The Sun.
London, England, 1830-11-08 00:00:00

,eutatives to inquire, whether there is not more of stale
-rick, than of real danger, in the matter?--Atorning
vertigo.

It has long been our painful duty to apprite the public
the dark and seditious, not to say deeply rebellious pro•
ieets of the Waimea fraction by whom the peace of the
,ountry and the very existence of social order and do-
meanie security have been so seriously menaced. We
have frequently called their attention to the inflammatory
harangues of low demagogues, delivered at public meet-
tinge, in the open face of day, exciting the populace to
lets of outrage and rebellion, on the first favourable op-
portunity that should occur fur the accomplishment of
their diabolical purposes; nor Were .We without the most
serious apprehemions that their Majesties' intended visit to
the city would be ermeidered by them u an occasion aus-
picious to their infamous designs. That our fearful prog-
nostics in this respect were neither visionary or unfounded
will be sufficiently seen by the, official communicition,
which so far bear us out ita all our anticipations as to
prove the necesnity felt by his Majesty's Ministers to ad-
vise hies m postpone his intended visit to the city r-
-2/foratiny Post,.
The general belief is that the tenure of Ministers is inse-
cure. His Majesty, it is supposed, did not wish to with-
draw his confidence from Ministers whom he believed to
he popular with the nation. But the late coquetting of
the Duke of Wellington, first with the Reformers and then
with the Ultra-Tories—and the disgust with which the
declaration of hia Grace respecting Reform has been every
where received—have materially changed the aspect 01
things. It has been observed too, that a certain Journal
has been lately a very lukewarm advocate of his Grace.—
As to coquetting with the Reformers, it is believed that
the report of his intention to give a partial Reform, was
thrown out to frighten the Times. He may not have
committed himself, but it must have been first thrown out
with his cognizance.--'Maiming hronicle.
An article in the Court Journal, and which bus been
copied Into the Courier, states that the conferences rela-
tive to the Netherlands have commenced at the Foreign-
office ; and that the Innis upon 'which these conferences
are to be conducted is, first, that the Government of Bel-
gium shall not be Republican; secondly, that there shall
be no incorporation with France, It is further stated that
H. Van de Weyer, a Member of the Provisional Govern-
ment, remains in London, with authority to treat with the
Ambassadors nu certain points, but has not yet been op-
plied to by them to become a party to the conferences, nr
us communicate any information. The weak point in the
whiCh has been thus settlsd without the Representa-
tive of the Belgian people being any party to the confe.-
rences, is, that the basis is a double one, and the Belgians
tuay determine, in a conference of their own, to set one
half against the other. Suppose the Belgians, or their
Representative, to say to the English Alinistry, " We come
to offer, that if we are promptly acknowledged, we will
give you every security that neither the fortresses nor the
country shall ever be made over to France. The securi-
ties we propose are, first, treaty; secondly, our interests.
But if there is any interference with our form of Govern-
went, then we will do the utmost in our power (end the
power of the country is united in our hands) to effect
the yansfer of both fortresses and country to France
whenever there shall be au opportunity." The an-
ewer to this is manifestly intended to be, " But
France will nut take you. We have an old gentle-
Man at our elbow, who has been the servant of twenty
different forms of Government in France ; and lie tell* us
so." To which the Belgians have only to reply, that if
they cannot accompish their purpose now, they will " bide
their time." The old gentleman has only to live to see
form the twenty-first, and he will himself he the agent for
affecting there-union. The attempt to involve France in
the Holy Alliance of Downing-street, will at once ex-
plode the fraud which has been practised on those who
have been told they were la meilleure dee republiques.
In England too, there rainy be valid reasons why no person
cries out for the establishment of a Republic- But if the
principle be stretched to interference against its existence
elsewhere, it will be plain that the objection is to the
example of happiness that may be held forth by a Res
public; for against an example of unhappiness, there
would be no necessity to guard. The consequence of
which will be, that large masses of men, who now only
contemplate certain circumstantial reforms, will be turned,
by the act of their own Government, into the channel of
republicanism. The moment there is a crusade against
popular forme of government abroae, republihanism will
take a substantial shape at home. Is the state of Ireland
at this mamma so inviting ? If a limited Monarchy is a
compromise, why cannot its fiiimds keep well, when they
are sod That N. .Van de ',Weyer, a member of the Pro-
visionel Government, ie in London, is the only part of the
information of the Court 'hums' which is substantially
correct. M. Vun do Weyer did not arrive in England for
the purpose of treating with any. Ambassadors on any
points, but with a view to 'communicating that knowledge
of the state of affairs in Belgium, which in no other way
was likely to be received.---Morning Chronicle.

The king's Speech forma a prominent subject of die.
cession with the French Papers. The ConetituVonnel
laughs at the idea of Don Miguel's amnesty, and content*
itself with observing, in the case of another nntion—" As
to the intervention in the affairs of Belgiom, the nature of
it is not -explained, and we can only form conjectures in
this respect. If the intervention take* place in concert
with Name, we hope that it will he p'erely moral; that
no 'attempt wilt be made against Belgian independence ;
that this generous people will be allowed to regulate their
own etrairs. This is the only means ofseruring the peace
of Europe." Thu Journal des Debate remarks, that the
mention of the heart-stirriug events of July is very laconic
in the King's Speech, and that the tone of what is said
respecting Belgium has caused disappointment. With that
deli Cate irony which belongs to our neighbours, it is
soh-
served—" Verluipm the conflagration of Antwerp, p,.r.
ceieed lorty miles of at sea, might have exacted a little
less complaisance in the language for one of the two belli-
gerent parties (for what other names can we now give
to the Belgians and Dutch)? But in troth there is little
sentimentality in the official politics of Great Britain ;
and so many material interests seemed to be connected
with the peaceable fusion of two incompatible nations,
that the Government scarcely bestows a glance on the two
real causes of the divorce; and we perceive that ill-will is
entertained towards the victor." It is added—" How-
ever, after reading the Speech of the Sovereign of Great
Britain, we arc just where we were in point of knowledge
of the question." Mr. Canning used to say, that the
great merit of a King's Speech was, that it told nothing.
We are sorry to sly the present King'. Speech tells ton
much. It has toll enough to excite a spirit of discontent
from one end of the kingdom to the other. The sane.
intent explanations are net, in general, construed so fa»
vourahly as we have cmnstrued thorn. The recantations
are generally, believed to have originated in fear; the in-
tention to deceive having been penetrated, while it is not
tmnverrient at present to avow- all that is intended. The
following remarks, transmitted to us by a correspondent
of high character, in one of our principal seats of indus-
try, Speak the feelings °fa large hotly of the community
44 The bungling attempts made by Ministers and their ad-
herents to explain away the meaning of the words they Inserted
in what is called the King's Speech, with regard to the inter-
ference of this nation with the affairs of Belgium, should be
met by the people of England, quoting the Duke of Wellington's
own words on a late memorable occasion-4 There is no mistake
—there can be ire mistake.' Their ;own conduct, whenever pos
pular rights have been opposed to arbitrary power, is centime.:
Lion good as boly writ,' that the Ministers of William the
Fourth meant to convey to the world their strong approval of
the Conduct of the King of the Netherlands, as also these decided
condemnation of the acts of the Belgians. Call you this non-
interferceve 11 Is this impartiality Y The English people know
that if our National Debt did not render war a matter of int.
pottihilily, the Duke of Wellington would not be tardy in ofihr-
mg assistance to any despot who might ask it of him. Thank
God l however, the schoolmaster Is abroad, and nations are not
so blind as they used to be to their own interests!"—Morning
Chronicle,

correspiandent informs us, upon what he cucsidere to
he " undoubted authority," than when the Speech with
which his Majesty opened the businras of Parliament we'.
tent down to Brighton for his approval, he blatantly re-
turned it to the Duke of Wellington, declaring that he
had not nerve to deliver such a Speech. Our correspon-
dent wide H that this ought to be generally known,
as there is no doubt that his litujesty'ir, popularity cannot
exist to the extent it has done, or would havo done, if he
had not been ebtioluttly compelled to deliver the sentiments
of his Ministers in opposition to his own." That the
King could be by his. Ministers to deliver to the as-
etinhled Parliament a ,Speeeli which be had, in the first
bat:lnce, contemptuously rejected, is highly improbable,
and nothing abort of the most direct and positive evidence
of the fact could make us believe it. That the. Duke of
Wellington imperiously rules the Cabinet nobody doubts;
but that he has been aide to reduce his Royal Master to
the state of political thraldom which the Waive report im-
plies, appears to us unworthy of credit. Wo cannot won-
der, indeed, if his Majesty, who, ever since his accession
to ;he throne to the day in which he met the new Parlia-
ment. seemed sincerely desirous of reigning in the hearts
of his eubjt:cts, anti, while the spirit of revolution filled
the minds of other Monarchs with alarm, bad already gt-
thered a rich harveit of popularity—we cannot wonder,
we say, if his Majesty, who never went abroad without
receiving abundant proofs of the grateful attachment of a
people whom the gracious familiarity of his manners had
charmed, felt some reluctance at adopting, as his own,
die sentiments of a Speech which eXcites the moat painful
Merest among all classes at the present elitist, and crate*

the moat gloomy apprehensions as to the future. We con-
sider such a Speech at such a time to be the emanation of
a bad judgment and a worse taste, and if his Majesty
had indeed rejected it, it would have been well for his
own fame, and would have saved from great errors the
Ministry whose unlucky composition it was. It is true
that a King of Great Britain is constitutionally hound to
act by the advice of his Ministers, as upon them the
responsibility of his measures is thrown; but this is
no reason why he should either now or at any time,
act in opposition to his own conscientious conviction of
his duty as a Sovereign; because, if the opinions of his
Ministers are directly at variance with his own, he is
not obliged to keep them in office, and thus become the
slave of his own servants. Moreover, his Majesty is not
a luxurious and effeminate Prince, ,who has been nursed
in the lap of wantonness and ease. He has from early
youth been familiar with danger—be has shared in the
toils and glorious perils of brave men—and has always
been distingiashed for a large portion of that manly
frankness of Character which belongs to the heroic and
chivalrous profes,ion that achieved for Great Britain the
sutupremacy of the ocean. We, therefore, cannot believe
that he was compelled to adopt sentiments which he pre-
viously deduct be wanted nerve to deliver. If be had,
AS our cotrespondent states, instantly sent back the
Speech,- with such a declaration, to the Duke of Wel-
dugton, it would be equivalent to a direct avowal of hav-
ing withdrawn all confidence in that Minister, and no
alternative would be left the Premier, in duty to himself,
but to reeige. To think of forcing the Speech on the
King after,euch an intimation would be a monstrous act
of dittation on the part of a Alin;ster, and an insult
which, we think, the King would not, for an instant,
brook. We cannot believe his Majesty submitted to
any such indignity, and consequently presume that our
correspondent was misinformed. It is very likely, we
grant, that the King did not approve, very warmly, of
the Speech, but it is not so likely that be at any time
ref sed to deliver it. He, perhaps, without much reflec-
tion, gave his consent to the expression of sentiments
in which his heart did not participate—but, upon ma-
ture consideration, we are sure he must be convinced
that, us Ministers had resolv,al to make him us unpo,
pular as themselves, they could scarcely have dictated n
Speech better calculated to bring about that effect. We
believe that the loyalty of the English people is unim-
paired, except where the pressure of distress has led to
some infractions of the laws; and it was the result of
extremely bad advice that his Majesty, when he threat-
ened condign punishment on the disturbers of the peace,
that he did not acknowledge the existence of great dis-
tress, and graciously promise that every effort should be
made for its alleviation. This is an error which, on the
King's part, was more of the head than the heart, and
which we have great confidence he will take the earliest
opportunity to repoir.—,Morning Herald.

The answer given the other evening by Sir Robert
Peel to the plain and direct question put by Lord Palmer-
ton relative to the intended recognition of Don Miguel
displays the very perfection of absurd refinement in the art
of polities! equivocation. The Speech from the Throne,
it will he recollected, introduced the mention of the recog-
nition in such a way as to make it consequent neon the
grant of a general amnesty by the usurper, and the ques•
Lion put by Lord Palmerston was to ascertain distinctly
whether it was the intention of our Government to compel
OH...fulfilment of the terms of that amnesty, in case
Don Miguel Omuta betray a disposition to evade them ;
because, if they were not prepared to enforce the execution
of that measure, it would be right to avow it beforehand,
that honourable persons might not.by placing tuo much reli-
ance on the language of the British Government, find them-
selves fatally deceived. How did Sir Robert Peel answer
this plain question ? He said that " the British Govern-
ment did not require the amnesty so a condition of their
recognition, but that, if it were not published to the
world, they would not recogniaeklon Miguel ; they did
not promise that they would recognize Don Miguel if the
amnesty were published, but distinctly intimated that
they would not do so if it were not. They were not,
therelore, formally guarantees for. the amnesty, but he
could not be expected to answer for the steps which 'night
hereafter be taken by his. Majesty's Government, in case
the amnesty should be violated ; he must first know the
circumstances of the case, and must refuse to answer RR to
future and hypothetical events." It would, we think, be
impossible to annex to a historical document, like the
King's Speech, a more shuffling and equivocating com-
mentary than this. Whitt does the King's Speech say?
It runs as follows I have not yet accredited my Am-
liaasador to the Court of Lisbon, hut, the Portuguese
Government having determined to perform a great
act of justice and humanity by the grant of a gene-
ral amnesty, I think that the time may shortly arrive
when the interests of my subjects will demand a ritil
newel of those relations which have so long existed lie,;
tweet, the two countries." Here, if we are to under-
stand the language put into the King's mouth seem ding
to the ordinary and obvious sense of the words, the recog-
nition of Don Miguel is made to depend upon the event
of the publication of a general amnesty by the latter. No
other reason, in fact, is given fur contemplating a renewal
of our relations with the Court of Lisbon, but the "
de-
termination of the Portuguese Government to perform that
great act of justice and humanity." The recognition is
math, to follow the amnesty, and to flow ftom it as the
effect from the cause. The King says, in effect—" I have
not yet recognized Don Miguel as King of Portugal—to
lie having determined to publish a general amnesty, the
time may shortly arrive when I shall recognize him." We
are led to believe that the " time may shortly arrive"
when he will issue the promised amnesty, and therefore
we are given to underatand the " time may shot tly arrive'
when his recognition, founded upon that act, will take
place. Then naturally arise the considerations involved
in Lord Palmeraton'e question—ls Great Britain to po-
mades the observance of this amnesty? If she does, may
it nut hereafter involve her in a war ?—and if she does
not, who can place any reliance upon it? The perfidy of
a Prince who has already made a mockery of solemn
oaths, makes it absolutely necessary that his amnesty
should be guaranteed by some authority competent to
enforce it, otherwise it will he but a piece of waste
paper. But, if our Government appeared jo guarantee
it, and in reality did not, it might operate as a snare to
entice many to their destruction. Even • Lord 'Aberdeen
has admitted that Don Miguel is " cowardly, perfidious,
and cruel," or the Parliamentery Repot ta of last Session
greatly lathed him; and surely, after the manner in which
hie character has been developed to an admiring world,
the persons who would trust their lives in his bands upon
his naked assurance of preferring an inviolate honour to
the treacherous gratification of his revenge, would deserve
the consequences, not by their crimes, but their folly. Bat
Sir Robert Peel says, the British Government ate not,
formally, guarantees for ,the amnesty. Why does he
qualify the expression by the word " formally ?"..,.merely
to throw duat,in the eyes of those whom he is addressing ;
for, if they are not guarantees in form—that is, if they
do not pledge themselves to enforce the observance of the
amnesty by the very letter of the contract, they cannot be
considered as guarantees at all. We do not wonder that
our Government decline to become riureties for the good
faith or the good behaviour of Don Miguel ; but why in-
troduce his amnesty into the King's Speech in such a way
as might lead people to believe that they intended to pare
the claws of the tiger, and to limit him In the more inuo-
cent pastime' of his den ? Our Government are aware
that they would have no sinecure in answering for the
breaches of faith of Don Miguel.. But, in the name pro-
portion that they know and distrust him, should they be
cautious of putting forth any statement which might in.
duce the unfortunate individuals who have fled from his
tyranny to place themselves within his grasp, under a de-
hosiers notion of British protection, It is a Mean and un.
worthy policy thus to equivocate between a tyrant and his
vietinatu—Morning Herald.

Whatever may be the fate of the Wellington Admini.._
titration, or whatever the measures which it may have re-
solved to adopt, in order to prevent its being driven from
the helm of the state, we think it will be readily allowed.
by all thinking persons, that the, occurrences during the
past week ought to be sufficient to convince it, that it must
begin a new career, before it can obtain either the corifi•.
donee of Parliament, or the confidence of the country.
Never has there been a week of so much agitation and so
much alarm, since the panic of 'BU. The foods have
tumbled, not merely fafien....4everal failure* have ensued,
and more are threatened—.commercial anxieties, which
were previously en the increase, have been trebled ; while,
to add to all these, the warlike nature of the King's Speech--
the impolitic ileclarerations respecting reform—anti the ap-
parent determination to maintain a body of men for the
watching of the metropolis and hs suburb*, contrary to the
wish of, and at a heavy charge to, the respective pa-
rifitiese—hrtve spread a degree of agitation and alarm,
both as to the external and internal affairs of the
country, which is calculated to do any thing but promote
the national interests, And yet all this has been done by
a Ministry which professes public opinion to lc-the bssio
of its measures ! Now we put it to the most Strenuous
supporters of the Ministry, whether public opinion is in
favour of a threatened iuterference, by any
other triode than
peaceable negociation, in the affairs of Belgium ?..---whe,
then it agrees with the declaration of the Duke of Wel-
lington, that the representation of the
could people in Parlia-
ment is the most perfect that exist, and that there
is no occasion fur reform ?...—whether it agrees also with