The Sun.
London, England, 1837-06-28 00:00:00

its effect that he had heard of persons in Cambridgeshire
offering to Work and attempting to subsist for halt-a-crown
per week. It was known that the edict of confiscation
called Peel's Bill had prbduced dreadful diStress, and that
the unrestricted use of machinery had of late greatly added
to that distress ; but he was not prepared to hear (as lie of
of late had) that the average wages of hand-loom weavers
was ss. 6d. per week, and that the sum which they received
for a weft had fallen from 7d. to 3d. He Would ask the
House of Commons, which did not represent the labouring
classes of the country, which did not speak their sentiments,
whether it had a right to deprive the poor man of a re-
source which be once possessed under a provident statute,
and which was his natural right ? He (Earl Stan-
hope) stated, in 1822, that if the grievances of the coun-
try were not redressed the argument for a Reform in
Parliament would become unanswerable. That prediction
had been verified, and he now said that if Parliament per-
severed with this measure universal suffrage would be the
consequence. He had lately heard a Conservative farmer
say that if the new Poor-laws were not repealed, they
should all of them wish for universal suffrage. He (Earl
Stanhope) participated in this opinion ; but there was a
great consolation in the approaching elections, when the
people, he trusted, would express their sentiments on this
subject so loudly and so strongly that, in the words of the
petitioners, they would declare that they "considered any
Government, whether Whig, Tory, or Radical, which
adopt the principles of this Act, to be unworthy
of the confidence and support of the people." He
(the Earl of Stanhope) hoped, before the conclusion of
the present Session, which probably, under existing cir-
cumstances, would not be of long continuance, that the
Ministers would give an answer to the question whether or
not it was intended to carry the Act into execution in the
manufacturing districts ? If this or any other Govern-

slummed to the Barrister, and approved of by him,
li.c..cathe la* aftff being enrolled at the quarter Bes-
sions ? Was not the principle here similar ? It was
said that all the officers were appointed by the Commis-
sioners. He apprehended that the Noble Earl must refer to
the Assistant-Commissioners, as the relieving officers, the
medical officers, and the clerks of the unions were all elected
by the Poor-law guardians. He was quite certain of this,
that the parties assembled at this large meeting, who were
described as consisting of peaceable and well-disposed men
•--he was quite certain that if they knew the mode in which
those Poor-laws had been carried into operation in the
south of England, if they had been told that the sick, the
infirm, and the aged were at least as well cared for as be-
fore ; if they had been told that every case of distress was
regularly brought before the Board of Guardians, who pa-
tiently heard, if needful, the parties themselves, and at-
tended to their statements ; if they had heard also that a
discretion, and a most useful discretion, was vested in the
Board of Guardians ; if, instead of talking of imprisonment,
they were told that there was an opportunity, if needful, of
giving relief out of the workhouse under certain special cir-
cumstances, and in eases of temporary distress, and that
when they had one or two children they were much better
taken care of, they would not have agreed to the peti-
tion presented that evening.—(Hear, hear.) He did not
intend to deny that there might not be individual cases
where the guardians might have erred in judgment,
and where the Poor•law Commissioners might have been
misinformed also ; but he need hardly state that the system
generally was working beneficially for the poor, and as ge-
nerally beneficially for the rate-payers. He hoped her Ma-
jesty's Ministers—and those Noble Lords opposite who were
in possession of that power to place themselves in the situa-
tion which his Noble Friends possessed, if they were removed
from it—he hoped that neither one party nor the other
would hesitate for a moment to state broadly and manfully
that they would not, as far as was in their power, consent
to the repeal of the Poor Law Amendment Act.—(Cheers.)
Lord WYNFORD was greatly gratified to hear that
this Bill worked so well. He was always aware that there
were great abuses in the old Poor Laws, and he should be
glad to have seen these abuses remedied ; but he thought
these remedies might be applied in a less expensive and
less arbitrary manner. He could not help thinking that
the powers granted to the Poor Law Commissioners went
to a most unconstitutional extent, and that they had used
them in an arbitrary and oppressive mannner.
Viscount MELBOURNE said that it was with very
great concern that he saw such a petition presented, agreed
to, and concurred in at a meeting so large, so numerous, so
respectable, and so tranquil in their conduct as was repre-
sented by his Nile Friend. That petition having been so
agreed to, he certainly did look with great concern at its
bing presented by his Noble Friend. He was extremely
anxious that every petition emanating from the people, and
more especially from so great a meeting as that referred to,
or indeed from any portion of the people, should find some
Noble Lord to introduce it, and give a fair representation
of it in the House.—(Hear, hear.) But he must own
that he felt, to a certain degree, a portion of uneasiness,
and no small feeling of alarm, that the Noble Earl—of
ancient name and family, of such property in the country,
of undoubted zeal and feeling for the people of this coun-
try, and of unquestionable philanthropy—should have
passed so unqualified a censure on an Act of the Legisla-
ture, on a law of the land, and should have made himself
instrumental in conveying doctrines and opinions which, he
must say, were in a high degree destructive, and subver-
sive of all law and order. He owned he had listened
to the speech of his Noble Friend with great concern
and apprehension. His Noble Friend had stated many rea-
sons for his not taking that share in the debates of the
House which formerly he was accustomed to take. These,
reasons. made him deeply regret his Noble Friend's absence.
He regretted that they had not been favoured and assisted
with his Noble Friend's advice in the course of their pro-
ceedings, but he could hardly believe that his Noble Friend
had really stated the reasons of his absence. His Noble
Friend had stated that he experienced neglect from their
Lordships ; that his opinions had not been attended to ; that
he had little influence ; and that he could be of little use,
when both sides of the House concurred in a course of pro-
ceeding which was destructive to the best interests of the
country. Now, he begged his rtoble Friend to consider
whether these motives were sufficient to justify his absence
on such an occasion ?—whether he was sufficiently justified
in absenting himself upon the occasion of the discussion of
a Bill which he stated to be pregnant with the most violent
injustice and cruelty ? A Bill which in its consequences
would, in his Noble Friend's opinion, work so decided a
change in the Constitution of the country—which would
effect the destruction of their Lordships' House, the ruin
of the property of the country, and the total destruc-
tion and subversion of the Constitution, and which would
bring a moral chaos back again. If the Noble Earl was
aware that such consequences would result from that mea-
sure, surely it was his duty not to listen to his feelings of
disgust, but to attend in that House and exert himself to
the best of his ability in order to try to avert from the
country those evils of which he had before him so clear
and distinct a prospect. His Noble Friend had gone into
a discussion of the principles of the measure, but he would
not follow him. He believed that the powers given by the
Bill were absolutely necessary for the purpose of carrying
the measure into effect, and he believed that the principles
on which the Bill was founded were perfectly sound and
just. As to the question of his Noble Friend with respect
to carrying the Bill into effect in the manufacturing districts,
he begged leave to say that he thought a certain degree of
prudence and discretion would be required in the working
of the Bill in those districts ; but at the same time he
must say that he did not see those difficulties in applying
the principles and practice of the Bill, even in those places,
which were apprehended by the Noble Earl. He understood
that a great number of unions had been already formed in the
manufacturing districts, and that the Bill worked well and
proceeded quietly, and had produced satisfaction. It was not
his intention on the present occasion to enter into any de-
tails of the measure ; but he would distinctly , answer a
question which had been put to him, and lie would say
that undoubtedly it was the intention of her Majesty's Go-
vernment to maintain the principles of this Bill.—(Hear,
hear.) But though they would do so, they were not un-
willing to listen to any amendments that should be shown
to be necessary, and they would attempt, as far as it was
possible in their power, to carry this measure into effect
with prudence and discretion, and with a due regard to
circumspection and care.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM denied that the Poor-law Com-
missioners had any power to confine people in the work-
house, nor could any person be so confined. But all the
inmates of the workhouse must conform to certain rules
and regulations of the House. Wherever there was any
large number of persons together, it was absolutely ne-
cessary for their common comfort that there should be
certain rules and orders in the management of the busi-
ness of the house. The inmates of the workhouse, living
under the protection and comforts which the roof af-
forded, must yield to a certain discipline ; and he would
venture to say that if that discipline were relaxed,
if there was no rule or order, the very inmates of
the workhouse would be the first to complain that it was
still more irksome, more inconvenient, and personally more
uncomfortable than before. It was said that the Commis-
sioners had said that they were desirous of making the
workhouse as disagreeable-as possible. Now he must say
he did not believe that any of the Commissioners had ever
said any such thing. He would not enter upon this subject
at any length, and more especially after the able manner in
which it had been treated by some Noble Lords who had
preceded him. It was said that this Bill was extremely un-
popular amongst the labouring classes. He should lament
extremely if the Bill was unpopular amongst that most use-
ful and most important class of her Majesty's subjects.
Now it was his firm belief, founded not merely upon his re-
flections on the subject, but what was far more material,
upon testimony which was strengthened by what had fallen
from his two Noble Friends (the Marquis of Tavistock
and Lord Portman), that amongst the labouring part of
the community this Bill was not unpopular, that amongst
all the industrious, all the well-disposed labouring men,
those who deserved to be called the labouring part of
the community, that amongst all these the measure was
a favourite, and not an odious law or an oppressive
law.—( Hear.) That there might be some amongst whom
it was not yet introduced, and not, therefore, under-
' stood, to whom the measure was unpopular, was, he
thought, highly probable ; and that there were some, a
much smaller portion and a less respectable portion of the
community of the districts where it has been introduced,
who viewed it with dislike, was much to be expected ; but
those were not the labouring people ; they were not, by any
means, the bulk of the labouring poor. The merit of this
great measure was not the saving it effected in the poor-
rates, not the benefit it conferred on the proprietors of the
soil--though in conferring a benefit on them they also con-
ferred a benefit, not undirectly or circuitously, not through
accident or contingency, but of necessity and by a direct
and inevitable operation, on those labourers whom they;;
proprietors employed ; but what was its chief recomm,:nda-
lion in his eyes, and why he chiefly rejoiced is its success,
was because he believed it was increasing largely the
comforts of the labouring poor. He believed that it
tended to elevate their character—he believed that it
arrested both their downward progress in comfort and
the downward tendency of their habits, which must
h :ye led to the inevitable degradation of their cha-
racter. Their downward progress in circumstances,
hab'ts, and character- was arrested by this Act ; and
1 he ba eyed that no Act had been passed for a long time
which tended so much, both actually and physically, to im-
prove the people. With respect to the introduction
Bill into the manufacturing districts, and with
powers given to the Commissioners. I
With respect to the powers -r
Ike to knowhowm—

ment should attempt to force the Act throughout the
country, they would do so at their peril—with peril to the
public peace, and with peril to the prosperity and institu-
tions of the country. Reserving himself the right to reply
to any observations that might be made, he should move
that the petition do lie upon the table.

The Earl of HA REWOOD said that he did not rise
to reply to any of the matters contained in the speech of
the Noble Earl ; but he rose in consequence of his belong-
ing to that district in the county, and because he had re-
ceived a communication on the subject. Before he left the
county he was called upon by a deputation from that part
of the county with which the Noble Earl was connected,
and he was requested; as Lord Lieutenant, to call a public
meeting on the subject of the Poor-laws. He declined to
call that meeting, because, in the execution of the Bill,
Commissioners had gone into several towns, and, resistance
being made, they were compelled to leave. Consequently,
when the application was made to him he considered
that ho should not be acting properly in placing
himself at the head of an assemblage of that kind,
as the law had been in some degree resisted. He
refused to call the meeting, but he had the sa-
tisfaction to know that the parties approved of the propriety
of the course which he had adopted. He did not intend to
go into the merits of the Poor Law Act ; but it would
be fair for him to confirm the testimony of the Noble Earl
with respect to the immense number of persons who at-
tended the meeting, and the deep interest which they must
naturally have taken in the subject. He (the Earl of
Harewood) was not surprised at this deep interest, for pre-
vious to the meeting the greatest pains had been taken to
brine. the Act into odium and disrepute.—(Hear, hear.)
But he was not saying this in support of the poor laws. It
was true that to many persons- in his district the poor
law was hateful, but it was not because they supposed it
would oppress them, but because the system of managing
the poor in the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire was
so good that they did not wish to see it pushed out, to
make way for the new Act. With respect to the ma-
nufacturing districts he thought that the Bill required
some amendment. He thought that the people of York-
shire, from the good working of their system, had really
cause to be discontented. This was their feeling, but they
complained, in addition, of the Act giving what they con-
sidered a wanton power to the Commissioners.—(Hear.)
The Marquis of TAVISTOCK had for twenty-five
years acted as a Magistrate in the county in which he re-
sided, and which he had had the honour of representing in
Parliament for many years, and he believed he could say
from his own .personal experience that there was no county
in the kingdom in which the old law had produced greater
evils, and where the benefits of the change effected by the
recent enactment had been more signally manifested. In
1828, when a Member of the House of Commons, he' pre-
sented a petition in which the evils of the Poor-law system
and the deplorable condition of the people were set forth,
giving, as he well recollected, a frightful pict are of the state
of the manufacturing districts in particular ; and at the
time of presenting that petition he recollected lamenting to
be obliged to state that in consequence of the operation of
the existing Poor-law, he felt the duties of his magisterial
capacity becoming daily more and more painful to his feel-
ings. Happily that state of things no longer existed.
They had found it a most pleasant change ; and so bene-
ficially had it worked to all parties, and all classes of
the agricultural community in the county in which be
resided, that he could assure their Lordships that he
could hardly believe that he lived among the same
people.—( Loud cheers.) There was no longer any want
of employment.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The measure
was not, as was supposed by the Noble Earl, unpopular
among the deserving poor. He, could assure their Lord-
ships it was quite the reverse. The night-watches had
been universally abolished as unnecessary.—(Loud cries of
" Hear.") The labouring poor were well offeand con-
tented, and were, moreover, becoming well disposed towards
their employers, and respectful to their superiors—(Loud
cheers)—and this instead of regarding them, as they for-
merly did, in the light of oppressors. The poor and infirm
were better taken care of, and their condition was better
attended to. He would say nothing of the enormous sav-
ing to the rate-payers, which amounted in many parishes to
forty, fifty, and even sixty per cent. lie spoke merely of
the altered condition of the labouring classes ; and he could
truly say that now, instead of finding amongst the poor that
crime and distress prevailed, he found himself residing
amongst persons such as lie had just described. He was
persuaded that he was speaking the sentiments of all par-
ties and classes amongst his neighbours who had witnessed
the working of the two systems, and who, for the change
that had taken place, felt with himself greatly indebted to
the present Administration, to his Noble and Learned
Friend (Lord Brougham), and who felt also much indebted
to the Noble and Gallant Duke opposite, for the truly use-
ful and patriotic manner in which, so much to his honour,
and above all party considerations, he had given his va-
luable testimony in favour of the working of this useful but
much calumniated measure.—( Loud cheers.)
Lord PO wrm AN felt grateful to 'those who passed and
who supported this measure. The Noble Earl did not re-
present the labouring population amongst whom he (Lord
Portman) lived.—(Hear,) He could tell the Noble Earl
that the mass of that population, .who happened to be in
employment, were thankful for the passing of this Act.—
( Hear, hear.) He would venture to say that they saw
their condition was bettered. They saw their masters
taking more pains to improve their condition—they saw
them employ their children, who before were paid a small
pittance out of the Poor-rates, and they were grateful for
the education which their children received, and for the im-
provement that took place in their situation, instead of
seeing them idling about the streets as formerly.—(Hear.)
He would, therefore, say that the Noble Earl did not repre-
sent the masses of the labouring classes of this country.
Perhaps he (Lord Portman) had been looked upon as a per-
son holding something approaching to Radical doctrines, be-
cause he had at one time represented a division of the me-
tropolis, the inhabitants of which were regarded as holding
opinions which were not very moderate ; but he was
quite sure that he had never heard during the time of his
canvass any doctrines so radical as those he had heard from
the Noble Earl.—( A laugh.) And he was sure that there
was not one of his former constituents who would for an
instant hesitate to support the Poor Law Amendment Act
because they wished for universal suffrage. He should be
glad to find that they were ao likely to have so large
a
mass engaged in supporting the Poor Law Act, and he
hoped that they would attend ;o the Noble Earl's advice,
and they would :believe that in supporting this Act, they
would obtain Universal Suffrage. He was, however, cer-
tain that Universal Suffrage was much farther off than if
this Act had not passed. Perhaps the Noble Earl would
recollect the riots which in 1830 started up in the county '
of Kent. If a leader should now be wanted, it was natural
to suppose that the county of Kent would furnish one,—
(A laugh.) He recollected that great anxiety was felt at
the time of these riots, and he could tell the Noble Earl
that at that time the wages of the labouring classrs, which
the Noble Earl had described as so altered by the Poor Law
Amendment Act as to be reduced to 2s. 6d. a week, were
at that time less ; the mass of the poor in November, 1830,
were working for less. The Noble Earl had told their
Lordships that it was the Poor-law Act which reduced
wages to half.a-crown a week, but it was clear that other
circumstances might do so ; the causes, for instance, that
produced these riots. They had heard a great deal of the
triumviri, but he believed that these triumviri were doing
much more good than the duumviri—he meant the distin-
guished representative of the labouring lasses in that House
and another gentleman out of doors, who took the same
title. But he must say that if men placed in a public si-
tuation were not protected by Parliament while using their
discretion to the best of their abilities, it was in vain to hope
that men would consent to be placed in such situations.
They had been told by the Noble Earl that the principle of
allowing persons to make rules and regulations which were
to have the effect of law was new in the annals of this country.
Had the Noble Earl never heard of the laws relating to
Friendly Societies, or to Savings Banks ? Was not the
Noble Earl aware that the regulations then made, wit'"

THE SUN. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 28, 1837

to time, , and whether they did not contain much more strin-
gedt and regulations than those allowed to the Com-
missioners? There was dnly this difference between them—
that instead of these powers being confided to persons singled
out from the community, placed in a conspicuous situa-
tion, answerable to the Commissioners and under the con-
stant superintendence of the Executive, and, above all, of a
watchful people and Lerrislsture—instead of being confided
to persons surrounded by all these securities, these pow-
ers, stringent as they were, were confided to persons locally
situated, and who were under no kind of controul or respon-
sibility whatever, and who had no watch over them of any
sufficient effect. Under the present Poor-law ge-
neral powers were given which were to be executed
by those in . whose hands it would be most safely
confided, and under controul and check which in former
instances did not exist. .He believed that a sound judg-
ment was employed and a due discretion used with respect
to the . power that was to be exercised. His belief was,
notwithstanding all that he had heard, that the power given
had been wisely, judiciously, and successfully exercised.
No attempt had been made rashly, or. too rapidly, to carry
the system into effect, or to spread it unnecessarily over
parts of the country where it might be thought less adapted
for than in others ; but there had been a careful considera-
tion in each case before there was an extension or applica-
tion of the powers given by the Act. He believed it might
also be said, that where there were great defects in the ad-
ministration of the old law existing, and that where it
would be in many places a great improvement to introduce
the new, yet in such cases, if parties were asked did they.
want the new Poor-law, they would immediately- say
" No." " Did they wish for it ?" " Far from it." " Did
they require it ?" There would still be the same negative
answer. And if the same parties were asked had they
managed hitherto their affairs so well that they did not re-
quire any assistance, the same parties would give an an-
swer in the affirmative.—(Hear, hear.) Men were satisfied
with their own management or with their own conduct,
men were not willing or disposed to find fault, and this
they would do in many instances conscientiously, although,
he still believed, most erroneously. In doing this in the
present matter they would only fall into the same error to
which all mortals were prone to fall, that of being too
easily satisfied with their own actions, and at the same
time to exaggerate the faults and too little satisfied with
the conduct of others. Men were too apt to believe that
others did the same thing less well than themselves. The
Noble and Learned Lord concluded by remarking that in
portions of the country 'where it had said the new Poor-
law could not be introduced it had been tried, and proved
successful.

The Duke of RIGHMOND, in reference to one obser-
vation made by the Noble Earl, replied that the number of
Poor-law Commissioners was restricted, that the Act of
Parliament provided that their expenses were to be de-
frayed by means of an annual vote, and that it was not to
be supposed, with such a restriction, that Assistant-Commis-
sioners who were not absolutely required would be ap-
pointed. He ascribed to the absence of the-Noble Earl from
this country his ignorance as to this fact. The Noble Earl,
however, had come forward with a petition from the West
Riding of York. He wished to ask the Noble Earl if the pe-
tition that he now presented was the same petition as that
adopted at the meeting of which he spoke ? Was that pre-
cisely the petition which that great meeting had sanc-
tioned with its approbation ?--(Hear.) Had no alteration
been made in it ? Why did not the Noble Lord, if he
attached so much importance to the petition, bring it up
to that. House, and from his seat there the very next day
move for a repeal of a law which he declared to be so bad,
and so injurious to the interests of the people ? The
Noble Lord did no each thing ; but he waited until it was
evident the session was coining to a close, and he then
made a speech, which he did not mean to say was intended
but which was calculated, to cause the people of this
country to rise against the law, by telling them that it
was a law not to be obeyed.—(Cheers.) Though the
Noble Lord who did this might call himself the repre-
sentative of the labourers, yet he (the Duke of Richmond)
trusted that the labourers would never be persuaded by
clamour to yet themselves in opposition to law. He (the
Duke of Richmond) had attended the Board of Guardians
from the commencement of the Act. He bad done as
a Noble Friend of his who had spoken upon this ques-
tion, and they had seen how the Guardians had acted.
They had noticed every case heard, they had found every
particular application explained, and they had seen
the Board of Guardians go as far as they possibly could
in giving relief to those who applied for it. He knew that
in the workhouse the paupers were better off than they were
at home. At these Boards not -only the Guardians at-
tended, but lie was happy to say some of the gentry and the
magistrates also. He considered that the Noble Lord
would discharge his duty more properly in mixing with the
board of Guardians than making complaints in that House
which could not be proved. He asked the Noble Lord if
he had never seen or heard of crowds of labourers com-
plaining of the operation of Gilbert's Act.—(Hear, hear.)
Had he not seen cases in which Magistrates were pressed
for relief by those, persons ? Had he not heard of the
former system being complained of ? Did he not know
that unless a man behaved ill, unless his family were aban-
doned by him, and that his children were running about the
streets, and that it was in such cases the Magistrates and
Overseers were authorised to grant relief?—(Hear, hear.)
He contended for it, that the morality of the people had
been greatly improved by the present system.—(Hear.) It
was notorious that before that system there was a premium
upon idleness and dissolute conduct ; whereas now the attempt
was made by labourers to become honest and independent.
He cared not for the saving effected by the Poor-law
Amendment Act, for he was one of those who would go as
far as any landlord could to benefit the country—he cared
not for the saving effected ; but he cared very much for the
character of the people. It was his opinion that if the
Noble Lord, instead of going abroad, had not left his own
country, he must have come to the same conclusion that
he had upon this subject.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord
said there were great grievances under this system ; but
were there not grievances of a much more serious nature
under Gilbert's Act ?—( Hear.) He declared that he never
could give his consent to an alteration in the principle of
the present law. It was his opinion that the labouring
classes of England would not believe the Noble Lord ►when
he told them that the Guardians were not their friends.
It was his opinion that the labourers of England would not
believe the Noble Lord when he told them that the farmers
or the owners of property did not desire to see them in a
safe and a wholesome condition. He knew the farming
classes well ; and from his connection with them he could
say it was their desire to raise the condition of the honest
labouring classes. Such persons, then, were not to be sup-
posed to be the enemies of the poorer classes, because they
would not permit every man who chose to put their hands
into their pockets. The Act was calculated to better the
condition of the labouring classes, and none had a right to
complain of it but the idle or the dissolute.
Earl STA N HOPE, in replying, said the reason he had
not been there to oppose the new Poor-law Act was, that
at the time it was passed, he was in a country that was
happier and better governed than this—namely, Germany.
—( Laughter.) He was not present in that House, for he
did not think that a Bill passed by a Reformed House
of Commons would have been sanctioned by the House
of Lords. The reason why he had not attended the
Board of Guardians was, that he had no right to at-
tend—he was not a magistrate, and he would not be
elected ; and he disapproved so much of the Act, that he
would take no part, mediately or immediately, in carrying
it into execution. The Noble Duke had asked him if the
petition he presented was a petition from the meeting of
which they had spoken. He had to state that no petition
had been adopted by the meeting, lint a series of resolutions
were agreed to, and the petition was verbatim et literatim
the same with those resolutions. It was quite true that
the Noble Lords on his side—the illustrious Duke (the
Duke of Wellington) had, with his followers, given his
sanction and support to the Ministry in passing the new
Poor Law Act. Both parties agreed to its adoption, and
he had no chance in opposition ; but upon this point he
might quote the dictum of George 111., and in the course
of a long reign it was the only bon mot be had been ever
known to utter. George 111. said that "he believed Mr.
Pitt was generally in the right ; he believed that Mr. Fox
was occasionally in the right ; but when both Mr. Pitt and
Mr. Fox agreed on the same point, then he was sure that
they were both in the wrong."
The petition wag then laid en the table, and their Lord-
ships adjourned,

On Sunday morning, at one o'clock, as the Emerald,
at boat
river,
tbolonging to the Commercial Company was passing up
closely followed and preceded by two Woolwich
steamers, two ferry boats were observed, laden gunwale deep,
making their way from the Essex to the Surrey side of the
river a great number of colliers were moored in the centre of
the stream, and much anxiety was evinced by those who wit-
nessed their progress from the shore. Much, however, to the
credit of the captains of the several steamers, the paddles were
stopped and the steamers absolutely rendered stationary until
the boats were out of danger. Had the cupidity and reckless-
ness of the steamers equalled that of the boatmen, it is pro•
bable that many lives would have been lost.
itsr- I, OF HIS LATE MAJESTY WILLIAM IV.
Ki
beq is document,
which
we understand is of a recent date, a
King of c) made to each of the sons and daughters of the late
.‘,OOO/. This sum will at first sight appear incon-
siderable. Th., it is not of greater amount will scarcely
been
ex-
cite surpriseil. • however,when it is known that his Majesty has
to year, his amount of
• "tie habit of dividing, from
ear
r Kin; has, also, we
...rings among his offlring. The late
understand, bequeathed the sum. of. 40,0001., which is to be
this received in virtue of a policy of life insurance, to trustees, the
respect to the interest to be paid annually in equal shares among
Royal his c
had bat little to add. The trustees to whom the duty of
carrying thetHesetti.--
~. the Commissioners, he should monial into execution iswehntrtulstNedataldrec,
owloehbeelliwoo,d.
~,y Local Acts bad been!Lssed from time Tavlor Sir Henry ea e. ,

WES i'MINsTER REPRESENTATION

THE COALITION OF GENERAL EVANS AND

• MR. LEADER.
O❑ Monday night, at seven o'clock, a very numerous
meeting of the Westminster Reform Society was held at
Stannard.s Hotel, Charles-street, Covent-garden ; Mr.
Craufurd, one of the candidates for Preston, in the chair,
when it wits agreed to support the return of General Evans
and Mr. Leader at the ensuing election as the representa-
tives of the City of Westminster. General Evans was
present. A sub-committee was formed for the above pur-
pose. At the conclusion of the proceedings, General
Evans, by invitation, met the Reform Association of the
parish of St. Margaret, Westminster, which assembled at
the Blue Anchor, York-street, Westminster, and where
Mr. Leader was in attendance. He arrived there at about
ten o'clock, at which time the large room was entirely filled
with the members. The gallant General was received with
the most enthusiastic applause. C. Austin, Esq., presided.
At this meeting, previous to the arrival of Gen. Evans,
the members had resolved to exert themselves to support
Mr. Leader as a candidate at the forthcoming election ; but
upon the appearance of General Evans,
Mr. BREWSTER proposed a resolution pledging the
meeting to support General Evans in connexion with Mr.
Leader.

The resolution having been seconded,
Mr. WOOD expressed himself decidedly in favour of a
coalition. They had drawn up a declaration in favour of
Mr. Leader ; at the same .time he was desirous to sup-
port General Evans, provided he would promise to join
Mr. Leader, and uphold those principles, the advocacy of
which secured his return at the last election.—(Cheers.)
In doing so, he felt convinced that the lion. Member
would obtain the suffrages of all those who voted-for him
on the last occasion.—(Applause.)
General EVANS then rose. There were several sub-
jects upon which he had to offer remarks, in reference
to which some explanation was necessary from him. Thus,
first of all, was his continued absence ; but upon this the
electors would recollect, that before his departure, two
public meetings were held, at which he obtained their
permission to leave the country, it being considered, that
while fighting the enemies of liberty in Spain, he was
equally fulfilling a duty there as he should have been at
his post in the House of Commons.—(Applause.) He
was not aware that his absence would have been so long
as it was, while he necessarily concluded that he could
have obtained some short leave of absence. That the
war has been so prolonged is not owing to the
power of Don Carlos, but to certain disagreements
at Madrid, arising from the opposition of parties.
There the case is as it is with us. There were two
parties contending who shall be Ministers. The conse-
quence was, that owing to • the state of anarchy at the seat
of Government the army was neglected, and it was thus
rendered incompetent to effect those objects which were'in-
tended.—(Hear, bear.) Under these circumstances, when
he applied for leave of absence, be was told that the enemy
was in his power, and they said to him, " for God's sake do
not leave now." Fearful, then, that in returning without
such leave, a serious charge might be brought against him,
he remained. While his honour was at stake, what was
he to do ? He had no orders from his constituents to re-
turn, though lie was always ready to resign at their com-
mand, as this was well known to many of the officers ; for
while he valued his seat, yet he thought more of the good
opinion of those who sent him there than in the seat itself.
--(Loud cheers.) When the order came for him to re-
sign, he instantly obeyed.—(Hear, hear.) Another charge
was, that he neglected to proclaim the Constitution at St.
Sebastian.—(Hear.) But what authority had he to do
this ? At that time his soldiers did not receive their pay
and rations, and there was much discontent among them.
Had he displeased the Spanish Government by declaring
the Constitution without orders, his situation would have
been much more perilous. The Constitution was in about
a month afterwards proclaimed at Saragbssa, and subse-
quently at St. Sebastian, and other places in Spain.—
(Hear, hear.) A further charge against him is, that he
encouraged corporal punishment, while it is well known
that in his place in the House of Commons he strenuously
contended for its abolition. When he assumed the com-
mand of the British Legion in Spain, he was informed that
the provisions of the Mutiny Act were adopted, and he was
told, that unless he put them in force, he could not expect
to maintain discipline over men who had been promiscu-
ously enlisted, but he had documents to produce, and he
would show them to the electors on the next occasion of
his appearance before them, that in every instance where a
General Court-Martial took place he commuted corporal
punishments.—(Loud cheers.) And he would prove that
there were instances wncre death was awarded, that he
commuted the punishment to imprisonment or hard labour.
—(Continued applause.) His conduct, he would insist,
in the Peninsula was not inconsistent with his evidence,
as recorded in the Minutes of Evidence which he gave
in the House of Commons.—(" Hear, bear," and
cheering.) If there were any other point upon which
they required his explanation he was ready to reply to th;ir
questions ; he trusted that they would find him the same
man he was when he left ; while he was willing to join the
candidate they might think proper to select, and who adopted
the same principles. Such an idea never entered his head
as to oppose a Liberal candidate, though he should feel sur-
prised if a third candidate of Liberal principles should entrr
the field.—(Cheers.) It was for the electors of West-
minster to say whom they would support. He should be
most happy to join Mr. Leader.—(Loud cheers.) Let
them unite together in heart and soul, impressed in their
minds that in the duty they have to perform, it is the
interest of the electors themselves that they have to look
to.—(Cheers.)
Mr. Sour, asked General Evans if it was his intention to
go abroad again ? He wished a positive answer, since he
should not support him in case, on being elected, he would
not promise to remain.—( Hear, hear.)
General EVANS was glad the question had been put.
But he assured them that it would be most unpardonable
in him should he again absent himself. He pledged himself
most distinctly not to go abroad again.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. Sour- was convinced that the answer now given
would ensure the support of many who Would not have
otherwise given him his vote.—(Applause.)
Several Electors spoke to a similar effect.
An Elector offered a paper to General Evans, which
contained the various subjects of Reform recommended by
the Westminster Reform Society.
General EVANS, having read them, not only felt it his
duty to advocate the measures of Reform there recom-
mended, but he would support any other liberal measure
required of him by his constituents.
The resolution was about to be put, when
Mr. LEADER observed, that it was necessary he should
say a word or two. Some persons felt an alarm lest a dis-
pute should arise, but that was impossible, as personal mat-
ters ought not to be mixed in an election. The electors of
Westminster want two Reformers. They have nothing to
do about quarrels. But if any one fancies that any dispute
would arise between him and General Evans, they know
nothing about their affairs. He, as their candidate, has
taken a straight, honest course.—(Cheers.) He is ready
to stand, or ready to retire, as they wish. But having come
to a resolution to support them both, all they have to do is
to make it a common cause.—(Applause.) It is very evi-
dent that they would be disgraced by having Tories to re-
present them. Recollect that you have to perform a so-
lemn dut3, to wipe off a stain, the deepest that has been
inflicted on any country for a long time.—(Hear.)
Mr. PROUT remarked that that afternoon two gentlemen
called upon him to express their views that they would not
be able to secure the return of General Evans and Mr.
Leader. His reply was that, from John o' Groat's House
to the Land's End, they would not be able to find two
candidates who would procure more votes than could the
two gentlemen before them.—(Cries of " None.") Gene-
ral Evans has never swerved from the principles he first
supported ; and seeing that Mr. Leader follows the same,
he considered that they could not have two better inert,
or who are more competent to stand against Burdett and
Murray.—( Cheers.)
The resolution was then put—" That this Society do
pledge themselves to support General Evans and Mr. Leader
at the next election." _ _

The resolution was unanimously agreed to, followed by
loud cheers.
Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, who having
replied, left the room in company with the two candidates.
Three times three cheers were given for the success of
the candidates.
The meeting shortly after separated.

THE WEATHER AND CROP.—We beg to con-
gratulate our readers upon the general appearance of the
crops in this neighbourhood. During the last ten days they
have proceeded with almost Lapland rapidity. One of the
oldest farmers in the three couuties told us in the Corn market
on Wednesday last, that the rush of growth was unprecedented
in his experience. Notwithstanding the untoward spring, we
saw a head of wheat which had burst out in a fine field upon
a farm in the vicinity of Ormiston : and•beard from many
farmers, that by next week, upon all good soils, wheat would
generally be in the ear. Wheat, in some instances, may be
comparatively a light crop, but barley and oats universally will
be heavy. It gives us much pleasure to add, that without a
single exception, the report of the poor man's crop, the pota-
toes, is highly favourable, so much so, that we saw a small
bet taken between two farmers that by the month of Decem-
ber they would be at 7s. the boll of 4 cwt. The hay crop has
greatly improved, and will be at least an average. Upon Mr.
Fleming's farm of Blink bonny grass was sold two weeks ago
at the astonishing price of 301. per acre. Yesterday the ther-
mometer stood in the shade
.at mid-day at 73 degrees. —Cale-
donian Mercury.
Nearly 40 sheep, the property of Mr. King, of
Fullerton, near Stockbridge, died a few days ago, owing to
having been put iritet a field in which there was a yew hedge.