The Sun.
London, England, 1837-07-31 00:00:00

tian and kindly feelings amongst his community when he
ventures to set up on the Church the flag of one party in
contempt and opposition to that of the other ? Has the
clergyman no members of his congregation who will be
offended by that display ? Does he not think the cause of
religion is injured when it is make a stalking-horse for
party ?—(Cheers.) Is his appeal to you on the solemn in-
terests of religion to be connected with his own shortsighted
views of political policy ? I own lam disgusted with such
a hypocritical display of religious feeling.—(Cheers and dis-
approbation.) Now, as to the party that I support being
hostile to the Church, I would say, look to the Tithe Com-
mutation Bill, and I appeal to the Blue farmers who I see
present, if there was ever a measure more Conservative of
the interests of the Church than that measure ? We have
actually given the clergymen unalienable possession of one-
fifth part of the property of the country, and a right of dis-
tress over every acre of our land ; and do you believe that
party is hostile to the Church when they approved the pro-
ject, although opposed as they have been by the clergy of
the country, certainly by the most unfair and most unjusti-

fiable means. I ask you how deep must our reverence
for the Establishment be, when we take such care to
provide for the temporal provisions of these Ministers,
who have so bitterly, so indefatigably, and so unjus-
tifiably, opposed us.—(Hear, and loud cheers.) There
is another point to which i wish to allude, and it is one on
which I think, before another year passes, we shall be all
agreed. I know that many now differ, but I think we shall
agree upon it—namely, the Church-rate question.—
(Cheers, and cries of " No, no.") I believe that if the ene-
mies of the Church were to devise the means that were
most likely to be hostile and prejudicial to it, it would be
the attempt to maintain the present system of collecting
Church- rates ; for look to the consequences of it ; if you
attempt to collect them, you will have the lawyer and the
tipstaff in every parish in the kingdom, and if you do not,
the fabric of the Church must fall.—(Cries of " No, no,"
and cheers.) But what is worse than all this is the heart-
burning and contention which it .engenders between neigh-
bours who ought not to have it thrown in their way, when
so clear a means of obviating it is presented. Besides, and
I now speak to the poorer classes of my audience—if this
rate be collected at all, it must fall more heavily on you
than hitherto, because it is not a legal rate unless every oc-
cupier is assessed : the consequence is that, to enforce pay-
ment of the rate, it must be made to press on every one,
and every cottage in the kingdom will be taxed for
party sake, because the Government has devised a
means which will relieve ycu from this vexatious im-
post—(Hear)—and at the same time provide a fund
which will never be in!erfered with, for the
meintenance of the fabric of the,Chureb of England.—
Cheers.) I shall only, in conclusion, call your attention to
one or two practice! questions. In the first place, are you
disposed to give to Ireland the same degree of liberty which
you yourselves possess ?—(A person called out "No ") A
gentleman says " Neer —then are you prepared for the al-
ternative? Can you believe that seven millions of Irish.
men will consent any loeger to be kept in base subjection ?
—no ; they are ready to form a firm friendship with you,
but they rrill not let you any longer trample them in the
dust ; and if you Al not form that friendship, you must
take the consequences of a civil war. You who arc called
on to man the Queen's ships—who arc kidnapped into the
arm:;—who Lear the weight of taxation—(Considerable
conruson, which droweed the conclusion of the sentence.)
But, gentlemen, I will not detain you longer on this sub-
ject, and I shall only make one further observation. TLe
question v. hich is now to be decided is, after all, nothing
more than this—it is between the two great adverse princi-
p'es which, like the two genii in the Fairy Tales, are strug-
gling for Reform and Toryism ; the one represented by a
youngoirtuous, and Constitutional Queen, and the other by
—(A person in the crowd called out " by Cumberland")—
Ly C: a:be:land ; I think him for that word—l will
not add another word to it, for the -name of Cumberland
is pr -grant with meaning.—(Cheers and uproar.) I know
the Tories are willing to disclaim him ; they say this act
of abominable tyranny was not with their advice. But
why do they say this? Not because they do not adopt his
principles, but because he showed the cloven foot too soon.
—(Cheers.t and disapprobation from the Blues.) Do 3ou
know the German story of the man who sold his shadow to
the Devil ? He was always very careful, but one sunny
evening he forgot himself, and walked out with his sweet-
heart, and she seeing all other things throw a shadow in
the sun while he did not, guessed how it was, and eben-
doned her lover. So now the Duke of Cumberland has
sl.oe n what is his true character, I trust the people of Eng,-
lind—(Cheers and uproar)—l trust the people of Englan.l
give him up.—(Cheers ) I say he has let out the real
objects and principles of the Tories ; and what he has done
in Hanover, if he were Klee,- of England, he would do here
.if he could.—(Cheers and dissent from the Conservatives.)
He has abolished the charter of his subjects in Germany,
and would abolish our charter if he were able, but thank
God he is not, nor ever will be, because there is a spirit in
the people of England that would raise up war rather than
be trampled under foot by any German despot that ever lived.
—(Cheers and some uproar.) I will only say that there
never was a time that called on you for every effort
more than the present, because now is the time for the ac-
complishment of all those really beneficial objects promised
by the Reform Bill. The Court is with us, and you have
only to elect a House of Commons that fully participates
in the feelings and desires of the people, and depend on it
the victory is ours.--(Cheers.) Hitherto some electors
have said, " If we send Reform Members to the House of
Commons what can they do opposed to the House of Lords
and the Court ?"—but now the Court and the people are
with us.—(Cries of " No, no")—and we shall have a
House of Commons with us ; and recollect, from what
passed at the time of the Reform Bill, when we had the
Court and the people with us, how weak a barrier was the
Tory majority in the House of Lords to oppose the wishes
of the people.—(Cheers.) Now, then, is the time for a
great effort. Let it not be said of this borough, which has
so long kept up the standard of independence—let it not be
said that you would not bear a part in that arduous strug-
gle, in obtaining the fruits of that glorious victory which is
now in your hans.—(Cheers.) I call on you, then, that
you may be a party to the safe reform of all abuses—l call
on you to send me to bear a part in promoting that cause—
for I, as one of your Representatives, assisted to lay the
foundation of Reform, and it would give me great pleasure
to help to reap the glorious fruits.—(Loud cheers.)

DESTITUTION IN THE HIGHLANDS.—We are
authorized to state that, after consultation between the several
committees for relieving the existing destitution in the High-
lands and Islands of Scotland, and after due deliberation upon
the amount of the funds at their disposal—upon the extent of
the destitution, and the period which may elapse before the
crops become available—having respect also to the aid which
may now, it is understood, be derived in some districts from
fish—the cheering prospect which there presently exists of an
abundant harvest—and the great distress in many of the ma-
nufacturing districts—these committees feel that, under all
these circumstances, they would not be justified in longer
pressing the claims of the destitute Highlanders and islanders
on public attention, hopeful that the fund collected will, under
Providence, be sufficient for affording the requisite relief.
The committees in Scotland, in making public this resolution,
desire to record the deep sense they entertain of the noble and
generous liberality with which the English public have come
forward in this cause, no less than of the aid received from
the sister island of Ireland, and especially bow much they owe
to the general committee in London, for the unwearied zeal
and energy with which they have laboured in the cause—a
zeal, indeed, which they are gratified to have found to be alike
characteristic of similar committees every% here else. As
soon as the distribution is completed, a full statement of the
funds received, and of their application, will be made public.
—Scotsman.
When Dr. Johnson courted Mrs. Potter, whom he
afterwards married, he told her that he was of mean ex-
traction, that he had no money, and that he had an uncle
hanged 1 The lady, by way of reducing herself to an equality
I himself, with the
and Doctor,
that,
shethat
had
de
nothada
nore l moreat
ion
hanged,
money
had fifty who deserved hanging. And thus was accomplished
this very curious amour. th
she
an