The Sun.
London, England, 1837-03-10 00:00:00

DRURY-LANE.

Mr. T. DUNCOMBE moved the consideration of the
petition of the lessee of Drury-Lane Theatre, complaining
of the undue influence of the Lord Chamberlain's Office
with the licensed amusements of the people.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said,
the petition did not relate to his department, but rather to
that of the Under Secretary of State, who was compelled to
leave town ; and he trusted to the courtesy of the Hon.
Gentleman not to press it forward.
Mr. DUNCOMBE hoped that an early day would be
fixed.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER did
not wish then to raise the argument, but he was ready to
show that the Lord Chamberlain had acted in accordance
with unvarying usage.
Mr. HUME moved that in future the fees now payable
by Members on taking their seats in the House be discon-
tinued.

The Orders of the Day were then agreed to, and the
House adjourned at Nine o'clock.

HOUSE OF LORDS, MARcH 9.
The LORD-CHANCELLOR took his scat at Five o'clock.

CHURCH RATES.
Earl SHAFTESBURY presented petitions from va-
rious parishes in the county of Dorset against the abolition
of Chuich-rates.

The Bishop of CHICHESTER presented a petition
from Wrexham, and two other parishes in Wales, to the
same effect.

Lord KENYON presented petitions from Sheerness,
and a great many parishes, to the same effect.

The Bishop of ROC HESTER presented petitions from
Kingsnorton, and other places, to the same effect ; also
petitions from parishes in the counties of Gloucester, Hert-
ford, Middlesex, and others, to the number of 25, to the
same effect.

Lord STRANGFORD presented petitions from Bath,
and several parishes in the county of Kent, to the same effect.
Lord DUNCANNON laid on the table a return of
the Commissioners of Education in Ireland up to 1837 ;
the accounts of Presentments of Grand Juries made in se-
veral towns in Ireland up to 1836 ; and the Gaol Returns
under the Act of Parliament.
'the NOBLE LORD also presented a petition from the
Dissenters of York-street Chapel, Walworth, praying for
the abolition of Church-rates.
Lord REDESD AL E presented petitions from Wood-
low, and three other places, against the abolition of Church-
rates.

Lord LYNDHURST presented petitions from Bedford,
and a vast number of parishes in different counties, to the
same effect.

Messengers from the Commons then brought up the
Worcester County Hall Bili, and several private Bills.
The Bishop of BATH and WELLS presented peti-
tions from the Clergy and Inhabitants of Stoke Hampden,
of Ilchester, of Suffolk, and several other places, the prayer
of all of which was that their Lordships would not consent
to the abolition of Church-rates, which would be attended
with injury to the interests of religion.
The Bishop of WINCHESTER presented a petition
from Winchester, and from several parishes in Surrey,
South Hants, and the Isle of Wight, to the same effect.
Lord H ATHERTON presented a petition from 1,600
inhabitants of West Bromwich, in Staffordshire, against
Church-rates.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the Dis-
senters of Durham, praying for the abolition of Church-rates.
This petition had been agreed to at a public meeting, and
the ground taken against Church-rates in the diocese of
Durham was a peculiar one—there were in that diocese
four times the number of Dissenting places of worship be-
yond that of churches and chapels of the Established Church
—that is, the number of the latter was 112, whilst that of the
former was 447, and the number of Dissenters was double
that of the Churchmen there. The Noble Lord also pre-
sented petitions to the same effect from Chorley in Lan-
cashire, signed by 1,200 persons ; from the borough of
Denby ; from Buckingham ; from a place in Renfrew. He
also presented a petition from a place in Fife.
Lord KENYON (having taken up the petition) said
that it was not against the abolition of Church-rates, but
was in favour of the Ballot.

Lord BROUGHAM was glad to see the interest taken
in the question by the Noble Lord, who seemed anxious
that no authority should be lost in favour of it.—(A laugh.)
He concluded by presenting a petition from Rochdale
against Church-rates.

The Earl of RADNOR presented several petitions from
parishes in Yorkshire in favour of the abolition of C ure
rates.

The Bishop of EXETER presented a great number of
petitions from parishes in the counties of Devon and
Cornwall against the abolition of Church-rates.
Lord MELBOURNE presented a petition from Paisley,
praying for the abolition of Church-rates.

- The Archbishop of CANTERBURY said that he held
in his hand a great number of petitions to the same effect
as those which had been presented so numerously by the
Right Rev. Prelates who had preceded him in occupying
their Lordships' attention. It was not his usual custom to
trouble their Lordships with any remarks on presenting
petitions ; but he was now placed under peculiar
circumstances, and he trusted their Lordships would
excuse him if he on this occasion deviated from his
general rule. It had been assumed, from the num-
ber of petitions which had been presented, the meetings
which had taken place in the different parts of the
country, and the great clamour which had been excited,
that the country was hostile to the continuation of Church-
rates. Nothing, however, could more strongly show the
fallacy of that assumption than the great number of peti-
tions which had now been presented against the abolition of
Church-rates. He did not remember any occasion on
which there had been so general a sensation excited
among the agricultural population as had been by this
question.--(Hear, hear.) He believed the abolition
of Church-rates would be in the highest degree unpopular
among them.—( Hear, hear, hear.) They were attached
to the Church to which they had long gone—to
which their fathers and grandfathers had gone before
them—and they could not bear the idea that those
buildings should be disturbed in any way whatever.
The feeling against Church-rates, he believed he
might venture to say with truth, had been confined entirely to
certain populous districts ; and if one might judge from the
strong language held on the occasions on which those per-
sons had expressed their dissatisfaction, such persons
would not be satisfied with going the length of mere abo-
lition of the Church-rates, but they would use every exer-
tion to have their ulterior object accomplished ; and indeed
they made no secret of the fact that they had ulterior views.
In every advertisement they avowed that they had ulterior
views, and they were easily known. He sincerely wished
that the plan propounded in the House of Commons had
been, as it was said to be, satisfactory to all parties. Had
he thought it could be so, he would not have presented
the petitions to the House without inquiry of the par-
ties signing them, whether they wished them still to
be presented.—(Hear, hear.) He felt astonished that
the plan could give satisfaction to any friend of the Church.
—(Tory cheers.) The principle of the Bill—its whole out-
line was so very unkind to the Church, that he could never
give his assent to its becoming law.—( Hear, hear.) It
took the Church-rates from property which had borne it
from time immemorial, and placed it upon the Church.
Were the great possessors of property those persons who
complained of the burden of Church-rates ?---( Hear.) No,
they would be ashamed to complain of an impost which was
laid upon them for the support of religion, and he might
say the morals of the lower orders.--( Hear, hear.) It was
to relieve the Dissenters, who professed they could not pay
those rates upon principle. Their only principle was to get
that property relieved from the payment of Church-rates
which they had bought subject to it. If the Church bad
funds at its disposal, why should they not be disposed of,
iwnestrreuctli,o,
it,the
an wobelonniiglliinogns
for the purpose of finding Church-room and pastoral
d
withoutto
toof thpeeopClehurwello?
When the wants of the Church population of the country
were so pressing, it would be unjust and impolitic, in his
opinion, to apply the surplus applicable to Church purposes
otherwise than for the numerous
of the Church.—(Hear and cheers.) Such, however,

was the nature of the plan that was proposed—it was
in fact proposed to relieve those who dissented from the
Church from bearing the burthen of Church-rates. (Cheers.)
The plan was neither more nor less than a scheme for plac-
ing the estates of the dignitaries of the Church under the
management of a Board of Commissioners, invested with
full powers of granting leases, of selling reversions, of
mortgaging or alienating the property.—(Hear, and cheers.)
Who was so blind as not to see that the effect of this plan
would be to make the dignitaries of the Church,
(to use the mildest term) annuitants—to deprive them
of all the influence and advantages which were annexed
to the possession of land—and to render them dependent
on a Board of Commissioners, persons nominated by the
Government ?—( Loud cries of Hear.) Why, considering
the very violent changes that had taken place at different
times, a state of affairs might arise, in which the aggre-
gate of the whole of the property might be swept away in
a moment.—(Cheers.) He had said enough to show the
injustice of the scheme that was proposed, its invading effect
on the dignitaries of the Church, and the danger with which
it was attended to the property of the Church itself.
Objections without end could be urged against the measure ,
hut as many of them were matters of detail, although in-
volving principles of importance, yet he would not further
remark on them, but he felt obliged to come forward, not
only by his own feelings on the subject, but he had been
authorized to express the sentiments of others. A meeting
of Bishops had been held this morning, at which they as-
sembled to the number of 15, being nearly all the Prelates
who were in town, and he had been authorised by them
to express their unanimous concurrence in the senti-
ments he had announced, and their determination
to resist the proposed measure by all proper and
just means.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") There was ano-
ther consideration which impelled him to come forward—it
was that the names of the Archbishops of Canterbury and
York, y,nd of the Bishop of Landaff, as Dean of St. Paul's,
were placed amongst the names of the Commissioners under
the proposed Bill. This was not done with their concur-
rence. The Right Rev. Prelate concluded by presenting
petitions in favour of Church-rates.
Viscount MELBOURNE rose, and spoke nearly to
the following effect :—My Lords, I have listened to the
most Reverend Prelate with the deepest attention ; I have
listened with the utmost respect to the expression of his
individual opinion, and with still greater respect, when I
heard him state that he was speaking not only in his own
name, but in the names of the fifteen Right Reverend
Prelates by whom he described himself as commissioned
and deputed to state their sentiments and his own on the
present occasion.—(Hear, hear.) I have repeatedly lis-
tened to him with the utmost attention, with the utmost
respect, and at the same time I beg leave to say, with the
deepest sorrow and concern—(Hear)--with the deepest
concern and sorrow, not only because it always pained me
to find myself opposed in opinion to the Most Reverend
Prelate, but peculiarly on this occasion, because I feel that
his opinion on this subject must necessarily have a con-
siderable effect on the measure which is now before the
other House of Parliament, and which I confidently be-
lieve to be a measure fraught with the most important

benefits, and eminently calculated to effect the greatest
advantages for the Church and for the coun-
try—to be a measure absolutely called for in the
situation in which the country is now placed.—(Hear,
hear, hear.) I have listened to the Most Reverend Pre-
late's speech, therefore, with the deepest concern ; not
only on account of the measure itself, but on account of
the Church and of the hierarchy.—( Hear, hear.) Deeply
anxious as I am for the preservation and efficiency of the
Church, I always lament to see any of its dignitaries adopt
a course which appears to me of a, character not to conci-
liate for it that respect, that reverence which I should al-
ways wish to see it deserve and command.—(Hear, hear.)
I;would put it closely to the Most Reverend Prelate whe-
ther he could conscientiously deny that there is somewhat
of haste and precipitancy in the present proceeding—
(Hear, hear)—whether he had not brought forward this
subject improperly and invidiously, did I not feel confident
that he had been driven on by those who have more guile
and deeper designs than himself—(Loud cheers)—in order
that an effect may be produced both here and elsewhere of
a nature to influence the decision which is impending in the
other House on this all important question. My Lords, I
consider that this measure is a measure of peace, of con-
cord—(Loud laughter on the part of the Bishop of Exeter)
—the Right Rev. Prelate laughs, but he will find, if he is
not already aware of it, that the subject is a most serious
one.—( Hear.) I repeat, my Lords, this is a measure of
peace and concord ; a measure for the relief from an unjust
tax of a large portion of his Majesty's subjects ; a measure
to put an end to a state of things which the most Learned
Prelate himself has practically mitted to be unfitting and
inconvenient, and to require to be put an end to ; for the
Most Reverend Prelate himself gave his consent to the in-
troduction of a measure for the purpose of doing away with

the present mode of assessing and administering Church-
rates.—( Hear.) Considering, then, my Lords, that such is
the nature and character of this measure, I must beg to say
that 1 think it would have been more fitting, more becoming,
more decent, on the part of the Most Rev. Prelate to have
waited until the regular time had arrived for the discussion
of this question, and not to have pronounced with precipi-
tate baste so decided a sentence of condemnation of the
measure.—(Loud cheers.) lam well aware that the most
Rev. Prelate has been for some considerable time past i❑
possession of all the details of the plan, and that of course
whatever objections he may have to the scheme must neces-
sarily ere this have been matured in his mind ; but consi-
dering the deep interest which is felt in the measure—con-
sidering, too, its present position and stage in another place,
I must again say that I think it would have been much
more becoming and decent on the part of the most Rev.
Prelate and others, to have postponed the declaration of
their sentiments respecting it until it arrived by the usual
course in this House, and became a legitimate subject for
our consideration.—(Hear, hear.) The Most Rev. Pre-
late has given us the information that there exists through-
out the country a strong desire for the preservation of the
Church-rates, and that the abolitio❑ of this impost would
be in the highest degree unpopular—the people of the
country being deeply attached to their Churches, and most
anxious not to see them fall into ruin and decay.—(Cries
of " Hear, hear.") No doubt, my Lords, the latter feel-
ing does exist, and I rejoice that it should ; but I will ask the
Most Rev. Prelate whether lie conscientiously believes that
this measure has been fairly represented to the people—
whether necessarily it has not been misrepresented—if the
feeling it has produced on the minds of the people is that its
operation is in any way to injure the sacred edifices of the
Church ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) I will ask you, my Lords,
whether if this measure be fairly stated to the people—if it
be shown them that its object is, while securing the full at-
tainment of all the objects now provided for out of the
Church-rates, to relieve the people from the imposition of
those rates—l will ask you, my Lords, whether it is con-
sistent with reason and common sense that the people
should entertain any objection to such a measure ?

(Hear, hear, hear.) There cannot be the slightest doubt
but that the moment the measure is rightly understood by
the people it will be hailed with the greatest delight.—
(Hear, hear.) My Lords, it is to satisfy the claims of no
one particular body of men, to open no way to them for
further encroachments, that this measure has been brought
forward ; but it has been maturely determined upon, as the
only means of putting an end to a state of dissension
and discord existing throughout the country, and the
existence of which, the scandal of which, the incon-
venience of which, the Right Reverend Bench themselves
will not venture to deny ; and which scandal and
which inconvenience will become tenfold aggravated if the
Legislature do not pass some such Act as that now before
the other House of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) My
Lords, I was in no slight degree surprised to hear a Noble
Lord on the opposite benches declare, on a former evening,
that he could not see by what conjuring or contrivance the
value of Church lands could be increased, and that he had
never heard that such an increase in their value could be
effected. Now, my Lords, for my part, I never before
heard it doubted that the value of these lands could be ma-
terially increased by better management, and especially by
doing away with the evils which necessarily ensued from the
present system of life-tenures.—{Hear, hear.) I do not at
present pretend to be a master of all the calculations on
which the measure is founded, or to be able to go through
all the details ; but this I can tell the Noble Lord, that if
there is any part of the measure on which I feel less doubt
than another, it is the financial part of it. I am perfectly
convinced that, by a proper management of these Church
lands, ample funds will be realised for all the purposes stated
i❑ the measure.—(Hear, hear.) The most Reverend Pre-
late has laid it down that whatever surplus there may be
ought to be applied to remedy the wants he states to exist of
Church accommodation, and that any other application of
it will be inconsistent with every just principle. On the
latter point I altogether differ from the Most Rev. Prelate.
I admit, that having found a surplus to exist, it became a
fair question in what mode it should be applied, whether to
the object now proposed, or to the object stated by the
Most Rev. Prelate. Having fairly considered .that ques-
tion, the decided opinion I have come to is this :—that to
restore tranquillity to the country, to remove the causes of
that discord, of these disturbances and dissensions, which
have so long agitated this Christian kingdom, is the first
duty of a Christian Legislature, and ought to be the first
duty of a Christian Hierarchy.—(Cheers.) With this
feeling, however anxious I have ever felt that the objects
now stated by the Most Reverend Prelate should be
amply provided for, I have made up my mind that the
preference should be given to the objects contemplated
by the measure now in question.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear.") The Most Reverend Prelate expresses his opinion
that this measure is a concession to the claims of a sect.
No, my Lords, it is not a concession to a sect : it is a
measure framed to meet the general, the well-understood

exigencies of the State, the general interests- of the
community, the wants, the demands, most general, most
pressing, and most immediate—to secure those objects
which are most essential—to secure peace, harmony, tran-
quillity, and concord—objects, my lords, all-important in
my eyes, whatever may be the case with the most Rev. and
Right Rev. Bench.—(Loud cheers.) The most Rev.
Prelate, my Lords, has also intimated some objection to the
mode in which it is proposed to carry this plan into effect.
My Lords, if any plan of this description—whether the
present measure, or a measure for the augmentation of
small livings, or whatever it he—is to be carried into effect
at all, it must be in the manner now proposed, and in no
other. My Lords, I repeat it was with great sorrow, with
great concern, I listened to the speech of the most Rev.
Prelate ; and it is necessarily deeply painful to me to find,
that in the further prosecution of this measure we are to
look for the decided opposition of the most Rev. Prelate
and his brethren. But, my Lords, however great my regret,
I take leave to assure him and them—l take leave to assure
the House and the country—that the opposition of the
most Rev, and Right Rev. Prelates shall in no degree in-
fluence me to alter the course I have marked out for myself
on this question.—(Loud cheers.) Convinced as I am
that it is a measure most important, most beneficial, and
most essential, no opposition, whencesoever it comes, shall
deter me from persevering in it to the last.—(Cheers.)
The Bishop of LONDON would loudly protest against
the virulent attack which the Noble Viscount had ven-
tured to make on him and his brethren.—(Hear, hear.)
What l was it to be endured that because he and his Right
Reverend Brethren had come forward to state their oppo-
sition—strongly, though respectfully and mildly—(Hear,
hear)—to a scheme of sacrilege and spoliation, were they
to be denounced in this vehement, this unparalleled manner,
by the Prime Minister of the Crown ?—(Loud Opposition
cheep.) Because they came forward, not to assert their
own rights, so much as to defend the threatened spiritual
interests of the hundreds of thousands, the millions of the
poor, who were now destitute of religious assistance, of
pastoral care, was it to be endured that they should be
thus attacked—attacked in a manner altogether unprece-
dented in any former Minister of the Crown ?—(Loud cries
of " Hear, hear.) Was this the manner in which they
were to he treated, because they stood forward to resist the
sacrifice which was now attempted to be made of the Pro-
testant Church ?—{Hear, hear.) He would not trusthim-
self to speak further on this topic, lest his feelings should
betray him into the same error, into the same vehement
personalities, which the Noble Viscount had been guilty
of. To proceed to the subject matter before them, let
him call the attention of the House—let him expose one or
two of the glaring sophistries, if indeed he might so call
them, of the Noble Premier. The Noble Viscount said
that the present state of things, that the exciting dissensions
in the country, were a scandal. Yes, they were a scandal ;
but on whom rested the scandal? Not on the Church,
but on that small body of the people who excited those dis-
sensions by their resistance to a payment which they them-
selves confessed was no heavy burden, and to which all the
property they purchased or inherited was by law subject.
The Noble Viscount said the concession would ensure
peace. This was an allurement which had already been
often successfully held out on other questions ; and with
what result ? Look at the concessions granted one
after another on this very plea to a sister country ;
every one of these concessions had been made on the
plea that peace would be ensured by it ; yet the result
in each case had been increased agitation and augmented
demands.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Such would be the case
here ; for had not the parties most clamorous against
the Church-rates repeatedly and openly declared that they
looked on the abolition of these rates but as an instal-
ment ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Had not this been expressly
declared only the other day at the meeting in the City of the
Anti-Church-rate party, where the precipitancy of some
of the persons present, who wished to mix up other matter
with the Church-rates, was checked by the admonition,
" Net so fast ; let us get Church-rates abolished as the
first step—then we can go on to other demands with fresh
vigour." Yet with such well-understood facts staring them
in the face, was Parliament called on to sanction this mea-
sure of spoliation, of fatal injury to the poor members of the
Church ? The Noble Viscount, though at the same time
admitting that the most Reverend Prelate had had full op-
portunity of maturely forming his own judgment on this
measure, had taken upon himself to declare an opinion that
the most Reverend Prelate who introduced this discussion
laid only done so from being urged on by others who had
more guile and deeper designs than himself. It was very
possible that the course adopted had been hastened, and by
something which, if not exactly guile, was at least a great
want of ingenuousness on the part of the Noble Viscount him-
self. This very subject had occupied the attention of the Ec-
clesiastical Commissioners, as appeared on the face of their re-
port ; and it was the unanimous opinion of the Commission-
ers that any such scheme as this would be altogether ineffi-
cient and impracticable. The Noble Viscount said that of
the whole meesure he felt the least doubt about the finan-
cial part. Now it would not be difficult to show that as a
financial scheme it was altogether erroneous ; that there
were no data to warrant time conclusions come to ; that, in
short, as a fiscal measure it would not stand the slightest
impartial inquiry.—( Hear, hear.)
Viscount MELBOURNE was understood to say that
he had expressed his opinion that it was expedient and prac-
ticable.

The Bishop of LONDON said that be asserted that this
was unanimously determined by the Commissioners, and
the plan appeared to them to be inexpedient and impracti-
cable. It was admitted that it would alter the tenure of
Church property, and would be attended with danger to
the Church.
Viscount MELBOURNE observed that he bad stated
his opinion openly, and had declared that the plan was both
expedient and proper, and that be had dissented from the
opinion of the Right Reverend Prelates.
The Bishop of LONDON did not recollect the declare-

tion made by the Noble Viscount ; but he remembered the
observations of other Ministers of the Crown who took a
more active part in the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical
Commissioners than the Noble Viscount, and they de-
clared that they never would consent to such principles as
were involved in the plan submitted to the other House.—
(Hear, hear.) But he would ask was the measure pro-
posed just in policy, fair towards the Church of England,
or was it fair to the people of England ?—(Hear, hear.)
That this measure, which was deemed to be impracticable,
as it tended to impede the improvement of religious instruc-
tion, should be brought forward as practicable, was to him
a matter of surprise, for it not only diminished the re-
sources of the Church, but it also gave them to those who
had no claim whatever to them.--(Hear.) He should not
have troubled the House with any observations on that oc-
casion but for the appeal made to the hierarchy as to the
promotion of the peace of the country ; but it was their
duty to prevent, if possible, the passing a measure which
was likely to be attended with such detriment to the best
interests of the Church. He denied that any portion of the
clergy, or that the public considered this plan to be just.
He was sure that by resisting this attack on the rights of the
Church they would do more for the peace of the country
than by pursuing any other course ; for it would never
tamely submit to such an act of spoliation as had been pro-
posed.—(Hear, hear.) He did not speak merely for the
interest of the clergy, for that was the last object to be con-
sidered on such a subject, but for the poor people of
this country.—(Hear, hear.) There were two millions
of poor people in England who were without the means of
religious instruction ; and to what other source could they
look for means if the present plan were adopted ? But he
might be told, " Oh, you will be ready to adopt a plan for
the devotion of the property proposed to be given in lieu
of Church-rates to some other purposes." He confessed
that he should like to leave it open to some arrangement,
so that the property of the Church might be *roved, and
they might thus be the better also to provide for the reli-
gious instruction of the destitute people of this country.
If this measure passed all hope of attaining such a result
would be at an end, and they would throw open the Church
to the voluntary system: He would cnly add, that if the
voluntary system ever prevailed in this country, there would
be an end to the Church of England.—(Hear, hear.)
Earl FITZ\VILLIAM understood the Right Reverend
Prelate's objection to this plan was, that in a financial point
of view it must fail ; and the Right Reverend Prelate addef',
that if this measure were carried into effect, they must ex_
pect to put a stop to all means for providing for the,, spiri-
tual wants cf the people. But the objection of o,e Right
Reverend Prelate was not so much a want of rr-sourees as
to the Legislature dealing in the way proposA with the
real property of the Church itself. He was not disposed
to enter upon the discussion of the subject on the prese aat
occasion ; but the Right Reverend Prelate knew, from
what had been stated on various occasions, it was his
anxious desire that no portion of the people should be
left without the means of spiritual instruction, and, above:
all, the means which were afforded to them through keen-
ing up the spiritual edifices of the•country at the oxper
of the landed proprietors. If he had arrived at u .4y
conclusion on the plan proposed by the Government itt,
another place as to Church-rates—and he certainly had;
doubts as to what would be the effects of it—A w,
that it would not disconnect the Church with
State ; but he feared that it would disconnect it Ivith the,
local influences with which it was desirable that it sh Quid
be connected. He did not object in any great degm, t,
the appropriation of any portion of Church piwperti wit ich
could be usefully applied to any other eoclesiastical li ur-
poses ; but he entertained great doubts whether it would. be
th et e in) rdoepdo s c
tod
separate of f
the Ciuorexpedient to separate the support of the edifices
of varil
thei
t
Giveehrn frontuien "
S'a tsa Staten,, bubet at;
Churches from the local interests upon which they now sus
t, it
Pcnded for their maintenance. If he, therefore, obje' :
it was calculated to connect the nation tOQ i4(:4 with tic
•