The Sun.
London, England, 1839-10-25 00:00:00

ITY NEWS:

MONEY MA

(THURSDAY EVENING.)
TIMES.—It would appear by the accounts from
Holland that the loan contract between the United
States Bank and the house of Hope and Co., which
was broken off by the dishonour of the bills in Paris, is
about to be renewed. This is made known, however,
in rather an unusual form, being an intiotation merely
that the consent of the Dutch Government to zilch a
contract has been granted, which consent, it is ob-
vious, must have been obtained, if at all essential in the
case, at the time when the original negotiation was on
foot. The formal announcement of it now, which ap-
pears in the Dutch papers received yesterday, must
have been made probably with same motive, and whe-
ther it was so or not, it is certain that the matter was
so mixed up in the private accounts with subjects con-
tained in the speech of the King of Holland, as to
create an impression at first, that this was a topic
of importance enough to have occupied the attention of
the Assembly of the States-General itself.
This sort of flaurisla is not considered in tl:e citydas
a very encouraging mode of introduction for such an
operation, and it has caused with the wary and cautious,
a class which the sufferings of the time have made a
very numerous one, some suspicion of the whole transac-
tion. We have accordingly heard doubts very freely
expressed whether this is an additional loan to that for
800,000/. recently raised in London, or whether it is
another form of the same operation, towards which
Messrs. Hope and Co. are to stand in the character
of contractors. The account of the transaction which
more readily obtains belief is, that as the so-called loan
in London represents the post notes over due which
it is not convenient to pay, and which have been re-.
newed on very extravagant terms, the transaction in
Holland is most likely of the same description, and wili
representthe American post notes and bands over due
and circulating on the Continent. It brings no new
funds, consequently, in aid of the United States Bank,
but gives increased weight to a debt which remains at
some future day to be provided for.

POST.—The Bank Directors held their weekly
Court to-day, but they broke up at an unusually early
hour, and we do not learn that they had any matter of
importance before them. The Dublin Evening Post
(the paper which, it may be recollected, gives the Bank
of England " credit for all manner of imprOprieties")
continues to record in its columns its unqualified appro-
bation of the course the Directors are pursuing at the
present juncture. In the last number of our Irish Con-
temporary we find the following observations
It is easy to abuse the Bank, and easy to abuse the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. These are topics by which
popularity may readily be earned. Bat neither the Trea-
sury nor the Bank could control the weather. Neither
could give us two good harvests successive, nor prevent
the occurrence of bad ones. These untoward circum-
stances it is which have placed both in difficulty. Again,
neither had the Treasury nor the Bank anything to do
with the operations of the United States in cotton, or
Batik bonds, or Pennsylvania State stock. They could
not control the speculating mania in America, nor could
they, had they been so minded, induce Mr. Hottinguer, of
ilasre, or Mr. Hope, of Amsterdam. to give currency to
the post bills of Bidd!e's bank. These are among ;he
causes of our present embarrassments—causes which we
may take the liberty of repeating no power in England,
poetical or commercial, could control, or even influence."
It is satisfactory to see that the explanations given of

the motives by which the Bank Directors have been
governed in their late proceedings are beginning at
length to be well understood ►n the remotest parts of
the empire, and that the indiscriminate carpings of the
Metropolitan Press at the efforts made by them to re-
store the equilibrium of the exchanges are no longer
viewed with approbation even by the most violent
(under ordinary circumstances) and uncomprom►s►ng of
their opponents.
The Manchester Papers received in town this mor-
ning represent the condition of the manufacturing popu-
`atio❑ as being again very unpromising. There was still
the same absence of demand for goods that has existed
for the last two or three weeks, and prices were gra-
dually declining. In yarn generally there was on Tues-
day a fall of id. to per pound, while printing cloths
were from 14-d. to 3d. per piece lower than on that day
week. It seems to be almost inexplicable that, at
the present. reduced rates, there should be no
symptom of a demand for British fabrics on
the part of the Continental houses, and that,
for the continued importation into this country
of their bread stuffs, nothing will suffice, in payment,
bat that which we can just now so ill afford to part with
—namely, gold and silver. It would be imagined that
there must, at all events, be a disposition to take some
of the finer description of manufactures from us, so
much as the continental farmer must have been en-
riched by the corn speculators of England ; and the
circumstance that the reverse of this is the case proves
but too plainly the truth of what we have frequently
endeavoured to impress upon the minds of the public,
namely, that in looking any longer to them for a market
for their goods our manufacturers may look in vain.
The Germans and Belgians are now so far advaned in
manufacturing skill, and their establishments have be-
cGrne so much extended, that there can be no doubt
that for the time to come all their wants will be readily
supplied without having recourse to the foreigner.
The Liverpool letters report a decline in cotton of
Per lb. since Friday last. We are glad to see this
as the article is still much to high. The system of
working on short time is again resorted to at Man-
chester, and we are told unless there should be a
change for the better with regard to demand, within
a few weeks, of which there is no great prospect, it
will become general throuhout the district. This
reduction
,in the price of the raw material .led to in-
ere.-.sed purchases, and we are willing to, hope that
it may prove a benefit to the unfortunate operatives.
To be put on short time at this season of the year,
when the wants of families are upon the increase,
cannot but be productive of the greatest misery to many.

HERALD.—There are no nev;features in the
Money Market, the British Funds are not only firm,
but they have further improved in their market value.
Consols have advanced to 90i a money and 901 a9l
for account. The Three-and,a-Half per Cent. Re-
duced Annuities are 97i- a 71, and-the New Three-and-
a-Half per Cents. 98t a money. Bank Stock has
been done at 1791, but closed at 179 money. India
Stock at one time was 2464, but receded t0'0451 money.
The transfer value of the unfunded debt continues to
fluctuate considerably.
It is now considered by experienced persons that the
defection in the results of our harvest has, as we have
before intimated, been much over-rated, and this is ac-
counted for by the great disposition which some of the
Larger speculators in different grain have during the
past ten days evinced to get out of stock, and, in con-
s:luence of the reduction which has followed these cir-
cumstances, the official amount of duty upon foreign
wheat on importation has advanced to 15s. Bd. per
eqltelaortner, whl%e,heh ti
hito
raisesll proves
moneytlalatt it is a
asaerifice.convenientExehexeh
q,ueir-
paper of the largest class are 1 a 3 dis. of the second
par a 2 dis. of the smallest 1 a 3 pm.
In the Foreign Market there has not been much spe-
culation, but most of the securities have advanced upon
the morning quotations.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Times.)
Subjoined to this article is a letter from an intelligent
young officer of Sir Robert Stopford's squadron, which,
though of old date, contains some observations, of more
or Ices interest, respecting- the combined British and
French fleet, and the feelings which are most likely
prevalent throughout both on the subject of their mor-
tifying inactivity. Both squadrons have for a consider-
able period been anchored in Basika Bay, near the
entrance of the Dardanelles ; but as the gallant author
of the letter referred to expresses himself, .‘ Yet with
all this force" (viz. 20 sail of the line—ll English and
French), we cannot bear that it is likely we have
any thing to do." No, indeed! Nor can we guess
that. without the prospect of some accidental " turn up,"
unlocked for by the wise Ministers who have collected
such a fleet, but dare not use it, there will be anything
more attempted on the part of Great Britain than
might be very well achieved by a fleet of Russian
men-of-war, which, as Admiral Fleming has assured us,
and therefore must be true, is always made of " past-
board." We have never hesitated to declare our opinion
that it is the grossest absurdity to expect a " settle-
ment," or even a suspension for any considerable time,
of the difficulties in which the affairs of Turkey and
Egypt have been enveloped by the muddy and flounder-
ing diplomacy of such persons as Lord Palmerston and
his ineffectual underling at Constantinople. What,
therefore, it is a mere absurdity to expect, it is an im-
pudent and offensive humbug to promise, and such we
' do unfeignedly consider the boasts and assurances of our
honest Foreign Secretary, that the five great Powers of
Europe are about " to settle by negotiation, the ques-
tions now at issue in the East. Settle what ? And in
what sense ? And for how many months, or weeks, or
even days ? Where the interests at stake are altogether
secondary, or such as admit of adjustment by prelimi-
nary explanation, and when explained by compromise_
that is, mutuci concession—or where the opposing par-
ties have equal means of resistance, and are alike fairly
disposed, we can understand the truth or reason-
ableness of undertaking positively to settle them
by the intervention of diplomatists. But is such the
case as between Great Britain and the other Go-
vernments which concern themselves in the poli-
tical relations of the east of Europe? Is it a matter of
secondary interest to France whether she succeeds or
does not succeed in the enforcement of such measures
as may secure to her the. dominion of the whole north-
ern coast of Africa, including the eventual sovereignty
of Egypt, and command of the trade of further Asia by
the Red Sea ? Is it a secondary interest for Russia,
whether or not she now' succeeds in wresting irretriev-
ably from the other maritime Powers, and from Great
Britain especially, all means of free access to, and com-
merce with, the cities and embouchures of the Danube,
the eastern shores of the Black Sea, and the coasts of
the Turkish empire ? We would ask, are purposes such

as these—entestained notoriously, nay avowedly, by the
two great Powers alluded to—are they of. a character
to be relinquished by either France or Russia at the
instance, that is, at the supplication, of Lord Pal.-
mcrston ? Can they be made the, subjects of cont.:
promise ? If so, where are the materials of compro-
mise on the part of England ? What can England
be called upon to concede ! What has she to concede
but some territory, or possession, or established right
which constitutes a portion of the recognized law and
long-existing status quo of Europe ? When England,
which is without an army, and labours under a Govern-
ment so mean and effeminate, that it trembles to employ
her fleet
.on active service—when Austria, which is
without a fleet, and fears to embroil her army with the
Muscovites—when these two are the only Powers which
really dread war—a war, too, whereby the status quo
might be endangered, but, above all things, a war waged
by their adversaries for the express purpose of overturn-
ing the status quo ; and when, of the two ambitious
powers—viz., France and Russia—France is pushed to
tts verge of the precipice by the encroaching and aggres-
iive eagerness of her own people, while Russia seeks but
to consummate and to realize a scheme of master policy
throUgh which to obtain the sole thing she wants,
namely, a mlritime 'outlet for- her produce • and a • flan
grasp of the Mediterranean—is it' not an insult to any
sound understanding to be told that a condition of affairs
so intricate, so threatening, and thorny, which it. has
become the obvious business of the two boldest litigants
to perplex still more, by violence or intimidation—is it
use say, a mere outrage: upon common sense to
affirm that such a contest can be, and will be, deter-
mined accoriling to the wishes'of' that party whiCh has
least the pow er of resisting the attacks it deprecates, or
of defending- the immutability of the system to which it
clings ? No one will have the audacity to affirm, that
either France or Russia is likely to abandon the
schemes of a,ggrondizernent on which each has been re
solved for more ,than half n century, out of deference
to a mere expression of repugnance on the part of
rivals Whom' it is felt by both of these projectors to be
their interest to weaken, restrain, and humble. Nor
will env one dare suspect that " negociation" by
the Melbourne Cabinet means anything beyond
:nere "entreaty." We ask the blindest partizan of
the Ministry whether they or any of them indulge
the most shadowy dream of Lord Palmerston hold-
ing out to Russia on one side, or to' Francs on the
other, the alternative of acquiescence in, his diplomatic
proposals, or of war with England ? Why, the Minis-
ters cf those Powers would laugh outright at the very
hint of a menace by Lord Palmerston. They know that
he would as soon eat his own fingers off as talk seriously
of going to war, The only question, therefore, at St.
Petersburg or at Paris is as to the most convenient
hour for executing their respective purpose. They need
not, they do not, clash. with each. other, though the
policy of both is in direct collision with that of Eng-
land. With 60,000 men in Africa, what has France to
Fear from the England of 1839? Or why should she
disturb eld Mehemet Ali,. who is obviously but her
warming-pan, while nowo between 70 and 80 years of
age, be is employed in smoothing the way to a future
and not distant occupation of Egypt by whoever may
then be Sovereign (whether real or nominal) of the
French nation ? With a fleet and army which wait but the
signal to pounce upon Constantinople, what has Russia to
apprehend from England, whose small squadron has for
so many weeks been moored at the wrong side of the
Dardanelles, manifestly chained down to that disgrace-
r.' anchorage by the terrors of the feeble and heartless
Government which sends it forth to be a diplomatii;
pageant, not an instrument of war? .Why, had there
been anything but "idle wind" in contemplation of our
Downing-street bullies, they would months ago-have
told the Diaen, `.‘ We come not to deceive but to
Protect you ; and as a piogf of it, we now enter the
Dardanelles us your friends, and we challenge Russia
to . stir an inch beyond the guns of Sebastopol."
Had the Fie weak-minded men comprehended- their
own position, or that of England, or known how to
negotiate in the only way by which peace can ulti-
mately he. preserved, they wouid not have presented
notes, but broadsides, and announced to Turkey as
well as Russia, " Here, here are my negotiators."
Would language like this have entailed a risk of war ?
Quite the contrary. There was then no neccesi y for
further appeals to arms, or if there had been, on what
'vantage ground should we have fought ? We had then
the unbroken force of Turkey for our ally. The atten-
tion of the Porte would have been diverted from the
fatal side of Egypt, and the crushing battle of Nezib
would have been spared. The fleet of the Grand
Seignor would have been preserved entire. Mehemet
Ali would have beheld in the French movements an
object of jealousy more alarming to his Egyptian em-
pire than any occurrences to the north of the Helles-
pont, whether Muscovite or British ; and the contin-
gency of a general war would have become hourly
more remote, instead of being, as it now appears, more
immediate and terrible, than at any former period.
According to the view which we have taken of the
spirit in which Lord Palmerston negotiates, it would
assuredly have been cheaper, and quite as useful, to
save the equipment and manning of a fleet which is
palpably'not designed N. anything more formidable
than " pasteboard" service. Why, Admiral Fleming
is the proper man to serve in conjunction with Lord
POnsonhy—not a veteran cock of the prize ring, like
old Stopford. But it all amounts to this—are we one
bit nearer a pacific " settlement" at this minute, of the
questions raised by Russian and French ambition, than
we were three years ago ? Is there an increased—is
there not a much diminished chance of eventually
avoiding war, than there was three years ago ? We have
made preparation§, but they are preparations to yield ;
we have made demonstrations, but they are demonstra-
tions of terror ; and the worst is, that neither by con-
cession nor humiliation can we henceforth escape the
result of, at best, a patched up, not an:adjusted quar-
rel. We shall have incurred substantial waste, as well
as the reproach of inefficiency ; and contempt, as well
as bloodshed.

Her Majesty's Ship ----, Baaika Bay, Sept., 1839.
As I promised when in England, I send you some ac.
count of our movements out here, though I certainly had
hoped to be able to write you something better worth hear-
ing, for we all expected at least to force the passage of the
Dardanelles.

Our fleet now here under Sir Robert Stopford consists
of 11 sail of the line—viz.' Princess Charlotte, Rodney,
Vanguard, Asia, Ganges, Powerful, Bellerophon, Minden,
Incmlacable, Pembroke, and Talavera ; three large
steamers.—viz., Gorgon, Rhadamanthus, and Hydra,
Castor frigate, Tyne, and Hazard. Daphne gone to
Syria ; Dido at Smyrna. The French have nine sail of
the line under Rear- Admirals Lalande . and Dc la SLAW ;
the former in the Jena, the latter in the Montebello,, a
small three-decker. The names are—Jena, Montebello,
Hercule, Trident, Triton, Genereux, Diademe, Santi Petri,
and Jupiter; two frigates, and a steamer. Yet, with all
this force, we cannot hear that it is likely we shall have any
thing to do. From what I' can perceive on shore about
here, the French are not lil:ed, but the English very
much. There is new a report at Stamboul amongst the
Turks that the Capitan Pacha gave up the fleet with the
connivance of the English Admiral: as be was out of the
way at the time, this of course is untrue, and indeed ridicu•
lou3y as the Sultan's death came so suddenly, that no plans
could have been prepared beforehand.
The French squadron are in most qualities inferior to
curs ; their ships are certainly large, and all have guns on
their gangways—the Montebello also. The Hercule is an
immense ship and in good order; she carries a hundred guns
`and is larger than our Rodney which is the same as a St.
Vincent cut down—viz., 205 feet on the lower deck, and 53.
feet beam. But most of their ships are hogged, and when
they get under way, which they often do for exercise, they
appear in no sort' of order or discipline, and, if it blows at
all, they "generally manage to split some few sails. We
have little or no intercourse with them. Our squadron is
really suilerb,.and in capital gunnery order. Not a day
passes but some ship or other, and often five or six at a
time, are practising a target.
(From the Herald.)
'Phe opponents of the Corn-laws are busied in des-
canting on the 'gloomy prospects of our trade, and in
seeking to connect the evil; that impended over our
commerce, with the operation of that system which pre:.
vents.the English a.griculturiit from* being supplanted
in English markets by the foreign corn grower. 'The
Sun of last night observes :
" We perceive with regret, by the accounts from Man-
chester, that the markets continue unfavourable, and that
prices arc falling, and the prospects of the manufacturers
are becoming more glootny. Notwithstanding the momen-
tary abundance of money in this city,lhere is a general ira-
preseioa that prices will fall still lower, which deepens the
gloom. To us the apprehension of a fall in prices, as
abounding in evil, seems very strange, and of itself to indi-
cate that some erroneous principle is at the bottom of our
political and commercial regulations.

" The presumed exception we have mentioned to the
general law seems to us to supply a solution of what now
appears .almost an enigma. The manufacturer or the
agriculturist can only be prevented from injuring himself
by his laudable endeavours td clothe and feed men chiefly
by finding a contiaullly exter.ding demand for his produce.
Such a demand can only be the consequence of a conti
nual increase of population. The only source, according
to the economists, of a tendency of prices to rise, is the
increase of people, and that increase is stopped—cut off'
by the barbarous low which, in one country, cuts short the
supply of food, and stops its indefinite increase, and in
another prevents industry from producing cheap food to
producing dear clothing and cutlery. The laws which
prevent the increase of food in England and on the Conti-
nent of Europe, are the causes by which the fall of price,
which the producer labours to affect, become ruinous to
himself.

" The intention of those who make these barbarous laws
is to counteract, so far as the cost of producing cloth and
cutlery on the Continent, and corn in England, is con-
cerned, the laws of nature to which we have adverted.
They wish.to keep up the cost of producing corn here,
and cotton and cutlery there, and prevent that fall in prices
which the ingenuity and skill of the great hulk of the
human race are continually endeavouring to effect. Their
policy is as short-sighted as it is wicked."
The " wish to keep up the cost of corn," on the
one hand, and of " cotton and cutlery," on the other,
is a wish most beneficial in its tendencies and in its
operation. The classes who produce corn, and cotton,
and cutlers•, have an obvious interest in keeping the
prices of their respective products high ; and all the other
orders of producers have precisely the same interest—
inasmuch as the influences which suffice to keep up the

--..-...............w••1•
1 prices of cutlery, and cotton, and corn, sustain the
prices 9f all the other products of industry. The whole
body of producers have a common interest in high
prices. The " fall in prices" to which our Contempo-
rary adverts, is a result that can be advantageous only
to the moneyed classes, and to idle consumers. Every
general fall in prices adds to the power of money, and
to the enjoyments of the idle. Every general fall in
prices tends, on the contrary, to depress the whole or-
der of producers--that order, for whose benefit, in an
especial manner, it is desirable that all legislation should
be devised. In virtue of ;the fact, that the Cora-laws
tend to keep up the general level of prices, the Corn-
la ws are entitled in an especial manner to the support
of all who desire that labour should receive a fair
reward.

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
In suppressing physical force demonstrations and in-
cendiary attacks upon property, the Government dis-
charged a duty which it would have been criminal to have
neglected, and however severe might have been the
measures necessary to effect these objects, the paramount
feeling of the country would have been in favour of their
application. But now; when tranquillity is restored,
alien public opinion, a correct appreciation of the agen-
cies by which our institutious are to be improved, and a
national sense of-propriety, have suppressed even more
effectually. than the measures of the Government all in-
surrectionary, violence, when the, instigators of forcible
app.liances are suffering by incarceration the. penalty of
their errors and their crimes, we consider it most injudi-
cious to aggravate their punishment by any undue priva-
vation through magisterial vindictiveness ..
We-are induced to make these remarks b y aer tyranny.
letter which
we have seen in -an Evening Contemporary, in which it is '
stated "that Messrs. Lovett and Collins are allowed no
animal food, but doomed to dine upon potatoes the whole
week, except on Sundays ;" that " an application of
theirs to the Magistrates to be allowed to spend six-
pence a day, had been refused ;" that a letter of conso-
lation frcim Mr: Lovett to his mother was" withheld, on
the grounds that some portion of the language was
improper ;'" and that " the Cliaplain of the,prison has
refused to let Mr. Lovett peruse- Tait's Magazine, on
the grohnd that it sometimes contains revolutionary ar-
ticles." If these allegations be true, we have no hesi-
tation in pronouncing them to be almost as well calcu-
lated to excite a re-action in favour of the Chartists,
as the physical force demonstrations were to arouse
public feeling and their suppression. It is not the
vengeance but the prevention of crime which
is the object of the law, and tranquillity having been
re:eored, and there being no necessity for example,
public opinion will revolt against any wanton in-
fliction on those suffering incarceration for political of-
fences. The lave awarded them impriSonment, but it did
not place restrictions on the quality or quantity of their
food ; it did not, neither did the necessities of the case,
forbid them to spend sixpence a day ; it did not, neither
did the circumstances of the time, make it necessary to
seize upon, examine, and withhold a letter from a pri-
soner to his mother, on the vague pretext that the " lan-
guage was improper ;" neither did it sanction the pre-
vention of a prisoner from reading an able, interesting,
and instructive periodicahon the equally vague grounds
that the " articles were sometimes revolutionary." If
these oppressive restrictions were imposed with a view
of operating a salutary. effect on the prisoner's mind,
the result will woefully disappoint the intention. In-
stead of teaching the offenders to eespeet such a system,
it will teach them to contemn the law ; instead of act-
ing as an example, it will enlist public sympathies in
favour of the sufferers ; and when the period of punish-
ment shall have transpired, the prisoners will come forth
upon society unteclaimed, and more dangerous from
being exasperated at their aggravated inflictions. Not
hay ing positive evidence of the facts before us, we con-
tnnt ourselves with thus calling attention to the subject.
It is one in which the public is entitled to the fullest in-
formation, and, waiting any further evidence which either
the magistrates or the prisoners feel disposed to offer,
we reserve all further commentary.
(From the Morning Post.)
It will be seen, by two paragraphs in another part
of our Paper, that the Globe announces some Minis-
terial changes. According to these statements, Lord
Clarendon is to be Lord Privy Seal, with a seat in the
Cabinet; and Mr. Henry tuffnell, hitherto Private
Secretary to Lord Minto, is to be a junior Lord of
the Treasury. There can be no doubt that the Minis-
try will become essentially stronger by these additions.
Supposing Lord Clarendon to be well informed on gene-
ral subjects as he showed himself to be during the last
session of Parliament on the situation and circumstances
of the Basque Provinces, he must prove a valuable
auxiliary. Mr. Tetra, too, if he should succeed 'in
gettirr, into Parliament—which is by no means certain
we dare say, be very useful in the performance of
the dutias now principally devolving on Whig Lords
of the Treasnry. That is, we think it probable he may
he able, with care and a little attention, to carry, red,
blue, or green, morocco boxes into and out of the House,
and occasionally to carry three or four oranges when,
any of his superiors is about to be delivered of a speech.
We do not know that it is any proof of particular good
fortune to have been selected for the discharge of these
important employments ; but it is fortunate for Mr.
Tufnell that he chances not to be already a Member of
the House of Commons. His appointment, in that case,
would have been a very doubtful affair. It is one
thing for her Majesty's popular Ministers to try to
Cain a sear in Parliament : to run the risk of losing
one would have been quite another thing.

DINNER TO MR. o'CONNELL AT
mALLow.

•
MALLOW, WEDNESDAY MORNING, 2 O'CLOCK, A.M.
This entertainment has just concluded. Mr. O'Con-
nell entered the town about three o'clock, having been
received by a large multitude of persons at some distance
upon the Cork road. On his arrival he briefly addressed
the assembled multitude, who amounted to many thou-
sands. The dinner took place in the ball-room of the
King's Arms Hotel ; nearly three hundred persons were
present, and the gallery was occupied by ladies. Soon
after seven o'clock the chairwas taken by Daniel Clanchy,
• EFq. ; on his right sat Mr. O'Connell, Mr. G. S. Barry,
M.P., Mr. F. Beamish, M.P. ; and on his left Sir D. J.
Norreys, Bart., M.P., Mr. E. B. Roche, M.P., Mr.
Broddle, J.P., Mr. Franks, J.P., Mr. Madden, J.P.,
Dr. Lennhan, J.P., &c. After the cloth was withdrawn,
The CHAIRMAN rose and said, that the first toast on
his list was the health of the Queen.--(Cheers.) They
had now a Sovereign who knew of no distinction be-
tween any classes of her subjects—who was the first to
do justice to Ireland—to give to it an impartial govern-
ment—and to keep down the Tory oligarchy, who would
lord it over prince and people. She had shown her
love for Ireland by the choice of her Ministers.
The toast was drunk with the usual honours.
The CHAIRMAN next would propose to them, " The
Duchess of Kent, the mother and instructress of the
Queen."—(Loud cheers.)
The next toast was, " The Duke of Sussex and the
rest of the Royal Family."--( Loud applause.)
The CHAIRMAN had now come to the toast of " The
People," which, although it had not been placed first,
was nevertheless one of primary importance. The doc-
trine of the divine right of Kings had been long since
exploded, and the revolutions ofFrance, America, and
Ireland effectually proved the majesty of the people, and
that legislatures Must keep up with the. march of popu-
lar intelligence and the necessities of the people, or po-
pular convulsions would inevitably take place which
would end in the triumph of the people.—(Loud cheers.)
Another doctrine—the finality of Reform—had recently
been put forth ; but the phrase contradicted itself—for
finality and reform were terms inconsistent with each
other.—(Hear, hear.) If the people of Ireland wanted
justice, they must depend on their own energies.—
(Hear, hear.) Let them, therefore, crowd to the
registry.—( Hear, hear.)
The CHAIRMAN next proposed " The health of the
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland."--(Applause)
The CHAIRMAN bad now to call their attention to the
all-absorbing toast of the evening—the health of their
illustrious guest, the father of the people.—(Loud
cheers.) The sincere warm feelings of his heart, be
would render most expressive by his silence ; but he was
placed in the situation he 'occupied for the purpose of
giving expression to those feelings—feelings which
were excited by a sense of the benefits that great man
had conferred upon his country at a time when it was
supposed they were unattainable save with the aid of
physical force, but which they happily and securely en-
joyed by means of the matchless talent, the unwearied
energy, and unequalled patriotism of one man.—(Loud
applause.) They now saw justice impartially admi-
eisterel, and that which had been a sanguinary bench
made pure.—(Bear.) The circuits of the judges
were now journeys of pleasure rather than for the
purposes of gaol delivery ; the Tories were displaced
from power, and the iron sceptre of persecution had
been snatched from the hands of their Viceroys—
(Loud cheers)---and where now, he would ask, were
the tens of thousands of troops that had been found
necessary to support Tory oppression ? The,,yl a nwde re
gone, and where ? To pacify disturbed Eo
(Cheers)—nay, and at the very time when Lord
Ire-
land there was no security for life or property.
freedom."
The Liberator of
Roden's Committee was sitting to prove that in
would concluded by givingHe
them ' iring.
Ireland,T he
toastan d the friend d
runk of
tf universalh
loud cheering.
e e
Mr. O'CONNELL rose amidst renewed cheers, and
was,which heby couldendeavouring attempt
i
tsoaitslhothwerheiswaarsathituutdoen,
eawndaY in
that
to be useful.—(Cheers.) They had achieved a great
deal, but the crisis of their fate had arrived, and if they
did not go forward they must inevitably :etrograde,—
(Hear, hear.) Ireland had never so many enemies •
her enemies had never been so concentrated or malignant
as they were at the present moment.—( Hear, hear.)
They had all beard what his respected friend had said
concerning the judges, although he had said nothing of
assistant-barristers ; but he (Mr. O'Connell) - would
say, without alluding to any one individual, for in fact
their name was legion, that assistant-barristers might,
whilst they assumed all the solemnity of rel:gion and 1
stern morality, be as terrific monsters as ever abused
power for 'party purposes—(Hear, hear, hear)—and

EVENING EDITION.

t
hey might believe him that they would never see
Justice thoroughly purified so long as the franchise
abmineclee n.
was at the mercy of political partisans.—(Cries of
" Hear. bear.") And what
were their prospects of a
re
Lielsf they looked
them
ed to
side. fo r mTihde•
Walclmoie
ntai:nro.ee)ucdtt
eb:erri
sfohlvoreewirtehn it
Lords were their sworn enemies.—(Cries of Hear, bea-
n: ti
nit.: particularly_rhoaidr.
rc,).de
botO'Connell)
u e e
ilo
evidencel .6
king "
wtehhaoaesndsßoennotiel madeemn Com rui et ee. Some uci''ri eel. ex-
amined
for the purpose of knowing who it was'a .
not for the life of him discover °chem.—jilt:A'. laugh.
he set to see who were to he. his lovalselh utts ll'illeellev
0f But Lords
returnwan
at on hnirsosauntitjzencdt —cinta
as vpai
rsater; e that the l-I° could
s )eagainst Ireland.
on hit-11,dt:—
The men of the greatest talent had joined-in •it—llord
Broughem I See the stain that -, wretch-Ihr he would-
call him by his right name—lead east: up
(Hear, hear.) There was the Duke of ‘Vellington, who 1
.had carried bis despotic feelings to such ail extent that ;
he had called the county meetings, wLieli bud beei
n ;;
as-
sembled
some time since, " mere farces ;" and who had praised the rotten boroughs as the best possible syStem I
of representation that could exist—(Hears -heitri—and
yet Lord Brougham kad praised the Duke of ,Welline-
., ton, and had said, in his presence, that he (idle Duke
of Wellingten), had the greatest respect for the law
and constitutional rights of the people.—( Hear, hear_) i
Next, when a grant of 30,0001, was made for national-
education, Lord Brougham, who had been the advocate
of free education, had now declared that the clergy of the
Established Church should have the care of the education
of the youth of these kingdoms.—(Hear, and groans.)
But the last and worst thing of which he (Mr.O'Cormell)
had to complain, was with reference to the packing of
juries. Lord Brougham was the partisan ofjurs-packing. t.
and had impeached a Judge because, when , Attorney-
General he had put an end to that abominable system.
—(Hear, hear.) How were they cif in the Commons ?
They had there a small majority, hut the bulk was
equally against thetn.—(Hear, hear) They had cem-
p!ained to him to-day of the impediments which were
thrown in the way of the registry. They complained i,
of the exaggerated value of the franchise, and that what' ,t was called 101. was compelled-to be mode 20/. They I
Complained of that which was comparatively the annihi- I
lathy) of. the franchise ; but what remedy - did they
hope for, or what correction did they expect? .The
House of Comm Ons might pass a Bill by a majority.
The Lords, from motives of decency, would give it a
first reading, but on the second it would go out head
foremost. .In .f..tet, there was no hope there for Ire-
land.—( Hear, bear.) It was his business to speak out
plainly. There was no hope in an English House of.
Lords or Commons. All they wanted was to realise
the Union, and that there should be no difference be-
tween
England was regulated, and a majority °of the Irish
people should not be compelled to support the church
of the minority. In England the church of the majo-
rity was supported by the State, and in Scotland also ;
hut God forbid that the Church of Ireland should ever
be supported by the State.—(Cheers.) But they de- -
sired another matter also, that the majority should
not be compelled to support the church of the minority,
and until that was procured Ireland would not hava
obtained. justice.—(Hear, hear.) Tinra. were other
matters of detail also, and aaionnst them they
wanted the corporate reform which England possessed.
Let them look to the state cf the franchise. When he
had mentioned, some time since, that nineteen per cent.
of the adults of England possessed the franchise, whereas
but fiee.per cent, of the adults in Ireland poieessed it,
he had been met by the scoundrels or ti:c 2 hues and of f
the London press, two said to reply that a union bad
taken piece between the countries, and that they were
both under the operation of the same law, which might
still inflict a hardship on one particular spot.—(l-lear, p
hear.) But the law was not the same in both coun-
tries, for in England they had the 40s. trancise, and i f 1
they give that to Ireland then they might exclaim against
him for statinn that Ireland bad but five per ceet. of
her population who possessed the franchise. Let this
be given, and what answer would be left to tine reseals of
toe Tory press to give them reason to o'otne hint and
his religion ?—(Hear.) Party strengt.,, accoinubled in
England by the hatred of the religien, and of the people
of Ireland.—( Hear.) He did trot esaggcrate. He had
stated the situation in which They were placed, one in
which some persons might, tell them to despair ; but he
would not tell them so, nor would he, :Ike Fe,lrg-us
O'Connor, tell them to use the torch and the danger.
—( Hear.) No ; the world . had advanced DOT to such
a sate of civilization that no poiitiwil change could be
, ffected by foreible moans.—(Near.) Now, there was
a morel electric fluid abroad, which in an instant ran
through all metes bosoms at a single shock. That elec-
tric power was public opinion.—( Hear.) He was the
apostle of testa l combination—the force of juoice and
truth, the magic of being its the right, and the streeeth
of their enemies being in the wrong.—..(Mears) These
were the features oi his political creed.—( Hear.)
He wee a1T.,::.0 eu his iniz&ati to agitnte anti cazite the
petvie of Ireland. Ilea wt's about neeit, to att(mpt to
realize the Union. Loud cheers.) It was impossible
that this could be - done without a moral convulsion
in England ; l;ut if the people of England would not do '
it for them, the people of Ireland would do it fOi- ti.em-
selves.--(Loud cheers.) There haci -beep great ob-
stacles to etnitneipatioo ; the Lords were. Sjkainst it—the
Tories were against it—the army' arid_navy,__ao tile
churches of Ettgland,•lreland, nod coti...no, were against
it—nay, many of their own vire, agz,ibst it, for did they •
not recollect -the familiar phrase of the e Orange Pa-
ilits ?"—( Hear, beer, -hear.) But there had been one
thing more against it which was set stronger than all—
the struggle for emancipation had the' air oha'Sectarien
contest, but they hail •vindicated it 'front “the- disgrace
which would have attached to it if they laatl,etterupted
to achieve power for the purpose of putting down another i
religious persuasion. (Bean) Upon that. principle '•
they had gained emancipation—thus had that ' battle
been fought, and thus they had sueceeded.—(Hear.)
Now, whet they had done once they could do again, and
it would he the easier done because this was the secone.
time of essay.—(Hear.) The only choice, then, they
had was the alternative of submitting to Eniisli 'ty-
ranny, to be and look submissive—for his own part,
however, he did not know where he should borrow such
a look—or to appeal to the Irish people and their inf.C=.
rent virtue, constancy, and religious firmness ; a people
who had been constant to the religion they heileved.to
be true, in spite of poverty, of the scaffold, the dun-
'• geon, and the gaol. He was for keeping the Whigs in
as long as possible, and any Irishman must be base who
would not do so.—(Hear, hear.) He recollected that
he had raised a laugh at Drecheda, when lie stated.
that his plan for keeping the Whigs in office resetubled
the motive that induced Paddy to stuff his old hat into
the broken pane of glass for the purpose of mew:Sing it
—it could not let in the light, but it kept out n'ne cold,
—(Shouts of laughter.) He then was for keeping the
Whigs in at the worst.—(Hear.) He ?ailed. upon them
all then to.join him, to join one another, •as the 'rec.
Lica' apostles of his sect, and to gu flora roan to
man, and from house to house, to 'persuade, induce, and
excite those wbb can, to register their votes. Let every
effort be used for that purpose, anti let no man say he
cannot serve his country; let him try, and he will find
that he can dO so. He need not caution them as to il-
legal associations n they, were all gone—all amputated.
—(Hear, hear.) 'fhv moment the beamed a paternal
Government had shone upon Ireland, in that : moment
was thawed that frost-bound bigotry which had pro-
moted illegal associations and political combinations.
Ireland could not continue in her present state of de-
gradation. . Nine millions of inhabitants were upon her
soil—a constant, brave, generous and enduring people. •. He laughed to scorn, then, those who talked of their i
weakness. Spain, whilst she endured all the contests I
by which she was harrassed, had not 10,000,000 of peo-
ple. Portugal had been independent for centuries, and
had not 2,000,000. The poptilafon of Norway or .
Sweden did not amount to that. Holland, in all her •
strength, had but 2,500,000 ; Belgium, in her straits,
lbutess 41.,)0i
g000t3,01(L0d. a
eThet mlnslrien
Loud. cheers.)
pcf_rusetl.i,b.
jf:cittlsl-..
He had felt shackled whilst,
Why, then, should Ireland desp!ir ?.--,(
ia,
with a riti§. to serve the
gthoafnPt7,osistphOe
Ministry, he had been silent on the Repeal. ; and he
'ne it, he fr.,. conscious
felt himself free when, by advocati r,
he was serving both them and the country, —(Cheers.)
Mr. O'CONNELL shortly after rose, and, proposed the
health of their Chairman.
9 i i 2 - N returned thanks.
TI ...1-IAILLAIA
,c 'fatHealth of the Members of Parliament present"
was then proposed, arid received with applauSe.
Mr. Ban ItY referred his constituents to his Parliamen-
tary
conduct, and urged the people to register their votes.
Mr. Rocrin voted for Ministers on the same grounds
as Mr. O'Connell bad stated he supported theta ; but
he was willing to vote against them, if by so doing they
could he sure of getting a more Liberal Government.
He declared himself a Repealer.—(Thie declaration was
received with loud applause.)
A number of other speeches were made before the
meeting separated.

P APIS MONEY MARKET AND
COMMERCIAL NEWS, OCT. 23.

MERCHANDISE._ST—irits
of Wine have declined
slightly ; the present price is 190 f. for the hbd. It is
in great demand.

MAr.stiLEs,—Olive oil is plentiful, but not much
doing in this article ; the first quality being Glf. per
hhd. The sale of Soap was, of, course, unfavourably
influenced by the little demand for oil. The prices were
41f. and 42f. per cwt., for credit, and 34f. for cash.
etnhencowatir;iviailsavfoarnriaahm,on6t,.hl:
prices have risen accord-'
SUGAR.—Seventy-eight quintals of PorAto Reaircro..:jaawst
Sugar ‘vere sold at 32f. per quintal.
I t Ci s omF FuEcEh .
wanted,' f he(rfien
eah3a,dv9e3tbhfc.e
ingly. St. logo
Dyewoods are scarce. Campeachy is is raucb de-
-B.od eirsa _Wheat
maintains its former price
arrived from Laguna sold at 12f. the cwt.
m3nd, and
The Corn Market has recovered a little from its late
depression. Prices had improved.
fetches IGf. to 17f. the hectolitre.--illor
rung Herald.