The Sun.
London, England, 1837-11-08 00:00:00

THE LATE ELECTION.

(From the Berwick Advertiser.)
We can now state positively that the late election of re-
presentatives for this borough will be brought before a
Committee of the House of Commons. Parties in this
town are at present engaged in airanginz evidence, which
will be directed against both the sitting Members. We are
not informed of the grounds of the petition, but we. imagine
that little difficulty would be experienced in substantiating,
cases of,bribery. Most heartily do we wish the under-
taking success, as every day we become • more and more
convinced that the result of that election was in direct op-
position to the wishes and sentiments of the constituency
whom the gentlemen returned are purported to represent
and to Eupport this opinion we could not desire more oppor-
tune evidence than the reported proceedings of this week,
wherein we have the result of the municipal elections, show-
ing a decided preponderance to liberal principles ; and this
day the parishioners have for the third time condemned the
exaction of Church-rates, to support the continuance of
which impost the Members returned will use all their
weight and influence. These tw o mo% itnents may be taken
as the result of the deliberate conviction of our community,
agaiugt which none of the base influences used at Parlia-
mentary elections are brought to bear.

ELECTION OF COUNCILLORS-TRIUMPII OF

LIBERAL PRINCIPLES.

It gives us great pleasure in directing the attention of our
readers to the result of the municipal elections in this bo-
rough, by which it will be seen a considerable addition has
ts.en made to the ranks of the Reformers in the Town
Council. The over wheltning majorities by which the whole
of the Leoerals gained their election affords a convincing
proof of what Ws itaee so frequently asserted, that the re-
spectable portion of the inhabitants of Berwick were de-
cidedly adverse to Toryism, fait bowl it may be asked, if
such be the case, bow did Sir Rufane Doe kin happen to
be defeated at the late election ? The answer is easy,---
the respectable portion of the commoeity war swamped by
the freemen—a great majority of whom- are not geolitled
to vote at the municipal elections. We do not by any
means say that this was the only g4tifee to which Sir Ru-
fane's defeat was to be attributed. if We We: ii to 4407
tain this it would be equal to an admission that nia
Tiber i
candidate would have any chance of RlPPllii ill WA.?
wick ; whereas we are of opinion that if the scrutiny
terminate in the expulsion Qf the two sitting Members,
(of which if it be vigorously prosecuted, few an Plltr,.
tain any doubt), one if not two Liberals will be elected
to succeed them. Although it may be in some measure
true that a man's political principles are but of minor
consideration in the choosing of a Councillor, yet they
arc not .by any means to be dhregarded ; and in the
present instance it would appear that each party hiid by
mutual consent agreed to make it a trial of strength ; far
it will be observed that the votes of the electors were con-
fined to the two individuals proposed for each w-rd by
the respective parties, and not as on former ocensions di-
vided among a great number. The result of the election
we might almost spare ourselves the trouble of• writing._
at least for our borough edition, as it may be read in lung
enough characters in the faces of the party, who are totally
hurt de combat, and consequently fairly chopfallen. Not
one of the whole six has been electeo, but each of the
places is now supplied by the return of the Liberal can-
didates. Defeat is bad enough, but the measure of de.:
feat makes the loss to sit more heavy. A crack horse
may lose a race by a head or a neck, or even half a
length, and yet not altogether lose his character, but
when he is distanced lie is done. Our Tories, or Con.
servatives as they style themselves, are fairly and fully
in this predicament. Not only beaten, but distanced.
Not only distanced, but doubly distanced. In the first
ward they got nearly half way, the votes being $9 and 63
to ,50 and 44. In the second ward they did not reach the
middle as the votes were 105 and 102 to 51 and 50. But
in the third ward the thing was worse than a total break
down—far worse ; not half way, no nor quarter, the votes
being 98 and 95, to 22 and 22. Such would unquestion*
ably be the result of a Parliamentary election in Berwick.
upon-Tweed were the influence of Tory gold not brought
to bear heavily upon our independent freemen ; and nearly
• such would have been the majority by which Sir Rufane
Donkin would have been returned in July, had bribery
and corruption not besotted the majority by whom the
, present Members were placed at the head of the poll,
The elected of Wednesday were all included amongst
those who voted plurnpers for Sir Rufane, who, were he
now to have an opportunity of appealing to his former con-
• stituents would find nearly as much difference in the
I number on the election roll as would place him above any
Tory competitor. Every year must increase the prepon-
' deranee of the list against the Conservatives till the death-
' knell of the faction in this borough shall be tolled.

Although the system of voting by Ballot in the election
of councillors for the borough has only been adopted so far
as that each voter deposits a ticket or slip of paper sub-
scribed by him, and hearing the names of the candidates of
his choice, the marked preference in point of order and
quietness and despatch that prevailed during the election of
Wednesday, contrasted with the bustle and noise and con-
fusion of the late election, when Mr. Holmes and Mr.
Hodgson were returned as the representatives of Berwick,
must have convinced every beholder of the propriety of
adopting the Ballot as the preferable mode of giving the
suffrage at all elections. '1 he voters on this occasion were
nearly as numerous as on that, and the contest was expected
at least by the Conservative party to be as close, and the
whole was terminated in quietness and good order. As the
lists, however, bear the names of the voters, every vote
may be ascertained, which destroys the principal feature of
the Ballot vote, so necessary in many cases for the pro-
tection of the Parliamentary electors. This desidera-
tum, we trust, will be supplied before another general
election is required, and we would fain hope that it may be
the law of the land before the coming sessic❑ shall be closed.

The Earl of Durham arrived in town from Lambton
Castle on Monday evening, but is somewhat indisposed,
thGu4ll it is to be hoped only fr..rn the fatigue of travelling.
The Duke of Cambridge left town at an early hour
yesterday morning to inspect the Royal Military College at
Sandhurst.
Prince I. Gagarini, Privy Councillor of the Em-
peror of Russia, and the Princess Gagarini, M iddlc. G;iga-
rini, Maid of Hcnour to the Empress, and Prince John Ga-
garini, Gentleman of the Chamber to the Emperor of
Russia, visited the Duchess of Kent yesterday afternoon at
the new Palace.

Her Majesty, yesterday morning, sent her special
commands to the Prince and Prinoesa Gagarini and family
at Gould's London Hotel, Albemarle-street, that they
should wait on her Majesty at Buckingham Palace, at two
o'clock. Their Highnesses were presented to the Queen
by flord Palmerston.
The Marquis of Westminster arrived at Grosvenor
House yesterday afternoon from Eaton nail, in Pheshire.
His Lordship will go in State to the Guildhall dinner.
The Earl of Mulgrave will leave town, on Friday
or Saturday, for Euston Hall, the seat of the Duke of
Grafton, in Suffolk, to be present at the nuptials of his
brother, the Hon. Mr. Phipps, and the eldest daughter of
the riari end Countess
Euston.

IMPORTANT SPEECH of MR. O'CON-

NELL AT THE TRADES' UNION.

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
Dublin, Monday Night, Nov. 6.
The Trades' Union met this afternoon, at the Corn Ex-
change. •
Dr. M'Carthy was called to the Chair, and Mr. Ray
was requested to act as Secretary.
At nearly three o'clock Mr. O'Connell entered the room,
and was received with loud and general cheering. After
some routine business had been disposed of,
Mr. O'CONNELL rose and said, I rise to bring before the
Trades' Union of the city of Dublin a series of proposi-
tions ofgreat public importance indeed, and to acknowledge
with heartfelt pleasure the confidence you have reposed in
me, and the dignity you have conferred in making me your
President.-LL( Loud cheers.) Practically useful as you have
hitherto been in everything that relates to Ireland, I tell
you there never was a period in which your exertions were
more necessary for the attainment of great political objects
than at present. We have confided in the Queen's Minis-
ters ; we give them credit for their benevolent intentions
and sound common sense in their anxiety to • extend to all
the same political privileges ; for once, and for a while, we
fling aside any reliance on our own exertions, which we
have hitherto found so necessary in fixing in the public
mind our motto of
Hereditary bondsmen know ye not,
Who would be free themselves must striko the blow."
Upon that we have hitherto acted ; but a peried has come
when our friends, and the friends of Ireland are in place
and power, and. when we are convinced their sole anxiety is
to do us justice. A new reign, free from prejudice and full
of kindly intentions has commenced. We may for the pre-
sent rely on our friends with a hope of success and a cer-
tainty of having our own resources to fall back upon should
we be disappointed.—( Loud cheers.) Many and many a
man has supposed that our object was to keep up agitation
for agitation's sake—to keep in continual ferment the pub-
lic mind, and prevent that repose which they believed the
country so much wanted. Must they not be mistaken now,
when they see us flinging to the winds all appearances of
agitation with a firm confidence that we shall not be be-
trayed ?----(llear, hear.) So much, Sir, by way of preface.
There are a few distinct topics which I wish to address
you upon, and I hope those gentlemen who so accurately
convey to the public what passes here, will do me the ho-
nour of taking particular care of what I shall say to-day. I
shall be exceedingly thankful, for I deem it of great pub-
lic importance. I do hope that they will not for a mo-
ment think I presume in any way to influence them—but I
know this, that no matter to what paper they belong, the
Reporters are friends to Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) The
people of the Trades' Union, notwithstanding that they
have accomplished many good things for Ireland have ne-
vertheless latterly sinned in one thing. It certain!), is a
small error, but if repeated would become one of great
magnitude indeed. What is it von have been guilty of?
Why, you have made Encas M•Donnell the subject of a
discussion at your meetings. That is all he wants—it is a
source of pride and gratification to him that you should
notice him in any way. He is exactly like a fellow at one
of our fairs, who goes about roaring " Will nobody knock
me down ?—(Great laughter)—in order that be may bring
his faction to annihilate the man who would do so.—
(Laughter.) So it is with Eneas M'Donnell ; he has the
Tory faction at his back, who would raise him to importance
should you notice him. What do you care for him ? Your
excuse is that Ile attacked you first. If a cur dog bark at
you, will you turn upon him ?—(Laughter.) Sir, I remember
a pleasant child, whom I loved, and do so still, and once
giving me an excuse for biting a lap-dog. " Why did you do
so ?"I asked. " Upon my honour," said she, " the lap-dog
bit me first."—(Loud laughter.) Your excuse is exactly
similar to what the child gave me, with this exception that
the animal who snapped at you was not a lap-dog, but a
mastiff—(laughter)—and you bit him. It reminds me of
a circumstance which occurred in the Irish Parliament.
One of the Alexanders—indeed the only one who was for
the Union—was beset by his friends, to see if they could
prevent him from voting for that measure. Accordingly
a deputation of them determined to wait on him at his
house, and when they aid so found him in his study. They
assailed him on every side—used every argument to. shew
the evils which that measure would entail upon the coun-
try, and which have unfortunately been' since realised.
There was no topic they did not urge. They took up
the celebrated speech of the present Lord Chief jpsm
tit e the court of Qneeu's They read for
him that of the present Lord Chancellor, Ivhose talents
play be admired but not imitated.—( Hear, hear.) In vain
kite they urge upon him the reasoning used by him who
was twenty-three rears the Tory Attorney-Ooneral for
Ireland (Mr. sanrin). Alexander listcnded to all with
apparent attention; but would eat be convinced; At last,
on their going away, one of them bethought of an expo.
client, and on turning back said, " Alexander, will you sell
yper country '1 Sell it," replied Alexander; "aye, that
I will, and' cxceedingl3 glad I am, that I have a coun-
try to sell,"---(Hear, hear, and laughter.) This i 4
-ctly tho Poo with Er!PR@ giDonuell, Right glad
he would be to have a eGuntry to soil, and his religion too if
be would.—(Cheers.) Don't mind him for the future, let
him rail away in the Tin:rs newspaper agrinst you, And add
his blaeltguardisre to that the ether blackguards eon-
nectod with that paper..- take no notice of him. 1 now
turn to Mr. Sharman Crawford, who has al,o,becn the sub-
ject of your notice. He wrote but six letters during the
summer, and had be wittier' the seventh, I dvelare to you
most assuredly you would low your Presidvut.--(Laugh,
ter.)—He would not have survived it.—(Laughter.) I
retnetnber, during the sluing of the IrisleParliament Toler
used to be up every moment speaking upon all subjects,
There was, however; one of pcculi4r delic4ey which Loki
castiereagh did not wish Abler should speak upon, and
accordingly requested he would not do so. " You are not

to speak to-night," said his Lordship ; but poor Toler, go
anxious Wag be In sneak, that Lord Ca&ileroagh had to
hold liito by the is of the coat in order to prevent him
from :peaking.—(Laughter.) Tile next morning it was
stated in the newspapers that Mr. Toler had died the
night before in consequence of 4 SliiTrei.lCAn of speech.
(Great laughter.) Tile members of the National Trades'
Political. Union would most assuredly have lost their
President had Mr. Sharman Crawford written him
seventh It7tter—(jaughterhnt he spared rne, and here I
am.,--(Continued laughter.) One of the charges he has
made against me is, that I made a bargain with the Irish
Government to the effect th it if they would c,tive me ;11l Ow
patronage of theconntry, I would support them. Now,
really I do not accuse the man of uttering a wilful false-
hood, but it most assuredly is—Le has acted a very unfair
part towards me. This subject bas been taken up by the
Scotch newspapers, and even Tail's Maga,...ine has circu-
lated the misrepresentation among its readers.' Now what
is the consequence to myself personally ? Why, tl.at there
is not a single office within the gift of the Crown that I
have not asked for sines,—( Laughter.) One man has
written me to get him the command of a 74 man-of-war—
(Continued laughter)—autAher has written me to get him a
regiment—( Lanett( r)—and a third, who describes himself
as a Liberal Protestant of the Established Church, applied
to me to get him an endowed sehool—(Continued laughter)
—so that I have been pestered ever since with applications
for situations, down to the chimney-sweeper at the Castle.—
(Great laughter.) I declare most solemnly, Sir, that it
would take me ten days to answer all the letters I have got
this very morning upon the same subject. Who am I to
blame for all this? Sharman Crawford, to be sure ; for as
long as the calumny was circulated through the English Tory
press it was not credited ; but now people say, what Mr.
Crawford says must be true, for we all know he was his
personal friend, and knows all.—(Great laughter.) This
very morning I got a letter from a gentleman in Stone
Quarry, who was exceedingly angry with me for not an-
swering a communication which lie had previously addressed
to me upon the subject, I suppose, of my not making him
a Chief Justice.—( Laughter.) So, I have made a number
of enemies, and at the bottom of all the mischief is Shar-
man Crawford. From this place I will consent to have the
truth of it admitted by Mr. Sharman Crawford, if he can
admit it, for he has leisKre enough to do so, and to state
any one appointment I have ever made for Ireland.—
Wear, hear.) I support the Government from quite a
different motive. I support it because it is the first honest
Government that ever was in Ireland--because it is the
first Government that was not supporting a faction,
and against the people—because I see impartiality at the
Castle, and that the friends of the country are not
discountenanced. I support the Government because
it is calculated to assist me in my experiment of pro-
curing for Ireland a perfect identification of rights
with England and Scotland—l demand that—l sop-
iy,rt the Government just as much as I would oppose any
Government that failed to perform that duty to us. It is
said that we arc desponding. I never was so full of hope.
I know there is an essential difficulty in a British Parlia-
ment doing justice to Ireland permanently, but I know it
is a difficulty which can be overcome. It will be over-
come by a Government at the head of which is Lord
Melbourne in England, and Lord Mulgrave in Ireland,
and a Government which is tinder the auspices of a young,
unaffected, noble hearted, and highly educated Queen.
Having dismiszod this topic, two rery dissimilar men—
Eneas M'Donncll and Sharman Crawford—and I shall say
that, as regards the latter, no man is more convinced of his
ed personalxisheireittieodni tabetgurtii the
flippancy
integrity
inte3c,qytati;lanlfil equally
,sefi
tnollgriLi•
ail
ipinatbb
laoesf,
his
his discretion, and 4 itpiti_tre‘ of' that which is not common
sense with indiscretion, falls to his lot as ono of the failings
belonging to humanity—l next bring your attention to a
topic of a different nature, and one most highly interesting
—I mean the subject of the Poor-laws. Upon that sub-
ject I mean to propose a resolution. I would first remind
you that the evils of Ireland aro politie4l.—((Fear, hear.)

Political advantages are those which I want. There is
pok eay, distress, and misery in the land. They tell me a
Poor-law Bill will remedy it. From my heart I wish it
could ; but I have-looked upon the subject with all the in-
tensity which its awful importance requires, and would to
heaven you could convince Inc that the -Poor-law would
be useful ? How it would delight my heart ! I would
like to put my hand hito the pockets of the. Orange ab-
sentee—the absentee proprietors who are taking cvers thing
from and giving nothing in return to Ireland. I would like
that haughty men who hate the people would be made to
pay the poor-rate— Nothing would delight me more than
even to force bad men to give a reluctant charity, and
there is no one who hears me that must not be con-
vinced that all my personal feelings, as well as the
better feelings of my nature would be delighted,
nay, ravished, at feeling myself that I was the advo-
cate of Poor-laws, and if I could bring myself • to be-
lieve that Poor-laws would be useful, there never lived
a man more, enthusiastically ready to enforce such a system
than I am, yet all the teinptatien I have to fall into a
system of Poor-laws, I have felt 1 bad another and a higher
obligation to perform, namely, to -consider their effect upon
the poor and middling classes, upon the farmers and the
industrious classes of society, and see whether it is oulft
benefit and assist them, and diminish pauperism in the land
and the amount of mendicancy in the country. I bete
convinced myself that it would not ; I have convinced my-
self that a Poor-law was never • introduced with impunite,
into any country ; nay, that the evils of poverty were aggra-
vated instead of being relieved. I may be asked is thiathe
case of the Poor-law Amendment Bill in England, I
opposed that Bill first, but now am convinced of its utility.
I thought it was harsh, but now -I find it was necessary
to disentangle pauperism from the vines engrafted upon
it by the horrors of the system. I nin therefore its
advocate, because it is an appeal from a considerable
portion of the former Bail ; but that does not. Mete to
Ireland, where no Poor-law exists. The population is
certainly crushed with poverty, but it is not demoralized ;
where every man, with scarcely an exception, from the .
seven millions, is anxious to work—desirous to lahaue,
but cannot find means of earning wages, And Is only
in distress because he is in want of eini;loyment. I
mean not now to agitate the principle of Poor-laws. I
want to condense the attention of the people of Ireland to
the sirgle point, and that is, supposing we are to have
Poor-laws, whether the mode of levying a poor-rate sug-
gested by the statute of last year be the proper mode or
not ? Mark me, I Want every Clergyman, of every per-
suasion, in Ireland to understand what the Poor-law is. I
want the Catholic Clergyman, in his contact with the Ca-
tholic farmers, should understand it. It is not to be a tax
upon absentees—it is not to come out of their pockets
on the, contrary, we find it is a landlord-rate, that is, tor
the protection of the land. The two sectiaes lie very
nearly that institute the amount of rale. There is a little
obscurity of law phrases shoot them, but I will translate
them into plain English ; and I could aith equal facility, if
necessary, give an "Irish version of',lltern, Now mark,
this is a subject of the utmost interest to the public, and
therefore of deep interest to the Press. The sections are
the 69th, the 70th, and 71st. The Bill was ordered to
be printed upon the 2cl of May, 1837—page 23, see. 69,
I need not read, because it only directs the mode of levy-
ing the rate. Sec. 70 is the levying itself, " And be it
enacted, that where the person occupying such property shall
be liable to pay a rent in respect of the same, not
being less than the net annual rent thereof, and exceeding
jive pounds, he may deduct front such relit one hay' of the
amount of the Tate so paid by him, or the whole thereof,
where such rent shall not exceed five pounds." There
arc two classes to pay rate, persons not p tying I. are
to pay none of it. They are paupers themselves she
want the money ; but ewes, person above Ll. pays a part
of the rate from the rent, taped to the value of the land,
and more than it, if that in one case be a profit. and in
others an actual loss out of the rent. This man is to
pay half the rate, and is a man actually peeing inure rent
for the land in addition to paying. half the rate. Nay,
more than that, if he has no profit at all, and even if he
sustains a loss, he has to pay half the tette. It is a erac-
tical blunder. To say it was fit for the Irish upon that
account is wrong, for Irishmen are not euilts of pretea
cal blunders. Taxation was hitherto justified because
taking away a certain portion of property for the public
good—but this is - taxation without property—this is
taxation upon a loss. I wish everybody to understand
that the man who has no profineathat -by means of la.
hour makes the rent of the land—should not rate the
man whe, by labouring Per others, earns enough to pay his
rent, and than must pay in addition half tho rate. Now
this Is the scheme of Mr. Nicholls, nag of the Poor Law
Commissioners ; and be., 0,1;4 means, the moment yOu
.distrain the poor long ;i)-ki accumulate his celamity, and in-
stead of eilalig44 him to pay a rate, it become* necessary to
make a rate to relieve him. With all his little property,
sold, and his means ofssuppart and sustenance gone, it be-
comes necessary to raake a rate for him in turn, nod thus
additional taxes ere levied for the maintenance of these, who
if not called on to pay what they court not aFord, would
not find it necessary to have recourse to the support of a
Poor-law. Sir, by the projected clauses you render the
landlord liable to pay equally only in one case, when the
te aent pays half. The second section runs thus :—" And
when such occupier shall pay area less than the net annual
value, he shall deduct from sech rent a sum which shall bear
to one-half of the rate paid by him the same proportion as
the rent paid by him shall bear to the net annual value." It
is clear it is an Act for the absentee landlords to take away
their rents, unmindfill of the unfortunate wretches pining

in indigence behind them, and leaving the worn-out pauper
to battle And live .on his brother pauper. I recollect a
Catholic clergyman of Castletown Roche writing to me re-
lative to these very clauses, which he said were' discussed
and passed in the Committee of the House of Commons,
stating. his surprise and indignation, and observing that no
Irish Member was worthy of his place, that did not ener-
getically oppose them. Lreplied to him by letter, as'l did
to all who made the sarna charge, that those clauses were
not/paned; and that I would have opposed them in every
etage, and have divided the House on them though I stood
alone.—(Tremendous cheering.) What I now want is
your authority, your power delegated in me to oppose them
—niy power is nothing by itself, it is only useful or power-
ful by the popular will.—(Cheers,) I proclaim here from
this spot, in reference to these clauses, if they are passed
they will create tierarlan disturbances, riot, and popular
tumelt. Instead of giving peace and quietness to Ireland,
it will be flinging a firebrand through the land, and
awakening strife, and misery, and famine among her chil-
dren.—(Cheers,) I say this emphatically and beforehand:
Myself I am nothing but a. straw thrown on the current
to show which way the stream runs, but powerless as it
would be floating on the mountain torrent, carried along
with resistless rapidity but having no controul itself—
(Cheers),-so am- I, my course is guided, my strength sup-
ported, and directed by the people. Let them make their
wishes known on this subject, but let there be no disturb-
ances—there exists no neeetility for it. Let them address
their language and petitions to the Government, and their
hopes will not be disappointed. But how unfortunate is this
country where sectarian and political differences act to
keep persons from acting on open questions unitedly for
her gcod! There was Colonel Conelly, who was un-
favourable to the so clauses, and unwilling to let them
be passed ; but as soon as he learns that I . like-
wise opposed them, from that moment he became a
supporter of them, and became as warm an advocate of
them as he had been before adverse. But, unfortunately
for the success of the Gallant Colonel's opposition, his con-
sti'uency were sensible and determined, and when he was
asked why he supported such a measure, lie replied that he
thought it must have been a goodmeasure, because Mr.
O'Connell opposed it.—(Laughter anti cheers.) It may be
said that the contracts will equalize the burden. In Eng-
land the farmer can deal with his landlord, and contract on
better terms ; but in Ireland this cannot be done, for he
has nothing to deal in but land, and the unnatural price and
demand for land render it hopeless for the occupiers to ex-
pect to better their condition. The Poor-laws will have no
effect. Out of 586,000 paupers, there are 561,000 occu-
piers of land. If Poor-laws were introduced, they would
not take away one of those 561,000. Relative to these
three sections, which arc taxes to a mulcting extent, it
comes to this—if this taxation could be endured, it should ;
but it could not. I call upon the people of Ireland, upon
this assembly, to make their voices heard lowg and loud in
the land in repudiation of these clauses—and I shall now
conclude by moving the following resolution :
Resolved, That without for the present canvassing the
principle of Poor-laws, we are decidedly of opinion that the
mode of assessment, by charging one half of the rate upon
the occupier who has no profit, and may assume more rest
for land than it is worth, is most oppressive and unjust ;
that it is a tax not upon property, but upon poverty, and
instead of tending to relieve pauperism in Ireland, must
necessarily increase the number of paupers."
Mr. M‘Gote;Ess rose; AO in brief terms seconded the
foregoing.
The resolution was then put from the Chair, and una-
nimoUsly carried.
Mr, O'CoNN ELL then rose and again addressed the meet-
ing, Fatigued as this assembly is—(No, no, no !)—I still
must trespass on your attention while I bespeak your pa-
tience, and say a few words to you em another subject,
which is to me the _cans() nnfe:gned regret and indig-
nation-4 alltlde to t 1 eNistence of illegal combinations. I
take this first fittin opportunity of addressing the assembled
trades, and bringing under their notice, feeling disgust and
sorrow at being compelled to have to denounce a species of
attack which has been made on the property of a polit,:,eal op-
ponent of mine. I refer to Mr. (~,,;;;Oda. No one
thinks I applaud the vot? Wive against me at the last
election., !It, wcria, tokt, one characterisd by sound judgmeot.
It was marked at once. by inconsideretion and ineoneist-
cnq ; he never gave one befel:, ag4ust the people ; ho all

' his life belonged to the popular party, aed his acts were
with them when he was in the vigour_ of t is manhood, eed
the strength of his understanding. Some clerical relati% es
. got about him, and induced needless and idle apprehensions,
and obliged him to vote as he did. He had a most perfect
rod undoubted right to vote as be pleased, but to suppose
ha', to follow up his vote by destroying his property, is at
o ;cc repue-nant to my feelings and disposition, and alike
foolish and wicked of its perpetrators ; if they do it as friend*
of mitre, they are mistaken—if they do it as Catholics,
thry are engaged in the commission of crime which they
never can be forgiven here. Any ono acquainted with cur
religion, must know that no forgiveness will ho granted to
the wilful destroyers of another's property, unless ha make
iestoration ; and do they think that can be grateful to Ma
or my friends, which from my heart I despise and loath, but
it is not Mr. Guinness alone that they will have to make 4
recompense to for the property destroyed. He has applift
for a presentment, and this very present term was owed by
his counsel moving, in the Court of Queen's 13ene‘e. that net I
should he compenseted for the property 'which was „ilfulv
injured. And he will, 9f en':..rse, get compensation, trot
wily to the ftill exi'':a.' of't he value ef his 1057., but also to the
ottent ~rl"..'is supposed profits. It is not Mr. Guinness who
alit suffer—it is the eon' of Dublin who must pay this,
when the Grand Jury taxation is falling on them.—(Hear.)
flow, then, can the perpetrators of these injuries make a
return to the poor for this additional hurden thrown upon
them ?—( Hear, hear, and " Oh, oh.") What was the re-
sult of the Clare election ? Why, when the petiole of to.-
land heard that upwards of 100,000 men met in thatQ
town, upon the hottest day in summer, and without tasting
a drop of spirits or. porter from sunrise until the dew fell„
without striking a blow or taunting- any person viho op-
posed them, earl ied on the groat moral work in which they
were engaged peacefully and constitutionally—when this
was told in England, the moral- effect of it W2S, that great
power of public opinion which carried Catholic Emancipa-
tion. The immoral effect of the present system would be,
that every thing which the friends of. the people want to
dq for -them will be opposed, because their enemies will
aay the people are unworthy of any freedom. The people
who have taken part in these outrages are acting on the
side of the Orange faction.—( Hear, hear.) What will be
said to me when 1 go over to the other side of the water ?
I shall be taunted with those outrages. Don't tell me,
they will say, th tt you took the earliest opportunity of de-
nouncing this system of the Trade; Union.—(Hear.) They
will say those were friends ns- your's who went to do this
behind your back.—(l-ear, hear.) Yes, it is on me that
all their siolene.a rind illegal conduct will fall, and not on
Mr. Guinness.—( Hear, hear.) Yes, these men arc indeed
a d.lsgrace to our countrymen, and furnish an additional im-
pediment to justice for Ireland.—( Hear.) I trust I shall
hear no more of this.—(Hear.) If I do, it will gite a
pang to my heart, and unnerve my arm in every struggle
which I am making for the people of Ireland.—(Hear.)
Having passed this subject, I now come to one of more
permanent and greater interest. I allude to the violent
and illegal combinations which are taking place in Ireland,
—( Hear.) On five or six ocersaions before have I been
succes-.:ul in putting a stop to the prcgress of similar cow-
Linations. It was about six or seven years ago since I
stopped the progress of Ribbonisna in Meath, where it was
advancing from the two neighbouring districts of South and
Westmeath.—( Hear, bear.) Until the last year no attcmpt
was made to organize any similar society. But the com-
bination I now allude to is not of a rolitieal character. Al-
though it ,orofesses to be of a Catholic description, we see
its abettors attacking the Roman Catholic. clergy as well
as others. There was some time ago, only last Summer I
believe, a party-of these went to Loughlintown and attacked
the chapel, and assaulted a member of the Trades' Union
who went out there to poet notices against their system.
One of these fellows who was apprehended was brought
before Mr. Wacker, at the Sessions of Dublin, and that.
humane :delirium or.' y sentenced hirer to three calendar
month;; impeisenment.—(Hear, hear.) A party of fellows
drove out there from Dublin on seven or eight jaunting
cars.aird perpetrated this outrage. But does any one ima-
gine swab a system could continue in Dublin if we had a
Rood police ?—(Hear, hear.)' No, the moment we •hava
such, this system must ixt once, he put -down.—(Hear.) 1.
have before me the ilatiest details of the proceedings at their
meetings—(Hear)—even of so late as yesterday.—(Hear.)
There, is not a single man that could be called respectable
belonging to them.—(Hear.) They are mostly composed
of the lowest class of labourers in the city, and some few
of the better class of labourers in the county are mixed
with them, wire have been seduced into joining them.
—(Hear, bear.) Some of their principal leaders have
already suffered the penalty of the law for thieving, and
a very influential man amongst them has already been
tried and cm, t icted before his country.—( Hear.) Will
they still continue to associate with him after this fact is
generally known ? Well, I bee traced this new system of
combination, and have found that it originates with the
lowest class of Orangemen. The city of Dublin is com-
posed of two classes. There is a division between the Me-
tropolitans and the Northerns—they ham e their terms Nor-
thern on:I Dublin men ; they have their foolish phrases,
" Billy Smiths'' and " Welters ;' so that the fact appears
evident that they are divided amongst themselves.—(Hear.)
There may he, indeed, honest and open combination
amongst the Trades' Unions of England and Scotland, when
they say that they resolve not to take less than a particular
spccined sum as wages. This may be just and honest, una
der proper modifications. I should be for an open system
of -fair wages. One of the greatest abominations which'
exist in Dublin—one which I look upon with horror ; it is
the system of compelling equal payment of wages to
every man belonging to a particular trade. Now, under
such a system, I would desire to know what is to become
of the superior, artist—the most skilful hand at his busi-
ness—of the man of the most industrious habits, or
of the best conducted man ? All the superiority
of men in these respects is, under such a system, to go for
nothing. Yes, it is absolutely good for nothing. I say
from this place, that every man who goes to, and is present,
at any of these illegal societies, that man is liable to trans-
portatien. I say that any man who takes an oath at any
of these secret societies does so at the peril of transporta-
tion. '1 also tell you, that any individual who may admi-
uhter such oath, does so at the same risk ; and more, that
the slightest net of violence in consequence of such oath is
punishable with death. Then let not the widows whose
husbands, or mothers whose sons, have been brought to an
ignominious end, blame me.—(Hear.) . Let not the wives,
or the daughters, or the sisters of those who have been
sent to New South %Vales blame me for it. No ; let them
blame the miscreants that deceived them first, and then be-
trayed them to their destruction.—(Hear.) The Learned
Gentleman proceeded to observe in strong terms on the
incalculabie injuries inflicted by combination and the sys-,
tem of wages, upon the trades of Dublin—as printing, book-
binding, ship-building, &c. He had documents to prove
that new books printed in Dublin were sent to London to be
bound, anti that they are there bound better and upon
cheaper terms. I am ready to prove before a Committee that
ship loads of Irish timber are sent to Drogheda and other
places, at Gd. the foot carriage, to be worked there. The
coach-building in this country too had suffered most se-
verely from the improper conduct of last year. But on
looking over this emidence, I find another most atrocious
instance of the effects of this horrible system of combina-
tion. Mr. Hutton speaks of the violence offered to an
iron-founder, named Clarke, and he then proceeds to the
case of another iron-founder, who was too poor to employ a
clerk or book-keeper, and consequently he engaged his wife
in keeping the workmen's accounts. Now, I ask any of
you, do you think that was an offence-7for a wife thus to
assist her husband in endeavouring to earn a subsistence
for her children?—(Hear, hear.) Well, those cruel and
misguided men considered it as such, and the result was
that they obliged this man to employ a clerk, and twn
off his wife from assisting. him to keep the. workmen's
account—thus depriving her of the means of earning
food for her children, or at least of enabling herself and
her husband to forward their education and interests.—
( Hear, hear.) Is there a human being who hears me that
I must not be disgusted at the atrocity of such acts as
this ? Do you not feel detestat'on and hatred for those
who could work such evil as that—vile wretches, wear-
ing the form of men, but possessing the hearts of mon-
sters.—(Hear, hear.) But there are more instances than
these—there is one in which a carpenter had a bro-
ther who was what was called an unlawful apprentice,
and the men turning out against him he was forced to
abandon his trade, and forego the means of earning
support for himself. See here then the effect this system
has upon the interests of the youth of Ireland.—(Hear,
hear, hear.) Where will they end if pursued? What
is it that keeps men from being murdered in Dublin r
Do you remember the two men who were murdered in
the open day in our street ; and it is with difficulty that
many are still escaping from the myrmidons of that worthy
gentleman to whom I have alluded. I mean him who
underwent a penalty for thieving, and whose name if I
chose, I could mention. Do you think he and those asso-
cinted with him are not ready for murder when necessity
induces them to think it requisite ? Do you not recollect
when Chambers, the carpenter, and Daly, the sawyer, Were .
murdered ? And what was the offence of Daly Y. Why,
he was an advocate for a gradation of wages ; he was fo a
the good workman being paid as he ought, and for the bad
or indifferent ones to get no more than their capacity and
industry entitled them to, and if you had that system in
operation you would have the superior workmen trebly
paid over those who have not the ability nor - the diligence
that contrib.:lo to the Constitution of a superior ardent.
Well, workmen of the city had art ob-
jection\TelL theto greattlrat plan
ov nvf the
which was advocated by Daly, and he
was assailed in the streets at noon-day, and barbarously
murdered. Oh, do you think the hand of the Almighty
God is not strong enough to reach the base men 'who were
engaged in this scheme of murder—for I call every man
belonging to such associations as I have named engaged je

that scheme of murder, and ever ready to take part in
those demon-like acts. I tell you that men bound together
by unlawful oaths are guilty in intent of the crime which I
have named.—( Hear, hear.) Remember, I tel you the
progress of trade is obstructed by this, and I %kill be the
frit, if no one else does so—l will move for a Parliamen-
tary inquiry on the subject.—(Hear, hear.) I leave there
the consideration of those societies whose members are
Unsworn, and I turn to those who are sworn, and I tell
them that the existence of their conspiracy has arrived
at its last day—its last day has come—their haunts arc
discovered—their machinations are known— and it now
becomes those who are the champions of the welfare of
the country to exert, themselves steadfastly and with de-
t3rminatiorr to crush at once this iniquitous system, and
to protect the poor from the propensity to be misled,
and be made dupes by it ; and I say to those poor, is
Ireland so degraded, so destitute of intellect, that they
' 'should be. compelled to place themselves in the position I
have alluded to ? I tell you that if you continue so, you
place yourselves tied and bound band and foot by informers,
whose purpose it.. is to betray you ; who, when they have
made you their wretched dupes, will cause you to be ar-
rested as the man did at Armagh, who was traced out as
the seducer and the betrayer both by the Catholic board.
Yes, that was the miscreant who, when he took twelve of
the deputies who were elected to his place of worship to
partake of the Communion with him, had arranged every-
thing for their arrest.—( Loud cries of " Hear, bear.")
Yes, he went to the lodge, as it was called, and he affected
religion, and when he had brought those unfortunate men
into his snares, he had them arrested.—( Hear, hear )
And will you go into similar lodges with any of these men ?
If you once do so you are in their power, and what will
they do? They will be put on the table, as witnesses
against you ; they will there swear that you are guilty of
plotting murder or treason. I never have deceived you,
and I say they must end. Look who have been their origi-
nators--one of them, an Orangemen, brought the system
from Manchester to Kingstown ; and remember that, when
you are determined to put it down, you can readily
and easily do so, for it has neither talent nor worth--
(Hear, hear)—nor wealth nor respectability—(ilear)—
to keep it alive. The whole system is known, anti I give
nolice to all who are connected with it that it is so : if
they are not insane, they will quit it ; if they do not, there
have never hen so many victims to illegal societies sent to
New South Wales as there will be this year ; and if any
such outrages result from them as those which occurred in
the lamentable case of the s2wyers, many will be the men
who will suffer on the scaffold for ,`..heir guilt.—(Hear.) By
the bye, I may hero mention an instanee which occurred
about fourteen years ago. The house of Master Ellis was
robbed, and a man named Higgins was taken, tried, con-
victed, and executed for the burglary. Now, I am able
to show—l have the proof in my possession—that Hig-
gins was a member of one of those secret lodges, and that
its managers employed him to commit the burglary. Yes,
I can mention the very name of the man—it is M'Donnell
—not Eneas.—(Laughter.) But the miscreant who em-
ployed and then betrayed Higgins was named O'Donnell—
it was he who employed him with the intention of having
him hanged.—(Hear, hear.) Years, Sir, have elapsed
since then ; but the same spirit exists in the ruffians of to-
day ; and in denouncing it, I beg of you all to listen to me,
particularly the working classes.—(Hear.) What motives
can I have in exhorting you, but your own good—but the
good of the people themselves ?—(Loud cheers.) I have
not a personal interest in any trade, or manufacture of
any kind. Ido not want to get cheap work done for me.
I wish from my heart that the wages of the operative were
legitimately ten times the amount they are, and if any plan
be followed up and succeed, they will be ten times what
they are.—(Hear, hear.) I can have no motives, Sir, but
the good of man and to prevent the violation of the laws of
God. I have no-motive but that which should actuate the
clergy of every Christian persuasion—to make men better
before man and acceptable to God.—(Loud applause.)
Having-this motive alone for advising, let the people cast
off the miscreants who delude but to betray them—•-let
them hold on the men to whom I allude—l refer to those
societies in which oaths are taken.—(Cries of Hear, hear,
and cheers.) The Catholic . clergy have succeeded in
Ulster in abolishing oaths from any societies which exist
there, and there are now no oaths . taken by them in' that
part of Ireland ; but oaths are administered by those who
have spread the system through the other parts of the
country. I conclude, Sir, by moving the following reso-
lutions :
" That we now again, in the strongest terms of which
. language is capable, denounce all secret and illegal societies
and combinations of every description, particularly the in-
fatuated end cruel system of illegal combination which has
manifested itself among the labouring classes in this metro
polls and its vicinities, and which has been attended with
the most appalling of all crimes, the violent shedding of
human blood !
" We implore of the individuals engaged in these foul
conspiracies to instantly renounce all connexion therewith—
to consider that no system of secret conspiracy, that no
system of personal violence or injury to property can ever
advance the interests of the labourer, but, on the very con-
trary, ruin their prospects, and bring desolation on them-
selves and their unfortunate country. In their wicked con-
federacy, they must be in constant dread of betrayal by
each other, for men joined in unlawful undertakings can
never be faithful. And they may rest assured that the
vengeance of their outraged God, and the severe but just
punishment of the laws, will not fail to overtake their abo-
minable crimes."
Mr. JAMES MARTIN seconded the resolution, which was
then put. and unanimously agreed to.
Mr. O'CONNELL shortly afterwards rose, and said, that
in alluding to other subjects, he would detain the meeting
but a very few minutes. He had begun by stating that
they were a practical body—they were tradesmen, and
he himself was an operative.—(" Hear, hear," and cheers.)
It was therefore their duty to work well all the details ne-
cessary to secure the liberty of the people of Ii eland.—
(Cheers.) Sir Robert Peel bad said that the battle of the
elections must be fought at the registries—anti they could
not be fought without attending to this. The National
Association had before taken care of these matters, but it
was now dissoNed, and the business of attending to the
registries in etery town in Ireland was now the care of
the Trades' Union.—( Hear, hear.) It would next he
their duty to prepare petitiane to Parliament first for the
extension of the suffrage. The Conservatives said that it
was by dexterity and trickery that the Reformers gained ;
but an end would be put to this by extending the suffrage,
not to select classes of men, but to the people generally.
(Cheers.) It was his opinion that there should not be in
counties demanded more than a .5/. qualifie..tion for the
franchise.--(Laud cheering.) He was sorry that some of
the English Radicals were not hearty in support of the
Ballot. Now, he was opposed to intimidation of all
kinds, whether it was used by the Press or by 'lie landlords ;
and it was crud on the part of the English Radicals, lie
repeated, not to support the Ballot, and they would then
have men voting according to their consciences, and for the
candidates they considered most worthy of their support.—
(Hear, hear.) The Honourable and Learned Gentleman
here produced a balloting-box on the plan suggested by Mr.
Clone It eppears to Le completely adapted to its purpose,
and tau-t as cell conceal from the presiding &leers the
names of the parties voted for, as to enable even those
who cannot read to exercise the franchise ; whilst there is
a complete protection from the voter inserting more than
one ballotting paper or curd. The card is placed in a sheath
argil the niarein is perforated, being covered, save where
the perforatiun can he made, opposite to the name of the
party the voter supports. This is proposed to be done in
a chamber where no person but the voter is, az:d the box
being carried to the Sheriff, lie, by touching a spring,
sends the card into the body of the box. This system,
Mr. O'Connell continued to say, would put an end to bri-
bery anti intimidation. It had been stated that he had said
if th 3 ballot were obtained, a voter attempted to be inti-
midated by his employer, might shout for the party
the employer favoured in the street ; hut, in the
voting-ronm he might vote for the persons he thought de-
serving of his suffrage. Lord Sandon, in allusion to this
had remarked upon it, and had said, that he (Mr. O'Con-
neli) encouraged the people to tell lies. To be sure, Lord
Sandon made a great show of affectation of religion. He
had gone round to canvass eith a Bible and a Crown on
the dickey-seat of his carriage—a gilt Bible and Crown—
the Bible was of wood and the Crown was of tin, or of
leather :—this was like the piety of Lard Sandon—a
Bible of wood and a Crown of pewter !—(Hear.) His
Lordship had, however, said that his (Mr. O'Connell's)
object in procuring the Ballot was to make the people tell
lies —(Hear.) Now, was it a greater lie for einan who
wished to vote for him, and who voted, being obliged to do
so ;or another, or to vote for the person the voter thought
it right to vote for, although he promised, under the influ-
ence of intimidation, to give his fnuichise for another ?
W:, y, the former was a practical he, a lie against his
"onscience—it was a double lie.—( Hear, hear.) But the.
Ballot would also put an end to bribery, for those who
would take bribes would not be trusted ; for would the
scoundrel who would take a bribe hesitate to tell a lie as to
the party for whom he voted, and there could not be a
check on him. He hoped, then, that the Trades' Union
would take up the question of the Ballot --(Cheers.) Let.
them call for petitions from all parts of Ireland for the ex-
tension of the suffrage also, hut stating that the benefit of
mn extension of the suffrage would only be realised by in-
cluding in the measure which bestowed it the Vote by &d-
Dot. He hoped also that the forms of petitions would be
iN teititight4tt Xl/4 the forms of addresses to the Queen, calling
,geyeseleereto--certitinue in power the present wise and benbeneficent,....,,lthinisnitlinai-.,-Eind urging Parliament also to sustain it as
`'11;.: -11. wise..liad:CMistitutional Government. Let them prepare i
r-
ZI . yeah:44-46a fag the total abolition of the Tithe system, j
.1
e e addlor a perfeet C,Orporate Reform.—(Cheers.) This was I
,r,"-41113 ;For which he desired their existence as a body.
i,.......,

—(Cheers.) He had seen in a journal which was conducted
with considerable talent, that there appeared to be nething
of life, or of hope, or expectation, or energy exhibited by
him. Now, he had never been more wronged in his file
than in this insinuation, for he expected every thing from
the present Ministry.—(Cheers.) He would not taunt
them if they could not go further than he could desire at
the first blow. He would take any boon from them
which be considered might be useful, and let them then go
on in their efforts to Le of service to the country.—( Herr,
hear.) These sere the principles on which he would act,
and the Trades' Union would assist him in carrying out the
practical details which would so materially aid him. He
would conclude by moving the following resolution :
" That we further consider the elective franchise should
exist in each individual, to be exercised according to his
judgment and his will, free from intimidation or control of
any kind ; that it cannot be denied few electors at present
exercise the franchise in this wav, some being compelled to
vote against their conscience from fear of being forced from
their homes, and turned destitut,! on the world by heartle.zs
Tory landlords ; others, as in the case of shopkeers, trades-
men, etc., being influenced by their deference to Conserva-
tive customers, others by popular intimidation, others again
by bribery and corruption, so that it is not to be expected
that the fair and unbiassed voice of the constituents can
be obtained, without a protection against these various and
glaring abuses—a protection which in our opinion would be
completely acquired by the Ballot, and cannot otherwise be
obtained. That we do, therefore, petition Parliament for
Vote by Ballot."
The resolution was seconded and carried unanimously ;
and the meeting separated shortly after five o'clock.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The late excellent James Mill, a man, the influence
of whose example aided greatly the effect of his ad-
mirable writings in diffusing sound principles of go-
vernment, feelingly lamented in one of his works the
recklessness with which one of the most powerful of
all incentives to upright and virtuous conduct in public
men, the sympathy of the people, was sported with
by those who claim to be their instructors. When
approbation or disapprobation is dealt out, without
judgment or discrimination, public men come at last to
be indifferent to what is said of them, in all but its
effects on their immediate interests ; and the transition
from this indifference to what is said of them is but
too apt to lead to indifference to the means of meriting
public approbation. The ardour of some individuals
in the cause of mankind cannot be cooled by any
amount of ingratitude, as, for instance, the late
Thomas Jefferson ; but the sensibility usually con-
nected with such ardour exposes them to a kind of
moral torture. Jefferson loses all patience when
speaking of the American press, which, from the reck-
lessness with which it hazards unfounded statements,
and assails without cause public men, would soon, he
said, cease to possess any authority. The Jeffersons,
however, are among politicians the exception, and not
the rule. We fear that the springs of generous action
have too often been dried up by the constant spectacle
exhibited in this country (though not in the same
degree as in America) of disregard to the claims of
public men. When a public man notoriously aban-
dons the cause of the people, and even enrols himself
among their enemies, like Sir Francis Burdett and Sir
James Graham, they merit all the contempt which can
be bestowed on them. We leave such men without
compunction to their fate. Let them
" go down
To the vile dust from which they sprung,
Unwept, unhonoured, and unsung."
But a statesman of unsullied integrity, and proved de-
votion to the cause of the people during the whole of
his career, ought not to be wantonly accused of aban-
doning them, because he may not adopt every article of
the political creed of a public writer, or the party in-
fluenced by such writer. We may not subscribe to
every opinion of Earl Fitzwilliatn, for instance ; but,
because we may think him wrong with regard
to Church-rates, we would not on that account
shut our eyes to the unquestioned integrity of
that Nobleman, and the high courage with which
he asserts what he deemS conducive to the general
welfare, and pronounce him as an alien to the peo-
ple's cause. We think Lord Ebrington wrong
in his opinion respecting the Ballot, and by no
means approve of his mode of meeting the wishes of
the meeting at Barnstaple ; but we have not the
slightest doubt of the good intentions of his Lord-
ship towards the people, and regret the tone which
some public writers have adopted towards him. But,
of all the cases of injustice, the treatment of Lord
Durham by a part of the Press, affecting a regard for
the people, is the most to be reprobated. His Lord-
ship has abandoned no opinion he ever advocated ; he
is the same high-minded politician he was when
courageous exertions in behalf of the people won fur
him the confidence of the nation ; and yet, because
his Lordship does no: adopt every opinion of certain
writers, because he does not go far enough for them, he
is openly upbraided with desertion of the cause of
the people. Mr. Leader, at the Bodmin meeting,
very properly animadverted on this injustice :
" You have probably," be observed, " read a speech
lately delivered iu the north by his Lordship, and many of
the numerous comments upon it. Now, amongst the com-
ments there are many which I think rather too severe upon
Lord Durham from his friends, and there are many con-
clusions drawn by his enemies which I think they have no
right to draw from his speech. However, I rejoice in Lord
Durham's speech, though in some points it does not go far
enough for me, and though I fancy he would call me one of
the violent Radicals.' Lord Durham declares that he is
now, as formerly, an advocate of household Suffrage, trien-
nial Parliaments, and the Ballot.. I rejoice at this public
declaration from such a man at such a time ; not that I
agree with Lord Durham in all points, nor because it comes
from that rare creature, a Liberal Peer ; but because, com-
ing as it does from a man employed in a high and respons-
We situation by the present Government, it seems to con-
firm my hopes that the Ministers mean to act more boldly
than in the last Parliament."

This is the language of fairness, and why, we ask,
should those who call themselves advocates of the peo-
ple's cause, seek to drive from them men of the stamp
of Lord Durham ? Men of that stamp are not
surely so common among -us that we can •afford to
drive them from the banners of the people. It was
but the other day that an able writer in the London
and Westminster Review regretted that of all the pub-
lic men sent into Parliament by the Reformers, there
was not one possessed of the qualities required in a
leader of a patty, and that this helplessness of the
Radicals in the House of Commons was the cause of
their labours being so unproductive. And yet, in the
teeth of this admission, Lord Durham, the bold, up-
right, and able advocate of the people, must be chased
like an apostate from the ranks of the people, because,
though himself convinced of the benefit of an extension
of the suffiage, and the necessity for an efficient protec-
tion of v9ters, he will not force his opinions on the public
till he sees they are prepared for them, and because he
does not see his way clearly in any of the projected re-
forms of the House of Lords. With respect to the
supposed connection between Lord Durham and her
Majesty's Government, to which importance was at-
tactic(' by Mr. Leader, we believe the statement in the
following paragraph of the Durham Chronicle of
Friday last,- to express the real nature of the relations
between them :

" It is quite true," says that paper, " as stated by the
John Bull, that the Earl of Durham has received no II:-
your from her present Majesty ;' the Order of the Bath
having been conferred on his Lordship by King William
(as we mentioned at the time), spontaneously, and without
the slightest suggestion from his Ministers, in token of his
Majesty's approbation of the Noble Earl's services at the
Court of Russia. But this fact only renders Lord Dur-
ham's testimony in favour of the Queen's Government the
more valuable, as it clearly proves that it was tendered in-
de•pendently of all personal obligation to her Majesty or LT
M.nisters." _ _

We have only further to add, that entertaining as
we do the most thorough conviction that it is not in
his Lordship's nature to slacken in his efforts in behalf
of the people, or regard with indifference the progress
of the Liberal cause, we trust that he may long enjoy
the health and stren2th which may enable him to act
on his principles.—Morning. Chronicle.
Certain speeches at two public dinners, each assu-
ming the name and colours of " reform," but exhibi-
ting a curious contrast in the several meanings applied
by them to the reform principle, and in the methods
whereby they propose 44 to carry it out, have been
reported and discussed, though under much embarrass,
ment, by the Newspapers in Downing-street pay. The
meetings referred to are, Ist—that.at Barnstaple last
Monday se nnight, where 1,200 (no small proportion
of them in buckram, doubtless) of Lord Ebrington's
partisans and supporters in North Devon got up an en-

tertainment for that noble Lord, the understood condi-
don of which was, that his Lordship shook' treat his
enteric liters in return to the twenty-times-told novelty
of his political opinions. We have read the speech of
Lord Ebrington as reported to have been spoken by
the noble Viscount on that day. There are two things
which make his Lordship's speech worth notice—
namely, the position of the speaker with regard to her
lajesty's Ministers, and the sentiments of the speech
itself, expressed by an individual occupsing such a po-
sition. Whether in the secrets of the Cabinet or not,
Lord Ebrine,ton is, beyond all question, so. far in the
private confidence of the high or aristocratic Whig
section of the Cabinet, and so identified with it—that
is to say, of those members who are dispcs d to the
most moderate and least radical course in politics—
that nothing can be more certain than his resolution
to state no opinion as to the expediency or itnpolicy
of
any given mea,ures, which was liable to be disclaimed
by his Whig friends and confidants either by acrd or
deed. Lord Ebrington has been at all times the out-
door mouthpiece of the more temperate portion of the
old Whig family alliance. His is still, when you conic
to examine its substance, a bridled, stately, curvetting
sort of Whiggery, a Whiggery in which there is the
!east imaginable adulteration of thoroughgoing demo-
cracy. One may be sure that what Lord 14Thrington
says the bulk of the Whig coterie, whether in office
or out of it, are ready to sanction and to act upon.
He has been their prop in critical junctures. When
they speak, he invariably echoes them. When they
are silent, he risks no expression which they are not
prepared to adopt. Such being the relation of Lord
Ebrington towards those official Whigs who represent
the vis inertice of the Cabinet, and form, we believe,
a majority of it, let us hear what he propounds upon
two points much controverted between men of the
Monarchy and men of the Movement—points on
which a great deal is stated by the Radicals to turn.
Lord Ebrington, it appears, will have nothing to do
with the Ballot, or with a more extended Suffrage. Of
the Ballot, he affirms that it would be no real protec-
tion, or that the only protection, and that but partial,
arising from it, would be in favour of the elector,
" who voted in one way, after having promised to vote
in another ;" and, much to his credit, Lord Ebring-
ton adds, that he will countenance no such intrinsic
perjury. " I confess," says he " that I cannot bring
my mind to the conclusion that it would be of ad-
vantage to the really honest and independent elector to
give him such a means of escape from the inconve-
niences which may be consequent upon the fearless
expression of his opinion." We infer, therefore, that
one important division of the Whig Cabinet have
quietly declared war against the Ballot. Then, upon
another point—viz., the extension of the Suffrage—his
Lordship declares, that having announced his readi-
ness while the Reform Bill was before Parliament to
accept that Bill as a final " measure, and to stop there
in whatever related to the franchise, he would not now
be driven at the voice of any man or party to go one
jot beyond the limits to which he then had pledged
himself." This, again, is creditable to the Noble
Viscount ; but what an index does it furnish of the
predicament into which his cronies, the placemen
Whigs, have got themselves with the main body
of their own supporters, or rather protectors, in
Parliament—to wit, the Radical or Movement
faction throughout the country—the Ballot-mongers
and sticklers for universal or household suffrage ! For,
secondly, we read of a meeting, a " Reform" meet-
ing also, held at Radley's Hotel, Bridge-street, in
our own neighbourhood, and, coupled with the com-
memoration of the twelve individuals who, being tried
for high treason in 1794, had been described by Mr.
Windham as " acquitted felons." This meeting, what-
ever its real purposes might be, served as an occasion
for those very ardent patriots, Messrs. Charles Buller,
Daniel Whittle Harvey, and Joseph Parkes, to make
profession of their several intentions as to the quantum
of reform which each would require at the hands of a
" Reform" Ministry. Mr. Buller's speech was re-
markable for not a great deal more than a good stout
exaggeration of the amount of Radical sentiment
throughout Great Britain, upon which the Learned
Gentleman naturally enough engrafted the necessity of
acceding to the Ballot especially, and besides that of
establishing a more extended suffrage. But it is odd
enough that, after painting, in the stongest colours he
was master of, the vile and fearful condition of the coun-
try without this quack nostrum of the Ballot, and the so-
lemn and binding obligation on Ministers to introduce and
carry it, the Lc treed Gentleman came to the milk-and-
water conclusion, that, nevertheless, and notwithstand-
ing their breach of such a paramount duty, their conti-
nuance in office might still be desirable ! albeit the
confessed it would be " utterly impossible." Now,
there is a queetion to be asked of Mr. C. Buller on
this subject—viz., will you, Mr. Buller, with your de-
cided conviction of the vast worth and vital necessity
of this same Ballot—will you, in case of Lord Mel-
bourne's Government refusing to recommend or to as-
sent to it—will you, Mr. Buller, deem it consistent
with manly sincerity or with common honesty stilt to
give such delinquent Ministers your vote and your ge-
neral support in Parliament ? And when the Learned
Gentleman states that he does not know what " preju-
(Lees, or what secret understandings, have hitherto
prevented Ministers front cooperating with him"
and his friends on this very serious point, let him be-
ware lest he give rise to the question, " what secret
understanding" prevents Mr. C. Buller front loudly re-
probating and from manfully opposing Ministers of
whose motives for resisting a policy in his judgment
vital to the national welfare he sees no defence or justi-
fication ? Mr. Whittle Harvey made a pithy speech,
wherein he narrated time fact, that three of the parties
prosecuted for high treason in 1794 were his most in-
timate friends, and announced the resolution to move
withing the first week of the ensuing session for leave
to bring in a bill embracing the three grand reforms of
the Reform Bill—namely, Household Suffrase,
Ttiennial Parliaments, and the Ballot. We wish
this learned gentleman also, as well as the Ministers,
joy of their mutual support. But the cream of the
whole exhiffition was the speech of the Brumma-
gem patriot, Mr. Joseph Parkes, who made a furious
onslaught on poor Lord Ebrington and his finality,
declared that the Ballot would not suffice for the pro-
tection of electors (those of course who meant to play
the rogue), but that various other nameless conecs-
s,ons to the sovereign democracy would be required.
We should like to ask of Ministers upon which party
they now reckon for a continuance in their present of-
fices ? Is it on such Radicals as Messrs. Parkes and
Buller ? Or, eschewing Radicalism, and embracing
Conservatism, have they the face to come before the
people of England, and acknowledge that the professed
()rounds on which they forced Sir Robert Peel to re-
sign were fabricated, false, hypocritical, base, and ig-
neminous ?—Times.

The proceedings at the forty-third anniversary of
the acquittal of Messrs. Horne Tooke, Hardy, Tltel-
wall, and others, when tried for high treason—a brief
report of which appeared in our paper of yesterday—
possess a peculiar interest at this moment. The speakers,
one and all, though there were slight shades of diversity
in the opinions which were in two or three instances
expressed, were Reformers of undoubted sincerity,
and of an wicompromisin, kind. Our only regret is,
that we cannot advert in detail to many points which
introduced and forcibly dwelt on ; but
we anloptp ilforbeary referring,' in a special manner, to
werec happily
one of the many admirable things in Mr. Galloway's
excellent speech. The point to which we allude was
that in which he contrasted the conduct of the pre-
sent Ministry with that of Tory Administrations in
respect to Government prosecutions. '' I will not,"
says Mr. Galloway, " turn my back on the Ministers
because they have not done all that the London
Corresponding Society wished to see realized. They
have begun the work, and I expect that education will
do more. The Reformers of 1794 did something
against the Tories, but not so much as the Tories
were doing against the Liberals, and yet how diErent
was the treatment ? The Reformers were hastiled,
persecuted, and transported ; but, now that the power
had somewhat changed hands, as well as characters,
the Tories were not prosecuted. The present Govern-
ment and the people could carry on their warfare with-
out promoting prosecutions for differences of opinion,"
—(Loud cheers.) Loud cheers—yes, and very pro.
perly too. Well might the assemblage cheer the senti-
ments thus so happily expressed by Mr. Galloway ; for
many of them had lived in those days of Tory despotism,

when n 3 man was safe in (riving utterance, either at a
public meeting or through the medium of the press, to
liberal principles. If to an ardent attachment to the
cause of true liherty, any one united a boldness which
prompted him to the free expression of opinions ad-
verse to tire Tory Government or the day, he might
think himself fortunate if he was not a State prisoner
before to-morrow's sun had set. We have sad that
there were individual 3 present who had witnessed such
a state of things with their own eyes. We ought to
have added, aye, and experienced it too. We need
go no farther than Mr. Galloway himself for a proof
of this. That gentleman suffered long and severely,
because of his free and fearless expression of opinions
adverse to the despotic rule of the Tory faction of
same thirty or forty years ago. Of all men, there-
fore, he could advert with the greatest propriety to
the altered state of matters in this respect at the
p esent day. No man is now prosecuted by Ger-
vernment for his opinions, be they whit:, they may
The most imbouetleil licence in discussion is allowed
t ) the opponents of Lord Melbourne's Administration.
The Tory journals and Tory orators have no oilier
check in their attacks on that Administration, titan is
interposed by the conventional forms of society and the
tastes of their readers. To the advantaee which the
faction take of this unrestrained liberty of I piss
and this unbounded freedom of speech, the v;ruleece
and falsehoods nith which the journals and orators of
the faction daily abound bear the most ample testi-
mony. Still we rejoice that this freedom in the ex-
pression of men's opinions exists ; and notwithstand-
ing the abuse of it of which the Tories are guilty, it
ever will, we trust, continue to exist. The fact that
Lord Melbourne sanctions no Government prosecu-
tions, either of the press or of individuals, is of itself
demonstrative proof of the liberality as well as wisdom
of his Government ; and it stands forth in bold and
striking contrast to all the Tory administrations in
whose hands the destinies of this country have at dif-
ferent times been placed.—Morning Advertiser.
Some time-serving, self-seeking, clergymen, who are
to be found even in attendance on the altars of the
Protestant reformed faith, have just now discovered,
for the first time, that the service appointed by statute
law and royal ordinance to be read on the anniversary
of the deliverance of the nation from the horrors of
that diabolical conspiracy hatched by the Jesuits of
1604, is an improper service, and ought to be ex-
punged from the liturgy of our Church. If it were
so, that does not excuse those clergymen who have
violated the Act of Parliament and the royal ordi-
nance, by neglecting to read it—an omission, of which
we hope the proper ecclesiastical authorities, if there
be any still to protect the discipline of the Church,
will take proper notice.. The Church must, indeed,
be in a state of anarchy, or something nearly approach-
ing it, if any of its ministers can of their own mere
motion, and with perfect impunity, dispense with the
use of any portion of the solemn service which is ap-
pointed for any particular day in the year. If a cler-
gyman can of his own will dispense with any portion
of the liturgy, he can dispense with the whole of it,
and tell his congregation he does so, because he does
not think it a fit and proper service for a Christian
Church. But such a clergyman ought to have thought
of that &lore he subscribed the articles, one of which,
as the Standard reminds the " conscientious" violators
of the solemn engagement into which they entered
upon admission to the holy office, runs as follows :
" That the Book of Common Prayer, and of ordering of
bishops, priests, and deacons, containeth in it nothing con-
trary to the Word of God, and that it may lawfully so be
used ; and that I myself will use the form in the said book
prescribed in public prayer and administration of the Sa-
craments, and none other."
Now, we conceive that he who enters into a solemn
engagement voluntarily, and keeps it as long as he
thinks it beneficial to himself to do so, and then breaks
it for " conscience sake," just at the precise time when
the violation of that engagement seems more likely to
ensure his promotion in the Church than its strict
observance, has a conscience of a very elastic descrip-
tion—a conscience which, like Indian-rubber, can pull
out or in just to suit the measure which he takes of
his own interests. How happened it that none of our
clergymen discovered the impropriety of thanking,
Almighty Providence for the wonderful mercy exhi-
bited to this nation, in the discovery of that all-but-
accomplished infernal plot to destroy King, Lords,
and Commons, at a blow, until the present period,
whom a British Ministry have, for the first time since
the reign of James IL, entered into a monstrous coali-
tion with an avowed and implacable enemy of Pro-
testant institutions, and in consequence thereof have
declared an intention of inflicting " a heavy blow and
great discouragement upon Protestantism ?" O'Connell
wishes the remembrance of the gunpowder plot and all
other atrocities of the Jesuits, of whom he is the
warm panegyrist, effaced from Protestant Prayer Books
and the Protestant mind—and O'Connell is the master
of those who have the patronage of the Church.—
Morning Herald.
So:nc Ministerialists have taken it into their heads
—or think fit to say so—that the Tories are full of
despondency, and that the Whigs are in a particularly
flourishing condition. We have looked about for the
()rounds of this opinion, and we can find none save that
;rounds
Majesty the Queen is to dine in the city on Thurs-
day, and that her Majesty's subjects seem very anxious
to sec her Majesty, and to testify their loyalty on that
occasion. What are the links of the chain of relation
between this cause -and the effect of despondency
ascribed to the Tories we must beg some of the exqui-
site metaphysicians of the Whig party to explain for
us at their leisure. We cannot find them out. If it
be true, however, that the hopes of the Whigs are so
bright, and those of their political adversaries so dark
and low, what a pity that these facts were not commu-
cated to that very zealous, but at present heavy-
hearted Ministelialist Sir W. Molesworth, previously
to his speech of last week in Cornwall I Surely
the " unfeigned sorrow" with which he contemplates
Ministerial prospects ought to have been alleviated.
He is oppressed with the horrible conviction that
the return of the Tories to power cannot be far distant,
but his co-Ministerialists in town say that the Tories
are overwhelmed with despondency I How strange
that a party should despond under such circumstances
How very strange that a party with a considerable ac-
cession of Parliamentary strength, obtained under cir-
cumstances as favourable to their adversaries as they
could possibly be, should nevertheless despond ! We
find the Whig-Radicals complaining that the Reform
Act, which was to have been the grand engine for
obtaining their complete supremacy, turns out to be
not worth a straw—we find Ministerialists in all quar-
ters making lamentation that the influence of Tory
property, and the superior organisation of Tory means,
have beaten them in the most surprising and mortify-
ing manner in the late election—and yet it is pro-
clanned by a Ministerial journal in London, that de-
spondency has taken possession of the Tories ! We
beg leave to say, that we think there must be some
mistake in this matter. Many persons will no doubt
find it difficult to believe that a liberal journal could
make a mistake ; and as to intentional misrepresenta-
tion, that is of course altogether out of the question.
Still we do venture to suggest, that the discovery of
the "despondency" of the Tories is a very decided and
undeniable mistake.—Morning Post.

The Countess of Bridgewater co nmenced her dinner
parties yesterday, at A shbridge Castle.
" THE OBSERVER" OF SUNDAY, N0v.12, PRICE
FivErENcE.—The Conductor and the Editors of The
Observer will, agreeably to their usual plan on important
occasiorP, give the most correct particulars of the Ceremo-
nies of the Queen's Visit on Lord Mayor's-day, which will
be illustrated by Engravings of the Interior of Guildhall,
and a Panoramic Skatch of the Procession. Inc' price of
The Observer is Fivcpence, tuld on this occasion The
Observer will be kept o❑ sale during the following week, at
the Office, 170, Strand ; where franks may be had gratis,
to send it to all parts of the United Kingdom.

At a vestry meeting of the rate-payers of Halifax,
held yesterday morning, a church-rate•was apparently car-
ried, by a very small majority ; and when a poll was de-
manded, the Chairman refused to grant one! We say
apparently carried, for it was not really so. Had the Dis-
senters and Reformers attended the meeting in full strength,
the proposition for an adjournment would have been carried
by an immense majority.
An inquest was held on the bnd) of Henry East,
late a groom to Mr. Sornes, the shipowner, whO died in
consequence of lock-jaw, brought on by being violently
kicked by a horse, and the jury returned a verdict of acci-
dental death,

FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE.

FOREIGN-OFFICE, Nov. 1, 1837.
The Queen has been graciously pleased to nominate and appoint
the lion. George Sulyarde Stafford Jerningham, now Secretary to
her Majesty's Legation at Turin, to be Secretary to her Majesty's
Legation at Lisbon.
The Queen has also been graciously pleased to nominate and ap-
point Stephen Fleury Suliran, Esq., now Secretary to her Majesty's
Legation at Lisbon, to be Secretary to her Majesty's Legation at
Turin. •

WHITEHALL, Nov. 6

The Queen has been pleased to present the Rev. William Ritchie
to the Church of the united parishes of St. Martins and Cambia
Michael, in the presbytery and county of Perth, vacant by the
death of the Rev. Peter Currey.

OFFICE OF ORDNANCE; Nov. 6.
Royal Regiment of Artillery—Second Lieut. W. M. 11. 131%-n
to Le First Lieutenant, vice Pigot, resigned. Oct. 30.

DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY.
BENJAMIN WALLIS and.ROBERT WALLIS, ship.builders,
Blackvi

BANKRUPTS.

JAMES RUSSELL, loilging,-house-keeper, Tunbridge-place,
New-road, to surrender Nov. 13 and Dec. •19, at eleven, at the
Court cf Bankruptcy. Goldsmid, Ironmonger-lane, official as-
signee; Sutton, Bartlett's-buildings Holborn.
HENRY GLOYNE, giorer, Wakefield, Dec. 5 and 19, at ele-
ven, at the Court-house, Leeds. Sell°les and Walker, Dewsbury ;
Battye. Fisher, and Sudlow, Chancery-lane, London.
SARAH STUART, milliner, Pail Mall, Nov. 14, at. twelve,
and Dec. 19, at. eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Green,
Ahlt.rnalnhu: v, otldri;,l qss;g:i e Burt, Laneaster-place, ,Strand.
ructiAl;
.s.ct IF r iitTzKirr 1., draper, Sh,tE,ld, Nov. 28.
and Dec. 19, at twelve, at the Town-hall, Sheffield. Battye,
Fisher, and Sudlow, Chancery-lane, London ; Smith, Sheffield.
THOMAS TOWNSH END, builder, Birmingham, Nov. 21,
and Dec. 19, at one, at Dee's Royal Hotel, Birmaigham. Chaplin,
Gray's Inn-square, London ; Spurrier, Chaplin, and Spurrier,
Birmingham.
JERRY REYNOLDS, innkeeper, Thornsec, within Saddle-
worth, Nov. 25, and Dec. 19, at twelve, at the Commissioners'
Rooms, Manchester. Milne, Parry, Milne, and Morris, Temple,
London ; Whitehead, Barlow, and -Radcliffe, Oldham
THOMAS TWASE, grocer, Wellington, Somersetshire,.Nov.
23, and Dee. 19, at eleven, at Sweet's Hotel, Taunton. Rhodes,
Beevor, and Lane, Chancery-lane, London ; Drake, Exeter.
THOMAS DUTTON, victualler, Stoekport, Cheshire, Nov.
21, at ten, and Dec. 19, at. three, at the Commissioners'-rooms,
Manchester. Norris and Allen, Bartlett's-buildings, London ;
Prescot, Manchester.

DIVIDENDS.
At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basingball-street.
R. George, stage coach maker, Parker-street, Drury-lane, Nov.
30, at half-past twelve.
. .

J. Upson, baker, I'art-street, Southwark, Nov. 23, at one.
T. Morgan, perfumer, St. James's-street, Nov. 30, at twelve.
In the Country,

H. Curme, Bridport, Dec. 8, at four, at the Bull Inn, Bridport.
H. Hamer, wine merchant, Liverpool, Nov. 30, at twelve, at
the Clarendon Rooms, Liverpool.
R. Fairclough, tanner, Farington, Lancashire, Nov. 30, at
eleven, at the Town Hall, Preston.

D. Smith, corn miller, Addle-cum-Eccup, Yorkshire, Dee. 11,
at eleven, at the Court House, Leeds.
J. Trevor and J. Richards, bankers, Whitchurch, Shropshire,
Dec. 7, at eleven, at the White Lion inn, Whitchurch. .

J. Lewis, draper, Conwill Elvet, Carmarthenshire, Nov. 30. at
ten, at the Boar's Head Inn, Carmarthen.
W. Carver, grocer, Hosford, Nov. 10, at one, at the Court
House, Leeds.

C. Abercrombie, merchant, Liverpool, Nov. 23, at two, at the
Clarenden Rooms, Liverpool.
E. Maclean, general dealer, Cheltenham, Nov. 29, at three, at
Yearsley's Hotel, Cheltenham.
T. Benson, chainmaker, York, Dec. 11, at eleven, at Etridge's
Royal Hotel, York.
R. C. Heigham, beer brewer, Lakenham, Norwich, Nov. 29, at
ten, at the Rampant Horse Inn, Norwich.
. and J. C. Jackson, earthenware manufacturers, Burslem,
Staffordshire, •Nov. 29, at eleven, at the George Inn, Burslem.
C. T. Rimer, provision merchant, Southampton, Dec. 11, at
two, at the Dolphin Hotel, Southampton.
J. Harman, jeweller, Clifton, Bristol, Dec. 6, at one, at the
Commercial Rooms, Bristol.
CERTIFICATES.—Nov. 28.

C. R. Bury, drysalter, Hulme, Lancashire—H. M. Rimmel, L.
J. B. Vandeau, and P. J. G. A. Bessan, perfumers, Regent-
street—J. King, grocer, Cambridge—R. Inman, grocer, Brigh-
ton—M. A. Hughes, ironmonger, Birmingham-1 Bonnor, iron-
monger, Cheltenham—T. W. Vernon, iron-dealer, Bilston, Staf-
fordshire—W. Rostill, tortoiseshell-case-maker, Birmingham—G.
Noyes, ironmonger, Chippenham,

PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.
F. F. Camroux and J. Mapleton, ship-agents, Clement's-lane,
London—W. Wheeler, and M. Wheeler, bakers, Birmingham--
C. Vining, G. Gerard, C. J. Vining, and W. Vining merchants,
Gloucester—E., Kendall, W. H. West, and W. H. Bevan, iron-
masters, Llangaitoch, Brecon—H. Chadwick and J. Newton, boot-
makers, Oldham, Lancashire—C. Movie and J. Ruscoe, woollen-
drapers, Salnp—T. Cole and W. 0. 'Cole, wooletaplers, Bristol—
R. Nind and _W..11. Cotterill, attorneys, Throgmorton-street--
W. Cooper and C. A.',Orth, saddlers, Conduit street, Hanover-square
—H. Cozens and W. Pierce, stationers, Southampton—J. and W.
Beatson, manufacturing chemists, Masborough, Yorkshire.