The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-10 00:00:00

RUSSIA AND FRANCE.

The following is the full text of the Russian de-
spatch of which we have already given an analysis.
It is addressed to Baron de Budberg, the Russian
Ambassador at Paris :

"St. Petersburg, July 30.

" I have this moment received your despatch of the 25th
July, ittonFoitn, itlatbnedt,efworhee,reyet a
wbillel btoe
laid
inform your Excellency of the impression it may make on
before and at t b
c onceE forwardror. 1
am
our august master.
Emperor.
" I will not, however, delay communicating to you, by
the present courier, the observations which a hasty perusal
has suggested. These observations do not bear on the main
question, since we are as yet ignorant of conclusions to
which the French Government will come after consulting
wiih the Cabinets of London and Vienna.
" I will only dwell on the judgment which M. Drouyn de
Lhuys expressed in his conversation with you on the diffe-
rent points of our answer.
"I. The French Minister of Foreign Affairs, acknow-
ledges that we do not in principle reject the six points, bat
he differs in opinion as to the preliminary condition pro-
posed by ne for their application. He thinks that their-im
mediate execution would hasten the pacification of the
kingdom, whereas, in the state of agitation now prevailing
there, it is impossible to foresee the moment when these le-
forms may be granted. M. Drouyn de Lbuys seems to
conclude that our answer implies a rejection under the
appearance of an adhesion in principle.
"It seems to us, Monsieur le Baron, that facts speak
clearly enough on this point. Most of the measures im-
plied in the six points have been granted by the Emperor.
Far from pacifying the kingdom, they became the starting-
point for armed insurrection. The agitators made use of
these reforms. and of the administrative autonomy which
theyintroduced, to raise revolt in the country. Their object
was perfectly evident : having conceived the hope of attain-
ing complete independence by the aid of foreign interven.
tion, they could not declare themselves satisfied with the
institutions, liberal, representative, and progressive, of
which the Government had laid the bases, On the con-
trary, they could regard the success of those reforms which
placed the Kingdom of Poland in the path of regular pro-
gress as the rule of their hopee : for that reason they made
the reforms the starting-point of an insurrection. Their
sentiments have undergone no change since the foreign
Powers have proposed these points. They have loudly
declared that they would never be satisfied by or lay down
their arms until they should have attained the end at
which they aim, which is the reconstitution of Poland as
it existed in 1772.

"If the Russian Cabinet did not repudiate from its
political traditions all bad faith and underhand proceed-
ings, it would perhaps have been good tact on its part to
have accepted the six points absolutely, in order to throw
on the insurgents the responsibility of rejecting them in
the eyes of the Powers proposing them. But we were not
disposed to regard so serious a matter as an opportunity
for a political manoeuvre. We had invited the Cabinets
to a sincere exchange of ideas, and we thought them ani-
mated with an equal desire to come to an understanding on
a question which interests humanity and the public tran-
quillity.
" It was therefore with the utmost frankness that we di.
rected their attention to what we considered an evident
truth—namely, that the six points proposed, and which in
principle did not diverge from the intentions of the Em-
peror, could not receive a practical application till after the
re-establishment of material order in the kingdom.
" 11, M. Drouyn de Lhuys has regarded as an accusation
against the French Government our assertion that the per •
manently organised conspiracy abroad is the principal cause
of the present insurrection.
"No such intention was ever entertained by us. We
are persuaded that the French Government has seen these
intrigues with regret, and has not failed to perceive their
revolutionary character. But it is none the less true that
these intrigues exist in its despite, that Paris is one of their
principal centres, that they keep up the moral agitation of
the kingdom, and supply it with material resources. These
facts are so palpably evident that it would be useless to
feign ignorance of them.
" We were bound to mention them, in order to fix the
attention of the French Government and the associated
Cabinets on this essential side of the question. It was a
friendly appeal for their aid in view of an interest which
seemed to us common to all, on two grounds ; first, because
the prompt pacification of the kingdom of Poland, the ob-
ject of general desire, depended directly on the persistence
of these causes ; and, secondly, because the cosmopolite
revolutionary tendency which the Polish agitation as-
sumed more and more by the participation of the anarchi-
cal elements of all countries, gave it in our eyes the cha-
racter of a European danger.
" The Minister of Foreign Affairs disputes our view of
the Polish movement. He refuses to recognise it as pro-
duced by a turbulent minority and the intrigues of re-
fugees abroad ; he observes, on the one hand, that the
movement in the kingdom must be universal to have re•
sisted all the forces of the Russian Government, and, on
the other, that abroad there are not merely the intrigues of
refugees, but the openly expressed sympathies of public
opinion, assemblies, and nearly all Governments.
" The Polish movement presents, in our opinion, two
distinct aspects. In the country we do not deny that
there are germs of discontent, inherent in the nature of
things in a country which has not for gotten its former
independence. It will always be easy to excite men's
minds by an appeal to traditionary sentiments. Russia
has held these countries scarcely a century. During that
period events abroad have constantly interfered with the
progress of assimilation necessary to efface historical di-
vergencies under the action of a powerful unity. There
is not perhaps a single State in Europe whiche,eutyaonsrtdhoebuarydr
such conditions and in so short a space of time, would
have succeeded in founding political unity. We
shall not undertake to examine the different experiments
practical
rbt
ataeescrmtta
ait
ter hle
hda.
had undertaken
reformst
ground,heThey
exigencies
swot
destined
anasescvdhiceeaoast
olftllchotourehf nlethe
calculated necessarily
htoeanide statecntime.step. l
painful
securettthThr beenaeahcteel
Hte
lessons
His
osheof affected eEanecmsts of
tmhupeare psrdp:
measures
si by the
agitations of a deeply disturbed period. To remain on
experi-
encefiwaahtiicowhich
he had adopted, and those which his fcresight had prepared,
differed but little from the bases which the three Courts
ahsasvuemreedc recommended e initiativen
ded
of the kingdom. Why have these efforts remained fruit-
less, and only tended to accelerate the rising of the country ?
"Here influence from without shows itself in the first
place, that of the emigrants who for the last 30 years openly
conspire against the tranquillity of the kingdom, under
shelter of the protection which they have found in some
States, and next political influences in which the hopes of
the revolutionists in Poland have always attached them-

selves.
g ua
mt esortir a l e d u c a -
" However active and persevering the agitation
emigrants little
?iyi"e:lll.ers. In proportion as it
emigrants may have been, they would have hadu
they had
effect on the internal situation of the kingatismWow
not derived the means of unlimited
need of
az
influences. Every country has ne!ttaehed to that indis-
The mass of the people is generally a
that essential element
The Russian Govern-
which existed in Poland 718:and completed the institu-
pmeennstabnileigeohntdaintidonatoilif anillapyror
would have applied, in:T.7Bl.or,
and
favourable
tions prepared by the •r-sai
politicalm
oao fsrt tod teehrri
'et.ss
might hope to see passions appeased,
it
effaced,
and the kingdom h •
habituate
remembrances
irritating side with Russia in apath f
e progress
itself to go on side by aide
which would
certainlyational hatred and
welfare than the 11 the sanguinary con-
itniointiaotfivtenedecoveuloopedtry, the
w web the two countries have been driven. That
flicts into w
is precisely the result which the emigrants most feared, and
material interesolutesr
- which would have deprived them of all their .political im-
portance and all their hopes. That is why they have en-
entahumadt work of appeasement
pacification, and why, in order to attain their object,
they have held up before the eyes of the Poles the hope of
a restoration of their independence by foreign intervention.
That is the true cause which has led to and kept up the
I and
dvoured at any cost tohdavisetubreb
movement. Without that hope the emigrants might have
been able to cause some disturbances, but not an insurrec-
tion—the peaceable inhabitants would have rejected those
attempts—the masses would have remained hostile to them,
as to everything that disturbs them in their laborious exist-
ence—and that in fact is the picture which the agitation in
the kingdom has hitherto presented. It anything can dis-
simulate the character of that agitation in the eyes of the
classes who, by their nature and their interests, ought to
remain strangers to it, it is solely the mirage of sympathies
and of excitements of all kinds provoked from abroad, and
finally that of an intervention in favour of the complete
independence of Poland.
"The instigators of the movement have perfectly under-
stood this. It is neither for institutions more or less repre-
sentative and liberal that they have taken up arms and
raised the country ; they have clearly and loudly declared
that their exclusive object was the reconstitution of Poland
within the limits of 1772, and they have constantly repre-
sented to their fellow-countrymen a foreign intervention

" That is why we have affirmed what appears to us an
evident fact: that the conviction of assistance from abroad,
kept up by the intrigues of the emigrants, was the principal
cause of the persistence and of the extension of the insur-
rection in the kingdom, and it is because we cannot for a
moment suppose that, this fact has entered into the inten-
tions of the French Gove;ument, that we have pointed it out
to its attention as the principal obstacle which opposed the
realisation of the wish it has expressed to us in favour of a
pro“nipltlpacification of the kingdom.
We cannot but maintain the observations con-
tained in our reply on the subject of the suspension of hos-
tilities. There aro no hostilities in Poland; there is a
revolt. There are no belligerents, but on one side rebels
in arms,
and on the other a legal Government and regular
authorities and an army.
"Under these conditions there is
theno submission
pos-
sible, except the return of order an
rebels. They must lay down their arms, or the .onofthe
Govern-
ment abdicate all authority. It is impossible for us tocom-
prehend otherwise the question of dignity and of public
order. As to the material application, we cannot explain to
ourselves either between whom an armistice could be nego-
tiated, or by what means the execution of it could b©
guaranteed.
"IV. As far as regards our proposition for a prelimi-
nary conference of the three neighbouring courts, it was
suggested to us, as you have already observed to the French
Minister off` Affairs, by the very principle which
serves as the basis of the diplomatic action of the cabinets
—that of the treaties of 1815. It is in conformity with
the nature of things and with diplomatic precedents. That
is why we did not think ;of assuring ourselves of the pre-
vious consent of the two co-partitioning courts; we had
not to explain ourselves with them. We had to reply to
an exchange of ideas with the French, English, and Aus-
trian Cabinets. In return for propositions, which appeared
to us to raise serious objections, we suggested to them a
combination which appeared to us to be in the spirit and
the letter of the treaties, and which might lead to a pacific
solution conformably to our common wishes.
"The opinion which M. Drouyn de Lhuys has expressed
to you on this subject confirms us in the conviction that
the question under consideration leads to difficulties be-
cause it has been badly set forth, and because from the very
outset it has involved the dignity of the Cabinets.

" In principle, the French Government, as well as those
of England and Austria, has expressed to us a wish for the
prompt pacification of the kingdom of Poland. That wish
we feel in the same degree. We invite them to an ex-
change of friendly ideas on the basis of treaties. Different
combinations have been recommended to us to attain the
object desired. We have stated that the six articles, which
served as the basis of them, were in accordance with the
intentions of our august master. To the idea of a confer-
ence, which in our opinion had the inconvenience of lead-
ing to a direct interference of the foreign Powers, which
would have weakened our prestige. and encouraged the
exaggerated pretensions of the insurrection, we substituted
that of a preliminary conference of the three Courts directly
interested, which had the advantage of maintaining their
independent action in questions of internal administration,
while tending to the same object conformably to the spirit
and letter of treaties. That proposition was prompted by
a desire of conciliation.

" We cannot but regret the judgment passed on it by the
French Minister of Foreign Affairs.
" We have also been painfully surprised by the impres-
sion which he communicated to you as to the general tone
of our answers. The question is far too serious to admit
any intention of irony, still less of provocation. But here
we again perceive the influence of the false starting point
of the whole of this negotiation and of the questions of dig-
nity which it has unfortunately raised, owing to the pub-
licity given to it and the intervention of the passions of the
press and public opinion.
" Your reply, Monsieur le Baron, with regard to the sen-
timent of wounded dignity manifested in the expression of
our thought was most judicious.
" In presence of the outrages lavished on us, it would
have been difficult to write otherwise. We are far from
wishing to attribute to the French Government any offen-
sive intention towards us. We are persuaded of the .sin-
cerity of its efforts to restrain the violence of the press, and
to moderate the expression of public feeling, which it is
bound to take into consideration at home, and also to make.
allowance for abroad.

" It will certainly understand, therefore, that it was im-
possible for us to ignore the strength of the national senti-
ment which has been so energetically manifested in Russia
under the influence of recent events.
" The Russian Government has spared no effort to calm,
enlighten, and moderate this explosion of public feeling,
deeply irritated by attacks, without example, perhaps, in
history.
" It is the duty of governments and the task of diplo-
macy to keep the conduct of public affairs unaffected by
these passionate impulses, which complicate them, and
might seriously endanger the existence of peace.
" We conscientiously believe that we have neglected
nothing which could promote this work of conciliation, and
that we have not deviated, either in word or deed, from the
desire of eoming to an understanding in conformity with
the general interest, and in particular with the relations
which have so long united. us to the Government of the
Emperor of the French.
" But we flatter ourselves with the hope of meeting the
same dispositions on its part, and you will not conceal from
M. Drouyn de Lhuys how much more difficult our task
will become if no allowance be made in France for the ne-
cessities imposed on us by the national sentiments, which
are not merely the result of popular passions or sympathies,
but are connected with the most cherished traditions and
the most vital interests of the country, which the confidence
of the Russian nation has placed under the safeguard of the
patriotism of its august sovereign.—Accept,
"GORTCHILKOFF2"