The Sun.
London, England, 1837-04-22 00:00:00

not have been prevented, even if the whole British fleet
had been blockading the places, instead of being stationed
there to give facility to the communication. The whole
inconvenience felt by the town from the position the Car-
lists had taken up was, neither more nor less than, that
some ladies and gentlemen were prevented taking the
waters. He would say further, that his firm belief was,
that the connection between the Legion and the fleet had
been injurious to the military affairs of the Queen of Spain.
That was his decided opinion, from what he knew of the
nature of the country, and more particularly from the posi-
tion which was the strength of Don Carlos. There was
one point which military men perfectly understood, and
that was, that if great corps were to act together there
must be a communication between them. If there were no
communication, then the attempt at co-operation would in
all probability lead to such disasters as had occurred at
Hernani ; and it was to him most surprising that General
Evans, who appeared an able man, and deserving of the
confidence of his Majesty's Government, and the Queen of
Spain, with the experience he had had, of the difficulty of
carrying on communications in that country, should
not have felt the danger of his position, and placed
himself in communication with the corps with which
he was co-operating, instead of being at a distance,
with his Majesty's fleet.—(Hear.) He was aware that his
Majesty's fleet had been engaged in another point, and
that was the siege of Bilboa, where the men conducted
themselves as the British navy had always done and always
would do, but there was one circumstance respecting that
transaction which had excited considerable surprise in his
mind, and he mentioned it now in order to have an answer.
The Noble Duke then referred to the position of the Bri-
tish ships before Bilboa, as detailed in the letter of Lord
Ranelagh. It was not fair that a neutral ship should re-
main in a position in which it could give assistance as a
belligerent. That which was not fair between man and man,
could not be fair between nation and nation. The Noble Lord

had stated most positively that he would not recal General
Evans ; but whether that were done or not, he (the Duke
of Wellington) must press on their Lordships this fact,
that on no pretence whatever ought the Marines to be
removed from free and safe communication with the ships.
He had commanded his Majesty's large armies, and
had risked as much for the service as the Noble

Lord, but he would not venture to put any corps in a situa-
tion in which they could not have communication with a
point of safety. If the Noble Lord intended to adopt the
principles lately put forth in a pamphlet, viz., a combina-
tion of the powers of the West, in an alliance offensive and
defensive, against the powers of the North, he should come
down to Parliament for assistance to carry on an affair of
that sort in the manner in which a nation like Great Britain

should carry it on ; it could not be done by sending a few
troops here and there, but by sending such a commanding
force as would effect the object in view. Let the Noble

Lord look before him—let him see how for the country

would support him. If he did not do that, let him place
the country in the position in which he received it.
Although he (the Noble Duke) could not, in a motion of
this description, declare a departure from the present line
of policy, he earnestly recommended his Majesty's Mi-
nisters to endeavour to place the country in the position in
which it was placed when they gave their consent to the
order in council.
Lord HOLLAND begged to bear his testimony to the
clear, correct, candid, and manly explanation of his own
conduct throughout this business which had been given by
the Noble Duke ; and also of the grounds upon which he
had refrained from calling on the House to give any direct
opinion on this subject ; but he must also beg to tell the
Noble Lords opposite that if, as the Noble Duke admitted,
there were inconveniences in interfering with the Executive
Government, by calling for the opinion of the House on
such subjects as the present, with reference to the conduct
of the Government, to which it was perfectly true he had
often avowed his objection, there was also inconvenience in
discussing grave and serious matters as to the general po-
licy of the country without bringing them to a question be-
fore the House ; and he might, perhaps, be permitted to
ask why, if they had abstained so long, they should choose
this as the moment for bringing forward such a subject
—this moment, when a late disaster was fresh in the
recollection of every one—and had thrown some tempo-
rary discredit on the expedition, although that disaster
had been, in a great measure, retrieved, or at least
checked, by the important aid afforded by the Marines of
his Majesty's service.—(Hear.) He would again ask what
practical service could spring from the present discussion ?
It could lead to nothing, because no distinct proposition
was before the House ? Was this the time to strike a blow
in that House against the forces now in Spain, or was it a
moment to try to have the Marines recalled—not by a dis-
tinct vote of the House, but by blaming and criticising the
military conduct of General Evans ? The chief object of
the Nobl• Lords opposite, as far as he could collect it, was
to what they were pleased to call our interference in the
concerns of other countries—that we were carrying on war
without any declaration of war having been formally made.
They objected also to the suspension of the Foreign En-
listment Act, and to the extension and conduct of our part
of the treaty, which had been so often alluded to. As to
the extension of the treaty, the Noble Duke had not ap-
peared to view the question with his usual accuracy. He
said that his Noble Friend (Viscount Melbourne) ought
to have brought down the Quadruple Treaty to the
House, and explained precisely what its meaning was.
But the Noble Lord did before fully explain the full
meaning of the treaty. The Noble Duke had observed
that all the objects at first intended were fully satisfied,
when Don Miguel was forced to leave Portugal.—(Hear,
hear.) But what were the words of the preamble ? " Their
Majesties, considering the interest they must always
take in the security of the Spanish Monarchy, and being
further animated by the most anxious desire to assist in the
establishment of peace"—where ? In Portugal ? No.
In " the Peninsula." Nor was that all, for there was added,
"as well as in every other part of Europe."—(Hear.) The
general motive, object, and scope of the treaty was, first,
to expel Don Miguel from Portugal ; and, next, to preserve
the peace of Spain ; but both of these were subservient to
the main point, of preserving the peace of Europe ? But
the Noble cLords opposite asserted that the peace of the
Peninsula and of Europe had not been preserved. He
differed with them altogether on that point. He consi-
dered that it had been fully preserved, and from the
bottom of his conscience he believed that the Quadruple
Treaty had been the means of preserving it. He knew
that the opinion of those signing that treaty was at the
time (though he was not about to relate to the House
what had passed in private conversation), that it would be
the means of preventing the war being interfered with
by the Northern Powers of Europe. That these Powers
had afforded indirect assistance to Don Carlos he firmly
believed : but if the treaty had not been entered into,
would not Don Carlos be now at Madrid ; or if not,
then would not the state of Spain and Portugal be ex-
ceedingly different ? To what, then, must the present com-
parative security of these countries be attributed ? Undoubt-
edly to the naval co-operation of Great Britain. But it
was said that it was base and inglorious thus to carry on
war without a declaration of war. That very question had
been raised when the treaty was formerly before the House.
What, he would ask, did the treaty engage this country to
do ? To afford a naval co-operation to the Queen of Spain.
He had not heard any mention made of any necessity exist-
ing for extending that principle of co-operation to such a
degree as to warrant a declaration of war. The object of
the treaty being to assist the Queen in preserving peace,
the co-operation now afforded being for that purpose, it
would be unjust to term it war. The Noble Duke said
that a blockade had not been effected of the Spanish coast.
It certainly had not, nor could it, for the reasons assigned
by the Noble Duke himself. To blockade the ports of
a country was a right claimed by belligerents, but not
auxiliaries. The co-operation afforded by this country
did not extend to such a proceeding. It was the right
of the Queen of Spain alone. The Noble Duke also
spoke of the blockade being carried into effect by the
Queen herself. He (Lord Holland) never knew that any
sacred right of immunity existed for insurgents which
should prevent a Sovereign from blockading the country
which they inhabited, if such a step should appear ad-
visable, in order to put them down. Whether the Queen
should blockade the coast of Spain or not, rested with him
her alone. He could assure the House that no British heart
could bound with more delight than his own at the recital
of the success and glorious exploits of his countrymen ; but
he would ask, what were the wars of the Duke of Marlbo-
rough but wars of succession—of the Duke of Marlborough
by the bye, who learned his art as a mercenary under Tu-
renne ?—(Hear, hear.) What were the greater part of our
wars but wars of succession ? In fact, all the wars of Eli-
zabeth were auxiliary wars. William 111., also, whose " glo-
rious memory " was so often referred to, was another ex-
ample of interference in a war of succession. He (Lord
Holland) admired that great Prince as much as any man,
though not perhaps, for those parts of his conduct which
drew down the applause of others. What constituted his
glory was iis his opinion the readiness with which he came
forward to free this country from the tyranny of James
11. These were, it was true, old times, but he could take
Noble Lords to more modern times, and refer them
to him who was, like all his race, remarkable for his
personal gallantry and intrepidity the last of our
Kings who had exposed himself on a field of battle
(George I.) At the battle of Dettingen he appeared
with his troops, and what, he would demand, was the nature
of the war in which he risked his life ? Why, a war of suc-
cession. The Noble Duke had said that the operations of
the Marines were extended in a manner never intended by
the treaty. In order to determine that point, it would be
necessary to examine how the parties engaged in the treaty
construed it. The treaty expressly stated that assistance
was to be afforded by this country, to expel Don Carlos
from Spain. There was no concealment, no mystery in the
matter. The object aimed at was clearly laid down. It