The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-31 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, lITESDAY, JANUARY 31, 1837.

blishmont of a. Poof-la* lit i-eland-4 Rear.) No Measure
'Could be intk-ethtted into that Ilouse which Would giVe Mote
geticral Satisfaction to the people of this and the Sister Country;
than a measure ishich they ciinejVed 41.11 d aOcilatais'f's the con-
dition of to li:.7l11-Y t'hbvii4.-Sliiia !a lrelatifl.-4 Het-, hear.) Be--
riAT h`e SAlt d'Ati anticipate a very different termi-
nat,on to this Session from that which unhappily had been the
termination of the last.—(hear, hear. )—They had a great
authority for saying, that a house divided against itself could
not stand ; and• if that were the case, they might well suppose
that a Constitution divided against itself could not stand.—
Ile hoped that a new spirit would exist in the present Parlia-
ment, and regretted that want of corporeal strength prevented
him from giving utterance to his sentiments with greater effi-
ciency. The lion. Member concluded by moving an A ldress
to his Aliijestv, which, as usual, was an echo of the Speech.
Mr. VILLIERS STUART, in rising to second the
Address moved by the lion. Member for Somersetshire, asked
for the indulgence of the House while he addressed them. It
was always a pleasing duty to ask the House to con-
cur in an Address in reply to the Speech from the
Throne, and however difficult might be the task he would
rather encounter ifs dangers than neglect it altogether. Tak-
ing into consideration the early assembling of the great Council
of the nation, he saw in it the anxiety of his Majesty to bring
to a speedy adjustment the great questions which now occu-
pied the public attention. The assurance viii;ch his Majesty
gave them in the Speech from the Throne, of the anxiety
of Foreign Powers to continue their friendly relations to
this country, affo:ded a proof of the disposition
of these States to continue their present relations upon the
same terms which have been already found so extremely
beneficial to this country.—([fear, hear.) It also showed
that the peace which we so long enjoyed was not maintained
by the sacrifice of the national honour or dignity. If his
Majesty were enabled to congratulate them upon the general
tranquillity of Europe, he regretted that Spain afforded a solitary
exception ; but he was confident that that House would witness
with sincere joy the termination of the unfortunate conflict
which now raged in the Peninsula. Out of this tempo-
rary evil, however, a permanent good might arise,
and that gallant Nation, which had so often cemented
with its best blood its liberties, when attacked by foreign
foes, would prove itself no less determined iii putting
down its more dangerous, because more treacherous, ene-
mies.—(llear, hear, hear. )—lle trusted that the free-
dom of Si ain would be shortly based upon as solid a
foundation as our own, and that the gallant conduct of the
brave people of Bilboa and other places would not go without its
reward. It was a matter of congratulation that thu Constitution
of that country was not fettered as others were, but was al-
most as free as our own. Having got so far through the
Speech, he came to that part of it which related to the
commercial concerns of this country—that was a topic
upon which he would say almost nothing, as he was then
in the presence of many Gentlemen who were much better
acquainted with that subject than he could possibly
pretend to be. He would, therefore, more particularly turn
his attention to a subject with which he was better acquainted.
The next topic of the Speech related to that country with
which he had the honour to be connected.. If he had been gifted
Mith eloquence, it was a topic on which he could have spoken for
hours; but not being so, he would only express his hope that now
the great Council of the nation was assembled it would adopt
a conciliatory policy towards that country, and keep in view
that great and first principle upon which they should act,
that the prosperity of the United Kingdom would depend
upon the prosperity of all its parts. To make an ex-
ception to the general policy of the kingdom against one of
its parts was in his opinion one of the worst things
that could possibly be done. The effects of the Union, in
order to be strengthened, must be real—must be of real be-
nefit to both parties.—/ Cheers.) Until a conviction of that
kind was felt, the Union was in abeyance.—(Cheers.) It
was for them to bring home to the minds of the people that
they had an interest in being a united people, and that
to enjoy the same rights, the King had called their
particular attention to the subject of Municipal Corporations
for Ireland. To that portion of the Speech which alluded to the
Poor Laws for Ireland, he looked with particular satisfaction.
The Hon. Member referred to that panacea of a largo population
in want of employment, viz., a Poor Law for Ireland, which will
remove evils of the greatest hardship, and will attract the atten-
tion of the Legislature to the necessity of giving employment to
the poor. As to the next point of the Speech, which referred to the
the Reform of Municipal Corporations, the people of Ire-
land were entitled equally with English and Scotch sub-
jects, and had as strong claims to loyalty as either of those
countries.—( Hear, hear.) It was a matter of pure satiss
faction that his Majesty had never expressed a want
of confidence in his Irish subjects--( Hear)—although
there were many who ascribed to themselves a peculiar loyalty,
and denied an equal right to give power to the Irish.--( Cheers.)
Such persons had no right to that especial loyalty, nor had
they any claim to stand between his Majesty and a
brave and generous people, whose loyalty was very simi-
lar in intensity to woman's love.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.)
True loyalty was uninfluenced by any selfish feeling, and what-
ever the treatment of his Majesty's Irish subjects might be, it
would be a difficult matter to estrange their affections from
their Sovereign. The best means, however, of avoiding any
estrangement would be the adoption of a policy which would give
them the entire confidence of their English fellow-subjects.
If that line of policy was ealOpted- Ireland would indeed be-
come happy, and`England powerful. If not, he would- say,
indeed fatowell, a long-farewell,: 'alttlielflinpea of tranquil-
lity and prosperity. If such 'a policy. were adopted, he saw be-
- fore him a gradual improvement in her affairs, instead of that
feverish excitement which has occupied the inhabitants of that
country upon political subjects, and which had rendered Ireland
a scene of agitation from end to end, and which bad left the
mind of every man smarting under the sense of in.
suit and degradation which had been heaped upon
them._( Hear.) That moment might be delayed, but it
could not bo averted—he was quite satisfied that it would
speedily arrive. So long as it was delayed, so long would
the tranquillity bo delayed—so long would her prosperity be
delayed—and so long would the power of England
be paralysed. For centuries England had treated Ireland like
a conquered country ; • gradually she had relaxed that system,
and raised Ireland in point of law to an equality with herself;
and he would now ask, would they venture to keep her in a state of
degradation in point of joracfce ? He was satisfied that they
could not—the moment that the Emancipation Bill was passed
they had raised up another nation to an equality with them-
selves, and that nation was determined to maintain
her position.—( Hear, hear.) If there was a party
still existing in that country who were not satisfied with a fair
share of power, but were determined to recur to the old state
of things and the old system of ascendancy, he (Mr. V.
Stewart) would pray his Majesty's Ministers not to be led
away by their views, and not to let their policy be their guide
in legislating for that country. As as Irishman, deeply
interested in her proeperity, and having a deep stake
in the country with which he was connected, and by which he
must rise or fall, he would entreat of them not to be led away
by the policy of that party, by depriving his poor but happy
country of her fair share of the privileges which other por-
tions of the empire enjoyed.—( Hear, hear.) Whatever
line of policy might be adopted, mucl;gratitude was, in his
opinion, duo to his Majesty for the gracious manner
in which he had called the attention of Parliament
to the state of Ireland ; and he felt that in seconding
the motion that an humble address be presented to his
Majesty lie was but fulfilling his duty as one of the representa-
tives for that country.—(The Hon. Member sat down amid
loud cheering. )
After the Address bad been read from the Chair,

Mr. RO EB LICK rose, and said that as a silent vote upon the
Address might be construed into a general approbation of the
conduct of his Majesty's Ministers, he should, to save himself
from misconstruction, particularly under the present circum-
stances, say a few words to explain the reasons which induced
him to vote for the Address. He would now state why
he was compelled—differieg as he did from them upon
many important questions, nevertheless, to give them that sup-
port which they would obtain from many Members on his side
of the House to maintain them in the position of Ministers,
though they could not give a general support to the principles
upon which the present Government was conducted. In doing
this it would be necessary to speak of the different parties
who were endeavouring to gain en ascendancy in this country,
and he would not have the meanness to shrink from the task,
although he would endeavour, whilst performing it, to
speak with no unnecessary asperity. He would, then,
endeavour shortly to state what he thought the exact
condition of political_
..parties.-An England, and more
particularly of that' section, 'the democratic section
to which he belonged, In doing thii he would recommend a
policy to the democratic party in that House which a few
timid men in that House might disregard, which the dishonest
would not adopt, but to those who bad judgment to de-
cide what was proper, and courage to follow it---who demanded
a frank, fair, open, and uncompromising policy—of those he
would claim the support. It appeared that at the present time
there was going on in this country, and not only in this cuun-
try but in the world at large, a fearful struggle be-
tween two great principles of Government—the one
which endeavoured to make the many dominant,
and the other which endeavoured to maintain the domination
of the few. There were in this House two parties at the
present moment, the Tory or Aristocratic party, who were
ranged in an hostile but honest. faction against the opinions
of the democracy, and this party formed, unfortunately as he
believed for England, a very large majority hero. There
was another party, the democratic party who were a small,
and, to use a phrase that was not disagreeable to the other
side of the House, a miserable minority ; but the latter
party was supported by the people at large out of doors.
Supported then, as they were, by the masses out of doors,
the party which represented the aristocracy; wise as they were
in their generation, saw that there was no chance of defeating
them by open warfare, and they choose rather to oppose to them
arsoomffithhoe cotsopfptohstieielne he
In personsiso3fo t
t hei
11eir hti gwso antagonist
. ( Cheers
f
principles of which he spoke were brought into distinct array
themselves in
thes. _
against each other. At that time the people of England had
fully demonstrated to them that the monarchy of these realms
was not as had been supposed, but was, in point of fact, an
aristocratic, republic. The people of England determined to
suffer the domination of a few, and had the aristocracy dared
to continue their opposition to the demands of the nation,
they would find themselves swept before the current of
heaJed by Lord Grey, offered their mediation, and popularby
opinion. In this sate of things the Whig party,
means of it the Reform Bill was passed--that reform
Bill, they were glad' to receive, not as 'all they might
desire, but as an instalment of justice, as a means of
accomplishing more en the first feasible opportunity.
They took it as a stepping-stone to gre:.ter benefits.--( Hear. )
As soon as the Reform Bill was passed, a large portion of the
Whigs, with Lord Grey at the head, and the Noble Lord
opposite,-( Stanley), a strong partisan, deFerted these principles,
and stuck to aristtcl-atie governmea. They wishei to stand

still, but it Was found that the people of England would not per-
mit that,and then they tlifew themselves headlong into their atis-
tocrAtic f;tbtitin. Thep tioi'd.jelbottrne—he stood for-
send die ihk Vhig:s arid i).46 liespl he
had a small section of the Whigs, and he sought such ati al-
liance with the Radical section of that House. The people
believed that the Reform Bill brought into that House so
large a number of Liberal Members, that they thought the
will of the community would be predominant. The Radical
party was obliged to consult the wishes of the people,
and then they found themselves obliged to range toemselves
under the banners of Lord Melbourne, under the name of Re-
formers. A large portion of the Whigs seemed to have no settled
or detertufned object—their only wish seemed to be to preserve
the aristocracy in all their privileges and occupations, while at
the same time they were willing and anxious to take such a
share of popularity as they possibly could. There were some
who said the Whigs were sincere and ardent patriots ; there
was another section who said the Whigs were insincere, and
were only anxious to make use of the Its formers for their
own purposes, but the large and more influential section said
that, taking them as a whole they were better than the Tories,
and more could be got out of them. —( Tory cheers, which
were answered from the opposite side.) Then, after this
special understanding that their own peculiar interests
in this matter were to be consulted, and having some portion
of power over the Ministry by the union of the Whigs and
Radicals, it was the duty of the latter to endeavour to get for
the people a large measure of Reform. Actin.. upon the wish
of the people, the liberal party had ranged themselves under
the banners of Lord Melbourne, the only justification for
which was that the Whigs used large and general words in
relation to Reform. They did not call themselves
Whigs but Reformers ; that might mean anything after
the displays which had taken place even in the present
year, that term might include all the Tories.—(Laughter. )
Even the Gentlemen opposite were Reformers—(Cheers)—
in so far as their own private interests were concerned, and
such was the case with the large body of the Reforming Whigs
that was their gain—that was their feeling—that was how they
had taken the name of Reformers, because by so doing, and
by their union with Radicals, they secured great benefits to
themselves. Two years ago they all said they loved Reform,
and hated Toryism ; now the people who so hated Reform,
would also detest aristocratic dominion and bad laws, and they
believed that the Whigs came before them with the determi-
nation to put down all irresponsible Government, whether it
was in the hands of friends or enemies.

Mr. BEAUMONT followed, and moved the amendment of
which he had given notice in his published letter, which he
afterwards withdrew.

Mr. James, Mr. Curteis, Mr. Gisborne, Mr. Hume, and
Doctor Bowring, subsequently addressed the House in sup-
port of the original motion.
Sir R. I'E EL said that he should imitate the greater part
of the speakers who had preceded him, and make observation
whatevor to provoke a discussion upon the preliminary
points arising upon the topics in the Speech from the
from the Throne, but reserved to himself the full and unfet-
tered right of discussing every point in the Speech hereafter.
The only amendment likely to have created any discussion had
been withdrawn. In reference to the subject of foreign policy
he should also reserve himself unpledged to the full and
free discussion hereafter. He recognised the claims of
the Queen of Spain to the sympathies of this country.
that Queen had been recognized as the legitimate Queen by the
Government of this country, when the Noble Duke and himself
wele in the Administration.—( Hear, hear.) He would re-
serve his opinion upon the policy of the Quadruple Treaty ;
but there was a very great distinction between whether
that truly ought to have bced entered into and the question
whether it ought to be fulfilled in all good faith.
Lord PA LM E RSTON - replied and declared his readiness
to meet the Right Honouroble. Baronet on the question
of our policy towards Spain whenever it was brought
forward, and contended that the co-operation which had
been afforded, was strictly in conformity with the terms of the
Quadruple Treaty.
The Address was then put from the Chair, and agreed to
unanimously, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past
Eight o'clock.