The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TIMES.—As the Confederacy has copied the prac-
il-‘: of the Union as regards the meeting of Con-
'ye at the same time the Mt.E6e4;EB of

the
grassrinal , we rAtneriaan
Presidents. Mr. Lincoln has
—erous illness from ad-
not been prevented by a dal, .
Legislature
..terms that will
dressing the Federal
_enublican
satisfy the most extreme zealot of the
Ltres
party, and Mr. Davis, on the other hand, dee
the unfaltering determination of his Government
to persist in the war, although former victories
have not been able to save the Confederacy from
calamities inflicted by the superior numbers of the
enemy. But the Message of the more powerful
magistrate is the document which has the greater
interest for Europe. Mr. Lincoln is now pos-
sessed of an authority within what may be callei
his dominions greater than has ever been known
even during his higte-handed Presidency. A
year ago the Democratic pasty was still for-
midable. The city and to a great extent the
State of New York were opposed to the Leo7ern-
ment, if not to the war. Pennsylvania and Ohio ,
were hostile; the Western States, with Illinois at i
their head, were wavering between a peace policy
and the relentless theories of' the Republicans. The
President had not been able to abandon the system
of espionage and summary imprisonment which he
had established soon atter his accession. The forts
which were the objects of such indignation to the
Democrats continue to receive their unwilling in-
mates ; and in some of the larger cities it was doubt-
ful whether a majority of the inhabitants were not as
treasonable in thought as those who were immured
in any Federal prison. Mr. Lincoln's position is
now more secure, and the tone of his Message
shows the effect of the last year's success, both
political and military. Last year he was about to
issue his edict of emancipation amid the doubts and
disapprobation of the greater part of the Northern
people. This year he has no such thunderbolt to
launch, and consequently need not use defiant or
deprecatory language to those who are to judge his
policy. But he thinks that the successes on the
Mississippi and in Tennessee are sufficient to autho-
rise a proclamation of another kind. The most
striking feature of the present Message is the am-
nesty which Mr. Lincoln thinks fit to proclaim to
the Southern people. If the obstinate and fierce-
tempered population who have been resisting his
armies for two years and a half will now abandon
the President they have elected, the politicians who
administer their Government, the representatives
whom they have sent to Congress, the generals who'
lead their armies,the naval officers who have defended
their seaports and commanded their cruisers, then
they will be allowed to return under the protec-
tion of the United States, with such property as
may remain to them when their slaves are set free.
We know not what effect Mr. Lincoln anticipates
from this proclamation. A year ago he was prepared
with one which was expected speedily to bring the
Confederate Government to ruin. A year ago the
more sanguine politicians at Washington actually
looked upon the war as nearer its end than they
do now. A grant of freedom to four millions of
slaves must, in their opinion, produce consequences
so momentous that the Southern Confederacy would
be unable to stand the shock. All, indeed, that
the Federals have gained by the capture of Vicks
burg and Chattanooga does not equal what the
more ardent Republicans hoped for from the Pro.
ciamation of January. But that edict produced no
perceivable effect upon the Southern people, except
to make them more stubborn in their resistance
than before. We think it doubtful whether there
is any district of the Confederacy where the present
proclamation will have a more powerful effect than
the lest. In places that are occupied by Federal
troops it may be that some of the proprietors will
make their submission in order to save their estates
from the grasp of military commanders and the
adventurers who follow in their train; but, in spite
of the hardships the Southern people have under-
gone, the diminution of their numbers, the wretched
state of their finances, and tho loss of some of the
most important regions of the Confederacy, there is,
we think, little chance that they will accept the
offers made to them. When a race of men have
been subjected to the trials and excited by the pas
sinus of such a war as this, considerations of inte-
rest and prudence have little weight. The whole
man is changed, the temper is made savage, and
the antipathies engendered by a furious struggle
make the prospect of returning to the companion-
ship of civil life with the enemy more hateful then
the utmost which he can inflict. If the South-
ern people had been urged on by animosi-
ties stronger than any which we Englishman
have over felt for a foe, they would undoubtedly
have come back to the Union when they first found
the North resolute in the conduct of the war, and
the European Powers unwitting to interfere. It is
now eighteen months at icast since they must have
been convinced that they would have to struggle
against the whole power of the Northern States,
about any help from France or England, except
at the most an empty recognition, and with the
Northern President determined to use, if MOE'S-
sAry, the arms of the negro against them. They knew
that they must undergo a long and doubtful contest,
and that even if they succeeded in achieving their
independence, it must be at the cost of frightful
private calamities, and probably the ruin of that
social system which they seceded and took up arms
to maintain. I et, though towards the close of last
year they might have returned to the Union alines!'
in triumph, with the glories of the Chickabominy
8611 bright, and with Lee and Jackson the most
popular heroes of a reconstructed Union, they re
pelted all the advances of iehe Democrats, saw with-
out wavering the renewed asentulancy of the party
at the North most hostile to themselves, and obeyed
a stringent Conscription Act with a readiness an-
surpassed in history. The class of men, too, who
are excepted from the amnesty aro precisely those
who are all-powerful in the Confederate States. If
the old men and the women and children were de-
sirous of ending their privations by reunion, their
wishes would avail little as long as the country is
governed directly by the army, and the army is
under the control of the statesmen and Generals
whom Mr. Lincoln requires to be left to his
mercy. The trials of the army may be great,
but soldiers have seldom a strong desire for the
termination of a war, uniese, indeed, they are en-
gaged in monotonous gatrison duties far from the
scene of strife. Tee excitement of the campaign
and the quickening rivalries which it engenders ere
enough to keep troops in the proper war spirit, as
long as they are not depressed by want or exhausted
by defeats and fatigue. The Confederate soldiers
probably suffer less from tee privatiousof the ceuutry
than any class of the citizens, for according to all ac •
counts every district is put under contribution for
them, and the defence of the Republic is made para-
mount to every private interest. '1 hese consideration s
can hardly fail to have been present to Mr. Lincoln's
mind, since they have been obvious to the Northern
press, and present themselves at once to us. We
may, then, presume that his amnesty is rather in-
tended as a demonstration of confidence in Federal
success than a measure likely to have practical con
sequences. Indeed, the other parts of the Message,
as well as the Reports of Mr. Stanton and Mr. Chase,
reveal anticipations of a long war which accord little
with the notion of a Confederate submission. Calcu-
lations as to whether the number of troops to be had
for the money received under the last draught will
prevent the necessity of another combine with Mr.
Chase's statement of the expected state of the finance
in 1865 to convince us that the Government does not
look for an early termination of the war. The Mes-
sage of President Davis gives no sign of yielding,
though it is said to have a tone of despondency,
The loss of an important position, on which Mr.
Davis himself sets a high value, may account for
this discouragement, and the frustration of his hopes
of European interference have no doubt somewhat
effected him. But the difficulties of the hour do not
appear to suggest any thought of a reconciliation.
President Davis addresses himself to the greatest
practical questions which press on him—the want
of men and money. For the present the
latter is the more important, for the Confederate
armies have a respite during the winter,
but the state of the currency admits neither of
delay nor of half measures. Taxation, as a
means of raising money and reducing- the present
inflated currency, is recommended by Mr. Davis,
and in the Richmond Congress, composed as it ie of
the chiefs of Secession, he will have no difficulty in
carrying through any measures on which he may
have resolved. However strong the Governmetn:
of Washington may be, that of 'the Coned
States States at least equals it in authority, °
abilities of the leaders equal their pow.
no doubt make good the deficien
:nieces are to be
weaken the Republic. As the
vnias to be reinforced
restored by taxation, so the.adrincj,'„seription, and, so
by another and a more
° fiber
trim oniahfl
ta rs
eaesms as dependsi
f the
n war the ;on would
be
ee,rf:teghwaeredGielowawvtuahiehstriej:lnythautlrweitonnt3i
vigour in the ensuing Sprigg-.
CourthforceDssitvaboiricseheadnia
the
we sutPeP
POST.—As
taken its plat© among
-far institutions 0
the country, it is sosatisfactory to
Causes must now,
find that its
ractice can
not be accused of an
y unnecessary &-
jays. That cases of considerable duration should
occasionally occur is inevitable from the fact that
the evidence brought forward is, and must of neces-
sity frequently be, of a recriminatory
character, and
thus involves, in fact, a double issue "He who
seeks equity must do e *
quity," is a maxim the obser-
vance of which is happily no longer confined to the
sittings of the
It. was on_
0, , Court of Chancery is Lincoln's-inn.
e t the best among the many goad prin-
ciples laid down for
the ft-Jule guidance of the
Court by the )nth
.. 1
,mented Sir CrOSSWOII Cress-