The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-01 00:00:00

No. lII.—An Account showing the Revenue and other Receipts of the Quarter ended June 30, 1863 ; the Application of the same ; and the Charge
of the Consolidated Fund for the said Quarter, together with the Surplus or Deficiency upon such Charge.

Surplus Balance beyond the charge of the Consolidated Fund, for the Quarter
ended March 31, 1863, viz.:—

Great Britain £198,290
Ireland
--- 587,572

Income received in the Quarter ended June 30, 1863, as shown in Account I 1Q,490,204

Amount raised per Act 25-26 Viet., dap. 78, on account of Fortifications, &c. , ... 170,000

Amount received in the Quarter ended June 30, 1863, in repayment of Advances
for Public Works, Zzo. ........................................................ 327,934

£19,574,810

Balance, being the Deficiency on June 30,1863, upon the charge of the Consoli-
dated Fund in Great Britain, to meet the Dividends, and other charges,
payable in the Quarter to Sept. 30, 1863. and for which Exchequer Bills
(Deficiency) will be issued in that Quarter 1,070,085

420,650,875

QE.A.—FELLOWS and CO., Shipbrokers, 127.
Fenchurch-street, E.C., require MIDSHIPMEN and
FOUR First-olass APPRENTICES in an A 1 clipper India-
man, 1,500 tons. Premium moderate, returned in wages.
Also stout Lads, without premium, for other ships. Wages
£35.

SEA.—VACANCIES for MIDSHIPMEN and
APPRENTICES in a first-class London shipping' firm.
Premium moderate. Alto apprentices without premium.—
Aply to SIMMONDS and Co., 38, St. Mary-at-hill, East-
chpeap, E.C. Third Officers and Stewards wanted.

SEA. —First-class APPRENTICES required
in an East Indiaman.—For premium, name of ship. Sze.
apply to Messrs. Laing and Co., 27, Coleman-streett Bank.
No control over or interference in the outfitting exercised.

TAE ENGLISH and SCOTTISH MARINE
INSURANCE COMPANY (Limited) will COM-
MENCE BUSINESS at its Temporary Offices, No. 2, Royal
Exchange-buildings, on WEDNESDAY NEXT, the Ist
July.

By order,
D. MACPHERSON, Secretary.

26th June, 1863,

THE RICHMOND HILL HOTEL COMPANY
(Limited).
Capital £lOl,OOO, in 10,000 Shares of £lO each.
First issue, 5,000 shares.
Deposit, 10s. per share on application, and £ 1 10s. per
share on allotment.
DIRECTORS.
The Right Hon. the Earl of Sefton, 63, Grosvenor-place, and
Croxteth Park. Liverpool.
The Hon. J. C. Vivian, 14, Belgrave-square.
J. Loraine Baldwin, Esq., 15. St. James's-street.
J. Sainsbury Devonport, Esq., Deputy Commissary-General,
Clarendon Lodge. Brighton.
D. J. Hoare, Esq.. Director of the Langham Hotel Company.
the Hon. Charles Hay, 33, Cadogan-place, Belgrave-square.
BANKERS.
iLombard-street, City.
London and County Bank Hanover-square,
Richmond.
SOLICITORS.
Messrs. Sole, Turners, and Hardwick, Aldermanbur .
ARCHITECT.
John Giles, Em., 2, Verulam-buildings, Gray's-inn
(Architect to the Langham Hotel Company).
AUDITOR.
Herbert George Ladbury, Esq., King-street, Cheapside.
BROKERS.
Messrs. Shorter and King, 26, Birchin-lane.
SECRETARY—Francis R. Spry, Esq.
Temporary Offices —4B, Lombard-street, London.
1. The scenery of Richmond and its neighbourhood, whose
beauties have long been the theme of poet and artist, has
always attracted the,aristocratic pleasure seekers of the me-
tropolis. Convenience of access, both by rail and river, has
increased the number of visitors to so great an extent as to
rend, r the present accommodation utterly inadequate.
"2. The object of this Company is to erect on Richmond-hill
an Hotel possessing every modern luxury and convenience
whether for visitor or equipage.
3. The Directors have secured an excellent site, in close
proximity to the "Star and Garter," commanding a most
lovely view of the river Thames and the surrounding country,
at a cost of £7,500. The property is now known as Ashburn-
ham Lodge, and contains about three acres. partly copyhold
(equal to freehold) and partly leasehold, wi,h upwards of so
years to run at a moderate ground rent of £2O per annum.
The mounds are at present beautifully laid out, and will be
further improved to make them as perfect as possible.
4. The Hotel will contain large and small dining rooms,
reading rooms, billiard rooms, bath rooms, smoking room,
and upwards of one hundred bedroom., and will offer every
possible convenience and attraction both to visitors desiring
to spend a few hours out of town, and to those desiring tem-
porary residence.
5. Hotel Companies having become a recognised institution
in England, and, with hardly an exception, paying good
dividends, no excuse need be offered for putting this under-
taking before the public. Large fortunes have been realised
by the proprietors and lessees of hotels in the immediate
vicinity, fr c
om whih it may be confidently anticipated that
this Hotel may be among the moat prosperous of this very
profitable class of undertakings.
8. As an evidence of the large profits derived from hotel
property, it may be mentioned that the Queen's Hotel Com-
pany, Norwood (an undertaking similar in nearly every re-
spect to 'he proposed Richmond Hotel), have declared a divi-
dend of 10 per cent.
7. The nominal capital of the Company is fixed at £lOO,OOO,
but it is confidently expected, looking to the smallcost of the
site, &0., that not nearly all of this sum will be required ; the
Dire ctors therefore propose at first to issue only one-half of
the shares.
Plans of the site, to:i ether with a photograph of the view,
may be seen at the temporary offices.
Interest at the rate of 5 per cent. will be paid on all sums
received until the opening of the HoteL
Prospectuses and femme of application may be had at the
offices of the Company, or of the brokers and bankers.
FORM OF APPLICATION FOR SHARES.
To the Directors of the Richmond-hill Hotel Company
(Limited).
Gentlemen,—Having paid into the hands of the
sum of , being ten shillings per share on
shares in the above Company, I request you will allot me that
number of shares, and I hereby agree to accept the same, or
any less number which may be allotted to me—to pay the re-
mainder of the deposit of One Pound Ten Milliners per share,
and all calls when due on the shares allotted, and to sign the
Articles of Association when required.
Name ..
Profession or business
Address
, 1863.

Dated the day of

RUPTURES.—BY ROYAL LETTERS PATENT.
WHITE'S MOC-MAIN LEVER TRUSS
(PERFECTED AND EXHIBITED IN THE GREAT
FXHIBITIONS or 1851 AND 1862), is allowed by upwards of
Two Hundred Medical Gentlemen to be the most effective
.nvention in the curative treatment of II ERN I A.
The use of a steel spring, so often hurtful in its effects,
is here avoided—a soft bandage being worn round the
body, while the requisite resisting power is supplied by the
Nioc-Main Pad and Patent Lever, fitting with so much ease
Intl closeness that it cannot be detected, and may be worn
during sleep. A descriptive circular may be had,' and the
truss, which cannot fail to fit, forwarded by post, on the cir-
cumference of the body, two inches below the hips, being
sent to the manufacturer,

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—With all his usual vehemence, though,
perhaps, with a little less than his usual acrimony,
Mr. Roebuck last night pressed upon the House of
Commons and the British nation the recognition of
the Confederate States. ne oeeasion was impor-
tant. The lapse of time, the events of the war, the
all but universal sympathies of the English people,
the alleged desire of the French Emperor, combine
to make the demand for recognition, or for some
kind of mediation, a more plausible and weighty
proposal than it was a year ago. Mr. Roebuck was
embarrassed only by the number of the arguments
he could employ, the aptness of the parallels, the
weight of the authorities. On the question of con-
stitutional right there is little more to be said. In
an age when the efforts of every petty and semi-
barbarous race to make itself independent receive
the loud approbation of philanthropists, certainly a
people of our own blood and language, inhabiting a
vast territory, and possessing every quality of po-
litical greatness, may be allowed to assert the right
of sell-government. If the 13 British colonies are
held to have deserved independence when they
showed their ability to resist the ill-directed strength
of the mother country across the ocean, the South-
ern States, which have defeated so many invasions
of their territory by a powerful enemy on their
frontier, and are now, at the end of two years, able
to carry the war into his country, may fairly be
looked upon as having taken their place among the
nations of the earth. It was hardly requisite for
Mr. Roebuck to sound the praises of a people who
are admitted even by their enemies to have given
an example of public virtue in time of trial unsur-
passed in any annals, and perhaps it was fortunate
for the cause he advocated that his hearers knew
these things so well, for the speaker was disposed
rather to indulge in dispraise of the North than to
point out the merits of its adversaries. It is not
because the United States in former times main-
tained an insolent tone and bearing towards our-
selves, it is not because at the North the negro is
despised far more than on the Southern plantations
that we should think of mediation or recognition,
but because the South has shown its ability to main-
tain itself in arms, and because the war is bringing
untold evils on the world. However, the speech of
Mr. Roebuck hardly touched the practical ques-
tion. He delivered a clever declamation, which un-
doubtedly gave pleasure to his hearers, but he failed
to show that any good would ensue from the House
adopting and the Government obeying the terms of
his motion. He proposed that an Address should
be presented to her Majesty, " praying that ahe will
be graciously pleased to enter into negotiations
with the great Powers of Europe for the purpose
of obtaining their co-operation in the recognition
of the independence of the Confederate States." By
the great Powers it is confessed that France alone
is meant. So that, in fact, England and France are
to join and recognise the South either with or
without due notice of their intention to the Federal
Government. According to Mr. Roebuck, this is
the policy of the French Emperor, although it had
been announced already that no proposal of the
kind has been actually made by Baron Gros to our
Government. But, assuming that the Emperor's
assurances to Mr. Roebuck go further than a gene-
ral desire to see peace restored, and a conviction
that it cannot be restored by the conquest of the
South—assuming that the Emperor actually thinks
it advantageous to proclaim at the present time the
formal admission of the Confederate States into the
list of nations, is it advisable that we should join
him in the enterprise ? That is the question for the
House of Commons and the Government; and,
without abandoning any opinion they may have
formed, we think that Englishmen are justified in
deciding that no good can come of our interference
at such a moment. No man has spoken his mind more
boldly on this question than the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. He said last autumn that Jefferson Davis
had made a nation, and he says so now. He believes
that the Soath can maintain its independence, and
that it would be expedient for the Federals to de-
sist from a hopeless, and therefore an unjustifiable
war. No one can suspect him of partiality to the
North. As a man, his sympathies are on the other
side ; as a Minister, interested in the financial pros-
perity of this country, he wishes for peace between
the producers of cotton and the blockaders of their
ports. But Mr. Gladstone, after once more assert-
ing his former opinions in the plainest language,
opposed Mr. Roebuck's proposition. His speech may,
indeed, be taken as an exposition of enlightened
English opinion on the subject. He condemns the
war, he condemns the incitements to servile rebel-
lion of 'which Mr. Lincoln's Government has been
guilty, but he denies that England and France can
abate the miseries of the contest by such an act as
the recognition of the South. Recognition, it :s evi-
dent, can do nothing in itself. The reception of Mr.
Slidell at the Tuileries, and of Mr. Mason at Wind-
sor, cannot by themselves calve one shot the less
to be fired in the New World. Peace can only
be restored by inducing the Government of the
Federal States to acquiesce in the independence of
the South, and this must be done either by per-
suasion or force. As to the former, we do not see
how any argument can be added to those that have
been already urged by both England and France.
Both Governments, the press of both countries, and
all but an insignificant section of society have been
counselling peace for two full years. If Mr. Lin-
coln and his friends are capable of being influenced
by foreign Governments, what can be added to the
demonstrations that have been already made ?
The French Emperor, it seems, tells eeery one
who talks to him that, in his opinion, the
South has won its independence, and both the
Foreign Secretary and the Chancellor cf the
Exchequer in England have reprobated with a
strength of language rarely heard from official men
Jut
the cruel war which the North is waging.
European opinion has as yet produced
slightest effect on the Federal Government, h the
gli
there are signs that the population iso nottt Pito-
"
gather uninfluenced by it. Why should
ful It remains, then,
representation be more success . ht by
be brought
to consider whether the North could
r opinions
an official
force to desist from the war. Whatever we
„r„rru
may be entertained on this point, e v
a not akaY
think, agree that the English
people-

Amount applied out of the Income to Supply Services, in the Quarter ended
June 30,1863 10,999,837

Charge of the Consolidated Fund for the Quarter ended June 30, 1863, viz. :
Interest of the Permanent Debt £6,313,180
Terminable Debt 347,497
Principal of Exchequer Bills 1,029,300
Interest of Deficiency Bills
The Civil List
Other Charges on Consolidated Fund
Advances for Public Works, &c.
Sinking Fund 64884

Surplus Balance beyond the charge of the Consolidated Fund, for the Quarter
ended June 30, 1863, viz.:—
Great Britain
Ireland

8,679,820

971,218

'X20,650,875

to join in any such scheme of coercion. Such an
interference would be as unjustifiable and immoral
as the war which it would seek to terminate. It may
be true that the Warrior alone could destroy the
whole Federal Navy, but the English people would
hardly consent to see the armaments of the country
employed for such a purpose. It is plainly our duty,
as well as our policy, to bear with this misguided
people for some time longer. True, we have suffered,
and shall suffer, by the blockade of American cotton;
but as we have borne with this for two years, and until
the worst is past, it would be idle to throw away the
just reputation gained by such self-denial at a
time when the trial may be coming to an end. The
events that are passing at this time in America
mark the crisis of the campaign of 1863. With
immense energy, and by the expenditure of some
two hundred millions sterling, the North raised an
army which towards the latter part of last year was
said to amount to three-quarters of a million of men.
It is said that the prospect of a French interference
increased the willingness to enlist ; if so, that is
an additional reason for not again rousing the
population by anything like a menace. But,
whatever the causes which produced this enormous
host, they have apparently ceased to operate.
Death, desertion, and, still more, the expiration of
the time of service, have diminished the Northern
armies, until now they are confessedly unable to do
more than occupy the positions they have gained.
All along the frontier they are merely " confront-
ing" the Southerns. At Vicksburg only is a
Northern General carrying on active operations,
and, although in this region the Southern popula-
tion is sparse and the armies are weak, it is not im-
probable we may hear that General Grant has been
obliged to raise the siege. So broken is the army
of the Potomac that General Lee is able to assume

the offensive, and carry the war into Pennsylvania.
In short, it is the opinion of the best judges that
the Northern States must either raise another

large army or allow the war gradually to wear
out. The conscription is languishing—most people
think it can never be enforced. If even the new
levies are made, it will be six months at
least before they are ready for service, and
next Spring before they can be used. This being
the case, is it not better to wait and' see what
the next few months will bring forth ? It may be
that the failure of so many enterprises and the
wasting away of their enormous hosts will at length
teach the Northern people wisdom. They may then
indicate their readiness to receive the mediation
which if offered now might give a new impulse to

the war.
POST.—If no other end was gained by Mr. Roebuck
last evening than of eliciting the views entertained
by the English House of Commons on the present
condition of American affairs, the debate which he
inaugurated was far from fruitless. Of all the
foreign topics which have, during the course of the
present session, been ventilated in Parliament none
possesses so close and intimate an interest for the
British people as the American question. By the
war which now rages, and has raged for upwards of
two years on the other side of the Atlantic, no
neutral State has suffered so much as Great Britain,
and none looks forward to its termination with
greater anxiety. But this very interest which we
feel in its speedy close makes us the less capable of
deciding with impartiality between the contendin,.l
parties, and deprives of the weight which they
might otherwise possess the opinions which we may
think proper to express on the merits of the
struggle. Although, however, the situation which
we occupy should inspire us with caution, it ought
not to induce us to abandon duties which it is our
province to fulfil. If we would be true to others
we must also be true to ourselves. It is not there-
fore because we may be interested even more than
other nations in bringing to a termination the most
bloody, and we would also add the most demoralis-
ing, of modern wars, that we should shrink from
casting into the balance the weight of our influence,
even though by so doing we might in appearance
be acting from purely selfish considerations. The
question of Southern recognition may by interna-
tional lawyers be supposed to depend upon abstract
considerations, but it was not thus that it was re-
garded by the House of Commons, nor is it thus
that it is considered by the people of England. To
a jurist it would seem that, as the recognition of
Southern independence would not in any way
modify the rights of the belligerents, practically the
status quo would remain unchanged. But by neutral
states the recognition of the South would be regarded
in a different light. It would be considered as a
solemn and formal condemnation of the war in which
the Government of the United States is engaged,
and as a species of moral intervention between the
contending Powers. It is thus that England would
view it ; it is on this basis that those who joined
in the debate last night discussed it; and there can
be no doubt that it is thus that we are bound
oto
consider this momentous question. Mr. C
oebu moue
was right when he told the House of %mbacksu
that the causes of the present civil war extent_
s.and_
wards over a long series of years. Notwsi h t
compos-
ing the independence of the several State
ing the Union, there have in effect . hosebeen two
different leagues almost identical wiltotin which
to make
policy
now constitute the two Confederaecniens.
make the
the impesi.
of the Northern league
.has b
and, by
Southern dependent upon it ;
lt the right of
tion of a protective tariff, the end has
effected.
The North in effect confined tsooluth was left alone
manufacturing, whilst to Ihe
the privilege of producin, the raw material of two
171 considerin
or three commodities. g the expedi-
ency of recognisingi
Southern neependence, the re-
moteness of the causes of
toshowquarrel
the impracticability
of a re-establishment of the former system of
go-
vernment. But in the presence of the events which
years have called forth 't
the last two is needless to
seek in the early history of the American for proofs
of the incompatibility of the Northern and Southern
characters. That the Union can never again be
re-established in its pristine integrity was admitted
not only by those who advocated the recognition of
Southern independence but by those who opposed
that recognition as ill-timed ; and consequently the
sole question which remained for discussion wes,
whether the present
whatpresent. was the fitting opportunity for
fact.aek Theuowledgintruth is an accomplished
most startling feature of Mr. Roebuck's