The Sun.
London, England, 1830-06-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TILE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Standard of last night announces a wish,
when possessed of more leisure, to have an " mica
collatio" with us " on the subject of the Church of
England—the most unjustly calumniated church in
the world. Far be from us the presumption to
settle the merit between different churches. We
content ourselves with the humble task of deciding
which is the best paid. If the Church of England
be the most unjustly calumniated church in the
world, it has the tithes as a set off against the
calumny. No man will be deterred, we presume,
from the acceptance of a good living in the Church
on account of the share of the unjust calumny to
which he may be exposed. When our contem-
porary begins his friendly conference, we trust he
will not forget that it is the part of a friend to atone
for misrepresentation. The Standard has uninten-
tionally, no doubt, misrepresented us. " We (says
our contemporary) may hint to the Chronicle, that
nine-tenths (not one-third of the people) of the
people of England belong to the Church of Eng-
land. The want of churches, and their insufficient
size, prevents this from appearing as prominently as
it ought to do." The reference from this passage
is, that we said that only one-third of the people of
England belonged to the Church of England. Now,
what we said was this—" The Church of England
is not the religion of one-third part of the popula-
tion of the three kingdoms; and of the emigrants
of late years, it is not the religion of one-twelfth."
There is a material difference between one-third of
the people (f England, and one-third of the
people (f the three kingdoms. In England it-
self, however, we are inclined to believe, from
the information we have received from those
who have the means of knowing the numbers of the
Dissenters, that, admitting all who do not belong to
any dissenting congregation to be Church of Eng-
land men—a very liberal admission, as there arc not
a few who trouble neither church nor chapel with
their presence—the Dissenters are the majority.
Wherever, throughout the country, there is a vil-
lage sufficiently populous to admit of a chapel, hav-
ing a chance of being filled, there a dissenting or a
methodist chapel is to be seen. In all the towns
of above five thousand inhabitants, the Dissenters
and Methodists are unquestionably the majority;
and any one who knows what a proportion of the
inhabitants of England live in towns may form some
idea of the number of Dissenters. One sect alone,
the independents, have in England above 2,200
congregations. The manufacturing population are
almost to a man Dissenters or Methodists. In se-
veral of the great counties the late returns exhibit a
majority of dissenting chapels ; and, taking one with
another, the chapels are much larger (in point of
seat room) than churches. A dissenting clergyman
cannot exist without a large audience. We were
assured by a gentleman, whose special business it
had been for years to make himself acquainted with
the state and numbers of the separatists, that add-
ing the proportion of children to those who belonged
to the respective congregations, and including the
Presbyterians ithaScotland,dlh.leparatists amounted
to ten millions. Say, howerier, that in England
alone they amount only to seven millions, that
would be the half of the population. However, wav-
ing the question of timbers, as a matter of right,
in all the colonies acquired since the Union be-
between England and Scotland, at the common ex-
pence, and by the common exertions, it would be
flagrant injustice to establish one of the Church ex-
clusively. Canada is one of the colonies which has
been acquired since the Union, and it is with respect
to Canada that the complaint is made. In the old
colonies settled by Englishmen there will be less
objection to establish the Church of England. But
where the natives of the three kingdoms meet to-
gether on new ground, they should be considered as
on a footing of equality in point of religion. To
attempt to establish the Church of England in the
woods of Canada, amongst Presbyterians, Catholics,
DA Methodists, is to make that Church an object
of general hatred. At the same time there may be
truth in what fell from Sir George Murray, namely,
" that the settlers in the woods of Canada were but
ISO proms, from their situation and society, to in-
dulge in habits of religion bordering on what might
be called superstition. He thought, therefore, that
the labours of those who disseminated the principles
of true religion could rot be considered as wholly
unnecessary to the well-being of the colony." But
admitting that the Clergy of the Church of England
are less liable to time charge of disseminating gloomy
and supelotitious views of religion than the Clergy
of most other Protestant persuasions,those who go
to the wilds of Canada to labour ill good earnest in
instructive- the people, would be found, we fear,
less fanatical than their rivals. We are not
Alluding to the jobbers about the seats of Govern-
meet, but the working Clergy. The sensible
Church of England Clergy take care to keep out of
the woods. They are wise in their generation. The
ground must be prepared and ready for the sickle
before they make their appearance.—Morn. Chron.
Mr. Homes motion on the expediency of with-
drawing from the pestilential settlement of Sierra
Leone, was acceded to so far as the appointment of
a Committee to inquire. One consideration only
as it seems to us, has hitherto prevailed with Par-
bat-dent or Government to maintain an establish-
ment so destructive of English life, and to that con-
4doration we are willing to allow its full weight,—
Parneiy, the connexion of these settlements on the
coast G( Africa with the great system of policy
(whether eiTectual or not is another question)
adopted by Great Britain for finally extinguishing
the ;Jaye trade. That the trade still exists, is be-
yond dispute ; but we are also of opinion, that our
African colonies have tended at least to clippie,
though certainly not to crush that barbarous and
revolting traffic. The grounds presented in favour
of a continuance of Sierra Leone and Fernando Po,
as British colonies, were the following t—l. The
fact, that English functionaries—military and civil
--have been much diminished in numbers of late
years, and their places supplied by men of colour.
Sd. That the Right Hon. Secretary anticipates the
day when the African settlements, now so gratui-
tously destruetive of human life, sedi be wholly oc-
expied by a free negro population,—a monument at
fence of the beneficent policy so long, and under
such difficulties, pursued by England towards the
Africans, and a substantial check upon those prac-
tieez on the part of Christian nations, by which
their own religion has been disgraced, and the pro-
gals of Africa toward:; knowledge and virtue so
,extensively and cruelly impeded.—Times.
The world has heard a great deal at different
periods a the commercial advantages which Eng-
land derives from her treaties with Portugal, which
by foreigner; Wye
.beets viewed as the result of
political tyranny acting under the direction of mer-
candle rapacity. That part of the Peninsula has
been declared our vineyard, ealtivated by Portu-
guese slaves for our profit—it has beau pronounced
our colony, whose wealth and resources Luisa been
rendered subservient to our power arid prosperity.
7412 c " poor Portuguese," as they have been called
its relation to this trading despotism of Great
Britain, have been pitied, because they were obliged
to wear our woollens, and to eat their dinner with
our eualery, while we robbed them by making them
pay for our clothes and our hardware with their ex-
cellent wines. Even jesting Frenchmen have be-
come pathetic on the hardships of our Portuguese
allies, and, together with other foreigners, Lave de-
nounced our oppressive moiwpoly. The imposing
appearance of our ships of the line in the Tagus—
the former influence of our Minister at the Court of
Lisbon—the power of our factories and merchants
among the trading community of the country, have
all been considered as so many proofs of tlic in-
justice practised on the Portuguese, and so many
indications of the commercial advantages en-
joyed by England. Now nothing can be more
erroneous than such assertions and inferences.
However important our alliance with Por-
tugal may have been, or may still be, in a
political point of view,—whatever additional weight
it way hate given us, or may yet give us, in the

' wavering balance of power hi Europe, when the
great influence of Spain was thrown, or shall at any
time be thrown, into the scale of our rivals or ene-
mies,—of whatever consequence it was to have an
access to the mines of wealth in the new world by
our connexion with the mother country of Brazil,—
it may safely be asserted that our commercial inter-
course with Portugal, as directed by out treaties,
has been less profitable to us than to our allies, and
probably profitable to neither. If it was to be
called our vineyard, we have paid more for our cul-
tivating it than would have purchased better wine
from other countries ; if it is to be called our co-
lony—like the other colonies of England—though
it might add to our power and consideration, it has
been maintained at the sacrifice of our commercial
wealth. These truths, IN hich we believe are now
very generally acknowledged, were again advanced,
and not denied, in the debate on Mr. Villiers's mo-
tion, published in our paper of yesterday. The
Methuen Treaty, which for more than a century re-
gulated our trade with Portugal, but which was far
fi.om founding British influence in that kingdom, bore
on its very face the evidence of its impolicy. It se-
cured for the wine-growers of Portugal a monopoly in
the market of England, by admitting their produce
at one-third less duty than the tax imposed on the
wines of France; and it did not, as the experience of
late years has shown, secure to us a corresponding
advantage for our woollen in the markets of Portu-
gal. It thus cut us off from a profitable trade on
equal terms nearer home, and made us drink inferior
wine, by raising the price of a beverage better suited
to our health and palate. But this was not enough.
Had we possessed the whole range of Portugal to
replenish our cellars—had the whole of our vineyard
been completely at our disposal upon paying the
proper charges—there might have been less cause
for complaint in being obliged to go to the mouths
of the Douro or the Tagus, instead of the Garonne,
for our supplies; but we had not even this ad-
vantage for the restrictions which we imposed upon
ourselves. The Marquis of Pombal, seeing that he
had a monopoly in the English market, and ascribing,
probably, a greater consequence to his country than
it deserved, invented a plan for aggravating the
hardships of that monopoly, by creating another
at home, in the exclusive privileges of the Wine
Company of the Upper Douro. The powers of this
Corporation are so extensive as to destroy all com-
petition, and so oppressively exercised as to aggra-
vate all the evils of monopoly. By their authority
over the cultivators—by their power to limit the dis-
trict where the wine allowed to be exported is pro-
duced—to fix the quantity for exportation at every
vintage—to settle the price at their own discretion,
and to select for their own stock the best qualities
beim e any other parties are allowed to make
their purchases—they have the whole of the
Oporto wine trade entirely under their control.—
' Not a pipe can be sold till they give command,—
net a pipe can be exported without their permission.
Towards the end of November they send their
tasters or quaVeadores, to the country of the fochoy
vineyards. These persons traverse the district, exa-
mine the wines in the cellars of the different cultiva-
tors within the prescribed limits, divide the wines
in three classes, one of which only is allowed to be
exported to England. As these gentlemen decide
on the quantity of each kind without any very minute
inquiry, and often by their mere arbitrary will and
pleasure; and as, according to the extent of the
vintage, they can only take a fixed proportion from
each farmer (who keep their wine in large vats of
10, 20, or even 30 pipes), it sometimes happens
that their experienced palates find the three dif-
ferent qualities of wine in the same vessel ! In
other words, they order the farmer to take three dif-
ferent prices, while they fit three different destina-
tions on the same wine, saying that the first is good
for John Bull, the second may be exported to
Brazil, and the third must be consumed at home.—
The unfortunate portion against which this last
decree goes forth is called vinho separado, and is or-
dered to be sold at the vile rate of 51. per pipe.—
Besides these and other oppressive privileges, which
we have not space to enumerate, this Company
enjoys a monopoly of the brandy trade. No private
merchant or proprietor can distil brandy for mixing
with his wines in the whole district. The Company
manufactures all the spirits used for this or other
purposes, arid even brandy which was brought into
Opoi to as prizes during the war, was claimed as the
right of the corporation. It need therefore excite
no surprise that the wine which we are obliged to
drink from the vineyards on the Douro should be
fiequently so bad and so dear. A corrupt, over-
grown, oppressive association like this, wielding all
the powers of its exclusive charter, and sometimes
usurping all functions of government, would be
enough to harass or destroy any trade. Accordingly
we find, that notwithstanding the continued faeour
which port wine enjoys in the English market, its
consumption has much diminished since the peace.
The following are the quantities exported to Eng-
land from 1802 to 1810: Ily the Douro Company
Pipes. in addition.
In 1802
1803 ..... 56,300
1801
1805
1806
1807
ISOB
1809
1810

We have not the accounts of the three last years
before is, but the following is the number of pipes
exported from the Douro from 1818 to 1826 inclu-
sive :

In 1818
1819
1820
1821
1!.22
The English have the benefit of nearly all this ex-
portation, whether great or small, as no other nation
in Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, has yet acquired
a taste for port. Thus, in 1818, the whole quantity
exported being 32,843 pipes, 32,465 of them .were
for England; in 1819, only about 300 pipes went
to any other country but England • in 1822, out of
27,758 pipes, 27,470 were destined for the English
market; in 1823, out of 23,578 pipes, 23,208 were
exported to this country ; and in every subsequent
year we have nearly the same result, the whole
civilized world, with the exception of England,
consuming only 250 or 300 pipes, while we pur-
chase all the rest of the exportable vintage. Now,
as it cannot be proved that Englishmen are born
with a taste for port any more than Americans,
Germans, or Dutchmen, it is our fiscal regulations
which create such a difference in the consumption
between this and other countries similarly situated,
as regards the wine trade. The wine, we admit, in
its best state is excellent, and well deserves to be
popular; but why force the consumption of it by
partial laws—why suffer the country to be deprived
of the means of procuring its choicest specimens,
through the impudent system of monopoly
sanctioned and enjoined by Portugal ? There
is every reason therefore to expect that Govern-
ment will resolutely redeem its pledge to re-
view at no distant period the conditions of our com-
mercial treaty with Portugal. We owe no grati-
tude to the present possessor of the Braganza throne,
nor would we lie under any obligations to the more
liberal portion of the nation, though the Monarch
were changed to-morrow. Don Miguel has insulted
us as much as such a creature could insult the Go-
vernment of a great people;_ and the Cortes, when
ffi in power, dismissed our ocers and threatened to
break our ti'paties. Nor need we be apprehensive
that any equalization of duties on wine which would
he otherwise advisable would destroy our political
relations, or materially affect our trade with Por-1
tugal. There is pp rival ready to assume our Pro-
tei:torate in the former, or to fill our place in the
latter. The French, though they might furnish her
with woollens, would not take her wine and fruits
in return, nor would the manufacturers of Germany
or the Netherlands be in a more favourable predica-
ment. Our commercial establishments at Lisbon
and Oporto would flourish as before; nor should we
transmit one bale of goods less to Spain through

• Portugal though we resolved after the present vin-
tage to exchange our hardware against the wines of
Bordeaux instead of Oporto.—Brous.
The retention by Government of the colony of
Sierra Leone, at the expense of an enormous waste
of human life, has long been a subject of just re-
monstrance and complaint on the part of the public.
We believe that colony, which existed as a mercan-
tile station about twenty years befoie it came into
the hands of Government, was put upon its present
footing in compliance with the zealous, but mis-
taken, intentions of persons friendly to the interests
of humanity; but tl:e event has proved quite the
reverse of their anticipations. Since the abolition
of the slave trade this colony was thought well
adapted to the purpose of a military and civil station,
to repress the clandestine traffic in slaves, and pro-
mote habits of civilization among the natives of that
part of Africa. The increased importation of slaves
into the colonies of those powers who, for value re-
ceived, entered into treaties with us for the sup-
pression of this disgusting traffic, will show how far
we have succeeded in one object, and our wars with
the Ashantees will prove what progress we have made
towards the other. In the mean time the colony,
which, as ve have said, was established for humane
purposes, has become productive of consequences
most afflicting to humanity. We have failed in our
object of procuring any substantial mitigation of the
condition of the oppressed and kidnapped blacks,
and we have opened a grave for the whites, whom
we send out but to perish on that pestilential shore!
It was stated by Mr. Hume, in the House of Com-
mons, the other night, that the rapid succession of
Governors and of official men who fell victims to
the impure climate, and the loss and destruction of
papers, made it difficult to know the etate of the
population, but lie believed he was not far from the
truth in stating that, in the year 1825, the popula-
tion consisted of 11,500 free blacks, liberated
Africans 2,500, and about 3,530 soldiers and others
—making in all 17,500. To these were added
negroes that were landed from other colonies in
1826 and 1827, 2,900 in the former, and in the
latter 2,800 ; since 1827, he would estimate that
there were about 3,000 more landed from other co-
lonies, which would make altogether between
25,000 and 26,000. There were now remaining
16,078, so that about 9,000 or 10,000 were missing.
It was not ascertained whether all those had died,
some probably escaped to other colonies, arid others
went into West India regiments—but the climate was
destructive to most of them. This is a melancholy
picture of what, after years of fatal experience, we must
now call the wanton expenditure of human life. But
there is another sort of expenditure which has been
as wildly and 113 uselessly indulged in ; life is not
only thrown away here in great abundance, but
wealth is profusely squandered—it is the grave of
both. It appears that immense sums have been laid
out in attempts to cultivate the colony, but in vain ;
the soil is as unproductive as the atmosphere is pes-
tilential—barrenness and pestilence are the natural
and inseparable characteristics of the place. With
great labour and expellee, indeed, the soil was made
to produce two crops, but it was not in the art of
man to force a third, and the land was left to its ori-
ginal desolation. Mr. Hume asked what is to be
done with the slaves brought there ? He states, on
the authority of returns made in 1825 and 1826,
that, from the establishment of the colony up to
those years, upwards of 2,000,0001. had been ex-
pended on it, and that he may fairly calculate the
expellee up to the present time at above 3,000,000/.
Time keeping up of this colony is one of the
objects for which grants of money out of the public
taxes are made every year. We should think
the friends of the negroes must be convinced
by this time that a place which, without producing
any public advantage whatever, is continually
adding to the number of widows and orphans thrower
upon the world, is not very auspicious to the inte-
rests of humanity. It appears that the climate is
equally fatal to blacks and whites, and that the mor-
tality among Europeans varied from 35 to 73 per
cent. It is only fair to say, on the other side, that
Sir George Murray stated, on the authority of re-
ports from medical gentlemen in the colony, that the
climate was not so unhealthy as it was considered,
and that the great mortality among the European
soldiers originated in a great degree in their own
drunken and dissolute habits. But surely it is not
pretended that the great mortality among Governors,
Judges, official men, anti others, also originated in
their drunken and dissolute habits; but we sup-
pose soldiers are as dissolute in one colony as in
another, and, therefore, that is no mew!' for
their dying off more rapidly in Sierra Leone
than any where else. But Sir George Mur-
ray says, that arrangements have been made to
prevent tire recurrence of the evil occasioned by
the presence of European troops, and that it is the
intention to effect such changes that all the civil
situations shall also be filled by men of colour.
Pursuing the system further, he does not despair of
being able, in some years, to raise the colony to the
situatiou of a free African station. He is of opinion
that the present condition of the settlement offered
a fair prospect of realizing the original intention of
its foundation—namely, the introduction of religion
and civilization among that race of people. lie
Therefore saw no reason for abandoning the colony,
or transplanting the inhabitants to the settlement of
Fernando Po—although it is superior in soil, and
not so liable to destructive malady. There is one
point in which we perfectly concur with Sir George
Murray, and that is, that it would be unjust and
barbarous to abandon the poor Africans in the settle-
ment, and leave them exposed to the cruelty and
cupidity of those from whose dreadful treatment we
had rescued them. We hope no vicious view of eco-
nomy will ever induce us to dourly thing so monstrously
inhuman. But that is not the question. Government
is not called on to abandon those poor people but to
abandon the place which, to them, as well as
others, is a place of pestilence and death, and to
convey them to some healthier station, and where
the soil will admit of their industry, becoming more
productive. Need we remind Sir George Murray
of the account given by the late General Turner of
the approaching destitution of the free and liberated
negroes, who, he said, " would be obliged again to
retrograde into the woods and deserts in a state of
nature." If, indeed, there was any chance that the
colony could ever realise the benevolent visions of
social and religious improvement which glowed
upon the sanguine imaginations of the benevolent
but inconsiderate promoters of this calamitous settle-
ment, we would say to the Government, " Perse-
vere"—but, really, perseverance, after all that
mournful experience has taught us, seems more like
blind obstinacy, which, once wrong, is resolved
never to go right, than a steady adherence, in spite
of difficulties, to a well-considered and practicable
principle, which is one of the first qualities of a
genuine statesman.—Horreing Herald.

A statesman should sometimes act upon that
rule which Lord Bacon recommends to a Judge ;
namely, to decide without giving a reason for his
decision, lest it might happen to be a bad one. The
Earl of Aberdeen had .not the fear of this maxim
before his eyes, when he announced to the House
of Lords the unsatisfactory termination of the ne-
gotiations between the Government and Prince
Leopold relative to the sovereignty of Greece, and
laid uponthetableeertain papers connected with
that extraordinary affair.
He has reflected too late
upon the consequence of presenting. those papers,
which let out a part of the secrets of diplomacy only
to make it necessary, on the part of his opponents,
to call for ethers. The others he declines to produce,
but it is quite clear that he ought to have laid be-
fore Parliament
all the papers which could serve to
explain the subject in question, or none. By prc-
ducing some he has established a precedent against
himself, and cannot, consistently, refuse any further
documents requisite for the full and complete eluci-
dation of this matter. Though the documents al-
ready presented to Parliament are exceedingly volu-
minous, arid would make a greater show in a
library than any history of Greece extant, not ex-
cepting Herodotus or fltueydules, yet they serve

'only to make the affair more perplexed and confused
than if the unassisted imagination had been left to
its own conjectures. Rightly did the Marquis of
Londonderry state in his place, the other night, that
" such was the contradiction contained in those
papers, he would defy any man to understand them
without further explanation; and if there were points
inexplicable to him, he had an undoubted right to
ask for further explanation." When Lord Aberdeen
laid the papers upon the table, he gave an implied
pledge that the House should know every thing
tending to clear up the transactions to which they
referred. By that pledge he was bound to let the
House into possession of " the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth." But as to the
papers on the table, it is objected that they are so
unsatisfactory, as to put Noble Lords under the ne-
cessity of coming down to the House to ask ques-
tions respecting certain portions of them. It is oh-
jeered also, that many of the statements contained in
them are garbled—others are ex-parte; and, there-
fore, to have a proper and full knowledge of the
whole affair, further information is essential. Docu-
ments produced to Parliament for the purpose of ex•
plainiug any transaction, should be so clear and ex-
plicit as not to require other documents to explain
them, or, if they do, the other documents ought to
be also produced. Lord Aberdeen professed him-
self ready to give all the intelligence which Par-
liament could require ;—and, indeed, if the part he
has acted in these negotiations be worthy of a
British Statesman, or, in other words, if it be a
manly, intelligent, and judicious part, lie is bound,
in duty to himself, and for the vindication of his
own character, to lay before the House every paper
which can, in the most remote degree, throw light
Upon this subject, and guide the public judgment to
a correct conclusion. We imagine that, if Lord
Aberdeen relies for reputation as a diplomatist upon
the proofs of his competency to manage the foreign
relations of a great empire, which his wordy and
mistified dccuments on the Greek question supply,
he will not make it difficult for the future historian
to ascertain how much little wisdom is requisite to
make a great Minister. We have, when alluding to
this subject before, expressed our satisfaction that
Prince Leopold had declined the throne which our
Ministers had erected out of the ruins of a portion of
the empire of our "ancient Ally," as a so►t of trap for
future wars, in which England would have hail to
pay dearly for the gratification of intermeddling with
the affairs of others. And it is in this point of view
that what is called the " settlement of Greece" be-
conies a question of great importance to the people
of this country, as, indeed, every question must,
which is at all connected with the prospect of a
future war. The decision of Prince Leopold makes
it less likely that this country shall be involved in a
conflict respecting the independence of Greece than
if he hal accepted the crown. It does not appear
there is any member of our Royal family, or English
subject, to whom it can now be offered; otherwise
we should think it u subject of rational alarm to a
country so incapable of going to war as England is,
that Lord Londonderry should state in the House
of Lords, without contradiction, that " Austria and
Prussia were inimical to the late transactions rela-
tive to Greece, and that neither of these States
approved of what had been done or was now going
on." Thus has Prince Leopold escaped a dan-
gerous elevation, likely to be productive, to himself
and this country, of most calamitous consequences.—
Morning Herald.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MA "TSION-HOUSE.

A woman, who has been frequently before the
Lotto NlAron, charged with having committed as-
saults and other acts of disorder, was again brought
up. She
.was charged with having insulted several
persons in the streets, and with having broken
windows.

Upon being asked what she had to plead in ex-
cuse, she said very candidly, that she really had little
to say for herself.

The LORD MAYOK—You have but lately come
out of Bridewell ? Defendant—Very lately, my
Lord ; and I never acted badly until I came out of it.

The LORD MWOR—Then I had better send you
back. Defendant—Upon my word, my Lord, I
think it is the best thing von can do with me.
These are bad times, and Bridewell is not so bad a
place as they say it is.

The LORD MAYoft—Yon will behave well there
I dare say. Defendant—Oh yes, my Lord, there I
shall behave well enough ; but upon my word, my
Lord, I can't answer for myself out of it, especially
when I come across the lush.—(A laugh.)
The LORD IllAYoß—Then you shall go for a
month. Defendant—Thank you, my Lord ; Bride-
well is the only place I urn it for.
She was then committed to gaol for a month.
6 UILDIIALL.

A lad about eighteen years of age, named
Frederick Joseph, an apprentice with Mr. Davis, a
furrier, in Bull's Head-court, lNewgate•street, was
charged with assaulting, or rather intending to se-
duce, two of his master's maid servants. The first
complainant was a tall, powerful young woman,
named Mary Steward. She stated that she and her
fellow-servant went to bed at twelve o'clock, having
fastened the room door. They fell asleep, but at a
quarter past onw she awoke and found the defendant
lying by her side in the bed. She called to her fel-
low-servant, " here's Frederick in bed ;" upon which
he started up and ran out of the room.
Alderman KEY—What did you say to him ?
Witness—•l did not say a word to him.

Alderman KEY Did not you express surprise ?
Witness—Oh, yes ! I did the next morning, when
we got up.

Sir J. PERRING—Then what did you do after he
ran out of the room ? Witness—We both went to
sleep, and at a quarter before two we found him in
bed again, lying by the side of Betsy.
Betsy Roberts, the other young woman, imme-
diately came forward to finish the story. When she
awoke and found him lying by her side, with his
hand over her side, she gave him a smack in the
face, and he rushed out of the room. She called
out aloud, threatening to tell her mistress and master
in the morning.

The defendant denied that l►e was in the bed on
either side. He admitted having concealed himself
in the cupboard, in the maids' room, from half-past
eleven o'clock, and said if liberties had not been given
to him he should not have thought of taking any.
Mr. Dav►s said be was one of the most depraved
lads in existence. He was ordered to find sureties
to keep the peace for two years, himself in 1001.,
and two sureties in 50/. each,