The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-07 00:00:00

I o'l
i
wit °'
ought
%pito P

40.°
riiAte-
...l

ttlo,..°°
10'7a111

4,7
it A' 0
IvulA
/ :to

such he the sentiment of a single Ittember in itmrbut why
by our measures should we teach the people to wish it?—
(Hear, hear.)—When an extremity of the kind arises, we
must face it ; but is it the part of wisdom to promote and
invite that extremity? Shall we, to use the expression of
Burke, teach the people to make V.at which ought to be
their rare repast their daily bread? The Solicitor-Gene-
ral has talked much about discussing this subject with
temper and calmness; but let him reflect upon the cir-
tiumstances under which we might be called upon to de-
bate the question of a Regency, should an event contem-
plated unhappily occur. We have heard of the expence
of elections—of the length of the Session—of the la.e-
nese 7of our sittings—and of the refrorhing effects of
country sir. I hope no. unforeseen calamity may prevent
the enjoyment of it—God forbid there should be any ne-
cessity for relinquishing it ; and I am sure there is not a
subject in the country who will not heartily join in this
prayer; but if ' we reject the Address of. nay Hon. and
Learned Friend, and the contingency contemplated should
happen, in what a condition will the nation be placed?
If God should avert that calamity against which we re-
fuse to provide, all that we can say is, that Providence is
more beneficent than we are cautious. If we rise without
deliberating and deciding upon the subject of a Regency,
we leave it to mere chance whether, before we meet again,
the executive power of the State may not be in a state of
abeyance in the hands of an infant- The Solicitor-Gene-
ral tells us that the House has already voted an Address
—that it has determined not to throw any obstacle in the
way of
.its dismissal. I cannot see how that vote pre- I
judges the present motion ; and when I recollect through
how many stages every legislative measure must pass,
in order to give time for Parliament to debate and
consider, surely it cannot be expected that on a question
of this magnitude we should decide in a single day, espe-
cially when so large a minority pressed the fitness of an
adjournment. Is that insulated vote, in the face of such a
minority, to preclude the House from entering before it
rises into this great and momentous question? Because I
wish for an opportunity of reconsidering the question, I
am obliged to my Honourable and Learned Friend for hie
motion of to-night, which shall have my most honest and
hearty support. Some of the arguments of the Solicitor-
General seem to me entirely futile and groundless. He
said that in 1788 and 1810, a necessary suspension of the
Royal power took placethat Parliament provided for the
occasion, and that no harm was done ? All such mea-
Keret, do harm, and telly ? Because they are revolution.
ary.—(llear, hear.) Nothing can justify them but the
necessity of the case, and they were us unconstitutional as
the vote that James It. had abdicated the Throne. The
fact that Parliament was compelled so to interfere in 1788
and 1810 seems to me a strong argument against the post-
ponement of this great subject. All irregularities of this
description are dangerous in proportion to their frequency;
and if, in a little more than forty years, the two Houses of
Parliament shall be obliged to interfere three times to con-
fer the supreme executive power by a positive enactment,
in the present state of the public mind it is utterly im-
possible that the foundation on which hereditary Monarchy
rests should not be shaken.—(Hear.) Other arguments
of the Hon, and Learned Gentleman seem hardly to de-
' serve notice. He said that the attendance would be thin ;
j oat as if the House hail not itself the power to compel a
full attendance of its Members.—(llear, bear. )—Nex t he
talked of the great expence of elections; and, no doubt,
expensive elections are a great evil ; but this objection
comes with the worst possible grace from those who have
uniformly resisted any change of time representative system
which would make them less expensive.--(Muds
cheeiing.)—But, admitting it to the full extent, it affords
no reason why we should break up, and leave the most
important business undone, the Civil List unsettled, and
the Regency unprovided. At all events, the people ought
not to smart for it ; and, if expensive elections ere a small
evil, when the question of reform is argued, we ate nut to
permit those who then use it to tell us that it is a great
evil when time topic of a Regency is discussed. Either it
is great or it is small—if groat, we ought to have reform—
if small, it ought to be no bar to the discussion of the Re-
' geneyo—(llear, hear.)—We all know that when a Par-
liament has lasted fur seven years it must be dissolved : it
is usually dismissed at time end of six years, and it is per-
fectly well understood anti notorious that such an event is
about to occur, and I ask the Right Hon. Secretary, or
any other Minister of the Crown, whether he can give any
reason for now dissolving Parliament, which would not
have applied to the year 1826 ? Yet in 1826 no question
was pending or undecided approaching the consequences of
that which we are now about indetluitely to postpone.
Thinking it of the greatest importance to the happiness
and welfare of the people, as well ae to the dignity and
stability of the Throne, that the House should not sepa-
rate without making provision for an event which may
occur in the Royal Family before the next Session ; and
thinking also that a matter of such high concern should
not be postponed merely that an incapable Ministry may
get rid of an untuanageable Parliament, I shall most cor-
dially vote with my Hon. and Learned Friend.—(Much
cheering.)
Mr. IJANKES was understood to express his regret at
the late decision of the House, but to contend that it was
nevertheless inexpedient and improper now to re-open time
question. It had been truly said on a former occasion that by
the course adopted by Ministers, the House of Commons
had been in some sort converted into Counsellers to the
King. He doubted the policy of this course, because it
was converting the Members into Judges in their own
cause, and it might be said also to interfere with the exer-
cise of the Royal Prerogative. The present case stood
thus—the Ministers of the Crown had recommended u
certain course to the House of Commend, and they hay-
ing sanctioned, by their deliberate vote, that course, it
was uufit that by adopting a different one they should
assume to themselves (the House of Commons) a re-
sponsibility which naturally belonged to the Ministers of
I the Crown; which, in the present case, they bed taken
fully upon themselves; and should mischief eventually
arise from it, urem their beads would the responsibility rest.
Mr. C. W. WYNN denied that in this care there had
been any indecent haste. The question had been, he
would contend, argued without violence. The Address
proposed :stately went to say that it was the duty of his
Mtjesty's Ministers to advise the Crown to bring the
m question before Parliament, and they not having done so,
' there was no indecency in Parliament offering its advice
on the exercise of the Royal Prerogative. There could be
no doubt that the most expedient mode of bringing a
question of Regency before the House would be by a Mes-
sage from the Crown ; and it was his opinion that on the
present occasion those who were called to the Councils of the
Crown ought to have advised such a Message to be sent.--
There could be surely no indelicacy in suggesting to his
Majesty that the interests of the country demanded that
some provision should be, made for the possibility of his
demise. Nay he could even see no indelicacy in adverting
to time circumstance that between him and the late King
there was a difference as to age of only three years. What
was there in the circumstances whh which they were sur-
rounded to create any reluctance?---a course so wise and
necessary could excite no displeasure. Hail they, indeed,
to communicate en the subject with a Sovereign of weak
mind or of weak nerves, the case would be materially
Was not the advice proposed to be offered to time
[Mot-lurch in this instance the very advice that any Member
of that Home would offer to any of his friends possessed
of a large estate, end in danger of leaving behind him an
unprotected family ? He would ask time Hon and Learned
Gentleman (the Solicitor-General) if any of hie clients
asked for his advice in such a case, would he not unhesi-
tatingly tell that client that he should not let a day elapse
tvithout making such a provision for his family as would
put them in the best situation that the laws permitted in
the event of his death? Now, the people were time family
of the
King, and in the event of there being a demise of
the 'Crown within the time referred to, there could he no
question. that for a considerable time the people would he
bereft of all natural protection. It was altogether a inie-
I take to suppose that there was any inconsistency between
ithe course proposed at present and that adopted on former
occasions, In its Anwar to the Message from the
Throne, the House declared tlit it " would make
such temporary provision as might he necessary for time
public service, in the interval that might elapse between the
close of the present . Session and the meeting of another
Parliament, with as little delay as possible.' Be would
oak, had ;hey not made that provision? and having done
it, he would inquire what inconsistency was there in the
House of Commons intimating that there were other sulis
jeett which might without disadvantage be disgusted, and
ought, in one instance at least, be forthwith entered on,
and on no account whatever postponed ? Surely, be would
maintain that in such proceeding there would be no in-
tainsistency ;' but even if there were inconsistency in it,
they should not hesitate—they should hesitate at nothing
which stood in the way of thew duty to their constitutents,
m and the first duty they owed to their constituents was to
protect them against the evils of an imperfect or insult'-
' tient government. In order to show that a matter of so
much importance and urgency should not be entered upon
Distantly, it would be necessary to prove that the present
Parliament was incompetent to the task, and that they
should wait for those yet unknown and untried qualifica-
tions for which some Bon. Gentlemen appeared ,disposed
to give the new Parliament credit. He confessed himself
totally incapable of comprehending how that House could
three months hence be better qualified to legislate for the
following twelve months than the House at present was
to legislate for the next three months. The Hon. and

Learned Gentleman appeared to raise much greater diffi
culties in the question than really belonged to it; their
were no difficulties, as he conceived, that could arise out of
it for which Parliament was not fully competent to provide.
He, would suppose an extreme case—he would suppose the
succession cast upon an unborn heir, whether there was
or was not a probability of such an event was nut the
time to inquire ; be it, however, as it might, a false deli-
cacy ought not to restrain the representatives of the nation
from doing what their obligations to their constituents re-
quired. Suppose the event so frequently referred to were
to occur suddenly, the first step of course would be to
4utanon the Privy Council, and their first duty would be to
inquire what probabilities there were respecting the suc-
cessor then unborn. A considet able time must, in such
circumstances, necessarily elapse before anything like cer
tainty could be attained, and what was then to be dime?
He was perfectly aware of the power of Parliament, were
it sitting at the time; but in the event alluded to Parlia-
ment might not be sitting ; and though, upOn the demise
:of the Crown, it was required by law that Parliament
should assemble within a limited time; yet if not actudly
assembled at that critical juncture, much time must elapse
before the several Members of both Houses could he called
together from the various quarters to which they might
be scattered at that moment : they could not be collected
in less than a fortnight; and who in the mean time was in
a situation and possessed of sufficiect authority to provide
for the public service? It was of course well known, that
in 1789 and 1810 the Ministers of the existing King took
upon themselves tl,e functions of the Clown ; but let it
be remembered, that the political power of that King
was not diminished, though his personal capability to
exercise it might have been impended. At those
periods the King's authority remained unimpaired—
the King's Courts remained open—write issued as usual
—none of the confusion then occurred that might now be
apprehended from a demise of the Crown. Who, in such
an event, would be invested with sufficient authority to
maintain the public peace? An individual might assume
to himself sovereign authority, but would be be obeyed ?
Would.any man in the country feel bound to submit to a
Government that might, not improperly, be styled a
usurpation? They might be told, that in such an event
the two liouses.would snake provision ; that was a matter
not so • tsily done. The Right Hon. Secretary had
cheered when his Hem. and Learned Friend behind hint
stated the difficulties which stood in the way of forming a
Regency ; but he must ask permission to say that those
cheers were exceedingly misplaced—the existeoce of those
difficulties referred to afforded a most powerful argument
in favour of immediate consideration. No man attempted
to say that the difficulties were insuperable, Nor did he
believe any man would deny that in the course of the
six mouths further permitted them, they might not con-
tend with and overcome those difficulties. Would it not
be infinitely better, with a period of six months before
them, to enter upon the question at tame, than be corn•
pelled to dispose of it, with hazardous rapidity, under cir-
cumstances far less favourable, and far more urgent?
Would it not be better to make some permanent provision,
than be compelled to resort to the disadvantageous mea-
sures of a temporary appointment, made when the Throne
was actually vacant? It was the duty of Parliament
not to shrink from a fair examination of the diffi-
culties which stood in their way. It was perfectly
evident that the case now under consideration was by no
means so simple as that of 1789, or the Regency QuSstion
(4'lBlo. The Right Hon. Gentleman then adverted to the
debates upon the Regency in 1789, and to various prece-
dents connected with questions of Regency ; but owing to
his speaking from under the gallery, and to noise prevail.
ing at that time in different parts of the House, he was
but very imperfectly heard. lie was understood, amongst
other matters, to oloerve, with reference to the appoint-
ment of the late King (while Prince of Wales) to the
office of Regent, that there could at the time exist no dif-
ference of opinion respecting the individual upon whom
that high trust should devolve ' • and so far, then, the
question at that time was free from one of the greatest
difficulties by which the present case was embarrassed.
After adverting to the precedents furnished in the reigns
of Henry VIII. and of Philip and Mary, he proceeded to
I express a hope that the House would appreciate what fell
from his Hon. and Learned Friend relative to the claims
of one who might be the successor to a foreign Crown.
He then recurred to his former argument founded upon
the superior advantages with which the House would ap-
proach the discussion of so important a question, with six
months before them, rather than if called upon suddenly
to provide for an immediate and pressing emergency—one
for which the Constitution had nut provided, and one in
which no man could be said to possess legitimate authority.
Suppose any man should, in such an event, assume to
himself the authority of the Crown—even till Parliament
assembled—would not that be a condition of things much
to be lamented ? And while the possibility of such an
event existed, should it not be most scrupulously guarded
against ? There would he wisdom and prudence in pro-
viding for such an event, and the direct reverse of wisdom
in neglecting to make such a provision, ;and shutting their
eyes to the hazards atteudant upon such neglect. lie could
by no means admit the value of that whim, by which
Parliatnent was recommended to wait for „the course of
events, anti rely upon its own wisdom to meet the emer-
gency, be it ever so urgent or embarrassing. There being
no provision for such a ease as that under consideration
was said to be a defect in the Constitution, and so it obvi-
ously was ; but it, therefiwo, the more hehoved Parlia-
ment, when cases did arise, to legiilate providentially and
with forethought ; and the more especially strong was the
justification of interference, when nothing but the life of
one individual stood between the country and the possible
anarchy and confusion to which the absence of a head of
the Government necessarily led. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man then proceeded to notice the references which had
been made to the precedents furnished in the reigns of
Henry 111. and Richard 11., and to treat with disregard
the argument derived from the case of St Leas. An event
occurring in France in the year 1814 possessed none of the
authority which was necessary in forming a precedent for
the guidatmec of a British Parliament of the present dish
though, perhaps, a hint or suggestion might be taken from
it. It had been made a question how far a Monarch pos-
sessed the power of appointing a guardian to his successor :
it had been thought so in the *reign of James 1., with re-
ference to the minority of Prince Henry, and also with
respect to that of Charles I. ; but in all such it was the
duty, as it was the privilege of Parliament, to make ade-
quate provision. James 11. wished naturally enough to
make provision, In the event of his dying during the mi-
nority of his son, to guard against the danger to that son's
claim, which arose from the daughter of the reigning Mo-
narch being married to 4 foreigner, and commanding at the
time the influence of a strong party in this eouutry. he
object of that King could not lie attained without the aid of
Parliament; and so besotted was he in his dislike to meet.
Mg Parliament, that be was prepared to encounter any
I aml rather than have recourse to them. At no period
could be see any thing in the history of the country which
did not strongly press upon Parliament the necessity of giv-
ing the question their earliest and most serious attention.
Passing by the pet iod of the Revolution, the possibility of
issue fans a Queen Regent soon after it, he canto to the
reignsof Grorge I. and George 11., where, from both lowing
chi:dreu, thew was little apprehension of any bar to the
succession ; and therefore the necessity of making arrange- ,
ments respecting a Regency could scarcely be said to exist.
Ile then adverted to the Regency Provisions of 1765, ob-
serving that a Sovereign at the age of George 111. then
was, recomelentliog the appointment of a Regency, pee.
seined a case of much testi urgency than that which Par-
liament was at the present day calla upon to deal with.,
He begged of the House to eoneider how Much more fit-
ting it was that a complete Parliament, With the Throne
efficiently filled, should make the necessary provisions
than the two Mulles, without any Royal sanction, should
be called on suddenly and hastily to do that which ought
to be Well considered and deliberetely matured. No doubt
the ordinance of the two Houses would in such a case
have the force of law; but was it desirable to familiarise
the country with that dispensing with the Royal authority
which such a proceeding necessarily involved? Might it
not, at a future time, afford a most dangeroui precedent,
when the Sovereign either could not or would not give his
assent to measures agreed to by both Ileums ? tie felt
how ungracious a task it was to press those considerations
upon an audience whose interests might lead them oar-
neatly to desire an opportunity of hastening off to secure
their re-elections. Ile should regret to think that the
Howie of Commons would allow itself to be influenced by
such motives—their re-elections were of not so much im-
portance to the public as the Regency Question. The
public could get over the loss, if not one' of the OS
Members of that House was re-elected. He was not one
of those who were in the habit of clamouring against the
Houses of Parliament, but he felt perfectly satisfied that,
the whole of the into lit Members
if at " one fell swoop"
of that House were carried off, the country would not be at
a loss to discover those who would serve them with equal
fidelity, and possibly with not less talent and intelligeoce.
Colonel SIIITHORP considered this a mutter between
the Sovereign and his people, and that the Ministers of the
Crown were bound to advise his Majesty to originate
some measure on the subject; he, therefore, felt that
thanks were due to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman op-
posite, for bringing the question before the House ; for it
was the duty of Perliarnent to provide for all difficulties of
that nature.

An Hon. MXNII3P.R, wl►oae name we could not learn,

aid that it would be an ungracious proceeding to bring
the question of. a Regency so soon under discussion, and
thatit ought to be left for a new Parliament to decide.
_ _

Lord MORPETH presumed that the ground on which
the Ministers claimed the ahstinence of th House on this
question, was from the admirable manner in which they
had distinguished themselves by meddling with the Portu-
guese Regency.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.)—He, how-
ever, trusted that Hon. Members would bear in mind this
simple fact—that the point on which Government calcu-
lated was the certainty of human life, and the risk which
they ran was the possibility of civil discord.—(llear.)
Lord DARLINGTON could net help alluding to the
previous night on which this question had in a manner
been discussed. He did not know whether, as that bail
taken place five days ago, he had any right to call on the
lion, mind Learned Member for Knaresborough (Mr.
Brougham) for an explanation with respect to the attack
he had been pledged to snake on those Hon. and indepen-
lent Members who thought it right to give their votes in
support of the preaent Government, but he could not avoid
to the subject. An Hon. Friend of his (not a
Alembsr of that House) had spoken to him about it, and
had expressed his surprise at his (Lord Darlington's) hav-
ing kept his seat under such an Imputation without rising
to repel it.—(Order, order.)
The SPEAKER acquainted the Noble Lord that the
course which he was pursuing was irregular.
Lord DARLINGTON had no desire to infringe the
rules of the House, but lie had felt himself called on to
allude to the subject. With respect to the question before
the House, he thought that the subject had been exhausted
in the course of the previous debate, and he should, there-
core, content himself with voting against the motion.
Mr. FLEMING thought that this question ought not
to have been brought forward, as it only promoted the ex-
pression of party feeling.
Mr. HUSKISSON—The Hon. Gentleman who had
just sat down had asserted this question ayes brought for-
ward by party motives only. He did not know whether
the Hon. Gentleman hail been present when his Hen. end
Learned Friend (Mr. R. Grant) had addressed the House,
hut if he was, he should like to ask the Hon. Gentleman
on what part of that Address he relied to show that it was
founded on party feeling? The Hon. Gentleman hail him-
self admitted, that the question was one which deeply cons
caned the public tranquillity. Besides which, what was
the use of now deprecating this debate, for had they not
already discussed it on a previous evening? And did not
his Right Hon. Friend himself say that it was a question
which most necessarily be uppermost in the mind of every
man. He should be glad to know whether the Hun.
Member for Ilanstethire (Mr. Fleming) had read the words
of the Address ? Was there anything discourteous in that?
lie meant to contend that in entering upon this
,question,
Parliament was performing a paramount duty ; and he
liail heard no reason against the discussion of the question,
but that it was expedient that Parliament should be die.
solved as soon as possible. Those who were acquainted
with the course which had been taken with respect to the
public business during the present Session, must perceive
that the lamentable event which had lately taken place was
a sort of God-send to the Ministry.—(Heir, hear.)—He
admitted the rights of the Crown to dissolve Parliament
whenever it pleased, and that the Ministers in advising the
approaching dissolution bad done nothing snore than what
was usual for Ministers to do under such circumstances of
embarrassment. Of that advice, he said, he did not com-
plain in the abstract ; neither did be complain that Perth'.
ines.t was to be dissolved without having gone through the
Estimates; and with respect to the Civil List, there
certainly was no reason for believing that it could be better
entertained and di-posed of in a new Parliament, than in
one that was so near its close ; whenever that subject
should come on, however, this he was sure of, that the
great object of their desire ought to be to snake a fair bar,
gain on the one hamd and on the other. He could not,
however, help contrasting the conduct of the Ministers
during the present period with what had taken place ut
the close of the last Session. Early in June last year the
Government business was brought to a conclusion; but,
notwithstanding, the Parliament was kept sitting on what
was neither more nor less than a dispute betwen the coals
owners in the north and the city of London. He did not
mean to say that the consideration of that matter had not
been desirable; but when placed in comparison with the
present topic, for which it was pretended that it was im-
possible to spare time, it necessarily sunk into insignificance.
His Hon. and Learned Friend had well observed, that of
all men the present Ministry ought to he the last to over-
look the uncertainty of human life. Had they not still in
their recollection the sudden manner in which Lord Liver-
pool had been struck to the earth, and incapacitated frotn
the discharge'orhis important duties? Could they forget
that when Mr. Canning was Prime Minister, Parliament
was prorogued on the 28th of July, and in ten or twelve
days afterward the name of that great mart was numbered
with those of the illustrious dead ? It was necessary to ad-
vert to these circumstances, in taking is view of tke sub-
ject now under their consideration. The country might
have cause unfeignedly to lament the course which the
ftlinisters were .now taking, and he never would believe
that either of those two Prime Ministers to whom lie had
jolt alluded would have bud the rasinieee to advise the
Crown to dissolve the Parliament, without making a pro.
vision for the possibility of the calamity which had been
adverted to. What would be the situation of the country
iu that event, which they must consider as possible, and
which so to consider, he contended, was neither disrespect-
nil nor indecent? Disrespectful to a Prince of the House
of Brunswit k 1 Disrespectful to a Prince who had braved
death a thousand times on the deck of a man of war! It
Was no disrespect, and it could not be felt as such. His
Hon. and Learned Friend had observed, that in the case
of such an event the Privy Council must meet. But what
was the Privy Council to do if there was no Sovereign?
flow, in such a case, was the Privy Council to proceed?
This question had already been asked, but he affirmed that
it had never been answered. In fact, it did not admit of
an answer. What then would take piece ? Did any one
suppose, that while the Privy Council were discussing
those points that the circumstances of the ease would force
on their attention, there would be no discussion, and no ex-
citement in time country generally? Ile war quite at a lose
to know what they would do, Would they issue a Pro•
clamation, runt declaring who was the Sovereign, but di-
recting the authorities of the realm to obey A, U, and C,
or whoever might be named in the proclamation? ale was
aware that the Parliament, in such an event, most
meet ; but time caste which they were discuesing sup.
posed the dissolution of Parliament, and that its Mem-
bers were scattered throughout various parts of the
kingdom. The consequence of this would be, that,
perhaps, ten slays or more would elapse befisre they
could lie assembled together ; and, after all, per-
haps (if the new elections had taken place), two or three
hundred of those Members would have been repudiated
Ind declared unworthy by their constituents to be re-
elected. And this was the Parliament that was to have
imposed upon it the settlement of this most important
question. Another difficulty which they might have to
contend was that they might have ass heir apparent and an
heir presumptive, both being minors. It was true, they
had been told over and over again, the I the law knew no
minority la the Sovereign, but at all events the intellec-
tut' incapacity could not be denied. But his Right Hon.
Friend had said, on another occasion, that in this event
the minor would act through the medium of responsible
advisers. But he wanted to know who were to melees
those responsible advisers. He wanted to know how they
were to be appointed. That function belonged to the
Sovereign alone, and if there etas any act that lie did
without advice, that was the one. But in skis case an
such proceeding could occur. Were, then, the two
Houses of Parliament to be called on to select thsse re-
sponsible persons? And, if so, what was to be done,
should it happen that the two Houses could not agree al to
who were the proper persons to be nominated? But even
supposing that this difficulty was got over, time next point
to be remembered was, that these persons would only be
appointed for the purpose of choosing a Regent, and that
as that office was filled another entire change
might take place. With all these circumstances
pressing on his mind, lie could not think that it
was right voluntarily to wait till a danger such al
this overtook them, for it appeared to hint to be an
unwise and most impudent step to interrupt, for how-
ever Alert a period, the regular course of the Royal pre'
rooks°. The Royal authority of this country was that
part of its Constitution which directed the other portions
of its machinery, and which kept every tking in its proper
place and sphere. It had been well said that they would
have but an ill opinion of a person's understanding, who
having succeeded to a large estate, postponed for months
the consideration of Ilia affairs, the effect of which was to
be the placing of property. in Chancery, and exposing his
children to misery and beggary ; and he was sure that the
Solicitor. General, though he had told the Howse the they
might safely postpone the consideration of this question fist
months, would never advise a friend or a client so 10
arrange his effsirs. Whets the Chancery Bill was brought
before the House, his Right Hon. Friend had told them
that there was no sacrifice which he would not rather make
than involve himself in the proceeding of that Court.—
Since then he was not willing to Pursue such a course in
respect to his ownilfantlyt,ainiencr(nliret.i lalmitsukaissh °
greater
could
mts)tl stohrarny
o m that, t
whole
nation at large, lie reetnornendtal a
course which could not do other than perplex and confuse.
Those who expontel the country and the regal authority tel
lcillmditlinlot
y,

the consequences of an interruption of the functions of
Royalty, must be accountable for all the evils that might
entitle ; and though he was aware that the fair construc-
tion was that the min irity were bound by the majority, he
begged to proft4t, 1114 a Member of that House, from having
any portion of that responsibility, which in such an event
must arise; being thrown upon him. The Leitrim! Soli-
citor-General ha said, that they ought not to press the
consideration of this subject, because the Sovereign was
neve•sarily engaged at this period in his household arrange-
ments. But how could it be said that the Sovereign was
not, to consider that which concerned the whole of his
people, because, forsooth, there were domestic arrangemeats
also to be considered? He dared to say that the Hon.
Member for Hampshire might think that such ob'ervations
were respectful and decorous ; hut, for himself, be con-
tended that they had no right 'to introduce the personal
feelings of the Sovereign into the discussion. It was to the
Ministry and not to the King that they must look, and lie
therefore regretted that an attempt had been made to fix
lion. Gentlemen with disrespect towards the Sovereign,
for urging a question which they believed not only ti he
paramount and peremptory, but Which was one in which
all the great interests of the country were deeply involved.

. .
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—Iie could assure the
House that it was not his intention to address himself to
this subject as a lawyer; and he begged also to add, that.
any thing he might say would be altogether free from
any party feeling. He was bound to do his Hon. and
Learned Friend (Mr. R. Grant) the justice to say, th
he believed hint to be incapable of bringing this question
forward with a view to any party motive; and, indeed,
for any one so to do appeared to him to be so disreputable
that be was satisfied that no Member of that House could
be capable of such a course. Having said thus much, he
begged next to observe, that this struck him as being more
a question of expediency than of law. The question at
present before theta was not whether they should esta-
blish a Regency, or what sort of Regency they should
establish, but whether it should be the creature of that
Parliament or of the ensuing one. This opinion, how-
ever, had not been sufficiently acted upon, for many Hon
Gentlemen had entered at great detail into the question of
the Regency itself. He did not, however, feel that it was
necessary for hint to follow them In that course ; for even
adm:tting all that they had 'Wed to he true, that was not
the moment fur building any hypothesis upon it. The
first point, then, which they really had to consider was,
whether the House could agree to this motion without
being inconsistent towards the vote to which it bad come
last Wednesday? And he was prepared to contend that
diet vote bound them by implication to repudiate and
postpone the discussion of the subject. As to the ques•
dim of expediency, the argunient would assume this
shape—whether the probability of the event which bad
been alluded to was such as to render it impolitic to let
the present Session pass by without doing something
with it. If he could see, from any thing that bad been
stated or was known, that there was a strong pro-
bability of that event coining to pass, he ehoula be (Repotted
to agree with the motion of his lion, anti Learned Friend.
But he had heard no statement that led hint to come to
that conclusion ; and when he recollected the importance
that was attached to the question itself, together with the
number of delicate points that were involved in it, he could
not persuade himself that the consequence would not he the
prolongation of the inquiry beyond the period when the
present Parliament must necessarily die by law, Let them
look at what took place in the course of the reign of
George the Third. In November, 1788, the malady or
the Sovereign was communicated to Parliament, end the
propriety of a Regency carne under discussion. What was
the consequence? Alrhough it was admitted on all ion&
that the Prince of %lea had the right of Regent vested
in hint, yet the discussion lontinued till the 19th of
February, when the King's recovery rendered further pro-
ceedinge unnecessary; so that in this case four months
were expended, and it was admitted now by the very
persons who supported the present motion, that the cm in
this instance involved still more delicate questions. He,
therefore, thought it highly probable, that if they were to
begin on this question to-tnorrnw, they would find that its
discussion would be prolonged beyond the legal duration of
this Parliament. But there were other considerations
which in his mind were imperative. Ile looked upon it
that Parliament was to be considered in the same light as a
man. With respect to the latter, it had been observed, that
if be was aware of the period of hie decease, he would cease
to have that activity of mind which fitted him for the satire
of life, So it Was with Parliament; and when it knew
that, in the course of a few months, it would cease to
exist, he would defy any Parliament to look at such a
subject as this with that temper and calculation which
were so absolutely essential. For all these reasons, then,
he thought be was justified in coating to the conclusion,
that it would be much snore expedient to postpone this
question till the new Parliament should have assembled.
Ile also Itegged to observe, that no precedent could exist
for the discussion -which they were now invited to under-
take. Previous to the Act of Wil:ium TH., by which Par-
liament was empowered, ut the will of the Sovereign, to
extend its sitting six months into the new reign, it was of
course evident that no precedent could have occurred;
for, as the Parliament had had no power to sit, a dis-
cussion such as this could never have been agitated. At
the death of James I. there was ample reason, according
to the arguments of his Hon. and Learned Friend, to
discuss the question of a Regency ; but no such question
was discussed. In general, prior to the Act of King Wit-
Ham, whenever a question of Regency was discussed, it
was necessarily in a new Parliament. What, then, was
the object of the Act of King William 111. ? It was passed
with a view to objects spite different front any that stow
existed. It was passed immediately after the people had
recovered their new, or, he might say, their old Constitu-
tion, and it was passed with a view to secure that. It was
intended to guard against dissension, and even civil War,
which might then have ensued at the demise of the Crown.
King Janice wits then alive, and he might have issued writs
for a new Parliament. The Whig party, therefore, which
had effected the revolution in conjunction with the most
respectable people of the kinadom, thought it right to pro.
vide against such a contingency by prolonging the life of
the same body for some mouths after the King's death, so
that the exclusion might he permanent. This was the pur-
pose of that law. For a long time there wets a disputed
succession. During the reign of Queen Anne, George 1., and
George 11., there was another person existing who might
issue writs at the death of any one of these Sovereigns,. end
there was a risk of having rival Parliaments, a civil was,
clod a disputed succession to the Crown. It ma on this
account that the Act was passed to continue the Parliament
and the Officers under the Crown in possession of their
offices, unless the King decided otherwise, six months
after the demise of the Crown. lie would nut may that
it was not wise to provide for seine contingencies to meet
some clangers ; but it was certainly not wise to make laws
for every possible contingency. Parliament ought not, in
fact, to make laws fur extreme cases. It ought not to Make
laws for speculative caws. The principles of Parliament
were essentially practical, and it ought not to think of those
extreme and speculative and barely possible contingencies
which had been referred to,unlese it were made out that there
was n probability, or an approximation to a proltebility, that
the event which they elide/wended and deplored was likely
to happen before the meeting of the new Pediment.
He saw no clanger of that ; nothing to excite alarm. In
his opinion, therefore, a new Parliament was the nest pro.
per to enter on the oubjeet, and that only could fully
deliberate on such an important matter, in us to bring it
to that successful result which way deeieed by his lion.
Anil Learned Friend. One of the advantages of an
reditery Monarchy WAS the certainty of succession to the
Throne. It was uninterrupted, and there was no doubt
about it, With tt limited Monarchy again, the country
never could be destitute of responsible Ministers; and
having bath a certainty of succession and a certainty of
responsible Ministers, he really saw no danger from a
minority, when the minor was twelve years of age, which
made it nerseary for the Parliament immediately to settle
who should be Regent. There was nothing at present in
the circumstances of the country that made it even ad-
visable for Parliament to have it Regent wady prepared in
its pocket to be brought forth in a ease of necessity. in
ninny easel the Queen Consort had been in at situation
similar to the present Queen, without Parliament having
thought it necessary to provide it Regency. This was the
case after the accession of George HI. and during the first
pregnancy of Queen Charlotte, and the same arguments
might have been then as were now urged, it might have
been stated, that it was essential to appoint a Regency to
provide for the poseib'e cue of the succession of a minor
not then born. But if this were right, why nut go fur-
ther? He would suppose an extreme case of a Doivager
Queen being pregnant; and it being probable that she
.might have twins, why not bring in a Hill to determine
widish of the °Mitring should reign ? But if such a case
as that did not require to be provided against, neither slid
the present case with that extreme haste it wag now pro.
Potied to provide for it,. Considering that there was, no
probability of that event occurring, which all alike would
equally deprecate end deplore, he thought it was neither
consistent witlt &coney, nor with respect to his Mtlitioty's
most gracious Message, considering that a new Parliament
would he far better to discuses this subject titan an old one ;
that it would then be clone more safely, and with great*r a
vantages ; that no danger could arise front leaving. it un-
settled fur a few months; he sax tut reason whatever for
agreeing his Hon. and Learned Friend's motion..--01"0
Lord ALtholip sow nothing, is voting for the mu-

tion, either of inconsistency in regard 'to the latiresollitioli
,f the Iletuw„ or of indecency in regard to-the Crown,
which ott4lit to Make him vote rigainse his Hon.
Learned Friend. The motion was opposed on two grounds
it hail already pledged itself ta A different immrse,
and that the present inetion would lie an indecency to
virile the Crown, There Was -no Man in that house who
felt gre:eerdelicacy in toitehing such questions, or more re-
lieet for the King ; and if he thought that voting fur the
motion :Was disrespectful to the King, be would not sup-
port it. But when a great and serious evil was likely to
arise—When difficulties and danger were threa'ening—n
would not be disrespect to the KINK to engage in a discus.
lion that involved the best interests of the country. It was
a question in Which the best interests of the whole people
were deeply concerned. Hie -Hon. and Learned - Friend
said, if there was a probability of the event occurring be'
should be ready to enter into •a discussion of tl:e question ;
but if there were no probability, there sv:is, at least a pas
sibility; anti:E.:Try man must feel that against that wend-
hility it was imprudent not to provide. - The case hail
been compared to a roan neglecting to make his will ; but n
was worse than neglecting was precluding IMMO(
from the power of doing so for a considetab'e time. It was
like a into having to stiffer a recovery in order to enter into
the possession of an estate, and his Hem and League ii
Friend's arguments were like advising him not to-do thaf
now, but to wait till the end of the lon,* vacation. But
his Hon. and Learned Mimi would advise no client to
'act in that manner; and was then the business of the
country to be conducted on a principle that would be se-
verAy condemned in the management of A private estate?
Was there any disrespect -In that House reminding. his
Majesty that his life, like that of all other men,' must be
'meat tin in its duration, and against the con Sequences of
that uncertainty it was desirable to provide? His Hon.
and Learned Friend hail referred to the time during which
the Regency Bill was agitated in 1789 ; but that fact, if
it had any fade as an argument on either side, told against
his lion. and Learned Friend. What was the cause of
the delay? Was it not became no provision had Nett
made for such a contingency before the Throne was tie-
tuully vacant, and the strongest party feelings were roused
in Ow contention ? The question then became one of
great difficulty, it required much and serious deliberation.
80, he adMitted, would the present question ; but to say
that it eorild not be settled in four or six months appeared
to him a great exaggeration. fie did net mean to follow
his lion. and Learned Friend who had introduced his
motion through-all the details of the quest:on ;he did not
mean to enter into a consideration of all the contingencies
which might arise in case of an event which he, in com-
mon with all hie HMI. and Learned Friends, should de-
plore ; he admitted the difficulties of the discussion, but
seeing in it nothing like disrespect to his Moiety, lie should
give his support to the motion of hie Hon. and Learned
Friend.

Sir 11. PEEL could not help thinking that the apathy
which had appeared during the dehate.(!scar, hear)--
was an evidence that this was not desirable period to
enter on a protracted &seaside:l respecting a Regeney,which
would he so far edvanced at the end of August, that the
Bill might be got to the second reading, when neither the
attention of the House, nor the number of members in at-
tendance, would 1w such es the importance of the subject
required. lie (Sir It. Peel) entered bete the reelings of
those who were in the minority the other night, who felt
themselves concluded by the vote of the Ileum, thanking
' his Majesty for being unwilling to recommend to them, at
this advanced period of the Session, and the state of public
business, any new matter, and assuring his Majesty that
, the House would apply, without delay, to make temporary
, provision for the oonduct of the public service during the
interval between the close of the present Session and the
electing of a new Parliament. Surely if it be right to offer
another Address, it was right to notice the answer of the
Crown to the Address. The Address now proposed it was
hardly civil to present. It was twill/ respectful to the
Crown, after the King heel comtnunicated to the :louse of
, Commons that he had no intention to recommend to it the
consideration ofa Regency, or any other matter which would
have the effect of delaying the proceedings of Parliament,
P if it voted au Address to compel the Crown to &live'
a message which it declared it hail no intention to de
liver. It would be not a very auspicious commence mem
, of a new reign for the Home to oblige the King to do what
he bad declared he had no intention of doing. The pro-
possl of his Majesty's Government, to permit a sufficient
time to elapse for maturely considering the proposal of the
Crown, was reasonable and proper. He (Sir It. Peel)
could conceive nothing more difficult than to determine
what were the contingencies likely to happen on the de.
mice of the Crown, so that they might be properly pro-
vided for beforehand. There were very many contingen-
, des which might occur, and which it might he extreggly
difficult to provide fur; and after exerting the utnOln •
genuity in devising remedies, they might produce tetl ilme.
sand times snare danger than if the contingencies took
place without their.,—(Hear.) Some specific calamities
to which the Crown were subject, as well es private inslie
visited*, had been adverted to s and his Honourable Friend
had instanced the calamity which had befallen Lord Liver-
pool, who was in the full poisemion of his 'width and
strength, and, in one short week, was struck to the ground,
and deprived of his mental faculties. But it waa pro-
posed to make provision for every possible contingency
which the exercise of the regal functions might be sus-
()ended? if not, what had the case of Lord Liverpool to
do with the question ? The House would recollect what
had passed in the reign of George 111. In l'7BB, when a
calamity had visited the Sovereign, proceedings were taken
to provide a Regency. But did Parliament think it de-
sirable to provide against a recurrence of that event ?
No; for, in 1810, it slid recur, and did not Parliament
find itself without any provision fur that contingency ?
And why—because it would rather permit its recur
renee, than be guilty of the indecency and indeli-
cacy of Reclining upoa the possible future derange-
ment of the King. The Honeureble Member (Mr. Grant)
had stated eight or ten suppositions, and thew only by way
of simple. If the contingencies were so numerous,
and the'difficulties so great, was it decent, before the fu•
newel of one King, to force hie successor to deliver a uses.
sage, requiring the House to consider all the contiogen-
cies ? It the question was so complicated, let it be left to
the Crown and its advisers to devote a 'mini:lent time for
its eonsideration. There were two contingencies which
had been mainly dwelt on. The first was' not question
immediately connected with that ofa Regency, because it 1
,night occur when an heir preemptive was not a minor ;1
-..namely, whets on the demise of the Crosvn there was
en heir presumptive, and also a Queen Consort who
might be pregnant. The question in this case was, who
it was desirable to make any revisits:l, and, if so,
what provision ? When he referred to this case on a for-
mer night, he had mentioned its having already occurred,
Ind the possibility of its recurrence, and he then stated
that the absence of a remedy was a strong proof of ths
conviction of the Legislature of the difficulty of providing
a satisfactory remedy, alal of the necessity of mature con-
sideration before any remedy Iva* suggested. The Ilan
Member for Moritgonmy (Mr. C. W. Wynn) hail said
that this case, that of the existence of an heir presumptive
contemporary with a Queen consort pregnant, was more
important and requited a remedy. His (Sir R. Petro,
answer was, that that was a ease of which there had been
exainplee in our history, and that they had not been pro-
vided against ; and tit. rehire, before the sehjeet was sub-
mitted to Parliament, the Crown sheen have at least sire
weeks for considering it, He came back to mere recess
times; and taking the reigns of our Monarchs from
James L, reign by reign, the -resale was, that in Arnow
every ease the same circumstance existed as at present...—
In the reign of James I. the moo arose, or at least it was
equally necessary liar Parliament to provide a stimilsr re-
medy. There was a King in poesemion of the Crown, an hei,
apparent who was a miner, and no provision WWI Wale fora
Regency. In the reign of Chalet 1., at least fur some period
of his reispi, the Parliament might have felt a deep interest
in regolatiog the succession to the Throne, nor were the eon.
tests between that Prince and his Parliament a reason
why they 'should not feel such an interest. in 60 reign u
Cherie. 11. the Xing was married, bet had no legitimate
issue. There was then MI heir presumptive (James IL)
end a Queen consort. Charles 11. died, but the Queen
consort might have been pregnant. The heir pr!nninlinly
was of full age, end lie (Sir R. begged to my Ono
the danger of a struggle wits far greater when the heir, as
in that case, was aceustomed to military esrvice. Its the
reign of James IL this was tlos state of things. Jams,
by his first wife, had two daughters, who were the heir.
presumptive. Thus, in every reign hitherto, is case might
he found parallel to the prompt, In Slams feign of An"
there was swathing, if not parallel, sit lost onalogottin
During the lifetime of, Oeurge Primus of Perim ttk,' Par
liement made a provision as to the euceemor M the throne,
who then resided abroad,—t he Prieciese SOphi4ur.GOorge
I.
but it made no provisiou far, the polaiblo case of the nriT
thaency
t
jiaiangtiterlyigti
itafe
(i
vslt,
ir r
orra d, saes yet nn 41., in which fur three .1.4
!feel) clad neat rltvl►tatr of I,;l44tarhttitivi4l;titri4ottoroltnlieatt
inielegnaic iii
Su
, remedy if eentiogency shook! occur ; nor was Par.
Emma so depentleet Un reeve forms that it caul,' not
mike s peceedent. In Oat case of the abdieution of
jolor 11e I,ailiament 11,1,1 found a remedy, end in the
nwer.4l itokites4Lm of George ltf. God forbitl that he
ehould exelede all consideration of a'l provisions ; btu
they should be Adopted after due consideration, awl 1,,
could net admit Oat the.risk was so great as in former

instances. In all lottatulga prior to the Reformatitmogt
loom was eveiapPointi d till after thelitotilitof tiiiCreagn. ,
Ilia llot. Friend observed. that it was not wise in Hiroo
refer to such preeetiente.' Perhaps SO 1, but he wottlibie.
mark, that Lord. Coke, in writing of this °aloe of Regeot,
said that it was unknown to the common law. Ile Ind . •
referred to the Regency appointed by Ileory VIII., tool
slid that it MIS for the King to tippling a guardialW ot
Regent, with the alvieo of the grew Council cf the king.
Mont. If preeedenta upon this subject were ,dwass t tear,
then nothing could be more easy than the Ointment ti ,
,his question ; but it wait aingular that there was no (lilt s
orectident which hail ever been followed in the appoint
I.:lle.fireilit•eonittn. a Regency,modern
r4r:o a `There
neidl. etvi hart been
i(ti'lweitilentelorf nose t I tiFit‘p thlttat• ial'on evil;
the queation, and how each case was acoommoilsteil 'Ali
.iretmstanc. a of the times, so that one was in oppositio
to the succeeding ease. In the reieu of Henry VIII.' at.
Act of Parliament was passed Authorizing the King It
nnminate the Regent, and a more eomplieated rept itioa f
mull not Well be conceived titan tl.uet contained in the Au' ,
of Henry VIII. The Regency in the reign of Anne we
a Commindon composed of seven great (diem of tbr „.
Crown. In the reign of George 11, one Regent aesr '
3 p,lointed, who was the Princess Attgotta Dowa :yr o
Wales, In the reign of Ge wge 111. there was ' to- g
tally different precedent, Pelliatuent dill not nomin to. th i
Regency, but left the nomination to the King, limiting I.i :-.
choice, to a certain number of persons named in tla‘ A.
All the instances, therefore, varied, according to the air ,
comatancee of the ease and of the times. There i emit
then, two difficulties to provide for,—one the minority of Ili,
heir presumptive to the Crown, the other the possible pre,: -
nanny of the Queen consort,—..and en case being in exist, ,
awe which would serve as a precedent, it was oat untie;
t t force the Crown to devise a remedy before his Msl. aty's
miniaters could apply their consideration to so grave I.
question.—(Hear, hear.).—it was but decent to gire thc
Crown an opportunity of maturely deliberatiug upan tit.
subject,_...( Hear, hear.)—..As five different cares hail or, A
starred, in each of which the provision had ceded, tinto
,i
very fact was a proof that this was a question enthral! ii '
with difficulties, anti requiring mature deliberetion liefori $
a decision could he formed. It was a question our Whit+
it Was dangerous to pronounce hasty opinions,—prowo- ._
rens eonsilia, as Loral Coke celled them, The Clown
should have ampls time and opportunity for cosseideratitio,
There was not such great risk of evil occurring to rennet
it zircon try to make hasty provisioni; at tire mule time
it was unwise to presume that no contingency would oc-
cur. lint if it did, there was no reason to applehend the
calamities which had been referred to. Tire good sense
and the reauinn of the country would, he was convinced,
support the decision of the House of Cumulous. It be, '
been asked, to whom the House of Outunonis should swear
the oath of allegiance in that event? Ile (Sir It, Peel)
would ask where wits the Act of Parliament which might:ll
tint oath at the meeting of that asseuthly ? It had beer;
said by nee lion. Alember that Parliament mould not tak
the oaths until after the proclamation of the new Kim!. ~.
That was, however, a mistake. It certainly was the prath
title of the House of Commons to take the oaths. o
sallow. 1::
1 • i
quent to the proclamation ; but suppose that toe a tor. i;;
Council proclaimed a sovereign who ought not tat be pro "',
claimed, it would then become the duty of the Maroc to ..,
sustain front tailing the oath of allegiance to the person ti
preelaimed. The House of Lords, Ire believed, 'rot:role. ~
to take the oath of allegiance to the Crown previous to tle ,‘"
pmelamation of the King by the Privy Conned, and di
Fowl of Eldon, a high authority in such a case, wae tit, t
tit* to do so on the late occaston.—(bear.)—TheictM•:
the difficulty could not occur which bad been:stated, of tl.c
necessity of taking the oath of allegiance to some perato, ii
beim( uncertain who that peraon mieht be. Ott the demist r
of King William, and the accession of Queen Arleta Par I',
liarnent, for some reason, proceeded to act without takito
the whit at all. Therefore Nome of the ineonsiatencitia wilt+
had lie:n painted out would not arise, and many of the ild
ficulties which had been started would not occur. At its ,:•
sense time he was not contending against the provision elk',, l
Regency; yet he would not attempt, tiontidering the vari4 t
non of* fin 1111:11r., to foresee every, contingeney, tie t P
.levise ti" mull beforehand for what must necessarily eiooi, 'J
.. , , ,
i 1
eitt%. dicta raw of time. If immediate dangers pr: sett I,
i
Vl'lyould. Stiee the House to provide a remedy; but 14, 1:
IviiAteli Ilia mare danger would arise front an inconsiderao i.
provision ter 4 Regency, anti he would therefore rather iiieti, r
the rids of delay. Ott these grounds he should etas, in typo l
sition to the proposal of the Hon. and Learned Akimbo t,
lie did hope that the Houle, before coining to a ifivisi4r,
for the purpose of finally disposing of this question, woul r
well clothier whether, alter the course which Ow itous, •
hadaireatly taken—after an Achim,* ltai been preaeotill to
the Crown, if not by a preponderating, at !soot by a con
;Wettable majority—eerier the amendmente on that Addres., I'
whitit were precisely in conformity with the Athicm 0 t
tonight, had been negatived—after the House had i'.o 1
the Crown to believe that it was prepared to act in ciot f
forntity whit his Majesty's reatottncolatione—After log,
big received tint very city the grateful acknowledgmete •
of the Crawl' for the assurances given—lid hoped the
Home %tmtit well conrider, he repeated, whether, atter
taking that course, it would be competible with its owe ~
dignity, and whether, in the words of the Address, it wou'ii
" tend to make the sommencement of hie Majeary'e reig,,
attepiciout," if the House were now to approach tie
Crown, informing the Crown that it bad repented of it.
dstermiuutiono, and that seared by the approach of itotlia-
solution, it begged for a more distant day in order to eau.
sitter the question of the Regency..--(Cheers ) t.
Mr. BROUGHAM said that if by the vote Ito was i„
shout to give he could believe it male that hit motive
mild be so far misconstrued as to be deemed disenneteen, I.
old indecent, and making the conunencement of the new •i,,i
reign inatopieltito, he should hesitate and pause, and long ti
conflict with himself, before he supported the proposition
of his Hon. and Learned Friend. But it was because 0
he eoneeived that there never could be discouttasy etteri, f,
milted by that House in the tankful ditteltargij aq
..,
its duty to the people, whom they represented, anti to l?
the Crown, whose subject* they were ; anti it wee be- 1.
cause he should take leave tmnight to draw a broad dihims. .'
Hon—which line, with God's blessing, but without dis il
courteay or ditreepect to the Prince, it was Iris poi pwe to i,
pins W, should he he it Membet• of the new Proficient--
between the inauspiciour commencement of the Sovereign'a .ii
reign and events which might he less Auspicious to. his 11
Aliniaters ; and beeatou he could will imegino that list 1,
comae which the House, in the faithful discharge of its t,
Itity, would take, might be very inauspicious to Lisse
Miniioere, Anil meet auspicious to their Metter, that he r
felt disposed to give his ttordial and hearty support to the •,,
notion of his lion. and Learned Primus-- (C mid pr.
iillightelf, too, he thought the vote he wished 11,, .`
Hotta! to come to tonight inconsistent with the vote it '''•'
came to on Wednesday, when by a small majort:e the it
House carried an Addrets to the foot if tile Tiirooc, fit je.
itliould on that account hesitate heron) he Rove the prertent -t
motion his Support. But he denied that there was utt,,,t o
Rampancy at all ; and for proof of him assertion, he at.
fleeted to the Address of Wednesday.—( 'tear, brar4sea„.ll"'
liesta mge fro the Crown bemught the Hotta' to savable it
t, dissolve P.st Nemeth, by making a ;work-ion in retzipt,t
if supply for the intermediate time barest:in, the diSoolo:.
tion and the assembling of a new Parlin4sent. The twat, •.,,
tildresaid the Throne, thanking it for the Mostageli'innil
tumbling to take its 'recommendation into nonsitharation. o
The Hotta pledged heel(' to mato the provittion4e.
attired, and tint promisee it hsti ;uttermost. The linage. i
then, having dons all it promised to do, now asketli ts,
le something more...not ineontiutent with that proinise, ~,ai
'nit in addition, and perfectly harmonious awl cousialeart F.-
,with the Mileage and Ail-It-etc --(MXow, lotar.)..4ltere i
Intl been an *prat mole by the lion. searatary cot ,:','
state, fullowing. the steps of the Snliritor.Genei a , wlaieh
he (Mr. Brougham) for one, out of respect to the. Right 't
iionuurable Gentletnen, could Have wiebtlii that iito Right
lion. .•'"
Gentleman bed had the forbearance mid itelf.reotr,,o,,
to have omitted. It was unsvot thy of hint to appeal co thr•
clamorous applause of thou who court so easily aulle ,i ,
themselves to lie seduced into 4 4414E*P•••••411ca.)isTiEr ',
night non. au„deinnti 10,1 ;relater the, yonth ,
not tutelar .
year* of Parliament try life to plead as los excuse, like alt '.„
‘rB.44,linr,:ititilist„:l,:atra 4.,:11ic,,::e,,1;i::til !Ina rsin't)t—o t shift was
(far air 64E1(41' Iliat,s n ;',.:11
to deter the House ;led to St!,:li ,i!
'VlVniti;rs of Parliament from doing the, duty on o tr.sa• I't
ommentous and conatitutional question—a( licar).....a titre!. ~,,
tion involving-the Most important Intereete of the state and :
lion. Gentleman had called upon the Hume not to Nit), • ;
it'it:ll;leClec: stifle'd
iir.litalllint YlPl:d°:::::“.dillli'lpis4:44ret:llieist'l4l4);Sti:);;'lfsSisititlAiri:l:l4:l4:l:l4:l:ll6t4ll4eir%4(V:°:l‘i'tf:lntiniereliliAjerlinlit:lll4l(ltilic::::::u
flre
a'':::4',;:il'',::-,‘'.l ''''''::
s
tt
t:::,:ceb:pitr;:ti'p'titii:t:::tehivA.,;:wirilamrietvtia:,:te?ttltoliwttatin:relitf,oiLlatict:lsrltr+elalluvet4:fral4tal'hatiteev4iitilEleitdedi:sfnote;l:loYiiivuin:citi,lll:::),:ii,:,.,'..l i.,:1,,
.lelett'teetiutTu—lt (itt;4•l4aeftltllitUrt.t)l7"; But
11"
(Mr.
It)
i ' I .1
'
te Citi, tit 1.,, .4 ,t ,
It the House did not go with it till after the facial, I:is
'l4r(Flice of Parliament would then be to lie pet fiitti, I. 1
If the House was driven to tha.preettot proeraillieg, -st hi : -,.,
,wart considered Ito indecent as to melt the feelitike em 4 to,'.',
Piet give pine to (baguet roll, iittligoatioe, wi oot4titi,, -
'to 4,lteil, wits it? Wiese but the Alitlisto,s, who isistioet•
Elie Horne to take the present emirte, by iho Laii4r.tluir
Valittlnt'llt would be &waived inn fill thigiat ; 4,4 itt4t 4.'

he I louse did not address the Throne now, it could not do
it at all ?—(llear, bear.)—lle denied that there was in-
decency in the course taken ; but if there were any, the
House was not answerable fir it. He contended that the
precedents of the best times of the (onstitutina, when
Monarchs were most beloved, when Parliament was most
respectful, and the people most loyal, Lore the House out
!,i• following the course proposed for it to take. He re-
elm! his Learned Friend (the Solicitor-General) to the
',slime of George 111. and Queen Anne. Thu Parliament
, were not then prevented from doing their duty until eller
the celebration of the deceased Prince ; nor did the patriots
of tho.e days ever aroma of disrespect to the reigning
Sovereign in proceeding to the most minute details—the
moat miserable particulars,—from ' entering into all the
mysteries of the Green tlotb,—from considering how
touch salary should be given to this househuld officer, how
touch hoard -wages should be given to this menial servant.
how much should be allowed to the Prince to distribute
in charity, how much provision should be made for hi.
table, and what allowance should he made for his personal
expences, down to the very Royal attire, before the corpse
of the deceased Sovereign wan deposited in the tombs
of his ancestors. Such was the uniform course of pro-
ceeding, with one solitary exception in 1820, when the
precedents were departed from. There was another point,
on which he wished the Right Hon. Secretary had ab-
stained from touching; as his observations, without his
intending it, might be misrepresented to the disadvantage
of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who opened the die-
recision. That Learned Gentleman bad lamented the stroke
which had. deprived the country of Lord Liverpool's see-
v,ces, and the Right Hon. Secretary's observations on that
point implied that the lion, and Learned Gentleman had
indelicately raised the question with respect to other visi-
tations on royalty liesides death. lie would deal with that
point as with an argument, because he was sure that the
11 Right lion. Secretary was incapable of introducing it, as
I others might hereafter, for sinister purposes. He would
therefore deal with it as au argument, and would under-
take to expose and demolish the Right lion. Secretary's
reasoning on it. The Right lion. Gentleman had said
Parliament had not provided for all caws: " you say," lie
continued, " that monarch', as well as their subjects, are
exposed to the loss of their faculties, like Lord Liverpool ;
but yet you cannot show that Parliament has provided a
case for mental deprivation in the Sovereign; not even in
1 George M.'s time, when in 1788 it had lamentable warn-
ing of what was likely to occur," Now he appealed to
the courtesy and candour of the Right lion. Secretary
to sly, whether he uhould not expose, not to say demoliole
that reasoning. Why had Parliament abstained from pro.
viding a ease for the mental deprivation of the Sovereign ?
For this obvious reason,—not merely from delicacy to the
• personal feelings of the individual on the throne, fur that
delicacy, however necessary to be observed in the instance
id- private individuals, would be misplaced, and lead to an
abandonment of public duty in Statesmen legislating for a
Istation, hut—because it would be highly inexpedient, while
the King wields the sceptre, to suppose the bare possibility
of his mind being effected by disease. No King could hold
his sceptre firm unless he had the individual respect of the
suldinits over whom he ruled ; and that was the reason,
and the only rowel, why no case was provided by Par-
-1 liament for the mental alienation of the Sovereign. Par-
liatnent, however, might contemplate the possibility of. the
King's death Ja that of any of his subjects, and by so doing
slid not trench on the respect necessary to maintain the
Crown in security. The lion. and Learned Gentleman
Ithen alluded to the great learning and weight of argument
which had been brought to the consideration of the gluts-
Lion by tattiest every speaker who had, preceded him; but
les lamented to gay that the only persons who had not this.
tinguithed themselves, nor covered themselves with the
passing glcry, were members of the profession to which he
belonged—he meant the law officers of the Crown.--
,(Laughter. ).—lle did not know to what reason to attribute
this; whether to suppose that they had higher functions
to perform, or that they had been engaged in, the arrange-
Monts of their own unease; but they certaf '-did not ap-
pear to him, on the presen t oecasion, relpnbl ' its vacasse.
In answer to what they had stated, he w mist the case re
a father of a family dying, rendering it n ry to ' im-
te
o ediates Apple for the provision of the cl n. could
imagine his Majesty's AttorneyeGeneral'etng the soli-
citor who came to speak to lien on the bet et, " Get out,
ili'delicate as you are, and never more comlt to my °ham,
bars. What, speak to me on such asubject, When the corpse
of the father is not buried ! Get out, and never visit my
elsewhere again, unless you come as a client."—(Laughter. )
The Home was then told that the Address proposed was
diacourteous in its terms; but he must say that an Adsleesee
more courteous and less indecent be had never seen, fy
proceeding from Miesisters; and language so courteous;
eeruptilously respectful, so uniformly submissive, had never
yet appeered in a motion brought forward in opposition to
this MVO of Ministers.—(Hear.)—To call the peopesed
`address disemertemet and indecent, was an iretance of the
Abuse of tennis, of which he knew but one parallel instance
and that tray where Donfierrte exclaimed, on hearing Prince
Allan's servants called villeins, that "to call the Prince's
set venni will sins was flat burglary." It had been declared by
an Dm. Member that there wee no precedent to warrant
the present proceeding. Ile took the constitutional rule in
such case to he tbisseein the first place it should never be
4orgotten, that the ommege from the Crown proceeds by the
adviee of Ministers, and if the Minkel-1i hail counselled
what they ought not to have done, and mitted to do what
they ought to have done, the. House was bound to supply
their omission...(llear)—withont, at the same thine in-
tending any disrespect to the Crown. But then the House
was told to look to precedents. Ha would not go back
to tlui Saxon times, nor to the reign of Henry III.," but
he would turn to the seventeenth century, arid the reign
of Charles H. James 11. survived Charles H. arel eucceded
to the Throne, it was true, but, notwithstanding, the
liaise of Commons hid, in Charles the Second's lifetime,
maden.provision in case of the King's death, by a Hill of
Eulogy; which passed the House of Conernons..—(Hear,
hear.) He tree then told that lanes the Second might
have died after sneceeding to the Throne, and have left
the Queen enceinte, mad yet Pat liantent made no provision
for that case. That was undoubtedly true, but the reason
was, that the first Parliament of that Monarch met in
dm middle of May, and was occupied ht settling the Civil
List tor some weeks, when it was prorogued till Septem•
her, at isehich time it tat a few days. Therefore the Pera
!lament, babies having other important loudness on its
halide, had not ticne to provide for the cue of an enceinte
Queen pit the aletn,ho of the King. That Parliament had
very important eulijente to enOsider, which might well be
admitted an an excuse for oinittiog to provide for such a
case neenennely, the question of Catholics succession, of
danger to the church, of foreign aggresaiop, fee. He
intact pass over the reign of Queen Aline, because he could
not understand the nheervatione which bad been made with
respect to It. He iwookis however, observe, that there
were two reasons why Putlietwent should make no provi-
sion tar a Regency in that reign, Poe woe, that if Queers
Anne survived Prinse George, being a widewl who pule'
not have a ibild successor to the Throne; and if Ware
George survived the Queen, it was not possible to suppose
a case of a child in twitre son Acre,—(Laughter.) But
he was told that the PlisiiNtleat of George lIIa abstained
from making a provision; but undo whet circumstances did
that happen? "When George came testha Throne, there was
no Qneen Comma, and Parliament Was disiolved of coarse,
without making ituy arnvision for on heir. It watt true
that the next Perlianietat did not immediately adopt ,rota.
out there that 24r._attlefIr
cures to provide for such n case ; h hl li
was elected and continued in existence for five er six years,
and was therefore always prepared to Oct rtes circumstances
should point out. But on the present 00440 n the Hoene
was threatened with a dissolution without making any pro-
vision for alto contingency whittle might occur. 'Alt 1t
was said that then was no provision made for web an
emergency ore the ,0AC44.0 of the accession of George this
Third to the throne, el.nd khttit it wm not till some years
after that such a provision WM OM& Pr. nix brother,
the Puke of Gloucester, was then Of ngraorwas heir ap-
parent to the throne, and undoubtedly woutd have stle.
ceeded to Mat if he had died then without Wine. The
argument lead been much relied on; but what was the
reason that George do Third abstained so long from re-
sorting to the appointment ale Regency ? Why, George
111. was then a young man in do preme of life, in the
vigour of hie ego ; and was it at all likeiy, if he had con.
ceivoi such a provision then immediately necesseari, tbp.t,
he would hue been deterred from recommending it to his
Pailitunant? Be wise possessed of a firm mind and
distinguished for a mealy changer, in both which
respects he had been worthily etteceedeti by his ilia"
trim's' man, stow on the throne of dote realms', end
, there wee no suspizion that a 111114 of such 0 ota/Illi
would have lieuo influenced by those womanish notions
and einleuloue alistieviee to which his (Mr. Beauglaintee)
Hen. and Learned Oriamel ' opposite had alluded to
being connected with this eubitet, so as to prevent him
from looking such a matter in the Awe/ and it was'not:at all
likely that he would permit his private kellier for u mo-
, Men' to induce him to refrain from dieelierging his shay
to his people with a view to secure them against gieat
danger, if be thought such a provision et this time Was yea
quired. But George the Third was then in; the hey-day
of his youth, in the vigour of his years, and it never I
entered into his mind that such a provision note thump et all'
required. To hien there then naturally appeared to be mum
danger; he did not think of the frailty of human exist,
envie and the vigour of youth removed all such apprehene
lions front his mind. But what was the fact? That the