The Sun.
London, England, 1837-07-03 00:00:00

Pkitti O. THE PiJBLjI; JOURNALS

Since the demise of the Crown a change has come
ver the spirit of the Duke of Wellington's desires.
H.e is 1101 N a man of excellent wishes, and quite full of
Ciem. When he speaks, good wishes pour from his
iouth, like the diamonds and pearls from the lips of
he favoured maiden in the fairy tale. On Thursday)
'le -wished to see a conclusien to all the questions upon
'which the two Houses had differed. He wished to see
li settlement of the Irish tithe question. He wished to
Ice a provision for the Irish poor. He wished for
nch an arrangement as he could concur in establishing
!ornorations in Ireland on a representative principle.
le wished that Parliament should not have a contest
!•very year on these questions. He wished to agree next
,I;ession upon them. Had the Duke worn a ‘vishing-
-I:ap when in this excellent frame of mind, what bless-
i; ngs he would have poured down on the empire I Who
,J !ow can deny that the Duke is the well-wisher of his
•• country ? As far as good wishes can go at the end of
Er-1. Session and the beginning of a r,ign, no man can
) c more patriotic than his Grace. His optative mood
eminds us of a piece of ironical vulgar slang which
r lad its run some years ago, " I wish you may get it !"
1-
wishes ; and he, therefore, The Duke remembers to have read in his school •
'iooks that Heaven
•
punishes men in granting their
very prudently votes one
'way while he wishes the other. Bearing in mind that
Evertere domos totas optantibus ipsis
Dii faciles—.

Ihis Grace takes care that there shall be no correspen- 1
slence between his conduct and his patriotic aspirations.
Longing as he is for Irish corporations on a represent:l-
-tive principle, and a settlement of the Irish tithe Tie-,
stion, he yet carefully guards against the evil that comes
.in the shape of gratified desires. He keeps on that
side of performance on which the hopes shine. He
:1
liknows how poor and how disappointing is possession.
: He, therefore, frustrates deeds that he may expatiate
in the realms of excellent wishes. How little can we
know the hearts of men I Who could have conceived
that when the Duke was holding forth (but a few
4weeks ago, though in another reign) against the Irish
Municipal Reform Bill, he was nevertheless friendly
to Corporations on a representative principle, secretly
.sighing for normal schools of agitation, ardently desir-
ing the substitution of one exclusive system for ano-
ther ? His suspension of the Bill is now explained.
He hung it up as a picture for the contemplation of
,its beauties. He now only wants and waits for the
icompanions to it, to go forth as the three graces to Ire-
Cand--the Irish tithe and the Poor-law. So vehemently
]desirous is he to do justice to Ireland that he cannot
!he induced to do things by halves or thirds. He
cannot consent to give so little at a time as the
IMunicipal Reform. "Wait," he says, " till we can ,
!shower blessings upon her—wait till we can rain Acts
]can
Parliament upon the thirsty land—wait till we
ican give three great measures in a batch ; that is
Ito say, if we can agree upon all of them." " Next
!Session" the chief of the Tory party promises to in-
!cline his ear to accommodation. " Next Session" he
will cease to perceive all imaginable dangers in giv-
itng a Catholic people the privilege of electing Town-
,councillors. " Next Session" he will dismiss the
'fear which so long troubled him, and shook his in-
most soul, that Irish Corporations would make war by
the watch. Next Session Dogberry's spirit in arms
will no longer affright his prophetic soul. What
la blessed change is this, considering that last Ses-
Ision, and the Session before, the Duke would gladly
,have turned out the Ministry for proposing the
leery principle of local self-government for Ireland
which it ,is now his anxious wish to carry into
effect I " But then," says his Grace, " Parliament
must not have a contest every year on these questions."
True ; but who are the men who made the contest ?
Who are the men who have year after year resisted the
principle which the Duke now promises to concede ?
Who are the men who denied that the representative
principle could be applied to the Corporations of Ire-
:land without mischief of every kind, and who voted
the destruction of the institutions as the only mode of
getting rid of a choice of evils ? But if we are to
believe their chief they are now ready to admit that this
was all a farce, a tissue of wild pretences. From this
specimen the public will know what to think of the
sincerity of the Opposition in all other cases.
Why was it not discovered this session, last
session, the session before last, that the principle of
representation was applicable to Irish Corporations ?
Why was it so long and obstinately pretended that the
municipal institutions suited to England and Scotland
were unfit for Ireland, and would be made so many
volcanoes, spouting up the fires of the democratic pas-
sions ? Why for three years has it been contended that
ithe normal schools of agitation would be fatal, not
only to .the Church that was but a part of the alleged
danger, but fatal to the peace of the country, powers
which would be used to keep the people in a state
of ferment, and to work out the dismemberment of
the empire ? Why are all these monstrous pre-
tences, which have made so much noise during the
last three years, to be renounced next session ?
Because the loss of the court-card changes the game
of faction. And because since the delivery of the last
Tory argument of Irish incapacity for equal privileges
i Sovereign has proclaimed, as the golden maxim of
her Government, religious liberty to all classes of her
!subjects. The Tories find that they have placed them-
selves in a false position, and are for shifting their
]ground from the slough in which they are floundering;
but the dirt shall stick to them. An election is at
!land, and the Tories perceive that an abandonment of
Ithe policy on which they have acted during the last
I Parliament will be popular with the constituencies.
IThey pretend to conform at the twelfth hour to the
!principles of Lord Melbourne's Ministry, in order to
obtain by fraud the means of opposing all beneficial
:neastires throughout the next Parliament.--Morning
Chronicle.

] On no previous occasion, we repeat, have the con-
,°i
stitueney of this realm been called on to elect a Praha-
Hnent under circumstances of graver interest and re-
sponsibility than arc involved in the approaching stru,
,gle ; nor can our countrymen be blind or indifferent °to
,:the fact, that according as they give their votes judici-
ously or otherwise at the present crisis, they either save
-, he monarchy or accelerate its doom. Never did we
utter a sentiment of the truth of which we entertained
k .such a deep and solemn conviction. Apart from the
.-: Cromwellian usurpation, during which this monarchy
rwas made havoc of by the ance:,tors of the present Dis-enters, no measures have at any time been recom-
'..mended by a British Ministry hut such as were
-more or less consistent, if not with the welfare of
the nation, at least with the integrity of its constitu-
,tion. At the present day, instead of being lorded over
i ;')y the pretensions and ascendancy of a coarse congre-
.gational hypocrite, the country is more than menaced
>.-vith those f.•,i a vet coarser Popish adventurer ; and
' Nhereas in the former case the evil was mitigated and
...inally removed by an assumption of personal rule,
.:Nhose intolerable yoke was ultimately flung off by our
indignant forefathers, we find that in the latter there
s an equally real domination, which, though not so
,stensibly embodied as in the Protectorate of Crom-
Nell, is at once more rife with danger and less sus-
, •eptible of challenge, inasmuch as it prosecutes its
nnovations under the forms of a delegated and divided
-!.. -esponsibility by means of the Cabinet agents through
- yhom it is exercised. Under these agents a system of
• msidious assault on the organic structure and elements
rif the monarchy has for three years been attempted,
-,.. Ind is still in the course of operation. Whether the
-;opening events of 4 new reign shall ultimately be found
'to subserve tt-ii; conspiracy, it remains with our country-
",men (under God) to determine ; but, in the mean time,
. there are various considerations arising out of the pre-
' s-ent position of affairs which demand instant attention,
as well for the sake of existing interests, as with a view
.Ito those of posterity. When his late Majesty died, the
I
'retention of the O'Connell Ministers was literally forced
upon the young Queen by a stern political necessity.
Had she called Conservative statesmen to her councils—
'a measure the expediency of which, in present Icircum-
stances, we are quite sure those faithful advisers would
.have pointed out to her Majesty—every person must
. see that, what with the near approach of a dissolution of
Parliament, what with the fiscal and ceremonial ne-
cessities of the moment, and what with the interruption
~..hich public business must have sustained from the
inevitable vacation of seats consequent on taking office,
Ire formation of a Conservative Government must
g.... 5.......—..---..--

have been fraught with the greatest enthat raestneut and
disadvantage. Let our Ftetentfyillen bear in mind, then,
that their rateoz.citt and inexperienced Sovereign hat
beer. handed OVCT to the clutches of the O'Conni.ll
tc,etion by the force of circuteeitAtics, which her Ma-
jesty could not controul. Day after day, too,
the yeetlinil Court is, by the same ncceey, infested
\rah certain new and insinuating influenetcm, M1;01i
though not directly cmanotim fftiti tli`o Master-in-
triguer, are in immetlialt cootact and co-operation with
theee who are notoriously his slaves. Kensington
Palace is at this moment a sort of State ptason
whose entire atmosphere is iMptegnattki With nti 6deiff-
of O'Connellism, from which its rod; al and i'ltAttant
victim cennot for some time otapt. The Queen of
England, God bless her, is not at this moment a
free moral agent. Until the country ehall r.se
for her Majesty's rescue, is n ecessar:ly
concussed in every politieal movement ; nor ought it to
be forgotten, that as a principal object of the Consti-
tuting in summoning a new Psatliament at the com-
mencement of a new reign is to afford the nation an
opportunity of ratifying or remodelling the Ministerial
arrangements which the successor to the crow n is
almost obliged to retain for a time as left by the preced-
ing monarch, so, as far as regards the peculiar position
of Queen Victoria, the real question to he determined
be the electors of Britain is, whether they will rivet
her fetters, or set her Majesty
.free. O'Connell
viewed as the incarnation of principles and demands
incompatib!e with the peace of this Protestant king-
dotn, is the rampant and venomous dragon which
England, like her legendary saint, must spear and
prostrate to the dust. To suppose that his pestilent
influence is confined to Ireland were grievously to mis-
calculate the facts. lie is, in truth, the monstrous and
übiquitous impersonation of Whig -Popish mischief
in all its multiplied ramifications ; and, seeing that
the Melbourne Cabinet arc irretrievably committed
to maintain that ascendancy of his, which alone can
maintain them in a position to exercise power over the
Queen, it is clear that every Melbourne candidate at
the approaching election, whether in England or Scot-
land, does as truly indenture himself to the O'Connell
servitude as the bondsmen of Tipperary or Tralee—a
servitude whose very object and badge is a heartless
perfidy towards our Protestant institutimis, of which
her Majesty, in her constitutional character, is at once
the representative and guardian. The parties, then,
on whose behalf distinctively the British constituency
are about to be appealed to, are none other than her
Majesty on the one hand, and. O'Connell on the
other; or, as we might justly say, the contest lies be-
tween England's curse and England's Queen. That
the Queen herself may be importuned at present to
view the matter in a different light, only argues a state
of things which demands the more imperatively such a
national demonstration of loyalty as may effectually
rescue her Majesty and her people from their common
perils. A word of caution in reference to O'Connell's
present moderation. Many people erroneously imagine
that this is attributable to such an increase of wisdom
or loss of influence on his part as to render him no
longer an object of apprehension and distrust. Let
no man deceive himself with such an idle notion.
The learned incendiary has only been suspending
operations with a view to the augmentation of his bi-
ennial stipend. As the season for collecting his tri-
bute approached, he • found it expedient to stimulate
the bounty of his dupes ; and, as this could not be
done more effectually than by letting them see that
their special interests might suffer by his lethargy and
indifference, so for the last three months he has cun-
ningly put on his nightcap, only with the view of
quickening his clients to rouse him from his simulated
slumbers with a munificent proof of their liberality.
Our readers may rely upon it, that the spots of this
leopard are unchanged, his appetite for prey and
plunder is as strong as ever, his claws as sharp, and
his instincts as ferocious.—Times.

Already have we urged upon all Reformers—consti-
tuencies and candidates—the necessity of activity and
unanimity in the approaching elections ; we trust,
however, where the occasion is so important, and
where so much depends on energy and union, we
shall be excused for repeating our advice, more espe-
cially as from the number of candidates on Reform
principles about to start for some constituencies, the
division of interests threatens to leave such consti-
tuencies an easy prey to the Tories. In Marylebone,
for instance, it ►s rumoured that besides the present
Members three other Reform candidates, Mr. Young,
Mr. Murphy, and Mr. Hall, are about to enter the
lists for its representation. If such be the case, it
would be too lenient language to call the procedure
injudicious—it is nothing less than criminal. We
have already suggested that wherever a Tory candidate
is in the field—and Lord Teignmouth has already
addressed the electors of Marylebone, and Mr. Hope,
or some other Tory, is said to be also coming forward
—the Reform electors should either assemble them-
selves, and decide on the merits of the respective can-
didates, or through meetings of their committees select
the most eligible, and request all others to withdraw
from the contest. No honest candidate dare hesitate
an acquiescence with such request, where the sense of
the electors would have been fairly ascertained. And
should any selfish or intriguing speculator, in the guise
of a Reformer, persevere ►n opposition to such request,
or attempt to advance his own personal interests, regard-
less of the injury which any division of the Liberal elec-
tors must inflict on the cause of Reform, he should be
scouted with more indignation from the hustings than
even the Tories themselves ; for what could he ex-
pected from such a man in the House of Commons,
when, in the very act of seeking admission there, he
would have proved his readiness to sacrifice the inte-
rests of the country to his own aggrandisement t Such
a man should be more dreaded than the most rabid
Tory. 3/4,ct the example of Lord Russell, in respect
to Westminster, serve as a guide to all aspirants for
the representative trust under similar circumstances.
His Lordship, when requested to come forward for the
representation of that city, declined on the grounds
that, as there were already two Reformers in the field,
it would injure and endanger the cause to put another
in nomination. Nothing could raise his Lordship more
in public esteem and confidence than the patriotic mo-
tive of this refusal. We sincere!y hope this example
will excite imitation. Nor need it be apprehended that
the act of self-denial will go unrewarded ; for the Bri-
tish people are now too much enlightened to confound
~enu►nc patriotism with the pretence of it, and there-
fore, as in private life, " honesty is the best policy,"
so in public l►fe the wisest politician is he who iden-
tifies his interests with those of the nation.— illorniner
advertiser.

We are glad to perceive that there is at length a
prospect of the British public being allowed to visit
their own national institutions, without a tribe of igno-
rant, hungry fee-takers meeting them at every door.
That the ciceroni in question justify the terms here
used, those who have had occasion to visit the two
metropolitan cathedrals of St. Paul's and Westminster
Abbey must have had ample proof, while at the Bri-
tish Museum, where none of this paltry extortion takes
place, the attendants are of a class, for the most part,
equally well informed and courteous. It has been
urged as a reason for continuing the present injus-
tice and abuse, that the English people are not fit to
be entrusted with the freedom which is exercised by
the lowest in other countries. If there were any
truth in this, it would still consist in jumbling cause
with effect, for as restraint produces restlessness, and
restlessness a turn for mischief, no wonder if such
were, to a certain degree, the case in the works of
art entrusted to the care of those who show that
their leading principle is ars celare artem. But
to show that there is no truth in the assertion, or
justice in the exclusion, let any one compare the mu-
tilated state of many of the monuments in Westminster
Abbey, where the-exclusion prevails, with the total
absence of all injury in the British Museum, to which
every one has lon,, been freely admitted ; which shows
that, on the one Piand, even the ciceroni in question
have not been competent to protect the monuments
from injury ; and, on the other, that where the people
are freely trusted, they prove themselves fit to be so.
There is, we are free to admit, a silly Strephonizing
practice among certain classes of love-sick swains, to
engrave their initials, or those of their Dulcineas,
on trees and woodwork ; and against which mis-
chievous practice the following beautiful lines have

been ffixed to a board on tit 6 new tcrrnce in iticli-
rnnild,
I;7railieit, !Cott zFtP 4oieci these trees and scat,
mere young and old or health and rest may meet.
All should unite to gturt:- what all may share
--
A general good slriAld be tho general care.
i.-. Morning Herald,
•

Not*ith-erend ' imme, iiiid&4llit:rll filiditt
lac
approaching election, which is to be found in the
Ministerial newspapers, these is, we have good reason
to believe, much quaking in Downing-,street upon that
Very sUhiet.:l-: Afe ad doiie
" fi-Om head-quarters, conveyed through ir-
responsible underlings. This fact alone is very con-
sidAahle evidence of the trepidation which actually. pre- •
vails among the plate-holders: We do not thati td
say that matters ate yet so tnattitcd AS to Bil'd Minis-
ters reason to t•etkiitilie Upon being beaten more soundly
it the Approaching election than their party was in the
last, but sufficient has transpired to put them in a very
great fright, and they have just sense enough to know
how important it is that Cie panic should not spread.
On this account they direct bulletins to be prepared
for the newspapers, which arc about as honest as
those which Napoleon despatched to the Monilcur
during the first month of his retreat from Moscow.
It is with equal pride and pleasure that we ab-
serve the universality of the struggle which the Con-
servative body is about to make at the ensuing elec-
tion. We know that this is no more than their duty,
and, in a comprehensive view of the subject, it is no
more than their interest. But men are so apt to pre-
fer their inclination to their duty, and their own indi-
vidual present interest to that which is more general
and remote, that we have reason to rejoice that the
Conservative body is up and stirring as it is upon the
present occasion. We trust that before three weeks
pass away the activity will be even much greater than
it now is, and the devotedness to the important pur-
pose of obtaining a Conservative majority yet more
intense. At present there is every prospect that it
it will be so, notwithstanding that some meddling
fools, without perhaps meaning it, are doing all
that folly can do to excite disgust by their. officious-
ness, instead of quietly performing the " fetch-and-
carry" duty of which they ate alone capable. We
are thoroughly persuaded, that if the Conserva-
tive gentry of England only determine that they
will win, and that nothing which they can do
shall be left undone at so important a crisis as the
present, their success is certain. This was not the
case in 1831, when a great deal of rash courage, of
more rash panic, and most rash expense ended in sig-
nal discomfiture. At that time universal madness
reigned, and a man might as well have preached to the
winds, or tried to have appeased the waves by argu-
ment, as to talk of reason and moderation to the elec-
tors. We do not deny that the Tories in some degree
deserved this punishment. They had been very ne-
glectful of those honest and honourable means of
popularity which, in a country so free as ours, it is
the proper business of every gentleman of influence
and fortune to cultivate. To tell the naked truth,
some among them have a good deal to learn in this
particular still, but bad habits are not so easily altered,
and we must be content with gradual improvement.
They have improved, and the people—the body of
electors throughout the kingdom—have recovered from
the delirium which was so wickedly taken advantage of
in 1831. The election of 1832 was an experiment
on a grand scale by the people of England. They
determined to try their new franchise upon new men.
They did so—the new men were weighed in the balance,
and found wanting. Another election came at the
close of 1834, and the people of England returned to
the House of Commons a majority of Conservatives.
Hitherto that majority has been overborne by the
O'Connell tail—a set of Members of the meanest de-
scription, representing nothing but the bigoted hosti-
lity of the Romish Priesthood of Ireland to the Pro-
testant institutions of Great Britain. The people of
Eng'ar-id have not been observant of this. They have
seen, in every important division, their wishes, as re-
presented by the majority of those they have sent to
Parliament, frustrated avid made of no avail by the
votes of Senatorial minions,- without property, without
character, without any regard for the obligations of
public honour, or the restrictions of a public oath.
It is impossible that an intelligent and high-minded
people can look on at these things unmoved, and
we therefore feel that there is good hope—excellent
hope—of the exertions of time Conservative gentry
being responded to by the support of the great
body of British electors. We dwell upon this the
rather because while we admit that Tories have been
to a great extent, and still are to some extent, neglect-
ful of those fair means of attaining popularity which
they ought to attend to, there are still many reasons
why they require encouragement to come forward and
join in the popular struggle. To them there is no
reward but in the conviction that they are doing their
country a service. Notwithstanding the respect which
Sir Robert Peel professes for the House of Commons,
and the great respect we have for every thing which he
says, we own that we think it an extremely tiresome
and disagreeable place for any gentleman to spend his
time. The company is any thing but select, and the
conversation is for the most part abominably tedious
and unimportant. It may be all very fine for Whig-
Radicals, who feel themselves elevated to a rank they
never had before, by writing M. P. after their
names, by franking letters, and by talking very
loud about " going down to the House ;" but all
this signifies nothing to most of the Conservative
Members, whose rank in society would be just the
same, whether in Parliament or out of it. The men
whom we look to for the exertion which is so necessary
at the coming election arc not men to whom it can be
ae.reeable to be in the Heinie of Commons, but who
will strive to be there because it is a duty, because they
must not let the political interests of the country be
run away with by quacks, and jobbers, and crack-
brained speculators—by the deputies of Popish Priests
and Unitarian Aldermen. Since they exert them-
selves, and band together for the accomplishment of
:heir jobs and their schemes, the Conservatives must
also exert themselves, and band together with at least
equal activity for their overthrow.
" Thus may we gather honey from the weed,
And make a moral of the devil himself."

The Conservatives are doing this, and their very
note of preparation has struck dismay, or something
Nfery nearly akin to it, into the hearts of some of the
Ministers. It is the great misfortune of several of
these personages that except as Ministers they are
nothing, and the thought of being obliged to aban-
don the Treasury Bench is like that of being pushed
off an eminence from which the descent is death. We
arc as sorry for them as we reasonably can be, but if
the Protestant Constitution of Great Britain or their
Ministerial sway must perish, their fate be upon their
own heads. They have deserved it.—Morning Post.

A young gentleman named Ingall, an articled clerk
to an attorney in the Inner Templo, was drowned on Saturday
morn'ng whilst bathing in the Thames, opposite the Temple
Gardena. It is supposed he was seized with cramp whilst
swimming.

On Saturday morning last, between seven and eight
o'clock, two brothers, named John and William MaHinson
sawyers, came to their deaths under the following circum-
stances :—A mill being now in the course of erection at
Sowerby-bridge, the two unfortunate men were employed in
it as sawyers, and being desirous of ascending to the top of
the chimney
otherbimney men agreed got into the
he
toc anorevrefe them up, which
for that purpose andhavig
threen
of the
been done, the men at the crane refused to let them down
unless the two brothers agreed to pay for some beer, which
they declined to comply with. The menet th e crane
tehe
fastenedetra
it and left the ill-fated brothers up up
above till
game from breakfast. Some lads, however, coming past
shortly after, the two brothers called out to them to let
them down, when the lads immediately proceeded so to do,
but, not understanding the nature of the crane, the handle
syddenly broke loose, and they were unable to stop its pro-
gress. The consequence was, the two unfortunate men
were precipitated to the bottom with fearful velocity, which
occasioned the immediate death of John Mallinson, and the
other lingered till the following evening, when he expired.—
Halifax Guardian.
On Thursday evening an inquest was held at the
London Hospital, Mile End-road, on the body of Emily Rap-
son, aged six years, the daughter of Henry Rapson, one of
the messengers in the Bank of England. It appeared that
the child had been slightly bitten by a puppy about three
months since. The wound, which was a mere scratch, healed,
and the child continued in perfect health until Monday morn-
ing last, when decided symptoms of hydrophobia exhibited
themselves, and she died of that dreadful malady in the above
institution on Wednesday. Tho Jury found a verdict to that
effect.