The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1863.

thers still ? Would he have dared the wrath of
your, united power ? Not he; but now that both
your combs are cut as his own had been before, he
struts forward and lectures you in your own divided
house of representative weakness. In your day of
greatness you taught him how to swagger, and now
see how cunningly he copies you in the hour of
your distress. Will you make it up and avenge
yoar quarrel—not on your cousin England, but on
your warlike pacificator, and tender him your " me-
diation" if he will cut and run ? Mexico will join
you heartily; and the world may be yet your own
if you be content to part when that affair is over.
We half suspect that the Emperor (to be) of the
West will yet find that he had better have remained
where he is, and cultivated his " Latin" cucumbers,
with all their prestige, in a more congenial clime—
their native East..

We are not given to prophecy, but if NAPOLEON%
i►l advised publication of his good intentions to-
wards not only Mexico but to North American am-
bition, and to the South in regard to Texas, do not
complicate his web of wiles to his own confusion,
we shall be more surprised than he will be pleased.
Ambition has cooled hotter temper before now, and
left—

" Proud Gallia's legions whelmed in I•nows of fate ;"

and a kindred Emperor, regardless of the lessons of
the Past, may mourn the fate that lured him on
for gold.
Mr. LINCOLN and his " forecasts"—men about as
reckless as himself—have " notified" the North that
in sixty days the South would be crushed, and the
Rebellion at an end. But when the time had run,
the bill was extended to ninety days, and when
that term had also expired there was nothing for
it but to renew the promise, with the usual days of
grace, and no mistake this time, for the "military
measure," according to Mr, SEWARD'S " calcula-
tion," would make it all right. Thus they went
on, still promising but always reckoning, we guess,
without their host. If they could not command
success, their perseverance certainly deserved it,
for expedition followed expedition, and " strategy"
more than once saved the army from annihilation.
And still they rushed on, reckless of repulse—by
land, by water, they renewed the charge—all with
uniform result.

Mr. LINCOLN, in his one idea of the Union—
nothing but the Union—come what will, strongly
reminds us of DAVIS, the celebrated sporting better
—who had bat one idea also, and that was to win ;
having calculated the doctrine of chances, he reduced
his game to a certainty by taking the odds he found
his " book" to pay. DAVIS went round the betting
ring (at Epsom) calling out " Who'll bet ? Who'll
bet ?" "Bet on what ?" " Why on anything !"
The winner—for choice, says DAVlS—and so says
Mr. LINCOLN, he will bat on Freedom or Slavery,
so either wins—even if it end in a tie—so it ties
the Union yet closer. But the "DAVIS" on the
other side of the "Post"—has made up his bet-
ting-book also, after a fashion of his
own, and that is, to win the sturdy game of lade-
pendence, against LINCOLN'S game of Empire—and
the " betting" runs strongly in his favour. " The
South" for choice is now the " call"—and the race
promises in spite of many "ups and downs" in the
courser—to come off all right for the " nigger" in
the long ran.

Mr. LINCOLN has opened the ball professedly
for Union, but in reality for Empire—power and
profit—power to whip all creation, and profit to
revel in the sweets of slave labour. The Yankee,
as a matter of morality, denounces slavery to tickle
the taste of OBADIAII—but cherishes it care-
fully to snit the market of Manchester, Thus hypo-
crisy and credulity run hand in hand, taking
the world into their confidence, while they are
cheating the Devii in the dark. "Down with
Slavery I—but up with prices!"—is the cry of thy:
Union, be it Republic to-day or Democratic to•
morrow. Abolition, or extermination, so it con-
duce to the Union, is Mr. LINCOLN'S doctrine; and
therefore he makes emancipation a military, not a
moral measure. Here's Christianity exemplified
by the PRESIDENT of a religious people, for the
Yankees profess themselves as religious as may
be—surpassing all other people in godliness
as they do in domineering independence. With
them—bounce is principle—as assertion is pro f,
in their dealings with the almighty dollar. But
let us be just, while we cannot but lament their un-
scrupulous audacity of character. We admire their
many good qualities—their bold spirit—and un-
tameable resolution to go ahead, be it in the right
or not; but while they assume more merit than is
due, they ought not to engross all virtue to them-
selves, leaving so little to those who lived before
them, and have no wish to die forgotton in the Old
World, while they flourish so wondrously in the
New. Live and let live is our maxim, and may
vet become theirs when they can afford to be
charitable. We may envy their " opportunity,"
ggle for empire, under the mask of Unity, and
swtrhuile we regret their bad use of it—the bloody
power for themselves, at the sacrifice of independ-
ence for their fellow-men and brothers.
The slave must yet become free, but, like a child
as he grows to manhood, by degrees and culture,
so that he may serve his master while he benefits
himself. Freedom is man's inheritance, and, as a
volunteer is worth two pressed men, so a liberated
slave will in time be doubly valuable to his master.
Thus, if JEFFERSON DAVIS were to proclaim a
real emancipation, to commence gradually after the
termination of the war, he would find his reward
in the gratitude of the slave, while it would be a
present stimulus and a future boon to the master.
Let us hope the South will adopt this policy, and
so enlist the sympathy of mankind in their cause,
while it will hasten the recognition of their inde-
pendence—so dearly fought for and so bravely
Ron.

The Greeks Resident in London.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE BUN.

Sir,—l have the honour of forwarding you a trans-
lation of the unanimous address which the Greek
residents in London are about to send to the Na-
tional Assembly of Greece, and I shall feel obliged
by your inserting it in your columns.—l am, sir,
yours, &c,,

M. E. MAVROGORDATO.
5, CJpthall-eourt, sth Feb., 1863.

~ To the niost Honourable the National Assembly of
Greece.

" We, the undersigned members of the Greek community
in London, prompted by our solicitude for the welfare of
our beloved country, have resolved to communicate to your
august body, with the utmost diffidence and respect, our
views and wishes as regards the election of a Prince to the
vacant throne of Greece.
" We understand that his Serene Highness the Duke of
Saxe-Coburg and Gotha is willing to become our King. We
regard this circurtrstance with feelings of intense satisfac-
tion, inasmuch as we derive from it the hope that Greece
will obtain a ruler favourably known to Europe for his con-
summate ability and ripe experience, and for his fidelity to
the cause of Constitutional Government. Possessing,as he
does, many of the qualities of heart and mind for the sake
of which the people of England honour and love the memory
of his lamented brother, the late Prince-Consort, we feel
assured that his accession to the throne will confer on
Greece the same benefits as those she fondly anticipated in
k proclaiming Prince Alfred her King.
" Worthy representatives of the nation I may the Almighty
ho has so often rescued Hellas from
danger, and relieved
her in distress, now inspire your counsels and direct your
steps, that you may be led to rest your choice on a Prince
who, we believe, has there
visite ualifications for the task
of making our fatherland happy, prosperous, and free."
( q

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