The Sun.
London, England, 1839-05-24 00:00:00

•
K. by the COUNTESS of BLESSINGTON. pf ofm.ies blir;d professions. He at least uncle.
Just realy, in a beautifully printed volume, foolscap cro. cloth
lettered, sv,th gilt edges,
NIAXIMS, THOUG
TIO,HTS, and I? EFLEC-
S.
By the COUNTESS OF IiLESSINGTON.
•• Vivere cogitare est."
" Life is measured but be thoughts and affections."
London : Longman, Orme, and Co.

tLem, if at any moment, in one of those
gleams of verbal sympathy which occasionally broke
upon them from the Castle, they suffered themselves
to be deluded into a transient belief that it was pos-
sib;e for their country to be tranquil or prosperous
under Tory domination. The Government of that
day was emphatically called a Government of
checks and balances Mr. GOLTLBURN invari-
ably kicking the scale whenever Lord WxL-
LEsLEy ventured to throw in a little more
lures to popularity than were strictly consistent
with the jealous demands of the Orangemen.
Within a few years, so great a change has passed
over the face of Ireland since Mr. GOULBURN'S
Acts, that we may refer to them as if they belonged
to a remote period ; but the feelings they hare be-
queathed to this regenerated era are as keen as if

MR. MILLER'S NEW HISORICAL ROMANCE.
Now ready, at all the Libraries, in 3 vols. post Bvo.,
FAIR ROSAMOND;
Or, THE DAYS OF KING HENRY 11.
By T. MILLER,
Author of " Royston Gower," " The Days of King John," &e.
Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

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they were events of yesterday. Fortunately there is
no chance of the whole empire, and particularly of
Ireland, being outraged by Mr. GouLiußN's
being placed in the Chair of the Reformed House
of Commons.

According to the Watchman, which pretends to
speak the sentiments of the Methodists, and is, we
believe, the organ of one section of that body of
religionists, they are as much alarmed by the people
being taught as the Clergy of the Established
Church :
" Never," says that Journal, " was there a period since the
defeat of Lord Sidmouth's Bill, in which it behoved the
Wesleyan Methodists to bestir themselves so promptly,
and act so determined a part, as at this moment. On
the former occasion, our civil and religious liberties alone
were endangered ; but now, in addition to that risk, we
are threatened with a serious invasion of those edu-
cational means of religious usefulness, which were . just
blooming with the promise of a richer harvest than
ever from their more zealous cultivation. The Go-
vernment scheme of education strikes at the root of both
our Sunday and our day-schools. What is worse, its in-
evitable result is, not only to circumscribe the sphere of
our own labours, and that of other evangelical Christians,
but to open a door for the introduction of P•pish and other
heretical teachers in the pay of the State, to the certain
injury of our common orthodox Protestantism. It is an
insidious blow aimed at our religious rights by the out-
stretched arm of a specious liberalism."
In what way will Lord JOHN RussaLL's
plan interfere with the Wesleyans ? It will not
arrest their zeal, it will not meddle with
any of their schools, it leaves all their funds, all
their teachers untouched, and the assertion of the

IS Majesty the EMPEROR of RUSSIA,
a having AUTHORISED and GUARANTEED
several' DISTRIBUTIONS of MONEY, which (though
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The distributing day being VERY NEAR, NO TIME IS
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THIS NEXT DISTRIBUTION.

Watchman, therefore, appears to us a palpable false
hood. Of course the "Authorities" of the " Connec•

tion" are the teachers, slid it awakens, or ought to
awaken, not a little suspicion in the public mind
to find the priests or teachers of almost every re-
ligion the determined enemies of knowledge. What
makes them so mistrustful of the exercise of the
senses ? Why are they foes to such observation ?
Why does the communication of independent
thought alarm them ? These are questions which
ought to be well weighed, though we can have no
doubt that they are the enemies of observation, of
reason, of experience, of thought, because these
distinctive marks of intellect are opposed to them.
They fear lest the cultivation of knowledge should
overthrow their power, and that fear is a convincing
proof of their own conviction of error. It stamps
the enemies of the progress of knowledge with
the vice of hypocrisy. If these gentlemen
will step out of their sphere to meddle with poli-
tics on religious ground•, they must not be surprised
if politicians attack their religious professions on
political grounds.

A day or two ago a paragraph found its way
into the papers, stating that the " Connection" dis-
couraged Chartism, and had declared that all its

members must give up Methodism, or give up
Chartism. If they had confined their no-
tice to reprobating the use of arms, and
the use of violence to attain the ends of the
Chartists, they should have had our hearty con-
currence ; but as they extended their reprobation to
the embracing the political opinions of the Chartists,
they used religion to give force to one species of
political opinion. In the view which the Chartists
take of the matter, the " Connection" is using its
authority, of which it has before been accused, to
uphold slavery. Remembering, as we do, the
noble part which the Methodists have taken in pro-
moting the abolition of negro slavery, and in pro-
moting many other humane and good works, we
can but grieve to hear them now swelling the cry
of bigotry and lending their aid to promote slavery
at home. Like other men they can be generous—
for the negroes were not their slaves, but not just,
for their poorer countrymen minister to their
pleasure. If what they teach be of inesti-
mable value, and necessary to the morality
and happiness of society, it is extremely wrong
to bring it into discredit, by opposing the progress
of knowledge and the advance of freedom in its
name. The priests of the " Connection"—as well
as those of the Established Church—will inflict a
deep wound on religion, by putting it forward as
hostile to the interests of mankind. Without in-
creasing knowledge and increasing freedom, society
cannot flourish ; and if there be a contest between
religion and the permanent and substantial welfare
of society, it requires no prophetic skill to foretell
which will go to the Wall.

The shuffling and tergiversation of the Tory
Journals, in reference to what they call the " erro-
neous impression," are highly instructive and infi-
nitely diverting. The ludicrous struggles of the
writers to make out a case for Sir JOSEPH SUR-,
//ACE, which he has failed to make out for himself,
exhibit in felicitous combination, the wriggling drol-
lery of a pantomime, and the melancholy moral of
a tragic catastrophe. There never was so complete
a junction of farce and tragedy as they present to
us in their efforts to cover their fall under a verbal
equivocation. But let us see what this " erroneous
impression" means.

It appears that Sir ROBERT PEEL'S proposition
to her MAJESTY was not the dismissal of the whole
of her Household, but the dismissal of certain
members of it, who are politely designated by the
Times as " party ladies" and " Ministerial ladies;"
and upon this proposition the Tory party take their
stand. They adm:t that if Sir ROBERT PEEL had
desired a " general displacement of the female House-
hold, he would have been chargeable (we quote th•
Times) with having negociated in the tone of a con-
queror rather than a loyal subject." The same Journal
then goes on to say that " the difference which pre-
vented the completion of a Ministry was not a dif-
ference of degree or detail, but a difference of prin-
ciple." GOD bless the mark I to what extremities
the Tories must be reduced when they come down
to a principle, and such a principle I when, defeated
in the Commons, execrated by the great mass of

the community, and destitute of the common con-
solations that sustain men of honour in seasons of
calamity, they are compelled to shelter themselves
under a principle (I) the most remarkable charac-
teristic of which is the utter impossibility of bring-
ing it into the shape of an intelligible definition.
Like all other Tory principles, this principle of
Household adjustment is evasive, jesuitical, slippery,
and intangible. According to their own statement
of the facts, Sir ROBERT demanded the dismissal
of only a few members of the Household, and the
QUEEN asserted her right to maintain them all in
her service. Now, upon this view of the subject
her MAJEsTY's " principle" is clear enough ;
but the "principle" of dislodging such individuals as
Sir ROBERT PEEL did not approve of, is by no
means clear, since if he were allowed to exercise
his caprice in one instance, he might exercise it in
other instances ; so that this genuine Tory "prin-
ciple" is in reality no principle at all, but a tyran-
nical threat in disguise, which might be pushed to
any excess with impunity, and which, once carried
into effect, even to the most limited extent, could
never be regulated by any authority except the will