The Sun.
London, England, 1830-05-26 00:00:00

SLAVERY.

Mr. PENDARVIS presented a petition from a town
in Cornwall, praying for the Abolition of Slavery.

DRAMATIC CENSORSHIP.

Mr. LENNARD rose to move for leave to bring in a
Bill to repeal the third and fourth clauses of the 10th of
Geo. 11. c. 28, which empower the Lord Chamberlain to
prohibit the acting of any new play or entertainment on
the stage. The Hon. Member said that the Bill of which
he wished to repeal some of the clauses was passed in Sir
Robert Walpole's Administration, and was then opposed
by the Earl of Chesterfield, in a speech that was a model
of eloquence, and an ornament of our language. The
Act was also severely satirized by Dr. Johnson, and he
believed it had at all times been condemned. The part
of it to which he chiefly objected was that which gave
power to the Lord Chamberlain to license plays and dra-
matic writings. He did not think it necessary, in bring-
ing the subject under the notice of the House, to go
into the origin of the Lord Chamberlain's jurisdiction;
it was sufficient for his purpose to acknowledge that
this officer had exercised such an authority long
before the Act was passed. It was exercised with-
out any rule, very arbitrarily, and very often with
great caprice. He admitted that it was readily sub-
mitted to by the actors ; but, considering what was
their original condition, that was not to be wondered
at. They were persons put out of the pale of the Consti-
tution. The present law had another vice about it. It
was passed at a period of great political excitement, and
was intended only to remedy a temporary evil. But when
other laws were passed under similar circumstances, it
became a general restriction, and having once got into the
Statute Book, there was a great difficulty in getting rid
of it. He might, perhaps, be allowed to compare it in
this respect to the Six Acts, which were passed in a state
of temporary ferment; and as the Attorney-General had
announced his intention to bring in a Bill to repeal one of
them, he thought he might with great propriety follow so
good an example. The Act conferred, too, he might ob-
serve, a most unconstitutional power on the Lord Chain-
bertain, quite as bad as that conferred by the Six Acts.—
He should be able to show by example, both in former and
in modern times, that this power had been exercised also
in a most unconstitutional manner. He would beg leave
to allude to the circumstances under which the Act was
passed. Sir Robert Walpole, at that time, was exposed to
many severe attacks, and in particular he was attacked by
pieces produced in the theatre. Just at that time a play,
call d the Golden Rump, was sent in manuscript to Sir
R. Walpole, by the manager of one of the theatres, in
which he was most severely handled. He was much
irritated ; he called it sedition, and, rising in his place
in the House of Commons, he read some of the strongest
passages; the Members were all excited ; the Bill
was immediately brought in, and it was passed almost
by acclamation. This was the origin of the Act.—
This Bill was passed through the House of Com-
mons, though it established a power unknown to the
Constitution—a power greater than was possessed by
the King—a power that was an infringement on
the liberty of the subject and on the liberty of the
Press. This Bill, that was equal'y condemned by
general principles—by its practical results—was passed
through the House of Commons without as much discus-
sion as was usually given to a Turnpike Act. By this
law, not only no new play could be performed without a
license, a song could not be sung on the stage, nor a new
passage, no, not even a word, could be introduced into a
play, without the permission of the Lord Chamberlain, or
the Lord Chamberlain's Deputy. For granting this license
the Lord Chamberlain's Deputy exacted a fee of two gui-
neas; while the power to exact this fee made the Deputy
very vigilant, so that nothing whatever, neither a play,
nor a song, nor an addition to a play, could be sung or
acted, without the payment. The Deputy Licenser hail
even extended his power to prevent a lecture on astronomy
being delivered in a theatre without a license, or rather
without paying him his fee. The Hon. Member quoted
the permission which had been given by the Deputy Li-
censer to deliver such a lecture on payment of the fee to
confirm his statement. The practice of exacting a fee
was perhaps not authorised by the law; but the managers
of the theatres submitted to it, and the reason was this :
In consequence of the extensive powers of the Lord Chain- '
berlain, it was impossible for the managers to escape his
power—they were continually liable to forfeit their patent
privileges, and this made them submit to the Lord Cham-
berlain's Deputy's exactions. As a specimen of the power
of the Deputy, he would mention that a few years ago a
clown was prevented from adding the words " roast
beef." The most innocent or trifling additions
by a Grimaldi might subject the manager to
forfeit his privileges. It became, necessary, there-
fore, for them to follow the directions of Hamlet—
" Let not your clowns speak more than is set
down for them." The slightest neglect or omission on
their part might subject them to censure ; and he be-
lieved, that there was not one of the great patentees of
the theatres who was not liable to forfeit his license fifty
times in the course of the season. Under such circum-
stances they would naturally submit to pay any fee ; and
if the Lord Chamberlain's Deputy were to appoint a De-
puty's Deputy, he might also exact a fee. He was aware
that the Master of tl.e Revels formerly did exact a fee ;
but the Act under which the Lord Chamberlain exercised
his power gave him no authority to exact any fee. By
selecting him, the Act placed the power in the hands of a
person of distinction, who was to be responsible for its
proper exercise, and who was never expected to make use
of it as a means of levying a tax on the managers of the-
atres. He, however, was unable to read the productions
intended for the stage, and he deputed his power to an
inferior officer, who exacted the, fee without any authority
whatever. The fee Mr. Colman exacted, however, be
was bound to say, was not greater than was exacted by
his predecessors. What he contended for in principle was,
that the ordinary laws of the realm were sufficient to re-
press the licentiousness of the stage without the power of
licensing stage performances. If anything blasphemous,
seditious, or libellous, were produced on the stage, it
might be punished as a libel. The Act which he wished
to modify only imposed fetters on the stage without pro-
ducing any good effect. But it was said that a printed
libel had not the same effect as a representation ; that the
eye was more readily affected than the ear, and transmitted
a more powerful impression on the mind.
" Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem,
Quain qua' aunt oculis subjecta dielibus."

But supposing this true—supposing that the theatre might
be made the means of promoting party politics and per-
sonal attacks—he must still contend that the common
law would he sufficient to repress this licentiousness. In
order to meet this objection, however, he should be ready,
if he obtained le we to bring in the Bill, to agree to vest
that power its Commissioners or Magistrates which was
now exercised by the Lord Chamberlain. If such a
power were deposited anywhere, it ought not to be in an
officer of the household, but in some responsible person,
who should not delegate his authority to others, to be used
as a means of levying fees. He would illustrate the effects
of this authority by example, and in order not to wound
the feelings of any person, he would go back a little from
our own time. A play, for example, of Mr. Gay's (Polly,
we believe), was prohibited on account of its political
' tendency. Another case was Thomson's play of " So-
phonisbu"—a play iu which there was nothing objec-
tionable ; fur of that pet it had been justly said that he
never wrote " one line which dying he would wish to
blot ;" yet that play was objected to, and a license refused,
because some of his sentiments, in his poem of Liberty,
had given offence to the Minister of that day. A farce of
Foote's, also, was suppressed, because it contained some
satirical allusions to that moral lady, the Duchess of King-
ston, who was in favour with the then Lord Chamber-
lain. The Hon. 11lenilk!r quoted another example, in
which a character, called " Rakeall," who was repre-
sented as au army officer, somewhat of a swindler, and a
good deal of a coward, was ordered to be suppressed,
because it reflected on a high class of society, and was de-
rogatory to the character of of laugh.)—He
was sure the Right Honourable and Gallant Secre-
tary did not need any such protection for his pro-
fession, Ile had several specimens before him of
Mr. Colman's pruning, who seemed, for example,
not to like that angel.: should be mentioned in
read a ps,ssage which contained tbe words " MY
a play, which be deacribed as indecorous. The Hon.
Member
angels divine," and the licenser wrote Blot out the an-
gels." This was an excess of nicety in the author of
"Broad Grins. Angelic and heavenly were words to
which lie seemed to have a great antipathy. The rim"
Member quoted several other specimens of the licenser's
fastidious pn,„4, and among others lie said that he bad
taken Royalty under his peculiar care, and wishing not to
frighten heirs apparent, he ordered tlao following correc-
tion :--A play was presented to him, in which were the

words "all the fatigues, cares, and tediousness of Roy-
alty," and the licenser's directions were "strike out the
words 'and tediousness.' " The only effective opposition
which he expected was from those who thought that if
the motion were carried, it would produce an injurious
effect on the minor theatres; by exposing them to prose-
cutions from the patentees of the regular theatres. But
that was a consequence which he did not apprehend. The
Hon. Gent. concluded, by moving for leave to bring in a
Bill to repeal the third and fourth clauses of Act 10 Geo.
11. c. 28, which empowers the Lord Chamberlain to
prohibit the acting of any new play or entertainment on
the stage. _ _ _

Mr. G. LAMB argued that the proposed change was
wholly unnecessary.
_ . . .

Sir R. PEEL concurred in the observations which had
fallen from the Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken.
Looking at the state of the stage before and after the pass-
ing of the Act, there was nothing to induce the House to
remove the censorship. He confessed he had not the con-
fidence which the Hon. Mover had in the good taste of
the public ; and was by no means satisfied that but for the
censorship immoral and blasphemous dramas would not
be received with applause. He was the more induced to
entertain this opinion from the manner in which the cele-
brated murder by Thurtell, with all its dreadful details,
was presented on a minor stage, almost immediately after
its occurrence. The Hon. Member for Maldon had al-
luded to Lord Chesterfield's speech. There was one part
of that speech to which he beggad the particular attention
of the Hon. Member, namely, that part of it in which Lord
Chesterfield had objected to bringing in the Bill at so late
a period of the Session. Lord Chesterfield had predicted
that the passing of the Act in question would, in its con-
sequences, be injurious to the liberty of the Press. The
result, however, had shown that the Noble Lord was en-
tirely mistaken on that point. The Deputy Licenser, Mr.
Colman, had been charged by the Hon. Gentleman with
fastidiousness; but was the Hon. Gentleman prepared to
say that the dramatic taste of the people of England was
so pure that it might be left without controul? And what
was the substitute for that authority recommended by the
Hoc Gentleman? A Committee of Magistrates—of Police
—or at best, County Magistrates ! For all these reasons,
but especially because he objected to bringing in such
a Bill as the present at so late a period of the Session
as the 25th of May, he must oppose the Hon. Gentle-
man's motion.

Mr. O'CONNELL could not understand why the stage
was not to he supposed to have become sufficiently purified
to be left without censorship. In all other branches of
literature a purification of taste had taken place. Of this
the celebrated novel of " Torn Jones" was a proof. No
such work would be tolerated in the present day.
After a few words from Mr. MoNcx, a short reply from
Mr. I.nrtNA an, and an intimation by Sir ROBERT PEEL
that he would not object to the Hon. Member for Maldon's
bringing is the Bill at as early a period in the next Session
as he might think proper, the motion was negatived with-
out a division.

Mr. LABOUCHERE wished to ask on what day the
Right Hon. Gentleman would fix the next reading of the
Beer Bill.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—As soon
as he knew the day, he would give notice of it to the
Hon. Member, so that ample time should be afforded fur
the discussion of the Bill.

Lord J. RUSSELL said a few words, which were in-
audible in the gallery.

CANADA.

Mr. LABOUCHERE begged leave to call the atten-
tion of the House to the state of the Civil Government of
Canada. In doing so, he felt bound to offer his humble
tribute of applause to the excellent character and conduct
of Sir James Kemp, who certainly had done all that he
could as an individual, to render the administration of the
Government as little objectionable as possible. But the
evil was in the form of the Government itself. The com-
position of the Legislative Assembly, and the part they had
taken in the affairs of the province of Canada, had oc-
cupied much of the attention of the Canada Committee.
It appeared that the same subject had engaged attention at
a much earlier period. In the discussions on the Bill of
1791, which gave to Canada the Constitution it now
possessed, the composition of the Legisl itive Council
had become a matter of great debate. In those dis-
cussions Mr. Fox said that there were no materials in
Canada for an Aristocracy, and that the principle of
an elective Government must be introduced. All that had
since occurred, confirmed the opinion of that great man
on that important point. Mr. Pitt thought otherwise;
but he and Mr. Burke, and those who supported that side
of the question, agreed in declaring that the Legislative
Assembly of the Province should be so constituted as to
preserve its independence. He would chew the House
how little that opinion had been adhered to in practice.
Out of the twenty-seven Members who sat in the general
Legislative Assembly for Lower Canada, eighteen were
placemen and but nine independent Members. Among
the placemen seven were Members of the Executive Coun-
cil, and but nine of time placemen were native Canadians.
The rest were men who had gone out thither to make a
fortune, and who having succeeded in that object would
feel no further interest in the colony. In the seventeen
Members of the General Legislative Assembly who sat for
Upper Canada, twelve were placemen and only five were
unofficial men. Under these circumstances it could not
he matter of surprise that the body uniformly sided with
the Executive Government ; and as their Acts had been
frequently opposed to the feelings and interests of the
people, the Legislative Assembly, that ought to represent
the popular wish, had, in fact, been opposed to the opi-
nion of the great mass of the nation. This composition
of the Legislative Assembly had been complained of at the
time it was formed, and the House of Assembly in
Lower Canada, which he believed really to represent the
feelings and wishes of the people there, had very re-
cently expressed the same complaints—for so late as
March, 1830, on going into a Committee of Supply,
they passed an unanimous resolution, declaring that that
House only consented to inter into the consideration
of the said estimates in the hope that the grievances of
which complaint had so often been made would be re-
dressed, and that measures would be at once taken to se-
cure the independence of the House of Assembly of the
Province, and to improve the state of Judicature, by di-
vesting the Judicial Officers of functions totally uncon-
nected with their judicial duties. There was a time when
a great jealousy existe f between the French and English
inhabitants of the colony ; but in consequence of the Bill
passed last Session that jealousy was now at an end, and
both were willing and anxious to co-operate in the most
efficient manner for the common good. The second point
to which he wished to call the attention of the House,
was the present system of the administration of justice.—
To that point he particularly called the attention of the
Right Hon. Secretary opposite; for he could not think,
after the many improvements that Right Hon. Gentleman
had made in the administration of justice in this country,
he would consent to leave the people of Canada in as bad a
situation as ever.—(Hear, hear.) The first point in this
part of the subject, eves the tenure of the Commissions of
the Judges. They were not the same as in this country,
nor in Jamaica, nor as in many other of our possessions,
commissions during good behaviour, but the Judges were
removable at pleasure. At the time the Bill for creating
these Courts passed, Lord Grenville said the measure was
only to be temporary ; and in effect the Government had
given up the principle of it in 1826, but the form was
still continued. It was not his intention to recommend
any alteration exceeding that which the Committee had
proposed. The Judges now depended for their salary
on the annual vote of the house of Assembly. He
did not wish that Judges should court popular ap-
plause, but equally unwilling was he that they should
seek Ministerial approbation. Yet they were obliged to
do so in Canada; and as long as the Judges re-
mained dependent on the pleasure of the Crown, the
House must and would retain that as the only check on
their conduct. The Judges were consequently in a situa-
tion of necessity, which made them in acting and feeling
political partisans. In the first place they were members
of the Executive Council. He should but waste their
time if ha attempted to argue on such a fact. But besides
that they were members of the Legislative Council, there
was a strong feeling in this country against such an union
of opposite duties—a feeling that was powerfully mani-
fested in Lord Ellenbotough's case. He would give one
instance of the practical effect of this system of judi-
cature. The Court of Quebec, two years ago, was occu-
piedwath a number of prosecutions for libel. The Chief
Justice of the Court was the Chairman of the Executive
Council, and the Speaker of the Legislative Council.
Two of tile Judges were members of both Councils, and
the remaining Judge was a member of one of them. The
Jury were appointed by the Sheriff, who was a salaried
officer of the Council, and he happened at that time to be
the son of the Chief Justice. The Attorney-General, by
whom the prosecutions were instituted, was the colleague
of the Chief Justice in the Legislative and Executive
Councils, and thus all the officers concerned in the ad-
ministration of justice were connected politically together.
There was at that time a feeling all over the country that the
prisoners Lail not the least chance of justice.—(Hear,
hear. )—But even tvlig he hail stated did not compre-
hend all the grievances of which the colony had to com-
plain. What he contended for was, that Parliament
ought to give the colonists the opportunity of redressing
the evils they
felt. They should have a good Legislative
Council, an improved sycein of judicature, and then they

might upset all the Acts now passed to support the Go-
vernment of Canada. The Canada Committee, in a re-
commendation given to the Government, stated that one
of the most important subjects of inquiry with them had
been the state of the Legislative Councils, and they
recommended that the Legislative Assembly should be
made more independent, and that the Judges should not he
Members of the Executive Council. Under these cir-
cumstances, adopting their opinion, he should move a re-
solution, declaring that the House concurred with that
opinion of the Canada Committee, and stating, secondly,
that it was the opinion of that House that the majority of
the Legislative Council ought not to be eomposed of officers
of the Crown, and that every measure, having for its ob-
ject to connect snore intimately that branch of the Consti-
tutional aovernment of Canada with the interests cf the
colony would be beneficial. He should propose, in the
third place, to declare, that it was not expedient to fill the
judicial seats of Upper and Lower Canada with Members
of the Legislative and Executive Councils. He should
have been unwilling to have raised that discussion, if he
had not been compelled to do so by a sense of justice. At
the same time he could not help observing the situation
in which we were placed. In a very short time that
House would he called on to vote 200,0001. for military
works in Canada, which would be quite useless if the Go-
vernment would do the little that was required to secure
the hearty attachment of its inhabitants. He entreated
the House not to neglect that cheap and constitutional
safeguard which was to be found in the hearts of a grate-
ful and affectionate people. He then moved the resolo-
tiona he had before read.
Lord SANDON seconded the motion.
On the question being put,
_ _ .

Sir GEO . MURRAY addressed the House in vindica-
tion of the conduct of his Majesty's Government. He
began by complimenting the Hon, Gentleman by whom
the resolutions were moved, on the moderation of the tone
in which he brought them forward, and the manner in
which lie pressed them upon the adoption of the House.
It had been contended on the other side that the recotn-
mendation of the Commissioners was not acted on, but he
thought the most decisive answer to that would be found
in the papers laid upon the table of the House; from
them it could not but be apparent, that those recommen-
dations had been fully acted upon so far as circumstances
allowed, and where insufficiency of information stood in
their way, they had had recourse to the Governor to
supply that want, and were then waiting for further in-
formation from him. As a proof that his Majesty's Go-
vernment at home were not influenced by any undue desire
to fill the Legislative Council with persons holding office
at the pleasure of the Crown, he should just mention the
fact, that three vacancies had recently occurred in the
Legislative Assembly, and those vacancies bad been filled
up with the names of three Gentlemen, not one of whom
held Office under the Crown—Gentlemen recommended
by the Governor as persons who, from their rank and
station, their characters and abilities, were well qualified
for the honours and privileges appertaining to a seat
in that Assembly ; and he begged to offer the fullest as-
surances to the House, that in future vacancies would
be filled up in a similar manner. He fully admitted
that the Judges, with the exception of the Chief Justice,
ought to be excepted from the list of the Legislative
Council, and lie was enabled to state, that recently Gen-
tlemen appointed to the Bench resigned their places
in the Legislative Council. Again, it was rather
hard to censure the manner in which seats in that
Assembly were filled, without making allowance for the
difficulty of finding an Aristocracy in a Colony settled
under such circumstances as that of Lower Canada,
or, indeed, in any Colony at all. Besides, that difficulty arose
out of causes that now he hoped had passed away. There had
been a period whets the feelings and conduct of the Government
at home had been guided by considerations which he hoped
hereafter would have no influence. He alluded to the differences
on religious matters, which, until very recently, produced im-
portant effects upon all the political proceedings of this country.
Those feelings naturally spread themselves outwards towards
our Colonies. There were, besides those impediments to im-
provements of the Institutions of that Colony, the difficulty
which arose from the population of the Colony being made up
both of French and English. He concurred with the Hon.
Gentleman opposite that the appointment of Judges during good
behaviour was very well, as a general principle, and ought to be
adhered to wherever practicable; but he much doubted the
advantage of carrying that principle into full operation in Ca-
nada. He must be allowed to say that all his experience respects
ing that Colony and others led him to that conclusion. There
was extreme difficulty in getting Judges for that Colony—men
whose fitness could be regarded as certain. They were, accord-
ingly,
often compelled to send out persons scarcely qualified for
those situations ; and if, upon trial, it was found they were unfit,
it was highly important that the power of removing them should
be vested in the Crown. In the mother country the case was
different. There it was easy to secure the services of Judges
well qualified, and the independence of such persons was highly
to be desired ; but in the colonies the case was altogether dif.
ferent. In order to show that the Legislative Council was not
so dependent upon Government as had been alleged, he instanced
a late case in which considerable opposition was raised to the
measures of the Government, and the Council was divided into
the supporters and the opponents of the Executive. He should
oppose the resolution of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, for he
thought the situation of the colony did not call for any such ex-
pression of opinion on the part of the House ; he should oppose
them too as conveying an implied censure upon the Govern-
ment. The second Resolution went to stigmatise most unjustly
the Legislative Council; and as to the third, he must say that
his Majesty's Government had lost no opportunity of improving
the Judicial body in that colony. He concluded by moving the
previous question.
Lord HO WICK supported the resolution.
Mr. W. HORTON hoped that the Hon. Gentleman would not
press his motion to a division. The wording of the second reso.
lution he thought highly objectionable.
Lord A LTHORP ihought the way to preserve the important
line of coast which we possessed in Canada was, not by fortifica-
tions, but by conciliating the i eople. Notwithstanding what
might be said to the contrary, he would maintain that those re-
solutions were founded upon the report, and for that and other
reasons they should have his support, for he thought it most de.
sirable that the House should adopt them.
Mr. 31. FITZGERALD conceived that the House ought to
be satisfied with the assurance given by Ministers.
Mr. E. DENISON expressed a hope that the Hon. Member
would persevere in his resolutions.
Mr. C. GRANT thought that the thanks of the House were
due to his Right Hon. Friend for the manner in which he had
shown his willingness to carry the resolutions of the Committee
into effect. It was essential that those resolutions should be fol-
lowed up, in order to show that there was no intention of having
one Government at home and another abroad; and he trusted
that they should never again hear it contended that the colonies
were not to enjoy the principles of our Constitution. He main-
tained that it was one great principle of that Constitution to keep
those possessed of the judicial function severed from the legisla-
tive body. Three measures, however, which had been touched
upon that night were deserving of their eulogy, viz.—the relaxa-
tion of the commercial policy of this country with regard to the
Colony, the appointment of the Committee of the House, and
the appointment of Sir James Kemp. With regard to the reso-
lutions of the Hon. Gentleman, he was glad that he had intro-
duced them, though for himself he was satisfied with the decla-
rations that had been made by his Right Hon. Friend on the sub-
ject, for he could not entertain a doubt that those declarations
contained a pledge with respect to future Governments ; and he
should be glad to know who that Secretary of State would be,
who should hereafter conic forward and avow that he was pre-
pared to deviate from those declarations. If, therefore, the Hon.
Gentleman should think it right to withdraw his motion, he for
one was prepared to accede to such a course; but if he thought it
his duty to persevere, he, on the other hand, would certainly
vote for the motion ; and he might observe, that it would, per-
haps, have been more convenient if the Government had itself,
last Session, proposed some such measure.—(Cries of " Ques.
tion, question.")
Mr. STUART WORTLEY—He took that opportunity of
expressing a hope that no more time would be lost, for every
moment that was now lost reduced the chance of doing good.
With respect to the Right Hon. Gentleman, however, he
thought that it was but justice to say, that he seemed to have
done everything that the time would permit.—(Loud cries of
"Question.")
Mr. HUME rose amidst acclamations of " Oh ! oh !" and
" Question, question." He hoped that his Hon. Friend would
press his motion to a division, for the purpose of satisfying the
people of Canada that there was a party in that House that took
an interest in their welfare. He said this, because he knew that
the eyes of the people of Canada were turned on that House.—
(Loud coughing, and cries of" Question.") Some Hon. Members
might not take that interest which he and others did in this
matter, but as he held in his hand an address from Canada,
complaining that nothing had been done towards satisfying them,
he; thought that the House was bound to give this subject its
most serious attention.—(Renewed cries of " Question, ques.
Lion.") He resisted the idea that Government had done anything;
on the contrary, they had lost two years in carrying into effect
the-recommendation of the Committee—(Fresh cries of" Ques-
tion")—andlin addition to all their other grievances, he thought
that this country slid wrong in pressing upon Canada a dominant
Church. The Canadians, however, were roused to a sense of
the injustice that had been done them, and he trusted that they
would never quit the agitation of the subject till they obtained
their rights.—(Loud cries of " Question.")
Lord MILTON trusted that his Hon. Friend would persist in
his motion.—(ltenewed cries of " Question.")
Sir ROBERT PEEL—He had been asked whether lie did
not think that the Judges ought to be independent of the
Crown This was a difficult question to answer in general, as
much depended on the nature of society, on the state of the
colony, and on the nature of the inducements held out to men to
accept judicial situations. The great point to be aimed at was,
a pure and impartial administration of justice in the Colony.
The mover and geconder of the resolutions that had been pro-
posed to the House, supported them in a manner as it' to indicate
that it was necessary to force his Right Hon. Friend to adopt
the recommendation of the Committee ; but it had already been
pointed out by his Right Hon. Friend that he had not only
adopted the principle, but had actually carried it into practice,
by seizing the opportunity afforded by three vacancies to appoint
the successors in accordance with the suggestion of the Com-
mittee. As-the resolutions were meant to apply a stimulus to
the Government, which Isis Right Hon. Friend had shown that
the Government did'not need ; that was, he thought, a sufficient
reason why the House, which must under such circumstances
wish to avoid the appearance of censuring the Government,
should not adopt the resolutions. There were, however, two
other reasons. First, as the resolutions referred to the exercise
of the prerogative of the Crown, the House ought to proceed by
addressing the Crown to abstain from exercising that prero-
gative, and not by coming to the proposed resolutions. The Act
regulating the Canadas gave the power to the Crown, and if the
House wished to restrain that power, it svould be proper to pro.
ceed by a legislative measure. To the resolutions of that House
the other House could not boa party ; and, therefore, what was
intended to alter the prerogative should be done by a measure
to which the whole legislature could be parties. Another reason
was, that the Crown had exorcised its prerogative and had ap-
pointed a Conned, and in that Council were several persons
dependent on the Government, as well as Judges; and a resolu-
tion of that House, condemning the formation of that Council,
would not add to its respect in the Canadas. He thought it
would not be wise, therefore, for the House of Commons to come
to such a resolution. He desired to see the Colonies prosperous ;
and he was convinced they would long be of use to the Mother-
Country, by remaining connected with her by the ties of affec-
tion ; and it was only by those ties, which he wished to see
strengthened, that we could secure their assistance and good-will.
Mr. LABOUCHERE, in reply stated that he thought the
Council might be immediately made tip of persona independent
of the Crown. He was also of opinion that the measures pro-
posed by the Right Hon. Secretary of the Colonies might be car-
ried into execution in a shorter time than he contemplated.

But at any rate, the evils of allowing the. Judges to have gea.tl
in the Council were so great, that the Government ought I',
mediately to say to them, that they must give up their seats re
the Council, or their situation as Judges. For these reasons "
felt himself bound to press his motion to a division.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the previous question 94
Against it
Majority against putting Mr. Labouchere's motion

TOBACCO DUTIES.
On our re-entering the gallery we found—
Mr. CHARLES CALVERT on his legs, moving thaat tte.
petition from the Tobacco Manufacturers of London, Ws'
minster, and Southwark be referred to a Committee.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the
motion.

After a few words from Mr. CALVERT, the gallery
cleared ; but we understood that the motion was negatived With-
out a division.

FORGERY PUNISHMENTS' BILL.
Sir A. GRANT brought up the Report of the Forgery Punish-
ments' Bill.
On the motion of Sir R. PEEL, who expressed his wish that.
the subject should undergo another discussion, the Report µ'a"
agreed to, and the third reading was fixed for Monday, with an
understanding (of course) that the Bill should not be proceeded
with until after the holidays.
GALWAY FRANCHISE BILL.
Mr. SPRING RICE moved the third reading of the Galway
Franchise Bill.
d-
Mr. J. DALY opposed the Bill, and moved, as an amen
ment, that it be read a third time that day six months.
Mr. SPRING RICE argued in favour of the Bill; and L'A •
TRANT and Mr. NORTH against it.
The House then divided—
For the amendment 59
Against it
Majority —lS
The Bill was then read a third time and passed ; andt
other Orders of the Day having been disposed of, at Half-Past
One o'clock this morning the House adjourned.

RI AS.

?neigh
riri_sh..
°reign

ARRIVALS.
Wheat. I Barley.
LBW ars 7 0 qrs.

1,950

rAIN,
MiIDJ, 4"..

structial
Rio
=civets
n accooll

• of the lateness of the hour, again waited on that Minister to-dasi,
who gave them an audience in his secret cabinet.
161. Franchini said that he was the bearer of a message in the
name of the Representatives of the Allied Powers.
th" What Allies ?" said the Reis Effendi, " we do not kno*
em,,

"The Allies," answered M. Franchini, " are Great Britain
France, and Russia."
His Excellency then listened with the most profound atten.
tion and with the utmost calmness to the whole instruction.
At the passage, "Thus has been realised the resolution which
the Representatives notified to the Porte," the Minister ob-
. served that nothing had been notified to him, excepting assur-
ances that no act on the part of the three Powers should in.
terrupt the friendship which existed.
Desgranges observed that it had been announced to the
Reis Effendi that the operations of the Ottoman fleet would be
Prevented by force. At the end of the first of the three ques-
tions his Excellency suffered these words to escape him—" Truly
this is very amusing." He then desired M. Franchini to procee 4.
The Reis Effendi did not again interrupt him. The following
were his replies :-
1. Whatever may be the answer returned to Ibrahim Pacha by
the Subtitle Porte, you have no right to interrogate us on that
score. That concerns no one but Ibrahim Pacha and us—let every
one mind his own business. When your Governments give
orders to their Commanders, do we ask you what those orders
are ? Our Commanders and your Commanders are officers
charge with the execution of the intstructions of their Courts.
The Porte has not given powers to Ibrahim Pacha to sign any
convention. That Vizier is commanded to employ all his forces,
and
every means at his disposal, to enforce submission on the
rebellious Rayas, and to reduce them to obedience.
2. We are ignorant of what has taken place between our
• Beets and yours. When a woman is with child, which of you
• can tell whether she will bring forth a boy or a girl ? Knowing
nothing, we can say nothing. •
3. The Sublime Porte has always declared that it will never
admit the interference of others in its affairs. The Sublime
Porte does not alter its resolutions; and, as it has already de..
' dared, so it still declares, that, till the day of judgment, it will
refuse to admit of any foreign interference. I repeat, we are
Ignorant of what has taken place between our fleets ; and, when
a woman is with child, we must await her lying-in, to ascertain
whether she will give birth to a boy or a girl. It would be im-
Possible that, now, when, according to your repeated assurances
the Powers desire the maintenance of peace, we should presume
that any thing would be likely to disturb our friendship. In a
Word, the Sublime Porte has no new answer to give you.
In the last place, with respect to the declaration of their
, Excellencies the Representatives, as to their resolution in the
event of an equivocal answer OH the part of the Reis Effendi, his
Excellency said, " The Representatives can regulate their con-
earns in whatever way they please. Their intention, by to-day's
Prmeeding. has doubtless tbee nto advance recriminations or
complaints. I
elonged the
whom b t would be easy, in such a case, for us to ask to
? and what then might
we not hay
and to right to make them
to say I But our business is to go on as heretofore,
att e
confo • end to all the affairs of your embassies in constant
attend
with treaties."
The 'undersigned then retired.

(Signed by the three Interpreters.)
COPY OP A LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE EARL OP ABERDEEN, BY THE
REPRESENTATIVES OF GREAT BRITAIN FRANCE, AND RUSSIA, AT
CONSTANTINOPLE, DATED APRIL 24, 18:30.
MY Lord,—On the Bth of April we acquainted the Sublime
cision
.-orto, by the ne of which a copy is enclosed, with the de-
of the threote Allied Courts, relative to Greece. We have
just received, and we lose no time in transmitting to your Lord-
ship, the answer of the Sublime Porte. We entertain no doubt
that the Courts will consider this answer as satisfactory as it
has appeared to us. The adhesion of the Sublime Porte to the
decision of the Allies is therein given without restriction or
reserve.

It Will nevertheless be our duty to report the observations
entered into by the Reis Effendi, at a conference to which we
were yesterday invited by that Minister, upon some of the ar-
rangements concluded at London, as well as the wishes which
he expressed to us, and the answers which we returned to him.
But being desirous not to retard the transmission of a document
so decisive, with which it is important that our Courts should
be made acquainted with the least possible delay, we reserve
our communication on the subject of this conference for a fur.
ther despatch, which will, however, speedily follow that now
addressed to your Lordship.
We request your Lordship to accept the assurance of our high
consideration.

(Signed) ROBERT GORDON.
Count GUILLEMINOT.
RIBEAUPIERRE.
CHARACTER AND EXTENT OF THE NEW STATE

OF GREECE.
EXTRACT FROM THE COPY OF A NOTE FROM TUE AMBASSADORS OF
GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND RUSSIA, TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE
REIS EFFENDI, DATED CO'NSTANTINOPLE, APRIL 8, PM
1. Greece shall form an independent State, and shall enjoy all
the rights, political, administrative, and commercial, attached
to complete independence.
2. In consideration of these advantages granted to the new
State, and in deference to the desire expressed by the Porte to
obtain the reduction of the frontiers fixed by the Protocol of
the 22d of March, the line ofdemarcation of the limits of Greece
shall take its departure from the mouth of the river Aspro-
potamos, ascend that river as far as the latitude of the lake of
Angelo Castro, and, traversing that lake, as well as those of
Vrachori and Saurovitza, it shall strike the Mount Artolina,
from whence it shall follow the ridge of Mount Oxas, the valley
ozf__Calonti, and the ridge of Mount (Eta, as far as,the gulf of
ePirl, which it shall reach at the mouth of the Sperchius.
line, ll the territories and countries situated to the south of this
which the conference has marke4 upon the map hereunto
annexed, shall belong to Greece ; and all the countries and ter-
ritories situated to the north of this line, shall contii.ue to form
part of the Ottoman Empire.
There shall likewise belong to Greece the whole of the islands
of Negropont, with the Devil's islands and the island of Skyros,
and the islands formerly known by the name of the Cyclades,
including the island of Amorgo, situated between the 36th and
39th degrees of north latitude, and 26th degree of longitude
• east of the meridian of Greene ich.
Sec. 3. The Greek Government shall be monarchicial and
h 4.-
erm: C
according to the order of promigeniture. It shall be onfined to a Prince who shall not be capable of being chosen
front among those of the families reigning in the States that
signedi the Treaty on the 6th July, 1827, and who shall bear the
of Sovereign Prince of Greece.
So soon as the present arrangements shall have been conveyed
to the knowledge of the parties interested, peace shall be con-
sidered,as established ipso facto between the Ottoman Empire
au, d Greece, and the subjects of the two States' shall be re-
e'Proeally treated, in regard :to the rights of commerce and
t&ittation, as those of other States at peace with the Ottoman
empire and Greece.
• 5. Acts of full and entire amnesty shall be immediately pub-
The by thepttoman Porte and by the Greek Government.
act of amnesty of the Porte shall proclaim, that no Greek
In the whole extent of its dominions shall be liable to be deprived
• Of his property, or in any way disturbed, in consequence of the
Part Which he may have taken in the insurrection of Greece.
The act of amnesty of the Greek Government shall proclaim
the same principle in favour of all the Mussulmans or Christians
Who may have taken part against its cause ; and it shall further
be understood and promulgated, that the Mussulmans who may
be desirous of continuing to inhabit the territories and islands
allotted to Greece, shall preserve their properties therein, and
invariably enjoy there, with their families, perfect security.
6. The Ottoman. Porte shall grant to those of its Greek sub-
jeets who may be desirous of quitting the Turkish territory,
a delay of a year, in order to sell their properties and to depart
- freely from the country.
The Greek Government shall allow the same power to the in-
habitants of Greece who may wish to transport themselves to
the Turkish territory.
See. 7. All the military and naval forces of Greece shall eva-
cuate the territories, fortresses, and islands, which they occupy
beyond the line assigned in the second section for the limits of
Greece, and shall withdraw behind that line with the least pos-
sible delay.
._All the Turkish military and naval forces which occupy terri-
wries, fortresses, or islands, comprised within the limits above
Mentioned, shall evacuate those islands, fortresses, and territo-
ries • and shall; in like manner, retire behind the same limits
with' the least possible delay.
8. Each of the three Courts shall retain the power of gua-
tiPteeing the whole of the foregoing arrangements and articles.
*all.o troops belonging to one of the Contracting Powers shall be
owed to enter the territory of the new Greek State, without
',le consent of the two other Courts who signed the Treaty.
n 9. In order to avoid the collisions which could not fail to re-
nit, under existing circumstances, from bringing the Ottoman
tuldary Commissioners, and Greek boundary Commissioners
eLocontact, when the line of the frontiers of Greece comes to
laid down on the it is agreed that that task shall be in-
. trusted to British, French, and Russian Commissioners, and that
each of the three Courts shall nominate one. These Commis-
sioners, furnished with the instructions hereunto annexed, shall
settle the line of the said frontiers, following, with all possible
exactnesS, the line pointed out in the second section ; they shall
!hark out that lino with stakes, shall draw up two maps thereof,
to be signed by them, one of which shall be given to the Otto-
r,,i'!an Government, and the other to the Greek Government
4 hey shall be bound to finish their labours in the space of six
• months In case of difference of opinion between the three
..-0111Missioners, the majority of voices shall decide.

THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY)

CORN EXCHANGE.
There are this week very small arrivals of Corn, and
not much Flour. The Wheat trade remains without
alteration from Monday. Barley, Beans, and Pease, con-
tinue as last reported. Oats find buyers to-day at the
same prices as last quoted. There is not much doing in
the Flour trade.

Oats. Flour.
11,600 qrs. 1,850 sacks
600
- - brls.

HAY MARKETS.—(At per Load of 36 Trusses.)
Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow HaySMITHFIELD £2 0 to £2 10
Useful _ew MOld Dieadow
tt Hay 0 0 0 0
3 3 10
Lionveeur ciland Meadow and Rye-grass Hay....
Oat strawy (extra f1ne)....C5 10... Generally
Straw froni3 £2 2to£2 6 I Wheat Straw 2:6 210
Hay stat. ionarvs. toA 4s. per load lower than last quoted ; prices of
" moderate supply, and a dull trade.

RE KING !! !---The second number of the
FAMILY MAGAZINE, to be published on Monday next,
will present its readers with a finely engraved and striking
likeness, accompanied by a Biographical Memoir of his
Present MAJESTY; two beautiful vignettes, and a great
variety of highly attractive original articles. This new
Periodical powerfully recommends itself to the public in
general,ge and to the heads of families in particular, as one
the cheapest, most elegant, amusing, and unexcep-
tionable miscellanies of the day.
We have Charleston Papers to the 27th ult.,
Rice at Matanzas was quoted at 40 dollars. Vessels were
, scarce there, and freights were on the advance.
Nothing of any public interest took place in
aoy of the Law Courts this day up to the time of our going
• press,
COBURG THEATRE.—Among the improve-
meats that Mr. DAVIDGE has lately put into execution at
the Coburg, are two new anti-rooms which adjoin the
• private boxes in the dress circle, and which will tend
much to the accommodation of parties. This is the only
minor theatre that possesses such an accommodation.
LISTON received 94/. for performing four
nights
a cat York, and grumbled at the smallness of the sum !
dustrh cles.fie/cf Courier.—How many poor deserving ,uin-
families now starving uon two-pence half-
penny per day, in Me, c
-es e d and the wig g
nufacturing dist ' ticts, would have been grateful for the
suns which a hl urin ma-
popular comedian receives with such lordly
indifference ! Truly, this ~us
rather the stroll, of ingratitude! b e
called the march, or

*Am.

LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 26, 1830.

HIS MAJESTY'S HEALTH.

The following is the Bulletin issued this day
" Windsor Castle, May 26.
" The KING has passed another good night, but his
MAJESTY's symptoms have not improved.

(Signed)

" HENRY HALFORD.
" M. J. TIERNEY."

Despatches were received at the Foreign Office
this morning from the British Ministers at Lisbon,
Mexico, and Gottenburgh.

The following are extracts from Lisbon Gazettes
to the 15th inst.:—

LISBON, MAY I I .-The Gazette contains a very long
biographical sketch of the Marquis de Chaves, who died
on the 7th of March, after a very severe illness, at the
age of 46 years and two months.

MAY 12. —His Majesty has been pleased to appoint
Brigadier-General the Viscount de Monelos to the post of
Military Governor of the kingdom of Algarve.
The Gazette gives at great length the sentence passed
on an individual named Joao Antonio de Novaes, for high-
way robbery, sacrilege, and other crimes.

German .Papers received this morning contain
the following ominous statetrsent ; what truth there

is in it we cannot pretend to say :

FROM THE NEVA, MAY 3.—The manifest influence of
a great Maritime Power on the progress of the negocia-
tions at Constantinople, not only renders them more and
more slack, but threatens in the end wholly to defeat the
object of them. It is accordingly affirmed upon good au-
thority that there have been very serious discussions at
Constantinople between our Plenipotentiary and the Am-
bassadors of the Power alluded to, and also between
the Minister of Foreign Affairs at St. Petersburgh, and
Halil Pacha. The latter seems to have had at least the
effect of inducing the Turkish Ambassador, after a very
energetic declaration, on the part of our Minister, to
signify his intention speedily to leave the capital, an
intention to which certainly no opposition will be
made on the part of our Government. In order, how-
ever, that Halil Pacha may not have to complain that his
mission to St. Petersburgh has been wholly fruitless, or
that the Sultan had appealed in vain to the generosity of
the Emperor, the Ambassador will convey to his Sove-
reign the consent of our Cabinet to a reduction of the
amount of military contributions, which, on a liberal
estimate, amount to rather more than double the value of
the presents brought by the Ambassador, and the expenees
of his journey. It is therefore to be believed, that this
reduction will he much less than the sum of several
millions of ducats, which was before spoken of. What-
ever may be the final issue of the negotiations at
Constantinople, the generosity shown them by Russia
deserves the greatest praise. The I'orte, which has so
often had reason to regret being misled by foreign coun-
sels to hostile proceedings against its powerful neighbour,
would doubtless have much greater cause to repent of it,
should he still be so infatuated by such suggestions as to
break off the negotiations ; a catastrophe would then be
inevitable. The protection which it promises itself in
the foreign Ministry, has hitherto been only illusory, and
its confidence on its most powerful support in it, at least
miscalculated, for this support itself already begins to be
shaken, and may perhaps break down on the arrival of a
contingency, which at this moment seems not to be very
remote.

FRONTIERS OF POLAND, MAY 11.-The Emperor
and Empress of Russia ate expected at Warsaw about
the 20th or 22d instant. The Crown Prince of Prus-
sia is expected to leave Berlin on the 20th to go
to Warsaw, whence he will accompany his sister, the
Empress, to Fischback in Silesia, where almost all the
Members of the Royal Family of Prussia will be assembled.
It is not determined whether the Emperor will meet his
father-in-law, the King of Prussia, there or at some other
place, but an interview will take place. The King of
Prussia goes again this year to Toplitz, thence to Munster,
then to Coblentz, to review the troops, and lastly to

Brussels, to be present at the marriage of his son, Prince
Albert, with Princess Mariann of the Netherlands.
VIENNA, MAY 14.—Metalliques 101 i; Four per Cents.
97 ; Bank Shares 1,345.

We have received the French Papers of Monday
by express, but their contents are not important.—
The Emperor Nictious has just issued a decree,
convoking the Polish Chambers at Warsaw on the
28th inst. (Friday next), and the Session is to be
very short, for it is to close on the 28th June.
Private letters from Toulon state that it was ge-
nerally thought the debarkation of the French force
at Algiers would take place between the Ist and
4th of June.

The following is M. DE PEYRONNET'S first circular
to the Prefects of the Departments since his acces-
sion to office :

4` PARIS, MAY 20.

.‘ Sia,—The King has deigned to intrust to me the direction of
the Department of the Interior. I am aware of the difficulties
of this important branch of the Administration, but the expe-
rience of the Magistrates who belong to it affords me ground to
hope that I shall overcome them. I only require of them the
execution of the laws in a prompt punctual, full, and loyal man-
ner ; ever to do what the law commands ; to do seasonably what
it permits; never to do what it forbids ; this, in my opinion, is
the duty of a wise and able Magistrate. Another duty falls to
my lot : it will be incumbent upon me to second them as they
will have seconded me, and to see that due and full justice be
rendered to their loyalty and zeal. This will be my unremitting
aim ; and I flatter myself that none of them will question my
being faithful to this promise. _

" Believe me, Sir, &c.,
The Minister Secretary of State for the Department of
the Interior,
" DE PEYR(INNET."

The plan proposed last night by the LORD
CHANCELLoa,—the particulars of which will be
found in our Parliamentary Report—for affixing the
KING'S signature, by a stamp, to those documents
that may require the sign manual, seems to us in
every respect unobjectionable.

Though his MAJESTY'S health be still in a pre-
carious state, yet we are happy, on the authority of
Sir R. PEEL, to be enabled to state that his mental
faculties are as clear and vigorous as ever.

Mr. LENNARD last night, in an able speech,
moved for leave to bring in a Bill " to repeal the
third and fourth clauses of Act 10 Geo. 11. c. 28,
which went to prevent, or rather to empower the
LORD CHAMBERLAIN to prohibit, the acting of any
new play or entertainment on the stage." After
showing the utter inutility of these two clauses, the
Hon. Member proceeded to exhibit some specimens
of the uncommon sagacity of the present Deputy
Licenser of Plays. This gentleman, it seems, with
a piety and decorum eminently worthy the author of
" Broad Gains" and " Poetical Vagaries,"—two of
the coarsest and most disgusting publications in this
or any language, and which would long since have
been burnt by the common hangman, had not their
superlative dullness neutralized their obscene vul-
garity—has lately entered into a crusade against
the use of such expressions on the stage
as " angels," " merciful powers," " Heaven," and the
like. His exquisite sense of propriety is shocked
at the idea of a lady being compared to a cherub;
and the feminine delicacy of his nerves revolts at
such a sarcasm on matrimony as "my mistress's
dressing case is joked in holy wedlock to my mas-
ter's chair I " Now, laying aside irony, is such cant-
ing quackery on the part of a public officer to be
endured in an age like the present? Is it to be en-
dured, we ask, that the driveling grasp of dotage
should be laid on every new drama that comes forth
in order that its vigour may be tamed down to the
level of such mediocre five-act farces as "John
Bull" and the " Poor Gentleman?" We have no-
thing to urge against Mr. COLMAN as a man; but as
an author he possesses but a very distant acquaint-
ance with genius; and as a Deputy Licenser evinces
narrowness, absurdity, and uncharitableness to a
degree that convinces us more than ever of the
truth of the late Mr. GIFFORD'S remark, that
" there is no sounding the depths of human folly."
S;r ROBERT PEEL opposed Mr. LENNARD'S Mo-
tion. On what grounds we were unable, from the
tenor of his speech, to discover. One of his ob-
jections to it was amusing. "It was become the
custom," he observed," to introduce, night after
night, motions for repealing existing laws. H 6
thought the House should pause before they in-
dulged a propensity to repeal laws." This comes
with peculiar propriety from a Statesman who owes
his present celebrity chiefly to his repeals of up-
wards of fifteen hundred old statutes. It flows with
singular grace from such lips. It is like JONATHAN
WILD reading a Lecture on Honesty to the ordi-
nary of Newgate I Sir It PEEL is an able, nay,
more, a great man, and we are sorry to see that
among his numerous other repeals, he has not yet
wholly repealed the leaven of Ultra Toryism in his
opinions.

As regards Mr. LENNARD, we trust he will con-
tinue his spirited exertions. The Drama is a pub-
lic institution well worthy the attention of Parlia-
ment, and should not be turned adrift to the mercy
of a Licenser who, it is evident by his " Random
Records," has yet only found time to follow the
first part of SHAKSPEARE'S advice to gentlemen
of his age and habits:

44
Fall to thy knees; how ill grey hairs become
A fool and jester."

The papers promised by Lord ABERDEEN, in ex-
planation of the cause of Prince LEOPOLD'S refusal
of the Greek sceptre, will be looked for with consi-
derable anxiety throughout Europe. Their discus-
sion will probably rouse some party spirit in Parlia-
ment, and, judging from the conversation on Mon_
day, the Prince will not %sant friends able and willing
to defend him from the imputations which, to a cer-
tain extent, have been cast upon him by the Govern-
ment, in communicating his decision to Parliament.
It would be premature to anticipate the discussion
of a subject on which so little light has yet been
thrown either by the papers already published as to
the settlement of Greece, or otherwise. There is,
however, we believe, no doubt that the dissatisfac-
tion manifested by the Greeks at the separation of
Acarnania from the new State, was assigned as the
objection to the Prince's accepting the sovereignty
with the so contracted limits.

For Prince LEOPOLD to have presented him-
self to the Greek Senate as the instrument
by which the country west of the Aehelous was
to be severed from that of which, in both a
moral and physical sense, it forms a part, would
naturally have been repugnant to the Prince's
feelings, as well as dangerous to the tranquil stability
of his power. The new Sovereign of Greece
will find no indemnity for the hardships and difficul-
tieSof his situation unless he can secure to himself
the affections of his people, and make himself a
popular and even a patriot King. If the conditions
of the Allies have presented obstacles to the tran-
quillity of the country, and the peace of the Sove-
reign, which the Prince considered insuperable, his
abdication can neither excite surprise, nor deserve
censure. Much less is his Royal Highness to be
condemned before the whole truth of the case is
brought to light.

II cannot be dissembled that the result of the
negociations has involved the Allies in considerable
embarrassment. Will another Prince, of suitable

character and importance, be easily found to accept
the Throne, clooged with the conditions which have
induced LEOPOLD to reject it? Is it not obvious,
that a Prince so acting, would render himself odious,
if not contemptible, in the eyes both of his new
subjects, and of all the liberal-minded men in
Europe Besides, is it not more than probable
that differences may arise between the Allies them-
selves, as to the expediency of enlarging the limits
at present fixed? The wishes of Russia on this
point are well known ;—would we could say that
Great Britain and France entertained a similar
feeling.

There is, we know, a current belief that Prince
LEOPOLD has been influenced in his decision by the
progress of a calamity which indicates the approach
of the period when it will become necessary to ap-
point a Regency, in the event of the demise of the
present Heir Presumptive during the minority of
the Princess VICTORIA. The impossibility of pe-
netrating into human motives renders such specula-
tions too futile to lay any stress upon; but thus
much we confidently assert,—that throughout the
whole of the transactions to which Prince LEOPOLD
has been lately a party, not the slightest circum-
stance has occurred to warrant for a moment the
unworthy supposition that his Royal Highness is
capable of departing from those high principles of
honour and good faith for which, through life, he
has been distinguished.