The Sun.
London, England, 1839-12-10 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TAT TERSA L L' EsTE DAT.
The business transacted yesterday on the Derby cannot be
said to have improved in any respect on the previous Thursday ;
it was fiat and far from interesting. The two favourites left
off pretty nearly as before ; Muley Ishmael, notwithstanding a
bet of 1,000 guineas even between him and Brother to Euclid,
having a slight call, 17 to 1 was laid against him in fifties in
the early part of the afternoon, being a point more than was
taken towards it: close. Angelica had friends at 18 to 1, and
was decidedly a better favourite than Launcelot or Wardan,
against each of whom 18 to 1 went begging. Ottoman and
Velvet were in considerable favour, takers of 40 about the
first, and of five points more about the other, who was also
b.Acked against others, who have occasionally figured in the
betting.
gothing done in the Oaks.
THE DEALS'.
16 to 1 agst Muley Ishmael—taken
16 to 1 agst Bro. to Euclid
18 to 1 agst Angelica—taken
18 to 1 agst Launcelot
18 to I agst Wardan
20 to 1 agst Bokhara
33 to 1 ag-st St. Andrew—taken •
40 to I agst Ottoman—taken •
40 to 1 agst Fitzroy—taken
40 to 1 agst Glenerchy-_taken
40 to 1 agst Maroon—taken
45 to 1 agst Velvet colt—taken
1000 to 15 agst May Boy
1000 even between Muley Ishmael and Bro. to Euclid
500 to 400 (twice) on Prince Albert agst Velvet colt
500 even between Launcelot and Wardan
500 oven between Launcelot and Bukhara
500 even between May Boy and Gray Milton
200 even between Ottoman and Velvet colt
.200 even between Muley Ishmael and Angelica colt.

Mits. TROLLOPE'S "MICHAEL ARMSTRONG
CoMPLETE"..—We are requested to state. that Mr. Col-
burn, of Great Marlhorough•strect, has this day pub-
lished the complete edition of " The Life and Adven-
tures of Mich ael Armstrong, the Factory Boy," by
Mrs. Trollope„;n 3 vols. post Bvo., with all the illustra-
tions, by Hervieu, Buss, &c., price 255. hound, which
can now be had of all Booksellers and at all the Libra-
ries. The publication of the Monthly Parts of this
work will be continued as usual until it is completed.
Agents for Scotland, Messrs. Bell and Bradfuto, Edin-
burgh ; for Ireland, Mr. John Cumming, Dublin.
MR. TOWNSHEND'S " SPORTING EXCUR-
SIONS IN THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS."—Mr. Townsbend
supplies:, in these volumes, a fund of very curious and
entertaining matter. The work is in the form of a
diatry ; full of particulars, apparently written at the
moauent, on the spot-where they were collected. There
is so much real nature and truthful observation in this
accou at of a sporting excursion amongst the Rocky
Mourn%ainF, that it frequently takes a turn of poetical
enthusiasm, of which the author himself was, perhaps,
wholly lancons'cious. There is also much variety and in-
formation of a practical kind in these volumes ; and
they will be especially acceptable to naturalists, on ac-
count of the occasilnal descriptions of the animals with
which the regions traversed by the writer abound, and
the full catalogue whiab he gives in the appendix, of
quadrupeds and birds. On the whole, the work forms
a valuable addition to the,' library of American travels.
DARING ROBSERY.--Abollt nine o'clock on
the evening of Saturday last, some thieves, who must
have been well acquainted with the arrangements of the
house, succeeded in stealing from the Salutation Tavern
here, twenty sovereigns, 301. in notes, and one gold, and
two silver watches. The money and watches were kept
up stairs, and were abstracted when the house was well
attended by its usual frequenters. About ten o'clock
on the same evening two girls found a le/. and a 51.
note iu Powis-street, and on Monday, with that honesty
for which the generality of the inhabitants of 'Woolwich
are characterised, sent round the bell-man to ascertain
who had lost them. The landlord of the Salutation,
being aware that he had been robbed of notes of the
amount advertised, made application for them, and they
were handed over to him. The girls received 3/, as a
S ri I P.—Yesterday
reward for their honesty.—lVoolwich Advertiser.
l
4EP
afternoon, a
steam ship was floated out from the dock where she was
RtEShlaDlf-EpNas Tt STEAMthree
o'clock, this magnificent
built, at Messrs. Curling and Young's, ship-builders, at
Limehousa, into the Thames, amidst the cheers of many
thousand spectators. The tide was not sufficiently high
on Saturday to float her, and great was the disappoint-
ment to the assembled people. Since that time she has
been considerably lightened. Yesterday the tide was
sufficiently high to float her, and half an hour before
high water she was towed out of the dock by three
Greenwich steamers, and proceeded down the river to
Blackwall, where she was safaly moored. A fleet of small
steamers, viserries, and other craft followed the Prasi-
dent, which will remain in her present situation for a few
weeks, when she will proceed to
Liverpool to take in her
Inaehinery.

THE LITERARY GROCER.—A grocer who,
naturally enough for his trade, Lad retired on a plutn--
bamg toe rever:ze of one makint many, since in thts
case many pium3 had made One—took to a literary torn
to amuse himself in his retirement. One day at table,
SOille commercial gentlemen mentioned the town of
Stockton-upon:i'ees. " Bless me," said the grocer,
" I never heard of that work before ; I should certainly
like to read STeciaoN-upon-Teag."

FROX THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
If we desired to expose the inherent fallacy of the
Corn-laws,. by tracing them to a principle of consum-
mate absurdity, it would scarcely be better done'than
by adopting the. generall proposition laid down by the
Duke of Rutland at the great Leicestershire agricultural
Meeting, on Friday last. His Grace. affirmed, that so
long as there is a nationsl debt to be provided for, and
" so long as the agricultural labourer and manufacturing
meclunie are dependent on their wages for, the neces-
sities of life, so long it is impossible for :any interest of
this country to compete with the cheap produce of the
foreienyr, unless there be some just and proper protec-
tion." The absurdities of this proposition are like the
heads and bits of plass in a kaleidoscope ; hold it up
to the light; and turn it round, and every fresh phase is
a beautiful combination of incongruities. That which
damages the prosperity of a country without a national
debt will also damage the prosperity of a country with
with a national debt. The only difference which the
debt makes is, that it enhances the occasion for pros-
perity. The' Corn-law repealers are so because.'
they believe the present system detrimentali
to national prosperity. Could the Duke have!
proved the • fact to be otherwise, that would;
have been germane to the matter. As the coee;
stands, the pretended aphorism has no relation to
the -question, unless it be 'taken as a constructive
threatening that, if the landlords be not let alone in
their monopoly, they will fall. foul.of the national cresli-,
tor, If the other condition of his Grace's:prapositioni
be true, viz., that Corn laws must exist so long as thosq
who toil live .upon the wages of their toil, we are indeed
in a hopeless -condition. But it, ,does not appear wl&,
. any biller permanent result of the present canstitutiort
of things might not. have been introduced with equal
prapriety.. If might have been said that we must. have
Corn•laws so long as the moon persists in her changes;
or as people stand on their feet and not their beads, or
as lords make speeches not absolutely full of absolute
wisdom. Certain it is, that men whose poverty compeli
them to work, must always live (so long as they ,c; a
keep alive) upon the wages of their work. The Noble
Reasoner assumes the entire question at issue. He takes
for granted that wages go further with dear food than
with cheap food, and that the work of labour is in-
creased by diminishing the market for its produC-
tions. The Chairman of the Leicestershire Agricul-
tural Association is for the protection of all interests.
Can be not see that universal protection (as it is called)
is no protection at all ? It allows each to put his
hand to a certain depth in his neighbour's pocket,
allowing his neighbour the same privilege of fethouring
his pocket in turn. It is the old story of the monkeys
feening at Exeter 'Change, every one with his paw in
the platter of the next, but not a morsel more- of food
in the menagerie ; nay, much wasted in the thievish
operation. His Grace can be little acquainted with
business to suppose that people thrive by turning away
all customers but those of their own household. Tire
tendency of his system is to convert the nation into one
of Robert Oe en's squared communities—self-feeding,
self employing, self-paying, and every way, as the
Scotch say of a house, " self-containing." " The cheap
produce of the foreigner ;" his Grace seems to think,
there is some crime in the foreigner's possession of
" cheap produce," and in an Englishman's looking at it
wistfully, with his hands in his pockets counting his
cash. Why, if not the foreigner's " cheap" produce,
what should we take of him? His dear produce, or
nothing at all ? It is by the exchange of that produce,
which nature or skill have enabled it to produce
cheaply, that every nation thrives. By diversifying
the facilities for cheap production, Providence has
blended the interests of nations, and rendered them mu-
tually dependent.- In spite of the sneer of the Bishop
of Exeter—sneering at his Maker's ways under the
pretence of glorifying his word—the doctrines of
political economy are a gospel of peace to the world.
It is not thus, however, that the Agricultural Associa-
tion of Leievst:rshire regards the influence of Provi-
dence in connection with this question. The Duke of
Rutland declares the last harvest to have been the most
inauspicious that we have had for the last forty years.
And what is his inference ? That we " must trust to the
mercy of that Providence in whose decrees justice is ever
mingled with mercy." The piety of the sentiment is
very respectable ; but why is it not as good for one
class as for another? Why should net the landlords
trust in Providence, and give up the bread-tax ? They
tender the manufacturer their advice and benedic-
tion ; but for themselves they seem to think that
a little " protection" is worth a deal of Providence.
We watch in vain as yet for some' dawning of light on
these agricultural associators. How can the proprie-
tors of the soil be so generally blind to the mischief
towards themselves of our, towns declining instead of
increasing in wealth ; and turning out upon the country
successive swarms of insurgent Chartists, ignorant
rioters, and famishing desperadoes, instead of extending
'their bounds by a progressive prosperity that multiplies
the worth of landed property far and near. They pro-
fess to consider (we quote again from the Duke of Rut-
land's speech) " the two interests as identified, and that
it is impossible for the one to feel depression, and the
other to go on long in prosperity." Well then, why is
not the question settled ? The manufacturing interest
does feel the check of foreign competition. The effect
perceptible, and the tendency is obvious. They
mayuc told to make up their minds to it ; to forego
their ambition Of supplying the world's markets ; to
encounter the fearfal results that must ensue on an
immense population which has been called into existence
by the progress of manufactures, and cannot be sum-
marily disposed of ; to look ruin in the face, and put
their trust in the mercy of Providence. But meanwhile
the Noble Chairman's own prophecy forebodes calamity
to agriculture. By his own principle "it cannot go on
long in prosperity. So that nothing is left for it but
that both should trust in the mercy of Providence, and
die in the same ditch together. Notwithstanding its
piety, the prospect is rather a forlorn one. Perhaps
the general proposition was only intended, however
illogically, to apply the other way, and affirm the con-
tingency of manufacturing prosperity on that of the
agricultural interest. Be it so ; and then we ask whether
the present Corn-law has kept agriculture from depres-
sion 2—whether it has secured steady prices to the far-
mer 7—whether the period since its enactment has been
one of satisfaction and hope ? We have no need to
pause for a reply. Parliamentary debates and agricul-
tural reports answer in a voice of thunder. Year after
year has the voice of complaint been loud and con-
tinuous, and the only moments of glad hopefulness that
have beamed over the land have • been those when
upon the dense multitudes of our crowded cities
lowered the gloomy clouds of impending famine.
In such circumstances the most cautious experimentalist
in legislation may well think it high time to try a change
of system. Even, experimentalism is warranted by
demonstrated failure. But it would be absurd to
treat the proposed free interchange of home manufac-
ture for foreign produce as an untried experiment. 'Fire
principle, of which this would be the practical applica-
tion, has been tried again and again ; and in every in-
stance the result has been satisfactory. The letter of
Mr. Webster,. addressed to the Chairman, and by him
read to the meeting, is well deseiring of perusal. One
might be astonished hoW, after the reading of such 'a
letter, his Grace of Rutland could deliver the speech
attributed to him, if anything said by the Duke of Rut-
land could astonish us.

(From the. Times.)
As the Session of Parliament approaches the agonies
of the Ministerial underlings increase. Their voices
have swelled from a groan to howl. When the " com-
pact alliance" was first concluded between the Agitator
and the Whigs, there was a certain lingering shame
which strove to keep at least an external show of de-
cency. The Whigs did homage to their master, but
they did it in secret ; they shrank from appearing in
the livery of hint whom they served. But even these
faint remains of grace have now evaporated. They
publicly, through vainly, appeal to him in their despair,
acknowledging his doctrines, defending his .measures,
and echoing his very language. Their terrors have rm.'
ralyzed every faculty except their utterance and their
yell of pain is hideous. The weekly writer, who has
lashed himself to their sinking plank, is in a mortal
paroxysm. He vents in one breath his curses and his
shrieks, writhing into a thousand 'distortions, impre-
cating vengeance against the Tories, and shuddering
and maddening at the gulf beneath him. Really, the
repose of the Sunday reader ought not to be dis-
turbed with such frenzies. Let us try what the sprink-
ling of a few cool drops of reason will do to allay the
heat. 0 save us, cries he, from the advent of Sir
Robert Peel. " That a Minister, borne Into power
upon the tide of the fiercest animosity to the people of
Ireland and their religion, should govern upon the
principles of national; and religious equality, may
safely
be pronounced a moral impossibility." "He must not
only ?wk., bigotry and exclusion the spirit and princkile
of his Ministry, but he must faithfUlly net in that fell
spirit, and carry out in all its rigour that iron prin-
ciple?, We beg most seriously to assure our readers that
the passages here printed in inverted commas arc no jocu-
lar interpolation, no caricature of our own ; frantic as the
language is, it. does really stand part of the Whig article
which we are animadverting. The, whole piragrilnb!
reeks with • the iNpiration of Mr. O'Connell. 'no
ercest
,anhnosity
rei,gi„e ThuS ever speaksp the
to the' people of Ireland and their
grateful Agitate„;
and thus now' write 'Lig Whig partisans, about the foci-
ings of those who sd open, from their own resoure,-,
have poured the full stream df
.13ritish charity upon tiT
—fetniusi..-ttttuek.,„_priest-plundered_peasants

regret. at, their delusions, and pity for their destitu-
tion. The only untningled good which has been
bestowed upon them since the Whigs broli :e into
office, in 1836, is the Act for the Cotnr&utation
of: Tithe . into Rent-charge, introduced by the
brief Government of Sir Robert Peel, but inter-
c.a)t,-,d by the Whigs and O'Conneilites, and with-
held f6r between three and four sorrowful
years from the Irish people, that the Whig Adm inis•
tration might get back into place, and fatten the O'C lon-
nellites. with the Irish ' patronage. Little, indeed,, of
the Character of Sir Robert Peel can be known to th use
Who fancy that the leaning of his mind is to principles
of rigour. If exclusion should ever again be a principle
of the English Constitution, it will owe its revival to no
illiberal Spirit of Toryisin, but to fresh aggressions frogn
a restless minority in religion and politics, who, not con-
tent with equality, demand to be supreme. "It is
most certain," continues this Whig guide, " that the

'Pories reckon upon the revival oC the • bray of No
Popery' as the means of their restoration to power?
and his only comfort is the p.aiivasion that
their official life will be a short' one. Now,
. .

•
'this • sophism 'about the No Popery" cry is so
commonly and overbearingly circulated, that it seems to
call' for a few'plainwords Of comment. Why was the
No Popery" cry,- as originally:raised, a resource un-
'werthy of,the cause for which it was employed ?
cause, as origin'ally raised it conveyed a fictitious alarm,
they who so raised it knowing perfectly well that the
country was then in no;danger from Popish principles
or Popish politicians. But Will any man senture to main-
tain, that when such a danger does really eiist, the Pro-
testants who discern it sire not at liberty to give notice.
of its 'approach ? If the citadel of our religion be
placed on border ground, where 7,000,000 of people are
said to be watching the opportunity' for its destruc-
tion, is the warder on the battlement to see them on
their march, and forbear to sound his horn ? The
alarm is only unlawful When it is false. Then, is the
present alarm a false one? Do the circumstances of
this season at all resemble those of 1807, when the cry

of " No Popery" brought just discredit on the know-
ing part of its promoters? On the contrary, is there
not now a more real, stirring, insatiable desire for the
alvancement of Popery, backed by greater strength in
Par!iament, and enforced by greater numbers in one

at least of her Majesty's kingdoms, than has ever
existed at any moment since the expulsion of James
IL? The Sovereign, indeed, has no leaning to
Popery, but her Ministers undeniably have. By it
alone they keep their plac2s. They dare not disavow

it. They dare not even say that the intended consort
of their Royal mistress disavows it. The Irish papers
ia the interest of Mr. O'Connell point exultingly to
the fact, that the family of Prince Albert compre-
hends professors of the Ikoman Catholic faith. What

is our inference ? That the Prince is in Lnger of fol-
lowing their ;example? Not at all; but that the

Ministers who hear these allegations, who see these

fdlse lights held out to some millions of an ignorant and
superstitious peasantry, and yet refrain from all expres-
sion of rebuke or disapproval, and even from any counter-
anuranee either to tranquillize the minds of the Pro-
testants in England, or to evince their own respect for
the Constitution and the Church, are disposed to favour,
in every indirect way, the growth of the dangerous creed
which shelters themselves. Nominally, no doubt, the

whole executive power is in the Crown ; but constitu-
tionally and substantially the whole executive power of
the Crown is wielded by its Ministers. If then, we
have a Ministry which goes all lengths, runs. all risks
and violates all wholesome precedents, to a!),:t and coun-
tenance Popery—a M'in-i-stry in parpershi2 with Popery,
sharing all the profits of the concerni even con-
tributing some of its names to the firm—a Ministry
which can do much to help Popery forward, and,
what it can do must do, on pain of ,instdhfi;death—
fire we not practically more in danger from inch- a state-
of things than from the precise event dominated
in the Bill of Rights and Act of Settlement—the
marriage of the Sovereign to a Popish consort ? These
arc the considerations which make the difference be-
tween a justifiable and an unjustifiable alarm or appeal
against Popery—being no less then the difference be-
tween an aggressive and a defensive proceeding. Ag.
7ession in matters of conscience we detest and will
discountenance ; but defence is a right and a duty. It
may suit the disturbers of our political constitution to
attack our religious establishment, and to facilitate
their movements by showering out imputations of Li-
, gotry and hypocrisy -upon all who step forward to expose
their designs. But we shall continue to expose them
still, regardless of such menaces ; and we trust that
the season will never arrive when the dread of political
invective or personal abuse will scare the Protestants of
Great Britain and Ireland from the defence of their
Church, or from the dispensation of merited punishment
to her selfish and interested assailants.
_ _ _ (From the Morning Advertiser.)

It being now definitely fixed that Parliament shat'
meet on the 16th of next month, that is, in five weeks
from Thursday, it behoves the friends of free institu-
tions, and of good and cheap Government, to prepare
for the approaching campaign. The Tories are in mc-
tion in all directions ; they are dining together, and
holding meetings, under various pretexts, in all parts
of the country, for the purpose of organising their
forces for the coming conflict. Even under the pre-
tence of meeting for political objects, they are forwarding
their own political designs. For what other earthly
object has that Hibernian clerical firebrand, the Rev.
Thomas Gregg, been sent over to this country, but for
the purpose, though under the mask of religious zeal,
of stirring up Tory bigots, to whose minds ho-appears
to have obtained a marvellously easy access, aga;nst
liberal principles in politics, as well as against tolerant
laws in religion ? But it is 'not in some cases openly,
and in others under a mask, alone that the Tories are
now preparing for a mortal struggle with the upholders
of liberal principles : they are seeking the accomplish-
merit of their objects on a far more extensive scale, and
perhaps in a much surer way, by a systematic course of
operation, which is carried on with the most profound
secrecy ; so very secret, indeed, that it is understood
that only the heads of the party are privy to what is
now going on with the view of restoring them to
power. Not less certain is it, that the Tories are
now worked up to that state of desperation which will
nerve them for any expedient, however daring and
desperate, which they may deem likely to promote
their purposes. Who can doubt this, who has read
the recent mendacious and indecent speeches of Brad-
shaw, Roby, and the clerical Gregg, and remembers
that the more outrageously violent passages in the na-
rangues of these worthies were most rapturously ap-
plauded by large assemblages of. persons calling them-
selves gentlemen, and certainly living in splendid
houses, and wearing good coats on their backs ? Nor
is even this all : the atrocities against the Queen and
the Constitution, with which the addresses of this re-
spectable trio of Tory orators swarmed, have not, up to
this moment, been disavowed, far less denounced by
any of the leaders of the Conservative party. The
Duke of Wellington,' their leader in one branch of the
Legislature has maintained an unbroken silence on
the subject ; while Sir Robert Peel in the other—the
" guide, philosopher, and friend" of the party, par ex-
cellence—has not one word to utter in disapprobation
of the libellous bellowings of all or either of these gen-
try. This is a sign of the times which is not to be
mistaken. It is most ominous as to the desperate
lengths to which the Conservative party are resolved
to go, in order that they may crush a Liberal Govern-
ment, trample in the dust liberal principles, and crae I
back again along the ruins of both, into those abodes in
Downing-street from which they have been so long ex-
cluded. If, then, the progressive party—a term ‘$ bich
we like much better than that of movement—have eyes
to see, or ears to hear, what is passing around them,
they cannot be ignorant of the duties which' at such a
crisis as the present, and with so formidable a foe to con-
tend with, specially devolve upon them. Let Liberals
forthwith, and everywhere, buckle on their armour, and
make all other necessary preparations for the battk.
Let them, above all things, bury those minor differences
in the dust which have hitherto divided and dis-
tracted them. Surely there is enough of common
en
n
ground on which to take their stand ; surely the cif-
f tames between the Tories and all Liberals worthy of
the name, arc sufficiently marked, to enable the latter
not only to recognize each other as common friends,
whose
general interest it is to unite together in con-
flicting with the common foe. To obtain the greatest
cordiality of feeling—to enlist the largest numbers in
the conflict—and to insure the utmost attainable energy
of execution, let those principles be chosen as the oh.
ices to be contended Tor, which are most generally
entertained by Reformers. Let the standard of the
Liberal party be raised in favour of an Extension of the
Suffrage, Triennial Parliaments, and the Vote by
Ballot. There is not a Reformer, worthy of the name,
who dots not now identity himself with these princi-
Oes., „The mare whose liberalism does
these three important rolia is i, not embrace
unworthy of the
name of Liberal ; he is, deny it a; he may, no-
thing more than a Tery in disguise. On the
abet- hapd, there is net a Liberal within these realms
w\ho, bewever ext 'ems his
t
a e or ultimate views
to iv be, does not attach Very great importance to tha
principles In questicrr. ' The most ultra- Radicals in the