The Sun.
London, England, 1837-12-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1837.

WESTMINSTER MEETING.

rests of that class He had consented to second the motion
for an extension of the Suffrage, beeause he thought that the
more often the subject was brought b. fore the public mind, and
contemplated as one much desired by a large body of their
fellow-citizens, and one %a hich was thought absolutely
necessary, even in high places, the more likely would the
great mass of Reformers be brought to agree upon one plan
which would please all.—(Cheers.) At present their minds
were not made up upon the subject ; therefore it was that he
had seconded a motion which was se vague and undefined.
He thought it Was a matter of great. importance that Re-
formers should not be divided, but that they should amicably
discuss the question, and attempt to settle it in the best spirit
that was possible. The most tolerant of all classes which he
had ever met with was amongst th working classes—Amongst
them he had seen a spirit of fairness and a spirit of tolerance
which he had never seen—which he had long in vain en-
deavoured to find in the House of Commons —( Cheers. )
With the working classes we have all possible sympathy and
every thing in common. It was by their exertions the Reform
Bill was worked out, although it has not answered the ex-
pectations that were entertained of it. Be cautions how you
give offence to the millions of the working classes—to these
by whom we are in the habit of being taught the greatest
lessons of morality, of strength of mind under difficulties, !and
of power to resist corruption, which I would wish to see still
further extended.—( Cheers.) I am anxious, Gentlemen,
to enlist the generous masses of the working classes with the
independent and intelligent citizens of your towns. I wish to
see them united in one bond of unity, and raised up for a
definitive purpose—for mind, we are not to In tricked or
cajoled again. I wish to see them combined for some defini-
tive purpose. We must understand one another--but until
then let us do all we can for our common country, fearlessly
and manfully, for I am convinced that when properly under-
stood, the large constituencies throughout the country deeply
sympathise with the working classes.--( Cheers.) Why
should they not? The working classes want nothing but
justice. Nothing peculiarly advantageous to . themselves.
Much has been said of the ignorant and mistaken views of the
working classes, but I would ask, have the present consti-
tuencies got right opinions? Are they not bought and sold
again? Are they not supporters of a bad Ministry and a bad
Government ? And still you dread the working men. Ig-
norant I I believe the working classes, on the average, the
best informed men, while they detain the least share in the be-
nefits of the State. I shall give you a case of exclusiveness—ln
Sheffield there is a Mechanics' Institute of 500 members, 240 of
whom are masters, and 260 working men of the highest capa-
bilities, the elite of their class. Of these 240. only 3 in 5 have
the franchise; and of the 260, only 1 in 26 have it.—(Cries of
question.) That is the question.—(Uproar.) The question
is, before we get faithful constituencies throughout the coun-
try, what extension of the franchise must take place ? A
great body of the most intelligent men in the country
are excluded under the present systern.—( Cheers.) But
before I sit down, allow me to say one word with respect
to the Gentlemen of the House of Commons. The repre-
sentatives of the people must be compelled to take up a posi-
tion, which shall not be misunderstood. We must have no
more of the temporizing proceedings of the last few sessions.
I was no party to the compact entered into at Lichfield-house
between the Whigs and Radicals. I said at the time,
and I say now, that the Radical party were wrong to
enter into any compromise with the Whigs, unless they
obtained a share in the Government.—( Hear, hear,
and cheers.) Your Members must not be allowed to
forget the great objects which you have in view, but must say,
" we are the Representatives of the people, and we are op-
posed to all Governments that are not favourable to our views."
The Hon. Gentleman concluded amid great cheering.
The Resolution was then put from the Chair and carried
with a few dissentient voices.
Mr. WARBURTON, M. P., then came forward, and was
greeted with loud cheers. He said that the question which
he had been asked to come forward and support was the
question of the Ballot.—(Cheers.) There was a time when
it would ;have been necessary to :explain in an assembly like
this what the Ballot meant, but now the three great
questions of the Extension of the Suffrage, Short Par-
liaments, and the Ballot were the A B C of the political
alphabet of almost every Englishman.—( Hear and cheers.)
Therefore, it was not necessary for him to bring forward la-
boured arguments in favour of the Ballot; he considered that
this opportunity was taken to bring forward public men to state
their opinions as to the declarations lately made by the Mem-
bers of the Administration.—( Cheers. ) Lord Melbourne in
the House of Lords had expressed approbation of the declara-
tions made in the House of Commons by his colleague, Lord
J. Russell.—( Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. W.) had made it
his object to ascertain the opinions not• merely of the public
generally, but of those Members of the House of Commons in
particular who had given their support to the Administration.
Why, in private there was no difference of opinion among them,
—(
Hear, hear, hear,)—they all declared that they
could not face their constituents if they continued to
support the Government after its late declaration.
( [fear, hear.) He (Mr. W.) had not been so strong in the
expression of his opinions as some gentlemen who had this
day addressed them. Ile must declare himself (they might
take offence at it or not as they pleased) a moderate Radical.
—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) In an address lately pub-
lished by Mr. Roebuck to the working classes, that gentle-
man particularly admonished them above all things to be to-
lerant of differences of opinion. He ( Mr. W.) would give
them the same advice, and not to regret the support of those
who were sincerely favourable to good government because
they did not go the same lengths as others.—( Hear, hear,
and cheers.) His maxim had always been to take what he
could get, in order that he might obtain power to get mere.—
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Lord John Russell had stated that
the three measures, the Ballot, Universal Suffrage, and
Triennial Parliaments were so closely connected together
that if one of them were granted, it would be made the
means of obtaining the other two, and therefore he refused
all of them.—(hear.) Whenever the question of the shor-
tening the duration of Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, or the
Vote by Ballot, carne before the House, he would always
support the one that might obtain the ; but if he was
asked which he would choose first, he would say the Ballot.—
( Cheers, and cries of " No, no.") Ile would do so because
he thought he was most likely to gain it first ; and when he
had gained that, the inevitable consequence would be to get
all the others. —( Cries of " All at once.") lie came for-
ward there being a moderate reformer, and having several of
the Members of the Administration friends, and differing in some
degree with many present, to express his opinion upon the
present occasion, when he thought the liberties of the people
were in danger. In his opinion, nothing but combination
among the people, and meetings like the present, would
enable them to achieve the victory they looked forward to.
Lord John Russell had the other night disclaimed the notion
of any coalition—he (Mr. W.) did not want any in form, but
when lie saw the sentiments between the great leaders of both
parties coinciding together, he could not hesitate in thinking
that there was a coalition, both in substance and in appear •
ante. What course ought to be taken to prevent such a
coalition he would not say ; but he would observe that a com-
bination of the people in former times had brought about the
desirable object of shortening the period within wilich their
liberties would be gained, and lie had no doubt at the present
time, if the people only had courage and prudence, they would
disarm their enemies, and bring about that period that was
so much to be desired—namely, their liberty from thraldom :
added to this he would say with street truth that the combina-
tion of the people would be the best polar star by which the
Members of the House of Commons would be guided in their
deliberations. The Hon. Member concluded by proposing
the next resolution.
Colonel THOMPSON then presented himself, and was re-
ceived with loud cheering. He should have the less to say
on the present occasion, because his conscience told him he had
for the last two years been endeavouring to press upon them the
necessity of procuring those reforms they had to-day met to sup-
port. He wished he hail possessed a rank and station that could
have given power and effect to those sentiments, which he could
not help very clearly framing, by the use of such operations,
foresight, and experience as he had been able, in the course
of his life, to procure. He was not one of those that had
been taken by surprise. lie had been telling them for two
years, in season and out of season, that they must tru-t to them-
selves, and they had now come to the great denotiement. Let
them look back at the conduct they had seen on the part of
the Arlinistly. They had heard of the Coercion Bill ; let them
look to the Dorchester labourers.—( Cheers.) Then came
the discussion of the Tithe Bill, and nothing would serve
them but they must throw the whole interest of that numerous
portion of the Established Clergy into the scale with the in-
jurious Corn Bill. —( Cheers.) What demon could possess the
Whigs to endeavour to insult the working classes of this country
by saying they must appear in a monkey dress before they
could see the Queen ?—( Cheers, and cries of " Shame.")
Why did those Ministers who were so desirous of peddling
about the Queen take the young Queen to certain Operas ?
Let them look in the Morning Chronicle of Friday last, and
see whether that unhappy young woman was not taken to what
he should have thought a direct insult to his daughter to be
taken to—the Opera Buffo. In rho Morning Chronicle of
Friday last, under the title of " 0; era Buffa," they would see
that II Campanello was performed, which meant " the street-
door bell ;" and he would ask whether that was not a gross
infringement on the public morals?—(Hear, hear, hear.)
How could they trust an act in concert with such men as the
present Ministry ? Had not the Parliament been chosen tin-
der false colours—under a feeling that the Whigs would bring
forward and carry some measure for the benefit of the people.
It was under such a feeling that he had refused to contest two
places against Whigs, in one of which he was told he might
be certain of success. His counsel to the people was to take
the first measure they could possibly get, and use it as a means
for getting more.--( Cheers.) He cordially seconded the
motion, which was put and carried unanimously amidst loud
cheers.
Mr. O'CONNELL then came forward, and was received with
the most loud and vehement cheering we ever remember to have
heard. When the applause had in some degree subsided,
Mr. O'Connell said Agitate—agitate—agitate !—( Tre-
mendous cheering ) I believe, if I possessed much common-
sense, I should commence and conclude my speech with these
three words, agitate—agitate—agitate.—( Renewed cheer-
ing.) Everything now depends on your agitation. The
Tories won't assist you, you all know—none of you ever ex-
pected it. The Whigs won't assist ) ou, although there were
many who expected it. Therefore I say to the people, agi-
tate-,--agitate—agitate.—( Cheers.) You understand the
playingstat it
state of the gas—(Crieo of ‘i We do") an d there ia no
successfully unless you play It for yourselves.
Somebody has told you a story from Joe Millar about laying
down in the mud—let me quote AEsop, quite as high an au-
thority. When the fellow got his cart-wheel into the
rutt, and set about praying to Jupiter to take it out,
he was told—You blockhead, put yopr shoulder to the
wheel And lash your horses,—,(Cries of usar, hear.")
This I say to you—don't be praying to Whigs or Tories, but
put your shoulders to the wheel yourselves, and lash your

( Mr. ROEBUCK'S Speech, continued from our First Edition of
Yesterday.)
I shall presume such to be the intention of this meeting ; and
as they wish to know my real opinions with respect to that
declaration, I shall speak them openly, and without reserve.,
The Government may protably be displeased wilt what I am
about to say ; but I hold it that he who speaks the truth is the
hest councillor.—( Cheers.) In what I am about to say, I
wish-to draw one distinction. I am about' to speak of the
Whigs, and I ask you to mark the distinction which I am
about to draw with respect to them. The \Vhigs are com-
posed of party man, and those who support them out
of doors. Those out of doors I consider as ardent, as
honest, and as zealous Reformers as lam myself. They may
differ with me vs to some points, but I do believe that they
e equally desirous with me of good government; but it is
Lot of them—it is of the place and profit-hunters—it is of the
Parliamentary Whigs, with Lord John Russell at their head,
that I aen about to seeak.—( A voice in the crowd, " I hope
you will give them a good drubbing.") It may be said—l
heve heard it said by the eloquent lips of a gentleman
near me, whom you will have an opportunity of hearing, in
the course of the day—that there ought not to be division
amongst Reformers ; so say I too, but then Government are
not Reformers. The Government are a small section of the
Aristocracy—they are a class of Aristocratic Republicans,
who are striving for place and for profit. The Aristocracy
cannot all fatten upon the pubic, and what do the weaker
classes do? They appeal to the masses, and by false and de-
lusive promises of Reform, they endeavour by the aid of the
people to sustain themselves in power.—( Hear.) This, I
say, is the character of the Whigs—they have been seeking
your aid and sueport to keep themselves in place. They are
Reformers by pretence, and are friends of the people only for
their own paltry and selfish purposes.—(Great cheering.)
It may be Asked of me why do you now change ? For five
long yea s you have waited long and patiently, and in my
mind too humbly, on the present Ministry. With false pro-
mises and glossing words you have been satisfied, and you
have had no redress of your grievances. Now, however, your
lime is come. It has been my fate to mix a good deal some
months since with Parliamentary men, and to hear it gravely
urged by the Ministers—" We cannot do all we wish to do—
there is a poser behind which curbs our good intentions. We
are enthralled—enchained. You are rather too rapid in
the cause of Reform, and do not come in contact with
those disagreeable persons who annoy us. There is a power
which restrains us, which is about to change hands,
and when that occurs you will see what we will do"—And we
base secn.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) While King William
the IN'th lived, the Whigs were in daily fear of being turned
out, and the only thine that kept them in power was
your powei ful aid.—(Loud cheers.) That King passed
away, and another Sovereign has come to the Throne.
This Sovereign, it is said, is a friend to the Whigs,
and Ministers immediately turn round and say, now is the time
to get rid of our troublesome friends. We have been retained
in power by these people against the machinations and influence
of a Court ; we can now make such arrangements, we can
make such admirable compromises, that we will be able to se-
cure a majority of what are called moderate men, technically
(for I love to speak technically)—moderate Whigs and mo-
derate Tories, and we can discard our troublesome friends.
If they had acted so on former occasions, they would have
been at once turned out ; but now they have a favourable
Court, and they have made a beginning.—( Hear, hear.) A
coalition has been formed.—(Cries of " Yes," and " No.")
If not, we shall see in ton,d whether the Whigs can hold
office or not. I say to y electors of Westminster, and to
every Reformer in the kingdom, tell your representatives not
to support the Whigs in Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Let
us also become politicians. The Whigs have played the
people.—(Tremendons cheering.) We have friends
game against us—they have moved their Queen—let us
minotvhee Housethe of Commons—let us test their value and see who
and how many they are ; a small number will be sufficient—
a dozen brave men who will be ready to say, now is come the
time—now is the, period arrived when we shall test you—you
are this night either a reforming Ministry, or to-morrow
you will be none at all.—( Loud and continued cheering.)
But I see a friend—if he will permit me to call him so—and
I would appeal to his great authority to aid the people of
England in this important struggle for their liberties.—( Loud
cheers.) That friend is the Hon. and Learned Member for
Dublin.—[Here Mr. O'Connell rose, and, taking off his hat,
said to Mr. Roebuck, " I am proud to call you friend. "]—
( Cheers.) I had no doubt of his kind feeling towards me, but
I deeply felt my own unimportance to call him friend. ( Cheers. )
I ask him and the party who support him to assist us in our
struggle—the answer is, " The Tories will come in if the
Whigs arc turned out, and Ireland will be surrendered to the
well-known tender mercies of the Orangemen." Now I will
meet my Honourable and Learned Friend upon this, which
I take to be the whole sum and substance of his ar-
gument—thus—you tell me that the Government of the
Whigs has been beneficial to Ireland. I ask what hoe been
their legislation? An accident may deprive Ireland to-morrow
of her friend, Lord Mulgrave—an accident may turn out the
\Vhigs to-morrow—and then what have they done for Ireland?
—( Cheers.) I will tell him what the people of England have
done for Ireland. —( Cheers mingled with slight hisses.) He is no
friend to Ireland who interrupts me.—( Loud cheers.) The
people of England, by the simple expression of their opinion,
by their known intelligence, good feeling, and benevolence,
have compelled every Minister since the Reform Bill passed,
to consider that Ireland must be governed by England,
ar.d if the Tories were to come in to-morrow, they would not
dare to repeat their former conduct.—(Cheers.) With Mr.
O'Connell in the House of Commons, and 60 Members at his
back, and able as he is to stir up the people of Ireland front
one end to the other, would the cautious Sir Robert Peel, cool,
calculating, prudent politician as lie is, presume so to out-
rage the feelings of the people of England.—(Cheers. )
Why, if the Tories were to come in to-morrow, we should
have a batter Municipal Corporation Reform Bill for Ireland.
My Hon. and Learned Friend knows that the Municipal Re-
form Bill for Ireland, on which and by which the Whigs pos •
sessed their power, was a mere mockery.—( Loud cheers.)
It was a party measure.— ( Cheers.) So was the Church
Bill.—( Cheers.) The appropriation of the revenues of the
Lish Church !! Why, good God, if we had not beenthe at their
backs with sharp words, they would have given up whole
of it.—( Cheers.) Who perpetrated the most atrocious
measure against Ireland ? Why, the Whigs.—(Cheers.)
Where did it come frees? Why, from the Office of Lord
Melboul ne—from the Home Office of Lord Melbourne.—
( Cheers. ) From that Office came the Coercion Bill—
( Tremendous cheering)—and yet, forsooth, we are to be told
that they had the cause of Ireland at heart.—( Cheers. ) Can
a man ch Inge his opinions in an hour ?—(Cheers. ). Now, let
met me tell you a little of the Whigs.—( Cheers.) The
\Vhigs came into office in 1330. They said—Now, we are
here, we must take care and keep so.—( Cheers and laughter.)
What did they do for that purpose? Why they thought of
tie Reform Bill, they said they knew it was too good to pass,
but still they would have the credit of it.—(Cheers.) Bat
the people, when the measure was introduced, said they
would have it, and they pressed them in such a manner as
to compel them to leave office. Talk of the generosity of the
Whigs carrying the Reform Bill—generceity, indeed—whY
it was carried in spite of th en.—( Loud cheering.) Why,
what did they do? Why, finding the people pressed
them so closely they permitted the Tories to pull it to pieces
and to mangle it.—( Cheers.) They allowed the Marquis of
Chandos to introduce the 501. clause, and other parties to in-
sert clauses, equally obnoxious, and this they called reform.
They were frightened at their own measure—they thought
they had infused a spirit of stubborn democracy into the
Commons, but I never saw a House more abject.—(Hest,
hear, and laughter.) The Whigs had the power of doing
what they liked in it—and what do you think they did like ?
Why, the Irish Coercion Bill.—( Hisses.) They next brought
in a Coercion Bill for Canada My friend says that the Whigs
would not bring in en Irish Coerc,.on Bill now, but I ask him
to point out to me the difference between the Irish Coercion
Bill and the Canadian Coercion Bill. Oh, yes. there is dif-
f Tence. One hail Lord Grey at its head, and the other Lord
Melbourne ; and there is this difference too—Canada has not
7,000,000.—( Cheers. ) I heard my Hon. ant! Learned Friend
say, " Aye, we are seven millions—(Cheering, and a cry of
" Question," which was put down by cheering which lasted
some minutes.) Question? Why, what is the question? The
Whigs are our theme, and I am but making my commentary
on that.—( Hear, hear, and a cry of " Give us Canada.")
Give you Canada !—( Hear.) Why, they are about to
lose it.—( Cheers.) lam going on with the history of the
Whigs.—( Hear, hear.) Well, when they came into office
with Lord Melbourne, they said they would be quite different
people in future. But we got nothing from them except the
English Municipal Reform Bill, and we would not have got
that if they could have helped it, but the could not have a
show of support but fur that measure.—(Chy eers. ) But what
did they do with the Irish Municipal Reform Bill ? Am Ito
be told that they could not have passed it if they liked ? Why
did they not put it into one Bill with the English measure? No,
but they wished to keep Ireland in the condition of a distant
colony in which they could play off their own intrigues.—
( Hear, hear.) We got the Municipal Bill, and that is all;
but we have got no reduction in the burdens of the people.
Lord John Russell, in bringing in the Reform Bill, said that
those three things which he now denounces—Universal
Suffrage—the Ballot—and Short Parliaments—were questions
open for discussion. These were his own words. But now
I hear Reformers saying that they regret Lord John Russell's
impolitic Hear, and a laugh.) The people
but Lord John Russell uncle-
declaration ; but I acknowledge, I am much
ohbaldigebdeento
teheime.o---rfding,
ceived them. The Whigs say that they wished to preserve
the predominance of the landed interest. They sty that the
Reform Bill has done that, and they are very well satisfied
with it. That is to say, the Whigs arc now avowed Conser-
vatives.—( Hear, hear.) I beg of you to consider with me,
what the character of these men—what is their conduct
with respect to the morality of the people? They call upon
the people to sacrifice their means of living to keep the Tories
out of office—they ask them to brave the landowners—to brave
the rich and the powerful—and to sacrifice the means of sup-
porting themselves and their families, but they refuse to
give them the protection of the Ballot.—(Hear, hear.) We
show them that the most demoralising corruption, bribery,
and perjure , are going on in every corner of the kingdom, and
that the national mind is deteriorated, but they refuse to give
U 9 the remedy. Now I ask you fist to ascertain what you
are to demand—what is the course you are yourselves to follow
and dictate to your representatives? My friend has proposed to
you universal suffrage. Now we come to debatable ground.
They had heard a letter read from a Noble Lord who was an
honour to that high station.—( Cheers.) He would read one
which had been written by the working men of the metro-
polis, in order to show why he seconded a motion for the mere
extension of the Suffrage. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman
read along letter from the Committee of the Workingmens'
Association, calling on the meeting to take care of the inte7