The Sun.
London, England, 1863-04-22 00:00:00

IRE SUN, LONDON., WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 22, 1363.

of revenue, and because these was a large huraber of per-
sons whose connection with those lands made them directly
interested in the prudent management of the:ii. Those
lands formed the subject of a compact with the Crown, who,
in return f✓r the civil list-, had made over to the public the
net revenue of the property, after paying the cost of their
management, The system under which the lands were
administered was one strictly defined by law. This pro-
perty had been always admininistered by commissioners
appointed for that purpose. The union of Woods and
Works had proved upon experiment to he a failure, and
was abandoned in the year 1851) when the two offices
were separated. The act for effecting this separation
became law in 1.861, and the Prime Minister of
the day, when introducing the theasnre, stated that
it was intended to remedy certain evils which had
arisen under the joint system*. The evils were chiefly
these ; that large and expensive public works were under-
taken, which cost more than was convenient to propose
for the sanction of Parliament, and the requisite hinds had
to be provided by casting the cost upon the Crown lands,
thereby having the effect of lessening the revenue de-
rived from them, and of keeping the particulars from the
public view. The best proof that could be given of the
management of those lands under the new system was
the sustained and progressive value of them ; fir it appeared
that they had increased from £301,000 in 1851 to £370,000
in 1862. The cons didatfon of the Crown property had been
carried out to the advantage of the Crown by the difference
between £ll,OOO and £27,000 annually. The expenditure
had not increased, for the gross receipts had increased pari
passu with the expenditure. He examined the different
large items of expenditure, which he said were outlays bene-
ficial to the property. If this were private property, instead
of spending the annual income, as was how the case, the
owner would rather borrow money and charge the estate
with an annuity for the advance ; but inasmuch as the civil
list and Crown lands would always be arranged on the bases
on which they now stand, it was a matter of indifference
whether the advances were from the revenue of the country
or whether they used the Crown property, as in either case
they would receive a fair interest on the outlay. He referred
to the acreage of the Crown lands, part of which had been

and several aldermen and other civic functionaries Who
sat for other places. It was satisfactory, therefore,
to know that there would be a compact body to pro-
tect the privileges of the citizens, (Hear, hear.) To
show what sort of opposition the City had been accustomed
to bring to bear, he need only refer the house to the evidence
of Mr. Rogers, given before the commission he had alluded
to. That gentleman stated that when Lord Melbourne in-
troduced the bill of 1838, the City petitioned the house, but
the Minister of the day was silent. They then addressed the
Throne, but though they received a gracious answer, they
blew well it meant nothing. They then planted their town
clerk in Palace-yard, and instructed him to communicate
and, if possible, to co-operate with every corporation in the
kingdom, with a view to defeat the measure. That sort of
tactics, however, might be repeated too often and persevered
in too long. All he should ask of the house was whether
they thought it for the safety and welfare of the metropolis
that the present state of things should continue ? With one
exception, the corporation had successfully resisted every
attempt at reform or improvement. That exception was the
removal of Bmithfield Market, to which, nevertheless, there
had been great opposition. Much as the munificence and
hospitality of the City of London were to be admired, he
thought the events of last March clearly showed that some
change was necessary, and under those circumstances he
had felt it his duty to bring in the bill. It had first occurred
to him that the required object might be attained by the
Secretary of State having power given him to send the
police into the City ; but on reflection it seemed that colli-
sions of authority might occur, which would be very incon-
venient. He therefore submitted the bill in its present form,
and would not name a very early day for the second read-
ing, so that it might be well and carefully considered.
Mr. CRAWFORD said it was a very unusual thing to
oppose the introduction of a bill, especially when brought
in by a member of the Government. He would be pre-
pared to discuss the general principle of the bill on the
motion for the second reading, when he would feel it his
duty to move that it be road a second time on that day six
months. He would do no more on the present occasion
than express a hope that they wouldlhave a full discussion,
and he had no fear of the result.

enclosed and planted with oaks, in consequence of the fears
that were entertained some time since that there would be a
scarcity of timber for the Royal Navy, and was now a source
of profit over expenditure. He defended the expenditure of
the office, and in conclusion urged that a committee of in-
quiry was unnecessary, and that it was undesirable to re-
unite the Office of Woods and Forests with the Office of
Works. Full and satisfactory accounts of the departments
were annually presented to Parliament.
Mr. CAIRD said that, having perused Mr. Gore's report,
he was of opinion that a great improvement had taken place
in the improvement of the Crown estates, highly satisfac-
tory to the public. It was impossible to expect that the
Crown lands could be as beneficially managed as private
property.

Mr. Alderman SIDNEY referred to the statement of the
Home Secretary, and asked how it came to pass, if the re-
ports quoted by the right hon. gentleman had been hostile
to the introduction of a police force for the City, that after
the production of such reports the police force should be
established in the City as it now existed? That force had
been established in 1839, and he thought it was the best
answer which could be given to the reports brought forward
by the right hon. gentleman as the groundwork cf his bill.
He could not help expressing great surprise that, after 24
yearn, the authorities of the City of London should be put
on the defensive with respect to the internal government of
their city. He was desirous of knowing the grounds upon
which municipal rights were to be taken from the City, and
he was also desirous of putting persons upon their guard,

The motion was then negatived without a division.
THE AMALSAMATION OF THE CITY AND THE

lest they should suppose that this bill would affect the City
of London only. 2 here was another great objection to the

METROPOLITAN POLICE.
Sir G. GREY rose to ask leave to introduce a bill for
the amalgamation of the City of London and the Metro-
politan police. The motion was by no means a new one,
nor was it one which ought to be made without a great deal
of consideration ; but the fact was that both commissions
and committees had frequently reported on the subject, and
with a remarkable unanimity of opinion; and no doubt that
unanimity of opinion originated in the very limited area
over which the corporation of the City of London exercised
jurisdiction, when the area of that jurisdiction was put in
comparison with the boundaries of the metropolis at large.
And he was anxious to say, at the outset, that his present
proposal was not founded mainly upon the proceedings of
the 7th of March last. It was not a penal measure, directed
against the City of London on account of any misconduct
imputed to them upon that occasion; although the events
of that day showed, undoubtedly, a great want of order,
and great mismanagement, as well as a very inadequate
appreciation on the part of the City authorities of the emer-
gency that was likely to arise. They showed, moreover,
an over confidence on the part of the corporation in their
own means of maintaining order, and that the conclusions
of the commissions and the committees to which he had just
adverted were not founded upon a merely imaginary theory.
And having before him the conclusions of those commis-
sions and committees, he must say that if the motion of the
hon. and gallant member for Westminster (Sir De L, Evans)
had been brought forward, it would have been impossible
for him to have dissented from it. Under those circum-
stances, the best course for the Government to take was to
deal at once with the subject by bill, rather than await the
decision of the house upon an abstract resolution. The dif
ference between the corporation of the City of London and
other corporations were very clearly pointed out by the com-
missioners of 1853, and none of the commissioners, he
might remark, were men likely to disregard popular rights.
At the same time it was due to the City of London that he
should call attention to the opinion of the commissioners—
namely, that, while they drew a comparison between tba
corporation of the City of London and other corporations
before the passing of the Municipal Corporation Act, they
thought that the great defect inherent in those other cor-

bill, and it was this, that it would entail additional expense
upon the ratepayers ; for while one-fourth of the cost of the
police of the metropolitan districts was paid out of the Con-
solidated Fund, the City paid the entire cost of its police. But
under this bill the whole cost of the police would be thrown
upon the ratepayers. (Hear, hear.) Muck stress was laid
upon the statement that the population of the City was only
112,000; but it was altogether a mistake to estimate the
population of the City by the number of persons who slept in
it. There was every reason to believe that half a million of
people did business in the City daily ; but in whatever way
they estimated the population, the fact remained that the
property of the City of London was threefold greater than
the property of any district of the metropolis of the same
extent. The hon. gentleman next adverted to several
Royal and civic processions which had taken place in
ancient times in the City of London, and charged the
Home Secretary with the whole blame of the unfortunate
occurrence of the 7th of May for not permitting the Lord
Mayor and his brethren to form in the Borough, and pre-
cede the Royal procession the entire way. The right hon.
gentleman the Home Secretary had referred to the demon-
stration in the City; but he (Mr. Alderman Sidney) could
not help thinking the present bill was an unworthy return
for that demonstration. (Hear.) The streets of London were
peculiarly inappropriate for illuminations, yet millions of
people paraded them that night. It was to be regretted that
several deaths occurred through some panic; and Govern-
ment were much to blame in allowing the illuminations.
The Metropolitan Police were unable to carry out their in-
structions ; and why, he asked, had no inquiry taken place
into their conduct. (Hear.) A more lamentable failure of the
carrying out of the regulations adopted by the Metropolitan
Commissioner of Police had never occurred than on that
night. That no lives were lost was a perfect miracle; and
that miracle arose from the fact that the carriages could not
move in the streets. (Loud laughter.) If the right hon.
gentleman were successful in carrying this measure, its pro-
visions must be extended to all large municipal towns,
which would be inconsistent with the principle of local self-
government. The bill was mischievous and uncalled for,
and contrary to the constitution of the country. (Hear.)
The LORD MAYOR said a more unconstitutional pro-

porations—namely of power and authority being vested ex-
clusively in a few—did not exist in the corporation of the
City of London, which had been distinguished at all times
by the predominance of the popular element. (Hear, hear.)
For that no doubt the corporation of London was entitled to
credit. Before the passing of the Municipal Corporation
Act, the corporations of Liverpcol, Bristol, and several other
ancient corporations, were to a certain extent similarly cir-
cumstanced as the corporation of London, in regard of the
comparatively limited area of their respective towns, ever
which they exercised jurisdiction. However, by the Muni-
cipal Corporation Act, a change was effected in their boun-
daries, although none was brought about in those of the
City of London. Now, it appeared from returns before the
Corporation Commission of 1853 that at that date the popu-
lation of the City of London was 125,158 ; while, by the
last censas, it appeared that the population had diminished
to 112,063. On the other hand, the population of the sur-
rounding districts within the control of the metropolitan
police was not less than 3,110,654 ; and while the area of
the City was between 11 and 11 square miles, that of the
surrounding districts under the metropolitan police was 700
square miles. And here he might observe that it was quite
impossible that the proposals applicable to the City of Lon-
don could be applied with any show of reason to other cor-
porations. The corporation of London was once the corpo-
ration of the whole metropolis ; but now-a-days the area of
the metropolis had far outgrown the limits of the City, so
that the corporation of London was simply an anomaly.
The City was not included in the Police Bill introduced by

position had never been brought forward. A police was
essentially a local force, and he fearlessly asserted that the
City police were in every respect very superior to the Me-
tropolitan force. Robberies accompanied with violence
in the daytime were of frequent occurrence in the me-
tropolitan districts, but it was not the case in the City.
Indeed, if they were to occur with any frequency within
the City, the head of the police force would speedily be dis-
missed, and replaced by a more efficient and competent
person. Ihe City police were in a most efficient state. A
record was kept by them of every person who passed
through the City daily—(hear, hear, and laughter)—and
there was scarcely a thief that was not known to them
and his haunts well ascertained. He instanced the captures
of notorious commercial criminals, that had of late years
been apprehended in the city and brought to justice, and
had received their due amount of punishment. He urged
that if the question of precedence in the Royal procession
had been ceded to the corporation nothing would have
occurred to mar the successful termination of the day's pro-
ceedings. He considered it was ungrateful on the part of
the Government that, after the corporation of London had
expended a large sum of money, and given that which no
other city in the world could give, their local self-govern-
ment should be attacked. (Hear.) The proposal, if carried,
would be the adoption of the foreign police system, and
would be the means of placing a force of 10,000 armed men
at the disposal of the Home Secretary, He would resist
the proposed measure throughout its stages. (Hear.)
Mr. NORRIS opposed the motion for the introduction

Sir Robert Peel in 1829, because it was admitted that the

of the bill. The hon. member laid before the house certain

watchmen of the City were more efficient than the watch- statistical information which he alleged had an important
men outside its walls ; while, at the same time, it was de- beating upon the subject. The average cost of the city po-
elated that the bill of 1829 was only an experiment. But lice was r 9 Is. 7d. per man, while that of the Metropolitan
the commission of 1837 having raised the question how far police was £7B 3s. 2d., the cost of the county constabulary
an amalgamation of the City and Metropolitan police was being £7B 10s. ; so that the difference of cost between the
desirable, in the following year a committee of that house, City and the Metropolitan police, as to which so much had
which included Sir R. Peel and Mr. Hume, was appointed been heard, was under 19s. per man. And then, although
to investigate the subject, and the result of their delibera- the resident population of the City might only amount to
tions was a decided and a unanimous report in favour of 112,000, it was a fact that nearly 1,000,000 of people retired
amalgamation. That was in 1838, up to which time no step from the City each evening to sleep in the country, who
had been taken for the improvement of the City police ; but, left property behind them to an enormous amount in charge
after the report of the commissioners of 1838, a bill was in- of the City police.
troduced for the establishment of the City police on the Sir G. BOWYER, as an independent member, was de-
same footing as the Metropolitan. The bill for the improve.. termined to offer the bill every opposition; indeed, he could
ment of the police force had been brought in by Lord John have wished that it was consistent with etiquette to reject
Russell, and contained 19 special clauses for the separation so obnoxious a proposal even at that early stage. With re-
of the City police; but ultimately the bill was passed with gard to the inconveniences at the late procession, he be-
those 10 clauses struck out. On the day, however, on which lieved they were chiefly owing to her Majesty's Govern-
the bill received the Royal assent, another bill embodying ment, in having confined the chief portion of the proces-
those 10 clauses had been carried, Then came the City sion to the City itself. This caused everybody to crowd to
commission of 1854. The police question was expressly re- that part of the town. Had it been properly distributed be-
ferred to that commission, and they examined a large num- tween the Bricklayer's Arms and the Great Western nail-
ber of official and other important witnesses, amongst whom way Station, there would have been comparatively no prose
was the late able Commissioner of the City Police, Mr. sure at any point. Instead of that, however, owing to the
Daniel Whittle Harvey. The commissioners in their report restrictions imposed by the Government, the procession be-
came to the conclusion that the preponderance of evidence yond Temple Bar consisted of nothing but six carriages and
was greatly in favour of the two forces not being kept sepa- a few soldiers. (Hear.) He would ask the house, and even
rate. These inquiries resulted in the same opinion being the Government themselves, whether a large portion of the
expressed, and the weight of authority in favour of a mea- blame did not belong to the Government for all that had
sure
proposed to that house had seldom, it ever, been ex- recently occurred, and afterwards he would ask whether
ceeded. Mr. Harvey's evidence, though given under a na- that was a good reason for their bringing forward a bill
tural restraint,went throughout to show the inconvenience, of pains and penalties like the present, which he should
if not the absurdity, of the existing system. It appeared most certainly oppose. The bill, too, was extremely ill-
that the distinctions were so curiously made that sometimes timed, after the City of London had recently done all they
one side of a street would be in the City jurisdiction and could to show their loyalty and love for the Princess and
the other side in the Metropolitan, and in one case a the Prince of Wales, both by munifi2ent presents and by
certain spot was in one jurisdiction at high water, and the grand reception prepared for them.
in the other at low water. Those, however, were t Lord A. PAGET thought that up to that time the City
was bound to say, of London had certainly had the best of it, and he should be
but minor inconveniences. He
that since the establishment of the City police the two sorry to interrupt the harmony ; but he must say, ho did
bodies had worked together on a perfectly good un- not think the bill had been brought forward in consequence
derstanding. That harmony, however, might have been of what had occurred on the memorable 7th of March.
of
largely owing to judicious choice the head commissioners. He should much regret that anything which had occurred
That harmony might not always prevail, equally good soles- that day should lead to the House of Commons being
tions might not always be made, and should a collision oc- made the battle-field of a contest with the corporation,
cur it would be a very serious matter. (Hear.) In the City, because, no doubt, the reception then given had been most
the number of the men was so small, that they could not be magnificent. He was quite certain that it had been very
concentrated on a particular spot without leaving other gratifying to the Prince and Princess of Wales, to the
points unprotected. That remark did not apply to the Royal personages who accompanied them, and to our be•
Metropolitan force. On the 7th of March the City police loved Queen herself, whose long and unsullied reign had
were almost lost in the crowds of people, and many persons doubtless more than all called forth that splendid reception.
in the City never saw a policeman the whole day. In the (Hear.) It was not for him to be the exponent of her Ma-
Metropolitan Police Act there was power to send the police jesty's feelings, but he was proud to say he ha i served her
into the City of London, if the Lord Mayor so requested ; for 20 of the best years of his life, ant he knew that no
but if—as on the 7th of March—no such request were made, one could appreciate better than her Majesty the univer-
then the Metropolitan police could not enter the City. He sal sympathy that had been shown to her, and the loyalty
meant no reflection on the Lord Mayor on that account, it of her people. (Hear, hear.) He should be sorry to inter-
only went to show that a man who held office merely for a fere with the privileges of the City. Their hospitality had
year was not so likely to understand what ought to be done become famous throughout the world. He had himself
on such an occasion as one of longer experience. He might very often experienced it, and he hoped that nothing he
be asked, " Why was that bill brought in now 2" His answer might say would prevent him from enjoying it again.
was that the natural result of the evidence was that an ami- (Laughter.) So convinced, however, was he that the police
cable union of the two forces was desirable. With regard to of the metropolis ought, for the public security, to be placed
personal communication with the City officials, he had under one superintendence;that, if it could not be done any
always been entertained in the bestand most courteous man- other wayi he would prefer to see it all handed over to the
ner, and he trusted the City gentlemen, when they visited Citybl than under two different heads.
him, had left with a similar impression. Still, whenever
the Government had brought forward any measure calm- entire ue book furnished by the City that out of 008 police, the
lated in the least degree to touch their privileges, their com-keep the whole
He found from the
distance force, there were only 372 men left to
as
he
bined power of resistance was something remarkable. said on
fromf London Bridge to Temple-bar. And, s
wasormer occasion, the non-occurrence of a serious
(Hear and laughter.) It was a very singular fact that a body aocidenta
so wealthy and hospitable as the corporation of London than the god
dmnuriea
management
:n
t, theof
tghoeo d
City. humour
The ofh 0
nt h.
membere people
should so steadily oppose a measure of improvement. for Stafford
There were now in the house four members of Parliament all with the terrors of thrneannexS
tidenieecyt)ionhaifd
thtenyrevaotteendedfor ththem.
s
for the City, besides which there were the Lord Mayor bW. It was said by some members of the corporation at re-

cent meetings that the Noire Secretary wotild bo made to
pay a heavy penalty for having introduced the bill, and that

. .
it would be better for the lame of an hon. and gallant mem-
ber if he had died thirty years ago. (Laughter.) He could
only say for himself that he was not intimidated by the
threats of the hon. member for Stafford at the next election,
even though he should bring his men in armour with him.

Mr. BOVILL said the sentiments expressed by the noble
lord presented a strong contrast to the course pursued by
her Majesty's Government; for if ever there was a time
when generosity should be shown to the City of London, it
was the present. The bill would be met with the strongest
resistance, and he only hoped the right hon. baronet would
act upon the suggestion he had thrown out that he would
not propose the second reading for a long time, and that he
would save save the hon. member for the City the necessity
of moving that the bill be read a second time that day six
months by postponing the second reading for six
months. (Hear, hear, and laughter,) There were many
persons who did not approve of having the Metro-
politan police under the authority of a Minister of
the Crown; and the right hon. gentleman who introduced
this measure; was unable to state one ordinary instance in
which the City police had failed in their duty. The 7th of
March was an exceptional occasion, and it was not just in
the Government, who were largely responsible for the ar-
rangements which took place, to fix the whole blame upon
the corporation. The best prpof that the bill was not de-
sired by the people of the metropolis was that not a single
petition is its favour was presented. (Hear, hear.) If this
Mt passed into a law, there were nothing to prevent the
Home Secretary from coming down next session with a bill
for appointing paid magistrates, and superseding the Lord
Mayor and aldermen. The hon, and learned gentlemen en-
tered at some length into a variety of arguments to prove
the efficiency of the City police; the confidence that is re-
posed in them by the owners of immense property ; the great
tact and ingenuity exhibited by them in pursuieg fraudulent
bankrupts and in apprehending runaway debtors, and con-
cluded by saying he would reserve further opposition until
a future stage. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. HIBBERT oppposed the bill as being another at-
tempt at centralisation. He thought it would be better if
some arrangement were made, giving the Secretary of State
power, without the requisition of the Lord Mayor, to send
metropolitan police into the City in cases of emergency.
Mr. AYRTON said he felt sure the house had not failed

to observe the wide difference there was between the corpo-
ration of London and the City. They were two things, per-
fectly distinct from one another. The hon. member for the
City of London had exp. dsed an opinion on the question
Ifferent from that expressed by members of the corporation
who did not represent the City, and that, he said, was a re-
markable index of the true character of the question, which
he should be able more fully to explain when the question
had to be further debated. He felt certain that when it
came on for more serious discussion practical considera-

(From the Registrar-General's Weekly Peturtt.)
The deaths in London in the week that ended on
Saturday were 1,437. This number shows a decrease
on that of the previous week, which was 1,610, but
is still unusually high for the middle of April. The
average number of deaths obtained from the re-
turns of a week in each of the last ten years cor-
responding with last week, and corrected for an
increasing population, is 1,283. The excess in the
present return therefore amounts to 154.
The deaths of old people were clearly less nu-
merous last week than those contained. in many
previous returns. In the last week of February the
total deaths were 1,440, an amount which is almost
the same as that which is now returned, while the
proportions at different ages vary in a considerable
degree. The deaths under 20 years of age have
risen from 712 in that week to 766 in last week, and
those at 60 years and upwards have decreased from
313 to 222. The complaints which chiefly attack
children appear to prevail more. Small-pox was
fatal in 42 cases in the last week of Feb., but in
the present return the number is 62 ; measles has
increased from 36 to 53; scarlatina from 68 to 86;
whooping-cough from 54 to 71. The deaths from
typhus were 67 last week.
Eighteen of the 62 cases of small-pox occurred
at 20 years of age, and upwards. This disease
caused 5 deaths in the sub-district of St. John,
Westminster, and 5 in Poplar. Measles was re-
turned in 5 cases in the sub-district of St. James,
Bermondsey, 4 in St. Peter, Walworth, and 8 in
Chelsea. Scarlatina numbered ten deaths in Isling-
ton, 4 in Limehouse, 6 in St. Peter, Walworth.
A domestic servant (female), aged 29 years, died
at 64, Star-street, Paddington, from " chloroform
administered for an operation." (Inquest.) The
widow of a bricklayer, aged 78 years, was found dead
on the 10th inst. at 47, Little George-street, Somers-
town, from " exhaustion from want of the common
necessaries of life." (Inquest.) An apprentice sea-
man, aged 16 years, died without medical attend-
ance from " sea sickness and nervous fever."

HEALTH OF LONDON.

tions would prevail over that array of the reminiscences of
the past in which the corporation had indulged, (Hear.)
He was a strenuous supporter of local self-government and
greatly opposed to centralisation ; and if he thought that
this bill contemplated the semblance of an invasion of that
principle, he would have opposed it at that stage. (Hear,
hear.) After due consideration and deliberation he had
come to the conclusion that his views with reference to a
general administration of the affairs of the metropolis by
one body were wrong and impracticable; but he believed it
was desirable and expedient that there should be but one
police administration. He criticised and condemned the
conduct of the corporation on questions of great importance,
and said that the proposed alteration was essentially of a
local character, and had nothing in common with other cor-
porations, districts, and police jurisdictions—(hear)—and
the only way in which he could account for the course pur-
sued by the City-in reference to this bill was that they could
practise on small corporate towns delusions which had no
foundation in fact. (Hear, hear.) The more the question
was discussed, the more he was sure its real merits would
be appreciated by the inhabitants of the metropolis; and
that they would fully understand that whatever police force
was good enough for them was good enough for those who
live in the City of London, (Hear, hear.) The corporation
of London would be acting more in accordance with their
charter, and in support of the liberty of the subject, if they
ceased their objections to these useful and necessary altera-
tions, and assisted hon. members to carry them into effect.
Sir H. S TRACEY considered that the Home Secretary
was the person who was really responsible for the state of
the City on the 7th March. The proposed change, he con-
sidered, would place too much power in the hands of the
Commissioner of Police, and make a kind of Fouch6 of him.
(Hear, hear.) He objected to the proposed interference
with the rights and privileges of the corporation, and he
should oppose the bill.
Mr. Sergeant PIGOTT differed from the opinion that
this bill would at all interfere with the local self-government
of corporations. It was a bill to place under one manage-
ment the police of one town. (Hear, hear.)
Sir H. BRUCE said it was a most inopportune moment
for bringing in this bill. He could not see how the house
could pass such a measure without a most unpleasant feel-
ing springing up between the City and the Royal family.
Sir J. SHELLEY would have much more confidence in
the devotion of the corporation of the City of London to the
principle of local self-government if, upon past occasions
when opportunity offered for the principle being extended
to other divisions of the metropolis, the corporation had
come forward to advocate such extension—but they had
never done anything of the kind. As soon as their own
privileges were secured, they were silent with respect to

those of others. (Hear.) Putting aside the question 0,

patronage—and every one knew that it lay at the bottom
of the whole controversy—no one would be found contend-
ing that, as far as the inefficiency of the police was con-
cerned, that efficiency could not be much promoted by a
union of the two forces under one head. What they ought
to have was one great municipality for the whole of Lon-
don ; and then, of course, there would follow, as the natural
consequences, one police for the metropolis at large.
(Hear, hear.)
Sir G. GREY, in reply, declared that no one could be
more sensible than he was of the exceeding loyalty of the
demonstration made by tha City of London, on the occa-
sion of the entry of the Prince and Princess of Wales. It
had been his gratifying duty to express to the Lord Mayor,
on the part of her Majesty, the deep sense which her Ma-
jesty entertained of the loyalty displayed on the occasion.
corporation, the Govern
out of respect for
such Butoneconduct coul dno
on
a thet helpseeing
ration,
part
of the
went ought not to be debarred from the introduction of a
measure which was demanded by public convenience. He
had not stated that this bill was proposed without any
reference to the events of March 7th. What he
had said was that it had not been proposed
mainly or exclusively in consequence of those events.
And with regard to those events, he must say that the cor•
poration ought to have known that great crowds were likely
to be attracted into the City, as well by the decorations of
London-bridge and elsewhere as by the civic procession,
and therefore precautionary measures ought to have been
taken beforehand to guard against such occurrences as
actually took place. Indeed, he might remind the Lord
Mayor that, from the beginning to the end of the CDMIIIII-
- between them, it was clearly understood that her
Majesty's sanction was also given to the proposed arrange-
ments on the condition that the most effectual means should
be taken by the City authorities for the preservation of
order. Assurances were given that such means would be
taken, but he was sorry to say that they were not fulfilled.
What he found fault with was that there was no directing
head, no controlling authority, to supervise the arrange-
ments in the City on that great occasion, and to produce
unity and harmony of action. There were no doubt great
crowds in the City; but, as every one knew, there were
great crowds along the whole line of the procession, to the
westward of Temple-bar, and yet there the most complete
order was kept, owing to the admirable arrangements of
Sir Richard Mayne. He felt confident if the City police
had likewise been under the control of Sir Richard Mayne,
that equal order would have been kept to the eastward of
Temple-bar, (Hear, hear.)
Leave was then given to introduce the bill.
LAND DRAINAGE.

Mr. BRUCE obtained leave to introduce a bill to con-
firm certain provisional orders under the Land Drainage
Act (1861).

LOCAL GOVERNMENT.

Mr. BRUCE also obtained leave to introduce a bill to
confirm certain provisional orders under the Local Govern-
ment Act (1858),
POOR REMOVAL (IRELAND).
__

Sir H. BRUCE obtained leave to introduce a bill on the
subject of the removal of destitute persons from England
and Scotland to Ireland.

Of six nonagenarion widows whose deaths are
recoriled, two had attained the ages respectively of
95 and 96 years.
Last week the births of 1,052 boys and 1,028
girls, in all 2,080 children, were registered in Lon-
don. In the ten corresponding weeks of the years
1853-62 the average number (corrected) is 1,977.
At the Roy al Observatory, Greenwich, the mean
height of the barometer in the week was 29.877 in.
The reading was 29.74 in. on Sunday, and rose to
30.13 in. on Saturday. The mean temperature of
the air in the week was 50.6 deg., which is 4.9
deg. above the average of the same week in
43 years (as determined by Mr Glaisher). The mean
daily temperature was above the average through-
out the week. The lowest night temperature was
36.8 deg., which occurred on Tuesday and Wednes-
day. The highest day temperature was 67.7 deg.,
on Thursday. The difference between the mean
dewpoint temperature and air temperature was 5.8
deg. The mean degree of humidity of the air was
81, complete saturation being represented by 100.
The wind blew generally from the north-east. The
amount of rain was only 0.02 in. The mean of the
highest temperatures of the Thames was 54.3 deg.;
the mean of the lowest 52.3 deg.

The three last. mentioned bills were introduced and read
a first time.
The house then adjourned at a quarter to 11 o'clock.

THE PRISON MINISTERS BILL.—Tae division
list shows a curious mixture of parties. Amongst
those who voted for the measure were the following Conser-
vatives :—Mr. Crawshay Bailey, Mr. Beecroft, Mr. Bram-
ston, Mr. BaillieXochrane. Mr. Disraeli, Colonel Dunne,
the Hon. A. Egerton, Sir James Fergusson, Sir J. Hay,
Mr. Heygate, Mr. Hubbard, Mr. F. Knight, Lord H.
Lennox, Mr. H. Liddell, Mr. Longfield, Mr. Lygon, Mr.
Mainwaring, Lord John Manners, Mr. Morritt, Sir S.
Norihcote, Sir J. Pakington, Colonel Patten, Mr. Potts,
Mr. Stirling, and Sir H. Willoughby. On the other hand,
several well known Liberal members voted against the bill,
including Mr. Angerstein, Mr. Butler, Mr. Caird, Mr. E.
Crawfurd, Viscount Enfield, Mr. W. Ewart, Mr. Ewing,
rMira.oitti:snibrujry.,sthheellHey:nc.
oAlo.nle ilisnykn,aeirsc:, Mr. Langton, Mr.
Lea, Mr. W. Martin, Mr. W. Mi.ler, Mr. Onslow, Sergeant
Mr. Tite, Mr. James
White, Mr. W. Williams, Mr. Wyld, &c. While sturdy
Nonconformists like Mr. Edward Baines and Mr. Hadfield
voted for the measure, equally active members of the dis-
senting body, like Mr. J. H. Mills and Sir Morton Peto,
voted against it. As a rule Scotch members were in the
Opposition. Mr. Ellice, Sen who represents Coventry,
voted for the bill; but Mr. Ellice, jun., who represents St.
Andrew's, voted against it. Mr. J. C. Ewart, who repre-
sents Liverpool, was amongst the "Ayes," while Mr.
William Ewart, who sits for Dumfries, was on the other
side. Mr. Whiteside's name does not appear in the divi-
sion list, and only a very few members of the Irhh Conser-
vative party followed Mr. Disraeli,

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

DAILY NEWS.—The bill for amalgamating the
City Police with the Metropolitan Police, intro-
duced by the Home Secretary last night, was not
formally opposed in its first stage. This would
have been a most unusual course, and one whieh, in
the case of a Government measure, could rarely be
justified. When the Government undertakes to
bring in a bill for a special object, it must be sup-
posed to act, not only deliberately, but on public
grounds and for strong reasons, and it is perfectly
right that these should be fully stated and dis-
cussed. It was hardly to be expected, however,
that a measure which has produced such intense
local excitement would be allowed to pass even its
introductory stage without provoking some hostile
demonstration of a more or less formidable kind.
In anticipitation of this Sir George Grey felt it ne-
cessary to offer a rather elaborate explanation and
defence of the motives which had induced the Go-
vernment to bring in the measure. Without
assuming, which would probably be unfair, that the
Home Secretary's speech exhausts the Government
case on behalf of the bill, we must say that even as
a preliminary justification of so important and
sweeping a measure, it was singularly weak and
inconclusive. In defence of the proposed amalga-
mation the right hon. gentleman appealed almost
exclusively to authority, quoting the reports of
various commissions and committees of inquiry that
have at different intervals investigated the subject
during the last thirty years. Apart, however, from
the special reasons on which those reports rested,
such quotations are of little value, and from altered
circumstances many of the reasons which had some
force thirty years ago have none at ail now. But
if mere authority is to decide the question, or even
to be appealed to asone of the elements of a decision;
the weight of authority in favour of local government
as opposed to centralisation is overwhelmingly deci-
sive. While the centralised system of the Metropoli-
tan force is at most barely 30 years old, the system of
municipal government which prevails in the City is
as old as the Constitution, as widely diffused as the
Empire, and has always been regarded with justice
as one of the strongest safeguards of our national
rights and liberties. It rests on the intelligible
principle that the citizens whose lives and property
are to be protected having the most direct interest
in securing the efficiency and economy of the means
employed for this purpose, are the national guardians
and governors of local defence, and ought to have
the exclusive control of the municipal police. This
principle has worked well for a thousand years, and
is working at this hour with undiminished efficiency
in every town and city of the kingdom. It is, in
fact, the rule of our national police, the Metropoli-
tan or centralised system being the anomaly and
exception, only to be justified, or even tolerated, for
special reasons and under peculiar circumstances.
Apart from the appeal to authority the only argu-
ment urged by Sir G. Grey in support of the bill is
the limited area of the City, and therefore of the
municipal jurisdiction compared with that of other
cities and corporations. The right hon. gentleman
pointed out, what is no doubt perfectly true, that
the Municipal Reform Act, while enlarging the
municipal authority in other cities and boroughs of
the kingdom, which had outgrown their ancient
limits, and thus including the new districts with
the old under one local government, had left the
ancient boundaries and the local government of the
City of London untouched. This exceptional posi-
tion of the City in relation to the adjacent and out-
lying districts of the metropolis is, no doubt, true
as a fact, though, as Alderman Sidney reminded
the house last night, the case of the City was in
this respect hardly quite so unique as the advocates
of amalgamation represent it to be. The City of
Manchester, for example, partially surrounds
the borough of Salford, the dividing line run-
ning through a densely populated district, yet
each has its own police force, under the control
of a separate local government, and the plan of a
divided authority over a force locally continuous
works without confusion or complaint of any
kind, The city of Manchester has never at-
tempted, in virtue of its larger area, to usurp autho-
rity over the adjacent borough, and any such
attempt would, it may safely assumed, be
promptly and effectually resisted. But even allow-
ing the exceptional character of the city in this
respect to the fullest extent, it is difficult to see how
the fact of a limited central area cat be used as an
argument in favour of the proposed amalgamation.
At first sight, indeed, it would probably appear in
the eyes of most unbiassed judges to tell the other
way. If throughout the enormous extent of the
metropolis the system of local self-government in the
matter of police is represented in the limited area of
the City alone, this would seem to be a powerful
argument in favour of maintaining it in full vigour
and efficiency. But how the comparative smallness
of area to which a system admirable both in itself
and in its results happens to be restricted, should be
urged as a reason for its destruction, we do not
understand. Had Sir George Grey attempted to
show that the system was necessarily inefficient,
that it failed to provide the security for life and
property for which it was established, or was ineom-
patible with the fu 1 enjoyment of this security in
the adjacent districts, his reasoning would have been
intelligible. But he brought no charge of general
inefficiency against the City Police. On the con-
trary, the Home Secretary's historical review of the
legislation and inquiries of the last thirty years told
rather in favour ot the efficiency of the City Police.
When Sir R. Peel brought in his measure in 1829,
the City of London was excepted from its provisions
expressly because its system of local defence was so
grealty superior in efficiency to that prevailing in
the adjacent City of Westminster. The system in
both at the time was that of the old watch. Under
the new system, however, the Metropolitan force
soon became superior to the old City watch, and on
this ground, ten years later, Lord John Russell pro-
posed to extend the new system to the City. The
City, however, successfully resisted the proposal,

and at the same time wisely reformed its system of
defence by substituting a highly efficient police force
for the old watch. That systetia has worked so well
that for upwards of twentyyears, until last night in-
deed, no attempt at amalgamation has been subse-
quently made. Now it a system of government ad-
mitted on all hands to be admirable in itself, and
prove d by a quarter of a century's experience to be
efficient in practice, is to be suddenly assailed, and
if possible destroyed, there ought at least to be some
strong reasons for such a summary proceeding. We
fail to discover any such reasons in Sir George
Grey's statement. The plea of economy recently
urged in some quarters he very justly dismissed in
a sentence as not only trivial but irrelevant. The
cost of the City police is the affair of the citizens,
and if they do not complain, if, on the contrary,
they are perfectly satisfied, it is idle for others to
urge that there is any grievance on this score. After
all, the only ground for the introduction of the bill
to be gathered from Sir George Grey's speech, is the
partial failure of the City police arrangements on
the night of the illuminations. It is quite true that
Sir George verbally disclaimed being influenced by
this motive, but it is, nevertheless, the only practi-
cal reason urged in support of the bill the Govern-
ment have introduced. We must sayit appears to
us as unjust as it is ungenerous that any attempt
should be made to take advantage of the feeling
which the accidents in the City naturally produced.
The failure of the arrangements made by the Metro-
politan police on that night was even more conspi-
cuous, though fortunately not attended with any
fatal result. It ought to be remembered moreover
that, only a few months ago, during the garroting
panic, the authorities who now rashly condemn the
City police, as rashly denounced the Metropolitan
force as utterly inefficient, and for all practical pur-
poses worthless. Temporary failure of this sort,
even if it can be proved, is no valid argument
whatever in favour of organic change.
POST.—In the strict sense of the word it would be
incorrect to speak of the intelligence which so
frequently reaches us from the other, side of the
Atlantic as being American news. The American
nation appear to consider that a state of war is the
normal condition of a prosperous and independent
people, and that the industrial powers of the
population and resources of the country are best
developed by a state of things which affords the
most extensive field to speculative contractors.
Armies are levied, equipped, clothed, fed, and trans-
ported to distant regions with apparently no other
object than that of filling the pockets of the various
classes whose energies are called into operation in
order to effect those several operations ; for, when
once those armies have reached their destination,
they appear to be entirely forgotten. It must seem
scarcely credible to any in this country who has
taken the trouble during the past four months of
glancing at the American news, that, in the course
of that period, the Federal Government have had
simultaneously sent into four or five different regions
of the Southern States armies each of which was as
great as that with which we invaded the Crimea.
For information respecting the condition, the opera-
tions, or the fate of those armies the curious in-
quirer would search the files of American journals
in vain. Not more than 60 miles from the Federal
capital is an immense army which at various times
has been known by the name of the river or the
place in the vicinity of which for time being it hap-
pened to be. At its creation, and when, like a
thunder-cloud, it was expected to sweep over the
South, spreading universal devastation,it was known
by the high-sounding title of the " Grand Army
of the North." Subsequently, when the sphere of
its operations became more accurately defined, it
was called the " Army of Virginia," and at one
period, when the fortune of war compelled it to re-
trace its steps, it became the " Army of Maryland."
Since the disastrous defeat of Fredericksburg it has
been known as the " Army of the Rappahannock,"
and with that title it appears determined to remain
satisfied. At recurrent intervals, when questions are
asked in New York -respecting the operations of the
army, a sop is thrown to the public impatience in the
shape of an announcement that a forward movement
is in contemplation, or perhaps a few divisions tra-
verse the intervening distance between their canton-
ments,Acquia Creek and the banks of the Rappahan-
nock, and then march back again ; or reconnaissances
are pushed up and down the river, and the Govern-
ment at Washington is gladdened with the intelli-
gence that several nests of rebel smugglers have been
discovered and their occupants dispersed. In the
meanwhile, however, the army continues to be the
" Army of the Rappahannock," and the contractors
of New York grow rich upon its wants. The rebels
are daily growing weaker, and must shortly be
starved out, whilst the population of the North are
by the very same process becoming more and more
wealthy and prosperous, Why then should not the
war continue P Why should not armies continue to
be fed and equipped at the public expense until
every citizen of the North has accumulated an im-
mense fortune in Mr. Chase's greenbacks. What
may be said of the army of the Rappahannock may
equally be said of those in the West and South-west.
We have the expeditions of the Yazoo, of Vicksburg,
of the Gulf of Charleston, independently of a few
minor ones which have not yet earned distinctive
names; but what any of them are doing remains
the profoundest of secrets. The bombardment of
Charleston, so long threatened, is week after week
regularly announced as having commenced. By the
last mail we learn that considerable excitement had
been occasioned by reports that the Federal troops
had landed in the vicinity of Charleston and driven
in the Confederate pickets. These reports, how-
ever, as usual, turned out to be unfounded. Every
contrivance which strategy could suggest for re-
ducing Vicksburg seems in turn to have been tried
and abandoned. A canal was cut which was to
have diverted the course of the Mississippi, but the
river only entered it to make it impassable with
mud and rubbish. We now hear that " all the
Federal expeditions intended to reach the rear of
Vicksburg by way of Sunflower River and the
Yazoo Pass have been abandoned." In Tennessee
the military situation is said to be what it has
long been, " unchanged." Whilst, however, the
position of affairs in the field continues every-
where unaltered, the report of the committee
appointed

whilst commanding the army Of---Virginiahas
been published, and his inactivity when in that post
severely. censured. We never entertained a very
high opinion of M'Clellan's qualities as a general,
but he certainly did infinitely more than his succes-
sors. The check which he gave the Confederates
at Antietam, with an army hastily collected out of
the debris of Pope's " Grand Army," had the effect
of arresting the invasion of the Northern States, and
very probably saved Washington. Admitting the
incapacity of M'Clellan to direct the movements of
immense masses of troops, still a report censuring
him appears particularly ill-timed at a period when
inexplicable inactivity reigns everywhere. Why
new committees are not appointed to inquire into
the conduct of the present chiefs of the Federal
armies can only be accounted for on the supposition
that the Northern Government and the Northern
public have become reconciled to a state of passive
warfare. It must speedily suggest itself to neutral
States to consider how long they can acquiesce
silently in a course which entails upon them the
heaviest losses without any corresponding advan-
tage. The Polish insurrection has for a time diverted
the attention of England and France, and more espe-
cially of the latter country, from America; but in
the event of the disturbances in Central Europe be-
coming more serious than they at present are, the
" American question" could not continue to be re-
garded with the same placid indifference as hereto-
fore. The Government at Washington have heard
of the defeat and flight of Langieviiez, and have ,
shared the mistake into which some in this country
fell, in supposing the insurrection was at an end.
This they regretted, on account of the supposed
freedom it would give to the European Powers to
intermeddle in American affairs. A very little re-
flection, however, might have satisfied them that
European complications which might necessitate the
active intervention of England and France would
equally strain to the utmost the resources of those
countries. Suppose, for instance, that the Polish
difficulty gave rise to a European war, neither
France nor England would willingly engage in
hostilities with an important branch of their com-
merce crippled. A simultaneous war both with
America and with Russia would not of course be
contemplated by France and England ; but the inte-
rest of the latter countries in bringing the Ameri-
can war to a close Ns, mild be redoubled, and the
earliest opportunity made available for, effecting
that object. The distress of the cotton manufac-
turing districts both of England and France is
steadilyincreasing, and the Government of the
latter country have afforded unmistakable evidences
of late that their patience is well nigh exhausted.
If the belligerents were making any progress either
one way or the other, or if the faintest prospect
were held out of the termination of the war at any
definite period, we might become reconciled to our
sufferings, and make provisions for those which we
might still be called upon to undergo. It is, how-
ever, the want of any basis for calculation, and the
conviction that the population of the Northern
States are drifting into a state of " chronic whr,"
which may continue for an indefinite period, that
excites our apprehensions. We take no pleasure in
reading accounts of engagements in which the slain
are counted by thousands ; but still it is only by a
series of such engagements that war can he effectu-
ally carried out. For months past the North has
done nothing besides keeping the South, both by
land and sea, in a state of blockade. Such a course,
if persisted in, can never reduce the Confederates
to submission, whilst it must entail ruin upon the
Northern States and heavy losses upon the neutral
Powers of Europe.