The Sun.
London, England, 1837-12-02 00:00:00

the ground of their not affording religious education, although
he himself knew perfectly that some were conducted in the
best possible manner.
Lord BROUGHAM said that in rising to explain the out-
lines of the different Bills he was about to introduce and crave
the honour of being read a first time, he felt he ought to state
the reasons why be adopted a course, not the most
ordinary, namely of opening the nature of the measures
before the details had been submitted to the House. Were he
to wait till the Bills were printed, and then take up the debate
on the second reading, stating the ground on which he thought
the measures ought to receive the support of their Lordships,
he felt he should not be rendering justice either to the framers
of the measures or their promotqrs. He should no longerhave the
opportunity of removing some dbjections that might stand up in
the arrangement of this plan ; and coming after those objections,
unanswered as they would be, had taken root in the minds of
some of their Lordships, he should hardly consider that he
had exercised ordinary care. lf it were said that he
might take the chance of their Lordship's attention being
given to the Bills, in the intervals between the Bills being
read a first and second time, he had alas ! already been fa-
voured with an answer to that in what had dropped
from the Right Rev. Prelate and from his Noble Friend
the Lord Privy Seal—neither of whom seemed to think that
these measures had ever before been before the House ; both of
whom seemed to think that he was about to bring in a new
plan, and the Right Reverend Prelate having actually
stated that he was wholly unacquainted with his ( Lord
Brougham's) plans and views on the subject. He did not
blame those Noble Lords for not having paid any attention to
these Bills when before the House on former occasions. He did
not blame them for now thinking he was about to break open a
new plan, and to tread over an untrodden field—stating plans
which were now for the first time to be explained to their
Lordships—because that was the fate of all Bills.
Noble Lords would not give them their attention until they
were forced upon their minds, and until they were compelled
to act upon them.—( Hear, hear.) The subject was brought
before the House last session. On the very first night
of the Session the Education Bill was brought in, read a first
time, ordered to be printed, and actually printed ; and for the
purpose of preventing the confusion that usually arose,
from reading a plan in the form of a clause in
an Act of:Parliament, he took the liberty of circulating with
the Bill a very full extract and digest of all the provisions
of the measure—he would not say for the purpose
of preventing their Lordships from pretended ignorance ;
hut that at all events they should not have the ordinary excuse
which arose from the tedium of reading an Act of Parlia-
ment.—( Hear, hear.) At the end of the Session the
subject was broached again. It was not attended
to at the beginning of the Session, because it was then too
early ; it was not attended to at the end of the Session because
it was then too late.—( Laughter.) He could not say it was not
attended to at the early part of the Session, because the
House had then too much business—because it had then
just none at all—and for some time afterwards it did
just as much, namely—nothing. —( A laugh.) Public business
prevented their Lordships attending to it at the end of the
Session. One deplorable event, the death of his
late Majesty ; and another event which produced uni-
versal joy, the accession of her present Majesty. It was
incidental to those events that matters of this kind should
not be attended to ; accordingly not from the pressure of
business, but from the lively interest that was t Aaen in the
scenes that was then passing no attention was paid to them.
One Bill, then, which I have now to bring forward is in its
principles the same as that which I first introduced; but in
ieference to the second Bill there has been some alteration in
the measure originally proposed, and this is now introduced for
the first time. With respect to this second Bill, I may say
that I had last session anticipated the necessity for its intro-
duction would have been obviated by my Hon. Friend who was
then Member for Middlesex having brought forward a mea-
sure in the House of Commons, but that having fallen to the
ground, I was left to devise some new provision to supply the
deficiency caused by it, and the matters therefore contained in
the second Bill I have to present to the House are now brought
before your Lordships for the first time. In all other re-
spects the Bills are the same. It is true that the Bill has
been divided into two, that part which relates to education ge-
nerally having been separated from the portion which has re-
ference to the better administration of charitable funds, and
this division has taken place for obvious reasons. I think, my
Lords, that I shill best discharge my duty to yotir i.ordships
and to the great subject which I have to introduce, especially
as the point le:s been indirectly discussed in the conversation
which took place this night as well as in that which occurred
two nights since, if I begin by stating what appear to me to be
the great general principles to be followed in any attempts
which we may make towards the improvement, the exten-
sion, and the perpetuation of the education of the people ; and if
after having stated these general principles, I then state
the particular principles drawn, not only from the policy of
every country, but also from the peculiar circumstances of
this country and of the present time. No one is more aware
than myself of the difference which exists between universal
principles which are applicable to all countries and to all
times, and those principles which are drawn from the pecu-
liar circumstances of the present time and of this country ;
and without minutely attending to this material distinction
it will be impossible for our labours to come to a good
result. After detailing these general principles, I shall
proceed to . unfold the several points of the particular
measure to which I wish on the present occasion to
direct your Lordships' notice. First, I think, my Lords, that
there ought to be, in no time, in no cuuotry, whatever may
be the Constitution of the country, and no state of society,
any positive and direct compulsion as to the education of the
people. I am aware, my Lords, that some most respectable
persons differ from me on this subject—they ore not a nu-
merous body, but they are of great weight, because they
have paid much attention to the subject, and because al.
most all of them are possessed of great general information;
but still I cannot help feeling assured that they have been
led away by looking at the circumstances peculiar to the se-
veral countries in which such a system exists. My opinion of
the system pursued in those countries and of these cireum-
stances is, that they are totally inapplicable to our own situa-
tion, and that they are absolutely pernicious; and that per-
sons have been led away in consequence of the mitigation of
the compulsory system, in consequence of the situation of
the states in which it exists, and that, instead of seeing what
might work well there might be bad in itself, they had been
led to believe that the compulsory system should be adopted
here; they have been the more led away from their honesty,
a-dour, and z' al for public instruction ; and they have not
brought their own minds to the due considere.tion that there is
a line over which the lawgiver ought not to pass, and beyond
which we lose all claim to support, by the violation of some
of the most sacred principles. If I wished to demonstrate
thoroughly that a compulsory system ought not to be intro-
duced, I would put it to any person of common reflection,
whether it were safe and right, whatever might be the temp-
tation arising from the deficiencies in the existing state
of education, from the risk to be incurred from igno-
rance, from the duty of the parents, from the mis-

chii•f which may arise, haunt, and infect 119- from the
Leglect
.of this duty, to usurp the duty of the parent to the
offspring, and to place in its stead the public authority of the
State, to treat the directian of the child's studies as a civil

office, and to take away the parental care of the offspring from
the person to whom nature has committed the charge? An-
other answer to such a suggestion is, that it is a violation cf
individual liberty—that by this means a tyranny would be
established, and tbus, in order to educate, we'shall enslave
the people ; in order to diffuse instruction we contract
liberty, and we shall introduce a system which is alike
novel, horrid, and unbearable to the citizens of a free
state; and this we shall do because under a foreign Go
vernment and a despotic rule the system had not rendered
the previous slavery absolutely unbearable. This is my
decided opinion.—(lnterruption in the House.) If Noble
Lords will neither read nor hear, I am not surprised at their
want of knowledge on the subject. I know the dryness of
the subject, but I trust they will at least bear with me while I
state my views on this important question.—( Hear.) The
next general rule which I would lay down as fit to govern the
supporters of any measure of compnlsion is, that not only
should there be no compulsion, but there should be no inter-
ference by the Government as to who shall or shall not be edu-
cated ; and that their power should not be extended beyond
what is absolutely necessary-, but, also, that there should be no
strict rule as to the course which the education of the people
shall take. I shall look with a very jealous eye on any inter-
ference by the Government as to the line of instruction which
shall be pursued ; .for it would be no more nor less than a
tyranny that the Government shall have power to say what
course of education the scholars shall go through. They
should not interfere with the kind of instruction to be pur-
sued, the method which may be taken for imparting that in-
struction, or the books which ought to be read. In all this
there should be no interference; it should be entirely uncon-
trolled, and left to the choice of the individuals themselves.
—( Hear, hear.) I would allow no Board or law to con-
trol it, and I would permit neither the Executive Govern-
ment nor the Legislature to interfere and prescribe any
general and fixed plan, for the determining of which the
Legislature and the Government are equally unfitted. I will
presently show how these great principles may be so modi-
fied as to obtain the object which we seek—the better
education of the people—without the breach of the principle
itself. In like manner I think that no Government ought to
have the power of appointing the persons who are to educate
the people ; tiro), ought not to be entrusted with the power of
saying who are to be the parties from whom the public are to
receive the benefit of secular instruction ; for if any one were
to give me the power of naming the teacher, without super-
intendence or control as to the fitness of the person ap-
pointed, I should not much trouble myself to obtain the
power of prescribing the course of instruction, for, were any
fixed upon, I should be as confident that it would be as
much violated as ifany Act of Parliament, or a Board, were
to say what course shall be taken ; both the one and the
other are unfit for the task, and even if fit would be the
most improper parties to say what books shall be read, what
subjects shall be taught, and what shall be the order or plan
of education. Although lam stating my opinion that no
compulsory authority ought to exist on these matters, and
t bough I consider that this is the corner-stone of any plan
be adopted, yet I am disposed to add that I would adopt,
any modifications, not any exceptions, but concurrent
i nciples, by which we remove all difficulties, without cx-
osing ourselves to the evils of interference. This, though
decidedly against any compulsion, I am disposed to hold out
nducements to parents to perform their duty, for all of us
are aware that it is a duty strictly devolvirg upon the parent
to take care of his offspring's education, and though the
breach of this duty be a great sin, and a moral offence, yet it
is not such an offence as can be reached by law ; and from
this very circumstance it becomes the more necessary, without
any violation of principle, and without any breach of the
liberty of the people, to hold out incentives, encouragements,
and excitement to individuals to discharge this duty, and you 1