The Sun.
London, England, 1837-02-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1837.

and was immediately greeted by the Duke of WELLINGTON
and by almost every Tory Peer present, in the most enthu.
siastic manner.

THE ADDRESS.

The Speech having been read by the LORD CD tNCELLOR,
and afterwards by the Clerk at the table,
The Earl of PING AL rose to propose the Address to his
Majesty. The Noble Earl was throughout the speech but
imperfectly heard in the Gallery ; but we understood the
Noble Earl to crave at the commencement, the kind in-
dulgence of the House during the very few observations
he should have to make. His Majesty commenced his Speech
by adverting to the state of foreign affairs, observing that he con-
tinued to receive from all Foreign Powers the assurance of
their most friendly disposition to this country. With respect
to the war in Spain, it was highly satisfactory to know that the
British Legion had not forfeited the name of Britons.—
(Cheers.) With respect to Portugal, it appeared to the Noble
Earl that the course adopted by his Majesty's Ministers, was
without exception, highly creditable to them. His Ma-
jesty then adverted to the state of Lower Canada;_ that was a
question of vast importance, but as the report of the Com-
missioners would shortly be laid on the table, the Noble
Earl felt it unnecessary to make further observations upon that
subject. His Majesty had next adverted to the state of the
law. Whatever differences of opinion there might be upon
that subject, he for one felt convinced that it was es-
sentially necessary that some reformation should take place.
No one deprecated more than he did the outrages that oc-
curred in Ireland, and no one was more ready than himself to
exert all the interest he possessed to further those reforms which
would tend to its good.—( Cheers.) With regard to the Cor-
porations in Ireland (continued the Noble Lord), he hoped that in
the present Session some remedy will be adopted which will have
the effect of reforming the abuses which, it is admitted,
exist in their present constitution ; the two countries are
united to each other, and the question is, whether the in-
habitants of one portion of this empire shall enjoy
the same privileges as those of the other, or whether
they shall be considered unworthy to possess them.—
( Hear, bear.) The people of Ireland have exhibited no
disinclination or incompetency to manage their own
affairs ; and as the Reform of the Corporations of Scotland
has increased the prosperity and industry of the people of
that country, they claim the same privileges, trusting for
the same results. My Lords, on the difficult and important
subject 'of Tithes, I shall not now enter at any length
the question has been already referred to in so many speeches
—but its importance is such that I consider the security of pro-
perty and the maintenance of tranquillity in Ireland depend up-
on the settlement of it. My Lords, the Speech of his Majesty
also refers to the subject of Poor Laws for Ireland, and
the nature and details of that question, I have had
an opportunity of learning as one of the Commis-
sioners appointed to inquire into them.—( Hear, hear.)
He had strong and decided opinions ; but it had been his most
anxious wish to avoid any subject that could by possibility tend
to create any dissensions upon the Address which was to be
sent by that House to the Speech from the Throne.—( Hear,
hear.) Nothing, he was sure, could be more gratifying
than to have an expression of unanimity upon that
subject.—( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he trusted
that he might be allowed to express his earnest hope,
that this Session of Parliament would not terminate
without some at least of the measures recommended by the
Throne having been passed.—( Hear, hear.) They had de-
cided by the Act of Union that tke people of Ireland, as they
had shared in our dangers, should share in our prosperity.
England had commenced a course of generous parental po:
licy towards Ireland : and that policy, he had no doubt,
would be continued.--( Hear.) He was convinced it was the
wish of the Noble Lord at the head of his Majesty's Govern-
ment to continue it. The representation of the people of
Ireland had been improved, the moral condition of the people
of that country had been improved, their power had been
increased ; and he (Lord Fingall) was proud to be able to
stand in that House to make such an acknowledgment.
--(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It was by following up
that course of policy which had been so nobly begun, that
their Lordships would be enabled to preserve peace, and
to cause content to dwell throughout the land, and by so
doing they would further see England herself grow happy,
prosperous, and powerful.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord
then moved the Address, which was an echo of the Speech.
The LORD CHANCELLOR then said the question was,
whether the Address should be presented to his Majesty in
the terms proposed.
Lord SUFFIE LD said he rose to second the Address
which had just been moved. The Noble Lord had entered
so minutely into the details of the Speech from the Throne,
that he should content himself by aiming at a general survey of
its contents. If the condition of a country was to be
the test of the wisdom of its rulers, it was to that test he
would refer. In his opinion the state of England never was
so prosperous (including both the individual and the general
welfare of the country) as it was at this momen; ; and there
was no one who would not admit that that policy which pro-
duced the greatest happiness and comfort was the best
policy of all countries.—( Cries of " Hear.") The industry
of this country never was employed so beneficially as it had
been for the last few years. The causes of this were various.
The triumphs of agriculture had produced almost a mono-
poly to the growers ; and our machinery had enabled the
British manufacturer not only to compete with foreigners,
but almost to put the competition of foreigners out
of the question. —( Hear.) Another auxiliary to this happy
state was coming into full play in the exercise of the
new Poor Laws. No doubt many Noble Lords present
had read the report on this subject, and had been de-
lighted to find how materially, by the New Poor Laws,
the poor rate had been reduced; and to what an
extent a spirit of tranquillity had been diffused through-
out the provinces.—( Hear.) Industry and independence had
been substituted for indolence and alms, and a moral sense of
propriety for a state of degradation. If their Lordships
would investigate into the advance of manufactures and com-
merce they would find it might with truth be affirmed that
they had been alike active and steady. There was no less
cause of gratification if their Lordships would turn to that
which was the source of the State itself, viz., the revenue. The
accounts showed a surplus of two millions and-a-half
above the total of the preceding twelve months. Figures,
therefore showed the increasing state of comfort and happi-
ness of the country. He felt bound also to allude to that
which every Noble Lord must have listened to with sincere
gratification, viz.—the removal of the cause of unceasing
agitation—Tithes.—( Hear, hear.) In his opinion, the com-
mutation of Tithes had done more than any thing
else to bring about tranquillity and happiness, because
it had tended to remove that discontent and disquiet which bad
long existed between the pastor and the people ; and should
Dissenters be discharged from the payment of dues, the justice
of which they concientiously disputed, and from which he
could not but think they ought to be relieved, this kingdom
would then inherit all that any Government could bestow, vis.
universal religious peace.—( Cheers.) In this cursory view,
he feared it could not be denied that lie had rather
depicted the state of England aad Scotland, than that of the
Sister Island, because, although he had been delighted to hoar
the Noble Earl on his left say the evils of Ireland had been
much removed, yet undoubtedly they still existed, and to a
considerable extent. He certainly could not but think
that those evils arose out of a refusal to place Ireland
on an equality with England.—(Much cheering.) This was
her demand, and he could not but think that it was a de-
mand most reasonable and most desirable. Let Noble Lords
look to the National Association. That Association de-
manded Municipal Reform and the abolition of tithes. It
was matter of consideration, whether their Lordships ought
not to look to the absolute necessity for . the people of
Ireland resolving themselves into such a concentration
of force. The Orange Society had been put down—the
Catholic Association had been put down ; but, he would ask,
where was the machinery—where the national sympathy that
would enable them to put down that which might truly be
called the National Association? That Association was only to
be solved by the most substantial exercise ofjustice. —( Cheers.)
turn the scale to whatever side they might, justice alone would
sustain the public opinion, which in the present height of in-
telligence was the true element on which any Govern-
ment could exist.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.)
If their Lordships turned then to Catholic Emancipatien,
if the stern conviction of those the Noble Duke and
the Right Honourable Baronet who were then at the bead
of affairs—was that it was impossible to resist the national
will, he would say let their Lordships' profit by that example.
It was not in the power of their Lordships or of any assembly
in this country to have the current of public opinion. It wac
true great reforms had taken place, a great part of the Irish
hierarchy had been extinguished, and he trusted that their
Lordships would learn wisdom by what had taken place, and
accede to the voice of the country.—( Loud cheers.)—
It was impossible to resist the public feeling—if
they did so it would be a contest in which all the
justice was on one side.— ( Cheers.)'" There might be' diffe-
rences on that subject, but still justice was due from that
House to the country.—( Loud cheers.) Upon the sub-
ject of Poor Laws, there could be but one opinion.
A Poor-law would rescue thousands of families from starvation,
and place them out of the reach of want. He was sorry to
have detained their Lordships so long. He would only say
that the voice that had been so loudly echoed throughout
the county ought to be attended to, and great re-
forms should take place in the condition of the State.
It is therefore, my Lords, because I consider that the policy
recommended in the Speech of his Majesty to be pursued will
conduce to the happiness of the subject, that I willingly and
with pleasure second the address which has been proposed.—
(Cheers. )

The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, it is not my
intention in rising to offer any opposition to the Address which
has been proposed by the Noble Earl. My Lords, I must say
that I hare seldom heard a speech from the Throne, or lis-
tened to an Address, which I consider to be less liable to ob-
jection—( Hear)—and it is most probable that I should
say but a few words on this occasion, if something had not
been alluded to by the Noble Earl, who moved the Address in
an able speech, (which I hope will induce him frequently to
address your Lordships),—( Hear,)—but more particularly
by the Noble Lord who seconded it, likewise in a speech which
manifested considerable power; but both the Noble Lords
have thought proper to dwell at considerable length on
the subject of the tranquillity of Ireland, and more par-
ticularly the Noble Lord who last addressed your Lordship's
House has been pleased to attribute the establishment of a cer-
tain body called the National Association of Ireland, to which
much of that tranquillity the Noble Lord has stated is due
to injustice done to that country by one of the branches of the
Legislature.— (Hear.) Now, my Lords, as one of the majority
of this House, of whose conduct the Noble Lord complains,
I must defend it from the charge of injustice—( Hear)—indeed,
my Lords, I must say that it is a most surprising circumstance
—one unknown in this country until the present time, that
there should be established in any part of his Majesty's
dominions an Association of the existence of which the lega-

• lity is doubtful, and that there should be founded the justifica-
tion of that proceeding—founded, 1 say—on the proceedings of
one of the Houses of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) That, my
Lords, I say, is quite a novel mode of proceeding, and against
it I feel myself bound to enter my protest.—( Hear, hear,
and cheers.) . We were told, my Lords, in the last
Session, in his Majesty's Speech, of the tranquillity
of Ireland. In that Speech the tranquillity of Ireland was
noticed and applauded; and at the very time at which it was
delivered from that throne, this Association was in existence
in that part of the kingdom. It then existed, my Lords,
and its author'boasted that it had been established with the view
of securing for it and taking possession of the Government.
That Association, which agitated the question of the repeal of
the Union, was the cause of the disturbances in Ireland, and
yet Noble Lords could come down to Parliament and state, as
had been done to-night, that the country was in a state of
comparative tranquillity. He did not call on the Government
to put down that Association, although it was a course
which might be expedient for them to pursue ; but what
he asked was, that things should be called by their true names
—( Hear, hear)—that where there existed an Association
which formed committees, which raised money by its own
authority, and named agents for the purpose of carrying into
execution its decrees, he asked that that state of things should
not be called tranquillity, but a threatening of destruction to
property. They knew to a decided certainty that at-that very
moment there was one description of property which could not
be protected, but was annihilated, and that a clergyman could
not appear without incurring the risk of being murdered.
That was the tranquillity which had been boasted of in the last
Session of Parliament, and which Noble Lords on the
part of the Government had thought proper to repeat to-
night. With respect to other parts of the Speech, he could only
say that when Ministers thought proper to bring forward the
various messures which his Majesty had been pleased to an-
nounce under the consideration of Parliament, he should
give them his best attention.—( Hear, hear.) He wished,
however, to say a few words upon Foreign affairs, and
more particularly with relation to Spain.—( Hear, hear,
hear.) It was well known to their Lordships he was
one of those who had objected to the original treaty
that was made, and also to the additional articles which
regulated the Cortcs.—( Hear.) But he could not now dis-
approve of the execution of those treaties by another, nor
refuse his assent to the propositions contained in his
Majesty's Speech, or in the Address which had been
moved, in answer to his Majesty's Speech, that the measures
which his Majesty had adopted in consequence of these trea-
ties had been properly carried into effect. They had seen a
good deal of discussion between his Majesty's Government and
other members of the Alliance, on the subject of the execution
of that treaty, and be must say, as far as he was able to form
a judgment of the treaty, for literally he knew no more than
what was in the treaty itself; but he must say that that treaty
had been executed as far as he could judge by all the parties to it.

Viscount MELBOURNE said that in rising io address a
very few words to their Lordships he could entertain no other
feelings than those of great satisfaction to find that there
was on the part of the Noble Duke .opposite no intention to
move an amendment to the Address which had been moved
and seconded by his noble friends behind him, in speeches
which had received just commendation from the Noble Duke
for their generally temperate and prudent language,_ with
some certain exceptions to which the Noble Duke had
addresses himself. It was, indeed, a matter of the very
highest importance that the address to the Crown, on the
first night of a Session of Parliament, should be received
with concord, and that they should all approach the Throne
with one feeling ; and whatever might be their differences
of opinion on other subjects, he trusted there was but one
opinion in this particular. Indeed the following out of such
a principle was but recurring to that parliamentary practice
which had been introduced, he believed, in the year 1700, or
1703 or 1704, at the time when a great Administration, then
engaged in a conflict with France was induced to hold out
to Europe the principle of unanimity. This was a sound
practice, and whether it were in times of war or peace, and
whatever difference of feeling existed in other questions, when
it was required there had always been a manifestation of un-
animity on the part of both Houses of Parliament. He was
aware that although the Speech from the Throne was con-
veyed in moderate terms, and that,the Address in answer to the
Speech was couched in similar terms, yet, nevertheless, they
were pregnant with questions of vast and trying difficulty, and
upon the discussion of which great differences of opinion must
arise ; but he should be prepared to bring forward measures
having reference to these questions in the present session with
the same spirit in which the Noble Duke was disposed to do,
and to consider that line of policy which should be best for
the interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) But the Noble
Duke, though he appeared to concur in the Address proposed,
had made certain observations with respect to some of the ar-
guments of his Noble Friend behind him, and also with re-
ference to the Speech which his Majesty was advised to de-
liver at the close of the former session.—( Hear, hear.)
The Speech of his Majesty on the latter occasion, stated
that there prevailed in Ireland a comparative degree of
tranquillity, and his Noble Friend behind him declared such
to be his opinion at the present moment; and surely his
Noble Friend might be allowed to know something of the state
of the country, he having just left it. The Noble Duke, how-
ever, said that there were exceptions to that degree of tran-
quillity ; and he (Viscount Melbourne) perfectly and freely
admitted the resistance to tithes, which formed one of these
exceptions ; he admitted this to the Noble Duke. Yes, and
again, with respect to a subject which had called forth the ob-
servations of the Noble Duke ; namely, the existence and
establishment of that which was termed " the National Asso-
ciation of Ireland," he had no hesitation in saying (consider-
ing the nature of that Association), that he did not think the
grounds upon which that Society was built were sufficient to
warrant or admit of the foundation of such an establishment ;
and, moreover, he admitted that there had been proceed-
ings on the part of that Association (as there would
always be in all such Institutions), of which he did not, and
could not, approve. But, at the same time, he must say, that
though that Association had been supposed to be one to
threaten disturbance and conspiracy (conspiracy it could
not be termed, because all its proceedings were open as the
day, clear, and distinctly avowed), yet, supposing the Associa-
tion to be of a nature to threaten disturbance, he contended
that was not a fair point of view to consider the question, for
there was no disturbance of the general tranquillity of the
country.--( Hear, hear, hear.) Hence there was nothing
to affect the declaration made in the speech at the close of
the last session, or to prevent his Noble Friends from stating
that in their opinion there prevailed an unusual degree of tran-
quillity. Perhaps the Noble Dnke would admit that England
had been in A state of tranquillity during the Parliamentary re-
cess. If, indeed, the quiet and tranquillity of the country
were to be disturbed by numerous meetings, and by passing
resolutions—if the countrywere to be declared to be disturbed
by such means—then, indeed, he must say that no country
in Europe had been se disturbed as England had been by
certain Noble Lords on the other side.—( Hear, and cheers.)
One Noble Lord, in particular, had mixed up his voice at these
meetings pretty loudly._( Hear.) It must be confessed, in-
deed, that the adherents of Noble Lords opposite had laid
claims to, and had kept up, as much of the character of agita-
tors during the vacation as it was possible for them to do.
With respect to certain speeches which had been made on
these occasions, he could only say that if the case were as it
had been strongly alleged to be—if the case really were
that there was what was fashionably termed a re-action in
the country—if there were such a change of opinion
throughout the country as had been stated, then, indeed,
it could not be long before that change must take effect—
it could not be long before that power which was vested
in his Majesty's present advisers must be transferred to other
hands. If such re-action existed, however, of that fact
neither he nor his colleagues in office were cognisant.
He would recommend the Noble Lords opposite not to be
deceived by the sound of their own voices—he would ad-
vise them not to be deceived by their own shouts. By not
calculating matters dispassionately, parties were often de-
ceived in the estimate of their numbers. He would there-
fore advise the Noble Lords to be slow in their proceed-
ings, before they arrived at a calculation made 'in
doubt and in clamour.—(Hear, hear.) Now, as he had
every opportunity of arriving at the facts, he could state
that the circulations which had been made to the Government
were pretty accurate ; and they were told that there was no
change in the opinion of the country—that there was no in-
crease of numbers °A the, side of the adherents of the party
of Noble Lords opposite. He begged to put their Lord-
ships in possession of this fact, in order to come to a safe
conclusion on a subject which everybody must feel to be an
important one. With reference to Ireland, he certainly
did not wish to go into anything which should revive the
disputed of the last Session of Parliament, seeing that they
had too often raised exasperated feelings. As they had had
the period of the recess to weigh matters, he trusted they
would come to a conclusion in legislating for Ireland. In
adverse debates the manifestations of violence in that coun-
try\ were apt to be dwelt upon strongly, but he would state
that, from every statement which had been made to the Go-
vernment, and from every quarter, it appeared that, with few
exceptions, the state of Ireland was improved; indeed it
was generally declared that the condition of the country
with respect to the security of life and property was un-
doubtedly improved. With the changes which had neces-
sarily taken place upon the continuation of that tranquillity,
he thought it better to
,hope for the best, and to hold out the
prospect which he thought he was justified in entertaining of
a continuance of that tranquillity. The Noble Duke had
concluded his speech by alluding to the foreign policy of
this country with respect to Spain, and he had stated very
clearly that he was opposed to those treaties ; and he bad
stated with equal truth that they had been carried into
effect when he opposed them with fidelity. He (Viscount
Melbourne) hardly knew to what the Noble Duke referred
in some part of that which he had stated. He believed
that no measures had been taken with reference to Spain
which were not distinctly before the world; but if any had
been adopted which were not known, he had no desire
whatever to withhold every information from that House ;
he had no disinclination to submit them to the considera-
tion of Parliament, and to the observations of the Noble
Duke. With respeet to the principle which the Noble
Duke had urged—the impossibility of forcing a Constitu-
tion-upon Spain—the impossibility of interference with the
internal affairs of Spain—he entirely coincided with him.
His defence was, that his Majesty's Government had acted
on those principles of non interference. They knew very well
that revolutions in Spain had taken place—revolutions attended
with all
_those losses and ruin to individuals which the Noble
Duke had detailed ; but those revolutions had been owing to
the internal state of that country, and not to the interference
of the British Government, as the Noble Duke would infer.
The ruin and losses had been owing to the war
unsuccessfully carried on, and continually ending in
failure. There was nothing. under which a country was so
; impatient as that. It was impatient enough under a foreign
war, still mere under a civil
_war, as the Noble Duke very

well knew. Success in Spain depended upon the operations
of the army of the Queen, and all the revolutions and changes
that bad taken place had been owing to the inefficiency of her
forces by which the war had been carried on.—( Hear. )
He had only to repeat again, with respect to Spain,
that there would be no indisposition to afford every informa-
tion to their Lordships on this subject, and when the Noble
Duke should be in full possession of that, he felt persuaded
the Noble Duke would think better of the policy pursued by his
Majesty's Government than he seemed at present to think.
There were no other objects embraced by the Noble Duke in
his statement ; and therefore he had on!y to express his satis-
faction that there was no difference of opinion with respect to
the address to be presented to his Majesty.
The question was then put from the Woolsack, and the
presentation of the Address was carried unanimously, and the
Houso then adjourned to Thursday.

THE MAGAZINES.

BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE.

The opening article in the current Number, which is
entitled " Whig Radical Prosperity" is an attempt to
sound. an alarm to the monied interests, by exposing
the joint stock banking system. It is very pompously
and elaborately written, bUt will fail of effect, for the
writer's drift is too obvious throughout. The cloven
hoof of party peeps out in every page. Yet the article
is by no means devoid of ingenuity ; and will, no doubt,
" create a sensation" in the minds of those who have
a taste for a grievance, and who imagine that because
the Tories are out, the commercial interests of the
country arc all in jeopardy. " The World we Live
in" is an agreeable omnium gatherum, made up of all
the floating topics of the day. It is shrewd, senten-
tious, and highly-seasoned. We extract an anecdote
(which the writer introduces in the course of some re-

marks on dreams) respecting the murder of the late
Mr. Percival. The authority for this extraordinary
anecdote is Dr. Carlyon, formerly a Fellow of Pem-
broke College :

" The dream in question occurred in Cornwall, and the
gentleman to whom it occurred was Mr. Williams, late of
Scourier House, from whose own lips I have more than .once
heard the relation. Six days before the murder of the late
Mr. Percival (of whom he had no personal knowledge what-
ever), Mr. Williams dreamt that he was in the lobby of the
House of Commons, and saw a small man enter dressed in a
blue coat and white waistcoat. Immediately after he saw a
man dressed in a brown coat with yellow basket metal buttons,
draw a pistol from under his coat, and discharge it at the for-
mer, who instantly fell, the blood issuing from a wound a lit-
tle below the left breast. He saw the murderer seized by
some gentlemen who were present, and observed his counte-
nance, and on asking who the gentlaman was that had been
shot, he was told that it was the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
He then awoke, and mentioned the dream to his wife who
made light of it ; but in the course of the night, the dream
occurred three times without the least variation. He was
now so much impressed with it, that he felt much inclined to
give notice to Mr. Percival, but was dissuaded by some friends
whom he consulted, who told him he would only get himself
treated as a lunatic. On the evening of the eight day after,
he received the account of the murder, it having occurred two
days previously. Being in London a short time subsequently,
he found in the print shops a representation of the scene, and
recognised in the countenances and dress of the parties, the
blood on Mr. Percival's waistcoat, and the peculiar yellow
basket buttons on Bellingham's coat, precisely what he had
seen in his dream. All this, I beg to repeat, I have myself
heard more than once circumstantially related by Mr. Wil-
liams, who is still alive (February 1836), and residing at Cal-
stock, Devon, and who, I am sure, from his obliging disposi-
tion, would be most ready to corroborate the wonderful his-
tory to its full extent."
In the article on " Historical Paintings" occur some
remarks on the Fine Arts, well worthy the considera-
tion of the Managers of the New National Gallery.
" Dispatches of the Duke of Wellington" are pleasant
reading enough, anti will be still more so, when the
writer comes down to the period of his Grace's cam-
paigns in the Peninsula. The " Page" is a tall re-
plete with romantic incident. It professes to be a
translation from the Getman.. " Hero and Leander"
is front the Greek of Muscats. It is a spirited and
poetic version.