The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

12 calendar months from the date of this report.--
I have, &0.,
T. S. RAFFLES, Police Magistrate,
Liverpool, Oct. 17, 1863.
We concur in this report,
HENRY HARRIS, I
R. B. BAKER, Nautical Assessors.

The Confederate Campaign in Pennsylvania.

_
The New York journals publish the following
official despatch of Gen. Lee, describing his invasion
of Pennsylvania and its results :
To GENERAL COOPER, ADJUTANT AND INSPECTOR-
GENERAL, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA.
Headquarters, Army of Northern Virginia, July 31.
General,—l have the honour to submit the following out-
line of the recent operations of this army for the informa-
tion of the department :-
1 The position occupied by the enemy opposite Fredericks-
burg being one in which he could not be attacked to advan-
tage, it was determined to draw him from it. The execution
of this purpose embraced the relief of the Shenandoah Val-
ley from the troops that had occupied the lower part of it
during the winter and spring, and, if practicable, the trans-
fer of the scene of hostilities north of the Potomac.
It was thought that the corresponding movaments on the
part of the enemy to which those contemplated by us would
probably give rise might offer a fair opportunity to strike a
blow at the army therein, commanded by Gen, Hooker;
and that in any event that army would be compelled to
leave Virginia, and possibly to draw to its support troops
designed to operate against other parts of the country. In
this way it was supposed that the enemy's plan, of campaign
for the summer would be broken up, and part of the season
of active exertions be consumed in the formation of new
combinations and the preparations that they would require.
In addition to these advantages it was hoped that other
valuable results might be attained by military success.
Actuated by these and other important considerations
that may hereafter be presented, the movement began on
the 3d of Jane. M'Law's division of Longstreet's corps left
Fredericksburg for Culpepper Court-house, and Hood's
division, which was encamped on the Rapidest, marched to
the same place.

They were followed on the 4th and sth by Ewell's
corps, leaving that of A. P. Pill to occupy our lines at
Fredericksburg.

The march of these troops'having been discovered by the
enemy, on the afternoon of the 4th and the following day
he crossed a force, amounting to about one army corps, to
the south side of the Rappahannock on a pontoon bridge
laid down near the mouth of Deep Run. Gen. Hill disposed
his command to resist their advance; but as they seemed
intended for the purpose of observation rather than attack,
the movements in progress were not arrested.
The forces of Longstreet and Ewell reached Culpepper
Court-house by the Bth, at which point the cavalry, under
General Stuart, was also concentrated.

•
On the 9th a large force of Federal cavalry, strongly
supported by infantry, crossed the Rappahannock at Bever-
ly's and Kelley's Fords and attacked General Stuart, A
severe engagement ensued, continuing from early in the
morning until late in the afternoon, when the enemy Was
forced to recross the river with heavy loss, leaving 400 pri-
soners, three pieces of artillery, and several colours in our
hands,

General Jenkins, with his cavalry brigade, had been
ordered to advance towards Winchester to co-operate with
the infantry in the proposed expedition in the lower valley,
and at the same time General Imboden was directed, with
his command, to make a demonstration in the direction of
Romney, in order to recover the movement against Win-
chester, and prevent the enemy at that place from being
reinforced by the troops on the line of the Baltimore and
Ohio Railroad. Both of these officers were in position
when General Ewell left Culpepper Court-house on the
10th. Crossing the Shenandoah near Front Royal, he de-
tached Rod es's division to Berryville, with instructions,after
dislodging the force stationed there, to cut off communication
between Winchester and the Potomac. With the divisions
of Early and Johnstone, Gen. Ewell advanced directly upon
Winchester, driving the enemy into his works around the
town on the 13th. On the same day the troops at Berry-
ville fell back bef re General Bodes, retreating to Win-
chester. On the 14th General Early stormed the works at
the latter place, and the whole army of General Milroy was
captured or dispersed. Most of those who attempted to
escape were intercepted and made prisoners by General
Johnson. Their leader fled to Harper's Ferry with a small
party of fugitives.

General Rodes marched from Berryville to Martinsburg,
entering the latter place on the 14th, where he took 700
prisoners, five pieces of artillery, and a considerable quan-
tity of stores. These operations cleared the valley of the
enemy, those at Harper's Ferry
withdrawing to Maryland
Heights. More than 4,000 prisoners, 22 pieces of artillery,
270 waggons and ambulances, with 400 horses were cap
tared, besides a large amount of military stores. Our loss
was small. On the night that Ewell appeared at Winchester
the Federal troops in front of A. P. Hill at Fredericksburg
recrossed the Rappahannock, and the next day disappeared
behind the hills of Stafford.
The whole army of General Hooker withdrew from the
line of the Rappahannock, pursuing the roads near the
Potomac, and no favourable opportunity was offered for
attack. It seemed to be the purpose of General hooker to
take a position which would enable him to cover the ap-
proaches to Washington city. With a view to draw him
further from his base, and at the same time to cover the
march of A. P. Hill, who, in accordance with instructions,
left Fredericksburg for the valley as soon as the enemy
withdrew from his front, Longstreet moved from Culpepper
Court-house on the 15th, and, advancing along the east
side of the Blue Ridge, occupied Ashby's and Snicker's
Gaps. His force had been augmented while at Culpepper
by General Pickett with three brigades of his division.
The cavalry, under General Stuart, was thrown out in
front of Longstreet to watch the enemy, now reported to be
moving into London. On the 17th his cavalry encountered
two brigades of ours, under General Stuart, near Aldie, and
was driven back with loss. The next day the engagement
was renewed, the Federal cavalry being strongly supported
by infantry, and General Stuart was in turn compelled to
retire.

The enemy advanced as far as Upperville and then fell
back. In these engagements Gen. Stuart took about 400
prisoners and a considerable number of horses and arms.
In the meantime a part of Gen. Ewell's corps had entered
Maryland, and the rest were about to follow. Gen. Jenkins,
with his cavalry, who accompanied Gen. Ewell, penetrated
Pennsylvania as far as Uhambersburg. As these demon-
strations did not have the effect of causing the Federal army
to leave Virginia, and as it did not seem disposed to ad-
vance upon the position held by Longstreet, the latter was
withdrawn to the west side of the Shenandoah, Gen. Hill
having already reached the valley.
Gen. Stuart was left to guard the passes of the mountains
and observe the movements of the enemy, whom he was in-
structed to harass and impede as much as possible should
he attempt to cross the Potomac. In that event Gen. Stuart
was directed to move into Maryland, crossing the Potomac
east or west of the Blue Ridge, as in his judgment should
be best, and take position on the right of our column as it
advanced.

By the 24th the progress of Ewell rendered it necessary
that the rest of the army should be in supporting distance,
and Longstreet and Hill marched to the Potomac. The
former crossed atWilliamsport, and the latter at Shepherds-
town. The columns reunited at Hagerstown, and advanced
thence into Pennsylvania, encamping near Chambersburg
on the 27th.

No report had been received that the Federal army had
crossed the Potomac, and the absence of the cavalry ren-
dered it impossible to obtain accurate information. In
order, however, to retain it on the east side of the moun-
tains after it should enter Maryland, and thus leave open
our communication with the Potomac through Hagerstown
and Williamsport, General Ewell had been instructed to
send a division eastwards from Chambersburg to cross the
South Mountains. Early's division was detached for this
purpose, and proceeded as far east as York, while the re-
mainder of the corps proceeded to Carlisle.
General Imbodeu, in pursnanco of the i..ta actions pre-
viously referred to, had been actively engaged on the left of
General Ewell during the progress of the latter into Mary-
land, He had driven off the forces guarding the Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad, destroying all the important bridges on
that route from Cumberland to Martinsburg, and seriously
damaging the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal.
He subsequently took position at Hancock, and after the
arrival of Longstreet and Hill at Chambersburg was directed
to march by way of Maconnellsburg to that place.
Preparations were now made to ad vane upon Harrisburg,
but on the night of the 29th information was received from
a scout that the Federal army, having crossed the Potomac,
was advancing northwards, and that the head of the column
had reached the South Mountains. As our communications
with the Potomac were thus menaced, it was resolved to
prevent his further progress in that direction by colleen,.
trating our army on the east side of the mountains. Ac-
cordingly Longstreet and Hill were directed to proceed from
Chambersburg to Gettysburg, to which point General
Ewell was also instructed to march from Carlisle.
General Stuart continued to follow the movements of
the Federal army south of the Potomac after our own had
entered Maryland, and in his effurts to impede its progress
advanced as far eastward as Fairfax Court-house. Finding
himself unable to delay the enemy mates ially, he crossed the
river at Seneca, and marched through Westminster to Car-
lisle, where he arrived after Gen. Ewell had left for Gettys-
burg. By the route he pursued the Federal army was in-
terposed between his command and our main body, prevent-
ing any communication with him until his arrival at Carlisle.
Ile march towards Gettysburg was conducted more
_.Slowly than it would have been had the movements of the
Federal army been known
The leading division of ill met the enemy in advance of
Gettysburg on the morning of Jul
troops to within— a short y 1 . Driving back these
K distance of the town, he there en-
countered a larger for
became engaged. Ewell' with
which two of his divisions
by the Heidlersburg-roade"l
1
A.
j
in-
cluding about 5,000 prisoners
att
He retired to a high range of ;al
enemy'•
coming up with two of his divisions
joined in the engagement. The
enemy was driven through Gettysburg, with heavy loss,
n several pieces of artillery.
pressed
dsouth and east of the
town. The attack was not
s force being unknown, and it
being that afternoon, the
considered ad-

visable to await the arrival of the rest of our troops. Orders
were sent back to hasten their march, and in the meantime
every effort was made to ascertain the numbers and position
of the enemy, 3,nd find the most favourable point of attack.
It had not beet intended to fight a general battle at such a
distance from cur base, unless attacked by the enemy ; but,
finding ourselves unexpectedly confronted by the Federal
army, it became a matter of difficulty to withdraw through
the mountains with our large trains. At the same time the
country was =favourable for collecting supplies while in
presence of th 3 enemy's main body, as he was enabled
to restrain our :'oraging parties by occupying the passes of
the mountains with regular and local troops. A battle
thus became in a measure unavoidable. Encouraged by the
successful issue of the engagement the first day, and in
view of the valuable results that would ensue from the de-
feat of the army of Gen. Meade, it was thought advisable to
renew the atttacx.

The remainder of Ewell's and Hill's corps having arrived,
and two divisions of Longstreet's, our preparations were
made accordingly. During the afternoon intelligence was
received of the arrival of Gen. Stuart at Carlisle, and he
was ordered to march to Gettysburg, and take position on
the left. A full account of these engagements cannot be
given until the reports of the several commanding cfficers
shall have been received, and I shall onlyl,give a general
description. . _

The preparations for attack were not completed until the
afternoon of the 2d.

The enemy held a high and commanding ridge, along
which he massed a large amount of artillery. Gen. Ewell
occupied the lett of our line, Gen. Bill, the centre, and
Gen. Longstreet the right. In front of Gen. Longstreet the
enemy held a position, from which, if ho could be driven,
it was thought that our army could be used to advantage in
assailing the more elevated ground beyond, and thus enable
us to reach the crest of the ridge. That officer was directed
to endeavour to carry this position, while Gen. Ewell at-
tacked the high ground on the enemy's right, which had
already been partially fortified. Gen. Hill was instructed to
threaten the front of the Federal line, in order to prevent
reinforcements being sent to either wing, and to avail him-
self of any opportunity that might present itself to attack.
After a severe struggle Longstreet succeeded in getting
possession of and holding the desired ground. Ewell also
carried some of the strong positions which he assailed, and
the result was such as to lead to the belief that he would
ultimately be able to dislodge the enemy. The battle ceased
at dark.

These partial ouceesses aeteLnnuea ...c., 1.0 s..arn, 03q
assault next day. Pickett, with three of his brigades,
joined Longstreet the following morning, and our batteries
were moved forward to the position gained by him the day
before.

The general plan of attack was Unchanged, except that
one division and two brigades of Hill's corps were ordered
to support Longstreet.

The enemy in the meantime had strengthened hie line
with earthworks. The morning was occupied in necessary
preparations, and the battle recommenced in the afternoon
of the 3d, and raged with great violence until sunset. Our
troops succeeded in entering the advanced works of the
enemy and getting possession of some of his batteries, but
our artillery having nearly expended its ammunition, the
attacking columns became exposed to the heavy fire of the
numerous batteries near the summit of the ridge, and after
a most determined and gallant struggle were compelled to
relinquish their advantage and fall back to their original po-
sitions with severe loss.

The conduct of the troops was all that I could desire or
expect, and they deserved success so far as it can be de-
served by heroic valour and fortitude. More may have
been required of them than they were able t) perform, but
my admiration of their noble qualilies and confidence in
their ability to cope successfully with the enemy has suf-
fered no abatement from the issue of this protracted and
sanguinary conflict.

Owing to the strength of the enemy's position and the
reduction of our ammunition, a renewal of the engagement
could not be hazarded, and the difficulty of procuring sup-
plies rendered it impossible to continue longer where. we
were. Such of the wounded as were in condition to be re-
moved, and part of the arms collected on the field, were
ordered to Williamsfort. Tho army remained at Gettys-
burg during the 4th, and at night began to retire by the
road to Fairfield, carrying with it about 4,000 prisoners.
Nearly 2,000 had previously been paroled, but the enemy's
numerous wounded that had fallen into our hands after the
first and second days' engagements were left behind.
Little progress was made that night, owing to a severe
sterna, which greatly embarrassed our movements. The rear
of the column did not leave its position near Gettysburg
until after daylight on the sth.
The march was continued during the day without inter-
ruption by the enemy, except an unimportant demonstra-
tion upon our rear in the afternoon, when near Fairfield,
which was easily checked. Part of our train moved by the
road through Fairfield, and the rest by the way of Castle-
town, guarded by Gan. Imboden. In passing through the
mountains, in advance of the column, the great length of
the trains exposed them to attack by the enemy's cavalry,
which captured a number of waggons and ambulances ; but
they succeeded in reaching Williamsport without serious
loss.

They were attacked at that place on the 6th by the enemy's
cavalry, which was gallantly repulsed by Gen. Imhoden.
The attacking force was subsequently encountered and
driven off by Gen. Stuart, and pursued for several miles in
the direction of Boomsborough. The army, after an arduous
march, rendered more difLult by the rains, reached Hagers-
town on the afternoon of the 6th and morning of the ith of
July,

The Potomac was found to be so much swollen by the rains
that had fallen almost incessantly since our entrance into
IVlaryland as to be unfordable. Out communications with
the south side were thus interrupted, and it was difficult to
procure either ammunition or subsistence, the latter diffi-
culty being enhanced by the high waters impeding the work-
ing of the neighbouring mills. 'I he trains with the wounded
and prisoners were compelled to await at Williamsport the
subsiding of the river and the construction of boats, as the
pontoon bridge left at Falling Waters had been partially
destroyed. The enemy had not yet made its appearance,
but as he was in a condition to obtain large reinforcements,
and our situation, for the reasons above mentioned, was be-
coming daily more embarrassing, it was deemed advisable
to recross the river. Part of the pontoon bridge was re-
covered, and new boats built, so that by the 13th a good
bridge was thrown over the river at Falling Waters.
The enemy in force reached our front on the 12th. A posi-
tion had been previously selected to cover the Potomac from
Williamsport to Falling Waters, and an attack was awaited
during that and the succeeding day. This did not take
place, though the two armies were in close proximity, the
enemy being occupied in fortifying his own lines. Our pre-
parations being completed, and the river, though still deep,
being pronounced fordable, the army commenced to with-
draw to the south side on the night of the 13th.
Ewell's corps forded the river at Williamsport ; those of
Longstreet and Hill crossed upon the bridge. Owing to the
condition of the roads the troops did not reach the bridge
until after daylight on the 14• h, and the crossing was not
completed until 1 p.m. ; when the bridge was removed. The
enemy offered no serious interruption, and the movement
was attended with no loss of material, except a few disabled
waggons and two pieces of artillery, which the horses were
unabled to move through the deep mud. Before fresh
horses could be sent back for them the rear of the column
had passed.
During the slow and tedious march to the bridge, in the
midst of a violent storm of rain, some of the men lay down
by the way to rest. Officers sent back for them failed to
find them in the obscurity of the night, and tbese,with some
stragglers, fell into the hands of the enemy- _

Brigadier-Gen. Pettigrew was mortally wounded in an
attack made by a small body of cavalry, which was unfor-
tunately mistaken for our own and permitted to enter our
lines. He was brought to Bunker-hill, where he expired in
a few days afterwards. He was a brave and accomplished
officer and gentleman, and his loss will be deeply felt by the
country and the army.
The following day the army marched to Bunker-hill, in
the vicinity of which it encamped for several days. The
day after its arrival a large force of the enemy's cavalry
the Potomat, at Harper's Ferry, advanced
towards Martinsburg. It was attacked by Gen. Fitz Lee
near Kearneysville, and defeated with heavy loss, leaving
its dead and many of its wounded on the field.
Owing to the swollen condition of the Shenandoah river,
the plan of operations which had been contemplated when
we recrossed the Potomac could not be put in execution, and
before the waters had subsided the movements of the enemy
induced me to cross the Blue Ridge and take position south
of the Rappahannock, which was accordingly done.
As soon as the reports of the commanding officers shall
be received a more detailed account of these operations will
be given, and occasion will then be taken to speak more par-
ticularly of the conspicuous gallantry and good conduct of
both officers and men.

It is not yet in my power to give a correct statement of
our casualties, which were severe, including many brave
men, and an unusual proportion of distinguished and valuable
officers. Among them I regret to mention the following
general officera :—Major-Generals Hood, Pender, and
Trimble, severely, and Major-Gen. Heth, slightly wounded.
General render has since died, This lamented offices has
borne a distinguished part in every engagement of this army,
and was wounded on several occasions while leading his
command with conspicuous gallantry and ability. The con-
fidence and admiration inspired by his courage and capacity
as an officer was only equalled by the esteem and respect
entertained by all with whom ho was associated for the noble
qualities of his modest and unassuming character. Briga-
dier. Generals Barksdale and Garnett were killed, and
Brigadier-General Semmes mortally wounded while leading
their troops with the courage that always distinguished
them. These brave officers and patriotic gentlemen tell in
the faithful discharge of duty, leaving the army to mourn
their loss and emulate their noble examples.
Brigadier-Generals Kemper, Armistead, Soaks, G. T.
Anderson, Hampton, J. H. Jones, and Jenkins were also
wounded. Brigadier-General Archer was taken prisoner,
General Pettigrew, though wounded at Gettysburg, con-
tinued in command until he was mortally wounded near
Falling Waters.
The loss of the enemy is unknown; but from observa-
tion on the field, and his subsequent movements, it is sup .
posed that he suffered severely.
Respectfully submitted,
R. Et LEE, General." I

TIMES.—Mr. Ward Beecher starts with the
assumption that the English are as a nation pecu-
liarly ignorant of American affairs, or incapable of
that sympathy which is necessary to appreciate the
defence of a respectable cause. If we will only be
so good as to look at this war from a Federal point
of view, we shall see at once that the Federate are
in the right, and the Confederates in the wrong.
This is either a very amusing truism, or it means
that we are naturally more inclined to the Confede•
rate than the Federal side. As to the matter of
knowledge, there is no ccuntry on which we read
so much, talk so much, and feel so much curiosity,
as the United States. Ordinary Englishmen cer-
tainly know as much of them as they do about
Ireland, and much more than they do about France,
whose capital is only ten hours and a half from our
own. As to feelings, England has long been ready
to swallow her own pride when she had to deal with
the United States. She has accepted their natural
cravings in lieu of justification ; she has admitted in
their case alone that they might reasonably ask for
what was not their own, and has yielded to their
shuffling diplomacy when she saw that her cousin's
heart was too much set on the trifle at issue to be
quietly denied. We may not enter easily into the
precise point of view from which Russia or France
regards the rest of the world, but we have dealt
charitably with the most enormous pretensions on
the part of the United States. We are not
aware that we ourselves advance any claims of a
sort to elevate England above the brotherhood of
nations. The ocean rule of Britannia means nothing
more than that wide presence of our flag described
by Mr. Ward Beecher. The United States have
long been indulging in that gigantesque vein of pre-
tension which was displayed in the careers of some
ancient monarchs and conquerors, and is still found
in the titles of barbarous Kings. The Monroe-doc-
trine, the unqualified right of annexation, and the
continual allusion to the reign which is to spread
from pole to po'e, to shatter all existing institutions
and alter the existing notions of right and wrong,
are the stride, the swing, and the bellow of the
giant. It is'easier to admire very large things, and
very large people, than to love them. Russia,
of course, being the next largest, the next most
ambitious, and the next most unwieldy, can both
admire and love the United States, and an General
Tom Thumb found a mats as small as himself, the
Federate are now happy in a tall friend. But iu
spite of our own Lilliputian proportions, we have
done our best to enter into the American view of
their difficulties, both on this and on all former
occasions. We must only remind Mr. Ward Beecher
that when America boasts to take a peculiar view
of human affairs, and to have an incommunicable
estimate of its vocation, it cannot expect absolute
sympathy from any quarter. Transcendental pre-
tensions repel sympathy instead of inviting it. But
what is Mr. Ward Beecher's own view of the
question ? The revolted provinces, he says, in-
heriting great differences, and being in a diffi-
culty, came to a compromise between confedera-
tion and national unity, which they called the
United States. The name expresses a political
hybrid. It was thought a masterpiece of creative
wisdom, and all the earth was invited to admire
the new birth which had emanated from the
brains of a few successful soldiers and self-taught
statesmen. No doubt it was a very grand experi-
ment, but, as with all experiments, the proof was
in the results. If it worked well, there was
nothing to be said against it, snd mankind had
nothing to do but to wait and see how it acted.
The greatest difficulty is that which Mr. Ward
Beecher describes. Some of the States had an
institution which he pronounces contrary to
the fundamental laws of morality, and therefore,
we may presume, to the Divine will. Mr. Ward
Beecher thinks no words too strong for slavery ;
it is a " cancer" in the body politic; it is deadly to
those immediately concerned, and an intolerable
nuisance to all about; it is a hell-hound, and the
Devil himself ; you can't touch it without
danger of moral hydrophobia ; its presence is quite
sure eventually to bleak up any Constitution, to
divide its supporters 'or opponents into two irrecon-
cilable antagonists, and lead to its extinction with
a strong hand, But this hideous, intolerable, and
suicidal immorality was recognised and tolerated in
the Constitution of the United States, under the
idea, Mr. Ward Beecher explains, that it would re-
main a domestic institution, and would not come cut
of doors, like a shameless profligate, and obtrude
itself on the Government and politics of the Union
Slavery was to fester and die at home. The poison-
ous plant was to languish and rot in what we at
home call the " chill shade of opposition." Of course
there would be a constant succession of enlightened
Presidents and Cabinets at Washington, end of
course no new Territories or States would give the
upas tree new room to extend its roots and throw
out its pestilential branches. Unfortunately these
hopes have not been fulfilled. The good elements
of the Constitution have not extinguished the evil ;
on the contrary, this hideous congenital disease has
grown with the growth of the Union end strength-
ened with its strength. Nay, more, it has obtained
the mastery ; it has usurped the Government ; it
has monopolised office; it has corrupted the seat of
justice; it has spread an underground influence
through the length and breadth of the land ; it has
infected the new territory, and at last left religion
and morality no alternative but to close with the
evil, to amputate the diseased limb, and to exorcise
the foul fiend. But what does all this show, except
that the Constitution was itself an immorality, and
therefore inevitably and deservedly incapable of
lasting long ? Men are driven to form themselves
into "national" combinations for the very reason
that a people who wish to stand before the world
and take a part in its affairs must have full power
to enforce upon themselves their notions of right
and wrong, and of settling for themselves what they
shall think right and wrong. Society expects con-
sistency in a man, and the world expects consis-
tency in a nation. We do not allow any man, or
any combination of men, to play fast and loose with
any serious question. Whenever the attempt is
made to play two games at once, and grasp at the
advantages open to two opposite courses, there is
sure to come a crisis when it is necessary to decide
between them. The Constitution of the United
States has been lauded to the skies, because it
opened a way to unbounded wealth, a refuge
to all mankind, a path to universal empire,
and the opportunity of a high tone with the
Old-world Governments. Grant that these aims
were worth something, they were worth at least
moral self-command and national sacrifice ' • and they
required it. Such aims were not compatible with
the enforced, open, and constitutional toleration of
State laws and usages believed by half the Union
to be as immoral as Mr. Ward Beecher describes
them. Sound policy, whether domestic or in its
fo foreign aspects, cannot co-exist with more laxity.
The Constitution of the United States is, by Mr.
Ward Beecher's showing, an attempt to divorce the
government of the world from self-government, in
the face of the great maxim that be who would rule
others must first rule himself. But this gentleman
invokes England to assist in carrying out an ex-
periment not only commenced in defiance of her
authority, not only full of menaces to her peace, but
contrary to all those principles of perfect moral
and
political unity on which our own Constitution is
framed. We have renounced slavery, and we are
prepared to renounce everything, however profita-
ble, that is once condemned by the public opinion of
the country. That, and that alone, is the ground
on which we stand with the other nations
of the
earth. We do not blow hot and cold, dictating in
one breath, apologising in the next, towering up to
the clouds as a mighty unity one day, and grovell-
ing in the clay as a motley herd the next. In so-
ciety we scrutinise closely the qualifications of the
man whd gets on stilts and lords it over his neigh-
bours. Mr. Ward Beecher himself knows what we
should say to a man who first overtoped us by a
profitable partnership with vice, and, having firmly
planted himself over our head, implored our assist-
ance to rid him of the evil which, having made his
fortune, now ruined his reputation and spoilt his
repose. The man must do this for himself if he
really wishes to do so, and if he is ready to make
the due amends for his inconsistency. If the United
States caunot settle this question for themselves,
they can no longer claim a national character. The
world will understand and accept a Government
based on slavery; it will also understand and ac-
cept a Government taking a high moral tone, and
opening an asylum to the refugee and the unfortu-
nate. If either State can really govern itself upon
its own principles, and be the unity it seems, then
it will be taken for what it wishes to be. But Mr.
Ward
.Beecher may rest assured the world will leave
the United States to settle for themselves the ques-
tion whether they are indeed united, or whether
they are only States banded together to bully the
world, but agreeing to disagree on questions of
social morality. It is for the present their own
affair, and least of all nations ours, except in the
inconveniences which we must bear as well as we
can.

HERALD.—The address on Public Health deli-
vered by Professor Christison at the Social Science
meting
at Edinburgh, where it received the marked
inattnntion of atleast a thousand persons congregated
the Free Church Assembly Hal , calls for special
notice on account of the somewhat peculiar manner
in which it deals wail sanitary questions. Accept-
ing the Scottish register as his guide, PrOiOSSOT
Christison takes up the subject of zymotic orepi-
demic diseases, and states :that these alone account
for nearly one-fourth of the total mortality of Scot-
land. From these he again makes a selection, com-
prising all that are grouped in the register under
which ue states to include not
the term `° typhus,"
9/11Y actual typhue, but also. inflammatory, enteric,

and gastric fever, all of which are fevers of a con-
tinued character, as contradistinguished from those
of an intermittent type. 'These diseases, as they
appear on the Scottish register, account for nearly
one-fifth of what may be termed the zymotic mor-
tality, or rather less than 5 per cent. of the total
number of deaths from all causes. Reviewing these
continued fevers seriatim, we commence with fever
of the inflammatory type. We are told this is far
from being a deadly fever; but it causes great suf-
fering, and the debility arising from it is so lasting
that it makes a working man unfit for labour, from
first to last, during a period of two months. In
Edinburgh this fever is known only as an epidemic,
and, recording to the authority to whom we have
thus far alluded, occurs only at periods when work
is scarce, wages low, provisions dear, and the labour-
ing classes consequently in unusual distress. This
disease belongs to the labouring class alone, and is
emphatically the poor man's fever. It is infectious,
but not:virulently so, and its contagious properties
may be neutralised by the admission of fresh air.
" Penury pent up in airless dwellings" is stated to
be the condition under which this fever is propa-
gated. As to the most effectual means of extir-
pating this disease, Professor Christison says, "The
favourite panacea of the present day for the pre-
vention of all fevers—thorough drainage, is not the
remedy." A full cupboard and a wide room appear
to constitute the professor's favourite prescription
for this complaint. Next in order we come to that
well-known devastator—typhus ; including typhus
proper, nervous fever, low fever, and putrid fever.
This class of disease appears to be always at work,
but Professor Christison tells us that it assumes the
epidemic form only in times of distress. It spreads
by infection, but the infection is not intense, being
preventible by the adoption of the ventilating pro-
cess. So far it seems to observe much the same
conditions as inflammatory fever. But it differs in
the fact that it is not entirely absent during its non-
epidemic periods; it &so differs in another fact—
namely, that it not merely produces sickness, bat
also death, being generally fatal one case out of ten.
It has also the peculiarity of attacking the rich
pretty equally with the poor during its non-
epidemic periods, whereas its ravages while raging
as an epidemic principally affect the comparatively
destitute. As to the origin of typhus, Professor
Christison asserts that, as a general rule, it does not
originate in faulty drainage or foul air. This he
declares confidently, so far as Edinburgh is con-
cerned, and appeals to the result of certain inquiries
which he has made on this point, from which it ap-
pears that typhus began to decline in Edinburgh
before the commencement of the improved drainage,
and after it had been a perpetual pestilence in that
city fora third of a century. So greatly has typhus
diminished in the Edinburgh bills of mortality dur-
ing the last few years that there even seems some
probability of its total extirpation from that city.
As for the cause of so marked a sanitary im-
provement, Professor Christison says "it has
certainly not yet been found out." He gives us,
indeed, a hint on this head, and that not a very con-
solatory one. He says, "My own strong convic-
tion is, that the secret will be found to be connected
with the theory which has been much canvassed in
the present day—the successive changes of type
or constitution of epidemic diseases." So that
typhus may merely be giving place to some other
malady. Further statistics might test this theory,
but Professor Christison's address does not appear
to furnish data for the purpose. Finally, how-
ever, we touch solid ground, by being told that
professional experience agrees in one distinct con-
clusion—that typhus never can prevail in the
epidemic form in the face of employment for the
working classes and ventilation of their dwellings.
Thus we come to the same remedial measures as in
the case of inflammatory fever—a full cupboard and
a wide room. Gastric fever we need not dwell
upon. It appears to be the rich man's fever, and
results from over-excitement, physical or mental.
With enteric (bowel) fever, the case is very diffe-
rent. It is of the typhoid class, and is the most
deadly of all forms of continued fever. Modern ob-
servation recognises it in Germany in 1763, in
France in 1812, in London in 1827, and in Edin-
burgh about fifteen years ago. It appears to be
an increasing scourge everywhere, and for this
very reason Professor Christison considers it can-
not have its origin in defective sanitary arrange-
ments, seeing that sanitary measures are being
adopted to an increasing extent throughout the
kingdom, at least so far as drainage, ventilation,
and cleanliness are concerned. It also appears to
affect the best regulated localities as well as the
worst. But our professor admits this much—that
foul air favours the invasion" of this species of
fever, and that " we shall do well to encourage
better drains, more and better water-closets, and
better ventilation of dwellings."