The Sun.
London, England, 1830-11-11 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OP THE TIMES,

hta,r- have been long a silent observer in your defence of the
Iluke of Wellington's Administration. Whatever it may, have
made me to think of you in other respects, it has increaaed, per.
haps, rather than diminished my admiration of your talents.
Until the opening of Parliament I went cordially with you. I
might soaped (as perhaps you did, if you did not really know),
that the Duke regarded with no friendly feeling the revolution
in France and looked with still greater impatience at the trans.
actions In Belgium; but this created no prejudice in my mind
against him. My sentiment was, that as long as he evinced a
1140400 h to adapt his measures to the existing circumstances
of the country, no man knew better what them circumstances
required, nor had a better eIIAESCO of going on usefully, than the
Duke, both from the presiigt in his favour, anti the moral cous
rage with which he is endowed. On this point I shall go no fur.
tker. The Puke is in the hands of the country; let public
opinion deal with him, but I will venture to hint that even your
detente of him will not be long effivacious, if you steer so close
to the wind as you have dune in your leeding article of this
morning. lieforna is necessary, or it is not, !fit be not neces.
sorry, then some of the best end wisest legislators of this country
have been long contending fur a shadow, If it be, how can you,
one of the organs of the public vatic, presume to say that the
misguided multitedea who have rioted in our streets have no
interest in it ? Nay, the pickpockets and prostitutes you men.
tiara are interested in reform, if reform be necessary for con.
volition in A Government pre.entirtently fosters vice In every
class of society. But is it wise to attempt to attach odium to
every rap peer of the Duke's Government who speaks above hitvoice I, Nay, .1 ask you ha* there AVM' beim an instance of po.
pular excitement in which the lesurgents wore wholly misteken
in principle as well as In practice le It would have been better to
have shown that we hove an instance before tie, than to insinuate
that the present popular conitnotion i# confined. to the two ;lasso;
I hare named, nut I want, from the leading Jeanie! of England
a manly defence of the Government, or none a l'he polio
have a right to this from you, and if you dear it, you will tail
in keeping the Duke up, and he may drag you down from your
hip place with hint
you gave a letter quoting some presages written' more than
2,000 years ago by a wise man, And simietl A l'atriet.'"fhe
" Patriot" uses a two.edged sword. Why did he not tell you the
passages he quotes were written by a King.—a sated epicurean
But these passages are merely affirmative, and although truer
enough when they were written, are assuredly not true now.
Artificers do know something snore than the work or their
bandit. They know the effects of administering to the luxuries
of the rich ; they know that the labourer-has a right to toe pro.
duce of his toil, and that a tioverionent is corrupt that deprives
• hint of an undue motion of it under any pretence.
Our labourers know these things*rhey reason upon them.
They inquire, does corruption exist? They ask, should it be
Pftnetuated ? They speak loudly of their grievances, I think
they may do so without being banded with thieves or the Aliso.
drat* of prostitutes. lint you and to address yourself ear hi-
lively to street rioters,. of whose spirit and proceedings no one
ets improves than your most obedient servent,
I-4,41m1, Nov. 10. • NI I LANTllltOros.
We Would recall the attention of Parliament to Mr.
Special Jury Bill for the county of which be
is member, Sussex. The principle` of thi Bill is to sum-
mon lipeeial Juries (the two assize towns being Lewes and
Horsham) always from the vicinity of that town where
11,0 "66,4 are in' turn held, for their ease and conve.
nieoce. Tin*, in the first place; why are special juries,
Who art paid for Moir idle arittace to have this ease and
collveniowee whilst common jurici, who are forced to
attend under a severs penalty, and have no rernuneration
for their services, aro to Its; left subject to ell their old
.
difficulties and tnennycniences ? A proposition more un-
just we never beard of—a proposition more revolting to
•
honest English feeling was never made to the House of
ei ornmons. put' it iv said the ndulgence may he ex.
tended to common juries ; then; we add; farewell to an

impartial trial in all cam where public feeling or stronp
Neal interests exist / Why are plaintiff and defendam
Yo he dreurnscribed in their choice of a jury, an
in their challenges, to half the county ? Why is t 6
Court to be driven to the necessity of trying at least orni
half of the causes which come belbre it by a jury chose!

from the vicinity of the plate Where the coke for action,
and the person etMsplained of, are situated ? Why, but be-
cause it it meant that the poorer man, the person of least
intluenc, should not have a fair trial? Some of the causes
for action, indeed, may spring tip in the part of the coun-
try most remote from that nut of whirls the jury is taken
at that Amite; but in half the instances, upon the eve.
rage, the cause and the Jury must come from the same
quarter ; and it has always hitherto been the policy of
Courts, in cases where strong personal interests or pa,sions
are involved, to strike Juries coining Nom quarters remote
from that where the suldeet of contest has arisen. We
have only to say, that if this Bill passes, dime is an end
of pure justice in the county of Sussex ; and Mr. Peel's
Bill is frittered away in one of its Most essential parts.—
Times.

The Belgians ire excessively indignant at the King's
Speech. They would excuse, they say, " the epithet
enlightened, given to the stupid Nassau, who has ceased to
reign over them, and the term revolt as applied to the
most just national insorrection of which modern history
furnishes an example, as it is natural that Kings should
have a fellhw feeling for the faults of each other ;" but the
prospect of an intervention in their affairs, held nut in the
Speech is quite another affair. "We shall repel with all
our means," ma)* the C'ourrkr des Pups has, "an inter-
vention by force, the only one, which the King of Eng-
►and seems to allude to, when he refers to the general
treaties by which the political system of Europe has been
established. Let Lord Wellington be assured that the
Belgians will no longer have a kingdom of the Netherlands,
or a King William, if ten thousand general treaties con-
curred in establishing such a state of things
Will they drive us to despair ? France adjoins our ter-
tinny ; rather than allow to be shamefully sacrificed to a
contemptible diplomacy the edifice of our independence,
we shall ourselves cause it to be at once swallowed
up in the OA quite prepared for it. What is an
European Revolution to us ? Are we obliged to be
constantly singled out for sacrifice to the selfishness of our
neighbours?" The subsequent eXplanations of our Mi-
nisters, and the communicationa from Paris and London,
must have tanght them that the language of the Duke of
Wellington, in the speech, however objectionable, bad no
reference to an armed intervention. The Belgians will of
course treat the interference of England as a mockery. If
the English Government had been in earnest about them,
would it haVe sent Mr. Cartwright to Brussels, a man
whirs e incapacity and self-sufficiency at the same time
make him a laughing stock to the Belgians? As a proof
how little ►the English Ministers really knew of what has
taken place in Belgium, we cannot do better than expose
the statement of fir Robert Peel, in the discussion on the
report of the Address :

"The people (he said) had not, in fact, any specific ground of
coMplaint, but they tidlowed the Paris fashion; and he really
believed that when Prince Frederick advanced on the city of
Brussels, he was satisfied he wan complying with the desire of
all the rich and influential portion of its inhabitants, and that
none were averse to it but a few of the populace and some tb.
reigners, believed,' indecsl, most sincerely, that Prince Fre.
titlark did mit expect the slightest resistance to his entrance,
and that the hostilities immediately commenced against the
troopt excited the greatest surprise,—(Hear, hear.)"
Now it is clear that the Bight lion. Secretary has been
grossly deceived in this matter, for we acquit him of wilful
misrepresentation. The attack of Brussels was not an
isolated affair, but part of a plan of the King, to strike
terror into the Belgians. Liege, Louvain, arid Tirlemont
were all attacked on the saine day with Brussels. From
Molines to Antwerp there was an army of 27,000 men,
with howitzers and artillery, employed in this work of
destruction. Tirlemont had been thrice attacked, and
Louvain twice, before Brussels. It has been given out
indeed, that Prince Frederick had received invitations
front some rich inhabitants of Brussels to enter that
capital ; but whatever may have been the case with re-
gard to Mr. Cartwright and some English residents
(many of the English residents, and, among others, Mr.
Wood, protested strongly against the measure), it is
believed that no citizen of Brussels cent any such invita-
tion to him ; and, at all events, though often pressed, he
has never been able to exhibit one invitation to enter
Brussels from any citizen of that place. On the tither
hand five gentlemen of the city wertsent to hint the first
day after his arrival, charged by the inhabitants to tell him
by all means not to enter Brussels with his troops. Those
gentlemen did accordingly tell him, if you enter Brussels,
you will expose the troops under your command, anti the
inhabitants of Brussels, to the greatest danger; for a de-
termined resistance will be offered. Prince Frederick
answered, that he was determined to enter ; that no curt-
sequences should prevent hire; and that he would make
certain gentlemen responsible if any opposition should be
given to the troops. Before entering he issued a procla-
mation, in which he declared that all the Members of the
Committee of public safety would be made responsible fur
the consequencea of any loss sustained by his troops; from
which it was evident that he calculated on resistance.
Mr. Cartwright, as we have said, the pacificator of the
English Government, is openly blamed at Brussels for all
the mischief ; and none are more loud in their complaints
against this individual than the English, left as they were
without protection from their Government. However, the
Belgians are determined to indemnify all who have suf
fered on that occasion, and the English among others;
anti for that purpose they have seized property of the
King to an amount which will be sufficient for that pur-
pose. We may here take as opportunity of explaining
a circumstance which has been touch misrepresented
here. It was a subject of discussion with the Members of
the Provisionul Government whether they should allow
themselves to he returned to the Congress. The Mein-
hers differed in their views. De Potter determined that

he ought not to open the Congress as a Member of the
Provisional Government, and be a representative at the
same time. Other Members were of a different opinion.
The inference drawn from De Potter's not having been re-
turned, therefore, amounts to nothing ; for his determina-
tion not to be a representative was known universally.—
Tbe English Government have gained no laurels by her

proceedings with reference to Belgium. Let Aliniste.rs sit
down with the disgrace they have already reaped from the
King's Speech. The Belgians expect no good from them,
and must by this time he satisfied that they have little
rause to be apprehensive of evil from them.—lforning
chronicle.

It is evideptly the object of the sycophants of Govern-
ment to direct the whole force of the public indignation
against the Lord Mayor, with the view of relieving Dlinia
tors from the odious responsibility of having foolishly ad-
vised the Sovereign to act in a manner that occasioned the

most grievous disappointment to the city, and spread the
alarm of apprehended insurrection throughout the whole
empire. Now, though it must be admitted that it was an
unwise and indiscreet thing of the Lord Mayor to address
the letter which he did to the Duke of Wellington, it is
not possible he could have anticipated that the letter in
question would hive been made a pretext for interdicting
the hoyal visit which was to have given so much lustre to
the day of his own inauguration, and to have consummated
the wishes of civic ambition. It is clear that, instead of
having any interest in preventing the procession from
takiog l lace, he had, of all the citizens of London, the
greatest interest in promoting it. To some the splendid
pageant would have been a source of profit—to others of
pleasure—to him of distinguished honour—an honour to
be commemorated in the annals of the city, and remem-
bered in his family, as combining his own exaltation to the
Chief Magistracy of the metropolis with the higher grati
fication to a loyal mind of receiving his Sovereign and his
c
Royal Consort, attended by all the magnificence of their
ourt, as
guests at the festive board over which he presided.
Thus, by the unexpected determination of the confiden-
tial advisers of his Majesty, be sustained a severer loss,
and a more bitter disappointment, than any other person.
lie must, therefore, stand ite.quitted of any Indus animus,
or evil intention in taking the step which he did—in

writing the unfortunate letter on wl►ich Ministers laid so
much stress in endeavouring to account for their wipe,
vended fully. Being acquitted of the intention, let us see
how his conduct stands as to the fact. lie bad received
communications—no doubt, from busy end officious per-
sons—probably the same persons who made similar com-
munications to the Secretary for the Home Department—
which apprised him that an attack was intended by some
desperate and reckless characters upon the person of the
Duke of Wellington; and, in consequence of such com-
munication*, he thought it his duty to that distinguished
personage to put him in possession of the information that
he had received--for, if he had kept that information buried
within his own bteaat, and any mischief happened to his
Grace, it.might he to himself during his whole life a sub-
ject of severe self-accusation. He consequently resolved
upon writing to the Duke; but he acted indiscreetly in
taking the whole responsibility of such a letter upon him-
self, instead of consulting with some of his brother Alder.
men on the subjed—laying before them the communications
wl,ich he had received, and taking their opinion as to what
was best to be done. It is true, the letter does not appear
to have been intended in any other light than that of a
private communication, though not marked " private,"
and certainly does not, directly or indirectly, intimate to,

* We have the very test official authority, and such as
easmot be disputed, that the totter was as distinctly marked
" private" as it Wad poraible for lottur to be.—Eu. Sun.