The Sun.
London, England, 1830-06-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC jOURNALS

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We have received the French Papers of Thurs-
day and Friday. They contain no further news,
either of the state of the electoral collegez or the pro-
gress of the Algerine expedition. Private account of
Friday evening state, that the telegraphic communi-
cations received from Toulon during the course of
the day announce that the wind and weather were
unfavourable for vessels going to Africa, and that
no further news had been received of any move-
ment of the expedition from Palma. A very stupid
paragraph is quoted by an Evening Paper from the
Quotidienne French Journal on the, affairs of Per-
tucral. In that paragraph it is stated, that " the
Cabinets' of London, Paris, and Vienna, had notified,
in the most positive terms, to the Emperor of
Brazil, that they would never t)ertuit a constitu-
tional Government to be established in Portugal."
Nobody who has the least recollection of recent
events, or the smallest power of forming a judgment
cm the spirit by which the British Government is ani-
mated, can place any faith in such en absurd rumour.
If the policy of the Allies was against interfering in
the affairs of Portugal to support the Chatter, it re-
quires no ghost to tell us that they will never inter-
fere to support absolute power against Internal at-
tempts to establish freedom. The Royalist Papers
in France are fully as credulous on such topics a-,
the liberal, though on an opposite side of politics,—
Timm

In the " English at Home," of Lord Normanby,
some instructive lessons are read to the people of
this country. In what he says with regard to the
causes of the neglect of science and all serious
studies among us, and the trashiness of our literature,
there is much that it would be difficult to contradict.
In a former work, his Lordship noticed one great
difference between the modern French and ourselves,
the notions with regard to economy. In the pre-
sent work he returns to this subject :
" To govern an English estate (he says) is, I perceive,
no sinecure. If its extent and the influence and impor-
tance attached to it consequently be large, the responsibi-
lity is enormous. The legislative duties of the great are
alone equal to the professional man's fag ; and of the writ Id
of others, not ten men of the country are equal or able
for the task. Hence the disordered state of their affairs,
and of their lives. Few know where they are, or what
they are worth. This is a strong argument against
overgrown fortunes ; they do not afford enjoyment at
all proportionate to their extent ; on the contrary, they
require duties that are onerous if fulfilled—most perni-
cious, if neglected
What surprised me (it is a French Nobleman who speaks)
is the utter want of economy and good management
amongit the higher orders here. All are in debt ; all
are embarrassed. The nation is doubly involved ;as a
union first, and then as individuals. But this is not con-
fined to England. It is a just rule of human nature that
the inheritors of wealth are, nineteen in twenty, inclined
to waste and dissipate it ..
France, we are all of the middling class, all bourgeois.
If an aristocracy exists, it is that of wealth, yet imbued
anti full of the ideas of that class from which it rose. The
very peasantry almost belong to it from their independence.
Hence come cur general habits of order, our frugality,
prudence—in short all those virtues of a middling class
which the English so marvel to find, and which they can-
not reconcile with our old character for vanity and frivolity
—a character that, perhaps, we deserve under the ancien
regime The English seem in every way
a spendthrift generation, lavish of all kind of means,
mental as otherwise. A recklessness of the future seems
th it distinguishing trait. The universal prodigality of
yoirog heirs to wealth is only equalled by the prodigality
of the young inheritors of talent. Both stores are ex-
pended in worthless trifles, aiming at most to obtain idle
eciet, rather than to be solidly or honourably useful."
Is this picture exaggerated ? We do not believe
it in. But profusion and rapacity always go toge-
ther. He who is out at elbows in fortune is always
equally out at elbows in morals. The profuse are
always corrupt. When the Secret Societies existed
in Germany, the first inquiry instituted by those
whose duty it was to exclude people likely to be-
tray them, was, does he live beyond his means ?
forthey found that a spendthrift was always cor-
ruptible. When the family men, as they are
called—the capitalists. who are at the bottom of the
robbing bank parcels, &c.,—look out for instru-
ments, the first inquiry with them is, does such and
suelt a clerk dress fashionably, ride a hunter, pro-
tect a dashing gill, or is he seen entering agambling
house ?—for then he is to be easily gained over.—
Pditical power is, in this country, monopolized by
the spendthrift class. Hence the extravagance of
the Government—hence the establishments in every
quarter of the world for our Aristocracy. The great
via toe among us is the appeurance of wealth.--
Niggardliness is not likely to be the vice of men
who can put their fingers in the pockets of others
when they please. All men who can acquire pro.
perty by easier means than the exercise of industry,
are liberal. Robbers seldom quarrel with their ta-
vern reckonings. if Mr. Hume had, by a splendid
freed, like many Members of both Houses, hoaxed
the credulous out of their properties, he would haVe
beets forgiven ; but his calculation of the interest in
the affair of the Greek Loan was not to be forgiven.
Lord Normanby attempts to account for the tinpo-
pelarity of the Church of England.
" Why (he says) ha the Church lost its power over the
pees entry ? From the want of sympathy betwixt their pa-
tors and them. The pastors are men of birth anti refined
education. There is no fellow.:feeling betwixt them and
fee peasant, who turns in preference to the illiterate and
evemporiaing artisan. Why ? Because he speaks a lan-
guage intelligible to them. Look at Roman Catholic
countries. Observe the influence exercised over the popu-
lation—to bad effects in some instances, no doubt—but that
is not necessary ; it is very often exercised for good. How
is the authority held ? By the perfect sympathy betwixt
the clergymen and his flock. They are of the same race,
the. Paine habits. There can be no jealousy of caste--of
superiority in the inferior—no contempt and neglect in
the other: ' Metbinki d'peasant curate in England would
,produce all the good effects of *this system, without aoypf
the bid. In the first,Piace; the lower ranks would, as in
Catholic countries, cease to be jealous of a church, into
which they might enter, and where they saw their sons
anti brothers. And it is thii jealousy of the lower orders
in England that most prominently and dangerously menaces
the church. But education is expensive I. Not the educa-
tion-required to understand the Gospel, and to preach it to
the peasant. Of what use to such a man is scientific lea 9-1-
ing, nay even profound classical learning ? The illiterate
Catholic priest does the parochial duties of his st ition
better. Then the higher class will look down on this
pastor. Well ! Let the• beneficial clergyman be of the
better rank. Let the two reside, the two be paid, and let
each class of the population have a pastor which suits
them. This may be inconvenient. But what is the con-
eequence of the want of it ? 'Why that the lower class
chusea a Dissenting pastor fyr itself, and the inconvenience
to the church is increased tenfold. But a Cure at
seventy pounds a year in Engiand,, is pitied. Nu doubt
from his birth and education. (By-the-bye, every one in
England attracts pity, that does not rise to gentility, and
suppert it.) But a peasant curate, one of the rank of our
Cure, would be munificently paid by it. That he could

do the duties the Continent furnishes us with example•.
The Protestant Cantons of Switzerland vill show them
as well as the Catholic, and the political benefits resulting
from the arrangement would he great."
Lord Normanby is quite out. The Gentleman-
' P.,.•ctor and the Peasant-Curate would not work well
::gether in one parish. We are too far gone for
this. Never, never more will seventy pounds a year
be revectad in England. There is not a servant in
the kitchen of the Squire, not a stable-bov, not a
m;,,hanic in the village, who would not make a butt
of the Peasant Curate with his 701. a year. A
Cnrate is at present held in some respect by the
lower orders because he may be a Bishop, and he-
cause his fortune is beneath his expenditure. This,
too, in spite of his dependent situation—the chance
of his being► thrown on the world with a family at a
slorter warning than a domestic receives. The
Cures on the Continent are respected because no
contiguous palace ret:rs its head in their neighbour-
hood—because, though not rich, they have enough
for their .wants; and thought not perhaps very
learned, they are deemed so by the poor. The
peasants never see them treated with contempt. In
England, every waiter at art inn, every driver of a
stage-coach, would have his fling at the peasant
Curate. The exciseman would deem it a great con-
descendence to allow his wife to be on visiting terms
with the Curate's, wife. Every man who kept a

carriage, a curricle, a horse, or even a taxed cal t,
would keep aloof from him. A very singtflar
Frenchman, a M. Rubichon, who resided some fire
and twenty years in England as a merchant, and en-
riched himself in that pursuit, published a work:on
England, first in 1811, and afterwards, much altered
both times, in 1813 and 1819. The writer has
many singular views, but he is withal often acute,
and always amusing. Ambilg other subjects he con-
trasts the Anglican and the French churches.
" 'lie wealth of the Church would increase (he ob-
serves) in the same proportion as the agriculture of the
country, if the gentry had not taken fiz'tsession of it; for
the Anglican Church is Ple a dead-born child, which can
neither be the heir of its parents nor allow them to inhe-
rit: We see from official returns lately made, that of
11,000 incumbents 4,500 alone reside.
The six thousand four hundred best bentafiect ate the patri-
mony of the younger children tlf the Nobility and Gentry.
The latter, lit.'intt in the world, deduct from their income
fifty rrtineas, anti give them to the first person the Bishop
is willing to accept as a substitute. The latter no sooner
reaches his church than he climbs to the top of the steeple
to have a view of the whole of his hotiion, and know
what other parishes he thtty serve; he finds them, pur-
chases a gig, and there is not a dancing-master, who, for
his ticket; rattles over the streets of Paris so eagerly as
our martyr drives in all weathers, every Sunday, to read
the service in one place at nine o'clock, in another at
eleven, and so on throughout the day. If the sheep sub-
scribe annually twenty guineas, he will give them a sermon
a month, fur twenty-five guineas one a week, and for thirty
a little of the . . . into the bargain. Baptisms, mar-
riages, and interments are sacrifices still used in the Pro-
testant Church, and their price has a tarif like the aides or
the gabelle. These are additional resources. Feeling the
necessity of edifying the public, our Curate marries ; but,
having at present employment and bread only for the
Sunday, be must procure both for working days, and he
sets up a school. In order not to alarm the parents, lie
undertakes in his prospectus nut to speak of religion to
their children; still England, to support her Church, has
only eight thousand Apostles of this stamp.
This Anglin in religion, though still young, has lost its
strength and its health by the multitude of sects to which
it has given birth; they have abandoned their mother. •
Every Englishman, in his private distress, acts like the
Japanese, in their public calamities—he changes his divinity.
• 5 • •
" lam here obliged to ask my reader to credit me here
in advance, till he proceeds further, when I say that there
is no country in Europe where the Nobility and Gentry
are so exclusive, show so much pride and disdain towards
the lower classes of society as here, and that there is no
country where these sentiments are better founded. What
is the consequence? That all the professions which de.
mand and exercise the moral faculties, such as those of
ecclesiastics, professors, literary men, artists, &e. enjoy
no consideration ; and why ? Because those who follow
them obtain little or no success. The institutions
always hold out to them in perspective, an advancement,
which, instead of augmenting their force, as is pretended,
paralyses them. It is because the Cure cannot be a
Bishop that he stands up fur the honour of the Priesthood,
that he defends his independence and his rights against
the usurpations which the Bishops might attempt; it is
because he believes himself irrecoverably fixed to his cure,
that he endeavours to centre all his wishes there, that he
organizes public education or charitable establishments—
that he supports his parishioners against injustice and op-
pression; give him the chance of one in a thousand of
rising to be a Bishop, you ruin all, you destroy all ; will
he use his purse or his credit with the great, to build or
adorn what he thinks of quitting? Will he brave the
men on whose choice he is dependent ?—will he diminish
the authority which he wishes himself to share?"
There may be exaggeration in all this, but there

is truth also in it. A peasant Curate beside a gen-
tleman Rector would be despised in England. Were,
however, the . parish Clergy to be identified with

their parishes, and not constantly, as at preaent,
looking wistfully for further advancement, there
might be more chance of their becoming popular
with the people,—Morning Chronicle.

The only measure, with regard to the promised
alterations in the administration of justice, which
Ministers seem to be really in earnest about, with
the exception of the Bill for appointing a new
Judge in Equity, is the Bill for the abolition of the
Welch jurisdiction, and the creation of three new
Puisne Judges for the Courts of Common Law.
Now, it is worth observing that the people of
England have been long calling for a reform of their
oon system of law in all its department. They
cannot get it. They have, indeed, the Royal pro-
mise that such a thing is to take place, given in a
speech from the Throne ; but when that promise is
to be fulfilled is a matter still hidden among the
secrets of futurity. In the mean time the people of
Wales, who not only did not call for a subversion
of their system of justice, but most unequivocally
declared that they preferred it to every other, are
to have that system swept away, " destroyed
clean" out of the land, and another substituted in

its stead. What is that other ? It is the English
administration of justice ; the very system of
which the English themselves complain ; the sys-
tem which they loudly and universally demand to
have thoroughly reformed. It is this system, in
which the English have no confidence, that is to be
forced upon the Welch in place of their own, in
which they have confidence that they have repeat-
edly and generally expressed at all the public meet-
ings that have been held upon the subject since it
was first put in agitation. We ask, can the genius
of inconsistent and perverse legislation go any far-
ther ? It, however, furnishes an excuse for the ap-
pointment of three new Judges in the Courts in
Westmirster Hall—no small accession to the pa-
tronage which Ministers already exercise there.
Not that Ave object to the principle of all law ap-
pointments being in the hands of the Crown ; on
the contrary, we think it will, on the whole, be al-
ways better exercised there than in any other
hands; but what we do object to is the appo;nt-
ment of any new Judges at all. It is not the
first time we have informed the Government
that there are four Judges absolutely dying of
ennui for having nothing or next to nothing to do
in the Court of Exchequer ! It is not the fault of
those learned personages that they have nothing
to do—it is the fault of that close and exclu.
sive system of practice over which they preside.
Well, but we are told the Court of Exchequer is to
be thrown open, like the King's Bench and Common
Pleas, to the duly qualified attorneys of England
and Wales. If it is, we have no doubt that the
business of the Court will rapidly increase, and
greatly tend to the relief of the two other superior
Courts, so as to make the appointment of three new
Judges unnecessary; but then some such arrange-
ment as what we are going to propose must be con-
nected with the opening of the Court; that is, that
the Equity department of the Exchequer should be
altogether separated from that of the Common Law,
and connected with one of the three Equity Courts
already in existence, or put under the jurisdiction of
the present Chief Baron; -Who could also assist the
Lord Chancellor, as he is well acquainted with
Equity practice, and thus supersede the necessity, if
any there be, of the appointment of a new Equity
Judge, in which case we would propose that the
Chief Baron's place should be supplied by that
learned and truly upright Judge, Mr. Justice
Bayley. We have no doubt that, with such a
Chief Judge to the Court of Exchequer as a Com-
mon-law Court, the confidence of the public would
be obtained for it, and the business would so in-
crease as to lighten the excessively severe duties of
the Chief Justice of the King's Bench, whose ta-
lents are equal to any amount of business, but whose
health has already, unfortunately, suffered from in-
tense devotion to the public interests. Such an ar-
rangement would indeed make it necessary to ap-
point another Puisne Judge to succeed Mr. Justice
Bailey in the King's Bench; but that would be the
only judicial appointment necessary, instead of the
country being saddled with the expence of one new
Judge for Equity and three for Common Law. In
the meantime the Welch should be allowed to enjoy
their own mode of administering justice as long as
they have confidence in it ; or, at least, until the
English system is reformed. As to the necessity of
that reformation Mr. Harvey stated an astounding
fact in the debate of Friday night. He said he
" held in his hand one of the most extraordinary
documents that had ever been laid before Parlia-
ment ; it was au account of the number of parkas,
or returns of causes tried in the Court of King's Bench

for three years, namely, for 1826, 16127, and 1808
In this period the number of causes disposed r.f, • 1 nti
on which verdicts had been returned, was 5,6 .-.).
But what did the House think was the amounti of
damages upon those causes on which verdicts were
so found ? Why, not more than 836,343/., making
An • average of not much more than 1501. to eacji
plaintiff. The party, however, did not receive any
thing like that sum, and, in many cases, he got little
or nothing after the costs were raid. The House
could scarcely believe the fi:ct, but it was not to be
disputed ; for there were proofs of it in black and
white, that the taxed costs upon the causes he had

just
j enumerated amounted to the enormous sum of
1,203,0004 !" Let us take this stun without
the addition ot the extra expenses not con-
tained in the taxed costs, and what an enor-
mous price it is to pay for recovering the
,mount of damages in question. So, in their
kind consideration for the people of Wales, his
Majesty's lAlinisters and Attorney-General resolve to
take from them their own cheap system, and give
them one in return, under which it requires about a
million and a half of money to recover about eight
hundred thousand pounds ! A system, also, tinder
which, as was stated by Mr. Jones, those disgrace-
ful falsehoods called sham pleas, invented to *delay,

and defeat men's rights, are recognised as part and
parcel of the practice of the Courts ! In the Welch
practice no sham pleas were allowed ;—the pro•
ceedings in equity were also remarkably cheap and
expeditious; but now that Mr. Wynn and his Mi-
nisterial patrons resolve to extend over them the
protection of the English Court of Chancery, the
descendants of Llewellin will have good reason to
exclaim " the Lord deliver us from our friends Pi
What a rise it will require in the prices of agricul-
tural produce to enable Welch farmers to pay for
jo
urneys
to expenses of their attorneys and agents'
to and residence in London, to work the machinery
of the law !—Morning Herald.
Sir Edward Knatchbull brings forward his motion

this evening on the Report of the Sale of Beer
Bill, for a clause "to limit the operation of the Act
to three years, and to prohibit persons licensed under
the Act from selling Beer to be consumed on the
premises ;" and we trust, that as the Chancellor of
the Exchequer has promised to act apart the even-
ing specially, to a full, fair, and free discussion of
the most important principle of the Bill,—every
friend to consistency, to justice, and to sound po-
licy—every one who does not wish 'wholly to de-
stroy the morals of the poor, by enticing them from
their families and their homes, or to establish in
every part of the country places of rendezvous for
poachers and burglars—will attend to give his opi-
nion and his vote upon the question. No measure
has ever been introduced to the consideration of

the Legislature so unjust in its principle—so
contrary to sound policy, and so utterly incon-
sistent with its previous enactments ; and none, we
are confident, should it pass into a law, will be pro-
ductive of more pernicious effects, both ith regard
to the public, and to that numerous and respectable
class, whose interests are compromised by it. That
the Chancellor of the Exchequer has been grossly
imposed upon by the representations of interested

individuals, we have no doubt ;- but although much
mischief has already been done by the mere agita-
tion of the question of a free trade in Beer, the
time is not yet passed for a salutary retraction of

the principles which he has advocated—much ruin
and misery may still be saved to individual., and
much mischief to the public prevented. We do,
therefore, trust either that the Chancellor of the
Exchequer will give up the Bill to the opposing voice
of at least three-fourths of the country ; or that, if
he have not the good sense and good feeling to do
so, he will be taught by Sir Edward Knatchbull,
and the country gentlemen, who have determined
to support his motion, a more just regard than he
has yet manifested for the rights of private property.
—Morning Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.