The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-23 00:00:00

SUN,' LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 23, 1863.

has not got that sense of family pride which would prevent
his accepting the rule of a people by the help of the great
rival of his family, don't let him hereafter be able to say,
" You induced me to put myself in this false position."
The fact is, that the Emperor of the French knows that
when this war is ended he will find it difficult to keep up his
power over Mexico, unless he has a Southern Confederacy
between himself and the Union; so he starts a new idea
for which he wants the French people to go to war.
This idea, as it is expressed in a publication I purchased
in Paris, and which is supposed to be written partly from
his inspiration, is "to counterbalance the Anglo-Saxon
race, and give the Latin race their chance upon the con-
tinent of America." (Laughter.) That may be a fantastic
or a reasonable idea, but it is an idea for which we are not
going to lose any money or blood to carry it out in Mexico.
Therefore I say, if there be, as I believe there are, attempts
at this moment by the Emperor of the French to induce us
now, even at the last hour, to recognise the South, there
never was a clearer case than that our Government, which
has preserved neutrality until this moment, should not be
dragged into it by French intrigue to suit French purposes.
(The hon. gentleman sat down amid loud cheers.)
Mr. T. 13. BAINES moved, and the Rev. G. MATIIEEL
seconded the first resolution, as follows
That in the measures of the Federal Government in
relation to the negro race, and in the rapid spread and
growth of anti-slavery feeling in most parts of the Northern
States, this meeting cannot but recognise the fact that the
present calamitous war, begun by the slaveholdors to per-
petuate and extend slavery, is being overruled by Divine
l?rovidence for its destruction."

The Rev. W. H. CHANNING, on rising to support the
motion, vi as received with loud cheers. He observed that
when the echo of their response to the powerful arguments
and earnest appeals of the speakers who had addressed them
was heard in the United States—and it would be heard—

(hear, hear)—the question would come, why is not this
response universal throughout Great Britain? This was
the wonder of wonders to them in America, and the cause,
he believed, was that touched upon by the chairman—viz.,
the misunderstanding of this controversy. He was anxious,
in all kindness, to free their minds from the fog of prejudice,
and to show them how they had been misled and bewil-
dered by the sophistries of those who desired to deceive
them. In order to illustrate this portion of his argument,
he referred to certain statements in the _lndex, the slave-
holders' organ in England, in which it was denied that the
late J. B. Floyd had done anything to encourage seces-
sion or betrayed the Union, and contrasted it with the
speeches of men in the South who affirmed that the Con-
federacy could hardly ever repay the debt they owed to
him. Adverting to the remarks of the chairman con-
demning the cruelties of the North in conducting warlike
operations, he asserted that there was no war in history
which had been conducted with a greater effort to make
it as humane as possible than the war that had been re-
luctantly forced upon the unwilling people of the North,
and that there was a prevalent feeling in the people and

Government of the Northern Statcs to temper its horrors

to the utmost, to wipe them away instantly, to gladden the
whole South with restored peace and prosperity, to raise
up her down-fallen people, and to clasp them to their
breast once more, in spite of their cruelties and atrocities,
as brethren. (Applause.) He did not often quote the
Times —(laaghter)--but in confirmation of his statement
he read an extract from the letter of Charles Mackay, the
New York correspondent of that journal, in which he
admitted that the Northerners had conducted hostilities
in the most "chivalrous spirit." Nothing but the sternest

truth would have extorted that from Charles Mackay or

the London Times. (Applause.) He replied to the alle-
gation that the secession arose from dissatisfaction with
the tariffs, and showed by the votes given that the South

themselves, and not the North, constituted the majority
in favour of these tariffs. He had the votes for the tariff
of 1857, never changed until after the secession. In the
House of Representatives, answering to the House of
Commons, the Northern votes in favour of the tariff were
60, against it 65. The Southern votes in favour of it
were 63, or three more than the Northern votes. What
was the vote in the Senate, corresponding to the House of
Lords in England ? The votes in favour given by the
North were 14, and by the South in favour 19. The com-
bined votes of the South were 82, and of the North 74.
Never again let them hear that it was the tariff which
was the cause of secession. The rev. gentleman then re-
plied to another objection—viz., that their armies were
mixed and foreigners. In the army of one State of
26,000 men, 21,000 were native New Englanders and
native Westerners. (Hear, hear.) For every wounded
foreigner ho had seen in the American army he had seen
ten natives. He had asked an Englishman who had
been wounded while fighting in the American army
why ho had joined the service, and he replied " Why, sir,
I came to strike a blow for freedom." (Cheers.) There were
also in the American army noble-hearted and generous sons
of Ireland, and German., and Frenchmen, and their desire
was to strike a blow for liberty—(hear, hear)—and he
thought the notion that the sentiment which actuated those
brave men was not universal arose from misconception.
(Hear.) Tho war was the result of a carefully prepared
conspiracy by a slaveholding oligarchy. (Applause.) The
civil war was nothing in its conception, and had been nothing
in its career, but a conspiracy by a slaveholding oligarchy to
trample under their feet the most glorious republic which
humanity had ever seen, on which rested the blessing and
hope of Providence. (Applause.) They wished to break
away from the United States in order to establish a vast
slave empire, holding the great lines of communication be-
tween the Atlantic and the Pacific Ocean, which should
enable them to dictate terms to the commercial world. They
meant to overlap and to convert the free republic into a
slave empire, (Applause.) The argument which they
used was this, that inasmuch as the constitution recognized
the representation of three fifths of the slaves, therefore the
constitution itself recognized slavery, and the constitution
carried slavery with it wherever it went. Wherever the
constitution spread, there, under its mighty dome, slavery
was constitutionally established. (Hear, hear.) They did
not simply assert this, but went on to say that constitu-
tionally established slavery was the common law of the land.
He was not exaggerating, but was merely repeating their
own words; and that was not enough, but they claimed
the right to protect property in slaves, just as the people of
England would protect property in horses or mules. (Hear.)
Finally, they carried the question to the Supreme Court,
and there obtained a declaration from a man who was a
shame to his position—the Chief Justice of the United
States—that the negro had no right which the white man
could not overrule. The consequence of that was that free-
dom was gone everywhere. They had not one single inch
of free territory. The slaveholder had simply to take
his slaves into New York, Massachusetts, or Maine,
and sell them as beasts of burden. They were free men no
more, but were all slaves together, and yet the citizens of
Great Britain wondered why they did not let them go,
(Applause.) Let whom go ? (Hear, hear.) Did they mean
let freedom go ? that they should banish and cast aside as
nothing worth those liberties which had been handed down
to them ? that they should put their necks under the feet of
the tyrant of the South and say, " It is constitutional ? "
That was out of the question. (Applause.) The war was
a struggle to preserve the life of the nation by preserving
the integrity of the nation as a free united republic, for the
question was, a universal slave empire on a universal free
empire. (Hear, hear.) The Emancipation Proclamation
of President Lincoln was an honourable and proper proceed-
ing. If ever there was a noble and generous offer, it was
contained in that proclamation. (Hear, hear.) All who
knew President Lincoln, all who had known him from his
boyhood, who had known him as President of the United
States, knew that he fully deserved the sobriquet that had
been applied to him, "There goes old Honesty." (Cheers.)
He was a simple-hearted and a simple-minded man, who
zealously wished to be the organ and representative of the
popular will, to be the people's sovereign, and nothing else,
and when it was demanded from him that he should destroy
the property of the rebels, he issued his emancipation pro-
clamation. (Applause.) That proclamation had been a
most effective instrument. (Hear.) Wherever it had gone
it had at once quickened the hearts of that long-suffering,
long patiently-waiting race, who had believed in the power
of the republic to break their chains, (Applause.) He
gladly bore testimony to the noble qualities exhibited by the
emancipated slaves. Never did he believe in the possibility
of the combination of so much intelligence and simple-
hearted goodness as he had found in that long-prostrated
people. (Hear, hear.) In the valley of the Mississippi 70
plantat ions were being worked by free negroes, in the pro-
duction of cotton and sugar, and in place of the liberated
slaves being an indolent and dependent race, they were
everywhere active and energetic, and ready to take
their place among civilised men. (Applause.) Those
slaves who had become free and had joined the army, were
conspicuous for their heroism, as if they were anxious, even
by the sacrifice of their own lives, to secure the freedom
which was being purchased for them. (Applause.) If he
had time he could trace the results of the policy of the
Federal Government, but he would merely say that the war
was gradually tending towards a suceessfutel close. (Hear,
orefar,
hear.) He wished to express that feeling at
f he told them all he thought and felt on the matter they
would say he was rather wild and enthusiastic. He had
by him facts which went to show what had been the im-
mense pins of the Union army, and he thought those facts
ought to satisfy any man that the war could not end but in
one way, and that was in the complete success of the Union
army. (Hear, hear.) The Confederates claimed at first
1,200,000 square miles. That was soon reduced to 887,000
square miles, and now it was reduced to 335,000. The Con-
federates originally claimed 121 millions of people under
the sway of oligarchic rule, and that number was now re-
duced to little more than fivo millions, and of that num-
ber nearly one-half were slaves. (Applause.) If they
could look at the territory which had been reclaimed, they
would see that the Confederacy was now reduced merely to
a portion of Virginia, just the corner touching upon Ten-
nessee, embracing North Carolina, which was actually
trembling in the balance at that moment, resisting the
conscription and longing to return; the inlands of Georgia
and Alabama were entirely with the North. Mississippi
and Charleston were practically recovered, and Mobile
taken, and it seemed to him with all their courage and
indomitable resolution—which he granted as earnestly and
as readily as any friend of the Secession—in spite of all that
the South must see that their cause was gone, and that it
was entirely useless any more to struggle. (Cheers.) It
was said, that, nevertheless, it was possible to make a

boundary line. (Hear.) Where would they make it ?
It was not a question of State lines at all—(hear, bear)—it
was a question simply of highlands and lowlands ; a ques-
tion of the planting interest against the farming interest.
It would be easy to prove that Secession had been
entirely in proportion to the prevalence of slavery, and that
being so, how could they draw a boundary line ? (Hear,
hear.) They might think him a rash prophet ; but peace
was spreading over the continent of America, and on that
bow of promise sat a glorified angel of God—universal
liberty. (Loud cheering.)
The proposition was carried amid great cheering.
Alderman CARTER moved the second resolution, as fol-
lows :—" That this meeting most strongly condemns the
building and equipment ot:ships of war in British ports, to
be employed against a nation 'with which this country is at
peace, and especially if employed in support of a Slave-
holding Confederacy, as calculated to embroil Great Britain
in war with a friendly Power—and as strongly approves of
the action of the British Government in detaining such
vessels from their mischievous destination, and declares its
determination to support the Government in the neutral
policy it has hitherto pursued in relation to this war
amongst our American kinsmen."

Councillor TATHAM seconded the proposition, and it was
carried.

It was moved by Councillor I•TicuoLs, seconded by the
Rev. JOHN Aucomi and carried, that the foregoing resolu-
tions should be signed by the chairman, and forwarded to
Earl Russell on behalf of the meeting. On the motion of
Mr. J. LUPTON, seconded by Councillor THOMPSON, a cor-
dial vote of thanks was carried to the Rev. W. H. Chan-
ning for his eloquent and instructive address. In re-
ponding,

The Rev. Mr. CHANNING said that a strange delusion
had taken possession of the minds of the people in this
country in reference to President Lincoln's right hand
man—Mr. Seward. It was said that Mr. Seward was
wishing to create a war with England ; but that was not the
case. (Hear.) Mr. Seward had himself said—" The policy of
the American people is the policy of peace at home, peace
abroad, peace with all nations; the policy of freedom for
ourselves, and in extending the empire in a manner to be
conducive to the ultimate freedom of all classes and condi-
tions of men. (Hear, hear.) Whoever shall wage war
against the American people will find themselves obliged
not only to commit the first wrong, but to become when
they enter the contest, the enemies not oily of order, peace,
and progress on the continent, but of human nature itself."
(Applause.) Before sitting down he had great pleasure in
proposing a vote of thanks to the chairman. (Cheers.) He
(the chairman) had once more been a peace maker, and a
peace-keeper between two great peoples. (Hear, hear.) Mr.
Forster was the first, as far as he was aware, to lift up his
voice in Parliament against the recognition of the slave oli-
garchy, and his name was cherished in America with the
dearest affection and respect. (Cheers.) He assured Mr.
Forster that if he would, when the war was over, go to
America, and take with him John Bright on his right
hand and Richard Cobden on his left, he would receive a
moss determined and earnest welcome. (Cheery.)

The proposition was seconded by Mr. ANDREWS, and
carried amid reiterated cheers.

The CHAIRMAN, in responding, said that while he was
obliged to them for the kind manner in which they had re-
ceived him, which after all was no new thing—(laughter)
—he was still more obliged to them for having gone to
that meeting, and for having enabled it to be such a suc-
cess. That meeting had been a greater success than most
anti-slavery meetings, for it had been .just such a meeting
as was likely to create a good feeling between this country
and America. (Applause.) Although upon questions
like that some of them might have rather up-hill work
sometimes in the House of Commons, yet he should always
feel that they had something behind them. (Cheers.) He
should feel that he had only to come back to Yorkshire in
order to obtain that support which would make even his
poor words of some weight in the House of Commons.
(Cheers.)

understand was really the case.) He added that the
Chinese General officer then in command at Waikongsum-
Kwoh Ta jin was mercifully inclined, and anxious not to
be severe with the rebel soldiers, many of whom had been
carried away forcibly, and compelled to serve in the ranks
of the Taepings.—l have, &c.,
(Signed)

ROBERT EMMET CAN;
Lieutenant, Royal Artillery.
The Deputy-Assistant-Adjutant-General, Shanghai.
N. 8.-1,100 men were sent up to take possession of Tait-
san by the Foutai. They were entrapped, and out of the
number only some 300 were rescued by Major Gordon on
the fall of Taitsan. 350 are known to have been beheaded
a few days before the capture, and the remainder are still
unaccounted for.

RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE.

NORTH BRITISH.

The report issued by the directors of this com-
pany is a lengthy document, of which the following
is an abstract :—The half-year ending 31st July
closes with an equal mileage compared with the
corresponding date of last year, but, owing to partial
openings, an accurate comparison of results cannot
be made prior to the half years commencing Ist of
August, 1862 and 1863. The comparative increase
of traffic receipts in the past half-year gives a total
of £34,152 ; and the balance sheet shows a surplus
available for dividends on the ordinary stocks of
£20,591, enabling the directors to recommend the
shareholders todeclare dividends per cent. per annum
of 11,- on the North British, Bs. 4d. on the Edinburgh,
Perth, and Dundee, and 2 on the Border Union ordi-
nary stocks ; leaving a balance to carry forward of
£839. The directors consider these results satisfac-
tory. A year ago, when the dividends of the Edin-
burgh, Perth, and Dundee, West of Fife, and Silloth
undertakings were not a burden on the North
British, the shareholders only received a dividend of
1 per cent. per annum. Now, also, there are the
dividends on Border Union and North British gua-
ranteed shares, and interest to capital expended on
the Wansbeck, the Galashiels, the Peebles and Ber-
wickshire railways, hitherto totally unproductive,
and imposing a dead weight on revenue. These did
not affect the corresponding period, therefore
to declare a better dividend on a largely augmented
capital is satisfactory in the highest degree—more
especially when it is further considered that in the
immediately preceding half-year (always the more
remunerative of the two) the dividend was per cent.
less than now earned. The Border Union revenue is
slowly progressing, time being required for removing
obstructions at Carlisle and Gretna. The damaging
operation of the English and Scotch traffic agree-
ment, by which receipts to the amount of £50,000
per month are now placed in suspense at the rail-
way clearing house, must, in the opinion of the
board, be legally tested. The directors state they
cannot acquiesce in the deduction that railways
opened since the agreement was executed are at
liberty to carry the traffic, but are not entitled to
participate in the proceeds. The directors refer with
satisfaction to the results of the parliamentary ses-
sion. All the bills promoted by the company were
sanctioned by parliament, the directors only regret-
ting the cost of victory was so large. Some of the
costs are charged to capital, some to revenue,
some to the contingent account. In the latter
is a sum of £3,753, paid to the various suf-
ferers at Maxton, where, in May, 1862, part
of a train left the line. The directors, while
refusing to admit legal liability, have endea-
voured to alleviate, by reasonable pecuniary com-
pensation, the sufferings of those who were per-
sonally injured by the accident. The share capital
authorised to be raised in last sessio❑ is : Border
Union purposes, £500,000 ; Silloth and Belfast
steam communication, £30,000; Queensferry route,
£400,000—total, 1.:990,000. Of this it is intended
to call up about one •half in the next 12 months, but
the board advise the creating of the whole of the
capital in 112 10a. shares, at 5 per cent. per annum,
in perpetuity, to be allotted to preference and ordi-
nary holders alike. The plan adopted is expected
not to cause any undue strain on the resources of
the company, the traffic receipts being steadily on
the increase, and a considerable mileage of rail-
ways from time to time, to come into active and
profitable operation. The Lansholme Branch is to
be completed in December ; 171 miles of the Ber-
wickshire will be opened in October; the junction of
the Wansbeck with the Border Counties will pro-
bably be accomplished in 1864; and the Galashiels
and Peebles to Innerleithen on the Ist of July,
1864, and throughout by the Ist of January, 1865.
Of the Queensferry route the directors intend com-
pleting forthwith about three miles, to connect
their northern system with the Charleston Railway,
and thereby afford a convenient shipping place for
the Fifeshire minerals. The remaining works, the
directors have no doubt, the authorised capital will
fully suffice to complete, and leave a considerable
margin for improving existing accommodation.
The growing trade of Silloth points out the neces-
sity for provision whereby ships resorting thither
may refit, and it is intended to spend £3,000 in
the erection of a repairing slip. A tug steamer
has been placed there, and it is expected that
regular steam communication between Silloth
and other ports will be increased. Since
the last meeting, the Hon. T. C. Bruce,
chairman of the Inverness and Perth Railway, has
ceased to be a director of the North British, and
Mr. Charlton, of Hesleyside, formerly chairman of
the Border Counties Railway, has been elected to
the vacant seat. The directors anticipate a consider-
able accession of traffic from the through opening
of the Inverness and Perth Railway, and will lose
no opportunity of cultivating friendly relations. The
railways of the two companies, on completion of
Queensferry, will form the most convenient and
shortest route between Edinburgh and the north of
Scotland. A special meeting of the Border Union
section of shareholders will beheld immediately after
the general meeting, to enable them to assent to the
amalgamation of their capital with part of the North
British.