The Sun.
London, England, 1830-04-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF Tf7E PUBLIC JOURNALS.

In remarking on the subject of the Greek loans,
end denouncing the guarantee said in the foreign
journals to be required by the Sovereign elect of
Greece for the cld creditors of his prineipslity, it is
almost superfluous again to repeat, that the pecu-
niary situation of his Royal fliglineaa, and the
onerous pecuniary bargain which be is understood
to be driving with the Allies, were our only mo-
tires for descending to any renewed node,: of the
claims of the present Greek bondholders, or the
:ilmost-forgotten knaveries formerly practised in
Greek stock. Who would now think of ripping up
the contracts made with elle South American Re-
publics, or calculating what proportion the money
actually transmitted across the Atlantic bore to the
immense nominal debt created against them in Lon-
don ? The advances made to the trans-Atlantic
States may appear inadequate for the obligations
which they incurred, but not for the credit which
they enjoyed; and with the manner of disposing of
the money so raised we have nothing to do. The
Greek bondholders would have been &slimily be-
neath or beyond our scope, and their speculations,
though more questionable in some respects, would
have been equally sacred from the intrusion of our
criticism, had it not been proposed to indemnify
them at the expense of the Allies. They may have
and retain their mortgage on all the vineyards of the
petoponnesus and the islands—on all the °lire,
groves of Attica—on all the bees of Mount Hymn-
tus,—they may even, for an we care, have a
pledge on all the marble of the Parthenon, and all
the antiquities to be dig from the sell of Greece for
the next hundred years; but we insist that they
shall have no mortgage or severity on the land and
labour of England. Accordingly, we say, that as
we must, for an object which at once affects the in-
terests of humanity and the security of our trade in
the Mediterranean, advance a subsidy or guarantee
a loan to the new Sovereign whom respect for our
Government has raised to the throne of Greece, let
that subsidy or guarantee extend only to what is
barely necessary for the occasion, and include no
ancient transactions. It will appear to us snrpris-
ing, if his Royal Highness, upon reflection, is not
helped to the same conclusion by that feeling of
justice and that exercise of good sense which may
be regarded as necessary qualifications for guiding
him in his new career, and inspiring eoafidence into
his new subjects. Should he not see that the heist
security which the creditors of Greece eau obo‘nri
is to be found in the order and tranquillity vr.h.teh
his presence in that country may establish, it he
proceeds thither with the good will of the Allies ?
Is there no danger that by asking too much lee may
lose all ? Is his title nlreelly so secure that he may
provoke with impunity the oatracism of its nuthore
May not the excess of his demands drive his patrons
to look out for another customer who will acept a
Greek Crown on lower terms ? We pot these
questions to the Prince with no hostile fec3rig.
We arc anxious for the conclusion of an arrange-
ment which is both honourable to him and the na-
tion out of respect to which he was nominated, be-
cause we see that delay has its inconveniences, and
may not even be without its dangers. Germany can
still supply a Sovereign for Greece as is lately fur-
Dished candidates for the Greek throne; and if
Prince. Paul, " of the Opere,"—the Princes of
Baden, the young Duke of Oldenburg—and other'
branches of the sosereign farnily trees which spread
over that land so fertile in such plants, are as diffi-
cult tie Prince Leopold, the Allies may look out
among the Princes of the Phanar, and Grid perhaps
talents as conspicuous and acoompliehmente as well
adapted to their purpose.—Thss.s.
A Ministerial Morning Paper Informed its readers
the other day, with much official solemnity, that no
marriage would take place between Prince Swart-
zenburg and the divorced Lady Ellenboreugh, be-
cause the Prince is a Roman Catholic, and the Ro-
man Catholic religion does cot sanction the disso-
lution of the marriage contract by a divorce for adul-
tery or any other cause, except such a one as makes
the marriage void from the beginning. It is of
little consequence, we think, to the British public
whether the parties whose names have been of late
so unhappily notorious, intermarry or not; but it is
a,oi
The
hfyosemonmcnoerehdeu
hcimphalponoontrfht
Eau:
questionin legeo !at, tespeoplestrictly
hyl
saapishouldffleoea
allow
ti
stnhngeo:
htmdehoaeer
marriage
anogi
not
sacred obligation that human beings can contract.
iah
tie to be dissolved for adultery, or any other cause
which does not affect the original validity of the en-
gagement. The reason is, that the canon law is recog-
nised by both Churches; and that, unlike the civillawr
regards the inarriase, when once valid, as indisso-
luble, except by death. There ares however, two
sorts of divorces—that a trinculo vustrittionii, and
that a mensci et thoro. In the Church of Epgland
nothing can he a ground of such a divorce' as the
former—a divorce which severs the marriage knot—
but the original incapacity of the parties to enter
into the matrimonial alliance; such as too near a
degree of consanguinity—a pre-eoatract, idiotcy, or
insanity ; but adultery, cruelty, See., may be a ground
of the latter sort of divorce, which separates from
bed and board, but doss not annul the marriage-tie.
In the Roman Catholic Church, however, the Popo
has a power superior to the canon law, and be may
grant a dispensation from the marriage tie, which
operates as a divorce a vinculo matrimonii. How
was Bonaparte enabled to put away his wedded
wife and marry another—that other being a Roman
Catholic—a Princess of Austria—one of that very
family to whom Prince Swartzenburg is related ?
So much for the accuracy of the writer who would
persuade us that Roman Catholics never admit
the marriage tie to be dissolved by any cause
arising subsequently to the marriage. But, supposing
there was no such dispensing power in the Papal
Church, what would the doctrine of divorce, as un-
derstood by Roman Catholics, have to do with this
matter ? Is not Lady Ellenbormigh an English
Protestant, and has she net been divorced accord-
ing to the laws of her own country ? We admit
that the authority which has divorced bar is objec-
tionable, and ought um to exist; but while it does
exist it is the law of the land, sad as binding as the
original contract of marriage. If a Roman Catholic
cannot acknowledge a Protestant divorce, he cannot,
on the same principle, acknowledge a Protestant
marriage; and, in that view of the ease, Prince
Schwartzenburg is not hotted to regard Lady El-
lenborough as ever having been married. The
power which the House of Common: exercises in
England in this respect le similar to the power
which the Pope exercises in Roman Catim!ic
countries. It is a dispensing power, which violates
religious obligations, encourages immorality, and
ought to be abolished. It is not more opposed to
the interests of morality than to the parity of the
Protestant faith.—Morning Herald.
In England we are so accustomed to fictions, in
the State as well as in the Law, that it has at length
come to be considered as proper that the reality
should always differ from that which it appears to
be. So accustomed are we to hear •f concealed
objects under the pretended objects, that when a
business with a fair exterior is spoken of, the ques-
tion first asked usually is, what is the real meaning
of this ? It is taken for granted that an English
Statesman is thoroughly imbued with the English
system ; that he uses language for the purpose of
obtaining, in a round-about way, whet in countries
in which the public is entitled to no deference is
obtained directly. In a word, an English politician
does not plunder directly, hut he jobs. From the
highest to the lowest, in Church and Stete—from
the
is
Archbishop to the lowest employe—
all s job, job. Reform in England, when proposed
by men in power, always means job ; though the dis-
covery of the exact nature of the job is not always
made in time to enable the well-intentioned to defeat it.
One of the jobs now before Parliament is the Bill
of the Lord Advocate for altering. the, Judicial In-
stitutions of Scotland. We have juat;Viceived front
Edinburgh a valuable pamphlet, expoidag that job
in all its ugliness. The title is, " Ratstarke on that
part of the Lord Advocaterti IA hi "hosing the

Judieial Institutions of Scotland which relates to
the Commissary or Consistorial Court; by a Bar-
rister." Low as the English standard of Justice
confessedly is, indifferent as the English Aristo-
cracy are to the sufferings of all who do not belong to
the class of the wealthy and powerful, we are still
willing to believe that the exposure, in all its hideous-
ness, of the attempt to deprive the people of Scotland
of 1:118 advantages they now possess, under the hypo-
critical pretext of Law Reform, will not be thrown
away on them. Our readers may remember that the at-
tempt to raise the salaries of the Scotch Judges
was, at no remote period, defeated in the House of
Commons. Men who are baffled in a job seldom
relinquish the design. Let us vary, they say to
themselves, our mode of going to work ; we have
been baffled in the direct way of reaching the pockets
of the public; let us plunder the public under the
more specious pretext of Law Reform. "It may
be eskc(l," says the writer of the pamphlet, " what,
then, is 'lie real object of the Bill ?" We will an-
s‘ver f. arleeely, as Sir George Warrender has already
done in P.rliatnent, and we do so with no small
picalute, because we not merely support oee of the
avcumil ehjects of the Bill, which is to effect a re-
duction of the expenditure of the country, but be-
cause, if the judicial functions of the Commissary
Court are let alone, and the number of Judges only
diminished, that avowed object can be carried even
to a farther extent than has yet occured to the Lord
AdTonte.

"'We say the real object of the Bill is to furnish an
upelogy for increasing the salaries of the Judges of the
Ceart of Session. We say this not merely because the
very proposal to increase the business of the Court of
Session proves it, seeing few people are so patriotic as to
love public labour, for its own nth, but because the in-
tention was fairly avowed by Mr. Peel in the opening of
the Reshot)."

'However, let us examine a little more closely
\That it is that the Bill of the Lord Advocate pro-
poses to do. It is proposed to transfer a great
variety of causes of great importance from a Court
in which they nre at present decided at small ex-
pence, to the satisfaction of the people of Scotland,
to a Court which, from ifs expensiveness, is the
subject of general complaint. The job is to put
money into the pockets of a certain class of Judges,
to put money into the pockets of the Bar of
Scotland, atEl close the avenues to justice to the
great body of il;.c people, who are to be sacrificed
without retl‘P'sl:: and without compunction to the
demon of avaric?.

" Some Eng Judges (says the author of the pam-
phlet) may not he aware of the following facts, in regard
to the Scots C,onsistorial Court:—That its Judges are
composed of fox.- Counsel, practising at the same Bar from
which the Court of Session Judges are taken, Mree of
whom must concur before a pursuer (plaintiff) can gain
his cause; hence alterations of their judgment, considering
the number of their decisions, are of rare occurrence. There
is ao vacation in their Court, so that delays of the Court
of Session, which it is notorious often last for many years,
are unknown to it; and as to the expence, it will at once
be believed to be inconsiderable, compared with that of the
Court of Session, when the three following eireum.4nces
are made known :—First, that unless when it is tnplea-
sure of the litigant, it is quite unnecessary, and not very
meal, to empioy Counsel in the Commissory Court. The
agents or solicitors practising before it, whose lives have
been devoted to that peculiar branch of Business, combine
the two characters of Counsel and agent; while in the
Court of Session, the employment of an agent and of
Counsel, to whom large fees are paid, is required at
every step. Secondly, there are few Court fees to in
the written pleadings—none exceeding a shilling or two—
of course, nothing like what is called the fee fund dues on
each paper lodged in she Court of Session."

In short, the fees on every step of procedure in
the Court of Session costs the litigants upwards of
20,000/. per annum for Clerks of Court, while the
whole money allowed by law to be levied from the
litigants for officers in the Commissary Court does
not exceed SOU per annum. In short, the Com-
missary Court is a cheap Court, an expeditious
Court, and a Court against which no complaints
were ever made by the people till the moment that
the Bill in question was proposed. As the people
of England are not aware of the extent of the pro-
posed innovations, we shall here briefly state them
from the pamphlet :

1. It is proposed to remove from the Coneistorial:Court
actions of declaration and nullity of ma:riage. By the
law of Scotland marriage is a contract. " While this is
the case," observes the writer, " it would be as gross a
denial of justice to deprive the poor of the means which
for ogee have been enjoyed in Scotland, of judiciously este •
Wishing the matrimonial contract where it really exists,
as it would be to deprive them of the means of establishing
any other civil contract. It is as monstrous as it is on-
philosophical, to allow a law to exist, under the proposed
protection of which a woman may he induced to yield her
virgin honour to a consentual contract, and then to put
that protection beyond her reach by interposing a tedious
and expensive law snit; and thereby leave her the victim
of seduction."
I. All actions of I.egitintacY and Bastardy, as if the le-
ginsacy of the poor man's children were net as important
so hint as it is to the rich man.
11. Aetions of Adherence and of Divorce.—" As to the
action of adherenee," says the writer, " the idea of pre-
sentiag any such barriers against it as increased delay and
increases: expence, almost looks as if the duties of a regu-
larly constituted marriage were to he legislatively discoun-
tenanced."

4. All actions of aliment, at the instance of either hus-
band or wife.—lt is to be borne in mind, that in Scotland
the lower orders are not paupers as in England, and that
the parish does not interfere habitually, as in England, in
cases of desertion.—" A woman," says the writer, " whose
husband may be a labouring man, with an income of 15e.
a week, and who, in the case of his deserting her, may be
entitled to an aliment of four shillings a week, is in future
to be titTri7rd of the power of compelling alimentary sub-
sietenee, ext.epting by means of a process begun before the '
Lords et Council and Session, conducted by agents and
counsels in a printed form, and at an expenee, the very
ieteeeet 4..7 which, if properly invested, would be equal to
lase ali.u. nt sought by her. Who does not see, that in-
stead a carrying this ease from the Commissioners to the
Court of Session, it would be more consistent, both with
justice and humanity, to send it to the local Sheriffs, or to
any small debt Comet ? It is no answer to say that in such
a ease the Poors' Roll can be obtained. Why should the
independent spirit of a poor Man be broken by his case
being taken from a Court where be could have got justice
in a way consonant with the beet feelings of his heart, and
sent to one where he must be degraded to the Poore' Roll ?
And who ever heard that the printing, and certain other ,
necessary outlays in the Court of Session, could be got for
nothing on the Poors' Roll ?"
b. Actions of Separation—a mensa et thoro.'—" A
woman (says the writer) gets the benefit of this action if
personal violence be offered to her; and all the remarks
which have been submitted with reference to the alimen-
tary cases are applicable to this one. No legal principle
or question is involved to call for the interference of the
Supreme Judges of the land ; and, in this nature of things,
the greater number of such 'cases must originate in tke
humble ranks of society ; who may as well in express
terms be denied justice altogether, as be told to seek it in
a Court beyond their reach."
6. Actions of Divorce.—Marriage in Scotland is a
contract, and when either husband. or wife fails in .per-
formanee of its duties, it is set aside. " It is quite plain
(observes the writer) that nothing which forms the clear
and explicit leer or a country, and which is meant to
govern the lives ...l actions of its inhabitants, can he too
accessible. It ole.: 'my be wrong alter it, make it right ;
but make it eiriaV!, accessible to the rich and the poor.—
The proposed by rendering divorces inaccessible to a
large portion of Le community, is pretty equiralent to a
declaration that a relaxation of public morals is now to be
permitted with impunity. It is very like telling the poor
of both sexes, that however correct their lives have been
hitherto, in consequence Of having the fear of the Com-
missary Court before their eyes, they may now consider
themselves aeelelivered from that salutary thraldom."
If ever'there was a wanton interference with the
laws of a country, this attempt to fix on the Scotch
indirectly the chains of their southern neighbours, is
unquestionably one. Has the facility of divorce
rendered the Scotch more lax than their neigh-
bours ? So far from this being the case, no man,
not insane, would'think for one moment of compar-
ing the morals of the Scotch and their southern
neighbours. With the latitude of divorce which
they have enjoyed ever since the Reformation, it
may be said that the two Millions and a half of
people have not as many divorces as the English
Peerage alone. ." His Lordship (says the writer)
bee erred in fowling that the number of divorces

for the last three years was not at all considerable.
They are at the rate of sixteen per annum—a num
ber incredibly small, and which speaks volumes in
favour of the morals of Scotland, when it is consi-
dered that a divorce in Scotland may be obtained
for from 101. to 121. or 14/. It is the best proof
that can he offered of the absence of collusion, and
that the remedy of divorce has not been abused."
If the English writers have not the courage or the
honesty to place the people of England on the foot-
ing with regard to this class of actions of the people
of Scotland, let them not, on the principle of the
fox who had lost his tail, seek to lower the Scotch
to the level of the people of England. The insti-
tutions of Scotland are slot, in general, so perverted
from their ends as the institutions of England ;
principally, we firmly believe, from their having
hitherto escaped English interference. What they
have of good in their institutions—their Church,
:heir Schools, their Local Courts—they had before
the Union ; and, under these, they arc at least on
a level with their more highly favoured neighbours.—
Let them not be insidiously robbed of their adrate ages.
The Lord Advoeate proposed to make the remedy
for the people ten times more expensive than it is at
present. " It can be shown," says the writer, " that
a contested case in the Court of Session will
amount to nearly 4001.; but holding the expense of
that Court, in cases not defended, to be correctly
stated, we repeat that it is ten or eleven times
greater than what a divorce, not defended, can be
obtained for in the Commissary Court." Our limits
will not allow us to follow farther this writer in his
masterly exposure of the Lord Advocate's job. The
pretext for it is shown to be false and hollow. To
prevent an imaginary grievance, collusion, all are to
be driven to an expensive Court, and yet the proof,
in taking which there is any chance of detecting
collusion, is still to be taken by one renwini-it:
Commissary. 'We agree the writ"*, thot Ks
one Judge is to rensa7e Cceernies Ce a t,
he should be left to t.:O 411 'IT 71;:17-,C5, ef the
Court. By confining thi, d.: •:!-15
to their proper Court, three jatiees cf tt.e fs'• ern of
Sevion instead of two may be disper.s.ri 'with. T:te
writer also suggests that there should be bus en:
appeal from the Commissory Court to the lener
House of the Court of Session, passing over the
Outer House altogelter. But whatever may be
thought with respect to appeals, it should be always
borne in mind, that nine-tenths of the cases at pre-
sent decided cheaply in the Commissary Court, are
not appealed from, and therefore must give satisfac-
tion to the parties. We protest against the odious
principle of denying justice to the poor by throwing
difficulties in the way--of thus making one law for
the rich, and another for the poor. The rich may
proceed too far in their contempt and disregard.of the
feelings of the poor. We rejoice to see that the
Scotch are so keenly alive both to this insult to
them, and to another which has roused the whole
country—a late decision of Lord Wynford in the
House of Lords.—Morning Chronicle.
It has been a rule in this kingdom in all our com-
memercial speculations to give the utmost facility to
the exports of the country. In the article of printed
goods, for instance, the excise duty is withdrawn in
order that the manufacturer may be enabled to com-
pete with the foreigner. If we export sugar or rum
or any other commodity which pays a duty, we pay
back the duty in order to encourage the merchant.
In the article of newspapers alone is there an excep-
tion, and this chiefly arising from the monstrous
and unjust interference and monopoly of the foreign
department of the post-office. A newspaper is in
its degree as much an article of exportable mer-
chandise as a piece of printed cottons. It is taxed
more heavily than any other commodity. Besides
paying paper duty, stamp duty, and advertisement
duty, it is subjected to another tax by the post-office,
a tax of a most oppressive and shameful kind. The
tax upon articles of intelligence is bad enough. The
object is partly revenue and partly the restriction of
information and discussion. The one is imposed for
fiscal purposes, the other for inquisition purposes—
the former to repress information, the latter to fetter
and destroy it. It is extraordinary that a sheet cf
paper containing the news of the day, and which
might be sold for twopence-halfpenny, should be so
taxed that it cannot be sold for leas than sevenpence,
even to those who buy it on the spot where it is
printed. This never would have been endured had
the conductors of newspapers been an united body,
or so respectable a body as they are in France.—
The tax, however, has been endured, and almost
every honest and independent person is driven
from this pursuit of literature or , business.—
The press has become the slave of the Govern-
ment, or the slave of a party, and its profits are
confined to a few monopolists rich enough to be
sati,fied, and unprincipled enough to sell their ad-
vocacy and their opinions in the highest market.
This is decidedly the state of the greater portion of
the London press—to the disgrace of public liberty
and free discussion.—ln addition to this there is the
tax upon advertisements. If a groom advertises for
a situation he pays say from 6s. to 7s. Gd., but out
of this the Government' claims 3s. Gd., which not
cola- takes away almost the whole of the profit, but
limits the number of those who would so advertise
from three to one. Only one or two newspapers,
therefore, receive such advertisements, the monopoly
being their protection, and rendering them indifferent
either to the proper distribution of the revenue or the
interests of others.—But there is one restraint upon
newspapers equally galling as the others, which has
its origin in petty jobbing and vexatious imposition,
which ought not to be tolerated an hour longer,
and which we trust the Government will see the
necessity of removing. We mean the tax imposed
upon newspapers sent to France. We can, as every
one knows, send a newspaper free of charge to
Dover. It is, as we said before, as much an article
of trade and merchandise as a piece of printed cot-
tons. It is as desirable to export this as any other
commodity. The more we export the better, for
the greater would be the profit to the exporter, and
the greater the revenue to the Government. But
instead of encouraging this trade the clerks of the
Post-office throw every possible obstacle in the way,
and absolutely interdict the trade unless every news-
paper which is carried across the channel, a distance
of seventeen miles, pay to them the sum of six pounds
per annum per advance. Mind, reader ! this is not
a matter of revenue—it is not levied to defray the
expense of transit—it is simply a perquisite levied
by the clerks in the Post-office, which they pocket
to the serious injury of trade, and as a sort
of bounty in favour of their insolence ei.d
rapacity. We pause here to intpiire wheth:r, in
the opinion of evert sole er thie ie er a
traffic and a job winch r. Lets scaedel on the Psst-
office ? Here are a parcel of clerks, car Lett em-
ployed but when employed in then owe p:ivete tied
lucrative business, setting the laws of cemeeerce
and free trade at defiance, and levying an exorbitant
custom on an article more heavily and oppressively
taxed than any other commodity. Is this to be
borne, merely that Mr. Time, or Mr. Huggins, or
Mr. Barnes, may suck lucrative salaries from a
business long exhibiting all the symptoms of decline?
Why give a drawback on printed calicoes, and not
on printed paper? Why encourage the one and
discourage the other ? Why ?—we may ask—the
just
what is plain, the clerks rule their masters, do
what they please, pilfer from whom they may, while
Sir Francis Freeling,wbo knows the fact, has not the
courage to make an open, bold, and independent
representation to the Government on the subject.
In these times of economy and perfect tranquillity
we so no use for the clerks in the foreign depart-
ment whatever. They might all be dismissed, and
not only would the business be better conducted in
the home-office, but the saving to the country would
be considerable. They do nothing which might
not be done in the home-office much better, more
cheaply, and with greater alacrity and facility. We
know not what the Parliamentary Commissioners
have represented, or intend to represent, on the
subject, but if they would do us the honour of a
visit we could enlighten them on soave points on
which
we apprehend they are not well informed.
At any rata these are
gievances which should be

submitted to Parliament, an I we hope some. Ho.
nourable Member will take them up forthwith.—
Morning Journal.

The anxiety universally relc respecting the state
of his Majesty's health, renders it imperative on
our part to state all that we know upon the subject,
and we regret that that " all" is not of the most
comforting nature. Whatever reports may be spread
abroad respecting the state of his Majesty's
health, we are fully assured, on authority which
may be relied on, that his Majesty is ill—very ill
indeed—and that the complaint is of that nature-,
on the result of which no one, versed in medical
science, would wish to speculate. It is said, in fact,
by some, that the gout has reached the stomach—
by others, that there is no knowing when the dropsy
fiom which, it is said, his Majesty suffers, may
attack the most vital part ; and though we do not
place implicit reliance on all that is communicated
to us on the subject, we think the public will agree
with us, that the existence of such reports in the
best informed circles, proves that the state of his
Majesty's health is any thing but satisfactory. We
may also remark by the way, that the bulletins
hitherto issued by his Majesty's Paysicians have
not been of that full and satisfactory nature
which would entitle them to the confidence of
the public; and why have they not been so? We
are unable to answer the question ; and the more
unable, we believe, because no satisfactory rea-
son can he assigned for their silence, though many
good reasons might undoubtedly be given in favour
of a more ample statement. The country has an in-
terest in the state of his Majesty's health,and ought
to be informed of every particular worth knowing
which is connected with it. The most sinister re-
ports, as we have already mentioned, are afloat, and
we trust that another day will not be allowed to pass
without a full and satisfactory account of the illness
of his Majesty, in order either to inform the public
of his real state, or to allay those fears, if groundless,
which are now universally entertained. The Duke
of Wellington arrived in town yesterday morning,
and it was expected that all the Cabinet Ministers
would also arrive before this morning, for the
purpose of attending a Cabinet Council, which
has been summoned to meet to-day. Sir Henry
Halford also came to town yesterday, and had an
interview with the Duke of Wellington, which lasted
for a considerable time. The most important fact,
however, connected with the illness of his Majesty
is, that he sent specially for his Royal relative, the
Duchess of Gloucester, who, as is well kaown, en-
joys the unreserved confidence, as well as the entire
affection of his Majesty. We fear that this cireum-
, stance will cast an additional shade of gloom upon
the very limited, and, in consequence, unsatisfactory,
statements of his Majesty's medical attendants.—
Morning Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

A poor woman, who said she was the mother of
some young girls, brought before the LORD MAYOR
a female apparently about 16 years of age, whom
she had found crying in the street on the preceding
day. The girl was standing quite bewildered near
the Blue Boar Inn, in Holborn, with a small band-
box in her hand, containing her whole stock of ap-
parel. The witness, perceiving her to be a country
girl, and to all appearance ignorant of London, and
knowing that there were those about who would
take advantage of her condition if they had an op-
portunity, questioned her, and was induced to take
her home, and make up a sort of bed for her where
she was safe from intruders. The girl was very
thankful for this service, and the witness thought it
would be better not to let her go any where until
she should have the advice of the Lord Mayor.

The LORD MAYOR commended the maternal feel-
ing of the poor woman, who had acted, he said,
with most exemplary humanity, and asked the young
woman, how she happened to be so desolate in the
streets of London.

The girl said she had just arrived from a town in
Hertfordshire, where she had resided with her
brother and sister, in expectation of a place in Lon-
don. She had been told by a publican, that she
would be met by a person at the Blue Boar, in Hol-
born, who would introduce her to the situation, and
her brother paid for her passage up to London, con-
vinced that she would meet with no disappointment.
She stood, however, at the gate of the Blue Boar
for hours, but nobody came to inquire for her, and
at last she got frightened at her situation, and could
not help shedding tears. She was soon afterwards
offered protection by the poor woman, and was taken
great care of.
The LORD MAYOR supposed she wished to get
back to her brother and sister, and not to stay in
London, depending upon the chance of employment.
—She replied that she was anxious to get back to
Sawbridgeworth as soon as possible, and she had
half-a-crown remaining of the money which her bro-
ther had supplied her with.
The LORD MAYOR immediately directed an officer
to put the girl into the coach for Hertfordshire, and
to pay the expences. His Lordship also gave from
his private purse some money to the poor woman,
who had not only proteCted the girl, but it appeared
refused to take any remuneration from her.
A lad, the apprentice of Mr. Rae, a ship-owner,
was brought before the LORD MAvoR, charged by
his master with having run away from his ship, and
induced two other boys to follow his example.
Mr. Rae described the evil effects which 'were
likely to be produced by such conduct as that of
which he accused the defendant.

The LORD MAYOR, who had some days ago or-
dered the defendant to be kept in solitary confine-
ment, now asked him whether he did not repent his
bad conduct, and would not act differently in fu-
ture ?--The defendant said he was sorry for what
he had done, but he had:been compelled to run away
in consequence of the severe treatment he had met
with from his Captain.
Mr. Rae denied the truth of the charge against
the Captain, and indeed the defendant confirmed
the denial by, after some hesitation, stating that the
act of which he complained was committed between
two and three years ago.
The LOAD MAYOR told Mr. Rae he trusted that
the boy would show that he had now a proper sense
of his ill conduct, and give evidence of reformation.
Mr. Rae said that he must call upon the Lord
Mayor to punish the defendant for his transgressions
according to law. The example was a dreadful one,
and the consequences might have been very inju-
rious. He could not therefore think of letting the
lad escape.
The LORD MAYOR appeared to be much sur-
prised at this determination. " I have no alterna-
tive, if you insist on my committing him," said his
Lordship, " except that of sending him. to Bridewell,
where he will most probably be utterly ruined.
Don't oblige me to send him to his destruction."
Mr. Rae must request that the young man be
further punished.

Mr. nobler said that if such a lad got thieves
for associates, the chances were ten to one that he
would be found one of these days at time Old
Bailey. . _ _

The mother of the defendant pleaded hard for
him, but Mr. Rae said he believed she encouraged
her son in his disobedience, and again said that he
must have further punishment inflicted.
The LORD MAYOR--Well I shall send him for
twenty-one days to the House of Correction; but
although he has offended greatly, I do it with the
greatest reluctance. A boy stands no chance of
coming out without being contaminated.
The defendant was then fully committed as a
apprentice to the House of Correction,
and his master said, upon leaving the Justice-room,
tliat runaway
he would never have any thing further to do
with him.
MARLBOROUGH-STREET.

Yesterday his Grace the Duke of St. Alban's
came to this office and applied to Mr. CONANT, the
sitting Magistrate, for his assistance in instituting
an investigation into the cause of a serious accident

which betel one of his Grace's domestics on the 17d,
of this month.

It appeared, by the statement of the Noble Duke,
that on the day in question a footman in his service,
when crossing Oxford-street, was knocked down
and run over by the carriage of Lady Lucy Pusey,
of Grosvenor-square, and that the poor man has
ever since been confined as a patient in St. George's
'Hospital, and his life is now in danger. His Grace
was very desirous to have it ascertained what degree
of blame, if any, attached to the coachman who
drove Lady Lucy Pusey's carriage on the occasion.
There were several persons who had witnessed the
accident, if accidasit it was, and who could give evi-
dence on the subject ; and to show that there was
no time to be lost in instituting the inquiry, his
Grace had a certificate, produced from the surgeon
of the hospital to the Magistrate, stating the danger
in which the man's life is.

Mr. CONANT immediately directed Goddard, the
officer, to take the matter in hand, and to bring
before him the coachman and all witnesses who
could throw any light upon the subject, and a day
was fixed for having the case fully gone into, when
the Duke of Sr. Alban's expressed his intention of
being present.
A Mrs. Crew, residing in Dean-street, Soho-
square, appeared before the Magistrate, under a
warrant, to answer the complaint of a young man
mimed Simpson, her son-in-law, who charged her
with having assaulted him.
It appeared that Mr. Simpson had incurred the
displeasure of his friends by marrying the daughter
of Mrs. Crew, and that in consequence of this feel-
ing on the part of Mr. Simpson's friends, several
bickerings arose, which at last led to the assault of
which Mr. Simpson now complained. The assault
itself, however, in the Magistrate's view, appeared
to be of so trivial a nature that he advised the par-
ties rather to arrange the matter amicably among
themselves than, by pressing► for his interference, to
make wider the breach that already existed. This
salutary advice the discontents on both sides adopted,
and, as far as this assault was concerned, the matter
ended.

Before quitting the office, however, Mr. Hill, a
respectable brass and iron-founder, in Berwick-
street, stepped forward, and said that he could not
retire without taking that pssblic opportunity of ex-
pressing his gratitude to Mr. Simpson, who had
been the means of savinn. his (Mr. Hill's) son from
utter ruin, by having informed him (Mr. Hill) that
his son was on the point of being married to another
of Mrs. Crew's daughters, with whose family he
(Mr. Hill) did net know that his son was even ac-
quainted; and on inquiry, according to the informa-
tion given by Mr. Simpson, he found that his son
and Miss Crew had been thrice out-asked in due
form at St. James's church, and were to be married
that very morning, had not he (Mr. Hill) gone to
the church in the very nick of time, and thrown in
his veto against the ceremony, his son being as yet
only in his 19th year.
Mr. Hill having thus expressed his gratitude;the
parties all retired, but had not been many minutes
absent when Mr. Hill and Mr. Simpson came run-
ning into the office again in a state of great alarm
to seek protection from the magistrate against an
armed attack with which they were threatened from
young Hill, the disappointed lover. Mr. Hill stated,
that just as he had got into the street outside the
office, he was met by one of his servants, who told
him to be on his guard, for that his son had been at
home in his absence and had taken his (Mr. Hill's)
pistols, and after regularly trying their effect by firing
at a mark in the yard, had re-loaded them and took
them out with him, expressing his determination to
shoot both his father and Mr. Simpson, and that he
had also taken a sword with -him in case the pistols
should fail of their purpose; and scarce had this in-
formation been conveyed to him, when he observed
his son making towards himself and Mr. Simpson
from the opposite side of the street, with a naked
sabre hanging by his side; and, in their escape, he
had the audacity to pursue them into the outer pas-
sage of the office, where he then waited their coming
out again. _ _ .

Ali:: CONANT ordered the young hero to be in-
stantly brought before him, and Clements and Bal-
lard, the officers, having seized him in the passage,
they led him to the bar, where he presented a for-
midable appearance, having a large polished sabre,
without any scabbard, belted round his waist, and
the head of a pistol sticking from each of his waist-
coat pockets, and on these latter weapons being
examined by the officers, they were found to be
fully primed and loaded with two bullets in each.
The youth having been stripped of his warlike
appearance, and Mr. Hill having declared that he
considered himself in danger of personal violence,
he was locked up until he shall have given forty-
eight hours' notice of bail.
Application was mace to the Magistrate by a per-
son from. Mr. Andrews, the bookseller, in Bond-
street, for the assistance of the police to detect the
perpetrator of tht: following frand :
The applicant stated, that a few days ago a man,
having the appearance of a butler, came to Mr. An-
drews's shop, and presented a note, purporting to
be written by the Earl of Belfast, requesting that
tickets for a whole party to a private box at Covent-
garden Theatre should be sent by the bearer, for
ruesday (last) night, and placed to his Lordship's
account. The tickets, the applicant said, were ac-
cordingly sent by the person who brought the note,
and nothing. more was thought of the matter until
Monday, Nslien Lord Belfast happening to call in at
Mr. Andrews's, the subject was mentioned by way
'of inquiry which side of the house his Lordship pre-
ferred, and it then turned out that his Lordship had
never sent for any tickets, and that the note written
in his name was a forgery.

Mr. CONANT directed Clements to attend, but
desired that he should be very cautious how he in-
terfered with the parties occupying the box in
question.
A powerful-looking fellow, named William Hor-
ton, was' eharged with a desperate assault on a'police-
serjeant, named Codriagton, belonging to the divi-
sion C. It appeared that the serjeant accompanied
the prisoner's landlord, who had some pecuniary
claim on the prisoner, to where the latter was at
work as a labourer in repairing one of the sewers in
the street, to see, as the serjeant says, that, in the
demand for payment of the money, no breach of the
peace should take place. But it seems that the in-
terference of the serjeant so excited the prisoner,
that he made a desperate blow, with a spade that he
held in his hand at the time, at the serjeant's head,
which fortunately missed that part, or probably it
would have proved fatal; but it lighted on the ser-
jeant's •rrm, and laid it open in a shocking manner,
se that the sufferer is now in the hospital, and, by
a medical certificate produced, is in a bad way.
The prisoner was ordered to give 48 hours' notice
of bail.