The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-24 00:00:00

Murder of a Young Lady by her Lover,

On Friday evening a shocking tragedy took place at the
seat of Capt. F. G. Goodwin, of Wigwell Hall, near Wirks-
worth, in the county of Derby. The victim was Miss Eliz-
both Martha Goodwin, 22 years of age, daughter of Henry
Goodwin, Esq., of Chester, and granddaughter of Captain
Goodwin. The murderer is Mr. George Victor Townley, of
Manchester, who is about 2.5 years of age. He is connected
with a family of high standing and influence in that city.
For some time he had been paying his addresses to Miss
Goodwin, who had latterly manifested an attachment to-
wards another gentleman in the neighbourhood. About a
fortnight ago Miss Goodwin wrote a letter to Mr. Townley,
in which she informed him that she wished their engage-
ment to be broken off, as she had formed an acquaintance
with another gentleman. To this note Townley replied,
asking her for an interview, and stating to her his intention
of going abroad. On Friday morning he arrived et What-
standwell-bridge, from Manchester, by rail about half-past
10 o'clock, and made his way to Wirksworth. Ho there
saw the Rev. Mr. Harris, a schoolmaster. Daring their
conversation Townley asked him if he thought it would be
possible for him to obtain an interview with Miss Goodwin.
Mr. Harris told him that no doubt he might by sending
her a note requesting her to grant him one. He appears to
have done so, and later in the day he proceeded to Wigwell
Hall. Miss Goodwin told the housekeeper that if Mr.
Townley came he was to be admitted. About half-past five
o'clock the young man went to the hall, requested to see
Miss Goodwin, and entered the house. He afterwards ac-
companied her into the Hall grounds, and was in her society
for some time. During their walk it appears that Dawn-
ley told the young lady unless she made up her mind to
accept his advances he woald prevent her from encourag-
ing the attention of others. Previously to starting on
their walk Miss Goodwin told her servant to come into
the grounds and inform her when tea would be ready,
which she accordingly did. Miss Goodwin returned to the
Hall, and during the evening told the house-keeper the
substance of her conversation with Mr. Townley in the
grounds, remarking that he had requested her to meet him
again, and that she had consented to do so. Miss Goodwin
then went into her grandfather's room, read a newspaper to
him, and afterwards took tea, during which he manifested
no excitement. During the lapse of time which intervened
between their first interview, Townley walked about the
grounds, waiting for Miss Goodwin's arrival. The house.
keeper advised her not to see Townley after the threat he
had used. She went, however, and proceeded into the lane
adjoining the Hall grounds. After some time Reuben Con-
way, a farm labourer, beard a row moan. On going to the
spot he found Miss Goodwin bleeding from several severe
wounds. He asked her what was the matter, and she said,
" Do you see a gentleman standing in the lane ? he has done
it." Conway said that he did, and after remaining for
several minutes with Miss Goodwin, he told her to sit upon
the ground while he went to Townley, who was returning
towards them, and he admitted that he had done the deed.
Conway then left the murderer with the unfortunate victim,
and heard him, in bitter terms, exclaim, "Poor Bessie I"
He saw him stoop down and kiss her fervently on the cheek,
and attempted to stop the bleeding. Conway then went to
the Hall and obtained assistance, Townley himself helping
to bear the body of the unfortunate young lady into the
house. Dr. Mant, of Wirksworth, was immediately sent
for. He found an insised wound on the right side of the
neck, and a severe stab in the shoulder. Townley deliber-
ately gave himself into custody, and told the constable that
he "had done the murder," and admitted it to Captain
Goodwin. The prisoner, who exhibited the utmost com-
posure, while all others in the Hall were in a state of the
greatest excitement and trouble, was removed in custody
to Wirksworth. On the way he made no secret of the
offence with which he was charged, and delivered up,
among several other articles, a clasp-knife, with a blade
about four inches in length, which was stained with blood.
An inquest on the body was held at Wigwell Hall, on
Saturday afternoon, before Mr. Bennett, coroner for the dis-
trict. A large number of people from the immediate neigh-
bourhood assembled at the Hall during the inquiry.
Mr. Harris, schoolmaster, of Wirksworth, deposed that
Mr. Townley, of Hendham Villa, Queen's Park, Manches-
ter, came to him some time in the morning and asked if he
thought he might obtain an interview with Miss Elizabeth
Margaret Goodwin. lie told him to write a note, and he
did not doubt but that he would obtain an interview. He
appeared to be in a perfectly sane state of mind at the time,
and spoke rationally.
Elizabeth Poyser, housekeeper to Captain Goodwin, said
her mistress told her that if Mr. Townley came to the Hall
she was to admit him. They appeared to have been on the
best of terms, and when he came she, of course, invited him
into the Hall. Miss Good win and Mr. Townley shoftly
afterwards proceeded together in the gardens. Witness sent
word to her that tea WdS ready, as she had ordered her so
to do previously to leaving the Hall. She told her that
Townley had intimated that if she did not choose to encou-
rage his addresses he would prevent her from encouraging
the advances of others. After coming to the Hall, before
taking tea, Miss Goodwin read the newspaper to her grand-
father. After tea she went out for the purpose of meeting
Townley. She was out for perhaps an hour, when a mes-
senger came to the Hall for assistance to help to carry the
body to the Hall. Townley assisted in carrying the body to
the hall.

Reuben Conway, farm labourer, in the employ of Mr.
Isaac Bowmer, said he heard a sort of low moan while on
his way to Wirksworth. He proceeded to the spot, and
found Miss Goodwin on the roadside in the lane near to
the Hall. He asked her what was the matter, and she
asked if he SW a man in the lane, and he replied he did.
She said that he was the man who had inflicted the in-
juries. lie went to obtain assistance, leaving Mr. Townley
with Miss Goodwin. When he had got a few yards from
them he saw Townley stoop down and kiss her cheek, and
heard him say, "Poor Bessie." He appeared to be
staunching the wounds. Witness obtained assistance, and
returned to Miss Goodwin; and Townley eagerly assisted
in carrying what appeared to be the dead body of Miss
Goodwin to the Hall. Police-constable Parnham was sent
for, and took Townley into custody. Townley appeared
perfectly cool and sane during these proceedings.
Mr. Newton Mant, surgeon, of Wirksworth, deposed—
Mr. Bowmer came for me about 9 o'clock on Friday even-
ing. He said that Miss Goodwin had been murdered by a
man in the road. He asked me to go immediately to Capt.
Goodwin's house. I went with him into the kitchen and
found the corpse of Miss Goodwin lying there. She was
dead, and had been so some 20 minutes. No blood was
issuing from any of the cuts. I examined her and found
sever al wounds, one on the loft side of the neck about three
inches in length, and about one inch and a half in depth,
extending to the vertebrate, which were severely damaged.
The bone appeared, so far as I examined, to have been
broken, caused, no doubt, by some sharp instrument. I
found another wound on the left shoulder, of the appear-
ance of a stab or puncture. I pressed my finger through
the wound into the shoulder joint. The knife produced is
one likely to have caused the wounds in the neck and
shoulder. The carotid and jugular vein were separated.
She died from the loss of blood. I should think the blow
was from the side, and was quite sufficient to cause death.
Police-constable Parnham, of Wirksworth, said—l went
to Captain Goodwin's house, and there saw the prisoner.
He came to me and said he wished deliberately to give
himself up for murdering the young lady. These were
the words he used—" Please to remember that I gave
myself up." I cautioned him, and asked if he knew
the nature of the charge, or what he was giving himself
into custody for ? He replied, " Quite so, and I will go
quietly with you ; only let me see her first." He did so
Ile locked stedfastly at her for about a minute and a half,
but said nothing. I then took him to the lock-up. On the
way he said, " I feel more happy now than I did before I
did it, and I hope she is so," Afterwards his remarks were
more general,—on the weather, He appeared to be
quite calm. I searched him on his arrival at the lock-up,
and found on him a liquor flask, a silver watch, some
letters, and other articles. I asked him what he had done
with the instrument or knife with which he had done the
deed. He then produced this knife which was covered with
blood, and gave it to me. lie took it from his left-hand
pocket.
The coroner went through the evidence, and the jury
at once returned a verdict of " Wilful murder" against
George Victor Townley, who was committed on the co-
roner's warrant for trial at the next assizes at Derby. The
prisoner appeared perfectly calm and collected while under
arrest in the kitchen of the Hall during the inquiry. He
made no remarks during the proceedings. He will be
brought up this day (Monday) before the Wirksworth
bench of magistrates.

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SPECTATOR.--The Austrian Emperor's address is not by
wbyho wmho it m
m it
ay
b e
any means a bad speech, or unworthy either of the rank of
the great Sovereign
was read,
supposed o r o
tof thhaev ability
bi li
beenty
of the statesmen by
prepared. There is a trace in every line of an honest desire
to bind Germany closer; together, and the reference to the
grand obstacle, the attitude taken by Prussia—the most
delicate point in the speech—is at once straightforward and
manly. The Emperor frankly regrets the absence of his
great colleague, but there is no mistaking the meaning im-
plied in the advice, "Let us preserve for mighty Prussia the
place to which she is entitled, and let us hope that our
unity will produce an indelible impression upon all German
hearts." The statement, too, that "the peoples:must parti-
cipate in the Bund, in order to give it new vigour," will
tgratify
deara tgrowingrelative
theo
weary German fu
ot uf
n ncifs
Germanyist'
tn while the distinct
a
utterance, I see no prospect of finding a firm basis in the
question
pro-
longed deliberations," shows that one member, at least, of
tended to introduce, and so read i t w
for bßtyhamet
me theaajo r
nsos
ipftyeechill
of
must be read by the light of the proposal which it was in •
Germans and all the rest of Europe resolve itself into words.
The grand coach is put forward, but the Emperor really rides
in a cab. The grand project of reform, so loudly proclaimed,
so splendidly dressed, resolves itself into a cumbrous scheme
for the increase of Austrian influence within a still dis-
united Confederacy. It sweeps away the Diet, which has
never yet accomplished an act, to replace it by an organise
tion which can, indeed, accomplish many, but none of the
kind for which the heart of Germany craves. The
whole pith of the plan lies in the scheme for securing a
reeseo endless
'•
strong executive power. The legislative arrangements are
evidently of very minor importance, and if Germany is
to remain a mere congeries of Sovereign States, we do
not know that they have been very unskilfully devised.
They do, not, indeed, secure the smallest power of internal
improvement, but they do partially transfer the power of
resisting change from the Kings to the people. The power
of legislation is to be entrusted to a very Conservative and
excessively cumbrous, but still united Parliament, composed
of two houses, with widely different powers. The Lower,
or popular House, styled the House of Delegates, will be
composed of 300 representatives elected by all the German
Drieute:B,
sin,
;54; Ehirdaysabreiaintg27n;amed by the Commons and one-
third by the Peers. The proportions will be Austria, 75;
p
burg, 15 each ; and the miSnoaxr Hanover, and Wurtem-
principlities and cities from
twelve to one, an arrangement which gives Austria and
Prussia united a fair half of the House, but also ensures to
the Catholic States a clear working majority. The Dele-
gates will vote by majorities, and will have power to
pass resolutions on questions connected with alterations in
the Bund, on the budget of the Bund. on matters connected
wnairthrotwherapnregse of rights,onsutbhjeeets,however,s
of association, on the right of
eof their the
sittings
domicile, and on other minor questions. Even upon this
of Princes " will take into consideration and finally dispose
of the propositions made by" the Chamber ; in other words,
delegates
the
eonly
Assemblya
offer wishes, fcr on the close
the Princes will be even more absolute for resistance than
at present, because relieved of the check of local discontent,
Nobody will even know which of the Princes has resisted
each proposition, and the dissatisfaction of any one German
State will break itself to pieces against collective German
royalty. Take, for instance, as the example most easily
understood, the general law of the press. In order to ob-
tain uniformity, the one or two States in which thorough
liberty is enjoyed must be resisted, in order to meet the
views of States like Austria, where editors are still impri-
soned; or Prussia, where six newspapers have been sup-
pressed in one day. Otherwise, the Princes will reject the
law, and uniformity will be as far off as ever. On the other
hand: supposing the Princes ever to yield a liberal law, the
press would be beyond the caprices of individual Princes;
for, as the initiative rests with the delegates, and the majo-
rity of the delegates are appointed by the Commons, they
have only to refuse to bring new bills to keep the old free
system inviolate from any legal attack. That is an enor-
mous gain—one so great as to almost compensate for the
excessive power assigned to the Princes. The pith of the
plan is, however, the new executive power. There is to be a
Directory of Five, to be formed of the Emperor, the Austria,
the King of Prussia, the King of Bavaria, and two other
members elected by the small principalities, all sitting under
the presidency of the first and voting by majorities. To this
Directory enormous powers are conceded, the management
of all foreign affairs, the appointment of all ambassadors, the
control of the army, the suppression of internal disturb-
ances, the expenditure of the Federal budget, and the con-
vocation and prorogation of the House of Delegates. It can
even declare peace and war, with the consent of the Federal
Council, a body of 21 Counsellors in practice nominated by
itself, the majority in the Directory h-ving also a majority
in the advising body. In other words, the Directory would
be for most German purposes, and all foreign purposes, a
most effective executive, one which,could it but be accepted
and work harmoniously, might be an irresistible political
power. But then what chance is there of acceptance or
harmonious working ? The first glance at the scheme shows
that it is one for the permanent nullification of Prussia.
There are five votes in the Directory, three of which—his
own, that of Bavaria, and that of the smaller pro-Austrian
States—will invariably belong to the Emperor, Austria
would, in fact, be advanced to the political sovereignty of
Germany, and this, without securing to Germany in her
turn the slightest prospect of fusion.
LONDON Review.—lt is rather whimsical to think of
his Camarean Roy al Apostolic INlajesty going to meet the
assembled sovereign princes of Germany in the free impe-
rial city of Frankfort, to propose for their discussion a eler-
manic Federationlreform bill. There are four Kings (but
the King of Prussia stands aloof) and five Grand Dukes,
with as many Dukes who do not style themselves Gran],
half a dozen reigning Princes, and a quartott of civic Re-
publican burgomasters, who have met in conclave to hear
the Emperor of Austria propound his scheme of a new Con-
stitution for the German Union. What will they make
of it? Let us first see what sort of thing it is. The
Federal Executive is to consist, as we have seen, in its
active part, of a Directory, or Cabinet, being the three
Sovereigns of Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria, which are the
only German Powers, together with two Princes from
among the minor German States. This league of monarchs,
supported rather than controlled by a Federal Council of
deputies from most of the State Governments—Austria and
Prussia having each three votes while other States have but
one--is to provide for the defence of Germany against all
foreign foes, and likewise to suppress all internal disturb-
ances. Diplomacy and military operations will belong to
the Directory of five monarchs; but they must obtain the
consent of two-thirds of the votes in the Federal Council
before declaring war. There can be no doubt that Ger-
many, with this organization, could more readily exert
her whole strength in self-defence if she were menaced by
Russia or invaded by France. The vague desire for a
closer national union, which has been fermenting in Ger-
man minds for many years past, arises mainly from an un-
easy consciousness of the fact that Germany lies at the
mercy of the two compact and powerful empires on her
eastern and her western frontiers. At the same time,
it is to be feared that, with a Federal constitu-
tion, in which two or three leading States might practically
determine, by their agreement, the question of peace or war,
Germany would be liable to be dragged into many disputes
foreign to the real interests of the German people, and re-
lating more especially to the non-German dominions of the
Austrian empire. There are two members of the Confedera-
tion, Austria and Prussia, which rank among the Great
Powers of Europe. These have their own ambitions, their
own allies and enemies, their own policy to serve. It would
scarcely tend to secure the happiness and tranquillity of the
smaller German States if they were to be compelled, at the
bidding of a majority of votes in the Federal Council, under
Austrian dictation, to engage in a war with France and
Italy upon the question of Venetia, or with Russia upon
Polish and Eastern questions. Another function of the Di-
rectory, as we perceive, is to put down all internal disturb-
ances in Germany. Now it is probable that this interference
of the Federal Power would only be called for in the case
of a revolution breaking out in one of the German States,
and of the failure of its prince to subdue the revolution.
We should then see the new Government of this State, a
Government de facto, and entitled to general recognition,
assailed and overthrown by the whole military force of the
Confederation. The Directory of five German Sovereigns
might even choose to regard the most orderly and
legiti-
mate exercise of political freedom, in any German State, as
a crime against the Federal peace and order. not
We do
imagine that the domestic liberties of Germany
rule.
would be
much advanced by their practical interpretation of this
If we look, also, to the list of those subjects of legislation,
upon which the Chamber of Delegates is to be allowed to
debate, we find that they include " matters connected with
the public press, the right of association, the right of domi-
cile, and sundry other matters of inferior importance." No
resolution, however, of the Parliamentary Delegates will
have the force of law, unless it be adopted by the Assembly
of Princes ; while, for aught we can see, tho Assembly of
Princes may pass laws of their own, quite independent of
any proposition from the Chamber of Delegates, who will
not have a veto on this Royal legislation. Whether or not,
as a whole, the Austrian scheme of Federal Reform will
commend itself to the sovereigns now assembled at Frank-
fort, we are not yet able to say. But since the members of
the Liberal and Constitutional party, from all the German
States, held their meeting, curiously enough, this very
week, and in the same city, we may expect very soon to
learn what is their opinion of the Austrian scheme. Mean-
time, the once constitutional kingdom of Prussia abides in
her sulky isolation, and leis judgment against her go by
default.

EXAMINER —ln the Diet at Frankfort, and in the Coun-
cil of Princes, such as has just been called, Austria presides,
not merely by virtue of her having so long held by inherit..
ante the Imerial Crown of Charlemagne, but by virtue of
the superior numbers of her population and armies. Bat
Prussia contains a greater number of Germans, and is by
nature, if no longer in fact, the undoubted head of North
Germany, a region which far exceeds the South, and
especially Austria, in wealth, development, intelligence,
and population in proportion to the soil. With
such conflicting claims the pretensions of Austria and
of Prussia are irreconcilable, and the minor States
are, though numerous and populous, so divided, that
no joint action can be established amongst them, so as to
enable them to counterbalance or arbitrate between the two

great monarchies, Neither side displays moderation, or
shows any real wish for a compromise. As to Prussia, her
policy has been to form a lesser or new Confederation, leav-
ing Austria and her adherents out; whilst Austria makes
proposals which treat Prussia as a small State, of at least
no more importance than Bavaria. As long as the two great
Powers of Germany put forward such irreconcilable claims,
anything like common action, agreement, or result is impos-
sible. Let us, for instance, examine the proposal just made
at Frankfort by Austria. It reduces Prussia to a level with
Bavaria, and gives the one as much influence and as many
votes in the Federal Executive as the other. Austria con-
sents certainly for herself to take no more than either. But
Austria and Bavaria together have more votes than Prussia
and the rest of Germany together! In making such a pro-
position the Emperor of Austria and his ministers must
have known that Prussia, whether under sane or unsane
Government, could never consent to it. The loss of a battle
of Jena would, indeed, scarcely induce Prussia to stoop so
low. And if Prussia did consent, Northern and Pro-
testant Germany would refuse to be thus placed in the
hands of the Catholic Powers of the South. It is needless
to discuss the other portions of the Austrian Constitution
for Germany,—a princely House of Lords to begin with,
that is, the Executive puffed out into a Legislative
Body ; and, moreover, this Princely Chamber giving the
power to nominate one-third of the representatives of
the people in the Lower Chamber I Was ever anything so
preposterous and absurd ? Whatever may be the possible
amendments in the Constitution of Austria, most certainly
that which has been concocted and offered to Germany is the
most ludicrous abortion that ever came from the constitution
monger. We must confess to having thought the Austrian
Court cleverer. It would have been easy to put the King
of Prussia as much in the wrong with respect to Germany
as ha unfortunately is with regard to his own dominions.
And had the insulting offer of putting Prussia on a par with
Bavaria been accompanied by any real and liberal concession
to the German people, the Prussians might then have been
hooted down as the great obstacles to Reform. But as it is,
Prussia can easily come forward to point out that the Aus-
trian proposal is a mere tub thrown to the whale, a play-
thing set before the Princes, a scheme not capable of being
realised, and utterly worthless if it were. Here, too, we find
an advantage of diversity over unity. If unity at present
prevailed in Germany, as it does in France, that unity would
be despotism. And such a scheme as that propounded by
the Emperor Francis Joseph might defy the criticisms of
the press, because it would be in the fetters of a univers, 1
censorship. But now the Prussian press is free, when it
will, to expose the futility of Austrian legislation; as the
Austrian press has liberty to discuss the shortcomings of
the Prussian monarch. There, again, is the National Union,
a patriotic association of German Liberals. If the Govern-
ment were one, it would be soon put down. Whereas now
it contrives always to find a refuge and a place of meeting;
if nowhere else, at least in the dominions of the Duke of
Baden, or the Duke of Saxe-Coburg, two potentates who are
atainch Liberals and Constitutionalists. We should, there-
fore, recommend the Germans to go in quest of liberty first,
and secure it, ere they insist too strongly on unity. This
was the loudest cry of the French in 1792. So they have
got unity as ono of the results of the revolution; but it is
unity with a vengeance—unity that leaves no possibility of
stirring, or of thinking, much less of writing. Heaven de-
fend Germany from the unity that her neighbours have
won, and are contented to enjoy I
COURT JOURNAL.—The following is a complete list of
the Princes, &c., now in Frankfort for the purpose of
taking part in the Congress : The Emperor of
Austria, the Kings of Bavaria, Saxony, and Hanover,
the Crown Prince of Wurtemburg, Grand Duke of
Baden, Elector of Hesse, Grand Duke of Hesse, Prince
Alexander of Hesse, Prince Henry of Holland, the Duke
of Brnnswick, Grand Duko of Mecklenburg-Schwerin,
Duke of Nassau, Grand Duke of Saxe, Duke of Saxe-
Meiningen, Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Grand Dello of
Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Grand Duke of Oldenburg, the
Hereditary Prince of Anhault-Dessau, the Prince of
Schwartzburg-Sonderhausen, the Prince of Schwartzburg-
Rudolstadt, Prince of Lichtenstein, Prince of Waldeck,
Prince of Reuss (younger branch) ; the Burgomaster of
Lubeck (Herr Bremer), the Burgomaster of Frankfort (Dr.
Muller), the Burgomaster of Bremen (Dr. Duckn-ltz), the
Burgomaster of Hamburg (Dr. Haller), making altogether
24 Princes and four representatives of free towns. The
Kings of Prussia and Denmark, the Princes of Anhault-
Bernburg, Saxe-Altenburg, Reuss (elder branch), Hesse•
Homburg, Lippe, and Schanenburg-Lippe, who constitute
the remaining members of the German Confederation, are
neither present themselves nor represented by deputy. As
yet the Emperor, Kings, and Dukes at Frankfort have only
dined, but there was a ghost at their banquet; it sat in the
empty seat of the King of Prussia, for whom a cover was
laid; how will it mar the digestion and the spirit of the after
proceedings? The speech of the Emperor of Austria was
simple and sensible. It spoke of general unity, banished all
thoughts of aggrandisement and robbing one another, which
was genteel , at least, and such as we are accustomed to in good
society in England. What is the object of unity if there is
to be no robbery ? Why, to act against a common outward
foe, we presume, and to act for the best internal interests of
the land, The liberal character of the Emperor of Austria
will secure the people their share of advantages lu their in-
ternal arrangements ; and the outward foe, whoever he
may be—and who can be be ?—must feel himself consider-
ably smaller by the Frankfort dining out of the Emperor,
Kings, and Dukes of Germany.