The Sun.
London, England, 1837-11-04 00:00:00

to predict. That the Conservative leaders are alike
indifferent to office for its own sake, and incapable of
seeking for factious opportunities to obtain it, is an
opinion of the Standard's in which we fully coincide.
Nay, for the present at least, it may be highly desir-
able, that instead of assuming the reins of Govern-
ment, the Conservatives should continue to act simply
on the defensive, until the Whigs are made to feel that
their official turpitude and self-contempt are as insup-
portable
themselves as they are execrable and odious in
the eyes of the country. But, on the other hand, as the
past unscrupulousness of Lord Melbourne's Ministry
affords a strong presumption, that in the absence of a
sufficient Parliamentary check they will persist in pros-
tituting their Cabinet influence to pamper their Popish
and democratic accomplices, as well as to practise upon
the artless and confiding temper of her Majesty ; so
it is quite clear, that if one and another of the Con-
servative Members remain out of town till after the
holidays, their efficiency, even in a defensive point of
view, will be much on a par with that of the troops
who abandon the very garrison they are appointed to
protect. In such circumstances, an unseasonable sus-
pension of party hostilities may possibly be equivalent
to an irretrievable sacrifice of the national interests.
Wherefore, if the Conservatives wish to prevent the
enemy from stealing a march, it is their duty, not only
to be upon the field, but to he always under arms and
ready for battle at a moment's warning. In the second
place, it ought to be steadily kept in view, that the
absence of Conservative Members at the opening of
the Session may produce a deceptive impression upon
her Majcsy's mind, highly prejudicial to the principles
of sound government. Within a day or two after the
meeting cf Parliament the Address will come under
discussion. That debatable matter, necessarily infer-
' ing a division, especially in reference to Irish tranquil-
lity, will be introduced into that document, is in the
highest degree probable. Suppose, then, that in conse-
quence of a thin attendance on the Constitutional
benches, Ministers are enabled to carry their point
with a large majwity, what can her Majesty conclude
hut that her advisers are strong in public confidence,
or else that, on Irish questions at least, the Conserva-
tive party have sunk to such a lukewartnness as indi-
cates a virtual acquiescence in Lord Melbourne's
policy ? Now, an impression so conveyed to the Royal
mind may, by possibility, be productive of incalculable
mischief. By what particular inadvertency her Majesty,
under bad advice, might show that confidence in the
Whigs which would thus be generated by Conservative
supineness, it is not for us to say. But that great
practical obstacles would thereby be interposed to the
formation and :uccess of a constitutional Governni:eit,
when subsequently rendered indispensable, is what
every shrewd observer can readily anticipate. - And
this will appear stil more distinctly, by considering,
in the th:rd place, the probable effect of a thin Con-
servative attendance on the relative strength of par-
ties in the new Parliament. We have a strong con-
viction, foueded upon tolerably good data, that the
number of zeaveretei on both :ides will likely be greater

just now tluin on any previom occasion. The politics
of these men are wa tine, to be determined by a divi-
sional dmiorstration. On their first vote will probably
depend the entire complexion of their future procedure ;
and as that rot will, almost ctr.ainly, be withheld
from the pal), who,e apparent wealmess may afford
the slendere'st poinise of official He, no man can doubt
that a miserable muster of the Conservatives may oc-
casion as many &:,;;:rLions among their understood ad-
herents as it may prevcnt accessions from the nominal
ranks of their opponents. A dilatory attendance may,
therefore, neutraliz., or forfeit all the numerical ad-
vantages which- we gained at the lite elections. On
these, 2.;.d v,:licins other grounds that might be ad-
duced; we do, therefore, most earnestly deprecate any.
Conservative absenting h f
imselfrom Parliament Gil

after the holiday,. This is not a time when a friend
of Liib country can JF.rd to act, or rather to sleep, upon
a mere fancied security. The crisis demands every
man to be at his post ; and according, we fervently
trust that when the drum is beat not a single de-
faulter w.ll be found.—Times.
Amongst the numerous Reform demonstrations re-
cently made in different parts of the country, the pro-
ceedinri,s at the dinncr mven at Bodmin to Sir W. Tre-
lawny and. Sir W. Molesworth, by the Reformers
of Cornwall, afford most cheering evidence of the
country being ready to respond to any appeal which
may be made to it in reference to those great questions
of improvement so essential to its prosperity and peace.
The speeches made on the occasion were of the most
energetic and exciting character, well calculated to
arouse the Reformers to that active and organized
exertion which the necessities of the times require
from them. One fact stated by Sir W. Molesworth,
though already more than once before our readers, in-
dicates so strongly the dangrrs to which the country is
exposed, that it cannot be too often reiterated in the
ears of Reformers ; it is—that in the last elections, of
twenty-five English counties, wherein a contest took
place, the Liberals lost twenty-three : an evidence in-
disputable that with a little more activity in the Regis-
tration Courts, and a little more intimidation and
bribery in the Polling-booths, the counties of England
will become as pliable in the hands of a tyrant Tory
Aristocracy as were ever the worst of the rotten
boroughs. This is a fact in itself sufficient to excite
the serious apprehension of Reformers, and to stimu-
late all genuine friends of representative Government
t ) rescue the representation from the unholy grasp
which has been laid upon it. Tyranny is never more
dreadful alid dangerous than when it clothes itself in
the guise of popular authority ; and such is the
thraldom which at present enslaves the greater part of
the electors in the• English counties. Under such cir-
cumstances, with the so-called representation so fla-
grantly at variance with the sentiments of those said to
be represented, to congratulate, as the Tories deligli tto
do, the county electors on their independence, is merely
to insult and mock them in their degradation. The majo-
rity of county Representatives are chosen by the Aris-
tocracy, not by the electors. Give the electors a fair op-
portunity of voting according to their individual inclina
fion—give them the protection of the Ballot—and the
fraud and imposture of the present state of the repre-
sentation will be speedily exposed. Two points on
which hinge the stability of the Ministry and the
success of the approaching session were impressively
dwelt upon by dEerent speakers. They consisted
briefly of advice to the Government and to the people ;
the one was urged to pursue a decisive and bold po-
licy, without stopping to conciliate or soothe Tory
prejudices ; the other were appealed to, by their
hopes of effecting the intentions of a free and repre-
sentative Government, to combine and exert them-
selves for the promotion and protection of their own
interests. However ingenious the speculations which
may be formed on the, probable course of events in tbe
coming session, it is in these two points will be found
the clue to their solution. On the decision and bold-
ness of the Government depends the stability Of Mi-
nisters—on the exertions of the people the success of
Reform.— Morning Advertiser.
Ever since the friends and supporters of " freedom
of election" in England had resolved that a fund
should be established for the purpose of procuring
" justice to Ireland," in reference to the late elections
in that country, which exhibited more glaring viola-
tions
of electoral rights than, perhaps, had ever before
been witnessed, the Ministerial Journals, fearing the
result of a searching judicial inquiry, have been ex-
ceedingly anxious to persuade the public that. Election
Committees are not proper and efficient tribunals for
adjudicating on such questions. Undoubtedly, the de-
cisions of such Committees as those that whitewashed

the " Carlow job," and refused to bear evidence of
general bribery and corruption in the case of Falmouth
and Pcnrhyn, were not calculated to rai:,e the character
of the tribunals which, under the existing law, are ap-
pointed to try the merit,: of election petitions. But as
the establishing a purer and better system of judica-
ture, if at all practicable, must be a work of time arid
difficulty, the British public must not allow their at-
tention to he diverted iron) the outrageous violations of
law and justice connnived at a large proportion of the
elections, by an attempt to run down the Grenville
Act at the moment when the usurpation practised at
those elections must be re tilled by its means, or not et all.
We were never friendly t o the principle of ex post facto
le7islation, and we are mot disposed to advocate it now.
‘-liatever mode of vii tlicating electoral rights and
correcting returns unduly obtained by means of force
or fraud may be hereafto; adopted, it is quite certain