The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-19 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1830

they would be assisted by England under similar circum-
stances. On thi► account I separated myself from those
whose integrity I highly honoured, and whose sentiments
I strongly appreciated, because I thought that such con•
duct was dangerous. How, then, was Ito feel, when I
found that the Government itself was acting in this very
way.—(Hear, hear.) You must net talk to me Of
technical. ties, and subtleties, and distinctions, for we well
know that men act on general impressions alone; and I
hold dint sufficient has been done by the Government of
this country, to in ike men of other kingdoms believe that
they would support a Constitution. At all events, I
think that we are so far compromised, as to impose
upon your Lordships the duty of demanding from Go-
vernment an explanation of the whole course that
has been taken—of the whole line that has been pur-
sued—and of the whole measures that have been adopt-
ed. It is true, that papers on this subject have al-
ready been laid on the table of this House, in conse-
quince of the same having been laid on the Table of
the other House of Parliament, pursuant to the motion of
an Hon. and Learned Friend of mine there. That motion
was both specific and general, on an understanding with
the Minister that every paper not relating to pending en-
gagements, and not compromising existing interests,
should •be included. How far that engagement has been
fulfilled I shall leave to your Lordships' consideration ; but
I do think that a More partial or a more unsatisfactory ex-
position of a series of events was never presented to Parlia-
meot.—(Hcar, hear.)—The first part of these papers re-
lates to the bringing over of the Constitution by Sir C.
Stuart—the second to the Protocols of Vienna—the third
to the return of Don Miguel to Portugal ; and then came
two letters between the Marquis of Barbacena and the
Noble Lord, relitive to the assistance to be afforded to the
Queen; to which was added the correspondence between
the Noble Duke and the Marquis. With respect to the
first portion—the bringing over of the Constitution, it
appears to me that a great deal must have been emitted,
and that still more remains to be explained ; it is p irticu-
larly observable that the second letter of Mr. Canning is
very different from the first in tone, and the same remark
may be applied to the first two letters of Sir W. A'Court ;
but, as at least they do estahlish the main fact—that the
Constitution was recommended by- the British Government
—it is evident that we have in part been the cause of the
calamities produced, and 1, therefore, cannot but wish
that we were clear of all foreign States for these
purposes, more particularly as they may bias indivi-
duals in the discharge of their duty in those States.
or at least throw them open to suspicion. Let ethers,
my Lords, if they wish it, undertake such connections ;
but those who are in the service of Great Britain—let
them be content with the honours which the King and
Parliament can bestow upon them, and which they always
have bestowed with a liberality which with some has
received a worse denomination. It all this is to end in
the recognition of Portugal, and a Minister is to be sent
there, I hope at least it will not be one loaded with orders
and insignias, or one likely to be embarrassed in his con-
duct by friendship and relations with any foreign power ;
but that he will go there simply as the representative of the
King of Great Britain, and as such discharge the duties •
of his office. The next portion of the Papers consist of
the Protocols of Vienna, with which Don Miguel is
mixed : With respect to that person, it is not my wish to
use any strong or vehement language; there is enough in his
conduct on the face of the papers, and from the proceedings
of 18.24, to make it necessary for me to indulge in any
thing like contumely or invective : but there may be
circumstances attaching to the case of an unprotected
female, and with the way in which they have been looked at
not illustrative of the coolness of a Statesman, but of the
callousness of a man lost to the gentle claims that such a
cause should have upon him ; nor do I think that it is wor-
thy of the Minister of a great nation, or of a generous and
kind-hearted Sovereign, to have any part in such trans -
actions, even though they should have originated with those
who are the national guardians of that female. Your Lord-
ships are aware of the engagements which Dun Miguel en-
tered into at Vienna, though perhaps it may be said that
our Ambassador did not appear officially in the business;
but at all events, there is one circumstance which I want
to have explained. The letter from the Emperor of Brazil
to his Majesty, " implores his aid, not only to enable the
Regency to enter quickly on their functions, but also to
insure that the Constitution may become the Constitution
of the country.' To insure ! I can assure your Lordships
that I do not see how we are to escape from the force of
such an engagement; and yet after all the promises of Don
Miguel—after all the hopes he held out of supporting the
Constitution, and of granting an amnesty, no sooner did
he arrive in Portugal than he began a course of conduct
which should on the instant have told the Ministers that
he did not intend to keep one tittle of It's promises. Could
any one for a moment have doubted then that it was his in-
tention to overthrow the Constitution? And if so, why sub-
mit to such accumulation of insults ? Why not have with..
drawn the Ambassador sooner? Why have waited quietly
till the Usurper was crowned ? No, the right course was
to have taken a decided step at once, instead of encourag-
ing him by half-rebukes to go on.—(Hear, hear.)_
With respect to the proceedings which took place at Ter-
ceira, I should like to have the correspondence connected
with it, and all that relates to the transportation of the
Portuguese to and front this country. I say this because
the whole of the circumstances connected with that event
are looked at by me with much regret ; for even if what
was done by this country was in strict accordance with the
law of nations, never was there any thing so alien to
every generous feeling, so unlike and so unconnected from
every kind or hospitable treatment. The highest offices
in this country are open to every class of society, and
therefore it behoved those who were the responsible ad-
visers of the Crown to give the Government as much of a
civil and as little of a military character as possible—as
little of that rough and peremptory cast which belongs to
the mind of a mere soldier—characteristics which have
never been tolerated, much less perpetrated, in this country.
The acts of which I complain are contrary to the laws of
nations. In defence of them I know it will be contended
that we are not to make our ports the arsenals of
other countries, or of the members of any other com-
munity who may be engaged in a civil war; but here
was a case of seizure upon the high seas, as contrary to
the laws of nations as any act can possibly be ; and the
false papers of the ships, of which much will probably be
said, affected the question extremely little. I think, then,
I have said enough to satisfy your Lordships that this is a
case which entitles the House to call for the most ample
and complete information which could possibly be pro-
cured; far it is a case in which the conduct of his Ma-
jesty's Government has brought upon this country the
most unmitigated disgrace, unrelieved by one honourable
circumstance or one generous feeling. His Lordship con-
cluded by moving for copies of all correspondence between
the Government of this country and our Ambassador in
Portugal, from the year 1826 to the period his return—
copies of all communicatiens to or from Sir Frederick
Lamb, from the Ist of March, 1828, together with all
communications respecting the Queen of Portugal, and
generally all communisations respecting the affairs of Por-
tugal during the last four years.

The Earl of ABERDEEN.—If the intention of the
Noble Viscount is to follow up his present motion by an
impeachment of his Majesty's Ministers, I em perfectly
ready to acknowledge that a necessity might exist for the
production of all those papers ; but, f,ar the purposes of
mere information and explanation, I never remember such
a mass of documents demanded. It must be apparent to
the House that this motion is made without the slightest
reference to the public service, or to the practice of Parlia-
ment. The Noble Lord moves, amongst a variety of other
papers, for all the despatches addressed to Sir Frederick
Lamb subsequent to the Ist of March, 1828—that is,
during the whole of his mission; for he only arrived in
Portugal in the latter end of February. Again, he calls
for the whole of the communications of his Majesty's Go.-
vernment held with the Portuguese Ambassador subse-
quent to IB26—nothing less than the whole transactions
of this Government with Portugal during that period.
Surely such a quantity of official documents could never
be required for the ordinary purposes of informa-
tion. I would beg of the House to observe the situa-
tion in which this country at present stands with
reference to Portugal, and I would request your Lord-
ships also to observe that our relations with Portugal
have not been altered since papers were before laid upon
the table of this House, on this very subject of Portuguese
affairs, affording the fullest information that could be rea-
sonably required, up to that time when Ministers advised
the renewal of that intercourse which had been before sus-
pended. That information, I have every reason to believe,
was perfectly satisfactory to the House ; for be it observed,
that the papers then given were not relations made accord.

ing to the discretion of the Minister, but were complete
copies, supplied according to the heads of a motion made
in the House of Commons. As, then, it is well known that
no alteration has taken place in the relations in which the
two countries stand towards each other, I would subunit
that there now exista no necessity for further or more ex-
tended supply of papers. Before, however, I refer to those
documents more particularly, I wish to say a few words
upon a subject on which I am particularly desirous of not
being misrepresented. I am ready to say that Don Miguel
is false, treacherous, and perjured, ar d there is no possi-
bility of denying that he is cruel ; and, as cruelty is in
general the offspring of cowardice that he is cowardly
may also he admitted ; but I am by no means prepared to
assent to all that has been sail respecting hint. I am
persuaded that there is in the invectives poured out against
that personage much of exaggeration—so much so,
that the general truth of the greater part of them
I very much question—they are such as the mind
must revolt from believing. I would add to this obser-
vation, that we ought not to inquire too minutely into
the personal character of Princes, especially of the foreign
Princes, towards whom we desire to stand in amicable re-
lations. It is of little importance to us whether Don Mi-
guel be a Nero or a Titus. Our business is not with the
personal character of those who reign, hut with the public
interest of both countries. I mean the public interest
of both well understo els Now, my Lords, hating,_
made these few preliminary observations, I shall pass to
one other—it is, that the Portuguese are the best judges as
to who is or ought to be their reigning Prince. I rather.
imagine, then, that it will not be denied that a vast ma-
jority of the Portuguese nation decided that Dan Miguel
was entitled to the throne of their kingdom—that he was
no usurper, but the legitimate heir to their Throne; and
I think your Lordships will agree with me that from that
decision there is no valid appeal. I shall now call your
Lordships' attention to the history of this affair—Don
Pedro sent home a Constitution, with directions that it
be sworn to by the three Estates, and then promulgated.
The party in power could not comply with that direction
—they were afraid to assemble their three Estates, and
they were not assembled, and the Constitution was not
adopted and made known in the manner appointed.
Whether the Courts are or are not the legal tribunal
by which the right to the Portuguese throne is to be
determined, I will not take upon myself to determine.
But Don Miguel did assemble the Cortes in manner
and form, according to ancient usages ; and so as-
sembled, that body decided that he was the right-
ful he:r, and invested him with the powers of Sove-
reignty accordingly. To them he submitted his claim,
and by them that claim was accepted. It was a matter of
the most perfect notoriety, that that Cortes was one of the
most numerous and respectable assemblages of the State of
Portugal ever convened ; and, after their decision, and the
acquiescence in that decision by the nation at large, it is, I
conceive, not to be questioned by this or any other coon- '
try. I now come to the conduct ()Mon Miguel at Vienna,
and for that conduct there is no justification or excuse—it
is perfectly indefensible. He then entered into engage-
ments with his brother, with the Emperor of Austria, and
with his Majesty, of which, in his subsequent conduct, he
committed the grossest violation. That violation led to
the present situation of affairs between this country and
Portugal. The Noble Lord says, why did you not recal
your Ambassadors ? Does the Noble Viscount seriously
think that such a course on our part would have been pru-
dent ? Must not every man, on the contrary, at all ac-
quainted with the circumstance, and having the slightest
knowledge of the laws of nations, be fully satisfied that the
course pursued by our Ambassadors in Portugal was the
most just and the most expedient ? Ile began by offering
the strongest remonstrance against the proceeding in ques-
tion ; finding that that remonstrance was not attended by
any beneficial effects, lie suspended the intercourse with the
Court of Don Miguel ; and his third step was to leave the
country altogether. Now what more we could do short of
an absolute declaration of war, I confess I am quite
at a loss to discover. If the Noble Viscount, or
any Noble Lord, says we ought to have gone
further, I say he must mean that we should base
had recourse to actual hostility—he must mean that
we should have used force for the purpose of carrying
our own particular notions respecting the Government of a
foreign State into practical operation.—(Hear.)—lf the
Noble Viscount will take the trouble to look over the
papers, he will see the answer returned to the Marquis
Barbacena when he applied for succour ; and I sin per-
suaded that no Noble Lord who looks at it will hesitate to
acknowledge that it was the only answer which, consider-
ing our duty as a neutral State, it was in our power to give.
The Marquis, in urging the claims of those whom lie re-
presented, suggested, that though existing treaties might
not authorise us in giving the aid which he required, yet
that we ought to enter into such new treaties as might be
necessary for that purpose. Fortunately, his Majesty's
Government haul not thought proper to accede to that pro-
position. If they had, war would have been the inevitable
consequence, and the whole burden of that war would have
devolved upon this country ; and not only should we have
had to bear the whole expense, but we should have been
compelled to wage the war singly—we to wage it singly,
who were interested only incidentally ! For the execution
of engagements which Don Miguel entered into at Vienna,
we gave no guarantee—fortunately 14 ourselves, we did
not give any such guarantee; we should, had we made it,
have been involved in a war, but I have much satisfaction
in reflecting that the Protocol contains no such stipulation,
nothing approaching to it. I learn from the public news-
papers-1 profess, on this point, to have no other sources
of information—that the Brazilian Government not only
avoided all cause of hostility with Portugal on this matter,
but manifested considerable uneasiness under any imputa-
tions of the sort. How exceedingly uncalled for, then,
would our interferences have been, had we done that which
the dominions of Don Pedro himself had refrained from
doing. I learn from the newspapers, that in April, 1829.,
one of the Deputies in the Brazilian Chamber reproached
the Government with interfering in the affairs of Portugal
—for Brazil is as much at peace with Portugal as wa are.
The Brazilian Minister, on hearing this accusation, asks on
what ground the Illustrious Deputy accused the Govern-
ment of that interference, and calls upon him to prove from
documents the truth of his assertions. Far from wishing to
interfere with the domestic arrangsments of Portugal, the
Brazilian Government did all in their power, and with all
the promptitude which the case permitted, to reprobate the
acts done by their Ministers inn Europe, whenever such
acts bore the character of interference ; but owing to the
distance from Europe, it became impossible for their
communications on the subject to have reached their
Ambassador in London ; for example, time enough to
avert the evil which they so much deprecated. Now
the House would see, that had we been guilty of
the imprudence of interfering in this matter, we should
have plunged ourselves into difficulties, and found our-
selves alone in them ; but the course we pursued was
not to sanction any act of aggression, and we now are
enabled to reap the fruits of our prudence. The Noble
Viscounti professes to give a statement of facts—as he ex-
presses t, a simple statement of facts—l say nothing can
be more opposed to the facts than the statement which he
gives; for if there be one thing more certain than another
it is this, that Mr. Canning did all in his power to dis-
countenance any interference on the part of this country
with the domestic concerns of Portugal. I know I shall
be told that Sir Charles Stuart was the bearer of the Con-
stitution from the Emperor of Brazil to Portugal, but be
it remembered that he was only the carrier of it—nothing
more; and immediately upon its being made known
that he was the bearer of it, Mr. Cunning wrote cirs
cular letters to every Court in Europe that Sir Charles
Stuart brought that document upon his own indivi-
dual responsibility, and not at all in consequence of
any authority from the British Government. And
again, when the British army was sent into Portugal,
nothing could be more explicit than the declaration
that they were sent solely for the purpose of resisting
foreign aggression, and not at all to force upon the people
of Portugal any peculiar form of Government. It was
said that we ought to have supported the Constitution
sent home by Don Pedro, as a British Constitution. It
mi ht be a very liberally intended Constitution, but it
could scarcely be considered a British, seeing that it was
concocted within the brain of Don Pedro probably within
the short space of one week—and, therefore, however well
intended, must be imperfect in its execution; yet I admit
that these Portuguese who supported it might have been
led to do so from the partiality which this country might
naturally be supposed to entertain for it, and from an
opinion that they were acting in conformity with the
wish, at least, of the British Government. Inasmuch as
they had been affected by those considerations, and suffered
in consequence, although I feel roost unwilling to interfere

in the internal affairs of Portugal, or of any other nation,
yt t, in my opinion, it ought to lie with the utmost possible
reluctance that any persons should think of renewing our
relations with Portugal, unless those unhappy persons
were placed on a footing of perfect security.—(hear.)--
There is one other topic to which I should. now desire to
advert, which is, that we have nothing to do with the per-
sonal character of the reigning Monarch of the State with
which we may be in amicable intercourse. The periods of
our closest intimacy with Portugal were not during the reigns
of its most amiable Monarchs ; and, no doubt, when the
proper time comes for the recognition of the Power es-
tablished in Portugal by this country, our relations with
her will be placed upon as cordial a footing as ever. I
shall now proceed to consider the affair of Terceira, and I
(lo think, that if it be fairly and impartially considered,
it will be felt that the course we took was that which was
dictated by a sense of duty, and founded upon jest views
of the subject. In a few words I shall endeavour to give
a simple narrative of the occurrences as they took place.
After the expedition to Portugal by some natives of that
country, on which occasion they retired without striking
a blow, and went into Spain, where they certainly were re-
ceived, but where they were informed that they must quit the
country within a month, which was impossible ; we, on
their behalf, .intreated the Spanish Government to extend
the period, and give them further facilities in obtaining an
asylum ; many of them came to this country : three thou-
sand
of theni arrived in Plymouth. The Brazilian Mini-
ster applied for a convoy for those troops to the Azores : to
that we answered, that we had no knowledge of any Portu-
guese troops in England, that the natives of Portugal, in this
country, were here as individuals, not as an army, and that
we could not afford them any convoy whatever, either in a
military capacity or otherwise. Upon that we found it neces-
sary to direct their removal, in appointed numbers, from
Plymouth to several towns in the interior. We could
not send a convoy to the Azores ; we had no right to pro-
tect them upon the high seas ; our right to protect them
from Don Miguel was confinedwithin the limits of England.
The affair at Terceira followed upon these events, but
there could not in any part of these transactions be the
slightest doubt that the course of policy adopted by the
English Government was that which prudence and
honour dictated. Vattel, speaking of die duties of neutral
States, says that members of a community concerned in a
civil war proceeding to a foreign country, may be allowed
an asylum ; but the State receiving them is at liberty to
require that they continue their march as soon as they may
get beyond the frontier of the country which they have
entered. It was in vain that they would talk of the
conduct of those Portuguese being such as would entitle
them to the protection of neutrals, after their false pipers
and false clearances. To these we could not shut our
eyes. They went to Terceira ; and we were told that
they were nothing more than the subjects of the Queen
of Portugal, seeking an asylum in her dominions ; when
the fact was. that out of the 600, 300 were Danes and
Germans. On looking at the steps taken by the Brazilian
agents and these troops, it is not surprising if the lan
guage of his Noble Fro nil at the head of the Treasury
was stronger than suited the taste of the Noble Lords on
the other side. But whatever might be thought of that
language, I say that the conduct of these parties was such
as not only to justify us in our interference, but to render
that interference necessary. How were these troops main-
tained and paid ? Your Lordships, are, perhaps, not aware
that they were maintained and paid by English money—
by the money which had been sent to England to pay the
Dividends on the Portuguese Loan due to English credi-
tors. This money was intercepted by the Brazilian agents,
and for what purpose ? For a purpose which the Bra-
zilian Government not only disapproved but affected
at least to reprobate—that is an interference by the
Brazilian Government io the affairs of Portugal.—
For this conduct the Brazilian Minister blamed
their agents in this country, but such, however,
was the conduct of the Brazilian agents in this
country, and most extraordinary conduct it was under the
circumstances. I, too, may perhaps be allowed to advert
to a passage which appeared in the newspapers, purporting
to be an account of a debate in the Brazilian Chamber of
Deputies. One of the Deputies inquired what had been
done with the money which had been sent to England to
pay the dividends on the Portuguese loan? The answer
of one of the Ministers was, that the usurpation in Por-
tugal did not put an end to the obligations of the nation to
pay the public creditors, and that as there was no autho-
rised Portuguese agent then in London to distribute the
money, orders had been given to deposit in the Bank of
England for security. But the Government of this country
had certainly given no such order, and they were not aware
any such order had been given by any authority ; and the
money, instead of being deposited in the Bank for the pay-
ment of the dividends, was diverted to another purpose. The
whole transaction on the part of the Brazilian agents, is a
remarkable instance of bad faith to their own Government,
and a avant of faith, and even of decency, to ours. Was
it to be endured that these troops should remain embodied
at one place, and depart from our ports in a manner con-
trary to the express injunctions of his Majesty? That
surely is a proposition which cannot be maintained. The
principle on which the British Government had acted,
with respect to Portuguese affairs at the present crisis, was
that of the strictest neutrality; and as long as the present
relations between this country and Portugal shall continue
on that principle, the Ministers will continue so to act. We
have acted with the most scrupulous neutrality between
the existing Government in Portugal and their op-
ponents ; and of the two Governments, I think that
the Government of Portugal has as much, if not
more reason, to complain on that point than the other
party. Besides, our obligations tinder the law of na-
tions, and our commercial Treaty with Portugal, forbad
our interference. But in every step which w• took we
acted from our own sense of duty alone, and not from any
importunity on the part of the existing Government of
Portugal. When, however, a Portuguese Regency, as
they called themselves, existed in London, constituted by I
know not what authority, it becomes us to be careful, and
to act with caution, so that no reasonable grounds shall be
given for saying that our neutrality is not real, but pre.
tended. I don't know that it is necessary for me to
make any further comment on the speech of the Noble
Viscount. As long as our relations with Portugal re-
main as they are, so long must eve continue our neutrality.
Sufficient information has been laid on your Lordships'
table to show what our present relations with Portugal
are; and if any change should take place, of course addi-
tional information will be given.

- -
Lord GODERICH.—I perfectly agree with my Noble
Friend, the Secretary of State, that we had no share in
that Constitution which was given to the Portuguese na-
tion, and that it was entirely the work of the Emperor of
the Brazils. No wish on the part of the Government of
this country bad even been conveyed to him on the subject;
and that the abdication of the Crown of Portugal was ac-
companied with this Constitution, was a matter emanating
purely from his own will, or at least was unconnected
with any interference of onrs. It was certainly admitted
and agreed, on the part of this country and of all tl e
rest of the Powers of Europe, that it was expedient
and even necessary that, under the circumstances, a se-
paration should take place between the Brazils and
Portugal ; and that impression was intimated both to
Don John, the King of Portugal (then alive), and to Don
Pedro, and Sir Charles Stuart was sent on a special mis-
sion to Portugal on that subject, and the King of Portugal
acquiesced in the propriety of the measure, and desired Sir
C. Stuart to proceed forthwith to the Brazils to submit
the propostion to Don Pedro. While he was on his way
Don John died, and then Sir C. f,tuart was placed in a
very peculiar situation, being on a mission ft-am the King
of Portugal to the King of Portugal. lion Pedro, how-
ever, agreed to the proposition ; and thought it proper
that the abdication should be accompanied with this Con-
stitution, which was entirely his own work ; and Sir C.
Stuart had nothing further to do with it than the carrying
it to Portugal. When intelligence of the circumstance
reached England, Mr. Canning, on the 24th July, 1826,
wrote to Sir C. Stuart in these terms Everything of
what your Excellency brings from Rio de Janeiro to Lis-
bon will be precisely what the Portuguese Government and
nation are prepared to expect, except the Charter of a Con-
stitution." To be sure, Mr. Canning, in the same letter,
(lid intimate that the Emperor of Brazils had adopted the
mast proper course that, under the circumstances, was open
to him; but this he did in the most cautious manner. "what-
ever (he says) may be, o❑ the whole, the preferable choice
between the respective merits of the two modes of settle-
ment which were at the Emperor's option, that of a Con-
vocation of the Cortes, or that of Constitutional Charter,
it is not to be denied that there is much weight in the re-
mark of his Imperial Majesty, that the convocation of an
Assembly that has been so long dismissed might, from its

very composition and modes of procredine, I r lielrie to
tloubts, and more likely lend t) the st rsing of dahnolt,
questions, an I to the excitement of excessive popular
claims ; more likely, in short (in the Emperor's own
words,) to degenerate into a constituent assembly, than 4
new code, defining at once the riLthts and (twits of all
'ranks and orders of the State, and prescribing the kr tro4
of their deliberations and the limits of their rev, ctiee
powers." But theta he adds, that "in ord r that we may
ineulezre with more effect on other Governments the duty
.of abstaining from any interference with the free alien
of Portugal, it is particularly expedient to remove alt
grounds of jealousy as to the exertion of British influ-
ence on so momentous an occasion. Far this reason,
while his. Majesty entirely approves of your Excellency's
having consented (under the peculiar circumstances of
')our situation in Brazil) to be the bearer of the Em-
Peror's Decrees from Rio de Janiero tea Lisbon, I am to
:signi:y to you his Majesty's pleasure, that so soon as you
'shall have delivered these several instruments into the
proper hands, arid shall have rendered an account to the
Pertuguese Ministry of the mission with which your Excel-
lency was charged by his most Faithful Majesty to the
Emperor of Brazil, your Excellency will take leave of the
Infanta Regent, and return home." And in a letter of
the same date, Mr. Canning writes to Sir Wm. A'Court
in these words :—" There is nothing in Sir Charles
Stuart's despatches t o countenance the gloss which it has
been attempted to put on Sir Charles Stoat t's consent to he
the bearer of the Emperor's Decrees to Lisbon. The in.
struction to Sir Charles Stuart to return home as soon as
he shaq have delivered, &c. cannot be mistaken." On the
lith of July, 1826, Mr. Canning writes to Sir William
A'Court in these terms :—" It appears to us, on the
whole,!that the best chance of a safe and tranquil issue
to the presentextraordinary crisis in Portugal will be fonrui
its an acceptance (as immediate as may be suitable to the
importance of the measure) of the Charter of Don Pedro,
coupled as it is with his abdication of the Throne. Any
other course must, as it appears to us, be full of danger; but
if, nevertheless, another course shall be pursued, we shell net
be the less anxious fur its peaceable and happy issue than
it were one which we had oureAves advised." This was pru-
dently considered, and cautiously expressed, and the whole
of Mr. Canning 4 letters on the subject amounted to a de-
monstration that we were anxious to 'avoid even the ap-
pearance of interference in the matter. Mr. Canning gave
no opinion in the abstract on the merits of the Constitu-
tion, but merely said that he thought it best diet the ab-
dication and the Constitutton should be accepted together
so that no responsibility attached to this country on ac-
count of that Constitution. Then, with respect to the
troops sent to Portugal during the Ministry of Mr. Can-
ning, that transaction had no reference whatever to any
particular form of Government. On the contrary, the
Commander was distinctly directed to steer clear between
the parties, and to attend only to the object for which he
was sent, viz., the protection of the country from foreign
aggression : and nothing was done to make the British
Government responsible for any change of Government
that might occur.—(Hear, hear, from the Duke of Wel-
lington. )—As to the conduct of Don Miguel, Iris Noble
Friend hail spoken of it in terms not very flattering to that
individual ; and he found no fault with the language which
Ire had adopted, because he believed the charges to he
true. But he admitted that a foreign country had
nothing to do with the personal conduct of Miguel, ex-
cept in as far as it affected the interests of that country.
A word now as to the affair of Terceira. When his
Noble Friend had laid these papers on the table last year,
lie expressed his confident belief that when duly considered
they would not only remove all doubts as to the expediency
of the conduct of Government in the circumstances in
which they were placed, but by the force of reasoning
would compel an approbation of the course which the Mi-
nisters had adopted. He had read the papers with the
greatest attention, and with an anxiety to find them calcu-
lated to resnove every unfavourable impression from his
mind, but he was sorry to say that the most careful pe-
rusal of them did not lead him to approve the conduct of
Government with reference to tire transaction in question-
-(clear, hear, from Lord Holland.)—The first transac-
tion with respect to this nutter was an application on the
part of Itabeyana to be allowed to export arms, and this
was acquiesced in on the condition that they were not to be
employed in the Portuguese civil war. The Noble Duke
appeared to have considered that the Brazilian Minister
was pledged by this not to export them to Terceira, but the
words of that Minister could not bear that construction.
But why did the Brazilian Minister ask leave to ex -
port arms from this country? He might have done se
freely, and the Governm nt had no power to prevent him.
There was only an Order in Council on the subject at the
time, and the object of that was to prevent the exporta-
tion of arms to tine coast of Africa, for the purposes of the
Slave Trade. The Government had no power to prevent
the exportation of arms to Brazil or to the Azores. Sup-
pose any agent of Don Miguel lord proposed to export arms
trom this country to Portugal, the Ministry could not
prevent it; and where, then, was the neutrality of inter-
fering to prevent the exportation of arms to Terceira?--
(Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lord then alluded to the cor-
respondence between the Duke of Wellington and the 'Mar-
quis de Barbacena on the subject of a convoy to the expe-
dition, and that between the Duke and the Marquis Pal-
melte on the subject of the dispersion of the Portuguese
troops, and observed that he did not find fault with the
Government with reference to these particulars, but he
maintained that the Government had ;to right to prevent
the troops from going to Terceira. The Noble Duke, its
his letter to the Marquis Palmella, dated 23d December,
1828, appeared to take it for granted, that the expedition
was in the nature of a hostile attack, but it was not so.
It was, in point of fact, exactly the reverse. It was not
attack but defence that was its object. The Marquis Pal-
mella, in his letter to the Noble Duke, dated the 28th
December, 1828, makes use of these words—" I venture
to hope, that according to the very terms of your Excel-
lency's letter, the measure, taken to prevent the landing on
any part of the Portuguese territory of an expedition bear-
ing an hostile character cannot be applied in the present
case ;" and the Marquis de Barbacena, in his letter of the
15th of October, of the same year, says, " line Secretary
of the Government of the Island of the Azores has just
arrived in London, authorised to demand, with the greatest
urgency, the immediate dispatch of a part of the faithful
Portuguese troops which are now in England, and whose
presence in the above-mentioned islands would insure their
defence as well as their tranquillity, under the Government
of their legitimate Sovereign, against the attacks with
which they are menaced (so that here was no intention to
attack, but a purpose to repel an attack which was
threatened) by the illegitimate Government established in
Portugal." And he further states—" lam persuaded that
these succours, when once landed, will be sufficient to put
that Island out of danger (still defence and not attack) ;"
and then, to obviate all objection, he says " the succours
in question not to be landed at Terceira, in the unfor-
tunate event of that island having fallen under the aggres-
sion with which it is threatened." There is no question of
a hostile undertaking, but simply a measure of defence
dictated by the feeling of that strict obligation which is
imposed on every Sovereign to protect his subjects.—
In all this there was nothing of a hostile character, but
every thing referred to a measure of defence. The Noble
Duke, in Iris letter to the Marquis of Palmella, dated the
30th December, 1828, says, " The Azores are part of tire
dominions of Portugal, and we know that a civil war is
now carried on in these islands, particularly in that very
island, Terceira. His Majesty is neutral in this contest,
and he cannot permit a body of troops, respecting whom
he thought proper to give orders that they should remove
from Plymouth, to go to Terceira from any port of his
dominions. There can be no doubt in the mind of any
man who is acquainted with the circumstances as to the
object in view in sending these troops to Terceira, and I
repeat to yon that they will not be allowed to land there."
To this the Marquis de Palmella answers, " The last in-
telligence which I have received from Terceira is of the
I Stir Dec., and at that time there was no civil war in the
island, as your Excellency supposes, and it was entirely
under the dominion of the Government which governs it
in the name of her Majesty Queen Maria the Second." In
another part of the correspondence the Noble Duke says
that they might go as individuals, but could not be per-
witted to go as troops. Now, he contended that they
did go as individuals. They went unarmed, and what
more could be required ? The Noble Duke surely did not
mindt:t
expect that these six hundred men were to go in six
hundred ships ! Suppose they went by fifties in a ship,
would that be going as individuals? It appeared that those
could
who acted under the orders of the Government did not so
consider it, fur Captain Walpole made it a matter of boast
that he had intercepted a ship with only fifty individuals on
board. On reading the whole of this correspondence, he
not heir
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if neutrality
conclusionatt iaeteliiinirea
pre-
venting G-
overnment
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rihadg actedihi
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for
at that time Terceira was in the peaceable possession of the
friends and supporters of their legitimate Sovereign,
Maria da Gloria. The Noble Duke had so right even
to prevent the export of arms to that place. if the
Azores were in Europe, as modern geographers heel
generally placed it, then the Ministers had no right to
prevent the export of arms to this Island, for then; was
no order in Council to authorise their interference. But,
then, said the Ministers, the Azores were part sit the
dominions of Portugal ; and, therefore, we had a rig,t
Lto prevent the exportation of 'nuns to the, place. But If
they could not prevent the exportation of arms to l'urtu-