The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-07 00:00:00

Williams atniinst din :stamp duties an modininet.;.i:-Tbe
petitioner did not complain of the amount ofduty charged,
hut she law being in au uncertain a stale it rendered
inedielal practitioners open to very vexatious prosecutions,.
The Hon. Member hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer
aveuld t 'lce the subject into Ids consideration.
Colonel surrnonli said the present was an awful
I moment, when they were abont to be sent to their con..
stituents to render an account of their conduct—therefore,
as be did not wish to be found wanting--(A laugh)—Le
hoped the Chancellor of the Ex hequer would inform bin,
if it was the intention of Government to bring forward
;, any -measure to put a stop to mock auctions, with whirl,
the country was now so inundated.
I. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he
thought it was desirable something should be done ; but,
at the present moment, he did not feel warranted in giv-
ing any specific pledge on the aubjeet.
Mr. WARBURTON
.presented a petition from a num-
ber of surgeons and physicians, praying the House to take
into its consideration the difficulty of obtaining subjects for
dissection. The Hon; Member said, if he should have the
honour of a seat in the next Session of Parliament, it was
his intention to take an early.opportunity of bringing in
anOther Bill. relating to the subject of anatomy.
The Beer and Cider Duties Bill was read a second
time and ordered to be committed.
•

Sir R. PEEL brought up his Modesty's most gracious
answer to the Address voted on Wednesday List. His
Nlajesty thanked his faithful CoMmons for their loyal
Address, and felt persuaded they would lose no time in
providing n temporary supply for the public service,
until the meeting of a new Parliament.
REGENCY.

Mr. R. 011.04 T rose and addressed the House nearly
in the following terms :—Sir, in calling the attention of
the Houle to the proposition of which I gave notice the
other evening, I trust it will be unnecessary for me
to repeat what I then said and now feel, that the
question is one of great magnitude, and that there are
ereat difficulties attending it, which I make so bold as to
charge myself with bringing forward. I am aware that it is
impossible, under any eircutnatances, even taking it as an
abstract question, that a -subject so intimately connected
with the well-being of the monarchy, sointimately connected
with the Constitution, and in which the feelings of all
loyal subjects are interested, should be otherwise than
deeply interesting.. But, in addition to all that belongs
to it as an abstract question, there is one circumstance
which gives it a peculiar and sorrowful interest when
introduced to this House, namely, that a measure
of this kind is founded on it conjectural anticipation
of an event, which God avert! ' and which, when it
occurs, would fill the nation with sorrow,—an event
which on reflective man could think upon without serious-
ness--which no citizen could kink forward to without
deep concerns—and which no loyal adherent of the family
which- now occupies the Throne can contemplate with other
Rotimeiits than those `ref the most ainful nature. Sir, having
thus stated the nature of this subject, I may be asked why
I thought it necessary to bring forward the question before
this Houfe—why the 'attention of the Heise should he
occupied with the .subject at all—and still more, why I
should take upon myself the charge of recommending it to
your attention. With respect to the subject itself, it may be
enough for me to say, that whatever be the difficulties, the
delicacy and importance connected with it, all those ch..
remittances, and all the embarrassments which may
arise from a discussion, would he multiplied ten demand
fold in the events of the contingency which I wish
the I lame to provide against. In this view
of thin case the difficulties which I contemplate, and which
cony he urged as a reason against the discussion of the
question, so far llom operating with me as a ground for
postponement, only furnish additional reasons for taking
it up with the utmost promptitude, and pursuing it with
suck celerity as is consistent with the importance of the
eulijeet. With respect to myself, Sir, in calling the at-
tention of the House to the subject, I recollect that my
province is not to enter into a discussion of the embar-
rassing questions which belong to the subject ; but, or, the
contrary, I think that I should not discharge my duty, if I
did more than press the subject on the, House, without
offering any opinions of my own upoix the difficulties
which surround It. I therefore mean to confine myself
to preissing the subject upon the consideration of the House,
and not to ask the House to peanounce any opinion upon it,
AN/ugh I sun at the memo time aware that this House is
;perfectly competent Cu take upon Itself the devisingi any
measures to be adopted, in the event of the contingency
width I am anxious to provide against. But I at the
lame thno thesught that it would be more agreeable to
usage, more eonsistent with precedents, and more con-
;tenant with thoso feelings which we all entertain towards
the Royal Vanity, to roan° myself to this point, namely,
that the Crown should, by an Address front this Hulse, be,
invited to originate a measure of this description. I therefore
feel it nsy duty to content myself with stating my reasons
for Unlacing this House to implore the Crown to originate
this measure, and that it would be incunsistent with my
duty if I were rashly to enter into a discussion as
to what ought to lie done..-4Hear.)—ln the remarks
which I am about to address the Route, I wish to keep
clear of all personal and political allusions, which at all
times I wish to avoith bat the more so on a
subject of so, much importance, AS to
induce US to re-
lish, (tout giving way to ordinary political feelings;
lunch inure du I tosb to disclaim from the bottom of my
heart, the introduttim of any topic which could encroach
in thin slightest 'tepee upon those feelings of reverential
attachment to the Royal Family, with which every good
subject ehould approach a diseteslon of this kind. Sir,
folly aware that the question is one widen involves matters
of great delicacy, I yot feet that it is impossible, without
the Latium caution to treat it, without encroaching in seine
degree upon the Roney mad seclusion of the Royal Household.
I know that by the Constitution the Royal Household
is, as it were, placed as a house upon a bill, and its affairs
are in some measure excluded from domestic secretly
men Relation. But upon this occasion I think the Royal
household ought to lie embittered as exempt front
intrusion as any private homichold in the realm. I may
be asked why I think it necessary to bring forward this dito
eussioe, es the House already had its attesition directed to it,
and it may he said although the discoid-on was without notice
(.:t that measured attention lied keen for wake together
' so directed to the subject, es to preclude the necessity of
a specific notice. Upon that part of the sub-
fret I say, and I see Politica in saying it,
by the observations of two or three Honourable
alembris, that although his Majeatyos Povernment
stay hoe directed their attention to the sul4eet astir some
time, that it was not until two or three days After the
demises of the Crown Chet the public had nny notion
that _ it' was the intention of °averment to submit
to the House that the question of the Regency
r should let potoponed for the present Session.,"
Sir, in considering Rot deceits of this question, it will per.
kepi be expected, or ought to have been expected, that some
notion should be taken of those precedents that may
hit cotteidered applicable to the subject furnished by
means a history. I beg to soy, (hut although I have
perused with come care, as of course it was illy duty todo,
w hatever evidernse history supplies AS applicable 1,0 the loth-
jset, it ii not my totention to trouh!,l the House with the
tiet die, or even with a 001400 of the precedents, that pre-
mole the middle of the last estattiryi I do not mean to
, say slow cone of the precedents supplied by earlier history
Ara tiny way applicable—or the contrary ; hut recollecting
that the Conesitntion'wee not settled in thole days as at
present, teeing that many of thee-affairs of State, conducted
' now se they were then, would be anomalous, I cer-
tainty do not conceive that many of the itrecetlents I have
poked at, are any thing', like so full of utility as
,-
anti have been expreted—therdo,re I pats over them,
: anti come to the two preeedents which have cutup.
red tiara the middle of the. lest rentery—prece-
dent* whit I conceive to be of the uttmat im-
portance. The first of these, which I think the.
teed important (4, that which occurred in the
year MI. George the Second, at that time
being greatly advanced in are upon the death of his son
the Itrinee of Welt*, and recollecting that the children of
that Prince were then in a ettets of minority, thought
it necessary to send a Message to both !Unarm of Perlin-
meat, earnestly calling upon them to make a proviaion by
the appointment of a Ilegency, adapted to the peculiar
entergetsciteof the coo. The Mange to both 'Totowa was
, sent on the tilth April, MI. ibis was followed by a
wand message to the House of tkriiii on the pith of
:they, respecting stone of the dettils, sod on or
about the ',ad or 2114 of Ably, about- Ow weeks
,ft front the date of the first Message the Regency Bill passed
~4, both Houses, and received the Renal Assent. 'the more
. , iniPottSot pets eifect however, is that which look
.., piece in 170. (eorgian, at that time having been upon
the 'flame ;about four yew, in the very prone of life
iMr he was then, I believe, sbout 25,) alarmed
I,y an Walt witieb, thetogh I believe In itomS degree se-
vere, we know, from the hest authority, pat to have, been
.;, darigertoon—thooght it necessary, not tiy, the usual course
1)f a Mebeige, but by hie own personal appearance
in this !louse, to call on Parliament to take into tomtidera-
, , t belonged ,, ,
aim in* casualties twatitl+ eis exalted station &hove
i ,I) others, and to make some plAVISinn ' for a suceesseir for
els tiatone by the appointotatit of s Regent, The'
.ir o r 4*io wideh that Monarchkexpreeted himself were
t to the ell'eet, that the tender concern he felt fin
.
•_, loss isithful ouhjecte, made hint extremely anxious
to protrude for oyery possible event width might Nitre

their future happiness or security. His late indisposition,
although not attended with danger, had led him to con-
shier the situation in which his kingdom and his
family would he left if it pleased the Almighty God
to put a period to his life while his successor was of tender
years. It was his earnest desire to take every precau-
tion to preserve the Constitution of Great Britain un-
disturbed, and the dignity of the Crown unimpaireil,•and
which bad itelneed hint to lay the subject before Raba-
went. Such were tie words of that revered Monarch
No far as related to tint only point now before the
House. They certainly were uttered by the advice
of hits Majesty's responsible Ministers, and which
I ant perfectly satisfied must have met with a most
hearty response in the breast of his Majesty. He was
speaking with a Kingly firmness in looking forward to
that event which would terminate his life. He was
therefore desirous with Kingly heart and conscience
to bring forward the subject with all its difficulties before
Parliament that the country might not be disturbed—thut
the Constitution might nut be agitated, and that full
satisfaction might be done to the rights of the
Crown, and the demands which the interests of his
subjects required in case of his demise. Now, Sir, re.
verting to this question, which the House is called on now
to consider, and looking forward too future event, which
I am obliged to look forward to,—the very contemplation
of which must cast sorrow into the mind of every men—
I say, looking forward to that event with all the
feelings that belong to it, I ask whether I am
preposterous in supposing, or should be mistaken
in fancying that the Ministers who advised this speech
10 ado by George 111., hail they been now the Counsellors
of his illustrious descendant, would have cordially advised

the same subject now to he brought forward. I
may be allowed to say that thu Kingly feelings which
George the Third exhibited on the occasion, are
such Us never could be alienated from , the
hreaats of any descendant .of that August Personage.
Sir, I humbly conceive that there would have been a pe-
culiar propriety in the Act to which I have referred,
bad that application been renewed by the professional
advisers of the Crown ; I say. they would have done well
in counselling their Royal Master, immediately on the
conclusion of the payment of respect to the mortal remain.
of the' departed King, to have followed the example of his
Auguat Father, making his public appearance in this
House, and calling on it to consider the occasion and
provide fur its exigencies. Sir, I have considered
deeply the Act of George the Third, anti I have drawn
from it those general inference's which seem to we to
he natural, always remarking the circumstances atten-
dant on that Act. lie was a young monarch in the
prime of life, with every prospect of a long and happy reign;
then if, under such circumstances, an Act of that nature
was considered necessary, how much more so was it in
the present instance; But, Sir, I should not do my
duty if I did not beg leave to look. a little more particularly
into the difficulties against which I have been imploring
the llonse to join in making provision, Sir, in so doing,
I am obliged to say 'once more, and presume to think
the good feeling of the House will approve of it,
that this subject presents topics from which I intend ab.
staining as much as possible. Though I may allude to and
found arguments upon them, yet I only consider it necessary
to touch upon them. But I trust the House will not measure
the importance to be attached to them in consequence of
the notice which I shall, or shall not, take of them. But
the House, I hope, will exercise its own opinion of the real
nature of them. Sir, in the event of the lamented de•
wiles of the Crown taking place after this Parliament
shall be dissolved, and before the writs are returned for
the new Parliament,—in that event, Sir, we must

look forward to the possibility of two contingents.
Either that of the Queen being enceinte at the time
of the King's death, or the accession of an
infant Princess. Now, Sir, it is well known that by the
Act of Anne, upon the death of the Sovereign, the
Privy Council must, under great penalties, immediately
meet, take the oaths of allegiance, and proclaim, the
new Sovereign. Now, Sir, I am bound to put
to the House, what would be the consequences resulting
in case of either of the contingencies happening to which
I have referred. The Privy Council would assemble
for this purpose of taking measures for the Proclamation,
which must be prefaced by the taking of the oatlor of Alle-
giance on their part. To whom, Sir, I would ark, are
the oaths of allegiance to he taken, or who is to
heproclaimed ? By the , same Act the existing
Ministers of the Crown are to be continued for six
months, unkse they are discharged by the person
who succeeds to the throne. In the care I have
referred to, Sir, whoie Ministers are they? . To whom
are they responsible? By whom are they to be
discharged ? The Parliament, Sir, so dissolved
are to asitemble again, but Such Parliament most he
commenced either with a speech from the Throne,
or by commission from the King. Under the cireum.
stances I have referred to, in whose name is that commis.
.ion to be made? The first act that Parliament has toper.
form is to swear allegiance to its Sovereign ? To whom is
it to swear allegiance? What, Sir, is the state of the country
at home and abroad? Whose subjects are the polarise.
lion of the empire? For whom are the Oldie
prayers to be offered up. I could multiply questions
of this kind almost to infinity. There is a great
mars of other difficulties, to which, however, I *hill
not just now revert. The other proposition to which
I have referred, is that of the demise of the Crown,
and the succession devolving upon an infant niece.
Questions of difficulty arise in this point of view,
mush as who shall be the Regent. Wero the House con-
tinued the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, to adopt the
doctrine held by Mr. Fox and Lord Loughborough
on the unfortunate emergency of 1788, that the next heir
in blood has as strict, as paramount, and as indefatigable a
right to the Regency as lie would, in case of the then
Sovereign's dying, have to the throne? Or were they to
olopt the doctrine held by Mr. Pitt and Lord Eldon, that
however august the name of the heir apparent might be,
he lied no muse right to the Regency than any other sub-
ject in the kingdom?. Take either supposition you please,
es to the party claiming the Regency being either heir
apparent or heir presumptive,—and Mr. Pitt thought that
it made all the difference in the world, whether the party
was heir apparent or only heir presumptive,—must we say
that er heir presumptive this party is entitled to the Re.
ttencY, or, that is the claim of the heir apparent is deferte-
ible, be must not succeed to it as of right? Let theM de-
cide that question as they might, how would they ripply
choir decision whin the heir presumptive, having become by
the death of the reigning Sovereign King of another
country stood before them in the capacity of an alien King?
licar.)—Were they to say, that 'because the
Presumptive fieir, though an alien King, would in the
death of the infant eiovereign succeed as of right to the
English throne, his possession of a foreign Throne would
form no obstacle to his luting Regent here?—(Hear,
hear.)--Were they to set aside ell the presumptive heirs
to tiro foreign Throne as unqualified for the situation of
Regent? anii were they to look for some individual mem-
bers of the Royal ho.ue who were not in the course of sue.
cession to that foreign Throtic,-4 consideration which
would confine the Regency to the illubtrious Princesses,
tee sisters of his Majesty? Or were they to let in the
question whirls member of the Royal house was fittest for
the Ramey, without considering at all what title they
had to the soteeeealon? These were questions, all of
whieh must he decided on the occurrence of this
second contingency. He was surmised that any set
of men could, in speaking of this subject, trout it as
one of no difficulty. He presumed to press it upon the
Hoose-e-not because it was an easy, but because it was a
11117601dt StAbleq. lie wished the House to consider the
difficulties of is ornt, rather than when they had become
aggravated in another Parliament. Even these difficul•
ties, which he had offered as a sample, were not all nor
oven the chief difficulties with which they would have to
contend. The whole question was still behind, whether
they weerld hive a sole Regent or a Council of Regency;
and never would he disguise it, either from himself or the
House, that that aver a qtreetion of great. difficulty. The
House would ore, that from ;new delicate considerations
he bed entirely abstained; Lot if auf pf the question/
which lie bad mooted should edge, that ehetinenee Tepid
he imposeible ; for they would be forced ripen public ettert-
tion, in spite of any wish which they might individually
have to prevent it. If the House would only recollect the
compleints made fp the year 1788, that all the private details
of the King's situation wens hawked about the streets, and
placarded on the walls, they would psmielpecure they declined
taking this matter into present consideration, ;t might be
said that these were difficult questions to be taken into
consideration at this period of the Session, and Clint it was
hard that Jtreinbers of Parliament should be kept here in
these dheuasions, whibit their more fortunate rivals were
misty rout to the oonetituent hoily: Put if it were to
he considered as it ewe question of eoovenience, the in•
convenience which would ariae hem taking the discereiors
now would not hear comparison, even for a moment, wide
a tenth port of the inconveniences, which would attend the
actual occurrence of either of the contingencies which ho
had mentiorwd. Besides, in such a crisis as the pre-
sent, they ought net to consider their personal incon-
venience. but. should meet tie difficulty of it fairly and
at once, If the Government we;uld pet. What, then
were the ofieotioos to the tonne which lie recommended?
Having ninety disposed of the objection derived from
the plea of convenittrice, lie would new proceed to state
that the other oi74ms rsonsiSted iii tinder,.rathig the

probability of these contingeneies happening, and in un-
derrating the difficulty of dealing with them when t',,y
should happen. Let the House consider fur a moment
the object of these propositions. The event to which he
always referred with sech painful feelings, could the House
leave it so entirely out of its consideration- as the Go•
vernment appeared to wish ? Could Parliament forget
the instances of casualty which it hid witnessed of late
years? Take, for instance, the case of. the late Earl
of Liverpool, who hail taken a leading part so long in its
deliberations, nod who hail been the first to propose the
grant which was made to his present Majesty on his mar-
riage, in which he (Mr. Grant) had most cordially jOisied.
Could they forget that, though_ he was one day full
Of animation and vigour, and as likely to live as any
man whom he had then the honour of addressing, he
was the next struck to the earth by a calamity which
they all lamented ? Could they forget the case
of Mr. Canning, who led their debates with ouch
happy and successful brilliance,and who had raised himself,
by the force of his commanding talents, to such a pre.
eminence, not only in this country but in Europe, that
friend of his, alluding to an old classical story, said to him
of his illustrious friend, " Die Canning, for thou can'st
not be a God ;" and yet, within one short fortnight after-
wards he had followed as a mourner at his grave? Even
in the illustrious family of the Sovereign, did they re-
member whet had happened within a few short days?
Did they recollect the demise of George III.? Did they
recollect, that the Duke of Kent, who, had he now lived,
Would have been heir-presumptive, was lying a corpse at
the same time with his revered father ? Did they recol-
lect, that at the very same moment the late Sovereign,
George IV., was only saved from the same melancholy
donut by the bold measures of his physicians ? Indeed,
had it not been for those bold measures, they might have
had three members of the Royal Family all at one time
unburied. Might not that, which they were afraid
would have happened, actually take place? It might indeed
he said, that 1,000 years had occurred without our history
elfin-ding us a single ease in which the Omen had de-
scended upon a posthumous child. But if they were
arguing probabilities, it should be considered, on the other
band, how *Odom a British Monarch had died in that time
leaving it Queen without issue. It had ()corned only twice
since the Conquest, once in the case of the Queen of Charles
11,, and again in the case of that of Richard I. Besides,
there was an instance in a neighbouring country, where the
Crown was now in a direct course of descent to a poathu.
mous child, lie meant the Duke of Bordeaux. The lion,
Gentleman then proceeded (but in a tone of voice which,
owing to its alternate elevation and depression, prevented us
from bearing more than half of every sentence) to notice the
argument that us George 111. had never mooted the question
of a Regency for the rust four yeare of his reign, though there
was then an infant heir apparent, so neither ought we to
moot it present. To him it appeared that the precedent
afforded an argument on the other side. If George IIL,
when calling upon Pediment to constitute a Regency,
admitted that lie had been guilty of a culpable omission In
postponing so long his application for it, were they to be
told that they should not only copy the example of re-
pentance which he had set them, but also the culpable
negligence which had produced it ? Then, if they could
not bring themselves to underrate the chance of these
things happening, they were told that even if they did
happen there would be no such great difficulty as was pre-
(fleeted. And why ? Because the two Houses of Parlia-
ment would meet immediately and settle the law upon the
point, the Royal assent being supplied by the infant Sove.
reign, in order to let all things run on smoothly as before.
Thus, reversing the natural order of events, Parliament
was advised to conclude that the difficulties of its situ*.

lion, if it coped with them now when they were contingent,
would ba great, but that they would be nothing when
they were no loner impending over it but actually ar-
rived. He called up•m Parliament to consider the serious
proposition which was involved in this last argument. The
Parliament that was convened, without knowing to whom
its allegiance was due, would be, to all intents and pur-
poses, a Convention Parliament ; it would be quite 113
much so as the Parliament which acquired that name
nt the time of the Revolution. Was, then, a Conven-
tion Parliament to be considered as a mere ordinary bu-
siness of State ? When the two Houses met in con-
vention, and gave to their Acts the same force which
they would have were the third estate present with theM
—was that an event that they were to designate as a com-
mon occurrence? Or was it a phenomenon, a calamity,
an evil, scarcely less lamentable than the demise of the
Crown ? He said it wits a most deplorable event, when
this nation was reduced to such a state as to be compelled
to do an act which disaffirmed itself—(Hear, hear)—and
when Parliament was called together without a third
estate, and filled the Throne with a nominee of its own in
order to supply its presence. Nothing but a necessity which
makes a law of its own—nothing but a necessity in which
all other laws are suspended, and in which all constitutional
' maxims lose their force—could justify the having resort to
in anomalous and dangerous a precedent. But then it was
said that an infant Sovereign was no minor, that he could
give his assent legally to any Bill, and that under his
assent so given, all the Ministers of the Crown coulJ after-
wards constitutionally act. Ile thought that the objat
which Parliament wished. to ensure by constituting a'
Regency was the prevention of any act of royalty being
performed by the infant; and yet the very first thing
which the infant Sovereign under this arrangement would
he called upon to do, would be to pass a meastne suspond-
ing for a time his own constitutional existence, Lord Mans-
field, in MI, expressed himself as Billows, in the debate
on the Regency Bill From the whole of this debate,
I find Gentlemen do not enough consider, that the wee-
sity of such a Bill as this proceeds from a most glaring,
and, indeed, tremendous defect in our Constitution ; for,
with respect to the Sovereign, the law acknowledged no
such thing as a minority. A child of two or three days
old may, by our Constitution, come to be our King or
Queen ; and the moment the father dies, that child is by
law invested with the whole sovereign or executive power
of the Government—so that whoever gets possession of

the person of that child, whether by fair. or forcible means,
becomes of course possessed of the Government, and all the
prerogatives belonging to the Sovereign." !low different
was the state of opinion in 17ft1 and 1830. At the
former period, a great lawyer was of opinion, that the
defect be bad pointed out was a reason for introducing a
Regency Bill, whilst, in 1880, another great lawyer. cited
the same defect as a reason for not introducing a similar mea.
sure. There existed the possibility of two evils occurring—
namely, the meeting of Parliament in the manner
of a convention, without a sovereign, or the having of a
sovereign without his being capable of executing the duties
of his office. In the reign of Henry VI., a'proelamation was
issued which had the same Act as an Act of Pm Lament,
declaring thaton.account of the King's inability to direct
in person the concerns of the realm, he:appointed, with the
assent of the Lords and Commons, the Duke of Bedford,
and during his abesonce'beyond seas, Humphrey, Duke of
Gloucester, to be Protector of the Church of England, and

of bis Majesty's countile. The cause of Henry's incapacity
was his tender age, fur at the time the proclamation WAS
issued he was exactly ten months and a half old. Was
it fitting that the Parliament of the prevent day should
run the risk of such a state of things again °cent-ling ?
'Why should Parliament, with its eyes open, rush into
the danger? Pediment had it now their power to
settle the question in the ordinary mode of legislation, hi;
stead of waiting until the dreaded contingency happened,'
and then apply anomalous remedies, which were only less
glievous than the evil itself. He called upon the House to
consider the question well. Whatever blame might attach
to the house of Commons for not having got through more
public business during the course of the present session, he
was sure they would abandon all eonsiderations of personal
convenience in order to consider the great question which
forced itself upon their attention. If the House should
resolve to adopt the suggestion which he had thrown out,
and take measures fur the appointment of a Regency of
Some sort, ha would greatly rejoice. He Would not pre-
sume to may that by so doing Pediment would obviate all
difficulties, but at least they would possess the conscious-
ness of having performed their duty, vindicated their
character, established an important precedent, and set
an example of confidence and courage which would elevate
them in the eyes of the country. if, on the other hand,
parlionieut ►OllOOl neglect the present occasion, and
make no provision fur the exigency which might occur,
peaailiy with the aggravation of difficulties to which he need
not more particularly refer, he was sure it %Maid be full
that they had criminally, or, to use less strong language,
culpably negleetul the discharge of the duty which they
paved to themselves, the duty which they owed to their
constituents; to whom they were just about to render up
their trust; the duty whichthey owed to the Monarchy,
for whose constitutional rights they exercised their legisla-
tive trust ; the duty which they owed to the Monarch,
for whose well-being they Iva" all deeply concerned and
interested ; the duty which they owed to their country ;
ney, further, the linty they owed to the Great Being
whom they ventured to propitiate at every meeting of the
House, beseeching him to prosper their councils for the
safety, honour, mad welfare of his Meiesty
and his domi-
nions,—(llear, hear.) The Hon. Member concluded
with moving—" That an humble Address be presented to
his Mejesty, assuring him that the House was deeply af-
fected by the gracious declaration made by his Majesty on
his accession the Throne of his attachment to the cnneti-
lotion of these realms. That his Majesty's faithful Ono-
mons felt that they ;timid fail in the perfermance of their

duty, if, amidst their general feeling of gratitude, mingt d
with ardent prayers for the prolongation of a reign an
auspiciously commenced, they omitted to make known to
his Majesty the anxiety felt by his Majesty's loyal subjects
at the possibility of a misfortune which might deprive them
of the blessings of his Majesty's paternal reign, and in its
consequences endanger the best interests of the monarchy.
That they were therefore induced to lay the expression of
th it anxiety at the foot of the Throne, from the deep at-
tachment which they felt towards his Majesty's uugust
family, and from the conviction which they entertained
that the safety of the state and the stability of its institu-
tions essentially depended on the unimpaired exercise of the
powers vested in the first of the three classes composing
the constitution of this limited monarchy. They therefore
approached his Majesty with the dutiful assurance of their
readiness to take into immediate consideration any measure
which his Majesty might be graciously pleased to realm-
mend, in order to guard against the possible hazard which
was to be apprehended from the demise of the Crown in
the prevent circumstances of the country."
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said he should oppose
the motion. In his opinion it was founded on the con-
templation of an event that could not happen without
casting a shade of sorrow over the whole country. It
would be his attempt to show that this question had been
introduced without that paramount necessity which could
alone justify its being brought forward. The Hon. and
Learned Member had stated, that if they looked at the
difficulties of this subject now, they would see that those
difficulties were of a nature that would increase four-fold
if the consideration of them was postponed. It would
be his attempt to show that no such consequences
would follow .from. its short postponement. It might
not be out of place for him to refer a little to what
was the constitutional law upon this subject. Our
ancestors, who, in remote times, had much more
experience of infant Kings than we had in more modern
times, had never thought of providing for such an
event before it happened. When the natural body met,
as it must (so Lord Cake said), the hotly politic, the
smaller body, that is the hotly naturally merged in
the larger body, that is the body politic, and though
the hotly natural might be an infant, yet the effect of
the body politic upon it was to change its condition, and
there was no minority at all. The fact wag, that the So-
vere'gn, however young, was competent to do all acts of
Royal authority, and in every document from the time of
Henry VI. in assistance of whom the Lords Spiritual and
Temporal, on account of the want of capacity of the infant
King, were formed into a Council, his authority was ac-
knowledged, and with reference to his Kingly capa-
city, be was the same as if he had been in his ma-
jority. It appeared, therefore, that with all the diffi-
culties which had been so much talked of, it bad been

thought more prudent to leave the constitutional law to pro-
vide fur the case, rather than to attempt to prevent the
evil by an anticipatory measure, If it were not so,
how happened it that up to this moment no one general
measure bad ever been introduced into Parliament?

How happened it, that Lord Mansfield, whose opinion,
as expressed in 1751, load been quoted to them, had
never thought the meeting the tremendous evils of
minora King by any general law relating to a Re-
gency ? How was it that that Noble Lord had not even
attempted to remove from the laws of England the tre-
mendous evil he was represented in the debate to have
painted out? He must have been convinced of the impossi-
bility of making any general law that would have applied
to every individual case. The law, therefore, was left to be
provided in every eve in which circumstances might occur
to call for it. It was but recently that Parliament had thus
been called on to provide for an emergency not before
expected. Within a few days since, Parliament had pro-
vided a measure against the difficulty arising from the ploy.
sical impossibility of the late King affixinghis signature to
public documents, and the measure load not been attended
with any great difficulties. In the same manner, whenever
the event now spoken of might arise, Parliameut would be
ready to provide for it. The common law did not provide
for our physical difficultios of that sort on the part of the
Sovereign, always supposing him competent to do those acts
the right to perform which was vetoed in him. Whenever
they looked to cases in which the infant had not had time to
acquire the capacity of acting for himself, or to those in which
from illness or extreme old age that capacity had pasted
away, they would see that in neither the one nor the other
had any provision been made by the Constitution of the
country. He thought that in the present, as in other in-
stances, it would be most wise to leave the settlement of

this matter to the constitutional law of the kingdom, when-
ever Circumstances slioidd arise to call for its interkence.
The want of any general law, as he had befOre observed,
had arisen from the circumstance, that every man had
found it impossible to make s law that would adapt itself
to all califs ; and people had, therefore, thought it better

to leave the matter to Parliament whenever the ease should
happen to mite. Re made that olemreation with reference

to the point which the Hon, and Learned Gentleman had
so much relied on. The great force of the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman'a argmnent rested on the possibility of
an invisible child, which might succeed to the Throne.
That case hail not been contemplated for the first time
this night, and yet et all times it had been passed over
without any one pretending to create a general remedy for
the evil. The case supposed had not, indeed, occurred in
this country; but it had happened in a neighbouring king-
dom, and yet no mischief even there, and in the early
times in which it did occur, had followed from it. St.
Louis bad died leaving a pregnant Queen ; the child wee
born, the Rnyal name was conferred on it, and it died
within a short period afterwards. As far, therefore, as a

precedent did exist, it was against the presumed necessity
for this motion. He could, indeed, imagine that pro-
viding a Regency beforehand, might increase the difficul-
ties of the case, instead of diminishing them. 'ln the first

place, he would ask the Hou•e whether theY would run a
race wi►h death—whether they thought no risk was to he
encountered in life—whether nothing was to he left to
chance—and whether it was possible for them to go into
the Royal House of mourning--into the Paiute of the
Sovereign, and while be was lamenting the death of his
_ .

beloved brother, they could state to himthat the llouse of
Commons anticipated his own demise, and therefore called
on him to concur in a measure which every man must feel,
and nothing but a present necessity could justify? They
were not discussing whether the subject ought not to be
considered at a fit opportunity, but whether that was the
moment in which to present his Majesty with an affec-
tionate and humble Address on such a subject, and to tell
him tl►at they expected his demise, and that be ought to
consider and prepare for it. If they believed that the ap-
pointment of a Regency would entirely disentbarrase the
country from all difficulties, they were mistaken. The
Regent himself might not survive, It was a contingency
whether he would or not. In a few weeks he might prove
to them that the provision they hail made was useless. It
was o►,ly the balance of One life against another. But was
there no other danger—might there net be another Court,
and tnight not other interests be excited ? Were all the
benefits on one side, and were there no diawbacks on the
other ? The question would arise—who was to he Ile-
gent, and what were to be his powers. From the atten•
tion he had paid to the former debate, he did not find
that any two gentlemen had agreed on these questions.
Some were for an unrestricted Regency, others for a Re-
gent with a Council. Ile had understood, too, that one
lion, and Learned Member had declared that the Heir
Presumptive had an undoubted right to succeed to the
Regency, and that so Mr. Pitt had considered it.

iIROUGHAM said his statement was, that the
Heir Presumptive possessed not a right but s paramount
claim.

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL continued- Air.. Pit

had never so considered it. In that part of the debate
Mr. Pitt had only said that the claim of the Prince of
Wales was one which was deserving of serious consider,.

tion ' • but he denied that, in any part of the debate, Mr.
Pitt had ever treated it as a claim—that he admitted di-
tectly or indirectly to be unanewerable. Mr. Pitt had
only put it on the ground of expediency, whilst Mr. Fox
(lie must say with every respect for that greet man's ta-
lents) had put forward the most extravagant doctrine that
bad ever been promulgated on that subject, either in or out
of the House.—(Setne symptoms of dissent Were here ma-
nifested by the Opposition, and the Hon. and Learned
Member accused them of a want of courtesy.)—He must
repeat that a more mischievous doctrine, and one lessjus.
tified by the principles of the Constitution, he had never
lietrd, in or ant of Parliament, than that which treated
the Prince of Wales as having a vested right to the Re-
gency. Mr. Fox afterwards changed his ground, and said
that the right existed, but must he adjudicated upon by
the ttvo Houses of Parliament. Mr. Pitt met that claim
of right, and denied it as a constitutional doctrine, and
said that the Prince of Wales had'no more right (what.
ever might be the case with regard to expediency) than hid
the meanest subject in those walls to the Regency. There
was one other question. Its asked the House whether in
its present tone and temper it was fit for the diseustion of
this question? Where, too, were the Members who had
left town on the Address being agreed to ? Were they
whose paramount ditty it was to, remain, or those who
had felt it convenient to do so—were they alone to deride
this question? A time more inopportune never had pre.
rented itself. There were but a few precedents of even
similar casts. They were in the reigns of Henry 111.,
Edward 111., Richard II , Henry VI., and l?alivarcl V.
In the first four a provision had been made by Parliament
after the Crown had tietteinded on a minor, end the fait

was hardly a precedent, on account of the particular cir-
cumstances of the usurpation that attended it. Our
Constitution was so utterly and completely blended is all
its parts, its spring and energy were so great, that it
would save us from all anticipated difficulties. There
were but few precedents at all relating to this cue, and
that circumstance which had been urged as an argument
for conceding this motion, was rather a reason why the
House should avoid being guilty of any hasty legislation.
Ulm Statute of William 111., which provided for the as-
sembling or re-assembling of Parliament on the demise of
the Crown provided against any dangers whatever, and
would enable tl4at House itself to prevent auy serious in-
conveniencee arising from such an event. Suppose an in
fent Sovereign did succeed to the Throne, that infant
might do many things ; and among others, it might dis-
miss the Ministers found in possession of authority; but
before it dissolved the Parliament another Ministry must
beappointed, and then the dissolution of Parliament would
be directed on the responsibility of that Ministry. Was
there any man who gave credit to the existence of serious
difficulties, or who believed that any bold aspiring
individual might get possession of the Royal infant's
person, and engross all authority to himself? Before
he could do this, he must annihilate the two Houses of
Parliament, and must destroy the loyalty of the people;
for the Royal infant would be cradled in the arms of the
people, and in their hearts would find a sanctuary and re-
fuge from every possible calamity. The child in the womb.
was a living being in the eye of the law, and nobody
doubted that it could be time Sovereign of these realms.—
(A slight laugh.)—There might possibly appear some-
thing ridiculous in these statements, but they were neces-
sary to the full understanding of the question. Beyond
all doubt such an infant would be the Sovereign of these
realms. The Statute of the 6th of Anne provided for tire
difficulties of which his Hon. and Learned Friend had
spoken, and declared bow, on the demise of one Sovereign,
the other should be ascertained and declared. His Hon.
and Learned Friend hail asked, who was the Sovereign,
and if treason was committed, against whom was it corn -
mitted ? But how singular it was, that with all these dif-
ficultiee which had always existed—as much at the time
of parsing the Act as at this moment—with a married
Queen upon the Throne, and with the probability of issue,
that Parliament did not think of providing a remedy.
Mind, capacity, and physical power were wanted for the
Acts to which he was alluding, and the difficulty was,
therefore, just as great with a child of a month old, es
with a child not yet born ; and yet the Statute of Anne
in no way met the difficulties. Then, as to the se-
cond branch of the ease of his Learned Friend—
for he had dwelt quite as much upon the second al-
tentative as upon the first—by the Act of Anne, a
Regency was expressly named—the attention of Parfias
inent was called to the appointment of a successor,
and yet no. Regency was provided against the minority of
the issue of the Queen. The Regency was named in
'case the Queen herself should die without issue, and yet
she was not of an age to render it unlikely that she should
have children. Having glanced at these early precedents
he came next to consider whether his Hon. and Learned
Friend was right in the mode of proceeding he proposed.
The two instances on record were those of 1751 and 1765,
in the one of which there was a Message from the Crown,
and in the other the King himself came down in person
to Parliament : fire attention of both Houses was there.
fore directed to the subject from the Throne itself; and he
could show front occurrences of a!late date in history, that
in cases of greater difficulty than now prevailed, that no
Parliament had called upon the Monarch to provide for
such a contingency, much less in open defiance of a pre-
vitals vote of the two Houses. The precedents, in fact,
were all ono way in the case of James I. no person had
ever dreamt of providing a Regency; yet upon his acceil
Bien to the Throne he was the father of boys of a tender
age. He travelled through a long reign without any body,
certainly not Parliament, even requiring him to provide
against these supposed and imminent dangers. lie said
nothing of the reign of Charles the First, in consequence
of the state of the country and the prevailing discordance
between the Court and the Parliament ; but time case of
Queen Anne, he submitted, was much stronger than that
now before the House, and a Regency against her issue
had never been provided. His Honourable and Learned
Friend had dwelt more particularly upon the events of
the years 1751 and 1765, but an examination of
the facts, as regarded the first of those periods,
he (the Solicitor-General) apprehended would not
.upport the argument of which they were brought
in aid. The question then arose upon the more inoilern
precedents; whether they warranted, at this early period
after the demise of the Crown, an Address to the foot of
the Throne, requiring it to make provision fur the demise
of the Crown. Looking at time circumstances of the year
1751, he was astonished that it should be deemed a pa-
rallel case; in 1751, there was something like indisputed
succession. In 1751, the country had just escaped from
a rebellion ; in 1751, the Monarch had been long seated
mt the Throne, and he was himself advanced in years.
At that date, consequently, there were many reasons why,
a Protestant King should endeavour to preserve a Pro-
testant line of succession to the Throne; and it might be
expected, that on the Message to Parliament, he would
speak of that necessity. At this moment, he begged to
ask, if the Protestant lino was in danger He believed
that no man entertained such an opinion. Looking to
the facts, the House would see that in 1751, Parliament
did not go to the foot of the Throne, and tell the King,
" You have reigned a long while—the Protestant succes-
lion is in danger—it is probable that you will die in a
short time, and therefore you must provide against: that
danger ;" but the Prince of Wales having died on the 26th
March, 1751, the King sent a Mese le to the two Houses
on the 26th April, and the Bill was passed, I think, on
the Ibth May. In that instance there was no indecorous
haste, but at this time scarcely a week was to be allowed
to elapse—for his Hon. and Learned Friend thought
that the Regency ought to have been pressed on the
former occasion—before even the funeral of the . late
King, on an imaginary case, and a supposed exi-
gency, Parliament was to rush to the fuot of the
Throne, and to require the nomination of a Re-
gency. He (the Solicitor-General) did nut mean to argue
that in the due season some provision of the kind ought
not to be made; but he contended that the present was not
that due season; and in 1751, six weeks were allovied to
transpire before any thing was done. But the case on
which his Hon. and Learned Friend seemed most to rely,
that which he made his sheet anchor in this wild voyage
of discovery, was the precedent of 1765 ; and how did
time case stand ? Although the Monarch had been afflicted
with illness, it never occurred to Parliament to send an
Address to the foot of the Throne to desire the Monarch
to provide against an impending calamity. Oa the birth
of our late Sovereign had anybody thought of providing
for the passibility of such a case? Did not the King him•
self allow several Sessions to pass after the birth of his
first child, before he sent a Message to Parliament? The
late King was born in 1762, and it was not until 1765
that a Message was sent to Parliament. Where then was
time precedent to justify the House in the course recom-
mended? He could find none; and that such a resolution
had never been agreed to Iva beyond all question. Ilut it
would put the matter in a stronger light to examine the
provisions of the Act of 1765. His lion. and Learned
Friend would, of course, be content to he bound by the
precedent he had himself cited, and on which be so much
relied, and what was done on that occasion? The whole
that was dune was to leave it to the uncontrotiled power of
the King himself to appoint whom he clines to be Regent,
only pointing out a particular line. Suppose George 111.
had never exercised the power thus entrusted to hitn, what
would have been the situation of the country ? On the
demise of the Crown there would have been no Regent.
The facts, therefore, did not bear out his Hon. and Learned
Friend—et least to the extent he supposed; and if
precedent were to govern, there was nothing, in history
to warrant the step now recommended. He did nnt
mean to argue that danger might not be so imminent,
and motives arising from that danger so powerful, as
to call upon Parliament to disregard all precedent, but he
argued that no such danger and no such motives existed
here, and that there was no specialty that could not be
found in all other cases where nothing of the kind had
been attempted. There was no instance upon record
where the Queen Mother had been Regent excepting upon
usurpation. Here there was a double difficulty—fur, as
he apprehended, it would be impossible to provide against
the ease of the Heir Presumptive without providing also
for the case of the Heir Apparent. What might be every
proper appointment of a Regent in the one Case, might
not be a proper appointment in the other ; hence the diffi-
culties to be coped with were the greater, and yet the
House WAS called upon to arrive at a decision on a sudden.
He deprecated very much the discussion of abstract prin-
ciples upon this question, and in any future discussion he
should hold himself at trill liberty, when the provisions
were brought forward, to take whatever course appeared
t 0
00
be
euregsepled,dieonrt.upalli w
upon what as nt
eort
Ringo:
hconsideringtouched w h othose
points incidentally while arguing the only material ques-
tion now at issue--whether this was the proper time for
adopting the proposed motion. The situation of time
Royali required no such haste. There was a Royal
Mother, Familyerons of whose custody the Heir Presumptive
was not to be taken, and no danger was to be appre•
hended that could not be duly provided for in the
neat Parliament. As to time other case of posthumous
issue, the character of the Queen Consort is a petted gua-

imiriuAigiroglkil
ranter that no difficulty could arise tribal
men of the world, the Members of the Hot
circumstances—they must balance:the diffic—
the balance exercise a sound and sober judgment.
'of the world, then, he asked them where- was
and from whence was it to arise ? The Coast
ciently provided for any events that were likel
and in the meantime nothing should be done
berate consideration. It was impossible for the
a question of this sort, not to advert to what •
ready done. The majority must bind the miner
former decision must be considered the gent:._
House, and if ever there was an instance in whit
be injudicious to retrace steps already taken, it,
now before the House. After a gracious :
received from the King, an Answer bad been
foot of the Throne re-echoing the senti
Message, and declaring that it was not the
Parliament to proceed to the discussion of
This very day an answer to the Address bad I
at the bar, merely pointing out the desireof the
to terminate the Session without addressing',
or to any other question. In what situation.
the Monarch and the country be placed, if the
tire Throne now moved were to be adopted?
be, but to tell the King, "We came to ahi
few nightsago--we have revised our proceed
now come to tell you, that the danger issuch.
ing, that it is absolutely necessary that we .
1 to the discussion of the Regency without a
Such would be a most inauspicious con..,
new reign, and it would not be that kind of
fectionite proceeding with which the House
would be desirous of hailing the accession of
reign. The difficulties also of the present
-House could not be overlooked. How was
the present state of public business, and ‘
preaching elections (for it was of no use i
out), to enter properly into conviderations of
ject. Ile might reasonably envy Members
whatever cause, confident of being returned,
sion to look after their constituents. lie was
happy condition—he should be obliged to go'
his electors, and he believed that nut a few
a similar, he hoped none were in a worse .
should lament, not indeed for airy assistance he
that this great question should be discussed
his absent*. If the subject were commenced,
almost interminable—at least no one could r..
elusion, and it would have to be considered at a
the few who could attend would be unable'
calmly or to decide deliberately, to the
either of the Crown or of the people.
due, also, he would ask, to the feelings
-trious- individual who filled the Throne?
ing him with the Addrets now moved would
upon him to consider not only the possibility 1
bability of his own demise. Having just
the Crown, his Royal Brother yet unburied,
fairs yet unsettled, and before he had en
consulting the wishes of his Queen, or the •
Member of his family, was it fit to demand
immediate consideration and decision of such
With the near prospect of a dissolution' of •
which bbd been promised by the Crown, was it
rush to the foot of the Throne, end to '
" Haste ! we acceded to your wishes, but we
we did so—time presses--we cannot wait; '
are waiting for a measure to settle the Beget
other hand, by postponing the question, ..
country to fear ? An event might happen, and
necessary for his Hon. and Learned Friend to t
dents and cues to show the uncertainty of
all that lived must die, and no man could '
that was no sufficient reason for proceeding
rous and injurious speed. It did not follow
mankind must die once, that every thing
once. Moral, and not mathematical crania
that could be acted upon in such matters, and
titular the advantage of delay was . obvious :
would be mere mature—better calcu'ated to
dignity of the Crown, and to preserve the
people. After what had passed, it would
breach of that affectionate regard due to the
if the House consented to recall and contra&
vote ; but in so saying Le meant not the el
action against his Hon. and Learned Frie
A,faovcrewAcauornLdsuuthis question, was, n°
tented by as pure feelings as those witieh
him (the Solicitor-General) to resist it. He'
propositionspurrop pre
irs eti
tom becauseethfoercspeecho n
s yl
itideree,uiroi
ivtfi
ndialgesx
istefaai:etlieilshi
ofignenegut.selbsaaottdinfiroadlottil.ittelei
listen'
s,
who had just resumed his seat, in which
forget the great, paramount, and permanent
people. The Hon. anti Learned Gentlemao
of the delicacy due to the new Monarch, and
ment all would sympathise ; but in his
point be omitted to advert to the circrunteenrel%,
racy was as much violated by the decision of ,t,'`-
night, as by the now-proposed resolution. :
think (continued the Hon. Member) that Wnell
lion. Secretary, on the former night, with'
and due decorum,. opened tire subject, be ,
violated the delicacy with which tire CroWn
environed, as my Hon. and Learned Friend'
the Address we are now considering. mdse''
decision, is more indelicate ,
'
to me, that to discuss the 'question with"'
than to debate
least the prospect of a determination. We are
lect that Kiugs are not like common 41W
placed alone and aloft to be the objects
regard, and they cannot expect to enjoy
which is the delight and luxury of ti
At the very birth of a Sovereign tire Great'
are present, and the public solemnization of a
riage is in some respects a scene of grossness
The House of Commons addressed Queen Ate
leer to form a new matrimonial alliance at the
inent when her husband was lying dead. Si
whomever these proceedings may seem indelit
one person in the country to whom they will
so : whatever pain might thus be given to & '
Ptinctelike James 11. or Louis XV., the .
Illustrieus Ileum, which it is our boast to have
the Throne of these Kingdoms, will be above fn'
suffering t,
s. The Hon. and Learned Gentlemen a
to show that its the cases of interference that .
pened there had beers a suspension of the
.000
tions, that these extraordinary provisions becson' ec,
and that no alarming consequences had Weeded
should wish to ask the Hon. and Learned Gent
lie conceives to be the end and object of Per"- id
Lia.onmeym;unaitnydnityis
The history of our hereditary form of Goeerri,
not present us with any certain security for the
or virtue of the Chief Magistrate. The dintl`",se
batedva "'
ample themes to the satirist rind the "w„,,0
Look, beandentortuhsetedr
ctoontiebrieuetebise bA..I
at this moment, at the enormous s'
extent of power confided to the herediterY lelhie
whether an infant or an adult: the P„,,PI: of
governs is scarcely less than 120,000,00" ,I
aspersed over the world, from the Meditevrjart% i
Indian Archipelago—from the extretne reed
Western to the extreme South of the Distern '' red,
an authority so vast • and so intricate, the,14.000!
even of those who have the task of guiding re!
the Sovereign are fully aware of its extent els'il
Yet this enormous empire, with all its nonlP '
rests, may be placed under .the contreul of a $
hay or girl. For a child, unable to walk or 1t.,.
4ituplest wish in its mother tongue, the 00'.
Generals and of accomplished Statesmen are
Senates pay it homage, and by the years of its 011,0
numbered and public Acta are dated. To reent;t4
may appear, if not absurd, unressonebli; B°l,l fiel
answer? Why in this enlightened age do "of ita
would oppose even with our lives any 010140!
tem? What is the advantag It maye that counterPo'ol
,serous and admitted evils?
.vord--certeinty.—(Hear, licar.)—Fer this n. 01,0
this alone, we are content to forego all the 11.70egi
,night result from " securing to the realm A lau 140
Chatham, and of Meriboroughs." Under ../I',ste I
be dcsiii!!"o, 0
Government the Royal authority passel vislio or!'
non 0,41
from one Royal depository to another,
in whom the right to the Supreme magistrerY $.O-0
this certainty be of more value than wisdonb oft
public servicoa—if it he paramount to ever t:$10.
'oration, then, I ask, what becomes of 011,0 11l
tills
rf the Hon. and Learned Member ? Ile ~ 01
her than to choose soon ; but if we foliose` 10:0001
in the appointment of a Regency, and to sir".
forego the only advantage of our hereditsq
,Js,„ IA
vernMent—its certainty. Not only he, b!,,passii
hereditary Monarchy
in their speeches its effort assert that the affivoi4
that the evil of an elective Monarelly.i! e.',10 „Ibis'
•tvii, We are to run the most fearful risk !o_,), 0
ion can be expesed—we are to be left ined,,n'ts ,li
*mon on whom tire supreme power of ti
nr'lrho
side—we are to incur the danger of a ant 'rho
is au unimportant. 11'101
r disputed succession rather tsars-sevbeit 'OOl MI
.hat Hon. Gentlemen shall stay in 14°. st es e,
lays, and incur heavier charges. for ribairs wool
(Much cheering.)—ls it the wish of Toe i.a,
lonarchy of this country should be el"'
._.

. •, -
bat quiet` ,
loose must
Beahies, told
dgment. At
was the dol
Constitution
t likely to 01
lone withouti
for the Ho**
vhat had tot
minority, Pt
.eneral stvestr,
in which it 01.
leen, it wolf,
1 Message hulk
teen carried 0
sentiments cf.f,
the intentio}
a of this cut?
bad been ce4.
eof the So
ing himself to
I
ation On :
if the Add
ed ? What of
a hasty MO
nir
trending!, 1 -
such and so Pil
we should lo`
a Inomedil
nCentO t
)mine d
ad of lord *o_,
louse of Coo!'
to of I% eel;
of position
was it pool
and with tilt 4
Übe not to Sri
ons of such IL
albetti WV er
rued, had 0
le was Well's
o go (loos/
rw othette°
rse situsti* •
ace he cola
sed sold do
need, it w.,1
old forego :: ,
1
'ed at I tio
osbia 0 liEfgis
:I egg. theloVf al
istliiie: 1
rone? API) ~
'Would bo Pi
Ibility butt' 1,1
just suet'sop
Tied, hill e'lci.
on opporttk.,,,
the YIeWS #1,.;
!Mend of Iti
f so ab ii,,',T
ot of bath PI;
was it deal
1 to tell th..
but we re r'
_..4
nit; eat
t,,gency.” it
.ion, what)";
d Pe"
)en, an 4
ad to quatalii
ity of bog' . tt
aid 8440°, 'ho
. '''
hog trill, xi
follow, beloil
g must be
...1
certainty, !7,,
re, and in t
ry
rious: the lel
ited to sutilli
Intracliet it* 1"-,
the slighten.n
Friend, 11°1
e, no . drw::?
which 40 t
Ile oPP „Al
it this seo) „Al
11. ~1110
listened $l4
h3Diitlitete,oCiUlhnontha Learned
l eeldntoot
And
hi. $ arr.eai,;:::::, rb.
t „os, ,
et !',
~,, ,
,„„„„ ,
...,.„
,ion . o' i
0,7,16;1!
bet w 1 ,ip
with gre:„rte
triCrown &a. of
Friend wlrDe
atil,:ndv: 1 idieete:et3ol it
le:, 'ir,
itri,lit'i
so saes
obj• ts ° l'4
ects rro,
enjoy tlist
so
of their ,41/
'eat Officer' hti
ion of a itto
mess and lel'?
eels Anne, 4
toe v
:e at toe , •
id. Sure to
t indelicatett'd
ley Will o:lfit)(
a to & p A' ot!
the Ifea"..ns4