The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—When two neighbours fall out with one
another, they are sometimes more angry with those
who hold altogether aloof than with partisans.
They may find excuses for partisanship, such as old
connections, family ties, or a great similarity of
tastes, but they can find no excuse for the unfeel-
ing, or cowardly, or selfish bystanders who witness
unmoved what they think the perpetration of a great
wrong. That is the true source of the bitter feeling
betrayed by the Federals to this country. They
found very early that we had made up our minds
to regard the Confederates, not as a handful of
rebels, but as a belligerent Power, and that we
were taking the utmost pains to ascertain the
duties of a rigid neutrality. Even two years ago
they were endeavouring to shake us from this neu-
trality, sometimes representing it as partnership
in rebellion, sometimes spreading rumours that
we had refused to recognise the blockade of the
Southern ports, and were even about to break it by
force. This was at the very time when, so far from
charging us with fitting out ;hips against them,
the Government was in communication with the
correspondent of an English shipbuilder to supply
them with steam batteries and gunboats. It is im-
possible, indeed, to say how far back ths suspicion
of England showed itself. When the Americans
found their immense empire crumbling to pieces,
like Alexander's conquests, it immediately occurred
to them what an immense relief this must be to
England, and how her rulers would breathe more
freely. What they had felt or intended towards her
indicated too truly some of the reflections which the
separation of the States was likely to suggest on
this side. For a long time American pride would
not even swallow our decision that, be the Confede-
rates rebels or not, we could only regard them as
belligerents. The war once fairly begun, with all
its wonderful episodes, its startling reverses, its
unexpected display of energy and resources on both
sides, and its opening speculations as to the final re-
sult, it was impossible but that Europeans, espe-
cially Englishmen, should have their personal sym-
pathies with one side or the other. There is no
denying that the great majority of Englishmen, of
anything like position or education, seeing a large
and compact Confederacy bent upon independence
wished them success. There can be no crime or

just offence in a wish so perfectly in accordance
with all our history and institutions: We have
wished success to every properly qualified combi-
nation for independence since the grand modern in-
stance of the American colonies taught even our
Tories, and our obstinate Tory King, that the
attempt was not a crime. The Americans them.
selves must be aware, too, that for many years the
tone of their Government has been aggressive and
insolent. It advanced claims, made interpretations,
and laid down doctrines which palpably assumed
the stronger hand. It weighted the scales of justice
with a continent of earth ; it adjudicated with thirty
millions, soon to be a hundred millions, on the
bench ; and was ever ready to cut with the sword any
knot of diplomacy and criticism. On the contrary all
the instincts of this country have been in favour of
peace and quiet for many a long year, especially
with our own kindred. As a father or a brother
foregoes somewhat of his right, and even of proper
respect, we tolerated from the Americans what we
should have tolerated from no other country. The
Americans saw this, and acted accordingly. What
wonder,then, they thought, that all England should
feel an incubus off its breast when it saw North
America following the example of the old colonies,
and breaking into separate communities ? Fifty
years ago, the horror that possessed us all, and
drove us to efforts that taxed our whole strength
and burdened future generations, was the prospect
of a Federal Europe. Why should we be expected
not only to accept but even to sympathise with a
Federal America ? The Americans are perfectly
aware of the liberty of speech and the supremacy
of law which put the British subject in a different
position from all other Europeans. They are aware
that every complaint by a foreign Power, however
natural, and even reasonable, must be referred to
our Courts, and that England will always stand by
their decision. They must be aware that the de-
cisions of our Courts have shaken our Kings on
their thrones, and that a Government had better
resign at once to avoid a worse fate, and a Sove-
reign had better abdicate, than overrule a verdict or
command a judgment. The thing is simply im-
possible here. Nor are we able to extend to any
foreign Power greater favour than to our own
rulers. If persons residing under the protection of
English law libel a foreign potentate, or plot to
assassinate him, or maltreat one of his officers in
our streets, there is no resource but to refer the
whole matter to our Courts and abide by their de-
cision. So, also, if English speakers and writers,
having taken a side, choose to run riot withtheir
tongues and betray all the vices of,excessive par-
tisanship, that is entirely their own affair—there is
nobody who can stop them in this country—and if
their excesses are to be made a casus belle, then it
is in the power of any humourist, any orator, how-
ever unimportant, to plunge this country into
war. Over and over again, when we have simply
quoted, as matter of news, the rabid abuse and
truculent speculations of this or that New York
journal, we have been assured in reply that we at-
tached far too much importance to expressions which
represent only the opinions of the writer and a re-
stricted class of men agreeing with him. Certainly
no Cabinet at Washington would have listened for
a moment to a formal complaint that a widely cir-
culated American journal had avowed its sympathy
with Irish rebellion, had exulted over our difficulties
in the Crimea, had gloated over the expulsion of
the British from Hindostan, and had anticipated the
ruin of our commercial system by the cotton block-
ade. Had such a complaint ever been made, the
reply would have been that words must be answered
by. words, and that Governments had nothing to do
with the improprieties of irresponsible men. So far
as we are concerned, we realty have no choice but
to give the same advice. No one expected that the
war would attain its present magnitude and lead to
the mutual infliction of such terrible injuries. As
the tide of success seems for the moment to have
turned in favour of the North, while the South is
not a bit more likely to give in, we may now con-
template
.the time when the South may offer the
simplest form of resistance to the North, such as that
which the Circassians offer to Russia, or that which
Spain and Portugal offered to Napoleon. The time
may come when the Federal Government, with no
other inconvenience than a heavy drain upon its re-
sources and tLe maintenance of establishments no
longer contrary to the national taste, will be " peg-
ging away" at the Confederate States, blockading,
annoying, devastating, burning, occasionally hang-
ing, making no real progress far years and years,
but only incurring infinite disgrace and moral de-
basement. That is the prospect before us, on rather a
favourable supposition. What, then, does friendship,
what does common sense, suggest in such a case P If
we wished ever so well to the Federate, ever so ill
to the Confederates, we could not urge the former
still to hope against hope for the restoration of their
lost ideal. They will not restore it, and the attempt
will cost far more than it has cost already; for,if they
persist, they will find their provocations, their crimes,
and their moral corruption increase in the ratio of
their physical superiority. A savage
temper be-
tween equals is bad enough, but it is humanity
itself compared with the barbarity of the strong
when the weaker object of their vengeance rises
under their feet. It is, indeed, impossible to lay
down the future map of America. The Federals
may think anything better than the narrow strip
of a federation that would be left between Virginia
and Lake Erie. Instead of stretching from pole to
pole, and including a hemisphere, the " United
States" would be nipped to the breadth of the single
State of Pennsylvania. That seems a very small
basis for the holding of so vast an interior. We
see the difficulty, and wish, indeed, that the Conti-
nent could be divided more conveniently for the
different centres of empire. But Continents are not
divided in a day. It has taken 2,000 years to dis-
tribute Europe to the satisfaction of its settlers, and
the division is not completed. There are some minor
arrangements in Italy and Central Europe still open
to consideration. Neither will the map of North
America be finished in a day. The Monroe Doctrine
was meant to prevent that process being interrupted
by intruders. We neither acquiesced in that doe.
trine, nor yet protested against it. But it does not
seem to stand. There are other difficulties also. In
fact, the work is still to be done, and it certainly
will not be forwarded by the attempt of
half the
United States to depopulate the other half.
POST.—The day before yesterday a gentleman
named Alfred Styles was brought before one of the
metropolitan magistrates, by virtue of st warrant
issued for his apprehension, and charged with
having endeavoured " to procure certain persons to
enlist as soldiers" for service in Poland against the
Emperor of Russia. The prosecution was conducted
by agents of the Russian Government resident in
London. The evidence in support of the charge
Was to the following effect:—An advertisement

appeared in the columns of the Daily Te
legraph
stating in rather ambiguous terms that an e ogag,e;
ment was open for several young men to re,
abroad, and directing that application shot ld be
made by letter only to an address in the City.
Two persons, one of whom was a scheolwasat r out
of employment, and the other a brass fins sflor?
answered this advertisement, and in reply rcces yea
circulars dated from an office in Buckin
Strand, inviting them to join a regiment of volun-
teers which was being raised in this country for ser-
i vice in Poland, in aid of the insurgents. The cir-
culars were signed "Lieutenant A. Sty lea (late
Gacibaldian Army)." The persons above referred
to, luta', who appeared as witnesses for the 1, ,rosecu-
tion, haa;ing called at the office in Buckio ral
gha-
street,saw tkt2 m-street,
e defendant there, and, if their evidence
is to be believe.`', he endeavoured to persuade them
to join a corps then in course of formation, arid
which would speee:lY, be despatched to Poland at
stional Government. The
the expense of the IS:
quondam schoolmaster acamitted that he had been
"in communication with Russian Consul," and
the brass finisher acknowledgssi that before answer-
ing the advertisement " be had written to the Rus-
sian Ambassador, and had seen the Consul and
Solicitor of the Russian Government." After the
examination of these witnesses a sonars d was ap-
plied for and granted, the defendant hati ing been
liberated on substantial bail. Now, it' the' raw
wag
been violated, it is just and proper that the'se
infringe it should be called to an account and Pun-
ished. There are, however, some features about
this prosecution which call for remark irrespective
of the guilt or innocence of the accused. Mr.
Poland, who appeared for the Russian authorities,
stated that, "as it was important to lose no time--
the time which would be necessarily employed ill
making inquiries and procuring evidence—if the
case were left to the Government, the Russian
authorities had resolved to take action at once, and
apply for a warrant against the defendant." Noss"
this is a confession which to our mind is as start-
ling as it is candid. The Lord Chief Baron, when
speaking of the general purpose of the Foreign Ea-
listment Act, said that its object was not to protect
foreign Powers, but to prevent breaches of the
peace within our own dominions. In respect to the
equipment of ships, he explained that it was pro-
hibited in order to avoid the possibility of colli-
sion in a British port or in British waters between
two vessels, equipped, perhaps, in the same docks
for the service of rival belligerents. And apply-
ing the same train of reasoning to another section of
the same act, be would doubtless have said that the
enlistment of British subjects for the service of a
foreign State is prohibited, lest, mayhap, two
leaders of men enrolled for the service of opposed.
belligerents in the same town might come to blows
before they had left the kingdom. In the case of
the Alexandra the Government of thss United States
had no locus standi, because they had no grievance
of which to complain. And in like manner, even
assuming that Mr. Styles was endeavouring to
enlist men for service against Russia, the Russian
authorities are not entitled to prosecute them. The
Foreign Enlistment Act is a measure which solely
regards the British Crown and the British people.
Tne agents of the Russian Government in London
applied for and obtained a warrant for the appre-
hension of a British subject on evidence which their
counsel by implication admits would not have satis-
fied the Home Government. Mr. Adams would
have gladly seized the Alabama, but he could not
do so without the intervention of the Foreign
Secretary, and the evidence which satisfied the
former was rejected as insufficient by the law
officers of the Crown. The arrest of a subject is,
however, it would appear, of less importance than
the detention of a ship. The real reason why the
Russian and not the Home authorities have acted
in this matter, though not stated by Mr. Poland,
appears tolerably evident from the admissions of
their witnesses. The Foreign Secretary would not
employ spies to discover the meaning of an am-
biguous advertisement. The Russian authorities
in London are less scrupulous. At all events, the
matter is one with which neither the Russian Am-
bassador nor Consul have any concern, and, unless
,he Home Government think proper to interpose,
,he prosecution should fall to the ground.