The Sun.
London, England, 1839-07-02 00:00:00

METROPOLITANPOLITICAL

SUMMARY.

iThe Times of yest-srday morning, alluding, to Lord Mel-
bourne's
presses itself to the following effect :-" This conduct of i
his Lordship naturally suggests two , or three reflections.
1. In the first place, Lord Melbourne's consent to niche
l' the Ballot an open question, seeing that it never was
;given before, is not only a palpable departure from his
former policy, which he had solemnly promised to adhere
4 to, without deception, but has been conceded for the mani-
1, fest purpose of purchasing that Radical support which (as
a conscientious opponent of secret voting) be declared
that he never would accommodate his principles to
l, conciliate. 2. In the second place, this new concession is
t known by his Lordship, and is acknowledged by the Radi-
icats, to be the great initiatory movement, which, neces-
sarily leading to further demaii.ds, accelerates the ascen-
dancy of democracy more than anything else besides. Thu
Ballot faction, as everybody sees, are alm.ist universally
clamourers for short Parliaments and universal suffi age,
declaring at the same time that the carrying of this project
will inevitably ensure the adoption of its kindred innova-
tions. If ever the practice of secret voting be, resorted to,
Lord Jahn Russell and Lord Brougham are both agreed
that a large extension of the elective franchise must
speedily follow it; and yet Lord Melbourne, while affect-
ing to deprecate concessions, disencumbers the Ballot, for
the first time, of the combined resistance of Government."
The Morning Herald expresses very whimsical chagrin
at the House of Lords not speaking boldly out on the sub-
ject of national education :—" It appears strange and un-
i accountable to us that the house of Lords should remain
so passive and quiescent as it does, allowing its share in
the Government of the country, on so important a subject
' as national education, to be unceremoniously wrested from
it, so that the rights of the Lords seem to receive no
better treatment from the hands of the Whig-Radical
, Ministry than the rights of the poor. The latter were
placed at the disposal of three absolute bashaws at Somer-
sst House. The others are superseded by the autocratic
authority of a- despotic d:van of Whig Privy Councillors.
The one unconstitutional power was established by Bill—
the other by a resolution of the House of Commons. The
forbearance of the Lords in this matter will be relied upon
hereafter as consent and participation when the Whigs
plead the precedent in favour cf other and greater changes
in the Constitution ; and, surely, the argument will be dif.
ficult to be resisted."
Tile Monthly Post thus launches out into praise of the
discomfited Tory faction. Our Contemporary's praise
reads very much like irony :—" The Conservative people
do not want to govern, but to be well governed, and in
this lies the essential difference between them and the
restless self-sufficient Radicals. They are desirous and
dutifully desirous, that the heads of their party should
know what their feelings are, but they are very well sa-
tisfied that these leaders, abiding by the Cunstitutional
principles of Conservatism, 'will do what is most fitting to
be done according to the knowledge which they have. The
Conservatives, who are worthy of the name, desire no
such thing as a Conservative democracy ; that is to say a
sort of Government which assumes the practical ahAtiality
of the people governing the people. They are anxious to
submit to a Government of able men, acting firmly upon
intelligNe and Constitutional principles—a Government
to which
.t4e, Moral respect of a rational people may be
awarded. Such it Gov: rionent they cannot hare until
, they get rid of the present set of poor dexterity men who
falsely pretend to govern the country.”
(
The Morning Adeertistr, comments on the absura
dity of the present law of libel in these terms :—" In
consequence of an action for libel, t‘ Stockda:e v. Ilan-
) ardi And the important question it involves, we are glad
.o see a otice of a motion by Mr. O'Connell, for the
amendment ai the present law of libel. The absurdity of
the present law is not areater than the extent of individual
and social INro;.g.
which it i,„4.tels. It is bottomed in false-
hood. Our law denounces truth a; , libel. Net satisfied
with this preposition, s,,lne of one juin.:-.1 functionaries
have gone farther, and asserted that the greater ii.:t truth
the greater is the libel. Ail the evil consequences flowing
fmojn the present law of libel may be traced to this polluted
s atree. What legislation must that be which proclaims
! its vital essence to be falsehood."

The Morning Chronicle, referring incidentally to an

article er:titled Tne !JoltsAold and- the iNtinistr-y," that
appeared in the last number of the " Quarterly Review,"
says :—" The public is threatened with further and formal
discussion of this :=ubject. flints are thrown out of a

motion iii the House. of Peers to ccnsure the Cabinet
minute by which Ministers assumed the responsibility of
liier Majesty's conduct. We shall not be sorry if the
attempt be made ; nor if, in tat House, it succeeds. It
is good that Torjism should show itself in its true
colours. Let us see of :ghat the faction is capable. In
theprogress of such an attempt the Queen may be enabled
distuxtly to perceive who and where her friends are. She
may leant to estimate the difference between being the
Sovereign of a C9nfliting people, and the minion, tool, and
slave of aristocratic l selfishness. The first onset she has
been able alone to resist and repel. But the struggle for
her subjugation will be renewed again and again."
The Globe of last evening allut as follows to the dis-
consolate condition of the Tory party ;—" The Tories
are doomed to mortification. Their sorrows come not
singly—they tread each others heels. Every vacancy. how-
ever created. is supplied by a Liberal, and tho coffers of
• the Carlton Club pour fourth their Pactolean streams in vain.
Seats have become vacant for Hertford—Ludlow—Edin-
burgh—Glasgow; the two former contested with a disregard
of expense and decency indicative of the importance which
the, cries attached to their possession ; but were wrested
• from their grasp, in away-which leaves them nothing to
hope, and everything to fear, in future contests. In the
latter places they wisely abstained from a contest, where
nothing was to be gained but humiliating deftat. At
Edinburgh the Tories arc 'clever, chic's' at a riot; they
aid the work of uproar, and: lend their sweet voices'
to drown the utterance of sentiments they could not confute;
but at the polling boots they are miserably deficient—and
at length they know it. EL!inburgh has given to the House
of Commons, in the person of Mr, Macaulay, one who is in
himself a host; and had it been possitile to have prevented
his return, no expense would have been donned too great,
or any exertion too arduous to have averted so dire a dis-
couragement to Tory hopes. Even the Glasgow Chart-
ists—' with all the appliances and means to boot,' with
which the Tories would have aided them—ventured no
further than ' a show of hands' in favour of Feargus. And
now the redoutable Mr. Bruen is placed hors de combat,
Carlow is all but lost to the Tories.

The Courier makes the following comments on the
character of Tory loyalty t--" There was a time when
Toryism, whatever might be the sins—numberless they
even then were and of proportionate magnitude—which it
had to answer for to the people, had ever the one boasted
virtue of loyalty, worn as a graceful cloak to cover its in-
famy. Although its spirit was adverse to the national spirit,
it was anything but an uncourtly one. Although it was
wholly incompatible with and hostile to the very existence
of popular rights, it had a profound reverence for the pre-
rog,atives of the Crown, and never defiled its lips with
any sentiment short of implicit submission to the Sove-
reign and enthusiastic zeal and devotion in furthering the
Sovereign's wishes, whatever way or to whatever objects
they might tend. That time has gone by. The age of
chivalry is not the old age of Toryism. It now appears
that, the homage paid by the Tories to the Crown was
homage }Hid, not to the Monarch as Monarch, but to the
representative of their p-inciples and the patron of their
policy."
The Standard, remarking on the education question,
says :—" If we may trust a very general rumour, our wish,
that the course pursued in the House of Commons by
Lord Stanley, upon tire education question, should be
imitated in the House of Lords, is likely to be realised.
An address similar to that proposed by the Noble Member
for Lancashire will, it is said, be proposed by an exalted
member of the Episcopal Bench. This is just what can
be desired; the question properly belongs to the guardians
of the national religion and it will be thus rescued from the
seeming desecration of being employed in party service—
an advaltaq,e which it could not possess in the House of
Commons, where the national religion has no ostensible
guardian or representative."

CARLOW ELECTION COMMITTEE

(YESTEREMY.)

The Committee decided that the vote of Patrick
Hanlon, objected to by the petitioner, was a good vote,
and returned it on the poll of Mr. Bruen.
Mr. AUSTEN then objected to the vote of .John
Walsh, but applied to the Committee to postpone it
until to-morrow, on the ground of the absence of a ma-
terial witness.
,• The CHAIIINfAN intimated that evident' must he ad-
duced to account for his absence.

The clerk of Mr. Baker, the agent for the petitioners,
stated that he had made every inquiry for the witness,
but was unable to find him. He understood that he
was drunk last night.—(Laughter.)
Mr. WRANGIIAM said he was very drunk, and was at
present in durance vile—( A laugh)—and he therefore
did not object to thepostponernent after the examination
of the witness who was at present in attendance.
• Mr. AusTEN said that no good would result from
examining that witness, and therefore he must press for
the adjournment until to-morrow.
The room was then cleared, and the Committee de-
liberated. On our re-admission,
The CHAIRMAN said the Committee had decided
that Mr. Austen must proceed with the examination of
the witness who was in attendance, and the Committee
would afterwards adjourn until to-morrow.
Mr. Humphries, the Clerk of the Peace for Carlow
was then called, but refused to take the oath on the
ground that he had not obtained his expenses for loss
of time.

The CHAU:MAN said the Committee had no power
to interfere with the payment of expenses which was en-
tirely a question for the examiners. The witness must
therefore decide whether he would give his evidence or
not. _

Mr. HUMPHRIES then gave the necessary proof of
the affidavit on which Walih voted.
A witness named Macdonald was then called, and
his examination had not been concluded at four o'clock,
when the Committee adjourned.

THE LATE EXPLOSION OF A POWDER-MILL.
—Two men have died from the effects of injuries received
by the explosion of the powder-mill at Ewell, belonging to
S;r Henry Bridges, as before noticed.
FATAL ACCIDENT ON THE I VER.—On Sa-
turday afternoon, between seven and eight o'clock, a fatal
accident occurred to a youth named William Porter, 17
years of age, residing in St. Clement's-lane, Clare-market.
1t appears that deceased, in company with three other
youths, was in a boat on the river opposite Norfolk-street,
Strand, when it upset by running against a barge, and the
deceased was drowned. The body was found in about au
hour afterwardeand conveyed to the Swan public•house.

MILITARY FLOGGING IN THE

TOWER.

[We copy the following from Suncloy Times. if
the report is correct, it will do more to abate this cruel
mode of punishment than all the speeches Major Fan-
court ever made or could make on the subject. We have
taken the liberty of modifying some of the statements and
omitting others.]
Yesterday (Saturday) morning the Tower of London
and the environs was thrown into a state of excitement
and alarm, unequalled since the time of Burke, who was
flogged by Colonel Jones (the " Radical" of the Times)
15 veers since, by the flogging of two privates of the Ist
battalion of the 3d, or Fusilier Guards, who were brought
from their place of confinement, the prison of the fortress,
to hear and receive the award of a court-martial held upon
them for insulting non,-commissioned officers. One soldier
wee sentenced to receive 100 lashes with the cat-o'-nine-
tails, and the other 15'0; and long will it be reme.nlyred
by many who witnessed it. The time et which punish.
ments were formerly inflicted was five or six o'clock, and
the place selected was generally the barrack-room, or
some private part of the Tower. On this occasion the
period chosen was ten o'clock, and the place the most
public in the Tower, being no other than the
promenade in front of the great or White Tower,
between that edifice and the long building called the
Train. The business of the Ordnance Department
was partially suspended, and the communications between
the Ordnance cffice end small gun stores were closed, while
the horrible infliction, of which many were unwilling spec-
tators was going on. The first man brought out was a fine
young man, named Jarman, whose crime was insulting his
sergeant. fie was secured to the halberds by thin cords,
which severely cut his flesh, and the dreadful and beastly
infliction commenced. LIJ received his punishment with-
out uttering a word or a groan, although the punishment
was unusually severe, the drummers being changed every '
ton lashes instead of twenty-five as heretofore, and the cat,
the instrument of punishment, very heavy. After the poor
fellow had received the hundred lashes, his back presented
a mang!ed appearance, and the blood poured down his per-
son. On being released a great coat was thrown over hie
lacerated body, and he was taken to the hospital. As soon
as the first man left the square, the second man (Slade), a
much slighter person than the other, was called to the front.
Ile was sentenced to receive one hundred and fifty lashes.
It was evident he did not possess the nerve of the other
man ; he shook so violently that he was scarcely able to
pull his jacket elf, and his terror was evident to all. Upon
being tied up be shook from head to foot and the moment
he was struck he began to shriek loudly, and ear-
nestly called out " Mercy, mercy !" which was heard very
distinctly all over the Tower. Slade no sooner began to
call out than the drums were beaten to stifle his cries, and
re-echoed among the walls. When about seventy or
eighty lashes had been inflicted, the poor fellow's head
fell on his shoulder, and it was supposed he had fainted;
but such was not the cse, as the commanding officer
w allied up to the triangle, and, on lookinghim in the flee, he
ordered the drummer to proceed. At thii time, with the
exception of the drummers who were selected to flog, it
took all the others to secure him, his back being literally
cut to pieces from his neck to his loins. His cries for
mercy were unavailing, until a hundred lashes had been
inflicted, when it was found he was unable to bear any
more, and he was ordered to be taken down. He was led
away between two of his comrades, a truly shocking spec-
tacle of suffering humanity. The punishment of both was
of a most dreadful description. Several men fainted away,
and we could mention the names of several officers who
did have humanity enough to loosen the stocks and coats
of several privates. Many clerks and others belonging to
the Ordnance department witnessed part of' the punish-
ment ; but, to use their own words, were unable to stand
it out. The lady of the resident Governor happened to
cro to her window, and, hearing the cries of &ade, fell into
hysterics, and the whole family were for some time in
great confusion. Several respectable civilians expressed
their indignation, and said they would not live in the Tower
if such scenes were repeated.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 1.

The LORD CHANCELLOR, Viscount DUNGANNON,
and the Earl of SHAFTESEURY sat to-day at Four
o'Clock, to give the Royal Assent, as Commissioners', to
the several Bills which had been passed since the date
of the last Commission.
The Usher of the Black Rod having been directed to
summon the House of Commons, the Speaker, attended
by two or three Members, shortly afterwards appeared
at the Bar, when the Royal Assent was given, in the
usual form to the following Bills :—The Bishops'
Residences Bill ; the Windsor Castle Stables Bill ;
the Waterford Fever Hospital Bill ; the Frazerburgh
Harbour Bill ; The North Midland Railway_ Bill ;
Edinburgh, Leith, and Newhaven Railway Bill ; Man-
chester and Leeds Railway Bill ; Bristol and [Glou-
cestershire Railway 13;11 ; Slamannan Railway Bill ;
\Vishaw and Coltness Railway Bill ; Ballochney Rail-
way Bill , Croydon, Mcrstham, and Godstonc Iron
Railway Company Bill ; Preston and Wyre Railway
and Harbour, and Preston and Wyre Dock Bill ; Tyne
Docks Bill; Birmingham Canal Bill ; Norwich. Ton-
nage Bill ; Bradford ( Wilts) Improvement Bill ; Aber-
deen Market and Improvement (No. 1) Bill ; Eden-
field and Little Bolton Road Bill ; St. Leonard's and
Sedlescombe Road Bill ; Sawmill Ford Bridge and
Road Bill ; Glasgow and Renfrew Road Bill ; South-
molton Roads Bill ; Balitchem Hospital Estate Bill ;
Blunt's Estate Bill.; Harrow School Estate Bill;
Duke of Buckingham's Estate Bill ; Sharp's Estate
Bill ; Ladykirk (or Robertson's) Estate Bill ; Earl of
Darnley's Estate Bill ; Hodson's Estate Bill ; London
Corporation Estate Bill ; West Croft (Nottingham)
Inclosure Bill; West Backham and Alby (Norfolk)
Inclosure Bill ; Almsworthy (Somerset) Inclosure Bill ;
Hartishead or Dewsbury (York) Inclosure Bill; Not-
tingham Common Fields Inclosure Bill ; Code's Di-
vorce Bill ; Carleton's Divorce Bill ; Invanoff's Natu-
ralization Bill.

The House then adjourned during pleasure.
The LORD CHANCELLOR resumed his seat on the
Woolsack at five o'clock.

Messengers from the House of Commons brought up
several Bills., to which the concurrence •f their Lord-
ships was requested.
The Duke of Argyle, Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord Rose-
bery, Lord Radnor, Earl Harewool, and several others
presented petitions from many places praying for a
penny postage.
NATIONAL EDUCATION.

• Lord BROUGHAM postponed his motion on the
subject of National Education till Friday next. The
Noble and Learned Lord observed that he had particu-
lar reasons for doing so.
The Archbishop of CANTERBURY moved that
an humble address might be presented to her Majesty,
praying that her Majesty would be pleased to direct
that certain papers, which had already been laid before
the House of Commons, respecting education, should
be laid on their Lordship's table. Also, copies of the
Treasury Minutes of August 30, 1823 ; March 7th,
1834, and of the sth July, 1838, relating to the appli-
cation of sums granted by Parliament, for the purpose
of public education ; also of the Order in Council ap-
pointing a Committee to superintend any sums voted
by Parliament for promoting education, and copies
of any minutes, and of any such reports from such
Committee. It was the Right Rev. Prelate's
intention to make a motion ot this subject on Friday
next.
The motion was agreed to.
Lord BROUGHAM stated, that his Bill would be
of a totally Iff-..Tent description to the nature of the
Order in Council, and that he wished to keep them en-
tirely distinct ; thereore far the purpose of not interfering
with the Right Rev. Prelate's motion on Friday, he
should postpone the subject of his Bill till Monday next.
Earl "FITZ WILLIAM presented a petition from St.
Ives, praying that any system of national education
might not be entrusted to any one particular party.

JAMAICA.

Upon the Order of the Day being read,

The Marquis of NORM /1N BY laid on the table a
copy of the laws relating to Jamaica that had expired
since July last. The Noble Marquis stated that, during
the short period he had had the honour of holding the
office he now held, he had been frequently called
upon to address the fliuse, under the painful disad-
vantage of having been almost, during the whole time
he had been a Member of their Lordships House, ab-
stint from the House, and elsewhere on public duty.
He hac! felt the embarassment occasioned by that.
He had never heard a discussion in that House upon
the present subject. But in one respect he
had a counterbalancing advantage. He had some local
knowledge of the island. He had had an opportunity
of examining into the character of the negro, and into
the state of that country ; and it would be from his
own personal knowledge in that respect that he
should have earnestly to impress on their Lord-

. .
I ships the importance of the decision they were
then about to come to. The importance of that de-
cision had been to his mind confirmed by intelli-
gence he had this morning received from Jamaica,
which informed him that that Bill had been re-
ceived by the popular party there, and by
the newly emancipated negroes, as a great
boon ; that it was felt by them as giving to them
a security which would protect them until they
should be able to protect themselves, and he much feared
that if their Lordships rejected this measure, or muti-
lated it, to which the negro looked for impartial protec-
tion to be extended to him, the impression would be
that all parliamentary protection was withdrawn from
him' It would be his (the Noble Marquis's) duty to
assure him
as far as he could, that that was not so, al-
though he feared that his impression would be that it was.
Their Lordships
Curb the kindly r
newly emancipated
.eelion.,3 that existed between the
were told that they ought not to dis-
Assembly. • I-1
—e (Lord Normanb ) would not be
dealing candidly with their Lordships,Y.
population and the House of
not tell them that those if he did
did exist. He sincerely trusted the change that had
recently taken place would amalgamate
kindly feeling; never
that the House of Assembly
acomplete changeniontthhe conduct
only diffe-
rences
to and
b e attained by-gone
by
past
would
ail classes, anti
event was
of the House of Assembly, such as it hal
the Emancipation Act, Their Lordships
hsado
ht;nd since
advantage of hearing the agent pf that colon they
the
therefore had before them ail that the gre4tesYt;ta,tlee'aenlYt
and experience, and certainly the most earnest
could urge on behalf of the Assembly of Jamaica,against

the Bill. Ile regretted that much of their Lordships'
time had been -consumed on that occasion by considera-
tions with which they had nothing to do on the present
question. They had been informed of a former quarrel
with Governor Littleton and the House of Assembly—
they had heard of the resistance to the examination of
General Carmichael before a Committee of that
House, and of a trivial mistake made by his Noble
predecessor (the Marquis of Sligo), and their Lordships
were told of the right of reparation. No two things
were ever more unlike—that was a difference between
two local authorities ; but was it to he alleged that the
United Parliament of England was to make such
reparations to the Jamaica House of Asssembly ?
Were they to say, " you are right and we are wrong,
we acknowledge our emit-, and we hope you will resume
your duty?" The Learned Gentleman was also pleased to
state that this measure must have originated in a general
wish anti desire for change, lie (th Marquis of Nor-
manby) sincerely hoped that every thing in the Island of
Jamaica would be changed, for if things remained as they
were, Jamaica would not be what it was the
wish of the British Parliament it should be. He con-
sidered the change proposed to be made was the safest,
the best, and most praiseworthy change of all that had
been effected in this age of progressive amelioration.—
( Hear.) They had been told of respect that ought to be
paid to the established institutions there. Why, could
they forget that slavery was an established institution—
a plague-spot on every other institution, and that what
it touched it contaminated ? Every institution, there-
fore, had to be examined, with a view to get rid of that
plague-spot. The Learned Gentleman had thrown
a considerable portion of the blame of the pre-
sent state of things on her Majesty's Govern-
ment. But was there not another culprit in
this transaction ? He then stood in the pre-
sence of the other culprit. Their Lordships were
above all answerable for the state of things that had
introduced the division between the Assembly of Jamaica
and the Imperial Parliament. Their Lordships
had originated the measure that gave offence.
lie believed their Lordships were sincere in their con-
viction that the measure which had then been passed
(certainly without much discussion) was necessary to
remedy the state of things then existing in the Colony
' of Jamaica ; that brought him to the real question be-
fore the House, and that was, were they or were they
not justified in passinei'the Prisons' Bill ?—( Hear,
hear.) That was the only question, and then would fol-
low the question, did not the rejection of that Bill call for
a remedy ? He candidly owned that he did not consider
the measure he was now proposing to their Lordships
as the best remedy which could be applied. He had
on former occasions pointed out the impossibility of
carrying out the great measure of emancipation in
Jamaica, through the medium of machinery intended
for another state of things and for a totally dif-
ferent purpose. The opinion he had enter-
tained of the necessity for a temporary suspension
of the state of things then existing in Jamaica, he had
formed while residing there, and which he communi-
cated to the Noble Lord, the then Colonial
Secretary, shortly after his return. He was
surprised at the expressions that had been used by the
Learned Gentleman at the bar of that House a few
nights since. Was it not, in point of feet, a mockery to talk
of depriving the people of Jamaica of their elective
rights, when the House of Assembly represented neither
the population nor the property of the empire ? Was
it not a mockery to talk of the benefit of free Govern-
ment when the representation was in the hands of those
whose interests were opposed to the (Treat mass of thepo-
pulation? Such were his feelings with regard to the ineffi-
ciency of that engine, for carrying out the most mighty and
the most delicate change which had ever taken place in
the frame worrk of any society ; and he conceived that
there was no choice left them but to pass the pre-
sent measure, the House of Assembly not having re-
turned to what he considered its duty. Making every
allowance for-the statements of an advocate who was
naturally disposed, when addressing an assembly
not very well acquainted with the details of his state-
ment, to make the best of his own case, he was
really surprised to hear the Learned Gentleman at that
bar assert that the House of Assembly from 1834 had
always shown a willingness to attend to the improve-
ment of prison discipline in the Island. Why, he (the
Marquis of Normanby), had had some personal expe-
rienee of the working of the system when residing there,
and the abuses of the workhouses and gaols was of the
most horrifying description. It so happened that he
held in his hand an extract from one of his dispatches
to the Colonial Secretary in that year, stating that the
House of Assembly had refused to make any improve-
ment in the discipline of the gaols or Houses of Correc-
tion. The Noble Marquis then read several extracts
from his dispatches to that-effect. Having often heard
of the state in which the St. Andrew's workhouse was he
went one day, -unexpectedly, accompanied by two
officers, and they found a woman undergoing
punishment, which the officers declared was more severe
than any they had ever seen given to soldiers. He, as
Governor had no power to dismiss the, individual
who was guilty of such conduct,' but. he Made 're'ore.'
sentations in consequence of- which a Vestry was held,
but the individual was' merely reprimanded. In 1836,
on the Ist of August in that year, the Marquis of
Sligo, then Governor, was so convinced of the neces-
sity of home interference that he wrote to the Colonial
Office, that all remedy must come from the Imperial
Legislature—yet after all that, the Learned Gentleman
for the House of Assembly said e‘er since 1822 they
were perfectly willing to proceed with the public,
business. Such were the terms in which the House of:
Assembly had chosen to address the Imperial,
Legislature, after it had passed the Prisons
Bill, and those sentiments had been reiterated;
by their Advocates at the bar of • that House.
The effect of that was that if their Lordships did not!
repeal the Prisons Bill any other concessions Would'
not satisfy them. The House of'. Assembly, which
ought to be the means of conveying through the.commu-
nity over which they presided, the doctrines of order,
distinctly declared that that Act which the Imperial
Legislature had passed, was not law, and ought not to
have the force of law. They had distinctly declared,
that they would not resume their functions, nor would
they be satisfied with any thing less than the repeal of
the Prisons Bill. Unless their Lordships were prepared
to go to that extent, the House of Assembly had stated
that they would not be satisfied. Under these circum-
stances, he considered that their Lordships were bound
to supply the wants of the public service, and to do that
which the House of Assembly rendered urgent, namely,
to supply the means of legislation in case of the conti-
nued refusal of the House of Assembly to legislate for
the colony. It had been stated that there was no
urgency for this legislation. liow was the fact?
Why, the House of Assembly had admitted that
it was so. With regard to the contracts it was ad-
mitted at the bar that the present law was not such as
the negro population would act upon. The negro had
been advised not to sign any contracts. Allusion had
been made to the influence exercised in that respect by
the Wesleyan Missionaries. That influence had been
given to them in consequence of their having been the
first who prepared them for that great boon which they
now possessed. He believed that that influence ha,

been exercised beneficially, and thatiCtvonidle—Put;
end to when proper provision was made for con-
tracts between masters and servants.—(Hear, hear.)
But when so much had been said of Baptist missionaries,
and when such a distinction had been taken between
them and others, he could not but recollect that it was
only a very short time since such a distinction in
Jamaica was known, because one of his most difficult
acts as Governor of that Island was to defend a Me-
thodist missionary when he was assaulted in the Court
House by two gentlemen, one of them of great ix-
fluence, and he believed a Member—indeed, he believed
both were Members of the House of Assembly. There-
fore, when it was said that all the missionaries were
viewed favourably It the planters—he hoped it was so—
with the exception of the Baptists, he could not but
feel that that had not been very long the case. With
respect to the Contract Law, a declaration was made
which, he trusted, would go out to Jamaica as a
confessio❑ of th it against which they should
have to guard in reference to their confidence in Stipen-
diary Magistrates ; and he hoped the House of As-
sembly was pledged to see the same administration of
impartial justice that would be administered by her
Majesty's Government. The object must be to
protect the negro who had not the knowledge
to protect himself ; and, looking at the conduct of the
House of Assembly, if their Lordships rejected this
Bill, they must see there was no chance of obtaining
that desirable end i f they left it exclusively in the
hands of the House of Assembly. They had been told
with reference to the Vagran,cy Law, there were several
provisions in the Contract Law highly objection.
able. He did not think it necessary that he should
go into that, because the House of Assembly had
admitted in their address to Sir Lionel Smith that the
Contract Law was necessary. As to the Vagrancy
Act, which authorised the whipping of females in pri-
sons, their Lordships had been told that that was re-
pealed. All he could say upon that was that the opi-
nion obtained from the Chief Justice of Jamaica, who
administered that law, did not bear out the truth of

that statement. Therefore, unless their Lordships pro-
vided another remedy, the extremity of the Vagrancy
Act must be considt.red to be that which was legally
to be practically enforced. Then, with regard to the
waste lands, anybody who was locally acquainted with
Jamaica must feel the provision in respect to waste
lands to be a most unexceptionable one. But
then it was said, why should that provision, and
the Vagrancy provision be pressed on the House,
bepause they were for the benefit of the planters.
Now he did not admit that, but if they were at all
that, while they were for the temporary advantage
of the planter, they were for the perrnpent. benefit of
the neuo. Again, it was said they were attempting to
deprive the newly emancipated negro who had a free.
hold that entitled him to vote. The House would re-
coreet that fifteen months must expire before they were
entitled to vote.
Lord EL LE NBO ROUGH—Fifteen months from ,
. . .

_
Le passing of the Emancipation Act.
The Marquis of No4mANBy was sure that all