The Sun.
London, England, 1863-04-21 00:00:00

The Weather—Sun Office, April 21, 1863.

THERMOMETER.
Highest since Noon yesterday 6O
Lowest during the night
This day at Noon 55
Wind—South •Westerly ; moderate, with fine but cloudy
weather. ,

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tnis DAT.—Morning, 3h. 59m.—Afternoon, 4h. 16m.
TO-goiatow.-Morning, 4h. 32m.—Afternoon, 4h. 50m.

,*,-; 4
, I
11'1)1' XV.144

LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 21, 1863.

An animated debate took place last night on the
" Prison Ministers Bill." It is to be regretted that
so much intolerance yet prevails in many quarters,
but last night the influence of sectarian prejudice
was not suffered to prevail. Sir G. GREY, in pro.
posing the second reading was at great pains fully
to explain its purport, and if possible to do away
with the misconeeptions that had arisen on the
subject. He said that he respected the feeling of
those against the measure since he believed it was
founded on conscientious convictions, but he be-
lieved it to be totally unfounded and altogether
misplaced. In consequence of the great facilities
now afforded to the Irish for coming to this coun-
try, and the higher remuneration'they had received,
there had been a very considerable increase in the
number of Roman Catholic prisoners. The special
clause that they now had in force, pro-
vided " That whenever any prisoner not being a
member of the Established Church made a special
request to be attended by a minister of his own
chinch, the visiting justices be empowered to allow
the attendance of such minister, under such regu-
lations as were consistent with the rules of
the prison." The right hon. baronet also ex-
plained that this concession did not in any
way interfere with the functions of the prison
chaplain, a member of the Established Church, who,
by virtue of his office, and in accordance with hie
stipulated duties, had to visit every cell, and pre-
scribe the lessons taught and the books to be read,
which, in his opinion, were most conducive to moral
and religious instruction. In one case only were
prisoners left to the exclusive care of the ministers
cf the church to which they belonged, and that was
when they were under sentence of death. The
plan now proposed was only in accordance with
that adopted in all military prisons. Re asked
those gentlemen who opposed the bill to imagine
themselves in the minority in a Catholic country,
and to consider how they would feel if, numbered
among the criminals, they were debarred from all
intercourse with the ministers of their own religion,
and left entirely under the care and instruction of
the priests. In Ireland, which was mainly a
Catholic country, the law made provision for the
instruction of prisoners. "It provided for each
prison a Protestant chaplain of the Established
Church, though in some of the gaols there was not
a Protestant prisoner. He only asked the house to
make provision for regularly paid Roman Catholic
chaplains in such places as the visiting justices might
consider desirable, as he had shown that is only in
a few localities that prisoners of that persuasion
formed a large portion of the criminal population.
The last clause modified that part of the existing
iAw, which imposed upon Protestant chaplains the
duty of visiting all prisoners, and of selecting all
the books employed for the purpose of religious
instruction. :Sir. LANGTON moved, as an amend-
ment, that the bill be read a second time
that day six months. He contended that
the measure was in every way a hurtful
one to the interests of the Established Church.
SELWYN was of opinion that the bill was not
required, and he considered it was oppposed to the
rights and principles of the Protestant Church, and
the rights of individual conscience. He thought
the bill embesced an entirely new principle,
esnd he therefore supported the amendment. Lord
EDWARD HOWARD made a temperate speech in
akvocacy of the measure. He said that
thsase who referred to past legislation as
)nclasive, and considered its statutes irre-
va'c.able, forgot that in those days a totally different
system had prevailed in all things. " Why, those
who, spoke of the Act of GEORGE 11/. 38 if it ought
never to be altered, forgot that at that time it was
des' ;h to break down the bank of a reservoir to get ,

at the fish inside it, and death to kill a sheep for
the sake of its skin." The noble lord said that we
lived in happier and more enlightened times, and
as for talking of conflicting interests, why, the
late Lord HERBERT had succeeded in doing
away with all distinctions between the
Protestant and Catholic chaplains in the
army, and the result was that each kept to hie
own limits, and did not interfere with the other.
He concluded his impressive speech by stating that
on the House would rest a grave responsibility if
they rejected this measure, since if Catholics were
equal in the eyes of the law, why should they not
be in a matter of such vital importance. Mr. DIS-
RAELI spoke strongly in support of the bill, and
said the country would not be satisfied if they
came to a hasty conclusion, since the " objections 1
to the bill were not of a light character, and the
arguments in its favour recommended themselves
by an appeal not only to expediency but to jus-
tice," The right hon. gentleman said that if he
believed for a moment that the interests of the
Church of England would be injured by the
passing of this or any similar measure, no
one would oppose it more strongly than himself.
"The existing privileges of the Church of England
are great and manifold, but this should be remem-
bered, that its privileges entirely in theory, and
greater still in practice, embody and represent
popular rights, and that is the source of their
strength ; but I cannot see see what popular right
is represented by the Church of England exercising
an arbitrary power to prevent a captive,
who is not in her communion, from en-
joying the consolations of his own religion."
This passage truly explains the whole state of the
case, and sets forward the absurdity of that exclu-
sive doctrine that would make a church more stable
and secure by raising round it a wall of prejudice,
and invoking for its attribute the spirit of intolerance
and bigotry. Mr. DISRAELI said that he considered
the bill was framed and fitted not only to do jus-
tice to the Roman Catholic prisoners, but also
to the Protestant community, since we could
not justify a series of legislation which took
no care to improve a considerable amount
of the penal population of the country. He thus
concluded his impressive harangue by appealing to
the sense of right and justice, which is the ruling
spirit of this land, and the basis of our most lasting
institutions—" The speech of the right hon. gen-
tleman who moved the amendment would have been
an excellent speech before the passing of the Ro-
man Catholic Emancipation Bill and the repeal of
the Test and Corporation Act; but it will not do now.
And in my opinion the strength of the Church of
England does not depend upon devices of that kind,
nor does it depend upon the policy recommended by
the hon. gentleman, but on deeper ground, and on
principles which will have a much more true appli-
cation. It is the privilege of the Church of England
to represent popular rights. Ss long as popular
rights exist national sympathy will always rally
round that great institution. But the power of the
Church of England and the Protestant feeling of
this country will not be maintained and supported
by acting in a manner inconsistent with all our
previous legislation ; and not only shall we do so if
this bill be unsuccessful, but we place in the way of
a great scheme of ameliorating conduct towards all
our criminal population obstacles which will pre-
vent its entire fulfilment, and the consequences of
which must be injurious to society at large." This
speech was followed by one from Lord PALMERSTON,
who addressed the House in a brief form, but dis-
played his usual ability in dealing with
difficult subjects such as that under con-
sideration. The noble lord stated with
true discrimiation that he considered this
question "not as one between Protestantism and
Catholicity, but as one between sound sense and
respectable and honourable prejudice.' This was
certainly clinching the matter in a decided tone. The
noble lord also added that there was no danger to be
apprehended from Roman Catholic priests having
access to those who, as members of Parliament, were
entrusted with making the laws of the country
neither did they consider danger resulted from their
holding intercourse with soldiers bearing arms for
the service of the country, and to whom its safety
was entrusted. Where then was the consistency
of declaring that mischief would ensue from a
priest visiting a man confined to a prison for
crimes, and whom the state was bound to do its ut-
most to reform. The noble lord then impressively
urged the duty of giving a man, hardened by
crimes, the chance of improvement by hearing
advice from one " who comes to him with
all the sanction derived from early asso-
ciations, and from the doctrines incul-
cated into his mind at a time when he was
capable of receiving deep impressions." Then he
went on in a tighter strain to state that it was
just those prisoners who never made a special
request to see a priest who the most required
one, and sited the instance of a boy at school,
whom they might as well say need not be taught
at all because he did not like his lesson. Besides,
concluded the Noble Lord, there was " some-
thing ungenerous in taking advantage of the
compulsory seclusion of the prisoner to
make him swerve from the faith which
he professes." Notwithstanding a strong opposi-
tion, the bill 1 vas carried by a majority of thirty;
and while there were some notable instances of pre-
judice, it is eminently satisfactory to remark that the
leaders of the House were of accord. They can find
no better principle to uphold together, and no better
1 measure of which to make a common cause than one
which vindicates the vital breath and the native air
of our constitution, the spirit of tolerance, and the
cause of civil and religious liberty. It is to he
hoped that the earnest and eloquent speeches of
Lord PALMERSToN and Mr. DISRAELI will influ-
ence their respective parties, and that the House
will long continue to approve of their magnanimous
and e'evated views. Some doubtless act from
strictly conscientious motives, bat the larger num-
ber of the opponents of this and similar measures
seem to arrogate all right of judgment to them-
iselves, and totally to ignore that far-seeing
1 and widely-spread enlightenment which is
the true exponent of the religion of a
Christian. The greatest apostle of that
faith has taught us that when tongues shall cease
and prophecies fail and knowledge shall vanish
away, the spirit of charity shall endure, and those
Christians best deserve the name who are guided by
its laws of love and follow its paths of peace. Civil
war is detrimental to the fortunes of any State ;
but religious dissensions are still more inimical and
injurious to the welfare and interests of the com-
munity, and should be avoided by every possible
means.

The Pays of last evening furnishes us with an
outline of the note sent by the French Cabinet to
St. Petersburg. It is R orded with a careful in-
genuity, that commits the Imperial Government to
nothing, that pledges it to no particular course, j
that leaves it free to open or shut the door of the
Temple of Janus, according to the necessities or the
humour of the moment. According to the will of
the astute politician, who sways the destinies of
France, the elaborate generalities cf the note in
question may develope into a European war, or
subside into the insignificance of a diplomatic pro-
test. Vox ee praderea nehil may be the motto of

the hour, but the word of warning in the second
paragraph is open to a different interpretation if
desired. According to the Pays, the note
begins by stating that the troubles of Poland
have occasioned great uneasiness in Europe,
as it is felt that they do not result from
temporary or exceptional causes, but are the in-
evitable consequences of the existing state of things.
" The periodicalconvulsions which occur in Poland,"
says M. DROUYN DE lnuYs, " are the symptoms
of inveterate disease," proving beyond a doubt the
inability of the Russian Government to reconcile
the country to the situation in which it has been
placed by the treaties of 1815, This phrase is
worthy of notice, inasmuch as the remonstrance of
the English Cabinet is said to have been based upon
the treaties of 1815, reminding the Cabinet of St.
Petersburg of the obligations it contracted on that
occasion, and calling upon it to fulfil them.
There is, consequently, an important differ-
ence between the two notes, since the
English Government takes its stand upon
the text of treaties which the French
Minister declares to have been proved incompatible
with the happiness of the Polish people. M.
DROUYN DE LHUTS goes on to say that such dis-
turbances alarm Europe. " These conflicts excite
the public mind, and might, if prolonged, disturb
the relations of Governments in such degree as to
produce the most regretable consequences." This
vaguely- worded phrase reminds the CZAR that there
aro those who still look upon Poland as an op-
pressed nation, not as a rebellious province. The
conduct of the Russian Government towards its
disaffected subjects could scarcely " disturb the
relations of Governments" or produce "regretable
consequences." A point is given to these mysteri-
ous hints by the steps recently taken by the French
Government. Orders, it is said, have been sent to
the naval arsenals to fit out all the iron-clads
that are launched, and to hasten the completion of
those still on the stocks. The Prefets Mari
times have likewise received directions to send
in a report on the condition of all steamers in re-
serve, with a statement of the time they will require
to be manned and prepared for active service. The
tone which the Parisian press has been suffered to
adopt with regard to Poland and Russia is not with-
out significance ; and the alteration in the views of
La France is also worthy of note. It declines to
conjecture what will be the reply of Russia, but it
declares that it awaits with confidence " a decision
which derives from present events, and, above all,
from the step taken by the Powers, an importance
which no one can fail to recognise." This import-
ance (gravite) can scarcely attach to a mere diplo-
matic formula, the answer to which could have
been conjectured before it was sent. Russia will,
doubtless, repeat the protestations of her good-
will towards the Poles, and cite the recent
amnesty as evidence of her magnanimity. This
amnesty was not, as some supposed, the answer to
the intervention of the Powers, since the intention
of the CZAR was known before the notes were sent.
At present all is vague and uncertain, dependent
on the will of him who pulls the strings of conti-
nental politics. At all events the mistake of 1812
will not be repeated; and in the event of hostilities
with Russia, the assistance of her natural antagonist
will be a prominent feature in the campaign. Rus-
sia, it is true, may yet take the advice so courte-
ously given her in the concluding words of M.
DROUYN DE LHUYS, and may recognise," in her
wisdom," what her justice has refused to acknow-
ledge, "the necessity of adopting measures which
will place Poland in a position of lasting peace."
The fortifications of Carlscrona and the iron-clads of
Cherbourg may serve as convincing arguments
where the voice of justice and humanity has been
raised in vain.

It is not without reason that our quick-witted
neighbours on the other side of the Channel ima-
gine that the Government of President LINCOLN
are endeavouring to provoke England to war.
Amazed at the effrontery of their conduct, and at the
lofty contempt they display for all the principles of
law and justice, they can hardly suppose that the
Cabinet of Washington expect such deliberate in-
sults and injuries to be tamely submitted to, and
such damage inflicted on our commerce at the same
time, that, with virtuous indignation, they are de-
manding the interference of our Government in
their favour. It is not surprising that, in face of
the flagrant encroachment on our commercial
rights, the rumours of an approaching rupture
between England and the Federal States should
be current on the Bourse, although the tame and
spiritless conduct of Earl RUSSELL certainly does
little to justify them. We commented a few days
since on the reprehensible conduct of Mr. ADAMS,
who made use of his diplomatic position to protect
a vessel loaded with munitions of war for the
Mexican Government, bnad for the very same port
as the Peterhoff. The one vessel having duly ful-
filled every legal formality, laden with articles of
merchandise, sails from London to a neutral port
and is captured on her way, the owners of ship
and cargo being put to heavy expense from lose
of time, even supposing the case to be satisfac-
torily adjusted, while the officers, crew, and passen-
gers are detained as prisoners, and prevented from
going on shore and having free access to the British
Consul. On the other Bide, we have a vessel, sail-
ing also from London to Matamoras, whose cargo
is not restricted to articles of ordinary merchan-
dise, but who carries arms and ammundition under
the protection of the Ambassador ofthe United States.
What does our Government do in this case ? It
addresses, it is true, a remonstrance on behalf of
the Peterhoff, but it refuses to accord the smallest
protection to other mercantile vessels bound for the
same port. The correspondence between the owners
of the Sea Queen and the Government authorities
is scarcely what would have been expected in a
great commercial nation, who claims among her
dominions, the Empire of the Seas. No fifth
rate power could be more hopeless of pro-
tecting the interests of its subjects. No
state insulted by England herself could
show less anxiety to provoke a quarrel. The
merchants and brokers interested in the cargo
of the Peterhoff, in a letter to Earl RUS-
SELL, Bet forward very strongly the state of
the case, and justly
m foroablistei
formalities
vs e
have that
b e if, after
duly
fulfilled,all l eg a l
and commercial
any vessel bound for a neutral port may be legally
seized and detained on mere suspicion, the whole
commerce of the empire is placed at the mercy of
any belligerent Power. The fact of numerous Ame-
rican trading vessels running between New York
and Matamoras points to another reason for
this unwarrantable interference with British com-
merce. Yet, in the face of these incontrovertible
facts, in defiance of the unanswerable arguments
of the mercantile gentlemen in question, cur au-
thorities refuse to interfere. Lord STANLEY of
ALDERLEY will not suffer a mail agent to accom-
pany the vessel the Sea Queen, to protect the mail
bags, although the owners of the vessel offered to
defray the expense. Lord RUSSELL contents him-
self with downofthinesularawneine, saunedh
ra,sfmusaensnteor
asto raise
layingthe rates
grant the smallest protection, Mr. ADAMS
may give what guarantee he likes to vessels
leaving
English ports. The English
Minister cannot pro-
tect English merchant ships. The security given by

an American may be quoted at Lloyd's in favour of
a vessel; the letter of the English Foreign Mini-
ster sends up the rates of insurance forthwith.
We are to submit to have our dockyards
watched, and are to be called upon to detain
any vessel at the suggestion of the represen-
tative of the Northern States. Our Government
does not remonstrate though the arms and
ammunition shipped for Matamoros are to be directed
against a friendly power. No wonder the indig-
nant murmurs of the House of Commons answered
Mr. LAYARD'S reply to Mr. PEACOCK'S question.
The matter is still " under consideration," no com-
munication having yet been made to Mr. ADAMS.
If our ministers do not bestir themselves a little
more actively than they have hitherto done some
communications will be made to Mr. ADAMS and
his countrymen which may teach their inordinate
vanity a wholesome lesson. Englishmen will not
suffer their commerce to be damaged without re-
dress, their vessels confiscated, their mail bags
broken open, and the terrible injury which loss of
time and uncertainty inflict on trade to be endured
much longer. The Government are going the way
to provoke men whose interests are so heavily at
stake to take matters into their own hands, in
which case we may expect a naval realisation of
our friend Punch's famous picture of the
shoeless stampedo of Bull's Run " Goin'
to take Canada!" The blockading fleet of Charles-
ton, the vessels which, according to General BUT-
LER, are to sweep English commerce from the seas,
may find cause to remember that the Alabama was
of English origin, and, in the words of "Chevy
Chase,"
"We have within our realm
Five hundred good as she."