The Sun.
London, England, 1830-09-11 00:00:00

MORPETH RACES.

WEDNESDAY, Sr.a B.—The Members` Plate of 60 loves

Heats, once round and a distance.
Mr. Riddell's ch. c •, 2 1 3 1
Mr. Hodgson's Cottage Girl 3 4 1 2
Mr. Hudson's The Captain 4 3 2 dr
Mr. Dawson's Ilinishaw I 2 dr
The Northern Hunt Stakes of five sovs. each. Once

round and a disutnce.
Mr: Baird's Meg Merrilies
Mr. Sr. Paula Baronet 2
TnuasnAT, SEPT. 9.—The Gentlemen's Subscription of
50 aovs. Heats, once round and a distance.
Mr. Dawson's Victory
Mr. Williamson's The Earl 2 2

CURRAGEI SEPTEMBER MEETING.

KILDATiIt, SErr. 7.—Sweepstakes of 25 sous.. 20 ft.

T. C.
Mr. Blake's c. by Byrom
Colonel Standees b. f. by Langar 2
A Gold Cup value 100 sous. by subscription of 10 each,
h. ft., with 25 added. One mile and a half.
Mr. Maher's Trinket
Mr. Watt's Urganda 2
Lord Sligo's Vat

PAUL CLIFFORD.--A now and improved
edition of this popular work, by the author of " Pelham,"
will, we understand, be ready in a few days. Among
other striking itdditions contained in it, we are informed,
are a character of his late MaJt:wry (Gentleman George)
and of his Grace of Wzr.tiNurox, both sketched with
great power.
Extract of a letter from Brighton :•••"*" His
MaJinav often walks about Brighton unattended, fre-
quently entering the shops, and conversing good-naturedly
with the tradespeople. The other night the KING went
iscog. to one of the libraries : a gentleman present soon
recognised him, and immediately uncovered. His Ma-
JItSTY, however, motioned the gentleman to nsiumit his bat,
at the same time intimating, by signs, his wish to remain
unnoticed."

Vice-Admiral Sir EDWARD CODRINGTON
left London on the Sd instant for St. Petersburg!), to ex-
press personally to his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of
RUSSIA, his grateful sense of the gracious manner in which
he has been pleased to evince his approbation of the Ad-
miral's conduct when in command of the Allied squadrons
in the Mediterranean. Sir Rowan)) intends to return to
England next month. Some papers seemed to fear that
the memorial from Vice-Admiral Sir E. CountBorow, for
' a grant on account of the battle of Navarin, would meet
with an " untoward" reception. We are, however, happy
to hear that the Memorial to the King, presented by the
Admiral himself, in the last month, was graciously re-
ceived, and considered. to deserve serious attention. Those
who had the honour of serving under the Gallant Admiral
on the 20th of October, 1827, will thus see, that although
he refused in April, 1829, 8004 per annum, as a pension
for his own services (offered in person by the Duke of
Wituawrrotr) be has not forgotten the claims of the
officers and men who supported him on that memorable
day.—Plymouth Journal.
The obsequies of the Prince DE CONDE took
place yesterday (Sunday): the religious ceremonies were
performed at St. Len. Their Royal Ilighnesties the Duke
IMALEANS, nx VIMOUAS, Prince us JOINVILLE, and
Duke o'Austat.r., a number of Peers, Deputies, General
°Sleet's, and persons attached to the suite of the Prince,
assisted. The procession set out from St. Lett for St.
Denis. The Ist Regiment of Ilursars, a battalion of the
tith of the Line, and the National Guard; of St. Lou and
neighbouring Communes, led the procession, which was
brought up by a troop of the National Guards, the Ist
Hussars, and the hth of Cuirassiers. They were received
at the gate of the city by the Mayor of St. Denis, accom-
panied by the municipal body. The National Guard and
the veterans kept guard. The procession having marched
to the church, the coffin wastlepoaited in one of the vaults,
near the remains of the father of the deceased,..-LaPairlote,
We have heard a fact of the new Chief Secre-
tary, which deserves to be mentioned. Shortly after his
arrival in this country, be caused n letter to be written to
the various Police constables, requiring to know the name
of the Yeomanry Officers who Attended Orange processions
on the 12th of July. The names of seven persons were
returned, and the seven were dis►xiaaed. One, we arc
told, was a Captain, who had held his appointment for
thirty years. Ile forwarded a strong remonstrance, setting
forth his services, and alleging that he did certainly attend •
the procession in his neighbourhood, but did to for the
purpose of preventing riot and preserving order. The
"note and commentary" of Sir HANAY HARDINQX on the
remonstrance of this individual was written upon one of
its corners turned down, anal consisted of these words
" The Lord Lieutenant declares this gentleman's dismissal
to be
,fintil4" One fact of this kind is woe th one hundred
commissions of inquiry, in the effects it must produce on the
tranquillity, of the couutry.--Dablin Morning Register.

VAuxuALL.—Last night Vauxhall tenni-
witch! its WWII, positively. Whether this was a conelm.
sion in which nothing, WAS concluded, or, in sober cer-
tainty the waving of the Magician's wand, at which the
fairy scene must vanish, we shall not be rash enough to
aver. Suffice it to say, that most of the entertainments of
the evening were executed with a degree of spirit which
seemed to evince a determination thAt their exit should 1,0

brilliant, even like the bunting of a rocket. In the course
of the night Mr. Allar.t.ksts tklivered, on the part of the
proprietors, a farewell addresu, in which they congratulated
the public on the very tried torious anti interesting character
of the performances which had been MOW fur them and
themseNes on the results of a very successful season. Att
excessively crowded assemblage signified their assent ttt the
Vilna,' part of this ►►tstement, and thus the proprietots and
the public, having n►utuai route to tut satisfied, parted on
the most excellent terms. We must *fess we saw some
persons among the representatives of the, public en the
oceasion, of whasu tote we could not entertein the Inwit
- -

supreme good opinion, and with whom we tliouhl never
desire the honour of having to jostle 44444 in the Reik
Assemblee of Vauxhall promenailu.

ail attic-40 front a noutinuvoraryi etuntumies a rt,ply to it
The Upper Callao egurier, der quothig
hi the following most conciliatory and pertuakive
0 Thou arrant knavo Thou 4testalile diviimulator
w thou
!n uy
the above exquisite morceati
inyhusit ti
fitst tyuiriintor of

OBJECTS PRESERVED 11l HEfCULA•

. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.
The Times, alluding to our notice of the obser-
vations in that Paper on the absurdity of the dis-
tinctions in the mode of addressing Peers and Com-
moners, says :—" We are quite as well aware as a
respectable contemporary, that the real evil of aris-
tocracy lies deeper than mere title. But if he will
look at our article again, he will see that he has
made a gratuitous display of his sagacity, by his
somewhat ostentatious endeavour to put us in the
right way. He alludes to one branch of the sub-
ject : we Awe to allude to another. Did our clever
contemporary never hear—did he never personally
observe—that the servility of mind of which he
speaks neveryields to reasoning, but may be ashamed
by ridicule ? However, we are not disposed to pur-
sue the subject ; we have, indeed (and it is a cu-
rious fact), received more than a dozen letters
agreeing with our view of the subject, and only
two on the other side, the best of which, signed
One of the People,' we insert. This is some
proof of our impartiality, as the writer has
thought proper to treat us at least as unceremo-
niously as we did the persons in whose behalf he
steps forward. The public will judge between him
and ourselves; and for the present the matter may
rest : 'we are not particularly anxious to renew it."
We were quite aware that our contemporary alluded
to one branch of the subject, while we were
alluding to another ; but our object was, not to con-
tradict our contemporary, but to throw as much
light as possible on a question which has always
appeared to us to be of very great importance.—
We are no admirers of the style of address ridiculed
by our contemporary; and if ridicule could shame
the servility of mind in which it originates, the ridi-
cule in our opinion would not be misplaced.—
Without objecting, therefore, to the application of
ridicule, we thought that an inquiry into the root of
the evil, the cause of the servility of mind might also
not be misplaced; and we availed ourselves of the
opportunity afforded us by our contemporary, not
for any purpose of ostentatious display in an en
deavour to put him in the right way, but to
-impress on the public mind, what cannot be too
much impressed on it, that as aristocracy lies at the
bottom of the misgovernment of this country, and
consequent immorality of the people, so aristo-
cracy itself cannot exist without misgovernment.—
The Standard did not meet the observations of
the Times fairly, by showing that in every country
the common and ordinary address is Lord. " The
question of primogeniture," says the Standard," has
been curiously brought into newspaper discussion by
an article in the Times, which proposes, an an im-
portant reform, the abolition of the title of Lord,'
as addressed to our Peers. The title, it appears,
is profane and disgusting, and tends to loser us in
the eyes of foreigners. Where those foreigners come
from, the Times does not condescend to inform us ;
but it certainly is not from Italy, Spain, Portugal,
Holland, Germany, France, &c. where the common
and ordinary address of every person is Signor,
Senor, Senhor, Mynheer, Meinher, all of which
signify Lord. Don also is Dominus ; and even Sir,
which the Times proposes to substitute in its
place, is exactly the same thing; as any philo-
logical acquaintance will inform our neighbour
and contemporary." In all those countries Lord
is like Sir in this country, which signifies Lord,
and is applied universally. The objection to my
Lord in this country is, that it is distinctive and of-
fensive,
from the cumbrous and ostentatious manner
in which it is applied. The individual who is ad-
dressed
as " my Lord," feels himself as much ele-
vated by the distinction as a native of New Zealand
by the tattoo, of some of the other savages of the 1
South Seas by the privilege of wearing bones
through their noses. Dame is the same originally as
Madam, but a poor woman in the country does not
conceive herself honoured by the title. England is ,
the country of distinctions; we wish we could say
that England gains in happiness by them. So far 1
from it, it is impossible, go where you will, not to
see that the artificial distinctions of society in this
country are a source of much heart-burning and un-
easiness. People will not enjoy the happiness within
their reach, because others may be happy in the
same manner. When an Englishman of rank leaves
his own country he is at first miserable, because he
perceives nowhere else that servility to which he was
accustomed at home. What is called cutting a man
is known only in this country. In France no man
ever conceives that he ought to have one man-
ner of addressing one man, and another manner
in addressing another; the consequence of which
is, that there is none of that constraint and re-
serve which distinguish ourselves. The extent to
which these foolish distinctions are constantly pre-
sent to all Englishmen, may be seen in the pages of
those writers whore more especial business it is to
observe our social peculiarities. Thus, for instance,
•we find Mr. Galt, in his Life of Lord Byron, dwel-
ling on the imprudence of Mr. Leigh Hunt forget-
ting that a person in his rank ought always to have
been on his guard in his intimacy with a Lord. A
foreigner could not understand the following pas-
sage :—" Mr. Hunt, at no period of their acquain-
tance, appears to have been sufficiently sensible that
a man of positive rank has it always in his power,
without giving anything like such a degree of of-
fence as may be resented otherwise than by estrange-
ment, to inflict mortification ; and in consequence
presumed too much to an equality with his Lord-
ship—at least this is the impression his con-
duct made upon me, front the familiarity of his
dedicatory epistle prefixed to Rimini, to their riding
out at Pisa together, dressed alike :see' We had blue
frock coats, white waistcoats and trousers, and velvet
caps is la Raphael, and cut a gallant figure.' I do
not discover on the part of I.ord Byron that his
Lordship ever forgot his rank ; nor was he a per-
sonage likely to do so ; in saying, therefore, that
Mr. Hunt presumed upon his condescension, I judge
entirely upon his own statement of facts. I am not
undertaking a defence of his Lordship for the man-
ner in which he acted towards Mr. Hunt, because it
appears to me to have been, in many respects,
mean ; but I do think there was an original error,
a misconception of himself, on the part of Mr.
Hunt, that drew down upon him a degree of hu-
miliation that he might, by more self-respect, have
avoided." When we bear Lord Byron discussing
the qualities of aristocratic breed, and gravely
quoting in terms of admiration Ali Paella's distinc-
tive mark of short ears, we are almost inclined to
think that his ears were longer than they ought to
have been. But the accumulation of property in
consequence of the customs of the country, and the
abuses of the representation, enable the evil to be
perpetuated. However, we cannot enter further
into the subject at present.—Morning Chronicle.
Yesterday we received the Paris Papers of Wed-
nesday, which contain articles confirmatory of the
pacific intentions of the Emperor of Russia towards
the new Government of France. It is, indeed,
stated that M. Pozzo di Borgo has received
patches, stating that the Cabinet of St, Petersburg!)
is preparing new credentials to be sent to him
along with the official recognition of the now
Government. The prohibition against the affids-
sion of French ships bearing the trieccloured flag
Into Russian ports has been withdrawn. The
movements of the troops of Faissia and Austria,
which have been spoken of, were they even true to
the extent described, could only be regarded as mea-
sures of precaution, having for their of jest the pre,
nervation of tranquillity in the frontier dominions of
those states. The Paris Papers contain some obser-
vations on the state of the Netherlands, in which
they continue to deprecate any interference in the
affairs of that country, unless France should be come
pelled to act by the conduct of other Powers, which
certainly is far from being probable. The wise and
moderate policy which fortunately now prevails in
the councils of the Great Powers of Europe, affords
assurance that the determination of the French Go-
vernment to leave to the people and the King of the
Netherlands the settlement of the questions at issue
between them, will be adopted by every Cabinet.
A. treaty which is called the treaty of London, 1815,
t which, in fact, might be as well named from any

of the other four Courts where it was signed, has
been mentioned as likely to present an obstacle to
a domestic arrangement of the existing dispute.
But this document does not warrant the concludon
drawn from it. The short history of the transaction
is this :—A conference on the subject of the Ne-
therlands was held at London in June, 1814, be-
tween the Ministers of the Allied Powers, and a
protocol of the conference, consisting of eight
articles was drawn up, and communicated, through
the Earl of Clancarty, to the present King, then
styled Prince Sovereign of the Netherlands. The
articles were accepted by the Prince Sovereign, and
are embodied in en Act signed at the Hague on the
21st of July, 1814,, by Baron Nagel, the Dutch
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. This act is
annexed to the Bth article of the Treaty between the
four Allied Powers and the King of the Netherlands,
signed on the 31st of May, 1815. The article Bis
in these terms :

" Art. 8. His Majesty the King of the Netherlands,
having recognised and sanctioned, under date of the 21st
July, 1814, as the bases of the union of the Belgic Pro-
vinces with the United Provinces, the eight articles con-
tained in the document annexed to the present treaty, the
said articles shall have the same force and validity as if
they were inserted word for word in the present instru-
ment."

The first article of the " annexed act" is that
which is supposed to stand in the way of the new
arrangement proposed by the Belgians. The words
of that article are—

" Art. 1. This union shall be intimate and complete, so
that the two countries shall form but one and the same
state ; governed by Ole Constitution already established in
Holland, which shall be modified by common consent, ac-
cording to existing circumstances."
Now it is contended by the Belgians, that the
establishment of separate legislative assemblies and
administrations for Brabant and Holland will be no
breach of this article, as Holland and Brabant will
still remain one State intimately united under the
same Sovereign. The spirit, if not the strict letter
of the article, is favourable to this interpretation. It
contemplates the possibility of alterations in the con-
stitution; and if the four Powers, England, Prussia,
Austria, and Russia, parties to the treaty, do not
oppose the proposed arrangement, it is not impro-
bable that the restoration of tranquillity will be
speedily brought about by the King of the Nether-
lands, whose pacific and conciliatory disposition is
well known.—Tintes.

The Messager des Chainbres says—" The appoint-
ment of Prince Talleyrand, as Ambassador to Lon-
don, has excited considerable sensation." It is true;
and well it may : but it is better that a Government
should inspire confidence by the wisdom of its mea-
sures, than produce astonishment by acting in oppo-
sition to all rational expectation. We have expressed
our approbation of what the people of France did,
in choosing for their Sovereign the only person
whose appointment was likely to consolidate the
new fabric of political society, and prevent the
chances of civil war. We have also expressed our
approbation of many of the acts of that Sovereign,
because they indicated a sound judgment, temperate
feelings, and a mind which the experience of an
eventful life had not failed to enlighten. We admired
him, because he seemed truly to represent the na-
tional will; but we do not think he has been feli-
citous in the choice of his representative. The
Journal which we have quoted above differs with us
in opinion on this subject—the following are the
words "capacity—and appropriate capacity espe-
cially—is, in our eyes, the first of all political qua-
lities—and in this respect we approve of the no-
mination of M. de Talleyrand, because it is an
honourable commencement of the ' list of our em-
bassies.' " Now we admit that capacity is a very
excellent thing, and ought to be considered indis-
pensable in diplomatic functionaries, as well as in
those who appoint and instruct them ; but though
we think capacity a good thing, we think
character better. Now what character has Tal-
leyrand ?—that of being the most accomplished
intriguer and versatile politician in Europe—and,
consequently, destitute of all political morality.
Is a man thus qualified to personate, in all its phases
of deception, a crafty and demoralized Court, fit to
represent the majesty of a wise, a steady, and a vir-
tuous Government—such a Government as forms
the strongest possible contrast with the Machiave-
ban tyranny which has just been rooted out of the
soil where it malignantly flourished through fifteen
years of calamitous intrigue—such a Government as
is suited to the wants and feelings of regenerated
France ? Well may the Courrier Francais exclaim
" Who would have thought that a revolution caused
by such an exuberance of noble sentiments—of de-
votedness—of self-denial—would have been repre-
sented among the nation which has shown the
greatest animation for the late events, by a man
whose greatest merit has ever been to preserve his
personal station through and in spite of every poli-
tical catastrophe ?"—Who, indeed, would have
thought it, that considered an enlightened and moral
Government—a Government that was to prevail by
the force of mind, and the justice of its actions—
should be represented by one who possessed some-
thing of that dignity of character, which wisdom
and virtue alone can confer. We do riot wonder at
unprincipled politicians and dextrous charlatans be-
ing the chosen agents of despotic Courts. Op-
posed to public opinions—at war with genius
and intelligence—exhausted of every virtue—such
Courts have an instinctive aversion to men whose
spotless integrity rebukes their vices. Why should
Domitian select a Fabricius for his Ambassador ?
But it does excite our astonishment that the Citi-
zen-King of n people, who have just displayed such
exalted heroism—such generous devotion to prin-
ciple as gives to the character of a nation the highest
degree of moral grandeur—should entrust the pre-
servation of his honour, and that of the country he
govern,, to a man, who holds no cause sacred when
it comes in collision with his personal interests.
Much is said of the abilities of Talleyrand : he has
been greatly overrated. Where are the monuments
of his statesmanlike powers ? In the chronicles of
what history are they written ? What were the
acts by which his genius assisted France in the Con-
, stituent Assembly ? What were the proofs of his
attachment to the interest of his country during the
Jacobinical reign of terror ? What, under the po-
pular grandeur of the Consulate and the splendid
despotism of Napoleon ? What, during the events
of that restoration, which has cost so much misery
to prance, and which, established by foreign arms,
has been extinguished in the blood of another revo-
lution ? But here we are told by the partisans of
Talleyrand of a definite arid tangible proof of
his patriotism. We are told of his having saved
France from being partitioned by the Allied Powers.
This absurd fiction proves, more than any thing, the
conscious inability of Talleyrand's friends to discover,
in his own merits, any reasonable ground for his
present appointment. The fact is, the Allied
Powers never openly avowed any intention of par-
titioning France. In the year 1814, and just before
the first abdication of Bonaparte, the Emperor Alex-
ander and his colleagues were, for some time, unde-
cided which cf three propositions to act upon, all
of which excluded the notion of a dismemberment
of France. One proposition was to allow Napoleon
to remain on the throne, giving securities for the
preservation of the peace of Europe; another
was to dethrone him, and acknowledge the right
of his son to the succession, under a regency, with
Maria Louisa at its head; a third was to depose
him, in favour of the Bourbons. There was, in-
deed, a fourth proposition, though it had but feeble
support, and that was to raise to the sovereign
power Bernadotte, the present King of Sweden.
Talicyrand told the Emperor Alexander that there
was no choice but between retaining Bonaparte
and restoring the Bourbons. The Northern Autocrat
decided upon the latter, and Talleyrand was one of
the first, not only to give his adhesion to the re-
stored dynasty, but to intrigue to prevent the e -
pression of the popular feeling, in which he and his
accomplices succeeded, and secured his reversionary
patronage and power for themselves by an act of
politicarfolly, which brought, as all men of the least
political sagacity foresaw, the greatest calamities or►

France. Personally, the King of the French may
have cause of gratitude to Talleyrand ; but we
thought he had too much good sense to evince it in
a way that must so seriously compromise the cha-
racter of his Government. It is with reason the
Constitzdionnel says, " Are we, then, so poor in
men, that it is necessary to drag from his retreat an
old man whom the Revolution bequeathed to the
empire, when he passed to the Restoration, and
whose conduct was, at least, difficult to be ex-
plained under any Government? He has given
proofof ability, certainly; but of that ability, the fault
of which was not obstinacy against fortune. When
the latter is still so new, is it very prudent to apply
to a fidelity so variable ? The Cabinet of London
is said to have expressed a predilection, to which
it has been judged proper to show some deference.
This motive would not be very encouraging. We
highly value the English character, but our confi-
dence does not extend to the British Ministry. We
would rather see elsewhere than nigh the asylum of
Charles X. the Minister who created the word legi-
timacy under the protection of foreign bayonets."
This is plain speaking—but not more plain than the
occasion demands. It is the duty of an honest and
intelligent Press not only to praise the wise measures
of the rulers of nations, but to warn them of their
errors, and to convey to Kings the truth which their
flatterers would conceal. We urge this matter the
more strongly, because we observe that the Press,
in general, both in France and this country, dazzled
by the glitter which fortune has given to the Pro-
teus-character of Talleyrand, applauds the selection
of the hoary intriguer to represent a community
that has dashed aside the chains and corruptions of
despotism, and risen in the youth and vigour of its
freedom to assert the station which courage and
mind, and, above all, public virtue, must obtain for
it among the nations. It is not right that the glo-
rious events which cost the blood of so many mar-
tyrs of liberty should have the effect of raising once
more in the Court sunshine this political weather-
cock, that had been taken down front its aeration,
and laid aside as useless. It is not consistent or
wise that Roman virtue should be represented by
Italian duplicity. Talleyrand has been charged with
betraying all parties in turn, as it suited his pur-
poses, and has proved himself only faithful to the
inconstancy of fortune. That divinity he has
adored with all the daily idolatry with which a Per-
Sian worships the rising sun ! France wants not
the services of such men ; her destinies are now
connected with great principles; she must have able
Statesmen, not cunning politicians; she has a moral
dignity to sustain. Need we say more to show that
Talleyrand ought not to be her representative ?
Morning Herald.
The foreign arrivals of yesterday were chiefly
from France, and the intelligence they bring is, on
the whole, very satisfactory. The Paris Papers
state, in the most positive manner, the recal of the
order of the Emperor of Russia, prohibiting the
entry of French ships with the tri-coloured flag; and
they add, that a courier has arrived at the Russian
Embassy in Paris to announce the approaching
arrival of another courier, who will be the bearer
of new credentials for M. Pozzo di Bongo, and
the recognition of the new Government by Russia.
An order has been sent 'to all the Russian ports to
permit vessels carrying the tri-coloured flag to enter
and depart freely. Prussia has already intimated a
favourable disposition ; and the same is expected,
with full confidence, from Austria. Any unautho-
rized assemblages that have taken place in pro-
vincial towns have had reference not to political
objects, but to the want of employment, and the
insufficiency of wages. Many of the merchants,
master manufacturers, ship-owners, and others, had
lessened their undertakings in the apprehension of a
war with this country ; but now that they are as-
sured of the friendly disposition of our Government,
they are resuming business on their accustomed
scale, and at a rate of wages which will not be in-
sufficient for the wants of the workmen, if, as we
hope and believe, the price of bread experience
a general reduction in France. At present
the quartern loaf costs there about eightpence,
which, moderate as it may seem to an Englishman,
is dear in a country where the agricultural la-
bourer is paid only six, and the town mechanic
nine or ten shillings a week. These are the real
grievances of the lower orders in France, who are
attached to the Liberals, and dread the influence.
of the Noblesse and Clergy, lest they should
add to their burdens by the revival of tithe, or the
imposition of new taxes. As to a democratic
feeling which an evening cotemporary apprehends
to prevail in France, we can with confidence assure
him, that he might sojourn for years in that land of
free communication, and open discussion, without
meeting a single partisan of that form of govern-
ment. The appointment of Talleyrand as Ambas-
sador at our Court, has occasioned a great deal of
angry discussion in Paris. It is generally considered
as a victory obtained by the moderate, and rather
aristocratical part of the Cabinet, headed by the
Duke de Broglie, over the more decided and demo-
cratical part, headed by the Keeper of the Seals,
Dupont de l'Eure. A more adroit diplomate, a
person better acquainted with the personnel of
diplomacy, a more keen and witty negociator, the
Government could not have chosen ; but it must
be allowed on all sides that it would have been
extremely easy to have selected a man of more po-
litical integrity and moral consistency.—Morning
Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.