The Sun.
London, England, 1830-06-16 00:00:00

EMIGRATION.

Mr. W. HORTON presented a petition from Frome,
praying the means of emigration for certain paupers who
were willing to leave the country, and suggesting a Bill for
allowing parishes to borrow money of the Crown.—The
Hon. Member gave notice that, before the end of the Ses-
sion, he would endeavour to bring on a discussion of the
principle of his Bill.
After a few words from Mr. Trant, Mr. Slaney, Mr.
Baring, Lord J. Russell, and Sir R. Peel, the petition was
laid upon the table.

Mr. W. HORTON presented a second petition from
Frome on the poor laws.

PORTUGAL.

Mr. HYDE VILLIERS rose to bring forward his mo-
tion regarding Portugal. There were only two good points
to which be meant to call the attention of the House—
namely, the treaty known by the name of the Methuen
Treaty, concluded in 1703 ; and the last Commercial
Treaty, concluded at the Brazils in 1810. The main ob-
ject of the Methuen Treaty was to regulate the interchange
of two commodities between the two countries ; viz. the
wines of Portugal and the woollens of England. The
conditions, however, were very unequal ; for while it was
only provided on the one hand that the woollens of Eng-
land should not be prohibited in Portugal, without speci-
fying the rate of duty at which they should be admitted,
it was provided on the other hand, not only that the wines
of Portugal should not be prohibited in England, but that
they should be admitted at a rate of duty a third less than
the wines of France. Since 1703 different Governments
in this country had had it very much at heart to get rid
of the Methuen Treaty, and had even taken preliminary
steps for that purpose ; but some accident or other had
always intervened, and prevented the attainment of the
object. In 1810, when our last Commercial Treaty with
Portugal was concluded at the Brazils, the Methuen Treaty
of course came under consideration, and, although it was
determined that it should be continued, yet that determi-
nation was accompanied by a reference to a subsequent re-
vision. By the Treaty of 1810, it was declared " that
the stipulations of the former Treaty of Commerce be-
tween England and Portugal, for admitting the wines of
Portugal into England on the one hand, and the woollens
of England into Portugal on the other, should, for the
present, remain unaltered." It was clear\ by this previ-
sion, that the Methuen Treaty was to remain unaltered
only " for the present ;" that was, only to the end of the
fifteen years for which the Treaty of 1810 was to run,
and as much longer as both the contracting parties might
think proper to continue it; it being evidently competent
to either party at the expiration of the fifteen years to
claim a revision of the Methuen Treaty, and to give notice
that it should be either partially or altogether suspended.
It had been competent, therefore, for this country, ever
since 1825, to require a revision of our commercial regu-
lations with Portugal. No doubt such a requisition must
be preceded by some preliminary measure on our part.
What that ought to be he would not touch upon, as it was
not necessary to his immediate object ; and he hoped,
also, that no Hon. Member would prolong or perplex the
discussion by any allusion to a subject which had
already been so amply discussed. There was no per-
son more disposed than himself to respect that pre-
rogative of the Crown by which it was entitled to enter
into and conclude such treaties with Foreign States
as should be thought fit and reasonable by its re-
sponsible advisers. The initiative in such negotia-
tions must always remain with his Majesty's Govern-
ment. But, on the other hand, it was always competent
to Parliament, which was to provide for the execu-
tion of treaties, to revise and judge of their stipula-
tions at any future period. The circumstances under which
the Methuen Treaty was concluded, were very different
from those of the present thee.. In the year 1703, the
animosity against France, and the apprehensions of her
designs, were at the highest point in this country. In
Portug 11 there was, on the contrary, a strong attachment
to France; and the King of France long wavered before
he would consent to the alliance with this country, which
was concluded by Mr. Methuen at the same time that he
concluded the Commercial Treaty. Indeed, the only
thing that could be said in favour of the Commercial
Treaty was—that it served as a ground for the Treaty of
Alliance. As to Methuen's Commercial Treaty, writers
even of the most opposite political opinions—Swift and
Burnet, for instance—spoke of it slightingly and dispa-
ragingly; a circumstance not surprising, when its pro-
visions were considered. It was not a little astonishing,
and was certainly much to be lamented, that this great
country had so long allowed such a Treaty to deprive it
of its just advantages. To make the subject more intel-
ligible, it would be necessary to enter into some particu-
lars. The provisions of the Methuen Treaty were in them-
selves highly injurious to the trade of this country.
So they were no doubt felt to be in the first in-
stance ; but it was reserved for the celebrated Mar-
qui4 de rombal to make this country experience that evil

to hs fullest extent. In 1756, .Idie Marquis de,Parnbal
established, under the name' of the Oporto Wide Cone-
pany, one of the most extraordinary monopolies tbat ever
oppressed the commercial world. That.troUrOpelit exiseid
to the present moment, and, its powiers*ere ,not inferior
to that of the inquisition. 'it.ll.who were acquainted with
the history of Portugal knetie that ihat:eoetpriiing and
ambitious man, the Marquis de Ponebal,fitunded various
monopolies in that country. But this particular mono-
poly, having objects so injurious and oppressive, possessed
a power which was wholly unsuitable to a commercial
Company. Indeed, not long after its establishment, the
regulations under which it was carried on were pronounced
by the Lords of Trade in this country to be as oppressive
to the civil rights of the people of this country as they
were to their commercial privileges. The monopoly
however, was supported, and supported at the expence of
this country, in consequence of the provisions of
the Methuen Treaty. He did not believe that the
case which he was about to unfold, was generally
known ; nor did he believe it bad any parallel in the
history of the world. He did not believe that there was
an instance in which two nations, professing to confer
advantages on one another, nothing but injury had fol-
lowed. Still less did lie believe that there was an instance
in which such injury had been suffered by the strong na-
tion and not the weak , and in which the strong nation
lud, under such circumstances, forborne to obtain redress
from the weak. He proposed to state, first, a brief out-
line of the power possessed by the Company to which lie
hail alluded; secondly, the bearing of that power on the
existing treaties; and, thirdly, the practical effect which
it had produced on the community of this country.
Every body knew how long the health of the people of this
country had been exposed to injury by their being come
plied to drink that harsh, bitter, and repulsive liquor de-
nominated port wine ; brit no one seemed to think it worth
while to ask why we were restricted from the use of wine
of more agreeable and salutary qualities. The cause was
to be found in the Company established by the Marquis de
Pombal—a power, of which the House would entertain
some idea from the extracts from its-'constitution, which
he would read to them. In fact, the Company was a com-
plete imperium in imperio ; it was not merely a wine
monopoly, but a body possessed of the greatest legislative),
judicial, awl commercial powers.—[The Hon. Gentleman
here read a part of the constitution of the Company,
in which its right and privilege! were guarded by
the most severe penalties.3—So severely . were these
severe provisions carried into execution, that in a
very short period no fewer than 265 persons suffered
imprisonment, exile, or death, fur smuggling, and other
violations of the Company's laws. Those laws bore
also in various cases most injuriously on British rights and
interests. For instance, by the Treaty of 1654, which was
the great Charter of the British rights in Portugal, to
the British was conceded a Conservator of their own ;
from whom there was no appeal but to a Council of Sena-
tors. But by the constitution, an extract from which he
had just read, the Company's Conservator had precedence
over the British, and from him there was no appeal. Soon
after the formation of the Company, so injurious were its
effects found to be on British rights and privileges in Por-
tugal, that the Lords of Trade in this country drew up a
report on the subject. As it was his intention to move
for this, among other papers, he would read to the House
only a few lines from it.—(The Hon. Gentleman here
read a short extract from the report of the Lords of Trade,
reprobating the arbitrary measures pursued in Portugal,
against British subjects.)—lt had been provided by the
treaty of 1654, that the British in Portugal should be un-
restrained in their trade. But, by the regulations of the
Company, we were prohibited from importing any wine
except from their district; and they prescribed the
quality, price, and quantity of the wine which was to be
exported.—(The Hoo. Member here read an extract from
another Report of the Board of Trade on the subject.)—
Notwithstanding the able and conclusive report which he
had just quoted, and for a copy of which he intended to
move, the grievances of the British remained almost with-
out hope of redress, until the Treaty of 1810 came to be
negotiated, in which provisions were to be expressly framed
for their removal. In order to facilitate that object, his
Majesty's Government in this country applied to the
British merchants at Oporto, to dissolve the factory they
had there established, which was a sort of recognized
corporation framed for the superintendence of British
interests against the encroachments of the Company. The
merchants consented to dissolve the factory. An arrange-
ment at the same time was come to to repeal the English
navigation laws in favour of Portugal, and in return it
was provided, by the Bth Article of the Treaty of 1810,
that the British should not be restrained in their com-
merce or injured by monopolies. Such were the pro-
visions introduced into the Treaty for the redress of in-
juries of so long a standing. The Treaty being concluded
the factory dissolved, and the navigation laws repealed in
favour of Portugal, what did the Portuguese Government
do ? Notify that the Oporto Wine Company was dis-
solved, or their owners restrained ? No such thing. But
the Government notified its intention not to carry into
effect the provision of the Bth Article of the Treaty, or to
dissolve, restrain, or in any way interfere with the Wine,
Company. Remonstrances were sent out to the Secretary
of State at Lisbon, who referred the case to 'the Court of
Brazil ; but it was some time before the reasons of so ex-
traordinary a proceeding on the part of the Portuguese
came to light. It was thought by some that the Court
had touched something better than the Company's wine,
but so scandalous an assertion against an Illustrious family
could not surely be true. It was alleged by the Portu-
guese Government, that the Wine Company was net men-
tioned by name in the Treaty, and moreover that what-
ever might be the provisions of the Treaty, it would be re-
pugnant to the feelings of the Portuguese Monarch to
effect the extinction of that Company, at the request of a
foreign power. The late Mr. Canning, under whose
auspices the Treaty had been concluded, brought the ques-
tion before that House, and the Government of the day sent
out Lord Strangford to the Court of Brazil, where that
Nobleman presented a spirited memorial to the Emperor,
describing the conduct of Portugal as a positive
breach of faith, and stating it to be the determination of
the Prince Regent not to suffer treaties to be violated with
impunity. That memorial was one of the documents he
meant to move for. What answer was given to it he did
not know; but the fact was, the Company continued to
exercise the same oppressive powers up to the present mo-
ment. He should here close the first part of his case, and he
would now endeavour to show what the practical effects
were which the Wine Company produced on the British
community. That Company had drawn a line of demar-
cation round a small district in the neighbourhood of
Oporto, of some leagues in extent, and containing different
soils. Instead of allowing the British to buy their wine
where they pleased, the Company only permitted to be ex-
ported what wines grew in their district, some of which
it was notorious were of a very inferior description, while
others were of the first-rate quality. But the British
community suffered most from that power which the Com-
pany possessed, of determining the quality, quantity, and
price of the wines they permitted to be exported. The
Company divided the wine into two classes; the first *lass
was called approbada, and intended for exportation to
England, where he believed it met with little approval ;
and the second was styled aeparada, which was kept
apart for the home market or for exportation to the Brazils.
If a wine-grower brought good wine to the market, the
Company bought it at what price they pleased, and then
mixed it with bad wine. It was to this system of adul-
teration that he wished to call the attention of the
House. The Company were always in the habit of
supplying the waste of their cellars, which must be
considerable, by means of adulteration ; and as a proof
to what extent this was carried, he would men-
tion that 135 pipes of wine, shipped at the island
of Guernsey, on reaching the port of London, ware
multiplied into 2,545 pipes. The whole of this difference
was made up by a class of persons who were described
under the name of the brewers of this country. Many
Hon. Members may probably recollect a passage in the
Spectator in which these persons are described, and in
which an account is given of their eltymical operations,
their working under ground, and their preparing under
the streets of London the adulterated products of France,
to the great annoyance of his Majesty's subjects, and to the
great detriment of their health. Dr. Henderson, in his
able and scientific work on this subject, appears to think
that this statement is to a great extent applicable to the
present time; for he says, that a great quantity of this
wine introduced into this country is fur the purpose of
adulteration. With a view to show the immense impor-
tation of this wine, as contrasted with other descriptions
of wine, he would refer to the returns made for two years,
namely, 1822 and 1823. In the course of those two
years it appeared from the returns that the average im-
portation of Cape wine was more than double the impor-
tation of French wine and Rhenish wine during the same
period, and that for every bottleof French and Rhenish wine
which was consumed in the country there were from two
to three bottles of this artificial wine consumed. There
could be no doubt that the consumption of artificial wine
in this country was even far greater than he had stated.
In 1822 the average importation was of Cape 3,259 tuns,
of French and Rhenish wine j,553, making an excess in the
importation of Cape wine of 1,706 tuns. In 1825 the
duty on French wine was reduced, but still the importation
of Cape wine exceeded that of French none. The annuli
average importation of French wine for nine years amounted
mportation of Cape wine to 1,365 pipes, and the average

in the same period was 2,434 pipes. Before he quitted
this subject, he should mention one or two facts with
regard to the proceedings of this Company. The first was,
that the wines of Portugal had never been reduced in yoke
in the foreign markets in rrlaive proportion to other
wines, since the formation of this Company ; and the next
was, that this Company having enjoyed, in the first instance
the monopoly of the trade of Brazil as well as Portugal,
when the trade of the latter country was thrown open, their
trade there fell one-fourth below what it had been, and
that it never since had exceeded that amount. • This Com-
pany shipped last year, to all the world, except to us, and
to Brazil, 1,230 pipes; and they shipped to us 17,157
pipes. In considering this case as connected with the
commerce of the country, be could not avoid reverting to
what bad been the line of policy pursued by this country
in this respect for a long period of time. It wee important
in this place to advert to those restrictions which for a long
period had been maintained in this country upon the im-
portation of French wine under the treaty of this country
with Portugal. There was reason to believe that in former
times the wines of France formed a common beverage in
England. We read of them in the old chronicles as selling
at no higher price than 6d. or Bd. per gallon. We read in
them of large fleets of 200 sail going out to Bordeaux for
this wine. We read of 400 pipes of wine consumed under
Edward IV., and of the Earl of Shrewsbury's family con-
suming four pipes of this wine upon an reveragein the year.
Many persons appeared inclined to attribute the change
which afterwards took Our with regard to the consump-
tion of this wine to a change in the taste of the country, but
that was not the fact. Let them look to what took place at
the time when a. change of the duties was made. The last
time that the trade in this respect with France toes free
was from 1686 to the year 1695: The annual average
importation of French n ire during that time amounted
to 13,400 tuns, and of port wine to 433 tuns. It ap-
pearel from the statement of those who made a still more
advantageous calculation, including the importations into
Scotland and Ireland, that the average importation of
French wines amounted, during that period, to 18,000
tuns. In 1703, the treaty of Methuen was entered into
and the importation of French wine then fell to 1,139
tuns, while the importation of Port wine rose from 433
tuns to 8,445 tuns. That was more than a century ago,
and he quoted this return to show that since that period
the consumption of French wines had' not increased, not-
withstanding the increase which had since taken piece in
this country in wealth, in population, and in luxury. The
consumption then was 1,139 tune, and the average con-
sumption of the last nine years amounted only to 1,361
tuns. It was plain that this non-consumption of French
svine had been effected by this Treaty of Methuen. In con-
sequence of that treaty we had been obliged to substitute
for a wine Which was good and cheap, a wine which was
dear and bad. That treaty was intended to secure to us the
markets of Portugal. The Treaty of Methuen was a reci-
procity treaty, our woollens for their wines was the princi-
ple on which it was founded. The limits to which he was
restricted would cot permit him to go into detail of the va-
rious obstructions which had been thrown by Portugal in
the way of the due and fair execution of that treaty on her
part. It would be supposed that under such a treaty we
shouli be supplied with the best quality of wine from Por -
gal, and to whatever extent we required ; but the reverse
was the fact. They limited the quantity supplied to us,
and they deteriorated it in quality. We supplied them
with our best manufactures, And on the cheapest terms
they could get them,-..we nearly excluded the wines of
France in favour of them,—indeed, he might almost soy
that we put an end to the total trade of this country with
France for their advantage, and the return which we got
for all this consisted in contemptible obstructions thrown
in the way of our trade, which was insulting to the na-
Cone, honour, and the commission of direct frauds,which
must appear at least nettling to our national vanity. But
he grOunded this motion upon higher principles than any
that had reference to the treaty of Methuen. Still it was
neeeoi iry for him to advert to that treaty, as it had been
principally levelled against our commerce with France, and
the result of it had been to prevent a more extended com-
merce on our part with that country. His object was to
return to a more extended commerce with that country.
Here he should call the attention of the House to the state
of our trade with France. He should state, for the pur-
pose of comparison, the average annual amount of our
trade with all parts of the world since the peace, and the
average annual amount of our trade with France during
the same period. Our annual average imports for the fif-
teen years since the peace, ending the sth of January,
1829, from all par's of the world, amounted to 34,233,0001.;
our tverage annual exports during time same time amounted
to 52,938,6891. During that period our average annual
imports from France amounted to 1,883,8441., and our
exports to that country to 1,227,8871. Now he would,
just by way of comparison, state the amount of our trade
with another great power during that period. He would
take the United States as the instance to which he should
refer the House. They had as well as France numerous
restrictions upon our commerce, and yet the average
amount of our imports front the United States was
3,936,0001., and the annual average amount of our ex-
ports to that country was 6,556,4741. This return
showed that our imports front the United States were
three times greater than our imports from France, and:that
our exports thence were sii times more valuable than our
exports to France. In this small island, the amount
of inanimate power applied to manufactures alone was
treble that so applied in France and all its territory.
France offered peculiar advantages for trade with tiiis
country. It was only divided from us by the British Chan-
nel, and was nearer even than Ireland to our shores, and
yet the amount of our trade with France was what he had
gated, and that after the expiration of fifteen years of peace.
France had since 1814 imposed considerable duties upon
the import of iron and other articles of our manufactured
pro.luce there ; but we had no right to blame France upon
that ground. We were the first to commence the re-
strictive system, by the imposition of almost prohibitory
duties upon the importation of her wines. Now wine
formed the essential basis of her commerce—there was
five millions of acres devoted to the production of it; the
cultivation of the vines and the manufacture of the wine
gave employment to one-tenth part of the population of
the country ; and the annual product raised averaged
21,000,000/. The question was, who was it began with
the imposition of restrictions, the French or ourselves ?
The French commenced in 1814, and we commenced so
ter back as 1703, with the Treaty of Methuen ; so that
as we were the first to commence the system, we should
lead the way in putting an end to it. Why should a
Treaty like that of Methuen be allowed to continue a
ndechievous barrier to the extension of the commerce of the
country. Portugal was no longer what it was at the date of
the Treaty ofMethiten. It was then united with Brazil, dis-
seminating European refinement throughout Brazil, arid
bringing back the wealth of America to Europe. it was
now Portugal property, and its condition was such as to
render its commerce of little advantage to any country.
Her population amounted to only 3,000,000, and he be-
lieved it was actually diminishing. Her internal commerce
was at a stand, and she had no navy to protect the trifling
foreign commerce which she possessed. Was it for such
a country that we were to sacrifice the advantages
which might be derived from a more intimate com-
mercial intercourse with France? Whet could we im-
port from Portugal exclusive of wine ? It appeared
from Parliamentary returns that the whole value of our
imports from Portugal last year, not including wine,
amounted only to 112,0001. That was not equal to
the trade of one of our smaller colonies, and were the
national interests to be sacrificed to such a paltry trade
as that ? The treaty with Portugal had been always
defended on the ground that it afforded a market there
for our woollens. Now he would just, as illustrative of
the effects of that treaty, state the amount of our ex-
ports to Portugal previous to that treaty, and compare that
amount with our present exports there. He would in the
first instance take the average of the four years previous to
the conclusion of the Methuen treaty. The average amount
of our exports to Portugal for the four years previous to
1703 was 728,5851., that was before the conclusion of this
treaty, which was so much to benefit our woollen trade.
Now the total value of our exports of woollens to Portugal
was, in the year 1828, according to the Parliamentary re-
turns, only 164,9261., so that the average amount in value
of our woollens exported to Portugal previous to the Me-
thuen treaty was four or five times greater than it was
now, after that treaty had been in existence for a century
and upwards. He did not deem it necessary to dwell upon
the importance to the manufacturing and commercial inte-
rests of this country of extending our markets upon the
Continent of Europe. He argued this question in a corn-
mei cial point of view. He should not on the present oc-
casion go further than his motion went, though lie hoped
upon sonic future occasion to invite the attention of the
House to the necessity of adopting some decisive measures
for extending our trade with France. The Hon. Member
concluded by moving for copies or extracts of the report of
the Lords Commissioners of Trade with respect to the wine
company in Oporto, and its monopoly, in the year 1767 ;
also a copy of the remonstrance of Lord Strangford to the
Court of Brazil, in 1813 ; also copies of all diplomatic cor-
r:spondence relating to this subject; and likewise for returns
of the imports and exports of Portugal, and the imports
and exports of Brazil, from and to this country, from the
year 1800 to the present time.
Mr. COURTENAY did not rise to defend the Methuen
Treaty, or to controvert the statements, to the greater par-
..:n:...see. tee ...pot than

his opposition. tie (Mr. Courtenay) should not go in
the details of this subject on this Occasion. He belies
the Hon. Member himself would acknowledge, that
though his motion might be in itself unobjectionable, and
though it might be tOefut td call the attention of the House
to the at to of our trade with Portugal, it would be incon-
venient for his Majesty's Ministers, at this period of the ,
Session, to enter into a detail of their views as to the va-
rious topics connected with this subject. lie (Mr. Cour-
tenay) was of opinion that there was no doubt that this
country was at perfect liberty to revive and re-consider the
Treaty of Methuen, and he would say further that Govern-
ment was disposed to undertake that revision so soon as
the state of our political relations with Portugal would af-
ford an opportunity for that purpose. He would further
assure him, that, whenever the discussion regarding this
treaty should be renewed with the Portuguese Govero-
ment, the just causes of complaint to which he had re-
ferred would not fail to be Urged as they deserved.—
(Hear, hear.)--He should not oppose the production of
the greater part of the papers moved for by the Hon.
Member. He was willing to accede to the production of
the report of the Lords of Trade, the remonstrance of
Lord Strangford, and the import and export returns ; but
the diplomatic eorresponCence for which he moved the
Hon. Member must see could not at present with pro-
priety be produced, as it might have reference to many
public transactions and negociations at present in progress.
Ile would repeat, that in a great portion of the statements
of the Hon. Member he perfectly concurred.
Mr. ROBINSON saw clearly that the statement of his
Hon. Friend had made, and had very justly made, a con-
siderable impression on the House. lie should follow the
example of his Hon. Friend, in not dwelling upon the
present state of our political relations with Portugal. His
Hon. Friend had designated the Treaty of Methuen as one
under which we had the misfortune to live. He could not
join his llon,Friend in the opposition which he had offered
to the continuance of that Treaty, nor in the statements
which he had made respecting the disadvantages of our
present commercial regulations with Portugal. He ad-
mitted that our regulations with Portugal might be at-
tended with disadvantage in a political point of view ; but
he contended that in every practical point of view they
were of greater advantage to us than any which we had
contracted with any other European nation. His Hon.
Friend had said, that the import of all articles from Por-
tugal, wine excepted, did not amount one year with ano-
ther to 100,000/. ; but his Hon. Friend hal forgotten to
notice in his statement what was far more important, that
in 1829, (so the Hon. Member said, but it is evidently a
mistake) a period antecedent to the interruption of the
commercial regulations between Great Britain and Porto.
gal, the amount of British and Irish imports to Portugal
exceeded 2,500,000/. Unfortunately he observed in the
official returns of this year a diminution of no less than
. 750,000/.—a diminution which undoubtedly woos much

. .
to be regretted, but which was to be attributed to the
di3turbed and distracted condition of the internal re-

lations of Portugal, rather than to any want of de
mind for the consumption of British manufactures in
that country. liis lion. Friend repudiated the trade of
Portugal, but invited that of France. Now if his Hon.
Friend had been kind enough to inform the House
how that trade was to be obtained, he would have conferred
a great boon not only upon the House, but also upon the
country. Until the Government of France changed its
present system of commercial policy, it would be impos
sible for us, however willing we might be, to extend our
commerce with that nation. He admitted that the mono-
poly of the Oporto Wine Company was a monstrous evil.
It was one to which the Government of this country was
perfectly alive, and on which be believed that it had made
frequent representations to the Government of Portugal.
As however the Treaty of 1810 was now at an end, the
fifteen years of its continuance having expired, and as the
Government of Portugal had given our Government notice
that that Treaty must now come under revision, he trusted
that, in fomning the conditions which our Government
might be induced to demand of Portugal, the circumstances
would not be overlooked that Portugal was almost exclu-
sively supplied with British manufactures. The wines of
Portugal were the favourite beverage of this cos try, and
in more general consumption than the wines of any other
nation ; and he would assure his Hon. Friend that if ever
the wines of France were as generally drank here as those
of Portugal, both would be liable to the same adulteration.
He must, notwithstanding the impatience of the House
to press on to the other business of the evening, advert
to one other subject connected with this question,
which he considered of great importince. He took, as
the House must have seen, a deep interest in the welfare
and prosperity of one of our colonies, which carried
on a flourishing trade with Portugal--he meant the
colony of Newfoundland. That colony absolutely existed
in consequence of the low rate of duty at which British
fish was introduced into Portugal; and he said that if
Ministers should not be able, whenever the Treaty with
Portugal was revised, to secure the same advantages
fur the introduction of British cured fish into Portugal,
that colony would decidedly be lost to this country.—
There was a consumption in Portugal of one-third of the
fish cured in Newfoundland, and the fish cured there was
admitted into Portugal at a rate of duty 10 per cent. lower
than that paid on the fish cured by any other nation, so
that the fish cured by the French and Americans was ex-
cluded from the Portuguese markets, and we were left to
supply them entirely. In that point of view alone there
was a very extensive and beneficial trade to this country
carried on between Portugal and our colonies, as regarded
the amount both of capital and of shipping engaged in
it. Should unfortunately any commercial dispute occur
by which Portugal should lose the advantage of having its
wine introduced at a rate of duty lower by one-third than
the rate of duty imposed on the wines of other countries,
Ministers might depend upon it, that the Government of
Portugal would admit into that country foreign manufac-
tures and foreign goods at a lower rate of duty than it did
at present. We night be insensible to the value of our
trade with Portugal, but France was not. France was
jealous of our monopoly of trade with Portugal ; and
France, that very country, which his Hon. Friend asked
them to trade with, though he did not vouchsafe to inform
them how they were to do so, was anxious to secure to it-
self those advantages which we seemed so anxious to throw
away. He concurred with his Hon. Friend in all that he
had said respecting the injurious consequences of the mo-
nopoly of the wine company at Oporto. He concurred
with him in thinking, that if Government could devise
any mode by which they could obtain an admission of its
commerce into Francs, the trade of Portugal might be
given up without regret.
Mr. HUSKISSON would not detain the House at any
great length upon this sul jest, after the very able and
perspicuous statement made by his Hon. Friend behind
him respecting our commercial regulations with Portugal
since the signing of the Methuen Treaty. He would be
content with saying that we might put an end to that
treaty—he would say that we ought—(Hear, hear)—and
that too, for this reason. The only privilege which we
obtained as an equivalent for those which we extended to
the Portuguese, was the admission of our woollens into
that country. Now, for many years past, the prohibition
on the admission of woollens, the production of other
countries besides Great Britain and its dependencies, had
been removed ; and, therefore the woollens of Great Britain
stood in no favour, so far as the policy of the Government
of Portugal was concerned, over the woollens of other
countries. The permission therefore to import the wines
of Portugal at a duty, only two-thirds of that imposed on
the wines of France, was a permission granted without
consideration, and ought therefore to be withdrawn. He
differed a little from his Hon. Friend as to the policy
of the treaty into which we entered with Portugal
in 1810. He thought that if in the Methuen Treaty this
country had made an arrangement disadvantageous to
Brit'sh interests, it had by the Treaty of 1810, in conse-
quence of its relations with the family of Braganza,
then exiled from its European dominions, obtained
concessions and privileges highly advantageous to at, and
greater perhaps than were just to the other contracting
party. By that treaty the Methuen Treaty was contr-
nued—we gave to Portugal the privilege of importingits
wines at two-thirds of the duty imposed upon the wines
of any other country, and Portugal bound itself to us to
receive all artic'es, the manufacture and produce of Great
Britain, at a rate of duty not exceeding 15 per cent. on
their value, whilst the same articles, Leing the produce of
other countries, were to pay a duty of 25 per cent.—
(Hear, hear.)—Now, when we bound ourselves to grant
to Portugal an inequality of duty upon one article only of
its produce, it was scarcely fair to demand from Portugal
that she &mill I receive all articles of our produce and ma-
nufacture at a rate of duty so much less than that which
she imposed on the same articles when imported from other
countries. He was of opinion that, in all treaties of com-
merce, the great object should be to establish a complete
reciprocity between the two nations who were parties to
them. He agreed with his Hon. Friend in the condem-
nation which he had passed upon the wine monopoly of
Oporto. The Company engaged in the monopoly was a
Company of great power. All men of consideration, in-
fluence, power, and wealth in Portugal were members of
it. They had made it a great engine of State, by which
they had raised the wines of Portugal in a very undue
manner, and in a very unfair degree. He believed that
re should not overstate the amount to which that Compaq
lhad raised the price of Portuguese wines, when he said
that they had raised it to the amount of at least 151. for
every pipe. The English trader could not buy any wine in

Portugal, save that allotted for him by the Company.
His Hon. Friend had stated that since the 15 years, for
which the Treaty of 1610 was to continue, had expired
in 1825, that Treaty was now open to revision. It was
true that that Treaty was open to revision, bat not true
that it was at an end. That Treaty was r rpetu :1, sub-
ject only to the right of being revised by both parties, if
they so thought fit, at the eXpiratitio of 15 y,..'area
1825 that period of 15 years expired. It was no sooner
terminated than negotiations commenced for the revision
of the Treaty. He (Mr. Huskisson) was at that period
President of the Board of Trade, and those negociaiions
were conducted by the late Mr. Canning and himself with
the Portuguese Ambassador in this country. The Treaty
was almost satisfactorily arranged, when political events
prevented its termination, In those negotiations his Ma-
jesty's Government never lost sight of the abuses arising
out of this monopoly: Provision was made in the prnjet
of Treaty, and was almost agreed upon, for putting an end
to them. He must therefore put in his claim to have one
of these alternatives agreed to by the House—" Either
place the two countries upon a footing of equality, or, if
we are to have the exclusive privilege in Portugal of im-
porting our cottons, our woollens, our silks, our hard-
ware, at duties one-third lower than those imposed on
the same articles imported from other countries, in
common justice allow, not only wine, but all the pro-
ductions of Portugal, to come into our dominions
on the same terms." He would not give any opinion
at present as to which of these two plans be considered
best, though, certainly, upon the principles which he bad
always advocated, he was inclined to think that it would
be best to act on the principles of reciprocity. The Hon.
Member for Worcester had stated that if we gave up our
present advantages in Portugal, we should have every
reason to fear the competition of France. For his own
part he believed that there was no occasion for us to be in
any such state of alarm. He had no doubt but that we
should find that even with the most enterprising spirit of
competition, our manufactures would still meet with the
same preference in Portugal as they now met with in every
other country. As to the trade with Newfoundland, on
which the Hon. Member for Worcester had laid so much
stress, it would be placed on the same footing as the trade.
in fish of other countries. Though we might not retain
all, we should still retain great part of it. He much
doubted whether monopoly did not in all trades lead to
expense, indifference, remissness, and negligence on the
parts of those who possessed it. Give fair competition to
the British fish-curer, and he (Mr. Huskisson) should not
be afraid of his being able to meet his rivals in the Portu-
guese markets with complete success. Be that, however,
as it might, it was not their province at present to dis-
cuss; but it was the province of his Majesty's Govern-
ment to arrange with Portugal, as soon as the political
arrangements of the two countries would permit, the foot-
ing on which the trade between them ought hereafter to
be permanently settled. All that he contended for at pre-
sent was this—that we should not exact from Portugal
conditions which we should not ourselves be willing to
grant. He stated it to be his deliberate opinion that the
trade of Portugal would he most efficaciously promoted by
its not being placed under the care of Government as to
its details.
Mr. SLANEY had every reason to know that there
was a most anxious desire in all the manufacturing classes
of the country to have fresh markets formed, to which
they might send the produce of their industry.
The motion was then put and agreed to.
SIERRA LEONE.
Mr. HUME said, that in rising to bring forward the
motion of which he bad given notice on the expediency of
withdrawing the settlement of Sierra Leone. The rea-
sons which convinced him of the propriety of withdr ming
this colony arose at its very first commencement, and were
found in existence at every period of its subsequent pro-
gress. The principal objection to the continuance of the
colony was the frightful mortality which Welt place there.
Sir Granville Sharpe sent out 450 persons to Sierra Leone.
In the same year in which they arrived at the colony their
number was reduced by death to 276, and in the following
year to 130. He believed that now there was not one of
those persons in existence. In 1791 the first Charter was
granted to the Company who undertook the management
of the colony. Subsequently to that period a considerable
number of persons had been sent to the colony at various
times, the greater part of whom had been prematurely
swept away by death. In 1792, 1,130 blacks were car-
ried to Sierra Leone from Nova Scotia; but so ungenial
was the climate, that in the course of the first year one-
tenth of them died. In 1802 the Commissioners re-
ported that there were only 224 families of these blacks
then existing, and he believed that the whole number of
individuals now remaining was 500. That result alone
might have the effect of discouraging ordinary intrepidity;
but as the Company consisted of influential individuals,
who set their hearts on effecting the object which they
had in view, they were not to he deterred by ordinary dif-
ficulties. In 1800, 580 Maroon settlers were sent to
li
Sierra Leone. In 1802 their timber was considerably
reduced, but still those settlers appeared to be the only
persons who could hold their ground against the
climate, for in 1826 they were more numerous than in
1800. In 1817, 1,220 men, belonging to the African corps
and the West India regiments settled at Sierra Leone with
their families. As usual a large portion of these persons
perished in a short time. The Company which had ma-
naged the colony for twenty years at length found their
capital exhausted, and they induced the Government to
relieve them from the burden of supporting the colony.
It was unnecessary for him to state the various measures
adopted by Government for the purpose of maintaining the
colony. He might safely declare that no colony had ever
had so much money laid out upon it. He had therefore
brought his mind to the conclusion, that if a private corn-
party, possessed of zeal and capital, had, after 20 years'
trial, failed to make the colony flourishing, and if Go-
vernment, after 20 years' further trial, with all the re-
sources and power which it commanded, had failed to
arrive at the same result, it was now time for the House
to consider whether the colony should not be given up.
It appeared to him that it was impossible to improve 'the
condition of the population beyond a certain point, on ac-
count of the barren nature of the soil. It was found that
the soil would not produce after the second year of culti-
vation, and it therefore followed that a great portion of
the li'!erated blacks landed at the colony must remain with-
out employment. The soil would produce neither sugar
nor cotton. Ile believed that a little rice was all that ha:l
been raised from it. The Hon. Member then proceeded to
state the sum which had been expended in supporting 'the
colony, which, as we understood, had amounted to upwards
cf 3,000,0001. sterling in 1826. The annual expense
of the colony was now, by the economical measures of
Government, reduced to about 40,0001. It might be
asked why he would not allow so trifling au expense
to he continued ? He would answer, because he was
not sure that the expense would not be again augmented.
He then again adverted to the mortality which had oc-
curred in that colony. To establish that point, he stated,
that the population in 1825 amounted to 17,000 persons,
including soldiers. Since that period the number of
liberated blacks landed in the colony amounted to 9,000,
and yet the population now was only 16,800. Thus in
five years upwards of 9,000 persons had disappeared from
the gross number. It was said that the colony should be
maintained for the purposes of commerce. Now, he would
argue, that in a commercial point of view, the settlement
of Sierra Leone presented no advantage in any degree
equivalent to the loss of human life which the pestilential
nature of the climate occasioned. The Hon. Gentleman
then pointed out the advantage of substituting the island of
Fernando Po as a settlement for liberated Africans instead
of Sierra Leone. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by
moving, " That it is expedient, at the present moment,
to adopt measures for withdrawing the settlement of Sierra
Leone."
Mr. F. BUXTON observed, that if the unhealthiness
of the place were a good reasen for giving up Sierra
Leone, it would in his opinion afford an equally good rea-
son for abandoning our West India islands; because it was
at times neatly as unhealthy there as at Sierra Leone.—
(No, no.)—Some years ago he moved for a return with
respect to the mortality amongst the troops in the West
Indies, and he was told, that if it were granted it would
create great alarm amongst the friends and relatives of
those who were sent out there; but on his declaring that
he would persevere, he rere:ved from Sir Het beet Taylor,
an acknowledgment on this subject, with permission to
make it known on any case of emergency. Sir H. Taylor's
language is this :—" We are ready to admit, that it may
be shown that, with respect to Jamaica anti even Ceylon,
the mortality has been nearly equal to that of the coast of
! Africa, in proportion to the number of persons." The
Hon. Gentleman concluded by recommending the whole
subject to the consideration of a Committee, instead of de-
ciding upon it by a vote of this nature.
Mr. BERNAL denied that the climate of Jamaica was
such as had been described. Could the Hon. Member tell
him, that six successive Governors had fallen victims to
the climate of Jamaica? Could he say that Secretary
after Secretary, that Chief Justice after Chief Justice, had
perished, as at Sierra Leone, by miasmata, at Jamaica ?
He was well aware that malignant fevers did, at times,
commit ravages in the West Indies ; but, from the pre-
cautions latterly taken with respect to the troops, by the
introduction of ken bedsteads, and by the institution of
barrack canteens, by which the men were saved from the
deleterious effects of intoxication, the evil was very much
:ated. He thought with the Hon. Member for Wey-

'sleuth, that a Committee would be teat adapted to inquire
into the subject.
After a few worth from Mr. S. WORTLEY and Mr. W.
Sir G. MURRAY said, in entering upon the career of
humanity which we had essayed, we had found competitors
who, lie was sorry to say, were not willing to go along
with us to that degree and extent of noble emulation neces-
sary to effect the gaeat object 'f our endeavours. But it
did not appear to him that that circumstance afforded a
sufficient reason far us to abandon so great, honourable,
and laudable an endeavour ; and if we resolved to perse-
vere in this object, it was impossible for us to do so with
any prospect of success, without some station on the coast
of Africa where liberated negroes cou'd he placed under the
protection of this country. With respect to the station of
Sierra Leone, he saw nothing to induce us to consider it as
being more objectior able titan others that might be selected.
On the contrary, the reports of several medical gentlemen
led to the conclusion that it would not be easy to discover a
more eligible s'tuation on the coast of Africa. There were
no longer any European troops on the station. Arrange-
ments had been made for creating a native force and
establishing a militia, so that the mortality that had
existed among European troops at Sierra Leone could not
again occur. The Right lion. Gentleman proceeded to
refer to documents showing that regulations were adopted
tending in various ways to promote the health of the colony
and improve the conditions of the residents. Having made
these statements as to the present condition of the colony,
he would offer a few observations with regard to the
views entertained on the subject of its future prosp cts.—
Black regular troops and militia would be employed, and
it was his intention to effect such a change in the adminis-
tration of the colony, as should cause all civil situations
to be gradually filled by persons of colour. The King's
advocate was at present a person of colour ; and he en-
tertained no doubt of the possibility of placing the whole
superintendence of the settlement under people of colour,
who would not suffer in health from a residence there.
Thus the waste of human life would be avoided. Pursuing
the system further, be did not despair of seeing Sierra
Leone, after the lapse of no great length of time, in the
situation of a free black settlement—a circumstance that
would afford one of the fairest openings for the successful
introduction of the blessings of religion anti civilization
upon the vast continent of Africa. Under such circum-
stances, and on all these grounds, be saw no reason for
acceding to the motion of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen.
With regard to the suggestion of the Hon. Member for
Weymouth, to the effect that the question ought to be in-
vestigated by a committee, he owned that such an inquiry
did not appear to him to be necessary, but he left the
matter in the hands of the House.
General GASCOYNE had beard no argument to sa-
tisfy him that the subject should not be inquired into.
Dr. LUSHINGTON was satisfied that such was the
favourable condition of the liberated Africans, that with
a small force of coloured soldiers the colony might be kept
in a state of tranquillity. We must have some settlement
of the coast of Africa, and no other place could be fixed
upon which was so favourable.
Sir R. INGLIS defended the settlement from the re-
proach of insalubiity t the statements of the mortality
there had been exaggerated. He agreed with the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman, that the slave trade could not
be put down unless we had some settlement on that coast,
and Sierra Leone was healthier than any other place.
Mr. HUME, in reply, deprecated mixing the question
of the slave trade with the subject before the House. He
would, with leave of the House, withdraw his amendment,
and propose " that a Select Committee be appointed to
inquire into the present state of the colony of Sierra
Leone." He had put down the names of the Committee
he proposed, in which there was no West Indian or
abolitionist.
On the question being put, the gallery was cleared for a
division, but none took place, and the Committee was (we
understood) agreed to.
On returning to the gallery, we found Lord MILTON
upon his legs, endeavouring to fix some day for his re-
solutions on the corn laws, which were fixed for to-night.
He at length named Tuesday the 22d.
A long desultory discussion then ensued as to the ar-
rangement of the business before the House, in which Sir
R. Peel, Sir C. Wetherell, Mr. Brougham, Lerd Milton,
Colonel Sibthorp, Mr. Stanley, the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, and Mr. Fergusson took part.
Sir R. PEEL proposed, and it was, we believe, as-
sented to, that on Thursday the debate in the Court of
Chancery should be resumed ; that on Friday evening, at
half-past five, the Bill for the Reform of the Courts in
Scotland should be debated ; and afterwards the subject
of the general administration of the law. The Right
Hen. Baronet remarked that nothing showed more com-
pletely the state of the public business, than that the mea-
-1 sures connected with the administration of justice, which
had been recommended in his Majesty's speech at the open-
ing of the Session, were standing still.
Mr. P. THOMSON wished to know what was pro-
posed to be done with some important Bills which stood
in the orders.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was
anxious to bring on the Sale of Beer Bill on Thursday.
The discussion of the Chancery question on that day would
perhaps render it hopeless to bring it on early, but if any
circumstance with respect to the debate should enable him
he would bring it on that day.
Mr. STANLEY wished to know whether the Right
Hon. Gentleman would go into the Committee of Supply
on Monday, as he (Mr. Stanley) would wish to fix his
motion fir that day.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would go
into the Committee on Monday, if possible; and if the
Hon. Member wished to take his chance on that day he
might ; hut if he wished to be more certain, he had better
wait till Friday week.
Mr. STANLEY said that, preferring certainty, he
would name Friday week.
After a few remarks from Mr. FERGUSSON, Mr, HER-
MES, and Mr. S; RICE, referring (as we understood) to
the state of other business of the House, but the noise in
the House was such, that a very accurate notion of the
details of what was passing could not be obtained in the
gallery,
Mr. W. WYNN wished to know what was to be done
with a measure which had been introduced by •the Right
Honourable and Learned Member for Knaresborough, re-
specting the Registrar at Madras. It had already gone
through two stages, and, as important public interests
were concerned, it was of importance that some progress
should be made in it with as little delay as possible. Some
day, be thought, ought to be fixed for its next stage.
Mr. HUME wish-d to know what day could be fixed
for the discus,ion of the Canada Bill.
Sir G. MURRAY said that it was, amongst other or-
ders, waiting for its turn.
Sir R. PEEL, referring to what fell from his Right
Hon. Friend (Mr. \V. Wynn) as to the Registrar at Ma-
dras Bill, suggested, that as the Bill was something in the
nature of a judicial proceeding, they should follow the
example in another case of the present Sessiens sod sit cn
Saturday, at twelve, to dispose of it.
Mr. BROUGHAM, the SOLICITOR- GENERAL, and Mr.
W. WYNN, concurred in this suggestion, which was left
as an understanding, but no order was made upon it.
COUNTY COURTS.
Mr. BROUGHAM, referring to the Bill which he had
moved for some time back, respecting the establishment of
county courts, said that some difficulties had occurred as to
matters of form ; it requiring the sanction of a Committee
of the House for the salaries to parties not paid by fees. It
was his intention to move the Bill through a Committee on
Thursday, for the purpose of filling up the blanks, so as
to put the House in possession of the details of the Bill.
CANINE MADNESS.
Mr. Alderman WOOD moved the second reading.
Sir R. PEEL suggested that it would be better to allow
the Bill to go to a Committee up stairs. The power which
the Bill proposed to give to Magistrates ought not to be
given without due consideration, and in its present shape
he thought the measure too crude and vague to be adopted,
for instance, the clause which said that dogs should be con-
fined in a district, parish, or place, was too indefinite. And
then there was another clause, authorizing persons to seize
hold of any mail dog, or dog suspected of being mad, and
deliver it to a police-constable.—(Much laughter.)—lt
would be better to send the Bill for consideration to a Com •
mittee of practical men.
Mr. Alderman WOOD said he had taken up the mea-
sure on public grounds, and was ready to submit it to a
Committee.
The Bill was then read a second time, and referred to
a Select Committee.
LIBEL LAW AMENDMENT BILL.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL moved the second
reading of this Bill.
Lord MORPETII would not oppose the Bill; but he
gave notice that in the Committee he would move a clause
to reduce the security given by proprietor; of newspapers
to the original sum.
Mr. FERGUSSON expressed his intention of moving
for the repeal of that clause which authorized the Court,
on a first conviction for libel, to direct the seizure of all
copies in the hands of the publisher, or others in trust For
him, and to break open doors, if necessary, to get at them.
Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that be would in the
Committee move a clause allowing evidence to be given as
to the truth of allegations in cases of libel.
Sir C. WETHERELL said the Hon. Member bad