The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-21 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA,

(Final/L..0 Special Correspondent of the Times.)

NEW YORK, Sept. 8.
The America 'n 7-/ iind is greatly troubled, or, in
American phras exercised," by the creation of a
monarchy in ME. 'ma 20, under the protectorate of the
Emperor of the Fr ench, with the goodwill and con-
sent of Great Br Nain arid Spain. Such an event is
held to be equ [valet/ t to the recognition of the
Southern Confect Wiwi, and its final establishment as
an independent . pover. The Democrats and the
Republicans— the peace party and the war party—
are alike ind' .gnant. Had Great Britain alone been
the origins' tor of the project, there can be little
question t' alit it would long ago have been made a
cases bel by the Federal Government, that the
dry borlia of the defunct Monroe doctrine woulc,
have byen galvanised into the semblance of vitality,
and fr,at as army of occupation would have found
in Montreal that scope for its valour which is ne-
CCU ,arily denieei it in New York. B at, with France
th, s case is different. France was once and often the
lemy of England, and is therefore entitled to the
gratitude of all true Americans. France aided Wash-
ington to make rebellion successful, and it is in some
degree the founder of American independence; there-
fore, much must be forgiven to so early and so
powerful a friend. But there are some things not
to be tolerated even from France ; and the establish-
ment of a monarchy in Mexico is one of them. But
how to resent it is the question. The fire-eaters,
the blusterers, and the Bobadils call for im-
mediate war; but the Cabinet, finding that the
subjugation of the South is much more than it
can manage, is content to await the further develop-
ment of events, before it compromises itself, even
by a protest which the Emperor of the French may
be in a mood to treat with contemptuous silence.
It is fnought, under the circumstances, that Mr.
Seward will trust to the chapter of accidents, and
esPec'ially to the chance that the Archduke Maxi-
mildan may refuse the perilous dignity, and, in
d'Ault of any one else, that not even Mr., or
Prince Patterson, Bonaparte, will lend himself to
the schemes of his cousin of the Tuileries. But the
feeling of anger is none the less bitter; and as it
'seems to be at this moment the predominant one
among American politicians—professional and non-
professional—and of all ranks and degrees of men,
it is possible that Mr. Seward may endeavour to
make capital out of it in order to strengthen his
party at the ensuing elections and catch the vote of
such wavering War Democrats as prefer the Unien
to liberty and extended territory to happiness. But
the Emperor is master of the situation, and the
America as know it. They know, moreover, that if
he carry out his Mexican designs he will have the

moral, it not the military and naval support of Great
Britain, and that the reconstruction of the Union
will be utterly impossible, unless the South, in a
revived love for the Monroe doctrine, should forget
its insults, forget its wrcngs, forget the Emancipa-
tion Proclamation, forget the blood of its best and
bravest sons poured out like water for the last two
years in countless battlefields, forget its ruined
homesteads and its devastated. provinces, turn gall
lik
into honey, and its immortal hate not only into
ing but into love, and in this beatified state of mind
unite with the North to drive France out of Mexico
and England out of Canada. The hope that such
may be the solution is but the shadowy reflection
of a needle's point, and yet there are thousands of
otherwise sensible people who indulge in it, line
call upon Mr. Lincoln to stultify and humiliate
himself, his Cabinet, and his party by proposing an
amnesty and reconciliation with the South with this
object. But if yon ask these worthy souls what they
would propose to do in case the South should reject
the proposal, and what verdict the Americans would
afterwards pass upon Mr. Lincoln for so ignomini-
ous a-failure, :hey have no reply to make.
Another phase of the American mind in reference
to thus question deserves notice. While the South

- _ ------. ---
manifests the loftiest self-reliance, and has not the
slightest misgiving of its power to stand alone,
the North continually asserts the impossibility of
any Northern Union, if the South be taken from its
grasp. United with the South they cAn defy the
world—disunited from the South they must drop to
pieces. Such is the invariable cry of Ile war
Christians, the war patriots, and the whole Repub-
lican party. Mr. Everett—who was once of opinion
that the " wayward sisters" should be allowed to

depart in peace, bat who veered round to the oppo-
site faith an soon as the "stars and stripes," " the
flaunting lie and the hate-polluted rag." immorta •
lised by Mr. Greeley, was shot down at Fort Sum•
ter in 1861—sees no hope for the North, if the
South should win its independence. In a letter
read to the Springfield Convention immediately
after Mr. Lincoln's, in which he urged the people
to forego, during the progress of the war, even
their right of criticising those in power, he gave
expression in this cowardly sentiment—or, per-
hops, it should be called instinct—which seems to
possess and actuate the whole Northern people.
" Considering," he says, " the war which has
been forced upon us by the ambitions dema-
gogues of the South as a question of na-
tional life or death ; that to have the doctrine of
secession established at the mouth of the rebel
cannon is simply to consign the country to a
future of eternal Border war, and to lay its dis-
honoured fragments at the feet of foreign Powers,
I cannot but think it unpatriotic, for the sake of a
party triumph to make political capital out of the
difficulties, or, if you please, the errors unavoidably
incident to the conduct of a war of such gigantic
dimensions." It was not thus that British states-
men, of the rank in which Mr. Everett would like
to be placed, spoke and acted during the rebellion
of the American colonies. They did not desire to
silence the free opinion of the country. They did not
choose to hound on the Administration of the day to
its own ruin. They did not despair of England even
if the empire should be dismembered ; and did not
fear that the brave old land would continue to be
as great and brave when separated, although at the
sannon's mouth, from her reluctant colonies as she
had ever been before. The result proved how wise
as Well es how patriotic they were. But Mr. Everett
and the Northern politicians seem to be above learn-
ing a lesson from the history of England. They have
forgotten the traditions of liberty. They love em-
pire so desperately that they have no room in their
hearts for any other affection. They belie their own
glorious ;
origin when they talk as they do, and
superabundantly prove thei •
r readiness for the
strong despotism Nvhr • oh is surely coming to bind
together the "broken fragments" of a Union whicb,
on their own showing, is certain to fall to pieces,
as soon as it shall have a strong and independent
neighbour of their °Wit blood and language to the
south of the Potomac.
It is not thus that freemen
--worthy to be free...—should either think or act ;
and not with such craven misgivings that the North
separated from the South
can ever succeed in
making itself a great nation.
While public attention is almiut
exclusively di-
rected to Mexican affairs, and the el
ow progress of
the attack on the defences of Charleston varied by
an occasional twitch of discomfort
Whenever a
rumour crosses the Atlantic of the launch
of a new
Confederate war steamer, there are indications,
neither few nor faint, that the Federal occupation
of
Louisiana, with the exception, perhaps, of the nit
y
of New Orleans, is seriously endangered ; and that
events are on the eve of taking place in that quarter
which will render nugatory all the cost and sacrifice
incurred by the capture of Vicksburg and Port ,
liudeen. General Banks is an excellent officer, bat
the Federal Government cannot or will not spare
him men sufficient for the heavy task it has set him.
He is a good administrator and man of business,
but, being Presumptuous enough to keep a con-
science, and to wish to act as becomes a gentleman
and a Christian, he has found it impossible to govern
New Orleans on the system of his predecessor. He
neither insults women, imprisons
n, men unjustly,
levies black mail to enrich himself, or in other modes
plays the part of the brutal Bashaw which Butler
rendered so popular among the spectators of the
drama who happened to be so far out of reach of the
stage as New York and New England. It is true
that the subordinates of General Banks
enable are
ttoopt r sea.
pure as himself, and that he has been
Tent, or even to discover, many acts of cruelty and
extortion whieh have been practised in his name.
The results are that Federal rule in Orleans