The Sun.
London, England, 1837-06-29 00:00:00

THE LIFE OF JOHN THEL WALL.

IBF Ills WIDOW.
Macronc, London, 1837.
There is no portion of political biography which
ought to be more carefully studied by the present ge-
neration, than authentic accounts of the labours, and
; mfferings, and persecutions, endured by the fathers of
~ Reform in the Commons' House of Parliament. The
spectacle of men ready to lay down their lives for their
principles—prepared to nourish with their blood seed
,f which they could not hope to reap the fruits—exer-
cises a wholesome moral influence over every mind not
wholly dead to the nobler feelings of humanity ; but
:ndependently of this, the lives of the British Refor-
ners strikingly exhibit how impotent are the most
- ,)owerfully supported abuses when resisted to the death
)y a handful of patriots, having nothing in view but
:he welfare of their country. The triumph of Reform
winciples should teach the people never to despair of
iuccess in the uprooting of abuses while there is a
nan among them, who, like the subject of these pages,
mly values his life as it may prove serviceable to his
fellow-countrymen. Honesty in the few will sooner or
ater produce conviction and resolution in the many ;
i3r in politics, as in every thing else, zeal and perse-
-.Trance in a just cause are irresistible.
John Thelwall, the son of an industrious, intelli-
lent, silkmercer, was born in Chandos-street, West-
ninster, in 1764. His father was in easy circum-
tances, and possessed a country house in the then
,ural district of Walcot-place. He was educated in
he principles of the Established Church, and during
its infancy was remarkable chiefly for his obstinacy
Lnd his dislike of the rod—qualities very common
among children in all ages. His father intended him
for an artist'; but he dying before young Thelwall was
fourteen years of age, his mother plamd him behind
ale counter. In this situation he cut but a sorry figure.
lie was fond of the theatre, and fancied himself pos-
sessed of all the talents requisite to form a great actor.
He had likewise a penchant for rhyming, and as he
iad happily no opportunity of testing the extent of
his genius in that way, he descended to his grave with
:he self-gratifying conviction that nature intended him
:'or a poet, but circumstances compelled him to become
a politician. As the delusion pleased him, there was
certainly nothing culpable in his indulgence of it.
Having failed to obtain from Mr. Colman permission
to electrify London by a display of his histrionic abili-
ties, and being reduced to the verge of absolute want
,y the imprudence of an elder brother, Thelwall was
ibliged to become the apprentice of a tailor, whom for
some time he served very faithfully. However, he soon
;rew disgusted with the usage he received, and having
,btained his liberty, turned his attention to the bar.
He was articled to a respectable attorney, and entered
At one of the Inns of Court ; but before the period of
his apprenticeship expired, he felt so convinced that lie
would not succeed in the legal profession, that he pro
lured the cancelling of his indentures—much against
:he will of the gentleman in whose office he was em-
ployed. Literature now offered the only chance for
him, and to its cultivation lie devoted all his energies.
He became a regular contributor to the " Universal
Magazine," edited another monthly periodical, and by
trifling sums thus painfully, but industriously procured,
managed to support himself, his mother, and his
brother, nQw reduced to absolute dependance upon him.
[ti 178 S, he became acquainted with the celebrated
John Horne Tooke, entered himself a member of se-
vr,ral Reform Societies, and in 1794 was tried with
Tooke, Hardy, and nine others, for high treason. He
had a narrow escape, for Pitt, who personally disliked
him, did all that he could to have him hanged. We
quote his examination before the Privy Council :
Thelwall was now suddenly ordered before the Privy
Council ; but, when he entered, lie found everything in
confusion ; the actors, indeed, were all on the boards, but
'-he machinery was not arranged, and he was therefore or-
bored to withdraw awhile. In about a quarter of an hour
me was again ushered in, and beheld the whole (Iranians
personce intrenched, chin deep, in some of his own comp-
iitions, printed and manuscript, all scattered about in the
itmost confusion.
The Chancellor, Loughborough, was sitting at the fur-
ther end of the room, and Mr. Dundas near the door. Mr.
Pitt was standing at the far side of the table, behind the
persons who were seated there.
As there was more of stage effect than dialogue in this
scene, we will endeavour to preserve the spirit of it, by re-
iating, verbatim, what was said, and also the manner, as
described in Thelwali's published account of this examina-
tion, if so it may be called.
The Attorney-General, (Sir John Scott, now Lord El-
don) turning towards Thelwall, asked him, in a gentle tone
of voice, what was his Christian name ?
" John," replied Thelwall.
" How do you spell your name," continued he, in the
same insinuating key, " with two L's at the end of it,
or one ?"
" With two," said Thelwall ; " but it does not signify." 1
" With two, did you say ?" interrupted the Attorney-
General.

" With two," replied Thelwall, approaching with indiffe-
rence, and taking care to sec his name properly written.
". There, that is correct ; but it does not signify. You need
give yourself no trouble. I do not mean to answer any
questions."

" What does he say ?" exclaimed Pitt, darting round,
'fiercely, from the other side of the room, and taking his seat
'by the Lord Chancellor.
" He does not mean to answer any questions," replied

the Chancellor with silver softness, almost melting to a
whi.per.
" What is it ?—What is it ? What ?" said Pitt, hur-
riedly.
" He says he does not mean to answer any questions,"
repeated the Chancellor.
The Prime Minister paused for a few seconds, and then
continued abruptly—
" He had better consider of it. He had better take
time and consider of it. Give him time."
" Mr. Thelwall," said the Chancellor, " you had better
consider."
" My Lord, I have considered," returned he. " I have
considered, and I shall answer no questions. You need not
give yourselves any trouble. I will not answer."
" Mr. Thelwall," slid the Attorney-General, with great
assumed urbanity. " It is no trouble ; it is our duty to ask
you questions. You live in Beaufort-buildings, I think."
Thelwall fixed his eye firmly, alternately upon the Chan-
cellor, and upon Mr. Pitt ; but remained imperturbably
silent.
" He will not answer," said the Chancellor, in a half-
whisper.
Pitt, who either from the extreme of haughty arrogance,
or from an awakened consciousness of the injury which was
resolved on against his intended victim, had never conde-
scended to turn a look upon Thelwall, now exclaimed, with
a mixture of petulance and embarrassment—
" He does not know what is against him. Bet-
ter to let him see what is against him. Here, let
him see this paper. Show him this paper," continued he,
reaching the Second Report of the Secret Committee of
the House of Commons. (Dcbrett's Edition, p. 24 and
2.5.) " Now, Mr. Thelwall," said he, at length, turning
his eye full upon him, " Do you know you arc apprehended
for treasonable practices, and that this paper was found
upon you ?"
Thelwall made no answer. The paper presented, and
which was said to hare been found upon hint, was a paper
which had not only been rejected by him, but by all the
Committee, to whom it was referred ; but he did not choose
to fix it upon the person by whom it was presented, and,
therefore, he remained firmly silent.
" Do you know any thing of that paper, Mr. Thelwall ?"
asked the Attorney-General.
No answer.
" Read it to him," said Pitt, angrily. " Let it be read."
The paper was read accordingly, during which process
Pitt kept his eye keenly bent upon the accused ; and when
the paper was read through,
" Now, Mr. Thelwall," said he, " it behoves you to state
how that parer came to be in your possession."
Thelwall, however, was not of the same opinion, and
therefore made no answer.
" Can you tell how you came by that paper ?" asked the
Attorney-General.
" I am bold in the consciousness of innocence, but I shall
answer no questions," said Thelwall, firmly.
" What's that ?—What's that ?" said Pitt, to the Chan-
cellor.
" He says he is bold in the consciousness of innocence,
but he will answer no questions."
" A strange reason that for answering no questions, Mr.
Thelwall," retorted Pitt, his lip quivering, and his whole
countenance convulsed with rage. " A strange reason,
being bold in conscious innocence ! A strange reason for
not answering!"

" If I answer this, you will expect me to answer other
questions ; and it is no part of the law or Constitution of
this country to answer questions to a Privy Council."
" You do not come here, Mr. Thelwall," said the Lord
Chancellor, very gravely, " to answer to the laws and Con-
stitution of your country."
" What does he say ? What does he say ?" said Pitt.
" He says," replied the Chancellor, with his usual mild
tone, " it is no part of the laws or Constitution of this
country to answer interrogatories. I tell him he does not
come here to answer to the laws and Constitution of his
country."

" Were you at Chalk Farm, Mr. Thelwall?" asked the
Attorney-General.
Thelwall put his finger on his lips, shook his head, and
remained silent.
" Were you at the meeting at Chalk Farm ?" was again
demanded by the Attorney-General. No answer. The
question was once more put with as little avail ; when one
of the Privy Council, who was sitting close to that part of
the table by which Thelwall was standing, and who had
hitherto taken no part in the proceedings, turned shortly
round upon him, and looking him full in the face, said with
the most contemptuous sneer, " You will not answer, Mr.
Thelwall ? then we will make }au answer."
At this unprovoked insult, the look of defiance which
Thelwall turned upon the Privy Councillor spoke the feel-
ings which were passing in his breast. He could hardly
control the sudden impulse to take the speaker by the nose,
which was so insolently perked up in his face, but thrusting
his hands into both his pockets, and coolly turning on his
heel, he began to examine a water-colour drawing of a ship,
which hung over a chimney-piece. Ever afterwards, when
speaking of this examination, he used to say, " he never in
his life approximated to high treason but once, and that
was, in compassing and imagining the act of pulling a Privy
Councillor by the nose !"
However, the Members of the Council by this time be-
gan to find that they were losing their labour, for the pri-
soner was resolved neither to criminate himself nor his col-
leagues, by giving, to any questions, answers which might
be artfully perverted to suit the purposes of the ques-
tioners. After the Lord Chancellor and Attorney-General
had remarked that further interrogatories were useless, Pitt
told Thelwall he might withdraw.
The particulars of Thelwall's trial, and his subse-
quent career as a political and scientific lecturer, are
well known. He maintained his principles to the last,
and before he died, had the happiness to witness the
triumph of a cause which he all but scaled with his
blood. Thelwall's biographer speaks of him as a man
as amiable in private as he was consistent in public
life ; but of this we can best assure ourselves after the
second volume—which is to embrace a record of his
domestic history—makes its appearance. The volume
in our hands is the biography of Thelwall as a politi-
cian and lecturer, a citizen, and a Reform martyr ; that
which is to follow will present the world with a por-
trait of him as a son, a husband, a father, and a friend.
As we arc on the eve of a general election, it may
be interesting to give another brief extract from Thel-
wall's biography, illustrative of the change which has
been effected in the representation of this country
since 1795, The following was the method by which
our venerable Tory ancestors sought to maintain invio-
late our "glorious Constitution in Church and State."
What an example for the Radicals do we here find in
the boasted " wisdom of our ancestors :
Telegraph, Fl iday, Sept. sth.
" DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
" Whoever wishes for a scat in the House, by honour..
able and constitutional means, may have the choice of many
where their success can be made certain.—Address a line
to M. 8., No. 11, Down-street, Piccadilly."
COU: ier, Sept. 3d.
" MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.
" The present system of electioneering is attended with
great evils, among which the following are not the least—
much trouble, heavy expense, and great uncertainty of suc-
cess. The advertiser knows how to obtain scats in the
House Without difficulty. His plan is infallible and per-
fectly constitutional. None hut principals can be treated
with. Address a line to M. 8., No. 11, Down-street,
Piccadilly."
In the Times, Saturday, Oct. 18th, was the following
paragraphs :—" Counsellor Baldwin, Secretary to the Duke
of Portland, is to be elected for the Borough of Melton, in
the gift of Earl Fitzwilliam."

WANDERINGS I
Br GEORGE' COCIIRANR, ESQ.
In Two Volumes. London, 1837.
Regenerated Greece has not a more enthusiastic ad-
mirer, or a more sanguine supporter, than Mr. Coch-
rane. In the four-fold capacity of Lieutenant, Private
Secretary, Aide-de-Camp, and Treasurer to the Flea,
Mr. Cochrane accompanied his distinguished relative
Lord Cochrane in his naval expedition for the delive-
rance of Greece in 1827, and since that period his
mind appears to have been wholly absorbed in de-
vising plans for promoting the social and moral happi-
ness of the Greek population. After the cessation of
hostilities and the recognition of the independence of
Greece, Mr. Cochrane returned to England, but in
1834 he again 'visited " the land of his adoption,"
with a view of imparting to the Greek Government a
plan which he had long and maturely considered, for the
establishment of a line of steam-vessels to run at regu-
lar intervals between the French and Italian ports, and
Malta, Greece, and Constantinople. He had several
interviews with the Ministry, and one with King Otho,
who cordially approved of the project, and promised
that nothing on the part of his Majesty should '-
wanting to render it eminently successful. .*
was stipulated on the part of the Greet,
that 1,0001. a year should be

.1C '

.4t last it

Government
...antcd in support of

the plan ; and that Mr. Cochrane should controul its
entire direction. This he regarded as a happy termina-
tion of the first part of his labours, when suddenly the
french Government stepped in, and by a vote of the
Chamber of Deputies granting 400,0001. to the Minis-
ter of Marine for the establishnmit of a steam com-
munication between the Levant and Europe, robbed
him of the fruit of years of toil, watching, wandering,
• and anxiety. In vain did he represent to M. Humann
and his colleagues the priority of his claim—the extent
of his personal sacrifices—and the certain success that
awaited him. The French Cabinet was inexorable,
and Mr. Cochrane's long cherished project—as far as
concerned his pr.-ional interests—fell to the ground.
This conduct of the French Government was not ge-
nerous—it was not even characterized by a regard for
the simple principle of individual justice. Mr. Coch-
rane's appeal was not allowed to interfere with the
establishment of a Steam Company in the Levant ;
nor does it appear from his account of this transac-
tion that he ever received the offer of any compensation
for his personal sacrifices in the shape of either money,
pension, or appointment
France has yet reaped but little advantage from this
not very creditable manceuvre, on the part of her Go-
vernment. A Steam communication has been esta-
blished ; but unless placed on a different footing it
will be productive of no essential service to any country.
The following letter from Constantinople, dated the
31st of March, and addressed to a Tory Morning
Contemporary, bears so forcibly upon this view of the
question that we readily give it insertion here, in the
hope that it may attract the attention of some Member
of the present Government of France :
A regular communication across the Mediterranean be-
tween the Levant and Europe has at length fairly been esta-
blished. Two of the twelve magnificent steam-vessels des•
tined by the French Government for this eminently important
purpose have already left this port with answers to the letters
and despatches for the various places in Greece and Italy
they are to re-visit on their way back to Marseilles. Three
times every month in the year this rapid interchange of
information between the cast and west is henceforth to be
renewed. To prevent the interruptions arising from un-
forseen accidents two steamers are kept in reserve, and
if the Tariff's statement is to be credited this correspond-
ence is to be carried on with so much exactitude and
punctuality, that the day and even the hour of each vessel's
arrival and departure, be the weather however boisterous,
can be relied upon. The new era, so impatiently expected,
has begun. Will the politician, the merchant, the travel-
ler, in future see their anticipations, or are they yet to re-
main in the same dormant state as before? This is for
these countries so vital a question that it is but just to
make it the subject of a few remarks.
Political interests, public utility, and the increase of com-
merce, were the principal advantages the French Govern-
ment professed to have in view, when proposing to the
Chambers the establishment of a steam communication
between the more important ports of the Levant and France.
These powerful considerations and inducements at once de-
termined the nation's representatives on voting the funds
required. It were to have been wished that the high-
mindedness and liberality of views which led to the adop-
tion of this noble scheme had presided also over the de-
liberations of the Committee entrusted with the details
of its execution. Public utility and the augmentation
of commerce would not then have been sacrificed to
misplaced notions of military decorum, as they have
been ; nor would the organization bear the mark of a
spirit of cupidity and niggardliness as disreputable
for the Government as it will prove injurious to the suc-
cess of the undertaking itself. For it is certain that, unless
a speedy and thorough reform be introduced, commerce will,
crc long, fly in disgust from an enterprise to which atten-
tion to its wants and freedom has been a stranger. Goods
of no description are allowed to be embarked on board
these vessels, because it were below the dignity of a French
officer to sign a bill of lading, or take upon himself the
responsibility imposed upon the commanders of ships by
the commercial code. Even funds cannot be placed on
hoard for the same reason, and, moreover, because these
vessels being men of war their character thereby would
become compromised, and grounds would be given to fo-
reign Governments for claiming from them the payment of
the port dues, such as are paid by merchantmen. The
French trade must remain deprived of the immense
advantage to be derived from the rapid conveyance of
funds, in order that the Government may keep clear of
the difficulty, which it might get over by paying, when
having money on board, the duties paid by other vessels.
It is said that on the event of the representations lately
made on the subject to the Governments of Naples, Rome,
and Florence proving successful in guaranteeing the. French
steamers from this degradation, the funds of merchants
will then be allowed to be shipped.
The public, in France at least, had a right to expect
that the French Government, after debarring it for the
above reasons from these advantages, should have con-
ferred upon it that of finding a cheaper passage on board
the Royal steamers than can be afforded by the merchant
vessels on account of the heavy expnses exacted from
them in foreign ports, and also a cheap conveyance for
letters, pamphlets, newspapers, &c.
By referring to the tariffs of the various steam-packets
plying between Italy and France, between Vienna and
Smyrna, between Trieste and the Levant, it may be seen
that this is far from beinc, the case, the passage-money
being at least 40 per cent. less on board these private ves-
sels than on board the Royal ones. As for the charges on
let tern, they are nearly four times heavier in the tariff of the
latter* So preposterous have these charges appeared to
the English here that every one among the merchants has
wr'tten home to request his friends for love's sake to ap-
ply to the Director of the English Post-office to request
their letters being sent as usual, via Vienna, and on no ac-
count through the improved conveyance of French steam-
boats. Thus it is evident that the principal, if not the sole,
object the French Government has had before its eyes in
this enterprise has been political interest, and not that of
commerce. The Chambers, it is hoped, will have spirit
enough left for calling Ministers to account for this un-
warrantable deception practised upon the nation and Europe.
Mr. Cocluane's description of the society and sce-
nery of Greece arc vivid and interesting. He, how-
ever, devotes too much space to book recollections, and
there is here and there something like an attempt to
write down to the capacity of a less intelligent class of
readers, which has rather a disagreeable effect.
Most likely this was not intended—the author's object
being to render himself universally intelligible. In
his " Wanderings in Greece," he had an extensive inter.-
course with the Chiefs of the Revolution, and his re-
miniscences of these old warriors are far from being
the least interesting portions of his work. His earli-
est acquaintances were 'Miaulis, Mavrocordato, Colo-
cotroni, Capo d'lstrias, Tombasi, Karaiskaki, and Ca-
naris—names illustrious from their association with
the independence of Greece. Of King Otho and his
Royal Consort, he speaks in terms of admiration and
respect ; 7.nd he is sanguine enough to believe that the
day is not distant when Greece will rival France and
England in the knowledge and practice of all the re-
finements of civilized life. His work is hanlsomely
embellished with portraits of King Otho and his
Queen, and numerous views of different places in
Greece. The view of Athens might almost be mis-
taken for a view of Edinburgh—so striking is the ex-
ternal resemblance between the capitals of Greece
and North Britain.

The following account of the author's first acquain-
tance with the celebrated Chief Colocotroni, must con-
clude our notice of a work, from the perusal of which
our readers will derive profit and amusement :
" On returning on board the schooner, I observed upon
the deck several calves, sheep, goats, and a quantity of
poultry, which I learned had been sent by Colocotroni,
with an intimation that, on the following day, he would pay
the Admiral a visit. He accordingly came, with several of
his followers ; one of whom, a Count Mataxa, acted as
his Secretary, and seemed to suggest and direct his politi-
cal observations ; for Colocotroni, though the most distin-
guished chief of the country, was not a man whc)sc intel-
lect had received any artificial cultivation. His rise may
be attributed to his great bodily strength, and his bravery
the field
prominent a
.ileis n
veryd mtaarl
marked
dbeing t
uarebosu t six feet
high—
has very
antwears his hair
very long.
" Colocotroni being
a M mote (that is, an inhabitant of
the peninsula of Greece) he was attired as one, in a stile
quite different from the
of a red cap, with ~,anders. His dress was cmlpose
"
white cotton d short, plain, green cloth jacket, and a
kilts, L. lustinello, more after the style of the Scotch
T_.ot with about three times the quantity of cloth in it.
.le plaits, drawn up round the waist, were innumerable ;
round these plaits was twisted a red sash. Under this fus-
tin 110 he wore a pair of drawers descending to the calves
of the legs, and his legs were covered with thick black and
red cotton leggings, and shoes.
' "He had no sword by his side ; but his companions

T E SUN, LONIiON, THETIISDA JUNII 20, 184