The Sun.
London, England, 1837-11-02 00:00:00

" THE SUN"

FOR THE
BEST AND EARLIEST
INFORMATION
ON ALL IMPORTANT MATTERS.
WE SAY-T II EY WILL NOT BE
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REFER TO THE PAST AS A
PLEDGE FOR THE FUT URE.

"THE SUN"
OF

THURSDAY, NINTH OF NOVEMBER,

WILL GIVE A VERY
FULL ACCOUNT
OF THE

ROYAL PROCESSION,

FESTIVITY, &c. ON
LORD MAYOR'S DAY,
SO AS TO REACH ALL PARTS OF
ENGLAND ON THE FOLLOWING
MORNING, AND SCOTLAND AND
IRELAND THE NEXT.
N.B.—EARLY ORDERS SHOULD BE GIVEN.

.
The pubhcation of Tuft Sus NEWSPAPER commenced this day
af 20 minutes past Three tf Clock.

LONDON :
THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 2, 1837.

" That, impressed with the most lively gratitude to the
Earl of Mulgrave for his firm, manly, humane, and per-
fectly impartial administration of the government in Ire-
land, and reposing unlimited confidence in the sincere and
unequivocal disposition of her Majesty's present ministers
to do justice to Ireland by placing her on a footing of
equality with England and Scotland ; but above all, and be-
fore all, filled with most respectful and dutiful gratitude to
her most Gracious Majesty for the enlightened and patriotic
policy which has distinguished the commencement of her
auspicious reign, we do, under these circumstances, deem it
a proof of our confidence in the existing administration to
declare that this Association is dissolved, devolving the car-
ryina out of its purposes into full effect on the Irish popular
members, in aid and support of the Queen's government."

We cannot too highly applaud the generous and
forbearing spirit that has prompted the above resolu-
tion. Moreover, it is putting the question on its
highest vantage-ground ; narrows the range of Sir
ROBERT PEEL'S declamation ; and deprives Lord
LYNDIIURST of the opportunity of again twitting the
Irish with being " aliens." How can the House of
Lords persist in refusing " equal justice" to a country
which shows herself so well qualified to enjoy its bless-
ings ? She has it still in her power to alarm. She prefers
rather to conciliate. Her National Association can still
do what her Catholic Association has already done
—namely, compel England to concede to her just
claims; but she voluntarily throws aside this formidable
weapon, trusting,in the magnanimity of her nature, that
she will be able to gain her rights without having recourse
to it. But this, as Mr. O'CONNELL properly observes,
is the last experiment of the sort that Ireland will ever
make. " Should our grievances," says he, " continue,
and our redresses be refused, the Association shall
again spring into existence ; it only slumbers ; it does
not sleep, nor is the spirit which convoked it extinct.
I make this experiment as my last. I know not how
long it may p!ease my Maker to leave me here be-
low ; and how soon I may be called to the great
account of a future life. But while here on
earth, I feel it my duty—my duty as a man
and as a Christian—to exert my every energy to raise
my country to the dignity of a nation." Mr. O'CoN-
N ELL need not entertain the slightest doubt of the re-
sult of his experiment. It will be effective in those
quarters where it is most necessary that it should be
so, and become the prompt means of placing Ireland on
an equal footing with the rest of the kingdom.

Mr. O'CONNELL has acted with consummate dis-
cretion and foresight in proposing the dissolution of
the Irish National Association. By so doing, he has
deprived the Tory faction of one of their favourite ar-
guments ; for they never ceased to urge, what they
were pleased to call, the dictatorial and unconstitu-
tional agitation of Ireland, as an unanswerable reason
for their refusal to concede such reforms as would, in
their opinion, have a tendency to increase that agita-
tion. This reason they can urge no longer, and
henceforth must have recourse to some other sophistry.
Mr. O'CONNELL is resolved that his countrymen
shall not furnish the Tories with a single peg to hang
a slander on. They shall still maintain a command-
ing attitude ; still keep up a vigilant watch ; but
while they do this, they shall at the same time be
calm and peaceful ; and, above all, show a proper con-
fidence in the disposition of the British Legislature
towards them. This is high ground to t&ke, and will,
we are persuaded, be attended with the most beneficial
results. Nothing, in fact, can be more forbear-
ing—we may even say magnanimous—than the
present conduct of Ireland. " We have often
been duped," is her language, « by our foolish
habit of trusting to the professions of English
legislators ; where we had expected to meet with
friends, we have found enemies, and would, con-
sequently, be justified in still entertaining extreme sus-
picion ; but we will not do so ; we will place faith in
the good intentions of the English Government, and
of the -English people who maintain them at their
posts ; and even go so far as to dissolve our National
Association, which is almost the only engine of power
we have left us. This.sacrifice—despite experience which
should teach us to act differently—we will unhesitatingly
make, in the firm conviction that it will be appre-
ciated as it deserves to be." And Ireland is right in
her conviction. Her conduct zed/ be appreciated.
The Court will estimate it at its full worth—so
will Ministers—and so n ill the vast majority of en-
lightened Englishmen. As regards the Tories, be-

The following announcement of the triumph of the
Reform cause in the Liverpool Municipal Electicns,
has been received by espies. Here is more reaction
fur the coml'ort of the Conservative, alias 'fury,
faction :

Liverpool, Nov. 1, 1837.
The cause of Reform and Liberal Education has
triumphed.
The Reformers have won 11 or 12 Wards out of 16—
(one is doubtful.)
Tito Tories did their w most to throw out Mr. Rathbonr,
but he came in by a majority of 57.
This result shows thzt we lost the Parliamentary election
and our tried friend Mr. Evart through the corrupt " Old
Freemen."

We have learned with surprise that a section of the
mercantile inhabitants of Manchester arc taking mea-
sures for opposing the laying down of the Railway
between Sheffield and Manchester, after upwards of
30,0001. have been spent-in obtaining the sanction of
Parliament for, the establishment of such a line of com-
mercial communication. The fact is so extraordinary—
so unprecedentedly narrow-minded and selfish—that we
would not have credited it, had it not been avowed by
some gentlemen at a meeting of the Shareholders last
week, the proceedings of which are reported at great
length in the Sheichl Chronicle of Saturday. The
chair on that occasion was filled by Lord WHARN-
CLIFFE, who notwithstanding his Tory politics,
took an enlarged, manly, and statesmanlike view of
the principle of Railways generally, and very ably
defended the right of the people of Sheffield to
equal facilities of commercial intercourse with the in-
habitants of Manchester, Leeds, and Liverpool.
Having paid a just tribute to the zeal and disinterest-
edness of the Provisional Committee, his Lordship
entered very fully into the question of the necessity
for such a line of road, and proved that if it were not
established, the trade of Sheffield would be completely
destroyed. He next took a survey of the proposed
line, and proved, from the reports of able and compe-
tent engineers, that it presented no difficulty half so
great as those overcome by the Directors of the Great
Western Railway. An extract from his Lordship's
speech will place the question of the importance of
such a line of road in the clearest light :

" Now, the first object of our project, as it is of all si-
milar ones, is to construct a railway useful to our mer-
chants and to our manufacturers. We seek to render
our communication with Liverpool a more expeditious,
certain, and less circuitous one than by canal. And by
these means we do most materially facilitate the transmis-
sion of goods to our port of embarkation for America, and
secondly supply coals to our manufactories in the vicinage.
And now, when I speak of the comparison of railroads with
canal conveyance, permit me to say that not the only loss
incurred by the latter transit is the absolute loss of time,
but the expense saved by the goods being so much sooner at
market, which must be a great object, worthy the considera-
tion of the inhabitants of Sheffield. We all know that a
supply of coal td such a vast town as Manchester would
be enormous. And the greater the supply, as a matter of
course, the more would the manufactures of that vast town
thrive, and so both towns would receive an impetus in their
commerce. We should thus supply that mineral to Man-
chester, and to Manchester alone, for around it is an im-
mense population, of a manufacturing description, who con-
sume an immense quantity of coals, and where the demand
is daily increasing. Many of these places ,are along the line
of the contemplated railway, and the coals sent by this line
must reach those places at a much cheaper rate than by any
other mode. I must now also beg you to look more distinctly at
the line we traversed : look at the rising town of Glossop, and I
must say in this we exceed in advantage the line of communica-
tion from Manchester to Liverpool, which has no intermediate
town of a similar description. Now we know, Gentlemen,
that Glossop must be benefitted, and must benefit us be-
cause it has the same wants and the same facilities as we
have. I would also direct your attention to the interme-
diate country of Ashton-under-Lyne, and Staley Bridge,
and you know well their importance. Let us come to this
side of the hills then, Gentlemen, and I have no doubt
whatever that this Railway will amply remunerate the share-
holders. I have no doubt whatever, Gentlemen, that if this
railway be put into execution, the country about Penis-
tone and the neighbourhood, having the advantage of coals,
will be covered with manufactories. Make them a rail-
way, and they will soon send their coals here, for they can-
not then have a monopoly in coals."

The project, however, was opposed by a clique of
shareholders interested in keeping Sheffield out of a
market now open to most of the great commercial
towns throughout. England. This we believe to be
the real fact of the matter, however they may gloss
over their hostility, by feigning a discovery of insur-
mountable difficulties invisible to all eyes but their own.
This is so well urged by our able Contemporary, the
Sheffield Chronicle, that we cannot do better than
quote his observations :
" One would have imagined that any practicable plan de-
vised for uniting such vast masses of wealth and population,
as the towns of Manchester and Sheffield, would have com-
manded the attention, and, if at all feasible, have ensured
the support of the inhabitants of both towns, and of all
the districts through which such a combination was to
pass. And, indeed, when the plan was yet in its bloom,
it was seized with avidity by capitalists in both towns,
and the shares were soon subscribed for ; but no sooner
do the Manchester people find other modes of extend-
'nng their commerce, per railway, to other manufactur-
iin an
towns,
'insta thaninstant
the popularity they turn
of thetheii schemebacicsu withersponSheffi.
el d,
Then,nd
for the first time, they pretend to open their eyes, and
behold, to their horror,
difficulties have We should like to ask these. gentlemen, if these great en-
gineeringin a night ? How
(dive shareholders did not
is it that these spirited and
besene'c'eeuaffitec.etneinecriug difficulties.

lieving, as we do, that it is not in their nature to

cgiiigkliielll...o7elierous course of policy, we
have not
/*e 'ilglite.4t li4e that it will make tlie fitting impres-
sion. on them, orAliduce them to mitigate( the rancour
Aii-of their hostility toyards every thing Irish ; but this is

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1837

trust that Lord PALMERSTON Will take the earliest
opportunity of disavowing in Parliament any inter-
ference, directly or indirectly, in favour of the Charter.
He may rest assured that there is a very strong feel-
ing among the Constitutionalists that on this score the
British Government is not altogether free of blame.

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(on altu.