The Sun.
London, England, 1830-03-24 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS.

The Chamber has done its duty. It remains for
the Crown to exercise the rights with which it is
invested by the Charter. Its prerogative has not
been constrained or encroached upon as our ad-
versaries pretend ; it has been invoked. The Cham-
ber declares to the King, that harmony between
themselves and his Government is interrupted. It
belongs to Royalty to settle the dispute, and either
to decide against the Chamber by dissolving it, or
against the Ministry by dismissing it. The ques-
tion is admirably laid down by the Address ; it is
for Royalty to solve it as it may please. If this
trial be not deemed sufficiently significant, the
King may leave his Ministers to be incessantly bar-
rassed and defeated until the discussion of the
Budget. This being rejected, the question must
then, of necessity, be decided in one way or the
other. Thus, the Crown may now either come to
a decision, or adjourn it till the Budget is brought
forward, without departing from the letter of the
Charter. There can be no doubt that one of these
two conclusions is preferable to the other. But
here we are merely stating what may be done con-
sistently with law and right, arid not pointing out
what would be most consonant to reason and the
interests of the state.—Journal des Debats.

The Chamber of Deputies has done just as it
ought to have done. It has admitted that France
was in a state of moral disquietude, because the
King from his throne did not hesitate to declare it.
It has gone back to the cause of this disquietude,
that no doubt might remain on a subject so impor-
tant, and then pointed out the means of putting an
end to it, if there existed a sincere desire of restor-
ing to France her former security. The Chamber
of Deputies was not called upon to defend itself—
the Speech from the Throne brought no accusation
against it; but since that Speech proclaimed that
the country was in a state of moral perturbation,
the Chamber held it a duty to prove that it was not
the fault of the people. The existence of the Mi-
nistry tends to interrupt the alliance between the
country and the Deputies appointed to protect its
interest. If the Chamber had displayed weakness,
their first reward would have been the contempt of
the very party who would have profited by it.—
Every thing was previously arranged to prevent the
Chamber from maintaining itself in the position pre-
pared for it. It was reproached with errors which
it was hoped it would commit, but into which it has
not fallen. It may wait with boldness the commu-
nication Ministers may bring. It will leave the
people in the same tranquillity of daily life as it
found them, but more agitated as to the future. A pro-
rogation of greater or less duration is generally expect-
ed. The law allows the Government to provide by
ordinances, in the interval between the sessions, for
all urgent and unforeseen expences. As SOOll as the
session is opened, and until the moment of its close,
Ministers are bound to have recourse to the Cham-
bers for grants of every description, and all expen-
diture incurred during the sitting, without its appro-
bation, is illegal. Now, a session is not closed by
a prorogation. The session then is still open and
continued, notwithstanding the prorogation, which,
however, puts a stop to the passing of any law and
to the making any grant. What, then, can Minis-
ters do for their expedition against Algiers ? Will
they violate the fundamental laws of the state, by
decreeing, while the session remains open, and with-
out its concurrence, expences which they have no
right to incur? This question is important to the
nation in general, and embarrassing to the Govern-
ment.—Le Temps.
At length our political situation is clearly under-
stood. Monarchy knows with whom it has to deal.
It has received official intimation of the course of
hostilities prepared against it. Two hundred and
twenty-two men, who had taken the oath of allegi-
ance to the King, have sanctioned the first manifesto
of a revolution on the State, to take place in 1830.
of the King and by a direct
Thl torevoluthe persontionaryproceedings commenced by an
ins

-attack on the Royal prerogative, in contempt of
rights consecrated by the Charter. Such are virtu-
ally the acts of the present opposition in the Chant-
ber, however disguised they may be by the -veil
which the factious are careful to throw over them.
A coterie, composed of the remnants of our popuhr
assemblies,—of the sad remains of the Janissaries
of Buonaparte, and augmented by about 30 apostates
from the monarchy,—has thought proper to afford
us the spectacle of an attack made upon royalty by
the sovereignty of the people. Let not this fact be
denied ; indeed it cannot be so, when all the liberal
iouritals are claiming it with ostentation ; all these
journals agree in their manner of Characterising
the spirit and tendency of the address, which
consecrates the principle of intervention on the
part of the representatives of the people in the
King's Government. Thus the 13th article of the
Charter, which gives to the King the sole extensive
power, and the 14th article, which declares the
King to be the supreme head of the state, are vio-
lated. This is equally true of the 15th article,
which defines the rights of the Chamber, and gives
it but a part only in the exercise of the legislative
power. In fact, all the 'powers are confounded,—
they invade each other: hence arises a state, of
anarchy and.a subversion of all order in our political
organization. But it is the province of the King
to restore order : let us rely on his wisdom. Charles
X. sees into the causes of the evil: he will provide
the remedy.—Quotidienne.,
Was it possible, we confidently ask,—:was it Pos-
sible to express in more suitable, terms than those
of the address, the sentiments of loyalty and re-
spect for the Royal prerogative which pervade the
Elective Chamber as well as the .whole country F
Was it possible to express .more ingenuously the
inviolabli fidelity of the deputies to the constittt-
tiorell throne, and the truths which that fidelity
rade it their duty to reveal to 'the Rovel wig..
dom ? This address, so violently attacked by• Ni.
nisters and their adherents, has been every where
received with gratitude, as the true expression .f— --
public feeling. Yesterday the deputies of the ma-
jority, known in Paris, were accosted with venera-
tion. They received thanks, in the name of the
country, for the glorious task they had accomplished,
by declaring the sincere wishes of the citizens for the
happiness of France, and the maintenance of her
liberties.—Constitutionnel.

Ministers, in their answer to the address of the
Deputies, have displayed greater imprudence than
in their manifesto of March 2. They continue to
involve the Crown in questions which concern only
themselves. It is in them that the Chamber can
place no confidence—it is to them it has refused ha
concurrence. Faithful to the law and to true repre-
sent itive doctrines, it has separated the King from
Ministers, and invoked his supreme decision against
their existence, which alone excites perturbation.
The Chamber has declared its faith in the Royal
promises, arid called upon the exalted wisdom of the.
King to pronounce. Thus, so far from contesting
the Royal authority, they have invoked it. Mini-
sters, on the contrary, confound the exercise of au-
thority with authority itself. There are but two
modes of government—by opinion and by force.
Government by opinion is not yet at an end,
though not so much acted upon for some time as it
formerly was, and though daily more and more de-
parted from, let them beware of entering into the
mode of governing by force : it is no longer suited
to the age, and has ever been fatal to those who
have employed it.—National.
The King has spoken I The Monarchy is victo-
rious ! The revolution has ceased to exist. Wu
did not expect less from Charles X., who, from the.
very commencement of the revolution, protested
against new and mad schemes. His wisdom, how-
ever, well comprehended the evils which for a long
period bore heavily upon society. Neither his
mind nor his heart was shut against the just com-
plaints of the people, but he knew that the re-
medy for the public calamities was not to be found
in violent reform. It is this Prince, as King,
that the Chamber of Deputies have had the courage
to reprimand in his own palace. This rashness has
already received a recompense,' and it will yet receive
others. It is for Charles X. to preserve entire the
dignity of the Crown. The King has suffered the
deputation of a Chamber of Deputies to approach
the foot of his Throne, who refuse to concur with
him in promoting the prosperity of the nation. He
has even heard their strange language, their rash re-
monstrances, and, to speak plainly, their culpable
insults! Such is the grand spectacle which our
Sovereign has offered to Europe. Royalty was un-
moved, although the Revolution probably thought
that the King of France would have thrown in the
face of the Speaker an harangue which may be
deemed rebellious. Thus the power of Royalty dis-
plays itself. Royalists, let us boast that we have a
King who knows his rights, and the due exercise of
his authority.—Quotidicnnc.
As the Gazelle had announced, the Deputies
pretending to be Royalists, who became by lot a
part of the deputation to carry up the address, sepa-
rated from their colleagues, consequently the depu-
tation was incomplete ; other Deputies, however,
riot of the deputation, spontaneously attended it to
the Tuileries. The King, en leaving the chapel,
traversed the Salon de la Pair, where the Members,
who formed the deputation, were assembled ; they
were saluted by the King. The Dauphiness also
passed through, and after casting a transient glance
at the group of Deputies, turned her face to the
other side, and saluted some officers.—Journal du
Commerce.

KINETON, MARCH 23, 1830. We are
sorry to state that WM. P. Triontomx, Esq. met with a
very serious accident whilst hunting with the Warwick-
shire Hounds, on Saturday the 13th inst. In leaning
forward to open a bridle-gate, his horse suddenly rose to
leap, in which attempt he failed, and fell over upon his
rider ; by which the ligaments connecting the os innorni-
natum with the os sacrum were lacerated, and those bones
disunited, but without fracture of any part of the pelvis.
Notwithstanding the severity of the injury, we are happy
to add that Mr. T. is going on well.
The celebrated Author of " Brambletye
House" has in the press a new historical novel called
" Walter Colyton," the main subject of which is con-
nected with the abdication of JAMES 11. The print ipal
characters consist of the Prince of ORANGE; MART, the
daughter of James ; one of the SYDNEYS ; Sir CHARLES
SEDLEY, and his daughter the Countess of DORCHESTER ;
Judge JEFFREYS, and other of the ruling spirits of that
day, in which the licence of Crrantzs the SECOND'S
time, and the growing strictness in matters of religion
and morality which ended in the revolution, were striving
for mastery. A period more pregnant with events, and
absorbing interest both as to character, incident, and na-
tional importance, could not possibly have been chosen.
DESTRUCTIVE FlRE.—Yesterday forenoon,
about a quarter-past ten o'clock, a person who lives in
Harrington-street observed smoke issuing from the win-
dows of the extensive sugar-house of Messrs. DOWNWARD
and RYLAND, on the south side of the street, and contigu-
ous to the premises in Lord-street. An alarm of fire was
instantly raised ; the fire-bells sounded the alarum ; and,
by half-past ten, the West of England Company's engine,
followed by the engines of the Norwich and other insurance
offices, as well as by the useful little engine of the Coal
Gas Company, reached the spot. The firemen exerted
themselves to the utmost; and, under the direction of our
active Mayor, who, accompanied by his officers, was on
the spot in a few minutes after the fire was discovered,
several Magistrates and Common Councilmen, and the
agents of the different insurance offices, the flames were
happily prevented from communicating to the adjoining
premises in Harrington and Lord streets. On several
occasions, during the conflagration, it was scarcely deenied
possible that the contiguous buildings could escape destruc-
tion. The heat was intense, melting the lead and scorch-
ing the timber on the contiguous premises, and driving
away the people who had taken their stations on the house
tops. The back windows of the premises of Mr. WILL-
MER, the bookseller, as well as those of the other premises
which were exposed to the flames, were burnt by the in-
tensity of the heat, and the frames occasionally caught ,
ire. When, however, the roof of the sugar-house fell in,
the flames, which had issued from the windows, found vent
upwards, and the risk of the Lord-street premises taking
fire was diminished. The premises, stock, and utensil's f
Messrs. DOWNWARD and RYLAND were fully insured in
different fire-offices. We understand that the, loss will
amount to somewhere about 30,0001. We bays not beard
hew the Are origiweted.,'hiverpooi 41.11zion, Mud,*

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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS-(LAST NIGHT).

The Royal Assent was given by Commission to the
Pmsion Duties' Bill, the Mutiny Bill, the Marine Mu-
tiny Bill, together with two private Bills. The Commis-
sioners were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord
Chancellor, and the Earl of Shaftesbury.
Mr. Alderman THOMPSON, together with several other
Members, brought up the Smugglers' Families Main-
tenance Bill, the St. Katharine Docks Bill, the Swansea
Lighting Bill, and two Private Bills, which, on the
motion of the Earl of SuArrEsuurtY, were severally read
a first time.

The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from
the north division of the City of London, of the Jewish
religion, praying for the removal of their civil disabilities.
The Duke of RICHMOND moved that a Message be
sent to the Commons, requesting a Copy of the Report of
the Committee of their House, commonly called Lord
Stanley's Committee, on the subject of Scotch and Irish
Vagrants.—Ordered.
Lord CARRINGTON presented a petition from Clare
against the Vestry Act.

Lord CARRINGTON presented a petition from Chip-
ping Wickham for the revision of the Penal Code.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition
from Rochdale, Lancaster, praying a revision of the laws
which award the punishment of death for offences against
property.

- The Marquis of HERTFORD presented a petition
from Alceston, praying for the repeal of the malt tax.
Lord WALLACE presented a petition from Alston
Moor, Cumberland, against the importation of Foreign
Lead.

Earl STANHOPE v;*resented a petition frin.Kne ow-
ners and occupiers of land in a hundred in Suffolk, com-
plaining of distress, awl praying the repeal of the Small
Note Act, and the, Malt and Beer duties.

The Bills or:, {be table were forwarded in their respec-
tive stages,

TERCEIRA.

ne. Order of the Day having been read,
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, that the papers
laid o❑ their Lordships' table at the close of the last Ses-
sion were not so ample as might have been expected, and
he particularly regretted the absence of one document—he
meant the protest of Count Saldanha to Captain Walpole,
the Captain of the vessel by which the Portuguese refugees
had been attacked. This would have stated the merits of
the question more clearly than he could do. But there
was enough in the papers before the Home to afford
grounds for the resolutions with which he intended to con-
clude. It might be convenient for their Lordships, before
he proceeded further, to show what these resolutions were,
end he should therefore now read them. They were these :

4' that these unarmed mcrehant-ships and passengers were
l'ircvented by his Majesty's naval forces, sent for the purpose,
from entering the harbour of Porto Praya; and that after they
had been fired Into- and blood had been spilled, they were com-
pelled, under the threat of the further use of force, again to pro-
ceed to sea, and warned to quit the neighbourhood of Terceira,
and the teSt of the Azores, but that they might go wherever else
they tnlght think proper.' "
"'That the use of force in interrupting these unarmed vessels,
and preventing them from anchoring, and landing their passen-
gers in the harbour of Porto Praya, was a violation of the sove-
reignty of that State to which the island of Terceira belonged ;
and that the further interference to compel these merchant-
ships or transports to quit the neighbourhood of the Azores,' was
an assumption of jurisdiction upon the high seas, neither justified
by the necessity of the case, nor sanctioned by the general law of
nations."

In support of these Resolutions it was not necessary for
him to enter at large into the question whether neutrality
between the contending parties of Portugal was the proper
policy of this country: Assuming that it was so, he con-
tended that the principle of neutrality was violated in this
transaction. Their Lordships would recollect that after
the defeat at Oporto a considerable number cf the subjects
of Dolma Maria sought and obtained an asylum in this
coo.ntry. They did not subject themselves to any condi-
tions or restrictions in availing themselves of this asylum,
but remained free as before, to act as their duty prompted
them in the service of their lawful Queen. From the
circumstances of their characters and extraction they might
have expected favour and protection from the Government
of this country. He would show their Lordships that so
far from being the objects of either, the law of nations was
violated in their persons. Soon after their arrival here,
intelligence arrived that Terceira had determined to adhere
faithfully to its legitimate Sovereign, Donna Maria. They
wished to proceed thither, and understanding that an ex-
pedition had been fitted out by Don Miguel against the
Aiknes, they applied to the British Government for a CO!,
'voy. In answer to the application a letter was written
by the Noble Duke, from which he would read a passage.
It stated that the Portuguese subjects, if they thought
proper to make war in the Azores instead of Portugal, they
might do so, but that in departing from this country they
could only be allowed to act as individuals. It was then
ordered that they should be dispersed from Plymouth,
where they had up to this time remained together. This
order he thought an unwarrantable exercise of power.
They preferred emigration to dispersion, and again
applied fir a convoy, and a guarantee of their safe
passage. The guarantee was however refused, and he
thought rightly; and the convoy was also refused, upon the
ground that we had no right to deprive the forces of Don
Miguel of the power of acting against his enemies in the
Atbeitic. But it was surely less justifiable to guarantee
Terceira against the approach of the faithful subjects of the
Queen, and to make an attack upon them within the wa-
ters of that island. They had been told that they might
return to the Azores as individuals, and they were desirous
of doing so. But at last they found to their surprise that
obstructions were to be offered to them if they attempted
it. The Marquis Saldanha wrote to tje Noble Duke,
just before they sailed, and assured him at they were as
rnoch unarmed as when they arrived in this country, and
that they intended to go, not all together, but at separate
times. Now, lie begged to ask how they could more
completely divest themselves of the character of a hostile
force? They hireel unarmed vessels; they had no arms
or munitions of war, and they did not intend to go in
greater numbers than six hundred at once, or about the
number of persons usually conveyed to Canada in an emi-
grant vessel. And, notwithstanding this, they were pur-
sued, sad an act of violence—of murder, he would call
it, or, at least, of manslaughter—was committed. He
said that they were a body of Portuguese subjects return-
ing to their own homes, and nobody had the right to mo-
lest or obstruct them. The Noble Earl had said, in Fe-
bruary last, that among the six hundred persons going to
Terceira, there were three hundred Germans and
Danes. He did not know upon what authority the
Noble Earl made this statement. But he had some
authority for saying that there was not one German
or Dane with Count Saldanha. It was true that
there had been a vessel in the Downs about this time
with foreigners on board ; but their destination was Rio
de Janeiro. The Whole of the vessels, however, which
sailed from England were stopped, although the vessel
which conveyed the Germans and Danes had nothing to
do with and did not keep company with the expedition—
(Hear, hear)—under Count Sakianha. This information
was communicated to him by an officer in the service of
Donna Maria, whose name he had no objection to commu-
nicate to the Noble Earl, although for reasons adverted to
on another occasion, he did not think it proper to mention
it now. If he understood the cheer of the Noble Duke, it
was directed to his use of the word " expedition ;" but was
the Noble Duke so immersed in military notions as not to
know that there were such things as civil as well as mili-
tary expeditions. He was at a loss to know, however,
whether the expedition was civil or military, what right
we had to attack them in the waters of Terceira? They
were the subjectsof Donna Maria, and it was a violation of
of national law to attack them in her territories. The
Noble Earl had on a former occasion quoted a passage
from Vattel to this effect, that neutrals ought not to aid
or refresh the troops of belligerents. But this doctrine he
maintained did not bear upon the ease in point. He would
now refer to the instructions under which Captain Wal-
pole acted. They spoke of an attack upon Terceira by
these vessels, than which nothing could he more absurd.
It was not so easy a thing to attack Terceira, nor was
Terceira now for the first time the refuge of loyal sub-
jects, for in 1581, and the:two following years, Spain had
attempted to subdue it in vain by her Command,rs, Val-
dez and the Marquis of Santa Cruz, with a formidable
force under their command iu each instance. And yet
this island was to be attacked and taken by four un armed
ships, and 600 men, without, he believed, even their side-
arms. But it was said that the Azores was to be con-
sidered as one, and the situation in which they were placed
as that of civil war. Admitting this, had not the Noble
Duke told them that if they liked to carry on war there,
they might do so. This led him to inquire into what ap-
peared to be the source of all the calamities of these unfor-
tunate refugees. It appeared that they had committed a
fraud, and the resentment of the Noble Earl prompted him
to send out the instructions, which had produced the con-
sequences so painful to contemplate. Let them see what
the fraud was. The Brazilian Minister had applied a short
time before for leave to export a quantity of arms. .This
permission was given, She condition being required and
extorted that they should not be sent to Portugal. If he '
had violated his promise, this might have affected his cha-
racter as a gentleman, but he had not done so, for he had a
right to send them to Terceira, as articles of merchandize,
without.any permission whatever. At' that time there was
no order to the contrary, and it was perfectly free for any
man to send arms to Terceira. Se had heard that arms

were at this time actually sent to Portugal ; but be the
fact so or net, it was certain, and this was sufficient for his
purpose, that they might have been sent. But why should
it be deemed so desirable to prevent arms from being sent to
Terceira from this country, when there was no difficulty
in sending them from Brazil? But, if he should even allow I
that there had been cause of complaint against the Brazilian
Minister, what had this to do with the poor unfortunate
Portuguese, that we should go and shoot them ? A more
monstrous proposition could not be, than that because a
Brazilian Minister had misconducted himself, we should
therefore have a right to attack Portuguese subjects within
their own territory. Thfn something had been said of
false clearances ; this at the utmost was only a violation of
out municipal regulations, which did not warrant us in
pursuing the offenders to take vengeance upon them on
the waters of Terceira. The idea could not be contem-
plated for a moment, that we were thus to enforce our
municipal or certain home regulations, in the territories of
a foreign State. The law had assigned a suitable punish-
ment to this offence, if offence had been committed. He
did not know that any of our regulations had been in-
fringed ; but, if they had been so, there was a legal mode
of redress. Nothing could be more frivolous and futile
than the special pleading which had been resorted to upon
this subject. He trusted their Lordships would not sanc-
tion such conduct as he had described, and that they would
show that they were aware of the consequences which
must arise if they spurned the opinions he had embodied
in his resolutions. There was another point to which,
before he concluded, he must briefly advert. They had
been informed in 182 S, by a Speech from the Throne, that
negotiations were in progress with the head of the House
of Braganza, having for their object to terminate the exist-
ing disputes between the members of that House. They
next heard that a British ship bad been firing upon the
subjects of one of the parties to that dispute which it
had been desired to settle by negociation ; and recently they
had been told that the negociation into which they had
entered had become hopeless. If that House did not rouse
itself to a sense of what its dignity required, it would be..
a party to the whole transaction. If there was one
principle which more than any other had universally in-
fluenced the Government of this country, it was that
which recognized the importance of maintaining a good
understanding with Portugal. But what was now their
position ? They had failed in a negociation which it ap-
peared the King of France had subsequently taken up, and
from a principal they had thus descended to the station of
a secondary party. The Noble Lord concluded by moving
the resolutions he had already read to the House.
The resolutions having been read from the Woolsack,
The Earl of ABERDEEN begged the House to bear
in mind what was the relative condition of the two court.
tries at the time when the Portuguese refugees came to
this country. It was one of strict neutrality.—(Hear.)
He should not go into the question of whether that neu-
trality was right or not. That question had not yet been
discussed. It might have been right, or it might have
been wrong—that was a question altogether beside the one
now under discussion. It might be that it would have
been more proper to recur to force in the first instance,
and by force of arms to sustain the cause of the legitimate
Sovereign. Such a course he had heard alleged as the
proper one to have been pursued out of the House ; and
lie thought it would have been more fair if that dectrime
had been avowed in the House, such being the evi-
dent tendency of all the arguments used upon the sub-
ject. It might be said to have been right to acknowledge
the legitimate Prince; but the cause which his Majesty's
Government had thought fit to adopt was that of neu-
trality; and having adopted it they were bound to
observe the obligations which it imposed. For, of all the
courses that could be pursued that was the most indefen-
sible which consisted in suiting their policy to their inte-
rests, and shifting the principle of their conduct as circum-
stances might seem to dictate.—(Hear, hear.)—Having
stated the resolution of his Majesty's Ministers, and the
obligations by which they conceived themselves bound, he
would briefly proceed to reMpitulate the circumstances as
they occurred. Their Lordships would recollect that after
the defeat of the refugees at Oporto—he ought rather to
call it the flight, for there was no contest—that body took
refuge in Spain. Here it was that the first good offices
of this country were called into action in their behalf.
Through the intervention of the British Government with
the Spanish authorities, the period limited for their stay
was prolonged, and facilities for their embarkation afforded.
They wanted to persuade the British Government to fur-
nish them with vessels to carry them. But this was not
accorded, although every accommodation in the country
was promised and afterwards given. They arrived at the
end of August, and here was the first and only error corn-
mitted
upon this subject by his Majesty's Government, who
omitted to insist upon the dispersion of their troops,
for they were in reality a body of foreign troops. It
would not, however, be pressed upon Government as a
serious charge, that in the miserable condition of these
men they had acted in a spirit of kindness rather than the
reverse. Accommodation had been provided for the refugees
at Portsmouth and Plymouth, but they preferred remain-
ing together at Plymouth. There, in point of fact, they
remained for four or five months, officered, paid, and dis-
ciplined as troops. About the middle of October the
Marquis de Barbacena applied to his Noble Friend (the
Duke of Wellington) to allow him to send a party •of
troops, as he called them, to the Azores. At that
time, it was to be observed, Terceira was the only
one of the Azores which was doubtful as to the cause
it meant to espouse. It, however, followed the example
of the others, and declared for Don Miguel. The
troops of the citadel threw off the yoke of the Govern-
ment of Miguel, and rose upon the Governor, declaring
themselves in favour of Don Pedro, or Donna Maria, he
did not exactly know which. But the inhabitants were
universally in favour of Don Miguel. This was the state
of things when the Marquis de Barbacena made the ap-
plication to which he had referred ; and it was in the same
state at present, and had been ever since. The Noble Duke
instantly answered the application by declaring that he
knew nothing of the existence of foreign troops in the
country—if there were any that they must disperse ; and
that certainly they could not be allowed to proceed to the
Azores, or to any other part of the dominions of Portugal.
On the 10th November the order for their dispersion in
the neighbouring towns of Plymouth was issued, and they
were given distinctly to understand that their union at
Plymouth could not be permitted. Against this order a
protest was made by the leaders of the refugee troops ;
and at length, by means of false clearances and other tricks
they contrived to sail for Terceira. Under all these cir-
cumstances it appeared to biro a clear point that, during
the four or five months that they had been embodied at
Plymouth, there was a manifest breach of the neutral cha-
racter on the part of this country. He held it to be no
part of the business of a neutral to look into the right of
a quarrel between the belligerents. He looked upon Ter-
ceira in the same light as Oporto; and if Oporto had
declared for the Queen, this Government would not
have allowed the body assembled at Plymouth to depart
for that place, the possession being at that time extremely
doubtful.-,--(Hear.)—Upon this principle then, after ob.•
taining the knowledge of arms having been provided for the
body upon their arrival at Terceira, his Majesty's Govern-
ment could nit possibly allow them to proceed there. The
chiefs of the body had full notice that a detachment of his
Majesty's navy was stationed off that island to divert them
from landing. The question was this, were these people to
be allowed to take advantage of their own wrong, accom-
plished by every species of fraud and artifice? He thought it
was impossible to answer that question otherwise than in the
negative. Had the British Government, with a full know-
ledge of the intention of the parties, allowed a hostile arma-
ment, prepared on British ground, and equipped in a Bri-
tish port, to sail against the possessions of one of the belli-
gerents, the disgrace of insincerity would have fallen, and
justly, upon the name of his Majesty. The principle so
much questioned by Noble Lords had already been acted
upon, and with the assent of those who now found fault
with it. He referred to the case of the Portuguese refu-
gees in 1826, who, having fled into Spain, were prepar-
ing to return into Portugal in hostile array. In that case
it was not pretended that there was a single Spaniard in
the ranks ; hut it was contended that as the refugees had
been comforted, aided, and equipped in Spain, their inva-
sion of their own country would be a breach of neutrality
on the part of Spain, and an act of foreign aggression upon
the soil of Portugal. Spain denied having abetted the ex-
pedition, but she was not believed by this country, and a
force was dispatched feom England to repel what was
termed " foreign aggression." When the body which had
passed the frontiers of Spain had retired, this Government
insisted upon their being dispersed, and sent for into the
interior. Now, had this country allowed a hostile expe-
dition to sail from Plymouth, Don Miguel would have had
the same right to complain as we had in 1826. As the
Resolutions, although embodying many parts which were
perfectly true, were intended to cast censure upon his
Majesty's Government, be should certainly give his nega-
tive to them.
Lord RADNOR thought the Noble Earl seemed to have
aimed only to make out a sort of debtor and creditor ac-
count between the parties, by which it appeared that the
Government had really broken the neutrality, not only
with one but with both of the belligerents. Thus he
breach
to seemed to think that having permitted the Portugese regi-
mentsremainPlymouth, by way of a set-off to that
e fNeutrality,neutral balanceli
ewaty
s)bocuhnedeing to equili-
briumrthesetmoreetthTeerceira
of the
And pursuing them with a hostile force on the high seas.

The Noble Earl had attempted to make the refuge of the
Portuguese in Spain and their return armed into Portugal
a parallel case. But to do so he must show that we should
have been justified in following them into Spain, and there
knocking them on the head.
Lord CLANRICARDE replied. If the House rejected
his resolutions, it would certainly be without having beard
them satisfactorily replied to. He should certainly enter
a protest on the Journals of the House upon this subject.
The LORD CHANCELLOR was about to put the
questions upon the resolutions, when
Lord HOLLAND said—Where this painful subject first
came before the House, the Government appeared to be
panting and longing for an explanation of the whole of
their conduct ; yet now, neither in the speech of the Noble
Earl, nor in the defence put before the House, on which
the Government rested their case, was one word said
directly or indirectly on that branch of the subject which
farmed the principal ground of the motion of his Noble
Friend below him. It had been the custom when the
laffairs of Portugal were introduced in that House, to elude
the question, by professing an unbounded love of peace, a
strict and austere adherence to the terms of our conven-
t tions with other countries, and a most unbounded respect
for the opinion of the people in them. It had been found,
for instance, in the present case, that in the unanimous
opinion of the people of Portugal (by what magic the
Noble Earl had taken the exact poll of the people of Por-
tugal it was hard to say), the Government of Don Miguel
was to he preferred to the Charter accorded by Don Pedro.
The Noble Duke at the head of Isis Majesty's Government
sometimes shewed that he understood tactics as well in de-
bate as in the field ; and though he had spoken on these
questions, be had not done so much to the purpose of the
questions themselves, but had obtained this advantage, that
he had contrived to impress the public with the belief that
those who found fault with his Majesty's Government were
in fact doing nothing more than urging an unnecessary
i interference in the aff drs of another country, and prompt-
ing this Government to impose by its will upon another
people a Government which they disliked.—(Hear.)--
The Noble Earl who had spoken this evening Was wrong
in supposing that lie was charged with any pusillanimous
love of peace—on the contrary, the charge was, that lie
had shown a love for pusillanimous war—not any squea-
mish dread of interference, but interference where even
less than squeamishness ought to have stopped him—not
any extravagant love of popular liberty and of the will
of the people, but that he had been guilty of a violent out-
rage on the people of a country most nearly and dearly
connect d with Great Britain.—(Hear.)—Let them look
at the detail of facts as laid before that House. In the
first place, what had been said by the Noble Secretary of
State was true—that the question must be considered as a
whole. He had no objection to consider it, provided he
was net obliged to cut it up as it was cut up in the minds
of the Noble Lords opposite. It was ,necessary to trace
those periods in which this Government went in a regular
progress from cold-hearted indifference through suspicion
to continued ill temper towards these persons ; and finally
proceeded to injustice—aye, and to actual war. That
was the charge against them. Let them see how it was
made out. It was necessary to see who were these persons.
They were the subjects of a country most nearly allied to
Great Britain—persons who adhered to a race, and pro-
fessed allegiance to a Princess whom he had recommended
and recognised, and whom his present Majesty, with that
degree of generosity which belonged to him, had received
with more than common interest on the soil of Great Bri-
tain. These persons attempted to raise the standard of
their Sovereign at Oporto, and failed. When after this
they looked to this country for a kind and hospitable recep-
tion—could they have supposed that their opponents
would have received every advantage, and that they should
have been denied all? He had a list in his pocket of 30
of these brave men and noble men, whose wealth, family,
and talents, had suffered in the cause of Donna Maria.—
They were names dear to this country, as having been
always foremost in maintaining the connection of England
with Portugal. Need he name those with whom they
were all acquainted—the Marquis of Palmella—whom the
Duke of Wellington knew, who had acted so prominent a
part in the settlement of Europe, who, though admitted
at the Congress as the representative of Portugal only at
the recommendation of this country, had, by the splen-
dour of his talents, by his address, his integrity, and
his zeal in the service of Portugal, put himself upon
a level with the representatives of the most powerful
States of Europe ?—( Hear, hear, hear.)—Need he
name the Count Funchal, whose talents and temper
were calculated to enliven every society, and who, as he
(Lord Holland) could declare, from a knowledge of him
for the last forty years, was a strong patriot, and who
considered that the interests of kis own country could
only be advanced by a close connection with England ?
Need he name Villa Real, who he believed to be a most
consistent friend of that Constitution, and who had done his
best to cement the union between the two countries? He
named these men, and called on the House to judge what
must have been their feelings at the statement of the Noble
Secretary. It was true that this Government might give
or refuse its permission to arms being taken from this
country ; but if it did not exercise that right equally on
both sides, there was an end of its neutrality ; and if it did
not exercise the right at all, it was no breach of neutrality.
Even if the Brazilian Government had been a belligerent,
instead of a neutral, it would have been no breach of neu-
trality. There were fifty instances of it, but one was
enough for his purpose ; that was the case of the Russians,
who, in 1770 or 1771, when making war on the
Turks, were permitted to arm and victual their ships
in our ports, without our being considered as
guilty of a breach of neutrality.—(Hear, hear, hear.)--_,
The Noble Earl had certainly taken great liberties
the
with his
Noble Friend, and he accordingly expected that, when he
was reluctantly compelled to acknowledge him, h
Am-
bassador would be instructed to address him not as his
most faithful Majesty, but as his most false, faithless,
cowardly, and cruel Majesty.—(Laughter.)—lt was ar-
gued that Terceira was not to be considered as a whole,
because it was in a state of civil war. Yet the Azores
were to be considered as a whole.—(Hear, bear.)--The
Noble Earl had laid the papers respecting these matters be-
, fore them, but they were garbled, and the inference he
I would draw from them was directly the contrary to that
which had been already made. Besides, looking to their
past conduct and former policy, what would be the infer-
ence? Candia was in a state of civil war—it had been so
for a period of about seven years—but then it was replied,
that all the forts were in the hands of the Turks, and,
therefore, it should be regarded as a whole. When, how-
ever, they proceeded a little westward, they turned over
the leaf of a new chapter, and conclusions directly contrary
were arrived at, and conduct altogether different was pur-
sued with respect to Terceira. With respect to the four ships
alludedlto, he would take it on himself to say, that there were
no Germans or Danes aboard. The Noble Lord opposite
had entitled the departure of those unfortunate persons
from the country—an expedition, and this term was loudly
cheered, and he had asked how they were to be divested
of their character of troops? But he, in return, would
say, what right had Ministers to consider them as troops,
or, considering them as troops, what right had we to stop
them at Terceira, which was an island under the rule of
Donna Maria, an independent—no, he could not say an..
independent Sovereign—but one at that time living under
the grace, protection, and hospitality of this country, and
who had, therefore, a higher claim upon our courtesy, our
justice, and our good feeling 7—(Hear, hear, hear.)—The
Noble Duke, in alluding to the claims of Donna Maria,
had stated that other countries had not done their duty ;
but what was the meaning of this, or why was it that a
British Minister should come before their Lordships with
such an assertion ? It was odd, too, that the Noble Earl
had stated in his assertions respecting Don Miguel, be
would be borne out by public opinion, whereby he must,
of course, mean the opinion of all Europe, and he had,
at the same time, indulged in some strange liberties with
his name. And, in addition to what had fallen from the
Noble Earl, it was curious to remark that the argument
which the Noble Duke seemed anxious to address to Don
Pedro was to this effect=. It is very true, you accuse
your brother of being a murderer, and what not be-
sides ; but if you are not quiet we shall open our
budget, and prove that you yourself are little better."
This, he submitted, was indeed a strange manner of re-
conciling two parties—to displease both—to lower both,
and then say, you must make friends, for fear of
worse consequences.—(Hear, and laughter.)—He, how-
ever, would conjure their Lordships to adopt a contrary
line of policy. He saw in other countries a strong dispo-
sition to support the cause of liberty and legitimacy
throughout Europe ; and in the great struggle now going
forward in France, whichever party might prevail, he
thought a considerable influence would be exercised on our
connexion with Portugal. Ile sew that in Greece, the
Mediterranean, and the coast of .Africa, the French were
likely to reap an abundant harvest of profit and of glory,
while England was fast sinking into a secondary power.
The position of the country was, it must be acknowledged
on all hands, much altered from what it had been in 1827.
There were then only two Powers in Europe--the military
power of Russia in the North, and the moral power of the
notions in the West. He thought that the latter power
had fallen off; and feeling as he did that the motion of
that night was calculated to retard the fatal event of its
destruction, he would give that motion his most cordial
support.
The Duke of WELLINGTON would say, that the neu-
trelity was the only course we could pursue; and if there

was any doubt on the subject, it must have been removed
by the affair of Oporto, which decidedly determined the
f let, that the only way to establish Donna Maria in Por-
tugal would be by the agency of an armed force. And he
was convinced that if at the time a proposition to this
effect had been made to this House by the Administration,
they would have indignantly rejected it ; while it must be
evident to every man of sense and information that since
that period there was no chance of restoring Donna Maria,
because all Portugal was against her, with the exception
only of those persons who were compelled to abandon
their country in consequence of their attachment to her
cause. Why was it, then, that the Noble Lords opposite
pronounced a censure on Ministers for pursuing that
course which all must esteem the wisest, in preference to
one which could have only entailed difficulties and cala-
mity on this country? They, accordingly, he would say,
had determined on acting as best became them—they
decided on remaining neutral ; and having done
so, what line of conduct were they to follow respect-
ing those military adherents of Donna Maria who
sought refuge on their shores? They should have re-
ceived them, and so they did, in the best manner pos-
sible ; but they should not and did not receive them as
troops. Still, however, it so happened that they were
regularly officered and disciplined, and in all things con-
stituted as regular troops, except that they were unarmed,
and this actually under the guns of one of his Majesty's
Naval Arsenals. There, too, they remained for four
months altogether, and for two months after the Ministers
had been informed, by persons best qualified to give the
information, that they were a body of troops. —(Hear. )
Now the first proposition respecting these men was, that
we should give them a convoy to go to the Azores ; but
they were told by him, in a paragraph of his letter, which
might certainly have been as well left out, that they might
go as individuals if they pleased, but that they could not
be permitted to proceed as a body of troops. And next,
after he had received that information which was given on
the 15th of October, he had further intelligence laid before
him, describing the manner in which these men were paid,
and also declaring that soldiers were raising in great num-
bers in Germany and the Low Countries, to join those
already in Plymouth ; and under these circumstances, he
confidently asked their Lordships if it would have been
proper for Government to see these forces assemble
under the guns of one of his Majesty's forts, with
the purpose of making war against Portugal, and yet
take no measures on the subject? The Ministers
thought they ought to have done something, and they
accordingly removed these persons from Plymouth.—
The next point to which he should direct their attention,
and upon which both the Noble Lords who took a promi-
nent part in the present debate laid considerable stress—he
meant the notice given to those parties. He would request
Noble Lords to look at the papers which bad been laid
upon the table of the House, and it would there be seen
that on the day on which orders were given to go to Ter-
ceira, and prevent the execution of their scheme, notice
was sent of those orders to the Marquis Palinella ; distinct
and positive notice was given, and repeated and earnest
entreaty was addressed to them, not to carry that project
into effect. He begged Noble Lords to bear in mind that
they left Plymouth under false clearances; each vessel, as
it went out, stated that she was going to Rio Janeiro.
They were told that if they went to Terceira, they would
be intercepted—that if they went to the coast of Portugal,
they would be intercepted ; to that their answer was, that
they had no intention of going to either—that they were
going to Rio Janeiro. Under circumstances such as these,
Noble Lords came forward, and said that they (the Govern-
ment) should do nothing to prevent their carrying their
hostile intentions into effect. Was there any thing, he
would ask, of reason or inconsistency in such a view of the
question ? Notwithstanding the frequent debates which
their Lordships had had upon this subject, he confessed he
was yet without having the good fortune to hear anything
which proved that his Majesty's Government could have
done otherwise than take the step which they bad taken.
The question resolved itself shortly into this—was the in-
vasion of our neutrality such as to warrant the course
which the advisers of the Crown had adopted ? Looking
at the subject in another point of view, be would observe
that there was no point which could be occupied by any
body of troops more likely to prove inconvenient than Ter-
ceira, if occupied under the circumstances and with the
views with which those troops were proceeding thither.—
Ships belonging to every part of the world, coming either
from the west or from the south, touched there. He
could scarcely name any point so important as Terceira ;
and it was further of importance that that place should
not fall into the hands of a power or force such as then
sought to possess themselves of it.
Viscount GODERICH observed that it was perfectly
true that the British Government would be fully justified
in saying to the troops taking refuge in this country, that
the neutrality which they desired to observe required that
they (the troops) should walk out of the country; but,
owing to our insular situation, the Government of this
country could not say to any refugees, walk over our fron-
tier—we could not say that to the troops of any bellige-
rents towards whom we wished to observe neutrality.—.
But though tide country was entitled to require their im-
mediate departure, yet we were not entitled to pursue them
all over the world. Suppose a civil war arose in France,
that some of the troops of one party took refuge in the
dominions of the King of the Netherlands—he desires
them to pass onwards, but the King of Prussia refuses
them ingress ; and what then was the King of the Nether-
lands to do? Was he to drive them into the sea, and after-
wards pursue them throughout the world ? He scarcely
imagined that any one would contend for such an inter-
pretation of the law'of nations. But the Noble Duke told
the Marquis Barbacena that they could go as individuals,
and, with the candour which usually characterized him, be
admitted that that was an unfortunate expression.
The Duke df 'WELLINGTON—I did not say unfortu-
nate-4 said it might as well have been left out.

Lord GODERICH resumed—The difference for his
purposes was not very material—there could be no doubt
that it was an unfortunate expression—it was hasty, ill-
considered, and irregular; for they received no informa-
tion as to the sense in which those words were used—they
were not explained—they had no means of judging what
was meant by their going as individuals. They did not
go armed, and in their manner of going they violated no
part of the municipal !aw of England. The Noble Duke,
towards the conclusion of his observations, adverted to
one point, in a manner which gave a new character to
the discussion. He seemed to say that it would be a great
misfortune if the Emperor of Brazil were to obtain pos-
session of any of the ancient dominions of Portugal. He
would not enter into any abstract speculations upon ?hat
question. Perhaps, in the abstract, he might agree
with the Noble Duke ; but the only reason he had for
calling their Lordships' attention at all to the question
was, that he conceived it to be perfectly possible that
views of that sort, much more than any feelings about
neutrality, might have influenced the course pursued by
his Majesty's Government.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that so far from de-
serving the condemnation which from some quarters had
been pronounced upon the conduct of his Majesty's Go-
vernment, they would, had they pursued a different
course, have merited severe censure. He would assume, as
a matter conceded on all hands, and taken for granted,
that the neutral policy observed by England was the most
wise and expedient—whether it was so or not formed no
part of the present discussion—that it was so, he thought
himself fully justified in assuming; and he should there-'
fore say nothing in vindication of that line of policy. Its
correctness was not denied ; if so, then its legitimate con-
sequence could be shown to be, that the conduct pur-
sued towards the Portuguese refugees was what their cir-
cumstances, and those of this country, demanded.—
This country afforded a refuge to persons who had been
unfortunate in the civil dissensions of their own—had af-
forded them a sincere and hearty refuge, not only when they
arrived were they afforded shelter when they came, but
even on their arrival they were afforded every possible
facility—whereupon they formed a considerable establish-
szient at Plymouth. At first Government had not thought
it necessary so to make themselves acquainted with the
proceedings of those persons as fully to be aware of their
objects or inteations. At length they discovered that
3,000 Portuguese had established themselves at Plymouth,
were organised as a body of troops, were paid by the Mar-
quis Palmas, out of funds supplied by the Marquis Bar-
bacena. General Stubbs went down to Plymouth to take
the command of that body, and general orders were issued
in the name of General Stubbs. His Majesty's Govern-
ment at length thought that the time had arrived when
they should interfere. They said they knew no such body
as Portuguese troops in this country, and they required
them to disperse or leave the country. Was the Govern-
ment, or was it not, entitled to put forth such a requisition?
If the principle of the British policy was to be neutral,
could the Government have pursued any other course con-
sistently with its own dignity or security? How could
they allow troops to form 'themselves within the limits of
this country—to collect their strength here—and proceed
to Terceira under clearances professedly for Rio Janei:o ?
How could they suffer all that, and lay claim to be con-
sidered as neutrals ? They most distinctly declared their
wish and intention of going to Rio Janeiro—they asked
for convoy and guarantee—the former was granted, the
latter refused. They positively pledged themselves to go
to Rio Janeiro, and we had a right to hold them to that
engagement, and to compel them to keep to it, even if
they were found on the high seas---(Hear, hear, from Lord

Holland and othert )—He repeaked, notwithstanding the
cheers of the Noble Lords, that we had a right to compel
them to hold to their engagement, though we met them on
the high seas. The question lay within the narrowest com-
pass, for it came to this, whether we had a right to com-
pel them to conform to their pledge. He maintained that
we had. We received them, when refugees, with the
greatest kindness, but they had no right to call upon us to
violate our principle of neutrality in their favour.
Lord HOLLAND, in explanation, alluded to two points.
The Noble and Learned Lord bad said that we had a right
to keep them to their implied pledge. So we had, as long
as they were in this country; but this had nothing to do
with the legality or illegality of attacking them on the
high seas. Then the Noble and Learned Lord and the
Noble Duke opposite had said that notice had been given ;
but the notice had nothing to do with the legality or ille-
gality of the proceeding. Suppose the Noble Duke had
sent notice to Mr. Alexander not to libel him, and Alex-
ander did libel hint notwithstanding, would that entitle
the Noble Duke to take the law into his own hands ?
The Earl of CAERNARVON denied that the Marquis
Palmella had given any distinct pledge that the troops
were not to go to Terceira. On the contrary, it appeared
that the Marquis had acted throughout with perfect can-
dour and good faith. The real question had been always
blinked by the Ministers ; for that question was niit what
you had a right to do generally, but what you had a right
to do when they were in your own country. While here,
Ministers might have a right to controul their proceedings
and 'notions ; but what had that to do with the act of
driving them, by a hostile attack, from their own shores?
That was the point in which Ministers had violated the
law of nations. He was one of those who thought at one
time that this question of neutrality had been sufficiently
discussed, but he thanked the Noble Marquis for bringing
it forward again ; for it was now so manifest that the neu-.
trality had not been preserved that the question might be
considered as at rest for ever.

The Duke of WELLINGTON explained, stating that
he was only apprehensive of the consequences in case the
troops had refused to obey the order to disperse. He had
twice given them notice that they must not go to Terceira.
The question was then put that the Resolution proposed
by the Marquis of CLANRICARDE be agreed to.
Not Contents
Proxies ... 65-125
Contents 2O
Proxies
Majority
Adjourned at Ten o'clock.