The Sun.
London, England, 1863-06-30 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF COMMONS.---This Day.
The SPEAKER took the chair at twe ty minutes pas
twelve o'clock.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The North-Eastern and Stockton and Darlington Rail-
way Companies Amalgamation Bill was consichred with
retert nce to certain amendtn mts, and was ordered for third

reading.
The Dulas Valley Mineral Railway Bill, the Okehamp-
ton and Lidford Junction Railway Bill, and the Watford
and Rickmansworth Railway Bill were considered and or-
dered for third te•ding.
The Putney and Fulham New Bridge and Pier Bill was
read a second time.
FISHERIES (IRELAND) BILL.
The house then went into committee on this bill.
Clause 6 was agreed to with amendments.
On clause 7, Mr. BU t'T moved au amendment to the
effect that tin certificate of the commissioner 3 should be
final as to the res,ective rights of parties, with right of
appeal within a limited time.
The committee divided, when there appeared—
For the amendment 4
Against it
Majority
Mr. M'MAHON then moved an addition to the clause
giving power to seize and forfeit nets, and making a contra-
vention of the law punishable by a fine of not, less than £5
or more than £2O.
The committee divided, when there appeared—
For the amendment 3B
Against it
Majority —l
The amendment was, therefore, introjuced into the
clause.

[LEFT SITTING.]

PRICE OF GOLD IN NEW YORK.

The commercial letters from New York yesterday
mention that the first effect of the invasion was to
send the premium o❑ gold up to 50 per cent. In
the absence of further definite news there was then
a reaction to 471, and just before the departure of
the steamer a telegram that the Confederates had
not yet advanced on their march from Chambers-
burg to Harrisburg further than within 25 miles of
Carlisle, and that their force in that quarter con-
Misted only of 3,50' men, caused a fresh decline to
451 to 46. Nevertheless, it was apprehended by
some of the experienced merchants that this tele-
gram was one of the usual packet telegrams, and
that after the making up of the European mail bad
intelligence might be received. The Northern
journals endeavoured for the most part to assure
the public that the invasion was, merely a raid for
retaliation and plunder, that there was no posi
bility of the Confederates holding any part of Mary-
land or Pennsylvania, and that General Lee must
be driven back or captured in a very few days.
Some persons, however, were disposed to believe
that Generrl Lee would not have moved his main
army for such a purpose, and that he intended
aim at the capture eit her of Baltimore or Pittsburg—
most probably the latter, in order to seize the large
iron works where most of the hervy cannon of the
Federals :are made, and whence he could subse-
entiy mare' to join General Bragg, and to get
mand of the South-west. With regard to Vicksburg,
the report had gained strength that General John-
stone had been reinforced, and that General Grant
was in danger of being compelled to raise the siege.

RECOGNITION OF THE SOUTH,

(From the Morning Post.)

The recent movements of the Confederates will,
however, banish for a time from the consideration
of both the Government and of the people such
commonplace matters as arbitrary and unconsti•
tutional acts on the part of the authorities. At
this aide of the Atlantic they will also tend to direet
men's minds into a channel from which European
disturbances have for a time diverted them. All
attempts at mediating between the belligerents
have failed, but their failure has not necessarily sa-
tisfied neutral Powers of the expediency of remain-
ing perfectly passive so long as the Federal Go-
vernment are mad enough to protract a hopeless
struggle. The question of recognising a State
which has now for upwards of two years main-
tained its independence despite the herculean
efforts made to crush it, constantly recurs, and
will on this evening he discussed in the British
House of Commons. Mr. Roebuck proposes to sub-
mit to Parliament the expediency of recognis-
ing the independence of the Southern Cot.-
tfderacy ; and he will be in no want of argu-

ments to support his proposal. The present
invasion of the Northern States by the Confederate
forces carries with it conclusive proof of the strength
and vigour of the Confederacy, and affords a con
vincing reply to those who would contend that it

has not yet given evidence of being able to maintain
its independence. Oa the other hand we may ex-
pect to hear the oft-repeated argument that the time
has not yet come when the recognition to which a
just claim has been long since established should be

accorded. If this argument, however, means any-
thing, it means that the Southern Confederacy'
should not be recognised until the Federal Govern-
ment have agreed to conclude a peace; or, in other
words, that neutrals should not anticipate the ad-

versaries of the infant State in admitting it into the
family of nations. It is, needless, however to say
that such a principle is not sanctioned by interna-
tional law, and that the real issue left for the deci-
sion of neutral States is simply the ability or in-
ability of the new State to maintain its indepen-
dence.

If the claims of the Southern Confederacy hal

been estimated by this test, it would have been long
biiic9 diplomatically represented at the Courts of
Europe. But the fact is, that from an extraor-
dinary desire not to give umbrage to the Fede-
ral Government, and in order to avoid embitter-
ing;or possibly prolonging the conflict, neutral
States have hesitated to accord to the Southern
Confederacy that recognition which, nevertheless, it
is well known it must ultimately receive. However
sound the policy may have been which dictated this
course in the early period of the war, we think the
time has long passed when it could be wisely pur-
sued. Until tte close of last autumn the quzstion
was certainly an open oue whether the seceded
States could succeed in establishing the Govern-
ment of their choice ; and until then the feel-

ings of the Northern population were such that
the formal acknowledgment by Europe of the
prowess of their opponents would only have had
the result of exciting them to increased efforts to
effect their subjugation. But during the past
nine months a great change has taken place
in the sentiments of the inhabitants of the Northern
States. During that time the armies of the esta-
blished Government have been invariably defeated
whenever they came in collision with those of the

new Confederacy. Against a long series of damag-
ing defeats they are unable to set off a single vic
tory. In regard to the possession of territory, the
relative positions of the belligerents remain un-
changed. The consequences have been that the
North is heartily sick of war, and only wants a pre-
text for discontinuing a purposeless struggle. Such
a pretext would to our minds be supplied with the
official declaration by the chief European States
that the attempt to coerce the South was hopeless.
Those v. ho think otherwise, in effect say that the
North should confess itself beaten, whilst neutral
States by their silence still admit the subjugation of
the South to be feasible, This we have no right to
expect from the Nortb. It is for ua to pronounce
the contest unavailing, and thus afford to a perti-
nacious and proud combatant an opportunity of
yielding to the voice of public opinion. We sin-
cerely believe that the recognition of the South by
Europe would be hailed with satisfaction by the
people of the Northern States, and that the weak
and contemptible Government which, at present
directs public affairs in America could not long op-
pose itself to the unanimous expression of opinion
on both sides of the Atlantic.