The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1863.

AMERICA.

LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY.

The Royal Mail steam ship Africa, Captain Lott,
which left Boston on the 21st and Halifax on the
23d ult.. arrived in the Mersey at 9 o'clock this
morning, bringing 44,205 dols. in specie.
A telegraphic summary of the advices by this
arrival has already appeared.
The New York, World of the 20th says:—

" A letter from one of cur correspondents with General
Burnside's army states that the army is under marching
orders, and provided with three days' rations. Five pon-
toon bridges aro to be thrown across the Rappahannock at
some distance apart, and upon these the army will cross
the river. Gen. Lee's army is composed of eight large divi-
sions, and Longstreet's, the left, composed of eight divi-
sions. These divisions are apparently stronger than ours,
comprising as they do a greater number of brigades and
regiments, but whether their total strength is equal to ours
is unknown. A desperate struggle is evidently at hand,
and stirring news may be expected shortly."
Another account says that—

" Orders for the forward movement of the army across
the Rappahannock had been countermanded, and that a
change of the military programme had been resolved upon
with a view of reaching Richmond by some other route. It
was not known when the troops would start on their now
route, but it was supposed to be very soon. The War De-
partment grants no passes whatsoever now, unless on busi-
ness strictly connected with the army."
" NEW YORK, Jan. 20.—An army letter of the 17th in
the Tribune says the reports from Nashville that Long-
street'sicorps has removed westward to reinforce Bragg are
unfounded. Longstreet himself was here two days ago with
his command. It is believed that no entire corps has been
withdrawn from our front, but we have information from de-
serters and contrabands that some batteries, brigades, and
divisions have been detached and sent to Tennessee."

The following is the official account of the cap.
ture of Arkansas Post :

" Memphis, Jan. 14, 1863.
" Major-General W. H. Halleck,
" General,—The following despatch is just received
" Head-quarters, Army of the Mississippi,
Post of Arkansas, Jan. 11, 1863.
" Major General U. S. Grant, commanding the De-
partment of the Tennessee.

" General,—l have the honour to report that the forces
under my command attacked the Post of Arkansas to-day
at one o'clock, having stormed the enemy's works. We
took a large number of prisoners, variously estimated at
from 7,000 to .10,00, together with all his stores, animals,
and munitions of war.

"'Rear-Admiral David D. Porter, commanding the
Mississippi squadron, effectively and brilliantly co-operated,
accomplishing this complete success.
" JoHN A. M'CLERNAND,
Major General Commanding.'
" U. S. GRANT, Major-General."
The following was received at the Navy Depart-
ment :

" United States Mississippi Squadron, Arkansas
Post, Jan. 11, 1863.
" Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy.
" Sir,—The gunboats Louisville, De Kalb, Cincinnati,
and Lexington attacked the heavy fort at the post on the
Arkansas last night and silenced the batteries, killing 20
of the enemy. The gunboats attacked again this morning,
and dismounted every gun-11 in all. Col. Dunnington,
late of the United States navy, commandant of the fort, re-
quested to surrender to the navy. I received his sword.
The army co-operated on the land side. The forts were all
dismounted in three hours. The action was at close quar-
ters on the part of the three iron clads, and the firing
splendid. The list of killed and wounded is small. The
Louisville lost 12, De Kalb 17, Cincinnati 2, Lexington
none, and Rattler 2.

"The vessels, although much cut up, were ready for
action in half an hour after the battle. The light draught
Rattler, Lieutenant Commander Wilson Smith, and the
other light draughts, joined in the action when it became
general, as did the Black Hawk, Lieutenant Commander
R. B. Breese, with the rifle guns.—Very respectfully,
your obedient servant, "DAVID D. PORTER,
Acting Rear Admiral."

The New York Tunes publishes at length a mass
of Confederate diplomatic correspondence, which
was intercepted by the Federal cruiser off Charles-
ton, and it epitomises the correspondence as fol-
lows :--

"We publish this morning a highly respectable batch of
the rebel dispatches recentlyicaptured by our blockaders off
Charleston, being letters of instruction to Messrs. Mason
and Slidell, and other rebel agents in Europe. The first is
a letter from Secretary Benjamin, dated in September last,
exaggerating all the rebel victories, and summing up the
national losses in all the battles up to that time at 350,000
men. The most important portion of the correspondence
relates to a movement on the part of the French consuls at
Galveston and Richmond, supposed to have originated in
Paris, to induce Texas to secede from the Southern confede-
racy, and establish an independent government. The re-
sult of this discovery was an order to Magruder to send the
consul at Galveston to Mexico as soon as possible, and
another to the Richmond consul to leave forthwith. The
order with regard to the latter, was, however, rescinded. It
further appears that the reception awarded by Earl Russell
to Mr. Commissioner Mason at London is not such as corn-
ports with the latter's sense of propriety, or with the expec-
tations of the Confederate authorities at Richmond. Mr.
Mason is, however, complimented for his self-abnegation in
consenting to remain at his post, notwithstanding the an-
noyance to which he conceives himself subjected by the
evident coolness of the British Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
" The second portion cf the correspondence relates to
the European operations of the Confederate treasury and
navy department. Mr. Menninger explains the schemes
devised for raising money in England by the hypothecation
of cotton in the Confederate States. The mode by which
that article may be transmitted in British naval vessels
from the blockaded ports, to be employed in England for
war purchase, receives elucidation at the hands of the Con-
federate Secretary of the Treasury, while the use to which
a portion of the funds is to be put finds explanation in the
accompanying correspondence of Mr. Mallony, the Confe-
derate Secretary of the Navy. The utility of iron-clad
vessel 9, and the means by which they are to be procured in
England, form the burden of these interesting papers.
" From these papers we also learn the names of the finan-
cial agents of the Southern Confederacy in England and
what houses are ready to fulfil the military and naval orders
from Richmond. It may surprise some persons to find out
that Mr. George N. Sanders is playing an important part
in the negotiations, looking to the construction of iron-clads
in England for the Southern Confederacy. He figures also
as the diplomatic courier of the Richmond Government."
• The following letter from Mn Menninger, the
Confederate Secretary of the Treasury, addressed
to Mr. Spence, of Liverpool, appears in the corre-
spondence :

"Confederate States of America, Treasury Depart-
. .__ _

went, Richmond, Oct. 21, 1862.
" JAS. SPENCE, ESQ., LIVERPOOL, G.B.
" Sir,--As you have been appointed financial agent for
the Confederate States, and Messrs. Frazer, Orenholm, and
Co., are its depositories under our law, I desire that you
would confer together on the matter submitted by this
letter.

g, I have on hand gold and silver coin (chiefly the former),
two and a half millions of which I desire to apply in
pay-
ment of articles purchased in England by our
the use of the Confederate Government. We ag
finednts
-t for
possible to purchase a sufficient amount of exchange for
ha'
these purposes, and the small amount to be had is
at
such high rates that it would be desirable to furnish a sub-
stitute. I propose, therefore, to make payment for pur-
chases by a transfer to the creditors of so much of this coin
as may be requisite. I presume that when the coin thus
becomes bona fide the property of a British subject, the
British Government would at his instance permit any of its
vessels to bring over the same for him. If this expectation
be realised the coin here would be as valuable as exchange,
and in England would probably realise its mint value, less
freight and insurance.
•

" To enable you to carry out any arrangement you may
deeni advisable, Messrs. Fraser, Trenholm, and Co. are
authorised to make an absolute transfer of the coin, or to
draw bills for the same on E. C. Ellmoro, Esq., Treasury)
payablethat
you he
ayrem, and a copy of this letter is sent to each of
you
actin concert, and give us the benefit of
your united counsel.
"1. am remitting, by opportunities as they occur, the
bonds of the Confederate States, the proceeds of which,
when sold, are intended to be applied to the contracts of
which you have been advised.
"Respectfully your obedient servant,
tf C. G. MENNINOER, geCretafy of Tiatisnry.'
A Port Royal letter, dated the 13th, says
g; The gunboat Marblehead, from the blockade off
Charleston, reports that six deserters from Fort Sumter
reached the Canandraigua on a foggy night.
They report
that a third of the garrison of Fort Sumter have avowed
their intention to no longer fight under the Confederate
flag, whereupon nearly all the garrison threw down their
arms. They were half famished, and their families were
in want, owing to non-payment for several months. The
ofa t hfepereod-
arrival of other troops overawedthemutineers
mutineers, n d forced
them to return to their duties. A large number
minent ones were, however, in confinementitand=enpo;
he
sibly be shot. Their friends say if this is done y
their deaths. The dissatisfaction among the rebel troops is
worked
day: through the department. The men are
day and night and are half starved. They receive no
money, and live under the iron rule of despots. Scarcely a
113 y passes without desertion. The gunbeat Wissachikon
recently drove the rebels out of the battery at Branch
Hand, Presently they returned, a party of cavalry forcing
them back to the guns. They again opened fire, and the
• Wissachikon received a shot in her hull which nearly sunk
her. She came into Port Royal for repairs."
Governor -Parker was inauggrated or the 20th,
at Trenton, New Jersey, and he, in his inaugural
address, takes the ground that all the powers not ,

delegated to the general government by the consti-
tution are reserved to the States. He contends
that secession is unconstitutional. It is not based
on the right of revolution, but on the alleged right
of a state constitutionally to withdraw. This is a
political heresy. In the articles of confederation
the original states pledged their f.,ith that the
Union should be perpetual, and the constitution
followed only to perpetuate the Union. The go-
vernor argues that there was not a sufficient cause
for a revolution. He refers to the fanaticism in
the North as calculated to produce the bitterest
hatred in the Southern people, and they had com-
mitted retaliatory violence, illegally and entirely
unjustifiable. In this way a minority of ultra and
fanatical men of both sections, controlling the cur-
rent of events, brought this great and good govern-
ment to the verge of destruction. In this sorrow-
ful state of affairs New Jersey had taken no part
but to assert and to show her loyalty on all occa-
sions. Arbitrary arrests are denounced. The pur-
pose of the war was declared to be the maintenance
of the constitution and the protection of the rights
of the citizens. Such arrests are clear violations
of the constitution and rights of the people, and
not called for by the exigencies of the case.
Whatever legal powers are vested in the executive
shall he exerted for the protection of the lawful
rights of the citizens of New Jersey. The suspen-
sion of the writ of habeas corpus belongs exclusively
to the legislative and executive branches of the go-
vernment, and was never intended to exist in the
breast of any individual. The war power is dis-
cussed, and the plea of military necessity is declared ,
illegal and dangerous. Emancipation is classed
among the illegal acts of this new principle of the
war power. It will prolong the war, and our ener-

gies should be directed to save the Union. The
governor hopes for a speedy conclusion of the war
and the restoration of peace. It should be a peace
upon the basis of the Union as it was—a union of
the states with their equality and rights unimpaired.
The fruitless efforts that continued to be made
in the New York Assembly to elect a Speaker were
beginning to be accompanied by threats of personal
violence, and by the greatest disorder and inde-
corum. Attempts had been made to attack Mr.
Callicott, the Democratic candidate. The Albany
correspondent of the New York Herald writes :
" There is no longer a chance for the question to be com-
promised. The revolutionary speeches of Messrs. Murphy,
Fields, Geyer, and Hutchings have driven the Republicans
together. They stand firm as a rock, determined not to
yield an inch. A paper was drawn up in the caucus,
signed by those present, to be presented to the governor,
setting forth the facts in reference to the disgraceful scenes
of Saturday, and requesting the aid of the militia to pre-
vent a repetition. A resolution will also be passed in the
Senate before the Assembly meets again, requesting the
governor to call out sufficient militia to prevent the mob
from overawing the members of the Assembly in the dis-
charge of their duties. It is understood the governor
bitterly condemns the course of some of the members of his
party, and will respond to the request of the Senate."

- It is stated that the Conservative party of New
Hampshire will make the following peace proposi-
tion a party issue in the coming election in that
state :—" An immediate armistice and a speedy
peace, the states to be re-united, the war expenses
of both parties to be assumed by the Federal Go-
vernment, and slavery to assume the place which
it held before the breaking out of the rebellion."
In the United States Senate, on the 19th ult.,
Mr. APDougall, of California, offered the following
concurrent resolutions—

" Resolved,—That the present attempt of the French
government to subjugate the republic of Mexico to her
authority by armed force is a violation of the established
rules of international law, and that it is moreover a viola-
tion of the faith of France, pledged by the treaty made at
London on the 31st October, 1861, between the allied go-
vernments of Spain, France, and England, and communi-
cated to this Government over the signatures of the repre-
sentatives of the allied powers, by the letter of the 30th
November, 1861, and particularly and repeatedly assured to
this Government through its Minister resident at the Court
of France.

" Resolved further—That the attempt to subject the re-
public
of Mexico to French authority is an act not merely
unfriendly to this republic, but to free institutions every-
where, and is regarded as not only unfriendly but hostile.
"Resolved further,—That it is the duty of this republic
to require of the Government of France that her armed
forces should be withdrawn from the territory of Mexico.
" Resolved further,—That it is the duty and office of this
republic, now and at all times, to lend such aid to the re-
public o! Mexico as is or may be required to prevent the
forced interposition of any of the States of Europe in the
political affairs of the republic.
"Resolved further,—That the President of the United
States cause to be communicated to the Government of
Mexico the views now expressed by the two Houses of
Congress ; and that he be further requested to cause to be
negotiated such a treaty or treaties between the two repub-
lics as will tend to make these views effective."

On the motion of Mr. M'D3ugall the resolutions
were laid over to the 22d.

In the House of Representatives a bill, appro-
priating ten millions of dollars in aid of the eman-
cipation of slaves in Maryland was introduced and
referred to the select committee on the subject. A
bill, authorising duties on importations, to be paid,
if desired, by importers in legal-tender notes, with
33 per cent. added, was referred to the committee of
ways and means.

On the 29th, in the Senate, a bill was reported
from the committee on foreign affairs, to pay French
spoliation claims.

In the House of Representatives the Secretary of
the Navy was asked for any information in his pos-
session to show that American vessels cleared for
any foreign port have engaged in the African or
coolie slave trade, and to submit such suggestions
to prevent it as he may deem proper.
The military committee reported a resolution
authorising the laying of a submarine cable from
Fort Monroe to connect the Southern military
stations,

A Washington letter of the 19th, in the Tribune,
says that that morning the ways and means com-
mittee, by an almost unanimous vote, gave Secre-
tary Chase power to sell bonds at the best price he
can obtain. They also took away from the holders
of legal-tender notes the right to convert them at
pleasure into twenty-year bonds. The same letter
adds that at the termination of the financial debate
the following message was received from the Presi-
dent :

" To the Senate and House of Representatives,—

" I have signed the joint resolution to provide for the im-
mediate payment of the army and navy of the United States,
passed by the House of Representatives on the 14th, and
by the Senate on the 15th inst. The joint resolution is a
simple authority, amounting, however, under the existing
ted ° make
State
tcircumstances, to a direction to the Secretary of the Trea-
sury an additional issue of 100,000,000 dollars in
United States notes, if so much money is needed, for the
payment of the army and n
possible navy. My approval is given in
order that every •
facility may be afforded for the
prompt discharge of
all arrears of pay due to our soldiers
and our sailors.
~ While giving this approval, howeveasr,
issue
been found neces-
sary think it my duty
staoryexptoreasustmhoyrissiencesorelraregrgeetatn additional
itd has
States notes, when this circulation and that
of
the of United
banks together have become already so redundant suspended
aa
to
in-
crease prices beyond real values, thereby augmenting
cost of living, to the injury of labour, and the cost ofait
plies, to the injury of the whole country.
" It seems very plain that continued issues of United
States notes without any check to the issues of suspended
banks, and without adequate provision for the raising of
money by loans, and tor finding the issues so as to keep
them within due limits, must soon produce disastrous con-
sequences; and this matter appears to me so important
that I feel bound to avail myself of this occasion to ask
the special attention of Congress to it. That Congress has
power to regulate the currency of the country can hardly
admit of doubt, and that a judicious measure to prevent
the deterioratian of this currency by a reasonable taxation
of bank circulation or otherwise is needed, seems equally
clear.

"Independent of this general consideration it would be
unjust to the people at large to exempt banks enjoying the
special privilege of circulation from their just proportion
of the public burdens. In order to raise money by way of
loans most easily and cheaply it is clearly necessary to give
every possible support to the public credit. To that end a
indisp
uniform currency, in which taxes, subscriptions to loans,
if not
and all othe,er or
public dues may be paid, is almost,
quit
".Such a currency can be furnished by banking associa-
tions authorised under a general act of Congress, as sug-
gested in my message at the beginning of the present
session; The securing or this circulation by the pledge of
the United States bonds; as heiein suggested, would still
further facilitate loans by increasing the present and can-
ing a future demand for such bonds... In view of the actual
iinancial embarrassments of the Government, and of the
embarrassments sure to come if the necessary means
of robe
announcement of my approval of the joint
greatel:f be not afforded, I feel that I should not perform my
relief
resolutions which proposes only by increasing the Qr.
duty by a simple

culation, without expressing my earnest desire that mea-
sures, such in substance as those I have just referred to,
may receive the sanction of Congress. By such measures,
in my opinion, will payment be most certainly secured, not
only to the army and navy, but to all honest creditors of
the Government, and satisfactory provision made for future
demands on the Treasury. "ABRAHAM LINCOLN."

The Tribune correspondent says that as the read-
ing of the document proceeded curiosity gave place
to astonishment.

San Francisco advices are to the 20th ult. Money
easy and accumulating. Sterling exchange, 1474.
The Northern coast steamer had arrived with 40,000
dols. from British Columbia, and 50,000 dole. from
Oregon. The British steamer Robert Lowe arrived
at Victoria on the 10th, and was expected at San
Francisco on the Ist February to take her place in
the new line to Japan and China.

The steamer Champion had arrived safely at New
York from Aspinwall, bringing 657,840 dols. in
specie on freight. She was convoyed by a Federal
gunboat to the northward of the islands.

A serious fire broke out at Aspinwall on the 26th
December, and destroyed over 30 houses. The entire
loss was estimated above 250,000 dols.
The statement of the New York City Banks
compares as follows with the statement of the pre-
vious week. Increase in loans, 790,548 dohs. In-
crease in specie, 810,719 dols. Decrease in circula-
tion, 309,848 dole. Increase in deposits, 1,787,754
dols.
Commercial intelligence anticipated.

HEALTH OF LONDON.

(From the Registrar General's Report.)

In the week that ended last Saturday the deaths
in London declined to 1,354. Previously the number
had been above 1,400 in every week, except one,
since the first week in November, when it was
1,307. The mortality of young persons was the same
last week as in the first week of November, but that
of old persons was greater. The deaths of persons
60 years old and upwards was 238 in the earlier
period; last week they were 292.

The average number of deaths in ten weeks (1853
—62) corresponding with last week, corrected for
increase of population, is 1,466. The present return
is less than the estimated number by 112.
Two children died of small-pox at 1, Dock-cot-
tages, Millwall ; and four children died of it at 22,
Castle-alley, Whitechapel. No less than six deaths
from small-pox and fever were registered in Castle-
alley in the week. Seven deaths were returned by
the Small-pox Hospital; and the total number from
small-pox in London was 39. This disease is on the
increase.

Measles declined to 34 deaths ; and scarlatina to
49. The former was fatal in 4 cases in Belgrave
sub-district; the latter in 4 in St. Mary, Padding-
ton and in 7 in Islington. There were 71 deaths from
typhus, typhoid fever, &c., and 6 of these occurred
in Poplar.
A widow died at the age of 92, and another at 96
years.

The son of a brewer's servant died at 1, Elizabeth-
place, Ratcliff, by " hmmorrhage from a wound in
the head, caused by a shell falling on him from the
mantel-piece" (inquest). The coroner adds in his
report to the registrar that the mother has lost five
children in this way, two of whom died in the Lon-
don Hospital from a scratch in the hand. If they
bleed but the smallest quantity they die. Dr. Ar-
nold states that this is the consequence of a bcemor-
rhagic diathesis.
At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean
height of the barometer in the week was 29,857 in.
The mean daily reading was above 30 in. on the
first four days of the week. The barometer rose to
30.39 in. on Wednesday, and it fell to 29.23 in. on
Saturday. The mean temperature of the air in the
week was 44.5 deg., which is 6.6 deg. above the ave-
rage of the same week in 43 years (as determined by
Mr. Glaisher). The mean daily temperature was
above the average throughout the week, and this
excess was 10 deg. and 11 deg. on Thursday and
Friday. The highest day temperature was 55.2 deg.
on Thursday. The lowest night temperature was
32.2 deg. on Wednesday. The range of temperature
in the week was therefore 23.0 deg. The mean daily
range was 11.9 deg. The difference between the
I mean dew-point temperature and air temperature
was 5 deg. The mean degree of humidity of the air
was 83, complete saturation being represented by 100
On Tuesday the humidity fell so low as 70. On that
day wind was in thenorth-west; the rest of the week
till Saturday afternoon it was in the south-west.
Six-tenths of an inch of rain fell, nearly all of
which was on Saturday. The mean of the highest
temperature of the water of the Thames was 43.9
deg.; the mean of the lowest was 41.4 deg.
METROPOLITAN WATERS IN JANUARY, 1863.

These waters, according to the analyses of Dr.
R. D. Thomson, F.R.S., are generally much more
impure than usual, the amount of organic impurity,
especially in the Thames waters, being present in
great excess. The Chelsea and Southwark waters
presented a milky aspect. The Lambeth and East
London waters were also somewhat turbid. The
others contained no matter in suspension. Larger
reservoirs, by which the necessity of pumping dur-
ing rain might • be obviated, would be one remedy
for these evils.

Total impurity Organicim-
per gallon. purity.
gre. or deg. grs. or deg.
Distilled Water
_

Loch Katrine water, new supply
to Glasgow 215 •605
Manchester water supply
Earl-street Well. Edgware-road 113'84 33/0
THAMES COMPANIES.
Chelsea
Southwark
West Middlesex . 20.00 240
Grand Junction . 22.68 2432
Lambeth
OTHER COMPANIES.
Kent
East London
New River
The table is read thus—Loch Katrine water contains in the
gallon 21. degrees or grains of foreign matter in solution,
of which '605 degrees or grains are of vegetable or animal
origin.

Monopoly is essentially a selfish principle. What
is good in principle should be as widely extended
as possible. The rain of heaven falls upon the just and
unjust alike, and there are few things which might not be-
come common to all mankind. But, as a rule, the world
is far from being ready to bring this theory into practice;
we are far too exclusive; we love to be aristocratic in our
tastes and feelings, that is to say, to be possessed of certain
habits and manners which do not belong to, but are on the
contrary caviare to the multitude. The wish may be seen
in the private circles of life; has been long developed in
our modes of government and our political dogmas. But
as we become better acquinted with the rudiments of econo
mical science, all these restrictions are grubbed up, and
that which has been the " preserve" of a few is thrown
open to evEry citizen of the empire. At first savings-banks
were confined to the better conditioned of the commercial
and labouring classes. The small tradesman found it con-
venient to invest a small sum weekly ; and the shilling of
the artisan was also welcomed as an indication of thrifti-
ness on his part, and a desire of becoming a more indepen-
dent member of society. It is only recently, however, that
the savings-banks have been opened to the less well-to-do
portion of the community; that the word Sesaine has been
pronounced for them. There were no institutions in which
they might positively hoard up their well-earned pence.—
Temple Bar.

"Tim WASTE OF WAR.—The Governor of the
State of New York, in his Message to the Senate
and Assembly early in the present year, mentioned that
sine the beginning of the war the ,mtats of New York, with
a population of less than 4,000,000 at the census of 1860,
has sent into the field 222,836 men, and that there are only
125,000 of them left. The umiak waste has been about
one-third of the whole number.
CARDS—WASTE OF TIME !---In our house at home
we youngsters did not play whist because we were
dear obedient children, and the elders said playing at cards was ~ a waste of time." A waste of time, my good people.
Aliens ! What do elderly home 4teeping people do of a
night after dinner ? Darby gets his newspaper ; my dear
Joan gets her Missionary Magazine or her volume of Cum-
'fling's Sermons—and don't you know what ensues ? Over
of Darby's arm-chair the paper flutters to th
the arm
and he performs the trumpet oblie e
ground unheeded, .
oldnose. My dear old Joan's t°
head
Sermon (awakening though the doctrine
nods over her .
ding, ding—can that be ten o'clock? It
may be). Ding,
servants to bed, my dear—and to bed
is time to send . the se t
But they have not wasted
mistress go Oa.
master and
Oh, no I—Thackeray in th
at cards.
their time playing
que you./ .vat on his
Cornhill for February.
functions are disordered
Friend.—So soon as the human
l ss
's Pills—The Female'
lk
they should be rectified ;
[ADVERTISEMENT.
it is a hoe delusion to leavb
e.
Hpolloway s Pills always
'
ii—lfiollsway
the malady to its own course.
accomplish this end with ease, safety, and despatch. A ...
many
few aPPropriate doses at the proper period will prevent
a seriolla illness. They arrest all morbid influences, and
prevent disease from extending and affecting more elistant
organs. Their primary action is upon the blood, stomach,
liver, kidneys, and bowels. Their secondary action
strengthens the nervous centres. No drugs can be at once
so harmless yet so antagonistic to disorders affecting the
, other sex. The most perfeet reliance may ;be placed upon
ktheii purifying, regulating, and renovating virtues,

KR. BRIGHT, M.P., AT ROCHDALE.

MANCHESTER, Tuesday Night.

This evening a large and crowded meeting was held in
the Public-hall, in Rochdale, for the purpose of passing a
vote of thanks to the American subscribers to the fund in
aid of the unemployed workpeople of Lancashire. The
meeting had been called by requisition to the Mayor, and
hundreds of people were unable to obtain admission after
the hall was filled. The Mayor presided.
Mr. KELSALL moved and Mr. ASHWORTH seconded a
resolution thanking the merchants of New York and other
American citizens who had contributed to the relief of the
distress in Lancashire, and expressing a hope that peace
would soon be restored, with the Union preserved.
Mr. BRIGHT, in supporting the motion, said he regarded
this transmission of assistance from the United States as an
evidence that, whatever might be the faults or crimes of the
Governments, the peoples of the two countries were begin-
ning to draw together. There had been not a little jealousy
between some portions of the people of this country and the
people of the United States, which had found expression
through the press, not in the choicest language. Why
should there be this jealousy between two peoples so nume-
rous, powerful, and great ? He had never been in the United
States, but he could understand the pleasure expressed by
those who had, at finding a people who spoke the same lan-
guage, read the same books, and to a great extent enjoyed
the same laws, and who, if we came to the question of per-
sonal freedom, enjoyed it as fully as we did in this country.
Its government was not very different in its essence from
that which prevailed in this kingdom. The difference was
that our constitution had never been fully enjoyed by the
people, because the members assembled in the place where
he should probably be sitting in 48 hours from that time
were not a full and fair representation, like the Congress
which assembled in Washington. But there were points of
agreement between them which more than counterbalanced
the others. The people of Europe often owed much more
than they knew to the people of the United States.
America had, in fact, been an ark of refuge for the people
of Europe, and especially of this country. In proof of this
he pointed to the fact that in 15 years there had emigrated
frem Great Britain and Ireland to America 2,400,000 per-
sons, enjoying when they got there all that at home they
could have wished or anticipated of personal and political
freedom. Looking at all this, and he had but touches on
some prominent points, he should say that the position of
America offered to us every motive not for fear, jealousy, or
hatred, but rather for admiration, gratitude, and friendship.
He was persuaded that the more perfect the friendship be.
tween England and America the more the path of progress
in England would be made easy. After 70 years of peace
the United States had become the scene of a war more
gigantic, perhaps, than any which we had on record. Was
it possible to stand neutral in regard to the contending
parties ? He found men sometimes who professed a strict
neutrality. This arose either from their being perfectly
ignorant or sympathising with the South. There were two
great questions involved—first, the continuance or abolition
of African slavery among Christian nations; and secondly,
the question of freedom to men of all races. If we were to
take the opinions of leading men in the South, the freedom
of white men was not safe. He quoted from the articles of
the Richmond Examiner and the speeches of Mr. Cobb, to
show that the Southerners desired to convert labour into
capital, and thus put an end to disputes between capital.and
labour. Nor was there a paper in the South, or a man
more eminent than Mr. Cobb, who had dared to condemn
the atrocity of this language. This great strife had its
origin in an infamous conspiracy against the rights of
human nature. These principles which the Southern
leaders proclaimed were not to be found in any of the old
heathen writers, or in the practices of savages in our times,
It was the doctrine of devils, and not of men, and all man-
kind should shudder at the enormity of the guilt which the
leaders of this conspiracy had brought upon their heads.
(Great cheering.) They argued, and with a perfect logic
that if slavery was right the slave trade could not be wrong;
The reason why cotton did not come from America, though
the port of New Orleans was not blockaded, and though the
United States had proclaimed that even persons in arms
against the Government should be permitted to send it
thence to Europe and receive unmolested the proceeds—
the reason why it did not come was its being kept back
by way of influencing public opinion in England. The
Southerners kept back cotton that it might injure us ; and
they injured us because they thought we could not live for a
year without their cotton, and that to get it we should send
ships of war, break the blockade, make war upon the
North, and assist the slaveowners to obtain their independ-
ence. To prove that this was the view of the South he
quoted from Mr. Mann, Senator Wigfall, and Mr. Stephens,
the Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy. These
were the men who sent envoys to seek alliance with the
Queen of England, and who were received beneath the
gallery of the House of Commons as if they were accredited
from the most honourable Government with the most
honourable mission. Why, the very thing they had broken
off from the United States to maintain was felony by our
law. They were not only slave owners, slave buyers, and
sellers, but that which out of Pandemonium itself never
was conceived of,—they were slave breeders for a slave-
market, lie regretted more than he could express this
painful fact that, of all the countries of Europe, Eng-
land was the only one which had men in it willing to take
active steps in favour of this intimidating slave Govern-
ment. The other day a member of the Government who
was not a statesman, but was the son of a great statesman,
and who occupied the position of Secretary for Ireland, dared
to say to an English audience that he wished the Republic
should be divided. Why, if that island, which he (Mr. Bright)
supposed, in punishment for some of its offences, had been
committed to his care (great laughter), had attempted to
secede, not to set up a slave kingdom, but a state more
free even than the old Union,the Government of which that
Minister was a member would sack its cities and drench its
soil with blood rather than allow it to be established. (Great
cheering.) But the working men and middle classes had
been right on this question. (Cheers.) The working men
had been too slowly emerging from a condition far from in-
dependent to have much sympathy with slavery. If, as
was said, that great meeting in London were not collected
by the reputation of its promoters, the fact only proved that
it was collected by the cordial and ardent sympathy of the
audience with the friends of emancipation. (Cheers.) The
fact was, people had been greatly misled by the newspapers
about America, and were becoming better informed daily.
We were in no way responsible for the war, but we were
responsible for our sympathies. He did not believe it pos-
sible to be coldly neutral. He did not blame those who
drew different conclusions from his own as to the issue ;
but he blamed those who desired that catastrophe. For
himself, he never despaired, and would not despair From
the outburst of this great convulsion he had but one hope
and faith, and that was that the result would he the eternal
freedom, grandeur, and prosperity of America. (Cheers.)
The resolution was unanimously carried, and the meeting
soon afterwards broke up.

THE TAEPINGS.—The Taepings were speciously
represented as men battling for religious and po-
litical freedom—and a Swedish missionary, Mr. Hamberg,
claimed for our reputed converts the credit of having or-
ganised and guided the rebellion. Himself deceived by the
cunning of the Asiatic, he put forth a strange fable, called
the " Revelations of Hung-siu-tsien," and was thus
mainly instrumental in enlisting on behalf of an organised
system of land-piracy the religious sympathy of this coun-
try: Hordes of armed robbers, ravaging the interior of a
distant country, because they said they believed in Heaven,
were forthwith pronounced Christians, engaged in war
upon heathenism. And, forgetting the first principle of
our faith, that it is not to be propagated by the sword, we
shut our ears and hearts against the wail of perishable mul-
titudes, and dreamed that the light of the Gospel had
dawned on Cathay. Years have elapsed since our credu-
lity was thus imposed on, and from the experience gathered
we are uow able, we think, to tear the veil from the mon-
strous imposition.—Blackwood's Magazine.
THE FREEDOM OF THE CITY.--The following
will answer the questions of numerous correspon-
dents as to the way in which the freedom of the City may
be taken up. It may be obtained :-1. By servitude,
having been bound to a freeman, according to the custom
of the City, and served duly and truly seven years. 2. By
patrimony, that is, being the son or daughter (unmarried
or a widow) of a freeman, born after the admission of the
father, and having attained the age of twenty-one years.
3. Gift of the City, or honorary freedom. 4. By redemp-
tion of purchase. The admission under this head is as
follows :—Persons on the parliamentary register of voters
for the City are admitted upon their application to the Cham-
berlain (either with or without the interference of a com-
pany) and without the usual presentation to the court for an
order. Persons now on the parliamentary register, but
' who are £lO householders, and rated to the police and other
rates, upon producing a certificate (on their application to
the ,Chamberlain) from the beadle or other authority of
their ward, that they are so rated, are admitted (with or
without the interference of a company) upon the Chamber-
lain presenting their names to the court, ancrobtaining an
order for their admission. All the foregoing pay ss. on
their admission, being a government duty under an act of
the 11th Geo. IV., entitled "The London-bridge Ap-
proach Act." Persons who hold premises, or carry on their
business, not having the qualification of either of the two
cases before mentioned, are admitted (with or without the
interference of a company) upon a fine, including the govern-
ment duty of 55., of £2 18s. 4d. Lastly, persons neither
holding premises, nor carrying on business within the City
or its liberties, and wishing to become freemen, on their ap-
plication can be admitted (either with or without inter-
ference of a company) on the Chamberlain obtaining an
order of the court, on their application. The fine in this
case, including the Government duty of 55., is £27 18s. 4d.
The sons of aliens are now admitted the same as natural
born subjects.—City Press.
NEGRO SHARPSHOOTER.—The correspondent of
the New York Herald, giving au account of the
attack on *Vicksburg, says,—"A negro sharpshooter has been
observed whose exploits are deserving of notice. He mounts
a breastwork regardless of all danger, and getting sight o f
a Federal soldier draws up his musket at arm's length and
fires, never fail;
Colonel Wpm--ng in hitting his mark. It is said that
negroes are figalihtinags i
only
It
"probablyhsheroet,btyhoaugnhegro.
sharp-
shooters.isceratsaintha

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TDlES.—Whatever Admiral Fitzroy may be able
to do with the weather, it is proverbially the next
thing to impossible to forecast the destinies of a '
Parliamentary Session. " Down-rushes" occur when
nobody expects them, and the most furious storms
arise without the indication of the premonitory
drum. We look round the horizon and we see not
the slightest indication of the coming tempest. We
examine the glass, and we find it steadily constant
at " Set Fair." Let us enjoy the calm while it lasts ;
it will be time enough to discuss the storm when
the wind is whistling about our ears. Let us pro-
pitiate Nemesis by admitting to the full the fragility
of our calm and the uncertainty of our prognostics,
and then address ourselves to consider as well as
we may what are likely to be the subjects
which are destined to command the attention
of the Parliament about to meet tomorrow.
What, perhaps, may tura out to be the most
prominent, as it will certainly be one of the most
agreeable topics of the Session, is the state of our
finances. For several years we have been struggling
with a deficiency more or less large, and although
that deficiency has been occasioned, not by any pres-
sure on our resources, but mainly because it has
been the will of our Cnancellor of the Exchequer
to take off taxes rather with a view to his own
notions of symmetry and expediency than to
the demand of the people, the cessation of that
deficiency is nevertheless a great relief. We do
not like to be behindhand in our national balance-
sheet, even though we may be sure that we get
ample value for every tax we remit and for every
million we expend. These successive deficits re-
present the reduction of taxation which was neces-
sary in order to complete our engagements under the
French treaty, the abolition of the paper duty, the
reconstruction of our navy, and the remodelling of
our ordnance both by land and sea. Still, conscious
as we are of so much wealth, we do not like even the
appearance of want, and shall, therefore, hail with
unmixed satisfaction the assurance that we have
once more got a real, genuine, bona fide surplus,
not resting on any refined distinctions or dexterous
manipulations, but on the simple subtraction of the
Expenditure from the Ways and Means, and the
exhibition of a substantial difference between the
two, arising partly from the elasticity of our re-
sources, and partly from judicious and well applied
economy. Having fairly seized on our surplus,
the next and most fruitful subject of discussion will
naturally be the distribution of this treasure, an
operation fraught with infinite difficulty and very
striking differences of opinion. For our own part,
we admit that we shall be quite content if
Mr. Gladstone so far yield to the modest and
bumble wishes of the people as to deliver us from
twopence in the pound on the Income-Tax, and
from the war duties on tea and sugar. We shall
then consider that we have got rid of the last
vestiges of the Crimean war, and be able to read
with unmixed pleasure those forthcoming volumes
in which Mr. Kinglake will no doubt demonstrate
to us how well our affairs were conducted in the
Bay of Balaklava and the trenches of Sebastopol,
and how admirable everything was, except the con -
duct of those who advised the expedition, and
who still did not shrink from a fair and honest
exposure of its mismanagement. Our only ap-
prehension is that the course which lies before Mr.
Gladstone is so exceedingly easy, straightforward,
and agreeable that he may for that very reason be
disinclined to adopt it. There is a facility about
it which he may possibly consider unworthy of his
genius, and we almost wish the road we would
have him travel were a little less smooth and broad,
in order that we might have better assurance that
he would take it. A measure which can hardly be
much longer deferred is the enactment of a proper
law of marriage for Ireland and Scotland. We are
obliged to the Yelverton Marriage ease for teaching
us, in the history of one couple, the absurdities of
the laws of both countries. It is intolerable that
the validity of a marriage and the legitimacy of
children should be made to depend upon so uncertain
a thing, and a thing so difficulty to prove, as the reli-
gious belief of a wild young man for a year previous
to the solemnisation of a clandestine ceremony.
We trust this subject will be dealt with, espe-
cially as we know of no other legal abuse which is
ripe for legislation. We can hardly expect so great
a change as Is involved in the cession of the lonian
Islands to pass without voluminous comment. In-
deed, if we are to believe certain of our contempo-
raries, a solemn appeal is to be made to the British
people not to tolerate any diminution of the em-
pire which has been won by the valour and wis-
dom of our ancestors. It speaks well for the
good sense of England that this appeal to a po-
pular passion which is in itself entitled to all
respect does not appear to have been successful.
The country has felt that all this indignation is
misapplied. The lonian Islands form no part of
the dominions of the British Crown, but are only
a deposit placed in our unwilling hands under
the Treaty of Vienna. They offer us no valuable
military or naval position. They would require a
large garrison to hold them in time of war, and
they encumber us with a heavy annual expense.
The people have, besides, professed a fixed aver-
sion from our Protectorate, and the Assembly has
refused its assent to the most necessary improve-
ments, because they will not receive them from our
hands. The Transportation question has gone to a
commission, and is therefore shelved for the present.
Of course we shall have the usual crop of bills by
private members to sweep away small shreds and
patches which remain to testify that we once lived
under intolerant laws, and of course we shall have
the Conservative party giving up their midday
ride in the Park in order perpetually to save the
constitution in the " broad glare" of a Wednesday
morning. Church-rates also will run their accus-
tomed course, and be won or lost by one or two
votes, according as the influenza shall descend the
more heavily on the herds of the Government or the
Opposition. Such are the prospects of the Session.
If they should appear to any one rather deficient in
liveliness and excitement, we can only offer him
these two topics of consolation ; first, that any one
of a great number of contingencies may make things
go on a great deal more briskly than they seem dis-
posed to do at present ; and secondly, that it is much
better, after all, that matters should go on in this
quiet and uninteresting way tha❑ that we should be
affording to the word and to ourselves the astound-
ing spectacles, the bitter discords, and the ridiculous
pretensions with which we are perpetuall',- brought
in contact when we study the annals of other na-
tions. We are quite content with the division of
labour; be it theirs to do and suffer these things, be
it ours to read and discuss them.

HERALD.—If a foreigner or an uninterested ob-
server desired an illustration of the easy patience
of Englishmen, he would certainly find it in their
continued endurance of the present Government.
The Cabinet was constructed on the principle of
binding together every fragment of the disjointed
and scattered Liberal party. Whigs, Peelites,
Radicals, the school of Messrs. Bright and Cobden,
and the school of William Gladstone, was to unite
with the remains of the old Foxites in building up
a strong Government. There was to be a real Li-
beral party, influential out of doors, commanding
in the House of Commons ! The Opposition in the
Peers was to be awed by this compact and power-
ful phalanx. Such was the deceptive programme.
1% hat is the event ? Where is the great Liberal
party ? It is gone. No one can say there is a
Liberal party now. But the strange and incon-
gruous thing in the drama is that the chief actors
still meet in dumb show and play their pantomime
on the stage, when the piece they were to perform
has been long tossed by in the closet and the lan-
guage forgotten. lhere is no reform and there is
no Liberal party—and yet the Coalition. Ministry
exists, and they have a public audience, too, which
can smile approvingly. This is not gratifying or
honourable to our character as an enlightened na-
tion. But, perhaps, if we look around, we shall
perceive so much excellent work completed, such
good service done, that in our consideration, sense,
and judgment,we shall condone or forget the lapse
of the original agreement on which the Palmerston
Cabinet was put together. We are a practical
people. Where the intention has been carried out,
the effect accomplished, we care not much for the
manner. Unfortunately there is nothing of the kind

to console us here. The composite Government has
been, by pre-eminence, a Government of failures,
The Bankruptcy Bill is held up as a mas-
terly achievement ; but the frequent ap-
peals to the Lords Justices, and the ge-
neral dissatisfaction at the working of this
abortive scheme, best prove that its provisions will
only be of brief duration. In fact, the Coalition
Government have destroyed much, have left much
undone, and have finally settled nothing. If a Con-
servative Ministry were to assume the reins of
power to-morrow they would find reform still in
the pigeon-holes, church rates under discussion, a
bankruptcy bill to amend or reconstruct, an educa-
tional scheme to reduce to order, and the whole
financial administration of the country to place on
a sound basis and to adapt to actual exigencies.
It may be that in compensation for this utter bar
renness of administration we shall find the empire
at large flourishing, much prosperity, m'zch peace,
and everywhere much happiness. Let the awful
famine, half averted from Lancashire by the most
munificent private charity, be the reply ! Let the
ruined cotton trade answer ! Let Ireland, decaying
in her commerce, in her agriculture, in her popula-
tion, speak ! We English are so accustomed to
think for ourselves, to provide for ourselves, to
govern ourselves, that we forget the first and pri-
mary duty of any Administration. It is to conduct
the affairs of the nation with success and honour.
While thousands of operatives are on the verge of
starvation, and while a cardinal division of the
United Kingdom is tottering to ruin, and while
England is visibly losing her once great prestige,
who will say that this necessary condition of all
government has been fulfilled? We are told, in-
deed, that Mr. Gladstone can boast of a surplus, and
that a sensible reduction of taxation will take place,
Heaven grant that the event may realise the promise.
But the unstable and illusory past is a warning.
Meanwhile our naval and military expenditure is
growing enormously, but we can scarcely be said to
be waxing in strength or authority among foreign
nations. Here, indeed, in our external policy, is the
great hiatus. England never looked so much of a
poltroon as at this present moment. She is
ashamed of the stupid part she played in making
an opening for the dominance of the Latin race in
Mexico, and thence throughout the entire continent
of America. But this was and is the avowed game
of the French Emperor. The cession of the lonian
Islanus is a scandal, and should make us all bow our
heads with a sense of inferiority and lost position.
The feeble jousting in placing a King on the throne
of Greece is worthy of a nursery rhyme. It need
not be predicted that Great Britain can gain nothing
by the proposed movement on the chess-board of a
losing ambition. Turning to Rome, the Pope must
be laughing in his sleeve at Earl Russell's failures.
His temporal power is as secure as ever, and the
policy of meddling non-intervention played in
Downing-street has been completely baffled. Italy
is not a united kingdom. The help of England has
been always fatal to Italy. Lord Palmerston's aid
has been its disappointment and misfortune. The
promise has now, as heretofore, been kept to the
ear and broken to the hope. But if not in Italy,
where the coup d'etat of our Foreign Secretary was
intended, where shall we look for the signs of Al-
bion's power or influence abroad ? Not in France
assuredly. Not in Austria, Russia, or Prussia. Per-
haps at the Court of Denmark, to which we are
about to be allied by a most auspicious and august
marriage. The marplot is everywhere. Even the
country of the bride Alexandra was not to be
secured from the mischievous intermeddling of our
daring Foreign Minister. Just on the eve of the
Royal wedding this eccentric personage casts the
question of Schleswig and Holstein on the taps,
enough to frighten from the sacred and endearing
spot all that should enrich and gladden the occasion.
This is the ghoul at the marriage feast evoked by
the very original statesman, Earl Russell. When
we turn to the States of America we shall behold
the most ruthless and objectless war on record
raging, and yet England refusing to interpose a
word of friendly mediation to stop the quarrel ;
and this while her staple manufacture is going
openly to ruin. If such is good government it
becomes a very grave question in what consists
weak and vicious government. For our part we
can perceive nothing in the coalition Administra-
tion but incompetency and mischief—inadequacy to
the great task in hand, and ii reparable injury to the
nation. And yet this Government has been highly
favoured—favoured by extraordinary circumstances
—favoured by an indulgent people. The dissolu-
tion of the Liberal party spared it the torment of
obtrusive friends, always more a bore and nuisance
than a service. The American war was a great boon,
saving it from the consequences of the lax expecta-
tions it had raised. The brilliancy and practical
force of the suggestions and programmes of the
Conservative leaders, easily borrowed and adapted,
afforded an agreeable ground for a popular policy.
The undisguised support of the most powerful organ
of the press was in itself no small help. But the calm
and quiet of the people, the respectful lull .nd the
reverence for Royal grief caused by the lamented
death of the Prince Consort, and the entire atten-
tion to the unusual famine which assailed the land,
and the bustle of the great Exhibition—all gave
Ministers free and open way last year, and ample
opportunity. The mischief that they might have
done had their Liberal schemes succeeded, and their
vast deficiencies es administrators and statesmen,
have scarcely been noted or heeded. Thus far the
Palmerston Government has been fortunate in the
nation's repose. But a busy, inquiring season is at
hand ; the term of work commences to-morrow.
We do not and ought not to expect a quiet session.

DIABOLICAL OUTRAGE.—On Saturday Joseph
Buckland, aged 16, the son of a miller living near
Stafford, Piddtetrenthide, and Robert Churchill, wore
charged before Mr. Elliott, at Dorchester, and Mr. Bent,
the inspector of police of the South-Western Railway Corn
pany, with placing three chairs on the line, and fixing them
on the metals, about two miles from the Dorchester Rail-
way Station. The engine-driver, Ford, proved that he saw
the chairs about 30 yards off, and, putting on the steam,
drove through them. Had he not put the steam on to the
full power, the engine must have run off the line, and the
loss of life
_would, in all probability, have been very great.
Mr. Thomas Bent proved that he had examined the line and
the engine, and found such indications as would be pro-
duced by chairs being placed on the metals. The fragments
of three chairs were found scattered all over the ballasting,
having been literally gnashed up by the weight of the en-
gine bring put on at full speed. A witness proved seeing
the two prisoners come up from the line to their carts by
the bridge, and on cross-examination by Mr. Bent, who
appeared for the company, they acknowledged that they had
put the chairs in the position referred to. The bench fully
committed the prisoners for trial at the assizes.
THE WEATHER.—PORTSMOUTH, 6 P.M., Monday.
—Another strong S.W. gale set in here during the
night, and continues up to the present time, accompanied
by rain. The barometer now indicates 29 95, it having
fallen half-a-tenth since 10 a.m. In the report sent from
here last evening, attention was called to the fact that a
fine bright afternoon, with the wind light at W.N.W., had
succeeded to the strong W.S.W. gale of the morning and
previous night. This fine weather has now in its turn been
succeeded by the S.W. gale. Tho weather to windward
looks wild. The following vessels from London have put
into the Mother-bank and St. Helen's Roads for shelter :
The Sir W. F. Williams, for China ; the Koh-i-noor, for
Calcutta; the Severn, for Colombo ; the Princess of Wales,
for Sydney, New South Wales ; the Dundee, for Jamaica ;
and the City of London, for Algoa Bay.
VALENTINES OF THE WRONG SORT.—The most
fatal symptom of the decline and fall of valentines
in modern time is the burlesque or sarcastic tone they have
of late assumed. In former days it was the God of Love
we honoured ; it was the fleet-winged Paphian boy who
hovered round us while we wrote, who inspired those
charming sonnets, who inspired pretty epithets and syno-
nyms and nonsense in our ear. No one would then have
dreamt of being severe on the 14th of February . Who first
began the graceless change ? What ill-conditioned wight
was it who taught us first to substitute lampoons for love-
letters—who limned those odious libels on humanity, now
so popular in our shop windows ? Our gentle Eros is de-
posed, and restless, pale Invidia reigns instead as mistress
of the ceremonies. She points her arrows with a poisoned
barb, and paints her enemies in penny colours. She has
her caricatures for age and youth, for both the sexes, for
all professions. Is there a dandy hair-dresser, a luckless
sweep, a youth who measures ribbons in a draper's shop—
all one by one fall victims to her spleen. In our cheap
valentines the honest attributes of trade or calling are sub-
ject to the keenest irony. The doctor is represented as a
quack; the parson as 4 hypocrite; the lawyer as a thief. I
see the washerwoman drinking gin ; the tailor stealing
cloth; the policeman sneaking down an area. I have be-
fore me now a pictorial satire casting the most outrageous
imputations on the character of a ruilkinan,—London
Society.