The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Many persons are exceedingly puzzled to under-
stand the phenomena peculiar to the present Elec-
tions. Counties may be said to be everywhere going
a begging. The populous venal boroughs, too, find
some difficulty in obtaining third candidates to pre-
vent the two from walking over the course. The
value of the franchise to a freeborn Englishman is
the number of pounds, shillings, and pence it bring'
in to him ; and nothing seems such a violation of his
rights and privileges as any understanding among the
candidates by which the voters are prevented from
playing off a third man against the two, or by which
the out-voters are prevented from making a trip to
the country to visit their relations at the expence of
the candidates. We lately saw a printed advertise-
ment, issued by a third party of a well-known bo-
rough, about thirty miles from London, in which the

Members annourice their displeasure that the
ins and the outs have hitherto deprived them of their
fair share of the advantage of the franchise, and ex-
press a determination that in future they will always
YON) for one Ministerial candidate, and such other
candidate as may best contribute to advance their
particular interests. Such is the miserable degraded
state to which Englishmen have been brought. Such
is the language which in this moral and religious
country men do Rot hesitate to commit to the
Press I It is not, we think, difficult to account for
the circumstances which are peculiar to the present
election. In the first place the sum to be scrambled
for is becoming less and less every year, while the
expence of the elections is every year increasing.—
During the war, while we were expending one
hundred millions a-year, it was worth while, as a
speculation, to lay out a large sum in an election
contest to obtain a share of the contracts, lee. The
temptation was at that time too great for the virtue
of most individuals of this religious nation. Mr.
Waithman and the city patriots were a small mi-
nority during the aura of contracts. The members
of the Stock Exchange huzzsed when war was de-
clared against France. This was the golden age—
loans and contracts, Jacobin alarms, a strong Go-
vernment, bribery and corruption—all were dove-
tailed into each other. But with peace came
reckoning, and the race of calculators and econo-
mists. Mr. Hume succeeded to Mr. Pitt. Figures
of arithmetic took the place of figures of speech.
The annuitants swallow the greatest part of the
revenue, and the borough-holders, like the horse-
leech, they cry give, give—but they cry in vain—
there is little to give. The expence of elections
has been continually increasing from many causes,
till at last the higher ranks have found themselves
unequal to the expense. In England there is a
great unwillingness to let any set of men long con-
tinue to enjoy the monopoly of good things. Hence
in many Boroughs the progressive increase of the
number of voters. Thirty years ago, for instance,
Warwick had from five to six hundred voters.
Then the Castle contrived to return both Members.
Till the lute Member, Mr. Ladbrooke's time, it was
considered a Treasury Borough. The voters are
now upwards of 1200. The purchase of 1200 voters
is a very different thing from the purchase of 400. In
the same manner Stafford, which had not above four
hundred voters in the time of Mr. Sheridan, has
now upwards of 8(30. Every where the number of
voters has been doubled and trebled. In Coventry
they have been trebled during the last 35 years. In
Leicester they have been trebled. In Liverpool they
have been trebled. In Preston they have been trebled.
Reform will take place to a considerable extent in
England, not because the voters are less mercenary, for
the ideas of voters are so perverted, that they deem
the sale of a vote as proper as the sale of a horse or
a cow, but because they are not worth purchasing.
The last Leicester election, for instance, cost Mr.
Evans 10,0001. and upwards, and Mr. Otway Cave
upwards of 10,0001. It cost Sir Charles Hastings,
the candidate of the Corporation, 16,0001., and the
Corporation, what with their generosity towards
Sir Charles, and their quarrel with Mr. Cave, spent
sixteen thousand pounds, the greatest part of which
is said to be yet unpaid. Without any contest,
Yorkshire cost Mr. Marshall upwards of 30,0001.
Warwickshire is said to have cost a gentleman, to
stand against a subscription candidate, above
27,000/. In this case there was no bribery.
Stafford cost Mr. Beaumont 14,0001. It cost the
losing candidate upwards of 0,0004 Every one
has heard of what Cemelford cost the Marquis of
Cleveland, till the arrangement with the Illerquis
of Hertford. The Members who were returned
for the Marquis paid the voters in 1/, notes, in-
closed in a deal box, marked " China." The
Clive family can tell a pretty story, if they
please, of what Ludlow has cost them. The
great source of expence is the conveyance of
out-voters. It is well known that the out-
voters in London and other great towns will always
sell themselves to the man who pays their expenees,
and allows them to visit their relations 'gratis. So
profligate are these free-horn Englishmen, that it is
impossible to get these men to poll till the very last,
without an undertaking that if they poll early they
shall have as many feeds as if they reserved their
vete& Wealth can always carry the day where
there are out-voters. In the last election for Nor-
thumberland, Mr. Beaumont is said to have lost
100,0001. 'the competition seems now to have
taken a turn. We now see profligate voters hold-
ing ant their hands every where to profligate Mem-
bers; but as the latter are no longer full-handed,
their profligacy is no longer profitable. Free-born
Englishmen will at last be forced to be pure, be-
Mlle Members are too poor to buy them. Prosti-
tution, like every thing else, may be in excess. We
must be virtuous in spite of ourselves, when it is of
no use to be vicious. We shall return to this subject,
on which we have a few further observations to
make.—Morning Chronicle.

We have already noticed at considerable length
the report of the Select Committee of the House
of Commons on the state of our manufacturing po-
pulation, and on the evils arising from a frequent and
sudden ebb or flow of the demand for labour. The
former extracts which we made from that report bad
reference to the causes of the evil, and to their meg-
otos& we now present the remedy recommended
by the Committee; or, more strictly, their "outline
of a plate for gradually mitigating" the evil. It will
be observed at once, that the plan is in substance
nothing more than the extension to a benefit society,
under in some respects 14 novel form, the stuns legal
facilities end privileges which are already given to
benefit societies of the ordinary character, end to
savings' banks. At the same time we admit that it
is a very valuable improvement on the benefit-soe
eiety system us at present in most casts established,
to limit the responsibility of each contributor to the
ecede of Ins own necessities, and to prevent any
ei,woeliment by the society at large upon the
funds maimed by individuals for the sake of
any but tha party who has actually furnished
them. Each member will thus derive ad-
vont from the inetitutiou, in the precise ratio
of his own deposits, and it follows that persons
of the met frugal and provident habits will enjoy
the
,Most ample assistance when compelled to seek
it. The observations which are subjoined to the
Om go first to enumerate its proposed advantages,'
Vol afterwards to answer objections which have
cue", or may be, adduced against it. We heartily
outer inane shrewd remark of the Committee on
41,1 ineo %stice: r?.of
,kint_itrie,iew wages. being eked. out' by
a aainfirateltupoor.ratee, viz. that "it is much
hatter
(or Indeed t?, Nu upheld should be lessened
a practi„e uktllterluy-etegtrather than extend itself
aced
workingrni o
classes." toth c or; foiarst: ertenoids
ndependence rate
poa yle
audacious as well as irriquittioa that be
the e,
something
generally should be, as they often are' rate payers
been, called upon to assist tuber farmers or rs and
n have
lecturers in paying their respective workmerelaaa-
" Your Committee note proceed to State an on
line of the plate they have coo/littered, which they
may ate gradually introductd AS

the evils arising from:tbe fluctuation of employment
in manufacturing districts, viz :
" That societies should be formed in manufactur-
ing districts, called Employment Fund Societies, of
which workmen of any trades or employment might
become members.
" That the management of the Society and its
funds should be directed, according to the rules, by
such a Committee or such persons as the members
should elect.
" That each member, whilst in work, should con-
tribute weekly or monthly a certain amount to the
Society.
" That if a member discontinue his payments for
two months, he shall be allowed on paying a forfeit
to take his place again without loss; and so with un
increased amount of forfeit for suspension of pay-
ments for three, four, or five months. That six
months' suspension forfeits to the society his share of
its fund.
" That illness, with a certificate satisfactory to
the Committee, shall be a good excuse for suspen-
sion► of payments; and such a person will incur no
forfeit on resuming them.
" That the amount of contributions of each person
shall stand in his name, and shall not be drawn out,
except during his want of employment.
" That during want of work, each member shall
have a right to such weekly (or daily) allowance as
may be fixed by the rules, and which will continue
till his share of the fund is exhausted.
" That no such payment shall take place when it
can be proved that he can then earn one-third (or
any other proportion agreed upon) more than the
fixed allowance.
" That when the share standing in any member's
,name shall amount ro (say two) years' contributions,
he may be at liberty to suspend his contributions,
and be a free member; but should it be brought
below that amount, he is to resume them.
" That when a member's share at the annual
meeting amounts to (say three) years' contributions,
he may, on notice, withdraw one half, and resume
his contributions; and so in the following years, a
cautionary balance of a year and a half's contribu-
tion, at least, always remaining as a fund for his use.
" That on the death of any member, his share
shall be paid to his family or representatives, except
a certain proportion to be deducted for the general
fund of the society.
" That a member changing his place of residence,
shall be permitted to transmit his share of the fund
to any similar society established in or near the place
he is going to.
" That the funds of the Society shall be vested in
Government securities through the medium of a
savings bank.
" That once or twice a year a meeting or audit of
accounts shall take place, when the amount arising
from forfeits, deaths, interest, sc., shall be cast up,
and the whole divided in proportion to the share
then standing in each member's name, and such
dividend shall be added to his share.
" That any member may pay his contributions in
a lump beforehand.
" That any member may have a single, double,
or treble share, contributing in like proportion, being
entitled to receive on each accordingly, and having
one, two, or three votes, as the case may be.
" That the Society shall have all the legal fad-
fides and privileges (applicable to their case) which
are given to Benefit Societies and Savings' Banks,
conferred upon them by Act of Parliament.
" The general advantages of such a Society ap-
pear to be the following :
" 1. A secure fund will be provided from good
time against want of work in bad times.
" 2. The amount and continuation of assistance to
any member would be proportioned to his own pre-
vious industry and forethought ; and no idle or im-
provident man would draw upon the means of others.
" 3. As the liabilities of the Society would never
exceed the amount in their hands, each member's
claim would be secure at all times.
" 4. A very considerable part of each member's
share would be at his complete disposal, under the
circumstances stated, and at his death devolve to his

family.
" .5. His payments would be received little by
little, to provide against a severe practical evil, and
could not be diverted or withdrawn for any other
purpose.
" G. A considerable addition to each member's
share would accrue from his dividend of interests,
forfeits, deductions on deaths, &c.
" 7. nut hereby a member once entering the
Society would have a strong inducement to continue
in it.

" 8. nut the feeling of co-operation and fellow-
ship among workmen would be likely to aid such
societies, and the contingent interest every member
had in the increase of the dividend would prevent
imposition or abuie.
Your Committee beg to state, that from infor-
mation they have received from various quarters,
there appears a great disposition on the part of
workmen in many places to avail themselves of any
safe mode of insuring a provision for a season of slack
employment.
" As it is the earnest desire of your Committee
that the plan which they have ventured to suggest
should be fairly discussed, and any fault in it ex-
posed, they proceed to consider the objections which
may be urged against it ; some of which have been
stated in answer to queries circulated for information.
" Your Committee may remark, that these objec-
tions are of two different kinds, arising from diffe-
rent classes of persons, and appear opposed to each
ether.
" One set of persons assert that the plan suggest-
ed will be inoperative, inasmuch' as the working
classes will never embrace it; the other suppose it
will be extensively entered into and be wrested to
evil purposes of combination, for fixing a standard
of wages, and opposing subordination to masters.
" it is urged on the one side, that the plan of
the Committee is nothing but a Savings' Bank, with
the disadvantege of a depositor not having the con-
trol of his own deposits, and losing part of his share
at his death; and that no man would join it I That
if the principle of mutual assurance and dependence,
us in benefit societies, wits introduced, then indeed
workmen would enter it.'
" In the first place it may be remarked, this ob-
jection is rather to the probability. of the plan being
popular, than to its advantage should it become so;
and it might be sufficient to answer, it can de no
harm, rind it is worthy of trial.'
" Your Committee, however, believe the objec-
tion is in a great measure unfounded.
" If the working classes were all persons of great
forethought, firm economy, and steady self-control,
who, without any continual incitement to regular
deposits, would lay by, at the end of each week,
their spare earnings, to provide against a contingent
and perhaps distant evil, then indeed savings banks
would les all they could want I Even then, how-
ever, these deposits might be frequently broken in
upon, or withdrawn, from caprice or temporary
pressure (which a little fortitude would have sus-
tained) or the depositors may be induced to lend or
hazard their hard-won savings, and find them mut-
vaileble when most wanted.
" It is found, however, by experience, that the
humbler classes are by no means endowed with the
restrictive virtues (rare in any condition of life)
which have been described.
" On the contrary, they seem to stand in need
of every ertilicial aid to assist that forethought and
industry, on which at last they met mainly rely;
and they are themselves (in their moments of reflec-
tion) frequently conscious of this fuer, and anxious
to put it out of their own power to waste or lose
that which, duly preserved, may sustain their hide-
pendeuer, or increase their comforts. The plan
suggested by the Committee would give a perfectly
safe investment for the email deposits of workmen,
to provide against a severe calamity, and for this
important object the funds would be reserved in-
violate. Thu regularity of payments would be en-
. fereed.by a strong motive, and one found efficient
in benefit dohs; nt, the same time, -the feeling of
to-operation and love of belonging to a society of

their fellows, (shown to be so strong in all classes)
would be brought to operate upon the minds of the
workmen.
" The right of managing their own money, elect-
ing their own committee, and meeting occasionally
together as members of the same body, is justly
prised by the working classes; these they would
have assured to them by the plan in question, which
would in this respect be, it is thought, much more
popular than a savings bank.
" In support of this observation, your Committee
may remark, that thousands belong to the benefit
societies who never think of making deposits in say-
ings banks.
" The annual dividend would also create an in-
terest in the meeting of members, and whilst it in-
creased the fund of each, would give a slight pre-
mium for industry and frugality.
" After much deliberation, your Committee have
thought it best to reject the general principle of
mutual assurance, as applicable to the object in view.
It has been thought that, on the whole, the working
classes will prefer a society in which each man shall
be insured his own with some increase, rather than
one where he may be called upon to contribute to
the assistance of others, and reap little for himself.
" On the other side, it has been objected to the
plan suggested, that it would be wrested to the put,
poses of combination to raise wages, and be Juju-
:lons to the manufacturers.
" Your Committee will not here enter into a cal-
-1 culation of what the amount of workmen's wages
should be, but content themselves with observing,
that the remuneration of workmen ought to be suf-
ficient for their maintenance, and that when made
up out of the poor's rate, it is much better a manu-
facture so upheld should be lessened rather than ex-
tend itself by a practice utterly unjust, as regards
the rate-payers, and ruinous to the comfort and, in-
dependence of the working classes. It seems un•
likely that a plan which only gives facilities and in-
ducements to.individual provision against want of
work, can ever operate to raise wages by means of
combination.

" Your Committee would remark also, that among
the rules suggested, there is one, that no member
shall receive from the fund, when it can be shown
he can earn wages one-third (or some other propor-
tion) higher than the allowance, although, by his
rate of deposit, he may insure himself a propor-
tionate rate of allowance, yet this will be only com-
mensurate with his former frugality, industry, and
self-controul ; and, from -the exercise of these inva-
luable qualities, he ought to reap great advantage.
On consideration, however, it will appear that, us 1
each man will depend chiefly on his own fund, it is
probable that the amount in the name of each mem-
ber would be different, according to his forethought,
capacity, and skill. But if the fund each bad to

. -
depend on was different, it is unlikely they would
combine for a common purpose, the execution of
which must press very unequally on the several
members.

" They, might, indeed, be driven to do so by so
low a rate of wages as made it better for all parties
that the supply of labour be slackened till the de-
mand again rose to a remunerating price.
" At last, the power of each individual, or the
aggregate number of members, to decline work
(even without the rule cited) would be limited en-
tirely by the amount of the funds ; that is, by the
fruit of their former diligence and care. It seems
highly improbable that a number of such persons,
not having a common and equal fund to resort to,
would ever, in an unreasonable cause, waste that
which they had with so much labour acquired.
" On the other hand, the workmen would not
be totally without resource in case of actual want of
work, or ruinously low wages : but would be able
to wait patiently and peaceably for a change; or, if j
absolutely necessary, have time to seek subsistence
elsewhere, either at home or abroad.
" Your Committee have little doubt that a pro-
position to facilitate and legalize societies where
the unemployed were to be supported by those in
work, might at first have been better received by
workmen than the plan described; but, besides
other objections, it appears that such societies not
resting upon a fund, the amount and duration of
which is accurately known, but in great part upon
contributions, the continuance of which can never
be certain, would lead to miscalculations and exagge-
rated hopes and expectations injurious to the men
themselves.

" On the whole, your Committee believe that
the plan suggested will not be found liable in prac-
tice to the objections urged against it. They are
by no means sanguine that it would be immediately
or extensively adopted, but think, as it becomes
better known, that it would make its way : and they
cannot but hope it would receive the concurrence
and assistance of many master manufacturers, and
other benevolent persons anxious to improve the
condition of the working classes
" The principal difficulty which any set of men
anxious to provide against want of employment
now meet with, is to have an easy and safe invest-
ment for their fund. If they trust it to a Commit.
tee or an individual, they cannot enforce its due ap.
plication to the purpose intended; if deposited in
the name of one member in a savings bank, (besides
the limitation in amount), it appears his absolute
property, and on his death descends to his heirs.

difficulties would (with respect to the
Society described) be totally removed by law, and
your Committee believe many would, on this account
alone, be anxious to join it."— Times.
The representation of the great and populous
city of Westminster has, for a considerable time
past, been held on nearly as easy terms as any
sinecure in the kingdom; yet the electors of West-
minster protest an exterminating hostility to sine.
curists et id wane genus 1 How is this ? It surely
is not to be accounted for by the elective franchise
being in the hands of a select few, who impose upon
the inhabitants at large whatever persons they, in
the corrupt abuse of their privilege, may deem
sufficiently qualified, by a want of virtue, energy,
and honest zeal, to perform an idle part in the
pageantry of mock representation. No; West-
minster enjoys, in a large sense, the right of send-
ing Members to Parliament. If the electors do not
send persons capable of serving the public, and
willing to do their duty, who can they ,tame ? If
they exercise the elective franchise basely or
blindly, what right have they to denounce rotten
boroughs, and exclaim against the corruptions of
Government ? They have Sir Francis Burdett, for-
merly a most vehement reformer, but latterly as obse-
quious a flatterer of the Ministry as the most zealous
opponent of reform could desire--u reformer
who has not introduced into the House of Com-
mons a single practical measure to relieve the
country of its burdens—a politician who (lectured in
his place in Parliament that the army—yes, the
standing army," on which he used to exhaust all
his constitutional indignation—was the " best school
for Statesmen;" a champion of the liberty of the
Press who defended the Attorney-General when be
received the just castigation of the House for his
ex-officio persecutions of that very Press which the
electors of Westminster, with their Members at
their head, were wont to toast with exemplary de-
votion in their". Purity of Election" libations. They
H
have also Mr. obhouse, whose merits in any other
way than as being the shadow of Sir Francis Bur-
dett it would be difficult to discover. Sir Francis
Burdett is, indeed, an orator, which Mr. Hobliotnie is
not ; the former can speak to the purpose, if he will ;
but it mutters little that a man should, at patriotic
dinners, indulge in fine phrases about freedom, the
public cause, and reform, or, on One or two occasions
in the course of the Session make a good set holiday
speech, if he will not be constant in his attendance
at his post, to watch and resist the ene-
mies of the people, and to lay his shoulder
to the wheel of Parliamentary business. The
country now, übove all times, wants, in the Legisla-
ture, men of working qualities, who can and will
attend to the interests of their constituents and of
the public—men who will not talk about reform out
of dottris and leave venulitY to its undisturbed re-

pose within. It is therefore we should be glad to
find that Sir Sidney Smith and Captain Pellew had
resolved to come forward and offer themselves for
Westminster. Of the eminent services which the
former rendered to his country, in her day of ex-
ceeding peril, we need not remind the public. The
glory gathered at Acre lives in the imperishable re-
cord of history. Captain Pellew is less known;
but he bears a name that is associated with honour-
able recollections. We should, at all events, like
to see the electors of Westminster vindicate the
freedom of election, which they seem to have sur-
rendered, and try what they can do with " new
men," if it were for no other reason than that it is
easy to find better Representatives than their late
Members, end almost impossible to find worse.—
Morning Herald.
It was, we believe, very generally expected, that
the order so promptly given by his Majesty, for
opening a passage into the Park at the bottom
of Waterloo-place, would have been as promptly
obeyed by those on whom its execution devolved.
It seems, however, that this is a bitter pill, which
certain persons find it exceedingly difficult to swal-
low; anti the numerous passers along Pall-mall and
down Regent-street, who, day by day cast their
eyes wistfully towards the expected aperture, still
find the total barrier remaining untouched. We can
readily conceive that such things are not done in a
moment (though when there is a willing mind, pro-
crastination seldom intervenes); nor should we,
therefore, notice the delay in this case, did we not
perceive it hinted in the columns of a contemporary
that means are resorting to in a certain quarter
either to defeat entirely, or, at any rate, circumvent,
the kind intentions of the King. We have no
fear, however, that the former will be permitted;
though we have our apprehensions that the latter
may he the case, and that the accommodation may
end, for Instance, in the shape of something like
a narrow spiral staircase, sinless the same kind-
hearted, noble-minded intlivideal, from whose
spontaneous good-will the suggestion has sprang,
condescend to see his own wishes executed, not
only in their letter, but in their spirit. No one
having any regard either for taste or convenience,
can doubt, we should imagine, that the proposed
opening ought to comprise a handsome carriage as
well as foot entrance in the Park, with gates cor-
responding with the situation and flanked by hand-
some lodges. Considering the ready access which
this will give to Peers, Members of Parliament,
and other official persona passing along Pall-mall
and Regent-street towards Westminster, there can
be no doubt but that the projected opening, thus
effected, would be a general boon to all, and quite
as great an accommodation to the highest as to the
lowest of the people. At all events we have no
doubt but that his Majesty, who is " every inch a
King," will not permit his own kind intentions, or
the expectations of his subjects, to be thwarted by
any of those official underlings who have hitherto
possessed an influence which they have always un
popularly exercised, and are loath to relinquish.-
Morning Herald.