The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-29 00:00:00

nature, then, we say, is the same as ever; there is as
mush adventurous blood as ever; there is as much
thirst as ever for uncurtaining the mysteries of geo-
graphy, and new travellers are rising up every day.
But what is to be done when no more mysteries of
geography remain for disclosure, and when the no-
ble appetite for discovery in the present generation
has left no food or material for the same passion in
its successor ? Present discovery is cutting the
throat of future, or rather starving it out by with-
drawing its subject-matter. Yet human nature will
be the same then that it is now. What shape will
the passion then assume, when it has no longer the
wide and solid earth for its domain ? There will
always be material to gratify the principal of
curiosity, the appetite for finding out a secret,
because there will always be secrets to be dis-
covered. There will be secrets of physics, secrets
of metaphysics ; the former to reward research,
and the latter to baffle it. But these will give a
poor substitute for the present rough out-of-doors
employment. Even now we begin to feel this earth
rather too small, to feel ourselves too near each
other. When distance is destroyed we begin to
feel the absence of it. We are cloyed with miracles
of speed and triumphs over time and space. We
meet our friend who dined with us the other day—
a few weeks ago, we should say, at a first guess—
and find that he has been to Hongkong and back
again. The remotest skirts of earth are brought close
to our side, and a man is living with savages at the
Antipodes and in London society at once. His savage
only lends a certain charm to his fashionable life,
and the fine gentleman gains by the heighten-
ing effect of the contrast. But we need not in-
dulge in barren prophecy or gratuitous apprehen-
sions, for the world is sure when the time
comes to meet its own wants in its own way ;
and in the meantime there is something more to
do, and something yet undiscovered here and there
on the earth's purface. There are new rivers and
lakes, and gulfs and creeks, and harbours, still left.
Let us do our work in our own day, and let us con-
gratulate the scientific worid that there is so much
adventurous and daring spirit which still survives
the civilisation of centuries, and that we have not
lost with all our new light the best and most valuable
characteristics of old times.
DAILY NEws.—lt is evident that nothing now
can come of the Congress of Princes at Frankfort.
The Emperor of Austria's spirited attempt to carry
by storm a new Confederation, with himself at the
head, has failed. For the idea of forming a Ger-
man Confederation without Prussia, placing all
Germany in the hands of the two Southern Catho.
lie Monarchies, is too great an absurdity to be
thought of seriously. To constitute a German Con-
federation with Prussia at its head, and putting
Austria into the second rank, would prove equally
impracticable. The attempt, pushed to an extreme
by either monarchy, would soon overstep the limits
of diplomatic controversy, and end in an appeal to
the sword. The two contending parties would pro-
bably not demur to this kind of decision, but the
Germans would not permit it. They have no idea
of allowing themselves to be offered up as a holo-
caust to the pretensions of two rival families. But
though the Germans are strong and unanimous
enough to forbid a civil war, they are not yet
strong, united, and clear-sighted enough to stand
up as a third party on a par with the contending
Sovereigns, and with power to make them submit
and agree. That time is fast coming. And the Con-
gress of Frankfort has made a great stride towards
it by awakening the German people, and display..
ing the two great German monarchs in attitudes
which neither of them would have chosen had not
circumstances forced their position upon each. The
Emperor of Austria has come forward as the cham-
pion of unity and reform, to be achieved in a conser-
vative sense, by tic Princes, and by the aristocracy
of the country dominating in the local Chambers.
That such a reform will not satisfy the German
people every one knows. But still it is a great thing
to have the most conservative sovereigns in Germany
—conservative from their position and antecedents
—committed to the necessity of reform, to the expe-
diency of a German Parliament, and of a represen-
tative system for the whole Fatherland, however
restricted and at second-hand this representation
may be. If the Austrian Emperor has been forced
to this degree of Conservative Liberalism, a stronger
degree of coercion has been applied to the stubborn
necks of William I. of Prussia and his Minister, M.
de Bismaik. Here are two choice spirits who
have been not only professing the doctrines cf
Divine Right, but practising them, setting their
Chambers at defiance, declaring they will have the
number of soldiers which pleases them, nay, will
make war, if it suits them, without caring what the
national Parliament may think or vote. These stuffed
specimens of royal and feudal insolence have been
obliged to come forward and profess the sentiments
of German patriots, and actually to entrench them-
selves against the attacks of Austria behind the
popular claims and principles of the national party.
For this the Prussian Liberals owe a deep debt of
gratitude to the Emperor of Austria, who seized
the moment when his rival had placed himself in
a false and weak position by his unconstitutional
conduct to strike a b'ow which the lesser Sove-
reigns would have been glad to see taking
effect. They hesitated, however, to support it ; and
the King of Prussia, escaping the momentary dan-
ger, is warned how vulnerable he is if separated
from his people, and how invulnerable he is with
them rallying to his side. No other sentiment than
this caused the summons of the Prince Royal to
Gastein. But whatever the effect of these events
upon the domestic affairs of Prussia, the Government
of that kingdom, in despite of its present colour or
tendency, has been obliged to look to the German
Liberal party for sapport. No other, in fact, can
defend it against Austrian pretensions. And if the
House of Hohenzollern chooses to persist in a retro-
grade policy, the House of Hohenzollern goes to the
wall. The King of Prussia has, indeed, no time to
lose. We need not criticise too closely the earnest-
ness with which the ?Austrian Emperor has flung
himself into constitutional ways and plans for Ger-
many. A genuine Representative Assembly for
Germany would reduce Austrian influence to very
small dimensions. But Count Rechberg and his
master might allow themselves to be carried so far
in their present diplomatic campaign against Prussia
as to sanction the calling of a German Parliament
without Prussia. Although a reform reorganisation
of the Band without Prussia is impossible, still a
Frankfort Parliament without Prussia is possible,
andits existence would prove a serious obstruction
in Prussia's way. It would sorely interfere with any
efforts to reconstitute the Zollverein. It would in a
manner supersede the Diet, and by taking into its
hands the conduct of the military proceedings of the
Confederation, it would sensibly add to the present
humiliation of Prussia. Against such antagonism
Prussia can find no efficient support save in its own
Parliament and people. And this support is only to
be had either by the monarch retracing his own
steps, or abdicating, and allowing his eon to do so
in his place. A new King in accord with his
Parliament might at once become the champion of
liberal opinion in Germany in a way far different
from the shuffling and forced liberalism of a Bis-
mark. And such an appeal would be answered,
not by Prussia only, but by the majority of Ger-
mans. If Austria should go so far as to hold a Ger-
man Parliament of Delegates without the adhesion
of Prussia or sanction of the Bund, it would be open
to Prussia to call a Parliament, not of Delegates of
Chambers, but of deputies of the German people, to
meet anywhere, say at Erfurt. This would be a
serious move, no doubt, but one quite warranted by
serious provocation. And should it come to that,
we should have the great German revolution accom-
plished by the rivalry cf the great Princes, without
the people doing more than lending a willing hand,
and rising at their call. With such events as these
in prospect, such contingencies possible, the contest
i
going on in Germany assumes paramount mport.
ance. The Sovereigns of that country have well
nigh exhausted the patience and long-suffering of
their subjects. They have how some compunctions,
and begin to show some wisdom. Let it be hoped
that when monarchies fall out honest nations wi

come by their own.
HERALD.—The important business of reforming
the Federal constitution of Germany has certainly
been advanced a stage by the proceedings of the
august Conference of Princes at Frankfort. It is
something to find that t the potentates, whose inte-
rests must be so various, are able to arrive at an
agreement on the many complicated matters that
have been presented for their consideration during
the last few days. Each article of the proposed
reform has been discussed and put to the vote
among them. In some instances there were many
dissentient voices, but these were overruled by the
majority, and bit by bit the details of the scheme
were accepted. Only one modification of importance
seems to have been made, and that concerns the con-
stitution of the chief governing body. It was deter-
mined, we are told, that the Directory should con-
sist of six instead of five members. This would give
greater influence to the minor States. Three places
being filled by Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria, the
fourth would be for the Kings of Saxony, Hano-
ver, and Wurtemburg, the fifth for the Grand
Dukes, the sixth for the Dukes and Free

_ -
Towns. The important proviso in the Imperial
scheme—that Austria should preside in the Direc-
tory and in the Federal Council—has also been
accepted by the Conference. The Emperor of Aus.
tria represents the head of the old German Empire,
and the Act of Confederation provides already that
Austria is to preside in the Federal Assemb'y. But
we must not lose sight of the fact that this proposed
plan is essentially an Austrian scheme, drawn up
Austrian statesmen, and brought forward by an
Austrian Emperor. It is mainly bY the personal
influence of Francis Joseph, backed by his eloquent
persuasiveness and conciliatory manners,
that the