The Sun.
London, England, 1839-01-30 00:00:00

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Any be promoted. I have stateii freely and openly my belief,
that the restriction on the Suffrage is as unjust and unreason-
table, as would be the demand, on the part of the rich, to
peep the poor out of the markets, on the pretence that the
:rich could not properly enjoy the markets without their exclu-
,, tsion. I would give every man the power of the Suffrage—
(Cheers)--and of using the influence which has fallen to his
share. Then, and not till then, will anything like justice
prevail, and we arrive at a stable condition, and something like
the end of those continual agitations which this country has wit-
mewed. I came not to repressyour demand for Universal Suffrage;
on the contrary I say, go on and heaven prosper you.—
(Cheers.) But I wish to state my opinion on the question
whether the best means of obtaining that object be to demand
the Suffrage and not the repeal of Corn-laws ;or to demand
that the Corn-laws be removed as a means of obtaining the
Suffrage? The question with me is, which of the two is the
softest plan. Let us suppose the agitation against the Corn-
laws to succeed or to fail. If it succeed you will have given
a heavy blow to the Aristocracy that oppressed you; and
they know it and will defend that point to the utmost. This
is but the beginning of the great quarrel, and if we can force
them to give way on the Corn-laws, their weakest position,
the chance is that we may make them give way on other
points also. And sttottose this effort to fail, then you will be
strengthened, for 'en people will join you in demanding the
Extension of the Suffrage. Teke all the men with you
you can who are willing to go. I have heard it
stated here in the way of blame, that the master manufacturers
cef Manchester talk of their own losses, and not of yours. I
'know the right way to remedy that ; talk of them yourselves.
If the manufacturers of Manchester omitted to state your
sufferings, do not follow the example. We have now an
opportunity of pressing upon a point where our adversaries
are the weakest, and we ought, as wise men, to make that the
point of attack. Recollect, once more, lam among you not
to quarrel with Universal Suffrage. lam one of its earliest
friends and most earnest supporters ; but since I am driven to
make a choice between the motion and the amendment, I must
state that I for one shall be for attacking the Corn-laws first,
that we may be better able to obtain the Suffrage aftervverde.
(.'elcers.) The motion exhorts you not to trust ten much
to the effect cf petitionine the House of Connt:ins. They
:have queer ways in that House, and it reiteires some expe-
rience to understand them. Will you believe it that when they
moved for a Committee, to inquire inut the cause of agricul-
tural distress, the first thing they did, WAS to bar inquiry into
what they know was its real cause. Yet it was the fact, that
they forbad all inquiry as to the effect of the Corn-laws on
the agricultural classes. One of the sources of me belief,
thi:t we are certain to sucerited in the attack upon the Corn
laws is that I are sure it. is provable that the agriculturists
also suffer from there. I will not detain you with the details,
but it can be proved that there are only two portions of the
agriculturists whom these laws ultimately benefit. One
portion of these are those members of ecclesiastical corpora-
tion, who are debarred by their statutes from marriage, and
consequently ought to be debarred from having children.—
(Limgleier.) 'I he other and the wider crass consists of
these vibe, having children, have the power cf making
eldest sons the heirs of all their property, on the
condition that they shall use their influence to ob.
tale a living for the others from the public. These
classes may be permanently interested in the continu-
ar,ce of the Corn- laws, and will no doubt make a stout resist-
ance to their abolition in the House cf Lords. I guess we
shall go twice to their door, and obtain no answer; but the
third time they may have held a domestic council, and will
perhaps be found to have thought better on the subject. We
must not expect to gain what we want by simply asking.
When do yea think we are likely to get Universal Suffrage?
From my experience, lam sure I cannot tell. It will eer-
tsiely need a long series of efforts ; you must make up your
minds'to perseverauce.—( No. no.) I beg to diffor from that
gentleman, who thinks we shall get Universal Suffrage at one
jumps We shall be very lucky if we get it in ten. Wait and
see Which of us is right. What then is to be our mode of
aetieg how ? You will say, sign petitions. Very right.
Riendreds will ba signed here and in other places—and they will
all be put into a bag.--( Hear.) That is the end of the petitions
of the people in these days. The present Ministers ( I cannot
withhold it) have committed the wicked act of striking at the
root of the influence of the petitions of the people, by prohi-
biting discussion upon them. I wish it was their only one.
What is the good of petitions that nobody may talk about, be-
yond reading theer prayer, and the mere numbers who have
sigued them. The time was when debates arose upon them,
and that tire.4e may come again. Get it, and then I will tell
3-on a different story ; but till then I tell you that the petitions
of the reople are of little avail, particularly those which are only
signed, by the multitudinous classes, for whom the Legislature
earce as little as can be expressed. Take with you then the
men, who, as things are constituted, have more influence,
Wealth, and power :do not despise then]. Go with your
masters, if you can, as long as you can persuade yourselves
that yolk have interests in common. I do not ask you to re-
pose cenifidence in any man. Calculate as clearly as you can,
whet'ner your condition will be better or worse by obtaining a
cein:ain objeet. Ifethe Corn-laws be removed, will you
be more or less able to push that honest object which,
I trust, you will never give up, the obtaining the Suf-
frage for every man of sound mind?—(Cheers.) Heed not
the taunts which are thrown out against the manufacturing
classes. The Coro-law journals call you " spectres." I see
nothing like it here, though many of you may have been ground
down by the competition among yourselves and the lowness of
arages consequent on the Corn-laws. If you are shut up like
rats in a cage to breed upon a given quantity of food, there is
ne difficulty in seeing how some of you may be reduced to
starvation point? It food is strength, will
you not be as able
to stand up for Universal Suffrage, and make as good a fight
:or it, is as you are now without it. Your enemies taunt the
-manufacturers if they are poor, and say these arc poor men,
and we will not be troubled with them. If you are rich, they
say these men are well enough off, and therefore we will rob
them out of. both pockets at once.—( Cheers.) That is the
kind of justice you are treated with. What would be the result
if you were toput the same law on the agricultural classes, 'Why
should wenot put a tax on the home grown corn or rent,
or a bounty on the importation of corn ? Why sbould we not
do these things, and say to the agriculturists, " It is a fine
thing for you to have rich manufacturers ; let us tax your corn,
and then we shall have more money to spend with you." That
is just what the landlords say to you. They take money out
of your tills, and then promise to spend it at your shops.
They now propose a fixed duty ; but sooner than relax any
part of our demand for the complete abolition of the Corn-
laws, let us ask for something more. I have been at Man-
chester, and can tell you that the minds of the people there are
turning to the idea of a bounty on the importation of corn of
ss. a quarter for seven years. This would be a perfectly just
and equitable demand, and sooner than take any compromise,
and leave a rag or remnant of the mischief, it ought to be
urged. Let us not stop short for any visionary dangers. Get
food in plenty; for food is a substantial good. Do not heed
the men who say that you would obtain so much em-
ployment that you would not be able to be employed at all.
Exercise the reason which God has given you. Think closely
and calmly; and omit no opportunity of acquiring knowledge
in situations better adapted for calm reasoning than a public
meeting like this. I look forward to the time when we may
meet here again to congratulate one another on the union, the
calmness, the resolution, and the perseverance which shall
have gained a great victory over those who for twenty-three
years have ground down every poor man in the dust for the
promotion of their own private interests. My countrymen, let
me retire, after thanking you for the patience with which you
have heard me on subjects respecting which there necessarily
is a difference of opinion. I hope that with equal calmness
you veill resolve at all events to make a strong demonstration
in tlee face of our enemies, and whatever difference of opinion
may prevail on minor points, that you will all agree on one,
no longer to be oppressed, but to take the most decisive and
rational mode of removing the grievances with which you are
afflicted.—( Loud cheers.)
Mr. BUCHAN supported the amendment, and urged that it
was as decisively against Corn-laws as the original motion.
As to Colonel Thompson's advice, that they should take the
naiddke classes along with them now, as the best means of pro-
moting the attainment of Universal Suffrage, he urged they
had been told the same thing at the time of the Reform Bill ;
and 'had always been told so when the middle classes wanted
the aid of the people—but they had always had their hopes
disappointed. He contended, too, that the repeal of the
Corn-laws involved the adjustment of the National Debt, and
that the present Legislature was not to be trusted in dealing
with such questions.
E. BRADLEY, Esq., supported the retotion. He argued that
there was no ultimate connection l'eetween the Corn-laws and
thy: Suffrage. He should be wi'.'iling M support an Extension
of the Suffrage, but he connidered the repeal of the Corn-
laws to be one of much mere urgent importance. He showed
ow
work largel a reduction
y e in, the price of food would augment
e man's ommand over the necessaries of life, and how
needless was the awrehension that to import part of our corn
from abroad woteid place us at'the mercy of foreign Powers.
Mr. J. CRAIITIre.E supported the amendment. He said that
in France wage,, were about one-half the rate of the wages
in this county e but C'ol. Torrent had stated that one English.
man could do as. much work as eight Frenchmen. Assuming,
however, that an Englishman could do the work of only four
Frenchmen, the result was that the cost of work was 50 per
cent. higher in France than in England. If they voted for
the amendment they would have Universal Suffrage before
another year.—(Laughter.) If they voted for the original
:notion they would take away the power of the application to
Parliament for Universal Suffrage.—( Laughter and cheers.)
Mr. Lowes said they all knew he went the whole hog in
Radicalism, but Pa great portion of the people did not agree
with them as to Universal Suffrage, and they could not make
them agree. But to repel the hand that held out to them a
loaf, which would improve their condition and benefit their
families, because it was not accompanied by Universal Suf-
frage, would be conduct only fitted for bedlamites.
Mr. S. MARMALL said if he were a supporter of the Corn-
laws, he should desire nothing better calculated to defeat the
objects of 'chose who desired their repeal, than to distract
th‘i', ntectings by such amendments as had been proposed. Mr. JAS. IRONSIDES urged the meeting to act upon the advice
of Colonel Thompson, and support the motion. He reminded
them that Mr. Elliott, who had seconded it, vies the Chair-
matt of a meeting held a few months ago in support of Uni-
ver,al Suffrage—( A person on the steps exclaimed that Mr.
Elliott would vote for the amendment).
Mr. ELLIOTT stepped forward and said, I am for your
Charter, but I am not for your being starved to death first.
L. PALFREYNIAN, Esq., in an able speech, supported the
motion, exhibiting a variety of saws, butchers' knives, mat-
chets, &c., of foreign manufacture, and stating their prices as
compared with the manufactures of Sheffield. He stated that
some
,British i 'merchants who had connections on the Con-
Di Eusetir,t :wiry I now compelled to supply their cus-
,etnkirelyei,with foreign goods— Meer, bear.) Our
.C.',..tiiri4ipiti iinfeieecl export to the Continent consisted of steel,
;4; :-°'(. ti roll' tini‘tOreig4.
r
s would soon manufacture for themselves.
/
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Many years must no doubt elapse before Universal Suffrage
c uld be obtained; but if the Corn-laws lasted only two or
three years longer, our foreign trade would be entirely gone.
The amendment was then put to the vote, but lost by a ma-
jority of at least 2 to 1.
The adoption of the petition was moved by T. A. WARD,
Esq., and seconded b) Mr. JOHN BRIDGFORD.
It was carried unanimcash-.
Votes of thanks to the Chairman and to Col. Thompson
were then passed, and the meeting broke up about four o'clock,
AN-

rLCORN-LAW MEETING AT
LEICESTER.

A meeting of the inhabitants of this city was convened by
the Mayor, on Monday evening, for the purpose of petition-
ing for the total repeal of the Corn-laws. It took place at
seven o'clock, in the largest room in the town. When the
Chair was taken the room was quite full. The most remark-
able feature in the proceedings was the perfect unanimity
which prevailed amongst the two classes—the manufacturers
and the working men, of which it was composed. Those who
acted on behalf of the working men, joined heartily with those
above them, in denouncing the monopoly of the agricultural
interest.
The MAYOR (T. Stokes, Esq.), on taking the Chair, said,
with the object of the requisition I have great pleasure in
complying. I assure you, you could not have one who is a
more decided opponent of the Corn-laws, or a more deter-
mined friend to free trade in general.—(Cheers.) I advocate
free trade, not merely as a benefit to this country, but to man-
kind at large. What is the position in which this country is
now placed with regard to a repeal of the Corn-laws ?It ap_
pears that a majority of the landholders consider that their
interests would be sacrificed by a measure of this kind; but I
think they take a very short-sighted view of the subject. If
there be an increased demand for manufactured goods, em-
ployment must become more profitable, and the produce of the
land must find a larger number of purchasers. We have seen
in the papers statements of the decrease in manufactures which
already prevails in Manchester, Leeds, Glasgow, and Not-
tingham. lam sorry to say that Leicester is nct exempt from
sufforine, of the same description.
Mr. BRUEN came forward to move the first resolution, which
formed the first of a series which had been adopted by the
Committee, but which be felt bound to say were drawn up by
a gentleman whose knowledge and the circumstances of his
position entitled his opinions to the utmost respect. He need
only say he alluded to Mr. Paget.--( Loud cheers.) If it
Mere essential to the protection of the landed interest that corn
should be kept at a high price artificially raised, Mr. Paget
had as large an interest as landholders in general in the
continuance of the present state of things. He believed
that if Mr. Paget thought his own interest to be at variance
(which it was not) with the welfare of the community, he
would still advocate the repeal of those laws. But Mr.
Paget well knew that the commercial customer was the best
supporter of the agriculturist, and that any system of le-
gislation which had a tendency to cripple and im-
pede commerce was the most dangerous for the agri-
culturists themselves.—( Hear, hear.) The resolution put
into his hands stated, that this meeting was deeply im-
pressed with the injustice, impolicy, and ruinous consequences
of those laws, and called for their repeal on account of the
hardships which they occasioned by creating a monopoly in the
necessaries of life. Many arguments were urged against the
repeal of the Corn-laws ; but the only one which had, in his
opinion, any force, was that by which it was maintained that
we should not be dependent on foreign supply, but that we
should grow all the corn we want within our own ' country.
Those who made use of this argument, forgot that it was
quite impossible that the manufacturing population of England
could be adequately supplied with corn by the land on which
they stood. They had now the proof that the present system
had actually failed. Corn was now excessively dear, with the
prospect of its being still dearer. The growth of the kingdom
had not supplied the wants of its population. They stood in need
of foreign supply. That supply was not forthcoming, because
no man would provide a commodity foil a market in which the
demand was not regular.—( Hear, hear.) The repeal of the
Corn. laws would not only introduce a more abundant supply
of corn, but, in all probability, increase the amount of labour,
in order to meet the growing wants of all classes. So far,
then, from the working man having no interest in this ques-
tion, he who lived by his daily bread was the person who would
be most benefited by the repeal. Independently of the plea-
sure which every man of right feeling must experience in see-
ing those around him contented and happy, die prosperity of
the manufacturers depended on the prosperity of the working
classes. They were the great home consumers of manufac-
tured goods, and they all knew that the present high price of
bread prevented the artisan from furnishing himself with many
of those comforts and conveniences of life which he was en-
titled to enjoy.—( Cheers. )
Dr. NOBLE seconded the resolution.
The Rev. Mr. BERRY said, his opinion was the same, as to
the injustice and impolicy of the Corn-laws, forty years ago,
as it was now. He recollected that there was great apathy on
this subject, not only amongst the manufacturers but amongst
the working classes ; and that about twelve months ago a
meeting was called in that town on this question, the numbers
at which were so few, that it was quite mortifying to witness
the indifference to their interests which all classes exhibited.
They might judge, then, of his delight at seeing the progress
of opinion display itself so rapidly and powerfully on this
subject. It only remained for them to keep up the interest,
to fan the flame, and to concentrate the public opinion, arid
it must in the end prove irresistible.—(Cheers.) The
great principle on which he advocated this question was,
because he believed it to be founded in justice. Per-
sonally he had little or no interest in it. His establish.
meat was not very large, and though he could not say that he
as as without land, he could throw a stone over any part of his
eseate.—( A laugh.) Lord Melbourne had told them that it
was not desirable to make frequent changes affecting large
masses of property, until it was seen that the people demanded
them. Lord John Russell now began to think that sonic
modification of the present system was called for. Now his
advice was, that they should follow the example of the people
of Manchester, Sheffield, and Edinburgh, and insist on a
change in those laws which so vitally affected their comfort
end happiness.—(Cheers.) He spoke honestly from his
heart, without meaning to say anything harsh, when he ex-
pressed his conviction that the Ministers ought to have spon-
taneously led the way on this subject, and should not have
waited for compulsion.
Mr. FIELDING seconded the resolution.
Mr. Alderman HARRIS, in proposing the next resolution,
which stated that rivals were every day starting up that would
ultimately compete with us successfully in foreign commerce,
observed that he witnessed last summer what he was very
much alarmed to behold. He had travelled in Belgium, and
there saw how cheap provisions were, and that though the
quantity of manufactured gocds sold there was great,
scarcely any of them was supplied by this country. As
to cotton goods, they were supplied at a much cheaper rate
by Saxony than that at which we could afford to export
them. He himself bought a cotton buskin for Is. Op.,
which he brought over to England, and as he was not
himself a competent judge of the price at which such an
article could be made, be put it into the hands of
a hosier, at Nottingham, and asked him what he would
charge a dozen for such goods. He replied 14s. a-dozen,
which was Is. 6d. more than they would cost in Belgium.
Other articles could be had at the same proportionate cheap-
ness. He never saw in Belgium a stccking of English manufac-
ture. There were some worsted stockings still supplied by the
English, because they were a superior article to those which
could be procured elsewhere ; but there were very few even of
these. Having stopped some time in Belgium, he went tnto
France, where he could see no English cotton goods. The
prices= of such articles were certainly as high there, if not higher,
than in England, though silk goods were considerably higher.
He would now give them a practical illustration of the evils of
the Corn-laws. He visited Rotten, a large manufacturing
town, which was looked upon as the Manchester of France.
He obtained admission to the factories there. He saw 250
machines, all power looms, at work, and spinning as well as
weaving was carried on there in an excellent manner. He
was introduced to an English workman in these manufac-
tories, and he asked him did he prefer France to England?
The man replied that he did ; that he had worked at several
places in this country, but that he preferred living in France,
because, having a large family, he could lire there at a cheaper
rate. He (Mr Harris) asked him whether the machines in
Rouen were made on the best principle. The answer was that
nothing could beat them in the way of machinery. He next
inquired whether wages were higher for a first-rate artisan,
such as he appeared to be, and he said he fouqd them to be
the same as those in this country, about 255. a week. This
statement afforded, he thought, abundant proof that if the
preient system were continued they should lose their bestme-
chanics, who could not be blamed for leaving England, and be-
taking themselves to those countries where provisions could
be procured at a cheap rate.--(Cheers.)
Mr. J. COLMAN seconded this resolution.
Mr. Trios. BURGESS moved the fourth resolution, which
stated that, as wool and yarn were allowed to be exported on
payment of a mere nominal duty, the principles of a just re-
ciprocity demanded that corn should be freely admitted into
this country.
Mr. PAGE seconded the resolution.
Mr. J. Bice's, in moving the next resolution, said—Had
any one told you a yehr ago that the Corn-laws could be
repealed by the Legislature as at present constituted, you
would have looked upon him as a dreamer and a visionary,
and yet now, without fear of being styled either, I tell you
that it is my firm conviction they will be so repealed. From
my own observation of the intense feeling upon this subject
in the manufacturing parts of the kingdom, from the fixed
determination of those who have engaged in this agitation,
and the force of public opinion, when intelligence, wealth,
and numbers are combined as they are now, I augur the re-
sult as certain. When I went from Leicester last week
to attend the meeting at Manchester as your deputy, I had
little conception that I should find such firmness of purpose
—such stern determination upon this subject. As Birming-
ham carried the Reform Bill, so will Manchester carry the
repeal ; and I promised that we would agitate, secovd, and
support them ; that we, who in this district are suffering,
and have suffered as much as any from the operation of these
lees, would follow their example. At this very moment, were
it not for the expectation of' a fair American demand, half the
population here would be unemployed, and notwithstanding
the famine price of corn and the sad low rate of wages, they
would be still lower than when corn was half the price if we
depended upon the home market alone; is it not high time
then that we should adopt the course insisted upon by Mr.
Villiers at the Manchester meeting ? Ought we not one and
all to take our stand upon the rights of the community, that
every man should exchange the fruits of his toil with
whomsoever and wheresoever he may choose ?---the conse-
quence of this would be an equalization of the price
of corn throughout the world. A fair, steady, remunerating