The Sun.
London, England, 1837-04-21 00:00:00

H. R. H. THE PRINCESS VICTORIA.

An English blonde dress, over rich white satin, the body
and sleeves ornamented with ribbon and blonde ; train of
handsome pink figured Irish tabbinet, tastefully trimmed with
ribbon and tulle, and lined with white satill. Headdress,
feathers and pearls.
DUCHEIS or SOMERSET. A dress of superb Chantilly
blonde over a very rich satin slip, handsomely trimmed with a
deep flounce of blonde, looped at the side with a bouquet of
magnolias ; body a la Christine, richly trimmed with deep
blonde, flowers, &c. ; sabots of very rich Chantilly blonde ;
train of rich white satin elegantly trimmed with wreaths, and
blonde, and lined with rich white satin. Head-dress of very
superb ostrich feathers, with a most costly comb of diamonds
and Orange flowers, magnolias, &c. ; necklace, earrings, and
brooch, a la Sevigne, of the same costly and beautiful jewels
to correspond; lappets of very rich blonde.
MARCHIONESS or SLIGO.—A Court train of rose-coloured
satin,.trimmed with blonde ; dress of white poplin, elegantly
trimmed with satin ribbons and blonde ' • sabots and mantilla of
splendid blonde ribbons and blonde. Head-dress, barbes and
feathers, and diamond suit.
MaseitroNEss or LANSDnWNE.-A beautiful Court train,
and dress of black satin, trimmed with tulle and ribbons. Head-
dress, blonde lappets and feathers.
COUNTESS OF JELSEY.—A dress of grey coloured tulle, over
a rich white satin slip, elegantly trimmed with a deep flounce
of rich Chantilly black blonde, looped at each side with an
agraffe of jet, and trimmed on each tide with grebe, a beautiful
silvery fur ; body in superb satin, a la Reins, richly decorated
with blonde ; train of superb satin, a la Reine, with grey vel-
vet, richly trimmed with the same as the dress. Head-dress,
ostrich feathers and diamonds; lappets of rich blonde.
COUNTESS OF 101tLET.—A rich black velvet train, orna-
mented with lace ; a beautiful dress of watered Bros de Naples,
mantilla and sabots of very rich black lace. Headdress,
diamond duite and feathers. _ _

COUNTESS- STANHOPE.—A Court costume, composed of a
white crepe lisse dress, embroidered in gold and colours, body
and sleeves richly trimmed with blonde ; train of lilac bro-
caded satin, of British manufacture. Head-dress, plut'ne of
feathers, blonde lappets, and brilliants.
COUNTESS OF MAYO.—White brocaded satin dress, trimmed
with blonde; body and sleeves a la Louis XIV., ornamented
with blonde ; mantua of sky-blue satin, trimmed with swans-
down, lined with white satin, the whole of Spitaifields manu-
facture. Head dress, feathers, diamonds, and blonde lappets.

His Majesty gave audiences yesterday to Viscount Palmer-
ston and the Earl of Albemarle.
The Duke of Cumberland arrived at his residence in St.
James's Palace at a quarter past twelve o'clock on Wednesday
night. His Royal Highness paid visits to the King and the
members of the Royal Family at their respective residences
yesterday morning.
The Duchess of Gloucester visited his Majesty yesterday.
The Earl of Mayo's name was omitted as being one of the
Irish Peers who presented the Protestant petition to his Ma-
jesty on Wednesday, the 19th instant, with the Marquis of
Downshire, the Earl of Roden, &c.

MR. WARD'S "ILLUSTRATIONS OF HUMAN
LIFE."—The first volume contains " Atticus and St. Law-
rence," the second and third are occupied by " Fielding."
" Atticus" is a practical disciple of the nil admirari school.
Moderation is his maxim and his motto. A successful politi-
cian and Statesman, he retires from public life to cultivate
philosophy and his garden. It is a pleasing picture and full
of the pure philosophy, the refined tastes and benevolent habits
which distinguish the favourites of Mr. 'Ward's pen. There
are few who will peruse " St. Lawrence" without enjoying
the pleasure of strong intellectual excitement. " Fielding" is
more miscellancou3 in character ; it is, indeed, multitudinous
and panoramic. It gives a great number of brilliant sketches.
of London characters and London Life. Each portrait re-
sembles not an individual, but a class ; or, if an individual, it
is because the class consists of so many that each reader may
claim his own.—Morniny Post.
If only for the great variety included in them, " the
Standard Novels" is the most remarkable collection of works
ever embodied in one series. In this admirable collection of
the best modern fictions are found the graphic national ro-
mances of Cooper, the splendid oriental narratives of !gorier,
the polished wit and profound interest of Bulwer, the tragic
energy of Banjul, the georgeous imagination of I3eckford, the
subtly-contrived plots of the Misses Lee, as evinced in their
" Canterbury Tales." the stirring military incident in the po-
pular " Stories of Waterloo," Theodore Hook's laugh-exciting
?medy in his " Maxwell" and " the Parson's Daughter,"
Irelawny's life-like adventures, the inimitable Eastern novel
of, Hope. (" Anastasius,") Washington Irving's poetical
Spanish and Moorish tales, Galt's sly humour and truthful
portraiture of characture, the pictures of modern society by
Miss Austen, the historical romance of James, the liumourous
satires of Peacock, &c. This is in itself an invaluable library
of entertainment—it is also the cheapest publication of the
day. The public are enabled to purchase the works of any
particular writer whom they prefer, and any volume may be
obtained at the reader's convenience.

EVENINGS wITII PRINCE CAMBACERES.-
There is something at once characteristic and ludicrous in the
excess of enthusiasm with which the author of this work ( Baron
Langon) and his friends speak of Napoleon. Were the impe-
rial idol still living and reigning he could hardly be more flat-
tered in person than he now is in memory. 'roc are told by the
author that " To us Napoleon was not a mere King or Empe-
ror—he was a being of a hielier order—one of those sublime
creations that, perhaps, help to exalt our idea of the Cre-
ator !" What will the Quarterly Reviewers say to this? Of
course they will pronounce the whole work a forgery—but this
will not cause it to be less read ; and, certainly, whether it be
fact or fiction a more interesting. one has not appeared since
the publication of the celebrated Las Cases. The revelations,
indeed, arc so extraordinary that we will venture to say the
work will very soon be more in demand at the circulating libra-
ries than any fiction of the day.

LADY uIIARLOTTE BURY'S NEW NOVEL,
" TIIE DIVORCED."—This novel is one of superior excellence.
The style is good, the incidents interesting, the plots well
contrived, arid the moral unexceptionable. The purpose of
the historian is excellent, and the execution is equal to the
design. Truth, nature, fine feeling, and feminine tenderness
pervade the work. A woman's heart sheds a delicate grace
over every page—and the soul of a mother and a wife beams
forth from every reflection which it contains. Glasgow
Courier.

THE CROWN IMPERIAL—This noble flower is
said to have been introduced into England in the time of Shak-
speare, who has introduced it in his Winter's Tale. On this
family of plants modern botanists have bestowed the name of
Fritillaria, of which this, from its commanding deportment and
brilliant colours, is considered the sovereign.
The lily's height bespoke command,
A fiur imperial flower ;
She seeded: designed for Flora's hand,
The sceptre of her power.
We, therefore, consider this distinguished member oldie flowery
kingdom to b 2 the emblem of majesty, and the repremtative
of power in our floral sentiments.
A farmer's servant, residing near Sutton, was last
week distracted with the tooth-ache, and requested a fellow-
workman to eittraPf the troublesome member. The rustic,
unprepared .with the nrnita ltiimilernents for such a process, set
to work with his pocket-knife. 4144 Irit2int.o: the gum of the
patient, with one hand he applied a brag, 9.1, gaa nail to the
tooth, and at one stroke with a brick-end, succeeded in
ring the sufferer of his troublesome compauion.—North De-
von Chronicle.

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDA I, APRIL 21, 1837.

should be printed upon the particular or catalogue; and no
sale should be held by a written particular or catalogue.
Are not the auctioneers bound either to present a printed or
written catalogue at the Excise-office?
Yes.
With respect to the mock auctions in the Strand, the Poul-
try &c., do you suppose these people give a catalogue ?
No,
1)o you suppose that they take out a licence ?
I suppose not.
At present the Excise depend upon your return of the pro-
perty sold ?
We used to make oath ; now it is a declaration, and if there
is any informality in the declaration, we are liable to a penalty.
Has the Excise officer access to your sale-book, or particu-
lars of sale ?
Not at present : a copy of the particular or catalogue is
made, and we pass our account every month.
Do you consider that the duty itself is a very great check
npon the transfer of property by auction ?
Certainly, upon estates it is a very serious check ; the duty
at present, on a sum of 100,0001., being 2,9161. 135. 4d. Mr.
Goulburn's Bill went to take a graduated scale, decreasing as
the amount of the sale increaled ; but that the duty should at-
tach, whether the estate was sold or not.
Was it opposed ? /-
Yes, and the impracticability shown of carrying such a
measure into operation as regarded estates, as no one would
offer an estate at auction with such a liability, and the Bill
was abandoned.
Do you pay the money yourself to the collector ?
I do.
Is that done with case and facility to yourself ?
Yes : I think it is very well regulated.
What is the course of proceeding ?
First, the particulars or catalogues are delivered to a clerk
in the auction office at the Excise Office, who calculates the
duty ; then the auctioneer makes a declaration as to the cor-
rectness of the account ; a pay-paper is prepared by the Ex-
cise clerk, which is taken by the auctioneer to the comptroller
in the hall, who enters the amount stated in his book, signs the
pay-paper, and hands it over to the receiver, to whom the
money is paid ; and he enters a statement in his book, and
signs a stamp-receipt, if required.
In order to do that, how often must you go to the Excise
Office?
Every month.
Do you think it would be desirable to pay more frequently ?
I think once a month is often enough ; and if the sale is one
of importance, it takes sometimes nearly a month before the
accounts can be wound up.
Are you aware of the great number of exemptions to the
duty ?
Yes ; and I think many of them ought not to be al-
lowed, and for this reason, that although the property for sale
may not be a bankrupt's, or under execution, the party selling
may be equally under distressed circumstances, but now he is
made to pay the daty ; whereas property which is sold under
execution, bankruptcy, the Court of Chancery, Exchequer,
.lice., is free, and I never could discover any justice in the dis-
tinction. It is a question how far it may be reasonable to
charge an auction duty upon produce sold for the first time on
account of the importer, and liable to other duties.
Do you suppose that there are many frauds in that branch of
the business by things being sold a second time under the pre-
tence of being the first.
My impression is, that the brokers conducting that branch
of the business are so respectable that it is not likely to hap-
pen very frequently, and I sincerely wish that other depart-
ments were as free from unprincipled interlopers, adventurers,
and disreputable practices; but I fear that no effectual remedy
can be applied without the aid of the Legislature, by similar
enactments to those which exist as to other professions of con-
fidence.

ALEXANDER RAINY.

.Extract from the Evidence of Mr. DEIIANY, the Solicitor to

the Board (y' Excise.
Mr. DEFIANT says, " I know no subject of the excise re-
venue, which requires more investigation, and is susceptible of
more improvement, than the auction duty, if it is retained, at
the same time, there are several difficulties, as experience has
proved, to contend with. You are I believe aware of my opi-
nion, that respect to real property, it cuyht to be entirely
done away. Large amounts of property are put up to auc-
tion, on which duty is never paid, it being bought in to avoid
the duty. It is moreover in direct opposition to the revenue
deriveable from the stamp duties on conveyances."

THE FINSBURY DINNER to MESSRS.

DUNCOMBE AND WAKLEY.

On Wednesday the Electors of Finsbury entertained their
Representatives, Thomas Duncombe and Thomas Wakley,
Esqs., at dinner, in the Assembly Rooms of the White Con-
duit Tavern, to testify their approbation of those gentlemen's
Parliamentary conduct, and of manifesting their continued
support of the great principles of Reform. At five o'clock
about four hundred gentlemen sat down to dinner.—U. G.
Ward, Esq., M. P., in the chair. He was supported on the
right by Mr. Duncombe, and by Mr. Wakley on the left.
Amongst the gentlemen present we noticed Daniel O'Connell,
Esq., M. P. ; Joseph Hume, Esq., M. P. ; Dr. Lushington,
M. P. ; Charles Buller, Esq., M. P. ; Mr. Bish, M. P. ; Mr.
Ward, M. P. ; M. J. O'Connell, Esq.,• M. P. ; D. C. Brady,
Esq., M. P. ; Tennyson D'Eynecourt, Esq., M. P. ; Mr.
Williams, M.P. ; Mr. Rundle, M. P. ; Major Revel, A. Gal-
loway, Esq., &c. &c.

The cloth having been removed, and " Non nobis Domine"
sung by the professional gentlemen present,
The CHAIRMAN called for a bumper, and said that where
there were five •hundied Englishmen gathered together the
first toast ought to be the King.—( Applause.) He had
double pleasure in proposing the health of his Majesty on the
present occasion, because it was under his reign that the Re-
form 13111 was passed—( Hear, hear)—a Bill which had given
such ascendancy to popular principles in our Constitution as
to enable the people of England, if they used their rights, to
work out every change which the most liberal person could
desire in the institutions of the country.—(Cheers.)
Air—" God save the King."
The Hon. CHAIRMAN, in proposing the Queen, expressed a
hope that if any political associations ever passed their minds
in connection with the name of her Majesty, they would now
forget them—( Hear, hear)—and only remember when they
pledged the toast that they were doing honour to a Lady, and
that Lady was the first in the land.—( Applause.)
The CHAIRMAN said that the next toast which he found
before him, was the name of the Princess Victoria—(applause)
to whom he was convinced the whole people of England, Ire-
land, and Scotland looked up with sentiments of love and af-
fection. Admirably brought up as that Princess had been
under the eyes of a mother, who did not conceive that her high
rank exempted her from the discharge of those duties which
in England were always associated with a mother's name, she
had been taught to look—in order to study the elevation of
the people over whom she was one day to rule—not to the nar-
row limits of a Court, but to a free intercourse with her future
subjects of all classes and of every shade of public opinion.—.
( Applause.) He was convinced that she might rely on the
loyalty and devotion of every one he was now addressing._
( Hear, hear.) In the annals of this 'country they had two
Queens, whose reigns had added to the glory and the pride of
the country ; and he hoped that the reign of the Princess Vic-
toria, whenever she should be called to the throne of these
realms, would be signalized—not by military triumphs like
those of Elizabeth and Anne—but that it would be remem-
bered in the minds of our children's children, as a period during
which good legislation prevailed, and peace and industry tri-
umphed in the lard.—_( Cheers.) He found connected with
this toast the name of a distinguished individual—one, who
was the steady and unflinching friend of Reform, when that
word was not so fashionable as it had now become, and one
whose exertions for the cause of the people he remembered
with gratitude—need he say that he alluded to his Royal
Highness the Duke of Sussex.----( Loud cheers.) tie would,
therefore, propose " The health of the Princess Victoria.
the Duke of Sussex, and the rest of the Royal Family.—
( Applause.)
Air—" Hail smiling Morn."
The CHAIRMAN said that he would now call upon his Hon.
Friend Mr. Hume, to propose the next toast, " The Sove-
reignty of the people."--( Hear.)
Mr. HUME was received with great applause. He said that,
owing to the unavoidable absence of Sit' 'William Molesworth,
who was prevented by indisposition from appearing there that
evening, he was called upon to propose the toast wleieh had
been alluded to by his Hon. Friend in the chair. The toast
was one which no good Reformer could either refuse to give
or decline to acknowledge.—( Hear, hear.) " The sove-
reignty of the people" we, a proposition that ought to occupy
the thoughts of all the thinking men in the
community, for'
upon the power of the people depended the salvation of the
country.—( Hear, hear.) Heretofore the people had been
crushed and kept down by the Tories, who 'triumphed iu
their prostration.—( Hear.) The Reform Bill had however
given the people a portion of the power that belonged to them,
and it was for the people themselves to say if that power was
to be extended.--( Hear, hear.) He remembered when the
toast which he had risen to propose used to be given with a
very different meaning from that which he was in the habit of
attaching to it. Matters were now, however, changed. The
people were not in the degraded position that they had been,
and it only remained with themselves to say whether the pre-
sent advantages which they enjoyed should not be increased to
such an extent as to make them what they ought to be " the
sovereign people."—( Hear, hear.) When that happy mo-
ment should arrive, then would the Aristocracy of this country,
which had for such a length of time lorded it over the people,
be disposseSsed of the supremacy which they now so improperly
enjoyed—then, indeed, would our glorious Constitution work
for the benefit of the community in general, instead of being
warped to the advantage of the few. The struggle, however, had
begun, and the question was whether the aristocracy or the de-
mocracy shall be triumphant—( Hear)—whether the Peers and
the Squirearchy shall succeed, or whether the representatives
of the
people shall maintain that position in their own Chamber
which they ought to hold ?—( Hear, hear.) He could not
help thinking that if the pecocip:einw:preitebioitf tieuveertyci
oti:pionssietilovnes.
iftl,ez,h:.nertehelsy.isme
uasr,tdsupercuedent—that the day was not far dis-
tant(
Hear, hear.) For the last two years the Peers in the Upper
Chamber havo been doing everything in their power to put a
stop to measures of a liberal character. The Court, too, act-
ing tinder the influence of bad advice, had arrayed itself in op-
position to the cause of Reform. In the House of Commons
they had also :WO Members out of the 658 opposed to the
people ; but notwithstanding all these difficulties, he had no
doubt but the people would triumph, and although vietcvse qas
delayed, it was yet certain.—( Cheers. ) \`ltiA the licqle had
the power, it would be thcir duty to'remove the Peers as a
nuisance.—( Applause.). In calling them a nuisance, he de-
eitcred that' lie 'meant what he said.--( Laughter.) Have they
not :topped every measure of a liberal tendency from becoming
the law of the land ?—( Hears hear.) Were they not at that

moment adopting means for the purpose of saying whether
Peel or Melbourne should be at the head of the Government
—(Hear, hear)—whether Don Carlos in Spain and Welling-
ton in England should dictate to the people ?—( Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Gentleman, after adverting to the conduct of the
Conservatives, in oppressing the people and limiting the power
of the King, called upon the meeting, as they respected their
rights as Englishmen, as they were anxious that their example
should be followed by every nation of Europe, to maintain
their privileges, and never cease until they had fully and com-
pletely established "the sovereignty of the people."—(Loud
cheers, in the midst of which the toast was drunk.)
Mr. O'CONNELL here rose, and was received with tremen-
dous applause, waving of hats, and other demonstrations of
respect. He proceeded to read an extract of a letter. It was
as follows Rochdale Election : Close of the Poll. Ma-
jority fur Fenton, 44."—(Loud cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN said that he now came to what might
fairly be called the toast of the evening, Ile meant " The
health of his Hon. Friends Mr. Duncombe and Mr. Wakley."
—( Cheers,) He would in a few observations advert to the
public conduct of these gentlemen. It was not his intention
to indulge in any exaggerated statements upon this subJect I
but he would tell them what he thought of their representae
tires as public men, and as persons in whose hands were en-
trusted the interests of that large community.-e( Hear.) He
knew well .that public men could do but very little for the
cause of the people ; but that little was done ably and un-
flinchingly by their Hon. representatives.---( Hear.) He
had the happiness of a long acquaintance with his lion.
Friend on' his right (Mr. Duncombe), who, with a determi-
nation and courage that did him great credit, succeeded in
opening a close borough in his (Mr. Ward's) county—he
meant the borough of Hertford.—(Hear.) He knew him
to be a firm and tried friend of reform—( Hear, hear)—he
knew him to be a man of talent and ability, and his qualities
as a debater were justly appreciated in the House of Com-
mons.—( Hear, hear.) His Majesty's Attorney-General
would not soon forget the conflict which had taken place last
session between himself and his (Mr. Ward's) lion. Friend
in respect to the question of personal tithes.—( Hear.) Sir
J. Campbell had declared to his friends that Mr. Duncombe
would have made an excellent lawyer.—( Laughter.) In the
present session his Hon. Friend had also proved himself an
effective representative of the interests of the people.—
( Hear. )••
,He had succeeded in carrying through its first stage
a Bill for the alteration of the rate-paying clause—(Cheers)—
and he had no doubt that in the next Session, at least, this
measure would become the law of the land.—( Hear.) The
second matter to which he alluded was the notice which his
Hon. Friend had placed on the paper of the House of Com-
mons, against the mode of voting by proxy in the House of
Peers. The tact and taste of his Hon. Friend were mani-
fested in the course which he had adopted in respect to this
notice ; for he had proposed, should the motion be carried,
that the result:he communicated to the House of Lords—(A
laugh)—and he trusted that hint thus given would not be lost
upon their Lordships.—( Hear, hear.) lie would now turn to
their other representative, Mr. Wakley.—( Cheers.) When
that Hon. Gentleman first entered the House of Commons, he
(the Chairman) although no very squeamish politician, viewed
his appearance there with some little apprehension—( Hear
and a laugh)—but from the moment that he had an opportu-
nity of witnessing the conduct of his Hon. Friend, he found
that the representations made in reference to his Hon. Friend's
views were founded in mistake.—( Hear, hear.) He consi-
dered Mr.- Wakley to be the most rational Radical in the
House of Commons.—( Cheers.) He did not think that that
gentleman had sacrificed any one opinion that he had ever ad-
vanced, and yet he had acted in the House of Commons in a
manner that could give offence to none— even those most vio-
lently opposed to him. The Hon. Chairman then referred to
the conduct pursued by Mr. Wakley in reference to the Dor-
chester labourers, and to his able speech a few nights since in
respect to the removal of the taxes upset knowledge ; and pro-
ceeded to observe that the electors of Finsbury were hound to
stand by their representatives when the time arrived that made
their support necessary..—( Hear, hear.) He hoped they would
set an example to the other metropolitan boroughs for firmness
and uniop that would be followed with advantage.---( Hear,
hear.) They had some experience of the consequence arising
from three liberal candidates. He was sure they would profit
by that experience, and not allow any loop-hole to occur in the
borough by which a Conservative could creep into its repre-
sentotion.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He understood that they
were threatened with a visit from Lord Mahon.--( Hear, and a
laugh.) That Nobleman had been already pitted against his
lion. Friend Mr. Duncombe, and they were all aware of the
result.—( Hear, hear.) He did not think that that Nobleman
—who, although not a very prominent, or very distinguished
individual, was, however, a very indefatigable member of the
Conservative party in the House of Commons—would wish
again to come into politic al collision with his Hon. Friend on
the right.—( Hear.) The Hon. Chairman concluded by pro-
posing " the Healths of Messrs. Duncombe and Wakley, the
Representatives of the Borough of Finsbury,"—( Applause.)
Mr. DUNCOMER was received with loud cheers. He said,
that the flattering manner in which the toast that had been
proposed by his Hon. Friend the Chairman had been received
by the company, was sufficient to satisfy his Hon. Friend and
Colleague, and himself, that the conduct which they had pur-
sued during the period that they were in the House as the re-
presentatives e*that borough had given satisfaction to their
constituents—(Applause)—they had not betrayed the interests
of their constituents, or forgotten those duties which properly
devolved upon them.—( Hear, and cheers.) The Hon. Gen-
tleman then proceeded to observe, that since he last had the
honour of meeting them little of local circumstances had occur-
red to .excite their attention, except the establishment of a
Conservative association in the Borough, to preside over which
Lord Mahon had been invited. He supposed that this selec-
tion was made out of compliment to him (Mr. Duncombe.)
His Lordship was well known to him, and no doubt he was
sufficiently known to the company from his talents, which he
had displayed as an electioneering personage, owing to whom
the borough of Hertford was kept without representatives for
two years. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to an address
which had emanated from the association that was supported
by Lord Mahon and his Conservative gang—(Cheers)—and
after commenting upon the language of the document, ob-
serve 4, in reference to some allusion made in it to the relaxa-
tion of the law, and the necessity of a different principle being
acted upon, that the only laws he was aware of having been re-
laxed were the Test and Corporation Acts—the penal enact-
ments against Catholics—the laws relating to slavery, and the old
Corporation system which oppressed this country.—( Hear.)
Did the Noble Lord and his Conservative gang mean to say
that these laws should be re-enacted ?—( Hear, hear.) He
was glad that this address had been put forward, and he
trusted that at the next election the constituency of the bo-
rough would stand forward and show their contempt for the
insult which had been offered to them by this all.sufficient as-
sociation.—( Hear.) The lion. Gentleman then adverted to
hie Bill in respect to the rate-paying clause, and said that al-
though no practical result might at present arise from it, he
had no doubt but ultimately the principle of his Bill would pre-
vail.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to his Majesty's Ministers,
he was bound to say, that although they did not go as far as
he thought they ought to go, still that they were very far from
being either inactive or insufficient representatives of the
people.—( Hear, hear.) They displayed more honesty and
sincerity than he had ever witnessed in any previous Adminis-
tration.---( Loud cheers.) They had carried through Parlia.
meut a Bill for Reforming the Municipal Corporations for
England, and they had honestly endeavoured to carry a simi-
lar measure for Ireland.—( Hear.) They had introduced a
plan for the amelioration of the poor of Ireland.---( Hear.)
And then their conduct in respect to Church-rates was de-
serving of the highest praise.—( Hear.) He did not hesitate
to say that a bolder measure than that for the abolition of
Churchsrates never was proposed it, Parliament.—( Loud
cheers.) If any one thing more than another could induce
the people of England to give this measure their determined
support, it was the indecorous and indecent cabal of the 15
Prelates who had denounced this measure as olio of spoliation.
The Hon. Gentleman, after some further remarks, concluded
by expressing a hope that he would always enjoy the confi-
dence and support of such men as he had the pleasure to see
before him.—( Applause.)
WAKLET then proceeded to address the company, who
received him with loud cheers. The Hon. Gentleman, after
adverting to his inability to do justice to his feelings upon so
interesting an occasion as the present, proceeded to say that
he was the same man in principle arid feeling as he was seven
years ago. No change had taken place in his political opi-
nions ; and it was his firm belief that the views which he then
entertained would descend with him to the grave.—(Hear,
hear.) But it was said by some old and tried friends of his
in that borough that he was less of a Radical than he used to
be. This was a mistake ; but he felt that in the line of con-
duct which he should pursue, he ought to sink all ephemeral
popularity in the love which be bore his country.—( Loud
cheers.) He went into the House of Commons determined to
support any Administration that would give good measures to
the country.---( Hear, hear, and cheers.) When the Con-
servatives came into power he thought that they would have
done something for the people. He did not think that the
Tories—the blood-stained Tories—( Loud cries of " Hear,
hear")—would have still continued to endeavour to delude with
false promises—( Hear, hear)—but he was mistaken ; for what
was the amount of Sir Robert Peel's speech after the opening
of Parliament ? Why just this—that when the Municipal Com-
missioners made their report, that that report would be laid
upon the table of the House.—( Hear, hear.) He saw no good
measures emanating from the Tories, and then he became a
party. man. He joined that party which had separated from
such Whigs as Sir James Graham, Lord Stanley, the Duke of
Richmond, and Lord kipon—and that party had introduced
measures in reference to Ireland that had reflected the highest
credit on them. The Hon. Gentleman then asked if he could,
under all the circumstances of the case, hesitate to ally himself
with a party that had proposed measures so well calculated to
benefit the country ?—( Hear, hear.) He admitted that the
Ministers did not go so far as he could wish, but they were
helping him up the hill. The Hon, Gentleman then ad-
verted to the conduct of the Tories, who, night after night,
were opposing every little reform that emanated from the Mi-
nisterial side of the House. The Tories were anxious to ca-
jole the people. They said, " Shut your eyes and open your
mouth, and see what God will send."—( Cheers and laughter. )
But he would not shut his eyes nor opett his mouth for their
unsavoury treat.—( Laughter.) The lion. Gentlemen then
said that he would support the Ministers, because by doing so
he"would be conferring a benefit upen hie country, and he
would consider their removal ccp,„ll edict a great injury to it.—
( Cheers.) He sings seweep see the Tories prostrate at his
feet than spre, s'eem again in power, for he considered their
,I,.4kerpfes hostile to everything liberal and honouratst
—everything that was hostile to the .noble ot man.—
( Cheers.) The Tories were now oat of power. It was their
duty to keep them out, if (44 k'r the sake of Ireland, for the
sake of that country that had always been foremost to join
England in her struggles for freedom.—( Cheers.) If the
present Ministers were out of office, he should very much fear
that blood would flow in torrents in Ireland, unless indeed the

people of that country would continue to take the sdric • of
his Hon. and Learned Friend near him.— (Hear ) The _
Hon. Gentleman then adverted to the arguments used by .S:r
Robert Peel, upon the occasion of the passing of the Ca:holic
Relief 11111, and contended that his opposition to the Irish
Municipal Bill now was a violation of the arguments used by
him on that occasion. The Hon. Gentleman concluded
very able speech, which we regret we have not been able to
do justice to, owing to the crowded state of our columns, by
thanking the company for the cet,fidcnce !ditch they bud ro.
posed in him, and by assuring them that their confidence tt.tttid
never be abused.-.-( Applause.)
Dr. LUSHISGTON rose to propose the Tint toast, fle
ite-
corded with the opinion expressed by the Poi. Chairman,
that there was a time when the toast of Itestitse to Ireland would
never have been thought of at a public dinner in EnglarA,
He was sanguine enough, however, to hope that the.time Was
not far distant when justice to Ireland would he nn isit.grr
asked for and no longer refaced, Their sucCe!,v t.'01.11,1 only ho•
prevented by the irresponsible body oVel' k‘ll'ich they had nfl
euntroul. But he had no fears co the mu)t, es the calms Itj's
fo.n.deti In truth and eVerlatiltiSt jUtilice. Ile had lived icing
political life' amid thalt fi Stritggle, and thirty yeals -ago he
had iroted fur Emancipation—that GA
ittliplied, and he could not doubt the conseque'
sees that must
felloW from that. .victory. TheP'e had trl'
people of I'eland must enjoy
tin equality of civil privileges with the per' 'le of England. He
concluded by proposing " Justice to IrP.,aricl."
Mr. O'CONNELL rose
amid tn
themoat deafening plaudits, and
waving of handkerchiefs, in whic:i the ladies in the gallery
joined, and which was prolonged for several minutes. When
the Hon. Gentleman could obtain a hearing, he said he be‘satt
to think he should he grateful for all this kindness ; he
must
confess, however, he had not been of that opinion, it was indis-
creet, he admitted, to say to, as an orator he ought by every
means to conciliate his audience, but he was bound to declar-e
he had not arrived at a proper pitch of gratitude et. As he
was coming there to-day, the recollection of au acquaintance of
his shot across his mind. He was one of those march of iutol-
leet gentlemen who sold newspapers, and was besides, wbot i
Ireland is called an amphibious animal, as he never drank
water; his characteristic name was Paddy Kelly. Now Paddy
was one day walking up Grafton-street, in Dublin, 'at a time
when a troop of dragoons was passing, and just because it was
dangerous, Paddy attempted to cross and fell, and the horses
having more sense than him, jumped over him. A friend
coming up said, you ought to be very grateful. " Grateful
for what ?" said Paddy. "Is it for being rode over by a troop
of dragoons?"—(Great laughter.) Now Ireland was rode
over by troops of dragoons, and he ( Mr. O'Connell) would
be grateful, as he understood that gratitude meant a lively
sense of' future favours.—(Renewed laughter.) He had no
doubt, if the English people could be got to once well set-
derstand the case of Ireland, that they would make still
greater exertion to obtain justice for that country. The
people of Ireland had struggled honestly for the English Re-
form Bill, and yet so short a Reform Bill had been got for
Ireland, that the franchise of the people there might be said to
be ia the holy keeping of a Tory clique in the House of Coin-
mons. A Municipal Reform Bill had been got fur Sot-eland
and England, and Ireland had got none.—( Hear, hear.) The
last time he was in that room, it had been promised by some
persons to petition Parliament in favour of just:ce to Ireland,
and he watched front that day to this. but the promise was not
kept. But it was time enough yet, and he would hope better
things it he saw the electors of Finsbury sending up a petition
to the Lords, telling them to give the Irish Municipal Re-
form, or else -- (Great cheering.) He ought not to
blame the English people for not being very vivacious upon tlrse
subject of Irish grievances, as the most benevolent person can
endure with Christian patience the misfortunes of his neigh.
hour. That was a fortitude they all possessed, and when the
people of England had got their own Nluaicipal Bill they could
bear with a saint-like decorum the disappointments of others.
He would much rather, however, have them look like sinners,
and to effect this they must undergo a lints agitation,
mixed with anger, just to sweeten it, as Padd.y threw the
spirits into the porter.—( Great Laughter.) Toryism must'
be frightened before it relaxes its hold. They might
insert the iron under its paw, but it cor:,d never be made
to lift it until it was necessary to do so to cover its head.
—(Great cheering.) He spoke not ir, the accents of despair,
nor did he forget the great exertion's made by many -English-
men, especially by these who surrc ended him. There could
be no firmer friends of Ireland than those they had met to
honour.--( Hear, hear.) He never knew them absent on any
occasion when their vote tould serve Ireland, and he never
knew them give a bad bne.—( Loud cheers.) Therefore he
ought to be, and wrs heartily thankful. If in sorrow he re-
membered the of ctions which his country endured, he still
acknowledged tile sympathy and services of the friends of
Ireland in Xngland, and the benefit derived front their wis •
dom and ksiowledge. He understood that the representatives,
-of Finsbury, at the next election, were to meet with a Conser-
vative opposition—they bad given up the name of Tories as
being too bad. Now, it was only yesterday that he had 'oc-
casion to look into an old Act of Parliament—the 10th of Wil-
liam lll.—which was entitled, " An Act for the Suppression
of Tories, rogues, and raparees."—(Great laughter.) Now,
the Conservatives had suppressed the name of " Tory," as they
were ashamed of it; but though the Tories were gone they
continued rogues, but it was not polite to call them so. They
might in future be called raparees—" the Finsbury raparees."
—(Great laughter and cheering.) They had been originally
plunderers, and were so still, at least in disposition. Oceans
of blood, and myriads of human lives had baen offered
at the shrine of the Moloch of Toryism.—( Hear.) The Jug-
gernaut of India was meek as a lamb compared with the To-
ries of England.—(lmmense cheering.) The Tories had
contrived to run them a thousand millions in debt. He was
told the people could endure it; but why should the Tories
do it ? Where was the money gone ? They appropriated the
most of it; and the people had no more account of it than of
the Thames water that flowed from Richmond a week ago.
Mr. O'Connell then took a rapid view of the state of the ma-
nufacturing districts, and the evils to be apprehended from the
vast number of individuals throes out of employment. God
(said Mr. O'Connell) never intended that men should do tre-
mendous mischief, without it re-acting on themselves. The dis-
tress that existed once before had been the means of advancing
the Reform Bill, and would again prevent the Tories from
tainting the pure air of liberty. He had risen like a double
charged blunderbuss for two purposes—first, to express hit
gratitude, and next, to propose another toast—" Civil and Pse-
ligious Liberty all over the Globe."—( Cheers.) He was
struggling to elevate the condition of England, and he would
insist that Ireland should be put on the same footing.. If he
ever asked more, let him be opposed ; and if ever Ile con-
tented himself with less, despised. Whilst he was upon the
subject of civil and religious liberty, he might say that he
sought perfect freedom of conscience, riot for any sectarian
purpose. He preferred his own religion, to be sure, or he
would not belong to it; but if there was a single Protestant
there who would resist Catholic ascendancy, he would find
an energetic colleague in hint. The success of liberal mea-
sures would be of equal use to Dissenters in England, unless
the Tories succeeded in establishing Carlini there, so use-
ful to the Protestants in Spain, and the Christinos in Con-
stantinople. They should do as in America, and religious
Buds would soon be at an end, and a man's religion only
known on Sunday, by seeing what house of worship he went
to. Sir. H. Hardinge could not think of giving Ireland ame-
liorated institutions; the would injure Protestantism by letting
in the horrors of Popery. " Our consciences," said Sir J.
Graham, " are quite affected by the idea." They will sup-
port Don Carlos in Spain, and is he not of the worst class of
bigots ; and they wont let the Catholics be free in Ireland.
When the Catholic is a bigot and a despot, they will support him ;
but when, like me, who struggles for civil and religious liberty
to all, without distinction of creed or colour, their Protestant-
ism comes over them like a fainting fit, and while other people's
eyes are turned up in pious horror, their hands arc turned
downwards for another purpose. Mr. O'Connell then enume-
rated the good acts which had been already done by the pre-
sent Government, and amongst the rest the purification of the
Irish Bench. Talk, said he, of letting in the Tories for a
while to power--men with passions virulent arid irritated—to
rush in and share in blood the plunder of which they had been
for some time deprived. He implored them to rally round the
Government. They did not go far enough to be sure; but
they wets: going the same road, and let them proceed on their
way until they could pass them. Mr. O'Connell sat down .
amid the most boisterous applause, which lasted for some time
after.

Mr. C. But.i.Eic, the Member for Li.keard, in a speech of
great ability, then proposed, "" Short Parliaments, extention
of the Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot."
The CHAIRMAN proposed " Lord Melbourne and his Ma-
jesty's Ministers," which was received %.,ith grest cheering.
Mr. fIEwITT proposed the health of the Chairman, which
was warmly responded to. After Nshich, the Members being
obliged to attend the expected division in the Commons on Sir
Henry Hardinge's motion, the Chairman, Mr. O'Connell, and
the others retired—the company standing up and cheering
them as they passed.
A number of toasts were afterwards given, and the festi-
vities kept up until an early hour in the morning.

TIIE MARQUIS OF LONDONDERRY AND LORD
KEITH.—It appears that the two most improbable incidents
which h:Lve startled the numerous readers of the new novel of
" The Gambler's Dream" are actually true. One was com-
municated to the author by the late Lord Keith—the event
having taken place on board his Lordship's own ship, and the
other is an adventure which greatly redounds to the honour of
the present Marquis of Londonderry, who figures in the work,
as Ivan Davidowitch, and who rescued a lady from the bruta..
lity of some Russian soldiers on one of those days of horror
which marked the disastrous retreat of the French army from
Moscow. We think that the author of " The Gambler's.
Dream" has only done justice to himself in disclosing these
truths in the new edition of his work just published, in order
that the other remarkable adventures, which arc founded. on
facts, may not by their air of improbability, be stripped of tb'eir
due power and interest."

MR. THOMAS CAMPBELL'S NEW WORK, "LET-,
TEES FROM THE SOUTH."— -There is a charm in everything
written by the Bard of Hope, whether he chooses to express
himself in verse or prose. His compositions d'.spiny a mind.
cha:,te and elegant, teeming with the richest stores of informa-
tion, and caplble of clothing its thoughts in the most beautiful
and appropriate language. The two volumes before us differ
not in this respect front his otker works. He describes with
great vividness the city and suburbs of Algiers, the manners.
and custom.% ui its inbzbitants, the climate and .productions or
the Regency, the various events of the French campaigns, atai
Ole effects to which their seizure of the Algerine territory ift
likely to lead, The volumes are filled with entertaining gcasi.p
as well as with living sketches.—Edinburgh Advertiser.
The amount of subscriptions to the monument to be
erected to Armand Carrel, the Republican journalist, is 15 ,451
francs (about 6181.) The family of the deceased are er idea-
vouring to obtain permission to remove his remains fra Paris
to Rouen, his place of nativity.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Again we congratulate the country upon the auspi-
cious result of the debate which terminated yesterday
morning. We rejoice at it, not as the victory of a
Minister or a Government, but as the decided triumph
of a great and important principle. That the exist-
eece of the Ministry was involved in the issue of the
question may he easily and much to their credit ad-
ntitted. But the continued rule of any Minister, the
continued existence of any Government, is a matter of
far less importance than the success of that enlight-
ened policy which it was the object of Sir Henry
Hardinge's motion to counteract. If we wanted any
confirmation of the despicable party spirit which sug-
gested this Parliamentary movement, we had it in that
ferocious shout with which Lord Palmerston was as-
sailed when he rose to address the House. That dis-
graceful exhibition told more of the objects and the
views of the Opposition than any speech they de-
livered during the whole of the discussion. And
yet there are creatures of the party, we see, who ex-
ultingly thrust forward this shameless proceeding
as though it were a thing to be proud of! They
will persist, however, that they are influenced by
none but the purest and loftiest motives. The
honour and dignity of the country—the wel-
fare of their unfortunate countrymen at St. Se-
bastian—these it was that instigated the motion of Sir
Henry Hardinge ! A word in passing to that Gallant
Officer. His situation is certainly not an enviable
one. As a soldier, nobody can think otherwise of
Sir Henry Hardinge than that he is a brave and gal-
lant man. As a private gentleman he may be pos-
sessed of every quality for which his friends give him
credit. As a public man, looking to the position he
holds in the ranks of his party, and the purposes to
which he lends himself, we regard him as the most
contbmptihle within the walls of the House of Com-
mons. Nor do we express this opinion without
grounds. It seemed to have grown into a fashion with
Members upon both sides of the House to compliment
this man upon his high feelings and his generosity.
High feelings and generosity ! In what were they
exhibited ? Who or what is Sir Henry Hardinge as
a politician ? If Peel came into office to-morrow he
would be again sent to Ireland as the fittest instru-
ment to cut out work to give employment to his own
profession. He has the utter want of judgment, the
thick-and-thin devotion to his party, and all the reck-
less and headstrong obstinacy to qualify him for the task.
In the House of Commons he has—before his last
exhibition, signalised himself as the hot-headed brag-
gadocio, the fire-eater of his party, who has more than
once attempted to dragoon Members of that House
into silence upon questions which he saw threatened
the very existence of the Government to which he be-
longed. This is all we have hitherto known of him—
little, it is true, but not very indicative, as far as it
goes, of either " high feeling " or " generosity."
What new claim has he acquired to the character so
liberally bestowed upon him ? We should be glad
to think we were wrong when we express our belief
that antecedent to Monday, since the news of the dis-
aster of the 16th reached London, Sir H. Hardinge
has taken no ordinary trouble, out of the House of
Commons, to turn that event to the prejudice of Gen.
Evans and the force he commands. But, passing this
by, let us come to his motion of Monday. if he were
possessed of a single particle of generous or lofty
feeling—if the sentiments which his profession is ge-
nerally supposed to inspire were not in wretched sub-
jection to his party spirit—would he, of all men
living, have undertaken such a task ? Would he
—a soldier, acquainted with the vicissitudes of a
soldier's fortune, who ought to be able to appre-
ciate the keen sensitiveness of a soldier's feelings—
would he have seized upon the moment of reverse to
aggravate the deep injury of the calumnies he was
heaping on them, by robbing these men of the oppor-
tunity of retrieving what portion of their character they
may hare lost ? Generosity, indeed ! He comes
down to the House of Commons laden with accusa-
tions against the Legion carefully woven together—he
puts on a semblance of commiseration for the misfor-
tunes of the men he is injuring—ehows the sincerity of
his feeling by representing them to the House of Com-
mons in the blackest. light in which they could be
placed—demoralised to the very lowest degree—and
then proposes that they should be deprived of the only
opportunity they can have of redeeming their character.
Generous and high-minded man ! As the debate
proceeds, statement after statement is refuted upon un-
questionable testimony, and this generous opponent,
instead of openly and manfully admitting that he had
been imposed upon, attempts to quibble away the con-
clusive defence that has been made. We trust that in
any future discussion Sir Henry Hardinge may be
estimated at his proper value. He is a fit servant
for Peel, arid a fit colleague for Goulburn and Snatch-
bull. If this entitle him to respect a good character
mew be cheaply earned. The speech of Lord Palmer-
ston on Wednesday night was one of the ablest and
most successful efforts we have ever heard. It was a
complete justification of the Spanish policy of the
Government. Let those who are opposed to that po-
licy, instead of betaking themselves to their accustomed
gibes and ribaldry—instead of pouring out their un-
meaning and exaggerated declamations—meet the ar-
gument of that speech, upon which we are well con-
tented to rest the whole defence of his Majesty's Mi-
nisters in their policy towards Spain. We were not
sorry that the Opposition Members thought it right
to enter into the policy that originated the Quadruple
Treaty. Besides affording an occasion for its most
triumphant vindication, it hurried those who adopted
the course into a most glaring inconsistency. It is con-
tended that the Quadruple Treaty is most unwise in its
policy, has been injurious in its effect, and that if its
execution be persevered in, it will be ruinous to the in-
terests of the country. Yet, says Sir Robert Fed,
give me but the opportunity, and I will continue to
execute it ! Impolitic and disastrous though it be,
even at the humiliating price of executing it, I
rim ready to take place ! This he said, but this we
do not believe. The motion he supported falsifies his
own statement. Lord Palmerston well put it—that
the, success of that motion would be in effect to tear
the treaty in pieces. What is the " naval co-opera-
tion" that Sir Robert Peel is contented to afford ?
How much of his good offices can be purchased at the
costly price of the premiership of England ? The
same extent of naval assistance that is afforded at pre-
sent? No. But hear the generous interpretation of
Sir Robert's Solicitor-General, who seemed to think
was retained to pick holes in a bill of indictment
for petty larceny, and not to discuss the meaning of a
solemn national .compact. Upon reference to the
clauses and the sections—" the obvious construction
from the context"—Sir William Fol;ett was enabled
to arrive at the conclusion, that the treaty bound us to
blockade time coast of Spain ! And this he was
prepared to do. Liberal soul ! It altogether es-
caped his acuteness, as the Noble Lord who re-
plied to him observed, that the right of blockade
is a belligerent right which we dare not execute.
These consistent men, who are so wedded to peace
that they are horrified at the thought of our being,
auxiliaries in a war, would be content to purchase ac-
cession to office by converting us into principals ! To
what extent, we again ask, would Peel and his party
undertake to execute the treaty ? In addition to fur-
nishing arms we are bound to give a " naval co-opera-
tion." What do you mean by this ? You say a
blockade, but you dare not execute it. And yet Sir
Robert Peel tells us he would execute the treaty. No,
lic would not. He would make it, again to borrow
the phrase of a French Statesman—lie would make it
shat would not be a bad commentary on his own po-
litical life—" a great lie." It is impossible that a
Tory Government can ever execute the Quadruple
Treaty. It is mere nonsense to be giving such men
credit for a wish to preserve the faith of the na-
tion. They will not—because they dare not—come
forward and openly say they would break it. Ne-
vertheless, they would effectually do so. Looking
at the naked deformity of Continental absolutism,
their Organs may seek to detach Toryism from this
-its natural alliance. But it is impossible. Sir Ro-
bert Peel is bdiind in principle and in policy to
support the despotic powers in foreign countries. Let
the people be triumphant in France, in Spain, in Por-
tugal, and Belgium, and it will be impossible to rough-
ride them in England. Establish Toryism and Guizot
in Paris, Toryism and Don Carlos in Madrid, Toryism

and Don Miguel in Lisbon, and you pave the way for
the success of Toryism and Peel in London. Biscay,
as Lord Palmerston most justly observed, is the battle-
hield of the warring principles of freedom and des-
potism. England and her people is a party in the
struggle. They are contending, not for the success
of any individual—not for the triumph of Queen
Christina individually, over Don Carios ; they are
contending for the supremacy of the institutions they
themselves enjoy, because upon their general establish-
ment the enjoyment of the benefit of their own in a
great measure depends. And we hail the decision of
the House of Commons as a harbinger of success. It
is a pledge that we are too deeply interested in the
struggle to withdraw before its happy consummation.
This is the ground upon which we congratulate the
country upon the result of the debate.—Morning
Chronicle.

Remembering the materials of which the majority
of the present House of Commons is composed, and
recalling the manner in which that majority on
many previous occasions has acted, we suppose we
ought not to have anticipated a more satisfactory
conclusion to the important debate upon the Spanish
war than that which we yesterday announced. The
foreign policy of a Government is uniformly the
point upon which it is least assailable. Under any
circumstances many a well-intentioned man will dis-
like the notion of interference with the course pur-
sued by the King's advisers in matters to which lie
has himself paid little attention. In these times,
when legislation upon subjects of tlomestic interest
has excited mote than usual passion, and engrossed
more than usual attention, such conscientious scru-
ples may be expected to have more than ordinary
effect. Many Gentlemen who have formed a sound
opinion upon the Church-rates in England have not
had leisure to form any opinion, at V all upon the
fueros in Biscay ; and many who regard with deep
anxiety the purposes of republicanism in Britain take
no concern at all in the success of usurpation in Spain.
It is an old, and we will not say, a culpable prin-
ciple, that a Member of Parliament should support the
Government of the country whenever he has formed
no strong opinion against its policy. Upon this occa-
sion we will venture to express our belief, that the
gentlemen who voted with the Ministers, simply be-
cause they are the Ministers, constituted the majority
by which they are enabled to be the Ministers still.
Nevertheless, the absolute indifference to the highest
national considerations displayed by two hundred and
eighty gentlemen yesterday morning, is a circumstance
at which we will not pretend to dissemble our mortifi-
cation. This is a mortification which we need not
blush to exhibit. The majority in favour of Lord
Palmerston's un-English policy is not large ; but it
is a majority. We avowed that we anticipated a vic-
tory ; we confess that we are disappointed at a defeat.
We supposed that the passions and prejudices which
render Members deaf to reason upon all subjects on
which they are successfully and habitually excited,
would have little effect in a discussion on a matter
now for the first time coming formally before them,
and having no conceivable connection with the trite
and familiar topics of their nightly dissensions. We
thought that the bitterest enemy of Church-rates
might dislike to see the treasures of his country idly
dissipated—we hoped that the fiercest denouncer of
tithes might refuse to have the blood of his country-
men vainly spilt. We were too sanguine. The House
of Commons has taken upon itself the guilt of the fur-
ther prosecution of this un-English warfare. The
House of Commons has made itself responsible for
Lord Palmerston's future expenditure of British mo-
ney, and for Lord Palmerston's future waste of Bri-
tish life. Be it so. We appeal to the people. Let
the people mark the condition in which, by the deci-
sion of the House of Commons, England stands with
regard to Spain. In the last two years, during which
ten thousand Englishmen have been in the service of
Isabella, and four hundred English Marines hare
been lent to the assistance of her armies on shore, so
little progress has been made, that it is asserted by all
the Ministerial speakers, and admitted by the cheers
of their friends, that the withdrawal of our ten thou-
sand volunteers and our four hundred Marines would
open for Don Carlos an immediate passage to Ma-
drid. Lord Palmerston must he bound by the vote
of the House of Commons, to continue the Order
in Council, and to extend the loan of the Marines.
Well, what reason has he for supposing that the
measures which have been totally ineffectual thus
far, will be more successful in future ? He has as-
signed none. He has not affected to promise better
results for the two years to which he looks forward
than those which have attended the two years to which
be looks back. Lord Palmerston may be encouraged
by the vote of the House of Commons to go a step
beyond the continuance of the Order in Council, and
the extension of the loan of the Marines. He may
be preparing a more direct and open interference.
Well, what is the limit within which he thinks the ex—
penditure of British money and the exposure of Bri-
tish life ought to be confined ? He has defined none.
He has laid down principles which, for aught we can
see, may impel him to send infantry and cavalry where
he now sends Marines and mercenaries, and to squan-
der millions where he now squanders thousands, for
the prosecution of a quarrel in which his country is in
no way concerned. Meantime a more immediate diffi-
culty approaches. The Order in Council may be re-
newed, but the period for which the British Legion
was enlisted will expire. On the 10th of June how
many of the companions of General Evans will take
fresh service ? And in the place of those who will
return .how many recruits will hurry to the scene of a
warfare, originally discreditable, and ultimately disas-
trous ?—Morning Post.
A pretty pass are the Tories about to bring the
country to—a pretty pass, we repeat, and all for no-
thine, or next to nothing—just that the Newcastles
and'Winchilseas may be humoured in their whim,
and Peel be allowed to obtain the object of his am-
hition, and be enabled to carry those measures which
he is now opposing. Lyndhurst will get a seat per-
haps upon the Woolsack, and, what:is still better, a sa-
lary—Philpotts will be translated—and the Dawsons,
Twisses, Praeds, and all the host of red tape men
will once more be privileged to burrow in the public
offices. But • at what a sacrifice, at what imminent
peril to the country, are the selfish schemes of a few
designing and desperate men to be gratified ! The
Queen of Laputa would rather her palace had been
burned to the ground than that the conflagration had
been checked by Gulliver's mode of extinction ; and
the Tories in like manner would sooner the country
should be sacrificed, than that the acknowledged abuses
in its institutions should be remedied by the hands of
the Whigs. Like " the dog in the manger," the
Peel-Wellington faction—for Lyndhurst seems at
the present writing to he hors de combat—will do
nothing themselves, or suffer any one else to do
it. And yet the hypocritical, sly Sir Surface—all
rogue as he is—whines, because the public business
is at a stand-still ; and that nought progresses but
paltry, disgraceful intrigue. The Peel omnibus stops
the narrow way; and yet the impudent cad, who
should be " pulled up" for his indecent conduct, turns
sneeringly round to the drivers of the State coach, and
inquires who it is that detains them ? Sir John
Falstaff; whom we take to have been a good coqform-
ing Tory in his day, " would not give a reason upon
compulsion ;" and Peel and his confederates will not
permit us to have good measures, unless they have
salary. The Duke of Wellington—and he is a very
fair sample of the party to which he belongs—thought
when in Downing-street that Reform would be ruinous
to the nation ; but, all ruinous as it was, and all pa-
triotic and disinterested as he is known to be—yet did
he offer to carry it, if only allowed to become an in-
mate of the Foreign-office But the Tories are paving
the way—indeed, it is already paved—for their final
obliteration as a party. They have sowed in the storm,
and are about to reap the whirlwind. They hare re-
fused the Irish people their rights—their just rights—
upon the pretence of keeping that country flee from
agitation ; and yet their sane policy has increased Irish
agitation one hundred-fold. Ireland, in a very short
nine, should the Tories pursue their present course,
bids fair to become a tolerable political, as well as
social volcano. What with county, city, parochial,
and baronial meetings upon the popular, side, and
county gatherings among the Mark Beresford and Sir
Harcourt Lees' clumjumphry, with perhaps a briskly-
contested election about June by way of interlude, we

rather think that our Irish neighbours will not-require
any " Normal schools" of agitation to keep their hand
in practice. Already has Mr. O'Connell, in a spirit-
stirring letter, which we copy elsewhere, sounded the
tocsin. The spirit of former days breathes throughout
time epistle. It is a war trumpet to rouse his country-
men
once more to action—to summon-them to that
strv„ele which will be the last they will have to en-
counter. In it he depicts with force and fidelity the
melancholy ills which Ireland must suffer from even a
temporary domination. His aspiration that the Mi-
nistry may not be tempted to desert their post is our
own: That they may have had their faults, we will
not deny, both of commission and omission ; and at
one time, though not now, the worst of them, that of
neglecting to remember friends while they rewarded
their enemies ; but how far preferable are they to the
jobbing and sanguinary Tories?-111orniag Advertiser.
It was to be expected that Sir Henry Hardinge's
motion would bring under discussion a variety of ques-
tions connected, though by no means identified, with
those two specific ones which were directly raised by
the Right Hon. and Gallant Officer, and which two
questions were simply these—viz., Ist, whether Eng,•
lishmen shall any longer be encouraged by the King's
Government to make war upon one body of Spanish
citizens, and in conjunction with another ; 2d, whether
it be a fair construction of the additional articles to the
quadripartite treaty, that under a clause which stipu-
lates for naval assistance on the part of England to
Queen Christina, a particular description of British
troops called Marines, and another portion consisting
of Royal Artillery, can lawfully be employed to carry
on inland operations ? With regard to debates, con-
tinued for two long nights, since our last article on the
motion of Sir H. Hardinge, it is impossible to do more
than glance, and that
_generally, at a very few of the
numberless points adverted to by 20 or 30 speakers.
Lord J. Russell yesterday morning repeated the taunt
which had been early thrown out by some of his own mi-
nor supporters—that the introduction of such a motion at
such a time as this proved it to originate in motives unge-
nerous towards the Legion under General Evans, and
purely of a party nature as affecting Lord Melbourne's
Government, for that, whether as a military or political
question, it ought to have been brought forward sooner.
Now, a little too much is here contended for by the
Parliamentary organ of the Ministry. No reasonable
man will assert that the irregular employment of a
large body of native Englishmen, assisted by some of
the King of England's regular forces, in the operations
of a civil war, carried on within a country with which
Great Britain professes to be at peace, is an unfit sub
ject for the deliberations of a British Parliament. But
if it were a matter which ought, as implied by Lord
J. Russell and by Mr. Villiers, who sneered at the
Conservatives for thus " striking a final blow at an
enemy when we say, it were a question
which ought to have been moved before—d fortiori,
it ought not to be any longer neglected. But is
there not abundant reason for pressing this im-
portant subject on the mind of Parliament and of
the public, now, when the 10th of June approaches—
now, when the period for which the Foreign Enlist-
ment Bill was suspended has not eight weeks to run,
and when there is not an hour to be lost in securing, if
practicable, some expression of the pleasure of Parlia-
ment and of the national feeling, by which a rash and
stupid Minister may be deterred from a repetition of
the same mischievous and inhuman blunder—a preci-
pitate renewal of that same Order in Council from which
such torrents of English blood have flowed, without
advancing by one inch, but, on the other hand,
grievously embarrassing, the cause of so-called Spanish
liberty, and fearfully sacrificing the military renown of
England through the same process by which her
subjects, entrapped into a quarrel which is neither hers
nor theirs, have suffered a brutalizing and incurable de-
moralization ? Yes, the 10th of June approaches, and,
if good for nothing else, the. motion of Monday last,
and th.e result of it, have placed: theiquestion of this
sanguinary non-intervention syStemin such a light be-
fore the people of England, that no Whig-Radical or
mongrel Foreign Secretary, if then in office (and de-
pend upon it he holds office to the last), will dare
to reproduce the policy of the Order in Council,
or to continue, much less extend in their sphere,
the military operations of the last two years
on the Peninsula. What, looking practically
at these freaks of a fantastic ambition-,--what is
it that Lord Palmerston has done on behalf of Chris-
tina, or against Don Carlos, by his bloody aggression
upon the Basque provinces ? Is the throne of Christina
more secure, or the discomfiture of Don Carlos more
imminent, than before General Evans flogged a single
man of his half-fed volunteers, or threw up a single
entrenchment or battery to defend his 10,000 floggees
from the peasants of 'Biscay and Navarre ? What,
then, is to be gained by a further prosecution of so mad
a project—for, after all, thai is the question ? We are
assured by Lord Palmerston that the whole of Spain,
with the small exception of the district now occupied
by the troops of Don Carlos, is in favour of the
Queen and liberty. But besides, as was well remarked
by Sir Robert Peel in his powerful and most crushing
speech yesterday morning, Lord Palmerston now in-
forms us that the Basques, inhabitants of that solitary
district, have long become wearied of the unfortunate
Prince ; so that, in fact, he can have no supporters left
to him !--none at all ! Yet, wondrous to relate, this
lonely individual, deserted by the whole world, and with-
out (on the showing of the Foreign Secretary) a single
follower, or hardly one, has contrived at the end of two
campaigns to baffle the best-combined assaults of armies
amounting to 50,000 Anglo-Christino soldiers ; and
while the hopes of Spain, the Westminster Volunteers,
are confessedly reduced by this unequal warfare with
au isolated Prince, who has neither troops nor allies,
to a handful of dispirited and disorganized fugitives
from the last battle, Don Carlos actually looks stronger
and more prosperous than before he had Lord Palmer-
ston for lua foe ! What, then, is to be the end of
this ? The Queen of Spain Imo under arms, against
her brother-in-law, according to the statements of her
Ministers, about 50,000 Men. General Evans has
besides about 3,000. Now, will any but an arrant
blockhead believe that it is on Evans and his 3,000
beaten, ill-disciplined, demoralized, no longer effec-
tive troops, the fortunes of such a quarrel for the
Crown of Spain can by possibility turn ? The
timing is monstrous. The Conservative leader saga-
ciously warned the House of Commons that they
were to put time unhappy Legion entirely out of
the question, for that General Evans has pledged
himself' to come home on or before the 10th of June
—a promise which includes, of course, the certainty
that his poor worn-out followers will not be-far behind
him. Then, what have we to rely upon but the
King's marine and artillery forces for succours to
Queen Christina after the extinction of the Legion ?
But if these few hundreds of gallant men be
ivrje—tsu tfi
cient—as insufficient they will indisputably pro
o
effect the overthrow of Don Carlos, and if time neces-
sity of that overthrow to the interests of England and
to the " march of freedom in Europe," be, as Lord
Palmerston has stated it to be, the ground and justi-
fication of his " intervention" policy in the affairs of
Spain, it follows, as a matter of course, that time scale
of intervention must be enlarged with the exigences of
the contest, and, therefore, that we are entering upon
a system of warlike operations, under the pretext of
fultilling the Quadripartite Treaty, whereof the mag-
nitude, like the consequences, may be immeasurable.
This is a delightful prospect for a country, the first
maxim and stipulation of whose present Ministers,
already above their ancles on the brink of that gulf
of which time depths are altogether unfathomable, was
" peace with all mankind, and non-intervention "
in the domest:c affairs of other nations ! Again, from
the general question thus raised let us turn briefly to
others, which Ministers have chosen to ingraft upon
it. Lord J. Russell taunts Sir Henry Hardinge,
when misrepresented, as he was frequently and irregu-
larly, in. the progress of those debates, with haying
withdrawn his several assertions against the Legion,
and been compelled to give up his original charges.
What " charges" the Gallant Officer brought. against
time Legion we cannot learn from his speech. Seldom
has any speech been delivered in Parliament by a
military man possessed of great professional knowledge,
and imbued with military tastes, so marked by scrupu-
lous and respectful courtesy as that of Sir H. Hardinge
towards Gen.
'lover Evans.. Not one word escaped the Gal-
lant that was not indicative of a strong anxiety to
withhold every particle of blame from that brave, but

manifestly unsuccessful, officer, and by a disposition to
account for the state of his troops on grounds which no
man capable of reasoning could have disputed. He
said that they were ill-fed, ill paid, afflicted with many
privations—that the faith of the Spanish Government
Was in many instances broken toward.; them—all which
evils he gave General Evans credit for doing his ut-
most, though vainly, to avert ; but that erreme suf-
fering produced extreme insubordination ; that, their
moral discipline being corrupted, their military disci-
pline was of necessity relaxed, and their inefficiency as
soldiers in the field thence accounted for. And was
not all this true ?—palpably demonstrated ? That a
single syllable of it was retracted by Sir Henry Har-
dinge we can find no evidence in the debates, and
therefore no shadow of support for the insinuations of
Lord John Russell. Another topic may still be
worth one moment's notice. Lord Palmerston and
Lord John Russell stated broadly that this mo-
tion against their policy towards Spain was a
direct censure upon the Government—and so it
teas, a plain, sharp, and unquestionable cen-
, sure. They said it was a party motion—one cal-
culated to ruin them, if carried, as a Government.
What, then, did they do ? Did they move, or ven-
ture to move, a substitute for that censure in the shape
of " a vote of approbation ?" Such would have been
the course of a bold or self-approving Minister. Such
was the course of Mr. Canning when his foreign po-
licy was arraigned. But such was not within the aspi-
rations of Lord Palmerston, whose interminable twad-
dle on Wednesday night set all argument at defiance,
by not advancing the semblance of an argument. No.
They said—lt is a party question ; rally round us,
friends ; our existence is at stake. The rally was made,
and what was the result of it ? A majority of 36 !
in a House of 524 members, besides numerous pairs.
From 80 to 55—from 55 to 36 I What next ? A
few days will show us. We have here touched upon
one or two only of a dozen subjects growing out of the
late Spanish discussion. If the pressure of other ques-
tions permit, we shall, of course, recur to this, for it is
full of matter.—Times.
In a House of Commons mustering 520 members,
a paltry majority of 36 against the motion of Sir Henry
Hardinge, for the suppression of that disgrace to
England, and nuisance to the civilized world—the non-
intervention war in Spain, affords a new proof of the
weakness of Ministers even in the House of Commons,
and a warning; in addition to some others recently re-
ceived, that their days are nearly numbered, and that
it is time to " set their house in order," preparatory
to bidding a long farewell to Downing-street and White-
hall. One of the former warnings to which we allude
was the reduction of their majority on the Irish Muni-
cipal Bill from 80 to 55. Another was the miserable
majority of 23 on the Church spoliation scheme pro-
pounded by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Such things are sufficient to disturb even the repose of
Lord Glenelg in his colonial dormitory--to make Lord
John Russell tremble for the fate of another quar-
ter's salary—to alarm Mr. Spring Rice at the small
chance of ever having an opportunity, after the present
session, of spreading his scanty portion of financial
knowledge, in a budget speech, over some thousands of
" superficial inches" of the daily press, and to awaken
Lord Palmerston from his visions of Spanish conquest
and dreams of non-intervention glory, to the bleak
prospect of a retreat upon Hampshire, unprovided with
rations at the public expense, and uncovered by either
horse marines or flying artillery. But if the Ministe-
rial majority was small, Lord Palmerston's speech was
abundantly large. Its magnitude, however, was in the
inverse ratio of the mind which it displayed. The two
great propositions which the " juvenile whip" had to
prove, and which he laboured through several columns
of the Journals, were that " naval co-operation" meant
" inland warfare," and that ‘ non-intervention" was
synonimous with " hostile interference." Thesewere
really and truly the two great " truths" that he under-
took to prove, and his " demonstration" was perfectly
to his own satisfaction, though, like his " demonstra-
tions" on the coast of Holland, we fear it has left the
question which it was to determine as unsettled as
ever. A sample or two of the great protocollist's rea-
soning will suffice for the whole sack. As to employing
marines to fight battles in the interior, he " satisfac-
torily" explains it as a naval operation, thus His
view was that the seamen in his Majesty's service
might be sent into the interior of the country to co-
operate with a military force, provided they were con-
tinued under the command of their own officers, and
those alone. In the fair and strict sense of the term,
they were then a naval force." So then, according to
this mode of reasoning, the marines, if marched to
Madrid under their own officers, would still be only
employed in affording to the Queen's troops " naval
co-operation." We wonder that even the " juvenile
Whig" is not ashamed of gravely putting forth such
nonsense as this I We should consider it an insult to
the public understanding to do more than state a pro-
position whose absurdity refutes itself. The other
great point, that non-intervention means hostile in-
terference, he attempted to demonstrate by various
historical examples, with which the research of all
the reading Members of the Ministry, we presume,
has supplied him. The only objection to those " pre-
cedents were, that not one of them was applicable to
the present case. Let us take an instance :—"One of the
first acts of the reign of Queen Elizabeth," he in-
formed the House, " was to yield an armed inter-
vention to the request of the Scottish congregation,
under the following circumstances :—A treaty had
been concluded, to which England, Scotland, and
France were parties, and, in consequence of disturb- '
ances breaking out in Scotland (the contending parties
being the Queen-Regent backed by the French
troops, on the one hand, and the congregation on the
other), the latter body applied to the English Queen
for assistance, in consequence of troops having arrived
from France to oppose them, and of other reinforce-
ments of troops being expected by the Queen-Regent
from the same quarter. Elizabeth, after much con-
sideration in Council, determined to afford the as-
sistance which was asked, and to support by arms as
well as money the Scottish congregation. She not
only assembled at Berwick an army of eight thou-
sand men, but she gave naval co-operation, equipping
for that purpose a fleet of thirteen ships." Now,
in what respect, we ask, does this honest, undisguised,
we were going to add, manly intervention of the high-
minded Elizabeth, resemble the dishonest, evasive,
shuffling, and contemptible non-intervention warfare of
the Whig Ministers ? Elizabeth's act was as bold as
it was politic and prudent. She took upon herself and
her Government all tike responsibility of her interven-
tion in the affairs of Scotland. That intervention was
for British objects—it was necessary to the immediate
safety of her crown and dominions. There was a fo-
reign force in Scotland, of which the giddy Queen
was the ally, against the liberties, not only of Scot-
land, but the safety of Great Britain. France—the
old rival and enemy of England was; in fact, upon her
borders, and Elizabeth assisted the Scottish Congrega-
tion against that French invading force, in her own
defence and the defence of her people. If foreign troops
had been sent into Spain by any other power to place
Don Carlos on the throne against the wishes of the
Spanish nation, then England, indeed, might have a
right, and might be placed under a political necessity
to interfere, but it should be by honest, direct, and open
intervention, like that of England when it sent the
Duke of •Wellington at the head of an army to assist
in driving the French invaders from that country, with
the view of breaking down a power that threatened the
independence of our own ! The Spanish people
ought to be allowed to determine for themselves which
of the claimants for the sovereignty have the just and
legal title to the Crown. No British object is served
by interfering between the contending parties. If
there was a British object, and we had justice on
our side, our interference ought to be direct and un-
disguised. Against a just and necessary war—a war
necessary to our own defence—we have made no re-
clamation. Lord Palmerston quoted several cases of
foreign troops being employed in the British service in
the last war ; omitting to observe that they were all em-
ployed against a common enemy—an enemy to the re-
spective nations to which they belonged. This is quite a
different thing from Lord Palmerston's non-intervention
war. As to what has been said about fighting for liberal
principles in Spain, we ask Mr. Shed, who affects •
such a pious horror of the Inquisition, whether that
Constitution of 1812, which the butchers of Barcelona
and the murderers of Malawi, set up against the esta-

tuto real, amid bloodshed and rapine, is exceedingly
liberal, seeing that it denounces death to all who preach
any other than the holy Roman and apostolic religion ?
We ask the , Protestants of England whether it is
worth expending Protestant blood and British creasui e
to support ? There is nothing, we believe, that the
Russian Autocrat likes better than to see England
entail:4ler] with the war of succession in Spain, because
it leaves !inn the more free to pursue his pans of am-
bition and aggrandisement in the East. His emis-
saries, assisted by Talleyrand, formerly inveigled
Palmerston into the absurd, and to our interests,
exceedingly mischievous, Anglo-Gallic convention.
As soon as he saw our Foreign S.:cret.ary floun-
derin in the swamps of the Netherlands, weighed
down beneath the burden of his own voluminous
protocols, he went to work in Constantinople and
by the treaty of Unkiar Is/cilessi sealed the subjuga-
tion of Turkey. Our stupid and disgraceful non-in-
tervention war in Spain equally serves his purposes
now. Nothing gives him so much pleasure as the
pranks of Palmerston and his horse marines. While
our naval co-operating force is obtaining anything but
glory for the flag of Englaud by slaughtering a people
with whom we are not at war—who have never injured
us, and who are contending for their ancient rights
and national liberties, the insolent autocrat shows how
little he cares for the once supreme " ruler of the
wares," by piratically seizing a British merchant vessel,
under pretence of an unacknowledged blockade, and
making it a great favour that he did not hang up every
British subject on board I Such is the condition to
which the Palmerston policy, east and west, has re-
duced the once mighty England, that we are not more
insulted and despised by the Autocrat of Russia, than
by the revolutionists of Portugal.—Morning Herald.

THE MARKETS.

HAY MARKETS.—(At per Load of 36 Trusses.)
CUMBEIII AND.

.:oars.• heavy Lowland Meadow Hay...... £4 0 to £4 5
Slew Meadow Hay
Useful Old Ditto
Fine Upland Meadow and Rye.grass Hay. 4 15 5 6
Cheer Hay b 15 6 0
Oat Straw £2 6to .£2 8 1 Wheat Straw 2 $ 2 10

SMITHFIELD.
Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay £3 15 to £4 0
Now Meadow Hay
Useful Old Ditto ~........ 4 0 4 6
Fine Upland Meadow and Rye grass Hay
Chaver Hay extra fine 4'6 0 Generally 5 5 6 0
Oat Straw .. 12 2to £2 4 I Wheat Straw 2 6 2 8
WHITECHAPEL.

Coarse Meadow Hay ..£3 15 io £4 0
New Meadow Hay
Useful Old Ditto
Fine Upland Meadow and nye.grass Hay ... ..... , ........
Clover Hay i 5 6 0
OM Straw £2 4to £2 r, I Wheat Straw .... ...... 2 II 2 10

KET.—April 19.
Per Ton. r. d.
Walls End Newtnarch • 22 6
Walls End Peareth l6 0
Walls End Riddell's
Walls-End Walker 23 0
Walls. End Eden Main
Walls End Braddyll's 25 9
WallsiEnrl Haswell
Walls End Lyons'
Walls End Russel's Hatton— 26 0
Walls End Stewart's ...... 26 0
Walls End Hartlepool 25 9
Walls End Adelaide
Walls End Deanery.... 2l '
Walls End St. Helen's Tees 24 0
Walls End 'fees
Walls End West Hetton o3 0
Merthyr........
last market-day

Per Ton.

COAL MAR
L d.
Bensham
Bishoo's Main lB 01
Burden 22 0'
Bute's Tandeld Moor 22 6
Chester Main
Leaze's Main
Pe,aw 2O 6I
Townley lB 0
West Hartley
Willlngton 23 3
Wylam l9 6
Walls End Bell and Brawn
Walls End Bewicke and Co 23 3
Walls End Goforth
Walls End Heaton 23 3
Walls End Hotspur
Walls End Killingworth
Ships arrived since I

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