The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-07 00:00:00

which they certainly preduced on the public. That
impression was, that, inasmuch as the Alexandra
was " in the course of building for the purpose of
being delivered in pursuance of a contract," and
was not actually armed, the intent of the parties
engaged in the transaction, and whether they were 1
" attempting" or not to do an unlawful act, was of
no consequence in the eye of the law. While this
clause is still awaiting judicial interpretation, it
may be worth while to notice one important dis-
tinction between the Alexandra case and some of
the analog es which have been suggested. The
right of neutral merchants to deal, even in contra-
band of war, with belligerent purchasers is gene-
rally admitted. Even this has been disputed by
eminent jurists, but the preponderance of authority
is in favour of the principle laid down by the Chief
Baron, that neutrals may sell or export to bellige-
rents munitions of war (and even armed vessels, ac-
cording to Story), subject to the right of seizure in
transitu. The right of the neutral merchant to ex-
port, and of the belligerent Power to seize, have been
described as conflicting rights, and the assistance
given by the former to the enemy of the latter has
been held no breach of international law. But it is
quite the same thing when the subject of a sale,
being a ship of war, is designed to be employed in
hostile operation without being taken into any port
of the belligerent Power on the behalf of which it
is built ? May not this be what Lord Stowell calls
a " proximate act of war ?" Is it not manifest that
by such a ruse neutral territory is made the basis
and starting point of a naval expedition, and the
right of the other belligerent to seize in transitu
entirely defeated ? If the Tycoon of Japan, for in-
stance, were at war with us, and were to procure
and import steamers from France, we should have
no cause of complaint against the French Govern-
ment ; but should we endure without remonstrance
the depredations of Japanese Alexandras issuing
from French ports in the English Channel ? Con-
siderations of this kind are not, indeed, legal ar-
guments, and we do not offer them as such, but they
may serve to illustrate the difference between the
bona fide sale and the equipment of vessels. If the
Alexandra should be condemned after all, there is
no reason to fear that the legitimate business of our
shipbulilders will be injured or obstructed in the
slightest degree.
POST.—The anticipations which, a week since,
were entertained of a renewal of active hostilities
in Virginia prove to be groundless. The Confede-
rate forces have again retired to the south of the
Rappahannock, and the relative positions in which
the rival armies have stood for some months past
have been restored. Gen. Lee has no doubt exer-
cised a sound discretion in contenting himself with
having inflicted a heavy loss upon the Federal army,
and embarrassed its operations by the destruction
of a considerable portion of the line of rail by which
it has hitherto received its supplies. On the other
hand, the Grand Army of the Potomac is in no
position to assume the offensive. The Confederates
have chosen to retire, and, in the absence of opposi-
tion, the Federals will quietly return to their pre-
vious encampments. The Southern accounts of the
recent operations which have now reached us afford
no indication of the motives which induced Lee to
assume the offensive. The destruction of the Orange
and Alexandra Railroad is, however, regarded as in
itself adequately repaying the Confederate general
for his advance into Northern Virginia, and at
Washington it is conceded that the damage done by
the Confederates will have the effect of precluding
attempts during the present year to advance on
Richmond by Gordonville and Culpepper. It is
not improbable that the diversion may have been
dictated by a desire to insure, at least for some little
time, the inactivity of Gen. Meade's forces, and thus
enable the Confederate Commander-in-Chief to re-
inforce Bragg in Tennessee. Longstreet's division
did good service at the battle of Chattanooga, and
returned to the Rapidan to take part in the late
operations. 'I he eAperiment of weakening the army
covering Richmond probably appeared to Gen. Lee
too hazardous to be ventured on a second time, with-
out in the first instance striking such a blow as would
render an advance by the invading army extremely
hazardous. It is reported at Washington that the
Confederate general has already despatched two of
the divisions of his army into Tennessee, and that
with the remainder he proposes to hold the line of
the Rapidan against any forces which under exist-
ing disadvantages Meade may be enabled to bring
against him. This, although extremely probable,
is, however, mere conjecture, es the Confederates
invariably arrange their plans with such secresy,
and execute them with such rapidity, as to leave
their opponents iu ignorance of their movements
until they have actually taken place. That Bragg
needs reinforcements if the victory of Chattanooga
is to be turned to account is tolerably evident. No
attempt has been made to dislodge Rosencranz from
his present position ; and, indeed, if General Long-
street's assistance was necessary to enable the Con-
federates to defeat the Federal forces in a pitched
battle, similar aid would be still more essential now
when attacking an army fighting behind entrench-
ments. However, the Confederates have at least
gained this advantage that both in Tennessee and
in Virginia they have compelled the Northern
armies to content themselves with acting on the
defensive. The tide of invasion, though not actu-
ally rolled back, has at least for the present been
effectually stemmed. We know from experience
that it is useless to address to the American nation
arguments which have been often repeated and pro-
nounced incontrovertible by impartial observers on
this side of the Atlantic. It is idle to attempt to
demonstrate that the American Union can never
be restored in its original integrity in the face of a
blind and obstinate assertion that it can. It is
useless to point to Virginia, and to the armies
which for upwards of two years and a half have
marched and countermarched over the narrow strip
of ground which separates Richmond from Wash-
ington, and to ask by what means the North pro-
poses to acquire the absolute dominion of a terri-
tory whose area is measured by hundreds of thou-
sands of square miles. To arguments the North
has always given one uniform reply : Europe knows
nothing of what is going on in America; rebellion
is on its last legs ; insurrection is virtually at an
end ; the Federal arms are everywhere triumph-
ant; the spasmodic, and (as must be confessed),
in some instances, successful struggle made by the
armies of the South, are but the flickering of a taper
before it is quenched in darkness. Nor is it aione
in the field that the established Government has
secured the smiles of fortune; never were the loyal
States more prosperous, never was trade more brisk.
Whilst the rebels in Richmond and Charleston are
being reduced to beggary, the loyal citizens of
Washington and New York are amassing fortunes.
In a word, the population of the North, if the self-
constituted exponents of their opinions are to be
trusted, were never happier or more contented than
at present; never more zealous for the re-establish-
ment of the Union, and never possessed ampler
means for effecting the realisation of their wishes.
Under such circumstances America cannot help
feeling amazed that Europe should entertain doubts
of the re-establishment of the Union. Until there
is an agreement as to the facts which furnish the
premises of an argument, it is useless to attempt to
dispute. We understand wealth, happiness, con-
tentment, and freedom in a different sense from our
American kinsmen; or, what comes to the same
I.hing,we entertain a different opinion of what goes to
constitute them. But, however wealthy or wise,
however, happy or contented, the population of the
Northern States may be, there can be no excuse for
their halting in the progress of that meritorious
work in which they are at present engaged. If the
Union is to be re-established, if the Northern and
Southern States are, as previously, to constitute a
single Republic, if, above all, some three or four
millions of human beings are to be relieved from a
state of bondage, surely the sooner all this is done
the better. A state of war is not preferable to one
of peace; and, however prosperous the loyal States
may be at present, it is not pretended that their
prosperity would not be enhanced on the suppres-
sion of the existing revolt. Why, then, does the
North, with its vast wealth and boundless resources,
hesitate to strike the final blow ? Why is a con-
clave of traitors still permitted to assemble within
a hundred arid fifty miles of the capital ? Why
does a proclamation which gave freedom to the
slaves of every disloyal citizen still remain a dead
letter ? These are questions to which, in common
h
consistency, the Federal Governinentshould furnish
some replies. If the Northern populatio,n d
Northern resources are what Mr. Lincolnt:
stration boldly declare them to be, then
ebdy termi-
excuse for not bringing the war to a eAaredmisinnt
navaatiielnis.
itltfothuopyhoalrde h sooner Or
anodte,cethpetinonlewt
ilssePask cf what
later, must entail ruin upon all those who Are
parties to it.___.-----_-_—_—___.

THE SOUTH WALES ONWOKS. —This week
there has been a general
Ironworks advance in wages at the
t
o the puddlers, ballers, and other
skilled workmen.
South Wales
The
rise at the majority of the works
IR R
•7i per
is 10 per cent. on the whole scale, while at some two or
three
of the works the advance has only been 5 and
The labourers and others employed at the works are
also
cent.
to receive a rise, bonersthe xact amount has not yat been
deeided on by all the s. •
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Nr
to-day
Nature's
re
m'
disease, y r
s Monitor.—Pain is the indicator of some disorder
o
and should never be neglected, fox the pain of
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the least uneasiness has discovered their seat and kind.
These remedies so purify the blood and regulate its circu-
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I