The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-09 00:00:00

MEXICO.

Sir R. WILSON rose to call the attention of the House
for a few minutes to a subject of considerable importance
which had been incidentally discussed the other evening ;
he alluded to our present relations with Mexico. It was
well known that a ftw years ago a strong force was as-

sembled at CartLarne and Porto Rion, which produces{
considerable expense and alarm to the Republic, and not
a little to the commercial interests in this country, who
had millions of property awaiting the result of the inva-
sion meditated by Spain. The Mexicans threatened Cuba
with a strong force, and information to that effect having'
reached Mr.:Canning, he sent for Mr. Hurtado, the Envoy
here, and told him it was his dray to state, that England
would not permit any attack npou Cohn on the part of the
Republics of Colombia and of Mexico, inasmuch as such
an attempt might excite a negro insurrection there, and
probably extend itself to our West India Colonies. Thi■
declaration of Mr. Canning was conveyed to the Go-
vernments of the two Republics, and we, acquiesced
in by Bolivar. They dispersed their forces with
the hope that, having acted in conformity with
the views of the British Government, no prejudice
would exist against their resisting any attack which
might be wade against them by Spain. Mexico and
Colombia both suffered severely by being obliged to keep
up a large naval force ; they were partly obliged to aban-
sort it; and they made application to the British Govern-
ment to be protected against any attacks upon the part df
the Mother Country. They asked, at ail eeeiftro that thtt
should be strictly neutral, and preserved from any itt4cl.
which might be directed against them from Cuba. ''kid
occurred in 1827, and reclamation, were made to this
Government, chewing the evils which would be inflicted
upon the republic if an attack from Cuba were permitted.
A further application to this effect was made, when Bar-
radas was at Cuba, and about to land in Mexico, where
he imagined that the sight of the Spanish banner would
soon find ranged under it the Mexican population. He
landed, and soon discovered that this illusion had ceased,
and that they disliked the Spanish yoke ; but though they
defeated Barradas, still they were in no small degree of
anxiety as to future attacks, for so far was Spain from
abandoning the attempt, that she was forming another.
expedition, and that expedition was to sail from Cuba.
It was, therefore, now but fair that Mexico should kilo*
what our policy towards her was in this respect, and
that the British property embarked in that eottritri
should not be liable to confiscation or destruction.
When Laborde put to sea, a report prevailed that
an insurrection had taken pilot in Colombia ;--he
hovered off her coast for about forty days, but finding
the insurrection not so bad as he was led to expect, he
returned to Porto Rico. Daring these transactions this
province of Venezuela was obliged to keep up a force tot
vhf-defence, which had the effect of preventing the
Mexican bondholders from receiving their dividends last
November. Again he begged to call the attention of the
Right Hon. Gentleman and of the House to the Rtatf of
Mexico, as it regarded the advantages held out to hug=
land by the early acquirement of the precious metals, the
produce of her mines ; advantages which had been so
forcibly recommended to their attention on a former night
by the Right Hon. Member for Liverpool. He would
state facts which had been verified as relating to one ar-
ticle of trade with this country, employed in working the
mines of South America. In 1827 and 1828, there was
consumed in the mines of Mexico only, quicksil►er im-
ported from this country to the following amount :—ln
1827, the quantity exported was 379,379 (ounces, we
believe) ; in 18t5, it was 661,3223; and in December,
January, and February, 1829-30, the exportation gave
a proportion of 1,310,400 for the year. Could there be
a greater proof than this of the advantages to be derived
by the commerce and manufactures of this country, from
protecting Mexico against foreign interference, which in-,
tempted her industry, and distracted the progress of her
internal improvement? In 1827 and 1828, the quick-
silver exported from this money was worth from 45 to 55
dollars in Mexico, whereas, such was the increase in the
demand and the price, that it appeared from intelligence
received by the last packet that some had now sold for 80
and 85. These were positive advantages to our interest;
but it was not on that account alone that he wished the
influence of the Government to be used in preserving the
peace and tranquillity of the South American States. He
desired that this country should not be accused of acting
with a partiality which degraded her, and of abusing the
power which she possessed over the welfare of these
States. The questions he had to put to the Right Hon.
Gentleman were these :—First, whether any prohibition,
restraining Mexico and Colombia from attacking Cuba and
Porto Rico, was intended to be maintained by this Go-
vernment ? And if so, whether the same restraint would
not be hereafter imposed upon Spain as far as Cuba and
Porto Rico were concerned ; that was, whether thou
places should not be considered as neutral countries, from
which no attacks should be prepared or made upon
Mexico or Colombia? If such a prohibition had formerly
' existed against any hostile operations on the part of
Mexico, he wished to know whether it would net now be
considered in the nature of a dropped order in that House,
and that Mexico would be at liberty, in the case of any
further hostile interference from Spain, to invade Cuba, as
long as she observed the obligations and acted according to
Ere laws of war ?

Mr. Secretary PEEL could assure the Hen. Gent. that
on this, as upon every other occasion, it was his desire to
answer any question put to his Majesty's Government in
that House respecting the foreign policy of the country, as
excuse point
him f
if suchhe
did deep n
n importance,tnnntent
m sthatel
f the
with
would givingou
frankly and as clearly as well coLsistent with the general
interests of the State. But he felt these questions to in-
volve
a
a simple answer to the questions of the Hon. Gentleman,
but entered into a short explanation of the facts, and of
the intentions and policy of the Government. 'When *
Noble Friend of his on a former night pet a question to
him upon the same subject, he answered it upon the
strength of his recollection ; and if he had then fallen
into any mistake as to the occurrences which had been
referred to, he was sure the House would readily have
pardoned him when they considered that seven or eight
years had intervened since they took place. But in
the interval since that discussion, he had referred to
the documents, and found that his recollection upon all
the substantial points had been correct. He then stated
his impression of the facts to be, that in 1823 ale.
Canning, then being Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, made a public declaration that England would
not resist any attempt made by Spain t* re-establish her
power and authority over her revolted colonies. At
the same time Mr. Canning declared that England would
not recognise the right of any other fsrsign power to ally
herself to Spain for the purpose of aiding her in such an
attempt ; but that if it were made by the Mother Country,
and by her own resources, then that this Government
would not interfere, but observe a strict neutrality between
the contending parties. His Noble Friend had said that
something more was added, about the difficulty of main-
taining a strict neutrality ; and it had been further asserted
that Mr. Canning prohibited any counter attempt upon
Cuba on the part of the South American States. His
answer to that was that if any prohibition was issued by
Mr. Canning, prohibiting Mexico from attacking Cuba,
he was confident that it had been made upon some pecu-
liar ground, involving perhaps the common interests of
humanity, or some particular and paramount interest of
this country. Upon examining the records of these
transactions, he found that his view of Mr. Canning's
motives had been the true one. In the notes of a Con-
ference between Mr. Canning and the Prince de Polignac,
which took place on the 9th of October, 1823, he found
tt'at Mr. Canning made this important declaration :—" That
the British Government would not only abstain from
inter-
fering to prevent 6pain from resorting to any negeciaticos
for the recovery of her Colonies, but would aid her in
such negoeiations; and in any ease lee strictly neutral,
even if war should be resorted to by Spain herself.—
But that, if Spain should form a junction with any other
foreign power who would aid her in the war, then that the
British Government would consider another ease to have
arisen, and its conduct would be influenced by other views."
This was the ground taken by Mr. Canning, and he re-
ferred with pleasure to another part of the document, in
which the Prince de Pongees, on the part of France, dis-
claimed in any case the intention of joining in hostile
measures against the South American Colonies. Thus
far the declarations of Mr. Canning on the question were
in their possession. lie had no recollection of any others,
and there was no record of any such prohibition as that
alluded to. If any such had been made, the probability
was, that it had been verbal, and of this he was certain,
that it was made as an exception to the general rule, and
justified by some peculiar considerations growing out of
the circumstances of the case, either relating to the com-
mon interest of humanity, as he had said before, or to
sonic paramount considerations of State. He had said
that there was no record of the act, or of the motives
which dictated it; but if Mr. Canning did make such a
prohibition, he should think it rather referred to the man-
re.riin which the war was likely to be carried on. This he
was bound to st ite in justice to the memory of Mr. Can-
ning—so strong did he feel the desire of promoting the
tranquillity of the South American Colonies—so anxious
was he to prevent the revival or the opening of fresh
hostilites I etNeen them and the Muther Country, that in
1824, just previous to our recognition of their inde-
pendence, he offered Spain to guarantee to her the pox-
srssion of Cuba, upon condition of her entering into ne-
gociations, the basis of which should be, that their inde-
pendence should be formally recognised. If, therefore,
any such prohibition was ever declared by Mr. Canning,
lie was satisfied that it must have been made upon sonic
special grounds. He was the more confirmed in this con-
clusion, becttuee Om; was ?“ the part af t4e United 6tataa

VI declaration of such an inten4d amicable interference, in
which special grounds were pointed out. In a note of
Mr. Clay, the Minister of the United State•, dated Dec.,
18?5, that Government, then having recognised the inde-
pendence of Mexico and the other Republics, he declared
its intention to preserve a strict neutrality in the case of a
war betwixt them and her former colonies. The tonne
of that declaration were, however, that if Spain should
persist in carrying on war without the prospect of success,
the Republics of Colombia and Mexico would probably
retaliate, by making an attack upon Cuba, that being the
point d'appui from which Spain could carry on her ope-
rations ; and that if a war carried into that island by
the Republics, should prove to be one of a desolating na-
ture, such as the putting of arms into the hands of one class
of the inhabitants against another class, then it would be
necessary for America to interfere and to prevent such a
war of extermination from proceeding. This was the geo'and
which America had taken. What she said was, that she
would not interfere so long as the war was carried on on
both sides according to the laws of civilized nations ; but
she would not see such a course taken as must lead to the
depopulation of the island of Cubs, and leave it to be
transferred to the possession of some European Power. If
Mr. Canning ever made any similar declaration, lie was
satisfied it must have been oats of this nature. With re-
gard to the recent expedition sent out by Spain against
Mexico, it was, he believed, almost entirely sent from the
Havannah. Almost the only person in it who proceeded
from the Mother Country, hs believed, was the Corn-
mender of the troops ; and he could assure the Hon.
Gentleman, whatever he might think, that it would have
been extremely difficult for England to have prevented the
sailing of that expedition by remonstrance alone. So
much for what had been done ; and now for the intentions
of the Government as to the future. They felt a deep
interest in the welfare and the prosperity of these infant
States. They had recognised their independence, and
were anxious to see that independence consolidated by
their tranquillity, and by their security from foreign at-
tack, so long as they gave no just cause of interference to
other Powers. He did hope that they would now turn
to their own resources, and subduing their own party di-
visions--establish an internal union and peace, which,
after all, would probably be their greatest safeguard against
foreign aggression. The Government of this country had
hoped that Spain, if she could not be persuaded to nego-
eiste with her lost colonies, would hare seen the policy of
abstaining from actual hentilitics against them. If there
should hereafter appear to he any chance of a revival of
actual hostilities, the policy of England would be to use
her best efforts for their prevention ; but if that interces-
sion failed, and Spain was determined to proceed with
hostile measures, then lie had no difficulty in making on
the part of the British Government this public declara-
tion—that so far as the lawful operations of ever were
concerned on either side, this country would act upon prin-
ciples of strict impartiality.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. G. LAMB rose briefly to state his reasons for vot-
ing for the amendment to the Address on the first night of
the Session. If he bad any confidence in the Ministers--
end he begged to say that he bad none—he should still
have found himself bound to vote for the amendment.
The lion. Gentleman then went over several of the topics
which were discussed on Thursday and Friday nights. lie
observed, that in the course of the debate, on a former
evening, allusions bad been made to the state of the cur-
rency, and several Hon. Members on both sides of the
House had suggested the propriety of an immediate altera-
tion of the law which required an adherence to a metallic
currency. On his part he confessed he was not prepared
to rescind the determination which they had come to on
that subject, although lie would not deny the inquiry into
its propriety which was so earnestly solicited. On these
grounds he had tupported the amendment rather than the
original Address, with respect to that part which related
to the internal affairs of the empire. If, however, the
Ministers were accused of recklessness and carelessness of
every thing connected with domestic policy, what was to
be sahl with reference to their conduct upon every thing
rehoing to foreign affairs? If Ministers were charged
with too great a resemblance of Whigs in their manage-
ment of domestic affairs, on the Continent they were con-
sidered the most tremendous Tories that ever appertained
to any party in this country.—(Hear, hear.)—And he
really felt there was but too much justice in the ob-
servations of the Noble Lord, the Member for the
University of Cambridge (Lord Palmerston), when lie
declared, on Friday evening, that the character of Eng-
land was disgraced and detested on every part of the
Continent. He confessed it was with the greatest pain and
regret that he heard the Right Hon. Gent., the Secretary
for the Home Department, hold so low a tone on the sub-
ject of the position of this country, with reference to the
Continent, and admit that the fear of war was the sole
cause of that temporising system of policy which was so
loudly complained of. That tone was indeed so low as to
form a remarkable contrast with the language used scarcely
two years ago by the Minister who then directed the coun-.
oils of this country. The nation reposed confidence in
Mr. Canning, because he had raised its name to that great
and exalted station which it ought to occupy among the
States of the Continent; and when he unhappily sunk he
bequeathed to his country as a legacy an example of the
consequences of a liberal but straight-forward and deter-
mined course of policy, which it was fondly hoped would
be followed by his successors. 'The confidence, therefore,
which the nation felt in Mr. Canning had been continued
to his successors, and what had been the result ? Why, that
they had obtained the reputation of being considered the
foes of every liberal institution, and of having leagued them-
selves in strict alliance with feeble Sovereigns and bigntted
Ministers. The whole mind of the people of these countries
whose good opinion, he contended, it was the true policy of
England to maintain, had been alienated by this course, and,
instead of being considered the friend, England was held
to be the enemy of all liberal institutions. He was told,
however, by the Right Hon. Gent., that war must be
avoided, and that this was the cause of their adopting the
policy of non-interference ; but he trusted that there
would now be an end of the confidence which the country
had reposed in them who maintained such a doctrine.
For be could tell them that by their abstaining from all
that was liberal and just, through the apprehensions of war,
the time might come when the question would be, not whe-
ther they were to abstain front a particular act because it
might lead to war, but whether they would not have war
forced on them, and forced on them, too, when they had
deprived themselves of the assistance and the good wishes
•,t all the friends of freedom, who formed, he was per-
suaded, the great majolity of the population,--(1-tear.)
The Hon. Member then referred to that part of the
Speech in which Portugal was mentioned, and observed,
that as they were told all hope of a reconciliation be-
tween the two branches of the House of Braganza
WWI at an end, they must now be prepared, be supposed,
for the disgrace of the formal recognition of Don Miguel.
How, he would ask, was this recognition to be effected ?
By what artifice was it to be managed ? or after what
form and in what language was the Sovereign of England
to enter into terms of amity and friendship with an
usurper, who was acknowledged to have even broken the
sacred word of royalty ? Of the doctrine of non-inter-
ference which the Right Hon. Gent. bad contended for,
he should say no more than that it always appeared to him
to labour under two objections—one was, that it was
utterly impossible to persevere in it as a system; and the
other was, that no nation in Europe would give this
country credit for sincerity if it attempted it.—(Hear.)
—The Right Hon. Gent. had quoted the opinions of a
great number of eminent Statesmen in favour of the po-
sition that it was important to preserve the integrity
of the Turkish Empire. But it was most unfortunate for
the Right Hon. Gent. and his argument that, at the very
moment when this country for a long series of years had
acknowledged Turkey as an ally, that very moment Tur-
key found her ancient eneary before the very gates of her
capital. Now, whatever might he the well-merited diffi-
dence with which the people of this country regarded the
wisdom and experience of the present Ministers, with
regard to our domestic and commercial policy, they were
surely fully justified in placing the utmost reliance in
their military knowledge, when they saw how many dis-
tinguished military men held situations in the present
Administration—when they saw a Field Marshal Premier,
and recollected the high rank and experience of his
Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of the Colonies (Sir G.
Murray), and of his other Right Hon. Friend, who held a
distinguished place in the Orduance (Sir H. Hardinge)—
they could not but feel surprise at the confidence which
seemed to have been entertained with respect to the im-
pregnability of the passes of the Balkan, after they saw
they were travelled over by the enemy with as much ease
as if it had been the turnpike road to Weimer Castle.—
(Hear.)—He had declared he felt no confidence in the
present Ministry ; and if an individual so little distinguished
as he was should be considered worthy cf any reply, he
trusted he should not be met with the hacknied language
of who is held fit to take their places ? he hOped be never
should be told that the House of Commons did net sup-
ply a number of men well qualified to guide the Councils
of the country, and worthy of the confidence of the Sove-
reign. It had been the hellion of late to fil} the posts of
the Administration by recruiting among- the ranks of their
enemies. In one cue they sought, an Attorney-General
from among the Whigs. In anothenthey sought for a
Muter of the Mint in •itt Hon. Member, who had been
amongst their greatesteaPpOnents; and unless they ended
by selecting a !taint, he did net know in what party they
Lad not sought for support...-(Hearty and a laugh.)-.He

looked on this, not as an attempt to increase the strength
of the Ministry, but as a means adopted to soften hostility;
and he objected to it as calculated to destroy the indepen-
dence of the House of Commons by endeavouring to put
an end to the existence of parties, and rendering every man
in it an official expectant.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. Secretary PEEL knew he was much cut of order
in rising again ; but he trusted the House would indulge
Him for a very few moments, while he endeavoured to
explain one or two points of hie former observations,
which had been very much misconstrued by the lion.
Member far Pungarvan (Mr. Lamb). That Hon. Mem-
ber had assumed that he (Mr. Peel) argued for the neces-
sity and propriety of non-interference, on the ground that
they could not depart from that course, through the fear
of being called on to engage in war. Now so cautious had
he been of allowing any misconstructions to be placed on
his language with regard to war, that throughout the ob-
servations he addressed to the House, on the subject of the
Foreign Policy of the country, he most studiously avoided
the mention of the word peace, without at the same time
declaring that peace was not worth having, unless it
could be preserved in a manner consistent with the honour
of the country and the integrity of its power ; and he re-
peated, that he did so expressly for the purpose of avoid-
ir•.g that very misrepresentation—a misconstruction into
which the Honourable Member for Durgarvan, he
had no doubt, quite undesignedly fell on this oe-
casion. England might well afford to avow her
love of peace ; because she was strong enough and
powerful enough to feel no fear of the consequences of war :
and let me tell those who ascribe such motives to this
country, that those who have from principle, from huma-
nity, arid from a sense of its good policy, laboured to
maintain a just peace among nations, will always be found ,
the most able to sustain the consequences of a just and '
necessary war.— (Hear. )—Now I shall take leave to add
one word on a subject to which the Hon. Member has also
alluded very pointedly in the course of his speech, and
which, I know, has made considerable impression, both
here and elsewhere. The Hon. Gent. has declared it is
well known both in France and in England, that the pre-
sent Ministry of France owes its appointment to the Go-
vernment of this country. I have no doubt that the other
impressions of the Hon. Member are founded on authority
equally erroneous ; but of that he would now say at once,
there never was any report so utterly unfounded, so wholly
devoid of truth, as that any communication, either direct
or indirect, was sent by any individual holding any situa-
tion in the Governaneut of this country to any member of
any party, or holding any situation in France, with re-
spect to the appointment of Prince Polignac to the head of
its Ministry.—(Hear.)
A Member from under the Gallery, who we understood
to be Lord MANDEVILLE, praised that portion of his
Majesty's Speech which promised a reform in the Court of
Chancery ; and observed, that although it must be admitted
there was considerable distress at present, he hoped the
day was not far distant when the country would again en-
joy prosperity.

Alderman WAITHMAN thought it necessary to
observe, that although his Majesty's Speech declared the
distress to be temporary, and confined to the agriculturists,

it would he found that it extended to almost every class in
the country. No notice was taken of the retail dealer;
but it had been asserted, in another place, that their pros-
perity was a proof of the limited nature of the distress.
Now, he did not know bow the Ministers got this infor-
mation; but he, who knew a little more of the retail trade
than they did, could tell them that the trade was suffering
greater losses than it ever sustained before. For his part,
he would say that he had no confidence left in the Minis-
try; and he believed, in saying so, he repeated the opinions
of the great majority of the people.
. Mr. ROBINSON approved of the pacific and economic
policy of the Ministry; but he had voted for the Amend-
ment, although the Right Hon. Gent. below him ascribed
sinister motives to the proposer of it, because he thought it
expressed the situation of the country in language more
true than the original Address.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER denied
that he had ascribed sinister motives to the motion of the
Member for Kent (Sir E. Knatchbull.) The Hon. Mem-
ber ought to recollect it was unparliamentary to ascribe
motives of any kind to Zmbers of that House.

Lord NORMANBY feared the opinion was but too pre-
valent on the Continent that the whole tenor of the policy
of England went to perpetuate despotism. Only two
years ago England held that station which she ought to
occupy as the head of the free countries of the world, and
the friend of all liberal institutions. He knew no better
method to recover that character than to profess honestly,
and to act sincerely—hut he feared the Government had
obtained such a reputation on the Continent, that it would
be long before the friends of freedom would be brought to
put trust in its professions.
Mr. HART DAVIS had heard one or two circumstances
within the last few days, which went far to illustrate the
partial nature of the distress. He had conversed with a
gentleman connected with a great manufacturing house in
Gloucestershire, who told him that their business was so
good the house had written to him to take no more orders,
as they could not in six months comply with all they had
already received, and that every hand which they had ever
employed was in full work. He had also dined the other
day with a gentleman who had been lately in Dublin, in
Ireland—(A. laugh)--and who had much connection with
the receivers of rents in Ireland; and that gentleman told
him, that in one estate of 30,0001. a year, there had not
been one single defaulter. In others the payments were as
. . .

good, and altogether the agriculturists were flourishing in
Ireland. He mentioned this as a proof that even the agri-

cultural distress was not universal.

Mr. SADLER observed, that the statements of the
Hon. Member, with respect to the condition of the ma-
nufacturers, had a tendency greatly to mislead the public
mind on a subject of the utmost importance. The Hon.
Member bad stated that a great number of hands were em-

ployed by the manufacturers; but the fact was, that in
many cases those hands were retained in order that they
might have the means of existence. lie also differed en-
tirely from the Hon. Membey in attributing the distress
which existed in the agricultural districts to a bad harvest.
He (Mr. Sadler) had never asserted that the distress in
the country was so universal that there was no instance to
be found of a single claUs of persons by whom it was not
felt. He admitted that there were some exceptions to the
universality ; but, as in other cases, the exceptions only
established the general rule. The members of the Stock
Exchange, the great capitalists, for example, were probably
among those exceptions. But the industrious and produc-
tive classes of the people, those by whom the greater num-
ber of the Members of that House were sent thither, were
suffering severe distress. If they wished to knew the state
of the commercial interest, let them look at the bankrupt
list ; if they wished to know the state of the lower classes,
let them look at the amount of the poor rates. He had
that morning seen a document, the result of a Meeting in
a populous district near Manchester. This document was
signed by the Chairman ; and it stated that the distress
was overwhelming.
Mr. .TOHN STEWART had lately returned from Scot-
land, where he had been for several months ; and cer-
tainly the agricultural distress was not so severe in that
country as in England. He denied, therefore, the accuracy
of the statement that the distress in Scotland was severe,
overwhelming, and unprecedented. The harvest of 1828
had exceeded in Scotland the general average in England;
so that the Scotch had been enabled to export corn to
supply the markets of England. He was satisfied that the
distress in England arose from circumstances over which
it was impossible that either his Majesty's Ministers or any
other persons could have any controul.
Mr. O'CONNELL, adverting to what had fallen from
the Hon. Member for Bristol with respect to the state of
Ireland, observed that he had that morning received letters
in which the distress existing in that country was painted
in the strongest colours. He was sure that nothing would
strike the Irish people wtth more astonishment than to
hear that any doubt was entertained in this country of the
distress under which they were labouring.
Mr. FYLER felt himself hound to declare that at Co-
ventry and in other parts of Warwickshire the distress
was severe and unparalleled. Above five and twenty thou-
sand manufacturers were unemployed. He had several
petitions in his possession to present to the House on the
subject. As an instance of the distress, he would men-
tion, that in one of them, from the parish of Nuneaton,
it was stated that there were in the parish 7,000 souls,
and 6,500 acres of land. They had been accustomed to
support themselves partly by agriculture, but mainly by
the manufacture of ail:. There were at present 2,500 of
the inhabitants dependent on parochial relief. Of the
4,500 remaining, 4,000 were unable to contribute to the
rate, and were only just able to drag on a miserable exist-
ence. Tre whole of the poor rates, therefore, were paid by
fewer than 500 persons ; so that each had, upon the aver••
age, to support about ten others. This was no exagger-
ated description ; but a plain statement of facts. It was
said in his Majesty's Speech that the exports of last
year were greater than those of any preceding year.
This, however, was no index of national prosperity.
To ascertain the real state of the case, it was neces-
sary to show what the returns were, and under what
circumstances they were made. It would then appear
that in many cases there was no profit, and that in many
cases there was positive loss. Nor did the statements of
the Right Hon. Secretary of State respecting certain
canals prove anything, unless it was first shown that there
had been no diminution of trade on other canals, and also

Ifs
that there had been no dimlnution ;n lanti-carriage.
was pleased to hear the Hon. Member for Liverpool admit
the other evening the extent of the distress ; and he
trusted that the Hon. Member would now allow that
some revision of our commercial code ought to take place,
in order to see whether the country had derived all the
benefit from the principles of free trade which that Hon.
Member had anticipated. With respect to the burdens of
the State, it appeared to him that they could be diminished
only by the most strict and rigid economy. The Noble
Duke at the head of the Government must reduce our ex-
penditure to the level of our means, if he could not raise
our means to the level of our expenditure.
Mr. ROBINSON, in explanation of what he had said
in a former part of the evening, stated that he found be
bad been entirely mistaken in supposing that the Right
Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer had imputed sinister
motives to the Hon. Baronet who moved the Amendment
to the Address on Thursday night.
Mr. BARING said, that it was impossible to deny that
the distress in the country was very great and very general,
and that there was a severe pressure on the labouring
classes of the community. When it was considered that
this state of things existed after fifteen years of peace, it
certainly was a problem deserving of the most serious at-
tention. Without discussing the exact extent of the dis-
tress, it appeared to him that it was certainly sufficiently
general to call upon Parliament to endeavour to ascertain
if there were no means by which it might be al:eviated.
The difficulty was to assign any sufficient cause for the
evil. Isle confessed that he was ignorant of any general
and operating cause adequate to its production. There
was one circumstance, however, which ought to be taken
into the account in considering the questiori, namely—that
the distress was not confined to this country, but that it
pervaded the greater part of Europe and America. The
cause, therefore, must he of a general character, and not
peculiar to this country. It was not surprising, however,
that, whatever the cause might be, it acted more exten-
sively in a country of the description of this, where all the
machinery of society was so extremely complicated. It
was clear, however, that the cause was not general, al-
though it had not been discovered. It was easy for igno-
rant persons to exclaim " It is the fault of Government—
Government must do something." Others laid the blame
on Parliament. If, however, the acts of that House were
looked to, no one could deny that at least those acts were
dictated by a sincere desire to prevent or diminish the
distress. As far as his own observations went on the
nature of the distress, it appeared to him that the greatest
sufferers were the agriculturists. Yet that suffering was
not occasioned by low prices—such prices as would justify
the existence of the distress. The complaint of the farmer
was, that the Corn Laws would not secure to him an ade-
quate compensation. But the Corn Laws were enacted for
his immediate protection ; and the answer to his assertion
that they did not afford him adequate protection was, that
if they gave him greater protection in a time of Scarcity,
he could not claim it at the expense of a starving popula-
tion. It was a great doubt in his mind if the manufactur-
ing classes could stand the protection which agriculture
required. Yet, on the other hand, a removal of the pro-
tection of agriculture would be an act of extensive injus-
tice, and would occasion a great revolution in property.
It was well known that nine-tenths of the landed property
of the country were suffering under mortgages and incurn-
brances.:lf the existing protection were removed, the pro-
prietors, without any mismanagement on their part,
would be utterly ruined, and the property would pass into
other hands. Nothing, therefore, but some extreme ne-
cessity, would ever induce him to vote against the con-
tinuance of the protection which the land at present en-
joyed. With respect to the currency, he fairly confessed,
that although he always apprehended that the breaking
up of the small note system weuld occasion much soiree-
ing (justified as he thought Parliament was in adopting
the measure for the public security), yet it certainly
had been attended with more distress than was anti,
cipated. The local circulation in country towns—a circu-
lation which never could go far out of them—nevertheless
assisted materially in affording the means of business in the
liatle atmospheres in which it moved. Many persons when
deprived of the aid which it afforded, had no other to resort
to ; and the branch banks of the Bank of England did not
afford a compensating assistance. In country towns, there-
fore, there was little or no money. This alteration, there-
fore, was one of the ingredients of the general distress.—
But he confessed that at present he should yield with great
reluctance to any proposition for a departure from the pre-
sent system. On the whole, it did not strike him that
there was any reason for the exceeding despondency whirls
seemed to have seized same Hon. Gent. The iron trade
and the siik trade were certainly suffering most deeply ; but
he believed that the woollen trade of Yorkshire, notwith-
standing the representations of one of the Hon. Members
for that county, was by no means in a state of distress
Although it, no doubt, did not now enjoy the prosperity
whirls it enjoyed in former times, he had seen a letter, in
which it was stated that the manufacturers had nothing
to complain of. Great complaints had been made of the
distress occasioned by the introduction of machinery. It
was certainly true, that to take labour from the hand, and
to perform it by a steam-engine, was the cause of great in-
dividual injury. It was like the consolidation of a number
of small farms into a large and overgrown one. But it was
one of the natural operations of industry and knowledge ;
one of those operations which all the best authorities
on the subject concurred in declaring ought to be left
unshackled by any legislative iuterference. He was anxi-
ous to say a single word upon the questions which bad
been agitated respecting the course of foreign policy pur-
sued by Government. He owned that he differed very
widely from those who thought that our Government
ought to have meddled more with the affairs of Europe.
He not only could not blame them for not having done so ;
but he was sincerely glad, that amidst all the discussions
which had taken place with reference to continental mat-
ters, we still found ourselves in a state of peace. We had
nothing to do with the interests of many of the Conti-
nental States. If, as compared with the times when
England was interfering in every thing, English travellers
were not treated as prodigiously important persons at the
various tables-d'hdte of Europe, the circumstance might
be mortifying to them, but the country had its coospensa-
tion. To Russia, to Austria, to France, continental in-
terests were matters of paramount importance. But it
was not so to England. If this country were offered the
pessessien of a portion of the Netherlands, or of any other
part of the continent, that Government would be a sense-
less one by which such an offer would be accepted. We
had no community of interest with a great part of the
continent. Portugal was, perhaps, an exception to that
rule. If we observed France or Spain meditating hostility
towards Portugal, it would indeed become a serious ques-
tion whether we ought not to interfere. But lie could
see no reason for our interfering with the internal affairs
of Portugal. It was impossible to read the history of
that country without feeling that the reign of the
present Monarch was a disgraceful one. For himself,
lie would certainly prefer another Sovereign, but still
he felt grateful to Government for having avoided
involving this country in a war upon the subject, In the
present state of the country, if there was any one subject
of paramount interest to every class, it was the promo-
tion of peace and order. If the Government could pro-
mote the tranquillity of this country, and the cessation
of that sort of warfare with which other countries are
threatened, they would do infinitely more good than by
any other exertions they could use. At present, Mexico
was kept under subjection by military chiefs ; and whether
the chief should be such a hum as Bolivar, Santa Anna,
or Barrettes, he would avail himself of war and confusion
to retain the ascendancy over his country. He would not
speak of those who hail risked their money in that country,
but he would merely allude to the conduct of the British
Government with respect to Mexico. The next ques-
tion was one of right. If this country did prohibit an
attempt on the part of Mexico to attack Cuba, it ought
in justice, to have prohibited the attack upon Mexico
from Cuba. Whether the prohibition was a matter of
right or not, it ought to have been reciprocal. After a
lapse of seven years, this country had a right to consider
the Spanish Governments as Governments de facto. The
Right Hon. Gentleman had argued that Portugal was a
Government de facto, but surely the argument applied
more strongly to the Governments of South America.
Let this country now acknowledge the independence of
Mexico, having given old Spain seven years to attempt
the re-conquest. Spain had preserved no forbearance
during the struggle of England with her North American
Colonies. She had interfered during the middle of the
war. He must say that upon the great affairs of the
country, since the House last met, he did not see any
thing that could be laid to the door of Government. He
should be sorry to see the Government, of which he found
no fault, in anywise disturbed.
Mr. A'I'TWOOD said, that the Hon. Member who
had just sat down had observed that great distress pre-
vailed throughout the country, without any apparent
cause, and he hail likewise said that the distress could not
be applied to any measure of Government. He (Mr.
Attwood) must beg leave to reed to the attention of the
Hon. Member the terms in which he.had himself de-
scribed one measure adopted by the House. He alluded
to the alteration in the value of money, when he had said
that that alteration had affected every contract in the
United Kingdom by 24, 30, or 40 per cent. The Go-
vernment interference with this great instrument had im-
posed an additional burthen on the country, and hence
was one source of its difficulties. The Act had passed in

1819—it had been superseded in 1622, and had not come
into full operation till 1626. He regretted to hear the
Right Hon. Gent. opposite talk so much of the wisdom
and integrity of the House ; for his part, he would be
glad to heat more of modesty within the walls of that
House, and less of vituperation without them; for be was
sorry to say, that there was an increasing opinion that the
House was totally inefficient for the great functions and
duties it was constituted to perform. The operations of
Government were calculated to spread pecuniary embar-
rassment throughout the world. He had the authority of
the Committee appointed to inquire into agricultural dis-
tresses, to state that those distresses had been occasioned
by a recurrence to cash payments.
Mr. THANT thought that the agricultural interests
were in a bad state, according to the accounts of that
House. _ _

_
Mr. AIABERLY said that agriculture had a right to
remuneration or protection only in the same respect as
commerce or manufactures. If they legislated for a remu-
nerating price to agriculture, they might as well legislate
for a remunerating price for cotton, iron, and other ar-
ticles of trade. The idea was preposterous. The Corn
Laws were nothing else than laws to starve the people.
He had no doubt that much of the distress arose from a
defect of local circulation. There could not be a better
practical proof of this than %kat, with reference to every
article of exchange, money was the most scarce. Mr.
Ricardo had observed, that when a country became ex-
tremely rich, capital competed with capital, and profits
were low ; so that low profits were proofs not of poverty,
hut of wealth. England had arrived at that state, and so
had other countries, it was evident, from their lowering
the interests of their money. The question was then put
and carried.

Upon the CHANCELLOR of the' EXCHEQUER
making the ordinary motion for the House resolving itself
into a Committee 9f Supply,
Mr. HUME took the opportunity of expressing a hope
that the Government would see the propriety, before the
vote of supply, of laying before the House a clear state-
ment of the extent to which the promised reductions were
to be carried.
Mr. LAMB moved for a New Writ for the Borough of
Knareiborough, in lieu of the Right Hon. George Tierney,
deceased.