The Sun.
London, England, 1839-06-17 00:00:00

• ( tiered cheering.) The Illustrious Duke then sat down 1
i I. amidst long and loudly repeated cheers.
'.
The Marquis-el' BREADALBANE then-moved the first re- I
I
. solution, and in doing so remarked that the cause in which
1 they were embarked was one in which every man and every
nation could net but join and wish success to. The resolution
II
was—' That it was the duty of the friends of Poland, under
' proent circumstances, to declare their strong and undi-
minnehed sympathy for the wrongs and sufferings of the
Polish nation.--( Cheers.)
1 Lord-CHARLES FITZROY, in a abort speech, baring so •
I s.:onded the resolution, it was put and carried unanimously.
Viscount SANDON proposed the second resolution, which
,vas to the following effect :—" That the gallantry dis-
, [;lased by the Poles in their last effort to shake off a foreign
• ole aen titled them to the admiration of men of every net-
l..,
; tier and party ; as also to our sincerest hopes that they may
1 yot '.)tain that national independence fur which they have
~.) ass:Untidy fought."
' llr. W. J. DENIc:ON seconded the proposition, and en-
tered d into an interesting sketch of the events which Itad .
t occurred in Poland since the year 1791, at which period
he chanced to have been in that country on his travels.
Viscount LOFTUS and Mr. Hume supported the motion,
The latter Hon. Member said that he at length saw a
dawning of hope that the day was not far distant when
1 Poland night be relieved from the sufferings and oppres-
sions under which she and her sons had so long been
borne down.—(Cheers.) The ultimate desolation cf that
I country had been accomplished by the treaty of Vienna.
I So with Belgium : by a treaty that country had been
I ceded to Holland ; but in the course of the
; hat few weeks she had been declared to be inde-
pendent.—( Cheers.) Why not then Poland.—( Loud
cheers?) Was not this cause for hope.—( Hear, hear ?)
, If a treaty were set aside in the one case, what was there
' i to prevent a•similar course of proceeding in the other?—
/ ( Hear, hear.)
- The resolution was then put from the chair, and carried
. unanimously.
Mr. 0100NNELL here came forward to propose the next
i resolution, but the instant he had advanced to the front of
the platform, a letter was placed in his hands, which, on
requirede hislie i
Ladm ni e
bd
ei aetne presencee
di n
atsh a
I e
Co : Peo
Courti nogi Ehxec hs ea qi du
e re
2,
witne.ss. The lion. and Learned Gentleman then bowed
and left the room, amidst the applause of the company.
Mr. WISE, M. P., said, that in the absence of his Hon.
and Learned Friend the Member. fot Dublin, it became
, - his duty to propose the next resolution. It was a resolu-
- ' tion from which there could be no dissentient voice, be-
cause
' 'n t was duly appreciated, and had been fully confirmed by
public opinion on many previous occasions. It was—
" That the restoration of Poland, in the opinion of this
meeting, would be the surest guarantee for the preservation
of the liberties of Europe, and the promotion of the ge-
neral peace and welfare of mankind." At the treaty of
( Vienna, when Europe was reconstituted, it became a mat-
ter of importance that a barrier should be raised up for the
t perpose'ef protecting the Western States of Europe from
those of the North ; and it was on that principle that a free
constitution had been guarantee' by that treaty to the
people of Poland. The treaty* of Vienna conceded to
Polend all those rights which belong to a free people,
but since then, not only the language, but every thing
else which gave nationality to a people, had been basely
plifsred from the Poles. The blame of this was not, how-
ever, to be attributed to the people of Poland, because
they had a stronger enemy to contend against than Bel-
gilten bad in the case of Holland. Holland was not Russia,
and hence it was that Belgium was now an independent
nation. It was perfectly true that the same constitution
was unsuitable to all states of society, but still every people
had tile same inherent right to the preservation of their
peculiar rights and privileges, and the Cireassians or }Un-
does were as much entitled to have their rights and pri-
• t alleges preserved to them as the inhabitants of even
tho most enlightened nation in the world. The people
of P„ land oil the same principle had a right to demand
that the free constitution which they had received,
should be continued to them, and although this country
might net be justified in advocating the cause of Poland
against Russia with an army or navy, yet they might raise
the voice of public opinion against the oppressor—avoice that
'Nab hid sitely stronger and more potent than either army or
.
nary could be in the. ultimate vindication of injustice.
Whit, was it that hod raised Napoleon to the throne of
France? Why public opinion ; and was it not the self-same
intlnenee which bad hurled him from his throne and crum-
bled his power when his dominion seemed to be the most
secure?—(Cheers.) In 1804 the power of Napoleon was
considered invulnerable, and it was then thought that it
would he as mad to attempt to overthrow a colossal statue
-by s'o'ling a pebble against it as to think of disturbing his
power. Yet Napoleon had fallen from his high estate,
and, considering the character of the nations over which he
held sway, there was more probability of his power remain-
ing permanent than that of Russia. Those who had read
the Roman history must be aware that the farther a na.
1 tien extended its frontier the weaker it became—that
the limbs consumed that sustentation which was nieces-
, eery to maintain the heart, and therefore it was that he
believed the more Russia extended her empire the less
' to be dreaded she became.__( Hear, hear.) A nation
waa never so near dissolution as when oppressed with
• her own weight—mole sus ruit—and this was a more cer-
tain means of accomplishing her downfall than if attacked by
'an enemy. He felt convinced that the integrity of Poland,
as a kingdom, would ultimately be achieved, and that that
• eppresaed country, after the lesson of experience which
1' she had received, would, in her turn, be among those
nations -who would promote the cause of civil and religious
lliterty throughout the world.—(Cheers.) When he
i,,eked at the history of hia own country, his hope in this
, respect only became the stronger. Iceland had for ages
been oppressed, but happily she now stood co-equal and
- -- o:..6taltit,9',witb, and a true sister, by the side of England—
' - " tett'neers)—and as justice had been done to Ireland and to
- • I, flelgium be did not despair of seeing justice ultimately
'ieee to Poland. The Hon. Gentleman, in conclusion
: in,)vel the resolution, which he read, for adoption.
Sir GEORGE SINCLAIR, M. P., in seconding the resolu-
tion, said that as long as language existed, he had no
• &teat that prayers would be offered up to the God of
mercy and justice for the restoration of Poland to its
)
rank among the nations of the earth. Poland would yet
have her Wellington and Waterloo—(Loud cheers)—and
, although the day of her restoration might not be known to
men, yet there could no question that it was preordained in
the councils of Providence.
Mr. T. ATTWOCJD M
, M. P., supported the resolution, and
said that he wished all possible success to this great and
righteous cause. The existence of Poland as a nation,
was necessary to prevent the encroachments of Russia, and
they all knew that whenever mischief was abroad, whether
in India or in Canada, the emissaries of Russia were to be
I found, busied like demons in troubled waters.--( A laugh.)
, The exclamation of the ancient Roman was Delencla est
i Carthago, and his cry should be renovan4 Polonia,
Mr. O'CoNsuLT., M. P, (who had returned from the
Court of Exchequer), said that he should show his gra-
tude to the meeting for the kind reception which they bad
given to him, by reducing the observations which he bad
to make within as short a compass as possible. The honest
aspirations of his; heart were in favour of Poland, and
although the struggle which that country had made for
freedom had been disastrous, it was not the less glorious
• on that account, or because the arms of the oppressor had
been crowned with vulgar success. When the Poles were
engaged in their brave career, he had raised his voice to
cheer them on, notwithstanding their liberties now slept
among heaps of slaughtered patriots, he still hoped to see
' the day of the resurrection of Poland.—( Cheers.) In
i the cause of liberty he had never despaired, and even if be
1 had been of a desponding nature, which Was not the case,
I the circumstance; attending this meeting would forbid him
• I to despair. When he saw the chair ailed by a Prince of
- i' the blood royal, by a member of that family who, though
iDist of the line of regular succession, had been called to
, fill the throne or this country for the protection of the
I rights and liberties of the people—so far from despairing,
he was animated only by hope. This hope was increased
by finding that men of all parties and politics were in-
, terested in the cause of Poland ; and when they found
this to be the case, had they not a right to feel confident
that ultimately justice would be done to Poland ? They
Imust be aware that it was Poland which had saved the
liberties of Europe from barbarian dominion in former
times, and yet Poland had been allowed to be the subject
• of spoliation. He considered the plunder of Poland no-
thing more nor less than burglary, because he could not
acknowledge the doctrine that the magnitude of the spoil
was any palliation of the offence. In 1791 Poland was
glorious, and, to use the words of Mr. Burke, " benefited
• ' every one, and did injury to no one ;" but what was her
. 'condition now ?
i " Oh, bloodiest picture in the book of time,
Sarmatia fell, unwept, without a crime."
—(Cheers.) Now what right had the Treaty of Vienna
to hard over Poland for partition ? Had Napoleon pos-
•: a-saed ono particle of generosity, lie would have preserved
the nationality of Poland, and thereby have consolidated
.4 1 his own power, but he had not—and what was the cense-
.quence? why, that he had expired amidst Promethean
tortures on a distant rock. .=( Cheers.) It should he re-
} collected that when Poland was handed over to the
1 Northern Powers, she was so handed over, upon the eon-
, d ition that be should have " a free constitution." Had
these conditions been fulfilled ? Oh, no—they had not ;
; bet, on the contrary, an attempt was made to obliterate
leven the name of Poland as a nation. Had mot Nicholas
4 promised and sworn before God that he would preserve the
irisfv
ies
aitnh constitutionh? and
iswphoy7 institutionsebryto destroying
maintain
that
hhaetmand
which
but
h hoewuse
ha
adadl
sworn
hwteho
reknee
ptfot.
preserve, and trampling the liberties of Poland under
his feet.—( Cheers.) Nicholas had even gone so far as to
endeavour to extinguish the very language of that unhappy
j country ; and to other injuries, that of religious persecu-
' Lion was superadded. The Poles loved the religion of
their ancestors, and, wished to worship the Divine Being
in the way their forefathers had done. What, then, must
be their feelings to see their priests dragged from their ,
altars, and obliged either to become soldiers, or to perform
the most servile and degrading offices? When they knew
that such things existed, bow was it possible for civilised
Europe to remain tranquil ? Now, what occurred in War-
saw on the 17th of May, 1832? The minions of Russia
. uttered that city in the cool of the evening, when mothers
sent their children out for health and recreation, and seized
no less than 450 girls as well as boys. One of the children
tied to its mother's arms for protection, but she was bar-
barously killed in her attempt to save her child ! These, 1
children were then sent to a fort some 400 miles distant,
but only 150 of them arrived, the remainder having died from
, trilluemfbateir
ofe and ill-treatment during the journey. Still the
the count 450 were entered as received at the fort ; for
PY, as they passed along, had been swept to
i make ul) the defici
1 credible? His 'lcy- It might be asked, was this
true' and that underan"'ver was—that it was undoubtedly
I an annual gatherine the
pretence of humanity, there was
Why, this was wor'seetf' children by Russian emissaries.
( C'lnrs.) There had r the fabled monster of old.—
lso a conscription of 600
females—unmarried femaleees
known in consequence of
4 fathersadthhis had only become
two athscwheit6rveci Navin be eteon sentencedtake a
i to imprisonment for resisting
I their daughters. These females borne off to thehe
1 Re.;:;iraz camp, but he could not there describe the atroci-
ties to which they were subjected. This, however, was

an event which had happened, and was likely to happen
agairr; and if they were men, they ought not to endure
such a barbarous exercise of power by the sovereign of
any nation. He admitted that it was right that the
Grand Duke should have been treated with respect and
1 courtesy during his visit to this country. He was
' too young to have participated in the enormities com-
mitted by his ancestors ; and, therefore, should not
be punished for their crimes. By way of manifesting
their patriotism, the Russian Company had exhibited the
portrait of the Empress Catherine in the room in which
the dinner given to his Royal Highness took place; but
so far from thinking they deserved credit for this display of
loyalty, his (Mr. O'Connell's) opinion was, that it was in
the worst possible taste. Who was this same Catherine
whom the Russian Company thus held up as a goddess
for adoration ? He was forbidden to describe her by
the presence in which he stood ; and, therefore, all he
would say of her was, that in proof of her conjugal
affection she had cut her husband's throat; or, what
aas pretty much the same thing, strangled him—
( Laughter.) History shrunk from the enormities of this
woman, and set she was held up as a model of her sex by
the Russian Company. This was a reflection on English
feeling. The spies of Russia were every where busy, one of
them had lately found his way to Ireland ; but he (Mr. O'C.)
would caution him not to go to that country again.—
( Cheers.) It had been said that the Grand Duke bad ex-
tended his bounty to 600 Poles whom he found in England.
The number to whom he gave relief was six, not 600 ; and
these were persons not the best liked among their own
countrymen. The fact, however, was, that if he was libe-
ral it was with Polish money, for in passing through War-
saw he had obtained from the bank there an order for
800,0001. The question was, how was Poland to be rege-
nerated ? He hoped that would be done by public
opinion. The power which Russia wielded could only
be maintained at a great expense, and it was a well
known fact that the mortality amongst soldiers, with all
the advantages they possessed, was infinitely greater, even
in peace, than among any. other class. This was a fact
which showed that Russia was not so formidable an enemy
as she appeared to be, and that they had still every reason
to hope to see the independence of Poland re-esta-
blishcd.—( Loud cheers.)
Lord DUDLEY STUART also supported the resolution in
a long and powerful address, in the course of which he
animadverted with much severity on the sentiments with
respect to the Emperor of Russia which had been ex-
pressed by Viscount Melbourne at the dinner which had
been given to the Grand Duke on a" recent occasion by the
Russian Company, at the London Tavern. If be did not
advert to that speech of the Noble Viscount he should
consider that he had neglected a most important duty to
Poland. He deeply lamented that such expressions had
fallen from the Noble Lord, the first Minister of a virtuous
Sovereign.—(Hear, hear.) But when he saw that Prime
Minister going out of his way, in what appeared to him to
be an uncalled for manner, not to pay a merited compli-
ment to the Grand Duke himself, who was, of course,
present on the occasion, but for the purpose of cube-
giaing the Emperor of Russia, the oppressor of Poland—
( Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—he could not help directing
attention to the fact. He was well known to have been a
political supporter of the Liberal Governments since the
passing of the Reform Bill, and it could not therefore be
said that he brought the subject forward as a political op-
ponent of the Noble Lord.—( Hear.) Lord Melbourne
had said in his speech that the Emperor of Russia was in-
ferior to no man in the world as a man of truth, as a
man of honour, or as a man of justice.—(Loud cries of
" Hear.") Good God ! he would ask whether the acts of
the Autocrat of all the Russias in any one instance went
to support either of the propositions laid down by the
Noble Lord the first Minister of the Crown ?__( Hear.)
Look at the events which were recorded in history, and
then supply the answer.—( Hear.) Look at what had been
said by Mr. O'Connell, and then reply —( Hear.) But
Lord Melbourne must have been misreported, or if not,
the Noble Lord could not have meant what be had uttered,
—( Hear. ) If, however, the Noble Lord did mean what
he was reported to have said, he could only say that the
opinions so advanced would be instantly repudiated by
the whole nation.—(Cheers.) England, Ireland, and
Scotland would with one voice deny their acquiescence to
the truth of the assertion.—(Renewed cheering.) He
lamented to have occasion to say that that speech had had a
very prejudicial effect on the minds of parties abroad—
( Hear, hear.) It had in fact, created a powerful impres-
sion on the continent of Europe._( Hear, hear.) At Paris,
that speech had produced a general impression that the
Government of this country was becoming somewhat
estranged from their alliance with France; and that she
was gradually drawing towards an alliance with Russia.—
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") But he could not help
feeling a conviction that Lord Melbourne could not
have meant that which he was reported to have uttered,
to have spoken that which created the impressions to which
he had alluded,-( Hear, hear)—still less, if the Noble
Lord had used the expressions, had he intended
that they ahould go furth to the whole of Europe._-
( Cheers.)
Count MONTALEMBERT, a Peer of France, also sup-
ported the resolution in an admirable speech, which he
delivered in English.
The resolution having been unanimously carried,
The Earl of ROSEBERY moved—" That the most cordial
and enthusiastic: thanks of this meeting are due to the Il-
lustrious Duke who has kindly and ably presided over its
proceedings, and whose invaluable support to a great and
righteous cause, has established an additional claim to the
respect, and admiration which his-Royal Highnnss's many
private virtues. and the intrepidity and disinterestedness
that have marked his public life, have secured to his Royal
Highness, not only in his own country, but throughout the
world."
Mr. VILLIERS STUART seconded the resolution.
His Remy'. HIGHNESS, in acknowledging the compli-
ment, took occasion to say that he thought that the Noble
Lord must have misread or misunderstood the purport of
the speech which had been attributed to Lord Melbourne.
The Noble Lord at the head of the Government it was
impossible, he thought, could have intended to convey the
impression stated to have been created.
Several subscriptions having been announced,
The meeting then separated.

OLD HABITS.—.." Curious instances are shown
of the difficulty of subduing the prejudices of an ignorant
people. One very unpopular reform which the Sultan
had to effect, in the formation of his troops, was that of
their wearing braces, a necessary accompaniment to the
trousers : and why ? because these form a cross, the badge
of the infidel, upon the back; many, indeed, will submit
to severe punishment, and even death, for disobedience to
military orders, rather than bear upon their persons this
sign, hostile to their religion. No one can appreciate the
difficulty of making the first change among this people,
w;thoucknovving.their character : succeeding changes will
follow with comparatively little opposition. It is amusing
to see the longing after old habits, which have become in
fact the very nature of the older people : their beards are
rather concealed than cut off ; and, in spite of the plain
blue frock-coat, I often see beneath it costly embroidered
vests. This habitual indulgence in variety and extrava-
gance of dress, it will require time to subdue."—Fellows'
Excursion in Asia Minor.
MILITARY DRESS.-Men's sensibility to the
evil of war has been very much blunted by the deceptive
show, the costume, the splendour in which war is arrayed.
Its horrors are hidden under its dazzling dress. To the
multitude the senses are more convincing reasoners than
the conscience. la youth, the period which so often
receives impressions for life, we cannot detect, in the
heart-stirring fife and drum, the true music of war,
the shriek of the newly wounded, or the faint moan
of the dying. Arms glittering in the sunbeam do not
remind us of bayonets dripping with blood. To one,
who reflects, there is something shocking in these
decorations of war. It men must fight, let them wear
the badges which become their craft. It would shock
us to see a hangman dressed out in scarf and epau-
lette, and marching with merry music to the place of
punishment. The soldier has a sadder work than the
hangman. His office is not to despatch occasionally a
single criminal ; he goes to the slaughter of thousands as
free from crime as himself. The sword is worn as an
ornament; and yet its use is to pierce the heart
of a fellow-creature. As well might the butcher pa-
rade before us his knife, or the executioner his
axe or halter. Allow war to be necessary, still it is a
horrible necessity, a work to fill a good man with an-
guish of spirit. Shall it be turned into an occasion of
pomp and merriment ? To dash out men's brains, to stab
them to the heart, to cover the body with gashes, to
lop off the limbs, to crush men under the hoof of the
war-hcrse, to destroy husbands and fathers, to make widows
and orphans,, all this mey be necessary ; but to attire men
for this work with fantastic trappings, to surround this
fearful occupation with all the circumstances of gaiety and
pomp, seems as barbarous as it would be to deck a gallows,
or to make a stage for dancing beneath the scaffold. I
conceive that the military dress was not open to as much
reproach in former times as now. It was then less
dazzling, and acted less on the imagination, because it
formed less an exception to the habits of the times. The
dress of Europe, not many centuries ago, was fashioned
very much after what may be called the harlequin style.
That is, it affected strong colours and strong contrasts.
This taste belongs to rude ages, and has passed away very
much with the progress of civilization. The military dress
alone has escaped the reform. The military man is the
only harlequin left us from ancient times. It is time that
his dazzling finery were gone, that it no longer corrupted
the young, that it no longer threw a pernicious glare over
his terrible vocation. "—Self' Culture. _ _ _

ANTI-CORN-LAW LECTURES.-Mr. Poulton
is lecturing in Scotland to crowded and attentive audiences.
The Glasgow Argus says—" In the course of the week
after the next, Mr. Paulton will lecture in Kirkintilloch,
Airdrie, and Stirling. He then proceeds to Dundee,
which is the centre of his second lecturing circuit in Scot-
land. Mr. Shearman,- Secretary to the Anti. Corn-law
League, has kindly consented to lecture in the Hall of the
workmen employed in Govan Colliery, on Monday first;
and to lecture at Partick—the evening not yet definitely
flied. Mr. Shearman's object in visiting Scotland at present
is to promote the organisation of Anti- Curn-law Associa-
tions in connection with the League, and to look after the
financial arrangements of the organised Anti-Corn-law
agitation. Mr. Shearman's connection with the religious
public in England has suggested the idea of his being
able to effect something towards the inducing of that
powerful body to throw into the scale of the Anti- Corn-
law agitation, as it did into the scale of the Anti- Slavery
agitation. If Mr. Shearman succed in this endeavour, he
will not only do essential service to the Anti-Corn-law
cause ; be will awaken The religious public to :a livelier and
more comprehensive sense of the all-prevading character
ofits own principles of action.
1-1% wKER's WI T.—Everybody, at least every-
body in Chelmsford market, has been amused by the
gab" of the. well-known hawker of hardware. " say,
Jack," exclaimed he on Friday last to a bumpkin whose
fingers were making a voyage of discovery through his
jetty locks, " come, none of that—no scratching; live and
61 live, you know."—" Sold again," cried he, an instant
after, " to a gentleman, who, die when he will, won't lie
long in his grave," handing a packet of gimlets to a per-
'sinfage who stood three feet two in high-heeled shoes.