The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-06 00:00:00

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illinePlueite, who had treated the distress of the gauntry
tightly. . That was not the way to treat it. The speech
!mkt in Ills Majesty's name dissatisfied him (Mr. Sad-
real not so much on account of the topics introduced,
ts of those omitted. That subject, upon which the eyes
le the country were turned, was mentioned in a kind of
parenthesis—lie meant our distreas. The nature of it
,rte attempted to be concealed by referring to the increased
exports. Then came the comment on the Right Hon.
feeretary for the Home Department, who told us of the
-Pleaeased activity of our home consumption. There was
sort of deduction from all this,—namely, that certainly
distress did exist in some parts of the 'kingdom. He
(Mr. Sadler) affirmed that the truth was not told ; and
'he thought, when the King approached his faithful
te°. Pie, those who advised him should let him say the
"tit, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. We
..Were told that we should indulge hopes: but who were
they who told us of hopes ? When an alteration of our
-',rte-nt of trade commenced, we were told to indulge
"Pee ; and how had those hopes been fulfilled ? Had
they not been disappointed? At the opening of the last
session of Parliament, the House had been told that the
state of the revenue was most satisfactory, although they
knew, or might have known, that the revenue was falling
off,, the, people were gradually become more distressed,
and the. national industry was decaying. When the optics
of Ministers did discover a cloud ia the horizon of politics,
it Was a Passing cloud only, and the sun of prosperity
• would soon shine. Had this prospect been realized ? The
People could not subsist, in this manner, upon hope ;
' 41te„ Y must have relief. The Ministers had opened Pan-
"ura's box, and let loose all its evils upon the nation-
- whilst Lope remained at the bottom. They found out
haus time to time excuses for our situation : at one time
• tie bankers were the scape-goat ; at another some other
km No class in the country coil(' please our
elders ;--we always produced too much or too little.
iTbe great evil was now our over-production. What
'la of political economy was that which argued that
hner-production, the source of all prosperity, was an
evil?. Besides, he (Mr. Sadler) denied the fact of over-
aProductiom Was there 'any over production of clothes
Viten the mass of our population were in want of neces-
' 4ary elethiug ? Was there any ever-production of food?
at had been said that there was an over production of
kern. So that, ia fact, our distress arose from the ordi-
. ' Ittatirin of Providence. Others imputed our dirtrvis to an
qinfletx of Irish labourers. How were we to attribute our
lelistreas to these labourers, who were only procuring back
;a small portion of that wealth which was taken from their
ieenatry by absentees?—(Hear. hear.)--But it was not
?admitted that distress existed in all parts of the country.
Me should be glad if say lieu. Member would tell bins
Milers was. the exceptioa. In what state was the ship.
• 'Ping trade, which was one of the sinews of our strength ?
'The situation of tha atrade should be inquired iro et, mot on
t the Stock Exehage, but in the ports of the country. Theo
etbe agriculture,—the sustaining interest of the country,—
' cwas it not known that the labourers were wanting bread,
Mall.the landlords were subsisting ea the diminishing Cc-
:Pita!' of their tenantry ? Then the ranufastuting interest,
1' It was, alleged that we maaufsctmeil much, and ex-
Petted much,—hut where was the remuneration? No
Icatt who beheld the elarosats of wealth whish were to
be fouled in England, when be saw the present distress,
could believe that it was a natural state of things. The
ens Wily to meet the difficulties trader which we laboured
Weis to estimate their eldest. The country must not be
deluded by hope., which had kept net the word of pro-
'lroise either to the ear or the sense. It appeared from the
ISPeoelt that we were to have retrenchment. Why not
before? Why, when thsedistress had so long existed, was
this retrenchment not serried sooner into execution? He
(Mr. Sadler) ha' been amongst a population which af.
forded evident-doe the points under consideration. He
:;14*Alseeenae person, with when the Lord Lieutenant of the
comity from which he earns was well acquainted, who as-
laured bias that the distress was increasing, and that the
'reports to the contrary were riafonneled. Whilst the
Home were considering, therefore, whether the distress
seas real or not, the people would become exasperated.
He (Mr. Sadler) was certain that the distress was uni-
'ental ; and one main cause of the distress was, that we
Lad returned to a mediae% of circulation which had exist.
ed 40 years ago, though ere had in the mean time con-
tracted many millions of Jebt, and had hired public ser-
"ants in paper money, and were paying them in gold.
'Me. J. WOOD never knew any period when the
"at"y more impatiently expected the opening of Parlia-
ments, than upon the present occasion. This feeling had
been oceasiened-by a hope that the public distress would
aneettek_aen irate censideratiun, and a remedy discovered and
t by I'M' t lie •apprehended that
us Majesty's into ers.
e
three expectations must be disappointed by the tenour of
`126 Maj •
eety!s Speech and the Address; in which there up-
:: Paared, first, adoubtas to the generality of thedistress; and,
3, in the second place, a doubt as to the practicability of sup-
's *hag a•remedy for that which existed. The Speech con-
-4 oladed with the usual profession of economy, which, like
I the sessional orders, was merely a matter of form. He
took upon himself to state, that a large proportion of the
• I labouring manufacturing classes were in a state nearly
o approaching to starvation,—that they were not only in
" nant of food. but destitute of clothing, and in many cases
Were only enabled, by voluntary contributions, to eke out
a miserable existence. The large farmers were paying
1 their rent out of their capital, instead of the profits of
• agriculture contributing to that purpose, and the small
farmers were fast sinking into labourers and paupers. It
was painful for him to advert to the existence of distress
1' and dissatisfaction which it was impossible to deny ; the
rather, because he reflected with gratitude upon the great
and beneficial measures that had been carried into effect
by Ministers during the two last Sessions. Ile was not
present at the debate of last night, and if he had, would
I have felt at a loss in what manner to vote ; for though he
did not approve of the Speech, yet he could not join in
• s the apposition to Ministers, upon the principles which
actuated a set of men who, in the event of their return
to power, would not fail to involve the country in misery,
men who, in the first instance, would probably set about
t- repealing the Catholic Bill ; and whose second measure
I would doubtless be the imposition of a higher duty on the
'• t importation of foreign grain.--(Hear.)—The remedy of
~ the existing distress lay in our own power : we had an
it active population and abundance of capital, but we were
prevented by the odious monopoly its the corn trade from
exporting our produce with advantage to foreign countries,
;
and procuring adequate returns.
s Mr. ATT WOOD said it was a fallacious argument to
); Say that, because in 1829 the exports of the country sur-
n Pasted elute of former years, our prosperity was on the
untreise, particularly with the full kirowledge which we
P°"eleed that, so far from our commerce being in a pros-
perous condition in consequence of its increase, the farther
• ' it was ,
extended the more destructive and ruinous were the
•consequences to those engaged in it. It was absurd to
: congratulate the Crown upon an increase such as this in
exported produce, which was unattended with advantage
•. 10 trade and commerce. He felt persuaded dint his Ma-
y's Speech contained an incorrect representation of the
rite of the country, which exhibited not merely distress
in particular parts, or distress affecting particular branches
t of
baLtiddstry, but embarrassment extending over the whole
in4.,uetive community, and thus affecting runny of the
• importaut branches of the national wealth, and tend-
Eing 10 their rapid destruction. The Chancellor of the
zeliequee said that in Ireland the existence of comparative
prosperity, might be traced; but the lion. Member fur
,„,'lre had Satisfied the House that the Iliabt Hon.
Gentleman was wrong. The Right lion. Secretary fur
' the Home Department failed in his attempt to prove the
truth or justice of the statements contained in the address:
• indeed one part of the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech
dcrtteadicted the other, far be first stated that the words of
the *perch were nut inconsistent with the existence of
general distress, but he afterwards appeared to argue that
• , the limited sense was the true one, and that the distress
• that existed was consistent with a great degree of
Pe'eperity. On this subject we had a conclusive au-
tbority in the meetings that had been held through-
out the country, the general sentiment of which core-
{bitted in compleints of universal, appalling, and over-
Whelteing distress among the manufacturing and agri-
tultural classes.. This being case, he asked
`4°ll/ it was consistent with the duty which Ministers
°wed to the Crown and the country, to place his Majesty,
In his Speech front the Throne, in contradiction to the
of the people, on a question with regard to which
1 the People were the sole and supreme judge.—(Hear.)—
"4% there any doubt as to the aceurary of popular repre-
• lectatious upon this point ? Who could form a better
opinion as to the prosperity or distress of the people, than
the people themselves? There Wde 110 exaggeration in
Ceee representations, which came from different classes,
1 tmtl from individuals holding opposite political opinions.
Ile took upon loin to say, that the Custom-house returns
were worth nothing for any such purposes as those to
Which Ministers bad applied them. Those documents
Were useful for matters of fiscal regulation, find for the
colleutiou of the revenue ; but they showed nothing as to
the,
ue prosperity or adversity of trade which they registered,
couse they afforded no data for ascertaining the amount
of profit or loss by which the prosecution of any branch
of commerce was attended. He could not collect these
facts from the .returns in question, which were therefore
quite valueless as eidences upon the subject of the pros
I'erity or adversity of trade. Ile held in his hand pn ex-
-44,1 from a message of the Arne, ican President (a more

and trustworthy document upon the subject of
trade. than custom-house returns), in which he spoke of
commercial distress as arpiittl to a period distinsiished in
England by great exports, when the existence of distress in
this country was (icnied by the Treasury, and accounts of
custom-house expos to were brought forward to disprove it.
Yet it was in relation to then: very exports that the Pre-

sii!ent, in his message to Congress, said, "'One great cause
of the distress of America was the unusual amount of ex-
ports from England, caused by the distresses of the Eng-
lish manufacturers, who, being left without a market in
their own countiy, were obliged to send their commoili-
tiis hither, where they were sold at prices alike ruinous to
the English manufacturer and the American mercantile
interest." We had not before us the details of the ex-

ports of 1829, but we had those of 1828, and they also
had been alluded to last Session as an evidence of pros-

perity. It had been stated that on an average of three
years, the Custom House returns of exports had risen
from 40,000,000/. to 52,000,000/. sterling; but would
the House believe that of the 52,000,0001, no less than

33,500,0001. consisted of exports arising out of the cot-
ton trade, leaving 15,500,0001. as the value of the whole
of the remaining exported productions of Great Britain.
Even the amotn:t of cotton exports failed to prove the pro-
sperity of that branch of trade ; for we eould not ascer-
tain by the returns whether, in fact, even ten or five mil-
lions' worth of cottons bad been exported. It was 133
years since the estimate upon which the value of exported
cottons was taken had been made, and probably cotton
was at that period a guinea a yard ; notwithstanding
which, the same scale of valuation was still adopted.
Was that a fair scale in order to ascertain the true value?

( Hear.)—The Hon. Member proceeded to refer to a docu-
ment circulated among merchants, for the purpose of
giving accurate inforufation Ind representations as to our
exports and imporci. [Toe Hon. Member did not men-
tion the name of the docutnent.] In the one which he
_ . . .

held in his hand, there was the following closing sum-

mary of the year 1829 :—" The commerce of the coun-
try is in a very depressed state. It is to be particularly
noticed, that nearly every description of good', whether
raw or manufactured, have been reduced to such a
low rate, that the grower or producer suffers con-
siderably, the value of his commodities having fal-
len far below a medium or remunerating price—a

state of things that cannot continue, and it is only
the hope of a favourable change that has induced
many persons to continue in trade." Such was the true
character of the general commercial transactions of 1829 ;
awl the more extensive had been our trading operations,
the more extensive was the ruin which they bad produced.
It hAI been stated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that
it was the determination of Government that the currency
should undergo no further alteration. Now he gave to
that declaration (as far as his own belief extended) a posi-
tive contradiction. No matter how strongly the pledge to
the contrary had been expressed, he told Ministers plainly
the currency would be altered ; and that many moons
would not have rolled over their heads till it would undergo

a change if Ministers continued so long to bold the reins of
power.—(Hear.)—He judged them not by their declara-
tions,
but by their conduct ; what they had done before
they would do again; and during the last 15 years they
had been perpetually tampering with the currency.
Pressed again by the same necessities, Ministers would
again pursue the same course—h• valued not their present
declarations or deerulination ; they might as well attempt
to determine the state of the next harvest, or to regulate
the heat of the approaching summer, as to introduce a
principle of certainty into the currency. The standard
they had adopted possessed in itself a principle of eternal
change, and it was impossible to adapt it permattently to
the state of the country. Much evil had been effected by
tampering with the currency, with respect to which there
had been a vast deal of injudicious and dishonest legisla-
tion. He disapproved of the rejection of silver as a
standard of value. The present standard was a muse

avluable standard than that .of 1792,and gave us as low

prices as we had then, with greatly increased liabilities.—
Having these low prices, all possible reasons were
adduced to explain their existence; we were told alter-
nately of good and bad harvests, of overtrading and un-
dertrading ; but did any man believe that low prices were
attributable to any thing except the present standard, or
that it could give us any thing but such prices for agricul-
tural and commercial produce? Prices were as low now
as in 1792, and rents and profits consequently sunk, and
there was great distress among all the productive classes.
Yet, iu spite of all this, the determination of Govern-
ment remained firm ; they were prepared to harden their
minds and shut their eyes against the public distress, and
believe in anything rather than in the existence of the
distress which their own acts had brought about, and for
the consequences of which they would be responsible.—
(Hear. )—To public distress succeeded financiid diffieulty
poverty of Exchequer followed : there was the labourer,
unable with the wages of 1792 to procure a sufficiency of
taxed articles; with the rents of 1792 and the taxation
of 1830, the landed proprietor could not maintain his sta-
tion in society. In consequence of this, we would have a
demand for the repeal of taxes—an attack on the malt
house, window, tea, and sugar duties. The attack failed :
the malt-tax was retained ; Government, confident in the
strength of its Parliamentary influence, proceeded; but
its triumph was its defeat; and if not in the present ses-
sion, yet in the next, step by step, and by slow degree,
would taxes he wrung front its grasp. With an empty
exchequer, would the Government retrench 10,000,0001.
or 5,000,000/. of expenditure ? lie did not believe
it. Would they refuse to pay the public creditor ?
lie hoped not. Would Ministers decline to take their
own salaries on quarter-day ? He bad great doubts
of it. Would they refuse to pay the soldie:y ? That
might be a perilous experiment ; but they would
do no such thing,—they would do as they had dose before
—go to the state banker and borrow paper money as much
debased in value by the quantity issued as metallic money
was by being alloyed. Then, when they had restored a
temporary prosperity a third time, as twice they had done
before, Ministers would bethink them of a gold standard,
and the next fifteen years would be like the last, if Parlia-
ment and the country permitted it. SUch being the case,
there would be an eternal succession of depression atone
time and prosperity at another : we should be told of un-
avoidable alternations in national prosperity, and to that
system there would be no end 61 the House took the mat-
ter into consideration, and adopted a system more just to
all parties,—more permanent and practical. The Right
Hon Secretary (Mr. Peel) had referred to the events of
1819, and talked of individuals who then uttered gloomy
predictions. lie (Mr. Attwood) was one of those who
took the responsibility of these predictions, and he regretted
that they had not been falsified. The Right lion. Gentle-
man had once attempted to show the prosperity of the
country by a reference to the returns of the traffic carritel on
on certain of our canals ;—an argument similar in point of
value to that made by the Noble Duke at the head of the
Government, who said that the country could not be in a
distressed state because it now paid a greater amount
of taxation than during the war. Whatever might be
said to the contrary, he would contend that the distresses
of 1822 were met by measures not consistent with
those of 1819. On the contrary, they were met by a
course which was destructive to a certain extent of those of
1819. He would also contend that the prosperity, such as it
was in 1824 and 1825, was not consequent upon the measure
resorted to in 1819, but was not at all consistent with it ;
and he should on the proper occasion be able to slenv by
better evidence than any which could be deduced from a
canal account. It had been stated by the Right lion.
the Member for Liverpool, and the statement had been
repeated by another Hen. Member, that one cause of the
distress might be traced to the accumulation of large masses
of capital being congregated in the hands of unproduc-
tive person, ; and he added that one mole of relief
(though he had not pointed out how it could be done)
would be in the employment—or the dispersion, as he
termed it—of the capital so congregated. The great
mistake, however, which the Right Hon. Member (and
lie was sorry not to see him in his place, to point it nut to
him) was in confounding capital with curt ency.—( Hear.)
This was the great error of the theory. There might, for
instance, he a very high pi ice for Exchequer Bills, and at
the same time a great scarcity of the circulating medium—
(Hear, bear)—one might be just the effect of the other ;
and he (Mr. Attwood) would say that those masses of
capital would go nn to accumulate until there should be
made a change in that system of currency which the Right
lion. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had declared should
he perpetual. On the subject of the state of the country, he
as mild freely admit that there was a large and very im-
portant part of the population who were now in a very
prosperous condition, much more so than they had been
during the war, or during that period which preceded the
present state of the currency—he meant all peimanent
annuitante, or persons with fixed incomes, but then
the benefit derived to this class of persons was not shared
by the other portions of the community ; on the contrary,
the more prosperous the former, or the non-productive class,
became, the greater was the pressure felt by the productive
classes, who were necessarily not dependent on fixed in-
enmes. It was this increase of the income of the unpro-
ductive classes, arising from increased value of money,
which showed the power of that class over capital ; and if
tie Right Hon. Gent. would take that into consideration,
he would find it was it which gave that appearance of in-
creaeed business, of increased commerce, which was cal-
culated to mieletul the Royal mind when alluding to the
general condition of the country. If strictly investigated,

it would, however, be found. th.t a tavithstanding tle
appearances, the burdens of the productive portion of tie
community had increased ; that every thing by which the
holders of permanent income del iv; adventage was drawn
from the industry of the productive c'ast's ; and that what
was drassu front the labouring classes was not taken from
their surplus wages, but was wrung from their necessaries,
from what gave them a wretched existence. In conclusion
the Hon. Member repeated that he sleuth', at the proper
season, be able to prove that the measures adopted with re-
spect to the currency, and which now existed, were con-
trary to sound policy, and that the country would never
know prosperity until that whole system was changed. He
added, that he could not give his assent to the address, be-
cause it did not, in his opinion, take to the foot of the
Throne a correct picture of the state of the country.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said,
that when he stated, in the debate of yesteeday, that the
object of some Hon. Members in supporting the arneed-
ment was an endeavour to alter the standard of the cur-
rency, the thing was at onae disclaimed. He now how-
ever was thankful to the Hon. Member who had just eat
down for the candour with which he at once avowed that
each was his object. This was not the first time, and
with equal force, that the Hon. Member had objected to
that system of currency which Parliament had settled,
and as he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) hoped, set-
tied permanently. The Hon. Member, with a power of
description which all who heard him must have felt, had
drawn a frightful picture of the state to which the cbuntry
had been reduced by alterations in the state of the cur-
rency ; and of the still worse condition to which, accord-
ing to his (Mr. Attwood's) view, it would again be re-
duced, if the last measure adopted on that subject were
not rescinded. But the Hon. Member would have had a
much more extended scope for his great descriptive
powers, if he had gone to the other side of the question,
and attempted to pourtray the fearful condition into which
the country would be thrown, and the dreadful conse-
quences which most be sure to follow, if Parliament were
again to bring it back to that system of currency from
which it had been happily rescued by the last measures
enacted on the subject.—(Hear, bear.) The Hon.
Member had left wholly out of his calculation. that
the change in the currency which he conderened, had
been now in existence ten years.—(" No, no," " Yes,
yes.") Even from the Honourable Member's eaßkahow-
ing, it bad been that time in cperation. But did
the Honourable Member take into consideration the
varied transactions of almost every description which
had taken place in the reentry within that • time,
and all of which had reference to and were measured by

tha state of currency as it now existed ?—(flear.)—Coula
he 14 a moment consider the large share which the new
standard of currency had in those transactions, and not he
aware that the change to which he alluded, and which
might, perhaps, be practicable if brought about one or two
years after the alteration, would now be not only inconve-
nient, but almost utterly impracticable, at least without
involving thousands in the same kind of distress from which
they had been rescued ? It might be possible to get Par-
liament to consent to a measure of the kind : yet the very

delay which would be occasioned by an observance of the
common forms of the House in carrying such a measure
through would he seized upon by the country, and such
confusion and dismay would be manifested from one end of
it to the other, that Parliament, he felt persuaded, would
not attempt to press it. So much for that part of the
lion. Member's objection to the address There were one
or two other parts of the Honourable Member's speech to
which be would say a few words. He would admit with
hire, that it would not be a fair criterion of the state of
the commerce of the country to take any one year and to
quote the exports of that year as a proof of increased
trade. He would also admit that the trade of one year
alight seem very great, and yet that might be a year
when it was carried on at a sacrifice of capital. These
might be true of one year; but if he found an increase
of exports on the average of three or four years, and if
he found that those years were years of increase as com-
pared with preceding years, he must come to the conclu-
sion that our export trade increased ; for it was not in the
nature of commercial dealings that an extensive trade
would be continued increasing from year to year, with a
constant sacrifice of capital.—(Hear.)—The observation
of the Hon. Member as to the official value being a falla-
cious mode of judging of our exports, had as little founda-
tion as his arguments about the average of years. got was
not pretended that the official was the actual valie; but
• that mode of judging was taken, because it was-better to
have some invariable standard by which the value could be
calculated. The Hon. Member might at any timesee the
way in which this calculation was made, and when he as-
serted that it was done with the view to deceive as to the
real value in any,,yeay, he ply showed, his ow p tsitguta-
acipaintence with the forms in NAlch these
done. The Hon. Gentleman appeared to encourage the
opinion that his Majesty's Ministers were insensible to the
distresses of many classes in the country. He felt it his
duty to deny this, and to say, that they were as ineeli afire
to those distresses as any other set of men in the commit-
nity ; but it was no proof that they did not sympathise
with the distressed if they refused to withdraw all hope,
when they knew that ground of hope existed. It was due
to the character of Englishmen. that the ground of hope
for the termination of their difficulties should be fairly
stated, and in doing so their true interests were better con-
sulted than by drawing exaggerated pictures of their actual
condition, such as had been given by the Hon. Member;
which opinion he had reason to believe was confined to
, the Hon. Member himself, and to a very limited number
beside.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. THANT thought the state of the country called
for a snore decided expression of the sympathy of that
House than was to lie found in the Address. He thought
that after the expression of the opinion of so many able
men, it would not be wise to deny that they should enter
into a revision of the currency question. It might be said
that faith sheald be kept with the public creditor. Ile
was a public creditor, and he did not wish to get more for
his demand than what an honest man would be entitled
to, taking (as we understood the Hun. Member) into con-
sideration the great increase which had taken place in the
value of money. As to the currency question, lie would
say, he was no philosopher, and had no fanciful theory of
his own on the subject ; but be could go nowhere out of
that House but he beard it said' that the Legislature had
taken the wrong course on that question; add when he
heard it also said that the incomes of the great mass of the
people had not been improved, but greatly deterio; ated by
that measure, he could not withhold hie support from
any suggestion which would go to an inquiry on the sub-
ject. He could assure Right Hots. Gentlemen oa the
other side, that his objections to the Address did not arise
from factious motive!, and that he should always be glad
to support his Majesty's Ministers, when he could du so
with an approving conscience. Much stress had been laid
on the increase of our exports, as the result of our free
tiade system. He would muck rather hear of an increase
in our excise revenue, for that would be a much better
test of the prosperity of the people. In conclusion, she
Hon. Member observed, that without any reference to
party feelings, he was one of those who would support
measures of inquiry ; and if any course they had hitherto
taken was found to be wrong, they ought to retrace their
steps.
Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN said, that having already
spoken, he was not about to enter into any detail; Ole A
question of fact he must say, that never was any thing
more fallacious than to judge of our exports by their
official value. Ile had a motion on this subject for Tues-
day next, and he would then prove, that for the last nine
years there had been a decrease of 9.000,000/. a year in
our exports. The principle he contended for had beets
adopted by Mr. Pitt, whose practice it was to quote the
real, and not the afield, value, when that Minister had
estimated the returns to the Revenue. During the lapse
of nine years, there was a real diminution of 9,000,0001.
annually, and yet the public was officially told that there
bad been an increase of a considerable amount. An :se-
cession of 12,000,0001. during three, years was set forth
in the official documents, instead of which there was found
to be a real decrease of more than 16,000 0001., and the
official returns of the last year had exceeded those of all
the years that had preceded it. lie thought it right to
state these facts to the House, and entertained no doubt
but the information hereafter to be elicited would obviate
many gross inietakts which had gone abroad on the sub-
ject, and satisfy to conviction every man who understood
arithmetic, or was guided by common sense.
The report was then brought up and read; as it was
about to be read a second time—
Mr. HUME said that it had been hie intention to
submit to the House an amendment to the Address for the
purpose of humbly requesting that Isis Majesty would be
pleased to cause measures to be taken with a view to efirect-
ing a reduction in the public expenditure. It was not,
however, Isis wish to press for such an atuendinent at pre-
sent, as he meant to !ring the subject before Parliament in
another shape at no very distant period. He was confident
that this would prove the only effectual mode of admini-
stering the necessary relief to tho distresses of the country.
Ministers had said, that altering the standard currency
would be an evil ; and if so, their only remaining alterna-
tive in his judgment was that of bringing down the ex-
pellees so as to suit the existing circumstances of the sta-
tion. The Hon. Member concluded with giving a notice
to the above effect for Friday, the 12th lest.
Mr. MABERLY stated, that be ruse for a few moments
which he hoped the Right
iu order to nuke a suggestions

• .
Ffon. eentliqiien ominsite would think worthy of turning
in their minds, although he did not intend to put it in the
.Izape of a motic,n for an ..mendment or otherwise. What
he should say on this 0c,.;.,,i0n was merely dictated by a
wish to remove the seoptici.m of a gallant Admiral opp.,
site, who had seemed to d(lubt the possibility of realizing
the plan that he had to propo,e. TVere appeared to be an
impression very generally entert zined, that it was the
object of many on his si It of the House to effect an im-
mediate change, no matLr at what risk, in the currency
of the kingdom. Whatever opinions other Hon. Gentle-
men might hold on such a question, he could answer for
himself, that he was not one of those individuals..—(gear,
hear.)—But he desired to abstain from offering any re-
marks respecting a deficient currency at present. It was
in the recollection of the House that 9,000,000 of Ex-

Arguer Bills had, some years since, constituted part of the
i;ational resources. Part were in the Bank, and part in

the hsuds of the public. In the year 1625 the Bank had
made an attempt to dispose of the Exchequer Bills in their
possession, but without effest. Now, what he wished to

see Government accomplish was simply this—he would
haven circulating medium so low as one pound made a
legal tender, and receivable for taxation. Such a cui rency,
' • ' '

not being exchangeable for gold, would circulate freely at
the wont of junctures, even in time of famine itself, all
over the empire, and would prove incapable of depre-
ciation. Several advantages would unavoidably accrue
from the arrangement. One would be the disconnection
of Government from the Bank of England,—and thence-

forward a aessation of the injury of which their intercouse
had hitherto been productive to the public. It would also

fialltiC a saving of three or four hundred thousand a year,
which in times like the present was by no means to be

overlooked. He had recently communicated his opinion
to the Right Hon. Secretary for the Home Department, but
did not require any answer which would commit Ministers,
or pledge them to entertain for a moment the suggestion
so submitted. He expected, however, that they would
consider its feasibility, and act as they might ultimately
deem most eligible for the interest of the public. It would
keep Government out of the hands of the Bank, and save
the expense of the metal currency. That the existing
standard was maintained at a very considerabl, cost, he
apprehended was a fact beyond controversy. What he re-
commended would produce practical benefit, at the same
time that it disencumbered us of so much expenditure. It

►xight be alleged, that by acting on this coun'el the Btnk
currency would be pro tanto displaced. The objection

he would at once meet by fully admitting it ; nor was it,
in his judgment, deserving of a moment's consideration,
when compared with the advantages to which he had ad-
verted. In fact, be saw no sufficient argument which
could be adduced against the circulating of a government
currency equivalent to the whole extent of the taxation,
under the superintendence of Parliament. If the Right
Hon. Home Secretary and the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer should be induced to take a favourable view of what
he bad thrown out, there was no (hulk but they would

greatly improve on his idea, when they brought their
stateswaulike talents to the eoutemulation ftf the subject.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
The. Marquis of IJLANDFORD said he should trespass
but a few moments on the indulgence of the House, but
would request their most serious attention to a topic of the
greatest importance to the interests of the country, and one
which could never be too earnestly impressed on the mind
of their Sovereign, however• unacceunt►bly it had been
neglected hitherto. He alluded to the present pernicious
state of the popular representation.—(Hear,
the debate of Thursday evening the lion. and Learned
Member for Clare had expressed sentiments on this mo-
mentous topic, in. which he most cordially concurred. He
was happy to see that Hon. Gentleman devote his talents
to the reprobation of so execrable a system, and he could
assure him that he would gladly join heart and hand with
so fileient a coadjutor in procuring its abo ition. Mean-
time he begged leave to move, with permission of the
Ilcuse, that the following wholesome admonition to the
Throne be appended to their address in answer to his Ma-
jesty's gracious Speech to both !louses of Parliament.
(We could not discover who seconded the Noble Lords
motion, but understood that it was Mr. O'Connell.)

" That this House feels itself called upon, in the awful
and alarming state of universal distress into which the
landed, .commercial, and all the great productive interests
of the country are.at this moment plunged, to take care
that your Majesty Shull not be the only person in your do-
minioneignorant of such an astounding fact, as well as of
the consequent impending danger to the Throne, and other
great national institutions established by the wisdom of
our ancestors, fir the protection and benefit of the people
over whom your Majesty has been called to preside.
" That this House is at no loss to indicate the real
nassevefeet4ejonseentenettarielatitate _of things, and, in jus-
lilecto eoteMajeity and the whole station, it can no longer
hesitate to proclaim that cause to the world.
" It is a fact already too notorious, that this House,
which was intended by our ancient and admirable Consti-
tution to be the guardian of the nation's purse, has, from
causes now unnecessary to be detailed, been nominated for
the greater part by a few proprietors of chore and decayed
boroughs, and by a few other individulala, who, by the
mere power of money employed in means absolutely and
Positively forbidden by the laws, have obtained a do-
mination,' also expressly forbidden by Act of Parlia-
ment, over. certain other cities and boroughs in.the United
Kingdom.
" That in consequence of this departure from the wis-
dom of our ancestors, the nation has been deprived of its
natural guardian, and has in consequence become so bur-
dened in the expensive establishments of ell kinds, that, in
a period much shorter than the life of man, the taxation
has increased from 9,000,0001. to nearly 60,000,0001.
a year ; and the poor-rates, or parochial assessments,
during the same period, have augmented from 1,500,600/.
to 8,000,000/. annually.
" That to render such a mass of taxation, so dispropor-
tionate to the whole wealth of the kingdom, in any degree
supportable, recourse has been had, either from ignoranee
or design, to the most monstrous schemes in tampering
with the currency or circulating money of the country ;
at one time by greatly diminishing the value of the same,
and at another time by greatly augmenting such value ;
and at each and every of such changer, which have been
but too often repeated, one class of the community after
another has been plunged into poverty, misery, and ruin,
while the sufferers, without any fault or folly of their own,
have' been hardly able to perceive from what hand these
calamities have come upon them.
" That, under such circumstances, and with this know-
ledge before its eyes, this House would consider itself lost
to every sense of duty towards your Majesty, and guilty
of treason towards the people, if it did not seize this op-
portunity of declaring to your Majesty its solemn convic-
tion that the state is at this moment in the moat imminent
Idanger, and that no effectual measeree of salvation will,
or can, be adepted, until the people shall be restored to
• their rightful share in the legislation of the country—
that is, to their undoubted right, according to the true
meaning of the Constitution, of choosing the Members of
this House."
On the question being put,
Sir F. Bt3FtDETT expressed himself both willing and
earnestly desirous to support to the utmost of his power
such a proposition as the Noble Lord had then submitted
to the Houses But his very wish fur the eventual suc- •
tees ten"4sio glorious and honourable a cause induced him to
recommend the Noble Mover not to press it so inoppor-
tunely on the• attention of Parliament. The question was
.one of such magnitude and interest, that for his own part
he should be totally unable to do it the justice that it de-
manded without time for its consideretion. Although he
deprecated the immediate agitation of the subject, he hoped
tint the Noble Lord would not lose sight of what he had
so laudably begun, or relax his energies when the fitting
occasion for their exercise should arrive. In his arduous
end public spirited undertaking he could promise him
unity of co-operation and support. As for himself, he
einuld not but entertain sanguine hopes of success, when
he beheld such an individual coming forward from the
ranks of the aristocracy, to give the weight of his in-
fluence and abilities to a service in which he had no inte-
reet, except that which he must attach to the welfare of
his eountry.—(flear, hear.)—lt did honour to his spirit
and patriotism as en Englishman, while it reflected cre-
dit on his talents and understanding as a Member of
that House. The.,Nolile Lord deserved the highest praise
for lerting boldly' taken up a subject of such import-
ance—a subject, indeed, of infinitely superior
import-
ance to most of those which they were officially invited
to discuss; but he would ',gain suggest the expe-
diency of overlooking it at a moment PO inauspicious as
the present.—(Hear.)—He must, however, Affirm, that
there were indications in the aspect of peliticel effeire,
which abundantly justified vigilance and anxiety on the
part of thefts who preeestel themselves the friends of the
people.---(bear, hear.)—ln referring to whet had just oe-
cut red in another place, he was only hallowing the recol-
lections of tho e around him. No one in that House was
ignorant of the recent declarations which hail been uttered
by the Prime Minister of England.—(Cheers.)—When
he found him so shatneftely insensible to sufferings and dis-
tress which were painfully apparent throughout the land,
—when, instead of meeting such an overwhelming pres-
sure of calamity with some measure of relief, or some at-
tempt at relief, he sought to stifle eerier important in-
quiry.—when he called that a partial and temporary evil
which was both long-lived ;mil universal, he (Sir F. Bur-
dett) could nut look On Much a mouralul crisis, in which

pubtie mistlrtune wu insulted' by Alinisterial apathy,
without hailini any prospect of change in the system that
produced it.—(Cheers.)—lf such wee the cal:ous indif-
ference of a nationli ruler, wl.at 0-limit] we say to the ig-

norAnce which could attribute our distresses to the imtro-

duction of machinery—that noi,!r improvement in the in-
ventions of man to wl:ich men of science and intelligence

mainly ascribe our prosperity?—(Hear. )—He felt a high
and an unfeigned respect :or that ilustrious person's
abilities in the field ; but he could not help think-
in, that he did himsel on less than jostko when he
•aid, about a month before he accepted his present

office, that he should be a fit inmate_ for an at.y-

lurn of a peculiar nature, if lie ever were induced to take
such an onus 00 his shouldera.—(Laughter.)—lie

most felt disposed to coincide with him in that opinion.
—(Laughter, and cheers.)—lt was not his purpose now
to enter at all into the subject of the currency. But
when it whsass,Tted that the present pressure was only
temporary, the speaker said what no man who knew the
country and its resources could ever be prevailed on to be-
lieve. The averments concerning the circulating, medium

also were decidedly untrue. It had been stated thatethere
were at present 25,000,000/. of gold coi❑ circulating in
England. This he utterly denied : it was impossible
that it should be so, nor could any man who had ever
taken pains to make himself informer on the subject credit
it fur an instant.—(Hear, hear.)—ln fact, both he and
very many Hon. Members about hina, had long treated
the illustri:nis individual with great tenderness, because

they felt he had conferred the greatest benefit on his
country.—(Hear, bear.)—He was the only mm in Eng-
land who could have accomplished what be has done, and
be his praise in proportion. But let it at the same time be
remembered, that if his services were great, his recompense
had been eotnmensur its. They hail repaid him abundantly
in returns of confidence and approbation. The time,
however, was come when it would he necessary to do
notch more. The great healing art which that Noble
Person had the wisdom to consummate ought to have
been effected half a century before; and now, when
it was cat ried, there was a stern alternative placed
before Government—justice to Ireland, or civil conten-
tion.—(Hear, hear. )—Had the latter choice been adopted,
could it have been adhered to without resorting to means
which would make humanity shudder at the contempla.

tion ?--( Hear. )—He was satisfied that the lower louse of
Parliament could n• longer he said to be the Commons of

England, hut an asserniq of Representatives of Pnr•,
against the spirit and genius of the, Constitution.—
(Cheers. )---With corruption on all sides staring them is
the face, he would ask, was it not time to propose fir a

reform It was u fact which admitted of no question :

every body knew it,—the House knew it,—all the world
knew it,—id sculls, et (pod vol scitis °nines sciunt. It was
too apparent to every man who considered the subject,
that the state of the representation was the root of all tbe
evils with which the country was now, and for years had
been, afflicted ; and that, till it was remedied, there could
be no permanent remedy for our national grievances. It
enabled the Minister of the time being, be he who he may,
to command a majority for any measure he chose to bring
tOrward, without any regard to its merits or tendency.
He therefore hoped, indeed implored the Noble Lord, of
whom no man wits a more sincere or warmer admirer,—
of whose spirit and boldness in bringing forward the pre-
sent amendment no man was a snore willing applauder
thin himself (whom the Noble Lord would, at all times,
Ifind his zealous ally in his intended course of improving
our present representative system)—not to then press his
motion, but await the day on which he had given notice
of his intention W bring the main subject substantively
before the House. He assured the Noble Lord that,
in giving his advico, he was convinced he was promoting
the gre:it object which both had in view, to which
indeed he could not hut regret his inability to do justice.
He trusted the Noble Lord would, on amainr more con-

venient occasion, bring the question again be ore the
House, affording by the short delay time to have its gene-
ral bearings more maturely considered by the Noble Lord
himself and the other Hon. Membera. It was not fair
play to those who, unacquainted with the NoWe Lord's
intention, were then absent, but who, if present, would
undoubtedly give the proposition their most cordial sup-
port, to thus suddenly press so important a matter to a
division. He was sure that many then not in their places
would be anxious to vote with the Noble Lord on a future
occasion. He therefore trusted the amendment would not
be pressed to a division in the unixepated state of the
House; but that the N&,le Lord would take the sense of
that branch of the Legislature at no distant oceasion,when
he might depend upon it lie (Sir F. Burdett) would, even
if his were the only other vote, give the proposition his
most earnest support.—(ffear, bear.)
The Marquis of BLANDFORD had the most-unfeigned
respect for the personal character of the lion. Baronet, and
would yield the most willing deference to his experience in
that House, particularly in relation to a measure tending
to improve our representative system ; but still felt that
he would be neglecting the dictates of common senses and
would ill-discharge his duty to the country, if he did not
press his 'notion to an immediate division.
Mr. PEEL could not but express his opinion, that a
measure of such importance should be not only not thus
suddenly introduced to the notice of the House, but that
the House should not be at once, without further consi-
deration, c tiled upon to express its sense of its merits.—
(Hear. )—He agreed with the Hon. Baronet, that that was
not the fitting occasion to press a motion of such extensive
interest to a division, though he differed entirely from the
Hon. Baronet in his estimate of its merits and tendency.
He could nut but lament that the [lon. Baronet had alluded,
contrary to the usage of that House, to the proceedings of
the other branch of the Legislature. Such allusions were
at all times inconvenient—indeed unfair, as the parties at-
tacked were necessarily unable to explain or vindicate their
conduct at the place and instant of its being animadverted
upon. In the present instance the Hon. Baronet bad not
only attacked his Noble Friend at the head of the Govern-
ment,, but, he was confident quite unintentionally, had
misrepresented his Noble Friend's observations. He was
satisfied that his Noble Friend did not, as the lion. Baronet
had stated, ascribe the distress with which unfortunately the
manufacturing and agricultural interests were than visited,
to the introduction of steam and machinery. All that his
Noble Friend said was that p trtial distress was by no
means incompatible with improvements in those elements
or causes of our national greatness and prosperity. His
Noble Friend by no means lamented these improvements,
but only contended that their introduction—he particulat ly
allmhd to the power-loom—might at first aggravate the
distress by throwing a certain number of hands out of em-
ployment, and that this partial diminution of the demand
for labour (lid sometimes tend, with the great efforts made
to undersell foreigners in the markets of the world, to
create temporary distress in the manufacturing districts.
Was it fair, lie asked, to make this opinion—no matter bow
erroneous—the ground of a charge against the Prime
Minister, of ascribing the distresses of the industrious
classes of the community to the improvements of the ma-
chinery?—(Hear.)—No man felt more rejoiced at the
progress of science than his Noble Friend, as no man was
more deeply impressed with the conviction of the intimacy
between improvements in science and art, and national

greatness.
Mr. PROTHEROE should feel himself compelled to
vote aotinst the Noble Lord's Amendment,- if he then
pressed it to a division, though he had himself proposed
resolutions of the same tendency. Every man was partial
to his own progeny; he therefore was not surprised at
the Noble Marquis's attachment to his; but as he had sa-
crificed his parental affection last evening, he thought the
Noble Marquis might make some little sacrifice on the pre-
sent occasion.
Mr. W. SMITH was friendly to the principles of the 1
Noble Lord's amendment, but must objtet to their being
then submitted, without notice or discussion, to the teat of
a vote of that House.
Mr. WESTERN would give the Noble Marquis his
best support on the 18th, the day on which he had given
notice of his intention to bring the subject substantively
before the house, but would vote against him that evening,
should he injudiciously press a division.
Mr. E. DAVENPORT would also vote ngainst the
Noble Marquis's motion, should he then take the sense of
the House on it. He trusted, however, the Noble Mar-
quis would not injure the cause of which he had.put him-
self forward as the advocate, by leaving it to the country
to infer that there were hut some half dozen members of
that House who were friendly to a reform of the prevent
ssstetn of representation. Ile (Mr. E. Davenport) had
elr years urged the necessity of such a measure, and there-
fore should not like to see it injured through the indiscre-
tion of the Noble Marquis on the present occasion.
The gallery was thin cleared for a division :
For the amendment 1 t I Against it r)(3
Majority in favour of the original Address...... 85.
The report on the Address was then read and adopted;
and the House adjourned at Eleven o'clock till Monday.

Owing to the stormy weather at the last " full
of the nioom" the sea has been stealing a march on the
Lincolusbire coat, to the great alarm of some of the
funnels in the neighbourhood of lugatnells: one person
there had a hovel full of beasts, which stool for some time

tip to the mid-sides in wafer ; and at An.krhy wotki cid
Neptune bas ciptured about twenty yards of the nevi, tun-
nel,LiTlCOld Mercury.