The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 2, 1863

subject, therefore, it appears that all the landmarks of party
were delusive. Here were all the Whigs and a goodly num-
ber of the Tories united in a common object. The contro-
versy at length raged so fiercely that the more formal bonds
of party were burst asinder, the nation was agitated to its
centre, and, Lord Grey alone dissenting, the Whigs amal-
gamated with those of the Tories who had all along been
favourable to Emancipation, and who had the sense to
perceive that the domestic legislation with which successive
Tory Governments hal been identified was essentially due
to the Whigs. The condition of Tories and Whigs uncle/
Canning marks an epoch in the Parliamentary history of
the country. It was not the first great coalition to which
Lord Lansdowne belonged ; neither was it the last.
The history of this coalition, as far as Canning was con-
cerned, is painful from the party jealousies which appear in
all the negotiations wish his late colleagues. It is sufficient
to say that when about the middle of February, 1827, Lord
Liverpool was struck with apoplexy, the King sent for Can-
ning as the most eminent statesman in office. Now, al-
though in the Cabinet of Lord Liverpool Catholic Relief was
an open question, still Wellington, Peel, and some others of
Canning's colleagues in that Administration, refusedto join
a Ministry in which the question might still be left open,
but the head of which was committed in favour of Emanci-
pation. Deserted by his Tory friends, Canning threw him-
self into the arms of the Whigs, with Lord Lansdowne at
their head. Lord Brougham takes the credit of having ef-
fected this alliance, an alliance whichestablished a Govern-
ment that seemed the strongest the country had seer since
the Administration of " All the Talents." If Erougham
was the mediator in this alliance, it is to Lord Lansdowne's
influence that we must attribute the hearty support of the
Whigs. Lord Grey was the most experienced of the Whig
statesmen, and he might be regarded as the foremost
champion of Catholic Relief; but he alone of his party held
aloof from the coalition, and the real leader of the Oppo-
sition stood out to view when almost to a man the Whigs
forsook Lord Grey to follow Lord Lansdowne in supporting
Mr. Canning. It is exceedingly characteristic of Lord
Lansdowne, and gives some idea of his courteous bearing,
his social disposition, and his moderate politics, that he
should take so active a part in the formation of three peat
coalitions which are the most Striking events in the history
of Cabinets during the present century. In the first
coalition he joined himself with Tories of the Sidmouth
and Ellenborough stamp; it was an alliance, the
practical effect of which was to absorb Whiggism in a pro-
secution of the war, however unwilling, and to secure the
ascendancy of Toryism. In the second coalition he joined
himself with Tories of the Canning and Lyndhurst and
Palmerston order, the effect of which was to disintegrate
existing parties, to pave the way for the advent of the more
liberal Conservatives into the Whig ranks, to absorb Tory ,
ism in the consideration of domestic abuses, and ultimately
to secure for an indefinite period the ascendancy of Whig
principles. In the third coalition he united his party with
the remnant of the Tories who had separated themselves
from Canning. Those Conservatives who on the Tory
schism of 1827 declined the leadership of Canning accepted
his friends and disciples.
nianafee,Peneolt;
iaunddee,
dews
itLhorrdeekanfsedrohwenwe
was
ahneno
formedmore,
h el
rve e,an
leadershipbhua tv witheas aid that before the Coalition Ministry of 1806
was formed, Fox, in attending the funeral of Nelson, was
arrested by ickness, which in a few months proved to be
mortal, and, killing him, destroyed the Cabinet. In like
manner, before the coalition of 1827 was formed, Canning,
in attending the funeral of the Duke of York, caught a
severe cold, from which he never quite recovered, which,
combined with harassing duties, hurried him to the grave,
when he had been but a few months in office, and which,
fatal to him, was also fatal to his Cabinet. Lord Goderich
tried to fill his place at the head of the Ministry but failed.
The Government carried no important measure, not even
that of Catholic Relief. Its grand result, as we have inti-
mated, was that it prepared the way for the reconstruction
of parties. Next year saw the extreme Tories again in
power, but saw them also, to the astonishment of the na-
tion, not only consenting to the repeal of the Test and Cor-
poration Act, but introducing a bill for the relief of the Ca-
tholics. The Whigs had triumphed again. In the reform of
onr criminal code and in the regulation of the currency it
was their principles that had triumphed in the hands of
Tory Ministers. In the emancipation of the Catholics and
Relief of Dissenters their principles had again been passed
into law, and they also narrowly missed the honour of pass
ing these measures in a Ministerial capacity. In the next
great reform they were to attain a still greater success; they
were to drive the Tories from power, and, in spite of oppo-
sition, to see their own policy carried out by themselves.
Parliamentary Reform was the watchword ; the Bill, the
whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill." The Tories were
oblige to succumb. Reform they rejected absolutely, and
without reform they could not retain their places. They
became restless in their batting. The Duke was bowled out,
Peel was caught out, and the Whigs took their innings.
They entered office with Lord Grey at their head, and it
seemed as if their rule would be eternal. The Whig eternity
consisted of ten years, and even that short space was inter-
rupted by threatened and by actual loss of power. Yet in
this term, during which Lord Lansdowne occupied the posi-
tion of President of the Council, many important measures
were passed, and services were rendered, some of which,
long years tafterwards, were regarded almost as 'works of
supererogation that in the individuals who took part in them
atoned for every error and outbalanced every deficiency,
Parliament was reformed, Slavery was abolished, tithes were
commuted, the Poor Law was passed, education made way.
Unfortunately, the Whigs, spite of principle, proved to be
more aristocratic than the Tories themselves. Their nepo-
tism soon began to be felt, the middle classes were alien-
ated,the lower classes were disgusted ; worst:of all they had
not an idea en finance " Great would be the joy of the
Three per Cents, if Spring Rice would go into Holy
Orders," wrote Sydney Smith. The great financier of
1806 was leading the House of Lords. right glad to escape
from the mysteries of political arithmetic. While the Ex-
chequer was thus getting into a mess, the greatest financier
since Pitt—a Tory toboot—was bidding for power, issuing
Tamworth manifestoes, in which he wondrously proved
himself all things to all men—a Conservative to the Con-
servatives, and a Liberal to the Liberals. He came into
power on the great principles of Cocker.
During the greater part of this period, and for the next 10
years, Lord Lansdowne, as he was the acknowledged head
of the party, was naturally its leader in the Upper House.
There never was a leader who commanded more respect,
and who while effectually serving his party more fully ob-
tained the confidence of his opponents. It was not simply
that his bearing was dignified, that his manner was courte-
ous, that his tact was consummate. In the House of Lords
a leader must not merely have those qualities which insure
success in the House of Commons; he must not only be
of inaction. In tho Upper House it is possible at any masterly in attack, he must also be masterly in the midst
mo-
ment to force a march and to steal a victory, and this ad-
vantage a leader must frequently be content to forego, so
that the contest is without surprises and the vote is a fair
trial of strength. It is obvious that in these circumstances
forbearance is required in a leader; he is trammelled by the
very superabundance of power, and he must adjourn a
debate or postpone a motion in order to suit the convenience
of his adversary. It is one of those tyrannies which the
weak exert over the strong, and to which the strong must
submit with the best possible grace. Lord Lansdowne per-
formed his part with a gentleness that won the perfect con-
fidence of his political foes, and lost nothing for his political
friends. For five years—namely, during Sir Robert Peel's
lease of power from 1841 to 1846--he was in opposition;
for six years afterwards—namely, during the Ministry of
Lord John Russell—he was in the Government; but,
whether in power or in opposition, during the 20 years that
elapsed from the passing of Reform to the advent of Lord
Derby's Administration in 1852, ho was the good genius of
the House of Peers.
offitltheinoulgBh L
52,hoerd Lansdowne
atthesareethuforemdaleely bade
laredthfaatrewel
it
would
touid
be his duty as well his pleasure to take part in important
discussions, and to express his opinion unbiassed by official
relations. He knew not how soon he was to be called upon
to fulfil his promise. The Duke of Wellington died in the
same year—the venerable hero who knew all parties, who
had studied all public questions, who had tried the
strength of every nation inlEurope, and who, in every:emer-
gency, was always at the side of the Queen to give her
the benefit of that old experience which in him was sup-
posed to have attained to something of prophetic strain.
After Wellington the most distinguished Peer was the
Marquis of Lansdowne,—from a boy noted for the solidity
of his judgment; as a man, remarkable for his clear head,
his kindly nature, and the perfect consistency with which
be pursuedthe calm tenour of his way, now raised by expe-
rience prejudice and by years above the strife of
ie s above; and
him the Queen looked for ad vice in the
part the
emergencies of State. It is with this view that when, early
in 1853, Lord Derby tendered the resignation of himself and
his colleagues to her Majesty, the Queen applied to Lord
Lansdowne for direction, and it was through his great in-
fluence that the Whigs formed that celebrated coalition with
the followeat of Sir Robert Peel under Lord Aberdeen. He
not only advised this alliance, he consented to take part in
a seat in the Cabinet, though without office.
it by acceping
When this coalition was dissolved ho still retained his seat
under Lord ?almerston'&Ministry until March, 1858. The
position which he thus occupied was by no means a sine-
cure. Although he did not feel himself equal to the cares
of
ehaealrwesa;yhs
eacgceapvteedhtishemroesstpoenarsiebfuillityatotefnthtieouto. anoffice,
Go-
vernment tsu
all that cane before the Cabinet, and nothing important
was even determined without his sanction.

A statesman utterly unselfish, a nobleman per-
fectlyrou g h i
ygwe Licua.lebe a 1 aa
II
eme
da nm
ionfd
—largeh swyams p
La tohr ide s
I,
aannsdd 0
wt hn ee
to the last. The head of a great party, he was not a party
man—for there was no conceit in him. He never put him-
self forwarl. Almost alt the great incidents of his political
life are instances of self-denial. He refused a dukedom.
Had he be a pushing man, he might more than once have
been Prime Minister, and on' one occason he had the chance
of leading the House of Commons. He was not without
ambition, 'gut his ambition was completely under the con-
trol of his iudgment. He always said and did the right
thing irrespective of himself. And this unselfishness
which in public life manifested itself as perfect modera-
tion, shoved itself in private as genuine kindliness
of nature. The fine old man was beloved by all who
knew him. He was always ready with a helping hand for
those who needed it, with a kind and a warm remem