The Sun.
London, England, 1863-04-18 00:00:00

THE BUDGET

The report on ways and means having been brought up,
Sir S. NORTHCOTE said that he should take that op-
portunity to make a few observations on the general aspect
of the budget, which, he believed, had excited a general
feeling of satisfaction, both in the house and throughout the
country, (Hear.) It was not therefore his intention to offer
any hostile remarks upon its general complexion or charac-
ter, but he should point out that, in regard to the esti-
mate for Excise revenue, the Chancellor of the Exchequer
had repeated the error which he had fallen into for the
last three consecutive years. In those years the accumu-
lated crrnra of tho right hon. gentleman had amounted to
no less than £3,500,000. He still persisted in believing that
he would get from the exci• e revenue on spirits that increase
of duty on which he had calculated in 1860, when the duty
was raised from ss. to 10s., and ignored the fact that while
the consumption of every other article was increasing, the
consumption of spirits was decreasing. What probability
was tht re that the consumption would increase this year ?
And yet the estimate was based on the assumption that it
would. It was true the trade returns had kept up in a won-
derful way ; but if they looked below the surface they would
see that it was not altogether an unmixed piece of good. Al •
though we had been importing but a small quantity of raw
material, we had been paying ruinously high prices for it.
He wished to point out that, after such an expenditure out
of the savings of the country, there must come a period of
distress. The people would suffer, and continue to suffer, in
Lancashire and Ireland; and, on the whole, he feared that
the Chancellor of the Exchequer had over-estimated the
consuming power of the people, and, as a consequence, the
yield of the exciee. Although this was the case, he did not
think that, on the whole, the estimate was t sanguine, or,
if the country was preserved from any great calamity, it
would not be realised. The budget was founded upon the
only true and safe basis—that of a broad and wise reduction
of expenditure. On the whole, it had given him as much
satisfaction as it had given to the louse. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. FERRAND wished to explain that large quantities
of rags were brought into the country composed of wool and
cotton mixed together, and that by some means the cotton
was burnt out, and the woollen portion made up into what
was called " shoddy" and " devil's dust."
Mr. LOCKE said it had been supposed some time ago
that not sufficient rags would be imported into England to
carry on the paper manufacture. The Board of Trade
returns, however, showed that the export of paper had
largely increased, and therefore the supply of rags must
have increased also.
TELEGRAPHS BILL.
Upon the motion for the third reading of this bill,
Mr. AYRTON dissented from clauses 31 and 32, which
he hoped would be withdrawn, as they proposed to confer
powers which interfered with the common law rights of
every householder affected by the bill.
After some observations from Mr. HUMBERSTONE,
Mr. M. GIBSON defended the bill from the criticisms of
the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets (Mr. Ayrton).
Mr. LOCKE and Mr. HARVEY LEWIS supported
the amendment.
The house divided. The numbers were—
For the third reading l9
Against it
Majority
The bill was ordered to be recommitted on Tuesday.
OFFICE OF SECRETARY-AT-WAR ABOLITION
BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
GARDENS IN TOWNS PROTECTION BILL.
This bill, as amended, was considered and agreed to.
OATHS RELIEF IN CRIMINAL PROCEEDINGS
(SCOTLAND) BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
METROPOLITAN TURNPIKE ROADS.

Mr. HARVEY LEWIS moved "That the petitions
presented to this house respecting the Metropolis Turnpike
Roads Act Amendment Bill be referred to the select com-
mittee on the bill, and that such petitioners as shall have
prayed to be heard by themselves, their counsel, or agents,
be heard upon their petitions, if they think fit, and counsel
heard in favour of the bill against such petitions."—
Agreed to.
The house adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—An excusable doubt as to the authenti-
city of a document we published yesterday raised a
conversation in the House of Commons last night
which placed that point quite beyond question. Mr.
Crawford, who introduced to the Foreign Secretary
the " deputation of shippers and merchants inte-
rested in the Mexican trade," confirmed the accu-
racy of the report of what took place at the inter-
view, and one portion of the proceedings was cer- '
tainly calculated to excite astonishment. It was the
production of the form of licence, permit, or protec-
tion issued by Charles Francis Adams, Minister of
the United States, by virtue of which he allows
British merchants to trade with Mexico unmolested.
Let ail the interests concerned take good heed of
the new authority from whom they must "request"
—not necessarily to receive—the safeguard of a
"certificate" of the origin, description, and destina-
tion of their shipments. Without the laissez passer
of the Sovereign Republic all British vessels bound
to a Mexican port wilt certainly be seized. By no
precedent of international law are they at present
liable to legal capture; bat the passport or certifi-
cate of exemption issued in favour of Messrs. Howell
and Zlreaan is in effect an order to Admiral Dupont
to seize all vessels not provided with the protection.
If they cannot show this new form of licence to
" carry goods and passengers" the Federal com-
mander must assume it has been refused on sus-
picion at least, and will act accordingly. Mr. Adams
has constituted himself a kind of "Prize Court,"
sitting in London, passing judgment on cargoes
before they are despatched from the port of ship-
ment, and pointing out to the commander of the
blockade the ships which are to be intercepted, and
those which may be allowed to proceed to their desti-
nation. That their destination in this case is the
coast of Mexico, to which no law or usage of war
can extend an American jurisdiction, is now only a
minor feature of this extraordinary assumption and
exercise of power. The recent date of this novel
maritime passport, which seems to have been drawn
up on the 9th of April, and at the "request" of the
firm it protects,warran ts a hope that Mr. Adams has
acted without instructions, and that the document
represents nothing but his own capacity of making
a very grave mistake. We know from the history
of the war that the Americans expected the laws of
nature would be expended on behalf of the Federa-
tion, and that the material difficulties under which
other nations have fai,ed and " armies whole have
sunk" could not exist for a Republic of boundless
resources. In the same spirit they have not only
expected the law of nations to be suspended in their
favour, but reversed and superseded by a special
code, of which all the articles should be to the ad-
vantage of the Federal side. Europe has not done
this, being unable to promote the ends of " manifest
destiny," in any such manner. To supply the short-
comings in this respect of the world in general and
England in particular Mr. Adams has thought
proper to publish and declare valid, on his own au-
thority, an article of the " higher law" that ought
to govern the universe for the special benefit of the
Northern Federation. This unwritten code is too
much consulted by American Admirals and Generals
of recent promotion. Admiral Wilkes and General
Butler have both drawn on it for the liberty of being
a law unto themselves. The acts of both have been
officially disavowed ; but one has been reinstated in
command, and the other has become popular. Is
their example perverting the judgment of a diplo-
matist and tempting him into a course of action
which, unless speedily retraced, will render his
future official position embarrassing and almost im-
possible ? The commerce of England will not ac
cept an exemption that gives it freedom of action
on an American " ticket of leave." The trade to
Mexico is open, fair, and legal. All the coast of
Mexico is neutral territory, and by no right can
one of its ports be blockaded. In continuing our
commercial intercourse With the Mexican people we
deny even the liability to any detention or inter-
ruption. The traffic is legitimate, and cannot be
carried on in the fetters of permits and " certifi-
t cates" from the United States' Legation. English

merchants cannot go as suppliants to a Foreign
Minister for licences to transact business, as

if their dealings were crimes that required a
"conditional pardon" given in advance for
some possible infraction of a blockade clearly il-
legal. The last official correspondence relating to
the manner in which the blockade has been already
enforced has just been published. Prom these
papers it is evident that the outrageous conduct of
the Ftderal cfficers has given considerable uneasi-
ness to Mr. Seward himself. He has found it neces•

sary to issue fresh instructions to the naval com-
manders, which are virtually a rebuke for their total
disregard of the usages of civilised nations. The
spirit of these instructions is so totally opposed to
the arrogant assumption of Mr. Adams's " permit,"
condemning to seizure all vessels which may be
found without, that we entertain a strong hope
his directions to Admiral Dupont will be cancelled
or disavowed at Washington. Mr. Seward forbids
all seizures, except on sufficient evidence that the
cargo is contraband. Mr. Adams directs Admiral
Dupont to make prizes of all ships which have not
his certificate of the " honest neutrality" of their
lading. By this means the American Minister in-
tends doubtless to supply the want of that " preven
tive co-operation" against the Southern States
which he demanded from the English Government
in the name of neutrality. He has transferred the
police of the Mexican land frontier to English ports
of shipment by a system of passes for English goods
and merchandise, without which they are not to
reach the Mexican coast. The one safeguard he has
granted evidently had a money value, since it was
produced at Lloyd's in order to obtain an insurance.
If it was likely to reduce the premium, it gave the
shippers an unfair advantage over all the firms to
which Mr. Adams, from caprice or misinformation,
might refuse his pass. The whole proceeding is mon-
strous, whether as a calculation or a blunder. For
the assumption of power in a written instrument by
a foreign Minister there has been nothing to equal
it since the Legatee of the Pope published Bulls,
dated from the Vatican, overriding the laws of
England. The present attempt to control the
commerce of the country by an authority exter-
nal to it very much resembles the old Papal ar.
ragancc which assumed a superiority to the law,
written or unwritten, when it thought it incon-
venient. But on the table of the House of Com-
mons there is always to be found the text of a
certain oath, declaring that "no foreign Piince or
potentate hath, or ought to have," any dominion or
authority within the realm of Great Britain. Mr,
Lincoln is not a Prince, but he is certainly a
" potentate," and the exercise of the slightest
authority here on the part of his Minister is not to
be permitted one moment after the assumption of
any kind of power, either condemning or absolving,
is made known.

HERALD.—There are not a few questions which,
through frequent handling, acquire so fine a polish
that they turn smoothly in the mouth of even the
feeblest orator. Foremost among them is that of
slavery. The institution is detested in England.
It has been abolished by law—it is denounced by
society. All Englishmen—with a few rather eccen-
tric than infamous exceptions—unite in reprobating
it as a deadly sin inherited from barbarous and
pagan nations. Therefore, to anathematise this
crime against nature is to make sure of a cheer at a
public meeting, since the hearts of Englishmen are
characteristically warm, full of generous sympa-
thies, and impulsive in proportion as their minds
are occasionally illogical. Hence we account for
the numerous local gatherings in the metropolis
and in the provinces, at which certain gentlemen
endeavour to make out an identity between the
policy of Federal America and the cause of human
freedom. With disingenuous effrontery the clique
which pesters the American Minister with addresses
arrogates to itself a monopoly of sympathy with
the slave population. This, again, is not only
unfair—it is irrational. For suppose the American
people were at length persuaded that all of us
who do not desire to see the Southern Confederacy
crushed by Northern violence were favourable to
the institution of slavery, what would be the
moral result of that impression ? What, but that
a belief would spread that the vast majority of
Abolitionists in these islands had recanted? No;
the English public remain true to their principles;
but they are too clear-headed to make those prin-
ciples the basis upon which a demagogic cabel may
erect the worst of all conceivable despotisms—an
irresponsible coterie, reconciling en ignorant multi-
tude to lawless power by the cant of liberty.
Resume the whole history of the quesion, and
where is the evidence that the North is not bur-
dened with the whole blame of this disabtrous and
unnatural war? Not on account of its opposition to,
but on account of its complicity with, the South, in
the maintenance and encouragement of slavery. But
now, of course,it is convenient, for the sake of moral
support from Europe, to proclaim a crusade on be-
hail of the negro. The message of peace; however,
is only the firebrand of war : the African is insti-
gated to become free by becoming criminal ; his
hands are to be loosed that he tray raise them mur-
derously against his master ; and the wonderful—
perhaps, however, not very wonderful—issue of the
Washington imposture is that the slaves are not in
arms, not excited in favour of the North, not burn-
ing and ravaging the planters' homes. A singular
incident of this controversy is, that those who repro.
sent the Federal Government as devoted to the
cause of human freedom appear to read backwards
every item_ of intelligence brought to Queenstown
by successive mails. Their comments are little else
thau errata upon the published tacts. For "failure"
they almost invariably substitute "success,' as is
the fashion in Russia and China. Possibly there
may be an exaggeration in the Southern statement,
that, " notwithstanding the blockade, Charleston is
enjoying a larger direct foreign trade than she ever
had before ;" but it is incontestable that the Federal
navy has broken down deplorably, both in its capa-
city as a blockading fleet and in its capacity as an
assailing power. It cannot guard the seas, it can-
not penetrate the rivers, and it cannot extirpate the
Confederate privateers. Then, where is the steady
progress talked of ? Is it on the Mississippi ? Is it
at Vicksburg or Port Hudson ? Is it where General
Banks has sat down with an army humiliated by
defeat, or where General Rosencranz is threatened
with annihilation ? What has become of the canal
that was to have brought ruin to Vicksbarg P It is
an abandoned trench, commanded by Confederate
cannon. Where are Admiral Farragut's steamers ?
Running away from the Confederate rams. On
all sides demoralisation, bickering, recrimination,
and falsehood—mere evidences of discomfiture and
disappointment—prevail, and this, we are told, is
proof that President Lincoln, the emancipator of
negroes, is victorious. It would be cold comfort to
the men of Lancashire to tell them that they must
expect no relief, no mitigation of their sufferings,
until these and similar triumphs have not only re-
stored the Union but shed a new light over Africa.
Why, instead of trusting to President Lincoln for
the final abolition of American slavery, we should
distrust him even as President of Liberia. It is
only making a bad cause worse to confound a war
of aggression and conquest with a struggle for
principles sacred to civilised mankind. Cense-
quer tly, however deeply we may sympathise with
the amiable multitudes who throng to public halls,
and vociferate their hatred of slavery in the ears of
delighted Radical orators, it is with regret that we
perceive how far their enthusiasm is misled, while
it is with gratification we recognise the fact that
the country at large, though to its inmost heart
friendly to the negro and to all human freedom,
has the sagacity to distinguish between the pretence
and the motive of the Northern crusade against the
i South.
ADVERTISER.—There is no doubt that ever since
the American war broke out agents of both parties
have been active in this country ; but there can be
be quite as little that the spy system, so hateful to
the English mind, has been confined to the Federal
side of the question. When in our sore need in
the Crimea we thought that on the friendly soil
of America we might rally to our side some of
our own subjects, although the effort was made
with the utmost delicacy, we all remember what
an outburst of indignation there was upon
the part of the Yankees; how Mr. Crampton,
our Minister at Washington, was dismissed, and the
most violent threats levelled at our heads. But
when it comes to be the turn of America to be in
peril, and in need of men to fight her battles, she
has no scruple whatever in sending her recruiting
sergeants to Ireland. Nor does she hesitate to
establish a worse body of aficials upon our shores.
There is no man in Liverpool who is known to take
an active sympathy in the events passing in America,
and who, from his wealth or position, is able to give
effect to his sympathy, who is not under the sur-
veillance of the secret police of Mr. Lincoln's Govern-
-1114" This has long been notorious, and it is a sign
of the sincere neutrality of the British Government
that such things can be done. Whatever the Con-
federates may have gained from us the Federals
have gained a hundred times more. We do not say
they have done this through any friendliness on
the part of the British Government, for that would
exclude the idea of neutrality ; but it so happens,
partly from their greater command of money, but
principally, of course, from their command of the
seas, that the Yankees have the best of the bargain
in the dealings of private merchants between this
side of the Atlantic and the other. Now this is
quite enough without say direct interference on the
part of our Government to throw the weight of
1 advantage still more into the Yankee scale. Yet it
appears that not only are the Federals allowed to
have t heir own spies) in this country, but the British
Government has actually undertaken the task for
them. We can attach no other meaning to the state-
ment of the Home Secretary on Thursday. He said
that not long ago he received a letter from the

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, transmit-
ting to him a copy of a communication addressed
to him by the United Stites Minister in this coun-
try, alleging that certaifi vessels which he named
were being fitted out, at Liverpool in violation of
the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Act. The
Foreign Secretary inquired of the Home Secretary
whether the allegation was true, and the Home
Secretary at once applied for information to the
Mayor of Liverpool, requesting him to havein-
quiry made according to the terms of the Foreign
Enlistment Act. Upon receipt of this communica-
tion the Mayor took counsel with the Watch Com-
mittee, and certain members of the detective com-
mittee were told off to investigate the matter. Now
it is said, and the Home Secretary can only reply'
that he has no reason to believe it, that these de-
tectives have had resort to bribery in prosecuting
their inv. stigations. But putting that aside, we
should like to be told what right the American
Minister in Lordon has to interfere in the govern-
ment of this country, and whether Earl Russell
thinks that he is maintaining the honour of the
Crown by permitting that interference and acting
in deference to its dictation. The Fureign Enlist-
ment Act is no part of international law, and it is
quite as indecorous an act, on the part of Mr. Adams
to meddle with our administration of that law as it
would be if he were to meddle with our Game Laws.
But his impropriety would be harmless if Earl Rus-
sell had the nerve and manly spirit to resist it with
becoming dignity. Besides it this were really a
question arising out of our international relations,
and not merely a question of purely domestic law,
there could be nothing more unjust, when it is
notorious that the Federals have been drawing
enormous supplies of ammunition, rifles, &c., from
this country, to permit them to do as they please,
and only to become on the alert when we can foil
the weaker opponent. This would be a winking
neutrality and a cowardly one. We regret to say
that we do not see in Earl Russell the determina-
tion which is requisite to deal with our transatlan-
tic friends at the present juncture. There is a great
deal too much of truckling and servile complaisance
shown to these gentlemen. In the reply sent by
Earl Russell the other day to the owners of the
Peterhoff, the noble earl laid it down as good law,
that a British ship might be seized anywhere by a
belligerent, and carried into a prize court, so long
as a legal ground of seizure is alleged. We cannot
believe that this is law; because, if it were so
there would be no possibility of commerce, except
at the mercy of the officers of a belligerent's fleet..
We feel sure that Earl Russell would not have laid.
down this elastic position if Admiral Wilkes had
been in command of a Danish vessel. We should
then have had a very different story. But at pre-
sent the whole aim of the noble earl's policy, as far
as America is concerned, seems to be to conciliate
at any cost and all cost. And what, let us ask, is
the return we get far this extremely considerate
forbearance on the part of our Foreign Secretary
Let him read it in the speeches of Gen. Butler, in
the harangues of the Unionists, who hate England
even more fiercely than they hate the South ; and
who detest an Englishman almost as much as they
do a negro. Amidst the frantic cheers of a New
Voris meeting of ladies and gentlemen, war with.
England is clamoured for. And this is not the
ebullition of an hour of madness; not the fury born
of a passing event, like the waylaying of the Trent.
It is the inborn sentiment of the Yankee breast;
sentiment which he imbibes with his mother's milk,
and which has now reached the point of boiling heat.
Let Earl Russell rest satisfied that it is not by
truckling to such men that they will be conciliated.
The nettle must be clutched with a strong grasp,
the cur must feel the weight of your foot, before
the one will cease to sting, or the other to snarl.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

I.'

WAKEFIELD-APRIL 17.

The wheat trade is quiet to-day, and prices were about
as dear as last week, In other articles there was no ma'
terial alteration.

STAMFORD-APRIL 17.

White wheat, 48a to 50 s ; red, 418 to 46s per 36 stone•
Barley, malting, 308 to 425; grinding, 28s to 30s per qr•
Oats, 22s to 27s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to 42s per
qr. ; new, 36s to —s.

LIVERPOOL—APRIL 17.
At this day's market there was a small attendance of
the town and country trade, and wheat met an inactive de-
mand, at Tuesday's rates. Flour was rather lower, and
difficult to sell. Oats and oatmeal at late rates, but a slow'
sale, Indian corn in fair demand, and firm Barley and
peas ruled easier. Egyptian beans rather dearer.

EXETER—Arum 17.
Wheat, white.. 6s 3d to 6s 4d Barley. 4s 3d to 4s Od
I
Ditto red. .6s Od to 6s 3d Oats .. ..... ..2s 9d to 3s 6a
Flour, fine, 36s to 375; seconds, 34s to 35s per sack.
CATTLE.
Fat beef, p se., 10s0d to 10s9d Ewes, per lb ....sid to 613
Pork carcases, 7s 6d to 8s 6d 1 Wethers, d 0..... 61d to 73
Lamb, p 1b.......—cl to d Fat calves, d0...61d to 7d•
Rough fat, 3d per lb.