at the opportune moment,
when he finds him in some place to which he wishes
to decoy him, Lee will fall upon Hooker with over-
whelming force, and either annihilate the Army
of the Potomac or force it to surrender. In this
case exeunt President Lincoln, Mr. Seward, Gene-
ral Halleck, and Mr. Stanton, as well as General
Hooker, and the curtain will fail on the first or
secoml act, whichever it may be, of one of the greatest
historical dramas ever performed on the stage of
civilisation.
Tnough all other topics sink into insignificance
compared with the impending struggle which pro-
mises to decide the fate of North and South, the
question of Northern liberty in Mr. Lincoln's hands
is too important to be ignored ; even amid the clash
of arms it arrests the attention alike of the supporters
and opponents of his Government. In reply to the
resolutions passed at a meeting of the Demoratic
party at Albany, held on the 16th ult., to condemn
the conduct of Gen. Burnside in the case of Mr.
Vallandigham, a copy of which was ordered to be
forwarded to Washington, the President has indited
a long and elaborate epistle, in which he sets forth
his own view of his position, duty, and responsi-
bility with regard to the suspension of the habeas
corpus, and those other measures which the Demo-
cratic party and the great majority of the American
people consider both unconstitutional and unneces-
sary. Mr. Lincoln says he regretted when Gen-
Burnside deemed it his duty to arrest Mr. Vallan-
digham, and that it will give him great pleasure to
discharge that gentleman "as soon as he can by any
means be brought to believe that the public safety
will not suffer by it ; " but reaffirms his own right
to act as he has done, and that of his subordinates
in military command, such as Gen. Burnside and
others, to take such measures as they may judge
expedient within their several departments for
the suppression of the rebellion. The President
does not seem to perceive the difference between
the action of a General in a State or depart-
ment in open rebellion—or that has been declared

----
_
subject to martial law—and that of a General in

a loyal and peaceable State, not placed under the
cperation of martial-law, and the civil courts of

which are in full session and competent to deal with
every, possible case of offence that may arise. But
this, unluckily for his argument and the spezial
pleading by which he supports it, is the real and
only point at issue. If Mr. Vallandigham had
gone into the camp of General Hooker at Falmouth
or General Rosencrans at Murfreesborough, and
used in the presence of the soldiers the identical
language which he used at a peaceable meeting of
citizens in Ohio, General Hooker or General Rose-
vans would have been justified in bringing him to
immediate trial before a court-martial, and sentenc-
ing him to the Dry Tortugas or Fort Lafayette, or
even to summary execution. But in Ohio, which
is not a camp, and in a peaceful little town, 300 or
400 miles distant from an armed enemy, Mr. Val-
landigham had as mach right to speak in favour of
peace as Mr. Lincoln has to write in favour of war ;
and, if he committed any offence in so doing, ought

to have been tried by the civil power and by a
jury of his countrymen. Mr. Lincoln, however, to
use an American phrase—" does not see it." He
has had an imperfect conception of the circum-
stances and an inordinate idea of his own power and
prerogative, and shows in every sentence of his
voluminous letter that nature has gifted him with
every qualification for the part of a despot except
that of genius. One portion of his defence will be
read with amazement even in Russia, or in Turkey,
should it ever reach the honours of a translation
into the language of the Sultan. "The man,"
he says, " who stands by and says nothing when
the peril of the Government is discussed, cannot
be misunderstood ; ergo, if Mr. Vallandigham had
never made a speech at all, he would have
been equally liable to the arrest which General
Barnside ordered, and to the sentence which Mr.
Lincoln passed, for the extraordinary reason, " be.
cause, if not hindered, he (the man who says
nothing) is sure to help the enemy—much more if
he talks ambiguously—talks for his country with
buts,' and ifs', and ands ?' " If all the silent
men in America are sure to help the enemy, and H
all the men who talk ambiguously, or inlard their
very qualified confidence in the President or his
policy, with the cautious monosyllables which he
so much dislikes, are to be considered the friends
of the South, the best thing for Mr. Lincoln to do
is to pack up his portmanteau, abdicate his un-
easy and perilous throne, and take his pas-
sage to England or Australia, for the life of
the Union is to be counted by hours rather than by
years, and his continued residence within its boun-
daries will be fatal to his liberty if not his life in
that rapidly approaching day when Mr, Jefferson
Davis shall be the master of his destiny.
Mr. Vallandigham's great offence was, it appears,
that " he discouraged enlistments," an offence which

Mr. Lincoln cannot pardon. "He who dissuades

one man from volunteering, or induces one soldier
to desert, weakens the Union cause as much as if

he kills a Union soldier in battle, and this dissua-

sion or inducement may be so conducted as lo be no
defined crime of which any civil court cm take cog-
nisance." Therefore the crime is to be punished by
the strong arm of military authority. This is the

sum and substance of Mr. Lincoln's defence—with

a further justification derived from the operation of

Lynch law.

" Even in times of peace," says the

President, " bands of horse- thieves and robbers

'requently grow too numerous and powerful for the

ordinary courts of justice," and as in such cases
society makes its own law for the emergency, and
sends Mr. Justice Lynch with a posse comitatus at
his heels to execute prompt and summary vengeance
upon the offenders, so Mr. Lincoln, when sympa-
thisers with rebellion and discouragers of enlistment

become too numerous for gentler treatment, breaks

down the barriers of the law and the Constitution,

establishes a despotism, and says " it is good."
Altogether the chances are that, as Mr. Lincoln
has taken to explanations, he will soon see, or has

already seen, the expediency of annulling Mr. Val-
landigham's sentence, and allowing him to go home

peaceably to Dayton and be installed in due time as

Governor of Ohio. His treason, if treason it were,
has been so infinitely surpassed by that of Mr.

Fernando Wood, whom the President has since re-

ceived in private and friendly consultation, that to
confer honour upon Mr. Wood, and sentence Mr.
Vallandigham to exile, seems absurd and inconse-

quential—even in Mr. Lincoln. But, although Mr.
Lincoln may at the last moment ungraciously, as
well as uselessly, give Mr. Vallandigham the bene-

fit of the doubt that has arisen in his mind, he takes
especial care to guard against the supposition that
he will make no further arrests. He explicitly
takes blame to himself, and thinks that history will

confirm the condemnation, that he has erred on the
side of mercy ; that he has ordered too few arrests,
instead of too many ; and that it would have been

better for the country had his rule been sterner and

his purpose more inflexible. In this respect, how-
ever, the American people are not likely to agree
with him. They have passed judgment already in
a.sotnory willsense,traryconfirm them.
anditismore than probable that
history

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