The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-09 00:00:00

future it necessarily depends on the confidence with which
these inslituAons will be met in the kingdom." Now
really the hole gist of the present question lies in these
last w rds. If we could believe that the Poles themselves
would accept with confidence the institutions recently
given or at out to be given to them, if we could think that
they had reason to entertain confidence that those insti-
tutions ve uld afterwards be developed into a complete
system of freedom and of justice, then indeed we might
look forward with some satisfaction to the future
of Poland. But what is the case ? Where are the
grounds of that expectation? Institutions have been given,
but from time to time there have been the most arbitrary
arrests. Men have been taken from their beds and sent to
prison without accusation. In the churches at Warsaw—
I believe in the cathedral especially—arrests were made, and
the pavements of that church were stained with the blood
of mon who went to worship their God according to their
own rites. These acts are such as to destroy all confidence ;
but beyond that the Poles cannot help reflecting that in
1832 and the following years attempts were made to deprive
them of their language, and to convert them by force to a
religion which was not their own. Such a policy of the Em-
peror Nicholas, if it had been successful, might indeed have
changed the whole face of Poland, but not being successful
it leaves a lasting sense of resentment—a lasting feeling
that they never can rely upon the promises of the Russian
Government. But my noble friend has mentioned, and I
think justly, that act which he rightly called an act of pro-
scription, which indeed was the immediate cause of the out-
break. Can men who have suffered such au outrage regard
with confidence the institutions about to be Riven to them ?
It is observed by those who are well acquainted with the go-
vernment of Poland, and I have consulted with those who
have watched its course year after year, that it is the vice of
the Russian Government that whatever good may be done,
whatever liberal institutions are given, there is no constancy
—no perseverance. At one time it was declared that all
trials of persons for political offences should be public. That
was carried into effect for a few weeks, but some inconve-
nience was felt and that privilege was at once abandoned.
These aro the things that prevent any feeling of confidence
from arising in the breasts of the suljects of that Govern-
men:.. They know it is impossible to rely upon the belief
that the institutions given will be permanent, and that very
act of conscription was directly in the teeth of the law of
1859, a law of the present Emperor, upon which, if the Poles
relied upon anything, they ought to have relied as a perma-
nent law of the kingdom of Poland. Then we aro forced to
come to the conclusion that it is difficult above all things
to inspire in the Poles a feeling of confidence with which
these institutions should be met. It may be said that it is
hard upon an E rnperor whose intentions aro so praiseworthy
that he should be met with distrust, and all his benefits
should be spurned ; but such is the natural, the legitimate
consequence of despotism, that its caprices destroy all
confidence, and that its promises for the future are spurned
because its promises for the past have been falsified.
(Hear, hear.) If that be the case, had we not some reason
when we recommended that the constitution which was
given by Alexander I. in 1815, should be restored and
scrupulously adhered to ? The reason I say this is not
because I suppose that the Powers of Europe at Vienna
precisely prescribed that constitution ; but it is this—
that I know not how the Russian Government, having a
people opposed to the Poles, having a national aversion to
them, I know not how that Government could govern hap-
pily or securely but by giving these two securities—first,
that the men employed by the Government should have the
confidence of the nation, and secondly, that they should be
governed by known rules. These are the foundation of the
elements of good government in all cases, and unless they
are given to Poland I cannot see how we can hope for the
tranquillity of that country. The first thing to give confi-
dence is to have a national assembly elected by the Poles
themselves. Ido not mean to be pedantic upon this ques-
tion, as Prince Gortschakoff reproaches us that we are. I d•
not mean to say that the institutions that suit England are
exactly the institutions that would suit Poland or any other
country; but what I say is essential is this, that the
persons who govern, whether in municipal councils named
by the Emperor himself or chosen by the suffrages of the
electors, should be persons who have the confidence of the
nation. They should be persons in whom the nation con •
fides that their promises will be kept; but when you place
a man at the head of the Government who promulgates a
law, which law declares that persons for the service of the
army shall be taken by regular lot and according to known
rules, and suddenly in one night violates all those rules and
kidnaps 2,000 young men. I say in such men the people of
Poland can have no confidence, and it is hopeless to expect
that they should. (Hear.) It was for these reasons that her
Majesty's Government advised a return to the institutions
of Alexander I. as likely to secure peace to Poland, and
whether these institutions are reverted to or any other are
adopted, I say now, as we said then, in any future diplo-
matic representation, in any negotiation which Prince
Gortschakoff declares the Russian Government is willing to
entertain, in any discussions into which we may enter, we
must say that unless the civil, political, and municipal in-
stitutions of Poland are placed in the hands of the people
themselves there is no chance of tranquility in that country.
I speak of tranquillity in the sense in which the Great
Powers have spoken. The French and Austrian Govern-
ments have asked to have " durable peace," and the English
Government have asked for " peace on a lasting foundation;"
and I say it is such a peace as that which we ought to have.
It is said that certain benev, lent institutions have been
given to Poland, and that Poland shou d be satisfied ; but
we should be deceiving ourselves and EuropL if we ex-
pected such a result. I know not that we can go beyond
that which we have a right to do—namely, we have a right
to speak of the kingdom of Poland as constituted by the
Treaty of Vienna, and we have a right to speak of its con-
stitution. The Treaty of Vienna said that Poland—the duchy
of Warsaw, as it was called—should be connected irre►oca-
bly with the empire of Russia by its constitution. These
words must have meant something; for it would have b 'en
quite sufficient to say, if no constitution was meant, " The
duchy of Warsaw is irrevocably united to Russia ;" these
words would have been sufficient. What was the meaning
of the words—indefinite and vague, I admit, but still with a
signification in the—" United to the empire of Russia by
its constitution." We can only advise, therefore, such insti-
tutions as would give the people of Poland a government of
Poland within the kingdom of Poland constituted by the
Treaty of Vienna. My noble friend has gone a good deal fur-
ther than that line of duty which I have traced out for her
Majesty's Government. My noble friend who presented
the petition from the City has declared that in his opinion
we ought to declare that the kingdom of Poland should
hereafter be entirely severed from the empire of Russia,
end should form a separate kingdom. My noble friend
who spoke last considered that Russia had forfeited all
title under the Treaty of Vienna, and that we, in the name
of the British nation and of this Government, ought to
declare it no longer existing. I cannot tell you that her
Majesty's Government will take either the one step or the
other. (Hear, hear.) With regard to declaring the sepa-
ration of the kingdom of Poland from the empire of Russia
I think there are grave questions which any Government,
any statesman, must ask himself before hisdeliberation can
be concluded in the affirmative. What is to be this
kingdom of Poland? Supposing the Emperor of Russia
were to declare even that in his opinion it was desirable
to separate the kingdom of Poland, would the Poles
generally be satisfied with those limits which the Treaty of
Vienna has laid out? What was the object with which
Andre Zamoyski went to St. Petersburg ? ki e went with
this object : he was summoned there to explain an address
which many of the nobles and proprietors had prepared as
an address to the Emperor. Now what was the purport of
that address ? The purport was that all the territories which
formerly belonged to Poland should be united under one
denomination of the kingdom of Poland; they professed, if
that request were complied with, the utmost loyalty to the
Emperor of Russia, that they would remain faithful to him
and his crown, but they did not profess that they would be
satisfied with the institutions given to the kingdom of Po-
land. lam not saying now whether they were justified in
that address, whether the happiness of the Polish subjects
of the Emperor of Russia requires any such measure, lam
only saying that if this Government were to interfere to
re-erect the kingdom of Poland you must. not think that that
question would be resolved by merely saying you would
have a kingdom of Poland. You would have other and
serious questions arising from that restoration; but there
are other questions still. What would be the country of

that Poland ? Is it to have Posen, the Prussian part of
Poland? Is it to have Galiicia, the Austrian part of Po-
land ? If that were insisted upon, you may dependosuero:
it that Austria and Prussia would bo as muecltihoapp Ito
that uest,
that request as Russia herself. If they
sist only of the Polish provinces now under tn
onsieler tho attempt.
and if you say that the new kingdom ofPioBl.l
Emperor of Russia, in that case IT:
_aniz
c,
i and Posen
that would be made to re-unite Gain I)
loch Austria and Prussia
and how
much
attempts, and what
to the Polish kingdom, dovisaytofoothen.
would be interested in map°
- - Binogrt Poland on the one hand
influence would bo used to
elementand what a new ele-
ment of disturbance, instead
u would create
happiness 90-not to be left out of consideration.
and to repress Poland
These things
witha a desire for the welfare of the Pole ,
Looking at the to the future s'
but not indifferent peace and to the
indeed, o n
oePifPnoat hnEeeruw,
welfare of Europe, I cannot, for one, put these
future we consi-
derations out of the case. But then, besides
this, my be-
liefie....it may be mistaken, the events of to-morrow m
ay
overturn all the foresight of to-day—but my belief is that
in the present temper of the Russian government '
, and still
more of the Russian people, there is no
readiness to consent
to that which would be considered as a
dismemb ea great empire. There are glorious recollections—t
b eernet a
roet
symbols of pride and of power connected with Russia which
may be destroyed, but which would hardly be destroyed
without a long and sanguinary war. Into these hazards,
these dangers, I should certainly be very loth to enter; and
I think your lordships and the other house of Parliament
representing this country, would be loth to enter on these
hazards without the most pressing necessity to force you to
do it. Well, while I think of these things and of the rea-
sons why we should proceed cautiously, why we should
proceed slowly, and in conjunction with other powers in
all that we attempt to do fur Poland, I have as much con-
fidence as my noble friend who brought forward this peti-
tion in the ultimate power of public opinion. Prince Goa-
,
schakoff has spoken of the elements of disturbance, of the