The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 6, 1863.

should be filled up, :end the new closets be effectu-
ally drained and the gutters improved, and the
house No. 10, in which the Ward family resided,
should be thoroughly limewashed and cleansed, and
all the other houses should have a separate water
supply. Among other reports were the following :
--6, There are eight pigs kept at Mr. Brown's rag-
shop, Green-street, and an order is necessary for
their h rtewmoo
nuisances;v a l
et
requires
hqteuhrieer
eghs
stench
en::
haat
n—adt
the back of 11, North
reehaemta
dee
-
a shaft built therefrom, In two
of the back rooms
•
in John-street a pony and a donkey have been kept,
but are said to be now not kept." A letter from
Sir Richard Mayne to the vestry clerk, inclosing a
voluminous report from Inspector Prico as to the
state of several houses in Nicholl-street, Bethnal-
green, was read. The report stated that the back
walls were damp
andunwholesome, the ceilings
rotten and dilapidated, the stairs and passages
filthy, and the d
yar s unpaved. There was no water
supply or vessel to hold water, and in one instance
(No. 55) the water-closet had neither seat nor riser.
At 55 there were four families, or 16 inhabitants,
paying 12s. 6d. a week rent. No. 69 was unfit for
human occupation but was occupied by four families,
paying a rent of 12s. a week. The general state of
the street may be inferred from these facts. Mr.
Cook moved and Mr. Ashford seconded a resolution
that the communications from the Home-office and
Scotland-yard should be considered by a committee
of the whole vestry. The resolution was carried.
On the motion of Mr. Webb, seconded by Mr.
Robinson, it was resolved that it be ascertained what
houses in those parts of the parish where there are
sewers have not proper communication with the
sewers, and that in all such cases the necessary steps
for compelling such communications to be made be
taken. Mr. Vass stated that until within the last
six weeks such steps could not have been taken, as
the Metropolitan Board of Works had not until then
given permission.

amongst the servants. Had they not occurred she might
have remained in that service for life.

Charles Butcher, police-constable 137 C, said he appre-
prehended the prisoner at Birmingham, when he told her
he was an officer from London. He told her the charge, and
she said she was very sorry for what she had done, that she
had no money, and nowhere to go to,
The Assistant Judge sentenced her to be imprisoned and
kept to hard labour for 12 months.

John Roberts, alias Benjamin,- pleaded guilty to an in-
dictment, charging him with stealing 19 cigars, value 35.,
the property of Fredk. Evered.

The prisoner pleaded guilty.
Mr. Lockyor, prison officer of the Hoise of Correction,
Coldbath-fields, proved eight convictions against the pri-
soner, ranging from August, 1860, to 1863, and amongst
his offences were burglary and uttering counterfeit coin.
The Assistant-Judge sentenced him to be kept in penal
servitude for four years.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Emperor's Speech,

TIMES.—The Emperor of the French has opened
the Chambers in an address which is more like a
Parliamentary speech than the measured utterance
of a Constitutional Sovereign. His sentences seem
to be uttered from the tribune rather than the
throne. More than ever he descends into the lists,
anticipates the arguments of his adversaries, takes
credit for his achievements, holds out promises for
the future, appeals, menaces, and concludes by leav4
ing on his hearers the desired impression that in
every matter of peace or war, in the construction of
a railway or the establishment of an empire, there
is only one master in France, and that is Napoleon
111, On this occasion the Emperor places domestic
before foreign affairs, perhaps because the former
represent a more complete and finished success,
while his international policy may appear to many
uncertain, adventurous, and not free from danger.
The Polish question, the Emperor reserved to the
last. In this part of the speech he rose to eloquence,
yet it was a guarded language that he used, and no
man can say that he has startled the financiers of
Europe by a single ominous expression. Those who
remember the tone of the French press, and know
the real impulses of the French people and the
strength of the Potish tradition among them, will
rather be surprised at the candour with which the
Emperor admits the fact that something like a Rus-
sian alliance existed with France from the close of
the Crimean war to the present year. We knew that
it was so, but we had never been told the truth from
so high a quarter. " When the Polish insurrection
burst out the Governments of France and of Russia
were on the most friendly footing. Since the con-
clusien of peace they were always agreed upon the
great European questions, and I do not hesitate to
declare so." These words gave the interpreta-
tion to the Emreror's subsequent remarks. The
Power which supported him during the Italian
campaign, and when he incurred the resentment
even of England by the annexation of Savoy and
Nice, ho will not wantonly wrong or insult. But,
on the other hand, Poland has its indefeasible claims
both as a historical people and as a people whom
France has so long been studious to avenge. That he
is in a difficulty, and hesitates between breaking up
the Russian alliance and leaving the Poles to perish
unaided, is what the Emperor would wish us to be-
lieve. He laments the insurrection, the excesses
both of the rulers and the rebels, and the un-
happy circumstance that the struggle has been
made more bitter and cruel by the well-meant
interference of the three Powers. But he does not
believe that there is but one alternative—war or
silence. In language studiously courteous to the
whole of Europe he declares his opinion that the
Treaties of Vienna have, through the lapse of time
and the numbers of political changes, lost their
value, and might be advantageously remodelled in
another General Congress. If Russia would submit
the question of Poland to such au assembly, other
questions might also be submitted, and a reorganisa-
tion of Europe might take place, leading in time to
that general disarmament which philanthropists and
statesmen have so long looked for in vain. It is
with much skill that the Emperor, in proposing
this great council of nations, holds out the hope
that:the burdens of Europe will be made lighter
by the event, and in a manner promises that he
will take the lead in the reform. Assent to this
scheme will, according to the Emperor, be the test
of political honesty, and Russia is warned that if
she refuses the way of peace she may enter on
another which, sooner or later, conducts to war.
The contingent threat of the conclusion does not,
however, take away from the conciliatory tone
which pervades the speech, and we may look upon
it as probable that the French Emperor really de-
sires to avoid an European contest if his own posi-
tion and the impulses of France will allow him to
remain at peace.

POST.—The Emperor has addressed to the French
Chambers words of comfort and of peace. After 11
years of prosperity, the empire is so rich, thanks to
an increasing revenue, that the expenses of two
wars at the extremities of the globe, in Mexico and
in Cochin China, can be met without recourse to
loans or to extraordinary resources. The exports
have increased by upwards of 19,000,000, while
136,000 tons have been added to the mercantile ma-
rine of France. The harvest is abundant, and 1,000
more kilometers of railway have been opened. France
revels in prosperity, and her rulers have only to busy
themselves with newimprovements. Sugar duties and
the laws regulating the baking trade, the maritime
in-cription, the law on strikes, and that on the pri-
vileges of theatres, are pointed to as subjects for
legislation; whilst the Emperor also wishes to pro-
secute the task of decentralisation, to simplify the
administration, and to improve those laws which,
in the course of last year, have given rise to much
scandal by their undue pressure on the aecused.
But foreign policy steps in like an evil genius, and
forbids a happy selfishness. France, like England,
would gladly be quiet. The Emperor does not
hesitate to say that the Czar has been one of his best
friends and has done him good service on several
occasions ; but he could not shut his eyes to the po-
pular feeling of France, and he acknowledges that
the Poles are the "heirs of a right inscribed in
history and in treaties." " The treaties of 1815 no
longer exist." Such are the words of a Napoleon.
That he utters truth is proved by his own position on
the throne of France, no less than by the flagrant
violation of the stipulations of the Congress of Vienna
in every country of Europe. The Emperor has shown
no anxiety for war; on the'contrary, he persists in
accompanying England even in her retrogressions.
We wrote notes for Poland strongly worde. Those
notes were met with partial acceptance. An identical
note was proposed, which, coming from three Powers
determined to back it up, must have attained its
object without any war. But "I dare not" proved
stronger in counsel than "1 would." Lord Rus-
sell announced that we would never go to war.
Three notes, instead of one, were sent, and we re-
ceived in answer three slaps in the face smartly
applied. Why can we not after that satisfaction
leave Poland alone ? Why not, strictly follow-
ing a real policy of non-intervention, let the
Poles be massacred, or sent to Siberia ? No! Lord
Russell has not yet written enough notes. He con-
tinues to prod at the hear with a pointless goad,
shouting all the while in the name of the Liberals of
England, and echoed by Lord Malmesbury on be-
half of the Tories, that he means positively nothing
by it. Months ago we were able to say that three
great Powers were acting as one. Northern
diplomacy has triumphed, and the quondam allies
now act as three. The Emperor makes no allusion
to united action, and in much bewilderment as to
what course to pursue, suggests a European Con-
gress .to settle all difficult questions, and accom-
panies this proposal by a bold project for a
general disarmament. This last notion, coming
from France, is worthy of attention, and may
possibly lead to some result when the time shall
come for entertaining it seriously. Mean-
while, the Polish question itself renders disarmament
impossible. The main question we have to deal
with therefore is that of a Congress. What would
a Congress effect, even supposing that Russia gave
her assent to it? Had England, France, and Aus-
tria determined on what was fair and lawful for
Poland, and asked it at the head of half a million of
men and a hundred vessels of war, they would no
doubt have obtained what they wished. But they
could not agree and they did ,not act. What hope,
then, is there of their bringing their divided coun-
sels to any better result across a green baize table ?
The Emperor's words are words of peace and con-
ci iation ; but, though well•intentioned, we fear
they will prove of little avail. " The past,"
which in the words of Napoleon, " is crumbling
away," will continue to crumble, and the sub-
sidence of its ruins will give us shocks of which
we may bitterly rue the consequences, the
more so that by observance of a due precaution and
a bold policy we might have obviated both the im-
mediate danger and its remoter contingencies,
DAILY NEWS.—The Emperor's speech concludes
with words of generous liberality, such as in former
years have kindled admiration, and almost made us
believe that a new era for humanity had dawned.
Distrust, jealousy, self-interest, and every cause of
international discord are to be laid aside, and all in
future is to be goodwill, confidence, and peace. It
is a pity that so much good exhortation is fore-
doomed to disregard, but there are some artifices
which cannot be practised twice, and we know the
Emperor's parable about " peace of the world,"
" ideas of the epoch," " conscience of the age,"
by heart as familiarly as Solomon Flamborough
knew Mr. Ephraim Jenkinson's story of
Manetho, Sanchoniathan and Berosus, and the
cosmogony. A vague wonder, a passing
thought on the liberties which potentates can take
with the understanding of mankind, is all that the
public will bestow on the generous sentiments about
" exaggerated armaments" and " legitimate aspira-
tions of the people," for which it pleased the Em-
peror to find a placa in his speech. We know who
said, more than ten years ago at Bordeaux, that the
" Empire was peace," and then opened an era of
European wars which is not yet closed. No Con-
ference will ever meet at his invitation to certify
that the fundamental European pact has ceased to
exist. The alarm which he sounds will not terrify.
Europe is not " agitated by the elements of dis-
solution." In Austria, in Italy, in Germany, and
in other countries, a process of consolidation is
going on, and the way to hasten it is not to pro-
claim that " the fermentations of discord are
ready to break out on all sides,"and that
European treaties have lost their validity.
If the
Emperor wants to show his anxiety to promote the
good work, he can easily do so by withdrawing the
French army from Rome. For the Emperor,s sake
it may be hoped that his policymay 414" 4 better

figure in the speeches of his talking Ministers than
it does in his own, the most bewildered, ineffectual
harangue he has yet delivered.
HERALD.—We are not paying an idle compliment
to France or her Emperor when we assert that
Europe will breathe more freely now that the
oracle has spoken. Like all oracular utterances,
the Imperial Speech is couched in somewhat
ambiguous terms, and there are plenty of sanguine
spirits who will find in it grounds for their wildest
enthusiasm or their deepest dejection, But taken
as a whole, as an Imperial manifesto delivered at
an hour of more than ordinary' complications, it
may be regarded as pacific and satisfactory. It may
disappoint some of the prophets who, diving deep
into the Imperial confidence, pointed out yesterday
as the day from which France would date a wonder-
ous era of constitutional development. It will not
fulfil all the hopes of the Czartoryskis and their
friends. It will, perhaps, for a time, scare thosgeou-
tinental powers which have an " oppressed nationa-
lity" to please, or a disputed frontier to rectify, or,
as the Emperor of the French phrases it, "secret
projects which shun the light of day." But for
all that there is a good substratum of satisfactory
m pro ise in it, all the more valuable perhaps that
it is not paraded with an undue flourish of
trumpets. Napoleon 111. has plainly declared
that it is not the duty of France to go to war
on behalf of the Polish insurgents, and France
and Europe are spared a great calamity. Before
the Congess meets we trust at least one great ques-
tion will be eliminated from the topics for universal
discussion by the pacification of Poland. Upon mat-
ters of policy proper to France the Emperor speaks
hopefully and wisely. The great country over
which he rules has a right to look forward to the
time when she will take her place amongst the great
commercial and colonising nations. We should be
the last to wish to diminish her influence in the
New World, or to exclude her flag from distant
seas. The speech points plainly to the acceptance
of the Mexican throne by the Austrian Archduke,
and alludes modestly to the great results achieved
in Cochin China and Mexico by the valour of
French soldiers. In the re-establishment of settled
government in Mexico, and the opening up of her
vast resources to the world, in the development of
the internal wealth of France, and the fostering of
her commerce, let us hope the Emperor will find,
however, a profit sufficient to compensate him for
any disappointment he may have to put up with in
his project of an European Congress.
ADVERTISER.—The most important and the most
exciting topic to which Louis Napoleon referred is
that of Poland. Here, again, our darkness is not
enlightened in the slightest degree as to what Im-
perialism means to do with respect to the Polish
insurrection. The only thing worthy of note in
what he said on the subject is, that while Russia
calls the Poles rebels, and certainly acts towards
them with a vengeance as such, he speaks of them
as the " inheritors of rights written in history and
in treaties." Ho does not blame either Austria or
England for not going to war with Russia on be-
half of Poland, but simply contents himself
by saying that the question being a Euro-
pean one, France is not called on to go
alone to war on behalf of Poland. All that he
proposes to do is to call a Congress of European
Powers to settle the Polish question. This he must
know is a mere subterfuge,—an ingenious device
for shelving the question. Russia would never
consent to any Congress for such a purpose; and
no one knows this better than the occupant of the
Tuileries. We repeat, therefore, that the proposal
of a Congress for such a purpose, is the veriest
mockery. If, indeed, all the parties constituting
such a Congress were to pledge themselves to carry
out by a resort to physical force, the conclusions to
which such a Congress would come, in the event of
Russia refusing to acquiesce in them,—there might
be at least the semblance of something in the pro-
posal ; but Louis Napoleon knows from experience
as well as from open and explicit avowals, that
neither Austria nor this country will go to war for
Poland. The proposal, therefore, is no better than
a delusive and discreditable expedient, having
covertly for its object to play into the hands of
Russia, and destroy the cause of Poland. The speech
altogether is a dull and pointless document. It reads
more like a funeral oration over the death of the
Empire, than an address instinct with gratification
in the retrospect of the past, and buoyancy for the
future. There is not one brilliant conception, nor a
single felicitous expression in it. It is so unlike
anything which ever before, on similar occasions,
proceeded from the Imperial pen, that we have some
difficulty in regarding it as really an emanation from
the Napoleonic mind. It will produce a profound
and universal feeling of dissatisfaction in France;
and will, if we are not greatly mistaken, give a
heavier blow and greater discouragement to Im-
perialism than anything that has occurred since the
notable 2d of December, 1852.