The Sun.
London, England, 1839-03-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13, 1839.

LATEST NEWS FROM TEXAS.

Affairs in the Republic are represented to be in a quiet
and prosperous condition. General Rusk had returned to
Clarksville from his expedition to the frontier in pursuit of
the Indians and Mexicans, who fled and retreated beyond
his reach. The depredations of the savages had ceased, and
fur the present no apprehension was felt from danger in that
quarter. The Houston Intelligencer and Galveston Gardea
of the Bth inst. contain no news, except the particulars of
a tremendous gale from the North-East, accompanied by
hail and snow. Congress having adjourned, the town
of Houston was very dull. To this, the resolution of
Congress to select another seat of Government, no doubt
contributed. It was supposed that the capital would
be located somewhere on the banks of the Colorado. As
the borders of the Texas will expand westward, perhaps it
would be well to choose a location in that region. A ssul.
titude of travellers were at Houston, awaiting an opportu-
nity to return to the United States. General Rusk, it was
thought, would accept the office of Chief Justice of the
Republic.
CorTori.—Very large sales have recently been made at
New Orleans—one of b,OOO bales at 15 cents.

♦RRIVAL OF THE STEAM-SHIT LIVERPOOL-..-NINE DATE LATER.

That splendid steam-ship the Liverpool arrived off the
Hook yesterday evening, in exactly 13 days from Liver-
pool, after an extraordinarily severe and tempestuous pas-
sage. She reached the dock at six o'clock this morning.
She bas thus proved herself the best sea boat and swiftest
steamer out of this port. Her news is of much interest.
The Royal William arrived out in 17 days.
The packet ship Monti cal arrived out in 23 days.
The news from Persia is very warlike.
Cotton was in fair demand on the 4th of February at
full prices.
The money-market on the 4th of February was light ;
money on that day, when a large amount of bills generally
fall due, was found to be, unusually heavy, so much so that
many of the bankers were detained beyond the usual hour
in making up their accounts; nevertheless we have heard
of no cases of default worth mentioning, the payments
being met promptly by the acceptors of the bills.
Money continues in very good demand in the discount
market without any alteration in the rate of interest; but
at the Stuck Exchange it was difficult to obtain more than
2} per cent. for loans on English securities, and 3 to 3} per
cent, on the best description of foreign stocks.

Now ready,
THE THIRD EDITION OF
ItICHELIEU
A FLAY.

By Sir LYTTON BULWER, Bart.
Saunders and Otley, Conduit-street.

THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT GARDEN.
TOMORROW EVENING, ]MARCH 14,
Will be performed the New Play, in Five Acts, called
RICHELIEU, OR THE CONSPIRACY,
Written by Sir E. Lytton Bulwer, Bart.
The Characters by
Mr. Elton, Mr. Diddear, Mr. Macready, Mr. Warde, Mr. An-
derson, Mr. Vining. Mr. Roberts, Mr. Phelps, Mr. G. Ben-
nett, Mr. Howe, Miss E. Phillips, Mr. Tilbury, Mr. Yar-
nold, Mr. W. Is. Payne, Mr. C. J. Smith, Mr. Bender,
Mr. Paulo, Mr. Gough, Mr. Thorne, Mr. Brady, Mr. Bur-
det, Mr. Smith, Mr. Kirke, Mr. Hollingsworth, Mr. Wal-
dron, Mr. Ayliffe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. I'. Matthews, Miss
Helen Faucit, Miss Charles, Mesdames Reed, Corder, Lee,
Valanduke, Mathews, Mew, and Morgan.
After which,
FRA DIAVOLO.
Marquis San Carlos, Mr. Frazer ' • Lorenzo, Mr. Burnett ;
Zerlina, Miss Rainforth.
On Friday there will be no performance.
On Saturday, Richelieu, with The Agreeable Surprise.
On Monday, Richelieu, with The Portrait of Cervantes, and
Chaos is Come Again.
On Tuesday, King Lear, with Rob Roy.

•&`-'

The Ecclesiastical Duties Bill is, if possible, to be
forwarded before, the Irish Railway Resolutions - are
not to be reported till after, Easter. The former will
strengthen and consolidate the Church—it will be sup-
ported by the Tories ; the latter will only tend to im-
prove the nation—it will be opposed by the Tories and
Radicals ; therefore the former is to to be hastened on,
and the latter postponed. These, however, are only
some of the usual devotions in the Temple of Faction,
as the House of Commons is now properly named.
Sir ROBERT INGLIS put to the CHANCELLOR of the
EXCHEQUER similar questions to those addressed
by the Bishop of LONDON to Lord MELBOURNE in
the House of Lords the night before, touching the
Post-office, and the CHANCELLOR answered there was
no intention whatever of sending out letters on the
Sunday, but that letters might be delivered to those
who applied for them was a subject which could be en-
tertained without infringing on the Sabbath, certainly not
more than by Sir R. INGLIS'S servants cooking his
dinner, and by the Bishop of LONDON'S coachman and
groom harnessing his horses and driving him to Church.
Mr. VILLIERS then brought forward his motion for
the House to resolve itself into a Committee on the
Corn-laws. The Hon. Member began by declaring
that he meant not to deserve the reproach made on a
former occasion of discussing this question on narrow
grounds. He rejoiced that his opponents were so
eager for the contest as to have given notice of an
amendment, accompanied by arguments, in favour of the
law. But though the question was to be discussed on
broad grounds, it was itself a simple question,
resembling the right to personal liberty or to
freedom of opinion. He entered into the facts of the
case by, bserving that he and Mr. CAYLEY, who was to
move the amendment, were directly at issue as to the effects
of the Corn-laws on the productive classes. Assuming
the labourer to be the most numerous of the productive
classes, and adroitly referring to the cry set up by the
landlords that this was a labourer's question, Mr. VIL-
LIERS proceeded to prove, by the report of the Poor-
law Commissioners, by an elaborate series of tables,
showing the rate of wages, price of provisions, and what
wages would purchase at different periods, that the
high price of corn was very injurious to the labourer ;
that he got proportionately less to eat as it rose in
price ; and that his condition had been deteriorated by
the high prices of corn as kept up by the Corn-laws. He
proved that more work for less money was always
extorted from the labourer, during high prices, than
when prices were low. He proved, too, that the Corn-
laws did not provide employment for the agricultural
population, 7,000 of whom had been removed into the
towns since the new Poor-law Act was passed. He
demonstrated that the farmers had been in a continual
state of distress, and their labourers more discontented,
since the Corn-laws were passed than ever before. He
showed that the same ground on which the landlords
claimed protection from foreign competition—the cheap-
ness of foreign production, operated in prescribing pro-
tection to the manufacturers ; but they demanded it
only by having the Corn-laws repealed. He adverted
to the law which kept the profit of capitalisi:s equal,
and showed that the Corn-law, by enhancing the out-
goings of the farmer for rates, taxes, subsist-
ence, seed-corn, and wages, increased the burdens,
and he explained that not only was there great
distress amongst the farmers in conjunction with the
Corn-laws, but the Corn-laws, by raising the price, in-
creasing their out-goings, and diminishing profits, were

the catilstress. Even the report of the
first Agricultural Committee traced the distress to
the Corn-laws. Entering into detail, Mr. VILLIERS
pointed out the manner in which farmers had been de-
luded by the assurance of the law, that wheat should
sell at one time at 80s., and another at 643., into pro-
mising a corresponding rent for the Lind, and then,
being unable to obtain such a price, becoming beggared,
and dependent on their landlords. He traced in a clear
and succinct manner the effect of the laws, in shut-
ting us out of foreign markets, and letting in foreign
crops when our crops wara short, so as always to prevent
the farmer from reaping the advantage he expected.
Mr. VILLIERS examined at some length the pretext set
up be the landowner to defend their injustice, including
the effects of various taxes, and concluded a long, able, and
unimpassioned speech—full of facts and just reasoning--
by moving for a Committee of the whole House.
Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND seconded the motion, and
entered more than Mr. VILLIERS into the effects of the
Corn-laws on the manufacturers, and on the prices of
corn ; and was growled at and hooted by the squires at
the close of his speech, when he referred to the proud
aristocracy of England, looking back at some day with
shame that they had ever filled their coffers with money
by raising the price of every morsel of bread that was
eaten by the humblest and most wretched of their fel-
low-creatures. 'Thereupon the humane and unshamed
squires groaned loudly at the Hon. Baronet.
Mr. CAYLEY stepped forward as the advocate of
those rich men to fill whose purses the bread of the
widow and the orphan, the sorry crust of the labourer,
and the scanty allowance of the poor factory children
arc all taxed, but was not long on his legs before he
announced his intention, because he had been pressed
on both sides of the House, to give up his amendment,
that the Corn-laws had been a blessing to the
land, and to content himself with moving a direct
negative on the motion. With the letter of 1835
recalled to public notice, even Mr. CAYLEY has
not brass enough to persist in his resolutions.
Nothing, it has been asserted, can be said new on
the Corn-laws. Mr. CAYLEY gave a complete
contradiction to the saying, and found out something
completely new. He said, in substance, that as long as
the manufacturer dealt with the English farmer for his
corn there- was an identity of interest between them,
but that as soon as he dealt with the foreign
farmer, then that identity of interest ceased. As
soon as he bought a quarter of wheat in Prussia,
he employed Prussian labour and disemployed English
labour, he employed Prussian capital and disemployed
English capital, he employed Prussian land and disem-
ployed English land. The obvious conclusion from
which sagacious statement is, that the English manu-
facturer has no right to employ the Prussian, and the
disemployed landowner insists on taxing the slave ma-
nufacturer for his presumption; Mr. CAYLEY_,. we
will suppose, prefers ST ULTZ to NUGEE, or HAW
to some other fashionable shoemaker. He gives
his custom to STULTZ or Hoav, and, therefore,
Mr. CAYLEY disemploys NUGEE, and HOBY'S rivals,
and they have clearly as good a right of action against
him for damages as the landlords have a right to tax
the people's bread, to punish them for wishing to employ
the Prussians. In Mr. CAY LEY'S argument there is
genius. It is true the manufacturer still buys some
beef and mutton of the farmer, still cards and weaves
his wool, and gives him a long price for it, spends his
income on wine, brandy, and tea, and contributes to
*pay the taxes of the State, which he could
not do—he would have nothing to do it with—unless
he could sell his own woollens or cottons for Prussian
corn ; and though he bear a fair share of the national
burdens, and in that proportion lightens the burdens of
Mr. CAYLEY—pays the expenses of war—helps to de-
fend the country—goes with Mr. CAY LEY up to the
Throne with a Loyal address when times are pros-
perous, or joins with him in a remonstrance when
times are bad,—nevertheless, the Englishman who buys
Prussian corn, disemploys Mr. CAYLEY, and they have
no longer any community of interest. This argument,
duly extended, leads to some extraordinary conclusions.
England is the land of beer and gin, as well as of wheat,
and beer and gin are made from oats, wheat, or barley,
malts, hops, &c. Whoever consumes coffee or tea in
preference to beer and gin, or Bourdeaux and Cogniac,
in preference to the same beverages, disemploys not only
the agriculturists, labourers, tenants, and landlords, but
also disemploys the brewers and the distillers, and thus
not only tea drinkers but claret drinkers and coffee
drinkers have no community of interest with the farmers,
and must be considered as their enemies, while a tee-
totaller, who employs only the pump, is the enemy of
the whole race of producers, and ought, if the manufac-
turer be taxed, for their presumption to be skinned alive.
Mr. CAYLEY is a great statistician, but he knows not
the value of the facts he quotes. He stated for example,
as a reason why the English landowners should have
protection, that our agriculturists are the most skil-
ful in the world, and our land yields eight
bushels where the, land of Prussia only yields
four. He enumerated a multitude of taxes fall-
ing on all classes of the people as a reason why
the landlords should add to the calamities of taxa-
tion ; and while these taxes exist, under pretence of
counterbalancing their pressure, he takes an additional
ten millions sterling from the whole and
puts it into the pockets exclusively of the landlords.
So by way of encouraging the people to submit to the
Corn-laws, he assured them that they might get plenty
from Odessa at the price of 335. per quarter, on
which showing the landlords make the people at least
pay on the average 20s, more per quarter than is ne-
cessary, and thus they actually tax every loaf, at the
rate of nearly sixty per cent on its value ; or they
more than double the irksome toils of all the over-
worked labourers in the country ; and then have the im-
pudence to call themselves the labourer's friend. He
talked of capital having been invested in the land under
the faith of an Act of Parliament, but those who thus
invest the capital and those who make the laws being
the same persons, if the plea that they
have done something on the promise made
by themselves that something else should be
always done, namely, the bread of the people should
be always taxed, we see no means by which the people
can ever hope to escape from their tyranny. Under
that aspect the faith of Parliament means the promises
the landowners make themselves, which, looking at their
character, is not very well calculated to raise the
" faith of Parliament," in public estimation. Mr.
CAYLEY is a cunning Yorkshireman, and would
evidently make a great figure in the world if other men
were not Yorkshire too. We admired especially his
conclusion, in which he expressed a hope that the.
House would never place the prosperity of the
country on such a treacherous basis as foreign
trade—.." the golden girdle of the globe"—a part
of creation as certain as the seasons and different
climates from which it necessarily grows ; and he hoped
the people would remain contented under the fostering
influence of the landed interest, which he had just
described as doubling all their toils, and who are
to dispense peace and goodwill by continuing
to plunder their neighbours. At hearing this the
House did not laugh, neither did it groan, as at Sir G.
STRICKLAND—it cheered Mr. CAYLEY as if he bad
stated an undoubted and most affectionate truth.

Mr. POULETT Trio3tsoWiiupp;;;lthe—inotion for
going into Committee, as the only means by which
alteration could be made in the laws, and took
what he
any
called this practical view of the question : If he was
asked whether it would not be beneficial for the inte-
rests of the country that there should be a free trade in
corn, he answered at once that it would be so.—(Hear.)
But he knew well there were considerations—he knew
well there were interests —he knew well that
these interests could not be either lightly dealt
with, or, whatever change was proposed, they should
be fairly considered. He, therefore, taking the more prac-
tical view of the subject, would say at once that he did
not go into Committee with that view, but to ascertain in
what manner they would be enabled to introduce such
a practical change in the system of Corn-laws as would
be beneficial to all parties, and not injurious to any ex-
isting interests. He (Mr. POULETT TnomsoN) was
prepared to submit a plan himself, and there let it be
dealt with. The Right Hon. Gentleman subsequently
described at considerable length the effects of the
Corn-laws, and though he goes not the whole way with
us, ho made an effective speech to prove that the Corn-
laws have not answered the ends for which they were
passed, and had been very injurious to the country. He
quoted no less than five instances since 1828, of the
distress of the agriculturists having received prominent
notice in speeches from the Throne, and so pressing was
it in 1830 that it was not enough to have it mentioned
in the Royal speech—an amendment made it more im-
pressive. The Right Honourable Gentleman pro-
fessed a desire to consider fairly the burdens under
which the agriculturists labour, but did not think
them quite so grievous as they are represented
The Hon. Gentleman, whose arguments seem to have
been so effective that the gentlemen tried to drown them
by noise, concluded by imploring the House not heed-
lessly or thoughtlessly to reject a motion on which de-
pended the welfare of the industrious classes.
Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL defended the bumpkin
plunder scheme with all his accustomed eloquence.
Theengaged
, gasededveo advocate
little
ed,o f the Cathedral Clergy
d comment
aelnied Canterbury,
innhis
t
the owners of the Ville of Dunkirk, in which there
was no school nor any teacher, was appropriately
noveloca or
tingtshterikciang uset:f the land-owner.
speech ; the great point and merit of which was that he
quotedtwelve
e te,
electors
o'clock
L:colroorsde
ko.
JOHNMr.
Rn
tui
nsgs
de
oLnr.,sh2 s
roef,t en quoted letter to
e
House of Commons to cleave to the Noble Lord's juve-
nile errors. The debate wpaasss,adtjooburrinnegditaftorhwaalfr-dpaosnt
whclhr.lHrisahnnveali.l,waayftserarea
to
orief conversation,,which withdrew
s
his motion relative to the proprietors of land through
some future day, modified so as to meet the approbation
of the House.
Mr. HARLAND brought in a Bill to improve the
practice and proceedings in the Court of Pleas of the
County Palatine of Durham and Sadberge,
read a first time, and the House adjourned.

- _
By the arrival yesterday of the Great Western
steam-ship, Lieutenant JAMES HOSKEN, R.N.,

Commander at Bristol, in fifteen days from New
York, we have received United States Journals
of the 25th ult. inclusive, from which highly im-
portant extracts will be found in another part of
The Sun. The Great Western was advertised to
sail for England on the 23d, and her being detained
two days longer, accounts for her non-arrival here
at the time appointed. She made the outward
paisage in nineteen days, having had, for a great
part of the voyage, adverse winds and a strong cur-
rent to contend against.
The disputes which have arisen between the
Governors of New Brunswick and the State of
Maine, on the North-eastern Boundary question,
exclusively occupy the attention of the New York
Papers. They are becoming very serious ; and
without the observance of a degree of forbearance
on bo!h sides, difficult to expect from men whose
passions are in a high state of fermentation,
threaten eventually to involve England and the
United States in all the calamities of actual war.
It will be seen, by referring to the extracts from the
American Papers, that a collision has actually
taken place between the people of Maine and New
Brunswick, of a nature to call for the interference of
Congress ; but as the details of the question are not
familiar to English readers generally, we shall en-
deavour to give an outline of them in a few sen-
tences.

By mutual agreement a considerable part of the
territory in dispute between England and the
United States, has been allowed to remain under
the exclusive jurisdiction of England, till the final
settlement of the boundary line. Upon this terri-
tory a party of British lutnberers were engaged for
several months, in the course of last year, felling
timber. This being communicated to the Governor
of Maine, his Excellency addressed a secret message
to the Legislature of that State on the 23d of Ja-
nuary last, recommending the passing of a Resolu-
tion empowering the Land-agent of Maine to pro-
ceed to the Aroostook river at the head of a suffi-
cient force to disperse the British " trespassers ex-
tensively engaged in devastating and plundering
lands belonging to the State of Maine." This
message proving extremely acceptable to some war-
like spirits in the Legislature, a resolution was
passed the following day authorising the land-agent
at the head of a military force, to " arrest and
imprison" all trespassers ;to seize and dispose of
their teams, lumber, and hewn timber, and voting
ten thousand dollars to defray the expense of the
expedition. Armed with this authority, and ac-
companied by a party to the number of about
two hundred volunteers, with a six-pounder, the
land-agent proceeded to the Aroostook river to drive
off the British. At first they attempted to resist,
but being unarmed, they were compelled to make
the best of their way to Woodstock. The Ameri-
cans made prisoners of twenty, and lodged them
in the nearest prison. In the meantime, the Bri-
tish lumberers finding no chance of immediate re-
dress from their own Government, broke open the
arsenal at Woodstock, and arming themselves with
120 stand of rifles, 40 carbines, four kegs of powder,
and 2,000 rounds of bail cartridges, sallied forth in
their turn to recover their property, and expel the in-
vaders of the British soil. The Land-agent of the
State of Maine finding the business more serious
than he had expected, proposed an interview with
the Land-agent of New Brunswick, for the effecting
of a compromise. This was agreed to, but on his
way to the place of meeting he fell into the
hands of a party of lumberers, who made him a
prisoner. A similar fate befel the Brunswick
Land-agent, who was captured by the volunteers of
the State of Maine. These details being borne in
mind, the official documents of the Governors of
Maine and New Brunswick will be easily under-
stood. It is manifest, from this simple view of the
question, that the Governor of Maine is the ag-
gressor, and that he can have no other object
than to provoke a war between two countries whose
mutual interest it is to maintain with each other
the most friendly relations. By obtaining for his
own rash design the consent of the Legislature of
one of the States of the Union, he has contrived
to change a local into a national broil, and so far
seriously compromised the neutrality of Congress.
We have no news of much interest from the
Canadas. No further outrages had been com-
mitted, but an impression prevailed that the rebels
were at the bottom of the aggressions undertaken
by the State of Maine. The latest intelligence
from Mexico, and the state of the New York
Money market, up to the sailing of the Great
Western for Bristol, will he found among our
extracts from the American Papers.

Whenever there is anything coercive or villain-
ous to be done, then our rulers assign the great
dignity of Government, the necessity of upholding
its power, and the propriety of keeping it sacred,
far above the sphere of ordinary human beings.
Then they only think of the people as an untutored
mob, unworthy of being listened to. They ask no
advice of public opinion when they propose to take
the revenues of Canada into their own hands, or
to pass a coercive law- for Ireland. But wlrnever
there is a question of something gracious, some-
thing lion:ist, something approximating to justice,
things alien to the nature of Governments, then
our rulers cannot budge a step except as theii con-
stituents drive them. They fall back on the peo-
ple. They appeal to public opinion ; and, as most
agreeable to their nature, they appeal to the
most ignorant part of the public, and fall back on
the least enlightened portion of the people. Ex-
tremes, it is said, meet, and so the head turns back
and asks advice of the tail. Hence, on the ques-
tion of the Corn-laws the .Ministers, instead of
taking the lead and marking out the policy.of the
empire by the most enlightened wisdom they can
attain or command, take the law from the serfs and
dolts who till the land, and the selfish, ignorant,
booby squires. The policy of this great manufac-
turing and commercial community on the vital arti-
cle of its food, is, in fact, at this moment deter-
mined, not by the Government—not by the wis-
dom of the Legislature—but by its selfishness and
the selfishness of the agricultural constituency ; one
of the least enlightened portions of the community
in all that regards national policy. That such a
falling back on the squires and farmers by the Go-
vernment is intended to bring all policy into con-
tempt we will not assert ; but to enable us thus to
trace the Corn-laws home to the resolves of the
agricultural constituency, while they are condemned
by the very Statesmen who carry into effect the
will of the boors, is well calculated to bring all
policy and all legislation into contempt. Such is
undoubtedly the fact ; and it will assuredly not
make the Corn-laws an object of national veneration
to learn that, though condemned by all Statesmen,
they are fastened on the public by the squires and
their armed yeomanry.

We will not scrutinize too closely the motives
Mr. O'CONNELL might have had for appearing at
the meeting of the Corn-law Delegates yesterday,
and speaking in favour of the abolition of the Corn-
laws ; but weighing heavily, as Ireland now does,
in the scale against free trade in grain, we are glad
to see him throw his weight into the opposite
scale. His exertions are to be followed up, spee-
dily we hope, by lecturers being sent into Ireland,
as well as into the agricultural parts of England, to
enlighten the people on the Corn-laws. It is not,
however, the bulk of the Irish who require much
information, for they might soon be convinced
of the impolicy of a law which raises against
them the rent of land, and cuts short
the supply of food. The persons who most re-
quire instruction are the Irish landlords—the receiv-
ers of rent, and their selfishness is, we are afraid,
invincible. The Irish landlords, immersed in plea-
' sure and sloth, with neither courage to look difficul-
ties in the face nor industry to surmount them,
regarding the labourers with an eye of disdain and
contempt, as wretches not near so valuable as cattle
—for their claim to some common rights and a com-
mon humanity make them insufferably disagreeable
—the Irish landlords are the persons who most
require, and who promise the least to imbibe, instruc-
tion. They have so long revelled in outrages that the
indulgence has become natural, and to prevent them
from committing wrong is, in their eyes, to deprive
them of their natural right. Nevertheless, these
men must be taught, by whatever means, before the
English will be able to eat free and untaxed bread,
for they have much power in the Legislature, no
less than thirty-eight of them having voted against
Mr. VILLIERS'S !notion. England, the once
proud and once free England, is now degraded and
dishonoured—enslaved, by a few English, and, what
is worse, a few Irish aristocrats. Her own slaves
ha e become her masters.

The Paris Journals of Monday have all been re-
ceived. The Debals has the following official para-

'graph, which establishes beyon,

the coalition :

a doubt tne triumpti of

The Duke de Broglie was sent for on Saturday by the
King. In his interview with his Majesty the Duke ex-
pressed his deep regret at not being able at present to enter
into any Ministerial combination. The motives of this
refusal are entirely personal. We have been assured th,t
the Duke de Broglie intends leaving in a few days, with
his children, for Italy.
" On Sunday at noon Marshal Soult waited on the
King. He left the Tuileries at one o'clock, and proceeded
to the house of M. niers. At half-past three M. Thiers
also repaired to the Tuileries, and had a conversation with
the King, which lasted until six o'clock. Marshal Soult
has accepted the task of constructing a Cabinet. At half-
past eight in the afternoon, M. Guizot went to the Palace,
and remained with the King until ten o'clock. Marshal
Soult is again to wait on his Majesty this day (Monday),
at noon."

It was well known in the political circles on Monday
that the KING had consented to place M. THIERS at
the head of the Foreign Department. In a day or two
we expect the appointment of a really Liberal Cabinet.
The peaceable and constitutional manner in which
the Coalition have so signally defeated the King of the
FRENCH, affords matter of rejoicing to every friend of
liberty and every friend of peace throughout Europe.
Though accomplished without the violence or excited
passions which characterised the revolution of July, it
can be regarded only as a consequence of that great
event, and more formidable, too, to the friends of des-
potism, because it affords them no grounds of complaint
against the people. There has ben no violence, no
bloodshed, no insurrection against lawful authority ;
and though the electors, and the lower classes also,
know well on whom the blame rested, they have re-
frained in almost every instance, from anything like in-
sult or even disrespect to the Crown. The cry at
the elections was, " Down with corruption," or
" Down with the Prefect," or " Down with MON-
TALIVET," but no allusion to despots or tyrants, or
even kings. Never did a people contending for
a great principle, carry on the war in a manner so prac-
tically conformable to their demands. The prime object
of the Coalition was to make the Cabinet, and not the
Sovereign, responsible for the acts of the Government ;
and in order to convince M. DE I'tIONTALIVET, the Royal
Comptroller-General of the election, of his error, and
make him " read his sin in his punishment," they directed,
as one man, all their efforts against him and his candi-
dates. His uncle, his brother-in•law, and some four or
five intimate friends, were put forward by this Minister,
yet, with all the influence of the Crown, and all the
means of corruption, and all the threats that prefects
and priests could employ, not one of them was re-
turned. Under an old representative Government,
like that of England, this unity and firmness of purpose
might possibly have been expected ; but in France it
was not anticipated, even by the most sanguine expec-
tations. We rejoice at the result, not only because it is
good for France, but because it defeats the purposes of
the Northern Powers, who were laying every snare for
LOUIS PHILIPPE ; and because it forms the best secu-
rity for the mutual amity of two countries, which, when
united, can control the destinies of Europe. The alie-
nation which exists between the two Courts is attri-
buted, on both sides of the water, to the French Go-
vernment—to the Court, and not to the nation. The
men who are now certain to come into office—those
who represent the feelings of the great body of the
people—had no hesitation in admitting the fact during
the late debates ; and even the Radical Press reiterate
these sentiments, and pay a tribute to the good faith
and good feeling of the English people.
We quote with pleasure the following judicious re-
marks on this subject, taken from the great organ of
the French Radicals the National :—" The lamentable,
vacillating politics of the Government, the bad faith
and faults of our diplomacy, and the insufferable blun-
ders(etourderies) of our beardless Admirals, have created
a coldness between the Cabinet of the Tuileries and that
of St. James's ; but the mass of the English population
have still confidence in the destiny and good faith of the
people who effected the revolution of July. It is not
Governments that effectually contribute to the mainte-
nance of peace among the great European nations—it
is the community of principles, affections, and interests,
which, in spite of the diversities of situation, climate,
and language, tend every day to unite more closely the
champions of the people's cause."
We have received the following letter :

" TOULON, MARCH 7.—Great exertions are making
in the naval arsenal ; all the workmen that can be spared
are put on board the ships which are under repair or
arming."

BOURSE.—PARIS, MONDAY, MARCSI 11.
First Highest Lowest Last
Price. Price. Price. Price.
French 5 per Cents lOB 50 ... 105 65 ... 105 40 ... 104 60
4% per Cents lO4 50 ... 104 50 ... 114 50 ... 101 50
4 per Cents lOO 50 ... 100 50 ... 100 50 ... 100 50
3 per Cents 79 25 . 79 50 ... 79 25 ... 79 50
Bank of erance
Latfitte Bank I,ooof. Sh 1045 ...1045 ...I0 5 ...1045
5,000 f. Sh 5200 ...5210 —.5200 —5210
Belgian 5 per Cents 10134 ... 101% ... 101% ... 10134
Bank 570 ... 575 ... 570 ... 575
Spanish Ac ive 2 A ... 20% ... 20% ... 201 i
Passive 5 ... 5 ... 5 ... 5
New Ode red
Neapolitan
Roman

... C3ll

... 63)