The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-14 00:00:00

THERMOMETER.

This morning
This day at Two o'clock

Barometer-30.29.
Wind—W.; moderate, and fine.

eAIIIO, lyT.t
•f?.if &11.;
.1130111
• _w

LONDON, MONDAY, SEPT. 14, 1863.

In the midst of all the sanguinary horrors and
confusion of this most lamentable war in North
America, the one blessing which we have all felt so
hopeful, from the first, might result from it, is already
apparent as a thing inevitable. It is not only
now before us all, as the spectators of the struggle,
as a matter of mere vague expectation. It is even
now partially assured—it is already in process of
realisation. The belligerents themselves have,
within this present year of grace, 1863, guaran-
teed it, so to speak, as a result that can now by no
possibility be evaded. They have, in their several
ways, rendered it an unavoidable consequence of

the fierce struggle in which they are engaged.
The one has done this, it may be said, negatively :
the other positively. Each has fully committed
himself to it. In neither instance, is there an open
left for withdrawal from the course upon which they
have both alike entered quite deliberately—the one

vv IL. Luc pest grace possible, the other with about
the worst. And that course, in each instance, so
dissimilar, so apparently trending in opposite direc-
tions, after that seeming divergence, end at the same
beneficent goal—Emancipation.
President LINCOLN at the commencement of the

present year, holding up the Banner of Emancipa-

tion as a threat before the Confederates, issued a
proclamation virtually declaring the boon to be
penal in its character and in its consequence. In
the hands of that irritated ruler of the Federals—
worsted as all his plans had been then, from the very
outset of the war, by those bewildering Secessionists,
the rebels as their enemies call them, the Confede-
rates as they call themselves—in the weak but
spasmodic grasp of Mr. LINCOLN, that white and
blessed Banner of Emancipation, blackened by the
thunder of the fratricidal war in which it was
raised, and stained by the blood of the numerous
battle fields through which it had been trailed,
appeared to the recognition at once of both North
and South, and to the horror of all Europe, even
when viewing it remotely from the opposite shores
of the Atlantic, as a malignant and almost despair-
ing signal for the transformation of a Civil into a
Servile war ! Or, rather, it should be said, for the
enhancement of the atrocity of the one by the
addition to it of all the scarcely &finable fero-
cities of the other ! Several months have, since
then, elapsed, and we all know the feeble conse-
quences of that most desperate of all the many
desperate ventures of the Federal PRESIDENT.
We know, so far as Mr. LINCOLN'S proclamation
itself is concerned, that, month after month, it ap-
peared powerless in the way of giving rise to any
appreciable consequences at all, great or small,
rapid or tardy, good, bad, or indifferent.
The poeins chaunted by the infatuated be-
lievers in Federalism as the rot) arco of the
Abolitionist, month after month, here received
no kind of justification whatsoever. Similarly, it
might be said, that,with the advance of time, the fears
of those who dreaded the effect of Mr. LINCOLN'S
efi,'l.4l. for a Servile War, faded out most happily,
Of all little by little, but afterwards rapidly
and altogether. The one undeniable step, how-
e, N,
was taken by Mr. LINCOLN, in the
very act at
issuing his historical proclamation—
was aarklyste or brightly historical it matters nothing)—
p
traced. By takinie advance, a step that could not be re-
g that step, by issuing that pro-
clamation,
he
had
permanently
himself and his Govern-
ment, he had
nent the North, the Govern-
tly and unmistakeably
pledged the Government
went of the Federals,t,maintain thenceforth, coute
qui eoute, to the life and to the '
,thetneath principles
tl .
of Abolition, the cause of Enu
Pation No mat-
ter: el hersi.rapa. LINCOLNhd
how mean the motive proraptiu
to the
act, the act itself
was accomplished. A
had done for spite, had done out
done in fury, had done for what you wiii—th
which he and his predecessors had
never had thet
heart to do previously in obedience to the prompt-
hip of either conscience or magnanimity.
President DAVIS, after the lapse of nearly three
quarters of a year has only just now, and therefore
quite deliberately, responded to the challenge thrown
out to him by that proc!amation of Mr. LINCOLN
on the Ist of last January. And how has the Con-
federate Gevernment responded to that challenge of
the Federal Government of the North in reference
to the future treatment of the black copulation of
beth Northern and Southern States ? By a resolution
pledging President DAVIS and his colleagues no less
securely and permanently to the great and sacred
cause held dear to the heart and conscience of every
earnest Abolitionist. The ceiling out by the South
of 500,000 negroes—upon the promise of each one
amongst them receiving, not only a plot of land at
the close of the war, but his emancipation from
slavery at the data of his enlistment—is the vir-
tual pledging of the Confederate States to the
this abolitionotherowf
seslavery altogether. So that, already,
most deplorable war is yielding
"'" happy results, even in the midst of the

a : iguish and desolation it is producing, and of
f hich it is likely, alas still for an indefinite period
t C.) be productive.

The invitation which the Emperor of AUSTRIA
addressed to the King of DENMARK bidding him to
t he Coq ference of German Potentates, recently held
a;t Frankfort, was, as we all know, declined. by

Sling FREDERICK. The terms of his refusal are
n ow before us, reprinted from the Europe, and they
Will be studied with some interest by politicians
end statesmen. The task which his Danish
MAJESTY had before him was a deiicate and diffi-
ult one. He naturally felt it to be impossible to
e present at the Congress among his enemies of
tbe Confederation. It was true that his arch-ad-
ersary, Prussia, would not be represented, but
t here were plenty of minor Powers quite ready to

ight her battles, and to make themselves disagree-

tLble to the ruler de facto of Schleswig. It was,
:too, unfitting the dignity of an independent and
reigning Sovereign to attend personally at a Con-
gress consisting principally of the members of that
Diet who had but a short time back announced their
intention of invading his dominions. If he con-
sulted dignity, he would angrily resent their inter-•
ference and embroil himself still further with the
rulers of States more powerful than his own. If he
listened to prudence, and attempted conciliation, he
would be called upon to make hasty pledges tc tie
himself down by restrictions and admissions which
would make his case still worse. From very dif-
ferent motives than those which actuated the King
of PRUSSIA and his ill-omened advisers, King
FREDERICK of Denmark resolved to refrain from
visiting Frankfort. It was necessary, however,
that all courtesy should be observed in declining
the invitation of FRANCIS JOSEPH, and accordingly
we find that the Danish KING is profuse in his
assurances of sympathy in the cause and of favour-
able prognostications as to the result. Nothing
would be more agreeable to him, he declares, than
to take part in the proceedings, since he is "sin-
cerely interested" in the results, which, he believes,
will be " salutary to the whole of Germany." He
flatters himself that the Austrian KAISER will
appreciate the motives which guide him in his re-
fusal, and declares that he will follow the
course of events with lively solicitude, and ex-
presses his conviction that, owing to the
favourable inauguration of the meeting
under the Imperial auspices, there is good reason to
hope for a satisfactory conclusion. After this well-
turned compliment he takes the opportunity to allude
delicately to his own position, and very ingeniously
contrives to identify himself in his maintenance of
Danish rights with the Austrian EMPEROR in his
new schemes of reform. "In times past I have
already testified my desire of co-operating with re-
gard to the Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg in
a development of the Germanic Confederation,
which should reconcile the exigencies of the day

with the imprescriptible rights of the Sovereigns,
and I am convinced that the high sagacity of your
Imperial MAJESTY will succeed in attaining this
object." He goes on to say that he has grounds for
hoping for a speedy conclusion of the negotiations
now pending with the Confederation with regard

to the constitutional position of the Duchies, and he
is the more anxious for such a termination as it will
enable him to associate himself in matters concern-
ing his German territories with the new arrange-
ments. His Majesty of DENMARK thus carefully

avoids putting himself in opposition to the views of
his powerful correspondent; and, indeed, it is pro-
bable that he is inclined to participate in them to
some degree. He is not likely to look too favour-
ably on the constitution of that Confederation

which has already cost him so much trouble ;

and under a new settlement of affairs the King
of DENMARK might obtain a more satisfactory
position, and secure a recognition of his indepen-
dent rights. If he could gain the support of the
Austrian EMPEROR, the situation of affairs would
be very much altered, and it is not impossible that,
with a view to humbling Prussian pretensions,
Vienna might give some indirect countenance to
Copenhagen. It is true that it was asserted that
Austrian troops were to put into practice the threat-
ened " Federal execution" in Schleswig ; but
Austria is not the power really concerned in the
possession of Kiel. The Danish KING must see
with some satisfaction the increasing comrlexity of

German affairs. Austria has undertaken the luau

guration of this comprehensive amendment of the
' Constitution. Prussia is involved in a domestic
crisis which threatens serious consequences ; while
the smaller States are divided between anxiously
debating what parts they shall play between the
' two chief actors and in apprehensively regarding
the steps France takes towards the Rhine. Among
these various and conflicting interests which have
grown rapidly in importance during the past six
months, Denmark stands a better chance of being
left unmolested for the time. It is almost doubtful
whether the alliance with England can be ranked
among the deterrent agencies, seeing that Earl
RUSSELL'S erratic and inconsistent policy appears
to be influenced by no such considerations. Lord PAL.
MERSTON'S manly and straightforward exposition
of the real design and object of the Prussian policy
may possibly have had weight with the cautious
members of the Confederation, and certainly the
Danish KING will not fail to give his friends and
allies an opportunity of assisting him. The dignity
and decision with which he has " held his own"
against the unfounded pretensions of German ag-
gressors have never faltered whether in adaressing
I a firm yet temperate remonstrance to the Diet, in
dealing with his refractory subjects of Holstein, in
rejecting the " pretended friendship" of Earl Rus-
SELL'S preposterous suggestions, or in replying to
the courtesies of the Austrian EMPEROR. By his
resolute maintenance of his unquestionable rights,
at the same time that he has studiously avoided
giving his adversaries any just ground of offence,
he has secured the sympathies of all right thinking
and indzpendent men. He may rest assured that
whatever the sentiments of the English Govern-
ment, the English nation will not suffer him to
rest unaided should foreign aid be called for, s nce
the independence of Denmark is to them a ques-
tion of the first importance, whether as regards
ing the political adjustment of Europe, or as a mat-
ter of equity and right.

dis-
tribution of
Lord STANLEY presided on Thursday at the dis-
by the Preston
then
prizes at the Preston Schoolof Art.
Re
commenced by referring to the progress made
that School of Art during its fivo years'
existence.
art
for
on to csmisider the larger
subject of 4t
existsr„the formation of which this
Preston School
interesting remarks His lordship made some
oaths question of how far art
is cultivated in this countr
to be. He went into this matter in detail, and pre-
sented
his hearers with a
resume of
the origin and
progress of art in various phases of socl • t-
e
early and rude states there was little leisuree;. /
for-n
any wants to be attended to, but tti„o which
related to " safety and subsistence. While nations
were struggling for their existence they had no time
to think of anything beyond actual necessities; they
had no more refined wants than those of the anima;
nature. They built only for shelter and defence,
and if they adorned anything it was their persons
and weapons. But when they aimed at a higher

state there arose that discontent of their position

which in some degree is the cause of progress. The

reason and the imagination exercised themselves,

and they began to desire, not only to live securely,
but to understand what was about them, and to

gratify the love of beauty, which seems universal.
There is a bad and barbarous art, the same as there
exists a rude and primitive literature; but there is
no nation that has long existed securely that has
not had something it meant for literature,
and also something which it meant for
art." This is a very true definition of
the rise and progress of art in the infancy of nations,
its necessity to every state that
and
dalslecrovnetsatio tynsthpeifgyerms of progress in its existence,
or that is powerful enough to carry on indepen-
dently of others. Lord STANLEY then went on to
explain the first appearance of artistic creations.
They were always distinguished for vastness, but
gradually came the higher development of taste ;
and when the feeling for art reached this stage it
became popular, and was the " property and pos-
session of an entire nation." As an illustration of
this, he went on to show how things that were
sumptuous and splendid might yet not show to ad-
vantage beside articles which, inferior in intrinsic
value, were to the eye of taste more characteristic
of beauty. As for architecture, you might look, un-
fortunately, in many English towns at some building
of note, to raise which estates have been sold, and
yet some simpler edifice at not a hundredth part of
the cost may strike " the eye as conforming to those
rules of beauty from which the more sumptuous
edifice departs." This is the right way to impress
upon the minds of others the inherent principles of
art, that its triumphs do not depend upon the dis-
play of money or the lavishness of the style em-
ployed, but that humble efforts may in their way
be more successful. Lord STANLEY forcibly
brought out his meaning in these words :
" What is the result of all this ? why that
art ought not to be, cannot be, the mere
plaything of luxury or the slave of wealth."
He then expatiated on the universality of the prin-
ciples of art, which were unlimited in extent, and
not confined to narrow boundaries, or influenced by
sordid motives. "I hardly understand a man of
sense and feeling," he said, " setting great store on
pleasures which cannot be shared by the great
bulk—at least, of educated men. We value art,
we honour it, we seek to promote it, be-
cause it is in its nature universal—popular
in the true sense—because, like all sources
of enjoyment, which are intellectual, not material,
it belongs to all those, and to those only,
who have within themselves the power to appreciate
it—who are students and scholars, not merely pur-
chasers and patrons." His lordship next commented
on the necessity of art, especially in the present
day, to counteract the growing tendencies of the age
to monetary considerations alone. From the lawyer,
with his briefs, to the operative who tends the loom
and those who labour, all take to one serious pur-
suit, and keep to it during the greater part of their
lives. However good for society this may be, it
is injurious to the individual, for the absorption
begets a narrowness, and also produces a craving
for excitement and p',easure. To gratify these
feelings is a difficult thing, and well it is that art
oan do so much. His lordship remarked on the
great improvements that had been made by Eng-
lish manufacturers of late years. M. CHEVALIER,
in his report on the late Exhibition, had mentioned
this striking and satisfactory movement. Ile even
dreaded lest the pre-eminence of France, in the
regions of taste, might be injured by the progress
and skill exhibited by English workmen. Some
other French gentlemen have expressed themselves
to this effect, and attributed the success
to the Schools of Design. Finally, Lord
STANLEY made some admirable remarks on the
absurd notions that prevail in some quarters regard-
ing the impossibility of English taste being culti-
vated. There is no want of a love of beauty in the
English mind, remarked his lordship. No people
in Europe, except the Dutch, were so sensitive to
dirt and disorder, negligence and slovenliness, as
the English. If it is too early to boast, it is also too
early to give up. At one time a gentleman im-
ported his pictures as ho imported his wine, from
necessity, for no English school of painting existed.
It was therefore patent to observation that England
had during the present generation made great and
rapid progress. "in promoting these schools of design
intended for the better culture of art, we are sup.-
plying a real want, and representing the real ten-
dency of our time." It is satisfactory when those
in a high position come forward like Lord STANLEY
to afford their assistance towards carrying out these
interesting and important objects. It is to be
tdhwei
ismielpt
orpeews
rsshi
evoveme words
twhweeiril
rel
rth
oo
tp ebde
thrown
i s a ewaaryn
pt ann
addressed, but that they
efforts, and by their success inspire others to follow
their example. The benefits that accrue to a country
from the right understanding and true ap-
preciation of art are incalculable, and no efforts
should be spared to encourage its progress.

ANOTHER COLONELCY VACANT !—The coloneley
of the 2d Life Guards is again vacant by the death
of Earl Beauchamp, who enjoyed the honour only for a few
months. We believe it is the rule, that none but peers
shall have the colonelcies of the Household Cavalry, and the
accompanying Court office of Gold Stick in Waiting. It
may be fairly presumed then, that the Marquis of Tweed-
dale is not unlikely to be the new colonel, as he is the only
peer who is a full general. Ile was never a cavalry officer,
but neither were Lord Gough, nor Lord Seaton, nor other
possessors of these posts. Long and distinguished service
has been generally held to furnish a claim, irrespectively
of the arm of the service in which it was rendered, and
these qualifications Lord Tweeddale very well fulfils—
Army and _Navy Gazette.

CAMPDEN HOUSE—we have from the Court
Journal—Somewhere about the middle of the last
century, became a fashionable ladies' boarding school.
Here George Selwyn visited a protegee of his, Mdlle.
Fagniani, who married the late Marquis of Hertford.
Campden House, which had fallen into the hands of a Mr.
Pitt, continued to be a boarding-school up to a considerable
period of the present century. Mr. `Volley's residence
there has lately been made known to the public. Offering
no comment upon the trial, we content ourselves with con-
gratulating Mr. Wolley on the result, which wo consider
was a most just one. When leaving Croydon, Mr. Wolley
and Miss Coape were loudly cheered by the populace. The
bells at Kensington rang when the news reached there of
the verdict ; and the neighbourhood of Notting-hill seemed
delighted at the result of this protracted trial. And last,
though not least, nearly all the numerous friends and ac-
quaintances who partook of the hospitality of Campden
House have warmly expressed their sympathy at the
result.

THE RUSSIAN ANSWER AND COMING REFORMS.

—lf we aro well informed (says the Independancc),
and we believe we arc, the Russian answer which is ex-
pected in London, Paris, and Vienna, whilst maintaining
the principles already laid down by Russia in previous
despatches, and reiterated in the last article of the St.
Petersburg Journal, will likewise contain an indication of
the reforms projected by the Government of the Czar.
These reforms will consist of the introduction of the prin-
ciple of decentralisation, on representative bases, into the
administration of the empire. Provincial institu-

tions, similar to those of the arrondissemoit and
departmental councils of Franco will be established. The
members will be chosen by election. The functions of these
councils will be more extensive than the similar ones in
France, and will more resemble in character those of the
provincial councils in Belgium. With respect to Poland
the institutions indicated in the treaties of 1815, with per-
haps some extension, will be granted, but only atter its
pacification, and without the least mixture of interference
on the part of foreigners. The answer will soon be sent
from St. Petersburg, but its contents are already known by
the. Governments of France, England, and Austria, and have
given entire satisfaction to two of them, the meaning of
which is that the third will also have to accept them.