The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-24 00:00:00

THERMOMETER.

This morning.
This day at Two o'clock 77

Barometer-30.04,
Wind—S.-W ; moderate, with fine but cloudy weather,

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
CH'S DA.T.—Morning, 7h. 15m.—Afternoon, 7h. 39m.
To-xtounow.-Morning, Bh. Bm.—Afternoon, Bh. 40ru.

\tilt
a SUIT,

LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 24, 1863.

-0--

Although M. DE PERSIGNY, happily for our

brethren of the Press in France, continues no longer
at the head of the Ministry of the Interior, the

journalists of the Second Empire (who does not know
it ?) are still constrained to speak somewhat with
'bated breath, they still move under a weight of

almost overwhelming restrictions, it might even be
said, they respire with difficulty. While such is yet
undeniably the situation of afairs in France in re-
gard to the great question of the Liberty of the Press,
under the rule of Emperor NAPOLEON 111., it is

nothing less than refreshing to come, as we have just
now done, in the midst of a juncture so profoundly
dis-spiriting,upon utterances of such remarkable bold-
ness, eloquence, and precision, utterances so elevated
in their tore, so persuasive in their fervour,

and so convincing in their logic, as those

we ourselves are to-day eager to echo as
accurately as possible in our own tongue
precisely as they have come to us in the accents of
the Count de MONTALE3IBERT. Elsewhere will
be found in this evening's impression of our journal,
the more rotable fragments at least, of this argument
upon the Journalism and Liberalism of the age in
which we are now living—an argument but just
pat forth, we might almost say, in the
form of a manifesto, by this Man of
Mark, not only for France, but for all
Christendom. It comes to is all the more accept-
ably upon the morrow of the Count de MON TALEM-
BERT'S rejection b
one of the French y those Imperialist electors in
provinces, to whom the Count, at
once, as Orator and
Liberal, was as Publicist, buc still now as
unacceptable by reason of his very
independence. Precluded from entering the lat-
FERIAL Chamber among the
re-
presentatives, the Giant _
DE 80-called popular
MONTALEMBERT has
for an interval, at least, not been debarred from again
wielding the pen in the cause.
of truth, of liberalism,
of enlightenment, in those sacred interests,
cal, social, and religious, with politi-
which his name, as
he reminds us, has now for three-and-thirty years
been identified. The importance of the press,
merely
for whether for good or f, r evil, and this, not
for France or for Italy, but for all the various
nations of Christendom, has never been m
ore
nally proclaimed. The necessity there is forai. its
g'
absolute independence has never been more Coc
vincingly or more resolutely vindicated. Never
has there been uttered, by the lips or by the pet,
even of the most daring among the champions of
the revolutionary party, a more scornful or a more
confident defiance of those who would dare to at-
tempt the repression, much more the extinction,
of the spirit of the age, resprzt moderne, of that
widely extended and extending hberalzsme which
is, so to speak, the very genius of Modern or
Christian Civilisation. To dream even of going
counter to this "civihsatzon moderne," he heal-
tatea not to pronounce as idle phantacy as
an attempt "enchainer a des utopies," or,
"enfeoder a deg fantomes." Those, no mat-
ter of what class or party, who dream 01
doing this, he sweeps aside with a noble and
haughty phrase as victims d'une orthodoxie harq-
ne,use. It only these latest accents, rising from the
heart and conscience of MONTALEMBERT to his
clot-peat lips, or rather to the point of his luminous
and persuasive pen, might penetrate to the hearts and
consciences of all others, say there in France, say here
in England, say yonder, whether in the north, or
in the south, of the Roman peninsula " Non,

l'ancien regime ne renaitra nulle part." That, as the
text ! And, as the closing sentiment, " Malheur a
ceux qui fermeraient les yeux a cette evidence!"

The speeches of Mr. FITZGERALD and Lord PAL-
MERSTON last evening, with reference to the long
pending dispute between Denmark and Germany,
will be read with considerable interest and satisfac
tion. Mr. FITZGERALD, adverting to the late period
of the session at which we have arrived, expressed
his anxiety to obtain from her MAJESTY'S Govern-
ment some indication of the policy which they in-
tended to pursue on this important question. The
right hon. gentleman gave a clear outline of that
perplexed and complicated case, which has been a
standing trouble to European diplomatists fcr many
years. He commented upon the extraordinary
change which appeared to have come over the views
of the English Foreign Secretary, and justly stig-
matised the remarkable proposition made by Earl
RUSSELL to the Danish Government, at the close of
last year, es an absurd, and at the same
dan-
gerous proceeding. It needs no verykeentipmeercaeptioniie t
to trace the results of that singular
present crisis of affairs.gave
freshm spirit
rvt h
the
e
It
in case of war, England would no longer protect
German aggressors, who naturally concluded that,
her old ally. It disheartened the King of
DENMARK and his counsellors, and made
them feel that they could trust their interests
to none but themselves. Accordingly, feeling
that the responsibility of settling the matter de-
volved upon them alone, they decided upon the im-
portant step of the 30th of March. The patent
then issued granted, as we all know, an almost en-
tire constitution to the unruly State of Holstein.
It gave them fall independence of Denmark, as far
as regarded the civil list, the public debt, the army
and navy, the customs, and the postal arrangements ;
granting, as all independent spectators of the quarrel
observed, more than the Holsteiners had any right
to ask. But wise men shook their heads and said
that, liberal as this offer appeared to be, it would not
content the Confederation, it would only serve to
incense them ; and that such has been the case is
sufficiently proved by the recent proceedings re-
ferred to Mr. FITZGERALD. On the 9th of this
month the committee of the Diet of Frankfort called
upon the Danish KING to annul the patent of the
30th of March within six weeks, and warning him
that if that were not done they would proceed at
once to Federal execution, that is to say, the Duchy
of Holstein would be occupied by the Confederation,
according to Mr. FITZGERALD, by Austrian forces.
The reason of this outrageous and apparently incon-
sistent conduct is no secret. As Lord PALMERSTON
said plainly last night in the course of his straight-
forward and sensible speech, " There is no use in
disguising the fact that what is at the bottom
of the German design for connecting Schleswig
with Holstein is the dream of a German fleet, and
the desire to get Kiel as a German seaport." That
dream, as the noble lord very properly went on to
say, may be a very good reason for their wishing to
get Kiel, but it is no reason why they should violate
the rights and independence of Denmark to fulfil it.
It is fortunate that at this critical conjuncture Mr.
FITZGERALD has drawn from the noble lord at the
head of her MAJESTY'S Government so full and ex-
plicit a statement of their views on the matter. Lord
PALMERSTON did not, it is true, expressly say that
in case of an invasion of Danish possessions Eng-
land would be prepared to support her ally by force
of arms, but he said enough to make the members
of the Diet pause before they take so rash a step.
He warned them that the independence of the gal-
lant little Northern State was of vital importance
to the great European Powers, and that war begun
in a petty quarrel about the iostitntion of Holstein
might draw after it consequences the most serious
and extensive in their nature. We are not disposed
to trust too much to the good sense and sound views
of the Germanic Confederation which the noble
Premier professes to reckon upon, though he may
be right in not anticipating that that sedate and
ponderous body will act with " too much precipita-
tion." The support of Denmark by England wilt
be of much more service in the way of convincing
their reason than any arguments founded upon good
sense or common justice, and the reluctance which
Austria would naturally have to embroil herself in a
European war is also in favour of the Danes. Lord
PALMERSTON, in referring to the pretensions
founded by the Germans upon the memcries of
1640, reminded those advocates that if the States
of Germany and Prussia, more especially, wished
to go back to the territorial limitations of that
period they would have some awkward work to
do themselves. The rights of tenure by which
Silesia and Posen form part of the Prussian mon-
archy, might not bear inspection quite so well as
those by which Denmark holds Schleswig. The
latter, indeed, has been expressly admitted by the
Confederation to form part of the Danish kingdom,
and the pretensions founded upon the residence of
a number of Germans in that province cannot be
admitted in international law. But, in fact, all these
rights and recollections are mere pretexts, for which
the old fable of the wolf and the lamb may serve
for examples. Aggression has never wanted an
excuse, and the arguments of a powerful State
against a weaker neighbour are generally conclu-
sive. They can only be answered by declarations
such as that made by Lord PALMERSTON last even-
ing, when he declared that it was an important
matter of British policy to maintain the indepen-
dence and integrity of the Danish monarchy, and
that, although but a small State, it had its rights as
well as larger ones. It rests with the English
Government to see that those rights are respected,
and they may rely upon it that this is a case in
which a firm and resolute attitude taken at the
proper time will avoid the troubles and complica-
tions consequent upon a European war.

Mr. COBDEN does not possess the faculty of see-
ing when a question is settled. If ho takes up an
idea, no matter upon what subject, he cannot let it
drop, but goes on reiterating his vehement demands
and making his endless suggestions. Thus yester-
day morning, in the House of Commons, he drew
attention to the old story of the vessels in America.
He referred to the memorial from some shipowners
at Liverpool regarding the evasion of our foreign
enlistment law. He said that " there were three
vessels specifically
ne rdc et of fe
Virginia.po upon
thela b acmo , known which were now preying
a friendly
After Power—thedese
aOn rt og,
the
upon this theme for some time, Mr. COBDEN ex-
plained the purport of his
vetch, that he wished
the Government to devise
some they couldmiens by which
" seize in British ports vessels that ware
destined for the use of the belligerents." He
thought that if they inserted the word " building,"
as well as " furnishing and arming," th
would be attained. Really this is rather a e object
strong
measure to propose even for a man of c
Mr, oiMitIVS
consummate assurance. After all that has been
said and written on the subject after the case of the
Alexandra has been successfully carried
through
the Exchequer Court, after the law officers of the
Crown have eecided on these vessels possessing the
right to furnish warlike equipments to both sides in
the struggle, Mr. COBDEN is to step in and alter
all the arrangements beeaus3 some of his friends do
not like the Federal Government to be annoyed in
any manner. He asserted, in virtuous indignation,

that at present there are two ironclads being built
in this country, and that a reclamation had been
received by the Government from the United
States Minister to the effect that these vessels
were intended for the Confederate Government.
What right has the United States Minister
to make any such representations, and above all,
what excuse is there for a member of our Legisla-
ture
subject
w t
eorsay n
ot that e
ast wr
serious
aresin h
to attendthe
en
antoyotahneeme
s.
If the
and losses it has caused, and important, inasmuch
as it concerns the honour and interests of our
country, Mr. COBDEN'S remarks thereupon would
be quite ludicrous. He goes on to say that " from
all he observed of public opinion in America, he was
convinced that if these vessels went out and began
to prey upon the United States shipping, it would
lead to a war with this country." What absurdity
this is. How can Mr. COBDEN know what the
Americans will or will not do in the matter. One
thing is certain, it is neither consistent with the
dignity nor the greatness of our country to be
always on the watch for animadversions upon our
conduct. These foreign nations, be they great or
small, had better understand at once and for ever
that England is quite able to pursue what course
she thinks proper, without being frighted out of
her propriety by threats of angry feelings, and
having the dread of hostile engagements constantly
being held out in terrorene to deter all who wish to
act independently, or carry out their honest notions
of right and justice. It appears that the American
Government make claims for the value of all the
ships destroyed by the Florida, Alabama, and Vir-
ginia, and forward them to the English Government.
They, said Mr. COBDEN, had hitherto refused to ac-
knowledge those claims, but "some day," he ex
claims with prophetic fervour, " when the demand
could be made most inconveniently for the Govern-
ment, the result would probably be either humilia-
tion or war." This is one of the most prepos-
terous speeches, that Mr. COBDEN has ever made.
Prone as he is to exaggeration, he has seldom so
completely exhibited his extreme views and one-
sided arguments as on the present occasion. "No
doubt," he says," many persons in this country
would prefer war." There is not a shadow of doubt
that the whole country would insist on war, and no
Government would remain in power who did not
carry it on with spirit and promptitude, but the
Americans are too wise to proceed to such extre-
mities. If Mr. COBDEN and his friends were in
office very probably there would be constant threats
of war from all quarters of the world, and endles,
demands made upon the resources of the nation to
pay for the injaries, real or imaginary, that our
subjects had inflicted on other people. As it is,
however, a wise and a noble policy is followed.
Too much latitude was given to the Federals at
one time, but never to the extent that Mr. COBDEN
and Mr. BRIGHT desire, and the consequence is
that they will remain quiescent under this new
order of things. Mr. COBDEN spoiled his case in
the abstract form of argument, and quite ruinedhis
consistency by stating that there was no occasion to
prohibit " arms and ammunition." Gunpowder
was an article of commerce, and therefore was
exempt from the rule. Mr. COBDEN concluded by
contradicting what Mr. LAIRD had said in a former
debate about building vessels of war. Mr. LAIRD
declared that all his statements were correct, and he
was ready to put his preofs into the hands of the
noble lord at the head of the Government. The
hon. member refuted some of Mr. COBDEN'S asser-
tions, and showed the fallacy of his arguments in
a brief but forcible speech. Lord PALMERSTON,
later on, also made some comments upon the obser-
vations of Mr. QOBDEN. The noble lord said that
" he and her MAJESTY'S Government, and I think
the country at large start from different points of de-
parture in the consideration of the matter
to which he directed the attention of the House."
" We look," explained the noble lord, "upon the
two parties who are now in arms against each
other in America as each of them belligerents, and
therefore alike entitled, as far as our neutral posi-
tion is concerned, to all the privileges and rights
which appertain to belligerents. This is exactly
the true state of the case, and then Lord PALMER-
STON stated with equal veracity that it seemed to
him that Mr. COBDEN believed " that the Union is
still in legal existence, that there are not in Ame-
rica two belligerent parties, but a legitimate Go-
vernment and a rebellion against that Govern-
ment." Had Lord PALMERSTON spoken for an
hour he could not more clearly have demonstrated
the facts of the case. It is exactly on this basis
that Mr. COBDEN and Mr. BRIGHT et hoc omne

genus rest their arguments. Lord PALMERSTON
said that the American Government had laid down
the position for themselves, because they had de-
clared that a neutral was at liberty to furnish a
belligerent with anything he chose to buy. As
for the ironclads, which were to produce such dire
ful effects, Lord PALMERSTON mentioned that he
had been informed that the French Consul claimed
it for the Emperor of the FRENCH. It is a pity that
at the close of the session Mr. COBDEN should
have needlessly made himself so ridiculous, and,
what is worse, exhibited so little regard for the
honour of the country and the interest of her mer-
chants. The fact is that he is prejudiced, and no
one who acts or speaks under that impression can
ever produce a lasting effect on the minds of his
hearers. Sooner or later he is sure to betray him-
831f, and so mar the success of the cause he has
advocated.