The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON', TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 11, 1863.

Important Case under the Foreign Enlist-

ment Act.

BOW-STREET.-THIS DAY.

Mr. Alfred Styles, a gentlemanly young man, appeared
to answer to a summons wh.ch had been issued against him
on the representation of the Russian Government, charging
him with endeavouring to procure the enlistment of several
persons in England as soldiers to proceed to assist the
Poles, now fighting in opposition to the Government of

Russia.
Mr. Poland said he appeared at the instance of the Rus-
sian Government to charge the defendant with infringing
the 59th of George 111., c. 69, sec. 2, which made it a
misdemeanour punishable by fine or imprisonment at the
discretion of the magistrate for any person to
endeavour to reice soldiers to fight against a
foreign Power. The Russian Government had taken
the matter in hand, although it was usual for
the English Government to put the law in force on such
occasions, but the former Government had instructed him
to proceed against the defendant, because certain forms
would have to be gone through which would occasion delay.
Whether the English Government would eventually take
up the matter he could not say. The defendant was Lieu-
tenant Styles, late of the Garibaldian army, and on the 22d
of July last an advertisement appeared in one of the morn-
ing papers, stating that an engagement was open to several
young men to proceed abroad, and all applications were to
be made to L. Z., 36, Seething-lane, City, The advertise-
ment was seen by a young man named Gregory, who went
to the address and became acquainted with the whole pro-
ceeding, Lieutenant Styles had formerly been in the
Garibaldian army, and be had alto been in the Coldstream
Guards, and as he was a person who was well adapted to
carry into effect the project he had in view it was of im-
portance that he should be made to know that he was in.,
fringing the law in acting as he had done.
John Gregory said—l am a schoolmaster, residing at
15, Lambeth-square. On the 22d of July I was out of em-
ployment, and about that date I saw an advertisement in
the Telegraph. I wrote a letter (produced), and proceeded
with it to Nu. 36, Seething-lane, Great Tower-street, where
I left it. On the following Monday, the 27th, I received
the circular (produced) by post, and a descriptive roll for
volunteers. I went to the address mentioned in the circular,
10, Buckingham-street, Strand, taking with:rne.the circular
and the descriptive form. It was about half-past 10 in the
morning when I arrived. There were some names on the
door-posts, and the place looked like el:flees. Mr. Styles's
name was amongst those on the door. I knocked at Mr.
Styles's office door, when the defendant came out. I asked
him if he was Lieutenant Styles, to which he replied,
"Yes, I am." I informed him I bed called in answer
to the letter he had addressed to me, He replied, " Come
in," I then took the letter I had in the first instance
received out of my pocket, and placed it on the
table, and said I should like to know some particulars
about the affair. There were curtains up in the office, and,
having proceeded inside these curtains, we had a conversa-
tion. As near as I can recollect it was es follows :—Lieut
Styles said, "We are determined to go out as soon as we
can. We have now over 250 men, and we wish to get about
50 or 60 more. They will be commanded by first-rate
generals, who have seen active service in Italy," He men..
tioned the name of Col, Forbes and, I think, Gen. Madam,
or some such name, as being two of them. I asked him what
authority he had far raising the regiment, to which he re-
plied he had at last received a communication from a Polish
General in London, and that he was going at the end of the
week to see the Polish General in Paris. I asked
him why the Poles did not fight themselves.
Lie said they could not afford to fight better than
the English at present, as they were only trying to
harrass the Russians as much as they could whilst they
were collecting an army. I also asked him whether there
were any substantial men in England in connection with
him, to which be replied " Yes, there are." I think,
just at this time, two other young men came in, and he
went over portions of the conversation again. They did
not come inside the curtain, so I could not see whether they
had with them circulars. I heard one of the young men
say ho was a corporal in one of the Artillery Volunteer
Corps in London, and he would wish to take the Berne
rank in Lieutenant Styles's regiment. Lieutenant Styles
told him he could not promise that rank, although it would
be very likely he would obtain it, as a great many of those
who would join would be unacquainted with drill. The
corporal asked what the pay would be, and the answer was
the same as that in the Polish army. He further asked
what other conditions were attached to the service,
to which Lieut. Styles replied the National Government
would defray all expenses, as they had plenty of money.
Lieutenant Styles told them that during the time he was in
Italy he did very well, although he had two very great
drawbacks. Ono was, that he went there very late, and the
other, that he was a prisoner for eight months. The young
man asked how that was, and he said the vessel in which
he, with 800 more, was taken by the Government. He

next asked how he liked the imprisonment, to which he re-

plied, " Not at all; but it might have been worse." I then

asked—" Supposing the Polish insurrection was unsuccess-
ful, what would become of the Englishmen who might go
out." He said, "If it came to the worst, the British con-

sul would take care to send them home; but he thought the
gentlemen in England would take care that it would not
come to that. If they were successful they would have a
great deal of prize money beside pay, and also have
the advantage of seeing a great part of Europe."

Styles told the corporal he hoped he would join, because he
would be a great addition. He said the volunteers would sail
in about nine days or a fortnight, but he would know more

about it when he returned from Faris. He was asked where

ho vessel was to start from. Styles said he thought it

would be hardly.fair to tell that, as tho Russian AMbassador
might find it out, and he (Sty les) might be served as he had

been served before. The National Government of Poland,
he said would charter a vessel as soon as the regiment was

ready to start and defray all expenses. The volunteers

would b 2 drilled on board the ship. I don't recollect any-
thing further excepting the corporal asked for a few more

of the printed circulars, as he knew several young men in
his corps who had expressed a wish to join. He
gave him three or four, and told him to let him
know whether he would join and bring the others with

him. The two young men were complete strangers to me.
I filled up one of the blank forms produced, although I

had expressed some doubt about the affair. Lieutenant
Styles told me to call on him after he returned from Paris,

and he would state more to me; ho hoped I would make up
my mind to join. I afterwards assisted to put some of the
printed formsjinto envelopes, and he asked me to put them in
the Post-office. I should think I posted about SO of them.

I was cautioned not to show the letters. As soon as I got

home I communicated with the Russian ambassador.

Cross-eiamined by Mr. Lewis, who appeared for the
defendant—About two years ago I ceased to be a school-

master. I discharged myself.

There had been no coin-

plaint against me. Both the schools were in South \Vales.

I consider I have a right to describe myself as a clerk, as I
had about 12 months ago fulfilled that office. It was to a mau

named Cordner. He went away with my money. I have been
I have lived at Brixton. No one is at present in Court
kept by my friends for the last 12 months. During that time
who can confirm in any particular the conversation I had
with Lieutenant Styles. My interview with defendant
lasted about half an hour. I got an answer to every ques-
tion I put, but he seeemed to hesitate, as I thought. He
mane no secret as to the object of the advertisement.
Before I went to Lieutenant Styles 1 was aware of
what I was about to do. namely to write
to the Russian Ambassador. I ms.de up
my mind
to write the Russian authorities as soon I got the first cir-
cular, and I went to the defendant's place to learn as much
as I could about the scheme before I did so. Th.) advertise-
ments certainly did not give any information about assist-
ing the Poles; but when I received the circular I became
acquainted with the place. on Blonday the 27th I went to
Styles, and on the 29 th I received an answer to my communi-
cation from the Russian ambassador. I have not received
any reward for what I have done, neither have I received
any promise.

Re-examined—Mr. Talbot-, M.P., can speak to my re-
spectability. The reason I have not been engaged in active
employment for the last 12 months is because for the greater
portion of that time I have been a patient in the Consump-
tion Hospital.

Mr, iLewi.7—And yet you enter yourself on the descri
don. as of sound constitution. P"

Frederick Harvey, of 50, Queen's-street, Pimlico, said—
On the 2lth of July I saw the advertisement in the Te(l-
- I sent an answer, and directed it 36, ..Seething-laue
Great Tower-sheet. I enclosed tho recommendation (pro-
duced) relative to my character. Thc next day I received the
note (produced) with the enclosed descriptive roll on the
25th. I thought the matter over on the Sunday, and after
that I wrote to the Russian ambassador, and after that I

POLICE INTELLIGENCE—This Day.

I MARLBOROUGH-STREET.
COMMITTAL OF A SYSTEMATIC ROBBER OP LICENSED
VICTUALLERS.—John Dean, described as a shoemaker, of
Devonshire-street, Lisson-grove, was charged before Mr.
Tyrwhitt with the following robbery :
Wm. Boden, messenger at the Marlborough-street Police •
court, said that on the previous afternoon he was in Park-
street, Park-lane, when the prisoner, who was an old
" friend" of his (the witness was formerly a sergeant in the
D division), passed him. Knowing the prisoner's character,
and suspecting that he had some stolen property about
him, he followed him to Windham-place, Montague-square,
and then said to him, " Well, Jack, what have you got
about you?" at the same time telling him that he intended
to have him searched. lie then took the prisoner to the
police-station in John-street, Edgware-road, and a pewter
measure belonging to Mr. Brown, of the Blue Posts, Old
Bond-street, was found in each of his coat pockets, another
in his trowsers' pocket, and a fourth in his hat.
In answer to Mr. Tyrwhitt, Boden said the whole of the
measures belonged to Mr. Brown, and that the prisoner
had been convicted several times for pot-stealing, the last
time receiving twelve months' imprisonment in April, 1862.
Mr. Tyrwhitt committed the prisoner fur trial,

THE IiIEXICAN QUESTION.

The following circular letter, addressed by the
Secretary of State to the several American Lega-
tions abroad, acquires new interest from events now
transpiring :

" Washington, March 3, 1862.
"Sir —We observe indications of a growing im ,
pression in Europe that the demonstration made
by the Spanish, French, and British forces against
Mexico is likely to provoke a revo:ution in that
country which shall bring about the introduction•
of a Monarchical Government, and the assumption
of the crown by a foreign Prince. Our country is
deeply interested in the peace of the world, and
desires to preserve loyal relations as well with the
Allies as with Mexico. The President has, there-
fore, directed me to submit to the parties interested
his views on the new aspect of affairs.
" The President has relied upon the assurance
given his Government by the Allies that they were
in pursuit of no political object, but simply the
redress of their grievances. He entertains no doubt
of the sincerity of the Allies; and if his confidence
in their good faith had been disturbed, it would be
restored by the frank explanations given by them
that the Governments of Spain, France, and Great
Britain have no intention of interfering to procure
a change in the constitutional form of government
row existing in Mexico, or any political change
which should be in opposition to the will of the
Mexican people. In short, he has cause to believe
that the Allies ere unanimous in declaring that re-
volution proposed to Mexico is solely prompted by
certain Mexican citizens who are now in Franco.
" Nevertheless, the President regards it as his
duty to express to the Allies, in all kindness and
candour, that a monarchical government established
in Mexico, in the presence of foreign fleets and
armies, occupying the waters and the soil of

Mexico, has no promise of security or permanence;
in the second place, that the instability of such a
monarchy would be enhanced if the throne were
assigned to a person alien to Mexico; that

in these circumstances the new Govern-
ment would instantly fall unless sustained
by European alliances, which, under the
influence of the first invasion, would be practically
the beginning of a permanent policy of armed in-

tervention by monarchical Europe, at once inju-
rious and inimicak to the system of government ge-
nerally adopted by the American continent.

" These views are based upon some knowledge of
the opinions and political habits of American so-
ciety. There can be no doubt that in this matter

the permanent interests and the sympathies of our
country wculd be on the bide of the other American
republics.

" We mast not be understood as predicting on this
occasion the course of events which may ensue, both
in America and in Europe, from the steps which
are contemplated. It is enough to say that in the
opinion of the President the emancipation of the
American continent from the control of Europe has
been the principal characteristic of the past half
century. It is not probable that a revolutionin the
opposite direction can succeed in the age which im-
mediately follows this period, and while the popu-
lation of America increases so rapidly, while its re-
sources develop° in the same proportion, and while
society forms itself uniformly according to the prin-
ciples of the American Democratic Government.
"It is unnecessary to indicate to the allies how
improbable it is that the nations of Europe would
accept cheerfully a policy favourable to a similar
counter-revolution, thus incompatible with their
own proper interests. Nor is it necessary to point
out that, notwithstanding the care of the Allies to
avoid aiding, by means of their land and maritime
forces, the internal revolutions of Mexico, the result
would be none the less due to the presence of their
forces in the country, however different the object
they may have proposed ; for without their presence

it may be considered as certain that such revolutions
would probably not have been attempted or even
conceived.

"The Senate of the United States has certainly
not accorded its official sanction to the precise
measures proposed by the President, to lend our
aid to the actual Mexican Government, in order that
the latter might, with the approbation of the Allies,
extricate itself from its present embarrassments; but
this is strictly a question of internal administration.
There could be no greater error than to see in this
disagreement a divergence of opinion in our Go-
vernment, or in the American people, in regard to
their cordial wishes for the safety, welfare, and
stability of the Republican Government in that
country,--I am your obedient servant,

" W. H. ►SEWARD."

(Fromths New York, World.)

Row the establishment of the Mexican Empire will affect
the future politics of this continent, and especially what
will be its immediate bearing on our national struggle, are
topics of speculation which have a far deeper than specula-
tive interest. Like all great and pregnant events, it needs
to be surveyed on several sides to take in its full import-
ance ; but just now its relation to the Southern rebellion is
the aspect which most nearly concerns us, Our complete
recovery of the Mississippi river by the capture of Vicks-
burg, which is the most important step thus far made in the
war, seemed, for the moment, to clip the wings of Southern
ambition, and to render it certain that even though the
South should ultimately gain its independence, it would be
a small Power, with a great, growing, and overshadowing
Power for its neighbour and natural antagonist, and with-
out any materials on this continent for constructing a ba-
lance like that which gives security to the weaker Powers
of Europe. Had the South been able to hold the Mississippi
she would, in the event of her independence, control the best
routes for the Pacific Railroad, and might aspire to domi-
nion over all our possessions on the Pacific Coast. In that
case the South would become a great, haughty, arrogant
Power, with whom we should probably never have ten
years of consecutive peace. But when we had wrested the
Mississippi from her grasp, we apparently took a guarantee
that, even if we failed to restore the Union, our preponde-
rance on this continent would continuo so great that the
South would have every interest to cultivate with us pacific
relations.

This satisfactory view is very essentially modified by the
proceeding which has made Mexico an appanage of the
French Empire. Nominally, France will merely exercise a
protectorate and Mexico will govern itself ; but nobody will
be deceived by so transparent a mask. The Mexican Empire
is '

set up by a French army ; French bayonets alone can
give it stability; whoever may be the monarch, he will be
the creature of Louis Napoleon. The crafty French po-
tentate will, of course, give the new Government a drapery
of Mexican nationality, just as, ten years ago, he attempted
to reconcile Republican France to despotism by the sham of
universal suffrage. But, he will ho as absolutely the ruler
of Mexico as he is of France itself. Mexico, under this
regime, instead of being as heretofore a weak Fewer, for-
midable to no other, will be one of the strongest on this
continent. French enterprise and a steady Government
will develope her magnificent natural resources ; Rhile poli-
tically Mexico will be France. French diplomacy will con-
trol het external relations; French arms will back up all
her national quarrels. This French-Mexican Empire will
be the natural ally of the Southern Confederacy for various
reasons. In the first place, France assumes an attitude of
contempt and hostility toward the United States in the very
act of planting s monarchy on this continent. It is the very
case originally in the contemplation of the Monroe declara-
tion, which grew out of apprehensions that the so-called
Holy Alliance intended to subvert the recently formed
Spanish-American Republics, and force the monarchical
system on this continent. This declaration has been once
and again repeated in Presidential messages since Mr.
Monroe's time, and the prominence which has been accorded
to it in political discussions makes it as well known as part
of the policy of the United States as anything connected with
our history. Napoleon is not ignorant of a matter of such no-
toriety; he understands perfectly well that if the United
States were the nation they were three years ago they would
compel him to undo his recent work. Another circumstance
which will make him the natural ally of the South is that
the contraction of the Confederate boundaries, made ne'
cess3ry by the fall of Vicksburg, must relieve him from
any apprehensions of Southern interference. and make it
his policy to erect, on this continent, a strong counterpoise
to the United States. It the North and the South.€onled
would
to him t
likely to become two equally great natione,:
be his policy to pley them off against each other,.n toa
ar p bea
dte.
male-weight against them. But, with not h ;beg
othcr, he ,
hend from one, and much to apprehend
will not hesitate to determine in favour forr an alliance with

the weaker.
Such an alliance probably does not yet exist in form
but that it already exists in substance, or that there is an
understanding between the Emperor and the r,ebel envoy
Slidell, there is good reason to believe. An unuerstandints
of this sort, whether in fact or in rrospect, bodes no good to
us. The danger was never so great as now that NVC must
encounter other arms than those of the South before
this
contest is closed. If France were the only nation of Europe,
or if the objects pursued by Napoleon on this continent did
not conflict with the interests or stir the entry of Other
European States, the prospect might be more appalling than
we can now regard it. Tills new development of French
ambiliO4 is c4W.IIAO ti viZru ail Lurope,
sy mp-

torn that France is aiming to rival England in the prestige
and influence of foreign dependencies. France cannot hope
to recover her old colonial possessions in North America,
which extended in a continuous belt from the mouth of the
St. La..vience to the mouth of the Mississippi ; but she may
attempt what, if successful,would add nearly as much to her
weight and consideration. She will naturally aim to extend
her dominion in Mexico southwards, until it covers Central
America and the Isthmus, one of the fairest regions of the
globe, and embracing cne of the finest natural seats of com-
merce. A canal across the Isthmus is not too difficult for
the resources of modern engineering ; and if France held
such a gateway, she could lay under tribute the commerce
of Asia and Europe, as well as that of the American States
on the North and South Pacific. Russia would not gain so
much by the posse•sion of the Bosphorus as would France
by acquiring the Isthmus. There is no State in Europe
whose independence might not be endangered by so great
an accession to the power of a monarchy which,without the
vast territorial expansion of Russia or Britain, already over-
bps either of them in influence. If Louis Napoleon pro.
ceeds in the career of territorial ambition on which he has
now entered, the jealousies of other European States ought
to give us allies in the war which now seems all but
inevitable.