The Sun.
London, England, 1830-06-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

An attack was made upon the Attorney-General
on Friday night, in the Committee of Supply, on
account of the prosecutions, which excited -so much
attention no long time ago, of the Morning Journal.
This attack was in some degree diverted by the com-
plaint of Mr. D. W. Harvey; that he had been inter-
rupted in his practice of filing informations in Chan-
cery against the trustees of public charities by the
same Attorney-General, it being a part of this Right
Hon. Gentleman's office to consider in what cases it
is proper to file such Bills, arid in what not : and iii
the exercise of the discretion thus allowed to the
Right Hon. Gentleman, he hail prevented Mr. D.
W. Harvey, who had filed many informations of the
nature above described, from filing more. This is
most likely a sore subject with Mr. Harvey ; but yet
the conduct of the Attorney-General may be not one
whit the less just and honourable. But to the point
of those prosecutions for libel. It is now endea-
voured to excite odium on account of them. We can
recollect the time when great odium and indignation
were excited that the libels were' suffered to pro-
ceed ! so mutable is public opinion. We are no
friends certainly to Government prosecutions for
what is called libel; but we know that such was
the opinion of the Press itself of the libels
in question—their malignity, and the perseverance
with which they were repeated—that the more
respectable part of it disowned all professional
fellowship and intercourse with the journal in
which they were sent forth, and that that publi-
cation has accordingly sunk, and is extinct.
There was the oath, likewise—that fearful oath—
asserting that not Lord Lyndhurst but the Duke of
Wellington was meant. Were the case in suspense
we should say nothing : it is decided, arid we shall
still say but little. But the form of prosecution
was altered in the first and most striking case. Lord
Lyndhurst being charged with accepting bribes,
calls upon his friend the Attorney-General to pro-
secute the author of the atrocious falsehood, and
proceedings commence; but Government, finding
so high a personage in their body as the Lord High
Chancellor of England assailed by a most detestable
slander, institute a public prosecution for the same
offence. Both prosecutions could not continue;
and the State, which is an impassive body, claims
the sielinquent in preference to the individual—a
man of a kind and perhaps too placable a temper in
a case of public wrong. This we believe to be the
explanation of the double process, be it satisfactory
or not. It was fully competent, both in morals and
consistency, to such a gentleman as Mr. Gordon to
make the attack and require the explanation, and
the public we are sure will respect his motives.
But it does excite our indignation, we confess, to
see the high Tories, who, through the law of libel
(which they had heated up to double pressure), have
for the last 30 years been endeavouring to silence
us and the whole liberal Press, and thus to trample
down the liberties of all England, now, when they
are out of office, affect regard for freedom of dis-
cussion, and reprehend public prosecutions for
libel.—Times.
The cause of the reduction of the Greek boundaries
forms the subject of anxious inquiry in the House of
Lords. Lord Carlisle first adverted to the subject,
expressing a wish to have copies of any correspond-
ence addressed by the Porte to the Plenipotentiaries.
Lord Aberdeen was, however, unable to say whether
the desire expressed by the Porte was recorded in
any document. The very peculiar style of diplo-
matic correspondence for which the world is in-
debted to Lord Aberdeen was also alluded to. The
Marquis of Londonderry, adverting to the famous
lecture read to Prince Leopold by his Lordship—
" However these sentiments may accord with the
political objects of persons in this country by whom
your Royal Highness may have been advised, I think
your Royal Highness cannot fail to perceive, upon
reflection, how little such a course could contribute
to the real dignity and consistency of your own
character"—observed upon this piece of impertinence,
" Surely there must have been some previous com-
munications between the Noble Earl and Prince
Leopold before he could have ventured to
allude to the political advisers of his Royal
Highness. If there had been a little more of
the suaviler in nzodo in these communications,
it might perhaps have been as well." His Lordship
would seem to be anxious that the honour of
the new State should not be tarnished by any thing
like the explanation suggested by Lord Londonderry.
for he answered sharply, " there had been no pre-
vious correspondence." On which the Noble
Marquis said, " he could not help thinking that, if
there had been no previous correspondence, the ex-
pression he had referred to was uncalled for, and
therefore improper." His Lordship, we suppose,
was then trying whether Prince Leopold was of the
right kingly ore. His countryman, Buchanan, to
whom the world is indebted for the accomplish-
ments of the British Solomon, used to subject the
krigly ore to a still more severe test. Notwith-
standing, however, Lord Aberdeen's declaimer, we
cannot help thinking that the confidence displayed
in the passage quoted by Lord Londonderry must
have been preceded by attempts of a less decided
character, the success of which emboldened him to
take this lofty flight.—Morning Chronicle.
Mr. Hume, on presenting a petition last night
from the manufacturers of candles, soap, &c., of
Aberdeen, suggested the expediency of getting rid
of the vexatious excise regulations to which the
manufacturers of soap and candles were subjected,
by imposing an additional duty on Russian tallow."
At present Russia (he said) levied a duty of 2s. Gd.
the cwt. on tallow exported, and we have a duty of
3s. Gd. the cwt. on the import, making together a
duty of Gs. on the cwt. Augmenting this import
duty must give a greater revenue, without costing
so much to collect it. The duty now received by
the Exchequer on candles did not amount to above
Id. per lb., but that imposed, in fact, a tax' on the
people of 3d. or 4d. on every pound of candles they
used." Where the amount of money paid into
the Exchequer is alone in question, there cannot be
a doubt that it is much better to levy the money by
the mode proposed, than under the vexatious excise
regulations. "But there are other considerations than
the mere amount of duty. Will not the price at
which the tallow can be imported determine the price
of tallow at home, as the home supply is inadequate
to the home consumption ? We are not suffi-
ciently acquainted with the trade in tallow to know
the cost of production in various countries, and
how far the Emperor of Russia could venture to
add to the duty on tallow exported from his domi-
nions without throwing part of the supply on other
countries. If, however, he have a monopoly, and
the price of foreign tallow should be raised by a
duty, the British consumer would not merely pay the
duty, but an additional price to te British agricul-
turist. However, we speak with great diffidence
on this subject. •n one point, however, touched
on by Mr. Hume, there can be no question :
There was another inducement (he said) to lower
the tax, which he would mention. He was anxious
to see the duties equalized in England, Ireland, and
Scotland.—(Hear, hear.)—The taxes ought to be