The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Mr. BOUVERIE moved that the house should go into
committee to enable him to amend the Act of Uniformity.
His object was to amend a portion of the act which was
comparatively unnoticed and obscure, and to repeal the Bth
section, which made it incumbent on deans, canons, pre-
bends, professors, masters of colleges, and all fellows, to
make a declaration of conformity to the Liturgy of the
Church previous to their admission to appointments or fel-
lowships. In 1860 the senior wrangler was Mr. Stirling, a
Scotsman, and although that gentleman took one of the
most distinguished degrees ever known at Cambridge, he
was unable to hold a fellowship at his college, because, being
a member of the Free Church of Scotland, he could not
make the declaration of conformity respecting the Liturgy
of the Church of England.
Mr. WALPOLE said, as he understood his right hon.
friend to confine his motion to one specific question, he
would simply address himself to that question. The motion
was to repeal so much of the Act of Uniformity as made it
necessary to subscribe a declaration of conformity to the
Church of England before one could become a fellow of the
University of Cambridge. Let them see what the conse-
quence would be ia practice of assenting to the motion. A
proposition has been made in that house by Mr. Heywood;
it was proposed in two forms—one was that no declaration
should be required for the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and
the second was that there should be no declaration for
Master of Arts. The first proposition had been carried by
a large majority, and when the second was about to be put,
he (Mr. Walpole) pointed out that it would be necessary to
reconsider the first; and for this reason—that there were
two principles involved. The principle involved in the first
proposition was that the university should be open for the
purpose of education to all the subjects of the Queen; but
the principle of the second was that the Government of the
collegues and their endowment might be acquired by those
who were not members of the Church of England. He asked
whether the house had not again recorded its decision in
1856, when the right hon. gentleman himself had charge of

the University Bill, and when a clause was proposed for the
admission of Dissenters. Seeing that the house had thus
solemnly recorded its opinion upon two occasions, he hoped
it would not reverse it without very strong reasons.
Mr. P. URQUHART said, if ever there was a proposi-

tion that would be for the advantage of the universities, it
was that of the right hon. gentleman behind him (Mr.
Bouverie).

Lord bTANLEY said the proposition of 1856 was d;

ferent from the present ; and, looking at the circumstances

of the case, he believed the house exercised a wise discretion
in rejecting that proposition. The character and constitu-
tion of the colleges would not be affected if the motion be-
fore the house was carried, and he should give it his support.
There was a growing opinion among the younger members
of the colleges that some such change as that now con-
templated was inevitable. (Hear, hear.)
Sir W. HEATHCOTE hoped the house would pause
before they did anything that was likely to overthrow the
decision of 1854 and 1856.
Mr. DUFF supported the motion.
_ _

Lord R, CECIL condemned the proposition, and hoped
the house would not assimilate the English to the German
universities. The noble lord concluded by moving the
adjournment of the debate, in order to allow of members
expressing an opinion with respect to the bill.
Lord PALMERSTON said that his right hon, friend in
taking this subject up, had given a notice so vague that he
had conveyed no intimation of the particular motion which
he intended to found upon it, No doubt the motion was of

. ... . ....._
considerable importance, and it would have been fairer to

, _ ---
the house if his right hon. friend had stated the particular
object that he had in view. (Hear, hear.) The present
stage, however, of the motion was equivalent to moving for
leave to bring in a bill ; but, inasmuch as the bill was con-

stituted of very little detail, and might be said rather to
involve a principle, it might be competent for the house, at
the first blush, to form an opinion with respect to it. At
the same time the question was one with regard to which
parties of that house were entitled to full time for conside-

ration, and upon that ground he should not be indisposed
. _

;0 vote for going into committee in order to allow of the bi

being introjuced. He confessed, hoWeve;,;l;equestion
raised required very grave consideration; and he must not
be understood as expressing any opinion in favour of the
bill by voting for going into committees.
Lord R. CECIL then withdrew his motion for the
adjournment of the debate.
The house divided.
For going into committee
.. 167
Against
Majority . --22
The house then went into committee.
The resolution was agreed to, and leave was given to
bring in the bill. The 3d of June was fixed for the second
reading.

TIMES.---To the Note of the Irtitieh Government
on the affairs of Poland an answer has been returned
which neither in substance nor in tone is quite sa-
tisfactory. The Court of St. Petersburg seems
hardly to appreciate the magnitude of the question
and the earnestness with which the three Powers
have made their common representations. Seldom
has there been a more impressive political event in
Europe than the despatch by three Governments so
different in their constitution and their traditions
as those of England, France, and Austria, of Notes
protesting, in studied and forcible language against
the rule to which the Polish kingdot. is now sub-
jected. It could be no slight impulse, no passing
tancy, no Parliamentary or revolutionary bias,
which could bring the old Conservative Throne of
Vienna, the military Monarchy of Paris, and the
moderate Government of our own country into con-
junction, and thi4 with the full support of the re-
spective nations. So far, indeed, as the public
opinion of the world is concerned, Russia has re-
ceived a " Note" from every community which has
heard of her recent proceedings in Poland, Not only
the three Powers, but the people of Germany, jea-
lous as they are of the Poles, the people of Italy, of
Spain, of Sweden, and of the lesser States, have
joined zealously in the demand which has been
officially made by the leading Powers. Even the
Royal authority, and the sense of having, to some
degree, a common cause with Russia, have been un-
able to prevent the Prussian people from manifest
ing, in a way not to be mistaken, their sympathy
with the rebellion. In such a case it would, we
think, become Prince Gortschakoff to reflect on the
unanimity of the censure which has fallen upon his
master's Government, and to endeavour to propi •
tiate so widespread a public opinion by language
which should give hope of an altered policy. Of
such a change there is little appearance in the
reply to the English Note, which we publish else-
where. Not that Prince Gortschakoff is discourteous
or defiant, or that he fails to declare his Govern-
ment to ba animated by the best feelings towards
England, by the strongest desire to carry out treaties,
and by paternal care of the Poles themselves. The
formulas of diplomacy are not likely to be disre-
garded by a Russian Minister. But there is con-
spicuous in the reply a belief that the Western
Powers will never seriously interfere with anything
that passes within the Russian frontier, that Poland
will be left to stand or fall according to her own
strength, and that, consequently, an independent
and somewhat haughty tone may be used towards
those who have affected to lecture the Russian
Government on the reform of its ways. The first
question to which Prince Gortschakoff addresses
himself is the value of *he stipulation which was
made on behalf of Poland at the Congress of 1815.
He seems to consider the loose terms in which the
stipulation was framed as leaving everything to the
judgment and grace of the Sovereign, and as not
binding him to any special form of constitution.
" Poles, subjects of Russia, Austria, and Prussia re-
spectively, shall enjoy representation, and shall ob-
tain national institutions, to be determined in con-
formity with the political existence which each of
the Governments to which they belong shall con.
eider it useful and expedient to grant to them." All
the world knows how Alexander I. and his succes-
sor Nicholas understood these words. The first
gave a constitution, the second took it away.
Within a few months after the signature of the
Vienna Treaties, Alexander conferred upon his new
subjects institutions which in sound were liberal as
any that could be expected from a military Em-
peror, or worked with advantage by a continental
people. There was a Diet elected for two years,
and composed of a Senate for life and a representa-
tive body; there were a separate responsible Mini-
stry and a national army of 50,000 men commanded
by a Viceroy, and not liable to serve beyond the
borders of the kingdom. Finally, the freedom of
the press was guaranteed and a criticism on the acts
of the Government permitted, unless it took the
orm of attacks on the Imperial person or family.
How this fair constitutional edifice was over-
thrown, how Russian martinets on the one
side, and Polish agitators on the other,
made the Government every year more diffi-
cult to maintain, how the fatal rebellion of 1831
broke out, and ended in the sweeping away by
Nicholas of all that Alexander had erected, forms
the most melancholy history of this century. The
suggestion, if not the demand, of the three Powers
is that the Constitution of 1815 shall be re-esta-
blished, England, France, and Austria were parties
to the Treaty by which the Poles were guaranteed
" representation" and " national institutions." Let,
then, they say, the representation and the national
institutions which Alexander I. gave be now re-
stored to the Poles. But Prince Gortschakoff's
answer shows that no such concession is to be ex-
pected from the present Sovereign. While admit-
ting that Alexander I. did actually give a Consti-
tution in pursuance of the stipulation in the Treaty,
he yet maintains that to confer that precise form
ofinstitutions was not at all compulsory upon him,
and that now the Treaty of Vienna would be amply
satisfied by the establishment of mere municipal
bodies, since these would constitute a "repre-
sentation" and answer the description of national
Institutions. "The Emperor Alexacder," he says,
developed these principles in accordance with his
personal views. He granted to Poland the Con-
stitution of the 12th (24th) December, 1815. It
was a spontaneous act of his sovereign will ; and it
did not constitute an irrevocable engagement to.
wards foreign Powers, inasmuch as the Act of the
Constitution, posterior to the Treaty of Vienna,
was not even communicated to them." Prince
Gortschakoff iraimates that the Constitution spon-
taneously given was abrogated by conquest in
1831. "We think it may be laid down," he says,
" that if the revolt does not invalidate these nation3l
engagements, it, at any rate, annuls the sponta-
neous development of them which had been gene-
rously aided, and which has led to fatal resutte
both to Poland and Russia." Further on he
shows how the present Emperor understands the
Article of the Treaty of Vienna by speaking of
a " germ which time and experience must deve-
lone," and an administrative autonomy on the
basis of the provincial and municipal institutions."
So much for the approach to constitutionalism
which the Czar is willing to make. As to the
rebellion itself Prince Gortschakoff has but one
idea—that there is a party of disorder which will
not allow the peaceable majority of the kingdom to
enter on the path of regular progress, and that there
is a continua, conspiracy, organised and armed
abroad, to keep up dieturbances. How far this is
true we shall not discuss. But it may be said that
it is strange refugees abroad should be able to vex
a contented country, that a minority should be able
to overcome the loyalty of a peaceful majority.
These are the charges always made by Sovereigns
whose subjects are alienated from them ; but the
conclusion of impartial lookers-on is, that where
there is real and enduring insurrection there must
be real and general discontent. Lord Russell, in
his despatch of April 24th, on the subject of the
amnesty, and the promise of " maintaining the in-
stitutions of the country in all their integrity," says,
' This promise can hardly be satisfactory to the
Poles; for, with regard to the institutions already
given, it was during their existence that 2,000
young men were seized arbitrarily in the night. So
that it is evident no security would be obtained by
submitting again to the same laws. With those in-
stitutions in full force and vigour, innocent men
might be imprisoned as criminals, or condemned to
serve as soldiers, or banished to distant countries,
without a trial, without publicity, without any
guarantee whatever." This is, indeed, the best
answer to the declarations of Prince Gortschakoff
concerning his master's excellent principles of
government, and the contentment they have diffused
among the majority of Poles. Was the seizure of the
conscripts a fact ? If so, how is it consistent with
such free government as may reasonably satisfy the
parties to the Treaty of Vienna ? Are the people of
Poland satisfied ? It so, how has a rebellion raged
for three months throughout the country, and how
does it go on in spite of all the means which a great
military Empire can use to crush it ? The answer
of Prince Gortschakoff seems to us to suit neither
the facts of the case nor the temper in which the
combined Powers have spoken.
PosT.--We publish elsewhere the text of the re-
plies given by the Russian Government to the notes
respectively addressed to it on the subject of Poland
by the Cabinets of London and Paris. 'Their careful
perusal, however, does not in any respect lead us to
alter the opinion expressed on the receipt of the
summary of their contents a few days since. The
Government of the Czar accords the most favour-
able reception to the observations of the two Powers,
and in the answer to the French note it is even
stated that the views expressed by the Emperor of
the French accord entirely with those of the Em-
peror of All the Russian. At St. Petersburg, as at
Paris and in London, every one deplores the sad
condition of Poland, and there, as in the two latter
places, the authorities are only too anxious that
measures should be taken which should prevent the
recurrence of scenes which are admitted to be out-
rages on humanity. But the means by which the
happy consummation so much desired by all is to be
accomplished are only dimly shadowed forth ; and,
whilst admitting the obligations to do something in
the interests of the peace of Europe, the Russian
Government is careful to avoid defining what those
obligations are. The replies to England and France
are eminently conciliatory, bat practical men would
notwithstanding be inclined to treat them as ex-
tremely unsatisfactory. In his despatch to the Rus-
sian Ambassador at the English Court Prince Gort-
schakoff examines in detail the despatch recently
transmitted to St. Petersburg by Earl Russell. He
subdivides itinto two portions; the first relating to

The weekly meeting of the Central Executive Relief
Committee was held yesterday—Sir J. P. Kay Shuttle-
worth, Bart ,in the chair. The following members were
also present :—The Mayor of Manchester, Major Egerton
Leigh, Messrs. T. Ashton, G. L. Ashworth, Joseph Fenton,
Robert Hutchison, Hugh Mason, R. M'Clure, J. Platt,
W. Rathbone, jun. ; M. Ross, S. J. Stern, J. Worrall, H.
B. Farnall, A. H. Heywood, treasurer; and J. W. Mac-
lure, hon. secretary. The following report, for the month
ending April 25, was presented by the hon. Secretary :
"The numbers relieved by the boards of guardians steadily
decreased during the first three weeks of the month of
April. The returns for the last week show an equally fa-
vourable result. In my last report I expressed an opinion
that during the month of April there would be'a consider-
able increase of employment. The returns show an in•
crease of 33,816 operatives fully employed, and of 1,300
working four or five days; while the number out
of employment is 24,954 less than in the month of
March. In consequence of this improvement in the trade
of the district, together with the desire so extensively felt
to afford outdoor employment, the number of persons re-
lieved by the local committees has undergone a most im-
portant reduction, and a reference to the tables will show
that the number of persons relieved is 42,622 less than
in March of those who were dependent entirely on the
relief committees, and 18,345 of those whose relief from
the boards of guardians were supplemented by the com •
mittees. From this cause the :monthly expenditure
of the local committees has been reduced to £89,343, beir g
£14,744 less than in March. Although, when it is remem-
bered that there are still 294,904 persons in receipt of relie
from the committees, this expenditure may be considered
anything but excessive, yet there are districts which have
considerably exceeded the scale recommended by the Cen-
tral Committee, and I have therefore prepared a table,
showing the rate of relief given by each of the 170 com-
mittees with whom we are now in communication. This
will enable the Committee to equalise their grants to the
various districts, and possibly effect some further re-
duction therein. Although in many districts the local
committees have carried out the suggestions of the
Central Executive, as to the necessity of pro-
viding employment in return for relief, the tables show
reduction in the numbers employed by the committees.
This may be accounted for by the largely increased amount
of regular work in the district generally. The course
adopted by the Government, leading to the hope that
they are prepared to afford facilities for carrying out
large public works, so entirely harmonises with the
views of the Executive, as expressed in their report
presented to the General Committee last Monday, that
I shall not make any further remarks on this subject,"
The summary of returns from local committees for the