The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-07 00:00:00

Mr. ROEBUCK, in brief but appropriate terms, proposed
the health of another distinguished guest on the present
occasion—that of Mr. Leader, and he begged to couple
with that gentleman's name the independent electors of

Bridgewater.
Mr. LEADER, M.P., rose to return thanks amidst loud
plaudits. Let them look at the House of Lords, giving it
all due precedence ; for while it stood first in the common
acceptation of rank, it also stood first as the supporter of
every abuse—(Hear, hear)—it stood first as the oppressor
and insulter of Ireland—as the opponent of the wishes of
the country—as the obstacle in the way of all improvement
—and it also stood, if not first, at least amongst the first,
of abuses, which must be reformed.—(Loud cheers.) It
would be a waste of time to enumerate the evils which the
House of Lords had occasioned, for there could be but few
Reformers now in the country, who yet remained blind or
insensible to the vices and absurdities of irresponsible aris-
tocratic hereditary legislation. It was true that, despite
the strongest proofs to the contrary, the people were con-
stantly told that no difference existed between the interests
of the Peers and those of the people. But let any man
who, after the events of the last two years, still remained
unconvinced of the fallacy of the proposition, and still be-
lieved the unfounded statement, merely refer to the sta-
tute-book of his country—the book peculiarly of the aris-
tocracy—its contents imagined for the most part by their
creatures, drawn by their lawyers, made law by their
legislators—let any man look at that book and see if
it is not full of aristocratic laws against the people's
interests. Let him look at the laws relating to the descent
of real property, and bestowing privileges on the posses-
sion of landed estates, the laws requiring property qualifi-
cations for members of Parliament, and other offices of trust
and honour. Let him look at the game laws, and, above
all, let him look at the corn laws, which pressed on the po-
verty of the people to the profit of the aristocracy. Did
not these and similar enactments most abundantly show—
nay, were they not matters of record, that the interests of
the people have ever been sacrificed to those of the aristo-
cracy ? Nothing could be more mischievous or erroneous
than the notion which existed in the minds of many peo-
ple, that the prosperity of this country was in some strange
way or other derived from the House of Lords, and inex-
tricably interwoven with the existence of that branch of
the Legislature. This notion conferred upon the Lords
most unmerited estimation, and tended to mislead the peo-
ple as to their own powers.—(Cheers.) What, indeed, had
the Lords dune for England's prosperity? Had they by their
enlightened patronage encouraged the arts and sciences, or
by their energy and talents established manufactures ? Had
they fostered the advance of trade, or enlarged the commerce
of this country? Ask the men of Manchester and Bir-
mingham if they are indebted to the House of Lords for
their extensive trade. The answer must be in the ne-
gative, and away, therefore, with the fallacy that to lordly
legislation England owes her prosperity. He would ask
was Locke one of the aristocracy—were Newton and Watt
of the order ? Was Arkwright an hereditary legislator ?
No, England owed her commercial prosperity, not to the
Lords, but to men like these—to men possessing qualities
despised by the hereditary great, and those qualities were
plebeian industry, plebeian enterprise, plebeian intelligence,
and plebeian perseverance.—(Cheers.) It was but an un-
satisfactory answer to the people when they demanded a
share and participation in the Legislature, and a reform of
abuses, to tell thbm that they bad the good fortune to be
blessed with an elegant and refined aristocracy ; for, indeed,
some men looked with so intense an admiration upon the
Corinthian capital as to overlook the column which sup-
ported it. Of all the institutions, he must sav, the House
of Lords was, both in theory and practice, as bad as a Legis-
lative body could well be imagined, and therefore its reform
must be one of the main objects of all sincere Reformers.
With respect to the House of Comnions, though the
knife of reform had pruned away many abuses, yet it was
either blunt or used with a weak hand, or some of the abuses
were too tough to be cut away in the first pruning. Should
those remaining abuses, now sprouting with fresh vigour, be
allowed to flourish ? Should Reformers be restrained by the
cry—" The Reform Bill was a final measure, and the law
of representation must not be touched ?" That cry might
serve as an excuse for waverers and trimmers to desert the
banner of reform, but it could not impose on the understand-
ing even of the most ignorant. The Reform Bill was but
the first step in the path—one of the means to a great end
—redress of abuses and good government, and, though a
good measure, it was by no means perfect. Many of the
abuses which it was designed to remove still continued to
exist—the degrading dictation of great proprietors to a de-
pendent constituency had not been abolished—as the con-
stituents of Caine, C',ippenham, Christchurch, Eye, Har-
wich, Helston, Dorchester, Newark, and many other places
could prove. Again, in many of the counties the electors
were still coerced—the superstitious by the parsons, and
the worldly by the landlords—into submissively voting ac-
cording to their will and pleasure. Neither had corruption
been crushed by the provisions of the Reform Bill. The
proof that it still existed was afforded by the recent cases of
Ipswich and lork. Still less had the system of intimida-
tion been destroyed, for it was to be found in some shape
or other wherever there was a constituency. Now, for these
evils there was but one great and sufficient remedy—namely
vote by ballot. That was a question in behalf of which Re-
formers ought to agitate and put forth all their energies—
a question upon which they ought to make a trial of their
strength, for it was one which came home to every man's
feelings and understanding. Ballot and the Reform of the
Lords must now be the rallying cry ; for, until the respon-
sible chamber had been made really representative, and the
hereditary irresponsible chamber had been reformed, it was
almost impossible that any real good measures could be
passed—(Loud cheers)—for, so long as the Legislature was
bad, it would be absurd to expect good government. Let
but the popular parties of England, Scotland, and Ireland,
remain firm and steadfast in their purposes, and faithful to
Reform, and most assuredly would they triumph over the
machinations of any faction or any Ministry which might
attempt, and vainly attempt, to hold the reins of government
against the will of a majority of this great nation.—(Loud
cheers continued for some minutes.)
The CHAIRMAN, after a warm eulogium upon the mili-
tary conduct and literary labours of Col. Napier, proposed
that gentleman's health, and coupled with the toast " Jus-
tice to Ireland."
Colonel NAPIER, after returning thanks for the compli-
ment he had received, proceeded to address himself to the
sentiment which had been coupled with his name. He
was not one of those who regarded Ireland as being se-
parate from the rest of the empire—he did not look
upon Ireland as an outcast upon whom both Whigs and
Tories could try experiments for ascertaining how far
oppression might be carried with impunity : but he held
Ireland to be part and parcel of the great British fa-
mily, and he believed that justice would only be done to
that country when justice was done to the whole British
people—(Hear, hear)—and that would not be until great
measures were proposed without the Government asking it-
self whether it affected Churchman or Dissenter, Protestant
or Catholic, but simply whether the measure was founded
upon the eternal principles of justice.—(Cheers.) The ques-
tion then arose, how was such a Government to be obtained ?
There were men who on attaining office had promised well,
but performed nothing—(Hear)--and of such men a just
conclusion could only be arrived at by the comparison of their
former professions with their after conduct. Experience,
as in other matters so also in politics, was the only sure guide.
With this view his hearers ought carefully to recall to their
recollection the leading political events of the last six years
as from them some valuable historical lessons might be
learned. It could not have escaped their memories that
the Duke of Wellington, in one of those movements of
darkness which will sometimes obscure the brightest intel-
lects, declared that the Constitution• under which this
country was governed was the acme of perfection, theore-
tically not to be improved, and the wisest that ever man
conceived.—(Hear, hear.) Neither could it be forgotten,
that on that declaration the British people rose and told the
Noble Duke that that very Constitution was impure, cor-
rupt, and oppressive, and that no Constitution pretending
to be free needed more reform, and that reformed it must
be.—(Cheers.) It was a glorious outbreak of liberty
against oppression7-it was the insurrection of reason—it was
the voice of God speaking through the whole people. At
this thunder-roll the Tories receded from power with
clinched hands and with imprecations on their lips, and the
Whigs, who trembled also, but expressed joy from their
teeth outermost, came fawning to the people, and offered to
lead that movement which they were determined to mislead ;
and at their head came Earl Grey, whom he, to his surprise,
had that night heard praised as a Reformer. That very
Earl Grey in less than two years modified his views of re-
form, and expressed his resolution to stand by his order.—
(Cheers.) He had, however, offered himself as a leader to
the people, and they, good easy souls, accepted him. What
followed ? Why the moment he took the helm, the wind
was taken out of the sails of Reform, no progress was made
towards the promised haven, and delay and difficulties were
raised on every side. The people were first told that the
King was against them, but his Majesty soon gave the lie to
that calumny. Then, it was said the Court objected, and
next that the obstacles were the power and determination
of the House of Lords, the talents, influence, and firmness
of the Lords' nominees in the Commons, and the rabid
madness of the children of corruption out of the House, at
the head of which body were the parsons. But the people
did not hear then of the treachery of the Whigs, and the de-
lays and difficulties which the Whigs raised as subterfuges
were not ended until the people told the whole crew of oli-
garchs, Whigs and Tories, that they would be trifled with no
longer—that if their voice was weak, their right arm was
strong, and they were ready to act.—(Cheers.) The Reform
Bill was thus torn from him by the cry of the people. Here
was the first historical lesson shown, that the great name of
the Duke of Wellington—the aversion of th Court—the