The Sun.
London, England, 1839-01-29 00:00:00

with charcoal which is highly carbonated, and therefore
makes a cheaper steel at 241. per ton than the best English
iron at 101. a ton will produce. These sums create an
amount of 10,320,0001., and out of which amount from
sixty to seventy-five per cent. is paid for labour, although we
nave the immense. advantage of powerful machinery. We
manufacture 40,000 tons of copper a year for all purposes,
which at 95/. per ton, makes 3,800,000/. ; 20,000 tons of bras',
at 1001. per ton, is 2,000,000/. ; lead 100,000 tons, at 20/. per
ton, is 2,000,000/ ; grain tin 10.000 tons, at 801 per ton,
800,000/. ; zinc, 5,000 tons, at 40/ per tin, makes 200,000/. ;
these five metals created in this country, make a sum of
8,800,0001. ; the old metal of each re-used every year must
produce a total of 10 or 11 millions a year, which to create
them as raw material, absorbs from 60 to 75 per cent. of their
wholesale cost. Cotton, wool, linen, and silk, each occasion
an equal cost in labour, and each he is firmly persuaded
cannot be formed into the vast variety of commodity in which
they are employed, without paying from 70 to 80 per cent.
for labour, consequently dear provisions must and ought to
create dear labour. When this country had exclusivery the
advantage of the machinery of the last 60 years' invention,
then the price of labour was not felt; but When competition
was carried at home to a great extent, and when foreign coun-
tries, by the operation of our Corn-laws, were prevented
from disposing of their superabundfnt corn, they necessarily
turned their attention to manufacture ; and by great perse-
verance and money they had succeeded in obtaining very
large supplies of machinery, and by the advantage of cheap
labour from the low prices of food, they have been enabled to
create many of our articles at 30, 40, and 50 per cent. below
our prices. In Prussia, Saxony, Switzerland, and other coun-
tries on the continent of Europe, two or three workmen can be
obtained for the same wages we must give in Great Britain for
one man. And, as he before stated, that the great majority of
all our manufactured products cost from sixty to eighty per
cent. fur labour, it was not possible we could long compete
with those countries in articles they chose to employ them-
selves upon.--(Hear, hear.) The total repeal of our Corn-
laws, and the adoption of free trade, would be sure to raise the
price of corn, and as such the price of labour in those -count ics,
and would soon reduce it in this country to a standard that would
enable us to successfully compete with any European elation.
In his own particular business of an engineer, three Prussians,
or Saxons, or Switzers, could be employed at the same wages
he paid one of his workmen. When the. four pound loaf was
sold at sixpence. then one of his men, getting 30a. a week,
could purchase sixty loaves; one at 335. sixty-six loaves; and
one at 365. seventy-two loaves, for a week's wages ; but when
the loaf rose to a shilling, as was now nearly its price, then
they could only obtain
.half the number. A good agricultural
labourer, when the quarter of corn was under forty-five shil-
lings, then he rarely got more than eight shillihgs a week,
and for which he could purchase sixteen four-pound loaves ;
but when his wages were risen to ten or twelve shillings a
week, and the loaf -to a shilling, then he could only procure
ten or taclve loaves for his week's labour. When the jour-
neyman tailor, smith, or carpenter, at 30s. a week each,
could at one time obtain double the number, of loaves
they could provide at another period, was it wonderful
that such persons should feel disaatisfied ? So long as
these great fluctuations lasted, there could be no satisfaction
amongst the workmen and peasantry of thiS country. The
price of bread justly regulated the price of all other commo-
dities ; he wished not only bread to be cheap, but as fixed as
the nature of things could render it. There were not above
40,000 great landowners in Great Britain, and the Corn-laws
enabled them to draw from the people of this country upwards
of twenty millions sterling beyond what they in justice and
sound policy should receive. He believed if the British
farmers employed their capital, skill, and industry judiciously,
that they
.could generally produce as cheap provisions as
most other countries in Europe ; because none but our best
land need be cultivated. The landed interest had an undue
and overwhelming power in the Legislature of the country.—
( Hear, hear.) They had reduced the burden of taxation
from themselves in the last few years very considerably.
By the new Poor-law, by the commutation of tithes, the
removal of the tax on labouring horses, the auction duty,
the leather and salt taxes ; in short, he was fully persuaded the
whole body of the agriculturists did not pay one million and a
half per annum in direct taxes, while a much larger sum
was paid by the manufacturers,, merchants, and shopeepers
of Great Britain. He was very glad that the present vital
question to the happiness of this country was not, but in a
very small degree, a party, although unavoidably a political,
subject: It was indeed one of the greatest importance to the
future welfare of this country, and he hoped that this Court
would, by its vote of this day, do full justice to the great. inte-
rest of all classes of the community. He would not occupy
the Court any longer, but conclude by giving his cordial and
steady support in favour of the amendment—he also approved
of the first and second resolutions.

Mr. MATHEW said this was a most important question, and
should only be decided where all classes of the community
were represented ; -and it was not for that Court to dictate to
the Legislature what they should do. That the present Corn-
laws required alteration all were agreed; but he thought the
particulars of the alteration should be left to the Legis-
lature. Before ,we adopted the theory of free trade, we
should be satisfied on two points : first, whether the theory
rested on sound principle ; secondly, whether it was adapted.
to our peculiar circumstances. He was satisfied of the
soundness of the principle, if all nations would agree to act
on it; but if only one acted on it, and all the others refused,
the nation adopting it must suffer.--(No, no.) The second
point was, whether the Corn-laws were adapted to our cir-
cumstances? We laboured under Some disadvantage in com-
peting with the labour of other countries; the generous diet
of our population enhanced the price of our labour ; but some
protection was necessary for our agriculturists—the total re-
peal of the corn-laws would produce great suffering Millions
of outstanding debts were due from the country to London,
and it became that Court, as the representativea of trade, to
pause before they agreed to so sweeping a measure. The
fundholder as well as the landowner must disgorge, otherwise
it would be injustice to the landowner. With this view of the
subject, and confiding in the wisdom of the Legislature, he
wished to leave the question to their decision.
Mr. STUBBINGS said, if he stood alone, he should oppose
both the resolution and the amendment. He belonged to a
manufacturing distict, where, after the war, every farther in
it was ruined. If the present Corn-laws were repealed, it
would ruin the farmers and the agricultural population.
When corn was dear meat was dear also, for bread and meat
were brother and sister.--( A laugh.) When the produce of
the land bore a high price, wages were high, and all parties
prospered.
Mr. Deputy WILTAAms, of Bread-street Ward, expressed
his surprise, coupled with regret, that the Honourable Court,
which had so justly acquired the reputation of propping the
into rests of the poor against the innovations of the rich, or,
in either words, that professed to lend its aid to strengthen the
cause of the weak to bear up aeainst the strong—(Hear)—he
was astonished to find in that Court a single gentleman who
a ould vouchsafe to support those obnoxious Corn-laws. Io
his ( Mr. W.'s) humble opinion, the greatest boon that the
Government could confer on the lower and middling classes
of the country would be the absolute repeal of those odious,
vile Corn laws. He was, however, very much afraid that the
Government, to use a common expression, " had not pluck
enough to do it." He, for his own part, felt eenvinced that it
would very much benefit the poorer and labouring' classes of
his countrymen, and if he were possessed of the prerogative of
50 votes instead of one, he would gladly give them all in fa-
vour of the amendment of his respected friend, Mr. Norris.
Mr. HEPPEL rose to reply. He briefly noticed different
speakers who had advanced arguments, and contended that
they appeared to argue more for legislation for one particular
branch of the community, than for the community at large.
It never had been attempted to affix a protection duty to
cold and silver, which were held in the light of ar ieles of
barter e yet, when paper currency had been introduced, it
had not been occasioned for want of currency, but to accom-
modate to the change of circumstances , and now that the
change had been effected, he did not believe, however :nuch
some might reason upon the result, that there were any who
would. be desirous to return to the old system. He was desirous
that if even the term should extend over 21 years, that the far-
mers should be protected from the Wects of a sudden change.
There should-be some protection foe the farmer for the present
moment, and some protection for his subsequent engage-
ments. It was certain that to support the State a large
taxation" was necessary, but he seas not favourable either to
a protection duty or a bounty. He would oppose the amend-
ment, because the arguments urged in its support had been
c,irried on without reference to the party which it would affect.
The question had been treated as a political question, without
reference to the parties. It had been stated that the Court
was not the proper tribunal to submit the question to ; but
this much he knew, that if they agreed to the petition it would
then be submitted to a proper tribunal, when it was submitted
to the House of Commons.
After a short conversation, _

Mr. WIRE said the motion upon which they should divide
ought to be framed so as to apply either to the amendment or
the resolutions.

Mr. GALLOWAY was of opinion that the sense of the
meeting should be confined to the first and second resolutions.
The amendment was then put from the chair, but although
there was a large show of hands, on the call to divide its sup-
porters abandoned it.
The original motion was then read.
Mr. Deputy CORNET thought they were in part all agreed
on one point, that there ought to be a protection to the farmer
as long as other things could be protected. He moved an
amendment, the substance of which was, that a fixed duty at a
reduced rate should be substituted, instead of a fluctuating price.
Mr. DIXEY seconded the motion.

Mr. HEPPEL was of opinion that the amendment was only
calculated to make a division among those who were of one
opinion. The original motion comprehended all that the
amendment meant. He, for his own part, was for a gradual
repeal, and not to be loaded with a fixed duty.
The amendment was then put and lost, without a division ;
and the original motion was carried by a large majority.

PERSONAL DILIGENCE ACT, AND ACT OF
SEDtRUNT—MESSENGERS. e understand that as certain in-
conveniences were apprehended as likely to arise from the ge-
neral use by messengers of the schedule (B) of execution an-
nexed to the Act of Sederunt of 24th December last, relative
to extracts, Ere. that the Court of Session have repealed sec-
tion 2d of said Act of Sederunt, authorizing schedule (B) to
be used ' • and messengers and other officers are, in all cases, to
use the form of the execution No. 2, annexed to the Act of
Parliament 1 and 2 Vict., c. 114, whether the execution be
written upon the principal extract or upon paper apart.—
Scotsman.

LONG SPEECHES.—The Glasgow Herald of yes-
terday gives the following as the closing paragraph of the
Town-council Report :—" At this stage of the business, Alr.
.Boyle Gray rose with a bundle of papers in his hand.--Dread-
ing a long speech, the Council adjourned."