The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, - JANUARY 16, 1863

LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 16, 18E 3.

__~___ __

The grand event of 1863 has come to pass. That
the PRESIDENT'S Emancipation Proclamation will
prove to be so can hardly be doubted. It is in itself
a great event, but it is scarcely possible it should
not be greater in its consequences. Some of our con-
temporaries hope, indeed, that its first consequence
will be to insure the final separation of the South
from the North. Even if it had that result, its im-
portance would be great enough. But it will, we
trust, have another far more interesting to English-
men. Let the States be reunited or separated, it
will have given a shock to negro slavery, from
which that hateful institution can hardly recover.
Tho negroes of the ten States will quickly pass the
word from one to another that the PRESIDENT of
all the States has declared them " for ever free !"
Their masters will have no means of preventing this
knowledge from spreading, as C,Eant says intelli-
gence did among the ancient Gauls, till in a little
time every slave from the Potomac to the Gulf,end
from Charleston and Savannah to the Mississippi,
will know that he is legally a free man.
Brutalised into iud:fference to bondage as
the mass of the negroes may be, the
news that they are free will pervade them like an
electric shock ; and, deluded as they have been
by their masters' representations of the North,
the fact that the North has struck off their chains
ill open their eyes, and change the whole current
of their feelinge. The Northern armies will now be
the hope, not the terror, of Southern slaves.
The measure comes indeed late.; it comes not in the
name of philanthropy or right, butof military neces-
sity. But still it comes. It leaves the loyal Border
:States, half of which have begun the good work
which the others must ECOII follow, to voluntary
emancipation. It leaves these five States to free
themselves ; but it frees all the others, ten in num-
ber, unconditionally—except the Fats which have
already come and r Federal rule. 'lon large Slave
State?, with at least three millicris of slaves, have
in one day seen their old institution deposed from
its poei•ion by a military act of the Commander-'in-
Chief, whose will, in his own department, is the
supreme law. The States who went with their can-
didate to the ballot, who, when defeated in a fair
ballot, declared war, with military stores in their
hands they had previously seized by treachery—
F,nd appealed to the sword, when they could
not conquer by reason and fair voting. Their
doom is just. They had received no injury. Their
state tights remained unimpaired ; no attempt
on their favourite, though wicked, institution was
even thought off; too many guarantees rather were
offered them ; but nothing would do ; if slavery
could not rule the whole Union, it would rule by
itself. They proclaimed its Divinity, and in ex-
;'licit language gloried in a THEOCRACY of SLAVERY.
We laugh at
may be told that they will simply
this proclamation, It will be brut um Jo/men, and
(:) forth. TheY do not seem to have laughed at it
in anticipation. Their rage has known no bounds.
They have ludicrously
enough endeavoured to
frighten their own Womenea:ned children by calling
it a proclamation of ‘ter
war!". They have
taught the cuckoo note to their advocates on this
side the water, and journalibta and public speakers
here have been found weak enough to learn and
repeat the cry. It is, as DAVIS, MASON, and
:SLIDELL well know, but a nursery hobgoblin.
Those who began the cry have themselves no fear
of servile war, but they have a tyrant's fear of slaves
taking their rights, when they have the chance.
Aeeestemed to regard a man as their Troperty, they
are maddened at the thought of his claiming to be-
lone to himself. To give wages for labour instead
of the whip, stems to them like the abdication cf a
throne; to allow a negro to be a man is as ignomi-
nious es to IJlinit their swine and their horses to the
eights of a Ceti-it/len parentage. It is not servile war,
Teat free labour which they dread ; not assassination
el their hill less n ieee and enildren, but negro
gaining the rights of wiveP, end negro chil-
`l'.''" the rights of chine-head in relation to their

otwithsr3,mling discreditable prc,-;,litv4-,ty cant,
.itnixrfect proelatv--ktion has bEen rc::-.d with
au thrill of joy by thousandth- Its „nstitution.

lvt, mean its non-application to the States
not actlytily in rebellion, may be forgiven by
people ho /ha 20 milliQUO to emancipate their own

slaves legally. But though we rejoice that President •
LINCOLN has at last resolved to do it, we must
blame him that he did not do it at the be-
ginning. We have repeatedly blamed him, even
as constitutional ruler, that he did not meet rebel-
lion
for slavery, by declaring the cause of the rebel-
lion abolished. We believe it would have saved
hundreds of thousands of lives; for the negroes
would have then been his best help. He now in••
yokes " the considerate judgment of mankind." That
judgment may be favourable, when the mists of
present passion and feeling shall have cleared away.
Posterity will only wonder, as we ourselves do, that
the proclamation was not issued sooner. Christendom
is every year increasing in its detestation of slavery.
In the Roman Catholic countries, where it still
exists, as in Cuba and Brazil, tlic compared withe slave code is
mildness and Christianity itself,
what it is in Protestant
America
beforeslavery
a longery
it will be universally acknowledged
3 and
that
u
We hope the PR ESIDENTB injunction to the
and Christianity are incompatible.l
slaves, to abstain from violence, will be carefully
observed wherever the FroclamatzOn itself is known,
but we have our doubts. It will be difficult to rea-
son with men wild with joy in the tumultuous
delirium of freedom so sudden'y and so unex-
pectedly acquired ; while their masters, on the other
hand, will be savage at the change which deprives
them of power and property at once.
By this act Mr. LINCOLN has now taken a
step from which there is no retrogression. For the
remaining two years of his power he must act in
its spirit. The vulgar Democrats (whom some here,
slandering our own Conservatives, call the Conser-
vatives of America) may find that their majority
avails them but little. The die is cast.
The Federal armies wi I have become
emancipation armies, and the Federal fleets
along all the rivers, on which the great plantations
generally abut, will become emancipation fleets.
The link between the vulgar, rowdy Democracy of
the North and the slavaolders, by whom they have
hitherto ruled, will be completely severed, and
the triumph of Democracy itself will be greatly
maimed of slavery. We may hope too much from
the LINCOLN Proclamation, but why was it deferred
till it loses the grace of gift ? It is a boon wrung
from necessity, which would have been still with-
held if its retention could have saved the Union.
The pride of empire has hitherto overshadowed his
virtue. He would bo free himself, but would not
confer freedom on others if it militated against his
idol—Union. More temper and conciliation might
have freed the slave gradually, and long before the
year 1900, which he at one time proposed himself ;
but now it is too late. Mr. LINCOLN is a man of
half-measures—he is afraid to do right, yet loth to
do wrong ; and is only generous at the expense of
others. He does good by accident, and glorifies
himself before his good intentions can bear fruit.
Still let us hope fcr the best. His act will render
the year 1803 one of the most remarkable in the
world's history—certainly in that of America.

Last night the members for Birmingham were
present at the annual dinner of the Chamber of
Commerce. Mr. BRIGHT, as usual, favoured his
hearers with some severe strictures on several
subjects, and indulged in diatribes against various
individuals. Even his new allies, the Ministers,
do not escape this time, for we find the Foreign
Secretary and the Chancellor of the Exchequer
arraigned on the charge of making unwise state-
ments, and causing general confusion in the public
mind thereby. First Lord RUssELL comes under
censure for his speech in the House of Lords on
the motion against the blockade, and here Mr.
BRIGHT evidences a want of common courtesy that
must strike the most ignorant reader, these are his
words, "Lord RUSSELL concluded his re-
marks in a very careless manner, as if
he were really not thinking of what he
was saying, by stating that ho hoped in
a few months the North would consent to the in-
dependence of the South." To this grave error Mr.
BRIGHT attributes considerable damage to business
in Manchester. Again, Mr. GLADSTONE is blamed
in no measured terms for his remarks at Newcastle.
"'These statesmen," he says, " who know no more
than any one else, speak with their supposed know•
ledge, and their presumption costs enormous sums
to unfortunate traders." However, all these offences
are trifling and venial, compared with what has
been Effected by the London press. When Mr.
BRIGHT approaches this exciting topic, he-loses all
command of his temper, and refuses to listen to the
restraints that his better judgment in calmer
moments must impose. The torrent of his invec-
tive flows in full force, the fury of his
indignation reaches the culminating point,
when he nears this fatal goal. We put it to any
man of sense or justice, no matter what his poli-
tics may be, if this is the tone a member of Par-
liament should assume in speaking of that great
institu'ion, the pride and boast of our country,
the Free Press. I of course don't speak of news
papers that have no force or influence. The
I orning Herald may rave, and the Standard may
foil )w suit, bat what they say will not alter the
value of a pinch of snuff in any market in Eng-
land." Surely these words are more fitting and
appropriate language for Billingsgate than Bir-
mingham. Mr. BRIGHT then honours the Times
with his candid friendship. He first states, sneer-
ingly, that it is accepted by some persons as an
authority on great questions. Unfortunate some,
why have they not Mr. BRIGHT.S perspicuity
n discovering the folly and detecting the frauds of
the wise men of the world. "Well," says the far-
seeing investigator, " the columns of the 'lmes I
have been filled with articles on America for two I
years, but, as I said before, not one generous article
with regard to the Free North has appeared in
them." Now, it may be suggested what has the
North done to deserve so much generosity at our
hands. Though the linzes cannot be generous,
Mr. BRIGHT is determined to give them a lesson in
that virtue we suppose he is tired of their neglect-
ing his precepts, and henceforth will instruct by
practice. The writers of the Times are under a
mask, he
says, and adds " I do not propose,
although I could do it to tear that mask away!,
Surely this is most unusual forbearance from one
who never considers the feelings of others, or bows
down to the absurd restraint of conventional
etiquette when he is illumining his hearers with
the light of his intellect, and carrying them away
with him in the fervour of his glowing
His own words
now speak for themselves-
-64 The 'limes writes as a eloquence.
great power in the press of
this great country; for
two years it has taken
up its parable against the
tlei,i‘tymei: anti
turiletaim of m
haseu
in the free States of NertNl;
indulged
in as many prophecies as Marlin herself
or anybody else of whom tradition
gives us
some account, hut Eel ono 510015 pro
I"Pe3' up to
this time has been fulfilled. The re is no., a roan of
the commercial class in Liverpool or Manchester
who would not admit to-day, if he woe asled, that
the in flurnce, and, if you like, the ignorance, or if
wish to speak correctly, the, malice of that
paper towards the United States has produced disas-
trous rt.,sultg and consrTisnces to very many persons
Laucathire, None of 113 Cull prcdiet with any
accuracy the darglon of ale war; but klUely the

inevitable uncertainty is bad enough, without being
aggravated by the inconsiderate speeches of the
Foreign Minister and the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, or by the incessant folly and malice poured
out from day to day in the leading columns of the
Times.''

Now, we cannot too strongly protest against
such a tone as this becoming general among our
public lawn ; but, fortunately, it is not likely to be
so. At the same time it is to be regretted that,
times out of number, these great assemblies at Bir-
mingham cheer to the echo such violent diatribes
as this that we have referred to. Because
Mr. BRIGHT came forward some years ago
in support of the Corn-laws being abolished,
and then and there distinguished himself by his
zeal and energy, it does not follow that he has thus
obtained carte blanche for the rest of his life to abuse
and vilify all who have not the good fortune to
agree with him in his extreme opinions and ultra
notions. It is unworthy of independent English-
men to encourage, much less to applaud, such an in-
tolerant spirit, and so arbitrary and unfair a tone.
In the name of the spirit of independence, the vital
breath, the native air of our institutions, in the
name of common sense and justice, we call upon
Englishmen of every class to repudiate and not up-
hold such intolerance, such bitter sentiments and
such unfounded statements as those which inform
and actuate all Mr. BRIGHT'S provincial harangues.
In Parliament he speaks differently, there he knows
that violence cannot be tho order of the day, and
that to indulgo in this "splenetic authoritativeness
and factious sophistication," he would have to cross
the Atlantic, and take hie place among the enlight-
ened Senators of Congress, to find congenial souls
and kindred spirits. Mr. BRIGHT has another object
in view for our foreign politicians to dwell upon,
the cession of Gibraltar. He confesses that many
things he advocates are considered rather foolish
at first, but in time people agree with him, and
thence "he has the satisfaction of being
a little ahead of the Government and often of the
nation." He proceeded at some length to make
good his case, and said that for his part he consi-
dered it as "a monument of a very foolish war and
a very dishonourable peace." He said that most
military persons in this country, if they were inde-
pendent, would be of his opinion that the work was
of no value whatever to us. The last argument
employed is, indeed, a reductto ad absurdum when
ho says that, " Suppose this country were the
Chamber of Commerce in the city of Madrid, how
should we then be likely to view this matter ?"
He then goes on to say that the irri-
tation and annoyance that our tenure of
this fortress occasions to Spain, spoils
all our intercourse with that country. The induce-
ments held out for us to yield up possession are,
that Spain, when mollified by our conduct in this
respect, will most probably enter into a liberal treaty
of commerce with us, and also we may persuade her
to make effectual the laws against the traffic of
negroes. No doubt these are two very desirable
objects to attain; but if the price demanded be
what Mr. BRIGHT suggests, they are not likely to
be soon effected ; and the Manchester school will
have few disciples in this department of its pro-
gress, except from the admirers of Mr. GOLDWIN
SMITH'S theory, of abandoning our Colonial Empire
Referring to the last passage in Mr. BRlGnrs
speceb, the idea naturally occurs to the mind, why
cannot he profit by his own advice ? He says that
" there are gentlemen here who think me mistaken
and dangerous in the propositions which I make to
my fellow-countrymen." It is really quite refresh-
' ing to hear, on such undoubted authority, that
there is a remnant of discerning individuals
among those who listen to his speeches. When he
goes on, however, to say that " If we were to shun

a party spirit, if we were to examine the questions
fairly and carefully, if we were to endeavour to de-
cide them truthfully !" wo might hope for great
things, and so on. Now, why does not this second
DANIEL come to judgment, first set us an example
by doing all this himself. If he acted on this ex-
cellent advice we might listen in delight to the elo-
quence which animates his words, but while
he persists in degrading the great gift with

which he is endowed, of an oratory that im-
presses and influences in no common degree, we
can but regret that such great powers are not in the
possession of one who would use and not abase them,
who would glory in upholding the Constitution of
his country, instead of always seeking to uproot its
stronghold and undermine its dignity. We hope
this is the last display that we shall be favoured
with, for some time, of this rhetorical raving about
events that aro too great in themselves, and of too
much magnitude in their consequences to be made
the handle for personal abuse, political spite, and
party prejudice.

The principal news brought by the iThna may
well engroa our chief attention, but the other
news, both political and military, must not be
overlooked. It shows that the Democrats are in-
creasing in such practical boldness, as must consi-
derably perplex the Federal Government. Ia the
empire State, the Governor, Mr. SElmoun, who
has been in of before, is beginning measures of
retaliation against those who have been during the
unchecked Republican reign oppressing his party.
Throughout the States there are of necessity Fede-
ral and State officials. The latter are answerable,
of course, to the" Sovereign State," whose servants
they are, and can In called by it to account. Gl-
vernor SEYMOUR is powerless against the United
States Marshals and other Federal officers in New
York, but he has flattered not a little the State
police officials by summoning them to take their
trials for official misconduct, furnishing them with
the particulars for which they ;must answer. We
may presume they consist of delinquencies against
Democrats committed in the excess of Republican
zeal, and it seems likely they will all receive notice to
yield their places to aspirants to the honours of the
baton who will wield it as energetically against the
Republicans as the latter have long done against
the Democrats. The Republican policemen seem
perplexed between resigning at once, salva dzgnz-
ttaetneu,re of office.
or trying a legal fight for a little longer

The i!ItESIDENT had signed the Bill for the ad-
mission of Western Virginia as a State. He has
thus cut a second Gordian knot with the same
sword as severed the complicated one of slavery.
Id both cases the principle now wielded with such
desperation is, that the rebellion has extinguished
all State rights which interfere with its repres.
gon. The separation of a State into parts,
without the consent of the regular I.oBis-
lature of the State, is even more explicitly against
certain clauses of the constitution than the procla-
mation of emancipation itself. It would have been
more regular to have treated the Legislature elected
by the loyal part of Virginia as the true Legisla-
ture of the State, holding that one which was at
war with the Federal Government to be ipso facto
no teeislature at all. In both cases Mr. LINCOLN
ha-, however, sacrificed formalities to facts. Wes-
-1 Urn Virginia has long been an agricultural free
community, with hardly a slave amongst its moun-
tains—for mountain air and slavery rarely seem
compatible---and, after all, therefore, what Mr.
LINCOLN has done seems but the remmition of a
loig emoting fact whic:a the rebellion only brought
,

to its natural crisis. In that separation, too, which t
all E trope believes must come at last, all politicians
must have recommended that Western Virginia
should go with the North. Geographical as well
as social reasons demand that it should.
If we turn to the war news, all looks dark for the
Federals. ROSENCRANZ, from whom so much was
expected, has been, we strongly suspect, severely
defeated in Tennessee, near Murfreesborough. This
has been battle-ground, ever and anon, since the
spring. Nashville, the capital of Tennessee, is not
far off, and DAVIS declared himself determined to
be master again of it. He has evidently collected
a large force there, since the Northerns confess to
45,000 men with ROSENCIIANZ, who yet has barely,
according to Federal accounts,held the field against
the rebels. To the reader here, the successes seem
to have been alternate, and the last rather on the
side of the Confederates. It is especially to be re-
marked that it was the Confederate cavalry which
seem to have been their most effective arm. More
than once in this protracted battle they got
into the Federal rear, carried off prisoners and
ammunition, and in one important instance actu-
ally silenced the fire of several regiments, because
they seized on their waggons ! To the South, their
cavalry seems to be the compensation for the want
of gunboats. Their horsemen ride to the rear of
the Federals and plunder their baggage and stores,
as easily as the boats sail up the rivers and shelter
the Federals under their heavy artillery.
On the Missisippi again—only this is news from
Richmond, which, however, has rarely been sub-
stantially untruthful—the Confederates are victo-
rious against the assailants of Vicksburg. The
works of this place—let not Lord PALMERSTON
forget this—have been extemporised since the war
began. Yst this almost unknown plac? has been
sufficient, alone, to hold the numerous fleet of FAR-
RAGUT at bay ; to send forth the Arkansas to
destroy some of its ships, to make the others flee,
like the doves before the elgle ; and to prevent the
complete command of the Mississippi by the Fede-
rals throughout the whole summer. We have but
brief accounts of the assault and defence ; and like
the battle at Murfreesborough, fighting was going
on, as is so common with these American battles,
when the news left. We must assume that the
Federals were conveyed by water to Vicksburg,
since by the last accounts GRANT, who was nearing
Vicksburg, had been compelled to fall back, bythe
capture of his stores at Holly Springs ; it is also
mentioned that the Yankees were compelled to
take shelter under the fire of their boats. Both
parties appear, however, to be in force near the
osnt
still like
eas
longare s ha oinnwd
place. On the whole,
Isouth-west,
renewed vigour. All
ti
oh oe k Csbnhiget t we
re ss
tt
raungdg

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