The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-10 00:00:00

RUSSIA AND FRANCE.

The following is the full text of the Russian de-
spatch of which we have already given an analysis.
It is addressed to Baron de Budberg, the Russian
Ambassador at Paris

W
" St. Petersburg, July 30.
" I have this moment received your despatch of the 25th
July, and at once forward it to Finland, where it will be
laid before the Emperor. lam not, therefore, yet able to
inform your Excellency of the impression it may make on

our august master.
" I will not, however, delay communicating to you, by
the present courier, the observations which a hasty perusal
has suggested. These observations do not bear on the main
question, since we are as yet ignorant of conclusions to
which the French Government will come after consulting
wiih the Cabinets of London and Vienna.

" I will only dwell on the judgment which M. Drouyn de
Lhuys expressed in his conversation with you en the diffe-
rent points of our answer.

"I. The French Minister of Foreign Affairs, acknow-
ledges that we do not in principle reject the six points, bat
he differs in opinion as to the preliminary condition pro-
posed by us for their application. He thinks that their im-
mediate execution would hasten the pacification of the
kingdom, whereas, in the state of agitation now prevailing
there, it is impossible to foresee the moment when these le-
forms may be granted, M. Drouyn de Lbuys seems to
conclude that our answer implies a rejection under the
appearance of an adhesion in principle.
"It seems to us, Monsieur le Baron, that facts speak
clearly enough on this point. Most of the measures im-
plied in the six points have been granted by the Emperor.
Far from pacifying the kingdom, they became the starting-
point for armed insurrection. The agitators made use of
these reforms, and of the administrative autonomy which
they introduced, to raise revolt in the country. Their object
was perfectly evident : having conceived the hope of attain-
ing complete independence by the aid of foreign interven•
tion, they could not declare themselves satisfied with the
institutions, liberal, representative, and progressive, of
which the Government had laid the bases, On the con-
trary, they could regard the success of those reforms which
placed the Kingdom of Poland in the path of regular pro-
gress as the rule of their hopes : for that reason they made
the reforms the starting-point of an insurrection. Their
sentiments have undergone no change since the foreign
Powers have proposed these points. They have loudly
declared that they would never be satisfied by or lay down
their arms until they should have attained the end at
which they aim, which is the reconstitution of Poland as
it existed in 1772.

"If the Russian Cabinet did not repudiate from its
political traditions all bad faith and underhand proceed-
ings, it would perhaps have been good tact on its part to
have accepted the six points absolutely, in order to throw
on the insurgents the responsibility of rejecting them in
the eyes of the Powers proposing them. But we were not
disposed to regard so serious a matter as an opportunity
for a political mancetwre. We had invited the Cabinets
to a sincere exchange of ideas, and we thought them ani-
mated with an equal desire to come to an understanding on
a question which interests humanity and the public tran-
quillity.
" It was therefore with the utmost frankness that we di-
rected their attention to what wo considered an evident
truth—namely, that the six points proposed, and which in
principle did not diverge from the intentions of the Em-
peror, could not receive a practical application till after the
re-establishment of material order in the kingdom.
" 11. M. Drouyn de Lhuys has regarded as an accusation
against the French Government our assertion that the per
manently organised conspiracy abroad is the principal cause
of the present insurrection.
"No such intention was ever entertained by us. We
are persuaded that the French Government has seen these
intrigues with regret, and has not failed to perceive their
revolutionary character. But it is none the less true that
these intrigues exist in its despite, that Paris is one of their
principal centres, that they keep up the moral agitation of
the kingdom, and supply it with material resources. These
facts are so palpably evident that it would be useless to
feign ignorance of them.
" We were bound to mention them, in order to fix the
attention of the French Government and the associated
Cabinets on this essential side of the question. It was a
friendly appeal for their aid in view of an interest which
seemed to us common to all, on two grounds ; first, because
the prompt pacification of the kingdom of Poland, the ob-
ject of general desire, depended directly on the persistence
of these causes ; and, secondly, because the cosmopolite
revolutionary tendency which the Polish agitation as-
sumed more and more by the participation of the anarchi-
cal elements of all countries, gave it in our eyes the cha-
racter of a European danger.

" The Minister of Foreign Affairs disputes our view of
the Polish movement. He refuses to recognise it as pro.
duced by a turbulent minority and the intrigues of re.

fugees abroad ; he observes, on the one hand, that the
movement in the kingdom must be universal to have re-
sisted all the forces of the Russian Government, and, on
the other, that abroad there are not merely the intrigues of
refugees, but the openly expressed sympathies of public
opinion, assemblies, and nearly all Governments.
" The Polish movement presents, in our opinion, two
distinct aspects. In the country we do not deny that
there are germs of discontent, inherent in the nature of
things in a country which has not for gotten its forme
independence. It will always be easy to excite men's
hmiasndhselby
ithallesea
with. the
peopunealtrtieestrsacadriteieolnyarya
cesnetnurtiym.enntsa-
ri.nßg thatussia
period events abroad have constantly interfered
progress of assimilation necessary to °Mice historical di-
vergencies under the action of a powerful unity. There
is not perhaps a single State in Europe which, under
such conditions and in so short a space of time, would
have succeeded in founding political unity. We
shall not undertake to examine the different experiments
attempted. They have necessarily been affected by the
agitations of a deeply disturbed period. To remain on
practical ground, we shall only state that the Emperor our
assumedliberalmaster
reformsht
had e
initiative
destinediundertakenthehaiveotof thr eeeposantmcfe, tracesth
eThe
lessons o
measures f t h
oe f past
wexperi-
ence beyh
with the exigencies. of the time. His Majesty had
he had adopted, and those which his foresight had prepared,
differed bat little from the bases which the three Courts
have recommended as calculated to secure the pacification
of the kingdom. Why have £hese efforts remained fruit-
less, and only tended to accelerate the rising of the country?
" Here influence from without shows itself in the first
place, that of the emigrants who for the last 30 years openlY
conspire against the tranquillity of the kingdom, under
shelter of the protection which they have found in some;
States, and next political influences in which the
„ them-
hop
es of
the revolutionists in Poland have always attache"

selves.
buttPh political
little
t hadieal
Mtion of the
" However active and persevetrhinogjoc.tuthhioidnvaoeginfihr,:midf
emigrants may have been, they would
effect on the internal situation of
acheditedcaeT,a,heofnmusaLsotiearniael order-.
not derived the means of unlimited
influences. Every country has , that indis
The mass of the people is
all Pgr:PnieevrrtaLl; that essential element
which condition of
,ay rlsewhere. In proportion as it
ment might and still
which existed in Poland as c
would have applied, improved, and
_completed the institu-
tions prepared by the Emperor, and our
august
ml
mora educa-
tionaster's of the country, it
initiative developed the material interests an
might hope to see passions appeased,
irritating remotabrances effaced, and the kingdom habituate
itself to go on side by aide with Russia in a path of progress
which would certainly have been more favourable to its
welfare than the national hatred and the sanguinary con-
flicts into which the two countries have been driven. That
is precisely the result which the emigrants most feared, and
which would have deprived thorn of all their political im-
portance and all their hopes. That is why they have en-
deavoured at any cost to disturb that work of appeasement
and pacification, and why, in order to attain their object,
they have held up before the eyes of the Poles the hope of
a restoration of their independence by foreign intervention.
That is the true cause which has led to and kept up the
movement. Without that hope the emigrants might have
been able to cause some disturbances, but not an insurrec-
tion—the peaceable inhabitants would have rejected these
attempts—the masses would have remained hostile to them,
as to everything that disturbs them in their laborious exist-
ence—and that in fact is the picture which the agitation in
the kingdom has hitherto presented. If anything can dis-
simulate the character of that agitation in the eyes of the
classes who, by their nature and their interests, ought to
remain strangers to it, it is solely the mirage of sympathies
and of excitements of all kinds provoked from abroad, and
finally that of an intervention in favour of the complete
independence of Poland.
" The instigators of the movement have perfectly under-
stood this. It is neither for institutions more or less repre-
sentative and liberal that they have taken up arms and
raised the country; they have clearly and loudly declared
that their exclusive object was the reconstitution of Poland
within the limits of 1772, and they have constantly repre-
sented to their fellow-countrymen a foreign intervention