The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-08 00:00:00

influence of Government, the Conservative strength shall
not be weakened.—(lmmense cheering.) Now, gentle-
men, to what is this to be attributed ? How can this be
accounted for? When I dissolve the Parliament, the
numbers increase from about 140 to 306 ; and when the
present Government dissolve the Parliament, they gain not
only no additional strength, but find themselves unable to
contend against the power of their opponents. The
Hon. Baronet then proceeded to say that there had been

no lack in the circulation of rumours against the Conser-
vative party. The first to which he should advert was
that which asserted that the leaders of the Conser-

vative party were in league with the King of Hanover
to deprive his subjects of their Constitution. He (Sir

R. Pcel) never thought it worth while to give a contra-
diction to this charge. Those who heard him did not, of

course, believe it ; but there were others who might, per-
haps, be more credulous : he, therefore, took that opportu-
nity of stating, upon the honour of a gentleman, that neither
himself or any of the Conservative leaders, whose opinions
were worth having, had been consulted on the subject of the
recent proclamation, nor were they aware that any such
change was in contemplation. If they had been consulted,
their answer would have been that they had quite enough

to occupy their attention in the affairs of England, with-
out interfering in the affairs of a country with whose in-
terests they were not acquainted. He repeated, that neither
himself nor his Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington),
and he might add, any other Conservative leader, whose
opinion was worth having, knew any thing of the King of
Hanover's proclamation until they read it in the news-
papers.—(Loud cheers.) In the course of the present
contest no unsparing use had been made of the influ-
ence of the Crown and the name of her Majesty.—
(Hear.) He confessed he deeply regretted that this high
name had been prostituted for the purpose of influencing
a contested election.—(Hear, hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) did
not believe that there was ever a Sovereign who possessed

in a more eminent degree the attachment of her sub
jects, of all parties, than the present Queen of England.—
(Great cheering.) All hailed .the advent to power of her
present Majesty as a great compensation for the heavy loss
which had been sustained in the death of the amiable
and lamented Princess Charlotte.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed
he thought the beautiful and eloquent description given by
the great Mr. Burke of the Queen of France might with
great justice be applied to their present beautiful and ami-
able Sovereign. " I think, (said Mr. Burke,) it was about
sixteen or seventeen years ago I first saw the Queen of
France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles, and never did
the eye light on that orb, which she scarcely seemed to
touch, a lovelier vision. I saw her just above the horizon
glittering like the morning star, full of life and splendour
and joy." This he thought with justice and without ex-
aggeration, might fairly be applied to the present Queen of
England, and the circumstance of who were her Majesty's
Ministers did not check the full tide of loyalty from every
class of her devoted subjects.—(Hear, hear.) When it
teas considered that this was the universal feeling of the
country, would it not have been much more decorous if the
adv isers of the Crown had not permitted her Majesty's name
to be made use of for the purpose of influencing a contested
election.—( Hear.) When he saw it stated that the war-
rants to her Majesty's tradesmen had been kept back
until it should be seen how her butchers and bakers
might vote, and whether or not their support should be
given to the Radical candidates—(Hear, hear.)—when
he saw it stated that her Majesty's Master of the Horse,
when passing through a certain town in Surrey, and finding
the Inn at which he changed horses occupied by the friends
of the Conservative candidate, intimated that her Majesty's
posting should in future be transferred to the rival esta-
blishment—when he saw such petty distinctions made be-
tween the" Castle and King's Arms," was he not justified
in saying that such conduct was disgraceful to the servants
of the Sovereign ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Her Majesty was
quite unconscious of all these things, and he (Sir Robert
Peel) was satisfied if she was aware of the attempts which
had been made to coerce her tradesmen for the purpose
of compelling them to vote for particular candidates, her
opinion as to such conduct would be in perfect unison with
leis own--(Hear, hear, hear.) He deeply lamented, there-
fore, that such a use should have been made of the Go-
verner's name. There were other matters to which he felt
it necessary to allude, in which the influence of the Crown
bad been most improperly used to promote the Fuccos of
electioneering projects. Had they read the correspondence
respecting the borouxiis of Portarlington and Woodstock ?
If they had, they would see how far, not only the influence,
but the favours of the Crown had been used for the pur-
pose of furthering the views of party. Why, therefore, was
it that the Conservative party had not been diminished in
its numbers, and had determined to resist the attempts.
which had been made to exercise improperly the influence
of the Crown ? The Conservative party were disquieted
at tile line of conduct which had been adopted, and they
were determined that her Majesty's name sheuld not. be
used for party purposes. They were also determined that
the Royal prerogative should be preserved entire, and un-
impaired, till that period of her Mejesty's life when she
would be better able to appreciate her own position. It
was in vain for her Majesty's Government to profess attach-
ment fur the Constitution, so long as they lent their counte-
nance to a p.trty who was directly and avowedly opposed to
it. The Hon. Baronet then referred to a letter which had
recently been written by Colonel Thompson to the elec-
tors of Dunfermline, in reply to a requisition, calling upon
him to stand for the borough, from which he read the fol-
lowing extract :
" I am afraid I could not, consistently with the union it
is desirable to preserve, till upon good counsel it is deter-
mined to break it up, accept of the offer made from the
Dunfermline burghs, particularly as the Whigs have been
doing the handsome thing in the case of Rcebuck at
Bath, by withdrawing the Whig Captain Scobell."
The Conservatives were determined to use all their influ-
ence, as they were perfectly justified in doing, in resisting
such attempts as he had already described. They were
also determined that in carrying out the principle of the
Reform Bill, the institutions of the country should not
be endangered, or their mixed monarchy changed into a de-
mocratic republic.—(Cheers.) They were also determined
to preserve the just influence of the aristocracy in reference
to the representation of the country. They had manifested
their strength in the last Parliament, and they would return
above three hundred to the next. The Right Hon. Baronet
then referred to a letter which had been addressed by
Mr. O'Connell to the electors of Kildare, with the reply of
Mr. Ruthven, and begged to remind the company that the
party to whose letter he should first advert, had professed
himself the advocate of piety and freedom of election, and
had always been loud in his condemnation of the system of
trafficking in boroughs—therefore he proceeded to read the
letter. He begged to apprize them that the city of Kil-
dare, in the last Parliament, sent a person named Mr. Ed-
ward Ruthven, and this gentleman was again a candidate
for the representation of that county. It appeared that
Mr. Ruthven had, for some cause or other, incurred the
displeasure of Mr. O'Connell, of whom he had previously
been a strenuous supporter. Mr. O'Connell addressed a
letter to the ten-pound voters and labourers of Kildare re-
specting the former gentleman, which he would read :
TO THE TEN-POUND ELECTORS AND LABOURERS OF THE
COUNTY OF KILDARE.

" Fellow-countrymen—An attempt is made by Mr. Ed-
ward Ruthven to delude you. He has endeavoured to per-
suade some of you that he enjoys my confidence, and that
of the tradesmen of Dublin.
" With respect to the latter, I will dispose of it at once.
It is true, that during my recent absence from town, he
came forward, unexpectedly, at the Trades' Union, and was
well received. But why ? From the recollection of his
father's merits, and because, out of delicacy for his father's
memory, I had not moved for his expulsion from that body.
But this I pledge myself to do—that is, unless he shall
within one week withdraw his name from the Trades'
Union—l will move his expulsion.
" The grounds upon which I will do so are these : I
have just received a letter from him, written on Thursday
last, containing these words respecting himself, Edward
Ruthven :
" The people are to a man with me. Such is the po-
pularity and influence I possess amongst them, that I could,
were it wanting, or could it be useful, bring 20,000 labourers
(who would be guided by me) togethr at any point I
wished, in any of the five adjoining counties.'
. I believe this statement of his to be, in many particu-
lars, false, and in all others greatly exaggerated. But as
he may delude some, and terrify others into an aiding in
his mischievous schemes, I feel it my duty to denounce
that mischief, and to warn the people against being mis-
led by a man like him, who can not possibly do them any
good, but may entail upon them, and their children, many
evils.

I, who have laboured so long and so faithfully for the
people—l, who have for near forty years struggled to ele-
vate the Irish from unmerited suffering and degradation
—have a species of parental duty imposed on me, and
that is, whenever I detect perfidy or fraud, to expose the
views of the party, and to guard the poorer classes espe-
cially from being made the dupes and the victims of per-
sons who do not deserve their confidence, and ought not
to be trusted.
" Such unfortunately is the case of Mr. Edward Ruth-
ven. I mean no enmity to him. lam not actuated by
any secret or unavowed motive. I esteemed his honoured
and lamented parent. He was, indeed, a man of honour
and integrity,
of, an
and wuonuwlodrthhyavaect.suffered, if possible, ten
thousand deaths rather than have been stained by, much
less convicted
‘. It is, therefore, with pain and sorrow that I feel it my
hsaacprpeyd
man. so
duty to warn
indeed,nyou—to caution you against this un-
him to the people of Kildare,f being
didevewryiltlihnigngtoldepnoossuinbclye
could to prevent his obtruding himself on the public under
his present awkward predicament. tie, however, has re-

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 8, 1837.

jected my advice—has come forward in the most offensive
and dangerous manner, and compels me to interpose be-
tween his audacious artifices and the persons whom he
would delude, in order, I am convinced, to betray.
" Out of respect to his father's memory, I first expostu-
lated with him in private. I told him that we could not
possibly countenance his again canvassing the county of
Kildare. I told him that he stood convicted of crimes
which were in the eyes, not only of gentlemen, but of every
honest man, however humble, of the most disgraceful na-
ture—that Lord Howth, I think it was Colonel Westenra,
and Mr. John Maher, men of the highest honour and inte-
grity, had convicted him of a crime nothing short of
swindling and false swearing—that they had published a
book, which was circulated amongst all the Members of the
House of Commons, distinctly finding him guilty of having
substituted one, if not two horses for the proper ones, merely
to win other persons' money—that it was believed he had
qualified on oath one, if not both of these horses—that if
he were unjustly accused, he had then the opportunity to
vindicate his character, by bringing an action against the
publishers of the book ; but if he did not do so, he must
stand for ever tarnished in the public mind.
" He totally declined to bring any such action ; but he
pleaded that his means were limited, and that he suffered
much in the public cause.
" In the second place, so far from wishing to do him an
injury, I at once took the hint, and told him that it would
be in vain for him to expect that the Government could
possibly do anything for him in Ireland, where his conduct
was known, but I would try whether something might ❑ot
be done for him in some of the colonies. I do solemnly
assure you I took all the pains I possibly could to ascer-
tain whether any colonial appointment could be given him,
but all in vain. I was told that it would not be listened
to, nor even mentioned to any man in office. This result
of my inquiries I communicated to Mr. Ruthven.
" I next went so far as to endeavour to procure for him
from the new candidates some compensation for his losses
and expenses at former elections. I told him that I did
hope to get him from 600/. to 1,000/. as such compensa-
tion ; but he said that those elections had cost him from
4,000/. to 5,000/. ; which I did not believe. I found,
however, that I could not get one shilling for such compen-
sation ; and I concluded by informing him very distinctly,
that if he stood for the county of Kildare, he must expect
all the opposition I could possibly give him.
" Men of Kildare ! I tell you these things, that you
may see that I would have befriended him if I possibly
could ; not, certainly, for his own sake, but in honour of
the memory of his father, whom I esteemed and respected.
I would have done him service if I possibly could, and I
have pointed out to you the efforts I made, that he should
be able to retire into the obscurity of private life, without
its being necessary to expose that misconduct on his part
which renders him totally unworthy of confidence as a pub-
lic man.
6' I now only act from a conscientious sense of public
duty, when I tell you I am convinced Edward Ruthven is
in the interest of the Orange faction, and is an enemy to
the people of Ireland.
" His recent conduct leaves no room to doubt this. His
address, full as it is of topics calculated only to irritate
and injure others, without serving either his pretended
purposes, is alone sufficient to prove to my mind that Ed-
ward Ruthven is in the interest of, and is the tool of the
Orange faction.
" Labourers of Kildare, do not confide in him. Do not
attend to any summons or call of his ; he is not your
friend, but the contrary ; he is your enemy, doing the dirty
work, as he is doing, of the Orange party.
" Is there a single man amongst you who would have
confidence with a person, in your own class, who had been
declared to be guilty of dishonesty or any kind of swind-
ling ? lam sure there is not. You would be ashamed
to keep any such company. Do not, then, keep company
with Edward Ruthven, or assemble anywhere at hie bidding.
" Electors of the County of Kildare—l am convinced
he calutnn'ates you when he says he has the confidence of
any of you. There is not a single voter in Kildare who
would not disgrace himself by voting for this unhappy man.
You are honest—vote for honest men. You are just and
true—vote for the just and the true Archbold and O'Fer-
rall. A hove all, do not disgrace yourselves by listening one
moment to a man whose canvass, as a candidate for sour
county, '9 directly and obviously calculated to injure the
poplar and honest candidates, 0' Ferran and Archbold, and
to aid the interests of the Orange faction—the unmitigated
enemies of the religion and liberties of the people of

" This is the sincere ads ice and cordial entreaty of a man
whose every energy is devoted to the prosperity and glory
of old Ireland. " Your faithful friend,
" DANIEL O'CONNELL."
It had been hitherto charged against the Tories, that they
had been guilty of appointing improper persons to fill colo-
Lila! situations ; but what would be said of any one belong-
ing to that party, if they had given utterance to sentiments
which it appeared this gentleman was not ashamed to pub-
lish. He would nos read to them Mr. Ruthven's reply to
the charges of Mr. O'Cannell, The Right lion. B tronet
then re id the following extract :—" Mark the plain state-
ments which I now make. Listen, men of Kildare ! Men
of Ireland, listen to my words. In London Mr. O'Connell
asked me to call upon him—l did so ; when I entered the
room, he said, " My dear Ruthven, I have settled Kildare.'
I understood this to imply that I was to he returned without
a contest. He soon made me sensible of my mistake.
Lord Mulgrave,' said he, wishes to have young
Lawless (Lord Cloncurry's son) returned as soon as he
comes of age. He will be of age in a few months. You
are to hold Kil:larc as his locum tenens.' What was my
answer ? Certainly not. If the people return me, I
will never desert them, as you would have me do. No,
never !' Mr. O'Connell paused a moment. Well, well,'
said he, I'll tell you what I'll du with you, Ruthven.
You shall But first let me call upon you to
listen. Listen every man in Ireland—listen to the words
of this man, who has expressed for you as well as for me
the affection of a parent—listen to the proposal of the per-
son who cries tip purity of election ! These were his words,
I remember them as if the scene were of yesterday :
"'You shall have paid down to you, before you leave Lon-
don, the sum of 1,0001., and you shall have the first vacant
colonial situation you think worth your acceptance, if you
will but promise me to keep quiet until the day of election,
and to retire when I ask you. Agree to this, and we will
keep our own secret." My answer to this atrocious attempt
at bribery was a positive refusal. Mr. O'Connell then
turned round, in a state of furious excitement, and cried,
" What ! you'll fly in my face, will you ? Can you dare
to stand for Kildare against my will and the interest of the
Rev. Mr. Doyle ? If you do, I know how to make the
hustings too hot for you.' As I live, these were the words
of the Liberator,' the incorruptible patriot,' the friend
of Ireland !'
" Let Mr. O'Connell, if he dare, deny what I have
stated, and I have ample means of proof—ay, and the
means of proving far more than I have as yet asserted.
Confiding in a trust that never yet deceived me, confiding
in the just and honourable feelings of the people of Ireland,
and, above all, in those of my tried friends the men of Kil-
dare, and the men of the Trades' Political Union,
" I remain, as ever, their real friend.
" EDWARD RUTHVEN."
Which of these statements was the true one he did not
know, but he found, even upon Mr. O'Connell's own show-
ing, this fact, that to a person whom he considered unfit
for respectable society he offered from 6001. to 1,000/.,
and a colonial appointment, for giving up the representa-
tion of a county in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He must de-
clare that in all his experience he never knew a worse
transaction.—(Cheers.) He gave this as the latest tran-
saction which had taken place, as a matter distinctly avowed
by a leader of the Radical party of the House of Commons,
for the purpose of showing that if they permitted these men
to prevail and possess influence in the administration of the
concerns of this kingdom, so far from that circumstance
giving the people a security for purity and honesty, they
would only lead to an administration of its affairs such as
would be a disgrace to any country.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) It was not absurd prejudice against Mr. O'Con-
nell—it was not a hatred of Ireland that induced this
country to feel indignant that the party from Ireland
should exercise influence over the Government—but it
is when they hear such things as he had just adverted
to, stated publicly and ostentatiously, that they object to
men who are identified with them, being in any way con-
nected with the public affairs of this great country.—_( Hear,
hear.) They had no doubt beard it stated that Conservatives
were hostile to improvement, but this he denied. They
were, however, hostile to that species of improvement which
was calculated to injure instead of amending the institu-
tions of the country, or which would make the Government
of the country a reserved fund, out of which might be pur-
chased the support of a party hostile to those institutions.
It is in order that this may be prevented, that he en-
treated them, after the excitement of this election had
passed away, that they would not allow their exertions to
relax. They (the Constituent body) had great and im-
portant functions belonging to them. It was by their means
that the House of Lords would be able to stem the torrent
of reckless innovation now endeavoured to be poured in upon
them. Unless the Constituency were able to show to the
House of Lords that they were acting in accordance with
the feelings of the intelligent and thinking class of the
community, they might depend upon it the resistance of
that House would be fruitless. He did not ask them to
make the House of Lords able to resist wise and salutary
improvements, but he did call upon them to enable it
to oppose innovations in Church and State, which were
the basis upon which the Constitution rested.—(Hear,
hear.) The House of Lords was dependent on the will of
the Crown to this extent, that it might, by an unwarrant-
able and wanton use of the prerogative, be made to aid the
democratic principle—(Hear)—but the House of Commons

could not be interfered with by the prerogative of the
Crown. Nothing but the law could affect that House.—
(Hear.) Instead, therefore, of mourning over anything
that might have occurred in reference to the representation
of the House of Commons, they ought to exert themselves
to continue the Reform Bill upon its present basis.—( Hear,
hear.) He would ask them in the words of Lord Althorp
to keep perfect a measure " which settled on a fixed basis the
question of the representation of the people." He rejoiced at
the very large return which bad already taken place of Con-
servative Members, for by it they would be enabled to pre-
vent any encroachment upon the Constitution, and give en-
couragement to the Government to oppose successfully the
question of Household Suffrage, Triennial Parliaments,
and Vote by Ballot, which, if once successful, would lead
step by step, to such a change in the Constitution of the
country as would be inconsistent with the continuance of
our hereditary peerage, or with the existence of the mo-
narchy itself.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") They should,
therefore, remember that they had a duty to perform. It
might be disagreeable and indeed inconvenient to them to
attend to the registration of voting which annually took
place throughout the country.—( Hear.) All this might be
revolting to them, but they might depend upon it that it was
better they should take that trouble than that they should
allow the Constitution to become the victim of false friends,
or that they should be trampled under the hoof of ruthless
democracy.—(Loud cheers.) The advise which had been
given to some persons was " agitate, agitate, agitate."—
(Hear.) The advice which he would give to them would
be this, " register, register, register."—(Laughter and
cheers.) Let them be always prepared for an election,
and by these means they would have the inestimable advan-
tage of protecting their own property, and their own liberty,
and they would have also the gratifying satisfaction of
knowing that they had not allowed the rights and privileges
which ought to descend to their posterity to be injured ;
nor would they have to submit to the merited contempt of
that posterity, which they would well deserve, had they
allowed the liberty of their country to be beaten down, and
thereby deprive their children, and their children's children
of the advantage of living under that Constitution, under
which they themselves had enjoyed so much prosperity and
happiness. The Right Hon. Baronet then sat down
amidst loud cheering, which continued for some time.
" Prosperity to the Town of Tan►worth," " The health
of Lady Peel," and other toasts followed ; after which the
company separated, evidently well pleased with the pro-
ceedings of the evening.