The Sun.
London, England, 1837-09-26 00:00:00

LISBON.

SEPT. 17.—The long-expected and anxiously-lookethfor
event has Lit length taken place. The Queen was de-
livered of a son and heir, about half-past eleven last night.
This happy event was immediately wade known to the in-
habitants by the discharge of rockets and the firing of a
salute of one hundred and one guns from the Castle of St.
George, followed by a salute from the Portuguese vessels
in the river. The church beds were set ringing, and late
as the hour was, many persons immediately displayed
lights at their windows, so that the city was, in an in-
stant, partially illuminated. The Royal Infant is s.tid to be
strong and healthy ; and though the Queen suffered consi-
derably, she is now doing well. Tue Supplement to
the Diario published on the occasion, states that all
the Ministers of State, the President of the Cortes. the Di-
plomatic Body, the President of the Municipal Chamber,
the Principal Authorities, Civil end Military, all the Great
Officers of State, the Ladies of Honour, and many other
persons of distinction, were admitted into her Majesty's
presence immediately after the accouchement, according to
custom in such cases, and signed the document testamentary
(:o the delivery, which was drawn up according to the forms
prescribed by law, and submitted to them by the Chief
Secretary of State.
The infant Prince was immediately, I believe, baptized
by the Cardinal Patriarch. This afternoon, the Prince,
now by title Kiug Don Ferdinand, went with a numerous
cortege to the Cathedral, where the birth of the Royal In-
fant was registered.
In the evening a general, indeed, I might say a universal
illumination, took place over the city. In walking through
many of the principal streets I did not observe a single
house in which lights were not displayed. The usual mode
of illumination here is by hanging glass lanterns, lighted up
by olive oil, on each side of the windows. Owing to the
height of the pauses (five or six stories being lit up), and
the great inequalities in the situation of the city, a general
illumination has a singular and brilliant appearance Fire-
works were let off from various places, and the day was
altogether one of rejoicing. I have not heard of any dis-
turbance. All the vessels in the river displayed their gay-
est colours to-day, and a salute was fired by all the men-of-
war at one o'clock.—Morning Chronicle.

MRS. FRAZER AND THE STIRLING

CASTLE.

Documents and numerous other apparently authentic
confirmations of the truth of Mrs. Frazer's extraordinary
narrative continuing to appear from day to day, it may be
as well to acquaint the public—more particularly that por-
tion disposed to succour the lady in a pecuniary point of
view—that there are circumstances connected with her
history calculated to impeach her veracity to an extent
likely to awaken suspicions that she has been practis-
ing a very artful, and certainly very successful hoax.
That she has visited some of the localities and perhaps ex-
perienced many of the hardships she describes is unques-
tionable ; but there is also reason to believe that she has
been drawing extensively on a certain faculty said to be
much in request among imaginative poets. On her first
arrival in England, at Liverpool, from Sydney, she applied
to Mr. Dowling, police commissioner, for assistance to enable
her to proceed to London, where she alleged she had friends,
who would contribute to her support. At the date of this
application (some four or five weeks, we, believe, before the

narrative of her sufferings appeared in the papers) she was
very indifferently attired, her clothes being, as she said,
procured from the parties in Sydney to whom she was
indebted for the kindnesses she experienced after her re.
turn thither from amongst the savages. Mr. Dowling,
satisfied that she was in the distress she represented, ac-
quainted the Mayor and parochial authorities of Liverpool
with her ease, and arrangements were made for affording

her the assistance she solicited. According to appoint-
ment, she called at the parish office in Fenwick-street, and
again recspitulated the details of her shipwreck in the Stir-
liszy Castle, and subsequent privations and sufferings, that
have since been published under the head of Mansion-
house police. In reply to some questions put to her re-
specting the savages with whom she professed to have been
so long domiciled, she detailed a few particulars, compared
with which the marvels witnessed by the renowned Mr.
Lemuel Gulliver would seem very common-place matters

indeed. Among other singularities she said the barbarians
had large tufts of blue hair growing upon their shoulders
in the form of epaulets, and that teir heads were quite
denuded of hair, with the exception of the crown, from
which streamed a large portion of the same texture and co-
lour as the matelial forming the shoulder ornaments.
Mr. Dowling's confidence in her veracity immediately
underwent a considerable dimiuution, and, ordering her con-
templated relief to be suspended for some time, he sent for
the captain of the vessel in which she arrived from Sydney.
The captain being absent on business, the mate came in his
stead, and evinced considerable reluctance to give any in-
formation relative to the person calling herself Mrs. Frazer.
After a good deal of hesitation, however, he admitted that
she was in no distress whatever ; that she had abundance
of clothes of a very superior description ; and, moreover,
that she was married to the captain, whose name is Green,
and consequently could want for nothing any woman in her
sphere of life had a right to expect. It will be recollected
that this Green was mainly instrumental in corroborating
her statements before the Lord Mayor at the Mansion-
house.

Upon being taxed with her imposition in representing
herself destitute, and avoiding all mention of her marriage
to Green, she said that he had treated her with great
harshness, and she was desirous of separating from him,
and going to London. Mr. Dowling then procured the
attendance of Green himself, who did not deny the feet of
his being married to her, and consented to supply her with
the necessary moans of prosecuting her journey to the
metropolis. Some time after this they were seen repeat-
edly in Liverpool, promenading the principal streets, and at
church, she being dressed very showily, with a white veil,
bracelets, and other indications of a well-stocked wardrobe.
Nothing further transpired in Liverpool respecting her,
and the police authorities then regarded her statement
merely in the light of an attempted iradd, of which nu-
merous insmnees are perpetually falling within their cogniz-
Ho xever, upon publicity being given to her reve-
,ations before the Lord Mayor, Mr. Dowling deemed it his
duty to address his Lordship on the subject, acquainting
him with the facts just narrated. His Lordship, strange
to say, has never taken the slightest notice of Mr. Dow-
fing's letter, not even so far as to acknowledge its re-
ceipt. Having interested himself very warmly in her be-
half, he is probably not anxious to admit that his sympathy;
has been excited by one entitled to it in a less degree tha n
he at first imagined.
The following is a copy of Mr. Dowling's letter referred, to
above, and is dated so far back as the 26th of last month :
" Central Police-office, Liverpor
" My Lord—Finding that a person calling herself -Mrs.
Frazer, the widow of the unfortunate master of the Sti ;ding
Castle, has been making a statement to your Lordelaip in
order to excite the compa3sion of the humane and 'obtain
money, I think it my duty to acquaint you that she landed
here some few weeks back awl applied to me, detailing the
same circumstances of distress as those which appear to
have interested your Lordship in her behalf. I communi-
cated with the Mayor and parochial authorities of the
town. who most humanely entered upon the plerssing task
of giving her effectual relief ; but on the second interview
I had with her an evident exaggeration of her sufferings
whilst in captivity caused a suspicion, and her- relief was
suspended till inquiries were made, when it turned out that
she had married in Sydney, New South Wa'ses, the master
of the vessel in which she arrived here (the, Mediterranean
packet), who is a man in good circumstances, and who, it
now appears, accompanied her to London (leaving his
vessel here in 'lock), no doubt solely for the purpose of
raising money 'oy imposing on your Lordship and the public.
Her husband, 'whose name is Green, is the person who so
warm-hearteMy confirmed her statement before your
Lordship.
" Her explanation upon the discovery of her imposition
atterepted here was, that her husband (Green) used her
very ill, and she wished to go to London and separate from
him ; and he on being sent for agreed to furnish her with
the means to go ; after which, however, they remained here
some time, and I saw her on more than one occasion ele-
gantly dressed. The mate of vessel states that she
had a very good wardrobe, and it is certain that, as the
wife of Greene she cannot be in thsress.
‘; 1 am, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient servant,
(Signed) " M. M. G. DOWLING,
--Morning Post. " Commissioner of Police."

7uce.

POST-OFFICE REFORM.—We are glad to learn
that there is at last some prospect of Mr. Has plan of cheap
postage obtaining a fair trial. We have taken the trouble
of inquiring, and we find that some of our commercial and
trading houses in town pay upwards of SO/. a-year for post-
age's. Taking the average postage of each letter at Is.—
and this, we are aware, is low—the saving to each of the
houses we have referred to, by the adoption of Mr: Hill's
plan, would be upwards of 701. a-year! Surely such a stun
is worth looking after, evon by the wealthiest of our nier-
eliants.—Aberdcen llcralrl.

It is estimated that there are about 2,000,000
horses in England of the value of 25,000,000/. sterling.
Of these the number charged with duty amounts to rather
more than 340,000, the total amount of duty being about
430,0001. Not more than 1,000 of these horses are blood
or race-horses, contributial,- to the revenue only about
1,5001., or 1-220th part of the whole duty. The royal
stud at Hampton-court consists of nearly eighty horses,
mares, and colts.
Prince Michael Radzevil, who, during the last
Polish insurrection, held at one time the chief command of
the revolutionary army, has returned to Warsaw.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The friends of Sir Francis Burdett allege that he
knew the late Royal stud was not the property of the
Queen, but that his object in addressing a letter to
Lord Melbourne was to elicit a public disclosure of the
facts of the case ; in short, that, under the mask of
attacking a living Queen, whom he knew to be inna7
cent, he was seeking to cast obloquy on a dead King.
The Spectator of Sunday last, we presume, therefore;
only fulfils the expectations of the Hon. Baronet when
it declares that it is—
" Absurd to blame the Queen, or Lord Melbourne, for
selling the stud. Neither will any rational person blame
the Fitzclarences. They cannot be expected to keep up
tee establishment at Hampton Court. They want money,
edhave taken the right way to get as much of it as they
ean for the horses. But it was a shabby proceeding of
William IV. to alienate the Royal stud from the Crown.
Although the law recognised his right to consider it as per-
sonal property, it was always looked upon as an appendage
to the Crown. The beautiful Arabians given to the late
King by the Imaum of Muscat were intended as presents to
the Sovereign of England, just as much as the -ship of war,
which is now counted in the navy as national property.
Yet these Arabians are _among the lot to be sold. Wil-
liam IV., indeed, was not punctilious in his mode of
raising cash. It is not generally known, but it is a
fact, that most of the splendid snuff-boxes presented
to our last two Kings were sold or pledged by William to
Rundle and Bridge, at whose shop they may now be seen.
There are few private persons who, though in very needy,
circumstances, would have resorted to such means of pro-
curing money ; and it is not unusual, even in cases of bank-
ruptcy, to abstain from seizing and selling articles which
are held to be in some sort sacred. But the late Sovereign
of England had no such delicacy of feeling, and we are not
surprised that he should have left the Royal stud to his
illegitimate offspring."
After all, we are not satisfied that the friends of Sir
Francis Burdett, in their anxiety to prove that he is
not the ignorant fool which his letter to Lord Mel-
bourne would prove him to be, have acted kindly to-
wards the Hon. Baronet. Great allowance is to be
mode for the late King, who was burdened with a large
fem4v, and who was a kind and affectionate parent.
We are not disposed to say, that, under all the circum-
stances of the case, it would not have had a better
apeenrance if William the Fourth had followed the
example of his predecessor, and viewed the stud as
belonging to the Crown rather than to the occupier of
it for the time. But was it for s:r Francis Burdett,
1%1,6 often enjoyed the hospitalities of William the
Fourth, to uncover his nakedness in this shabby way ?
Wallowing in wealth as he does, he might have made
some allowance for the necessities of an affectionate
parent with claims on him which he had great difficulty
to meeting. Sir Francis is no doubt safe from the in-
dignation of a dead King, but he might have retnem-
tiered that he had frequently ate salt with him.—
Morning' Chronicle.
The prospect of a liberal subscription by the Con-
servatives for restoring constitutional Irish candidates
to the seats from which they were ousted at. the last
election by perjury, forgery, and every description of
fraud, has reduced the Slmistcts and their partisans to
a state of mind which it would he almost inhuman not
to pity-. There is no limit to their violence, nor self-
m •ree in their malice. Seine of their papers will have
it that the subscription fund is .designed to drive the
people
,"—otherwise the priests, the association, and
their followers—into open rebellio. Very well : it in
no manner disturbs us to hear or traitors ripening
into open rebels. We may hear. of it, but while
treason is under its present tuition, such a development
is one which we shall hardly have the luck to see.
The grub condition- is snler than that of the butterfly,
quoth our agitator. Rebellion must lie near the sur-
'see, if a simple effort to vindicate the purity of elec-
tion suffice to dtaw it into daylight. Nevertilekss, the
purity of election shall be vindicated, at whatever
risk, at whatever cost. The loyal constituencies
of Ireland must not be cheated of their rightful re-
presentatives with impunity, nor Bills abhorrent at

once to the national spirit and to the genius of
tier Constitution be smuggled up to the bar of the
House of Lords by a majority composed of men who
are not representatives of the people. When news-
papers in the pay of the Popish conspirators presume
to taunt us with the " criminality" of a subscription
for Riving effect to the Grenville Act, by working out
an election case before a Parliamentary Committee,
they go far towards a confession that they have no case
whereon to stand. Why do not the O'Connell-Mel-
bournites threaten us with petitions in their turn ?
They are at liberty to do so, or, without any other than
such formal notice as the law requires, they have full
license from the Conservatives to present to the House
of Commons as many petitions as they like. We chal-
lenge them to it. We pray them to raise the largest
sums that they can borrow, beg, or steal, and lay them
together in a single heap for a subscription fund where-
with to carry on a war of petitions. They Alail hear from
us or from other Conservatives no yell—no, nor a whisper
of complaint. And why ? 1. Because we have no fears
for the consequences ; we fear not a " report" that the
opposition of the Conservative member to the Radical
petition has been " frivolous and vexatious," any more
than in the case of our own friends appealing to a similar
tribunal have we any qualms about the probability of
such a report against the merits of the Conservative pe-
tition. Nobody exclaimed against subscriptions for the
lawful expenses of anticipated contests, which sub-
scriptions were universal over both islands at this last
election. When, therefore, it was discovered that, by
force or fraud, by intimidation, corruption, or fabri-
cated votes, the endeavours made on the part of either
side to support their candidates through any given
struggle had been defeated, could a charge of unfair
or unconstitutional conduct, much less one of illegal
" conspiracy," be reasonably brought against electors,
candidates, or their political friends, for adopting the
alternative which the law allows them, and seeking,
through a bona fide exercise of the right of petition,
redress for that wrong which a perverted and dis-
honest exercise of the right of election had inflicted
on them ? A subscription for the lawful costs of
an election having failed of its object, namely, the
return of the candidate to the House of Commons,
nothing can be more upright, honourable, or expe-
dient—nay, more a matter of positive duty, on the part
of those who feel that they have been defeated by foul
practices, than to raise a petition fund supplementary to
the election fund, for the sake of remedying by lawful
means the injustice which lawful means unhap-
pily did not succeed in preventing. And let
it be remembered that a petition fund cannot be
misrepresented, though many an honest election
fund has been so, as the creation of an exchequer
for purposes of bribery and corruption ; voters may
be bribed, but (ill as such tribunals stand in point of
reputation) it will hardly be said that subscriptions
by or for petitioners are intended to bribe the mem-
bers of an election committee. We call upon the
friends of the monarchy, therefore, in every part of
the United Kingdom, to come down with their con-
tributions freely and earnestly for this great and es-
sential end. The object is of an importance para-
mount to that of almost any other object. It is to
relieve the people of England from a packed, fraudu-
lent, and rotten majority of Mr. Daniel O'Connell's
journeymen agitators—not one of whom, we verily
believe, has a right to show his face within the
House of Commons otherwise than by an order for
the strangers' gallery. It is to take away from this
same Daniel O'Connell the power of forcing upon
a weak and abject Ministry measures the most
tyrannical and disgusting to every Englishman who
knows what civil liberty means, or who recollects
the lessons of his childhood ; it is, in fact, to
decide whether Protestant Britain shall legislate for
herself, or whether the refuse of Ireland shall legis-
late against her, and in spite of her. We say, there-
fore, and are justified in saying, that this proposed
subscription is for a purpose nothinc, less than sacred.
From the communications which have been made to
us, we are persuaded that no Ministers ever met a
Parliament who stood, as regarded a numerous body of
their partisans, in a position so precarious and unten-
able. We are sure that if the well-founded petitions
be prosecuted (and to none others will any honest man
wish success), the Ministers will be left in an abso-
lute minority ; for never since the world began were
ih!vives so utterly profligate and nefarious put in prac-
ti,c tO obtain the proper officer's return, as on this
oceasioe, by the self-called " liberal" supporters of
a• • Reform Ministry." It is necessary, therefore, that
an e-ffective organization should take place forthwith,

and
produced throughout
aii
sufficientthe
for
the kingdom.
en, c.
that in every town, even the smallest, committees of
management and correspondence should be instantly •
formed—that treasurers, generally speaking bankers,
should be named to receive the contributions of all hearty
well-wishers to our monarchy, civil and religious. It
is necessary that applications should be made to every
man or family in every direction, from the highest to
the lowest, supposed to be attached to our national in-
stitutions, and to regard their overthrow as the greatest
of public calamities, soliciting from such persons the
most moderate sums, that an aggregate may be
contemplated, necessaryplated,•
and
' powerful as a distinct evidence of the vast numbers
' of Englishmen on whom their country in the- time of
! need may reckon. A central association already eon-
-7 stituted in London, will form a fit rallying point for
the provincial and district committees ; and we pray
that neither central nor affiliated body may lose one
hour in buckling to their work. A tremendous
knavery, a wholesale robbery of seats in Parliament,
has been put into action against the people of Eng-
land ; will our countrymen right themselves—or NOT?
The method we propose, and that alone, is practicable ;
all else is imbecile childishness and folly.—Times.
A Conservative guzzle took place at Forres a few
days since, under very amusing circumstances. The
handful of Tories. who vegetate in that pleasant little
town, feeling that they must for decency's sake, if from
no higher consideration, give what is called a " public
feed " to Mr. Mackenzie, their rejected Candidate
at the late election, resolved on clubbing their half-
guineas together, for that purpose. But no sooner
had this determination been come to, than it occurred
to some of the more shrewd of the party that the
same consideration which prompted the dinner to
Mackenzie, demanded a similar demonstration of re-
spect in the case of Major Cumming Bruce. The
latter gentleman, it may be necessary to state, for the
information of those unacquainted with the fact, was
the Member for Forres, which is part of the Inverness
I district of burghs, in the last Parliament ; but fore-
seeing that his dismissal at the late election was just as
certain as that the day of that election would arrive,
he had the good sense to anticipate his fate by resign •
ing. Between the two gentlemen—their ex-Mem-
. ber, and their rejected Candidate—the Tories of Forres
were placed in an unpleasant dilemma. To " feed"
Mr. Mackenzie, while not a morsel was given to
Major Cumming Bruce, would have been to give mor-
tal offence to the latter gentleman. And yet the idea
of giving each a guzzle separately was altogether out
of the question. The pockets of the Conservative
Forresians rebelled against the bare idea. What, then,
was to he done ? " Kill two dogs with one stone ;
feed them both at once," was the happy answer to the
question. And, verily, the Tories of Forres, in the
true spirit of men of business, did dine their ex-re-
presentative and his woulA-be successor. There sat
the virtually dismissed, and: the absolutely rejected, an
edifying example of brothers in adversity. What a
subject would it have been for the graphic pencil of
H. 13., had lie been present! Mr. Mackenzie's con-
duct on the occasion was candid in the extreme. lie
showed by his expressive .silence how deeply he felt
mortified at the result of tile election. Major Cum-
ming, on the other hand, put the best face he
could on the matter ; taking, as his appropriate mo-
del, the school-boy in Blair's poem of " The
Grave," who, in passing ihrough the churchyard at
night, " whistled to keep his courage up," the gallant
Niajor endeavoured to disguise his -mortification at hav-
ing dwindled down from the status of Member for For-
res to an humble elector for /hat burgh, by aff:cting to
he very facetious. The Major's wit was always more
remarkable for its specific i:,4ravity than for any other
quality that could be rnLmed. Oo this occasion -it
seemed to be unusually heavy. • Having in the• first
instance sought to gull hislrearers—and for audit we
know he may have succeeded in the attempt—by a
piece of as pure invention -.au ever emanated from any
of die " creative" school, .3.ouching, a pretended in-
timation given by the Queen to Lord Melbourne, that
she wished to have the Duke of Wellington for her
Prime Minister—having done this, the ex-Member for
that district of burghs proceeded to be, fi s he thought,
very severe and witty at Lord Melbourne's expense,
by asking his audience to fancy in their own minds
what roust have been the to ngitude of his Lordship's
face when this intimation was given him. It is strange
that those who live in houses of glass are always most
partial to throwing stones. Major Cumming's own
visage is, without exception., the longest we have ever
seen. It is so at any time ; -what its lineal dimensions
may have been on this occasion we will not undertake
to say ; but for this fact we will vouch, that under no
conceivable circumstances, not even that of the Tories
being in Downing-street to.-morrow, could Lord Mel-
bourne's face be stretched 'au t to half the length of that
of the ex-Member for Fo,rp!s, when thus bidding a
formal farewell to all his h:gislative greatness. Major
Cumming, on this occas torn, delivered himself of a
speech, the length of whioh was in edifying keeping
with the longitude of his physiognomy. It fills three
columns of the county paper:—and to show the vast
importance which the orator' attached to it, we may
mention that he has reported, it himself. The Major,
true to his old habits as a speaker, made sad havoc
with his metaphors. Poor innocents ! Were they
vocal, in what bitter terms of7.reproach would they not
complain of the way in which). the ex-Legislator mas-
sacred them I Of course the Major's standard simile
of the " Sintoom, the fatal breath of the desert," was
not forgotten on the occasion; nor did he omit to lug
into his oration the never-failing allusion to " the
fumes of the Reform debauch." In short, we trace
in this harangue the materials— though hashed up anew
—out of which, in 1830 and 183,1, he manufactured
all his violent philippics agains t the Ministry of Earl
Grey. However, the Gallant Gentleman did his best
to give the Tories of Forres a ;speech in return for the
dinner they gave him ; and nu ire than a man's best
cannot reasonably be required of him.—Morning
Advertiser.

Because the present Government is a beaten and
helpless thing, but for the, Parliamentary support
which it derives from Ireland, it is not generally ad,
initted by the Ministerialists sib at the Irish population
is less worthy, in any respect,. than the British. But
there are some occasions on ev: hich the Ministerialists
are earnest enough in their depreciation of the Irish.
For instance, whenever it is .co nvenient to taunt the
Tories with their misgoverns ent of Ireland—with
what is called their " abuse of j )ower" during the long
time that their political ascee fancy was decisive over
all the empire—then the ignt trance, barbarism, and
so forth of the Irish populatiot t are readily admitted.
" It is so, indeed," say the PVI tnisterialists, " but the
more shame for you Tories, «vb .o have allowed it to be
so. Is this the wisdom of you: r government ? Is this
your attention to the welfare of the people, that, after
so many years of dfficial power„ and of unbounded in-
fluence in the Legislature, the Irish are in the be-
nighted and barbarous conditi or tin which we find them
at this day ?" This is a charg, e a .gainst the Conservative
party, from the examination .of which we shall not
shrink ; but, before we proceed: t to our task, we beg to call
the attention of our readers to. the inconsistency which
these taunts involve. If To ry Government have left
the Irish in this state of gross. barbarism it cannot be
true that their support of the - present Administration
is an " enlightened" support. It cannot be true that
it is a support which ought t 0 be considered of equal
moral force with the support vvl deli the English people
give to the opponents of th a present Administration.
If, on the other hand, the To ries have not left the Irish
in ignorance and barbarism, what is to be said for the
fairness or veracity of that pf trty which so often taunts
them with having done so ? Leaving these matters
to the Ministerial casuists to reconcile at their leisure,
we proceed to the charge age tinst the Tories of having
left the mass of the Irish peoi. tie in a state which makes
them unsafe depositories of po lctical privileges. .In the
first place, we admit that this is the case. Let the
hlame rest where it may, we /do believe, and we art:
prepared to•show the reason • of our belief, that the mass
of the people in Leinster, r 4u nster, and Connaught,
ought not to have the polit lea I privileges which are
awarded to men upon the presfun iption that they will use
them with intelligence and inte,,ur ity. It is a common thing
for those who support the Mix sisters to say that this
is insulting bigotry. They sa3 • that we have no right
to throw any such slur upon I people because they
hold religious opinions differer t from our own. We
answer, that we do not throw- this slur upon the Irish

people because their religion is different from ours, and
that religious bigotry has nothing to do with the
matter. Supposing an Irish Papist to be a candidate
for a Professorship of Geometry, and that we declare
such a person is utterly unfit for his post, is it to be
set down all at once that we think his religion unfits
him to expound the elements of Euclid ? Suppose
we have good reason to believe that he does not know
the difference between a triangle and a square, and
that if he did he dare not say so, except in so far as
he might be permitted by the directors of a certain
rival institution—would not that be a very fair
cause for declaring the unfitness of the candidate,
and one which might be acted upon without being
urged thereto 'by 'religious bigotry ? But, if our
argument or our illustration be declared insufficient,
we appeal to authority. Do not the Minis-
terialists say that the Tories have left the Irish
people in a state of ignorance and barbarism, and is
not that state a sufficient proof of unfitness for the
exercise of important political privileges ? We can-
not anticipate any other than affirmative answers to
these questions. But now comes the point : how are
the Tories to be excused for the bad state in which
Ireland is, notwithstanding the long period of their
Government ? Without asserting the fact that they
are wholly without blame in this matter—without
maintaining that in the day of their power they did all
which.they might have done for civilizing this still bar-
barous people—we can readily point out the tre-
mendous obstacle which stood in their way. It is
that very obstacle which it would seem to be the
business of the present Whig-Radical Government
to strengthen and to perpetuate. The most at-
tentive and powerful Governments in a free country,
such as ours, can do no more than propose and
carry into effect general laws with regard to public
matters. It has been said by a French writer
that " on ne corrige pas les moeurs ou le Gou-
vernement avec de beaux discours, mais avec de
bonnes lois." The man who made this observa-
tion was doubtless thinking of laws more prying in
character, and more rigorous in their execution,
than the liberty of our country will permit. The
further that the character of Government is re-
moved from that of a great police office, the more
difficult it is to correct the manners of the people
by public laws. In most Continental States the
Government is little else than the head police office of
the country, and takes upon itself an authority of in-
terference which makes it justly responsible almost fcr
the manners of the people. But it is not so with us
—,.ve can only affect leading principles of public regu-
lation, and leave it to the good sense and intelligence
of the people to erect upon this foundation a domestic
superstructure of wholesome and humanizing rules.
Ireland, however, it has always happened--we date
our retrospect from the commencement of the reign of
George the Third—that a power, which is in a great
degree analogous to that of an organized police, but
of an hundred-fold greater influence, has stood between
the mass, of the people and its Government. The
'lowish Priesthood never would suifer any kind o!
ho' to operate—any kind of instruction to reach the
people—except through them. The constant lan-
guage of that Priesthood was—" We are under a
heretic Government—we are in bondage—you are
ignorant people : trUst to us." Let no one sup-
pose that we make this statement in the un-
guarded exaggeration of political zeal. We know
the truth of what we say—the Romish Priesthood
have been for the last seventy years a practical
and most effective barrier between the people end
that influence of British Government upon them which
would otherwise, in all human probability, have ere
.this elevated them to a far better condition than that in
-which they now are. The relaxation of the penal laws
did not induce the Romish Clergy to depart from their
system of representing the laws of the country as de-
vices of the enemy. The giving of the elective fran-
chise to Roman Catholic freeholders did not furnish
this inducement. The making of Roman Catholics
eligible to sit in Parliament and enact laws for the
whole empire was still insufficient. The Roman Ca-
tholic Priests were resolved to be, and they were with
respect to the mass of the people, the Government.
The laws, or the influence of the laws, did not reach
the hearts or the understandings of the people, except
as the Roman Catholic Priests chose to represent them.
Now, at last, they admit that the Government of the
empire is to be respected, but that is because they are the
Government. By neither Tory nor Whig have
any means yet been devised of getting the Go-
vernment of ' the great mass of the Irish people
out of, the hands of the Romish Priests. The
Tories struggled against this Government, but,
whether they had the will or no, they had not
the power to struggle with it upon the hearths
and at the altars of the Irish people. These
hearths have been disturbed, these altars have been
profaned, by the incessant attention of the Irish Priest
to his paramount influence. He knew that, with due
attention on his part, these laws must, against his
power, be vain—

Quid leges, sins moribes
Vance proficiunt ?
He had enough of learning to know this question, and
the answer to it, and he maintained his power. The
Tories struggled against this, and in vain, so far as the
improvement of the Irish people was concerned. The
Whig-Radicals have succumbed to it, and, for the
base consideration of being maintained in office, are
opening the way to the erection of a similar system in
Great Britain. May we hope that the pitch of auda-
city at which the Romanists have arrived will at last
prove the desftuction of their political system ? May
we hope that, the full attention of the British people
being roused to the events now in process, some plan
may be devised which will save Great Britain and at
length really emancipate Ireland ?—Morning Post.
But a small portion of the public are, we believe,
aware of an abuse which has long existed, under the
apparent sanction of an authority which ought long
since to have inquired into and corrected it. We mean
the presentments made by what is called the term grand
jury, in Middlesex. Before this tribunal, which is em-
panelled every term in Westminster Hall, and charged
by one of the judges, all constables, headboroughs, and
other local peace-officers, are called upon to appear, and
to present all nuisances and annoyances, and, among
others, the names of all persons carrying on their trade
on Sundays. These presentments of the constables, if
we are rightly informed, are returned into the Crown-
office, from whence an intimation issues to the parties,
demanding a certain amount of fees, on payment of
which nothing more is heard of the matter. This, we
' have heard, is the general practice in such cases, and
that, unless the matter be a decidedly public concern,
or there is an ostensible prosecutor to carry it on, the
presentments of the constables are seldom, if ever, pro-
ceeded in. The constables, who, like their betters,
have frequently a species of vision which can discern
only small offenders, have generally made their present-
ments of Sunday traders a source of great partiality
and oppression—the small huckster being generally
singled out, while his richer neighbour might sin with
impunity. During the late year this fee-demanding
practice increased to such an extent that the parties
affected by it could no longer bear it—the cord has
been strained till it appears likely to snap—for the
Home-office having been applied to, it seems that the
authorities there took the opinion of the law officers of
the Crown upon the subject ; and we now learn from a
Ministerial Journal that " a communication has been
received from Lord J. Russell by the Secretary to the
Society for protecting Shopkeepers, in which it is stated
that the subject having been submitted to the law officers
of the Clown, their opinion is that selling in shops on
Sundays is not indictable at common law, and that the '
practice of constables and others compelling tradesmen
to pay a sum of money for entering appearances to
presentments for a nuisance is entirely illegal.' " In
this document it seems hardly fair to speak of the con-
stables as the persons " compelling tradesmen to pay
for entering appearances," the act being that of the
officers of the Crown-office, and of them alone. The
idolt, if any, has been with the successive judges of
the King's Bench, who have allowed juries to receive
and these presentments, and who have allowed
the Crown-office to exact these payments, without the
parties being ever brought to trial. It is said "a blot
is no blot till it is hit," and if the present judges coin-
cide in opinion with the present Law-officers of the
Crown, it is to be hoped they will at once relieve
constables and juries from this irksome duty, and

tradesmen from these illegal exactions. While, how-
ever, we say and urge this, we should regret to
see any relaxation in a religious observance of the
Sabbath result from this circumstance. Nor need such
be the case. If the observance of the Sabbath must
be enforced by penalties, which we very much doubt,
they may be recovered by a much more simple process
than by indictments, or by a conversion into Crown-
offiee fees. As far as Sunday trading is concerned,
the higher classes, by setting their faces against it, in-
stead of encouraging and compelling it, as they now
do, would effect much. If we are asked why a Scotch
Sabbath differs so widely from the observance of the
same day in this metropolis, we should say, because
it is in the former case adopted and acted upon as a
sacred duty, and not, as here, allowed too generally to
become subservient to profit, pleasure, and conve-
nience.—Morning Herald.

SECOND EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.
THE LONDON GAZETTE

THIS EVENING.

CAMBRIDGE-HOUSE, SEPT. 25.
The Duke of Cambridge has been pleased to appoint the Rev.
Philemon Pownoll Bastard, Rector of Hanworth, in the county 01
Middlesex, one of his Royal Highness's Domestic Chaplain.

OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, SEPT. 7.
Corps of Royal Sappers and Miners—Second Captain H. Sand.
ham, of the Corps of Royal Engineers, to be Adjutant, vice Jebb
promoted, August 1.

Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of the Tower Hamlets.
Queen's Own Regiment of Tower Hamlets Militia—The Hon.
E. H. Pery, commonly called Viscount Glentworth, to be Cap-
tain, vice Jackson, deceased, Aug. 21.
Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Somerset.
Ist Somerset Regiment of Militia—H. R. Norman, Gent. to be
Lieutenant, Aug. 25.

DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY.
JOHN HENRY NAINBY, dealer in tobacco, Blackfriars
road.
WILLIAM BROUGH, blacksmith, New Park-street, South,
wark.