The Sun.
London, England, 1837-11-27 00:00:00

THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA'S TOUR.

ST. PETERSBMIGI-1, Nov. I I .—His Majesty, the Emperor,
as we have already said, arrived at Tiflis on the 20th October.
On the following motniug at nine o'clock he attended D,ivine
Service in the Cathedral, and then reviewed the Eridavr
Regiment of Carbineers. At twelve o'clock the Chans and
the principal natives of the Transcaucasian provinces bad the
honour to be presented to his Majesty. After this his Majesty
visited the building appropriated to the staff of the Transcau-
casian corps, the gymnasium, the arsenal, the barracks, the
school for the nobility of Georgia, and found everything, to
his satisfaction. On the 23d at Vrro o'clock, the Princes and
Nobles of Georgia who were in his Majesty's suite as-
sembled on horseback in the space l_Sore the house in which
his Majesty resided, where they exhibited in his presence
their skill in horse racing and various national games.
During the stay of his Majesty in Tiflis, the city was
illuminated every evening. On the 25th, at six in the
morning, his . Majesty set out for Stawropol, and passed
the night at Quiscbeta, at the foot of the principal pass
over Mount Caucasus. In order to make the journey
over the mountains more easy, his Majesty mourned. his horse.
This journey was the more difficult, as the mountain summits,
Gut Gora and Krestorda, were obscured by the driving snow,
and the way was covered with ice, the cold being five degrees
below Reaumur). The mountain was ero;sed without acci-
dent, and the Emperor having continued his journey ai.•ng the
Terek to Kasbek, reached Wladikawkas, where be passed the
night. On the 26th, deputations I.:m:1 several tribes of
mountaineers living beyond the Terek had the honour to be
presented to his Majesty. On the 27th, the EMI.% ror pre-
ceeded on his journey in a northern direction, by way of Plati
gorak, Georgijewsk, and Stawropol, every where cornpli nented
by deputations from the Circassian tribes, and visiting the
public establishments. At four in the afternoon of the 30th,
his Majesty left Stawropol, to proceed to the Don, and
arrived on the 31st at three in the afternoon at the
Stanitza of Axed, where he was received by his eldest son,
the Grand Duke Alexander, Hetman of all the Cossacks,
who had arrived at Mad on the -same day. On the Ist
of November, at nine in the morning, his Majesty and the
Grand Duke left Axad, and arrived at half-past ten at
Newotscherskask, which they entered on horseback with a
numerous suite. At the triumphal arch Lis Majesty was re•
ccived by the Deputy Iletman of the Cossacks, all the Ge-
nerals and staff officers, and an immense concourse of people,
and attended to the cathedral, where a circle was formed of
standards, &c., in tha centre of which his Majesty and the
Grand Duke were received by the A7-ebbishop of Tcherkask
and Georgijewsk with the cross and holy water. After a
short prayer in the church, his Majesty returned to the circle,
received from the Deputy Hetman the Gent:tars baton, and
delivered it to the Grand Duke Alexander, the Hetrnan of all
the Cossacks. The other insignia of the dignity of Hetman
were conveyed to the residence of the Grand Duke. A sa-
lute from the artillery of the place accompanied this military
ceremony. His Majesty and the Grand Duke, accompanied
by the officers of all ranks of the Don Cossacks, proceeded to
the house prepared for his Majesty, where all the Generals
had the honour to be presented to him.
The young Grand Dukes and Grand Duchesses arrived at
Moscow on the 29th and 30th of October.

OBSERVATIONS OF AN EMINENT
FRENCHMAN UPON THE ROYAL PAGEANT.

You would think I came over here to see a spectacle.
In point of mere spectacles the French excel you—at least
they would excel you if they had the same noble streets in
Paris which you have in London. We arc essentially a
more theatrical people than the English ; and not only our
taste, but our inclination to enjoy scenic pleasures, is far
more lively. The pleasure of the moment (I am s-)rry to
say) is too much with the French the business of life. I
can perceive that it is the women, who, in England, arc the
great sight-see'crs—in France it is the life:). The men will
not encumber themselves with women in -.Cranee, when so
serious an afrai-, to them, as a little rational display is
going on. I may refine too much in my philosophy; but I
think I see, in this remarkable difference between the
English and French, either a cause or an effect in account-
ing for the better dowesticity of the Englishwomen. Business
is the Englishman's pleaiiire, and pleasure is the Englisliwn-
man's business ; that is, when her husband's pleasure, which is
business in reality, affords the rare opportunity of accommo-
dating her. Pleasure is an interruption to, or at least a te-
dious suspension of, the Englishman's ordinary pursuits. I
could read that in the faces of ninety-nine out of the hun-
dred yesterday ; and I could read, moreover, that your
women, after that day devoted to them, tl bok for
another holiday for months to come. But do not suppose
that I saw anything like dissatisfaction in the mnss of
human countenances before me. I wish that I could see
such loyalty in France. Ido not speak of shouting and
uproarious loyalty, the mere excitement of the moment,
but of steady, settled attachment to the form of GO7
vernment, and to the Sovereign as its crowning emblem,
which I witnessed yesterday. Ido not think that any
nation ever presented so fine • moral and political a
spectacle as that. The royal pageant was grand—but
the grand and glorious pageant was the people ! With
all the conventional distance which Englishmen observe to-
wards each other, every man was. civil and accommodating
to his neighbour in the crowd—with a body of the proudest
troops in the world, interspersed in such a crowd, the very
horses seemed to recognise even your shoeless urchins as
having toes not to be trod upon ; and with a police so nu-
merous that a stranger might reasonably have supposed, at
first sight, that they were only there for the convenience of
the public. A people, usually bustling and uncivil, con-
gregating on such a day without the slightest squabble or
collision—a military without hauteur on their side or po-
pular prejudice on the other—and more than all, a police
without despotic power or suspected espionage—your
Queen, if she understood all this as we Frenchmen do,
might well feel proud of her position and reception. And
how different the situation of almost every other Sovereign
in Europe—but I will not cloud the bright picture which
is still vivid in my mind's eye, by reference to our darker
politics on the Continent."- A Correspondeut of the
Gardener's Gm'ette.

Mary Peacock, a very handsome oh eighteen
years old, the barmaid at the New Inn, Easiogwold, having
had a quarrel with her sweetheart a few days before, it preyed
upon her mind to so great a degree, that on Monday last she
suspended herself from a hook in the ceiling of the wash-
house ; and, although taken down within five minutes, life
was extinct.—Hull Advertiser.

4vb:

,~~

take an early opportunity of repudiating with contempt
the Noble Lord's anti-Reform tenets.

The Earl of RODEN intends to play first fiddle in
the House of Lords to-night. The Times, the Stan-
dard, the Herald, and other organs of the Orange
faction, have been for some time past pitching the note
for the Noble Lord's tune, and great is the expectation
among the tawny crew on the western side of the
channel that the performance will be a first rate one.
We tell them before hand that it will be a complete
failure, and that if they had one grain of sense left—if the
spirit of party had not suspended all exercise of their
understanding--they would deprecate as ruinous the
course which their leaders are pursuing with respect to
the question of Irish tranquillity. And who is the
man that claims the right to the first place in ;the cabal
against the peace of Ireland ? Who is this fabricator
of disturbances—this patriotic detector of Ribbonism
under 'the patronage of the Irish Government ? Is
Lord RODEN distinguished, above all other men, for
his pacific doings in Ireland ? Is he a landlord to be
singled out for his humanity and kindness towards that
class of the people who are most apt to violate the
public peace ? We trove not. If there be one land-
lord more than another whom the people of Ireland
have reason to hate for his treatment of his tenants,
Lord RODEN is the man. As long as the poor
peasants could minister to his selfish interests, they
were the objects of his attention to a certain
degree. While a forty shilling title to vote for him or
his minions could be purchased for half a-crown, Lord
RODEN was a wholesale manufacturer; acre after acre
was covered with cabins ; and mud villages started up in
every direction as if by enchantment. But the neutra-
lising accompaniment of the Emancipation Act which
extinguished the forty shilling freeholders was fatal
alike to them and to Lord RoDEN's sympathies
in their behalf. It seemed to curdle the milk
of human kindness—if there was any—in his
breast, for in a very short time afterwards the
huts that had sheltered his tenants were unroofed,
and the wretched inmates driven to the hills
and bogs, to muse over the tender mercies of an Irish
Protestant landlord, and swell the ranks of those
whom poverty and oppression had forced into crime.
We trust that Lord RODEN, in the retrospect
which he will naturally take of the state of Ireland,
will not omit a period and transactions which tend to
throw such light on the subject which he has
selected for the exhibition of his astounding
powers. Of this we are well assured, that
if he act with common candour—if he give a fair
comparative view of Ireland as it was, and Ireland as
it is—he will save Lord MULGRAVE the necessity of
sa) ing a single word in reply.

As the Registration under the Reform Bill, and the
trial of Controverted Elections, are exciting more than
an ordinary share of public interest, we venture to sub-
mit to our readers the substance of a letter addressed
to Lord JOHN RUSSELL on these subjects, by a
" Member of the Three Last Parliaments," just pub-
lished by the Messrs. RIDGWAY. On many of the
topics to which the author refers, we consider the ex-
pression of any opinion on our part as unnecessary—
the more especially, as they are not now under the
consideration of the House of Commons ; and, in-
deed, our present purpose is rather to confine ourselves
to an elucidation of the doctrines of the pamphlet.
before us, than to furnish a commentary upon them.
The author beginS with the Registration Courts,
which, imperfect and useless as they are, he calculates arc
a cost to the country of little short of a quarter of a
million annually, including about 30,0001. paid by the
Treasury. To the present evils of the Registration
system he attributes much of the political bad feeling
engendered throughout the country—a feeling hostile
to the best interests of the community. He then pro-
poses that the entire system shall be altered ; that
seven judges shall be appointed by the Government
for the time being, who shall go circuits annually from
November to March, holding in every county and
borough Courts for the fixing of the Registries ; and
that on their return from circuits these Judges shall
constitute themselves an Appellate Court for de-
ciding upon all questions upon which their joint opi-
nion shall be required to be taken by country consti-
tuencies. These Judges are neither to be Assistant-
Barristers nor Members of Parliament. All appel-
lants, claimants, and objectors, if unsuccessful, to pay
all the expenses ; and in appeal cases the assistance
of Counsel to be refused, unless the Court shall other-
wise determine. But these, in the opinion of the au-
thor, are minor points in comparison with the Ballot,
which he declares must be adopted " before peace and
harmony can be restored to the country." On the
subject of the Return of Members, he proposes to vest
in the hands of the Returning Officer the power of
conducting the scrutiny on the spot ; the unsuccessfu
candidate depositing one hundred pounds in the hands
of such Officer, and entering into recognizances, to defray
the costs if unsuccessful. For the scrutiny he would allow
a day for every thousand votes ; the proceedings to
be conducted in the presence of one of the seven Electoral
Judges, selected by lot for the trial of that particular
case. An appeal might be made from the decision
then pronounced, to the Appellate Court in London,
which would submit its decision, if objected to, to a
Select Committee of the House of Commons, whose
Report thereon would be final. The costs, in every
instance, to be borne by the unsuccessful party. To
prevent collusion and fraud no evidence to be received
in the Appellate Court or before a Committee of the
House of Commons not tendered at the first scrutiny.
With respect to Election Committees of the House
of Commons, the author of this plan proposes that
they shall be empowered to examine all witnesses on
oath ; and that the Members to be placed on such
Cominittees shall not exceed fifty to be drawn out of a
hundred, selected for such a duty at the commence-
ment of every Session.
Such, in substance, is the plan proposed by a
" Member of the three last Parliaments," for the Re-
form of the Law and Practice of Elections. How far
it may be approved •f by the country and the House
of Commons, we cannot undertake to predict; but we
are bound to state, that it appears to us much less lia-
ble to objection, than either of the schemes proposed
by MR. CHARLES BULLER, or MR. O'CONNELL,
to whose serious attention we respectfully recommend it.

LONDON :
MONDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 27, 1837.

The opinions of almost all our provincial Cotem-
poraries are strongly against the late declarations of
Lord JOHN RUSSELL in the House of Commons.
We do not wonder at this, for never have such dis-
astrous declarations been made in Parliament, since
that memorable one, of a similar import, made by the
Duke of WELLINGTON i❑ favour of the rotten-
borough system. Acquiesce in the justice of his
Lordship's sentiments, and what must be the inevitable
result ? Why, just this—that Reform must come to
a complete stand-still ! It is idle to disguise the fact.
If, as the Noble Lord would desire, we are to have no
Ballot—no Extension of the Suffrage—and no Triennial
Parliaments ; but, OR the contrary, are to he content
with what we have got, and be grateful that we
have got so much—then, we say, Reform is
a mere mockery—an empty shadow—not worth
talking about, and still less:worth struggling for. The
very principle of the Reform Bill, as brought in by
Lord JOHN RUSSELL himself in the House of
Commons, was that of progression. Its main object
was to furnish the people, through their Representa-
tives, with the means of applying remedies—which
before they did not possess—to whatever might be de-
fective in the Constitution. It was not a mere party
measure, intended to destroy Tory influence ; but a
comprehensive national measure, intended to benefit
the people. We did not insist on it, in order that
Lord JOHN RUSSELL might be placed in office,
but in order that we ourselves might be the
&liners by it. It was our own Bill, and from po-
licy accordingly we gave it our unanimous and irresis-
tible support. But did we imagine when we were
thus resolutely struggling, arid making so many sacri-
fices for it, that it was to be final ? That it was to be
a mere dead letter, and not the precursor of other be-
neficial improvements ? Assuredly not, or we would
have taken little or no trouble about the matter. We
never intended that it should be a " sealed book," but
a " living letter." Lord JOHN RUSSELL, however,
has interpreted the Reform Bill differently. He has
read it not with the keen, correct eye of a Liberal, but
through the distorting medium of Conservative spec-
tacles, and has consequently discovered that it was of
a stationary, rather than of a progressive character ;
that it was not merely the herald of the meridian day,
but the meridian day itself ; that in fact it was all but
final, and that the Ballot and Triennial Parliaments had
no earthly connection with it I Such being his Lord-
ship's interpretation of the Reform Bill, is it to be
wondered at that the country is filled with astonish-
ment and indignation ? That, so far as he is person-
ally concerned, it complains bitterly that it has been
deceived ? Why, it' is but two years since he expressly
told us, that if bribery and corruption at elections con-
tinued to increase, he should be compelled to consider
whether or not the remedy of the Ballot might not be
justly applied : yet now, after the experience of the last
election, when corruption was more rife than ever,
and the remedy of course ten times more imperative,
he turns round, and tells us that the Ballot, which he
himself had taught us to hope for, shall never, with his
consent, be granted to us I And this he tells us five
years after the Reform Bill has been carried, and
despite the irresistible practical arguments furnished by
some three or four elections I And to make the case
more aggravated, he puts forth this declaration after
much serious deliberation I It is no hasty impulse,
but the settled conviction of his mind, that we
ought to have no Ballot—no Extension of the
Suffrage—no Triennial Parliaments. Now, can we
after this, place faith in his Lordship ? Can we trust
the statesman who has taken five long years to make
known to us the full measure of his hostility to those
very Reforms which we have most at heart ? Luckily,
his Lordship, as we have good reason to believe,
speaks only his own sentiments, not those of
the Cabinet. It is utterly impossible that he
can be the mouth-piece of such men as POULETT
THOMPSON and CAM HOBHOUSE ; and we have not
he slightest doubt that these staunch Liberals will

We direct public attention to the text of a Treaty of
Commerce between Great Britain and Holland, which
will be found in another pert of The Sun. It is con-
ceived in a liberal spirit, and will tend to strengthen our
friendly relations with the Government of the Nether-
lands.

The Portuguese Ministry, which has been partially
re-constructed, will in all probability pursue the line
of policy adopted by the last, and consequently may
reckon on the same abuse from the Chartists and their
partisans. Viscount SA DE BANDEIRA will still be
the life and soul of it, and as he seems inclined to
preserve " the national pride," and show that " the
Portuguese will not be the vile slaves of any
foreign Cabinet," he may lay his account with being
denounced as the enemy of England, and as the agent
of these abominable " political Associations that usurp
all the functions of Government," for the sole purpose
of stripping the Monarchy of those prerogatives neces-
sary to its existence. The Court does not appear,
however, to have any such apprehensions, for we
find that these Destructives were invited to a,

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 1831.

select party at the Palace on the 14th, and that
Constitutionalists and Chartists dined together in
great amity. The continued moderation of these
men towards their opponents, has, in fact, quite con-
founded their calumniators, and has convinced every
one, but those determined not to be convinced, that
they have no such mischievous intentions as those im-
puted to them. The Lower Chamber goes on quietly
remodelling the Constitution, not forgetting either the
prerogatives of the Crown, or the rights and in-
fluence which property ought to have in every well-
established Monarchy ; and so conservative are they
that the Radical party, those said to be their co-
adjutors, charge them with a design to establish an
" aristocracy of wealth." They had also laudably
turned their attention to the defects of their finance
system, and to the abuses in the mode of paying
public functionaries which have been so long the bane
of good Government in Portugal. They have many
difficulties to contend with ; but we confidently trust
they have ability and perseverance to overcome them.

Considerable public interest has been excited in
Germany, Holland, and Belgium, by the conduct of
the Prussian Government in ordering the arrest of the
Catholic Archbishop of Cologne, Baron DROSTE DE
VICHERIN, for not conforming to the regulations
established by the KING for the ecclesiastical govern-
ment of his Catholic subjects of the Rhenish pro-
vinces. On the 15th instant a Royal Decree, signed
by the Prussian Ministers of Ecclesiastical Affairs,
Justice, and the Interior, commanded the Archbishop
to quit his diocese, and forbade all communication
with him on the part of the people, under penalty
of fine and imprisonment. Another Decree, addressed
to the Chapter of Cologne, commanded the Canons to
assume the provisional administration of the ecclesias-
tical functions of the diocese, till such time as his
MAJESTY could communicate the affair to the POPE.
A guard was appointed to escort the Archbishop
to Madgeburg, whither he was conveyed immediately
after the Royal Order was communicated to him.
Against this expulsion of the Archbishop of COLOGNE
the Clergy of Belgium are preparing to enter their
solemn protest, and we presume their example will be
followed by the Catholic Clergy throughout most of
the German States. But, notwithstanding the ap-
parent harshness of the Royal Decree, we think that
the Prussian Government acted wisely in abating the
red-hot zeal of the fanatical Archbishop, whose epis-
copal charges were calculated to kindle a spirit of
religious rancour in the breasts of Catholics and
Protestants. It is the duty of every Government to
enforce toleration—to assert the supremacy of the civil
over the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. No pretension
of Churchmen should be admitted which is found in-
compatible with the preservation of Christian charity,
and the exercise of the legitimate functions of the
Civil Magistrate.

The Paris Journals of Friday and Saturday have
all been received, but they bring no news, foreign or
domestic, of any general or commanding interest. On
the 11th inst. the Duke de NEMOURS and Prince tie
JOINVILLE arrived at Algiers, where they were received
by General NEGRIER, who has been appointed Com-
mander of the Province of Constantine. The news
from Spain is most unfavourable to the Carlists. The
imprisonment of the Pretender's bravest Generals has
done much to alienate from him the affection of his
followers. His gloomy and suspicious temper, which
leads him to suspect the fidelity of every individual
about his person, and his jealousy of every officer who
distinguishes himself in his service, are producing re-
sults fatal to the future success of his arms.

Advices from Naples of the Bth inst., communicate
the substance of several decrees modifying the admi-
nistration of the Government of Sicily. Though his
MAJESTY does not concede to the Sicilians a dis-
tinct and separate Administrative Government, yet he
places the Is!and on something like the footing of
an independent State.
The following are extracts from the French
journals . _

" The Germanic Diet on the 9th instant came to the follow-
ing resolutions respecting spurious editions of literary works,
and surreptitious copies of works of art :—" Art. 1. Literary
productions of every kind, as well as works of art, whether
already published cr not, shall not be multiplied by mechanical
means without the consent of the authors or artists, or those
to whom they have transferred their rights. Art. 2. The
rights above-mentioned shall pass to the heirs or representa-
tives of the authors or artists, or those to whom they have been
transferred, and when he who brought out the work, or he
who is the editor, is named, his right shall be recognised
and protected in all the States of the Confederation for a
period of ten years at the least. This period shall be appli-
cable to literary productions and works of art which have
already appeared within the territories of the Germanic Con-
federation during the 20 years which have preceded the date of
this resolution, when these productions and works shall be pub-
lished anew, reckoning from the year of their new publication.
When works arc published in parts, the period shall be
reckoned from the publication of the last part. Art. 3 allows
the prolonging of the shortest period of copyright for ex-
pensive works for a time not exceeding 20 years. Art. 4
gives to authors and artists a right of compensation from all
persons who may publish surreptitious copies of their works,
and declares that such surreptitious copies, as well as all the
materials used in their production, shall be seized and de-
stroyed. Art. a interdicts the sale in any of the states of the
Confederation of all surreptitious works, whether made within
or without the state in which they are offered for sale, and de-
clares that all such sales shall be liable to the penalties of the
law. Art. 6 requires that all the states shall communicate to
the Diet the measures they shall respectively take for enforc-
ing the observance of the foregoing articles. It also reserves
to the Diet the power of deliberating, after the commence-
ment of the year 1824, upon the propriety of extending the
term of the rights now granted to literary men and artists,
unless circumstances should render an earlier re-considera-
tion of the subject necessary. Another separate resolution
reserves the question of the rights to be granted to the
authors of musical and dramatic works and compositions to
future consideration, upon a report about to be made by a com-
mission."

A letter from Hanover, of the lath says_" The Magis-
trates of our city are at present engaged in drawing up a
protest against the Royal Patent of the Ist of November, to
be laid before the Diet of the German Confederation." This
confirms an article in the Cassel Gazette, which says that
the Magistrates contemplated such an application to the Diet,
and only the Director (as he is called) thought it was not
yet time.
The Sentinelle de Pyrenees of the 21st has the following
article According to letters received from Paris in our
city, and written by persons in high situations, and well in-
formed, a notice is said to have been addressed to the Courts
of London and Paris by the Northern Powers except Russia.
This note is said to declare the opinion that the moment is
now come to find a solution for the Spanish question, and that
the two Cabinet
i parties to the Treaty of the Quadruple Al-
liance ought to intervene to obtain a truce for a year between
the belligerent parties; during which negociations might be
set on foot for the marriage of Queen Isabella to one of the
sons of the Pretender. The Cabinet of the Tuileries is said
to have answered that it would willingly intervene to obtain
the proposed truce, but that it would never consent to a mar-
riage of that nature.
The Garda National of Barcelona of the 18th says that
Baron de Meer was to review on the following day all the
national militia which had been re-organised. The Com-
mandant of Santa Coloma writes that his troops have saved the
bridge of Armentire, and put the insurgents to flight. It
unfortunately seems certain that the health of Marshal Valee
is in such a state, that it would be impossible for him to remain
longer in Africa ; and if the choice of his successor is not
definitively fixed, it is nevertheless true, whatever certain
journals may say, that the Marshal will not, and cannot,
retain the functions of Governor-General.—Le Commerce.

FRENCH FUNDS.—PAttis, Nev. 25.
Bank Actions, 2,5501.
IFl.ghvuuree err I)7pl:erdrCCaeCenHentntassti.sl:. I,PloB°2e7Orfff.. 55c. 50c.
527! .41 75 c . 65 c .
Rente de Naples, 100 f. 20c. 25c.
Roman Five per Cents., 100%.
Spanish Actives, 20%.
Belgian Loan 100%.
Brussels Society, 1,700 f.
pßTOeohnlrrgeteiumaegnm:
enßostanft:hkip,:h,,lr ,ese2 Opef.,l6se2nstfs 1 :2530 Of.
Haytian Loan, 365 f.
2,255 ff:
34 Bcc..
itypzearcpe:i2raFf_c. svoic.l.2o:lmD 00nNe.
money,y
—Lours Authentique.
T P RIC ES.
Five per CenLts.AS 107 f. 60c.
Three per Cents., 20f. 65c.
Bank Actions, 2,550 f.
Romans, 101%.
Belgian Loan, 1031{.
litlaiau Back, I,snut.
Brussels Society, 1,700 f.
Portuguese Three per Cents., 20.
Spanish Actives, 20%.
Haytian Loan, 365 E: