The Sun.
London, England, 1837-11-17 00:00:00

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LONDON:
FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 17, 1837.

A very numerous meeting of the Irish Members of
Parliament took place at half-past two o'clock this day
at the Reform Club-house, Pall-mall, forthe purpose of
arranging the plan of operations for the: present
Session. The proceedings were merely preliminary to
a public meeting, and strictly private; we are, there-
fore unable to lay any report of them before our readers.

We have been favoured by our respected Contem-
porary, the Western Times, with the Report of a
meeting of tWe Reformers of Witheridgc and its neigh-
bourhood, which will be found in an abridged form in
another part of our paper. The Hon. NEWTON FEL-
LOWES presided at this entertainment, and acquitted
himself, as he always does, in an admirable manner. We
beg particular attention to the happy mode in which
the Hon. Gentleman excluded the contemptible crea-
ture who is playing such antics in Hanover, from the
honour of having his health drunk as a member of the
Royal Family of England. The following are the
words in which the Chairman gave the toast :—" The
rest of the Royal family now resident in England."
The company testified their approbation of the quali-
fication here introduced by loud cheers and clapping of
hands. We hope this amendment will in future be
adopted at every Reform meeting. We know it is implied,
but it is better—much better—that there should be a
public and general confession of faith on this point. Lord
EBRINGTON made a quiet sensible speech, but did
not enter into the discussion of any of the particular
measures of Reform which now occupy the public
mind.

By far the ablest pamphlet that has yet appeared in
favour of the Ballot has just been published by Messrs.
Ridgway, in the form of a letter addressed by Lord
NUGENT to the Earl of DURHAM. We have rarely
met with such a repertory of sound constitutional doc-
trines, clothed in language at once calm, dignified, and
convincing. The noble writer grapples with the
whole question ; examines it with the eye of a states-
man from every point of view ; and finally comes to the
conclusion, that not only must the Ballot be soon
adopted, but that it is the duty of Ministers to make
its adoption a Government measure. The principles
of the Reform Bill were, as every body must know, to
extend the Suffrage, and to secure those entrusted with
it from the action of every kind of corrupt and coer-
cive influence. These principles the present Ministers
undertook to establish, when, in succeeding Earl
GREY, they charged themselves with seeing carried
into full effect those provisions of that Bill which the
lieble framer deemed sufficient for their realization.
The finality of the Reform Bill was assumed, because
its machinery was not supposed to be imperfect. To
perfect such machinery the Ballot is now known to be
indispensable; and the instant such is the conviction of
the Cabinet, that instant arc Ministers bound to fight
as strenuously for the Ballot as they did for the Reform
Bill. Now that bribery is carried on to a most shame-
ful extent—that bribery is the rule and purity of
election is the exception—through every part of
the United Kingdom, is avowed by all parties.
The Tories avow it by the fact of their peti-
tioning against the return of so many Liberal Mem-
bers. These petitions arc so many Tory petitions
against the present electoral system. They establish
the necessity of a change, even while designed to cover
the corrupt intrigues of a faction. The Whigs and
Radicals have always declaimed against bribery at
elections as an evil at once general and notorious. All
parties are therefore against the present system ; but
most the SPOTTISWOODE gang. The question then
at issue, simply is—Will the Ballot protect the voter
in the exercise of his right to vote according to the
dictates of his conscience ? Lord NUGENT maintains
—in common with every man who has carefully and
dispassionately examined the question in all its bear-
ill most undoubtedly. With respect
,among--thieves principle so frequently
as influencing, and likely to con-
the hulk of English constituencies,

ll observes :
(1 object and duty of all law, for the pro-
'c iateroos and the public murals, to break
confi,knce between parties conspiring to
,Ft ant+ fraudulent bargain. The law by no means

countenances any pretended sentiment of honourable compact
for a corrupt and fraudulent purpose. This mock chivalry
and counterfeit good faith in what is itself sordid and dishonest
can meet with no respect or sympathy under any but a very
imperfect 'code of ethics of law and of social habits. The
law in every case openly
.invites to breach of engagement be-
tween such parties. It invites witnesses, in inquiries into cor-
ruption at elections, by exempting them from any penalties which
might result to them from the proof of their own participation
in such corruption. The Statute of 3 Edw. 1., cap. 5, makes
every attempt, of great men or others, to interfere with the
freedom of a vote by menace highly penal,—punishable, ac-
cording to Lord Coke, by fine and imprisonment, who thus
lays it down as law."
Lord NUGENT disposes, in a single syllogism, of
the silly objection preferred against the Ballot, on the
ground that it will destroy confidence in the pledges
given by tenants to their landlords. Should it destroy
such confidence there will be an end of the exaction of
pledges, and thus the evil so much dreaded by the To-
ries will cease to afflict the country almost as soon as
felt. If such confidence be not destroyed, then the ob-
jection vanishes at once. Were the exaction of pledges
found useless, the noble writer's conviction is that
"much of the cajolery, much of the meanness and
fraud, and all the corruption and intimidation now
practised in a canvass, would be abolished. The in-
sinuated promise, the hinted penalty would be abo-
lished ; and all that degrading importunity would be at
an end, which so lowers the canvasser in his own es-
teem, and in that moral dignity which should belong to
a man presenting himself as fit to be selected, by
many, and from among many, for a high trust." The
" cajolery and meanness" to which representatives are
constrained to have recourse at a canvass, would al-
most seem to have been intended as a prelude
to the part which the electors intended them
to perform in St. Stephen's. The candidate who
stoops to the meanness of a personal contact with
the vilest dregs of a corrupt borough population
—who secures his election by pandering to the
beastly appetites of the husband and the silly vanity of
the wife—gives an earnest to his constituents that he
will manifest an equal pliancy whenever the Court
wishes him to yoke himself to the car of the Minister.
On the alleged unmanliness of the Ballot, Lord
NUGENT is particularly happy. After observing
that among the foremost to tell the poorer voter that it
would not be manly in him to discharge a public trust
by a secret suffrage, is a class of public functionaries,
not remarkab!e for their love of open voting in mat-
ters connected with the discharge of their official duties,
his Lordship caustically continues :—" I remember a
time when it was a much contested question whether
the accounts of Counties should be audited, and the
public money voted at Quarter Sessions, in open Court
or with closed doors. I remember a time when it was
a much contested question whether the public should
be admitted as a right within the doors of a Petty Ses-
sions rooms. And I also remember that those of that
class of public functionaries, who were loudest and
firmest in the maintenance of the custom of voting
away in secret the public money, of which they were
trustees, and in be:talf ?f the custom of adjudicating in
secret at Petty Sessions, on fines and imprisonments,
are now among those who are loudest and firmest in
denouncing the unmanliness of a secret vote at an
election. * * Nov that Magistrates charged
with the trust of adjudicating on questions of personal
liberty, and of property, both public and private, and
bound to administer the same
,justly under penalty,
should be suffered to vote in secret; and electors, actin
for themselves and answerable in no legal penalty,
should be bound, at all risk of being exposed to private
vengeance, to vote in public, is what I cannot reconcile
to any principle of reason or of justice."
We have not yet come to the gist of the Noble
Lord's letter—to his answer to the ignorant clamour
about the Ballot being " Uri-English ;"—nor will
our space allow us to do so in our columns of to-day.
But to his Lordship's reasoning upon this point we
shall take the earliest possible opportunity of doing
ample justice. Meanwhile we recommend this excel-
lent letter to the perusal of every elector who can pro-
cure a copy of it ; and we further suggest to the Com-
mittee of the Reform Association, that a great benefit
would be conferred on the working classes by reprint-
ing it in the cheapest form for general circulation.
The doctrines of Lord NuGENT's pamphlet cannot
be too extensively circulated, too generally and care-
fully studied, or too speedily and firmly adopted.

It is painful to read such an article as that which
appears in the Chronicle of this morning relative to the
affairs of Portugal. What object the writer had in view
we cannot say ; but about the tendency of the article, and
the impression which it is caluclated to make not only on
a powerful party, but on the great body of the people in
Portugal, there cannot be any doubt or mistake. The
Chronicle has the character abroad of being the organ
of the Government, and the Portuguese will therefore
put down the abuse heaped on leading men in Lisbon,
and the contempt shown for the people of that capital,
not to the Editor of the journal, but to Lord HOWARD
DE WALDEN and Lord PALMERSTON. This is a
strange way of conciliating the friendship of an old
ally, and promoting British interests.

The events which have occurred within the last twelve
months show the power of the dominant party in Por-
tugal, and also the influence and determination of the
people in Lisbon ; they also show that the people
have some national spirit left ; yet the Chronicle, in
its anxiety to uphold British interests, and, as a
necessary step to such a purpose, to gain the confidence
and good-will of the Portuguese people, strangely
attacks, in the most violent language, -many of the
leaders of the party, avowedly dictates to the Portu-
guese Government in reference to the formation of a
new Administration, and concludes with a sneer at
the moral character of the people of Lisbon. This is
truly an Irish way of drawing closer the bonds
of amity between the two countries. The people
of Lisbon, we believe, are fully as moral, and
certainly as little disposed to shed the blood of the
defenceless as the people of Madrid or Barcelona— '
their leaders have never countenanced or permitted
such horrible acts of atrocity as have been perpetrated
by the authors of the Durango decree, or by some of
their equally ruthless opponents—but on the con-
trary, during the late contests, have shown, with
the exception of the death of FREIRE, a de-
gree of moderation, and a reluctance to shed the
blood of a fallen enemy, hardly equalled in the civ
wars of any country. In these times the moderation
of the people of Lisbon in the hour of victory, has no
parallel but that of the French people during the three
days of July, when they swept a despot from
his throne, and imprisoned or exiled his tyran-
nical Ministers. Yet the men under whose Go-
vernment such moderation was shown are called
" violent and unprincipled leaders," " thriving slave-
drivers," " enriched peculators," " pardoned traitors."
Will such language as this, coming from the Govern-
ment organ, facilitate commercial negociations, or pave
the way for renewing the friendly relations which
have so long subsisted between the two countries ?
Whatever the character of the people of Lisbon may be,
they, like the inhabitants of most capitals, think them-
selves the best and the bravest in the world ; and
the only eject of heaping abuse upon them and
their leaders will be bad feeling towards the BritiA
Minister at Lisbon, and determined hostility to the
country of which he is the Representative. The
course of policy which our Government ought to pursue
is plain and simple. NVe have disclaimed all inter-
ference in the formation of a Constitution for Portu-
gal; and by taking a side openly or covertly with eithe
party, we only negative in practice what we profess.

Our main objects ought to be—strict neutrality, the cul-
tivation of good feeling, and the adjustment of commer-
cial relations, alike beneficial to both countries. How
abusive language can show our neutrality, or promote
our commercial interests, we are at a loss to imagine.

Dr. LUSIIINGTON has got rid of the Braintree
Church-rate case, which has treated so much interest,
by a decision—if such it can be called—which amounts
to nothing. The Learned Gentleman did not enter
into the merits of the case before him. He merely
stated that he did not feel himself justified in deciding
that Churchwardens had not power to make a Church-
rate, if the parishioners refused to do so, because a
higher Court than that over which he presided
had decided that they had. In a case which
he considered exactly parallel to the present,
that Of GARNADEN v. SELBY, Sir WILLIAM
WYNNE in the Court of Arches decided against the
parishioners and in favour of the Churchwardens.
This decision, though it was the only one of the kind
to be found in the law books, he considered a binding
precedent to an inferior Judge, though not to one of
co-ordinate authority ; he therefore adopted it as
such, and with the less reluctance, as the present
case would be carried before the Court of Arches,
and would come there unaffected by any judgment
or opinion of his, either the one way or the other.
We sincerely regret that Dr. LUSHINGTON should
have taken this view of the duty which devolved upon
him as a Judge in this important case. Independently
of the benefit which the public and the legal profession
would have derived from the elucidation, by a man of
Dr. LUSHINGTON'S acknowledged ability, of a
question on which there exists so much difference of
opinion, we cannot help thinking that the Learned
Judge himself would have stood higher in the
public estimation, had he not shrunk from the
responsibility of delivering his own interpretation
of the law as it bears upon this deeply interesting
question. We must be so plain with Doctor
LUSHINGTON as to tell him, that the reason which

he has assigned for not entering•into the merits of this
case, and deciding it according to his own view of these
merits, is not a satisfactory one—is not sufficient to
keep down a suspicion that he has availed himself of
a subterfuge to avoid perhaps an unpleasant, but
nevertheless imperative duty.
But that we may not seem to charge a public man
with a direliction of duty, without good grounds, we
shall go a little more into detail. Dr. LUSITINGTQN
states that he has laid it down as a rule for the
guidance of his judicial conduct, never to give a deci-
sion contrary to precedent sanctioned by a superior
court. This may be a very good rule, or it may be a
very bad one. It must at all events depend a great deal
on what is sufficient to constitute " precedent." Where
there is a continuous stream of decisions fora long period
in exactly similar cases, a legal point becomes so esta-
blished as to fix ridicule upon the Judge—whether of co-
' ordinate or inferior jurisdiction—who presumes to ques-
tion
it. But, on the other hand, it can hardly, we think,
be maintained, that one single decision of a superior
court, and that, too, in a case not in every point pre-
cisely identical with the one before the inferior court,
nor void of the suspicion, of inaccuracy in the report
given of it in the books of law, is sufficient to con-
stitute a precedent too sacred to be violated by any but
a Judge of equal authority with him who gave the
decision.

Such we conceive to be the character of the decision
of Sir W. WYNNE (in 1799), in deference to which
Dr. LUSIIINGTON declined exercising his own judg-
ment in the Braintree case. There is but that one de-
sion, and it is not a parallel case. For the rate on
account of which SELBY was prosecuted, was a re-
trospective rate, which it is agreed on all hands is
illegal ; whereas the point raised in the Braintree case
was, whether the Churchwardens have power to make
a prospective rate when the parishioners have refused
to grant one. Nov, if Sir W. WYNNE could give a
decision which, in one important point, at least,
every lawyer now knows to be contrary to law, we do
think that that circumstance alone was sufficient to jus.
tify Dr. LUSIIINGTON, though an inferior Judge, in
divesting his mind for a moment of the reverential awe
of the late Dean of the Arches' Court, which seems to
have overwhelmed it in so unaccountable a manner.
In addition to this, it may be remarked, that the
Learned Judge himself has thrown no inconsiderable
discredit upon the decision alluded to, by stating that
it was till very lately quite unknown to him, never
referred to in any one instance, and not noticed by any
contemporaneous reporter. The citation was dated
the 17th of April ; the party appeared on the 28th of
May ; and the rate was stated to have been made on
the 11th. of May I And it is this contradictory,
absurd, and trumpery case which is to fetter
the minds of all succeeding Judges !

We stated some time ago that numerous public
meetings were held in almost every county and town in
Lower Canada, to consider the motive, purport, and
probable effect of Lord JOHN RussaLL's celebrated
coercive Resolutions. At these meetings the Resolu-
tions were unanimously condemned ; the Imperial Par-
liament pronounced ignorant of the real state of public
feeling in the Canadas ; and the conduct of Lord Gos-
FORD denounced as oppressive and revolutionary. His
Excellency, the Lieutenant-Governor, did not relish
the strictures passed upon his viceregal policy at these
meetings ; and he retaliated upon them, first, by the
dismissal of such militia officers and magistrates as
were present at them ; and when this official corrective
failed, by a Proclamation forbidding such meetings in
any part of the Province. The Canadians required
not to be told that such proclamations had not the
force of law—that in the then pacific state bf
the Province they were clearly against the law
and Constitution of the country—and they very
properly refused obedience to them. As for the
Militia Officers and the Magistracy, they threw up
their Commissions rather than become parties to the
oppression of their fellow-subjects ; and at the
meetings at which some of them attended to denounce
the illegality of the Proclamations, copies of them were
produced and torn by some of the speakers in a fit of
political excitement excusable under:the circumstances.
Lord GOSFORD now supposed that he had got the
leaders of the Liberal party fairly within his gripe.
The Attorney-General was instructed to prosecute
them, for having "unlawfully, seditiously, and traitor-
ously" torn a Royal Proclamation. The QUEEN'S
name was invoked to sanction the zeal of the Lieu-
tenant-Governor ; and an act intended merely to
express disapprobation of the conduct of Earl Gos-
FORD, was deliberately set forth as a personal insult
to the Majesty of Great Britain and the sacred
person of our Most Gracious SOVEREIGN. When
the indictment was submitted to the Grand Jury
of the district, they refused to find a bill ; whereupon
the Attorney-General, instead of yielding to the ac-
quittal of the accused by a Jury, came forward and
filed ex-officio informations against them, and de-
manded that they should be instantly put upon their
trial for the very offence of which the Jury had de-
clared them innocent ! Surely our Government could
never have sanctioned such an act of mean tyranny as
this. No Minister could have dared to recommend an
official in any part of the British dominions to trample
upon that most sacred bulwark of our liberties—trial
by Jury. We therefore call upon Lord MELBOURNE
to inquire into, and publicly punish by dismissal from
their appointments, the authors of this violation of
the sacred fountain of British liberty. To the credit

of the Canadian Bench, the first application of the
Attorney-General was refused, though it yielded so
far as to require bail for the appearance of the accused
at the next criminal term.
_.

Annexed will be found, extracted from a Canadian

Journal, a Report of the proceeding to which we
have referred. We have copied it verbatim, lest it
might be supposed that we had given too high a
colouring to any of the facts therein stated. The Go-
vernment cannot attach too much importance to it. If
acts of tyranny—of open, undisguised despotism—of

this nature be suffered, Lord MEL➢OURNE may rest
assured that the Canadians will follow the example of

the United States. The people will be driven to de-
spair ; and whenever they are, there will be an end of
all subjection to the mother country. To us there is
nothing terrible in such a prospect—we know that the
Canadas cannot be for ever kept in leading-strings—
that when their physical and moral resources are more
fully developed, they will cease to yield allegiance to
the Crown of England. But a knowledge of this
fact ought only to induce us to treat them with more
kindness—to impart to them a speedier knowledge of
the blessings of liberty--and to habituate them betimes
to the exercise of those high functions of Government
which sooner or later they will be called Upon to per-
form on their own account. We should make it our

study to be able to command the gratitude when we
can no longer calculate upon the subjection of the Ca-
nadians. Such is our view of this question ; and hence
it can excite no surprise when we ask—ls there any

man in England mad enough to suppose that such
conduct as is denounced in the following Report, is
not calculated to accelerate, in the manner most to be
deprecated, the separation of the Canadas from the
!Mother country ?

LOWER CANADA.

EX-OFFICIOS FILED BY HER MAJESTY'S ATTORNEY-

GENERAL OGDEN.

We mentioned in our last the acquittal by the Grand
Jury of this District of Dr. Duchenois, whom the Attor-
ney-General had indicted for having, as it was alleged, " un-
lawfully and seditiously torn a Royal Proclamation." Dur-
ing the same term, this Crown Officer also submitted to
the Grand Jury a bill of indictment against Isidore Lsuzon,
Lerite Dupras, Francois Danis, and Moyse Danis, for
conspiracy." The Grand Jury threw out this indictment,
and there not being sufficient matter of accusation, returned
" No Bill."

Thus far the proceedings were regular. The Attorney-
General submitted bills of indictment ; the Grand Jury
found " No Bill," the allegations contained in the indict-
ments not affording, in their opinions, sufficient matter of
accusation, and the accused had a right, as the Judges on
Saturday admitted, of being immediately discharged, after
the Grand Jury had quashed the indictments against them.
Did the Attorney-General consent to this measure
of admitted justice ? Quite the contrary. Immediately
before the breaking up of the Court, he came forward
and filed three ex officio informations against Dr. Du-
cliesnois and other individuals, for the very same of-
fences of which the Grand Jury acquitted them but
the day before, and demanded (will it be believed in
any part of the British Empire ?) that the accused should
be immediately called on to plead, that is to say, to de-
clare themselves "guilty " or " not guilty," on an information
proffered against them on the spot without the intervention
of a Grand Jury, of the contents of which they were en-
tirely ignorant, and the ink on which was as yet scarcely dry 1
This gross oppression was too much even for our Judges.
The Attorney-General's application was refused by the
Court—but the accused were obliged to enter into recogni-
zances to appear at the Court at the next Criminal Term to
answer to Mr. Ogden's ex-officios.
We hope the country at large will arouse itself to a pro-
per sense of the danger with which it is threatened by this
new encroachment on the rights of our citizens, and make
itself heard even in the closets of its oppressors, in such a
way as will give them to understand that the people will
not patiently submit to be harassed and decimated by cor-
rupt officials, even to save Lord Gosford and his proclama-
tion from that contempt which they so richly deserve, and
which has so abundantly been measured out to them.

We direct the attention of the noble Foreign Se-
cretary to the following extract from a French journal
of Wednesday, on the subject of another meditated
violation of the, treaty of Vienna :

A letter of the 25th ult., from Cracow, given in the Con-
stitutionnel, announces the existence of a negotiation between
the Cabinets of St. Petersburgh and Vienna for the cession of
the Republic of Cracow,, Austria wishing to make that city
the capital of Galicia, and Russia consenting to such an ar-
rangement if the Emperor Ferdinand would abandon his pre-
tensions to Wallachia and Moldavia and to the navigation of
the Danube. The negotiation is said to be carried on through
the medium of Prince Metternich and the Bailli Tatischeff.
According to the Austrian officers who were present at the
camp of Wosnesensk, the Emperor openly manifests his ani-
mosity towards the Constitutional Powers of Western Eu-
rope, and has even said that his late muster of troops at
Wosnesensk was for the purpose of showing them that he
has soldiers to combat the revolutionary spirit. Prince Paske.
witsch had resumed his former activity at Warsaw, where he
was reviewing troops and busying himself with minute details
of Administration."

Brussels and German Papers have been received
this morning. The latter have letters from Berlin,
expressing the conviction of persons there that
ERNEST would triumph in his despotic designs upon
the liberties of Hanover. The tyrant had well pre-
pared himself for his attack upon the Constitution,
by corrupting all of whose influence he had any dread.

BELGIAN 1. UNDS—Bauseats, Nor. 15.
Actual Debt, 2% per Cent.
Rothschild's Loan, 5 per Cent
Loan of Thirty Millions 92%
Loan of City, 1832, 4 per Cent lOl
Society of Commerce, 4i4 per Cent 141%
Bank of Belgium, 5 per Cent 14.5
National Society
-
-Brussels Papers, Nov. 15.
AUSTRIAN FUNDS.—VzzxNA, Nor. 7.
Five per Cents. Metalliques
Four per Cents.
Three per Cents.. 77%
B.ink Shares ' 1397%
—Allgemeins Zeitung, Nov, 12.

The French Journals of Wednesday have all been
received. The following telegraphic despatch from
Spain was communicated to the Government only a
few 'hours before the departure of the mails for
London :

" BAYONNE, Nov. 14.—Espartero arrived at Pampeluna on
the 10th instant, with 23 battalions and 11 squadrons. It is

asserted that his intention is to make the same example at that
place, of the authors of the insurrection of August last, that
he lately did at Miranda of the murderers of Escalera."

In the insurrection here alluded to, General SAARS-
FIELD was killed, in the attempted commission of an
act of military tyranny.

The Chimere steamer arrived at Toulon on the 10th,
having on board the body of General PEREGAUX,
who died of his wounds during the passage. The
French Princes and their Staff had returned to Bona,
leaving only 2,800 men under BERNELLE, to keep
possession of Constantine. Marshal VALLEE has
asked to be recalled, probably dreading that a longer
stay in Africa might tarnish his laurels.

We have no advices of any moment from Madrid.
A dispatch from ORA& estimates the loss of the
Christinos in the engagements of the 25th and 26th
ult., in the plains of Villar de Cascas, at 12 killed and
90 wounded. ORAA claims a victory over CA-
BRERA, but this is not probable, inasmuch as the
Carlists remained masters of the field.

Advices from Constantinople of the 25th ult. state
that the coolness between the French and the Ottoman
Governments increases daily, and that some alarm was
created by the appearance of the French fleet off
Smyrna in the wake of the Turkish squadron. It ap.
pears also that France and Russia are not on the best
terms, and that the EMPEROR is doing all in his power
to force France to come to an open rupture with him.
The following are extracts from the Papers :

The Memorial Bordelais of the 12th contains an article on
Spain in which we have remarked the following lines :—" The
Cortes are to meet on the 19th November. The Queen will
find herself again surrounded by her friends, the moderate
aristocrats, who will undoubtedly have a great majority. It is
said that the Queen is to propose to the Cortes the plan of an
amnesty to make an appeal to the Spaniards, who keep aloof
from the throne of her august daughter ; this measure is said
to have been suggested to her by the Mole Ministry, always
faithful to its system of conciliation."
Tommx, Nov. 10.—A Tunisian corvette has arrived here,
and after firing the salute usual between allies, delivered the
dispatches which it had on board, and which contain, it is
said, an autograph letter from the young Bey of Tunis, thank-
ing the King of the French for the service which his ships ren-

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