The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-17 00:00:00

REFORM ASSOCIATION.

Yesterday a meeting of friends of Parliamentary
Reform was held at the Freemasons' Tavern, for
the purpose of declaring their opinions on that sub.
ject, and of adopting such measures as might ap-
pear advisable for promoting their practical diffusion,
with a view to the approaching general election.
The meeting, which originated with the Reform
Association, was held in one of the committee-
rooms, and consisted of between 200 and 300
persons. Among those present were—Mr. Monck,
Mr. Hume, Mr. Hobhouse, Colonel Jones, and Mr.
Hunt.

On the motion of Col. JONES, Mr. MoseK, M.P.,
was called to the chair.

After returning his acknowledgments to the
meeting for the honour conferred upon him. The
CHAIRMAN proceeded to say, that the causes of the
two principal difficulties with which reformers had
to contend were external and internal—external,
from the friends of corruption who were the uncom-
promising foes of reform—internal, arising out of
the jealousy and suspicion that too frequently pre-
vailed among the friends of reform themselves.
While they had to struggle with the opposition pre-
sented by their enemies, surely it was unwise to
weaken themselves by internal divisions. He called
on all to unite with cordiality for the accomplish-
ment of their common purpose. For his own part,
he entirely agreed to all the four propositions which
formed the basis of the Reform Association ; but if
there were any individual present who agreed to
only one of them, he was ready to hold out to that
individual the hand of fellowship, and join him as a
fellow-labourer in the grand cause, so far as he
should be disposed to proceed. Let not the
moderate reformer be stigmatized as insincere,
nor let those who were ready to go beyond the
four propositions of the Society be denounced as revo-
lutionary.—(Hear.)—A few words upon the general
subject of the necessity of Parliamentary reform.
It had been well stated in the petition of the friends
of the people—a petition presented to the House of
Commons many years ago—that a majority of the
Members of the Lower House were returned by 150
or IGO individuals. Such was the state of things
before the Union with Ireland, and that measure
had not contributed to improve matters. He had
seen a curious document with respect to the repre-
sentation of the sister kingdom. From it, it ap-
peared, that of 34 Irish towns, cities, and boroughs,
which returned Members to the Imperial Parliament,
more than Gne-half (18) had each fewer than 100
constituents, and more than one-third (14) fewer
than 50. There were 10 boroughs which had less
than 16 constituents each. Here, then, were 10
Irish boroughs having altogether not 150 constitu-
ents, yet possessing, through their representatives
in the British House of Commons, as much weight
and influence as the counties of Middlesex, York,
Lancaster, and the city of Westminster.—(Hear.)
It was thus that the voice of a great city and im-
portant counties might be drowned by a small self-
interested band of 150 electors,—(Hear.) In the
Parliamentary balance, the independence, property,
and intelligence of three great comities, and the city
of Westminster, had uo more weight than ten rotten
Irish boroughs, destitute of wealth, intelligence,
public spirit, or population.—(Hear, hear.) It ap-
peared from this statement that, in a Parliamentary
point of view, no great, good had resulted to this
country from its union with Ireland, which, instead
of infusing vigour and purity into the House of Com-
mons, had been the means of augmenting the cor-
ruption and inefficiency of a body bad enough be-
fore. What could be worse than such a system
of representation ? But they were told by the ene-
mies of reform, absurd and ridiculous as the present
system might be, bad as it might seem in theory, it
worked well in practice. Did it work well in prat.
lice ? Yes ; it worked well for the few, but did it
work well for the many, for whose benefit all go-
vernments ought to be instituted ?—(Hear.) He
denied that it did or could. What was the conse-
quence of the present inefficient system of repre-
sentation ?—an enormous waste of the public money.
It was the duty of the House of Commons to grant
supplies to the Crown; it was no less its duty to
watch narrowly the expenditure of the public money.
Were supplies cautiously granted ?—was the distri-
bution of them jealously investigated ? Certainly
not: hear.) Why were not Members of
Parliament examples of economy in the management
of the public resources ? For this simple reason,
that many of them sat in Parliament without con-
stituents, and had nobody to whom they were ac-
countable.—(Hear.) It was unnecessary to insist
on the reckless extravagance manifested in the ex-
penditure of the country. Take our diplomatic ex-
penses for the present year, they amounted to up-
wards of 400,00 W., while in AEerica the entire cost
of diplomacy was 14,0001. Mt it might be said it
was not fair to compare monarchies with republics.
Well, then, he was content to abandon the compari-
son between England and America, and take France,
Austria, and Russia, prepared as he was to contend
that the united diplomatic expenditure of those three
monarchies (two of them absolute) fell short of ours.
Had any of the States referred to a dend weight
(justly so called) of between 5,000,0001. and
6,000,000/., which pressed to the earth the industry
and crippled the resources of the country ? Why
did such abuses exist in England—abuses unknown
elsewhere ? Because Members of the House of
Commons, instead of guarding, had made themselves
deep sharers in the public purse—(Hear)—and con-
verted the items of a wasteful expenditure into
means of providiug for their poorer connexions,-
(Hear, hear.) It was high time that we should
have a reform of Parliament.

Mr. IlonoousE, in rising to move the first reso-
lution, adverted to the importance of the crisis at
which they met—the only crisis when Englishmen
enjoyed an opportunity of expressing their opinion
of public men tool measures in the most decisive
manner, by electing their representatives in Parlia-
ment ; but when he said " Englishmen," he must
narrow the expression to that portion of them (On-
fortunately small) who did possess an opportunity
of really choosing representatives. The lion. Gen-
tleman proceeded to express his dissent from an opi-
nion broached by his Hon. Friend, Mr. Hume, in
the House of Commons, to the effect that if the
people were only to :do their duty they could re-
turn a majority of Members, and that reform might
thus be effected. lie denied that this was the case;
no :doubt the people might effect more than they
did; it was just physically possible that they could
do as his lion. Friend said, but it was almost morally
impossible that they should. Was it judging cor-
rectly to show the upper and more independent
classes omitted to do their duty by the people, when
they basely betrayed them, and in nothing more
than in reference to representation. Was it fair to
expect that persons, who, from the force of circum-
stances, were not in habits of independence or self-
action, should under the present vicious and defec-
iive system do their duty by the country ? So much
for the moral probabilities of the case; but as re-
garded the mere physical capability of the people
giving their votes in all cases honestly, it was
almost impracticable as matters stood at pre-
sent. In great counties, where voters were ob-
liged to go (if at all) a considerable distance to
the poll, they were unable of themselves to bear the
expence, and in all cases wealth must preponderate
tinder the present mede of electing Members of
Parliament. In cases where Members were chosen
by freemen there was also room for the influence of
wealth to the destruction of virtuous and indepen-
dent poverty. Tbe lion. Gentleman proceeded to
allude to an instance in which certain freemen of
Berwick-upon-Tweed having been shipped aboard a
smack, for the purpose of proceeding to vote for one
candidate, were spirited away to the North Sea by
the captain, who bad been bribed by a rival can-
didate to carry his cargo to kick their heels amid the
waves of the German Ocean, instead of landing
them at the proper point of destination to do their
duty.--(hear, and laughter.)--Such tricks as these
might be frequently played by a man with a loag
purse. Why talk then of the people doing their

duty in the face of the discouragementa anti obsta-1
cles to independence arising out of their own poverty
and the wealth of others—obstacles increased a
hundred fold by the present mode of proceeding
The Hon. Gentleman went on to mention the peti-
tion presented to the House of Commons in 1793,
by Mr. Grey, in which it was offered to be proved,
at the bar, that a majority of the Members was re-
turned by 154, patrons. No doubt this was the
case at present. And if 15-I individuals could re.
turn a majority of the House of Commons, it was
impossible that the people could also return a ma-
jority as his Hon. Friend appeared to suppose. The
Hon. Gentleman next proceeded to observe, that
unanimity was vitally necessary to the success of
their object, and that differences of opinion as to
details should not prevent Reformers from co-
operating to produce the great result of which they
were all desirous. He hoped that the jealousies
which had proved so fatal to their cause were now
extinct. For himself he would say, that he was a
decided advocate of reform. lie had always voted
for the most extensive scheme of reform that had
ever been proposed in Padiament, and he had also
voted for the narrowest anti most trifling—for the
minimum of reform which any gracious friend of
the reformers had at any time been pleased to dole
out. He had acted thus upon principle. The
basis of the Association was one which, in all pro-
bability, most reformers would think Wide enough,
at the same time that he trusted few would object to
it. He found that vote by ballot was put forward
among the prepositions of the Association as a
sine qua non of all Parliamentary reform.—( Hear,
hear.)—lt was after the most careful consideration
—after having been once of a contrary opinion—
that he had at length come to the conclusion that
vote by ballot was absolutely indispensable in any
feasible scheme of reform.—(Hear.)—Without it,
you can do nothing—(Hear)—with it, even under
your present rotten system, you can do almost every
thing.—(Hear.)—This was his deliberate opinion,
founded in the first place upon that beat of all testa,
experience; and secondly, upon the authority of
wise, good, intelligent, and disinterested men, such
as Bentham and Mill—great and illustrious names
placed far above the sneers of those who had endea-
voured to put them down by taunts and sarcasms—
men whom argument could not defeat, corruption
reach, nor force prevent, from ending as they had
begun, by promoting the interests, and showing
themselves the best friends of their country. The
Hon. Gentleman concluded by proposing the follow-
ing resolution :
" That by the present state of the representation, the
people are deprived of a right essential to the maintenance
of their liberties, and the protection of their property, re-
cognized and established by ancient laws—a right fully
admitted and confirmed by the statute of James 1., where-
in it is declared, that in Parliament ' all the whole body
of the nation, and every particular member thereof, either
in person or by representation (upon their own free elec-
tions), are supposed to be personally present.' In can.
fortuity with which Lord Chid Justice Camden bath said,
' Whatever is a man's own is ah,olutely his own, and no
man has a right to take it from him without his consent,
either expressed by himself or his representative;' and
Mr. Justice Blackstone bath said, th 'in a free state a
branch at least of the legislative power should reside in the
whole body of the people."'
The resolution, having been seconded, was put
from the Chair and unanimously agreed to.
Mr. HECTOR, a member of the Association, moved
the second resolution, which was to the effect—
" That what has been called and lauded as a virtual, is
is in reality but a pretended or sham representation of the
people, efficient only in wasting the resources of the nation,
—giving the colour of an assumed popular sanction to ex-
travagance, and largely increasing the number of those
who are interested in promoting it."
Mr. WESTERN seconded the resolution.
_ _ _ .

Mr. MAHON contended that until the present
system of election was changed, it would be alto-
' gether impossible to make any approximation to-
wards purity in our representation. The speaker
went on to denounce the guzzling and bribery at
elections ; but observed that, be disapproved of the
plan of annual Parliaments and universal suffrage.
' He was a moderate reformer, and wished to see the
proposition of Lord J. Russell carried into effect.—
' (Hisses.)—He did not come there to cast the torch
' of discord into the meeting, but he must state his
deliberate opinion, that the radical reformers • had
embarked upon a wide polar sea without chart or
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we may
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Perhaps we may hear of their at length reaching in
t bh e e mquietly some
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their battered bark some obscure nook, very Me-
. ml a
' rent from the expected haven, if they have not been
previously frozen to death on the passage.—(Re-
' newed laughter and hisses.)
The second resolution was agreed to unanimously.
Mr. HUME rose, amid very marked and long-
continued applause, to move the third resolution.
The Hon. Gentleman hoped all would agree in the
propriety of a resolution which came home to every
man. It was a resolution complaining of the evils
produced by unnecessary establishments, profuse
expenditure, an overwhelming debt, and exorbitant
taxation, all of which had arisen from a want of that
controul which was alone to be secured by a proper
representation of the people. Where was the man
whose pocket was not affected by the evils com-
. plainer) of—whose income was not lessened, or
whose industry was not cramped, in consequence of
them ? The preceding speaker had talked of re-
formers as of persons who ventured on an unknown
sea without compass or rudder, and would never
reach a port unless perchance after a lapse of forty
or fifty years, when, as the Learned Gentleman pro-
perly observed, they might be all dead and gone.—
(Hear, and laughter.) The first proposition of the
society was, that there should be an extension of the
elective franchise. Would any reformer deny the
propriety of it ? or could any body say that an as-
sociation adopting this proposition started without a
principle ? The next proposition was, that the mode
of taking the poll at elections should be by ballot.—
(Hear, hear.) He knew there was some dif-
ference of opinion on that subject, but believed
it was a difference that existed to a greater ex-
tent in the House of Commons than out of
it. For his own part, he had always put forward
the principle of vote by ballot as a sovereign re-
medy for many of the vices of the- present system.
The third proposition was, that all elections should
begin and close in one and the same day. The pre-
ceding speaker had denounced the vices of drunken-
ness and riot at elections; did he wish to see theta
discontinued ? if so, he ought to support this proposition.
The Hon. Gentleman went on to say, that the second and
third propositions of the Association held out the prospect
of becoming one day or other the means of effecting the end
which they all had in view. As to the fourth proposition,
that the duration of each ParliaMent should not exceed
three years, what was there objectionable in this ? It did
not declare that the Parliaments should not be annual (it
only limited their duration to three years) if proper checks
could be devised. It tvas unfair in the preceding speaker
to express such apprehensions at the idea of annual Parlia-
ments; such fears might do very well from the lips of an
opponent, but they came with a bad grace from the mouth
of a friend of reform. From what he had seen of the an-
nual Parliaments of the city of London,'he could not dis-
cover the difficulty of having annual imperial Parliaments
properly organized. Taking all the tour propositions, he
asked whether there was any sincere friend of reform who
would not agree to them ? For his part, he concurred in
them all. Let the reformers do their duty by themselves
and the country, and being
aware of the evils painted in
the three first resolutions, let them proceed to obtain a
remedy--(llear.)—He now came to the subject of the
resolution which he should have the honour to propose for
their adoption. It was—
., That the evils which have long oppressed this country, ma-
nifested in the discontent of the people, and in the frequently
occurring seasons of distress, are, to a considerable extent, pro-
duced by unnecessary establishments, protuse expenditure, an
overwhelming debt,' and exorbitant taxation all of which have
arisen and grown to their present ruinous extent, from a want
or that eontroul which is altme to be secured by a real represen-
tation of the people."
From the causes stated in this resolution arose much of
the evil and misery that afflicted the country, and what
was more, hence were derived the means of supporting
misrule. The present system was made the instrument of
enriching a few individuals to the impoverishment and de-
struction of the many. The entire evil arose front ti *set,

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or due eontroul, which trim only to be secured by a teal
representation of the, people. The Hon. Member pro•
ceeded next to call the attention of the meeting to letters
which he had received from several places in the country,
stating that the electors would, at the ensuing election,
vote for any candidate whom he (Mr. Hume) should re-
commend as ready to act on his principles in Parliament.
He should quote but one as a specimen of the rest. It
came from an elector of Beverley, then at Hull, and states
that the inhabitants of Hull were anxious to have for their•
representative one who should constantly vote with Mr.
Hume. He, in reply, however, asked his correspondent
what would be the expellee? The answer was, only some-
thing about 3,000/. or 4,000/.—(Hear, and laughter. )
This correspondent next states that the people of Beverley
were also most anxious to have a liberal candidate in place
of Mr. Battley, who declines again " coming down" with
41. for every entire vote, and 21. for every half one, the
price usually paid at Beverley, which contains from 1,300
to 1,100 electors.—(llear.)—Was this, he asked, theprin-
eiple which should regulate elections? Should not the elec-
tors of England begin with reforming themselves, and thus
lead the way to the reform of their representatives?—
(Hear, hear.)—ln conclusion, he trusted that the Reform
Association would give publicity to the proceedings and
conduct of Members of Parliament, and would persevere
in asserting the great principles on which it was este-
blished.—(Cheers.)—The Hon. Gentleman then read his
resolution, the fourth of the series.—Agreed to unani-
mously.
Mr. FLANAGAN wished the Hon. Member for Aber-
deen would direct his attention to the present most corrupt
state of the Irish boroughs, many of which—Dundalk,
Tralee, and Ennis, for example—did not possess more than
five or six bona fide electors.
Mr. Hustx was compelled to be at the House of Cem-
mons at four o'clock, and therefore trusted that the meet-
ing would excuse his and Mr. Hobbotnie's then departing.
—(Hear.)
As both of the Hon. Gentlemen were about to leave the
room-

A Gentleman of Colour wished to know whether Mr.
Ilobhouse bad been correctly represented as blowing hot
and cold on the questions of vote by ballot, universal Buff•
rage, and annual Parliaments.

Mr. Honnousx was most willing to, at any time, give
every explanation of his public conduct. His sentiments
had not been correctly represented by the gentleman (Mr.
Mahon), who had alluded to them. What he said was,
that he had vo.ed for the most extensive project of reform
that bad come under his notice in Parliament, and also for
plans of but minimum improvement—acting in both cases
on, as he took it, the wise principle of being thankful for
any reform, or for any measure likely to promote the great
object they had all in viewo*(Hear, bear.)—As to his
opinions on vote by ballot and universal suffrage, he
thought it was not in the power of language to be more
explicit than he bad been on Mr. O'Connell's motion on
reform.—(Cheers.)
Mr. Hobhouse and Mr. Hume then withdrew.

Colonel JONES proposed the fifth resolution. He had
taken great pains to ascertain the truth of the facts which
the present Lord Grey had offered to prove at the bar of
the House in 1793, namely, that the House of Commons
was actually elected by an oligarchy, consisting of between
150 and 160 persons. The fact was even worse than the
then Mr. Grey had sated. The gallant officer entered
into a lengthened statement of the history of the boroughs
possessed by the Dukes of Not folk, Northumberland, New-
castle, Rutland, Devonshire, and Portland, the Marquisses
of Cleveland, Hertford, Ailesbury, anti Lansdowne, the
Earls of Lonsdale, Fitzwilliam, Abingdon, and the great
owners of landed and borough property, with a view to
show that these Noblemen nominated whom they pleased
for their boroughs. The late Duke of Norfolk had a fancy
for borough influence, and actually paid as interest for a
loan of money seats for two Parliaments to the lender of the
money.—(Hear, hear.)—The late Duke of Northurnber•
land made his representatives change sides three or four
times in the session as it suited his purpose to vote with
or against the Minister. Being disappointed in obtaining
a blue riband, he compelled his representatives for his
Cornish boroughs to vote against rho then administration ;
having obtained the garter, he gave counter orders, which
were obeyed at once without a question. Shortly after,
he wanted to get the colonelcy of the Blues, and adopted
the same course with the same success, and the same
oirdience on the part of hiS nominees.—(Hear, hear.)—
Was obsequiousness of this humiliating kind the fitting
demeanour of the representatives of the people?--(" No
no.")—They all knew the system pursued by the Duke
of Newcastle in the " management of his own pro-
perty," to quote his own mode of designating a gross
violation of the rights and liberties of the people, so that
he need not dwell on it.—(Hear, hear.) The Marquis of
Cleveland was one of their great borough proprietors, who
in the saute way would have no representatives for his
borough save those who voted as lie desired them.. Mr.
Brougham was a remarkable recent instance in point—
ni,,(),,,,erofsrlillir::el?::•ar)-..-he having been obliged to vacate Lord Darling •
ton's borough of' Winchilsea, because the Noble Lord (now
em-
ply,
aac.
Marquis of Cleveland) had changed his mind on son"
public question, and as a matter of course expected his
nominees to shape their conduct accordingly.—(Hear.)—
Mr. Brougham lied since been nominated by another great
proprietor—the Duke of Devonshire—on what terms lie
knew not. As he had alluded to the Marquis of Cleve-
land, he would mention an anecdote illustrative of the pre-
sent system of boroughmongering—for it was against the
system, and not individuals, that Ilia observations were di-
rected—which he had heard from a chief party in the
matter, Sir Isaac Coffin. It happened that he (Colonel
Jones) and Sir Isaac were fellow-passengers from America.
In the course of conversation Sir Isaac said to hint, '"
Do
you know, Jones, that I should have no objection to he a
member of that jawing House, called the House of Com-
mons; I think I should make no shy figure there."—
(Hear, anti a laugh.) Well, he thought no more of the
matter, till walking one day near Pall-mall, be was
touched on the shoulder by his friend Sir Isaac, who
said, "Do you know, old boy, that I am a member
of the jawing House."—( Laughter.) " The devil you
are, old gentleman, pray how did you become so ?"---
"Why," exclaimed Sir Isaac, "it was all through
my friend Lord Darlington. I went down to Ruby
Castle, and aid one day after dinner to his Lord •
ship, " Da you know I should like to be a. member of the
Howie of Commons." " Indeed !" said his Lordship.—
the
: to,a,..:ytiliii.taililithi4l:td:lew:ilhltuilkatywev(ylvoetotiogoutitlivetne.liitoin/allnctv:iuie:lt:hitvseoho,attut,ettse
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te
on the table: if heads turn up, I shall rote with you ; if
tail., just as it pleases myself. Lord Darlington agreed :
heads it was, and here I am, old boy, a representative of
the people."—(Great laughter.)—Well a member Sir
Isaac certainly was; but for where? Why, fur Ilchesta,
so notorious for being the scene of Mr. Hunt's unjult im-
prisonment, and of the cruelties of his jailor.—(Hear.)—
And yet that jailor was courted by Sir Isaac Coffin, a
high•aninded English Admiral ; so low do gentlemen stoop
under the present all .eorrupting system, for the purpose
of carrying an election.-4Hear.)-lle begged leave to
' observe, in corroboration of this observation, that when
Mr. blunt petitioned the blouse of Commons concerning
the infamous conduct of the jailor of &heater, the very
first man to rise up voluntarily and defend that person was
Mr. Alexander Baring, and that stalely because be happened
to be member for Taunton, with which the jailor had some
family connection.--(Hear, bear.)—The Barings—highly
honourable men in all the dealings of life—were qualifying
themselves for the " order" by Isecoming the proprietors of
boroughs. Already they owned Callington and Thetford,
and shortly woold, no doubt, count one of their name
among the hereditary aristocracy. This was one of the
great vices of the English character—this hankering after
the aristocracy...--(Hear.)—No sooner do they begin to
prosper, than they turn their backs on their old friends and
equals, and obtrude themselves among those who looked
down on them with contempt.—(Hear, bear.)—ln all he
had been saying, he begged it to be understood that it was
the system, and not individuals, that ho denounced. The
expenses at elections should be reduced. What was to be
thought of a system under which Lord Milton, with his
princely fortune, feared to again encounter the expense of
an election even without a contest? Nor was this won-
derful, when the extraordinary sums which he had ex-
pended in such contests were recollectedwhen it was
considered that the mere show-day of the last election
cost the candidates 100,0001..—(Hear, hear.)—But Lord
Milton would not be lost to the country, as he intended,
he was informed, to send the - persecuting Whig Attorney,
General to the right-about, and sit himself for Peterbo-
rough.--(Cheers.)—lle trusted that Middlesex was about
to set an example by which this expensive system would be
chocked, and that all the metropolitan counties Would
imi-
tate it in returning honest and useful Members. free of ex.
pense.—(Hear.)--..He trusted that the great jobber in the '
horough of Petersfiehl (Mr, Jolliffe) would tail in his at-
tempts to become the representative of Surrey, and that
the electors of that county would not be fergetful of their
,t;tycllAitiotit,howe,onit,ts,,vnest7ailinld7t.heancdou4rtatrsy„.2'ilitieri,ttiail,elarni(t:leittnv,l7o:
unreal to be proved at the bar of the !louse or Commons by
egniu4,l3 iitat4,,,ainell, who predicted the rulinnia consetpiences
of
Parliainentary corruption, That a neciticd majority of the
Members are returned by the nomination of IA patrons—that
40reera, in defiance of the laws, return 81 Members by their

4,`

own authority, and that the free choice of the electors in a great
Tortitur of the remainder is frustrated by various corruptions ;'
yet all looptry has been unjustly denied, and all reformation t b_
stinately rootstock
" That a nurntiet of pen, possessing amongst them the power
of ruling the House of Commotur, by nominating the great ma.
jority its Members, necessarilyieontroul the Government, and
appropriate to themselves the produee-Of the taxes ; and accord-
ingly we find from Parliamentary documents, thaISOMN. per
annum is received by 114 Members of the House, and that 113
Privy Counsellors receive yearly $OO,OOOl. of the public money."
Mr. Rurr bad great pleasure in seconding the resolution.
The resolution was unanimously agreed to.
Sir F. BUICIATT, who had come into the room as Col.
Jones was concluding his speech, next presented himself to
the meeting amid loud cheers. He rose to propose the
sixth resolution
"'Tat the attainment of Parliamentary. Reform has been
hitherto impeded, if not prevented, by two principal causes .--
First, by the differences of opinion relative to the details of Itc-
h-um ; and secondly, by the want of some permanent and active
body or association to expose abuses, suggest remedies, and con.
centrate publfir opinion."
The Hon. Baronet stated that he bad ridden some 23 or
milee to attend the meeting, which, owing to the
ille-
gible hand-writing of his friend, Colonel Jones, he, under
a mistake, thought it would have been held two ddys sgs
In proposing the resolution, it was needless fur him to
- •

. .
take up the time of the meeting by repeating his opinions
on the subject of reform. They were those he ever had
advocated, and, be trusted, ever would advocate. They
went to the maximum of extension to all classes of dim
rights which, under the Constitution, every Englishman
should possess—rights not only constitutional, but which
came recommended from a higher authority than any Celt-
stitution—tbut of reason and common sense, and the law
of nature.—(Hear, hear.) But while be was thus per-
sonally an advocate for the fullest reform in the system of
representation, and bad recorded it in the Journals of the
House of Commons as his opinion, that till annual Par-
liaments and universal suffrage were adopted there cau7d
not be a complete reform, he thought he was bound, as a
practical man of the world, to accept of the co-operation
of those who might not be disposed to go so ray as he
would—as far as they went, trusting that time, that iv,
experience, would induce them to come round to his more
extended views, as their soundness and benefits should un-
fold themselves.—(Hear.) The great object to attain
was union," so as to let the voice of the people have its
due force in guiding the deliberations of their repre-
sentatives. With respect to the present administration,
lie thought with all its faults it was the best they had
had for some time or could hope for under the existing
system. The country was indebted to it forseveral valuable
reforms in the criminal code, and the administration of
.justice; but no administration could hope to contend with
the present boroughmongering system, only so far as it watt
aided by an enlightened and approving public opinion. It
was the interest of a Government to repose on public opinion;
it was its interest, therefore, to favour the free expression
of the public voice, both which objects were incompatible
with the present system. A corrupt system of represen
cation was the parent evil of this country; a reform of the
representation the only remedy. That reform he saw no
just ground to despair of. The progress of the public
mind was highly favourably to it ; so was the general in-
fluence of circumstances. They were entering a new
reign, under a monarch who hid fair to be the most truly
popular of any since the Revolution.—(Hear, hear.)—
And they had the example of France to stimulate their
efforts.—(ilear.)—The Hon. Baronet concluded with
toging a coalition with the Birmieghem Union, and with
all classes of reformers. He hoped to he able to attend
the meeting of that body, to be held in a few weeks.
Mr. Hem, objected to the word " details" in the Hon.
Bironet's resolution. The difference was not one of de-
tail, but of principle, and he should propose an amend-
went to that effect.
The original resolution was, however, carried unani-
mously, Mr. Hunt not pressing his amendment against
the sense of the meeting.
Mr. if eTIIEUINGTON expressed his regret that Fir
Francis Burdett did not come oftener among them—
( Hear)—and had ceased to give expression to his opinions
with his wonted energy. He had seen opinions ascribed
to the Hon. Baronet on the corn laws Which he knew not
how to reconcile with the general liberality of his senti-
tnents.—(fieer.)
Sir FAANCJA Buxom could assure the Hon. Speaker
that the opinions be then held were those which had guided
him through public life, and, if he knew himself, should
be acted upon by him to his last moments.--(Hear, hear.)
—lt was true that he did not then give the energetic ex..
pression to them to which the gentleman had alluded.
But why? because the times did not require it; becalm.
the battle was over—Near, hear)—because another order
of measures, another system of policy, had been adopted I.y
the Crown and the Government, which precluded the ne-
cessity of such vehement expression of opinion.--(Hear,
hear.)--Let it be recollected, that when he fought the
battle, he did so at the risk of being sent to Newgate
every night, and that, too, without any aid from the people
without. The people were actually awed into submission
by the frost system against which he had fearlessly raised
his voice.—( Hear, hear. )-.-But all this had happily passed
away ; there was now no fear of having a suspension of
the habeas Corpus Act—no apprehension of a recurrence
of the calamitous events which bad excited his wannest
indignation.---(Hear, hear.)—lf there were, he should
be as ready as ever to raise his voice against oppression.
—(Cheers.) But it was not, therefore, becoming in him
to be blustering and bawling in a time of peace in a tone
which only became a state of hostility.—(Hear, hear.)
With respect to the Corn Laws he begged leave to say.
that if returned again to Parliament he should move for
their repeal—(Hear, hear)—not, be it understood, that lit
therefore concluded that bread would be cheaper ; but be-
cause he thought that the landed interest, of al others,
would derive most benefit from the repeal, and that bread
would be higher in price, and that, with that addition to
the price, there would be a diminution of taxaaion and in-
creased demand for labour. lie begged leave, as the
.uhjects of voting by ballot and the pending elections in
France had been alluded to, to observe that the vote ht
ballot was only necessary when the general system was
corrupt, and that when the right of representation wai
placed on the broad basis he should like to see it rest oil,
there would be no need of the ballot. France was no ar-
gument to the contrary of this opinion ; for that country
contained but eighty thousand electors altogether—a
number not equal to that which Westminster, and one m-
iry° other places, possessed among them. The present
system of election was, in this country, a wicked farce ;
the people had no voice; and unless in Westminster, and,
perhaps, the City of Landon, the electors could not well
be expected, under the present corrupt system, to with-
stand what Mr. Bentham calls the " purse-brandishing
system of terrorem."—( Hear.)
The resolution passed with two riot contents.
Colonel Jotess moved—.
" That this meeting learns with satisfaction that a union has
been formed for the attainment of a reform in the representation,
and strongly recommends the immediate formation of similar
unions in every county, city, and town in the United Kingdom,
and that such unions should be formed on a basis sufficiently ex.
tensive to comprise all sincere friends of reforni. That we recom..
mend such basis to boa concurrence in one or more of the four
following propositions, via.
The lion. Gentleman contended that Assooistiona of
this kiwi were the more necessary, as he understood that
the Earl of Lauderdale, an English Baron, and Mr. Wm.
lfohnes, had a regular Committee sitting in Warren's
lintel for the purpose of supporting Treasury candidates
against liberals in the approaching election.—(Hear.)
The resolution pastted unanimously.
The following resolutions were also passed unanimously,
after a very desultory discussion, in which Mr. Hunt, Mr.
Hetherington, Mr. Mahon, and several other gentlemen
rook a part.

"'Phut all plans of reform which do not embrace universal
suffrage, with the protection of the ballot, are unjust in polo-
dple, will prove to he inefficient and delusive in pructiee, and arc
calculated hopelessly to prolong the slavery and degradation of
the Intelligent and Indust:ions w name n of the United Kingdom."
" That the mode of taking the poll at elections should be by
ballot,"
" That all elections should begin and close on one and the
same night."
t axeeed
three years. an that any person agreeing In any one ofthem Pay
:011:11:4ibtlethteo become
trifutintanchbeil.`aortliamw:rt:rnotiiiltdarnoy
Aiisociation."
Thank* having been voted with aoelatnation to the
Chairman, the meeting broke up at about seven u'olook.

KING'S COLLEGE.--We understand that the
following apps intmentr have ttken plane In the medical
department of King'e college, viz. t—Proistasor of Anato-
my—Mr. Altyo. Theory and Practice of Medicine—
l)r. F. Itawines. Therapeutics and Materia Aledica
Dr. BISSKT HAWKINI. Surgery-111r, GRAVN. Chc.
Vas. We cannot pledge ourselves for the
accuracy of the last, but we have good reason to believe
that the others will be found contd.—London Medical
Gazette of July 17.

On the 12th inst., a letter from Sir RonERT
Pant,, Bart., was received by the Magistrates of Mussel-
burgh, in answer to their address of condolence and con•
gratulation, of which the following is a copy
Whitehall, 10th July, 1850'
Gentlentens—l have had the honour to lay below an
KING the loyal and dutiful address of the Magioratett and
Town Council of the burgh of Musselhurgh. And I have
the satisfaction to inform you,that his Itlalescv WAN
pleased to receive the same in he most graviotoi miniver.
1 am, Gentlemen, your obedient Servarit,
(Signed) ROBERT PEEL.
To EDWARD CA RSS, Esq., GAR wRIZI4 E 4 su
Nlagistrittes of Altmelburgli....Scotaman.

ski& .0# TilEretitlC'3olAoA4oo:4'
4,44
-- ,
There is one phenomenon in theigotuntion of the
Irish poor, which mu* soasadituld think, attract the
notice, and titooltsequence deeply affect the feel-
ingot, of ill humane persons in this country. The
fact alluded to is the frequeot recurrence of epidemic
fevor among that unfortunate mid much afilicteid
people. We doubt whether a satisfactory cane has
yet liven fotind to which one can with confidenie
ettribute the visitations of the plague in Eastern
climes, after long intervals of suspension. A parti-
cular wind, a certain temperature, infection from
contact With diseased districts or individuals, haVe
each in turn, or simultaneously, had the boooar a,-
signed to them of generating that' trap tendous ma-
lady. There is in Ireland a disease more dreadful
than the plague, not produced by wind, or heat, or
cold, or contact,---independent of all these natural
and irresistible antecedente,—but arising directly
from a human want, which want has itself been in
great part caused by human injuries. The disease
is fever—the source of it is hunger. It is worse
than plague, because it does not kill so soon; and
,
because that other, the parent evil, is a scourge not
incidental to the contingency of plague. Only hit
the English reader judge the situation of a peopli,
amongst whom it is on record that famine ragiis
during every fourth or fifth year of the last century,
—sometimes for two or three years in succession,
—and that the freezing agonies of hunger ripen it.
variably into the burning paroxysms of fever, tlie
hunger end the fever being alike unmitigated by
charity first, and afterwards by science. The Essay
of Dr. Corrigan, on the Epulentia Fever of frti .
land, traces with elaborate. industry the progress
and effects of those , fevers which ravaged the un-
happy island during the last century—that is to say,
from 1728 to 1826. ' And the frtiit of his researches
is thus abridged :
"
I have thus thrown together, with a concise notice df
the most remarkable preceding or accompanying eirCutrie
stances, the principal epidemics of the last hundred years.
j' It is a maxim in philosnphlling, that ive must, as 1
as possible, assign like causes to like effects! and if ups
a general view of all the instances Adduced, we find sour
one condition invariably present 'to that condition, we gt*
the time of cause. 'We give the name of calm to t
object which we belliee to' be the invariable antecedent f
1.
a particular change."' Epidermic fevers are the like effects.;
we must, if possible, assign them like causes. Upon )t
general vie* of thew, with the accompanying circum-
etimees, we find one condition invariably present, famine':
that-we therefore mark down as their common cause. 1
" liven a rapid glance-over the Wile, as I 'save arrange I
it, will show, that however all other circumstances,
time, season, climate, might-have varied, this one emit-
tion, holism, was never absent. No matter how clima
alterod, or seasons revolvet4 how summer or winter rills. I
on, so Aire as want appeared, so certainly did pestilent:is,
follow, The two have also ever kept • pace- with one
entailer: as the degree of want, so has been the extent df
aver."
The learned author continues Ids useful observd-
tions us follows :
" it is scarcely necessary to call to the recollection tlie'
summer of 1816, cold and wet—corn uncut in Novembei,
or rotting in the sheaves on the ground ; potatoes net
J ipeued (and when unripe there cannot be wore,' food ,
esateining mote water then nutriment; !draw at such t
extravagant price as to render the obtainieg of it fe
betiding almost impossible, and . when procured, retaining
from its halt.fermented sate, so much moisture, that tit
use was, pet lisps, worse than thte,went of it. The Man .
agent that destroyed the harvest spoiled the turf. &Limp
slid such a multiplication of evil* come together. In some
of the former year", although. fermi and bedding were deft-
tient, the Portion saved was ef good quality, Mud fu `I
Was not wanting ; but in 1810 every coinfort,thet migi t
hsva Atoned for partial went waseiteente Mid deacriPtiot
applies ,to the two years of 1816 and 1817. At Midsurit.
ince of 1917 the Musa of fever was over the entire .coint
try*, It inetburek.forth alueeit io, a thoueand :sliffereelt
psisiafs, ": Within the Arent Niece of a, month; in the summ r
oslBl7, the epiiieutiesprung forth in Tramore. tough+, ,
Kinealle,Tralee, and Chanmel, in Carriekeenehluiri Ito-
etre! 11.11.1 m, Castleleert 11e1f,,41, ArmsBl4 0014/Ibs bul-
dositlerry, Menaeterevetti. Tulle:Mire, and Slane. Tlos
simultaneous -breaking- out, shows that there must Intie
b ten sow universal cauee.,;„ , •
"Although the' bursting forth of fever ahout the sane
time in all the, places motioned ithave, made this the most
remarkable epoch hem which to designate it a general ek
&tisk m , it hod comenced. through the greater pert of CO-
naught iu the autwarsof 11116eenticipating its eppitaran e
in the other parts of the country by at leeet six-month .
i
This fret, on ealliug to mind the rcaliar circumstances f
the province of Connaught, affords further confirmetian 1
1
the opinien advanced that famine and fever are related I
ceasefire! effect. In Conought the bulk of the poi e
are more dependent on the immediate crop ofthe year, arjd
eves:4ll6y on the potato crop, than In most- other psi es of
hetet%l. jlence want immediately ensues on the occur.
mute of an unproductive harvest. No sooner, 'thereto .
in the auttsuon of 1816, was famine felt float the sleticie t
i,
crop, than pestilence followed, raging !with great violets ,e
th revel, the country patts of the province. bet while t so
eeentry parte, at this early period ,of the epidemic, we e
sollesing severely, the thriving towns of the province, r
eleitipk Westport sod Castlebar, were free; and it wean A
moil six smooths after, towards Midsummer of 18170 vb n

aitttress and want bet-lime. general, that those : towns in
common with others began to.suffer to any considers! e
extent. If the epidemic lout depended, for its rise and pr -
grim On climate, mason, attnosphetin influence, or co •
legion, these town* should have suffered in common wig!)
the pats immediately around them. They posstesed, air
some time at least one immunity,which their more inland
and less thriving neighbourhoods wantedran im mon ity fi opi
famine, and in the same degree therenjoyed it from lever.lt
Yd landlords of Ireland, listen to those aecusi4
flirts;. anti if the Lord Limericks of a Indfoltervtid
nation object to legislative interfereneo for its ramp,
because to relieve the poor Irishman by' laww 'ould
be t 4 rob the rich one, we trust in 'a Kash legit-
Wore, ,to reply; that, to rob-=--thottgli it were la
robbery, winch restitntion is not:,-butt„ to rob tile
rich by tomato's is 4 less .crime than to murder tile
poor by thousands ; anti . that, the: aggravation 6i
Conine, hi:defective lows, is eguivrilent to an act of
murder..- Mu% . .
. ,

A foolish Evenivg Paper, Whose Intherdashei-
loyalty, seems to have been confouuded by atm frank-
IMPS :about the late Xiirg,: has .the ittipertineueit tilt
Insitittute- that we havolbeen governed .by catwortho.
motives in our avowed contempt for adulation. W
the wiseacre be go obliging as to mention what sott
of unworthy motives he-thinks (can he think ?) cap
actuate tra iu treating the objects of Coureidolat4
With an hula deference ? „Ikto is a blockhead;
Ins sod others provoke
rue 'to, say mare, Ve have to
great de.ti morn to tell, compared with which what
we have saroody said is not.rnerely forlaartotee bot
itanegyric.—``ewes.
On the motion fertile third reading of tho A.
propriation Bill, the Marquis of Lanstloalte took
occasion W ulhtdtt briefly to some important points
in Our foreign and domestic relations. Tbelinit
point to which ha Outlet' was the unsettled state of
the East of Europe. He next alluded lerthe uusa.
tigictory,staLe of :our relations with Portugal. Ad-
verting to. the capture of :Algiers, his Lordship re-
joked at the victory, but be trusted that the
can-
ttent arrangements would not be confined to the
benefit of Franco alone, but• would be extended
the whole of, the :Mediterranean, and, the, Lott
europe. .114 Lordship, in adverting to the vote of
1,1116.000 i., eeniured the want of. attention on the
part of Government to the suggestions of n one
mittes of the House. of COMMOIIB with reaped to
the Irish blikeellatteona• Services. The Duke of
Waliieston agreed with what fell from. the Noble
Marquig reApeeting Ireland, hut observed, that there
were eireerminineet in the state of Ireland which
rendered it necessary to protteed with caution at
every step. Ile said their Lordships w • ere just as
Well aerittairatell with the I +inaction% in the East Of
Europe to; 'he.ertuiti pretend to lie. A I
to slertugu,
there was every reason to believe that an arraege.
mint rattlifitetory to aft part4o would 1 .be
geeomplhohad. As to the reeurdui„,- ,01,,iet to
064 the Noble Mel pia itysl hjitideir,
them
,wasslack eVtly 44'010 10 believe that the
arrogcmon among the several Power*. interested
would be satisfactory ; although until the negueil,
lions were COilitititiati, liotiling of a tleeitled mama
could be stated." lord Lansdowne 's horguage
* Brown en -Cow coot Affect'
I See thy article at kilth iu the Zuncot.

.
it petting Algierte`nimely, thif the irrangemetits'cOn-
sequent upon the capture would
.not be confined to
the benefit of France alone, but extended to the
whale of the Mediterranean and the East of Europe,
would seem to imply that his Lordship believes the
French do not mean to colonize the country. Whe-
ther colonization by France would be beneficial to
that country we know not ; but it would most as-
suredly be beneficial to Europe. Does his Lordship
metre, by extending the benefit to the whole of the
Mediterranean, that the French shall stipulate with
the power left in possession of Algiers, that the Al-
gerines shall respect the inhabitants of every country
of the Mediterranean us much us the inhabitants of
France ? Or that all the countries in the Mediter-
ranean shall be allowed to share with France the
benefit of colonization ? We are not sure that the
world will gain much by the interference of this
country with the proceedings of France in Algiers,
and et all events, whatever may be the case with re-
gard to France, there are not many Powers in the
Mediterranean that would consider the liberty to
colonize the coast of Africa in the light of u benefit.
Before interfering with France in this matter, we
ought to knew whether our interference will riot be
mischievous. The French, perhaps, feel no incli-
nation to colonize Algiers, and in that case, how-
ever much their departure from it may be regretted,
other Powers could hardly object to their refusal to
incur a further expense fur en object beneficial to
Europe generally. But we cordially agree with a
contemporary (the Scotsman), that they ought to be
encouraged to colonize rather than thwarted in any
such design.
" No second-rate Power," observes our contemporary,
" could combat the barbarism of the native tribes.
Spain and Naples, for instance, are but half civilized
themselves, and could send over nothing but lazy pride,
stupidity, and superstition. The Dutch might undertake
it ; but the attempt would cost them thrice as much as it
would cost the French, and its sows* would be more
doubtful in their hands. We cannot see why the posses-
sion of Algiers by France, supposing another war to arise,
should endanger our commerce more than the possession
of Coraica did in the last ; and it, we believe, was never
the means of any serious annoyance. But supposing the
country to be colonized by France, its neutrality, in the
event of awar arising, we think might be secured by
proper stipulations awl arrangements. We care not, how-
evil., what method of disposing of Algiers is adopted, pro-
viding piracy is suppressed for ever, and a right use is
made of the present Opportunity of planting civilization
in a fine country, now the domain of barbarism, though
situated almost within sight of Europe."
We are fur from attributing to the Marquis of
Lansdowne any wish to throw obstacles in the way
of obtaining a lusting benefit for Europe. But we
are not sure that a notice in Parliament will not be
construed by our neighbours its an indication of an
unworthy jealousy on the part of this country of
their operations. It is as well that nations like
France and England should not watch each other
too narrowly.—Morning Chronicle.
A reform meeting was heltl yesterday at the Free-
masons' Tavern. Mr. Monck, the Chairman, showed
the necessity of reform, from the House of Com-
mons being, instead of guardians of the public
purse, the sharers in it. The diplomatic -expencea
of this country last year amounted to nearly
400,0001., while the whole expence of the Go-
vernment of the United States only amounted to
37,0001. Comparin England not with Reptiblics,
hut with Monarchical France, or despotic Austria,
Russia, or Prussia, he was sure no man would say
that airy of theM had a dead weight of between five
anti six millions a year. These facts sink deep into
men's minds. Mr. Cobbett, in a Letter to the
King, in his Register of this day, touches very
happily on this vulnerable part of our system '
" I beseech you to,believe that the whole of the people
of England, only ersepting those who live. on the taxes,
now anxiously wish success to the people of France against
their Government t T beseech yon to look at the effect of
the example of the American Government ;• to' consider
that your brother, the Isto'King, in 'eoch of the 47 years,
on an average, after lie became of age, cost this nation,
more than all the Presidents of America haveioat, in the
forty years that that Government has existed; and to
consider also how that Republic has towered up under
tint cheap 'Government I I beseech your Majesty to
think of these things; to be convinced that the world is
not now in the humour to be ruled for the. stile benefit or
wpm t of the rulers. The examPle. of America is a light
like the sun : antral! the world beholds it. In all my ex-
perience, great as it has been, I have never witnessed ef-
fect so great and so general ae that produced by the
speech, in which Sir James Graham made the toMparison
between our expences end those of the Govern-
:tient. ' A republic! a republic ' was sounded in toy
ears, frent town to town, wherever I went. I beseech
your Majesty to think of these things, and not to he lulled
by soft snoods. The country is tranquil; but it is the
tranquillity of anxious txpectation ; ruin stares every man.
' in the face ; every man, nut Hain. on the tases wants
ebingo; men do nit idle-, because' all feel that n Wile
ehnny-e can be of any u,e ; the magazine of discontent is
(al to the brim ; the match only is wanted."
Mr. Holdionse professed himielf a convert to the
necessity of ballot. lie would event conseet, he
said, to let the right of voting remain its it was if
be could get election. by ballot, rather than have the
right of voting extended, but be . refused the ballot.
Ile noticed: the statement of Mr. Hume, and ob-
served, " Was kludging correctly of 11111111411 nature
to expect, titan when the middling and higher classes
Were geverrard by the feelings of interest, and dared
not disoblige those who Were more wealthy and'
!rowel ftd, the humbler Clams alone should set that
feeling of interest ut defiance ?" There are few tnen
who have the heart to say what they know will be
unpalatable to the company in which they, may hap-
pen - to be. We never took the opinions against
ballot in the I louse for sincere. The observation of
Burke with regard to Charles Towealund, that he
could not exist without the favour of the House,
may be upplied to Members whom we 'conld name
in o sr awes day. We wilt not, however, ;tame them,
because, when the general mere of a Mar's ex-
ertions is calculated to benefit his fellow. creatures,
we would not press too severely on his occasional
sacrifices to immicerity, originating us they.obviously
do in constitutional, itrubility to exist without the
applause of those by whom: lie is ourrounded.:
lime contended strongly for ballet, and observed,
that in the heat of debate he had neglectrid in the
House to say what would have left no doubt as to
his meintieg on the subject of Reform. This meet-
le4' hi memorable' on necount of the unanimity of
opinion us to the advantages of the ballot. The
culling it au un-English practice therefole sue-
ceeded.. It was a dangerous experiment ;ore the
port of the higher ranks to abuse it at the time when
the people hid their eyes fixed on the French dee-
tiunv.—Morning Chronicle.
It will be Been frenn our Parliamentary report
thitt the discussion of the " Lot tie taint rnhunet' to
the Forgery Bill, which amendments have restored
the senguinery pettalties in every instance in , which
they had bsert thrown out in the Commons, was
last night fixed by Sir Robert, Peel for Monday
averring next. The Right Hon. Secretary stated as
his reason for moving' the diseharge of the order,
and postponing it to Monday, that it had been
strongly nevi upon him in consequeece of the in-
disposttion of an Hon. Member. Who had taken ti
proMinerit part in the dchates upon the cpwstioe.
We trust that on Metaq night 0100 .I%hnberii
who, after the most atrennoue .exertione,. had see-
eeeded in persuading the House of Commone tit
prune away the barburous severities of, Sir Robert
feel's 13:11, and to make it more conform able to
sound principles of justice und the spirit of a. civilised
qt., will be in attendance in their places' 'to resist
the pissieg agile Bill exit now standa,strtd to save
the, louse of Commons front the diareputahle: in-
Cottaistency of re/cc/fug and adopting the pulliid4-
/Went (!/' death ih the saint. Sessitut, We. have
argued this question so often, and have put it in so
lowly different points of view, that it.is difficult frffr
us to bay any thing now On. the. subject' nor 6
we: ee Why we should endeavour to adduce' ad.
1 ditional arguments, if we could, as long, as
• thotie which we have already advie,ced rt--
r main untstitwerad but it is with, peculiar plea-
• trete we e;:it tire attention of our KeoPrf to the
taltniroble protest of. Lord MAW& irgeinst the
Pins whirls will be found in another column, and

" Who bath his quarrel just"
The very existence of this and the other piratiCal
States on the coast of Africa, to say nothing of their
long and almost undisturbed continuance, has been
at all times a scandal to civilized Governments,
which have not only suffered in the persons of their
subjects the grossest cruelties and indignities, but
have disgraced themselvel by purchaiing from time
to time a forbearance tram these barbariane, which
was either observed or violated as suited to their in-
terests or their fears. To this Miserable and de-
grading. Vassalage the Government of Charles X. de-
dared they would no longer submit ; and should the
Preach persist in their career till the whole mass of
,these pirates are swept from off the sea and the '
earth, they will have performed the most essential
service to humanity. Laing ago what the French
are now effecting ought to have been made one com-
mon object by all the maritime States of Europe.—
That it has not been so has been owing to a mean
and paltry jealousy of each other, which would
even now step in to detract from the merit of an ex-
ploit, which, in fact, is creditable to the arms of
France, although we adMit the political object may
be different from the avowed one. We see no more
right that Englund, Spain, Austria, or Russia, have
to complain 'of tlie French .occupying Algiers, than
the latter huirto-complain of our possession of Malta,.
Gibraltar, or the lonimi Isles; . but, m.beri it is con-,
sidered who and what it is that they'displace, we
ahould any tliat, be•the change what it may, it can
szareely 'fail to be one of unmixed good when coin.,
pared, to the abominable den of evil which it extir-
putesilforning Herat!.

Though we would Fein ovoid the subject, we
should be wanting in our duty did we not denounce
to public execration the atrocious article which Hp-
peart d yesterday in a Morning Paper, whose syste-
matic libels upon the deceased Sovereign have long
been the' abhorrence of every ivelle-egulated mind.
The Journal in question takes credit for heving been
the uniform and consistent vilifier of the. Illustrious
Departed, and in this respect, indeed, the merit of
consistency which is claimed must be conceded.
Yes; during the greater part of his life he was the
object of the malignity of this writer; his mortal
remains were scarcely cold when his memory was
loaded with the vilest slanders and abuse that the
most depraved imagination could suggest ; and
now, not the sanctity of the .tomb can shel-
ter him for a sipgle day agairist the unsa-
dated malice which can gloat with equi,l-
satisfaction over the death-bed or the grain. The
unfortimate affair that distrubed the commencement
of the late reign, and which,
,except for the page of
history, ought to be for ever buried in oblivion, is
agaiti dragged forth to suit the purposes; of the
Times, Which, demands in reference to that !subject,
Did we join the foul-moethed hug and cry ? Did
We mingle in the base-minded
putrid
? Did we
flout contentedly elope; the puttid current " . Did
you not, we ask, act thus ? ,Did.yottnot watch the.
course of the popular current, and, when it was
manifest, follow the perturbed stream.? Did
you not, when the good judgment. of the people
was foe the moment ntt
.sled,
~when the mess
of the lower ordeis . was, by, the arts of
factious designing hypearites, brought to a
fearful State of excitement, did you not tlen use
every expedient to fan the flume, and lead to acts of
disorder and outrage ? Yea did; but, thanks. to
Providence, the ruin which, you, your supporters-
and abetters, exerted yourselves to bring upon the
State, was averted; your efforts were ineffectual;
and any attempts at this time to malign the them-
ter of our late Monarch by recurrence to those
:segues, must, we are convinced, be equally so.
Thi3O,alii, mind has loth since regained
its C~lll:-
lihritun, end. will not again ,he influenced by arts
employed successfully only in . times, of feetiort,
to increase the violence of . papules- excitation.
Another circumstance upon whixh the Times would
insinuate aw accusation
;against the: lute King is,
that he' was a 001111)01)8 undneeluded Motturch."
We can readily believe that nothing but-the actual
infliction upon -himself of bodily sufferings similac
I'm these which were the lot of the !mewed di-
eekts-ed, could lead the callous-hearted datoferer to
gipreciate the, cause of 1)18. ticelto•ion from peblie
view during his later days. Qerporea ptun the
slanderer could feel,-7his heart ia, insensible.
While the late King was .blesstd with tolerahl'e
health, no Monarch ever existed who united ivith
the digifitY "PProPriate. 4,.greeter
degree of atlabdity and gracious coode,cosion to.
vs arils his sulijects ;_ we feelll-tattnntldeca .exinophtl
of this would be entirely .stipertleeets, The virtues
and the es,(Tilenee of , Geerge IV, sirs Soireitiigo
0,1,4 . stand 0n,1.e ,height ;toe lofty te.bl
rewired by, the grovelling, and
.the
would-be-dotroyer of his fume. liis attempts esti:
during enough to call for reprobation, but they cab
excite no apprehension., ,We observe' 'Nett Alm
vilifier of the late Sovereign couples his slanders

The object--=so far as a distinct purpose can
be discovered amid so much contradiction and
ribaldry—is to make out that, both Sir Astley
Cooper and Mr. Wardrop were, prevented from
attending at Windsor, by the interference either
:of Sir William Knighton or of the physicians,
against the express wish of the Royal patient
himself; while it is implied that' the medical
men who actually, attended 'were not aware of
the nature :of the disease, and that if Mr. Ward-
rop's advice had been adopted, his Majesty's
life might have been prolonged.
These are points with regard to which we
had, at the time, no positive information, but
we deemed the'statements to be unfthinded, be-
cause we know that the reasons asligned for them
were untrue. Thus we were told, as a reason why
the King should have desired to. :see Sir Astley
Cooper, that he had formerly sent him to aid the
medical attendants nt the late. Duke of York,
and that his Royal brother had derived great
benefit from his prescriptions. Now we have
stated before, and repeat, that neither of .these
allegations ate founded 'on fact, and for the truth
of our assertions, and the untruth of ' all thine
which are different, we appeal7—to Sir AStle)
Cooper himself, who wrote a letter to the Editor
of the Ilera4l, denying the statements with re-
gard to the, medical part of the story—to: Mr.
Simpson, the other surgeon who was in amend-
ance—to the physicians—end to Sir lietbert
Taylor, who, toe know; is fully aware of ' the
accuracy of the official. notice from which we
'have taken our information, and which appeared
in the Courier at the tiine. ,

Again, it is said that the:physicians objected'
to Sir Adis), Cooper because; in the case' of
the Duke, of York, he insisted on affixing his,
name to the bulletins; Unfortunately for this
• •
assertion it nappens that no bulletins whateVer
Were issued in the Duke of York's case, either
before' or after the diNtingnishedßaronet was in
attetlAce. • But, besides, we may observe that,
in a medical case, it has not been the custom,
for the sturgeons to sign the bulletins-nor in a
surgical case,lor the physicians to do so. Thu's,
When the late Queen Charlotte was ill, Mr.
Keate attended her, with Sir Henry Halfwit anti
Sir F. Millman, but did not add his name tO
the bulletins.; and when, in 1821, his late Ma-
jesty had a tumor extirpated from the scalp, the re-,
port, which was transmitted to Lord Liverpool, was
signed by the surgeons in attendanee7--namely,
Home Mr. pine, Sir Astley (then, Mr.).
cooper, "and Mr. Brodie ; while the physicians
(Sir IL Halford and Sir M. Tierney), though
present at the operation, and meeting the sur-
geons ii consultation, did not attach their Sig-
natures to the document: On the present occa-
sion; therefore, nothing has been thine in this re.
apect but' what former precedents had sant:-
,
tioned ; ucrr, feu ourselves, do we see any reason
whatever why the long-established andjudicions
usage should have been departed from. As to
Sir A. Cooper, he has enjoyed too high a repo_
tation; •and; liy his skill as a surgeon,: too long
," bought gulden opinions from all • sorts' of
people," to render it necessary that he steekt•
seek for reputation in a department foreign to his
own ; nor, on. the other hand, do we mean it as
in any degree offensive to him, when we state
that it was ,current in-the.profession, long before
his Majesty's last illness, that some of those little
departures from etiquette, . to which 'we al-
luded in a former number, had led the King• to
require the 'services' 'of another surgeon.
deed, when
,Sir Astley reflects that at this tune
last year a parallel was diaWn between him and
Ur. Eady, and ,the preference professional
respectability given to the latter, by the very
parties who now affect to stand up for him a
having been slighted, he, can Intim no difficulty
in appreciating their disinterestedness and sin-
cerity. - What' the exact tame' Of offence May
'have been we know not ;• but one Of the stories,
most current—which, however, we only give as
an on that Sir Astie,Y, on one oecasion,
gave his Majesty, the wholesome, but, consider
jag tharelativesauations, rather injudicions,'ad,
Vice—to: throw , off his retiring •habits; anal-"see
more of his subjects adding,., that if he did so,
he would become the most popular titan in
Europe." Whether the anecdote be true or
not, no one who knoWS Sir AStles,'S inanner Can
fail to regard it AS not itatirObable ; nor, if we
rememher ,the late
,Aings. jealousy of fanuli
.arity, aim .be lOokeTl uptnieibinstitneifiut to
have -offefuicthlkhn. : Dr. Bankbeid, whi), at
the instance of the late Lord Londonderry, was

• • ,
at one time a good deal about the King, is said
to have lost .his favour for ever by having
squeezed his arm, in his anxiety to give effect
something he was saying ; and all remember the
effect of Brummel's impertinence, in asking his
Majesty, when Prince of Wales, to ring the ball.
But the 'outcry about Sir Astley is merely a
blind to cover the. puffing notices of :Mr. Ward-
rop, with respect to whom especially it is at-
tempted to spew that the King was not a free
agent. ""Now 'the same persons who would have
us believe that those about his Majesty were
able ,to admit or to exclude. exactly whom they
chose, inconsiderately assert that the King
would not see Sir Matthew Tierney for twelve
clays, while he insisted; against the wishes of his
attendants, on seeing Mr.-Nussey ; from which
it appears, according to their own chewing, that
his Majesty had a will of his own, anti power to
make it known, both as to whom he would admit
and whom he would exclude from his presence
—a circumstance not quite consistent with the
idea of his having had Any very strong desire to
see Mr. VVardrop, any more than having pre-
viously substituted him for Sir Astley. Cooper
would seem to imply any decided predelictiou
for the Baronet. But if Mr. Wardrop has
grievances, let him speak out manfully in his own
nen% and we have no doubt he will obtain an
answer ; do not let him,' as at present, suffer the
world to imagine that lie is countenancing such
a system of indiscriminate slander as that now
adopted by the .Lancet, in direct connexion with
his name.: .No honest cause can require the aid
of ribaldry and abuse to gain the public ear ; nor,
if he be sincerely' desirous of bringing forward
the facts 'of the case, cati he be at any loss for
the means of doing so. Mr. Wardrop gave the
publiehers.of this journal notice of an action, for
stating that he was not in attendance on the
King---why does lie not go on with 'the legal
proceedings? What has occurred to change
his opinions as to the liberty of the press ? We
desire nothing more earnestly than' to place all
those' who were;about his late Majesty in the
Witness-box. Again we ask, if Mr. Waldrop
really regards this as a desirable consummation,
why does he not proceed ? We shall answer,
as probably, he nay not choose to do so—becaUse
their'evidence would give a totally different
colouring 'to the whole transaction from
,that
which it has received in the pages of the. Lancet.
The King,'during the, whole course of his illness,
never once expressed ti desire to consult Mr.
Waldrop; and when it was first stated to him
that the assistance of 'a "surgeon would be re-
quired, lie himself desired that it might be
Brodie.or Bob Keate." As to the story of
Mr. Wardrop having applied the stethoscope to.
his Majesty, and thus detected disease of the
heart, perhaps the writer in the Lancet-will in-
form us why Mr. Waidrop did 'not mention this
circumstance in the written opinion' of his
Majesty's case, with which he favoured the.
physicians subsequent to the time alluded to ?.
Why did he therein state the disease, ,'accord-
ing to his judgment, to be gout, without Saying,
one word 21 his stethoscopic 'discoveries ?
As to the merit of the diagnosis and Fox
nosis formed by his Majesty's phYsiciatu,—whim
we ‘vrote upon" this subject before we argued
only on general principles-nciW we speak, not
on the authority of mere assertion, but from po
sitive knowledge, that the physieians throughout
not only were aware of the exact nature of 'the
disease, and extent' of the danger, but that they
stated these in terms ai distinct as words conld:,
make them in their communications to the Prithe
Minister. Sir Henry Halford, in his letters
.to
the Duke of Wellington 'beginning at the ems
mencetne»t, of' the King's last illness, refers to
disSase,of the heaitto the incipient, effusion,
before it had 'appeared externally.;---to 'its pro-
bable increase, and to its inevitable result : one.
consistent strain ikObserved throughout, and if
any firither explanation to the public had been.
deemed 'necessary, it obviously rested' with the
Noble Duke to have made it. the' reasons
we pointed out in a former article, as, rendering
Aernporary concealment expedient, have, we be-
lieve, been deemed so satisfadtOryi that it is' uti.'
.necessary for us to revert to that part of the
subject.. Nay, more than this, we, can post-
tively state that.six.Or seven years ago Iris Ma-
jesty's physiciaris thought it their duty.to..trauss
mit a notice to Lord Liverpool, as Prime Minis-
ter, inforthing him that the King had-disease:l)f
the heart, uid Was exposed to.the risk of suildep,
deinite. For this paper search is now being.
made ; and of course, 'if' found,
.it will be pub-
lished. It is remembered by Some of *the gen-
tlemen about the Treasnry, as having been sub-
sequently in the possession of Mr: Canning dur-
ing the'short time he was Premier. The rea-
aolis for such a paper having been concealed are
obvious.

•
As to the adducing of cases as.p.arallel, where
too parallelisrn,?,i,fo,--as to thoollegation -that if
Mr. Wardrop 5 proposal of practising depletions
had been adopted,. his Majesty's life might have
beep, proiongedi or, preseryed—they,
,are, really
too.ridieuloua to.merit a moment's notice.. The
writer who couldr,'assert that the appearance of
blood in the,Apgte was alone, a ,sufbeient reason
fur bleeding, and that a broken-down and ex-
hausted frame, with dropsy from Ossification of
the -heart, could have borne such treatment—
forgetful that the loss of but six' ounces blood
WWI the immediate
,eause of .deatliwe say Aat
such a person is incapable of appreciating medi-
cal reasoning, and the mere advancing of such a
doctrine proves more strongly
.than any reason-
ing. of out'a 46, that tile public are not
always mistaken in the, distinction which they
make'between' physicians and surgeons. Nor.
can, we account fbr'thOopinions end conduct
tributed.ta Mr.-Worth') in any other
.Way than
by supposing, Voth that be really did not under-
stand the nature of his Majesty ti case, and that
he entirely mistook the degree to which he him-
lelf enjoyed the confidence of the Sovereign,
That the physiciana retained, to the last the on. regard of their.reyal patient, who literall
clung' to theni fox safetS, in the paroiysms of his
disease, and marked by many gracious express
stone the gratitude of an affectionate master--=
.that they satisfied the Royal Fancily and the
Government, and that they did all' that inert'could
.do under
,such afflicting cirCumatalices—are facts;
not less incontrovertible than that the attackt,
Opootheirprofessional characters are utterly un-
worthy of their notice. But'there is one point
of 'a nature entirely different—an 'attack .upon
the honour of
,one of the physicians—involving,
as it appears to us, the charge of a high.inisdo•
meaner, and which, on public grounds, the Go
ventment ought,.we 1.1114, to insist on being
brought forward in a 'court of law. It has been
asked----if it be. not true that Sir Matthea
Tierney signed the. bulletins-without seeing the
King, why_ Is such a libel allowed to pass unit
? aticl wo, who knoW from direct at
d)(aity Lhat it, is most grossly false, echo the
questiou. ; The infamy and worthlessness of the
;tnighiukource are not sufficient reasons for tie-
sliming it when the lie h-

tas UPPtt ~;,.