The Sun.
London, England, 1837-03-08 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 8, 1837.

adopted there with the view of protecting against intimidation,
but to preserve the delicacies of that class of society.—( A
laugh.) But if that Hon. Member 'Fed that argument to slim
that it would put an cud to canvassing, there again the infe-
rence was wrong. He knew that there was a good deal of
canvassing to get into clubs.—(Hear.) If there were the
Ballot, then oral declarations would be required. If promises
had been given, how could men recede from the performance
of them ; and if they did do that, what would be their position,
if asked how they had voted ?—( Ilear, hear.) If answers
were refused, the man would destroy himself by such refusal.—
( [Lear.) lie was ready to do every thing possible to secure
the independence of the voter ; but would the Ballot -secure
it, and the party from subsequent inquiry as to how the
vote was given ?—( Hear.) If they could imagine a state of
society that was perfect, if that which was abstractedly per-
fect could be realised, then the Ballot could not be resisted,
but would be an admirable and praiseworthy system, and one
that ought to be adopted. Was that, however, their condi-
tion ? He could not support the Ballot until all other means
should be tried. The common law and the statute law dig:.
liked every thing like intimidation, acted accordingly, and set
aside proceedings that resulted from intimidation ; he would,
therefore, strengthen the statute law here. For the reasons he
had endeavoured to express he must oppose the proposition
now before the House.
Mr. HALL should support the motion from the conviction
that it was the only mode of remedying the evil sought to be
corrected—that it was the only way of securing the voter un-
der all or any circumstances the means of giving his vote in-
dependently, and without the influence of threat. He expec-
ted that some plan would be devised, in consequence of the
Report of the Intimidation Committee, fur anyone who looked
through that Report must see the necessity of extensive protec-
tion, if they desired that all voters should be called to give free
and unbiassed votes. In reply to the Hon. Member for
Shaftesbury, he could say that when lie was going round
to canvass the borough that he now represented, he was fre-
quently asked, " Well, bow do you get on ?" and " What
chance of success have you ?" many adding-, " I can't vote
for you, but I wish you success."—( Hear, hear.) Was that a
healthy state for the elective franchise to be in 2—(Cheers.)
And as to the wholesome influence of the landlords ; suppose
a tenant was under a Radical landlord, and by him was desired
to vote according to his bidding, and that he did so ; then that
he became the tenant of a rabid Tory—( A laugh)—and by
hi n was desired to vote according to Lis pleasure—what would
b. 2 the state of the voter, and where was the wholesome in-
fluence of the landlords ?—( Hear.) A friend of his had can-
vassed for Westminster. When he began at the top of Regent-
street, lie was against the Ballot ; but lie became an advocate
of the Ballot, and he avowed it, if honest, disinterested, and
independent votes were required, before he had arrived at the
end of Regent-street. He made that declaration on finding
that the tradesmen, almost one and all, announced that they
were so intimidated and coerced by their rich and powerful
customers that few of them could vote as they pleased, ex-
cept at great peril.—( Hear.) Would the Ballot be of no use
there? Would it not be of more use to them than to the
humbler classes of society ? He had found the lowest class
of voters by far the most independent.—( Hear.) The Ballot
was required for other classes quite as much as for them.—
( Hear.) As to the answer to the illustration drawn regard-
ing the adoption of the Ballot by clubs, it was anything but
satisfactory, clear, or conclusive.—( Hear.) With regard to
the preservation of the delicacies of social society, were there
no delicacies of political society that required to be protected?
—( Hear.) They required quite equal protection. It might
be defeated now—but he trusted that it would be brought for-
ward session after session until it triumphed, because he was
sure that the Ballot only could give adequate remedy and pro-
tection.—( Hear.)
Mr. JE PH SO N considered that the Ballot was the only
security that could preserve the majority from the overwhelm-
, ing influence of the minority. Such was the state of public
opinion, that he conceived, unless some more satisfactory mode
of voting should be proposed, the House must give way,
and come to universal suffrage or vote by Ballot, and he
should giver the preference to vote by Ballot over universal
suffrage.
Mr. E LPH IN STONE said the question before the House
was— in what way could the elective franchise be most
purely exercised It was necessary as a means to effect this
that they should remove the means of temptation from the
elector on the one hand, and remove the opportunity to in-
timidate on the other hand ; so that he might safely do his
duty by giving his vote according to his conscientious con-
viction. The Hon. Member here quoted the sentiments of
an old English author who was favourable to vote by Ballot.
In all the Institutions of the country, even in vestries, the
sj.stem of the Ballot had been found to operate unexception-
ably.--( Hear, hear.) He did not see how the vote was to
be protected under the present system of influence; unless he
was allowed to do privately that which he could not do pub-
licly. The effect of the present system extended to. custom
in trade, to tenantry, and all other relations in life. He was
sure the country looked with the 'ureatest anxiety to the de-
cision of this question ; and that Hon. Members would be
called upon to account for the votes they had given when they
n cxt had occasion to meet their conesituents. _ _

Mr. VERNON SMITH said, when he gave his vote for the
Reform Bill he did so for the purpose of forming entirely free
constituencies, but not that a voter should be placed in a situa-
tion that he could not make up his mind on any political ques-
tion. He could see no analogy between the balloting used
at clubs and that of the election of representatives. At
clubs the black ball was introduced for the purpose of con-
cealing personal dislike, and to save the expression of sen-
timents that they might be ashamed to avow in public; but
the same reason could not apply to the selection of a repre-
sentative. He would ask the Hon. Member for London in
what way would he approach a subject which was new to
him—would he not go to that person whom he had most con-
fidence in his knowledge of the subject ?—( Hear, hear)—but
if they adopted vote by Ballot they would put a check to all
discussion, and there would be no further extension of political
information. He, for his own part, approved of the practice
of canvassing, because it afforded the means for candidates to
become acquainted with their constituents; but it would be
necessary first completely to suffocate opinion, before they
could make Ballot of any use. They could not be sure that,
when the voter put his hand into the ballot-box, he was guided
by a pure mind. What lie wanted was, to protect the public
against the malignity of voters.—(Cheers from the Opposi-
tion.) He considered that public opinion was the best check
against all the evils of human kind. There was a very grave
question under the consideration of the House a few even-
ings ago, that had been adjourned for a week, for the pur-
pose of obtaining the opinions of their constituents. Now,
he would ask how, if they adopted this silent system of vot-
ing, could they obtain the opinions of their constituents 1—
( Hear, hear, from Mr. Hume and others, and loud cheers
from the Opposition.) Ho grounded his opposition to the
Ballot on these reasons—namely, that it was defective in
itself, and that it would check the progress of all political
information. They had been doing every thing to make
political knowledge shine more bright, and in steps the lion.
Member for London with this motion to shut out all the light
and leave us in darkness.—( Cries of " Oh, oh," and dome
laughter.) The last reason lie would state for his opposition
was, that he did not think the Ballot would afford equal pro-

tection to all classes of voters. It would be a greater protec-
tion to the rich than to the poor, because the actions of the
poor were more open to the rich than the actions of the rich
were open to the poor.
Mr. BERNAL having never voted on this question, or
publicly expressed his opinion on it in that House, was anx-
ious now to deliver it.—( Hear, hear.) Though he (Mr.
Bernal) doubted that the proposed measure would prove
thoroughly efficacious, yet as a representative of the people
he felt himself bound to attend to the apprehensions enter-
tained by the majority of their constituents.—( Hear.)
had never given a pledge as to the way in which he would
vote, but he considered himself bound to take the course
which he had stated he would.—( Hear, hear.) He was sur-
prised to hear the Hon. Member fur Shaftesbury say that they
ought not to trust to the reports of intimidation which were
circulated ; but did not every Hon. Member know that cases
of intimidation existed, and that large numbers of voters were
impeded in the exercise of their right by the fear of running
counter to the solicitations or commands of °tilers ?—(Hear.)
He would ask, was it decorous to see persons of property in
large towns going about with the female members of their
families to the shopkeepers, who were dependent on their
customers for their existence, and threatening them with the
loss of their custom if they presumed to vote against their
wishes ?—( I fear, hear.) It was a practice consistent neither
with moral nor political integrity.—( Hear.) He might be
told that the Ballot would be of no cure for this, but the suf-
ferers from the evil were.the best judges of the matter; and if
those entrusted with the franchise complained of the evils al-

---
luded to, and the hardship they suffered in c,msequence
if they demanded the ballot as a remedy, how could they bo
refused ?—( Hear.) Let the experiment be tried, then, if so
large a number of the conAituencies demand it. For his own
part, he declared himself, though rather unwillingly, a convert
to the ballot.---( Cheers.)
Mr. BO RT H WICK said that the general voice of the
country was not in favour of the Ballot, and the majority of
his constituents cherished the privilege of voting openly.
Dr. LLSIIINGTON said that the Hon. Member for
Northampton professed himself an advocate of liberal opi-
nions, and was an opposer of the Ballot on the extraordinary
and inexplicable ground, that it stopped the advance of libe-
ral opinions.—( Hear.) The reasons of his lion. Friend
divided themselves into several heads ; his Hon. Friend had
said that he was anxious to confer on voters the independent
exercise of the elective franchise, and he would not take away
from them the meana of forming just opinions. One of those
means was discussion ; but would the Ballot deprive them of
a
these advantages?—( Cries of " Hear, he r.") He (Dr.
Lushin.gton) advocated the Ballot, and why ? the vote of an
individual could be obtained in three ways, by argument, in-
timidation, and bribery.—( Beer, hear.) If argument acre
used, then the Ballot left the voter where he was, and if inti-
midation and bribery acre used, then the Ballot was a great
m2ana of defence.—( Hear, hear.) Bribery had existed at all
times in elections ; but should they not use the means of pre-
venting it ?—( Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend had asked,
that if the Ballot existed, how would they communicate with
their constituents; but if he were elected without a contest,
how would he collect their opinions ?—(llear.) When an
indiyi heal once represented a constituency, he represented
every individual of it, whether they were Whig, Tory, or
Radical.—( hear.) All classes were dependent, as respected
being influenced, except the man of property ; and should
they not be protected ?—( Hear.) Public opinion was growing
in favour of the Ballot day after day ; and if he was not mis_
taken, the Noble Lord the Home Secretary had said at the
late election for Devon, that if similar pratioes were pttraued,
the nation would be bound to demand the Ballot.---(Hear.)
Let Hon. Gentlemen converse with their constituents where
the populations amounted severally to 1,200 or 1,500, and
where they were especially liable to intimidation, and they
would find public opinion in favour of the Ballot. The lion.