The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-04 00:00:00

tion. One way or another, there must somewhere

be enormous—we will use no stronger phrase than
—misrepresentation. Mr. ROEBUCK and Mr.
LINDSAY, with the recollection of their very recent
visit to the Emperor NAPOLEON in his palace at
Fontainebleau, both relate identically the same
story—both report his Majesty to have said so-and-
so, the very words uttered by the Emperor
have been reported (zpsissima verbs) in the
British House of Commons—those words having re-
ference to his Majesty's diplomatic communications
in respect to the American war and the recognition
of the Confederates ! The EMPEROR'S diplomatic
communications upon that head, that is to say, direct,
now indirect, with her Britannic MAJESTY'S Govern-
ment. Lord COWLEY has not yet had an opportu-
nity of coinciding with the opinions, or rather, it
should be said, with the recollections, of any one
among the high disputants. Neither, for that
matter, has the imperial foreign Minister of France,
IVE. DROUYN DE L'HUYS. But saving and except-
ing those two responsible personages, the
EMPEROR'S foreign Minister and the QUEEN'S am-
bassador at the Court of the Tuileries—every
individual almost in any way interested in the
question at issue, has already now pronounced
himself either by word of mouth, or W. writing, for
one or the other of the two diametrically contra-
dictory statements put forth. Nothing,
it cannot
but be already remarked, could by possibility be
more positive, or more distinct, than the de-
clarations made by word of mouth the other evening
by Mr. ROEBUCK—in writing only this very morn-
ing by Mr. LINDSAY. Here are two most honour-
able gentlemen who vouch for the perfect accuracy
of their very recent recollections as to what occur-
red the other day at Fontainebleau. Mr.LINDSAY'S
objections to anything in the way of comment, or
we presume he means, by comment, contradiction—
as yet—are resolvable obviously enough to one,
viz., that they are premature. He asks that all
comment, meaning of course, we repeat, contradic-
tion, shall be reserved yet awhile. " The debate,"
ho reminds the general public, " is yet pending,
and comments can only prejudge. In the mean-
tune," he adds quite distinctly, " I think it due to
Mr. ROEBUCK to say that what he has stated is true,
and shall be coz!firmed by me in Parliament, with
time, place, and circumstance, when the debate
is resumed." Observing, with not unreasonable
vexation—" I have to regret that it [the debate]
is postponed for a time even so long as the 13th
instant." Opposed to these blunt words—preceded
by words if possible yet more plain and blunt in
their way, that is the equally positive and explicit
words conveying the original statement to the
knowledge of the House of Commons from the
lips of Mr. ROEBUCK—opposed to all these delibe-
rate declarations, uttered by the member for Shef-
field, written by the member for Sunderland, we
have, as yet nothing more than the rather confused
and hesitating, and upon one or two points
slightly' s evesive, denials of the Under-Secretary of
Sate for Foreign Affairs the hon. member for South-
wark.
Those denials, however, it is but right to re-
mark at once, however vnguei hey may e
understood
be,and how-
ever uncertain in several partculars, are
to be backed-op by the coincident contradiction, so to
speak, of the noble earl the Secretary of State, Mr.
LAYARD'S chief, and of Baron GROS himself, the
French EMPEROR'S Ambassador at the Court of St.
James's. The " facts" vary EO much in colour and
in hue at every turn, that the quarrel " as it stands"
reminds one simply of the old fabulist's dispute
about the Chameleon. As in that instance, actual
elf elltO,StAticeg May prove to be totally different frOal
any inference we have formed of them hitherto,

All we can do, now, is to wait as patiently as may
be, and to watch vigilantly every fresh fluctuation
in the statements put forth by the various dis-

putants.

The associations of this day are not without their
lesson. They preach to us of the unstable nature
of the most flourishing fortunes, the uncertain ends
of the loftiest and most patriotic ambition. The
" Glorious Fourth" has been for years a day of
high festival in New York. Memories of the early
struggle of their countrymen for freedom, and of
the disinterested patriot who was their leader,
mingled with pride in the greatness of their pre-
sent position, and the unexampled rapidity of their
national progress. What will be the common feel-
ing to-day ? A sense of mortification, of failure,
must press upon the most credulous and self-satisfied
—a dark foreboding of the future must shadow the
spirits of the most confident Northerner. Two
years of desperate and merciless war, two years of
lavish expenditure of life and money, have left the
struggle undecided, the sovereignty of the North
unrecognised, the independence of the South yet
unaccomplished. The fair and fertile Southern
States have been trodden under the foot of invading
armies, none the less ruthless and terrible that
they were of kindred blood. Their ports are
blockaded, their commerce suspended, their homes
made desolate. The North has poured forth vast
armies to see them perish miserably from
incompetent generalship. She has incurred
responsibilities that will weigh upon her for years
to come ; she has sacrificed in her eagerness for con-
quest all those civil and individual rights which
were the boast of her citizens, and the result of her
efforts, her self-confidence, and her sacrifices is, that
repulsed in every assault by her foe, she now waits
to hear that the very city which bears the name of

her great PRESIDENT has passed out of her hands

Even while m e write the blow may have been
struck, and General LEE may hold Washington.
Truly, it is a grievous change of days. Could the
good and great " CINCINNATI'S of the West" look
up from his neglected grave he would, indeed, be
amazed at the work of the years he has been absent
from the Presidency and the Council Chamber.
The rise and progress of the United States was the
most rapid and remarkable in history. A protracted
war at the outset of their career on a question of
national right called forth a'l those noble feelings
of courage, self-reliance, and independence so

inherent in the Anglo-Saxon race. Their triumph
in that contest with one of the first European
Powers gave them, perhaps, too much confidente in
their own resources. They forgot that thb war
was but half-hearted on the part of their great

antagonist; that the foremost of her statesmen de-
nounced it in Parliament, that the body of the people
were at most indifferent, and that the soldiers were
reluctant to fight their own brethren on a question
of finance. Since that day, however, the Americans
have pleased themselves with the thought that they
were fully oar equal, and the national self-com-
placeucy has been fostered by the marvellous de-
velopment of their country. Their vessels have
crowded the seas, their wares are in every mart,
their cities are streets of palaces, their literature,
though young, is no insignificant rival to the pride
of older States; their science, their ingenuity,
their skill in handicraft, have been worthy of their
race ; the foremost branch of English manufactures
has rested solely on their supply. The ostensible
principles of their government have been freedom,
independence, and toleration. Every noble thought,
every lofty aspiration, every struggle of the op-
pressed nations of the Old World against their
oppressors has been greeted across the Atlantic
with words of sympathy and encouragement. The
position of the United States of America was
one which might well intoxicate with its bril-
liancy and success a humbler and less daring people.
England herself has looked on approvingly in spite
of the frequent disrespect and ungraciousness of
her wayward child. She has passed over affront
and neglect with the feeling that—
" Rome may bear the pride of one
Of whom herself is proud."
The change that has come over the scene, the
darkened prospects, the bitter memories which this
unhappy dispute have given to the young and hope-
ful people are things that England laments and
grieves over. She has gone through civil wars at
earlier stages of her history, and she knows their
bitter peril. But a struggle contested like the pre-
sent, in which every element that can inflame the
passions and irritate the minds of men has been
purposely introduced, the wanton destruction of
property, the ruthless bloodshed, the insults to the
helpless—can hardly pass away and leave peace
behind it. The memories of New Orleans will
stand in the breach between the wasted lands
round Vicksburg and forbid the oblivion of the
past. The total absence of all chivalrous spirit on
the part of the North has been very remarkable
all through the war, and it bears its
warning with it. A rock of veneration,
an entire deficiency of the humility and reverence
with which the young should regard the old, has
always been a boast of the Northern States, and
we see the results of their too material train of
thought in some of the darkest
passages of the
as is the present state of things,
Near. But gloomy
the ordering of events rests in the hands of one
who can bring good out of evil. The struggle,
if it teach the North the lessons of moderation and
humility, if it lead the South to forsake the evils
of slavery—"will ill bear its blessing along with it.
Yea
and go before the
maycome
when the great
people of the United States will
again join in the
celebration of the anniversary of
their national independence, though no longer as
one nation. Meanwhile let the North remember
that the South are but endeavouring to do what
they did themselves, and it ill becomes the descen-
dants of WASHINGTON to imitate the statesmanship
of GEORGE 111.

Lord SHAFTESBURY has been at
some pains to
correct the mistakes that were made in the state-
ment of one of the speakers at the meeting of the
governors of Bethlehem Hospital. It was then said
by Mr. HAMILTON that some years ago two of the
commissioners in lunacy proceeded to Lincoln for
the purpose of visiting the asylum and deciding on
the state of its management, but that they did not
get further than their inn, where some One waited
upon them, and gave them " a garbled, unfair, and
untrue account" of affairs ; also that this person was
‘• under a cloud" at the time with regard to his
honesty. The commissioners, however, acted on his
representations ; and when their report reached
Lincoln the delinquent officer was expiating in
the gaol the misdeeds of which he had been guilty.
Lord SHAFTESBURY, as chairman of the Commis.
sioners in Lunacy, gives quite a different account of
the proceedings, and feels justly hurt at the sweep-
ing condemnation which Mr. HAMILTON has made,
he having declared." that he for one received any
communication from the Commissioners in Lunacy
with a grain of salt." Even had this case been
exactly similar in its details to what was alleged,
it would have_ been most unfair in consequence of
one error in judgment, or laxii y in duty, to pro-
nounce such a verdict against all the commissioners,
because two of their body had failed in one instance.