The Sun.
London, England, 1837-05-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TILE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Reji;rin has triumphed at Glasgow. The numbers
at the close of the poll were—
Fur Mr. Deani,tonn
Mr. Monteith
Majority 758
And this notwithstanding the vilest calumnies were
audaciously circulate:l against Mr. Dennistotm ! No
one ever qu' t.otioned the honesty or the indeptaidence
of the Refor rers of the great commercial city of the
Wert of Scotland but a painful uneasiness was enter-
ta;ned by many persons here lest the charges of irre-
lit:ion lavished against the Reform candidate might be
partially successful, The Glasgow Reformers have,
iwever, it seems, nobly done their duty, and drawn
the attention of the country from the disgraceful
oample of Westminster. We have now some-
thing more gratifying to refer to than the heart-
sickening spectacle of the success of an old
rene'ado, who carried his election by the party
whom lie formerly loaded with abuse, aidisi by a num-
ber of blundering Radicals who, in spite of the strong-
est evidence to the contrary, believed that Sir Francis
really was, as he professed to be, unchati.;ed. The
example of Westininsur has only served to stimulate
the men of Glv,go.,v araer exertions to avoid a si-
milar disgrace. No ; the people of this country never
can be so forgetful of what they owe to themselves
and to future generations as to turn their backs on Re-
form. They can never cheer on the Toriesin their unholy
warfare against the Reform Bill, which has not hitherto
yielded the consequences anticipated from it, through
the successful exertions of the Tories in the noose of
Lords. The Reformers of Glasgow have proved that
the people can distinguish between their friends and
their foes. Tnis election is a commentary on the
dinner to Sir Robert Peel, on which the Tories will
do well to meditate. So much for the re-action at
Glasgow.—Morning Chronicle.
The Tories have one of the Commandments in es-
pecial aversion—". Thou shalt not bear false witness
against thy neighbour." In almost every election
which has been contested of late, the supporters of the
Tory candidate were at great pains to circulate among
the electors insinuations against the religious belief of
the Reform candidate. This praiseworthy custom has
been observed at Glasgow. At the nomination on
'Thursday, Mr. Dennistoun indignantly complained of
this vile mode of assailing an opponent. " I believe,"
said he, "in the whole annals of electioneering war-
fare, the mode to which some of my opponents have
had recourse is unparalleled : reports of thegrossest and
most unheard-of description, whose foulness was only
equalled by their supreme absurdity, have been indus-
triously circulated against me ; and, to crown all, it was
actually published to the world that I have been guilty
of burning the Holy Bible. Now, sir, I solemnly de-
clare, in the presence of God and man, that of
ans such foul deeds these hands are clean ; and I
will not rest have brought to light the author of
the calumny, and exposed him to the execration of all
good men." It is creditable to Mr. Monteith that he
:poke in terms of indignation of the calumnies to
which his followers had had recourse to run down his
opponent. At a meeting previous to the nomination,
Mr. Monteith, in addressing the audience said, " In
an especial manner he alluded to the false and inju-
rious calumnies, as he unhesitatingly denounced the
reports regarding Mr. Dennistoun's personal character.
Such calumnies were always injurious, and more so
to the candidate who was not made the subject of at-
tacki—(Cheers and calls of William Leckie Ewing
and Dr. M'Conochie r) As soon as he heard the
gross calumny he knew that it could not be true, and
he was only surprised that Mr. Dennistoun had thought
it necessary to contradict it." A Dr. Taylor compli-
mented Mr. Monteith " as a straightforward fellow,
too honest to allow the party who brought him for-
ward to irfluence his opinions. He (Mr. Monteith)
had denounced the co»duct of Mr. Leckie Ewing
and others, to whom a base calumny had been
traced, and who would be left to throw it off
their backs in the best way they could." Thanks to
the perferviduni genium .cotorunt, the caluniniators
of Mr. Dennistoun have gone about their unholy work
with more zeal than discretion, and have.thus afforded
that gentleman the means of grappling with the calumny,
and punishing the contemptible authors. Mr. Mon-
teith thought that Mr. Dennistoun ought not to have
taken any notice of it. We think he did quite right
in tracing it. All those who tight with poisoned
weapons ought to be put without the pale of society.
In no case ought the calumny to be overlooked. It is
with these accusations of irreligion as with accusa-
tions of certain propensities Baud nominanda, many a
man has not the strength of mind to meet them boldly,
and the knowledge of this emboldens the miscreants
to proceed with their dirty work. But how well Dr.
Taylor knew his men when he said Mr. Monteith
was too honest to allow the party who brought him
forward to influence his opinions. When we find
these foul practices resorted to, not once or twice or
thrice, but at every election, we are entitled to infer
that there is more than accident in the matter.
Surely the _Carlton _Club have not laid it down as a
rule that their candidates shall always raise the cry of
irreligion and impiety against their opponents ! Dur-
ing the wars of time Guelphs and the Ghibellines, the
Guelphs, who were the church party, used always
to raise time cry of irreligion and heresy against
their opponents, and the friars excited the mob to take
vengeance on the individUals whom they chose to run
down. A writer of those times tells us that he saw
the mob, after an exhortation of the monks, devote to
the flames as many as twenty distinguished individuals
at one time. Thank God we live in times when men
cannot destroy the bodies of their .political opponents ;
but the spirit which formerly brought men to the stake
still survives, and the Glasgow Tories showed not the
slightest compunction in sacrificing the reputation
of Mr. Dennistoun. .There was a time when no
'nail spoke more feelingly against this base practice
of exciting odium against Reformers by charging them
with irreligion than Sir Francis Burdett. In his
very able speech on the 24th of November, 1819, at
the opening of the Session after the Manchester mas-
sacre, he said, " It was remarkable, he might here
observe, that it had become a prevailing fashion
amongst many to mix up reform and irreligion as two
timings necessarily connected. Some persons appeared
to consider them like Church and State, inseparable ;
lint, for his own part, he could not imagine how the
destruction of Christianity should be favourable to the
cause of Reform. The result would, as he appre-
hended, be entirely the reverse. In point of fact the
same opinion was entertained in the time of Charles
11., when it was the policy of the Court to favour
every species of irreligion with a view of extinguishing
ail zeal for a free Government. Christianity was felt
io be a religion of liberty ; it taught a doctrine ab-
horred by many—the natural equality of mankind
But it likewise inculcated justice, it recommended
charity, and forbad time imputation of evil mo-
tives to others, without sufficient ground." " By
their fruits ye shall know them." The reli-
gion of the Tories is not a religion of justice,
or charity. If—as Sir Francis Burdett says—
Christianity teaches " a doctrine abhorred by many---
the natural equality of mankind," what is the religion
of the Tories, who seek to profit by all manner of
abuses in Church and State, who would sacrifice the
interests of the many for the sake of the privileged few?
Whenever ally individual exerts himself zealously for
the good of the people he is charged by the Tories
with irreligion ; and thank God lie is not of their sel-
fish, uncharitable religion. It is melancholy to think
that the Sir Francis Burdett who expressed himself so
indignantly against attempts to run down Reformers
by charges of irreligion should have moiled himself

among those he condemned. Nay, the poisoned wea-
pons against the use of which he protested were dis-
charged against the candidate opposed to him, no
doubt with his concurrence, at the last Westminster
election. The Han. Baronet, if we may judge from his
xpeech on the question of Church-rates, is now in the
right frame of mind to practice all the disingenuous tricks
which he formerly reprobated. When evil principles
have once found an entrance into the mind of man,

areer is usually very rapid. Mr. Den
am from the Glasgow Journal, was
nd-bill, with having burnt the Bible
Company in Liverpool. " Great li-
Journalist, " even gross scurrility,
in good taste ox not, it is needless to
tted by common consent in electioneer-

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int.; squibs ; but that a party who arrogate to them-
selves the honour of being the exclusive patrons and
protectors of religion and morals should have sanc-
tioned such a Bill, without a particle of foundation,
could scarccly have been believed for a moment but
all the conclusive evidence now adduced." This will

he considered, we suppose, a pious fraud. When the
parsons obtained signatures to petitions for the conti-
nuance of Church-rates, by proclaiming to their rustic
I.arishioners that it was intended to pull down the
Churches and use the materials in Macadamising the

r.)ads, the authors of this fraud knew that they were
safe ; but the calumniators of Mr. Dennistoun have
been less skilful than their English brethren.—

Morning ('hronicle.
We need only refer our readers to the reports trans-
mitted from Glasgow 'by our correspondent. The re-
sult of the election does not fully realise our hope.
But, considering the great disadvantages under which
the Conservative candidate was placed' upon this oc-
casion, and the visible decay of Whig-radical strength,
as attested by the final state of the poll, when com-
partd with that of former elections, it seems certain
that the present victory, if victory it can be called, is
the last which the party of the present Ministers in
Gl,Fgow will have to boast. If the friends of the
Constitution in the House of Commons have not ac-

quired an addition, as i❑ other recent elections, to their
numerical force, it is consolatory to reflect that they
have sustained no loss ; while all the incidents of the

election conspire to prove that the noble cause which
they support, if not yet completely triumphant at G!as-
gow, is progressive there, as in every other part of
the United ‘Kingdom.—Morning Post.
A great political event is at hand—Mr. Roebuck
has given notice of a motion on the state of the
nation ! There is something rather amusing. in this,
notwithstanding the great gravity and the deep im-
portance of the matter, which might very well come
within the scope of Mr. Roebuck's motion. We do
not question the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's
talents. We admit that he is distinguished for
vehemence, and we acknowledge that few men can
cope with him in volubility. We think that he is
more accurate than Mr. Hume, more eloquent than
Doctor Bowring, and fully as much in earnest as
any man on the Ministerial side of the House of
Commons ; but still we cannot help feeling that
there is something like a ludicrous contrast between
the importance of the subject which he has an-
nounced and that of the individual who is to bring it

forward. And this, too, is heightened by the way
in which the thing is done. It seems as though
Mr. Roebuck had taken a sudden thought that he
would discuss the whole state of the nation, and up
he starts, and at once gives notice that on the- very
next meeting of the House he will bring on that sub-
ject. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman scarcely
does himself justice by these brusque proceedings—.
he is fit for something better, especially if he would
give up the Canada annuity. It may be a very plea.
sant sort of madness which possesses Mr. Roebuck—
that the profoundest and most difficult cases of political
complication are quite easily mastered if people would
only use his key to their demonstration ; but it is mad-
ness nevertheless. The man who offers to demonstrate
in " five minutes" that everything which has been ever
said in favour of duties on foreign corn is unsound,
or who suddenly determines to discuss the state or
the nation in full Parliament within three days:, is
beyond all question a leetle hasty. We would ad-
vise Mr. Roebuck to look to his fame (putting the
Canada annuity out of the question), and to consider
this. Our present Ministers are so eminently clever
whenever anything in the nature of a trick is to be
performed, that we can almost suppose them to have
set Mr. Roebuck on to the remarkable proceeding
of a motion on the state of the nation. In the felicity
of Mr. Sprine. Rice's profound ratiocinations on the
best means of avoiding a scrape it may have occurred
to him to throw an air of ridicule upon such a motion
might, under present circumstances, be a highly judi-
cious stroke of policy. We do not think quite so
meanly of Mr. Roebuck as to suppose . that he would
become the willing instrument of Ministers in defen-
sive policy of this kind ; but we know it is not the
manner of such dexterous gentlemen as at present hold
the high offices of State to go directly to the point in
this or any other matter. If Mr. Roebuck's motion be
really one of Ministerial contrivance, we are quite sa-
tisfied that he himself is not aware that, it is so.
Greater men, however, than Mr. Roebuck, have some-
thus been made serviceable to others, by cunning sug-
gestions of certain means of being serviceable to them-
selves. When Mr. Fox moved, some forty years ago,
" in conformity to due notice," an inquiry into the same
subject which Mr. Roebuck now undertakes to bring
before the House of Commons he said that " this
solemn mode of inquiry ought not to be resorted to
but in cases of peculiar emergency. At such a time
the Commons would not do their duty to their consti-
tuents, if they afforded confidence to any Administra-
tion but on the strongest grounds, and thefirmest con-
viction of its integrity and competence to the charge."
Now, if this be a time at which an inquiry into the
state of the nation be necessary or expedient, we call
upon the followers and the admirers of Mr. Fox to
bear in mind this solemnly-affirmed judgment of the
duty of the House of Commons. Is there a firm con-
viction on the strongest grounds of the integrity of the
present Administration, and its competency to the
charge which it has undertaken ? Is there anything
like this ? Ministers and their adherents know well that
there is not. For many reasons we waive the question
of the " integrity" of the present Administration.
We shall not enter upon that discussion, but the ques-
tion of its competency is to be determined by mat-
ters of fact, open to the inspection of all. If we be
asked whether Ministers be competent to their charge ?
—we answer, ciremspice. Look around, and see
whether they have been able to do anything which they
have proposed to do. Whether their propositions have
been injurious or beneficial is not the question. We
believe they have. been most injurious—but we appeal
to those who think they are not, and to them we say—
" This Administration cannot deserve your confidence
if you think, with Mr. Fox, that the Commons ought
not to confide in an incompetent Administration." Let
us look back at this Administration from its commence-
ment. It forced itself into office upon the pretext that
it could manage the affairs of the country much better
than the Administration of Sir Robert Peel. Now, what
were the hopes held out by . that Administration, had
it been permitted to continue ! We find Sir Robert
Peel, on his very first appearance before the House of
CoLemons as a Prime Minister, laying down, with his
usual clearness, a statement of what he intended to do.
He said to the party of the present Administration—l
call upon you not to condemn before you have heard,
to receive at least the measures I shall propose ; to
amend them if they are defective, to extend them if
they fall short of your expectations, but at least to
give the opportunity of presenting them, that you
yourselves may consider and dispose of them. I make
great offers, which should not lightly be rejected. I
offer you the prospect of continued peace—the re-
stored confidence of powerful States, that are willing
to seize the opportunity of reducing great armies, and
thus diminishing the chance of hostile collision. I
offer you reduced estimates, improvements in civil
jurisprudence, reform of Ecclesiastical law, the settle-
ment of the Tithe question in Ireland, the commutation
of tithe in England, the removal of -any real abuses
in the Church, the redress of those grievances of which
the Dissenters have any just ground to complain. I
offer you those specific measures, and I offer also to
advance, soberly and cautiously, it is true, in the path of
progressive improvement. I also offer tke hest chance
that these things can he effected in willing concert
with the other authorities of the State, thus restoring
harmony, ensuring the maintenance, but not excluding
the reform (where reform is really requisite), of ancient
institutions. These were the offers of the Peel Ad.
ministration, but these were rejected, and a coalition of
English Whigs with Irish Democratic Papists, in fa-
vour of an abstract question, previously opposed by the
English Whigs, overthrew the Peel Administration.
We ask what that coalition has accomplished to recon-
cile this nation to the loss of what the Peel Adminis-
tration promised ? Is the present Administration com-
petent, or likely to be competent at any time, to do as
much for the nation as the Peel Administration was
ready to do, and able to do, but for the coalition of
Lord John Russell with the agitating Irish Papists,
who, up to that moment, had spurned and spit upon

him ? Here is abundant matter for anxious and useful
inquiry, if " the state of the nation," were really in-
vestigated as such a subject ought to be. No wonder
that the Ministers should wish if possible to burlesque
such an inquiry.— Morning Post.
The public was informed- yesterday, and the infor-
mation was accompanied by a tone of something like
swagger, that although the Treasury journalist, whose
columns were laid under contribution for the purpose,
did not'' absolutely know" what was passing within
the walls of the Cabinet, he as well as ail Reformers,
were satisfied that there never was a moment at which
the " Reform Ministry, relying on the justice and ex-
pediency of their policy," felt more confidence in their
own strength than at present ; and most certainly there
never was a moment at which a more mlanimous reso-
lution prevailed among them " to persevere in that safe
but unflinching. course of • reform" which they had
hitherto pursued. This means, we presu ee, that the
O'Connell Ministers are determined, at all hazards to re-
main in office. And who ever doubted that so far as men's
actions depended on their own wills, the Radicals now in
office would continue there until the writing-desks va-
nished from b..flre them, and the arm-chairs dropped from
under them ? We, at least, never had any such doubts
upon the subject. The Ministers have. waded so far
through iniquity and degradation, that "returning were
more tedious than go o'er." On one side, therefore,
viz., that of amendment of their ways, there present
themselves what may be almost termed physical obsta-
cles : on the side of resignation, under any circum-
stances, the moral obstructions are equally strong. They
would gain nothing in the shape of profit by such a
change, and in the shape of reputation they would
save nothing. Like all black-legged adventurers who
have staked everything on a throw, the present alone is
what they can look for. Push such persons as these
from their stools, and their prospect for hereafter is worse
than nothing. Cling to office therefore, they will—they
must. After all their furious outcries against the House
of Lords, the country perhaps- is not aware that the
O'Connell Ministers have, in the form either of crea-
tion, appointment, or promotion, effected changes in
that assembly to an amount not short of fifty votes,
and that within the interval of six years, or less. Yet
these are the men who torment the public ear with ac-
cusations against the Conservative party, for having in
the course of fifty years made large additions to the
Peerage. We would humbly represent to the conside-
ration of one whom from our hearts we honour, and
whom in all duty and loyal reverence it is our devoted
purpose, as faithful subjects, to defend in the exer-
cise of his sacred functions, and in the enjoyment
of his rights, secure and unmolested, that a vigi-
lant superintendence ought to be maintained over
the attempts of the O'Connell Ministers to re-model,
however gradually and insensibly, the composition of
the House of Lords. The views of these men are,
fortunately, palpable as they are reckless. They
want but to make that illustriOus assembly, which ought
to be, and would be, in its natural working, a power
conservative of the Church and Throne, an instrument
of assault upon the constitution of the Monarchy—an
instrument for carrying on that " safe and unflinching
course of Reform," in which it appears, from their
weekly manifesto, they are more resolute than ever to
" persevere," but of which, when we come to inquire
the characteristics, we can nowhere find them but in
the declared principles of that professed desperado,
Mr. Leader, whom Westminster rejected, and whom
the King'S Ministers eagerly supported, proclaim-
ing his cause to be their own: the principle; of
which Mr. Leader, so adopted by the Melbourne
Ministers, are, the Ballot, Universal Suffrage, short
Parliaments, and an elective House of Lords. If the
Melbourne Ministers, therefore, wish to put forth
illustrations to the country of the preference entertained
for their " safe and unflinching" policy, they can do
no better than reprint, for public instruction, the state
of the poll for each successive hour of the last election
for the metropolitan city, with the speeches of their
victorious adversary and of their beaten ally. If they
wish moreover, to pourtray in faithful colours the rapid
increase of that " strength" on which they rely so
confidently, we recommend them to copy from last
week's journals of the House of Commons the names
of those Members who voted on their favourite mea-
SUIV• of Church-rates, whereby they had flattered
themselves with the prospect of chaining the Dissen-
ters to their car ; and we beg them not to forget the
magnificence of their majority of five on that auspi-
cious question.—Times.
In the Court Circular of last night we perceive the
following announcement, which may, we suppose, be
regarded as conclusive upon the further permission to
be given by Government to a system upon which we
had hoped an experience of two years of its injurious,
cruel, and immoral effects, and some returning feeling
of national pride, would have made the present Cabi-
net pause. It is said that—" At the Council, on Sa-
turday, an Order in Council for continuing for one
year more the permission granted to British subjects
to engage in the service of the Queen of Spain was
passed." The die then is once more cast, and recruit-
ing for the British Legion is to be openly countenanced
for another year. All the distressing reports from the
unfortunate dupes themselves, who, in a foreign land,
had experienced only tire greatest unkindness—the con-
vincing proofs of the inefficiency and depravity of a force
so raised—the deprecations of all Europe, and all the
considerations of national degradation and military dis-
grace which the whole history of this force presents, ap-
pear to have utterly failed, and the same course is to be
again pursued ! For thus it would seem that the
whole of the deceptive movements on the part of Gen.
Evans and the Queen's army in the north of Spain
have be intended, without gaining a single inch of
really tenable ground, or at all bettering the condition
of the revolutionary cause in those parts—the Madrid
government has contrived, and successfully by giving
to the British legion a momentary eclat, to impose
upon the authorities in Downing-street, or at least
to appear to justify them in a further continuance
of an impolitic and perilous course. But, if Lord
Palmerston has suffered himself to be deceived, we
can assure him that the English public is not so, and
that they feel, as they have always expressed, disgust
at a continuance in a course which hardly aims at any-
thing effective, and has certainly never succeeded in
accomplishing for any party or any principle anything
bent; fi cial.—Morning

TUE ARETllUSA.—CaptainChamfer's new novel
has been pronounced equal to the finest story of the sea ever
written. The many and various adventures of his daring fri-
gate are des:Tibed with such masterly power that the scenes
are brought palpably before our eyes. . Running fights, des-
perate engagements (yard arm to yard-ar:u) terrific storms,
cuttings-out,with the drolleries of the cock pit, and the humours
of colonial life, attract by turns the sympathy and the laughter
of the reader. _ _ _

T 0
:al: t
,n
le :::
Such is the effect' and growth of provident habits,
that it has been said, if a journeyman lays by the first five shii.,
lings be earns his fortune is made ; and a manufacturer of much
experience has been heard to declare that he would sooner have
in his trade 100 men who would save money, than double the
number who would spend every shilling they got.
NEW WORKs.—We are requested' to state that
Mr. Colburn, of Great Marlborough-street, bas'this day pub.
liiiied, " The City of the Sultan ; or, Domestlc Manners of
the Turks," by Miss Pardoe, authoress of " Traits and Tra
ditions of Portugal," in 2 vols. Svo , with numerous illustra-
tions ; and " Souvenirs of a Summer in Germany," dedicated
to Lady Chatterton, in 2 vols. post Bvo. Agents for Scot-
land, Bell and Bradfute, Edinburgh ; for Ireland, John Cum-
ming, Dublin.
The following is copied from a Hobart-
paper, dated 31st December, 1836 :
" I AM NOT DEAD ! I !
" A report having been circulated in Hobart-Town and part
of the country that my breath failed me on Friday
to inform my friends a id the public that my lun4s are mower
now than they have been for twelve years past, barn;; refreshed
by the breeze of hope which overcame the foul wind of despair
that left these shores on the 31 of November, 1836. IF anv
one wishes to be convinced that I am in mortal existence, they
may be so by calling at No. 10, Patrick-street, where they
will find nie, like the leather I manufacture—tough ; and that
I am determined to stick to my lat.—S. J. Wrsms."
THE PEERESS, EDITED BY LADY CHARLOTTE
Buky.—These volumes are most fertile in all the accidents
and excitements of romance, while they purport to be, and are
(certainly in their manner) an actual picture and record of
events. But it is to the gayer or more worldly scenes that the
reader's eye with be Wired, to detect characters scarcely mas-
queraded before him ; few of them, Indeed, 4ppearing under
any disguise of names, and thos.! who do being instantly WV,
nizable. Almost all the great parsonages of the time, fashion-
able and political, domestic or foreign, are introduced upon the
stage one after the other, and the scene only shifts from Ro-
chester House to Almack's, from Carlton House to Parliament,
from Parliament to the hustings at Covent-garden, from thence
to Windsor, and from al) these to the Pavilion, to present an-
other brilliant feature of the scene of ForpiintiO rPaliti.!

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 29, 1837