The Sun.
London, England, 1837-03-31 00:00:00

THE GENERAL ASSOCIATION.

DUBLIN, MARCH 98.
A meeeng of this Association was held to-day, JOHN
DILLON, Esq., in the Chair.
Amongst the numerous communications read wls one
from Dr. Wade.
Mr. BARRET did not court the compliment paid to his
talents, by comparing him to Lord Lyndhurst, he would
not wish to have that Nobleman's talents coupled with his
morality ; he would compare Dr. Wade, on the other hand,
to Emmerson Tennent, and Jackson, as drawing conclu-
sions from premises and taking them as correct, which after-
wards turn out totally unfounded. He did not mean in his
censure upon the English Radicals to include all the Radi-
cals of England ; he only referred to the forty-eight Radi-
cals of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, who refused to vote for a
Whig (Captain Blackett), because he would not go as far
in Reform as they desired, while they thus added to the
numbers of the Tory supporters Mr. Hodgson Hinde, who
was entirely opposed them. The only thin.. he (Mr. Bar-
rett) would retract was the word " Radical's," because, in
truth, they were Tories.—( Hear.)
Mr. O'CONNELL said—lt is a most interesting matter
to every friend of liberty here, that we should not be
misinterpreted by the friends of liberty in England—there
is no danger of the Scotch Radicals, they are too shrewd
a generation. No men make so few mistakes as the
Scotch, their good sense gives them a power of discrimi-
nating between what is said, and what is not said ; and
as we do not say any thing that ought to hurt the feelings
of an honest Radical, we are in no danger with the
Scotch, though we are certainly in some danger with the
English ; they are a people easy of faith. Now my friend
Dr. Wade is as sincere a friend to liberty as can possibly
be ; no:tnan can be a bolder enemy of tyranny in every shape.
Dr. Wade has two things to be informed of—first, that on

is arrival, his letter was read in this Association, and
appeared in the Irish newspapers, at the time. It is not
our fault if Dr. Wade is not within reach of reading
Irish newspapers.—(Hear.) Ireland is too provincial to
have her affairs noticed in the great London papers,
the Morning Chronicle, and, above all, the Morning,
Advertiser, which deserves all praise for its atten-
tion to Irish interests, excepted, therefore as to our
having acted un-Irish and uncivil, there was certainly
no incivility. I won't say his letter is un-English, because
credulity is a characteristic of the English, than which'
there is not a more priest-ridden people in the world. Mr.
Barrett did not call the English Radicals rascally Radi-
cals. He did not use the term generally ;it did not apply
to the southern Radicals, to London, to Bath, Bristol, to
Manchester, or the northern counties—no ;he applied it to
a certain portion of a single town, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
Dr. Wade says the English Radicals have done a great
deal for Ireland. I beg to contradict that. Even the
honest Radicals as yet have done nothing for us ; they have
not yet got up a single petition ; we have got some ap-
plause, to be sure, but nothing else. All their duty is to
come on yet ; they have latterly turned their attention to
Universal Suffrage—l give them credit for their good
sense in taking it up. The Reform Bill did not go far
enough—it dethroned the aristocracy—hut it opened a door
for another aristocracy—the aristocracy of money ; and
accordingly, at the next election coming on in England,
there will be more bribery than ever was used at any former
period. They are right in looking for Universal Suffrage—
it is the corrupt influence of money in England that now pre-
vents Reform ; but no man, however respected—and none
more so than my friend Mr. Barrett—would denounce the
honest, thorough-going English Radical. We shall give
this letter insertion out of respect for Dr. Wade, and I
now move that it be inserted on the minutes, and referred to
the Committee to be answered.—(Hear.)
Mr. O'Corsrstm.—l rise to move my resolution with re-
spect to the Pacificatory of Ireland. And now, Sir, lam
proud to say-that there is some consolation in the future
prospects of Ireland. We have an Executive Government
whom it is impossible to praise too much. It is the first
which for six centuries can really be said to have shown a
disposition, a true firmness, an honest energy, able to carry
into effect the administration of the country, with a view
to impartial justice.—(Loud cheers.) Equitable selections
have been made in the appointment to offices, without any
reasons whatever beyond the merits of the parties. For
these acts the present Government in Ireland deserve the
hearts of all Irishmen. For these acts we all unite in
heartfelt gratitude to the Earl of Mulgrave.—(Loud
cheering.) That feature of our situation never shotild
be lost sight of. Next we have a British Parliament
in our favour, the present Ministry are disposed to do
justice. If they could overcome the opposition of
the Lords, there are few measures which would not soon
pass from the form of propositions into the grandeur and
solemnity of laws.—(Loud cheering.) Yes, there are three
things which give us hope, which hold out good prospects to
the people of Ireland—an executive all we could wish—an
Administration desirous of doing justice—an overwhelming
majority in the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) A ma-
jority of eighty, at least, upon the Municipal Reform Bill.
It was not so ;great upon the Irish Tithe Bill ; but it is
cheering—it is more—it is an omen of success, to have had
so triumphant a majority upon one Irish measure of capital
importance.—( Hear and cheers.) My advice to the people
is what I often and always gave them—

" Hereditary bondsmen know ye not,
Who would be free themselves must strike the blow."

—(Cheers.) From England I turn to Ireland—from the
House of Commons to this Association—from the Mini-
stry to the Agitators—from Parliament to the Pacificators
on duty—(Loud cheers)—the duty of the Pacificators is
to carry our plans into execution. It is agitation—unceas-
ing agitation, we require. It is the perpetual striking of
our thoughts and measures upon the public mind.—( Hear,
hear.) It is the dropping of the water, which at length
penetrates to the stone, and triumphs over opposition. Lord
Anglesey, who was a vary foolish man, taught us one good
lesson. He said, " Agitate, agitate, agitate!" I say, like-
wise, we must agitate unceasingly.—( Hear, hear.) You
have all your materiel complete. You have this Association
for the discussion of all matters of practical utility. You
have your clubs for county registration.—( Hear.) You
have your registry inspectors. In everything your organi-
zation is perfect. Your civil regiments are marshalled.—
(Cheers.) You want only to make it a working reality.
We shall have a report from each parish on the points which
I have read—namely, as to the state of the prish with re-
spect to riot ; then as to factious fights, than which nothing
can be more disgraceful.—(Hear.) The Pacificators shall

next in their report inform ibis Association of the number
of persons registered, and how many of those are interested
in the support of the popular cause ; how many landlords
there are who have it in their power to make leases, on
which their tenants could vote ; what evidence can be ad-
duced in support of the claimant to vote ; and, above all,
and before all, to report on the subject of secret and illegal
societies.—(Hear, hear.) Oh ! I cannot sufficiently im-
press on the minds of the people of Ireland the necessity
of abandoning and of avoiding such societies.—(Hear,
hear.) It was only the other day I heard a miscreant
boast that Catholic Emancipation owed much to such
societies. There never was a greater falsehood uttered
than that.—(Cheers.) We should, I really believe, have
carried Emancipation ten years sooner than we did if it
were not for them.—(Hear.) They never did anything
but mischief.—(Hear.) There cannot by any possibility
be any good derived from them ; and if there was I would
not accept it from a source so polluted.—(Hear, hear,
and cheers.) Now the Pacificators can, by acting
efficaciously, put an end •to them -altogether, wherever ,
they might happen) to exist. We shall send to each
parish two newspapers, giving a report of the proceedings
of the Association, by way of instruction for the two Paci-
ficators, who shall each have one of those newspapers. If
for so long a period as two. months we are, without a report
from any particular parish, then the newspapers shall be
stopped, and the pacificators there shall thus learn that they
have not done their duty, and I am sure they will much
rather send their report than incur that disgrace which must
await them from their neighbours it' they neglect their duty.
The resolution I propose is twofold ; the first part calls for
a monthly return from the Pacificators of each parish i the
second part declares that where, for the space of two months,
no report shall have been received, then the newspapers
sent to that parish must be stopped.—(Hear.) Let not my
voice be lost. When I return to England, let each act as if
the duty devolved solely upon himself. I should like to
see more business done ; to be sure the subjects we speak
about are worthy of debate, but I like to see something
done.—(Hear.) Let not any person be saying, whit can an
individual do ? Why, look at me, and see what one indi-
vidual may do.—(Repeated cheers.) An individual ungifted
in talent, not dignified by any exaltation of station—and
yet how is it that I have done so much ? I will tell
you why—simply by always doing.—(Cont;nued cheers.)
Then do you be always doing—doing, instead of merely de-
bating. Why should not something every week be done ?
( Hear, hear.) You can increase the number of Pacificators
week after week—that would be doing something useful—.
to be sure, they are in many parishes at present ; but
why not in all ? and then each shall vibrate with the
electric shock that springs from this room.—(Loud cheers.)
We are to remember that we are now in progress of an ex-
periment which is to decide whether we can be well go-
verned under any but a national Parliament, and should
the experiment fail, I will then have it in my power proudly
to boast that it had failed after everything had been done
not alone in England, but in Ireland, to secure it success.
Mr. REDMOND seconded the resolutions, and they were
carried unanimously. .