The Sun.
London, England, 1839-11-30 00:00:00

EVENING EDITIoN.

11 to honour, should not have been lost sight of
a contrast to the wicked Tories was deSigned to
.ibited by a Ministerial writer. But having gone
.he regions of ultra Irish Protestantism for an
•ttion of his thoughts, the Ministerial writer
tiy becomes dizturbed at the violence
las contemplated, and at once retreats

i,-..., „is own peculiar domain of gentleness. He
fzfrours us with a few lines of dulcet Whig-Radicalism,
In which we find the Tories blandly touched upon as
they who " basely vituperate"—who "employ falsehood
f,r the :ends of faction"—who " kindle the hell fire of
t.iia•otry"—who " have crawled servilely"—who "now
buiiy most ferociously"—who " wriggle and quibble and
equivocate while affecting to look big." What can ex-
coed the feminine softness of this criticism ? How suit-
a )ie to the Ministeral party, which rejoices in the favour
of a female Sovereign ! How odious does not the
.iolence of Toryism appear, when contrasted with such
mill persuasiveness! The passage is appropriately
c.0t.1n41 up—gracefully finished by a classical allusims,
~..hich, classical though it be, has all the merit of strict
, originality. The wicked persons under description (none
but Tories could be so wicked) " exhibit a Janus head
of knave' and martyr." Now, every body has pro-
-1 bably heard of Janus before, and how he looked two
( was at once, and sometimes more than two ways ;
! hut did any body ever hear before that he had two
heads, one of them being the head of a knave, and the
I other the head of a martyr? We defy all the Profes-
sors in Oxford and Cambridge to exhibit any discovery
'ls,: this among their classical commentaries. Some-
: cling nearly as good may possibly have been found out
1 in University College, Gower-street North, between
Russell-square and the Railroad station, near the New-
road ; but if it be so we have never heard of it. What
shall we poor Tories do with these Whig-Radicals?
Really, wkat with their mild insinuating modes of
sdeech, and their wondrous classical erudition, we al.
most feel as though all serious opposition to them were
new out of the question.
(From the :horning Advertiser.)
' It is strange coough that, notwithstanding the ad-
vcse state in which the Money Market has been for
some time past, there arc so few, even of those more
immediately affected by the pressure of the times, who
seem to understand the real causes of the evils under
which the commercial community are groaning at this
: moment. The scarcity of money, and the consequent
high rate of interest, are ascribed to a variety of
causes, but hardly in a single instance to the right one.
The unsettled state of monetary and commercial mat-
ters in Arnerida is, in the opinion of many, the princi-
pal, if not the exclusive, source of all our commercial
misfortunes. Others trace all the evils which at pre-
sent press on the Money Market to the unfavourable
: state of the Exchanges ; while a third party ascribe the
1 existing reverses to the bad harvest of 1838. These
IcaNses may severally have something to do in pro-
, d If.is-ig• the gloom which now overspreads the City of
)(ion and all large trading communities in the coun-
t --, ; but the leading or primary agent must be sought

.r somewhere else ; and that somewhere does not
seem to have been discovered by more than two or
• 1, see pereons. We unhesi:,atingly attribute, in a spe-
manner, the disasters which have lately overtaken
the monetary and commercial classes, and under which
t :hey are now groaning, to the recurrence to a metallic
en, rtoey. Such a currency is altogether inadequate to
exigencies of the mercantile world ; and so long as
Gu%ernment is ignorant and foolish enough to perse-
. vcie in its course of adherence to that currency, to the
eNr.iusion of one-pound notes and a paper circulation,
I sr, folly, at short intervals, will this country be exposed
fo Li,ose sudden commercial revulsions which have been
t proiluctive of so much mischief within the last few
yearg. A small-note currency is indispensable to our
very existence as a trading and commercial nation. It
•
was with such a currency that we rose to all our com-
mercial greatness ; and if our rulers shall persist in re-
titf,iug to return to it, Great Britain will soon dwindle
t:,:wn into a commercial country of fifth or sixth-rate
t.wportance. We are surprised to find that our Con-
,-,lnporaries devote so little of their attention to a sub-
' iect with which the most vital interests of the country
~re so closely mixed up. With the single exception of
;tIL• Courier,* we are not aware of any other metropolitan
jouriril, daily or weekly, having contained a single lea-
tare, in the shape of leading article, on it ; nor do we
r,,metnher to have seen other than mere incidental allu-
t eons—and these only two or three in number—to it in
paragraphs, or letters of correspondents. This indif-
f jerence to a question so deeply affecting the well-
being of all classes of the community, affords a me-
! ; ,nchely proof of the very imperfect acquaintance of
t govie of our Contemporaries with matters with which
they ought, above all things else, to be intimately con-
' %ersant. It needs not the gift or prophecy to foresee,
that though the currency question is now exciting so
little interest in the public mind, it will force itself on
very general attention before many months have elapsed.
iw is clear that the trade and commerce of the country
eannot much longer be carried on in the existing state
of the Money Market. It is no less true, though the
be Got yet generally perceived, that the Money
Market can never be in a permanently healthy state
t until there be a recurrence to a one-pound-note cur-

.enev, We are grievOusly mistaken if this do not be-
-1 co,-1; a.s dear to the minds of all reflecting men before
the winter has passed away, as it has long been to our
apprehension.
V The Advertiser is evidently in error, or has forgot-
ten that several artfeicq on the subject have appeared in
i The Sun.—ED. Sun.]
(From the Times.)
Her Majesty's Ministers are mistaken, if they ima-
,,ine that the Royal declaration made the other day will
, .
be suffered by the people of England to pass of at no
heavier cost than that of half a dozen fugitive p:tra-
-4 graphs of animadversion in the public press. The terryz
of Queen Victoria's declaration afford just cause for
public alarm. They violate precedent, and under cit.-
cumstances calculated to excite a general suspicion that
p-rposes not entertained before by any British Govern-
' ... nt for at :east 140 years are connected with the peen-
,. r form of this recent declaration in the minds of those
ho have officially framed it. The difference between
: ! declaration of King George 111., and of the Queen
.. the Privy Council in relation to the intended nego-
' ration a a treaty of marriage, consists in the omission
of the word Protestant in the declaration of her Ma-
' jPsty the Queen. King George 111. informed his
Council that his intended consort was of a family
friendly to the Protestant interests throughout Europe.
i " Having nothing so much at heart as to procure
i the welfare and happiness of my people, and to
render the same stable and permanent to posterity, I
have, ever since my accession to the throne, turned my
)
thoughts towards the choice of a Princess for a consort ;
and I now, with great satisfaction, acquaint you, that,
after the fullest information and mature deliberation, I
rim come to a resolution to demand in marriage the
Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburg Strelitz—a Prin-
cess distinguished by every eminent virtue and amiable
endowment, whose illustrious line has constantly shown
the firmest zeal for the Protestant ?Taylor:, and a par-
ticular attachment to my family. I have judged proper
, to communicate to you these my intentions, in order
! that you may be fully apprised of a matter so highly
! in, port ant to me and to my kingdom, and which I per-
,natie myAcli, will be most acceptable to all my loving sub-'
j,-,•ts." From an early pet iod of the Reformation the peo-
' ,ie of Eogland generally had felt an interest in favour
of the Protestant interests throughout Europe. Those
1 ig.tere,ts were not endangered at the moment of King
G.2orge lll.'s declaration in 1761. The active and
eventful wAr then in the course of being carried on was
! not a war for any religious objects, but one of ambition
! and temporal policy, if ever war was carried on from
1 such motives. But still the nation, notwithstanding,
1 t•lt for the interests of Protestantism, and the assur-

I once that the Princess destined to become their Queen
was of a Protestant family, attached to Protestant in-
terests, and educated in the Protestant faith, was a
epic judiciously selected for the King's declaration to
1:s Council. Peace now prevails amongst the nations of
The people of this country are supposed to feel
t ie same solicitude as ever in favour of the Protestant
interests of the world. Although war prevailed
throughout Europe in [760, the Protestant interests
were ❑ot exposed to danger! Are those interests
exposed to none in modern times, even in the midst
fd peace ? Look at the questions of mixed marriages,
anci floe education of ciildren the issue of mixed mar--

riages,throughout the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany,
Poland, and Russia. Do not the discussions of these
questions threaten with danger the Protestant interests
f iii Europe ? Is the decision upon them a matter of
di,ep concern to this country ? Ought the manifesto-
:ion of such an interest to be omitted on such an occa-
sion as the declaration of her Majesty to her Council
that she is disposed to execute a treaty of marriage with
a foreign Prince ? Is not the announcement of such an
event being about to take place in this country of im-
portance to all the Protestant Powers of the world,
even if not important here? But the Prince named
as the personage with whom the intended treaty
of marriage is to be concluded is one of whom,
and of his family, the British nation would he
rejoiced to learn that they had always been friendly
Protestantinterests in Europe. On the
of the family it would be desirable to have their
ranee that they were one and all attached to the
:.testant interest. That in case any mixed marriages
been made by them, there has been no surrender
conscientious Protestant scruples, either to conve-
nienceu or ambition, respectingthe educationn of the issue
4.-A. such marriage. That in case suche concessionr of the had
been made by the uncles, or even by
the
father
Pr:oce in question, the Prince himself had been edu-
cate,-1 a Protestant, and remained One. These are
questions, which must occur to every Protestant
in the empire, and it is wonderful that her Majesty's
Ministers should have advised the omission of such
a . topic front the declaration—a proceeding which
must of necessity bring these questions intols
discussion. We have hitherto considered this
sulject principally in its bearing upon the interests and
feelings of the Protestant religion abroad ; and in s3m-
patisy with those feelings let us now consider in what
Its tinier the omission of the word " Protestant," and or
c explanations which accompanied it in the declara-
tion of King George 111., affect our Protestant interests

at borne. A notable revolution was realised in religious
affairs ten or eleven years ago. The Corporation and I
Test Acts were repealed. After the repeal of those
Acts the representation of the people in the Com-
mons House of Parliament was reformed ; the
basis of Parliamentary influence and power we'
vastly extended, particularly to those classt-3
of society among which were found Dissenters
from the Church as established by law in England,
Scotland, and Ireland. This basis, on which had
been founded the repeal of the remaining penal laws
against the Roman Catholics, and the admission of that
body into Parliament, had been entirely departed from,
to such a degree as that it is understood that there ex-
ists a standing majority of Members in the House of
Commons connected either with Popery in Ireland, or
with some sect of Dissenters from the Church of Eng.
land, or from the Church of Scotland in North Britain,
whose views, therefore, must be inconsistent frith the
long-established and repeatedly declared religious and
civil policy of the British State. It would have been
desirable to see in the declaration the use of the word
" Protestant," and the explanations connected with it
(but which have been studiously omitted from it), most
desirable in the eyes of all who were friendly to our reli-
gion, our manners, our laws, and our liberties—all
in intimate relation with each other. This ap-
pears so obvious, and the course to be taken so
plain and so easy, that one cannot but suppose that
the cause for the omission of the passage is the ap..
prehension of offending the power within this State
Pelan interest inconsistent with its true
long-establishedsaundPnsedto feel
policy. The blood boils, the pen
and paper burn, while the idea presents itself, that the
Government of this country can be so degraded. But
if such be the motives for the omission of this remark-
able part of George the Third's declaration, it is fit
that the country should know them, and to what it has
to look. For the use of those whose custom is to treat
with derision all interests and rights but those which
can be made subservient to the ends of faction, it may
be well to remark, that a nation too has rights. Among
the rights of the people of England, it is one to have a
Protestant Monarch on the throne of these realms.
It is a right of the people of England to have a
Protestant for the consort of their Sovereign, whether
male or female. It is a right of the people of Eng-
land to have the most satisfactory assurance that those
sacred rights, essential safeguards of their reli-
gious liberties, are neither violated nor threatened.
nor in any manner, nor from any circumstance atten-
dant. on the marriage of their Sovereign, brought into
either actual or prospective danger. We assert, there-
fore, that when informed of the selection of a foreign
Prince as her consort by our Queen, it is the positive
right of the British people, according to the letter of the
Bill of Rights, and the spirit of the Act of Settlement,
to have her Royal pledge at the same time that such
Prince has been educated in the Protestant faith, and
is of a Protestant family. We do not ask this as a
favour from the Crown ; is our national inheritance,
indefeasible by the Crown or its advisers. Mockery
and insolence are no replies to this statement of consti-
tutional doctrine. The Act of Settlement may indeed
be sneered at, but it shall not be trampled on with im-
punity. The Protestant house of Brunswick is every-
thing to a constitutional Englishman. The house of
Brunswick ceasing to be Protestant is nothing.

SECOND EDITION.

THE FUN DS.-(CLOSIN G PRICES.

BRITISH FUNDS.
Bank Stock 1754 India Stack `cs2
3 per Cent. Rai 89% Ditto Bonds .....«.....
u
3 per Cent CGiIS. (0,4 Ditto Old Annuities —
Ner Cent Red 97% Ditto New Annuities
3 y.', per Cent ...... ......... 99% 'Ex. Bills, 1,000/ 2,1 4 dis.
New 5 per Cent

Ditto 5001 2 dls,
Bank Stock for Opg
India Stock for Act
Consols for Act
_ __ N FUNDS
Austrian, 5 per cent !Portuguese Bonds, sper cent.
lidgian, 5 per cent — I Ditto, New Ditto
Brazilian Bonds ..... . ..... ..... 7d% I Prussian, 5 per cent —
Buenos Ayres, 6 per cent — i Russian Bonds, 5 per cent....
Chilian 6 per cent I Ditto, Metallic
Colomh,an, 6 per cent ...... .... !Spanish, 5 per cent. 24%
Ditto, 1924 2.9% :Ditto, Deferred
Danish. 3 per cent ..... ......... French, 5 per cent. ..... .... .....f. ,
Greek Bonds, 1825, sper ct. Exchange f—c
Mexican, 5 per cent. — French, 3 per cent —C. —c.
Ditto, 6 per cent.. 1825 29 Dutch, 2% per cent. —
Peruvian, 1825.6 per cent — Ditto, 5 per cent.
SHAKES

Long Annuities to expire
Jan. ;80
Oct. IS O
Jan 1860
FOREIti

Grcat Western Railway
I)itto New Shares ...

London and Brighton Railway l4
London and Blackwah Railway
London and South Western Railway •ly4l
West Durham Railway

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAT.
(From the Globe.)
The Standard is well aware—nobody better—that
the Wesleyans arc becoming extensively awake to the
consequences which would follow were the High Church
party, whose efforts they greatly aided in getting
up the formidable opposition to the Government
plan of education, to gain the ascendancy. Our Con-
temporary is therefore only serving the political party of
which he is an organ in endeavouring to represent the
attacks recently made on the Wesleyan body as con-
fined to a few Clergymen, and to publications not
recognised by any considerable portion of Churchmen.
He is well aware of the imprudence of telling the
Wesleyans just now what the High Churchmen
think of them—in what light they regard
them, as respects their relation to the Church of
Christ on earth, and, of consequence, their future con-
dition. We agree with our Contemporary, that the
course taken by these zealous Churchmen is not well-
timed for the political objects they are desirous of pro-
raoting, and in furthering which they have no objection to
have the aid of the Wesleyan societies. He cannot, how-
ever, blame us for exhibiting to the Wesleyans the light
in which they are regarded by those who stoop to ask
their aid, and the manner in which they will, and must,
be rewarded for their labours, if ever that party ob-
tains the ascendancy it incessantly strives to acquire.
Instead of attempting to depreciate the character of the
Church Magazine, or the character. of the late Lord
Mayor's Chaplain for preaching and publishing the
sermon from which we have given extracts, it.
would have been more satisfactory had the Standard
shown that the opinions advanced by both respecting
the Wesleyans and other separatists from the Church,
are at variance with the exclusive claims to apostolical
succession which the High Church clergy contend
for, and which the Standard dares not contravene
or deny. Has the Church Magazine published
anything against the Wesleyans which has not been
asserted of that body by eminent Prelates of the
Church, living and dead ? The most effectual way
to convince the Wesleyans that the articles in the
Church Magazine do not express the opiniol:s of 'Tory
Churchmen respecting them, when such choose to speak
out, will he to show that the Bishops and dignitaries of
that party have employed a different language when
they have had occasion to allude to them and to their
societies. _ _

(From the Courier.)
It is impossible not to feel at once the force of the
position taken by the I'i»ies this morning in reference
to an E.tablisheit Church, which, in this country, is and
must be, as elsewhere, a necessity arising out of our
social institutions, and co•existent with the Monarchy.
It is well observed that," anything appproaching to per-
fect equality among the religious communities of this
country never can be attained, or if attained, never could
continue, any more thank perfect equality among inch-
vidua:s. A dominant and powerful Church there ..lways
will be, and always ought to be. Dissent is too
divided ever to occupy such a position. Abolish
the Protestant ascendancy, and very shortly a
Popish one will reign in it's stead." The last sen-
tence, which we have placed in italics, is well
worthy the serious reflection of all conscientious
Dissenters. The overthrow of the Church, even were
that practicable, against the will of a vast majority of
the people of Great Britain, could not serve the cause
of Protestant Dissent,in the religious acceptation, nor
could it advance the selfish views of those tothulent
leaders of sectarianism, whose bile is embittered not so
much by Episcopalian ascendancy as by those secular
temporalities with which an Establishment must neces-
sarily be endowed. Those temporalities, grossly as they
have been magnified, and enviously coveted as they are,
form but a moderate item in the account of that
monstrous aggregate clutched And in the holding of
the Romish Church before the lieforrnation. Nor,
on the return of that Popish supremacy which Dis-
senting demagogues labour so zealously, iii conjunc-
tion with Popish allies, to invest with the authority 41 n d
the forms of Constitutional law; as if it were not now
w
in less pretentious guise sufficiently rampant in high
places, would the thirst of aggrandisement and the en-
croaching spirit of usurpation inherent in the see of
Rome, and ever directing the
.course as inculcated in
the education of the subordinate officials, from the
Archbishop downwards to the monk and parish priest,
whose holdings and station direct aatl indirectly derive
from it, be stayed and quenched on it's ailvent to power
with the succession and possession of temporalities as
they are.

(From the Standard.)
When threatened by the Ministerial journals with
retorts of our complaint of the improper persons who
have been thrust or who have thrust themselves upon the
Queen's household, and her Majesty's "private and social
circle," we marked the just distinction, first, between
those whose misconduct was proved and those who were
only the objects of suspicion, and who might be the vic-
tims of calumny ; secondly, a distinction that needed
not to be marked except in dealing with the shuffiers
against whomwe have to contend—the distinction
between persons forced in the Queen's " House-
hold," and her Majesty's " private and social circle,"
and men merely employed in the official business of
Government.
Every reasonable man must see the neces-
sity of carefully observing these distinctions. The man
otrhteunoibtyjeocft ofde
resnucsep i;e
if coorn
do,f,
menveidl ractpoarl
hwahso
n:so onlyop
he is condemned unheard, and therefore no just
person will con.d,eron bim ; we do not think less un-
lP4
are tedg , but we think, as in
s think, that the party
at:ha r
a aLJy
case of
w thee bound'

sought to be inculpated is free from it. Next
the Crown has, practically, little choice in the
selection of its merely official servants. There is
no apparent necessity for any sympathy between
the Sovereign and the political Minister in anything
that regards private morals. The immorality of
a Minister, therefore, while he observes the distance
of a Minister, can never reflect injuriously upon
the occupant of the throne, whether that occu-
pant is a man of mature age, or an innocent and
inexperienced, and therefore confiding, woman of
twenty. We think that every sensible and right-minded
man will understand these distinctions and agree with
us. Upon such terms we accepted the challenge
of the Glebe to produce from the Household " or
private and social circle," of Queen Charlotte or
Queen Adelaide persons as improper as some who
have forced themselves into the Household, and into
the private and social circle of our maiden Queen ;"
and how has the challenge been maintained ? First,
it was boldly asserted that one of the improper
persons who were the subjects of complaint was a
member of Queen Adelaide's Household. We proved
the assertion to be a gross falsehood, and the author
of the falsehood acknowledges that it is such, plead-
ing in excuse his ignorance of the Court Guide—
that is, ignorance of what ought to have been his
authority. Next, we hear of a lady most unjustly
and most cruelly dragged from her happy privacy,
who, we are told, having been excluded from all
previous drawing-rooms, was admitted to the
drawing-room of Queen Adelaide in 1835 upon a
most disgraceful bargain. We showed that the
lady referred to had been received at the drawing-rooms
of George the Fourth, which rendered her subsequent
admissions a matter of right, and that from the moment
when, according to the routine rule of such things,
she could think it desirable to appear at Court, the
Court was opened to her. This exposure of a mean
and venomous falsehood has not been contradicted, be-
cause it could not be contradicted. We owe an apology
to the lady referred to for it ; but in order to show the
shuffling which we have to encounter, it is necessary to
remark, that the presentation of Ladies or Gentlemen
at Levees, or Drawing-rooms, was not the matter of the
Ministerial challenge, but the intrusion of improper
persons into the Queen's " Household," and into her
Majesty's " private and social circle."

DEPOSITION OF THE COUNT

D'ESPAGNE.

PERPIGNAN, Nov. 22.

When Don Carlos's entrance into France became
known in Catalonia, the Count d'Espagne, remember-
ing- the war of independence, in which he played so con-
spicuous a part, wished to revive the enthusiasm of
that period, for the situations were not dissimilar—
Ferdinand the Seventh at Valencay, and Charles the
Fifth at Bourges. Trusting, perhaps, ton much in the
strength of his position, he took a step the reaction of
which must generally appear to have been hazardous,
inasmuch as it afforded to his enemies the opportunity
of jesuitically turning round upon him, and overwhelm-
ing him with his own weapons. Like the Juntas
of the war of independence, the Count d'Espagne
declared the Junta of Catalonia sovereign in
its power • during the absence and captivity of
the King. The first act of the Royal Junta was
to depose its President, the Count d'Espagne himself.
The following are the particulars of the singular scene
which occurred at his deposition :—The Count d'Es-
pagne was at Caserras, two leagues from Berga, when he
received a letter of invitation from the Junta to preside
at a meeting for urgent business. He arrived at Avi
with only his Aide-de-Camp, Lieutenant-Colonel Adell,
and four of his escort. On entering the house occupied
by the Junta, in ascending the stairs the Count re-
marked that the escort, consisting of sixty nienones of
of the Junta, with bayonets fixed, were in the hall
below. The Count, who was always suspicious of as-
sassination, since 1827, ordered his Aide-de-Camp se-
cretly to ride off to Berga, one quarter of a league
off, to fetch his cavalry ; but Adell was arrested be-
fore he got out of the door by the Junta's order, whilst
the Count was entering the Council Chamber. When
he took his seat at the head of the table as President,
the members on each side, profound silence reigned for
a moment till the Secretary of the Junta, Senor Ferrer,
read in a solemn tone the decree of the Junta, whereby,
in virtue of the sovereign power it had assumed, it took
from him his command. The Count was startled, and
protested, but he was answered that his voice was
nothing against the unanimity of the Junta, and that lie
was bound to obey its command. He was called upon
to give up his sword, which he refused, and drew it
violently, when the Secretary took from a drawer a
brace of pistols, which be placed upon the table. The
Count, finding all resistance useless, threw his sabre
down. He only asked for leave to go to Bergs to re-
gulate his affairs. This was refused, and he was or-
dered to enter France immediately, to be escorted by
the Junta's forces as far as the French frontiers. The
Count d'Espagne, not wishing to take the shortest road
to France, as he would have had to pass by Ripoll
and Campredon which had been entered by asault and
destroyed by him, took the direction of the Upper
Segre, to enter the Valley of Urgel, -and thus reach
France through the- Republican territory of Andora.
On passing Oliana he took the road which con-
ducted to the Seu d'Urgel, and which is on the
banks of the Segre. The remainder is still enve-
loped in the deepest mystery. It is pretended that
in a village called Col de Nargo, which is
about half a league from a bridge called the Bridge of
the Spy, the firing of musketry was heard. Some days
afterwards the Count's escort returned to Bergs sepa-
rately, and it is said that they reported to the Junta
that the escort was attacked by the Christinopece/eros,
and that the Count d'Espagne was curried off. The
fact is that two days afterwards the rumour was sprea'i
at Organza that a body had been found in the Segre
which resembled that of the Count d'Espagne, but the
Brigadier Ros d'Erolea, who had the command in that
place, issued orders, under p tin of death, that no men-
tion should be made of the event.

The appointment of Segarra is known ; he refused at
first, but w hen the news of the Count's death arrived at
Berge he took the command of the troops and assumed
the presidency of the Junta. Since that time Brigadier
Balmaseda, sent by. Cabrera with 250 cavalry, and ac-
companied by Arias Teijero, has arrived at Bergs, and
it is believed that it will be Balmaseda who will ulti-
mately have the command, in conjunction with the Canon
Tristany.—)Worning Post.

GRAND NA TION AL TROTTING
MATCH FOR FIFTEEN HUNDRED SOVE.
REIGNS, AT AINTREE, THIS DAY.

(From the Liverpool Standard.)
The morning was exceedingly unfavourable for the
race, and apprehensions were entertained that the
match would not come off. About one o'clock, how-
ever, a brisk wind from the north-east sprung up, and
the rain abated. Numbers then began to flock to the
race-course, and, considering the state of the weather,
the attendance was moderately good.
Shortly after two o'clock, the jockeys weighed, and
the rival steeds came on the course. The weight car-
ried by each was twelve stone. Bob Logic was
ridden by a Mr. Smith, who dressed in blue ; the Bir-
mingham mare by Watson ; and the Glasgow mare
by Kirkwood. The American was the favourite be-
fore starting, but the betting was by no means brink.
The starting post was at the Hall-mile post, and seven
times round the course, in addition, would make the
ten miles.

After three false starts the nags got off nearly all
together, and they' arrived at the winning post in the
following order : the Birmingham mare first, Bob Logic
second, and the Glasgow Msre last. The betting was
ere❑ on the two first, three to one the Scotch mare no-
where. The distance was accomplished in 3 minutes 30
seconds.

After leaving the coming-in chair, Bob made play,
and got a-head, followed by Birmingham and Glasgow
—the latter at some distance. No betting. Bob main•
tained his lead without difficulty ; but on arriving at the
coming-in chair, both his competitors were close up.
Eight minutes and 55 seconds had now elapsed. Bob
still the favourite. The pace rapidly improved, and on
rising the bill the nags were in a cluster ; but on near-
ing the chair, Logic again took the lead. His friends
now became confident, and certainly there seemed to be
reason for it. The time now occupied was 11 minutes
and 40 seconds.
From this period it would be useless to detail the cir-
cumstances of the contest, as it was evident the Eng-
lish and Scotch mares had little or no chance. In jus-
tice, however, to them, we should state, that they were
ctije, game, particularly the Southern. On passing the
chair thp, fourth time 20 min. 10 sec. had elapsed ; the
fifth, m;g. (this time the Glasgowmare was second);
the sixth, 20 Mig. 4 sec. The ten miles was run in
40 min. 3 see., the 7.w-fling-in being as follows
The American horse Bob Logic 1
The Birmingham mare

The Glasgow mare 3
Logic w by at least 1.50 yards. The Glasgow mare
was far behind. The last time round Logic bounded
past his opponents in rtiort admirable style, and from
ti../#1 time the laurel of victory Paz accorded to him.
no Hurdle entry did not fill.

TORY iNiVvi's 'Fp THE QUEEN.-At the
Colston anniversary dinner 4 I.3ristol, upon the toast
of the Lord Lieutenant of the coui3ty (4rd egrave),
the Hon. F, H. F. Berkeley, Member for Biistol, an
returning thaoks, took occasion to explain that his
brother, the Lord Visnunant, had been obliged to
abstain from attending eter'6c.4 4ipncrs for charitable
objects, in consequence of the inclece#l;
ioNlts which
et such meetings were offered to the Queen. itt r. F.
ki, F . Berkeley remarked, with excellent spirit and abi-
lity, on thy: isP4razeo of this sort which now charaterise
allirJ
T
.----tetiterlaiii:genpral
, and family,, X.,Ord and t ficly
Hood, LAdl.' C,liiichester, colonel Wyatt, Captainßerkeley, M.P., 1-.,0140 4oß:n yICR mVoeAlebLtoisurng:, l'il.fiC.l iB111$111:Til
A c Indevendent.
Lady gateman, . Lady and
Miss Fitzgerald, Mr. and is\Vs. Yot}tl and tiMily, bit,-
nora Ernesta Grisi, &c.