The Sun.
London, England, 1830-08-12 00:00:00

In our Private Corrospoodenee of Tuesday

stated that, " amongst the papers taken ;dale
Tuderieg, a project of an ordinance bad been found.
which WI been submitted to the last Council of Mi-
nisters, for the establishment of Courts Martial, and
that the journalists who had signed the protest were
to have been handed over, tried, told executed
within 2,1, hours." To try a refractory journalist by
a drum-head Court-martial (11111 hang him up, as Jack
Cade did the cleik of Chatham, " with his ink-horn

at his button. wle11 within hours after the my

midons of the Dia()hes Regis hibi um by the heel,
I+«uld boa indeed, milking short Work with the
liberty of the Press. The Whig Attorney-General
Of admit the French mode of settling
11liountr between the clovertiment mid the news

pews to be rti great Improvement en the mere WI«
ous and troublesome process of ex-officlo InferMa-
tion. To be sure the ox-officio machinery works
with tolerable certainty in crushing an independent
and uncompromising public writer—and, besides the
fees of the lawyers, it may have this advantage over
the drum-head Court Martial, that it destroys :the
victim selected to appease Ministerial vengeance by
slower process of torture, and makes him feel the
agony of ruin with more protracted suffering, and,
consequently, afford a more luxurious treat of revenge
to his destroyers. A journalist arrested, tried, con-
demned, and executed within twenty-four hours for
questioning the wisdom of the Minister's opinion,
'or objecting to the " cut of a courtier's beard,"
though an extremely convincing proof of the energy
of a Government, would, on the other hand, have

its disadvantage by putting the victim too soon out
of pain. We are told by Suetonious that the
Emperor Tiberius—a Statesman eminently skilled
in that part of the craft and mystery of Govern.
ment which pertains to the art of the executioner,
was one day petitioned by a condemned person for
the favour of a speedy death, when he answered,
with that pleasantry of manner with which he could
always grace the refusal of a boon, " I am not on
such good terms with you yet," enidam paenae ma-
turitatem precanti respondit nondum tecum in gra-
tiam redii. It is therefore clear, upon historical
evidence, that Charles X. was not in all points ex-
actly a Tiberius, for he was willing to grant to all
the opposition journalists in Paris, even without a
petition, the favour of a speedy death. It was un-
fortunate for this intended exhibition of united
moderation and despatch, that his reign terminated
before the Court-Martial could be organized, and
the guillotine, or the triangles erected on the ruins
of a free Press! Thus did the Editors of the Oppo-
sition papers lose a fine opportunity of closing their
literary labours with the glory of martyrdoman
opportunity the like of which it is not probable will
fall in their way for some time to come. They must
now return to the sedentary labours of their "lead-
ing articles," instead of manifesting their powers of
ex iempore eloquence in " last dying speeches."
Whether the King of the Netherlands will act
upon the hint of Charles X., and, instead of ex._

terminating the Press by the slow process of
State prosecutions throughout his dominions, cut
it off ut once by the compendious operation of
the drum-head Court-Martial, it is difficult to
say, though there is a prevalent opinion that other
work is cut out for him, which will Interrupt his
literary pnrsuits, for a season at least. It is curious
enough, and worthy of all observation, that the free-
dom of the Press should be doomed to destruction
about the same time by the Government of England
France, and the Netherlands. In England, the bat-
tery of ex-officio informations, under that direction of
the veteran advocate of " popular rights," Sir
James Scarletr, had scarcely ceased to play, when
the more raking fire of a battalion of gars d'armes
was opened upon the refractory newspaper esta-
blishments of Paris, and at the same time some of

the 'Belgian journalists were expiating in prison the
crime of expressing an independent opinion upon
political affairs, and other were waiting to receive
the stern sentence of the political Ithadamanthus,
for not saturating their " broad sheets" with the
virtue of courtly obsequiousness, and giving to their
columns the charm of Ministerial panegyric. It is,
no doubt, u shocking offence to wound the feelings
and irritate the sensitive nerves of those high func-
tionaries who are liberally paid by the people for
mismanaging their affairs---but still we must say
that, if some Governments took the pains to de-
serve the approbation of the people which they do to
silence the just censure of public opinion, they
would not find it necessary to their repose to bind
the Press in chains, either by ex•officio informations
or by military force.-112ornins herald.
The Prime Minister must, by this time, we
should think, have discovered, what his " parasites"
appear hitherto to have been but too successful in
concealing from him, that the principles of 'his,Go-
veroment are not those which accord with the wants
or the notions of the country at large. The country
has been appealed to, and, wherever its true senti-
ments hare been fairly put to the test, the result has
been unequivocally expressed in the rejection of
every candidate who has ventured to ground his
pretensions upon a thick and thin adhereoce to the
Ministry. Even the just and unexampled popularity
of tl►eir new master has not i►► the least aided the
Duke of Wellington and his colleagues upon the oc-
casion : but the people everywhere, though proud
and anxious to pay every due homage to the King,
seem not less determined to convince both the King
and his Ministers that the measures of the latter
have not hitherto been such as to render them or

their satellites the men of their choice. The ablest
man upon the earth cannot long attempt to wield the
sceptre of a popular Government in opposition to
public opinion. flis Grace has made the attempt,
perhaps unknowingly—at any rate, he and his col-
leagues can plead ignorance no longer. Public
opi»ion is now speaking " trumpet-tongued" a lan-
guage which cannot be misunderstood; and we trust

iliac, even before the assetnbling of the slew Parlia-
ment, the Government will have given such an
earnest of its intentions to meet the wishes of the
people as will spare the Legislature the apparently
ungracious task of placing the unpopularity of the
Ministers in still stronger contrast with the just po-
pularity of the King.—Morning Herald.
In our yesterday's impression we communicated
to our readers, by an extraordinary express from
Paris, the fact of the accession of the Duke of
Orleans to the throne of France, under the title
of Philip 1., King of the French, and not of
Louis XIX., King of France, as it ought to have
been had the regular order of succession been main-
tained. What were the reasons which prompted
this change in the titles and style of the first
magistrate of France, we are not informed in the
Paris Papers; but the ptobability is, that as the
nation had determined to change the dynasty, it
thought it advisable at the same time to efface as
much as possible from recollection, every indivi-
dual belonging to it who had ever presided over the
destinies of the country. Instead of Louis XIX, or
Philip VII.--one of which titles the reigning Mo-
narch would have borne had the regular order of
succession been preserved—we have Philip 1.; and,
instead of the " King of Prance," the future Sove-
reigns are to be designated " Kings of the French."
For this difference in the titles and styles of the fu-
tare Sovereigns of France, there is no small ground
in the extremely different circumstances under which
the past Sovereigns and the present Monarch of
France attained and exercised the supreme power.
The former claimed the Crown under the now
finally exploded plea of divine rights—the latter has
received it as the free gift of the people. The former
did not consider themselves as bound by the ob-
servance of any conditions with the people over
whom they reigned, but rather considered the
people as made for them—the latter receives the
crown, and is to held it only so long as he, his
heirs and successors, shall fairly and honourably dis-
charge the conditions of the contract into which he
has entered with the people. The former could
suspend, alter, or annul the laws and ordinances of
the kingdom whenever it seemed to them meet to
do so—they were responsible to no one for their acts,
and their Ministers were only responsible to them
in the case of the latter the King has not only no
power to alter or suspend the laws, but ceases to
have tiny right or title to the exercise of the supreme
power whenever he ceases to observe them ; while
his Ministers are responsible to the nation for the
advice which they give to the Sovereign, and not
to the Sovereign himself. This colonist, brief as it
is, between the condition of the former Kings of
France, and that of the present Sovereign, will have
the effect perhaps of showing to our readers, that
there has not only been a change of d) nasty, but also
a total and utter change of the principle of So.
vereignty. The foolish notion of divine right has
been exploded and set aside for ever, and the So-
, vereign very plainly informed, that as he derives his
power from the people, so he is totmd to exercise it
for their benefit, and that when he cosset. to do so,

110 401461 4i the IMMO time to have say legal et just
title to its possession. The change is just and
rational, and will prove, we hope, as auspicious to
the permanency of dynasties, as to the happiness of
nations.--Zforning► Advertiser.
The Duke of Orleans is now King of the French,
and whatever we may think of the blemishes in-
herent in his title to that dignity, or of the national
delusion which has enabled him to reach it, we
should be glad, nevertheless, to indulge the hope
that his reign may conduce to his own satisfaction
and honour—to the prosperity and happiness of his
new subjects—to the peace and security of the
world. But this is out of our power. The
further the French Revolution proceeds, the more
are we convinced that this hope, however gene-
rally it may be entertained, would be no more
than a glittering and transitory dream. The
King of the French has accepted the conditions
upon which the Crown was offered him, and has
sworn faithfully to .observe the Constitutional
Charter, with the changes and modifications ex.
pressed in the declaration of the Chamber of
Deputies. What, then, is that declaration? What
support does it offer to the throne ? What gua-
rantee, or rather, we ought to ask, what gleam of
hope of its stability? It can scarcely be pretended
that the Charter of Louis the Eighteenth left in the
hands of the Kings of France any great excess of
legal power or constitutional influence, after we
have seen the last of these Monarchs, unable, by all
the means they afforded him, to assert with effect
a Royal prerogative common to every Crown, and
one of which the direct attempt to deprive any Mo-
narch would be so monstrous, that it has not been
made even by the Lafayettes and the Constants of
the French Chamber, when engaged in the hopeful
task of a creating a King, as a concession to tem-
porary convenience, and an experiment to show
mankind bow weak and defenceless a King can be
made. But by the declaration to which Philip the
First has sworn, much of the constitutional power
which Charles the Tenth enjoyed and exercised is
taken away, while new and formidable powers are
given to other bodies in the State, between whom
and the Sovereign diversity of objects and opinions
may arise any day, and are morally certain to arise
at no distant day, some of these bodies being ex-
pressly designed to superinted and overawe the
Throne. We cannot therefore disguise our appre-
hension that this diminution of the independent
powers of the Crown, combined as it is with an
increase to that of several rival and antagonist
bodies in the State, will be fatal to Monarchy in
France. The means and the temptations to attack
it are carefully prepared. The power of resistance
is wholly taken away. By the mention of a few of
the more important alterations of the Charter, we
shall amply v►ndicate ourselves from the imputation
of ind►►lging in vain or chimerical apprehensions.
The Crown is in the first place to be deprived
of whatever support it could derive from the
connexion of the Church with the State. Then
the initiative of laws is no longer to be exclu-
sively a function of the Crown. In the third
place, the King is no longer to possess the
power of restraining the members of his own
family from attending the Chamber of Peers, and
making themselves if they please the leaders of
factions in that assembly, although every Prince of
the Blood is to be a Peer by right of birth,
without any grant of that dignity by the reigning
Monarch. But these alterations are trivial
compared with some others which are not yet
.4tifficiently matured for actual adoption, but to
which the King has, nevertheless, been required to
pledge himself, and has pledged himself. An im•
mense military force, the National Guard, is to be
constantly kept up in the country, the command of
which is not to be placed in the bands of the King,
as the men are to choose their own officers, In
the command of the regular troops of France
the authority of the King is to be circumscribed
to some indefinite extent, by a new military cods,
establishing in a legal manner the condition of offi-
cers of all ranks; and finally, a new mode of elect-
ing the Deputies of France is to be adopted, in
order to render the constitution and character of the
Chamber of Deputies somewhat more democratic
than it has hitherto shown itself. The effect of
each of these changes is to weaken in some degree
the power of the Executive Government; the united
operation of the whole of them can scarcely fail to
cripple it altogether, or render it incapable of a vi-
gorous or salutary administration of public affairs—
to draw down upon it by degrees the contempt and
hatred of the nation—to prepare its final over-
throw—to produce a new series of civil convulsions.
—.Morning fort.

SUMMER ASSIZES.

NORTHERN CIRCUIT.-DURHAM, Aug. 9.

The commission was opened on Saturday by Mr,
Justice BAYLICY, who this morning proceeded to dis.
pose of the few causes (eight only) which are en.
tered for trial ut niii prius.

The Loan CIIIEF 3u9TICE of the Common Pleas
sat on the Crown side, and got nearly through the
calendar, leaving only three out of eleven cases
which are on the list, for disposal to-morrow. There
has, however, occurred a crime of a dreadful nature,
the murder of a servant-maid, on suspicion of which
five men are in custody,—four Irish labourers and
the mart-servant of the house where the murder was
committed. A Coroner's inquest has this day been
held on the body, but the result is not yet known
in Durham, as the scene is some miles off. The
Grand Jury, it is supposed, will be detained. None
of the cases on the Crown side merit any particular
mention.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

BOW.STREET.

Information having been received by Sir R. BlR-
mg that a young man, named Knife, had died in his
lodgings in Little Wild-street, Long-acre, in conse-
quence of some injuries which be received about a
fortnight ago from a shoemaker, named James Lee,
a warrant was issued for the apprehension of that
person on the charge of murder, and the prisoner
was accordingly apprehended by Kingham, an officer
of this establishment, who conveyed him, by direc-
tion of the magistrate, for safe keeping, to the police
station in Covent-garden, where he will remain in
custody until a coroner's jury shall have inquired
into the cause which produced the death of de-
ceased. It was stated in evidence before Sir It.
:filmic, that on the 25th of last month, the prisoner,
and a man named Cobb, quarrelled and fought,
when the deceased, who was a friend to the letter,
took part against the p; huter, and received a blow,
by which he was knocked down with great violence
against the step of the door of the house which he
lived. He was removed nearly insensible, and lin-
gered until Monday last, when he died. The co-
roner's jury is to sit upon the body to-morrow (this
day).