The Sun.
London, England, 1839-05-07 00:00:00

do—they, the lovers of liberty—(Cheers)—the advocates
of popular rights—(Cheers)—the friends of the negro—
they who bad been contending that the negro had been
for a long time intitled to all the rights of freedom—
( Cheers)—they were the persons to propose, at the mo
meet when the negro was just about to seize upon what
they called the most valuable privilege, the political fran-
chise—they, and not the Assembly of Jamaica, were going
to suspend those righ.ts for anindefinite period ?_( Cheers.)
They were going to tell the blacks that their masters
who were their equals, were unfit to exercise their political
rights, and that he (the negro) was in too degraded a
situation to be allowed to exercise that right which they
had hoped to be possessed of in a few days. He knew
they had the power to carry the Bill, for Jamaica was too
weak to resist. How was it that they had temporised so
long with Canada—Jamaica had never refused the sup-
plies—Canada had. For five long years they had left the
Judges and Public Officers unpaid—they were allowed
durirgehe whole of that time to treat their Governors and
the Imperial Parliament with the utmost contumely and
contempt, yet they abstained from exercising that autho-
rity, which in one single year they were about to inflict
upon Jamaica because it was weak.—(Cheers.) Neither
of the countries were able to contend with British
power, but they ought to beware of how they weakened
that moral force which did more to bind the
allegiance of the Colonies than all our power.
After quoting a passage from a speech of Lord Chatham,
the Noble Lord said, let them beware how they named
that spirit of moral hatred in Jamaica, which, if once kin-
dled, would and must spread among all our colonies. He
trusted that such a feeling would never exist in Jamaica,
boasting as it did of British origin.—(Loud cheering.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose, and said that the
question then before the House was one vitally affecting
the interests of a large population, inhabiting the island of
Jamaica. It was a question so confined and yet so exten-
sive, that he must hope to meet with the concurrence of
that House in it. He did not conceive that when there
was an Assembly whose constituents of 2,200,
for that was the number as stated by the Honourable
Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Godson), which
very little exceeded the Grand Council of Venice,
which had the control of 300.000 N,grocs, and. which re-
fused to make the necessary laws for the transition state
of such a large body from a state of slavery—he could
not say that he would give every power to the few, and
utterly neglect that which was for the great benefit of the
great mass of the people.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord
who had just sat down had referred to the case of Canada.
He was glad that such was the case, for it gave him an
opportunity of directing the attention of the House to the
great distinction that was to be drawn between the oases.
The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had said they
were to look only for one special reason when they
proceeded to suspend the Constitution of Jamaica.
He conceived that this result might be arrived at in two
ways. First, that from the transition state of the black
population, and the white population from being the mas-
ters of slaves to their equals. The transition could not
take place with proper laws; still he thought that the Go.
vernment would not have been justified in bringing in the
Bill fur the Suspension of the Assembly without providing
the means for legislation which was so much required. If
the Assembly had represented the whole people, and had
declared that fur some supposed offence they would not
proceed with business, then the Government would not
have been justified in acting immediately upon that declara-
tion—they would again and again have tried whether
they could not by some means or other bring them to
a better sense of their duty.—( Cheers.) But when
they found the stoppage of legislation at the particu-
lar moment when imminent danger threatened the
island, it was not difficult to arrive at the conclusion of
what was the duty of the Executive. He could not con-
fine himself to the preamble of the Bill, though no one
could deny its truth. The reasons for passing such a Bill
must be connected with larger and higher questions. He
confessed that they had not acted in the same manner with
the Assembly of Canada. They waited longer, and told
them that in such an event they would pass such a law--
that they would not agree to such terms as they had pro-
posed ; but in that country there was not a very large popu-
lation in a transition state from slavery. When those state-
ments were made with regard to an Assembly not governing
those'who were slaves, but an Assembly said to represent, and
truly to represent the majority of the inhabitants of Lower
Canada, what was the course pursued byGentlemen oppo-
site ? Did they ask for further delay ? Did they eay the Go-
vernment had not been sufficiently slow in suspending the
Constitution ? Did they cry out in favour of great prin-
ciples ?—( Hear, hear.) Did they quote M-. Burke and
Lord Chatham on these occasions ?—(Lowl cheers.) So
far from it that the language of the Noble Lord, when
the resolution was brought forward was, that "he agreed
with the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath that that
was no time for indecision or passive conduct—that was a
time when the Legislature or the Government must
frankly accede or boldly deny—they must openly assert
the principles on which they meant to act."—(Cheers,
and counter cheers.) That was the language used
by thea Noble Lord—(Continued cheering)—when
it was proposed to give another year's delay
to the Peopleand Assembly of Lower Canada. But now,
when an Assembly not representing the people of Jamaica
,was to be interfered with—when an Act of far less abso-
lute and arbitrary tendency was introduced, the Noble
Lord was for delay. After what had been said by the
lion. Member for Newark and the Noble Lord, he would
refer to what had been the course of this dispute with the
Assembly of Jamaica. It was a dispute in which the
Noble Lord himself had borne a considerable share. He
(Lord J. Russell) at that late hour, would only take one
part of the subject, because he should only fatigue the
House if he were to enter into the whole of the topics. In
1824, Mr. Canning brought forward certain resolutions
with respect to the freedom of the slaves, and
the mode in which they might be emancipated.
Among other things he said there should be an Order
in Council against the flogging of females. In 1820 he
repeated an Order in:Council to flint effect, and he said
a Bill should be prepared on the aulject, and that if there
was any question on which he was prepared to agree with
Diamt,n, it was rho question of enrinireal punishment
on females In 1833 the Noble Lord ( Stanley) in bring- '
ing forward the Emancipation Act, in a manner greatly
to his credit, and in terms of great eloquence, said it was
impossible to imagine there was any improvement in the
condition of the slaves, while 'this practice was per.
severed in. In that Act of 1833, there was no amend-
ment in that degrading system of flogging, and Lord
Sligo, in bringing forward the subject in 1833, said a
much more serious breach of the law was committed
under the acting system. Was the system put an end to?
They had seen that in 1824 Mr. Carmine proposes
abolition ; that in 1826 the Noble Lord proposes
abolition; that in 1835 it was made a condition of the
Abolition Act; that in 1835 Lord Sligo declared it still
existed in the prisons of Jamaica, and yet in February,
1838, Lord Glenelg stated the provisions of the Act for
the abolition of flogging were set at defiance ; so, notwith-
standing the orders in Council, nothwithstandima the
Emancipation Act, notwithstanding the attention ofe the
Jamaica Assembly had been repeatedly called to it, this
dreadful and cruel practice, so contrary to all notions of
the improvement in the character of the population of that
country,w as continued up to 1838.—( Hear,hear.)What was
done ? A Bill for the Amendment of the Abolition Act
was introduced into the House of Lords, and on the
second reading it bad the assent of every Noble Lord
who spoke on the measure.—( Hear, hear.) It
came down to the Commons and passed that.
House wit h general consent. That Act was intended to
put at end to the practice of floggings The Honourable
Member for Newark had said that was a justifiable
act on the part of the Assembly, and that it was in further-
ance of the Emancipation Act. In sae ing that did the
Hon. Member for Newark at all represent the feelings of
the Assembly of Jamaica ? So far from ii, 'that it was with
respect to that very Act the Assembly had entered their
protest. That was the way in which the Assembly of
Jamaica treated an Act which passed unanimously both
Houses of Parliament, and which the Hon. Member for
Newark had told deem the Legislature was perfectly jus-
tified in passing ; and be it remembered it
was
an Act for the purpose of putting
an end to the horrible cruelty perpetrated in de-
fiance of the law of the Imperial Perliarnenn and carried
into ffect in the prh ons and workhouses in 'Jamaica, the
Assembly looking on all the time, but never taking any
effectual means in order to close and terminate the horrors
that were going on.—( Loud cheers.) That was the As-
sembly which they were told to compare to the proudest
examples of freedom, and the names of Mr. Burke and
Lord Chatham w.ere used to support the arguments of
the opposite side--( Loud cries of " Hear, hear,") If
they could have the happiness to hear what those great
men would say on this subject, he was sure it would be
in accordance with all the principles of humanity and
true freedom which they eharished, and they would never
think of perverting words which they intended to be for
the real service of freedom to assist the purpose of those
horrible oppressors. (Hear, hear, and cheering.)
The Assembly had declared—which their advocates in this
House had not stated, but had endeavoured to eoss over
and evade it—the Assembly had declared that the Imperial
Parliament had no right to interfere in the internal policy
of the island. Now that, in his (Lord J. Russell's) judg-
ment, was an audacious declaratiou.—( Cheers.) When
the Prisons Act arrived they refused to consider it. They
did not say that it was not communicated to them in suffi-
ciently courteous language.--( Hear, hear.) No, they
acted perfectly consistently. They said, "We have esta-
blished a principle that- the Imperial Parliament has no
right to interfere with our internal regulations, and in ac-
cordance with that principle they refused to consider the
Bill.—( Hcar,hear. ) It had been stated that the Council
of Barbadoes, acting as a Privy Council, bad stated ob-
jections to the present Act—but then they had
appointed Commissioners to assist in working it, out.—
( Hear, hear.) And the same thing would doubtless have
occurred in Jamaica had not the, Assembly pertinaciously
refused to consider the measure.—( Hear, bear.) Noe,
in the state of transition in which a vast portion of the
population of Jamaica were at present placed—as the
Assembly of Jamaica would not act in this crisis, impor-
tant as it was—it became necessary that the Imperial
Legislature should come forward and supply the defici-
ency. It was proposed indeed that it should be left to the
Assembly again to consider of -the course which they
should adopt. Buthe (Lame J. Raa-;.ell ) believed, lacking to
the manner in which the Assembly had •hitherto adhered
to their resolution—that they would adhere to it still ; and
the delay of one year, in the present state of the island,
might be fatal to the future welfare of Jamaica:--( Hear,
bear.) But then it was selfl that it would be wrong to
pass this measure of suspension just before the negroes
were eligible to vote at elections— that was, in fact,
his argument, for if they waited to next year, the time for
the negroes exercising the electoral franchise would have
nearly arrived, and it might then indeed appear to
imply a want of confidence in the negro population—an
argument which did not apply now, because it would be
some time before that period came.—( Hess..) In bringing
forward the great measure of emancipation, the Noble
Lord opposite had endeavoured strongly to show that the
Colonial Assemblies were not to be trusted—( Hear)—
and if this house consented to wait another year, even if
the Assembly did pass a Prison Bill, that Hill might be
unsatisfactory to the Governor—yet who could tell what
quibbles might not be raised as to the sufficiency of the