The Sun.
London, England, 1837-09-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Standard knows that the meeting at which the
" Battle of the Diamond" was drank as a toast, was
bot a private one. Reporters were invited, and it was
anticipated by Colonel Verner and the other spokes-
men that an account of the proceedings would fill a
large space in the Orange journals. .We are told by
the same authority, that Colonel Verner could not have
been dismissed, as he had already ceased to be a ma-
gistrate, having dismissed himself when Col. Blacker
was struck out of the commission. On this we have
only to remark, that as there does not seem to be a
superabundance of civility in the composition of Co-
lonel Verner, if we may judge from the offensive tone
of his answer to Mr. Drummond's official communica-
tion, if he had not considered himself a magis-
trate, he would at once have dermnded of the Se-
cretary of the Lord Lieutenant on what authority
he presumed to demand from him an account of his
conduct. It appears that' he was a :magistrate of
both Tyrone and Armagh. We did not expect to find
the Standard satisfied with this dismissal. Our con-
temporary assumes that in all the feuds of the north
of Ireland the Catholics were rebels and the Orange-
men loyal, and then arrives at the conclusion that
" few who are not rebels and traitors in their hearts
will think there-was any impropriety in commemora-
ting the first decisive check given to rebellion and trea-
son." The system pursued in Ireland in the days
when the battle of the Diamond was fought was at
least as likely to make rebels as to check them. But
we have no wish to enter into an inquiry whether Catho-
lics or Protestants were most to blame. There can he
no good reason now for magistrates identifying
themselves with one of the parties. The effect
of such partisanship is to stimulate Orangemen
to commit the most wanton outrages against the Catho-
lics—witness the proceedings of the Killinen boys,
which Colonel Verner, if he did not encourage, at
least did not repress, and--to impress the Catholic
sufferers with the notion that it is hopeless to think of
obtaining justice. The dismissal of Colonel Verner
will raise the spirit of the Catholics, affording them,
as it does, a proof that the Government has an eye on
the Magistracy, and it will infuse a little more mode-
ration into the Orange brethren of the Colonel. A
few such examples, and faction will be less eager to
thrust itsclf before the public. The stipendiary
Magistrates are, indeed, the great supports of order in
Ireland. The people confide in their impartiality, and
their presence serves as a check on the Orange Magis-
trates.—Morning Chronicle.

The threatened removal of Colonel Verner from the
commission of the peace, and his dismissal from the
Deputy-Lieutenancy of his county, are acts which can
fairly he described no otherwise than as an arbitrary ap-
plication of the executive power, for the indulgence of
vindictive feelings, and for the furtherance of factious
ends. That such transactions should find ready apo-
logists in any portion of the press is natural, in so far
as it is unprincipled—the whole system of Irish po-
licy, and the views and arguments by which it is up-
held, being at this moment one calculated to fill with
shame and mortification even those unwise observers of
public affairs who do not see that baseness m a Go-
vernment leads, by direct consequence, to all that is most
calamitous and frightful. This stretch of tyranny, how-
ever, in the Mulgrave Cabinet, exhibits something more
than those characteristics which are common to most
low-minded politicians, and wherein it might be regarded
as a purely superfluous development of unworthy mo-
tive. It operates more usefully, by throwing some ad-
ditional light upon the true aim and genius of the
Government, as administered by Lords Mulgrave and
Alorpeth. It is a multifarious blow, directed at once
against the resident aristocracy and the Protestant
people of Ireland—against the predominant, that is,
the loyal spirit of the North, where England has ever
been strongest, and Popery weakest—against the
manly readiness of Protestants to protect themselves
from the organized and sanguinary schemes of traitors,
and against that sacred right of British subjects, the
freedom of opinion, speech, and action, where it is
not prohibited by /are. What law was violated by
Colonel Verner when he drank, or permitted his
rucsts to drink, the memory of " the battle of the
Diamond ?" We say nothing now about the pri-
vate character of the occasion on which the toast
was drunk. We put aside for the moment the obvious
facts, that the :corn which he had hired was his own
room ; that the table, covered with eatables and
wine, which he himself paid for, was his own
table ; that the parties who dined with Colonel
Verner, by invitation, were his private company ; that
whatever passed within those walls was uttered
among friends, and under the usual safeguards of
private society ; that, if repeated out of doors, it dif-
fered in nothine, on that account from any other repe-
tition of what might occur in social intercourse, and
that any cfficer of the Government, not being one of
the company, who dared to question the giver of
the feast upon matters which it was never pretended
were of a treasonable or criminal nature, but with
regard to which such officer assumed a right to have
his curiosity respected, deserved to be treated as an
offensive inquisitor, and as a most impertinent intruder
upon the free agency of his independent fellow-sub-
jects. We set all that aside, and limit ourselves to
the inquiry, what crime did Colonel Verner commit
against the King's peace, the law of the land, the
liberty or property of the su!,ject, by giving as a toast,
had the rnectii, been a public one of Conservative
electors, who all paid for their tickets—" Here's a
memory for you—the exploit of your forefathers—the
Battle of the DiFimond ?' What was the battle of
the " Diamond " ? A conflict wherein loyal Protes-
tants, attacked by Popish enemies to the Crown of
England, were forced to defend their own lives, and
to shed the blood of rebels. Was that a guilty act ?
Was the spirit by which those Protestants were ani-
mated one which any but a traitor to the House of
Brunswick would discountenance, or any public func-
tionary, not himself steeped in sympathy with rebel-
lion, would play the Popish tyrant to put down ? Did
Lord Morpeth or Lord Mulgrave so far insult the
truth of history as to assert that the Protestants who
fought the battle of " the Diamond" ought to have
been prosecuted for assassins ?—Times.
Before anything approaching to a fair representa-
tion of public opinion be obtained in the House of
Commons, it a truth but too obvious that there must be
extensive emendations in the Reform Act. The ne-
cessity of further improvement in the Representative
system is already so acutely felt by the great bulk of
the community, that, whatever be the fate of the Minis-
terial measures in the next Session of Parliament,
the nation will never be satisfied until it has effected
for itself a more fair and correct expression of its sen-
timents in the Legislature than at present exists there.
The time is gone by for partial, tardy, or reluctant con-
cessions from either or both branches of the Senate
to stay or divert thelpursuit of those structural ame-
liorations without which there never can be harmony
between the people and their lawgivers. Until these
improvements be accomplished in the structure and
constitution of the Senate, there will not be a single
reform effected in the other institutions of the State—
not a single abuse removed, without an effort which
will convulse society to its very depths. There will
be neither security for what we hare obtained, nor a
safe nor sure mode of pursuing what we seek. Gentle
agitation is ever and will ever be necessary to the
healthy action of all political bodies ; but it is neither
safe nor politic to have a country remain in that condi-
tion, wherein the might of numbers must be perpetu-
ally appealed to, wherein society must be kept
in continual commotion, and wherein the ves-
sel of the State cannot be propelled in the slight-
est degree in the course of good Government,
without invoking the winds of popular excite-
ment, and tempting the spirit of the storm. Such,
however,is at present the condition of Great
Britain and Ireland. It was hoped that the Reform
Act would have afforded means of accomplishing
other ameliorations, without a repetition of such
convulsive efforts as were necessary to its own
accomplishment. But this hope has unfortunately
proved deceptive. Since the first Parliament con-
voked under its operation until the last, the popu-
lar spirit has been on the wane in the House of Com-
mons ; and should Tory machinations go on and pros-
per, as hitherto, in checking the free :exercise of the
franchise, the Representation will become as defective
and rotten $3 ever. By the votes of the tenants-at-

will the English counties will be made completely sub-
servient to the dictation of the landlords, and become
mere effigies and caricatures of the elective principle ;
and by the decision of the Judges in respect to the 101.
qualification in Ireland, even the Irish Representa-
tion will be scarcely in a better position. But even if
the Reform Act had not failed of its purpose, if the
House of Commons represented the people as per-
fectly and truly as it is possible to conceive, still reform
would be brought to a full stop by the barrier of here-
ditary legislation. By the extension of the suffrage,
short Parliaments, and the Ballot, the Commons may
be brought to act in unison with the people ; but the
same barrier resists the attainment of all and each of
these measures : and if by any extraordinary effort
these measures were forced across this barrier while the
barrier itself is suffered to stand in the same position,
it will offer a perpetual obstacle to all national improve-
ments. That any misunderstanding should exist be-
tween the two Houses of Parliament is a subject of
general regret, but the great embarrassment is that
the more the House of Representatives be purified
from the Members fraudulently intruded there, the
greater will be the breach between it and the here-
ditary senate. If the House of Lords cannot agree
with an imperfectly reformed House of Commons,
wherein aristocratic influence still retains an undue
share of the representation, what possible result can
be expected from a further reform of the House of
Commons but an aggravation of the existing dissen-
sions ? It is sheer waste of time to seek further re-
form in the Commons without also demanding a reform
in the Lords. Hereditary legislation is the plague-
spot of the Constitution, and until it be extirpated
no healthy nor harmonious action need be expected in
the body politic. We wish it were otherwise, but we
fear that in the next session the Peers will afford far,
far too many illustrations of the truth of these obscr-
yations.—Morning Advertiser.

This week the revising barristers commence their
annual duties under the Reform Act, of freeing the
existing registers of all names which, by death or dis-
qualification, have no longer any right to be there, and
by adding those of persons who by various causes, in-
cluding that copious one of previous indifference or
neglect, had not been placed there, though all of them
possessing their franchise at the period of the late ge-
neral election. We do not deceive ourselves or our
readers when we say that the accession of conservative
voters will in every place greatly preponderate, and
will be more than sufficient to turn the scale on another
election in most of the few counties, and many of the
towns not being, like Caine, Tavistock, &c., mere no
mination boroughs, where a Whig member has, after
a contest, been returned. This the Whigs well knew
would be the case when they selected the period
which they did for the dissolution, thereby vir-
tually disfranchising a large body of electors, the vast
majority of whose votes would have been fatal to them.
In this there was a degree of stratagem and trickery
but too apparent, and wholly unworthy of statesmen ;
but at the same time such as persons reduced to their
forlorn and desperate condition might naturally enough
be expected to resort to. We have now to deal with
things as they are, not as they might have been ; and
it is the especial duty of all persons, and especially those
who have hitherto been shut out from the register,
either by their own act or that of others, to repair the
past error or omission, in whatever quarter it has
originated, b) taking care that their names are
properly inserted upon the lists, and are not after-
wards struck out by means of any of the nume-
rous subtleties and quibbles which are too often
allowed to prevail in the revising courts. In this
respect it is impossible not to be amused, and, to
a certain degree, edified. by a letter which Mr. Hume,
the rejected of Middlesex, and the now Honour-
able Member for Kilkenny, has addressed to a Morning
paper upon the subject. Mr. Hume's vote, which we
have no doubt is as good as that of any man's in the
kinedom, has, it seems, been objected to ; and why
—Because the Radical Marylebone vestry, of whom
Mr. Hume is one, have thought proper to withhold
the rate-books from inspection,so that those who wish
to purify the register from the many spurious votes
which appear there (and many of which were admitted
to poll at the lste elections), arc not permitted to see
that which, by law, is open to every man who is inte-
rested in inspecting it. Well, the result is, that the
objectors do that by guess which they would he
rightly informed upon, were it not for this unjte,ei-
fiable act of Mr. Hume and his brother vestrymen.
The consequence is, that Mr. Hume's vote is, among
others, objected to, at which he is, as might be ex-
pected, exceedingly angry and indignant. But he
should have spared his anger for the real perpetra-
tors of the mischief, of which he himself is virtually
one. We have said that this out-burst of the ex-
Middlesex Member is at once amusing and edifying—
amusing, as exhibiting a man caught in a trap of his
own constructing ; and edifying, as it strikingly exhibits
the facilities which the Reform Bill, in the various pro-
cesses and machinery which it gives rise to, affords for
lembarrassing and disfranchising bona fide electors. We
agree with Mr. Horne abstractedly, that his case is a
grievance, and that the franchise ought to be better
protected, and less easily assailable. With the expe-
rience that he too often mars whatever lie undertakes,
we are scarcely willing to entrust Mr. Hume with the
cure ; but there is a chance of his instance being to
use, and that it may have its effect, in preventing,
among other things, the trumpery guardians of pee ins,
lighting, and street-sweeping having it in their power
to endanger the rights of a large constituency. The
House of Commons will not consult its own dignity anti
usefulness if it suffers this flagrant instance of interfe-
rence with the highest privileges of the people to go un-
inquired into and unpunished.—Morning Herald.
The Irish are a tolerant people, or they would have
retorted ere this the cry of No Popery with that of No
Protestantism. Yell for yell would be fair play. If
noise is to supersede argument, and the tympanum is
to be the seat of reason, why should there not be
shout for shout and clamour for clamour ? The next
writer on logic must add a chapter on the argumentum
ad tympanum, or the art of beating the drum of the
ear with a goose's drum-stick. This is an instrument
on which the Papists might play as well as the Orange-
men. No Protestantism would look as well on the
green flag, as No Popery on the Orange banner. No
Protestantism would make a capital roar about a bon-
fire, on the anniversary of ltathcormack, or the
butchery of the Catholic children at Castle Blaney.
No Protestantism in Ireland would have a good deal
of reason, while No Popery in England is the merest
senseless clatter. Of what single advantage does Po-
pery deprive the English people ? Protestantism is the
avowed ground for denying the poorest petitions of the
Irish. It Popery had stood between England and
Parliamentary Reform ; if Popery had intercepted the
benefit of free 'Municipal institutions ; if Popery sup-
ported every abuse in our Government ; if it prevented
every salutary amendment in our laws ; if it was the
prop and main-stay of every grievance that pinches
u? ; if, whenever a measure was proposed to the Le-
gislature promising quiet, or improvement, or relief
from any burden or oppression, we were encountered
with the objection of Popery, and forced, after tedious
struggles, to forego objects dearest to us, lest their
accomplishment should damage the Popish interest—
then would the cry of No Popery have reason—then
should not our's be the remonstrance against so just a
plaint ; instead of thrusting, as we do now, our fingers
into our ears, we should join the shout to the top of
our lungs, and hill and valley should ring again. Let
us suppose the 'state of England be analogous to
that of Ireland—our population Protestant and the
Church Catholic—the tenth of our rural affluence
going down into the inscrutable pockets of a
Popish established priesthood--every spire that
points to Heaven indicating the place of an altar
where the people of the land never bow the knee ;
suppose further, that the Popish pulpit, instead of
modestly and decently confining itself to the enforce-
ment of Popish doctrines, was nothing but a rostrum for
the fulmination of fiery invectives against everything
national and Protestant--a pack of full-fed Romish rec-
tors in every diocese, hounded on by a itomish Prelate,
in full cry after everything dear or venerable in the
eyes of Englishmen, their national liberties, their na-
tional character, their national religion; imagine, more-
over, the Popish power ascendant in one estate of the
realm, and the British Protestant millions, in the pos-
ture and style of mendicants, craving, session after see-
Ron, and Parliament after Parliament, not the full amount

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 1837.

of their rights and franchises, but only certain pittances,
or broken scraps of redress and justice—a Church reform
like the Appropriation Clause—such elementary liberties
as the right to choose their own Mayors, and pave their
own streets and alleys : then conceive the contemptu-
ous rejection of petitions so meek and requests so
beggarly—the rejection of them by a Polish oligarchy
of a few hundred families, and the avowed ground
and principle of maintaining Popery, and with ex-
press declarations of the irreconcileable enmity be-
tween Protestant liberties and the Popish interest.
Conceive all this, and here indeed is a case to justify
the cry that is now so senseless and so brutal. In the
circumstances we have feigned every true-born Briton
would wish for Stentor's lungs to shout " No Po-
pery," and the welkin would thunder with all pro-
priety from the Pentland to the Land's End. Now the
case we have fancied is actually the case of our Irish
neighbours. "No Protestantism" would be a wild
cry from Ireland, but it would have a meaning and an
equity. " Since Protestantism," might the Irish
people well say, " is against us, we shall be against
Protestantism. Since Protestantism precludes us from
good laws and institutions, away with it. Since
we may not have Protestantism and peace together,
No Protestantism' be our watch-word. What is
Protestantism to us, that we should be serfs and vil-
lains for its security and advancement ? What is it
to us, that we should stoop like the emblem of
Isaachar between the double burthen of a Church in

which we do not worship, and a State in which we are
denied full participation ? Why should the religion of
England hinder the freedom of Ireland ? Has the
religion of Ireland hindered the freedom of England ?
Reserve that old fanatic bray of No Popery' until
Popery shall be to you the mortal foe that Protestantism
is to us. We cry ' No Protestantism' with reason, for
you yourselves assure us that Protestantism forbids our
peace, and interdicts us from the very benefits of a
free Government." No Popery is an odd war-cry for
a party whose policy has been as favourable to the
growth of Popery as if it had been framed in the Ca-
binets of the Vatican, or bad its origin in the Jesuits'
Colleges. No Popery ! No Popery !—while theirs
are the arts, and theirs the practices and measures,
which have made the Irish people Papists ; which
have actually dragooned them into Popery. To whom
is the triple Crown indebted for the vast extent of its
spiritual dominion at this day in Ireland ? To what
does the lady in scarlet owe all her conquests ? To
her native charms? To the transcendent moral
beauty of her system ? To the resistless loveliness
of scriptural truth and fidelity to evangelic princi-
ples ? Not so ;we are taught to believe that Popery
beside Protestantism is the foul Duessa beside the
pure and heavenly Una. How then has Popery won
the Irish heart ? Whose is the cestus that has gird-
led her with false attractions ? Toryism, Toryism,
Toryism. * * * *. The opponents of the
Tories, the sad spectators of the havoc which To-
ryism has made in matters of religion, as well as in
the wealth and peace of Ireland, might indeed cry
No Popery with justice. As a cry against Sir Robert
Peel, as a cry against the Lords, No Popery would
have not a little reason and propriety. When schemes
of policy that have filled Ireland with Papists are
broached as intrepidly as if they had Protestantised it
from shore to shore, let us cry No Popery in the ears
of their infatuated advocates. When measures are
advanced which serve the Catholic religion by dis-
gracing the Protestants, let us oppose them with the
silent of No Popery. When Lord Statile), advo-
cates tithes and applauds the heroes of Gurtroe
and Inniscarra, bawl No Popery in his Lord-
ship's ears. When Sir Robert Peel declares that the
safety of the Established Church and the Protestant
interest in Ireland indispensably requires the exclusion
of the Catholics from every municipal office, and from
all share in the management of the minutest local con-
cerns ; roar, bawl, shout in his ear, No Popery., Sir
Robert ! No Popery. When the Protestant Oligarchy
of Carlow hunt their Catholic tenants from their an-
cient settlements, cry No Popery, for to such deeds as
these Popery is under immense obligations. Ring No
Popery in the ear of the Orange magistrate of Ar-
megh, draining the midnight goblet to the memory of
the bloody brawl and the factious triumph. When the
parson foams against the education of the people, let
every man gifted with sense enough to know that igno-
r thee is the nurse of error, and knowledge its mortal
enemy, raise his voice and cry No Papery.—Eraininer.

GARDENING OPERATIONS FOR

THE WEEK.

PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS,

(From the Gardener's Gazette.)
CANIRLIA JAPONlCA.—Propagate by single buds, by
taking a small portion of the ‘sood into that of a li'mlthy
stock, cut down to the proper height, giving moderato moist
heat until a sufficient growth is made, when they may be
ripened in the greenhouse.
AURICULAS.—CompIete the re-potting, protect them
from sun, wind, and rain, for a few days, in common cold
frames.

ASSURANCE COMPANIES,&c. &c. &c.

LONDON, FRIDAY, SEPT. 15.
Number Dividend

Price

...____. ... -
..........
0f... per CANALS. per
3kares. Annum. Paid. Share
1,766 7 per cent. Ashton and Oldham....Average 97/. ISs. sh. 135
1,482 41. Ashby.de.le.Zoueh Average 113/. sh. 65
1,260 Basingstoke lOOl sh. 54
1,005 54 Brecknock and Abergavenny 150'. sh. 100
3,000 1-16 sh. 91. 6s. Birmingham, 1.16 th share 8:1. & 711. 218
4,000 Ditto and Liverpool Junct...1251 sh. 100 pd 26
600 Bridgewater and Taunton ....100/. sh. all pd 64
400 4/. Cheliner and Blackwater IGO/. sh. 102
500 481. Coventry 11,91. sh. 700
4,515 Croydon Average 311.25.10 d. sh. S
2,0601 4!. Os. Dudley lOOl. sh. St
600 71. Derby 100/. sh. 133
20,000 Danube and Mayne 34/.38.4d 2941, pd 28%
3,575 31. Ellesmere and Chester Average 1331. sh. 794
231 401. Erewash lOW. sti. '7OO
1,297 1.'.8/. Forth and Clyde Average 4.001.10 t. eh. 6.'0
11,900 124 Grand Junc---. lOOl. sh. 200
2,'i'494 1/. Grand Union IOC!. sh. 244
1,500 Grand Surrey
20,0004 41. percent. Ditto (optional) Loan 100!. '7O
3,696 Grand Western
600 131. 13s. 6d. Glamorganshire, Average cost 1721. 13s. 4d. 230
749 10t. Grantham 150/. sh. 802
6,238 2/. Os. Huddersfield Average 571. Os. 6d. sh. 37
100 Kensington 100 sh. all pd. 10
25,328 1/. ss. Kennet ind Avon, Average 39/. 18a.10d. sh 244
2,897.1 241. Leeds and Liverpool 1001. sh. 590
5454 131. Leicester l4O/. sh. 225
1,837 4/. 10s. Leicester and Northampton... Aver 831. Ifs. 85
2,400 101. Monmouthshire 100/ .sh. 200
150 101. Melton Mowbray 1004 eh. 200
50*) nt. Mersey and Irwell 1001. sh. 570
3,000 1/. 10s. Macclesfield 100!. sh all pd. 54
247 171. Neath 100/. sh. 325
1,786 301. Oxford 100/. oh. 528
2,400 5/. Peak Forest Average about 781. sh. 104
1,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 331. I6s. Pd. sh. Iti
5,060 61. per cent. nochdale Average 85/. sh. 112
500 81. Shropshire 12.51. sh. 138
800 9/. 10s. Somerset Coal 150/. sh. 148
3,6001. 44 percent. Ditto Lock Fund Stock l2!. 10s. sh. 114
700 401. .Stafford and Worcester l4O/. sh. 710
500 91. Shrewsbury 125!. sh. 213
300 9!. Stourbridge
3,647 21.65. Stratford-on-Avon ...Average 791. 9s. W. sh. 50
533 121. Swansea lOW. sh. 220
3,762 11. 15s. Severn and Wye and Railway ...AT, 35/. sh. 214
2,60045 n. 321. 10s. Treist ani Mersey, 4 share 100/. sh. 560
8,119 Thames xi 4 51edway... Aver. 191. ss. Bd. sh. 2
I' • 000 sh.
} 151-
I,oooish. Warwick and Birminghamloo/. sh 253
980 llt. Warwick and Napton 100!. sh. 180
6,000 4/.oa. Worcest .n and Birmingham-. Av. 784 Bs. sh. N)
5,000 255. Wilts an... Berks .. Average 671. 103. Bd. sh. 22
800 3/. Wyrley and Essington 1251. sh 75
126 Wisbeach . 1051. sh. 45
905 11, Wey and Arun llOl. sh. 91" i
DOCKS.
2,600&
1,06545 h. 13p. c. Commercial • lOO/. sh. 55
498,86744/. 6 per ct. East India Stock 1104
3,238,31011. 506. p.ct. London Stock 134
Ditto Bonds
1,380,0001. 441. p. ct. West India Stock 94
2,`209 2/. 19s. Bristol
68,324/. 5/. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts ll3
1,352,752 44 per cent. St. Katharine Stock 924
500,000 44 per rent. Ditto Bonds lOO
200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds for 10 years 99
Shoreham Hai bour
2.500 ........ Deptford Piet
BRUMES.

CARNATIONS, PICCOTEES, PINK 3, &C.—Take off and
pot layers, and transplant pipings. We shall give our
readers a few hints about wintering Carnations and Picco-
tees from a successful cultivator, in our next.

1,600 Ifs. Hammersm 0- 5Ol. sh. 224
7,231 Southwark, Old Av. 631. t2s. Sd. sh. 2
1,700 1/. 15s. Ditto, New, of 71 per cent. 5Ol. sh. 114
5,000
5,000 las. Rd, Ditto, Old Annuities of V/. ... ...... 60/. pd ISI
5,000 16s. 4d. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 401. pd 151
60,0001. 51. per cent. Ditto Bond; llB
5,1348 14s Vauxhall Average 701. 10s. 3d. sh. 17

Continue industriously the arrangement of TULIPS, and
preparing the soil for beds.
The Kitchen Garden requires hut little beyond carrying
into effect the instructions of the past three weeks.
Continue to propagate •aluab'.e DAHLIAS, especially pro-
mising Seedlings, by cuttings, with a very gentle heat, but
little air, and no sun, in frames properly sheltered.
China kinds of RosEs may be propagated by cuttings
of tht, young wood, under hand glasses, in the shade.
Provide temporary coverings for Greenhouse Plants nut
of doors, in case of frost occurring before the period for
housing, as slight frosts and too much wet may be expected.