The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-31 00:00:00

THERMOMETER.

This raorntng
This day at Two o'clock 7O

Barometer-30.25.
Wind—East ; light, with fine weather,

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
fins DAY.—Morning, 2h. 11m.—Afternoon, 211. 43m,
To -monaow.-Morninz, 3h. 10m.—Afternoon, 3h. 30m

t-tt Suu
of,*
1,0-4

LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 31, 1863.

Should a war really arise out of these Polish
complications, it will be no partial war, we may
be quite certain of that—like the last one, let us
say, the battlefields of which were restricted first

of all to the borderland where the Russian and
Turkish Empires meet, and eventually even to the
soil of the Crimean peninsula. Another European
war, a war originating, not like the last, in the
cupidity of the CzAR, as to the manner in which the
Sick Man might be expected after death " to cut
np," as the phrase is, but in the fact, each day
becoming more recognisable, of the resurrection of
the Polish nationality from the grave in which its
murdered remains have been now for the chief part
of a century buried away ! An European war, the
tocsin of which should prove to have been at length
rung by that Russian-Polish Nationality, would not
be a partial war, but a general war ; would not be
a war of Parties, but a war of Principles. At inter-
vals, during the last few months, this probable war
Principles, this threatening at least of a general war
among the great nations of Europe, has appeared
for a brief moment at a time—even in the esti-
mation of diplomatists —to be most immi-
nent. Even now the hazard of it, is very
far from having passed away altogether. A
contest of this supreme importance and extraordi-
nary magnitude, is still within the limits of possi-
bility. Any day the signal for it may become visible
to all Europe, as suddenly as the signal which was
given for the war which broke oat in Italy !
Meaning in the telegraphic announcement
of the severe words of reproof addressed
upon a memorable Jour de An, by the
French EMPEROR, to the Austrian Ambassador.
And we are thus seriously disposed to regard as
at this moment within the limits of possibility, if
not of probability, the announcement given as
suddenly and startlingly of this general war in
Europe, this war, not of parties, or of nations, but
of Principles for several reasons that may at once
be very readily particularised.
About the most apparent of these reasons being
the fact that in reference to Poland itself the
alternative of war or
no war seems to depend now
at any instant Upon the choice decided upon
purely by the whim of one man in supreme power,
acting upon the spur of the moment, and under
the goad of a great irritaiGlt will be remem-
bered by the readers of Mr.
LAKE'S shamefully
indiscreet, but here and there wonderfully eloquent,
historical romance about the last
European war, n
the war partially fought out between a ;
- --ossat and
the Western Powers of Europe
against that
great Autocracy, that in one of the most
picturesque passages in one of the opening
1
chapters of the work, the writer refers to the
CZAR, seated in his Cabinet at St. Petersburg,
as to an angry man who had but to ring a bell, at
the momentary dictate of his passion, and within
the throb of a few seconds upon the pendulum,
light up, through the agency of the electric fire, the
flame of war at opposite extremities of his vast do-
The autocrat thus referred to, it is
true, was the Czar NICHOLAS, and not the Czar
ALEXANDER. Rut though the men were very dif-
ferent, indeed, both in capacity and in temperature,
the power ren3ains identically the same. If
the
fierce resolve has no more been inherited by
reigning Emperor of All the Russias, than has
the lawless ambition, apparently, of his imme-
diate progenitor, the supreme and, in an
earthly
point of view, the irresponsible authority of that
predecessor has passed intact into the hands of
ALEXANDER H. The latter has the same capacity
for doing good or for inflicting evil upon millions of
his fellow-creatures—meaning, here, not the
sixty million Russians in Europe, Asia, and
America owning allegiance to his sway, but,
Indirectly, the millions beyond his dominions,
the swee.
ts of contemporary sovereigns. True it
is, no doubt, that the Emperor ALEXANDER 11. be-

ITiiill4tiB•

gan 1 ais reign with a show, at least, of benignity,
strikingly in contrast with the characteristics of the
geniu s and temperament of his father NICHOLAS.
But— -since the incident of the Emancipation of the
Serfs---more than one dark and sinister changeh as
come ..over the spirit of the dream of all Europe in
regard, to the Emperor ALEXANDER. Any more
terrible series of episodes than those recently re-
count:, d in regard to the Polish insurrection, can-
not be found recorded anywhere in the annals of the
reign of the late Czar NICHOLAS. And it is upon
the p assionate decision, at any moment to be arrived
at, by the Autocrat now wielding thus relentlessly
the bloody scourge of his despotism over Russian
Poland, that the momentous alternative of Peace
or War, may be said, with perfect truth, to be abso-
lutely^ dependent—and not only absolutely, but
tremblingly, at any instant of time. That—is
about the most conspicuous reason for our regard-
ing war as now just possibly very imminent, and
this a general war, a war throughout all Europe
and about Principles.
Other reasons there are around us, so tospeak,
in all directions, reasons for regarding a war
of this
character as just now and just possibly very immi-
nent. A few only of which additional reasons it
will be sufficient here simply to enumerate, For-
most among them—that to France and to other
nations besides France, the outbreak of War would
in some respects be so much of an opportunity. So
many European questions appearing, moreover, to
require for the settling of them that last and
supreme arbitrement. Diplomacy if left en-
tirely to itself may still go on wrangling
interminable with no result whatever in the
way of any satisfactory settlement about
Schleswig-Holstein, about Venetia, the Duchies,
and other divisions of the great and complicated
Italian Difficulty, about this very matter of Poland
that is suggestive of the war now regarded as pos-
sibly so very imminent. The great Scandinavian
family of nations has to work out its destinies—
to all appearances through the medium of an amal-
gamation or combination, uniting Sweden and
Norway permanently with Denmark, a blending
together of the three kingdoms into one homogene-
ous power, that the shock of an European War
might at once render practicable. The long latent,
and still undecided, rivalry between Austria and
Prussia for supremacy over the Germanic Confede-
ration, might, in the same way, be opportunely pre-
cipitated. France having already, in a manner,
virtually accomplished the chief part of the
difficulty connected with her war of con-
quest or of emancipation (which is it to be
called ?) in Mexico, is prepared, however, for the
contingencies of any contest that may become un-
avoidable nearer home, having perpetually within
her the incentive to warlike exploits in the pos-
session of the Imperial dynasty born of the conquer-
ing genius of NAPOLEON. Numerous other reasons
there are, but the foregoing are the most salient
that need now be enumerated in evidence of what it
would be certainly difficult not to recognize, namely,
that there is in truth just now an imminent pos-
sibility of a General War in Europe.

The recently published Report of the select com-
mittee appointed to inquire into the merits and
expenses attendant upon our improved ordnance,
will be read with considerable interest, not only by

scientific and military men, but by all who concern
themselves in public matters. The question as to
the best form of rifled guns has long been hotly
argued by the partisans of Sir WILLIAM ARM-
STRONG and Mr. WHITwouTH, besides the uphol-
ders of various other designs. The Armstrong gun
as is well known, is the one almost entirely in use in
the service of the Government, and, in fact, the
committee, finding the expenditure into which they
were desired to inquire related almost exclusively
to Armstrong guns, have thought it desirable to give
a short outline of the introduction of those guns into
the service. The Armstrong gun was, it seems,

first brought under the notice of the Government at
the close of 1854, when the Dake of NEWCASTLE,
then Secretary for War, gave Mr. ARMSTRONG an
order for six of his guns for trial. The guns were
of various sizes, and the reports of the inspectors
were highly satisfactory. Of one of them—an
18-pounder—Lord PANMURE expressed himself
most favourably. "I am clearly of opinion," said

the noble lord, " that this is a most valuable contri-
bution to our army. For ell purposes of projection
and aceuracy of flight of the projectiles the
experiments are conclusive." In 1858,
having General
PEEL,
had his attention called to the

fact that we had no rifled ordnance for field
service, appointed a special committee to advise
him on the subject. This committee, after ex-
amining into the matter, came to the conclusion
that it was not advisable to try experiments with
any other guns than those of Messrs. WHITWORTH
and ARMSTRONG. In this we think they were mis-
taken; and in fact the present report virtually re-
verses that decision by strongly advising that all
future experiments shall be open to scientific men,
and that the systems of able men who are now
studying the subject shall be admitted to trial
along with those of their more famous and favoured
rivals. This is a step in the right direction. Free
competition to all who are werthy to enter the lists,
and a ready recognition of real merit, even if it
exist beyond the bounds of official favour, should
surely form the first principles of judgment in a
case of national importance. The reason for the
limitation proposed by the committee of 1858 was
a regard for the expense; but this could be at best
but a trifling saving, while the securing of the best
system of ordnance would be a much more effica-
cious method of practising economy, seeing that
frequent changes in such departments entail an
extravagant outlay. At that time, says the report,
Mr. WHITWORTH had not any guns of his own
construction, nor did he propose n
system of Mr. ARMSTRONG Was therefore ethe only The
complete one, and was finally selected fordesineifloeld,
guns. The present committee endorse this
which they consider as fully justified, seeing that
at the present day they have no practical proof that
any other method of constructing rifled ordnance
has yet been suggested which can be compared
with that of ARMSTRONG. Arrangements were
accordingly entered into with ARMSTRONG. He
was appointed Engineer of Rifled Ordnance and
Superintendent of the Royal Gun Factory—offices
which he resigned in the spring of this year, and
during that season the agreement between the Go-•g a
rand t thethe
application
lwieicak Companytionofthe terminated. Armstrong
vWerinthnierent
40-pounders and 110-pounders to naval purposes,
the Committee speak with some reserve. Matters
have
changed since 1854, and guns of
a very considerablydifferent
calibre would be required at the
present day from what would have sufficed to bore
the old wooden walls. This, and all other matters
discussed in the Report, will probably be made the
subject of speedy experiment, and we hope the re-
commendation of the Committee, that such trial
shall not be restricted to one or two systems, but
offer a fair test of national skill in the design and
construction of ordnance, may be carried into effect.
Much interesting information is contained in this
Report, which is the result of a long and careful
examination, and it is given in a fair
and temperate
tone, which it is to be hoped will satisfy all parties.

The fact stated by Sir WILLIAM ARMSTRONG, that,
out of 3,000 of his guns, no one has burst explosively,
is certainly testimony in his favour; but the Corn•
mittee frankly state that, while every witness has
borne testimony to the superior range and accuracy
of his guns, great doubts are felt whether they
would not prove too delicate and liable to disorder
to be extensively relied on in actual warfare. It
is, certainly, not much use to provide armies with
ordnance for experiments which will not serve for
a campaign ; and this objection, if well-founded, is
a very serious one. The details of the system the
Report does not, of course, enter into, merely stating
that the 'weight of scientific evidence is against any
breech-loading system for the larger guns. The
Armstrong shell is universally admitted to be the
most succt-ssful, and in that Sir WILLIAm bears the
undisputed palm. We hope this inquiry and
Report will lead to practical consequences, and
secure 9 reform and re-arrangement of our ordnance
system on a scientific, impartial, and satisfactory
basis. Enough has been already spent to secure to
England the pre-eminence in all such matters—a
superiority which her engineering skill and me-
chanical appliances ought surely to give her.

The interview of the King of SWEDEN with
the King of DENMARK will doubtless produce
some effects. The particulars are strictly private
for the present, the Danish President of the
Council being the only other person present.
After the interview of the Sovereigns the Presi-
dent bad a conference of an hour and a half with
the King of SWEDEN. This intelligence is or
great importance, and the conference with the
Minister seems, if possible, more significant thaM
even the interview with the King on the part of
the King of SWEDEN. It seems, too, that his
MAJESTY concurs with the Danish authorities in
the views they entertain in the present discussion,
and it is earnestly to be hoped that he will lend
them his aid and assistance in the difficult and
dangerous position in which they are placed.
When we recollect the force of the expressions that
were used by Lord PALMERSTON the other night
in the Housa of Commons, the state of affairs for
Denmark appears much more encouraging. The
noble lord could not have spoken in stronger terms
than those he employed on that occasion, and
doubtless the effect of his words has already been
very great. If the King of SWEDEN will render
his assistance, and employ his powers as a mediator
between the two parties, or at least testify his
intentions to be an ally, if circumstances should
make necessary any immediate succour, the result
cannot be otherwise than propitious. It is to be
hoped 'the Germanic Confederation will take heed
of these circumstances, and now withdraw their
absurd pretensions, and alter a line of conduct which
is based neither upon reaso❑ nor honour. If so, all
Europe will have cause to rejoice at the happy issue
of a long vexed question, and also at the removal of
an irritating subject of dispute that must eventu-
ally have drawn many other nations into the con-
flict and entailed the most serious consequences.

The Danes deserve great credit for the spirited way
in which, for so many years, they have maintained
their own rights, and not given way in the face of
obstacles most difficult to overcome, and in spite of
an opposition that many more powerful states
would have thought it hopeless to compete
with. It is an instance of the value of persever-
ance, and if they eventually gain their point, its
success will be mainly due to their own native in-
dependence and daring evinced throughout. Meet-
ings between crowned heads are the fashion just
now. We learn that the Emperor of AUSTRIA is

likely to pay a visit to the King of PRUSSIA at
Gastein, in the early part of August. It is possible
that this visit may be of service, for it is well
known that the Emperor's views regarding Poland
are of a very favourable character to the right
cause, and his immense influence may be of essen-
tial service in the object of satisfactory adjustment,
which is desired by all well-wishers. The King of
PRUSSIA has now been some time in retirement.
He will have had leisure to reflect upon the conse-
quences of the changes and innovations that his
Ministers have effected in the Constitution of the
State. Perhaps an important personage now com-
muning with him may inform him of the deleteri-
ous effects that his tyrannical course has had on
the country, in the opinion of lookers-on in
neighbouring countries. It is with Poland,
however, more than with Prussia, that the Em-
peror of AUSTRIA can be of essential service.
Affairs have been much worse in that country
since the Prussians so strenuously supported the
Russians, and if the King could be led to see the
importance of terminating such a deplorable state
of things speedily, it might be of great benefit to
the cause of peace. At present it would seem as if
King WILLIAM was urging on the Government of
St. Petersburg to use their utmost vigour in restor-
ing order, and then to maintain discipline with
strong measures, assuring them of his faithful ad-
herence rnd continued assistance. The French
papers assert that now Lords PALMERSTON and
RUSSELL have agreed to support energetically the
common action of the three Powers, and have for-
warded communications to that affect to Paris and
Vienna. If that is the emit is not likely that the
Austrian EMPEROR will now draw back, especially
when it is recollected how decided a stand was
taken by his Government a short time since, and
the reception of the Russian despatch. Altogether,
then, there is a chance of good resulting from this
meeting, and it is high time that some indirect in-
fluence be exerted, as it is evident that the prospect
of open assistance is very doubtful. It is dreadful
to contemplate this state of things going on much
longer in Poland, and unless some one takes an
especial interest in the welfare of this unhappy
land, and also possesses power to be of service as
mediator, no prospect of better days seems likely
to dawn.