The Sun.
London, England, 1837-10-20 00:00:00

'SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Tories admit that they were addicted to dis-
honest practices, and cheated the public in every pos-
sible way as long as they could ; but then this was
'lien they had the power to cheat ; but this power has
been taken from them, and there is no use now in be-
ing dishonest any longer. This is the sort of apology
put forward yesterday for the party by the Times,
which seeks to reconcile their old practices with their
new professions. A rogue is never more to be dreaded
than when he tells you he will be honest now, because
he finds it would be a vain attempt to be otherwise.
When a knave endeavours to throw you off your
guard by a compliment to your penetration, and tells
you, that as there is no use in his attempting to put
the change on you, he will be frank and candid, pre-
pare for some more than usually daring
.attempt on
your property. The candour of the Tories in admit-
ting their former fraudulent practices is of a piece with
the impudence of their demands for confidence on the
faith of such admission. Even Colonel Charteris, when
his character would no longer allow him to cheat, pro-
fessed himself willing to give a large sum for a new
one. But let us hear the Times :—" There was a
time, it is true, when the Tories in their party cha-
racter were opposed to many a Reform in its own na-
ture quite fair and fit." Ay, ay, the votes of the
House of Commons show little doubt as to that. The
case noticed by a correspondent yesterday, in which,
in the teeth of a Resolution of the Irish House of
Commons, and a Report of a Parliamentary Com-
mittee of 1805, fixing twenty-five years as the period
of service entitling officers in the revenue to superan-
nuation, the father of the Earl of Wicklow, after
eight years' service, was allowed to retire on his full
salary, his successor, the present Lord Fitzgerald,
being a teller, along with that pure patriot, Mr.
Croker, affords a specimen of the Tory notions re-
specting Reforms. " There were some of these To-
ries, who either by themselves or their connections,
derived a profit from the abuses they maintained." This
was, of course, a good Tory reason for resisting Reform.
When Lord Cochrane, the late Mr. Cobbett, and Major
Cartwright proposed themselves as Reformers to The
free and independent electors of Honiton, they fell on
the venerable apostle of Reform, exclaiming, " What !
you old ruffian, would - you take the bread and butter
out of the mouths of our children !" These electors
were genuine Tories. But some of the Tories even
then had no disinclination themselves to Reform ; " but
seeing the aversion of their own partisans to the in-
troduction of any thing like general alteration, con-
curred in or connived at the maintenance of certain
evils for the sake of preventing a disunion, which they
regarded as a greater evil still." A good and valid
reason, no doubt, for supporting that of which they
disapproved. If any man happens to be robbed by
his servants, he will generally find on investigating
into the matter that some of them disapproved of the
robbery, but carefully kept the knowledge of it from
him, in order that the peace and harmony of the hall
might not be disturbed. But then, says the Times,
" after various minor reforms came the repeal of the
Test and Corporation Acts ;" and then came the
complete emancipation of the Catholics, which was
" the deathblow to the old Tory league." The Bill
for the Reform of Parliament completed the rege-
neration. Down to the regeneration, however,
which was stoutly opposed by all the Tories as de-
structive of the Constitution, and fraught with
all manner of evil, we have it admitted that the
Tories were either dishonest or abettors of dishonesty
—were opposed to the remedy of abuses, because
they derived a profit from them—in short, were cor-
rupt in every sense of the word. They conceded no-
thing to the just demands of the people ; they yielded
nothing to justice, but were beaten at every point ;
and from first to last they predicted ruin to the coun-
try from the changes, every one of which, it is now
admitted, has been found beneficial. As the Tories
arc, by the admission of the Times, dishonest opponents
of Reform, deriving profit from abuses, it may be urged
they were insincere in their prediction of dangers from
Reform. But why are we to place confidence in men
whose character hithei to has been confessedly bad.
Because, forsooth, the Reform Bill has rendered it
necessary for them to appear in a new character. But
have we not found them opposing all just reforms
since the passing of the Reform Bill as well as before
it ? We might fill volumes with extracts from the
columns of the Times, the burden of which is vitupera-
tion of the Tories for their obstinate opposition to the
most necessary refot ins. Did not Lord Lyndhurst and
a la►ge party of the Tories seek to uphold all the
abuses of corporations ; and with what reluctance v. as
not the measure of their reform, impaired in several
essential respects, ultimately conceded ? Were not
local courts_refused on the most unsatisfactory grounds,
at the instigation of Lord Lyndhurst ? Who believes
that religion has anything to do with the opposition to
the Irish Municipal Corporation Reform ? But why
go through the long catalogue of Tory attempts to
prevent the people of these kingdoms deriving any be-
nefit from the Reform Bill ? It must be admitted that
the Tories are not so bitterly opposed to the Reform
Bill as they were. In fact that measure has not pro-
duced the results which either Tories or Reformers
expected from it. The Tories find that by means of
the 50/. tenant-at-will franchise and fictitious
qualifications they are the masters of most of
t!•e counties, and that, though borouglimongering
has been much weakened, it still exists in many
of die smaller boroughs, and that in the large
boroughs the independent voters may be swamped
by the necessitous freemen and mercenary elec-
tors. What corruption fails to do intimi-
dation in some measure effects. In proportion as the
Reform Bill belies the expectations of the Reformers
when it was proposed, it grows into favour with the
Tories. All that the Tories seek is a continuance of
the abuses in Church and State, from which they so
long profited. Their object is to escape from all re-
sponsibility to the people. A Tory Government is a
Government conducted on the principle of promoting
the interests of the aristocracy at the expense of the
interests of the nation. Every man who wishes
to live without laboar at the expense of the
public—every aristocrat who wishes to quarter his sons
on the public in good places at home or abroad, as
soldiers or civilians, or pluralists in the Church, and
to obtain placemen as husbands for his daughters—is
naturally inclined to Toryism. Of this, however, they
may rest assured : they may corrupt, and intimidate,
and undermine the Reform Bill, and mould it to their
purposes ; but they never will persuade the people of
England that they are not the same dishonest politi-
cians that they were—not as much disposed as ever to
gorge themselves with public plunder.—Morning
Chronicle.

A miserable mountebank exhibitition was made in
yesterday's Times, which we are at a loss whether to
regard as an instance of a party writing its own epi-
taph, or of one affecting to be dead, in order to get
an opponent at a treacherous advantage. If viewed as
an inscription for the tomb of Toryism, we confess the
commentary of our Contemporary is more just than
we could have anticipated from such a source, and less
flattering than such compositions usually are. In re•
ference to the Tories, reputed to be deceased, the
Times, in its own peculiarly filthy phraseology, felici-
tously describes them to have been " animals of an
unbounded stomach, absorbing all the life-blood of
the realm ;" and then asks what could have been
" expected from monsters of whom this is an au-
thentic portrait," observing, in conclusion—" We
have no doubt that these megalotheria and ichthyo-
sauri of the political world, were very formidable
creatures in their time ; but as the races are ut-
terly extinct, the rudder of the State can no longer
be twisted off by the strokes of their tails." Thus
we have the death of Toryism formally announced,
and its Epitaph furnished by its " residuary
legatee." But notwithstanding the apparent authenti-
city of the intelligence, we rather incline to
the opinion,
nay, there is in the epitaph itself convincing evidence,
that the announcement is fallacious, and made solely
with the intention of deluding the public, and facili-
tating imposture. Dates are dangerous things to those
who wish to prove an event which has never taken
Place) and here the Times breaks down in its testimony
of the demise of Toryism, first asserting it. to have
received " its death-blow on the Emancipation of the
Catholics," and next that it is " some five and twenty,
or rather five and fifty years ago" since the party

whose portraits it pourtrays had ceased to exist. The
suspicion excited by this discrepancy is confirmed by
the subsequent part.of the article, for in its peroration
Toryism rages as rabid and rampant as ever. Con-
sidering the evil ingenuity evinced by the Tories in
other respects, it is surprising that they do not show
more originality in their attempts on the public credu-
lity. Their deceptions are of the most common-place
character, and have been again and again exposed in
the persons of the meanest marauders on social in-
terests. How often have we heard of criminals circu-
lating reports of their own deaths, in order by lulling
excitement either to escape the penalty of their offences,
or to resume more successfully their depredations on
the public. And what is the present announcement
of the demise of Toryism but a bungling attempt at a
similar imposture ? To carry on a deception success-
fully requires not only considerable skill, but constant
vigilance. A moment's forgetfulness may betray the
reality through the most elaborate and ingenious dis-
guise; and iniquity never can be so well exposed, as
when through inadvertence or mistake the culprit con-
fesses
his own duplicity, or openly exhibits his own de-
pravity. Such is the ease with the Times, when, after,
stating Toryism to be defunct, it
_betrays itself by
asserting that, " As to conscience, indeed, there is
nothing farther for Reform to do. Whatever stress
there ever was upon the consciences of any of the
people has been removed, in the instance of the
Dissenters, by the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts ; and in the instance of the Roman Catholics,
by tire Relief Bill ; so that all the sore consciences
now left unhealed are of the pocket class, that groan
at the hardship of paying the same tithes, church-
rates and taxes, as are required from the publicans
and sinners of the Established Church." Now, we
ask any impartial man if this sentence does not em-
brace in odious primitive perfection all the bigotry,
falsehood, and insolence of ultra Toryism ? While,
on account of its population being Catholic, Ireland
is denied a reform of Corporations, which all parties
condemn, and while Dissenters in England are taxed
for the maintenance of a Church from which they re-
ceive no equivalent, it is impudently assumed that
conscience is free, and that " all reforms connected
with conscience are already accomplished." If Tory-
ism be defunct, this is surely a voice from the grave.
The leaven of old Toryism again bursts forth, when,
in defining the relative position of the Sovereign and
the people, the Times expresses itself as follows :
" Thus the Sovereign's authority, as on the one hand
it is limited by a legislature, on the other forms a
limit to the power of the people, who, being by the
very hypothesis the governed and not the governors,
are entitled to so much power as shall protect them
against being governed amiss by their Monarch, but
not so much as shall enable them to govern instead of
him." Why, this " hypothesis" assumes the doctrine
of divine right, which we really had supposed the
most inveterate of" the Tories had abandoned. If the
stupid verbiage have any meaning at all, it implies
that the many are to be ruled for the benefit of one—
that the Monarch is not so much the Executive as the
individual promulgator of the laws—that, in fact, his
power is despotic so long as he does not exercise it
" amiss." So much for defunct Toryism, which
death seems to have improved very much the wrong
way. Next follows a description of Conservatism,
which, save in name, exhibits no difference from the
deceased. " The Conservatives, then," observes the
Times, " are prepared to give all which comes pro-
perly within the denomination of Reform ; all that
will add to the freedom, the safety, the enjoyment
of the people ; all that will secure them against tills-
ro!e, whether from Ministers or from mobs." This
sounds fairly were it not for the sequel—" but they
are not prepared to give an increase of political
power to the many." Here is their condemnation—
we need seek no further evidence of their guilt—but
let them finish their pleadings, which thus conclude—
" because they believe that to he governed, not.to
govern, is the happy, as it is the Constitutional lot of
the most numerous class under British polity." If
this be not rank Toryism,.we know not what is. " To
be governed, not to govern, is the happy lot of the
many !" Down with liberty, then, and slavery for
ever. Why give an increase of power to the many ?
No, the " Conservatives are prepored to give'all that
will add to the safety and enjoyment of the people,"
and therefore, by their " happy" " hypothesis," they
will of course, if they can, curtail the power already
vested in the people. This is at least consistent
policy. Some writer has observed that there is no
such thing as madness, what is usually called so being
merely the fact of a person being in a minority. Now
on this " hypothesis' the ravings of the Times may
be explained, without supposing it to be demented-
-the Times is not mad, but merely in a minority,
though perhaps the maudlin effusion we have been
discussing derives no inconsiderable share of its inco-
herency from the exhalations of some of those bac-
chanalian orgies in which the " Conservatives," late
Tories," are now regaling themselves.—Morning
Advertiser.

The bouhies in office and out of it, judging the
Conservatives of the ewpire by themselves, and driven
to despair by the progress of the Irish petition fund,
ring the changes on " conspiracy," " illegality," and
the rest of it, by way of trvin7, as a last and only
chance " what virtue there is in stones," as the
spelling book has it—i. e. what bullying will do for
them. Alas ! it will do nothing for them, or worse
than nothing. It provokes and stimulates the Con-
servatives to more vigorous exertions, in lieu of damp-
ing the spirit of the work, or suspending or relaxing
its progress. We shall add no more, but that Parlia-
ment is to meet within less than four weeks from the
present hour--that the House of Commons (if there
be faith in Lord John Russell's circular) will pro-
ceed to business in five days afterwards—that the
'rst business which can lawfully be proceeded with is
that of petitions against foul and false returns at the
last election—that such petitions, righteous and patrio-
tic as is their object, cannot be entered upon, much
less prosecuted, without a full command of money—
that the fund to be contributed is not yet by any means
complete—that the period for completing it is almost
expired—that the Papist enemy regards its proba-
ble and speedy completion as an utter death-blow
to him, his revolutionary schemes, and his political ex-
istence—that the urgency of the case therefore is most
imminent, and that those who now withhold the required
aid are in their hearts no straightforward Conservative
Englishmen, but fast-and-loose amateurs of that game
which involves in its results the fate of England—
armed neutrals, waiting upon Providence, or rather
upon fortune, for motives whereby to be resolved in
their future support of the monarchy, or desertion from
it. On the course and issue of the questions now de-
bated with respect to Ireland hangs, as we have often
said, the security or downfall of Great Britain. Nor
is it merely the passing or the rejection of certain
measures which are not yet law that we deem of
most immediate moment. The spirit in which the
existing law is administered must always be deemed,
in every country, but especially in one where
faction watches without • ceasing to wrest the law
to its own selfish purposes, a matter second only,
if at all, to the principles on which the law is estab-
lished. But in Ireland, above every other country
that we know of, and now beyond any era that has
yet occurred, do the temper and tendencies of the
Executive Government constitute a subject of the
deepest anxiety to a reflecting statesman. When a
power has arisen which is not that of law, but a power
which derides the law, and sets it at defiance—a power
which inculcates upon its numerous vassals disobe-
dience to the law and resistance of its authorities, as
religious duties—when legislation, with its parchments,
is sneeringly glanced at as a shadowy and nerveless
form, and insurrection invests itself with the solid at-
tributes of efficient, practical, and successful force,
there is not a single functionary appointed to carry on
the daily, however minute transactions, without which
even the semblance of political society must fall to
pieces, who does not contribute according to his op-
portunities to help the magistrate in his warfare
against sedition, or sedition in its league with treason.
No man, therefore, can be blind to the importance of
the question—.lst, How the laws are administered in
Ireland ? 2d, How the patronage of the State is
distributed—that is, whether the laws are to be ad-
ministered by friends of the State, or by her ene-
mies ? We have within these few weeks affirmed
on good authority, that the police had, under the

A London morning paper, which affects to have
access to the most accurate information upon commer-
cial subjects, and to possess such an intimate know-
ledge of all mercantile connections and relations as
ought to guarantee it against the danger of using mis-
chievously or injudiciously any information which may
come into its hands, has, within the last few days been
making a very melancholy exhibition of its informa-
tion, and its faculty of understanding it. This jour-
nal thought fit several weeks ago to intimate to the
commercial world its grave and deliberate opinion
that the merchants of the United States of America
were no better than swindlers—that the debts which
they had contracted with the merchants of Great
Britain would never be paid—and that the mer-
cantile body of America would resort to voluntary and
frudulent bankruptcy rather than pay what they owed.
This was malicious : it was ignorant and stupid
malice—there did not exist the least shadow of
fact to justify or palliate the rancorous misrepre-
sentation. But, if justification or extenuation of this
statement were utterly wanting, its motives were suffi-
ciently conspicuous. A systematic and determined hos-
tility to the Bank of England had long been a dis-
tinguishing characteristic of the journal to which we
allude. And the Bank of England, for the wise and
honest purpose of guarding the commercial interests
of its own country from a sudden and most in-
jurious convulsion, had embarked its resources and
its credit, at an extraordinary crisis, in aid of the
commercial establishments in Great Britain most inti-
mately connected with the mercantile body of America.
To depreciate the character and disparage the re- j
sources of the merchants of America would tend, I

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1837.

new Constabulary Bill, been packed in manifold
cases through the machinations of him who pos-
sesses a sinister and wholesale influence over the no-
minal Government of Lord Mulgrave. We did not
say—we tell the Globe that it alleged a deliberate
falsehood, when, in fabricating a charge of inconsis-
tency against the Times, it accused us of having de-
clared that the police establishment had been weeded
of every Protestant and loyal member, and that it now
contained " none but disaffected Papists." That is an
impudent untruth. What we did say was, that the
design and tendency of the Bill, and the conduct of
those by whom its provisions were to be executed, and
the patronage created by it to be dispensed, were such
as would infallibly make the police a mere tool of
Popish revolution. We said that the patronage of the
upper classes of police-officers was not left to Colonel
Shaw Kennedy, as Lord John Russell had promised,
but that the new appointments, in breach of the Noble
Lord's pledge, were seized upon by the occupants of
the Castle of Dublin, and turned to the uses of their
master. We repeat the charge—it will be repeated in
Parliament—it will be proved in Parliament. It is,
capable of abundant proof. So with the instructions—
ay, the secret instructions—conveyed, as they some-
times have been, indirectly, and through hints, whereby
the reports of the state of Irish crime have been
garbled ; and to curry favour with a priest•ridden and
O'Connell-kicked Government, more than half the
offences really committed have been suppressed. We
repeat our charge—it will be made openly in Parlia-
ment—it will be brought home in Parliament. The
trick of dragging in the name of Colonel Shaw Ken-
nedy, as if he were a party to the vicious appoint-
ments made by Lord Mulgrave under the Police Bill,
at the manifest dictation of Lord Mulgrave's master—
that trick will not do. How can Colonel Shaw Ken-
nedy help himself? How can he oppose the Govern-
ment, assigning for such opposition a dispute about
patronage? " But he might resign." Oh, that
comes with a good grace from those whom O'Connell
has been spitting and trampling on these three years,
and who have set their subordinate officers so bright
a lesson upon the duty and facility of official resigna-
tions I Nor will it do to distort into a reflection upon
Colonel S. Kennedy the statement of our Irish corre-
spondents, concerning the negative falsehoods of the
periodical reports sent up to Government from local
officers of the constabulary. Colonel S. Kennedy
does not sign any such reports. The rebel associators
intrusted with the honourable office of preparing them
receive no disgraceful inuendoes from him, nor consult
him upon their confidential returns. The affair is
managed less clumsily than that. Thq, whole, indeed,
is an unprincipled fct►on, but one of which the osten-
sible and superior head of the constabulary force is
altogether, innocent. The true state of Ireland, we
maintain once more, is a subject which must be for-
mally and searchingly invest►gated soon after Parlia-
ment meets. The Irish Government must be put upon
its trial, for its "good deliverance." We shall see.—
Times.

In resuming our remarks upon the evident disposi-
tion which exists to dispense in a great measure with
teal by Jury, and to substitute for it the individual
judgment of magistrates, we cannot but again advert
to the rather extraordinary fact that the Committee,
who appear so earnestly bent upon this subject,
avoided altogether inquiring how this summary power
has already been executed, and what have been its re-
sults. There is an old adage which speaks of " hang-
ing a man first and trying him afterwards," which the
Committee's idea of effecting so important a change,
without inquiring what its consequences are likely to
be, not a little resembles. Our own columns rue in
the habit of furnishing one not unimportant species of
data upon the subject, in the monthly abstracts which
we publish of the' result of the trials in the
Central Criminal Court, at the Old Bailey. Now
these tables prove that of the number of pri-
soners committed for trial to Newgate by the police
magistrates, something more than one-fourth are
acquitted, or the bills thrown out. Now that all
such persons are innocent, we do not by any means
affirm ; the contrary, no doubt, being the case with
regard to many of them. But two things are clear ;
the one, that they are innocent in the eye .of the law,
having undergone the ordeal which it provides for
them—the other, that they would all, or nearly all,
have been pronounced guilty, and punished as such,
had the judgment of the Magistrate been allowed to
supersede in their cases the trial by jury. And from
these facts it is not unfair to infer that of the persons
who are punished under the summary jurisdiction al-
ready possessed by the Police Magistrates, a similar
proportion would have been acquitted by Juries.
Such being the case on the one hand, it can only, we
apprehend, be answered and met by proof of some
corresponding benefit on the other; which would prin-
cipally, if not wholly, consist in its being shown that
crime has diminished or offenders been reformed under
this system. Mr. Slaney, the Member for Shrews-
bury, read, at the late meeting at Liverpool, a statis-
tical paper, which may be taken as furnishing impor-
tant evidence upon this subject. After stating the rapid
increase of population which had taken place of late
years, he proceeded to read various returns as to the
number of persons charged with offences, and com-
mitted in England and Wales at various periods, show-
ing that while the ppulation had increased at the rate
of 18 or 19 per cent. in twelve years, crime had in-
creased in the proportion of 99 per cent., or five tines
the rate of increase in the population—that in 1835
the number of persons charged with offences is Eng-
land and Wales, was one in 619 ; in Bristol one in
290 ; in Middlesex one in 336 ; in Lancashire one in
481; in Cheshire one in 492 ; in Anglesey one in 8,000.
The proportion in Middlesex over the great bulk of the
population of which the police magistrates preside, does
not speak much in favour of the effect produced by
their use of their summary jurisdiction. In fact, what
this metropolis wants is a preventive police, not one
whose boast and pride it is to swell its criminal returns.
We want a system which will, for instance, check
crime in the bud, as far as juvenile depredators
are concerned, by removing them from scenes of idle-
ness and want to useful knowledge and occupation—a
system which will not permit and connive at recepta-
cles for stolen goods to exist in every quarter of the
town ; and whose summary convictions and punish-
ments shall not act merely as trainings to higher of-
fences, which upon inquiry would be found to be to a
great degree the case at present. It is not the aboli-
tion of trial by jury that will effect this. On the con. •
trary, it is evident from the growing state of crime in
the metropolis; that the more the terrors of the judge
and jury are withdrawn, the more casehardened and
indifferent do offenders become, while the education
they receive, under summary conviction in prisons,
only prepares them for new and hardier exploits.—
Morning' Herald.

On Monday an inquest was held at the sign of the
Warwick Arms, Kensington, on the body of Thomas Sim-
mends, aged 20. It appeared that the deceased had for
some time been in the employ of Mr. Steel, the landlord
of the Hand-and-Flower Tavern, Vale-place, Hammer-
smith. Latterly he had taken to drinking, and on Friday
last he was out during the early part of the evening with a
youn3 woman named Sophia Treeves, to whom he had for
the last IS months paid his addresses. Deceased returned
home to his employer's residence between 7 and 8 o'clock,
and after having been out with his 8 o'clock delivery of beer,
came hack intoxicated, and ask.d his mistress for his nightly
allowance of beer. She refused to give it him, saying she
thought he had had enough already ; when he said if it was
not given him he would go and drown himself, and seemed
much excited. His mistress again refused, when he left
the house, and a few minutes afterwards a hat being ob-
served floating oa the water i❑ the Kensington canal-
basin, about 400 yards distant, the drags were procured,
and after a search of nearly 45 minutes, the body of the
deceased was got up, quite dead. • Verdict—" Temporary
Derangement."
. ,

During the whole of last -week- iminense,,hills.were
stuck about the neighbourhood, Stating that airnker's shop
would be opened in the Edgeware-road, on Saturday the
14th, at five o'clock in the afternoon, and that it was the
intention of the proprietor to present the first person
who should honour bim with his custom a loaf weighing
161 b. gratuitously ; to each of the next
.five customers, a
loaf weighing 81b. ; and to the next six a quartern each.
At about half-past three, as might very naturally be ex-
pected, the door was thronged with Irishwomen, cunt mul-
tis aliis, eager to obtain admission. When the door was
opened the shop was immediately filled, and such a scene
of confusion followed, as may be more easily imagined than
described. Whether or not the baker distributed the
prizes we are unable to determine, but we judge it would
be a difficult thing for him to discriminate the claims.

In the neighbourhood of Bierley there is a tree
which was a few years ago split with lightning. An iron
chain which was fastened round it, in order to restore it to
its pristine form, is now covered with bark, and the tree is
in good condition.

About a week ago, the wreck of a vessel was seen
at a considerable distance off the west coast of the island
of Barra. The people of the felt the greatest anxiety,
fearing that an unfortunate crew must have been perishing,
but the weather was so boisterous that none would venture
to go out to it. At last Mr. Michael M'Eachan, a gentle-
man resident on the island, procured a boat and crew, whom
he induced to accompany him, and on reaching the wreck
found it to be a large brig, but deserted by its men, and in
a most shattered state—dismasted, wanting the 'tween
decks, her stern washed away, and having nothing entire
save the hold, which contained a great quantity of fine
American oak and pine. The name was obliterated, or the
part where it ought to be was broken off. The wreck ap-
peared to have been a long time in this condition, driving
to and fro on the ocean, and plundered by other vessels
occasionally passing, for not a sail or vestige of a rope re-
mained about it. Mr. M'Eachan and his crew, with great
difficulty and danger, towed it ashore and secured the tim-
ber, which is still lying, with the giant hull of the brig, on
the shores of Barra.—Glasgow Courier.

The Siam, a large new ship, sailed on Sunday last
for Sydney, New South Wales, from the St. Katherine
Dock, with a valuable cargo, and eleven cabin and forty
steerage and midship passengers, who intend settling per-
manently in the colony. A majority of the steerage and
midship passengers are tradesmen of small capital and agri-
culturists. The cabin passengers are persons of consider-
able property, and among them are a highly worthy young
couple (Mr. and Mrs. Cobden), rehently married, who have
an adventure worth at least 5,000/. on board. The Siam
is commanded by Captain Boadle, a Quaker, whose wife
accompanies him. There are several other Quakers among
the of an entr.mr't Tbr
has gone out on the temperance system, and, with the ex-
ception of grog, is well found with sea stores.

therefore, in the peculiar circumstances of the times
to show that the Directors of the Bank of England
had, to say the least, been imprudent ; that they had
leaned upon a broken reed ; and that for the dis-
asters which impended they were chiefly to blame.
We have repeatedly said that the merchants of
America would generally liquidate the debts due in
this country. We have always contended also, that
the Bank of England did right, in their dealings with
British merchants, to allow to the latter a degree of
credit limited and adjusted upon the supposition that
the Americans would pay their debt. We have con-
stantly appealed to the copious influx of the precious
metals into Great Britain from America as a proof
that no juggle was intended by the merchants of the
Union. We confidently appealed, moreover, to the
continued importation of the precious metals from
America as a circumstance which afforded the fullest
proof that the merchants of that country intended to
discharge their debts with England, and that they
generally possessed the power of doing so. The Journal
to which we have alluded says that " the only impor-
tant point is, in what manner the accounts between the
' merchants of New York and various great houses of
London, as they existed previously to the late crisis, are
winding up." The manlier of this, we should have
thought, was sufficiently clear, inasmuch as American
produce, as well as the precious metals, sent by Atnerican
houses, have, for several weeks, and to a very conside-
rable amount, been flowing into this country. But
with the manner of the operation we submit that
neither we, nor our Contemporary, nor the public
generally, have anything whatever to do. It is a mat-
ter which may very safely be left to the merchants,
British and American, whose personal interests it af-
fects. For us, and for the British community, it is
surely enough to know, that, notwithstanding the saga-
cious anticipation of our Contemporary, debts due by
the merchants of America to those of Great Britain
are fully recognised by the, former—that there is no
general or systematic recourse to bankruptcy—that
the American merchants are paying their debts as
promptly and as fully as possible—and that, in conse-
quence of their resolution to do so, large remittances
in the precious metals, and still larger consignments
of produce, have arrived in Great Britain. Our Con-
temporary asserts, with his usual self-complacency—
and,' he must allow us to say, with a degree of
ignorance of which self-complacency, although it
be the frequent, is not the suitable, ally—that, " No
one who is acquainted with the subject and the
general character of American dealings believes that
any great progress has yet been made in the settlement
of British claims ; were it only for this reason, that
the liquidation of these accounts depends principally on
the settlement of other accounts between the merchants
and dealers of the southern and western States and
those of New York, who are rendered literally unable
to meet their engagements by the state of the internal
exchanges." What a jumble of ignorance and incon-
sistency have we here I No one who is acquainted
with the subject and the general character of Ame-
rican, or of any other dealings, can fail to perceive
that the fact of the internal exchange between
the southern and western States and New York
being unfavourable to the former is precisely what
proves the desire and the efforts of the merchants
and dealers of those States to liquidate their balances
with their correspondents at New York, and is the fair
measure and exact index by which we may safely de-
termine the eagerness of this desire and the intensity
of those efforts. The same remark applies to the mer-
chants of New York in their relations with their Bri-
tish correspondents. The course of trade between the
two countries has recently been such (how occasioned
is wholly immaterial to our present purpose) that,
upon the whole, they have had a balance to remit.
Had they been either unable or unwilling to remit
what they owed, bills upon England could never
have been at the premium at which we have seen
them ; nor would the losses have been submitted
to by individuals which are always necessarily in-
volved in the transmission from one country to
another of large amounts of the precious metals.
It is not agreeable to be compelled to recur thus
to the A B C of commerce, to transcribe pages from
the primer of mercantile knowledge, and to set forth
in print what even the boys who sweep out the
counting-houses of the merchants of the city of
London already thoroughly understand. But when
those who pretend to enlighten the commercial com-
munity of England show how easily they can forget
or di; regard the most obvious and general principles
relating to the commercial intercourse of nations, so
often as it suits their purpose to degrade respectable
classes of men in another country, or to stigmatise
important and valuable interests in our own, it be-
comes a duty to recal to their recollection principles,
however trite and simple, which, although, for spe-
cial purposes, they might have determined to disre-
gard them, they will yet not venture to dispute.—
Morning Post.