The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-10 00:00:00

matter of comparatively small importance, it never.
theless excites indignant comments among the
labouring classes, and will effectually destroy all his
chances of re-election to the mayoralty. Mr. Opdyke
persistently ignores the grievance of the poor, which
is that a man not possessing 300 dols., and not able
to borrow it, must, if draughted, go to battle and
take the chance of being killed, maimed, invalided,
or taken prisoner; while the rich man may exempt
himself from all personal danger by a money pay-
ment of comparatively small amount. If there were
no exemption to be procured by money, the draught
would be as unpopular among the rich as among
the poor. Bat, in American parlance, the Mayor
"doesn't see it." He thinks that " a young man in
robust health, who has come to this side of the Atlan-
tic, perhaps from absolute poverty and social degra-
dation in his own country to such freedom, comfort,
property, and social position as so many foreigners
have sought here and found before him, is bound to
serve personally if draughted," for the reason that
" he is offered bounty, food, clothing, pay,threefold
what he had ever aspired to in his own country."
But, suppose this "robust young man" should say to
Mr. Opdyke—rich in esse and in posse by Govern-
ment favour and the numerous contracts which
follow to reward such patriotism as his—" It is
true that I came to this country for freedom,
comfort, property, and social position,' but I prefer
the first of these blessings to all the rest. It is
because I thought the country was free that I came
to it, and if I am compelled to become a soldier
against my will, I shall consider myself aslavaep.pllyn
your own language, Mr. Mayor, though you
the words to negroes, and not to whitei m
that w
whether the man who labours thehnis hands
own himself or be owned by another,
should be a free man or a slave,wh eitahetrhohe should
ultimate
now deciding.' As
q farue sat
ai onl whichl this nation
decide
is
sn
favour of my own
emmyusneelrfatthant . I
Imdaoy
not d o
my
yeddailywishtopossess
. work pfoasirrs
iowish to be owned temporarily or permanently by
for
the Government, or by any general under whom
I may be ordered to risk my life. The negro slave
is compelled to work, perhaps against his will, and
You:and the abolitionists cry out against the villany ;
but you would compel me to fight against my will,
and insult me at the same time by talking of
my freedom.' " What answer could the Mayor
give to such a speech as this except the answer
of a despot ? The Mayor says in another part
of his manifesto, that the "policy of the
Draughting Act was to provide soldiers for the
national armies, not money for the national trea-
sury." But although the Mayor, as a rich man,
may scout the idea, the only effectual mode of
carrying out such a policy would be to abolish the
commutation, and compel both rich and poor to risk
their lives alike, and serve shoulder to shoulder.
To test whether such an arrangement would be ac-
ceptable to the Mayor, an Irish conscript, who signs
himself William Collins, jun., has publicly offered
to serve in the ranks, provided always that Mr.
Opdyke's son—who is also a conscript, will do
likewise, and that Mr. Opdyke, sen., will not use
any personal or political influence to procure a com-
mission for the young man as lieutenant, captain,
major, colonel, or brigadier-general. This challenge
no sooner appeared in the newspapers than every oue
who read it came to the conclusion that the gauntlet
had been thrown in vain, and that Mr. Opdyke
would either himself pay, or allow his son to pay,
the 300 dols. It turns out, however, that Mr. Opdyke
is not to be impaled upon either horn of the dilem-
ma, and that the Government in this particular case
will get neither man nor greenbacks, inasmuch as
Mr. Opdyke, jun., is an invalid, and will claim
exemption on the ground of physical disability.
What Mr. Collins, jun., will do under the circum-
stances remains to be seen, but, judging from the
tone of his letter, he will neither shoulder the mus-
ket nor part with his money, but claim his alienage
as a British subject.
The process of hearing claims of exemption has
already comdenced in some of the wards, with re-
sults that promise but little wool for all the cry that
has been made. Yesterday in one district only six
available soldiers were procurable out of a list of 66
conscripts. Never had Queen Victoria so many
avowed subjects in New York as she has at this
day, and never did physical infirmity either of
the gravest or the slightest kind appear so pre•
cious in the estimation of the unhappy persons
afflicted with it as it does now. The total returns
az the city, when completed, will show settle curious
figures, and it already begins to be computed by
those who devote attention to the matter that
scarcely one-tenth of the draughted men will ever
don the Federal uniform, in the neighbouring State
of Rhode Island, with a population at the last
census of 174,260 persons, the draught has been
completed, the claims of exemption heard and de-
cided, and the result is 19 soldiers ! The remainder
have either proved alienage, physical disability,
non-liability, from under or over age, or have paid
their money or had it paid for them by their friends.
If the State of New York be in the same mood as
Rhode Island, contain a similar proportion of aliens,
cripples, sick and infirm persons, end heroes who
prefer to serve their country with purse rather than
person, Mr. Lincoln will draw from it a not very
formidable regiment of 422 men ! The population
of New York is 3,880,735, and any schoolboy can
work out the result on his slate by
the rule of three. a simple sum in

But as arbitrary measures are in fashion, as Mr.
Lincoln tolerates, Mr. Seward approves, Mr. Stan-
ton urges, and Gen. Dix is ready, on his own show-
, ing, to execute them; and as there are 50,000 sol-
diers in New York who have nothing particular to
do, it might be worth the while of the Government,
if it needs conscripts so sorely as it pretends, to sta-
tion two or three regiments and a few pieces of ar-
tillery in the immediate vicinity of Wall-street,
William-street, and Exchange-place. Every day
from 11 o'clock until 2or half-past 2 there are con-
gregated at the corners of those streets from 500 to
600 men, mostly young and vigorous, in the very
pride and flower of lffe, who are engaged in gam-
bling in stocks and shares. The place is a perfect
Babel for the uproar and confusion of tongues, and
a worse than Homburg or Baden Baden for demo-
ralisation and cupidity. The people who frequent
these purlieus are of no use to the community.
They add nothing to the national wealth. They are
as sordid as thimble-riggers, and have as little heart
or conscience as the scrip in which they speculate.
Why should not Gen. Dix make a beginning by im-
pressingthe whole gang and sending them off' to
P Such a measure would
the A rmy
of the Potomac.
be illegal, it is true, but, in the general's own words,
"it would leave its impress upon the mind of the
country for years to come," and would have the
advantage of ridding the city of New York of the

500 or 600 people whom it could most easily spare,
and perhaps save from the operations of the draught

an equivalent number of carpenters, masons, long,

shoremen, and other honest working people. The

measure, in addition to these advantages, would be
strictly in accordance with the " Austrianization ',
of the Republic which Mr. Seward foresaw as the
inevitable result of the election of a President