The Sun.
London, England, 1830-10-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP TUB PUBLIC JOURNALS.

'1 he Belgic Papers, which arrived last night to the
20th instent, leave us still in doubtlaspecting the
disposition of the neighs provieces receive the
Prince of Orange as their Sovereign. They all
however, insist upon his surrender of the Belgie
fortresses—his abstinence frowthe 'exercise of any
kind of authority in Belgium--4is diSmissal of his
Dutch troopsand his-temporary retirement into
private life, or his submission to the Provisional
Oovernmeot, as the indispensable conditions of his
future elevation to thothrone. In short, according
to these sovereign disposers of Royal destinies, the
Prince must stoop to conquer," or pass through
the Furore Caudisuv of democratic power to reach
his monarchical dignity. The' Courrier des Pafir
Bar sneers at the attempts of his Royal Highness
to exercise the functions of his " little" Government
iu partilms, and calls the decrees which he issues
from Antwerp a ridiculous parody of the acts of
the Provisional Government. It then invites him
to dissolve the pretended Ministry, to-hoist the na.
timed colours, to drive the. Dutch out of Antwerp
and Meestricht, and to enter into the class of private
citizens, as the only chalice of recovering the lost
crown of his family—se the only plank of safety its
the present shipwreck of his fortunes. At the same
time this Journal, which treats with so much:
harshness the pretensions of his Royal nighties.,
severely censures the proceedings of a patriotic
society at Namur, which, in its rebel insolence,
had voted the deposition, of the family of'
Nassau in all its branches. It takes • care like
wise to quote, apparently with approbation, all the
articles and pamphlets which advocate the cause of
the Prince to the throne of Delgium,—not ati a
matter of right, but as a measure of expediency.,
Among these quotations is an article from the Cour.,
rier de la Meuse, in which we find the following
remarkable passage :—" We are of opinion that the:
only way of terminating happily and easily our rove-
lution, is to maintain our constitutional monarchy.,
We are likewise of opinion, that the only Prince to'
whom we could, consistently ,with our interests,'
offer the crown, itt the Prince of Orange. The
uniminity against his family is great at the present.
moment, but we hope that the Belgic people are'
too sensible to. decide by feeling, in circumstances
se grave. We observe, besides, that this animosity
as regards the Prince is diminishing more and more
every day, and that people are ceasing from con-s
founding him with the rest of the Nassau family.",
A political projector (for this is a glorious season for
political projectors and constitution mongers) has,
published a pamphlet, which is likewise quoted with
approbation in the paper above-mentioned, recom-
mending the claims of his Royal Highness, .and ex
hibiting an outline of the stipulations by„which the.
relations of the two kingdoms of Holland and Bel-
bium may be settled for the general advantage. If,
efore the meeting of the National Congress, these
can be reckoned any indications of the feelings which
will prevail in that Aasembly,there can be nodoubt that
the Prince of Orange will be called to the throne of
Belgium. The proclamation of the Provisional Go-;
vernment at Brussels, in answer to that of his nerd,
Highness froin Antwerp, though apparently hostile;
does not at all prejudge the, question at issue, or
alter the prospect of the arrangement to be made.
It only protests against the.assumption of power by,
the Prince till he receives his title from thoeuffragmr,
of the nation. So'long as the usurpation at' Thetis
edit exist's, it cannot consistently permit its authority;
to be 'contested, or its jurisdiction limited to pertiS
eular provinces. There cannot be a Government in.
Brabant managed by de, Potter and Co., and IWO-
-11.0 in Anttverp, directed by the Council of :the'
Prince. This war of prnclamationse therefore, may
he perfectly consistent with:the moat friendly dispc“
sition towards the Prince, When the proper season
*hull arrive for selecting 4 head of the executive
Power. Then the members of the Provisional Gips
vernment, having acted their doubtful parts, may
be compelled or induced by their fellow-citizens to
retire behind the scenes, and leave the sceptered.
hero of the pieta in quiet possession of the stage.—
With a reference to chit subject, it is but proper to
mention that M. de Potter, 'laving seen statements
in the French papers, or having heard reports in,
society, imputing to him en inclination to support,
the pretensions of the Prince of Orange, publishes,
a letter in the Courtier des,Pays B's: to deny the
charge. He calls theseatatements and reports en.
andabsurd. Ile • professes that his pile.:
cipiea 'are democratic, end that lie is a republican;
but declares that he will submit to any form of go.
vernment, which the National Congress may impeses
reserving to himself the right of eosin opposing it.
ut the risk of iteiag again btioisheth In , order to
give the new Notional Congress, which is to decide:
on such weighty .matters,. a more popular theme.
ter, the Provisional sOovermnent has isstind. a
decree, to lower the electoral census one half. ,By
thiti change all those who pay direct taxes to the
amount of 2/. IN. will be admitted to the poi! in
same provinces, and in no province will the elec-
toral qualification amount to 41. sterling. The
Belgic law of election is thus much more popular
than the French, • which still requires the payment
of 121. in direct taxes us the !electoral quaLtlesitions
Some days ago we described the double relation of
the grand duchy of Luxemburg to the German Con-
federation, and to the kingdom of the Netherlands.
The Provisional Government of Potter has
resolved not to yield to the reasoning of the Diet,
on the right* of the House of Nassau, but has
claimed this provieee for Belgium, and has appointed
a new admirdstratiooesseivil, military, and judicial.
Snell it a summary of , Indy important facts
which we can find in a large masa of papers from
different 'parts of Belgium. It amounts to no de-
cisive indieations of a satisfactory result ; but eery
taitily inclines as to believe that the pretensions of
the PfitiCa of Orange may ho ultimately admitted
by the National Congress. In the mean time we
see no symptoms ofabatemenkla the animosity which
the Belgians and the Dutch tuitertsiii_towards each
other, and no returning settee ofjostiee or gratitude
in tine former towardita King idolized by the latter.
Tine unhappy conflict at Brussels has exasperated
pre-mtietieg jealousice, and must for a long time
convert those who were formerly rivals into enemies.
Is would be vain to expect that, though peace was
made to-morrow, good neighbotatmed would hi ins
steady restored. The wish that the battle may end
this strife—sews/ itait,i 'orliOdent, qui lermin4armir
—is seldom realized, told 'least of all in u rar ;
but if the Beigierts, true to Or best interests., ress
tain for their Sovereign a branch of the House, of
Orange, much may be done by the wisdom anti
moderation of the excellent chief of the tureily to
remove existing differences and to allay exasperated
feelingse-s-Times.
The proclamation of the Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland, will attest that we have not its former rmm.
bens overrated the importance which might reason-
ably be attached to the machinations of a certain
Irish party, for effecting a repeal of the Uelon.
The Duke of Northumberiandauthorized, no
doubt, by the Cabinet—has acted upon the law
passed its the tenth year Of Gee. IV,, 0 fur thus sup-
ression of &Ketone associations or assemblies in
tostaml;' and has used the rawer vested in his Ex•
collency by that od, to. suppress the " Antiajoion
AsSoesatiesi, fitss, O'Oentiell takes credit, or re-
eitiv44 it from some Irish letters, for calling upon
the people to respect the Lord Lieuteount's procla-
mation, and to obey the law. He could not very
well have done otherwise with regard either to his
personal interests, or to those ref` Huy public object-
Ise fer the wisdom of the proclamation itself; tin-
qusstionebly, if the antistiroon'aisirit Wes to be on-
posed at all sty ersernive or prohibitory measures, so
early interference t,n the purr of Goverernent would
seem to he the must ittipothil 4 if success; that is to
slay, ht of of u probebnity that the ,Cakle was
tesly; sass, lest %duos, to spusel- and grow anionE,
the people. We.confeas tkit the subject ;slippers t
tic to be not without many dssisodoes. A. ,„00.0v
organized association, in,vting not once or twice,„
end then dissolving, but adjourned from day to ddy,
laid coalmines its existence, end consOlidetiog its

power, and concentrating the force of opinion in its
owo hands, or. in those of twii oi,three of-its leaders,
would. -be another Catholic Association, bearding
the &instituted legislature of the country, and'Wield-
ing the bulk of the Irish nation at its own arbitrary
pleeture. To those who feel of what enormous
value to any political purpose, whether good or bad,
is the habitual and Open exercise of authority over
large masses of .people' it will be easily intelli-
gible that' the Irish Government should wish
to meet this new agitating expedient at the
threshhold, and thus close up one vent at-- leas'
through which mischief might break forth upon
society. But will the spirit cease to ferment among
these to whom public discussion is prohibited? We
fear not; We fear that public discuSsion itself,—to
say nothing of private and eager confederacy, under
circumstances into which no police ,can penetrate
will not be stopped or so much as crippled by .this
resistance to one only amongst the thousand forms-
through which it can, by a little dexterity, be pro-
moted. If men are not suffered:to meet and debate
in the morning, , they will be apt to. do so in the
afternoon. If they cannot debate where discussion
is the • ostensible business, they will advertise forone sort. of 'meeting, and turn the occasion to
something ditierent from the avowed object for
which they assemble. If they cannot debate they
may at any rate dine together ;—if they cannot dine,
they will sup prevented from meeting by public
notice, they will send round, whispers intimating
when they may see each other by accident.
There is no end to the varieties of mode by which
the stimulus of 'discussion may be administered
to a susceptible people, where the thing pro-
posed is one in which they feel a rational
and substantial interest. Utterly condemning the
scheme of separation between these islands, as
one•which goes -at once to the root of the British
empire, we are, nevertheless, constrained to usk by
what means can the sentiment in favour of that pro-
ject be enfeebled ?; To check the expression of such
a feeling is by 110 means, without fdrther interposis
tiff, to diminish its force. Of the. upper Catholics;
and of the gentry of Ireland as a class, it may be taken,
for granted that a repeal of the. Union can have no
charms for them. Its-supporters will he found among
the priests, who are aware that the Proteitane Church
must:fall as' the necessary result of a separation; the
Dublin shopkeepers, who want the custom of a re-
sident mid numerous aristocracy ; and lastly, Mr.
O'Connell's peculiar allies, the mob, to whom change
itself for the love of change, is a temptation beyond,
their fortitude. Let that be as it will, the anti-
Union mania, if through bad fortune it should be'
widely propagated, must receive a powerful, and
etTectual, and anal rebuke. The existence of the
state cumin be left for Mr. O'Connell and his ma-
ntetivring brethren to play with.—Times.
A gond deal of agitation prevails at present in'
Paris. We agree' with our Paris correspondent.
that the distrust of the Ministers is at the bottom of
this business. The rMinisters somehow or other.
are unable to understand the nature of their

position. They have en idea that the Government,
after a revolution effected by the people, ought to
be no more in accordance with the national will

than before. They entertain' particular opinions,
and they conceive that the national resources ere
entrusted to theM,not for the preservation of order,
but' to impose these particular opinions on the na-
tion. They have created all the collision and agita
tiun by this mistake. The people could not expect
them to reform allabuses in onoday----and lied they
•
eiindidly said, give us time, that we may proceed
without confusion, the people would have exhi-
bited patience and resignation.. But the people
distrust them, because they bait' not dealt can-
didly with them. In feet 'n- flit of new MiniStry
is openly handed about in 'Paris, and it is under-:
stood' that" when the eleetionic have thrown a better
description of Members into the Chambers, the
King Will appoint this Ministry so pointed out.—
Witbrespect to the illinisters under accusation, we
regret Out it should have been deemed advisable to
propose any alteration of the law for punishing
puli-
neal offences.with death at this time, on account of

the suspicion it is calculated to excite. As to the
Ministers ,in question, we only regret that the
people of Paris should have deemed it worth their
while to attach any importance to what becomes of
their:" Won see no object in taking their liVes.
from them;' but, at the same time, we do not see
why it should be deemed dutch importance to save
such'perserages, that the
,peace of the community
shonld,be put iu jeopardy on their account. The
people have been taught to 'consider their lives of
importance from seeing the Ministers whom they
distrust so anxious to save them. We all know
what •distrust in a tribunal is capable of effectinly—
We all know what the demonstrations in the case
of Queetr Caroline by the people effected in the
votes of the Lords. Nile all remember the threats
`Which Mr. Drougbiim threw out of the consequence
to their Lordships if they, condemned the Queen;
and we nil knoW that if these consequences had not
be:6ii'preseitt to the minds of
.many of their Lord-

ships, their • votes would have been very different.
We repeat it-...we could hue wished the people of
Paris had taken juster views of the Value of the
livee of these wOrthless personages. BUt most as-
suredly they have detterved death if ever men de-
served it, according to the existing laws of most
European nations.-21forning Chronicle.
It is impossible for us to leave without notice
the following passage in the leading article of yester-
'thry's Times, which says, " The armed inhabitants of'.
Brussels, who invited his (the King's) troops
within their walls to protect them against the rabble,
eager far pillage and. conflagration, and then sub.
jected them to murderous attacks,' could not be
spoken of with any degree of favour, as they added
g treachery to rebellion Nov we happen to be
informed, from unquestionable authority, that Prince
Frederick, in justification of his attack, showed to
Monsieur Pourbais, the Chief of Liegeois, who
went to his Royal Highness ' en Perliamentaire,'
during the night of the Thursday (the first day's
combat), a bundle of letters from some of the Bour-
geois of Brussels, inviting him' to enter the town
with his troops, and drive'from its walls poignee
des 'Meth's.' At the time neither ' gage nor
conllugratioit' was eppreheruled. Fourbaix and
his brave band, of Ouvriers' were ready armed to
protect the city from every intermatjsreeternal
tack. It was the treachery' of st'five cowardly
Bourgeois of Brussels that exposed the lives of their
'noble defenders of the Liegeois to the murderous
ottiteW of the Dutch, and cruelly deceived the
Prince. Thil-Tirees and Courier should not be al-
lowed so quietly to shift their ground and slide,
without remark, into their new view of the Belgic
question. Aided by the representations of Mr.
Cart Wright and by their 'Brussels correspondents,
they have blinded the public mind of Englund to the
red ratelts end state of the Belgic cause. The
,
troth, thWever, list; now been forced upon us,.de.
1 spite thole endeavours to keep England its the dark.
As long us a doubt existed of the Belgians' success,
it was theirs to flatter the-faeliegs of the English
Ado-twigs, by denouncing'tba rilleigianTatriota as
brigands, inSurreetionists end Unprincipled rads.
At length theist two papers have turned with the
tide, and they both afford a beautiful specimen of
disinterested consistency in the language which they
now employ, in describing the progress of the Bel-
gians to the assertion of their nobly-aequired hide-
pendence, u a nation.---Morning Chronicle.
A pamphlet Ws just been published, under the
title of,Parlits and Factious in England at the Ac-
cession el trillions IV., which is deserving of some
notice. From various indications, we think wb may
saft4y attribute it to Mr. 114401.110 r, The author di-
video political parties in Englund on the accession
of William W. into Ultra-Tory, Ultra-Whig, and
Liberol. Ultra being deducted front Tory and from
Whig, leaves as a remainder all that is 1100 0171°1
Wolof Whig, and this pure remainder ishberulism.Arr
every manisthe centre of his own world, he neutrally
enough considers his own views moderate and liberal,
anti t he views of ethers ultra and illiberalin proportion
tiller from his own. Wurburtou'v whimsical

account of orthodoxy and heterodoxy is semewhat !
to the -point—that orthodoxy is n man's own- doxy
3nti heterodoxy another inati dory.,, We give, to
use Mr. Bentham's, nomenclature, ttlog stfr. names to
our own opinions, and dyslagislic to the options of
Others, Thus, the writer of the pamphlet being
either a Tory or a Whig, it is liberal to be a Tory
Or Whig, and liberal or ultra to be ;wither Tory nor
Whig. The writer, disapproving of Ultra-Tories
and Ultra-Whigs, bestows very little attention on
the former, conceiving that time is about to dispose
Of them in a satisfactory manner :7-.-
14 Time (he says), the greatest of all innovators, is cf.
reefing in the internal frame and functions of society a silent
Change, Which resistance cannot Linea!, awl to which an.;
cient institutions must conform, in order to be preserTefl;
Wealth and knowledge are the elements of power. The
active members of the Ultra-Tory party who engage in
public life, however disinclined to speculate upon the pro-
gressive character of human society, must see and feel,
from all that is passing around them, that the aggregate
wealth and aggregate knowledge. of the middle classes now
exceed, in a constantly-increasiing proportion, the aggre-
gate wealth and knowledge of the privileged orders. And
though the active members of the aristocracy were no.
observant of, and inattentive, to, the silent working
of events, and the changing proportions in which the
elements of power are distributed, yet they cannot he
insensible to the fact, that they encounter front the
middle classes a more active competition than formetly,
and that they are gradually losing that.undisputed lead in
the country which they once possessed. The cause of the
declining influence of their order they may not have traced,
but of the existence of the effect it is . impossible they
should be unaware. The more intelligent members of the
Tory Aristocracy, however, will not only.perceive the
effect, but will comprehend the cause. They will be
impressed with the conviction, that in a country increas
ing in wealth, and advancing in knowledge, it is morally
impossible to preserve the exclusive influence of a dis-
fillet and ,privileged order from being gradually en-
croached upon, and ultimately over-borne, by the growing
power of the community at large. They will sot
squander their strength in a hopeless struggle, nor con-
tinue a game in which the chances against them
.are
constantly increasing. Instead of holding themselves apart,
as a distinct and separate order, having interests different
froth, and opposed to, those.of the community, the more
intelligent members of the. Tory Aristocracy will unite
themselves with the people, and head the forward. move-
menti they no longer can resist. For the lethargy which
adheres to hereditary station, they „ will exchange the
energy created by contending for distinction in the field of
open competition. In this new sphere of action, their
superior wealth, and their leisure for acquiring superior
knowledge, will still secure to them important advantages,
and they will continue to be the natural leaders of the
country by ceasing to be a class opposed to improvement.
In this manner the Ultra• Tory party will gradually lose its
distinctive character, and will blend and amalgamate with
the community at large."

The great object of the writer is to combat the
Ultra Whigs.
" The advancement and diffusion (he observes)'of sound
political knowledge are the appropriate correction for ei-
nem opinions, whether the extreme be on the side of 'ob.
soletteregulations, or of untried theories. Even in' the ex-
isting State of knowledge; there is little probability that the
principle; of UltraWhiggiron should become prevalent among
the educated and influential classes. These clams have is
strong predilection in favour of ancient inatitutiees, and a
salutary dread of premature and extensive innovation. To
divert the current of public opinion against any project of
the Ultra-Whig party, it,is only necessary to show that the
change proposed would be inconsistent with the continuance
of our hereditary constitutional monarchy. It would be in
vain for an Ultra-Whig Le tiler to meet this objection by con-
tending that the question respecting the adoption of any
political change is not, Whether it would be compatible
with Monarchy, but whether it would be conducive to,
good Government. The practical tommon sense of English-
men would almost instinctively rejoin Under Constitu-
tional Monarchy, the country has enjoyed a period of in-
ternal tranquillity and 'order, and hwattained a degree of
wealth, power, and civilization, unexampled in the history of
the world.' Experience has proved that Constitutional Me-.
narchy is only another name for good government; and
the inference is inevitable—that a measure Subversive of
the one would be destructive of the other. We will aid
you in effecting repairs and reforms ; but when you ask us
to adopt measures which would have the effect of pulling
down and destroying, we must answer, Nolumus Leger
Anglia mulari. The popular argument in favour of Con-
stitutional Monarchy is not founded upon prejudices which
the progress of intelligence will remove ;—it is base,' upon
principles to which the advance of political knowledge will
give accumulating force. Government is the object not of
abstract, but of experimental science. We cannot de-
monstrate from the general principles of 'human nature,
what will be the effect of any particular political regula-
tion, but from observations upon the effects actually
!produced by particular regulations, we may deduce,
general principles applicable to other analogous insti-
tutions. In order to ascertain which " of two dif-
ferent forms of Government he the best, we must
observe and compare the actual" effects of each.—
So long as a higher degree of human Improvement is
experienced under Constitutional Monarchy than under
Republican forms of Government, so long will the argu-
ment for upholding Constitutional Monarchy remain un-
assailable; and so long must the objections against in-
!mentions so violent as to endanger the fOundations
a our ancient institutions continue, ste the just prin.
ciples of political science become more extensively
diffused to acquire accumulating force. The apostles
of the ultra- Whiggiem can make converts only from
among the half-informed. They not only fail to arrive
at correct conclusions, but they adopt a process of
reasoning, by which it is impossible, that in an experi-
mental science like' that of government, correct conclu-
sions should ever be obtained. Assuming certain prin-
ciples of human nature as data, they pretend to demon.-
strait the results of untried experiments in government.
This mode of proceeding is in direct violation of the rules
of philosophising established by Bacon, anti now univer-
sally adopted by men of science, as the onipene applicable
either to physical or moral investigation. The conclusions
at which we arrive by reasoning from the general prin-
ciples of human nature to the particular effects of un-
tried regulations, can only be regarded as apparently pro,
beide conjectures: These conjectures—or, to use the lan-
guage of Lord Bacon, these anticipations of nature
rarely coincide with the real fact as subsequently ascer-
tained by experience. It is almost superfluous to repeat
the remark, that the method of reasoning applicable to the
investigation of moral anti political questions, is the same
as that which is employed in physical imppiries. Nosy no
one in the present day would employ demonstrative reason-
ing in. his physical investigation* ; no chemist, for ex-
ample, would betray such titter ignorance of the rides of
. •
pitilovophnung as to attempt to anticipate by reasoning from
the known properties of any substance, u hat effects it
would exhibit under new and hitherto unobserved combi-
nation*. Yet it is just as unphilesophierd in the political
empiric to preptunie to predict, by an trpritati-procelli; from
the principles of human nature, the consequence's which
would result from social combinations not yet, tested by
experience. In the moral as in the physical world, the
union of known and quiescent elements may Aycock')
.un-
expected and dangerous disturbance. When bodies, *he-
titer natural or political, are resolved into their elements,
anti re-combined in new and untried preportiene, experi-
ence, and experience only, can determine whether We are
to obtain a neutral compound or an explosive-mixture. If,
then, in chetnieal science, no one, with the least preten-
sions to a correct conception of the nature and scope of
scientific observAtioti, would attempt to discover by general
reasoning from time known quake of badiei their pro-
perties when combined, either with new substances or
even in new proportions with each other; in politieal eci-
encehe who pretend* to deduce from the principles of
man nature the 'coneequences which would result from so-
cial changes, and from new distributions of power, can
prove notbitur except his own entire ignorant's, not merely
of political truths, but of the intellectual proceie, the in-
d uctivelngie, by which alone suds truths conk, discovered."
In this elaborate disquisition it appears to us, with
all due. a obrnission to the writer, that he is combating
wind-mills. All knowledge is derived from 'wiped.
ence,:and when any mats speaks of principles of Int-
man nature, he speaks of the resulted experience.
We are not acquainted with any writer of our times
who lays claim to any other morns of attaining to a
knowledge of the nature Of matt than experience.
Moral mod physical sciences' ate equally acquired by
experience. Vhen uniform experience leads us to
the same result, lit is adopted as a point
established.
In all discussions, it is usual to assume the truth of
certain principles, and not to repeat experiments
which have beetiyilready !Tide, otherwise a book or
treatise on a subject WOW! never arrive at a Miele-
slim. In the cause of the wealth of nations, for in„,
stance, the proofs are given of ninny ptineiples
which, being now generally admitted, are eager:led
isa true by writers on political economy. But Smith
assumed as One; many principles which bad been at.

ready. sufficiently established, and would,' not bt
questioned: When the writer says, that Govern;
ment is the " object, not. of abstract, but of experi'
'mental science," lie utters sheer and palpable non
sensc. Whavis abstraction ?. •It is clear .that, h
dries not know what it means. All stietwes mire
(Attract sciences because abstraction is involved in
the very idea of science. In order that we may
not be constantly lost amidst a number of objects#
we endeavour to 'classify, thein according., to some
circumstances in which they all agree, and the coii
sidering separately part of what is contained in a
compleX idea,• is abstraction. To say that Go-
vernment is- without, abstraetioas is to say that
we are at the -beginning of our experience with
respect to Government—that we are, in short,
in the state of the Bushmen of the Cape of Good
Hope., . As far as we can understand the writer—
and it is no easy task to understand a writer who
uses langtiage in' this vague Manner—he means to
say that we know nothing, and can.know nothing
of government, but that we haven Government, and
that it must be a good Government, because every
thing* this country is better than in any other
country. If it be wished, for instance, to effect
such an improvement in the representation as shall
prevent ,the representatives from promoting their
own interests at the expence of .the interests of the
people, which can only be: done by .giving tho
franchise to those whose interests are identified
with the intermit of the commnnity, we' are met at
once by an asseveration, that such an alteration
might so change our Constitutional Monarchy as to
endanger its duration. In vain we appeal to the
experience of all times and all nations in proof of
the position, that those who have an interest sepa-,
rate from that of the community, promote that inte-
rest at the expence of the community. We are told
that in England the representatives of, the people
have always been accountable, not to the people,
hut to a small body who, named them, and .yet
England is the most prosperous country in the
world. it is the same argument which was urged
on all the recent commercial improvements of the
country. We have thriven under restrictions more
than any country has thriven, said they, there-
fore we have thriven in consequence of the restric-
tions}. In vain Adam Smith proved that we have
thriven, not in conseqUence of the restrictions, but
in spite of "theta. In the same manner our laws
must be good, because we have thriven under them.
The representation, defective as itis,• has not been
able to prevent improvement, though it has greatly
retarded it by a profligate expenditure. Our laws
have not been . able to prevent our advancement,
though with better laws we should still have been
better off. This is a most convenient mode of ar-
guing. for all those who profit by abuses. It enables
them to ,assume what they wish to preserve, to be
that essential part of the Constitutional Monarchy
which must not be endangered. The
.giving the
franchise to Birmingham and Manchester ,would be
a salutary repair of our, institutions, but the exten-
sion of the franchise so as to take the preponderance
from the boroughmongers would endanger the Con-
stitutionsl Monarchy under which we have pros-
pered. An able writer in a lute number of the
Westminster Review proved that even with our pre-
sent defective representation, the ballot would have
the effect of securing independent. voting to an ex-
tent sufficient to make it the interests of the people.
The ballot is intelligibly enough an object, of detesta-
tion to all. Who do not wish the representatives to
have the same interests with the tition. A better
test cannot be had of any, man's intentions in mat-
ters of government, than his opposition to the ballot.
The writer of the pamphlet thus disposes of the
ballot question.:— • ..
" It is conceded that a system of seeret,voting may be
so framed as effectUally to protect electors from an undue
influence. The question for consideration, therefore,' is,
whether secret voting, admitting it to have All the effi-
cacy in this respect for which its advocates contend, would
not inflict evils more serious than those which it removed.

" The first objection to Ingrafting the ballot on our
existing system (and an objection, too, the force of which
increases with every increase in its efficacy in excluding
the influence of wealth) is, that it would effect in the
dis-
tribution of political power, a sudden and
,sweeping
change, the benefits of which have not been made appa-
rent by any legitimate induction front experience.
" In vain may the advocates of the ballot contend that
secret voting has worked well in France, and that there-
fore they have the sanction of experience for the art ange-
ment they propose. In France, the elective franchise is,
exclusively in the hands' of the wealthiest classes; in Eng•
land, it is almost exclusively in the hands of the poorest
Omen. The ballot in, France secured electors against the
influence of the Crown, and gale the real power of re-
turning Deputies to the rich ; the ballot in England would
secure electors from the influence of property, and give
the real power of returning Members to the poor. In the
two countries, secret voting, instead of producing armies
gone, would produce diametrically opposite effects. Ip
one country the ballot might be followed by the most be-
neficial, in the other by the moat injurious consequences.
The ballot exists also in the United States.of North Ame-
rica; but to the experience of its practical working in
that country its 'advocates' in this reluctantly refer. As
they regard Government as the object, not of experimen•
tal, but of abstract and demonstrative science, they may
imagine that they do not invalidate their arguntettt for the
ballot by thus evading a reference to experience. Let us,
however, relieve them from all embarrassment respecting
the state of facts in North America, by conceding, for the
sake of argument, that' in that country also the system of
secret voting works well.
" Even with this admission, the experience of North
America will form no case in point from, which the salvo-
mates of the ballot in this country can fairly argue.
" In the United States the elective franchise is so widely
extended, that the possessors of no description of property
are excluded from exercising it; while the value of labour
in relation to land is so high, that the lowest classes of
voters not only earn a high rate of wages, but have an.
almost certain prospect of acquiring property. In Ante-
rica, therefore, voting by ballot does not exclude property
from all influence in the elections, and does not place the.
return in the hands of a class of voters, the great majority
of whom can with difficulty earn the necessaries of life.
In England, on the contrary, these effects would assuredly
be produced by secret voting. When, in America, the
population becomes so dense that the high value of land
and the low value. of labour reduce the majority of the
voters to a state but one step removed from want, and
when, under these circosnatauces, the ballot works well,
then, and not before, will the effects of the system as ap.
plied to Arne' ice, enable us to ascertain, by a legitimate in-
duction front expel dense, what would be the effect of the
system au applied to England.
s• Though we have not in the history of any country,
barbarous or civilised, a practical exemplification of the
precise effects of vesting the uncontrolled exercise of the
elective franchise in..a small portion, of the poorest classes
of the people, yet we possess, in the actual disposition and
conduct dour own population, abundant facts from which
the probable character of. these effects may be inferred...—
We might indeed, by assuming certain principles of human
nature, and adopting the d priori method of the Reviewer,
arrive at our conclusions by a shorter process. Thus;---
It is a principle of human nature, that when inert possess
h
they will pursue their awn interest at the ex-
tpeenaP°.w
eofetr' the interest of others; the wealthy classes in this
country, by influencing the poor and dependent electors,
possess the real power of making laws ant) imposing
taxes, and consequently the richer classes in the country
plunder the people. Reverse this order. Adopt an effec-
tual system of secret voting, whk.h shall give the real
power of enacting laws and imposing taxes to a compa-
ratively small portion of the poorest classes and then,
d priori, the poor will plunder the rich, the right of
vats property will be invaded, and, in the language of the
spencean philosophers, the land will be declared to be the
people, farm."
Property
etr:iye
Was there ever such a wild assumption, as that
the people of any country would allow those who
have no property to tapkeersiotriferolinn tphoesmses?siolPi
)ogsatfe: I:we,tt°lll.ll'neorri
solicitations
o:tt
opacelpiolrsetsVrloastlynni!:burevelitilriilieceoiniveehayocaferytielialenoaittin(ttilinill
in
gamtrretrataretneiscytit: oimicialje:marsriaiatkpytt.rejoe,
rich, contrary to their own convictions, through fear
taard tionstiiloigtt st rote.eir pßrouptertevy, in :u assuming that the ReParlle--
fisienrii)roasteivoesnstliTettnildthhee reotbuiringeadtiohny I:,atuppaesresi,n4g'ho should
laws to
mire property from the rich, through the fixing
minimum of wages and the destruction 'of machinery,a
would the rich men who would be chosen Ilepre
serOtives vote for such laws; and If they ems/ thus

future, elections might send Into.the House flatterera
of the lowest
,nrejudiees of the lowest ,mobs, would
they not, supported by the approbation .of ell:the
property and intelligence of the country, set these
pauper electop..tt defiance by a lew, making the
suffrage identick with the interests of the: cent=
mortify I The people of ,a country never can have
an interest in attacking property. As Elarringtoe
answered to one who urged the danger of invasions
Of property,-all history, all experience proves that
this is utterly impossible. On a .future day we
shall advert further to this pamphlet.,,—Morn.Chron.
When,the abolition of the punishment of death
was first proposed in the French Chamber of De!
puties, we namely applauded the conduct of those
legislators who,it a period of passionate excitement,
and of bitter recollections, stoodforward to give a
new impulse to civilization, by making the " still
small voice" of humanity be heard amid the storm
of political agitation. Our own opinion on the
subject of sanguinary punishments hisi long been
known to the public, as well as our reasons for en-
tertaining that opinion; and, although we have
never gone the length of insisting upon a total abo-
lition of capital _punishments, knit have taken a dis-
i tinition• in' this respect between crimes of violence
anti blood, 'and those invasions of property which
are unconnected with forte • yet we had singular
pleasure in seeing, as we ;bought, the spirit of
mercy -coming, .‘ with healing on her wings," to
sanctify the triumphs of freedom,- and soften the
stern glory of a revolution. It is with proportionate
regret. we now observe that this question of huma-
nity is mixed up with political -manoeuvres and in-
trigues, which cannot fail to embarrass and 'degrade
it. For our own part, we should be ashamed of
ourselves if we, had been induced to advocate this
measure as a question of politics or party ;—that,
would be, to hold out false colours, and take credit
for serving the cause of civilization, while we were.,
only promoting the personal interests of a few
individuals. The French Criminal Code, which
of' itself would be sufficient to immortalize the
name ,of Napoleon, is, beyond all comparison,
-milder than our own, and yet it wants ameliora-
tions. Let it receive those ameliorations not for a
political purpose, but because huManity demands
them. Men are unworthy thi'name of legislators
who would make or unmake laws for a particular
object,- under the cover of a general principle. Yet'
this is whit the Journal de Paris charges the
Chamber of Deputies with doing in voting for the
abolition of the punishment of death,• in the pre-
sent state of affairs, only to save the lives of the
Ex-Ministers, without any serious intention of car-
rying ultimately into effect the great penal reform
which was at first propounded. We hope this is a
false accusation, and that the representatives of a
great people, who have just purchased their free-
dom at the greatest sacrifices, are incapable of act-
ing in .a manner so deficient in manliness, wisdom,
or dignity. We too have advocated the extension
of mercy to the Ex-Ministers as far as life is con-,
cerned, not because we do not think that men
whose wicked counsels caused the shedding of the
blond of thousands do not deserve the highest pu-
nishment inflicted by the Penal Code, but because
we, think, after so great a victory, the French people
can afford to be magnanimous, and ought not to
deprive history of the glorious task of recording, for
the example of all future ages, the singular fact that
they achieved the greatest revolution which the
world ever-saw, without shedding, after the 'defeat
of theiritmed oppressors, one drop of blood! We ad-
vocated this act of clemency separately from the con-
sideration of 4lie reform of the Penal Code, for we
do not like great principles to be sported with,
by making them a pretence for carrying some parti-
cular object. ,The French Journal to which we,
have alluded,in speaking of the real .purpose of the
Chamber 'being different from the apparent one,
uses the following remarkable words:.." What
shocks us is to see a deceitful majority to all ap-
pearance vote for a principle which probably will
receive but one single speedy application. What
will become of the Address of the Chamber of
Deputies in case of condemnation ? With respect
to the condemnation of Minister., it will chain the
Executire—for it cannot strike in the name of the
nation, when the pretended representative hold
thus its arm suspended. Then some time after,
when the exiled Ministers shall be forgotteo at the
Court of the .Ex-King, who is their accomplice—
when the Address for Me abolition of capital punish-
meat will no longer have a specific object, this ques-
tion will be, perhaps, seen to miscarry
,in a serious
discussion, which,
,by the acknowledgement of the
Commission, does not yet seem to be ripe for a
majority." We hope this conjecture is erroneous,
and that so noble an object of enlightened states-
manship as the reform of the Penal Code is not
&captiously advocat ed by the French legislators, for
the.benefit of a few criminals, without any reference
to a Jfeneral adoption of an improved system of
penal jurisprudence. Such a proceeding would be
a stratagem unworthy the Senate of a great nation,
and which would expose its authors to deserved
contempt.--)Morning Herald.

We hail with the greatest satisfaction the appear-
ance of. the Proclamation by the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland, which will be found' in another column,
against the assemblies which have been lately got
up by the Anti-Union faction. It is simply, indeed,
a recourse to an existing law of the country; but
had it even assumed a sterner character, we think
there is no one alive to the true interests of Ireland
who could have possibly quarrelled with it. It was,
indeed, much wanted, not only on account of the
Nationul Union which subsists between Ireland and
Great Britain, but, on account of the attempts
which were making to obtain the repeul of that
Union, and the necessity of saving Ireland from the
misery which would have awaited her had the
schemes of the agitators been successful. The Bel.
fish and mischievous faction has, for the present,
obeyed the call to order, and we trust that it will
prove sufficient to enforce it without a recourse to
harsher measures: but should 1110 latter means be
required, there ought, after all other modes of con-
oiltation have failed, to be no hesitation in employ-
ing them. The lives of a poor and ignorant people
are riot to be sported with for the gratification .even
of the Great Agitator.—. Morning Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

row.sTituer.

A gentlernan, from Messrs. Hawley and Co., jewellers
in the Strand, waited upon Mr. Mrirtirrum. for advice and
assistance under these circumstances :--lie elated that in
the course of that morning a retpectable.looking young
man, who said his name was Thomas Hilton, and that his
residente was at Richmond, railed at Messrs. Hawley's
shop about en hour before and purchased a gold watch, a
wedding-ring, t chased gold keeper ring, and a chased
gold key, iu payment for which he tendered to the appli-
cant a Bank of England note for NI., and received the
difference. Some short time after, he (the applicant) pro-
teded with that note and otheri to the Bank of England,
and upon presenting them there, he was told, to his very
great astonishment, that the supposed 50/. note Was for
fa. only. Upon a close examination of the note, it was
discovered that the word " five" had been ingeniously cut
out, end the word " fifty" substituted instead.
Mr. Mirrstruta, observed that the deception must,
indeed, have been most dexterously practised, and asked
the applicant if he thought he should be enabled to identif)
the person who bad played off No hazardous. a trick,
Tire applicant replied, that he should know the person
again. He was apparently. between 30 and 35 years of
age, of middle atrture, rather pale, with Handy whisker-a.
He was dressed in a snuff-coloured frock coat- and gray
trowsers, and wore no shirt-collar over his black cravat.
Mr. itlinsitur.t. thought it highly probable that the
watch and other articles would be found at some of the
pawnbrokers' shops in the neighlrourbood.
The applicant said lie feared there was but little chance
of
wouttlidat e
sent
elptou greatert
of
time
eeprobabilityntr y, ndwas, that theorwarded t
iathrteieles
rto
the continent or to America.

Mr. Minsitui,r, recommended the applicant to go to the
Clerles-office, and give a regular information of the cir-
cumstance, in order that it might be inserted in the lime
and Cr! anitthily police report i and EIU s principal

b"fornte:de :Vs dinner.
offiestrh i-Wall alireeted, to use hiriteerseirommarlar, tow.
t ef,dlow who had practised the fraud: ~,
~,,,..,...
i:M!astY.sfeienllll:arfYlorrtjt
,aa:nneduesubebilkS4rA.initßgild4:7vra Itpna:arece:!boaliENto baker,.
it:n11:::::::411:1W$jor:
There
potatoes ,Tahtohroertohoesstsal.ted
that
on
Tuesday lot
Thornton,
answer the charge of ea elderly lady, Wel
o'clock Mrs.
in
g oht
shtneh dhefoowmhr
explanation,een oh: ouaodnt
the
0, LT e sent
t was
ilpotatoes,ant
daonu , , an lass -
cl 0n e, bb b‘
vbfo nut tocer;:ditryehitti.:,,w'otlehhaa:sleylthylinaile:::xsite.hepaord:haeodtrrwGni,niolotelne'ennnielilltiefirnehrleit"elebil!winter::::l
indignant,
abliatitUt her daughter, to dr
explanationme
iisrn. being
s by no means' a satisfactory one, Mo.
wreethe:Tfworrshintelitnlrersrsohhtniiedldalerido
octnihieueittonniogrelyenrwasahpredla!atanloisntwll;
oshtberiladieichet:dvbfra:roimdbeerfrorihn:mparttedlthetelotreeialletcoiotbekd:bnolUe'pnced" she knew not
of potatoes at the otthahert. M!
14.:
is
• +must indubitably be- spoiled, toilette s man sat 1411
of the oven during the process of cooking; it consisted
'Thornton's dish WO ear
about a pound and a half of beef in the mare,
four pounds of pudding at one !end, and four pools
anti being aware that he should pay (or it, when shatlled
him an " Irish scoundrel," he didadni:elk.u7k"ittliv:iilein•
the street. In ito pregrearthither it might have touched
her bonnet ; but she was izt maim) quite enough! to irri-
tate any man.. .
..
1.,' •
"And what lady," obserieeldr. Rawittlsoo, " Would
not be in a passion at the lost of a dinner ?
The parties were allowed to retire, and endeavour to
settle it amicably, when the baker offered half a rovereign;
but, acting under the advice of a friend, refused point
blank to pay the expenses of the warrant, whieh the Itlii-
gistrate insisted upon as a sine qua nom in the arrangement.
The consequence of the Nicer adhering t'
his o
he frien
Toys
'
advice was, that he was tined 20s. or sentenced ta.
prisoned for twenty days. , baker
" Then I'll gu to prison," etelaitued the here
tally, as he walked before the officer to the lock-up tea.
M A It LBOROUOII-STREET.
Yesterday two well-dressed young fellows, seta Pl'
their names John Watkins anti ;Mina Jordon, Wet
brought from the police station within the district of
Pl'
thla
-office before Mr. Rug, the sitting blegistrate, on the
lowing charge : stated
John Bishop, who bail been an old soldier, ated that
he is at present, and has been for 4onle tiwame
tchman Mt, eta law
PleYed,
by the Earl of Chesterfield as a private to
shout his Lordship's pretniseo and extensive gardens at
Chesterfield-house, Mayfair, and he usually takes 014:
tion every night within the
ta ardens, hle of !kith
lie ranges over frequently the course of the met.
Between twelve and one o'clock on Wolnesday right, J"tt
bialleshit,ehewussighatbiluthettiPmeea st'lligh°tunlesel'faht i:Pee ririthei"lh'r°"l:el"
short distance froM him, and he crouched down to bigot
more attentively, and while thus stooping he saw tat
calved
ues
s- therer ta bush-rangers,
themewrs
heads raised above the bush where the twi" bad
Priwie'
from.
Cenei"ced, then, thst there were some intru to
in the gardens, he called out and " challenged" t!ie
when they anticipated him by rushing towards beforehiel's!
both men having closed with hint, got him Jo°,
,eof
he was prepared to make any resistance, or toe 46teen
their design. A desperate struggle now ensued bet. le
himself and the two men, the latter endeavouring toilijo
a's,tobaukntodohwwe,winhopeeroceeditvheleyinliertoel :it
p: lVpe whatror .ilcl:irei their si.il-
him by the throat and stop his mouth with their for
as to prevent his aling out for apaietance, .101 iso roe
efforts to accomplish this they tore his cheeks i , qtr
severely with :their nails. In spite, however, of 11 tt7,t
exertions to stitle his cries, he succeeded m
iler calls out
" Murder !" several, times, which so much!
..,,,,,
villain& at last they quitted him and made their er;:erti-t
over the garden wall from the premises ; bat not rr,5!.,
leaving behind them a dark lantern and several 41,!°. i
breaking implements, together saith a hst and Pi'r °
shoes belonging to one of them. t it
Mr. Murray, a liransed victualler, residing alum
it be•
opposite the Bari of Cbesterfield'a gsrtkne, raidl th, ~ 1,,
was up.stairs in Mt bed-room, prepariog 10 g° t.
err to
anti pertly undressed, when lie heard a cry of mo!eo
if corning from the direction of Lord Chettafiehr• got 'o',
and flinging up hie window-sash, be raw two Into, et
41
boring ever the 4411. '
ran down stairs to the street, and seised the prio_oner. . I ,
twelve sod
11°,11:0: oli the night nuutionouo
kips, who made great exertioni to CROW!, 11.:4 0tt,r,,,,
him until several police constibles rame up. le h.!
constable observed the other 11)21 getting "el. the wsi
and securid him.
not ottY:
At'ti,l
shoes found in the garden exactly fitted hint. !,,_ ~,i.
The police constable said, that on searehiag 1111`0;ti,
litaolelnehisse
swheatittneetast:bwt:litshattltipteli4, et
ea,
sower Watkins, several pieces; of candle awl a ?NO
%owthwuheteenleann hat, but was also without ahoes,Pran.4:lu't'lrteWhat
hex were found in his packets.
denTiti:dethilisothneeyrsetverone biehiengitegestioeaut!°;el,lo iwlerthet:ri:i,,°:ll,o.
down from the garden walr, or that they had aaili; Ito
ledge of each other, but both. of them &Wool 11.1, lot,
further account of themselves, or to soy where ' '`.s lily
or what were their occupation& In faer, thrY 'l4
should decline answering any further questiene• m0,„4.41
The Magistrate ordered the , prisctuers to he re. 7,41101
for further examination. on a future day, end oho Pot (sir
a good deal 'of credit was due to Mr. blarr4
prompt activity on the ()Cession. !,..„ e t,
The prisoners were then remanded until
Thurea" "e

heat,l.l
nLibustil;
gric.mazhpnorieyaiei
srsh,t:ltvhua
the
ihfcoio production
r,saieletTanl tiOPPI
t)be"—httehyooltpreTYonhreiOnbeieecLessa:TitrafirynaErYiaatiljtatlionantzlitti:to,:::::::::!:-8:111:1.:re,1:.
OC
.!N!iitivgoehrtirzoer
of
supposed, nah
eobdtobrh
enwanyis
echoaaini
ilvdhnao
tirc
fitliah,
lomfbofeYrentiti
modern
0 lice,:
efritr:hoeitenvh.gset
tars"
or
Mr're
at oeGjel
vie
sr: ttl
0:I r
elui::1101;1 i 4;
i;
Inge therein contained, and added such foribcr (414 hoi,
narrative more full, consistent, ind preciou '",ch PI
it
ithle reason anhdatvhee si •
slueakagacrngansesinotisandtedfteceotitun:iorvetarinlduavtteddfohoreimsfkbitasiu.iiuciteato,:illoidi:l::aciii:::::;ttiiyhieltert.ito:ii.peliiiit,iiii
• • tic
to speak in too high terms of thu manor 01.0,,
executed."

HIRTBS, ~, Olt 1341
0_ On the 10th inst. at Wonnstat, no 00a1161. ' t.
fC. H. Turner, jun. Esq., of a damitikr• ,n....0040.'
pitOtattret:hteh2elhadtyinostt.Rlnt.GTreiatopeCot, raroilu-s. torrati'ds"uplao;rtr;..,V.
On the 20th init. at Stratford- 1 't" theljuY
qtrTapp* EN. of a daughter. if aIL t
Ikr Of 1.
ibe Jo., •„
On e 20th hat, at Weethaut 1':`8.4 * a, 101'1
Webster, Es4ll of ththoure, Forfarsi hirt'f'Sr
of a eon.

tiamOn.
_the 20th inst. MARRIED. _aretibires 114,1'1
at CongreshtirYt, 6°rteng 1-14 :o
Liam Long, son of the lita Nea° '-I,oireagift 'd
RpoouosrebnalotiLE.,Charlotte M. Poole, daughter l'. }late,
°
I.kanoral rrel'and nephew t4l. Potrteillatefd/tmi
___l._ cod sitter ' itil , ill rusll'
to Sir it a
the 20th inst. at East M ', H. Wr°ultbtasitnt:l;qll:
ofe Woolly Park, 13',10, to mdte°:,..o boilb,,tr„ 00
te -V. Thomas St. Quiutia, /...q. 0; Seeinr-,
Yorkshire. s
only daughter
I 6"
Taunton' .
the 20th inst. at Kingston, near four
E"1.• of Surbiton-place, Surrey, t't Ililfir° '
lilt: of W. Weitslei, E`l' °rill°. 42111°'
the 21st inst. at St. George the blartir, von
square.brok Sir J. Owen, Burt. N. I. a orieo°f"i, 0
"hire, to Mary Frances, t►►ird daughter 0
phenson,.s Esq. of Firlerhill, Ilerksbire. t Oulorl
On the Vat inst. at Hampstead, Frolelio „i,o
;I°ll 'I, the late \V. li• Crowder, of ikOnl4gi;t.o
jr"-Imluare, to Lucy, eldest 'daughter of the
riot Esq. of Taunton.,llED. r • °`
On the 20th inst. at his house, Carnwell-trtricill
gent's-park, Thomas Kinfleltri Dap ittinkOro t'lagi-
the late Geoe Kinnear, . Esq. al V.411-011,11(,j1}',10' • °Ai
On the 19th inst. at Shuglioraugh• St4wvi-" n'ef P
Lain the Hon. W. Anson, C.D., lt.
N. forth au
late Lord Viscount Anson. , j 01
()a the 19th inst. at Suttowhill, siirrr,e,,Yl;4o:ol,
co j
F.K. aged 64. . l;44' I
On the 19th Strand,t 13rightoo, .I,titt)
Craven-street, many years ►n
the not,
~..,
Greowaed. and Co. -0007
On the Ith inst. at • Charlton 1100,0,- °ld iti V
/UM, rinulat secOtlti tlatt ht r fll 01;er' -'.
g e 0 .. '
16th year. ' ''

lADO Yo
Pannst. Asp Puissmogn or Ai ps,,
va Sus Ottics, Iff,r4F,lutta'l'l4s°