The Sun.
London, England, 1837-11-15 00:00:00

TO DANIEL O'CONNELL, ESQ.

SIR,—We, the Catholic inhabitants of Stockport, embrace
with delight the opportunity your auspicious visit to Stock-
port affords us of addressing you, in order to give expression
to the high esteem in which we hold your untiring exertions
in the cause of universal liberty. As a portion of the great
Catholic body, we cannot but feel the immense obligations wo
owe to you, for our elevation from the rank of a degraded
caste to a position in our country that befits freemen. Taking,
however, a higher ground, and putting in abeyance the feel-
ings that may be supposed to attach to ourselves as a body, we
rejoice that our advocate soars above the narrow feelings of
sect or party ; that his glorious object is not confined to the
amelioration of the condition of those of his own creed or
clime, but that he embraces within his ample affections the
oppressed of every country, whatever may be his religion or
his party. We greatly rejoice at the extension, through your
means, of the principle of civil and religious liberty, for as Ca-
tholics we know that the Christian faith is founded on reli-
gious liberty as a civil right, and that in proportion as civil
liberty is extended, so shall our divir.c religion extend, .until
it embraces the whole human race within its ample fold.

" We are not ignorant that one of the elements of human eivi- I
lization is the appearance from time to time of great men whom
Providence, in his inscrutable decrees, raises up to accomplish
his beneficent purposes towards the great human family. In
you, Sir, we say it without the danger of any profaneness, we
think we behold that man, who shocked at the spectnee of a
great and mighty nation trodden down by an oppressive oli-
garchy, advted the invincible determination of delivering
them from their inglorious and unhappy position—long have
been your labours, great and terrific the power you hare wield-
ed, terrific because still accompanied by human weakness—
glorious, however, and salutary, because you have given a
movement to humanity, and impelled it forward in its onward
progress to the perfection intended by nature and nature's
God. Be consoled, Sir, then, and be sustained in the midst
of the difficulties that may seem to press on you, fcsr your name
is revered by millions in every clime ; your's is the cause of
human nature, it is the cause of God, whom, we pray fervently
to be to you a protector (as we believe he is your guide), un-
til you have accomplished your mission of peace on this earth,
and thereby entitled yourself to eternal peace hereafter."
Mr. O'CONNELL then replied as follows :—I receive this
address with pleasure, mixed with much of pain ; pain
that so extreme exaggerations should be used towards so
humble an individual—pleasure upon reflecting what very
humble an individual it may please Providence.to use for
purpcises within the sphere of his benevolent and charitable
intentions. It is true I have been one of those who have
struggled long, and blessed be Heaven, successfully,
towards the establishment of civil and religious liberty.
—(Hear, and cheers.) The exertions made by the Catho-
lic people of Ireland on behalf of the Protestant Dissenters
of the country have been crowned with complete success;
and they are now upon a footing of perfect cqualrty with
their follow believers of other persuasions. The success
also of the same struggle, for my own co-believer was one,
not made upon the ground of any assertion of Catholic su-
periority in point of tenets, though of course my. own opi-
nion would have warranted that assertion, if I were to make
it : but I deemed it erroneous to place religious liberty
upon any such assertion. I deemed it a right to all equally
to be conceded, as well to those who agree with us Is those
who differ from me ; thus reducing the question between
us to one of a religious nature, totally divested from
political and temporal preferences and partialities. The
still small voice of religious truth can be heard only in the
silence of human passion ; and they who use power and
persecution, instead of making converts, may create some
hypocrites, and perpetuate an enmity even to the truth.
There has also in England been an instance of this in the
reign of Queen Mary, and the results hare been that the
English Catholics have diminished in number, and were the
objects of successful persecution. In Ireland the Catholics
were persecuted, andin that reign, instead of imitating the
councils of Mary they took the opposite line, and protected
the fugitive Catholics from England, especially those from
Bristol, from all persecution. The result has been, perhaps
what might have been foreseen, that in Ireland we have in-
creased and multiplied beyond the ratio of the diminutions
that have taken place in England. You and 1, Sir, have
seen a better era open upon us all ; the ancient doctrine of
the Church to which we all belong has told us it is not
for us to pronounc3—non est religiunis rcligione cogere ;
and acting on that principle, and with the fullest benevo-
lence to all persuasions, I heartily rejoice in this address,
because it shows how warmly you participate in that esta-
blishment. Permit me to return you my sincere thanks

for the high honour you have done me, and to express a
hope that this will be a stimulus for further proceedings on
my part on behalf of civil and religious liberty."
'Fite Deputation then retired.
Immediately afterwards the Hon. and •Learned Gentle-
man re-entered his carriage, and accompanied by several
friends, proceeded to Woodbank, the residence of Henry
Marsland, Es.q., M.P., where a dejcuncr a la fourchclte was
provided for a large party. •
THE DINNER
took place in the Royal Victoria Pavilion, which was
erected on a plot of ground adjoining Mr. Oreli's extensive
factory. The whole was brilliantly lighted with gas, which
had been rendered subservient to the display of several ap-
propriate devices. The Pavilion was in The form of a cross,
in the centre of which was an elevated table for the
Chairman, and the distinguished guests of the evening. The
aisles leading from thence were occupied by tables ranged
as closely as possible, and diverging from the centre ; over
and a little in front of the chair, was a Crown, with the let-
ters V. R. in gas ; and at the opposite extremity were the
words" Justice to Ireland," in letters of flame of the same
description. At the ends of the aisles, on the Chairman's
right and left, were the initial letters of Messrs. Marsland
and Cobden, also in gas. Long before the hour fixed for
dinner, the avenues leading to the Pavilion were crowded
with thousands, anxious to obtain admittance to the ban-
quet, or to view the greatest and most successful Agitator
of this or any other age. At half past six o'clock, every
seat was occupied at the tables, which were calculated to
accommodate 2,200 ; and several hundred persons were
ranged around the tables and walls, if we may so term a

canvas erection. We omitted to notice,,Aiie words " Na., )
Tonal Education," which were displayed immediately le- i
ind the Chair, on a brilliantly illuminated transparacy,
. nd attracted much attention. •
The present entertainment was also taken advantage of to
, resent two very splendid pieces of plate to Mr. Marsland,
The Member, and Mr. Cobden, the Liberal Candidate for
the Borough.
At eight o'clock`Mr. O'Connell, attended by the Mayor,
Mr. Marsland, M.P., R. Cobden, Esq.. -- Hindley,
Esq., and the Aldermen, Council, and afferent Civic au-
thorities of the town, entered the Paviion. The Hon.
and Learned Gentleman, upon his entrance was most
enthusiastically cheered from every part of the room ; the
rush was tremendous to get a sight of the Hon. and
Learned Member ; several persons grasping his hand as
he proceeded beside the tables to his place on the right of
the Chairman.
The Mayor (Was. BARLOW WORTHINGTON, Esq.) hav-
ing taken the Chair, and the vast assemblage their seats,
The Rev. Mr. SMITH, the Unitarian Minister of the
town pronounced the blessing.
The dinner, which was excellent, having been dispatched,
" Non Nobis Domine" was sung in excellent style by the
performers engaged.
The CHAIRMAN rose to propose the health of the Queen,
the company standing and cheerily* tremendously. He said
he thanked the company present for the great compliment
they had already paid him, and felt totally incompetent to
fill the office imposed upon him that day. He must there-
fore throw himself upon the candour and kindness
or the vast assemblage present.--(Great cheering.)
The candour of the inhabitants of Stockport had never yet
forsaken him, and be trusted he should not appeal in the
present instance to them in vain.—(Great cheering.) On
looking around him, he saw, several gentlemen who would
address the meeting, and by their means take a great load
of responsibility off his shoulders.—(Cheers.) He should
therefore be brief. The first toast which he had to
propose was one that was usually passed as a mat-
ter
of course at every public and political meeting, which
that vast assemblage showed the present was ; but he should
be deficient in philanthrophy, if he proposed the health of
the present beautiful and youthful Sovereign of England
in such a manner.—(Great cheering.) When he reflected
on the modesty and dignity with ich she ascended the
throne, and the expressions she had used of her wishes for
the independence of civil and religious liberty of her people,
and the choice of men in her Council in whom the liberal
public had confidence, he could not consent to give her
health in a common-place manner. The Queen had shown
that her words sere not words of course, but came from
her heart.—(Tremendous cheering.) He would, therefore,
with the greatest respect, propose the health of her Ma-
jesty the Queen, and may she have a long, prosperous, and
happy reign, and the felicity of experiencing the realization
of her wishes, in insuring the happiness, the liberties, and
independence of her subjects.—(Tremendous cheering.) . .
The toast was given amid the loudest plaudits, which
lasted for several minutes. Air—" God Save the Queen."
. The MAYOR then rose and said, the next toast, gentle-
men, is that glorious example to every mother in the,
kingdom, to train up her children in the way in which they
should go, according to the sphere of life in which Provi-
dence has destined them to go. Gentlemen, " The
Duchess of Kent and the Liberal members of the Royal
Family." Drunk with immense cheering.
The MAYOR next said, Gentlemeu, I now give you
" The People."—(Cheering.) Never was there a more
propitious time to give that toast ; and never was there a
period in the British history so congenial to the present
toast, when the reigning Sovereign is so closely identified
with the happiness and liberty of the people." Drunk with
great cheering, and " Rule Britannia" sung with great spirit.
The MAYOR said, there is a body, gentlemen, whose
services the kingdom of England (and I hope soon to be
able to say the kingdom of Ireland too), cannot too highly
appreciate.—( Hear, hear.) I shall not detain the com-
pany with any lengthened eulogy on them. I have only
to mention, that the toast is—" Her Majesty's Ministers.."
—(Drunk upstanding, with great applause.)
PRESENTATION OF THE PLATE.
Mr. Alderman BROWN then rose to present the two
splendid saver salvers, which had been subscribed for by
8,000 of the itsbabitants of Stockport to Henry Marsland,
Esq., M.P. for the borough, for the faithful discharge of
his duties in Parliament ; and to Richard Cobden, Esq.,
for his manly courage lii endeavouring to relieve the
borough from the thraldom of the Tories. The following
were the inscriptions :
" Presented to Henry Marsland, Esq., M. P., by the Re-
formers of the Borough of Stockport, as a Tribute of Respect
for the faithful and independent discharge of his duties as
their Representative during the last three Sessions of Par-
liament, and as a mark of their confidence in the political in-
tegrity of his future services, Nov. 13, 1837." . .
" Presented to Richard Cobden, Esq., by the Reformers of
the Borough of Stockport, as a Tribute of Respect for his
private and political character, and in grateful remembrance of
his endeavours at the late Parliamentary Election to eman-
cipate
their Borough from the thraldom of Toryism, Nov.
13. 1837."
The worthy Alderman passed a high eulogiuns upon both
Gentlemen, and said that the children of the totsn would
nercr forget the cry of " Cobden for ever."—(Chm-s.)
The healths of Messrs. Marsland and Cobden were ;teat
drurk with the greatest enthusiasm.
Mr. MAnsLAND then returned thanks. He did not
look upon the gift for its intrinsic worth, but because lt was
a mark of their esteem. He did not forget that this was
not the first occasion on which he had been so honoured,
and that it was on an occasion when he stood in the posi-
tion of his friend Mr. Cobden, a defilated, but not a dis-
honoured candidate.—(Great cheering.) After entering
into some details connected with the late election, the Hon.
Gentleman proceeded to defend himself from the charge of
any coalition with the other Member, to whose principles
he was directly opposed, although the similarity of name,
and the unfortunate similarity of position on the poll, might
have created such an opinion in the minds of those not ac-
quainted with the circumstances. The Hon. Gentleman
then entered into a review of the conduct pursued by her
Majesty's present Ministers. He did not consider them
altogether angels, but be considered them infinitely prefer-
able to those " dark and fallen spirits" whet sat lowering on
the Opposition Benches, and seeking by every means
in their poner to regain the Paradise of power .and place
from whence they had been expelled.—(Great laughter
and cheering.) The time, however, was now arrived tvhen
the present Ministry must show forth some fruits cf the
Reform Bill—the people had a right to demand it now,
and they must not be any longer denied. The registration
of voters required further reform, and if the present Minis-
try was not prepared to advance the franchise, or extend
its limits, they ought to allow the measure that bad been
nutted out to them to operate fully and fairly. If they did
not do this, he for one was not anxious for their continuance
in office.—(Cheers.) They had a right to demand that
equal rights and privileges should be extended to all parts
of the empire. He spoke in the presence of their distin-
guished guest, whose power with the Tories, he admitted
to be too great ; but let the feelings of the pecple of that
country be consulted—let them but obtain that equal jus-
tice to which they were entitled, and his power of agita-
tion would quickly pass away. After again thanking them
for the honour they had conferred on him, the Hon. Mem-
ber concluded amid loud and vehement cheering.
Mr. COBDEN rose and said—Believe me when I say that
I feel humbled rather than exalted at this moment—not
only from the consciousness how little lam deserving of
this magnificent testimony—a testimony alike unhooked for
and undeserved by me, but also from the conviction how
very much will be due at my hands before I can justify you to
the world for this public and generous expression of your con-
fidence towards one so unworthy.—( Cheers.) But it is not
by fair words that I shall endeavour to evince my gratitude to
you, and to the many thousands of industrious and true-
hearted Reformers, subscribers to this offering, and whom
I am sorry to say cannot be present on this occasion—
(Hear, hear)—no, I will strive to show my sense of your
goodness, by strenuously exerting myself, to the best of my
humble ability, for the welfare of that body from whom this
bounty has emanated—l mean the great body of the people.
—( Applause.) But let me not for a moment delude myself—
these thousands have not assembled for this unworthy object
alone. No, you have met to welcome ono more worthy—one
who, through a long career, has devoted the rare qualities
of his powerful frame and vigorous mind to the best services
of his country.—( Vehement cheering.) I rejoice that you
have given to the pacificator of Ireland a reception worthy of
himself, and worthy of the peaceful sons of commerce. Un-
like the warrior patriot of ether ages and countries, the Boli-
vars, the Washingtons, and the Tells, who rescued their
countrymen from fiscal oppressions at the point of the sword,
he has liberated the millions of Ireland from a bondage
yet more intolerable—the soul's slavery—and yet no blood
has marked his path.—( Applause.) He comes amongst us
bearing the blessings of emancipated millions unmixed with the
moans of widows and orphans, or the maledictions of mangled
victims. But he comes amongst us, not to gather eulogies,
but with a far nobler end—lie desires to know the senti-
ments of this vast and intelligent community, and pre-
pared to add the weight of his powerful iglu° nee to the
people of Stockport.—(hear, hear.) just demands of the
Shall I presume, then, as knowing the opinions and
feelings of nineteen-twentieths of your community, although
unworthy, I acknowledge to represent them—shall I
presume to offer a few words upon subjects most prominent in
your thoughts ? If so, I point, in the first nl;:ce, to that Ballo:-
box I laced in the most honoured position there for a proof of
the strong and pervading feeling not only of this meeting, but
of the body of Reformers in this and the neighbouring counties.
If the conclusive and unanswerable arguments in favour of
secret voting, urged by Grote and others. should be still
trampled upon by those interested parties who trespass with
tohfe
rhooaosfo
no! brutl
u e. a
rvni o ltei n, :seeuponri sto e whatraticouugshutrptoerbse,
tiLeadt°mthaelyn
may prepare for a shock with the indignant masses, who,
goaded by the intolerable mischiefs of the present system, arc
a

mustering their forces for one more effort—(Cheers)—which
shall put an end to the evils of intimidation, corruption, and
exclusive dealing for ever.—( Cheers.) Fain would I see this
question decided-by those constituencies who return Cabinet
Ministers to Parliament. They are few in number; for our
Aristocratic Cabinet is composed of a greater proportion
of Peers and fewer Commoners than any Government during
the last quarter of a century, and we have had a score of
changes in that period. But to them should belong the glory
of carrying the Ballot. Stroud, to its honour, has spoken out
till its voice has reached the ears of the Lord of Woburn.—
( Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) I call on Manchester,
Nottingham, and Cambridge to follow its noble example.
Let them call upon Sir John Hobhouse, Mr. Spring Rice, and
Mr. Thomson to pledge themselves to an active not a merely
passible adhesion to the Ballot.—( Great cheering.) The
Ballot will be worthy of every sacrifice; its fruits will be-
long
wholly to the people. It is the necessary first step to the
extension of the Suffrage, the shortening of Parliaments, and
the repeal of the Corn-laws ; without the protection of the
Ballot these would be insecure, even in the possession
of the people. Above all, the Ballot alone can procure us
the blessings of a cheap Government. I confess I have
hitherto looked in vain for those substantial fruits of the
Reform Bill—the reduction of our civil and military expen-
diture—the curtailment of pensions and the abolition of sine-
cures. We are in the 22d year of peace—vie are islanders—we
call ourselves free citizens—yet here we are, with a standing
army of 90,000 men.—( Hear, hear.) But this is but a small
portion of the grievances—the officers themselves compose
a standing army seven thousand strong—twenty-two hundred
of whom are field-officers of and above the rank of major.—
( Much laughter and cheering.) We can boast of four hun-
dred and sixty generals, being more than four to every regiment,
and of these more than four hundred have been created
since the peace.—(Hear, hear.) For eight years after the
close of the war, our army amounted only on averages to
about 75,000 Teen, and in the year 1830 Wellington was
content with 81,000 men ; yet now our army is nearly
90,000 strong, and we have besides a new police force
in London of four thousand men, and an armed po-
lice in Ireland eight thousand strong. In the year 1818
in the height of Tory misgovernment, we maintained only
20,000 troops in Ireland ; now we have there a force including
the armed police of Dublin and the provinces of 30,000
bayonets. If we glance at the navy, we shall find that
in 1818 it was reduced below 19,000 men, whilst at
present it contains thirty-four thousand men. We have
ten times as many Admirals as would be required to command
all the navies in the world. The united services of the army
and navy are still costing the country twelve millions sterling
a year; and yet I ask again, are we not at peace ? Do we not
call ourselves a free people, and are we not islanders ? I
know very well the pleas under which from time to time these
forces have been raised—it has been under the pretence
of putting down disaffection here or in Ireland, of guarding
our colonies, protecting our commerce, and such like. But
we know also that for 15 years the Whigs, when an opposition
party, strenuously resisted every one of these pretences. In 1818
they are found in our Parliamentary records oppoeing a standing
army le_;s in magnitude than that they arc now supporting after
nearly twenty years of additional peace ; they then re-
sisted the keeping up a force of twenty thousand
troops in Ireland; and now, notwithstanding the guarantee
which improved institutions give us for the tranquillity of
that country—notwithstanding the Emancipation Act—not-
withstanding that re have planted schools, those safeguards
against brute violence—( Hear, hear)—throughout that
land—no:withstanding that our illustrious guest here,
whose slightest whisper has more influence than twice thirty
thousand bayonets—( Loud cheers)—is our security for the
peace of Ireland, notwithstanding these things we re's
maintain ten thousand more military, including the armed
police force, than were supported when Peel governed
that country for a Tory Ministry.—( Hear, bear.) But it is
not to the magnitude of the army only that we fi.id
the Whigs were opposed ; when a patriotic party
they denounced the principle of a standing army in time
of peace. Nay, they resisted the erection of barracks
throughout the country to hold those troops as unconstitu-
tional. I will give you the very words of one of the present
Cabinet Ministers uttered upon this subject in the House
of Commons on the 27th cf February, 1924 :
The House might depend upon it, although there was now no
• sj i -it alive in the country, that the time would come when they
would find it insupportable to have barracks scattered through-
out the country. There was now no excuse for it. The
country was in a state of tranquillity, and Europe was at peace.
They had been lately told by the Ministry that the people were
obedient, orderly, and happy, every thing that a goverment could
wish. Why, then, he would ask, was the system of planting
e military force throughout the country continued ?" Such
was the patriotic language of Sir John Hobhouse thirteen
years ago, nor does it at all weaken the force or truth of those
sentiments, if we have to regret that eleven years afterwards
he, as Secretary at War, administered to the affairs of
military force, stronger, by ten thousand men,
than vtlien he thus so indignantly denounced the
Tory establishment, and with every barrack still " scattered
eronghout the country," end still tenanted with soldiers !
( 'ries of " Shaine.") But I wed take up his words, reed ask
him, as a Caleeet Minister, why is this erstem of planting a
military force throue'no-see the country continued." These
barracks were chiefly erected at periods when the popula-
tions of our great towns could only be ren ?ere', Fubscr-
vient to the corrupt laws of a corrupt Parliament by the
aid of the military. The army was the body-guard of
the borough-mongers. Thus, in 1820, after the scenes of
the preceding year, arising from the intolerable suffer-
ings of the unemployed and starving operatives of which
C )me of you will still retain painful recollections, the barracks
in the northern counties were greatly enlarged and increaser:
in numbers, new barracks were constructed at Oldham, I3urn-
ley, Manchester, and in the neighbourhood of this town.
The step was justified then in Parliament (aniesing as it
may seem now to my radical hearers, our radical Chairman,
and our illustrious radical visitor) as necessary to keep down
the " Radicals !" One of the Tory partisans gravely as-
serted in the House of Commons, that he knew the " Radi-
cals" were busy taking plans of the city of Chester, prepara-
tory to assaulting that walled town.—( Roars of laughter.)
Splendid barracks in the immediate suburbs were the conse-
quence. The Tories acted wisely after their generation.
Theirs was a Government of fraud and violence, resting essen-
. teally for suppoet upon the aid of the military. But are there
no changes to call for a suppression of that most odious feature
of their system ? Has net the new Municipal Corporation Act—
the: best of geoLl measures which followed the Reform Bill—
scaetered throughout the coulary so many little democracies
In oar ; and do these now call for the aid of
the military to enable them to regula.te their own police?
I ask of you (the Chairman) who have just been so ho-
neat-ably eleva;ed to the Chief Magisterial Chair of this bo-
ereleh by the unanimous voice of your fellow-townsmen—
(Grea, ariolawiel—l ark, do you 10(.1 that your scat is more
secure—your office le, s reepoesible—or, in cthee words,
arc the life, peace, and pi operty o" 1:or(A;gli
more sacred, because in the neighbourhood is to he found
a garrison of soldiers ?—(" No, no.") Those barracks
here and wherever they are planted stamp the demoralizing
nature of the institution upon all that comes within the dick
of its operations. Property in land depreciates in value, mo-
rals deteriorate, female honour is endangered ; in fact, it
blights all that comes within the range of its withering
influence —( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Why then, I a k
again, in the words of our Cabinet Minister, do we
continue the system of planting a military force throughout
the country ?—( Hear.) The army is essential to the defence
of our colonies is the reply. Fifty regiments are stationed
in the four quarters of the globe, and supported by the people
of Englzed, and for what end? Do they, like the ancient
warriors of Greece and Rome, send home tributary supplies
to feed and clothe our people ?—(llear.) Not one shilling
do we receive from those Colonists to aid our suffering
taxpayers. No : we are compelled to take from those
colonies inferior timber, dear coffee, and dear sugar, which by
tyrannical laws we are compelled to take, instead of the
cheaper and better products of Brazil, Se cden, tend Prussia,
because our aristocratic law-makers have for their own peculiar
ends established a system of exclusive dealing with the West
Indian Islands and Canada.—( Hear, hear.) But has this
legislation been for the benefit of those colonies ? No.
The same aristocratic party which here taxes us for the
maintenance of an army under the pretence of defending
our foreign possessions, has converted that army abroad into
an engine for oppressing and plundering those very colonies.
Listen to the cries from the Canadians, the Maltese, the in-
habitants of the Cape, the apprentices of Jamaica—all pro-
claim with one voice that Aristocratic miseovernmenthas taken
deeper root even in our colonies than at home. The
civil service of those colonies are crammed full with the
younger branches of our aristocracy and their dependents.
There is the little island of Malta, which Lord Byron termed
a little military hot-house, but which I shall call a hot-bed of
corruption—that little island contains a population of 120,000.
souls, about twice the number in this borough—a miser-
ably poor and depressed community, subsisting with the ut-
most difficulty upon the naturally barren surface of that rock
—from this poor people 100,000/. sterling a year are raised
is taxes, nearly one-third of it being a duty on corn, to be
paid into the pockets of English sinecurists and placemen.
There I found in my travels last year the once celebrated
Dr. Slop, Sir John Stoddart, Chief Justice of Malta, enjoying
some thousands a-year, wrung from the wretched inhabitants,
as the reward for his services against the freedom of English-
men in the newspaper press of Sidmouth and Castlereagh.
What wonder if I add, that there too I found a Board of
Commissioners sent out at the expense of the people of Eng-
land to inquire into the grievances of the Maltese. Such is
a sample of the way in which the Civil Service of our
Colonies is conducted—such the mode in . which
the
utmost possible amount of public revenue is
raised at the point of the bayonet to be spent amongst the
English Aristocracy who infest our foreign possessions. Ano-
ther instance to illustrate this system I met with at Gibraltar.
--( Hear.) There it was found that a few hundreds a-year
might be raised by taxation from the residents,
entire rock being a military garrison, the difficulty was how
to establish a plea for a civil appointment of any kind.
To the amazement of the resident merchants, who rubbed
their eyes incredulously at their seeing a police magistrate
with his retinue of subordinates disembarked one fine
morning from England, sent by his Tory patrons, the Ministers
of the day to guard the peace of a fortress, where every inha-
bitant is subject to martial law—a fortress full of soldiers which
is closed every evening before sunset, where no inhabitant can
appear in the street after night-fall, without a lantern or a
pas -word.—( Laughter and cheers.) Think not that I im-
pute those acts to a Whi Government ; they were most
decidedly the misdeeds of " the Tories, and to their party
would I have them conlined—(Hear, hear)—and therefore
it is that I call upon the Whig Ministry to repudiate by
their actions now the principles which they so eloquently de-
nounced when in opposition a Tory Government.—(Cries of