The Sun.
London, England, 1830-04-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The last mail from Ireland brought intelligence
for which the public ought not to have been unpre-
pared—namely, that the Lord Lieutenant, on Sa-
turday last, signed a proclamation for putting down
the political society called the "Friends of Ireland."
When first we saw the course pursued by the leaders
of this new confederation, it appeared to us impos-
sible that any sane Government should endure to be
so bullied and insulted. Our feeling was, and we
declared it, that the club, or league, or whatever
name it might exult in, must be effectually " put
down." Every undertaking ought to be judged of
by the object for which, the circumstances under
which, and the manner in which, it is conducted.
The machinery of the late Catholic Association was
doubtless capable of being applied to purposes the
most malignant and unprincipled. But the fact is,
that its professed object wee, for the time, its real
one; and that it was not perverted to any services
but that of Catholic emancipation. Though in
theory, therefore, it might have been difficult to
defend the forbearance shown to an institution ex-
ercising in the teeth of the executive Government
so much of that power and ascendancy which, ge-
nerally speaking, it is best for the people to leave
entire in the constituted authorities of the state,
still the case required that some novel mode should
he resorted to for bringing out and demonstrating
the paramount merits of one great political question,
obscured in Ireland through the prejudice of faction,
and here through that of tradition and of ignorance.
We rejoice, therefore, that the Association remained
unmolested until its ends were fulfilled, and its
further continuance unnecessary. here, however,
has been revived the Association, with its old ap-
paratus, and all its former capabilities, but with no
longer any legitimate purpose to attain. It now
both avows and aims at objects, the chief of which
Can be reached no otherwise than by hallooing on
the easy credulity and quick-roused passions of the
Irish multitude—not against the abuses (for such
there are) of the church, or against thecontemptuous
rapacity of landlords, or the profligate misapplication
of public money raised under county assessments, or
the jobbing of country Justices, or the packing of
juries ; but against all these oppressions, and, be-
sides, for the overthrow of many wholesome laws,
which are falsely designated " oppressions;" and,
fist and last, against the connection between Great
:Britain and Ireland, of which the Act of Union is at
once the symbol and bond ; the friends of Ireland
being in this respect established on the same prin-
ciple,—and disguise it as hypocritically as they
please—for the same final result as were the United
Irishmen of a well-known era ; destined, likewise,
we devoutly hope, to a similar catastrophe, so far as
the resemblance may be recognized, in the utter an-
nihilation by the lawful powers of the empire, which,
nevertheless, they will not dare to challenge, as did
ther predecessors, to open and definite combat.—lt
is needless to do more than glance over the proceed-
ings of this den of arrogance, turbulence, and malig-
nity, for any reasonable man to be satisfied that it seeks
to put down the salutary influence of the Govern-
ment now existing, and to exasperate the Irish mob
into a spirit of irreconcileable enmity against Eng-
land. Pretend what they will, the effect of a repeal
of the Union would be to put Ireland under the
feet of another Catholic Association, nicknamed a
" Parliament" and legishtting on no higher views
than those suggested by the mortified and vindictive
selfishness of one or two notorious desperadoes,
grown grey in the toils, the manoeuvres, and rest-
less appetites of faction. There is no reflecting
man, and no respectable party in England or in
Ireland, who will not applaud the Lord Lieutenant
for grappling, as he has done, with this incendiary
and offensive body. A late speech of one of its
members, which we read in the course of yesterday
in last Monday's Register (we forget the man's
name), would, if we had room for it, convince all the
Tenders of this journal, that it is not without provo-
cation we, as friends of the public peace, have ex-
pressed ourselves so strongly against the club or
society in question. We have confidence enough
in the firmness of the Duke of Northumberland to
be as.ured, that his Grace will execute vigorously
what he has wisely threatened ; and we only wish
that some plain-spoken Member of the House of
Commons may think it worth while, from his place
in Parliament, to catechise an individual who
" knows all about it," on the subject of the modern
United-Irish Club.—Tites.

The exhausted Terceira Question was again dis-
cussed in the House of Commons last night, on the
RlO6Oll of Mr. C. Grant, who endeavoured to spew
that the course adopted by our Government was
the result of a determination to uphold the interests
of Don Miguel to the prejudice of the young
Princess. How such a charge could be made and
insisted on with so much pertinacity is to us incom-
prehensible. Much declamation has been employed
in support of it, but we look in vain for even the
shadow of an argument. It is clear that had our Govern-
ment acted otherwise than they did, the profession of
neutrality on the part of England would have been
nothing but an empty sound ; for we would ask Mr.
Grant and the Hon. Members who support his view
of the subject, whether a Neutral Power could con-
sistently with honour or with the law of nations per-
mit its ports to be made the nucleus of an hostile
expedition against one of the belligerents—for the
contemptible subterfuge of embarking troops in one
vessel and arms in another N unworthy of serious
consideration. If neutrality were the proper policy,
it was evidently incumbent on England not to suf-
fer that neutrality to be violated by fraud or strata-
gem, and upon this obvious principle the expedition
which was equipped in, and set e:ad from, an English
port was prevented from landing in Terceira. The
Debate occupied the House to an unusually late
hour ; on a division the numbers were 191 to
against Mr. Grant's motion.--, corning Post.

Lord Mountcashel's promised Motion on the s'
jest .of the Revenues of the Church, includ
Englanci as well as Ireland, has produced a gr,
semation among the wearers of silk aprons,
wigs, and shovel hats. The communication betwt
Lambeth and St. James's-square has been obser

to have been particularly active since the notice
given. The great majority of the Clergy have he
of the intended inquiry with apathy, as far as ti

own interests are concerned; for a>: nothing can
taken from them, so nothing, of any valLle, can

given to them, in consequence of the great num
—not less than five thousand in this country a
—who would be candidates for augmentation.
this is no argument against regulating the inco
of the Bishops. It is quite monstrous, that a
tutors and relations of persons possesing pa;
alßutary influence, but :laving themselves person...,
np chonis on the public patronage, should actually
be in the receipt of more money than the Lord
Chancellor, the Chief Justices, and all, the other
judges both of equity and common law, merely be-
—cause they happened to be in orders, and were c.l—

have been promoted in consequence of having bccn.
the tutors, and two because they were brothers of
Peers. A calculation of the incomes, the extent
of the estates, the number of the palaces and the
means, the patronage enjoyed, possessed, and exer-
cised by these lucky individuals, would present such
a total as would excite no less disgust than asto-
nishment. Lord Mountcasi;el
.should include in his
measure a revolution of the Ilwrse, fixing the
maximum of episcopal revenue, beyond which the
surplus might be employed in a similar rnannzr to
(Well Anne's Bounty. It is true, as already sug-
gested, ail the poor livings film; require improve-
ment could not be benetitted ; but much good might
thus be accomplished, and a great reandal removed.
Take, for instance, the see of London. Dr. Blom,
field held a very lucrative living, with an enormous
population, together with the see of Chester, for the
sake of income ; he then gets London, with at least
•22,000/. a-year (as admitted by his own officer, Dr.
4.ushington), and gives up his living; but he should

now relinquish 17,0007. a-year; 5,000/. a-year, wit!!
hcuses found for him, as in his case, being a sufficient
income for any Bishop; and thus 170 livings in his
diocese alone might receive an increase of 1004
a-year from his superflui►_ies. Such a measure, be-
sides this immediate good effect, would prevent the
hateful sight of Bishops amassing fortunes, and leav-
ing behind them their half millions, like Jew jobbers,
loan contractors, and commercial speculators. The
next resolution should be against translations. The
hope of getting to a richer see, and the servility that
becomes necessary to ensure success, make the
Bishops often the most worldly characters in the
country. Translations are most injurious in a
political point of view; but in a religions
one they tend to defeat, in a great measure,
the utility of the office altogether. Until they
get to that step of the ladder upon which they
have fixed their ambition, Bishops consider them-
selves only as birds of passage, and, consequently,
are little acquainted with their Dioceses, and take
no pains to know anything of their less fortunate
brethren. Translations, however, will be abolished
with great reluctance; Ministers find in them an
easy anode of keeping between thirty and forty
votes, at all times, at their command; and thus the
spectacle of Bishops dividing against the Govern-
ment has rarely been exhibited within the last half
century. Bishop Watson, indeed, though a power-
ful pillar and brilliant ornament of the establish-
ment, had the temerity to act with independence,
and, therefore, was suffered to remain all his life in
the wretchedly poor Bishopric of Llandaff, which,
in his case, was of course not enriched by great
Deaneries, as in the instance of more accommodat-
ing possessors of ir. Lastly, the Resolution should
embrace the episcopal patronage. Some of the
sees, certainly, have not enough to reward met it—
this might easily be remedied by appropriating the
Chancellor's church patronage to the different dio-
ceses in which it may be situated. How Lord
Eldon's patronage, during the quarter of u century
he exercised it, was disposed of, is pretty well
known—but giving a Chancellor credit for a wish
to attend to the claims made upon him as con-
scientiously as he ought ; it is impossible he
can do so, with his multifarious engage-
ments in his numerous ecclesiastical appoint-
ments ; therefore, every person who in any way
contributes to support the Administration, considers
himself entitled to demand for his nominee, who-
ever he may chance to he, whatever the Chancellor
may have to dispose of; and this application, first
or last, is always granted. It is probable that no
objection would be made by the Chancellor himself
to such an alteration, as the present system must
be a►ike productive to him of trouble and uneasi-
ness. It would be difficult, ce►tainly, to devise a
mode of preventing Bishops from engrossing their
preferments; the choppings, the changes, the bar-
terings, and the truckings exhibited in some dio-
ceses, for the purpose of loading their own families
(all the members of which, in some instances, are
• thrust into the profession of the church for this pur-
pose) with every dignity and benefice that it is pos-
sible to pile up, have long shocked those who see
in the esta'dishment something to be valued besides
• its temporalities. The attempt, however, should be
• made, though nothing but a strong measure, per-
haps, can restrain these abominable practices. The
public voice has loudly condemned them in vain—
and though general obloquy followed lately a vete-
ran Relate to his tomb, who had disgraced himself
by persisting, through his long life, in this conduct,
there are not wanting others, who, arc treading in
the same steps, and are grasping at all within their
reach—satisfied that the thing will last their time !
Nous verrons.—Morning, Chronicle.
The Bishop of London last night adverted to the
statement of Mr. Baring on Tuesday night, that
some of the Bishops (meaning his Lordship, of
London) would, in a short time, have 100,000/, n-
year.

He would state (he said), without fear of contradic-
tion, that the fixed revenues of the see did not amount to
one-fourteenth of the sum stated ; and that, including all
the casualties and contingencies which may arise, it never
has, in any time, amounted to more than one-seventh.
Part of the fixed income was derived from an estate, of
which the Bishop of London, in conjunction with certain
Trustees, was empowered to grant leases for building,
which was what he supposed was meant when it was stated
the Bishop's revenue would hereafter be so larg,t ; but the
Bishops of London had granted leases of that property
for upwards of forty years, and the actual amount of the
income at present deriv,d from it was 2,7001. a year.
The land did not now let as formerly: there was no pro-
bability, he believed, of its letting better; and there was
no 'probability that, in the next thirty yens, it would
yield 1000/. additional."
The observation of Mr. Baring could not fairly
be construed as applying to the present Bishop of
London. his Lordship's statement and Mr. Bar•
in,'s may, therefore, be both true; for his Lord-
ship may not receive more than he specifies, and
yet there may be a certainty that on the falling in of
leases, the income of the Bishops of London may
be, in a course of years, 100,000/. The question
may be considered with more advantage when the
income of the Bishops of London is only one-
seventh of 100,000/., or than when it amounts
to the whole of that sum. It will not, surely, be
contended, that any Diocesan should have either the
whole or half, or even the third part of such a sum.
The Standard of last night observed " the affairs of
the Church will (thanks to ten of its Bishops among
others) now come frequently and periodically before
Parliament, as long as there shall be any Church
about whose affairs discussion can arise." The Ca-
tholic Question was, certainly, of inestimable benefit
to the Church in staving off all inquiry into its con-
dition. What a pity that things had come to that
pass that it became a question whether we should
or nr,...rve this breastwork of the

tiow assertutg Luc. _ oe
bad policy in a Churchman to consent to the removal
of this bone of contention. The great point is, to
grant a little to the Jews by way of encouragement
lest they should abandon all hope, leaving a suffici-
ency of grievances as a fund for a lengthened Par-
liamentary warfare. Something with good manage-
ment may be made of the Jews. If the late Arch-
bishop of Canterbury could only have foreseen the
carrying of the Catholic Question, he would have,
no doubt, reserved the Unitarians to bear the Jews
compny. However the most must be made of
what remi;ins. We had almost forgotten that the
Dissenters' marri4.ge3 are also a source of irritation
which it would he impolitic to part with. The
Courier, in combating Mr. Baring, has conceded all
that. that Gentleman or any other Member of Par-
liament contends for. " The Churchmen, having
lost a life interest in their trust (says our contem-
porary), no objection could be made to a modifica-
tion of the appropriation, or to any other specific
agreement, with those who may become the suc-
cessors of the present, trustees or possessors. The
whole mass of the church property belongs ex-
clusively to the Priesthood, aLd is, according
to the constitution and reciprocities of society,
as much their own for life as the estates of Devon-
shire or Northumberland are the private property of
those Noblemen." Though it would, no doubt, he
a great calamity were we to be deprived of the
utility of a Pastor of the Church by the calamity

,f his income augmenting to 100,0001., still no one
could think of interfering with the individual on
whom the calamity had befallen. The appropria-
tion would be entirely prospective. We are glad to
find in the Courier, so promising a vein of liberality
is the admission amounts to, that the distribution of
Church property may be modified with regard to
the succession of incumbents ; for there are advo-
cates of the church who contend that the church
must in all times exhibit the extremes of wealth arid
poverty, and that Parliament ought not to interfere
,with its distribution, though the revenues of a
Bishop should exceed those of the King himself.
Before we take leave of the subject we place before
our readers the following letter, which throws a
valuable light on the statements, on Tuesday night
of Dr. Lushington and Sir Robert Inglis, and serves
to show the reliance which ought to be placed on
testimonies to character, volunteered in the House
of Commons :

" TO SIR ROBERT INGLIS, BART., M. P. FOR TIIE

UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.

" the Morning Chronicle report of last night's
debate, I find the following words attributed to you
Ile had known the Bishop of Hereford for twenty-seven
years, and he had discharged his duties in an exemplary
manner.' Sir, I arrived yesterday from the diocese of
Hereford, in which I hold the Rectory of Pembridge, one
of the best benefices in it, and I do not hesitate to declare
that the Episcopal office in that diocese is, and for a long
period has been, lamentably deserted and betrayed ; and
that the subordinate functionaries are Er from exerting
themselves to repair the dereliction of their chief—the Dean
hastening to escape from residence at the earliest, if not
earlier than the earliest possible legal moment, and the
Archdeacon grievously neglecting the important duty of
parochial visitation ; and that in consequence the Church
of England in that diocese does not stand, as she ought,
nobly erect, but lies in a state of great temporal as well as
spiritual dilapidation and disgrace.

" I have the honour to he, Sir,
" Your very obedient humble servant,
" MAURICE JAMES, 13. D.
" Hatebett's Hotel, April 28, 1830."

Morning Chronicle,

The Irish Government have commenced a can-
nonade frost Dublin Castle upon the Friends of
Ireland, and threaten with pains and penalties those
who shall dare to speak, or preach, or agitate in that
city. We have no objection to this, because it will
soon put to the test whether the law of the land or
the power of the demagogues is the stronger. The
agitators have already gained one signal victory over
the Wellington Administration, and it yet remains
to be seen whether they shall gain another. The
laws and liberties of England were trampled upon
by the Catholic Association, and now comes the
trying point, namely, have Ministers the power to
enforce the existing law, so as to completely sup-
press the society called the Friends of Ireland ?
This cannot be decided immediately ; we must wait
the course of events, anti the return of the
master spirit of agitation. But while we con-
gratulate the Protestants of Ireland on some-
thing like a return to the exercise of lawful autho-
rity on the part of the Government we cannot
commend the reluctant and skulking manner
in which it has been put forth. How did
it happen that the society was tolerated till it be-
came necessary for Mr. O'Connell to be in England
attending his parliamentary duties ? It is poor
gallantry to make an attack upon subordinate and
non-commissioned officers. It is paltry revenge to
fire the great guns of the Castle upon Mr. Tom
Cluney and Mr. John Lawless. The Government
knew that Mr. O'Connell, at this moment sitting
within twenty hats of Mr. Peel, and opposing the
Ministers at Westminster, was the projector of this
society, the leader of these malcontents, the framer •
of their laws, and the promulgator of their decrees.
He was on the spot, the aggressor and the chal-
lenger ; and yet he was tolerated, he was passed by
and allowed to leave Ireland without the slightest
intimation being made that his glove, which he had
thrown down, his panic glove, his run-on-the-bank
glove, would be taken up by the Percy in his ab-
sence. This shyness, this pacific courage, is not very
creditable to the Government. It savours of mean-
ness, feebleness, and fear.—Morning .Journal.
It is only the comparatively very few readers of
new-papers who may happen ever to have been in
what is called " the strangers' gallery" in the House
of Commons, who can form the slightest no:ion of
the difficulties which exist in reporting the debates
in that House. In the Lords the obstacles are still
greater, for there the reporters are compelled to
stand in the crowd, often with scarcely room to take
notes, or even space to breathe in. Yet, in both
cases, the persons in question may be considered as
furnishing the future historian with his most im-
portant materials. We are glad, therefore, to per-
ceive that an Hon. Member, Col. Sibthorp, has an-
nounced an intention of bringing before the House
of Commons a distinct proposition for the better ac-
commodation of those who report the proceedings
of Parliament. This, we should think, might be
effected in one of two very obvious ways—viz.,
either by assigning a new and distinct situation in
the House, wherever the Speaker might ap-
point, for the reporters, or by railing off a por-
tion of the centre of the present gallery for
their sole accommodation, with readier means of
ingress and egress than now exist. In reference
to the latter poiffle we cannot help alluding to the
miserable state of access which at present exists to
the gallery ; and to the disgraceful, not to say dan-
gerous, scenes which necessarily take place on di-
visions of the House, when the gallery is full. We
hear of a Board of Works, and of persons possess.
ing great architectural skill, who are well paid for
their public services. Is there no surveyor compe-
tent to render the place of meeting of the great na-
tional Legislature more convenient to its Members
and their constituents than it now is ? If not, we
can only say that it is one among many proofs how
much real utility gives way to a mere taste for sir-
ierficial decoration. But recurring to the one and
only point to which these observations are directed,
ve trust that the House of Commons, on die oc-
tasion of Colonel Sibthorp's motion, will be
found to act in unison with the public feeling
and the spirit of the age—that we shall hear no
nore of the presence of strangers in the gallery be-
ing unknown to tile House, or of the publication of
its debates, which are daily recognised and referred
to by Honourable Members themselves, being a
breach of privilege. The time is gone by for any
such mode of treating the subject. Half a century
of freedom on the one hand, and of connivance at
east on the other, cannot now end in a renewal of
antiquated and exploded restraints; and these, there-
'ore, being done away with, there is but one obvious
touree for both Houses of Parliament to pursue,
which is to furnish the means of doing that accu-
rately which it is now admitted cannot be dispensed
with, and that in a point where correctness is essen-
tial alike to the character of the Legislature itself
and to the interests of the public.—Morning Herald.
The increase of duty on British spirits, or rather
the equalization of the duties on British and West
India spirits, as proposed by the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, has given rise, as will be seen by
an advertisement in another part of our Paper, to no
inconsiderable alarm on the part of the corn-dis-
tillers. They state, and we think with some justice,
that if the duties be equalized, the British distillers
will have to fight a hard battle, and in all probability
lose it, in endeavouring to compete with their
West India brethren; and that the distillation from
corn being trade which necessarily benefits the
country, by the consumption of a large portion of
its home produce, and the employment of no in-
considerable number of its population, the two
species of spirit ought to be placed under a dis-
criminating duty, and that duty to be in favour of
the British manufacturer. In these sentiments we
are frank to own that we very cordially concur.
They are, we allow, somewhat adverse to the prin-
ciples of free trade; but these principles, be it rib-
served, have never as yet been carried so far in this
o as to place the productions, either of foreign
countries,cutr' '
or of our colonies, on an equality with
those of our own ; arid therefore we are inclined to
say, in the matter of " rum and whisky, as well as

of any " other British spirit," that if there be just
ground for a difference of duty, that difference ought
to be in favour of the British distiller. At the same
time we are apt to think that the fears of being under-
sold, or driven out of the market, which are enter-
tained by the British distillers, are, in a great
measure, groundless, and that, with proper attention
to quality, there is no possibility either of their
being much undersold, or if undersold, of rum ac•
guit•ing a preference over whisky. lhe taste of the
people of this country is not in favour of rum, not-
withstanding the increase which has taken place in
its consumption since the diminution of the duty;
while, on the other hand, the supply from the West
Indies is necessarily limited. The British distillers
have, in fact, nothing to fear. They will be backed
by tb►e growers of barley in their opposition to the
measure; and there is nobody so likely to carry
them through, and Prevent an increase of duty on
an article manufactured from their own produce, as
they_are.--3Torning Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

London, a place where, it appeared, she had no con-
nexions except this uncle of King-street.
Mr. MARRIOTT directed the clerk to give her a
Milling, and advised her to go towards Tower-hill or
Wapping, and inquire amongst the King-streets in
that neighbourhood for her uncle ; and, if she did
not find him, recommended her to make the best of
her way back again to Aberdeen.