The Sun.
London, England, 1837-04-05 00:00:00

poses of repairing our churches, and therefore a substitutemust be, and has been, sought for and found.
" S,Jcondly—We have examined this substitute, and seen
that the funds which it offers can be derived from that very
property without injury to individuals, and with benefit to
the property itself, which, by the ancient law of the land,
was liable for the repair of churches.
" Thirdly—We have examined the mode of raising thes
funds, and we have found that it releases our bishops and
the higher clergy from the unscriptural management of great
landed estates ; and also that it relieves iem from the
temptation and the suspicion of benefiting themselves in the
management of this property, at the expense of the pro-
perty itself. We have seen that it will give the lessees of
this property the advantage of a fixed tenure, and that
those only will suffer who have hitherto been profiting at
the expense of the Church, by undue bargains or leases ;
and that the nation at large will gain by the increasing.
productiveness which will naturally arise from the agricul-
tural improvements and building leases that may henceforth
be safely undertaken on this immense property.
" Fourthly—We have also found that the inspection and
repairing our churches will be placed in experienced and
responsible hands, subject to the direction and control of
the highest ecclesiastical authorities.
" And finally, our vestries and parishes will be reclaimed
from the bickerings of rival sects wrangling for money ; our
poor will have ample space and accommodation in our re-
paired churches ; and the middle classes, the shopkeepers,
the farmers, the smaller manufacturers, all who choose, will
he relievedfroin an irregular and vexatious tax.
" All these advantages to our Churches, to our peace,
to our pockets, to our national profit, and, above all, to the
decent ministrations of religion, are to be obtained by this
Bill ; and yet it has been called spoliation and sacrilege—
so was the Reform Bill !"—liforning Chronicle.
The Times indulges yesterday in very coarse abuse
of the united Committee appointed to consider the
grievances under which Dissenters now labour, with
a view to their redress, and of Mr. Henry Way-
mouth, their Chairman, who subscribed the address
to which we lately called the attention of our readers:—
" Knowing as we do (says the foul-mouthed apostate)
that Mr. Henry Weymouth's select cabal, holding its ap-
pointment only from certain Socinian, Independent, and
Baptist congregations in the city and suburbs of London,
does neither represent the opinions nor possess the con-
fidence, nor act on the authority, of those excellent
Dissenters throughout England whose genuine piety is
unalloyed with sectarian ambition, it will not be sup-
posed that the innocent raillery we are about to indulge
in is meant to apply, by a single inch, beyond the parties
who immediately invite it. Who are those parties,
the public will will be glad to know ? With the ex-
ception of a Henry Waymouth, who, we understand, is
known to our reporting establishment as the spouting as-
sociate of Messrs. Savage and Murphy, at the Radical
soirees of Marylebone, there is no other person, we believe,
that can possibly be identified as the signer of this address.
Co-operating on the united Committee,' of which the
same Mr. Weymouth is the chairman, we have such
paragons of peace as Mr. Yockney, of Covent-garden, Mr.
Thomas Wilson, of Highbury, Mr. John Wilks, M.P., and
a Dr. Baldwin Browne, a dissenting barrister of distin-
guished legal leisure.'
That the address of the United Committee expressed
the sentiments of the Dissenters generally throughout
the country is proved by the zeal with which they are
every where responding to the call made on them.
There is no mistaking the meaning of the mani-
festations in all quarters against Church-rates. The
three denominations form a large portion of the Dis-
senters of England ; but it is a mistake to suppose that
the opposition to rates is confined to them. The
Record is well known to be the organ of the Wes-
leyan Methodists ; and in the number for Monday
last will be found accounts of several meetings of
Wesleyans directly adverse to Church-Rates. In
fact, the majority of the Wesleyans concur with the
other Dissenters, and with a large portion of the
members of the Church of England,- in the wish to
see Church-rates abolished. Mr. Waymouth, and the
other gentlemen named .by the Times, very probably

deem its abuse beneath their notice. As to the first-
named gentleman, it is quite certain that no one of the
reporting establishment of that journal could state that
he was known to them as the spouting associate of
Messrs. Savage and Murphy, at the radical soirees of
Marylebone, as we have occasion to know that he ne-
ver was present at any one of the Radical soirees in
question, and that he does not know Mr. Murphy even
by sight. Mr. Savage he has met only at the Vestry
of Marylebone, which gentlemen of all parties or po-
litics in the Parish attend, among others some now
high in the favour of the Times, as Lords Kenyon and
Radstock, &c. With respect to the address, it is, we
understand, neither the composition of " the busy and
learned solicitor for Boston," nor of " the more lei-
surely and learned Pangloss" (meaning, we presume,
Dr. Browne.) So much for the " convictions" of the
Tories. As the term Socinian is liberally used by way
of argument ad invidiam, we may observe that even
here too the 'Times is wrong ; for it so happens that
there is not a single Socinian or Unitarian now be-
longir g to the united Committee.—Morning Chronicle.

Mr. Daniel O'Connell, as we before remarked, is
beginning to peck and trim his feathers, now that he
has got once more, since the holidays, upon his own
Irish dunghill. All those who thought him or his
affairs worth observation agreed in remarking the down-
cast, crest-fallen air of this insurrectionary bully, from
the first day of the present Session to that of his de-
parture for Ireland, no less than the aggravated feeble-
ness and dullness of each and every of his attempts to
speak in the House of Commons, whatever might be
the subject of discussion. 'Whisky, circumambient
Popery, and the fragrant incense of the Corn Exchange,
appear during these last few days to have been repair-
ing the ravages made in his constitution by the alien
atmosphere of England. He has become as insolent,
extravagant, and obtrusive as in the most flourishing
and offensive periods of his life. We have already
taken occasion to notice the happy scheme of an
address to the Princess Victoria, and to offer a
sketch of that preparatory admonition hy, which her

Royal Highness ought to be forewarned, respecting
the species of person which Mr. Daniel O'Connell
has proved himself to be ; and respecting the
nature of those merits by which, as a subject of the
Crown, which her Royal Highness is one day des-
tined—if Providence so wills it—to wear, he has en-
titled himself and his honest congratulations to a fa-
vourable and gracious hearing. It may be well, how-
ever, to hint to this learned courtier, that he is running
a little too fast with his overtures of protection to the
future occupant of the Imperial Throne. The Princess
Victoria cannot yet be made a tool for factious pur-
poses. It is true that to certain ends, and in a specific
but partial sense, the Constitution of England con-
templates an heir presumptive after the completion of
his or her 18th year, in a different light from that in
which he or she should be considered at an earlier age.
Before 18 the presumptive heir to the Crown is to all
intents and purposes an infant. After the demise of
the predecessor, the successor under 18 years of age
can execute no act of Sovereign power but through a
Regent. The successor of 18 years and upwards en-
joys at once all the prerogatives of a Sovereign,
reigning of his or her own inherent right, and in
proper person. But during the interval between 18
and 21' the heir presumptive is still an infant, save in
so far as to be capable of reigning in the event of a
demise of the Crown. It follows, therefore, that dur-
ing King William's life the Princess Victoria is not,
strictly speaking, « of age" until her 21st year shall
have been completed. Whether a separate household
shall be assigned to the Princess in the course of the
month ensuing, and to what extent, it rests with his
Majesty, and with him alone, to settle, subject, of
course, to the approval of Parliament for what con-
cerns any increase of expenditure thereby occasioned.
Mr. Daniel O'Connell, therefore, may find himself, as
we have stated, somewhat prematurely in the field with
this projected Corn-Exchange contribution. He will
be given
to understand, very possibly, that the King
forbids this familiar approach to the person and'
public importunity for a disclosure of sentiments
or declarations of his niece. It may be signified
to the
Agitator and to his Popish confederates,
that they shall not succeed in extorting from the
Princess any expression of political opinion, which
might afterwards be misrepresented into an en-
gine of embarrassment, according to whatever
slippery interpretation Mr. Daniel O'Connell might
think
proper to affix to it. No, gentlemen of the
Corn Exchange, it will not do. Youth and innocence
must keep aloof from all such evil communications.
You are not fit company for the Princess. You shall
neither trepan her into an implied countenance of your
incendiary projects, nor intrude upon her privacy, nor
foster the spirit of intrigue among those who are osten-