The Sun.
London, England, 1830-01-25 00:00:00

of the peace. Our condition is intolerable. The
tax-gatherer threatens to distrain, and if we com-
pel our tenants to sell their sheep or bullocks
they'do not realize one-third of the money they
cost. This is absolute ruin, my Lord Duke,
and we cannot for our own sakes, as well as for
the sake of the King's peace, commit acts of
such wanton cruelty. Besides, we have already
parted with almost every thing to pay a portion
of the Poor-rates, and we fear that before long
we shall be compelled to pawn our plate to make
good the balance. Our gaols are full, and the
lower classes are committing trespasses and vari-
ous acts of delinquency in order to obtain lodg-
ing and prison fare ; and yet even in this way
it is not in our power to accommodate them.
Crime is consequently increasing in a most
alarming degree, and the wand of the
magistrate has lost its hitherto magic in-
fluence. Our right hands have forgot-
ten their cunning, while the tongues of
the poor literally cleave to the roofs of their
mouths. Something must be done to relieve
both them and us, and we therefore earnestly
but respectiully implore your Highness to take
our case into consideration as speedily as may
suit your convenience. /will draw the attention
of the King's servants to it, responds his High-
ness the Prime Minister !! ! All this we con-
fess is quite in character, in so far as it concerns
the Duke of Wellington. Those who recollect
his Grace's correspondence with the Marquis of
Anglesea, and his tin-case letter to the Duke
of Leinster, will not be surprised at the brevity
of the above epistolary specimen. But why all
this peevishness—this apparent soreness—this

petulant and gruflish distaste for the simple and
naked truth? Did the Sussex Magistrates not
gild the pill with a reasonable proportion of
adulation ? Did they not express a doubtful
conviction that, as his Grace had the interests of
his country at heart, he would soon be able to
restore it to its former prosperity ? It would
seem not. It did not appear convenient for
them to state what they did not believe—to re-
pose on hopes which they did not cherish—to
trust to those faculties which are already too
much exhausted to regain fresh vigour by
experience. They merely did their duty to
themselves and their country by informing
the Minister of the distressed condition
of those important interests which came under
their inspection. But the attention of the
King's servants is to be drawn to their repre-
sentations. What servants, pray ? The royal
butler., the clerk of the kitchen, the King's cook,
or the King's scullion ? All these are servants
of his Majesty ; and it is most improbable the
Duke meant that these are the proper persons
in whom to confide a paper, the contents of
which were undeserving of credit. For if rumour
is to be believed, the Duke of Wellington puts
no faith in these annoying representations rela-
tive to the distressed situation of the country.
It is the Leeds Intelligencer, we think, which
states, upon the authority of the Earl of Lons-
dale, or some other Noble Lord, that the
Duke of Wellington is far from being con-
vinced of the prevalence of any distress
among the middling or any suffering
among the: lower classes of society. But if
this statement rest on any good foundation,
what must we think of the intellect of the
noble Premier ? He must be blind, he must
be deaf, he must be proof against every moral
process calculated to let in the light upon a dark
and obtuse mind. The embarrassments of which
the country complains are not confined to holes
and corners. The hungry and the naked are
not shut up in gaols, or workhouses, or hospi-
tals. They walk abroad at noon day. We
meet them in every street, in every lane, in every
city, town, village, and hamlet, from Penzance
to Dover—from Dover to John o' Groat's
house. We cannot visit a market without en-
countering the desponding farmer or the ruined
grazier. We cannot enter a shop without seeing
embarrassment as legible in its owner's face as
is the sign-board over his door. We cannot
♦isit the cheerless chamber where sits the
haggard weaver upon his rotten loom
without seeing a living anatomy, or look
in the faces of his cold and ragged children
without thinking of the city of the plague. Go
where we will—turn where we will—we are fol-
lowed, not by the shadow, but the living pic-
ture, of misery and despair. And yet the ng' s
servants know nothing of this I Do they be-
lieve in the variations of the temperature ? Do
they comprehend the difference between a wreath
of snow and a smibeam ? Can they distinguish
between an icicle hanging from the thatch and a
jewel pendant from the ear of a Duchess? If
they reply in the negative to these questions,
then are we bound to admit that they are un-
conscious of the present existing distress. But
if they do not, we are then equally bound to be-
lieve that they are unqualified to be either ser-
vants of the King or Ministers of the Crown.—
Morning Journal.

An article on the " Internal Policy of the
Country" appears in the last Quarterly Review,
which we cannot help considering as a very im-
portant sign of the times in which opinion we
have no doubt such of our readers who have
perused it will feel no difficulty in acquiescing.
The article is aid to be the production of Dr.
Southey, one of the most able Tory writers of
the day ; and, we need scarceiy w4d, is published
in a work hitherto considered the orgar: of the
most powerful party both in Church and State,
and certainly the echo of the sentiments of three
parts of the Aristocracy of this country. The
objgct of the production in question is to prove,
that the passing of the Catholic Emancipation
Bill has rendered it more than ever necessary to
attend to the religious g.nd moral education of
the great mass of the people t that the neces-
sities of the country render it necessary that some
tax should laid upon absentees ; or, at any
rate, that something ought to be done to induce
them to return to their country : that the police
is insufficient : that the resumption of cash pay-
ments, without a reduction of the national e:;,-
pentliture, was adopted in utter ignorance of its
baneful effects: that thee system (so called) of
Free Trade is erroneous : that the constitution
of the Legislature, 'particularly of the I,ower
House, calla k,!cud for a reform : and that the
overwhelming distress of the country, particularly
of the landed interest, in the profgprity of which
the velar!: of the nation mainly consists, ren4ra
it expedient that the moneyed or funded interest
should submit to an einitable adjustment. We
need not inform our readers that, with the ex-
ception of what is said about the insufficiency of
the police, tO., al/ the other subjects enumerated
above have frequently been discussed in the
Morning Herald; and that, so far B,s time writer
of this at tide is concerned, the conclusions come
to were pretty much the same as those of the
Quarterly Reviewer. It is not, therefore, our
intention to quarrel with Dr. Southey, though
we cannot help remarking that lie has shown a
deplorable want of candour in not acknowledging