The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-28 00:00:00

N°. 22,231.

THE SUN, LONDON, MO,,DAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 28, 1863.

Now ready, in 1 vol • with Illustrations, 155., bound,

EARL RUSSELL AT BLAIRGOWRIE.

AWINTER IN UPPER AND LOWER
EGYPT. By G. A. HOSKINS, Esq., P.R.G.S.

title of original partition, on the title of conquest, and
rejecting all those conditions by which by the treaty
3f Vienna that title was, as it were, accepted by
Europe. What may be the consequences of that act,
what conduct the different Powers of Europe may follow,
are not questions eu which I can properly enter. I merely
wish you to remark the fact that those conditions which are
contained in the treaty of Vienna, by which Russia ob-
tained the kingdom of Poland, have not been complied
with, and with the conditions of the tenure broken the title
itself can hardly be complied with. (Cheers.) There is
another question concerning our foreign relations on which
a good deal of misappiehensien has very likely prevailed.
I mean the question of Mexico. It is said that there has
been intervention in Mexico, and that tie took part in that
intervention ; now that word intervention is not unfre-
quently appplied with a great degree of looseness and con-
fusion to very different kinds of proceedings. There is an
intervention certainly when the subjects of a power are
wronged, and that power seeks redress for these subjects
when their property has been unjustly seized, or when the
persons of these subjects have been injured; but that in-
tervention is quite justifiable and indispensably necessary
—(cheers)--but there is another kind ofintervention against
which I have protested, and which I think is very rarely,
indeed, to be justified, and which generally finds its con-
demnation in the consequences which flow from it ; I mean
intervention in the internal affairs of another nation to dic-
tate what form of government it shall adopt and who shall
be its rulers. In the former kind of intervention we have
taken part; but immediately the latter kind was adopted
by one of the three powers concerned in these hos-
tilities in Mexico we at once parted company with our allies,
and have not since taken a part in the affairs of Mexico.
(Hear, hear.) Such is our condition at the present moment.
If the people of Mexico approve of the intervention that has
taken place—if they like to set up a monarchy—if they all
like to obey—if they are willing to seek peace and prosperity
in Mexico on these conditions—l say with all my heart let
them do it—(cheers) --if they have adopted them, I say it
is no business of ours to contradict them ; but the people of
Mexico, however irregular their form of government has
been, and however the country has been deformed by actsof
robbery and violence, yet I do not think we have any right
to interfere with their own choice or their own form of go-
vernment. Well, gentlemen, I come now to another ques-
tion, a question interesting to us all, a question to which I
beg your attention, because I want to explain some circum-
stances in which I think the character of this country has
been maligned. I am speaking of what occurred in what a
few years ago were the United States of America. A few
years ago we we exulting in the prosperity of that country,
we were happy to see the people derived from the same an-
cestors as ourselves enjoying free institutions, enjoying ap-
parent harmony with one another, and with whom we had,
at least before the civil war broke out, hardly a difference—
there was a difference about a small island called San Juan,
and which we proposed to refer to the arbitration of the
Swiss Republic. Such was the state of affairs when that in
which we certainly had no part broke out; nine of the
Southern States of America declared that they would form
an independent republic. Our course on this subject
has been attacked and blamed, sometimes in the bitterest
terms. Blamed sometimes by the Federals, sometimes by
the Confederates. The first offence Ras felt by the
Federals. They state that we had no right to grant, as
far as we were concerned, to the Confederate States the
rights of belligerents. Well, gentlemen, that question of
the rights of belligerents is a question of facts, and I put it
to you whether, with five millions of freemen declaring
themselves in states, and collectively an independent state,
we could pass it over as a petty rebellion? Our admirals
asked whether the ships they met bearing the Confederate
flag should be treated as pirates or not. If we had treated
them as pirates we should have been taking part in that
contest. (Cheers.) It was impossible, looking at it as a
community of five millions of people, to treat it as a mere
petty insurrection—(hear)—or as not having rights which
at all times have been given to those who by numbers and
importance, and the extent of territory they possessed, were
entitled to those rights. Well, it was said that we ought not
to have done it, because it was a community of slaveholders.
I trust our abhorrence of slavery is not in the least abated
or diminished—(cheers)—for my own part, I consider that
it is one of the most horrible crimes that yet disgrace
humanity, but when we are treating of the relations which
we bear to the communities of men, I doubt whether it
would be expedient or useful for humanity to introduce that
new element, declaring that we will have no relation with
a people that permits slavery to exist among them. We
have never adopted that yet—never adopted it with Spain
or Brazil, and I do not believe the cause of humanity would
be served by adopting it. (Cheers.) But then it was said
that the Confederate States were rebels against the Union;
perhaps we are not so nice as we ought to be on that sub-
jfct. But I recollect that we rebelled against Charles I. and
James 11., and that the people of New England, not con-
tent with these rebellions, rebelled against George 111. I
do not now say whether all these were justifiable or wrong.
I do not say whether the rebellion of the Southern States
is a justifiable insurrection—whether it is a great fact or a
great crime; but I state the mere fact that a rebellion is
not in itself a crime of so deep a dye as to cause us to re-
nounce our relations with the people guilty of rebellion.
(Cheers.) But to look at the orations of New England
orators—and I have been reading lately, if not the
whole, at least the greater part of a long speech
by Mr. Sumner in New York, and I cannot but wonder that
this man, the offspring of three as we are of two rebellions,
should be speaking like the Czar of Russia, or Louis XIV.,
of the dreadful guilt of a crime of rebellion. Then comes
another complaint, and it comes from the so-called Conk-
derate States. It is said we have—contrary to the declara-
tions of Paris--contrary to international law, permitted the
blockade of 3,000 miles of American coast. It is quite true
we did so ; and the presumable cause of complaint is quite
true—that, although the blockade is kept up by a sufficient
number of ships, yet these ships were sent into the United
States navy in a hurry, and were ill fitted for the purpose,
and did not keep up so completely as was required an effec-
tive bleekade—(hear, hear)—still, looking at the law of na-
tions, it was a blockade we as a great belligerent power in
former times should have acknowledged—we ourselves had
a blockade of upwards of 2,000 miles—it did seem to me that
we were bound in justice to the Federal States of America
to acknowledge that blockade. But there was another rea-
son that weighed with me; our people were suffering severely
for the want of that material which was the main support of
their industry, and it was a question of self-interest whethe
we should not break that blockade. But in my opinion the
men of England would have been for ever infamous if, for
the sake of their own interest, they had violated the law of
nations, and made war in conjunction with these slave-hold-
ing states of America against the Federal states. (Cheers.)
I am not speaking sentiments which are peculiar to me, who
had no interest in the question, but such I believe to be the
sentiments of that noble-hearted people of Lancashire who
lived and flourished by that industry, but would not
sully a single spot on their escutcheon in order to the
maintenance of that industry Well, gentlemen, we come
to new complaints on the part of the Federals that we
allowed ships to leave the port of Liverpool which after-
wards committed depredations on their commerce. It
would lead too far if I were to go into all the particulars;
but you must know that in order to prove you require evi-
dence—such evidence as might be sifted in a court of justice
—and it was not until the day the vessel left that we had
an opinion of lawy7B sufficient to stop that vessel; and I
doubt that if oven then wo had brought it before a court of
law whether there would have been evidence sufficient to
condemn her, because, by an evasion of the law, the ship
was fitted up without arms or equipment, and that equip-
ment was conveyed to her in the waters of a foreign coun-
try, very far from the jurisdiction of this country. Gentle-
men, theso questions must be weighed, and I think they
will bo weighed) as they have been by the Government of
the United States of America, in the balance of equity.
(Hear, hear.) We know that the Foreign Enlistment Act
and the whole law respecting the subject is one of difficult
application. The principle is clear enough. If you are asked
to sell muskets you may sell them to one party or the other.
Guns, powder, cannons in the same way. If you are asked
to sell a ship you may sell it in the same manner; but if
you train and drill a regiment with arms in their hands, and
allow that regiment to go out with arms in their hands, and
to take part with one of the two belligerents, you violate
the neutrality, and commit an offence against the other
belligerent. So with regard to ships, if you allow a ship to
be armed, and to go out at once and make an attack on a
foreign belligerent, you aro thus, according to your own
law, taking part in the war, and that is an offence st hich is
li punished by the law ; but these questions will lead, as you
will see, to most difficult problems—as, for instance, a thou-
sand persons here may go out as labourers to the Federal
States in ono ship ; there may be a thousand muskets
go out in another ship, and when they arrive, those thou-
sand labourers, having had an understanding before, now
make a formal engagement with these States, and aro
armed with these thousand muskets ; but if that had
been done in the territory of this country it would
have been an offence. There are other matters with regard
to ships that have lately bean prepared within this country,
because these ships are not like ships that receive the usual
equipment; they are not like vessels you sent in former
times of war, but are in themselves, without any further
armament, formed for acts of offence and war; they aro
steam rams, which might be used for purposes of war with- ,
out ever touching the shore of a Confederate port. Well,
gentlemen, to permit ships of this kind knowingly to depart I
from this country, not to enter into a Confederate port, not
to enter the ports of a belligerent, would, as you sec, ex-
pose (sir good faith to great suspicion;
and I feel certain
that if during our war with France the Americans had sent
out line-of-battle shipsto breakeur blockadeat Brest, what-
ever reasons they might have urged in support, we would
have considered it a violation of neutrality. Such is the
spirit iu which am prepared to act, LvelT4hing that the

" To travellers recommended to explore the Nile in search
of health this volume will be invaluable. It abounds with
excellent practical advice and instruction—an advantage
which renders it sur crier to all other Egyptian works of
travel we have met with."—sun.

On Saturday Earl Russell was entertained to dinner in
the new Town-hall of Blairgowrie by the tenantry on the
Meikleour estate and their friends in honour of his lord-
ship's visit to the district. The inhabitants of Blairgowrie
assembled in procession at 1 o'clock, and met the noble lord,
who was accompanied by the Countess and family, about a
mile and a half from the town. On reaching the town the
noble earl was presented with an address by the magic•
trates, in which allusion was made to his many and success.
ful efforts in the cause of civil and religious liberty.
Earl RUSSELL, in replying to the address, said—
Gentlemen,--I beg to thank you for the very gratifying
address which you have presented to me. It has been my
good forture, in co-operation with many others, to promote
the civil and religious liberties of my countrymen. The
enlightened state of public opinion and the progress of poli-
tical knowledge have caused the success of measures which
in former days had been obstructed by selfish interests, or
defeated by ignorance and apathy. Let us hope that, with
the increased interest which is felt in public questions,
loyalty to the throne, attachment to the constitution, and
zeal for all useful reforms, will pervade every class of the
community. At the conclusion of his address Earl Russell
was loudly cheered.

Hurst and Blackett, 33, Great Marlborou,gh-street.

Earl Russell then proceeded to the Public Hall, where
the chair was taken by the Earl of Airlie, and Sir George
Ramsay, Sheriff Barclay, and Mr. Kinloch were croupiers.
The Rev. Mr. Marshall presented an address to the noble
earl on behalf of the tenantry of Meikleour, which referred
at considerable length to various important measures in the
carrying of which his lordship had taken a part, and to his
present difficult and delicate dutieess Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs.

Earl RUSSELL, who was received with loud cheering,
said—Sir, when I receive an address of this kind I hardly
know whether I ought to be most gratified or asqamed—
gratified at such high commendations on my conduct, but
ashamed that to me are addressed praises which more
properly belong to many others with whom I have acted
and co-operated in public life. Several of these have new
passed away, and even in the present year I have to lament
the loss of some by whose wisdom, by whose sagacity, and
activity I was aided in the measures I brought forward.
You have alluded to Parliamentary Reform, and to the
alarm which was felt at the prospect of such a measure by
many, and even by so great a man and so distinguished a
genius as Canning, and you rightly said this alarm had
abated, because it was found that the fruit, instead of being
bitter to the taste, was beneficent 'and useful. (Cheers:)
BUt, in fact, the alarm which had been cased by the French
revolution and the wars which succeeded, had made men
averse to any prospect of innovation, even although it
came in the shape of improvement. Mr. Canning once said,
most justly, that those who are afraid of improvement, be-
cause it is accompanied by innovation, may find one day
that they will have to submit to innovation which is not
improvement. (Cheers.) Happily in this country we have
avoided the error which Mr. Canning thus touched. We
have adopted improvements and avoided mischievous inno-
vation. (Cheers.) Perhaps no country has seen such a
series of changes as this country, during the period of the
last 40 years to which you have alluded, without violence,
without revolution. I may say not only without danger to
the throne, which it was predicted the Reform Bill would
produce, but with increased veneration for the throne, and
love to the person who occupies it. (Cheers.) You have
alluded to other great measures which, in days gone by,
caused great alarm to the agricultural interests. We all
remember when we were told that it would be impossible to
carry on farming if the corn laws were repealed ; but with
respect to that subject, as well as many others, it has been a
constant observation that has occurred to my mind as years
passed on, that many of our laws were made not to prevent
men doing evil, which ought to be the object of all laws, but
to prevent them doing what w as legitimate and even some-
times exceedingly useful, (Cheers.) 1 remember giving an
instance of a weaver engaged in a very useful manufacture,
and he naturally wished to exchange for the produce of the
fanner, it may be on the other side of the Atlantic. What
was there criminal in this that it should be objected to,
or that a man should be prevented or obstructed in doing
it ? Nothing whatever, and yet our laws were in-
tended to prevent that safe and profitable exchange. with
respect to other matters, and particularly foreign affairs,
I will not say anything just now, as I may have to address
you at a later period of the afternoon. With regard to the
latter part of the address, you are quite right in saying that
I have enjoyed the parks and trees of Mcikleour, and above
all, the view of that magnificent river which passes close
under the mansion ; and what has given me great pleasure,
perhaps I may say superior pleasure, is the sight of the la-
bourers around, and so well dressed, and appearing to be in
the possession of so much comfort, To those especially who
pass a great part of their time in large towns, and have to
view those alleys and the filth and degradation of moral
character which belong to them, it is delightful to see classes
of labourers, under so excellent a class of tenants as that a
Meikleour, exercising their industry and at the same time
enjoying all the comforts of life. I had a letter from my old
and valued friend Count Flahault expressing regret that he
was not able to be present to-day, having made it a rule not
to attend anything like a political dinner in this country.
But depend upon it that his heart is with us and he feels
for the benefit of those around him. I must thank him for
having enabled me and my family to enjoy the benefits of
Meikleour. (Cheers.)
Dinner was then partaken of, after which the Earl of
Airlie gave the usual loyal toasts. He neat gave " The
Health of the Guest of the Day," alluding to the political
career of Earl Russell from the time he carried the repeal
of the Test and Corporation Acts in 1828, down to the time
of his lordship acting as Secretary of State for Foreign Af-
fairs in the present Administration.
Earl RUSSELL on rising was received with continued
cheering. He said—Gentlemen, I am deeply grateful for
the invitation you have given me to be present to- day, for
the manner in which you have received the toast that has
been proposed, and to the noble lord in the chair for the
manner in which he has proposed it. Gentlemen, I think
the noble lord very truly observed, that however im-
portant those matters of domestic interest :to which he
alluded may be, yet the contest being over, there is no
longer much excitement about them, and that for some
time the state of foreign affairs has rightly occupied the
attention of the country. (Cheers.) I confess I do not
wonder that such is the case, for the state of foreign affairs
has been a very anxious one, and on the state of foreign
affairs depend in a great measure the prosperity of the com-
merce and manufactures of the country. Every rumour,
every alarm, tends to depreciate or improve the property of
thousands. The apprehension of war causes burdens to be
placed on the people of this country, and might bring on a
struggle at which every mother would have to feel for the
danger of her son in the army or the navy that he may have
to encounter the enemies of the country. But beyond all,
in the danger of war, in averting it, if it can be prudently
and honourably averted, in meeting it courageously and
consistently if it has to be met—on these things depend the
character of this country and its high place among the
nations,—(cheers)—its fame in future ages, its very exist-
ence as a great community. (Loud cheers.) I have, there-
fore, partaken in more than an ordinary degree of that
anxiety during the period I have held the seals of Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, and there have been important events
during the short period I have held that office. There was,
when Lord Palmerston came into office, the war in Italy
still pending, though soon closed. Then came the question
whether the Italians would be allowed without interference
to throw off their governments—most of them corrupt and
effete— (cheers)—and to attempt to obtain freedom and
unity for themselves, or whether Austria, or France, or
any other power should interfere and turn aside the destiny
to which Italy was aspiring. The Government of
Lord Palmerston did not hesitate for a moment to tell
the people of Italy to choose for themselves their form
of government, and from the capacity they had shown,
and the courage they had shown, it was our belief
that they were fit to take their place among the great
nations of the world. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it so hap-
pens that I expressed that opinion as an organ of Lord
Palruerston's Government, and that in one of your own
Scottish cities—the city of Aberdeen—and I found, I must
say, that the whole country responded to the opinion I then
gave, and, supported by that public opinion, the voice of
England was
_powerful in preventing any intervention with-
out the wishes of the Italians. I well remember there oc-
curred that which is even now giving us painful cares—l
mean the civil war which has taken place in Poland. For
my own part, I am ready to defend, if need shall be, the
course which her Majesty's Government, in conjunction
with France and Austria, have taken on that question, but
I have stated in my place in Parliament, and I hold the
opinion still, that neither the obligation of England nor the
interest of England require that we should go to war for
Poland. Holding that opinion, I think it unbecoming of
ins to rail at Russia when we are not prepared forcibly to
resist her azp,Tes,ion. However, I must say that it has
tonished me that, at the end of several months of corre-
spondence, Russia has taken the line :he has done. The
partition of Poland was an event which was the scandal of
Europe in the last century— (cheers)----which is the reproach
of the three Powers who were parties to it; bat, at the
treaty of Vienna, it was thought fit—and circumstances of
expediency perhaps justified what was done—it was thought
fit to admit, as it were, into the law of nations, the state of
Poland as divided between these Powers, and to give a kind
of retrospective sanction as it were to the partition of
Poland. The Powers of Europe became, to use a legal
phrase, accessory after the fact. Austria and Prussia
complied with the conditions of the treaty. Russia has
not complied. It seems to me that was an act of great
imprudence in Russia, when she had the great advantage
to have the act of spoliation and partition condoned,
Re it were, by Europe, to rojcct the terms on which that
sanction was given, to rest it, as she now rests it, on the

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law of nations requires,everything that the present Foreign
Enlistment Act requires, I am prepared to do—even if it
should be proved to be necessary, for the preservation of our
neutrality, that the sanction of Parliament should be asked
to further measures that her Majesty's Ministers may still
add. In short, to aura up, we are prepared to do everything
that the duties of neutrality require, everything that is just
to a friendly nation, taking as a principle that we should do
to others as we should wish to be done unto ourselves.
(Applause.) But this we will not do. We will not adopt
any measures that we think to be wrong; we will not yield
a jot of British law or British rights in consequence of the
menaces of a foreign power. And now, referring again to
the complaints that have been made. It is singular to ob-
serve how jaundiced is the mind of some of those who speak
in the New England States upon this subject. There
were some persons in the House of Lords who
thought fit to complain upon an apparent grievance,
and not one apparent cause, but many apparent causes
of grievances of ships of ours that had been seized,
in some cases passing from neutral ports, in other cases on
the high seas, but apparently on legitimate voyages; and it
was urged that we should not submit to have our vessels
thus seized and our vessels thus interrupted. I had to deal
with that case ; and my answer was, that according to the
law of nations, if a ship had an ostensible voyage to a demi•
tination which was not her real destination, if she was bound
in effect to the enemy's port with munitions of war, that
belligerent had a right to stop that vessel on the high seas,
and said that law had been laid down by Lord Stowell and
other great English authorities; that it had been laid down
by those great English authorities in time of war, and that
now we were neutrals 1 did not think we should depart
from the law we had laid down as belligerents. I said that
although in America there were some of the local courts
which did not know the authority of such men as Lord
Stowell and Sir William Grant, there was a court of appeal
—the Supreme Court of the United States—which contained
and had contained for many years men as learned and of as
high a reputation for law and as unsullied a reputation for
integrity as any that had sat in our English courts of jus-
tice, and that we ought to wait patiently for the decision of
these tribunals. Now, what was my surprise, and what
will be your surprise, to find that Mr. Sumner has his mind
so prejudiced as to bring against me the charge that I have
attempted to diminish the reputation of the American
courts, and show myself biassed against the American states,
by the declaration I had thus made. I will not detain you
further on this subject, but one remark I must make--one
remark on the general tendency of these speeches and of
these writings in America, The Government of America
discusses these matters very fairly with the English Go-
vernment. Sometimes we think they are quite in the
wrong, and sometimes they say we are quite in the avretig.
We discuss them fairly. With regard to the Secretary of
State, I see no complaint to make. I think he weighs the
disadvantages and difficulties of our situation in a fair and
equal balance, but there are others—and that speech of
Mr. Sumner's is one of them, being an epitome of almost all
that has been contained in the press of America on the sub-
ject—there are others by whom our conduct is very diffe-
rently judged. I say, with regard to all these matters they
are difficult questions. We may have reason to complain
in some instances, and the Federal Republic of America
may have reason to complain in others. But let us recollect
that we are, as I have said, descended from the same ances-
tors, that in the courts of justice in America the common
law of England is constantly cited, the decis ons of whose
judges are constantly referred to as decisions ever respected
—(applause)—that our Shakespeare and Milton are to them
the classic books they are to us; that we have the same in-
heritance of freedom ; that many of our institutions—as you
may see by reading that excellent book of Da Tocqueville's
—many of our institutions are identical; that the same spirit
of liberty animates us both; that though we, after our re-
volution, chose constitutional monarchy as our form of
government, and that though, after theirs they chose a
republic as their form of government, yet the community
have the same spirit of law, have the same spirit of liberty,
have the same spirit of freedom. We ought, when these
unhappy days are over, to embrace one another as friends.
We in the old world, and they in the new, ought to be lights
to promote the civilisation of mankind. (Loud applause.)
Now, gentlemen, with this feeling, I own I almost lose my
patience when I see men in what is called an oration heap-
ing up aceusation, misrepresentation after misrepresenta-
tion, all tending to the bloody end of war between these
two nations. I cannot but say are they not satisfied with
the blood that has been shed in the field in the last two
years, with that field of Gettysburg, where 10,000 corpses
of men, mostly in the prime of manhood, lay stretched on
the ground, who had been vigorous in the early morn-
ing ? (Cheers.) Are they not satisfied with this blood-
shed, but would they seek to extend to the nations of
Europe new days on which fresh sacrifices are to be made
of human life, human interest, and human happiness ? Gen-
tlemen, I trust that will not be the case. (Cheers.) I know
at all events that my efforts, such as they are—weak they
may be, ineffectual I hope they will not be—but my efforts,
such as they are—will be directed to keep peace between
these two nations—to do everything which I think is just,
everything which I think is right, towards this people; and
I trust we shall be ready to meet an attack, if we are un-
justly attacked—ready to bear our part in the contest, if
contest there must be, but yet believing that we ought to
make every effort that all these various complications may
end in peace to the nations and in friendship. (Applause.)
I say, at all events, I shall have a conscience that I have
done my best to preserve peace between these mighty na-
tions. Gentlemen, this is a great subject. It affects the
people in our part of the world and of America. It affects
the future state of civilisation. It affects the well-being of
the black race, whom it was the crime of our ancestors to
introduce into America, and who, if these matters are
arranged, as I believe they will be, are fitted to be peaceable
and intelligent members of a free country, on behalf of
whose welfare we have been ready to snake groat efforts,
to sacrifice much, (Cheers.) But we will not sacrifice any
of those views of ours to mere pretence. (Applause.) We
have as strong a feeling for good of mankind us any people
can have ; but we must maintain our own position, and my
belief is that the people of what were the United States,
whether they are called Federala or Confederates, will
finally do us justice, that they will observe, as they cannot
help observing, that in this free country, where there is so
much discussion and so much difference of opinion, there
are parties, very considerable in number, who sympathise
with the Confederates, and there are other large masses,
I believe superior in numbers, who sympathise with the
Federals ; but, whether sympathising with one or the
other, we have all impressed in our hearts the sentiments
of justice, and that we will do to others the justice we ex-
pect for ourselves,—(cheers)—and I hope I interpret the
feelings of your minds when I say that justice ought to
prevail. (Loud applause.)
The CHAIRMAN then proposed "her Majesty's Ministers."
Earl RUSSELL, in returning thanks, said—l have already
given an opinion, and an account of what have been our
doings with regard to foreign policy, and I do not think it
would be right in me to trouble you again with any long
remarks. My noble friend has very truly said that at pre-
sent there is no great dispute about principles. I do not
know that there is any great difference between the princ i-
pies of Lord Palmerston and Lord Derby. Gentlemen,in
my humble opinion, Lord Palmerston governs a great deal
better than Lord Derby—(laughter)—naturally that is
my opinion as a member of Lord Palmerston's adminuitra •
flea ; but with regard to domestic policy I think we are all
pretty much agreed, because the feeling of the country and
of those who have conducted great reforms is very much
like that of the man who having made a road in your own
highlands put a stone on the top of the mountain with an
inscription, " Rest and be thankful." (Laughter.) That
seems to be very much like our feeling, not that there are
not other roads to make and other mountains to climb, but
it seems to be the feeling of the country, in which I cannot
help joining, that our policy is rather to " rest and be thank-
ful," than make new roads. (Cheers.)

~~~-~~
~~

PRICE..... -..4d.
STAMPED ....sd.

THANKSGIVING FOR THE HARVEST.

The following circular has been issued by the
Bishop of London :

"Palace, Bangor, Sept. 36

"Rev. and dear Brother,— There seems now to be no doubt
that throughout the country we have been blessed with an
abundant harvest. It is natural and right that wo should
return thanks to God for His goodness.

" If I requested all the clergy of such a diocess as London
to set apart one specific day for a Thanksgiving service, I
might be interfering with important parochial arrange-
ments already made and announced, I prefer, therefore,
to request you to communicate with the clergy of your
deanery, and to set before them how desirable I think it
that, if they have not already done so, they should, when
the present season of comparative vacation is ended, and
their chief parishioners have returned to their homes, each
of them select for themselves some convenient :unday or
other day on which their people's hearts may be stirred to
thoughts of our dependence upon God for all daily blessings,
and to gratitude for His goodness. The very fact that, from
the peculiarity of our diocess, so few comparatively of our
people have the sight of the harvest, with its anxieties
brought before their eyes, may make such an observance only
the more desirable for us.

" The ordinary service of our Church, with the Holy
Communion and suitable hymns and sermon, will afford us
sufficient oppDrtunity for the expression of the feelings
suitable to such a day.

"As it is not improbable that at this season of the year
some of those to whom this circular is addressed may, like
rayaelf, be absent from their homes, I shall endeavour to
have it published in the newspapers, in order to avoid any
unnecessary delay in making my wishes known to the
clergy.
"Believe me to be, Rev. and dear Brother, yours very
faithfully, "A. C. LONDON."