The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-29 00:00:00

„ •
WNDON, WEDNESIMY EVENING, DECEMBER 29, tB3O.

INVERNESS REFQRM,MEtTING.

(From 'the Inverness'Couriev of Wednesday.)
On Monday last a public meeting of the house-
holders and inhabitants of this town was held in the
Court,liouse, pnrsuant to advertisement, for the
.purpose of petit.ipiiipg Parliament for such an exten-
sion of the elective franehise in the burghs turd
counties, as might inclUde a fair proportion of the
properly and intelligence of .Scotland, Though con-
'sidered almost exclusively as a burgh meeting, we
were gled to see several country gentlemen present,
among whom were Mackintosh yr. of Mackintosh,
Nlr. Fraser ofAbertarff, Captain Fraser of Bal-
!lain Mr:Fraser of Torbreck, Mr. Mackintosh yr. of
Geddes, Captain Mackay of Hedgfield, Mr. Mac-
donald of Ness Castle, &c.
On die motion of Captain MACKAY of I Tedgfield,-
JouNpacks:NztE, Esq., banker, was called to .the
'chair, ',end took his seat the' acciatnutions .of
the meeting.
The CRAIRSIAN returned thanks, and opened the
proceedings of the day by stating the circumstances
,which had preceded the meeting. A considerable
number ofrespectable individuals in the burgh ads
'dressed a requisition to the Provost, to convene a
meeting for the purpose of petitienitig Parliament on
the itihject',or a Reform iii the repreattitatioti for
Scotland; and it was in consequence of his deiclin-
jug to do so that- the present meeting had been
called by the requisitionists themselves. It was but
candid and fair in him to state that he had every
reason. to believe that the Provost's sentiments,
,es
an individual, were not adverse to those which had
been expressed by many gentlemen who have taken
a prominent part in calling this meeting, though he
had in his official capacity considered it better, on
other grounds, that he should not convene them on
this occasion. That his individual sentiments, or
those of any well informed man, should not differ
from theirs, was, however, any thing but wonderful.
lie (Mr. Mackenzie) could not imaglue any one
gravely maintaining that the present system of Par-
liamentary representation in Scotland is perfect,
,or
that it ought not on every principle of justice and
expediency to be amended. It was not his inten-
tion to enter into the merits of the objects of this
meeting. These would be far better explained and
illustrated by those gentlemen who would bring
under their notice the resolutions, which it was Sins
cerely to be desired might receive the unanimous
sanction of the meeting. He conceived it, how-
ever, as a part of his duty in the chair in which they
had placed him, that lie should express his anxious
hope, as it was at the same time (from his confidence
in the good sense and good feeling of those pre-
sent) his belief and expectation, that their whole
proceedings should be conducted with the greatest
possible propriety and order. This would have
been the case even had the meeting been called by
the Provost) burit was still more to be desired be-
cause the meeting was in their own bandit, and
under no offiCial authority or direction. Let it not,
be said (what he did not say any one had said) " the
Provost was right in not calling the meeting, as he
knew it would be disorderly, and cast discredit, not
only on the cause the requisitionists advocated or
pretended to advocate, but on the town itself," It
was given out here that public • meetings in Inver-
ness would be dangerous and lead to disorder.—
He was entirely of art opposite opinion, and
hoped that the proceedings of that day would dis-
prove these allegations, and lead to their having lot are
meetings on important occasions, which might re-
flect credit on the capital of the Highlands, enlarge
their views and interests, and make them feel more
closely united than hitherto to the institutions of
their country,—(C heels.) Bin perhaps ihd most
powerful reason for their proving that 'they could
meet and discuss so important a subject with mode-
ration' though with firmness, was, that unless they
coultido so, they did not prove the expediency of
the extension to them of the elective franchise; and
in place of forwarding their cause, they would only
afford the stronger argument to its opponents.
" Let us prove then," added the Chairman, " that
While on the one hand we come forward to state the
grounds on which we claim an extension to us of
important privileges, and to prove the expediency of
a new system in the Parliamentary representation
for Scotland, we at the same time deprecate all
extreme and visionary doctrines; all such ultra and
rapid legislation as would greatly endanger and pro-
highly destroy the Constitution which we so earnestly
desire to amend. Let us 'thew that our views of
Reform are wise and just, and such as ought to be
entertained by the best lovers of their country) that
we are the friends, riot the enemies, of the true
principles of our Constitution."—(Loud cheers:)
Mr. MACKENZIE then read the requisition, and
concluded by again requesting' that the meeting
would keep within its'terms and objects.
Captain Frusaa of Balnam, in a long and able"
speech, moved the first five resolutions. The meets
ing being duly constituted, he hoped, he' said, that
the suggestions which had fallen from the Chair
would be received with the attention worthy the
importance of the subject about to be brought before
them. That subject was not, indeed, new to this
country; it was to address the Parliament, craving
an alteration and amendment of the system of Par

liatnentary representation in Scotland. It was im-
portant to remark that, when at several former times
the publiC mind in Scotland had been excited by
this very subject, it had unfortunately happened
(whether from the fault of the persons who took the
lead, or from the state of the public affairs of the
country he could not say) that the proceedings at
that time incurred the suspicions of Government and
were repressed and stifled. Now it too often hap-
pened, after a failure of this sort, that the friends of
liberty were crushed and its enemies encouraged and
strengthened; and thus ;t might follow that the
very efforts now made would be detriniental, instead
of favourable, if they departed in any degree from
the paths of prudence and discretion. He would
take the liberty of beginning the subject ab ova, and
of opening up the question by stating that he
thought Scotland was inadequately represented, in
point of number, as compared with the it amber of
members cent from the other parts of the British
Empire, and had been so ever since the Union. He
would be the last man to assert any thing derogatory
to the great national compact, so productive of
benefit to both nations. He held in the greatest

detestation the attempts of some talented but mis-
guided men in a sister kingdom, who sought to
dissever an important portion of British domi-
nion, and to hurl it from, that proud pinnacle
of prosperity and independence in winch it
had so lately been placed by that celebrated
Act .of Legislature. Ho admitted that the
intention of England at the thine of the Union was
to admit Scotland to a fair participation of legisla-
tive privilege. 'What then was the rule adopted by
which her share had been assigned to Scotland ?
It was not her population; for that was estimated
at one million, and that of England at six millions;
and had that proportion been taken, Scotland would
have been entitled to one sixth of the representa-
tion of the whole empire. The rule .assumed was

the proportion of the Lint tax which she would have
to pay after the Union, and that proportion was as-
sessed by an estimate of the returns of laud. Now,
it was at .the, close of a century of barbarous civil
wars, attended by every circum►tance that could re-
duce the value of the return of land, that Scotland

entered into• this compact relating to the proportion
of Parliamentary representation. It was plain,
that she had not made a fair bargain, ,Suite the

Union, we find that her capability of revenue, whe-
ther we look to the returns andei the assessed taxes,
or those under the property tax, is about 1-7th,
while at the time of the Union it was supposed to
be 1-14th. He entitled to this part of the subject,
because, if he was right in attributing any truth to
the reports which Were current regarding the-Re-
Ihres of the Scotch System of representation in con-
ieMplation of Government, that Reform would prin.
CiPelly consist of an increase of the number of the
representatives. He thought that. every person
would, on reflection, see that, 'if this course should
be adopted, a variety of the, nice distinctions and
minute enquiries relating to the tenure of lands and
burgh charters which would arise, if the expected
Reform was merely to consist of an alteration of the
present qualification, would be swept away or passed
over. Neither would the rights of the holders of
superiorities he'vinlated; for, although the money
price of -them would lie dirninished, they would come
to afford their possess Ors two, three, or more votes.
Again' 'let us suppose that every burgh now in-
cluded in a district of five or four burgh's were to
return a Member by itself; he, thought it would not
require the spirit of a Diviner to foretell that the
system of self election; and several evils attending
burgh management, would be appealed aganit
extineuished. To return now to the superiority or
qiedification in counties :—That qualification bore
1-1 its face e-'description of property in land. There
was a regular naming of the several tenements, end
the rents arising from
,them were' carefully slimmed
up. Then came a precept of sasine on which the
ceremony of infeftment followed? and after all tvai
done (strange to say) theproprietor walked away with
his property in his pocket, a piece of paper Or parch-
ment ; but no real.prOperty in land followed for none
was required, to make either an election or a represens
native in a county in Scotland, and thus all its inte-
rests were at, the mercy of those who
.themselves
might have no 'interest at all in the county. But if
the state oldie counties was bad, that of the burghs
was still worse. In a district of five burghs the
candidate by securing three, would feel himself at
liberty to disregard the interest of the other two—
or in one of four, he would direct his attention to
only one, and to the returning burgh, unless one of
these other two were to be the next returning burgh.
But act as he might, the views and interests of
burghs in the same district might be, and often were,
discordant and irreconcileable. How then could one
Member act impartially to them all. 'The general
effect of this system was; that no man could through-
out all the counties of Scotland, whatever might be
his profession or 'station in society, have any voice
in nominating the representative, unless he had se-
cured for himself the sort of fictitious property he
had before alluded to; and. that in burghs, no exer-
tion of talents, no success in following out his' trade
or profession, could obtain for its professor or hie
descendants any share in a political right which was
freely enjoyed by the meanest householder in some
of the towns: a England. In fact, Scotland had
no. regular public voice at all. Such, indeed, was
the force of public opinion, and such the liberality
of those who were sent to Parliament, that Consider-
lade deference bad often been paid to the sentiments
of the public. This compliment he thought was
justly due to those true servants -of their country,
among whom he would certainly include the distin-
guished representative' of this burgh. He would
now allude to an objection he hod often heard Made
against any alteration in the Scotch representative
system. It was said. that with all its disadvantages
Scotland was stip a thriving eountry, where as much
civil liberty existed as in any country, and every
mats was at liberty to enjoy the fruits of his inthis-
try or any other possession in full security: He
should be sorry to distutb-thette'pth.sons in their
en-
joyment and tranquillity, but he would recommend
to them, if they wished a continuation of their re-
pose, not to attempt a feeble opposition to a popular
movement so just in principle and so favourable to
the interests of their country.—(Cheers.) But
there was another class of objectors, the advocates
of extreme opinions. These gentlemen had Several
notable projects for the benefit of the state, such as
universal suffrage and annual Parliaments. He
would not take upon himself 'to pronounce on these
opinions, nor to say how far any portion of their
plans might injure or benefit , the Constitution, but
he would suggest to them as ti:reason for joining in

the moderate 'Proceedings of this day, 11114 no Pert
of their plans will be listened to during the exist-
ence of the present system. When the country sent
up to Parliament Members - freely elected, between
whom end their constituents there should be a strong
sympathy of views and interests, he would assure
them, that every important (petition would be freely
and temperately discussed. He would merely re-
mark, in conclusion, on the answer returned by his
respected friend Provost Robertson, to the requisi,
Lion. The Provost states that as Government is
pledged to Reform, it is improper to agitate It in a
public meeting. He would ask if that Government
did not ewe its strength to popular opinion, and if
so, can it be offended when that opinion is in Unison
with their own ?—(Applause.) And then does not
the Prime Minister himself owe the great political
fume which he enjoys to his wonderful exertions in

in the cause of Re-form, nt a time of life when other
men scarcely begin to think at all. And then have
we not a Lord Chancellor who only a few days
before he was elevated to the Woolsack, advocated

the general measure of Reform in the House of Corn-
mons and designated the Scotch representative
system, which he welt n understood, o man better—

as being one_hvge.rotten burgh ? Considering, then,

the nature of our free Coubtitution, and the vowed
opinion,' of the iniaters, he could nut but con-

eider this a most favourable opportunity for bringing
forward the subject. In coliclasion, Captain Fraser
read the resolutions (see advertisement). and hat
down amidst loud and general cheering.
Mr. NPANDREW, solicitor, begged to second the
resolutions, of which he cordially and entirely ap-
proved. He would, with the permission of the
meeting, state shortly the grounds upon which-he
founded that approbation. The first point totched,
upon in the resolutions was the inadequate refire.
sentation of Scotland as a part of the British em-
pire. The number of representatives for England
was 513, and that for Scotland only 45. In the

present state of the country this could not be con-
sidered n fair proportion. The population in 1811
wasforEnglantllo,79l,lls; for Scotland 1,805,688.
By. Dr. Beck's estitnate of 1800, the value of land

and tithes in England is stated at x,750,0001.; that
of Scotland at 1,200,0001, By the ProPel ty Tax re-
turns of 1810, the yearly rents of lands and houses
in Great Britain was ascertained to he 42 millions
and a half, of which those for Scotland exceeded six

Then, nguin, the ship building in both
portions of the island steed in 1822 as follows :---In

England the number of veaiela built WIIS 399, awl
the tonnage 46,596, In Scotland the number
built was 122, and the tonnage 9,457. Now, on

taking a combined view of all these facts, extracted
from official returns, it appeared to him that it might
be fairly concluded that the proportion of represero
Mises from Scotland should at least be double their

:present number. -Withregard' to the second branch
of the resolution, that neither the property tier in•
telligenee of, the country was represented, it was
only necessary to state that the whole -number &

electors for the counties ;tit' burghs of Scotland Was
somewhere about 4,300, of which a large proportion
have no connection whatever with the places for
which they are electors„ Many of them are elector
for several pl,►ces, and not a few ere not even Scrotc.

PRICE 7D

tnen. This subject is capable also of illustration by
reference to England, where it is not said that any
essential interest is over-represented. In England
the proportion of elector' keine in twenty-five, but
in Scotland it was only one in 480.—(Hear.)
The, next resolution has relation to the qualification
for. comities. Of what this qualification consists, a
very forcible and eloquent description had been given
by the honourable mover, and few words were neces-
sary :to show that the resolution was well' founded.
The number of freeholders in the counties of Scot-
land .Was somewhere about 2,980, of whom many, it
is notorious, hold no lend in cite counties of which
they-are electors, while the number of landed estates,
held by individuals, and exclusive of those belonging
'to corporations, was a few years ago 7,654; what
the actual proportion of freeholders who do not
possess land in their respective counties. was, he was
net enabled to specify with necureey; but in the
county of Inverness the following statement will be
:found sufficiently accurate for the present purpose:—
The riumber:of freeholders is about 80, there Are
upoisthe roll 41 who hold nee land in the county;
five or six . have their (publications only partly On
their own estates ; about nine have their qualifica-
tions, on other eatates, and there are about 35 landed
gentlemen in the county who havteno qualification.
—(Hear.) In the burghs, the case is still Worse,
but this subject having. been sufficiently elucidated
by the mover, he would not weaken what had been
so forcibly stated by that gentleman.- Isappeared;
therefore, that the system was totally defective and
indefensible. Indeed, he did not anticipate that any
pertosewould now have the temerity to oppose Re-
form on the plea that the system was either good in
itself or adapted to the real wants and wishes of the
people.—(Cheers.) But this, it is said, is not the
proper time to [Agitate the question. It will be re-
tnetnbered that this ground of opposition has been
urged by certain persons for upwards of fifty years,
It•was the rallying point with many of the opponents
to the measure when the question was brought for-
ward by Pitt, Flood, and 'the present Premier.
Others say that as we have now got en adminietrus
bon formed upon the avowed principlei of Reform,
retrenclunept, and peace, it is improper t() make any
movement, but that the matter should be left unfet-
tered in their bands. Many respectable gentlemen
friendly to Reform sincerely entertain this opinion,
but he was satisfied that if their advice was acted
upon it would prove, most fatal to the cause, being
at the same time convinced from the difficulties
surrounding the question itself and the vars() inte-
rests opposed to it, that 110 ministry however
powerful could carry such a question unaided by
the firm, the steady, and the zealous support
of the middling and respectable dame of the
community. Without such support a specious pre-
text would be afforded to active and zealous op-
ponents for stating that, the people were satisfied
with things us they are, and the Ministerial plan of
Reform would now, as in the days of Mr. Pitt, be
deeominated the " visionary chimeras of political
Quixotes.", Mr. Pitt brought furwurd a motion for
Reform in 1782,during the Rockingham Adminis-
tration, which was pledged to. Reform 4"d Re.
tsenchomi. It was strenuously opposed, partly
on, the ground that this Was not the proper time,
and partly, that the people were satisfied. Next
year it shared the same fate ; and in 1785 Mr. Pitt
again brought forwards he question of Reform, when
he was himself a Prime Minister, with a Parliament
newly elected; but it was still urged. that us the
people did not petition they were, satisfied, and die
met* of the Minister was negatived by a large
majority.—(Hear.) This historical fact allin de one of
the strongest ;Woofs for exertion that could be well
adduced. Some will say that this system works
Wells bemuse,, generally speaking, Ministers ,aidir
Parliament, meet, in this country, be influenced' by
the force of public opinion. lint even if it were
admitted that the system did, under ordinary Ctrs
catustances, work well, the very power which it
acknowledged to be necessary to keep the machine'
in working. order, affords ; when, the subject :is
viewed dispassionately, the strongest argument for
Reform. The force of public opinion is admitted
to be irresistible, and therefore safely demands that,
instead of being allowed to remain as an extraneous
seed undefined, power, the system should be so trip-
dified us to 14Pit it within known and defined limits,
under a :form of representation which will identify
the feelings and interests of the representatives with
these of the people, and establish betwixt them an
unremitting and recognised channel of conununice-
tien.—(Applueets)
Bailie COWING. then moved the sixth resolution,
which, he felt confident, would be cordially and una-
nimously approved of. It was-unnecessary for .hint
to say atilt he was friendly to Parliamentary ReforM.
!---(Appliiuse.) His being there that day, and the
sentiments which he bud expressed to several indi-
viduals then present, long before this meeting was
contemplated, was a sufficient proof of this; but
when hedeclared himself in favour of the principle,
he begged distinctly to state that he aimed at no
thing wild or extravagant—nothing beyond modes
rate Refotm—rsuch -as some of the best and wisest
meet; of the land desire to see, and such as lie hoped
the Government would at no distant period concede
to the wishes and expectations of the people. The
resolution which be was about to read referred to
our excellent and glorious Constitution; and if he
thought the proceedings in which they were engaged
had the most remote tendency to injure that Con-
stitution, he would be there, not to support, but to
offer his luunble but zealous opposition to
,the
tempt. " Our object, ,however," said Mr. Cum-
ming, " is to strengthen and uphold the Gonad. mien,
and, I trust, we shall ultimately see our wishes rea-
lized."—(Cheers.)
Mr. CAMERON, solicitor, said be had been ho.
ootired by having ussigned to him the task of second-
ing the resolution just read by his friend. Mr. Cum-
tiling. If be consulted his own feelings, he would
content himself, after the very full aratementa they
had abeady licard, with simply expressing his acum-
en:epee in, it; but, lest this course might not be
devoted respectful to the meeting, he should claim
their attention fur a very little time. The resolution
involves an expression of attachment to the princi-
ples of the Constitution. It is impossible to with.
hold our admiration and attachment from • a system
of goveintnent: and laws, (for it is these that form
what is called the Constitution) in which Magna
Charta—Triel by Jury--the Habeas Corpus Act—
the independence of time Judges—and, what has been
well denominated the key-stone of the arch, the
Liberty of the Press—are importimt elements. Bat
he did not agree with those who think that it is sa-
erilege`to touch tide fabric, ssared by what they call'
the wisdom of our uncestors. All human institu-
tions are imperfect, and susceptible of ameedment;
and our predecessors ought not to be permitted to
legislate alssulutely for future generations placed in
ditfrent circumstances from theirs.—(Ap-
-14100 Ak.:onr object, therefore, is to. obtain not
oidy an essedtott of the ehetive ilia, but an en
largetl I'olll'o4lll4ton of the people in the great
Couneil of the nation, it may not be improper to
inquire hether our views are in uecordauce with
the spirit end prectice of the Constitution Now,
We know hiatorically that Edward 1., who may be
said to havAsiummoned the first English Parliament,
properly so:roilea,_ issued his writs for the election
of two knights for each shire, two citizens for each
city, -andlwo: burgesses fur each borough, contents
plating a fair and -equal representutiots of all classes
and interests; but we-know tthio,' that this original
plan•hrts'not been curried into hill exeeution, 111E14..