The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-24 00:00:00

PHUT OP THE runuc JOURNALS,

His Majesty yesterday closed the session of Par-
liament in person, with a speed), which will be
found in the report of the. Parliamentury proceed.
logs. It is expected that an Extraordinary Gazette,
published this evening, will couture the order for
the dissolution of Parliament. His Majesty's speech
will be read with pleasure by -every men who-has
one spark of loyalty or patriotism. There is through-
out not merely a manly simplitity, but a cordial
warmth, 10 characteristic- of the Royal Speaker,
that we persuade ouradves that, contrary to usage,
his Majesty not merely spoke but wrote the speech,
subject of course to the opinion of Ms responsible
advisers. We acknowledge with sincere end un-
doubting respect the Royal declaration, that his Ain-
jeaty " ascends the throne with a deep sense of the
warred duties. which devolve upon him," - We had
'with the liveliest pleasure und the most perfect con-
fidence the Royal promise, tint we may rely upon
,-- his Majesty's " prudent and economical Adreinistrau
tion of the supplies placed at his disposal, and upon
'his readiness to concur in every diminution of the
public charges _which, can be effected consistently
with the dignity of the Crown, the maintenance of
maimed faith, end the pettreinent interest of the
country." But the concluding passage of thespeech
is the one to which we invite particular attention: it
nas delivered with an eurnes,,,ess and solemnity
worthy of the just and important sentiments, which
it expresses:—
" You have removed the civil disqualifications which af-
rected numerous and important classes of my subjects.
" While I declare on this solemn occ:ision my flied in.
tendon to maintain, to this utmost of my power, the Pro-
testant reformed religion eat thlished by law, let me at the
same time express toy eat nest hope that the animosities
which have prevailed on account of religions distinctions
may be forgotten, and that tie decision of P.trliament with
respect to those thstinctiona .having been irrevocably pro-
noun)cll, my faithful subjects will unite with Ins in ad,
wanting the great object contemplated by the Legislature,
and in promoting that 'pith of domestic concord and peace
which constitutes the surest basis of our national strength
and happiness,'
Let these words be impressed on the mind of
every mite, public or private, throughout the king-
dom. Let them he observed with the same care
which the pious Hebrew devoted to the preserve.
tion of his sacred phylactery, They contain, in a
brief space, the great and paramount duty which is
devolved upon us all, as loyal subjects, as patriots,.
as Christians. His Majesty, in his progress to the
House of Lords, and on his return, was greeted with
more ardent and unanimous marks of attachment
than we have ever before witnessed. The assem-
blage of people was also more numerous and re-
spectable than is ordinarily brought together in the
public streets. Such is the Incoming—such the na-
tural effect of straightforward, unaffected mintier:—
of generous and manly conduct, on a high-minded
and discriminating people. The English are a re-
flecting and just, but they are also a warm-hearted
and confiding nation, and their , sincere and enthe
siastic homage may always be acquired and securer
by a patriot King.-7lmes.

The restoration of Sir Robert Wilson to his rank
in the army, of which be had been moat oppres-
'lively deprived wubmit the intervention of u Court
Martial, is an act highly creditable to his Majesty,
and will, we believe, give equel satisfaction to the
army and the peode. Of the political career of
the Uidlunt General we profess no peculiar admira-
tion; but to the praise of a brave and zealous
officer his services, honourably acknowledged
they were by foreign. Powers, eminently entitled
bioL But, we ask, what merit—what distinguished
achievements—what length of service—can protect
an tauter against causeless and capricious expulsion
from his profession as long as the power of dismissal
without trial is recognised as a legitimate part of
the government of the army ? This is a principle
*0 opposed to reason and justice, and calculated
to be so detrimental to the service, that we
require to have better proofs than we have
ever yet even ndvanct.d to induce us to be.
lieve in its legality. What can be more tyran-
nical than such a power ? What can be more de-
grading to the feelings of pliant men than the con.
seiousness of the state of slavish dependence to
which it reduces them ? When objection to this
odious principle, which condemn without a hearing,
is attempted to be got over by stating that it is
part of the Royal prerogative, we ask who really
exercises the power which le nominally ascribed to
the King ? It is the successful politician who hap.
pens to be at the head of the Administration of the
day. He, by his advice, either to gratify his per-
s.mal malice or political hatred, makes the Sovereign
the instrument of inflicting on any officer he selects
as his victim the grievous injustice of military pro-
scription I Thus Sir Robert Wilson, et a time of
great political excitement, incurred the displeasure
of the Minister of the day ; his name was eruct
from the Army List without any cause being shown
—without any opportunity of being heard in his
defence. la vain did he call for a Court-martial ;
in vain did he court investigation ; in vain dal he
challenge the inquiry of Parliament. The Minister
did not even concede to him the formality ofdefenee
which the " Holy inquisition" grants to those who
are denounced by its " Farn:liars," Whatever Was
the secret or avowed charge against him, no
cause was proved-tie tribunal that passed sentence
scorned to oblerve any regard far even the decorous
formalities of persecution. His name was obli-
terated from the list of . British Generals withless
ceremony than a footman of the .Hoyal Household
could be dismissed, The public tried " Shame 1"
and the Minister reiterated " Prerogaive," Thus
the vindictive politician crushed an adversary, and',
his Royal Master had to sustain the odium of the
unconstitutional transaction. We hope that his
Majesty, who has repaired this wrong, will not limit
his ;terminus interposition to the Vise of Sir Reber,
Wilson Moue, butt restore to his lost rank every
officer, whether of the=turmy or navy, whose name
het been erased Without a regular trial, The case
of. Colonel Bradloy, for instance, is one fresh it.
the recollection of the public, arid no less deserving
of the Royal consideration. There no cause was
shown—no Court-Martial could be obtained; and
a most meritorious officer, efter, We believe, more
then 20 years of mosearduous service, was deprived
of the profession in which he hint deeervedly risen
to honourable rank. Whenever an officer is dire.
miaowl from the army without a court-merfal, we
may be sure that melevolence itself can establish
no case against him by proof, or he would be put
upon his trial, for even Ministers of Stew do not
like to appear tyrannical when they can destroy an
individual who has incurred their displeasure with.
out violating the forme of just ice.—Morning !erald.

Few, if any, public bodies appear to have shown
so great a disregard of economy in the expenditure
of the public money us the Magistrates of Middle-
sex. Of this a striking instance is exhibited in the
enormous expense about to be incurred in the tree.
OM of . new prison for Westminster. On this one
object it seems that not less than 200,00 W. is to be
laid out, though it is quite notorious to those who
are at all acquainted with the wants and the loca-
lities of Westminster, that the present Tothill-fields
fititirwell might be rebuilt, or made quite adequate
joditious Alterations for every necessary purpose,
for_ less theft onesfoorth part of the sum, or for what
t,ti,e 1041014 foundation of the site of the proposed
prism, will require. This recklessness of expense
Kul' thus more extraordinary (and, we were going to
when ~,„y of us It does, at a time
a parishes are so overpowered withtliutrass
,1:7.,1t4 eats
tienshlet to contribitte their shares
' so
Many other enurmous 41V, t' a time,
too,
whe"
various ®then befosi
itt, !as are incurring under
never tot) late to re..
truce one's steps when takerti4i
like to set the body of iat:reirthr ;rend 'a should
brethren, who have this ,:,(ittear,eil,(ePeilhog their
on the threshold of so enormous an elL'ZI„Ptu"
ire
contemplated—an outlay so emu (nova ''tthu.
ere
difference between the highest anti file teitt,;;;,.t
unites upon the same plittitt would be nearly,' ifet
quite, sufficient to do all that is really »ecessitry.

.Bat why are the rate-payers themselves so quiescent
under these heavy burdens? Are they not aware
that silenee implies consent; and that, where there
is no complaint, it is often taken for granted that
here is no cause for any ? One adVantage that the
freeholders of Middlesex (on whom the burden ulti-
mately falls) may expect to derive from having such
a man as Mr. Ilume for their representative is, that
he will apely his microscopic and unbending research
to the subject of their local finances and expendi-
ture; a subject to which their Members hitherto
appear to have paid but little attention.—Morning
Herald.
The. Maier, eluding to an article on the subject
of Algiers, in the chronicle of yesterday, observes—
" That we ouleavaur to enli4t an our side all the phi-

lanthropints of Eur Ope, upon whom our arguments w
certainly not he thrown away by tilling them that all nu
tions Iseuld gain by the extension of civilisation whirl
would result halm the retention of Algiers by the Freud,
army, No nation,' says the Chronicle, ' possesses in
such perfection as the French, the power of introducing
order among barbarians;' meaning, we suppose, that no
nation could send out better dancing-mastere,hair-dressers,
and petits4naitres t and, therefore, that the French are
best calculated to ro:Nert the mountain Arab into the
itionitieur CaHot of the Faubourg St. Germain, and the
grave pipe-smoking Turk into a cigar•puffing habitué of
the Paiais Royal. But, if this rage fur civilization is to
be thus encouraged, who can say to what extent it may
not be carried ? Another set of French philantbropi,ts
may carry war into New Zealand, or among some of the
tribal of the into rior of Africa, because civilization requires
that a man should not be allowed to perforate and suspend
a log of wood from his nose, or to t ittoo his cheek, under
the uncivilized notion that lie increases his personal beauty ;
and we may hate the Sultan dethroned for not introduc-
ing the use of chairs and forks among his people, or the
great Son-of-the• Sun in China driven from his dominions
for not preferring the square-toed hoot of the Parisian
dandy to the uncivilized point of the Mandarin shoe. We,
certainly are not arraid that the French, notwithstanding
the invitation held out to them, will carry their civilizing
mania quite so far as this in our time, but really there is
no injustice or absurdity which in can conceive possible
which would not derive sanction from the establishment
such a principle." , ,

Our contemporary is pleased to be very facetious
on the aul►jett of the French merits, as civilizers.
We assure him, however, that we had not in our
thought that "no nation could send out better
`dancing-masters, hair-dressers, and petits maitre:,"
but meant, in sober seriousness, what we said. We
should imagine, that for petit: maitre: or dandie.
England could match all the rest of the world.
What the French may have been in former times
we know not, but in our days their young men seem
in every way More serious and reflecting than our
youth. But to come to the point—the French
have never occupied a country without improving
it. We owe, says Mr. Mill, in his " litstory of
British Indio," the system by which we keep India
in subjection to the French. Speaking of the ad-
vance of the French against Fort St. David, in
17.11.4 .he observes—

4‘ At this time. the English hal not yet learned to train
Srpoys in. the European discipline, though the French bad
already set them the example, and had four or five dis-
ciplined companies at Pondicherry. The two important
discoveries for conquering India were, first, the weakness
of the native armies against European discipline ;
comity, the facility of imparting that discipline to natives
in the European service. Both discoveries were made by
the French."

The English have, no doubt, their good qualities
as well as the French; but they possess one quality
which very much impedes their power of improving
other nations—a silly reserve which is often taken
for pride, and which prevents them from mixing
with strangers in such a way as to know
,how to
manage them, The French ore better tempered—
more civet flowing and communicative—and in any
'undertaking the very lowest of them seems to feel
as if the honour of it depended materially on his
exertions. This sense of honour would seem to
have been in all times diffused through the nation.
We remember Dr. Hutton, in the Introduction to
his Login-Him Tables, speaks with some bitterness
of the -difficulties opposed by mechanics in this come
try .to the exertions of men of science, and contrasts
the zeal with which in France the lowest mechanic
enters into their views. This power of being
pleased with themselves, and being pleased with all
the woad (to use the language of Goldsmith),
gives them great edvantages in introducing into the
countries occupied by them the benefits of law and
order If they had occupied Way five years longer,l
there would not have been a brigand in the whole
country. Hence, though their discipline be often
severe kind certainly the Italians had reason' to
term it .severe), they nevertheless contrive to
n►ake themselves more popular than we can
ever. be.. The sliives In French Colonies have
always been more intelligent and cultivated than
than those of our Colonies,' from the more social
and 'cotnnatuffeative character of the musters.—
So long as the French held Canada they contrived
to have all the Indians in their interest ; and we do
not believe that the attachment of the Indians cost
them much more than-it little civility, which is often
felt as a heavy expense by the people of this country.
We have, no doubt, good (politica peculiar to our•
selves; but they are better known to ourselves than

to strangers, who are not always disposed to give us
credit for what we claim. The French would, un-
questionably, confer a great benefit on the world by
.holding Algiers, and it does not become us, who, for
the last thirty years, adding conquest to conquest on
80 other ground than the impossibility of retaining
barbarians in subjection' by any other means than
taking their heath, from them,- to quarrel with the
occupation of Algiers by the French. All Europe
would look with evil eyes on tie were we to inter«
fere with them and prevent the maid froM enjoying
the beticlit of an uninterrupted navigation of the
Mediterranean. Our fear is, that the French
Ministry will leave the work unfinished. If this
should be owing to the interference of the English
Ministers, they would have the curses of every
parent deprived of a child, of every wife deprived.
of a husband held in bondage by pirates. But we
think better of • Milliliters than to believe them
capable of interfering to prevent so good a work as
the occupation of Algiers by the French, especially
if the latter do not 114 them to share the expense
of the burden it will entail on them.—Morn.Chron.

Our Parisian Correspondent animadverts, with
good effect, on st sentence in a French Ministerial
Journal, the Editor of which is well received at
Court, " that it is not the exaggeration of flattery
to say that France has more need of her King, than
her King has need of her." This, to be sure, is
adenirable, when applied to an old men, who, if
turned adrift, could not probably, even in his best
Clays, have earned a mouthful of bread by the exer•
eise of any one faculty, intellectual or bodily. A
man may be a very good King, no doubt, for all
that; but we question, the prudence of provoking
enquiries into such delicate points as the relative
importance of Nations and Kings to each other. A
great Philosopher, speaking of "the Rights of the
People," respecting which so much was said and
written during the French Revolution, observes.—
Why has no Ruler eve yet ventured to decline
firmly and openly, that he acknowledgee no rights of
the people as voted against himself; that the people
owe their happiness solely to the beneficence of a
Government, which allows them to be so, and that
all pretensions on the part of subjects to rights
against Goverment are absurd, nay culpable
(as involving the idea of a justification of resis-
tance) ? The reason is, that such a public deche.
Winn would stir up all his subjects to resistance,
even though, under the guidance of a kind and
intelligent master, well led and vigorously protected,
they might have no complaint to make on the score
of abridgment of their prosperity. A being en.•
dowed with freedom, and therefore conscious of this
his superiority over the brutes that perish, cannot,
and ought not, to acknowledge any Government as
valid for the people to which he belongs, but a Go-.
vernment winch the people participate as legis-
lators; that is, the rights of the men who are to
obey must necessarily have the preference over all
considerations of mere material comfort, for the
rights of men are elevated far above all price (Imre

material, enjoyment; and no aovernmtnt, however
beneficent it may be, ought to dare to invade them."
Thissis language worthy of a man; the language of
the French courtier sinks him below a beast. Fic-
tions are always mischievous. When the Bourbons
were restored, the French, lulled into submissive-
ness by the substantial advantages they promised
themselves from the Charter, instead of fixing by a
compact the limits of command and obedience, con-
sented to considei the King as master of all France
and all Frenchmen, master of their bodies and
souls, their lands and houses, and to receive
their privileges as a grant, dictated by his ge-
nerosity towards them. The farce Wilb under-
stood by the knaves; but the foolish old man
who now fills the Throne has evidently been per-
suaded by his flatterers that he may resume what he
has granted; and replace the people in the chains
which, in his benevolence, he consented to loosen.
This bows the paramount importance of never de-
parting from sound principles. 'I he feudal principle,
that the King is Lord of all, and that liberty Is a
concession from him, leads to the monstrous conse-
quence that what has been given may be resumed.
The French will be compelled, from a regard to their
own dignity, to teach this foolish, priest-ridden old
man that Kings are made for Nations' and not Na-
tions for Kings ; that the latter are First Magis-
tratis, and not masters, and that a neglect of duty
must he followed by the usual consequences in the
ease of infirm Magistrates. The object of Govern-
ment is not the welfare of Kings, but the welfare of
the people; and the latter must always be the judge
in the last resort of what they choose to deem wel-
fare. Nations may see, from what is going on in
France, of what immense importance it is to lay
down correct principles. The feudal principle, how-
ever modified by usage, is still an insult to humanity.
It supposes the people to be towards the King as
so many cattle or sheep. Before sound principles
are acknowledged, much blood must, we tear, yet
flow. A Wesleyan Methodist, who has addressed

a printed letter to Lord John Russell,' terms
his Lordship an infidel for not ascribing the
prosperity of England and the calamities of
France to Providence. Should the obstinacy
of the present King plunge the nation in
war, in this the writer would still see the finger of
Providence. Who knows that the obstinacy of the
King may not in reality be of more benefit to the
French nation at the present moment than wisdom
and moderation ? We are seldom enabled to judge
accurately of the future, for our views are partial
and obstructed. That the Royal Family of France
should, however, feel ularin is natural. Our Cor-
respondent says that the Datiphiness has "cautioned
the King--written to the King—implored the King
to take care of his Ministers—and pointing to the
white Marble Statue erecting in the Place Louis
XVI,, has said, Gouvernez legalement
The crisis approaches. All Europe are at present
interested in France. Humanity is deeply inte-
rested in the issue. The King, were he accessible
to prudence, would not provoke the combat. But
he is in the hands of the Priests, who consider it
necessary to make one great exertion at this moment
to secure their dominion over the consciences of the
multitude. To them the fate of the King and the
Royal family is a secondary consideration, compared
with the ascendancy f the Priesthood. Let us
hope, however, that the great Idol will be hewn
down. A King is but one individual, who occupies
but s brief space in history; but a Nation never
dies. Mr. Cobbett, in his Register of this day,
says, in a letter to Mr. O'Connell
" But the great object of all firr you to keep your eye on
is, that which is going on in France. In my opinion that
is the thing which is frightening so many men from their
seats in Parliament ! If the French people triumph, it is
impossible that this system can stand for two years. We
come back exactly to the system of 1792. .Englund call-
ing for reform, and the French setting the example ; with
this difference, that we have contracted a debt, and dead
weight, and poor-rates, demanding taxes to the amount of
forty millions a year to prevent the effect of that example,
and do dm French what they will, we have not now the
means of ()rine a pound of powder In anger l Strange
turn of events!"

And farther :—" However, you have the means of
ample vengeance in your hands; but, to take this ven-
geance, you must again be in Parliament. The times are
favourable, and every day will render them more favour-
able. Look at the sign, of the times, Lord Milton and
Manhall resigning Yorkshire, when no opposition of:
fered
Wortley'ref using Essex with no opposition :
Afenek the same for Reading ; resigninge all about fie
country, and that, too, on the part of men of great landed
estates, and on the toast trifling pretences. It really is the
old story of the Rats and the falling House. But, again,
only think at Hume for Middlesex, and supported by
loan-mongers and borough mongers I This is the thing
to look at. Then, to-day, we are told that Brougham is
to he offered fur the county of York l Why this is reve-
lation of itself. Sir William Rowley resigning, they say,
for Suffolk ; Palliner for Surrey, Curteis for Sussex ; and
the two Members for Nottingham. There realty seems
nothing wanting but the resigning of Old Daddy Oahe I
We shall have a set unknown in the country, that nobody'
will care any thing about personally t the cry will be for
retrenchment, and this, to any efficient extent, cannot
take place without bringing down the whole system."
We, too, have our obserVations to offer on this
subject ; but we will reserve them for u future day,
—Morning Chronicle.
It will be seen, from another part of our paper,
that his most grecious Majesty went in state yes-
terday, as we had previously announced, to the
House of Lords, for the purpose of giving his es.
sent to the different Bills which bad passed both
Houses of Parliament, and of proroguing it. The
crowd was immense, and the anxiety to see his Ma-
jesty was greater than has.been ever known on any
previous occasion of a similar kind.. The Park and
the streets were not only filled with a dense, and, in
many instances, almost impenetrable mass, but the
terraces, windows, and tops, of the houses presented
an assemblage of loyal and affectionate Nultjt cts,
which must have been extremely gratifying to his
Majesty, who, in addition, had the satiefaction of
being loudly cheered in his progress by all classes.
What, however, will be still more gratifying to our
readers is the fact, which we can personally attest,
that his Majesty appeared to be in excellent
health and spirits, lle looks, in fact, many years
younger than he really is, and, frequently us
we have seen him, we question much whether we
ever saw him look better than he did. yesterday.
He might, in fain, be safely set down, from personal
appearance, as only fifty-tive instead of sixty-five;
and the vague rumours which have, in vonseqnenee.,
been afloat for several weeks past, may be charac
terized as equally false and malicious. We hope
and trust that his Majesty will long Continue to en-
joy the excellent health which be appears to pos-
seas, as fully as at present; and that the popularity
which attends him every where, will I. as permit-
nem as it is just and well-founded. He has ascended
the throne under somewhat unfavourable auspices;
but if he continues to act as he has hitherto done,
we have no doubt that the drooping energies of the
country will revive, and that the weakness which
was exhibited in the conduct of its foreign relations
by the Government of the late King, will be ex-
changed for a character more becoming the honour
and interests of the great empire which William the
Fourth now rules.—.llforning Advertiser.

---"
his Majebty yesterday
The Speech delivered by
is,,in every respect, a most gracious Speech, and
worthy of the King of these realms. It communi-
cates, intleetl, no information respecting the state of
our l foreign relations; but it abounds with senti-
ments of great kindness, and breathes, from first to
last, a paternal anxiety for the welfare of the king•
dom, which cannot fail to make a deep and highly
favourable impression on his subjects. His Majesty
ensures us of tie peaceful relation* which subsist be-
tween this country and the other Powers of liurope—
expresses his hope that they will, for the benefit of
all, continue to exist—declares his resolution to fur-
ther every measure of public economy, es well as
his approbation of the reduction of taxes, and the
improvements in the 'awe of the country, which
have been effected by what may now be termed the
last Parliament; and finally concludes by praying his
subjects to lay aside all animosities Which may. have

Wll ITFICH A PHI.. HAY MA It K r.—July 42
H NI. to 105:. Od. I t lover ikl. to 1304. Od,

Straw,

DA,