The Sun.
London, England, 1839-07-16 00:00:00

have borne such unanimous and weighty testimony to the
great importance of the education of the people. It was
with the hope he derived from that that he now approached
the question, and should offer the few observations that he
had to submit to their Lordships upon it. In the late
debate the want of education and the deficiency of the pre-
sent means of public instruction were almost as universally
admitted as the importance of the object itself was admitted.
It was said that the National Society educated 1,100,000
children. The British and Foreign School Society stated
that they educated as many. But there was clearly some
mistake. If not, there were 2,200,019 children educated
in these schools, and this would be the best educated
country in Europe, because there must be 800,000 children
educated who were not connected with either of these
Societies. The truth was, there was not anything like
2,200.000 educated ; for it appeared by the Parlia-
mentary returns of 1835, that the number educated in
every school, including the Westminster, Winchester,
boarding-schools, &c., was 1,278,000. Now, if the Na-
tional Society taught 1,100,000, it would leave none for
the British and Foreign Society to teach, for the other
schools would include the 178,000 left.—( Hear, hear.)
It was satisfactory to mark the progress of education.
When he obtained returns in 1818, the number of children
under instruction was 678,000, so that the number had
doubled in twenty years. Instead of there being schools
for one-fifth of the population, there were schools only for
one- tenth or one-eleventh. In that case we should be worse
educated than Holland, the centre of Germany, greatly worse
than the Protestant Cantons of Switzerland. Neverthe-
less, if she education given here was worth anything he
should be sorry to press for legislative' education. It
was the quality at which he looked, and on this subject
he would refer to some statements made by Mr. Slaney,
respecting education in Manchester. He said that
491 per cent. of the children in Manchester could not read
at all, and that 67 per cent could not write their names;
that of the girls, 57 per cent. could not read, and 88 per cent.
could not write; that the school-rooms were, generally
speaking, dark, small, damp, dirty, and ill-ventilated; and
that nine-tenths of the children received no instruction wor-
thy of the name, and a great number of the teachers were
incompetent to the task. With respect to the system he
proposed, it must be voluntary. He more term repu-
diated, lie abjured and abominated all plans for compulsory
education.—( Hear, hear.) He knew that he gave offence
to many of his worthy friends and fellow labourers ; he
knew that many of them, through honest zeal, closed their
eyes to the irreconcileable difference between the people
and the institutions of this country, and those of Prussia,
who were considered more like regular troops than any-
thing else. fie desired nothing better than to see the
Prussian system of education established in this country,
for it was founded upon the most enlightened principles,
and it would end in giving a free Constitution in Prussia.
The reason why he did not desire in this measure to estab-
lish that system here was because be loved education, and
desired to see it popular. The people of this country
were for education, and the only way to set there
against it was to compel them to send their children
to certain schools.—( Hear.) It was not desirable in this
country to have an arbitrary and exclusive system of edu-
cation. He considered it to be better that all those who
paid for the expense of public schools should have a share
in the government of them. One of the great advantages
of the voluntary system was that it would get people to
send their children to schools, whereas if they were paid
for by the Government they would dislike it. It was also
right that tha people should have some superintendence
over these schools, because if they had, they would not
grudge the rate that might be levied upon them for their
support. The next'object of the Bill was to appoint aCentral
Board. That Board would not only be useful in controlling
and superintending the local bodies, but it would be highly
useful in maintaining the connection of the Church or
the Government with the school, and above all, would
afford an opportunity of transferring lights from one part
of the system to the other, by winch the teachers in all
schools might profit. The fundamental principle of the
measure therefore was, without compelling any place to
have a school—without even giving any place the facilities
of having a school, by planting one there for them if they
did not wish one; the fundamental principle was to estab-
lish such a system of education as would meet the wants of
parties in different parts of the country. As, for instance,
if in any particular place, the parties wished to have a
school, power was given them to summon a school meet-
ing of all the rate-payers in the district. At that meeting
the majority were to bind the minority, and a communication
was then to be made to the Central Body or Board of
Education. The Central Board, according to the plan
he now proposed, were to have the charge and controul
of the schools, and all moneys to be received were to be
placed under its controul. That Board was to be composed
of two of the great Officers of State, who were, of course,
responsible to Parliament and the Crown. The Board
was also to consist of three irremoveable Commissioners,
to be appointed by Statute or the Crown. but not moveable
except by an address to both Houses of Parliament. The
patronage of that Board was not to be in the hands
of the irremoveable Commissioners. The Board being
so established its first function would be to su-
perintend the distribution of the Parliamentary
grants, the veto upon all those grants to be
in a Minister of the Crown, as by that means local jobs
would be put an end to. One great use of the Board
would be to decide between majorities and minorities in
the parishes with respect to the establishment of schools.
The Board were also to have the power of nominating
Inspectors who were to have access to all the schools who
chose to put themselves in connexion with the public
Board in any way. Such was the general outline of the
plan. There were two points, however, which he had re-
served for his conclusion. the one was the question of reli-
gious instruction, and the other the qualification of the
sehoolcviau,r_ The grounds he had hitherto gone into
were not controversial, but those he were now approaching
were controversial—one in a polemical, and the other in a
political point of view. It was at first a question whether any
provision should be made for religious instruction, because
parties were aware that would lead to considerable contro-
versy. He considered it would be as easy to keep secular in-
struction apart from religious instruction as it was to teach
children the catechism without instructing them in writing
and ciphering ; yet, after mature consideration, he was of
opinion that 'they should be conjoined to as great an extent
as possible so as to be accessible to all. He had had a
conference with forty or fifty influential persons of different
denominations on this subject, and only one of all those
had any doubt as to the propriety of giving some sort of
religious instruction. He had entertained great doubts on
the:subject, but had given way to this general expression of
the public opinion, not only because it was so, but be-
cause he felt the force of the arguments urged. One of
these was that they must get one person to teach secular
knowledge, and another to teach religious knowledge and
that this was to expect too much from a poor man's child—
that was true—their own children were under different cir-
cumstances—they could receive the religious instruction at
home which the poor man's child could not. He proposed
that in every school the Scriptures, in the authorised version,
should be used. But he proposed that where the parent
of the child gave a certificate, stating that he objected to
the reading of the authorized version of the Scriptures,
the child should be withdrawn from the schools during those
hours, this would give relief to the Roman Catholics ; and
he proposed a similar relief for the children of Jews with
regard to the New Testament. No sect was more jealous
or more munificent in the cause of education than the Jews,
as their conduct with regard to University College bore
witness.—( Hear, hear, from Lord Holland.) So great
was his desire to see education extended, and so great his
horror of ignorance, that he would rather have secular in-
struction without religion than no instruction at all. Nay,
he would rather have secular instruction in combination
with religious instruction that he deemed erroneous
than no instruction at all ; and for this opinion
he could quote the high authority of Dr.
Reid. He thought infant education of as great
importance as the establishment of normal schools, because
by infant education they cut off the supply of criminals,
and it would do more to diminish crime than the penal
codes, as he was convinced the power of punishment as
example was very much exaggerated. Both infant schools
and model schools should occupy the attention of the Go-
vernment. He now came to the question of qualification of
which his Nobleand Learned Friend opposite had spoken,with
what be would call only disrespect, be meant the educa-
tional suffrage. He thought that any person who had
been a member of the Mechanics' Institution for three
years, or who was a member of any learned society
should have a vote in the appointment of the School
Committee. If same such rule as this were not adopted
many of the best qualified persons would not have a vote in
these matters. The greatest mathematician this coun-
try had produced since the time of Sir Isaac New.
ton, he meant Sir James Ivory, would not have a
vote. But this was not essential to the principle
of the Bill, all that those would be called on to affirm who
voted for the second reading of this Bill would be, that
there was at present a greet deficiency in the quantity and
quality of general education ; that it was necessary to
have a Central Board established for the purpose of sup-
plying this deficiency ; and that this Central Board, in
conjunction with local Boards formed of persons paying
the rates, should have authority over the schools to be
established—these were the principles, everything else was
merely matter of detail. He thanked their Lordships for
the attention with which they had listened to him, and he
would now move the second reading of the Bill.
The Bishop of CHICHESTER wished to explain why,
opposing as he did the motion of the Most Rev. Prelate
the other night, he felt called upon to oppose this measure
of the Noble and Learned Lord, whose exertions in the
cause of education every one must respect. He had op.
posed the Most Rev. Prelate's motion, because he was of
t
alon bee.fore He them as the Chancellor of
opinion that the Committee of the Privy Council
was as competent to decide on the subject which
might
x bech e
ci broughtu e
approved of the deviation
in the apportionment of the funds, as being dictated by
charitable desire to assist the poorer districts. He re-
gretted the model schools had been given up, but he
thought the fears entertained that the Government, having
obtained the grant, would proceed to reorganise the model
schools, was groundless, because a model school would
take a long time to organize ; and if the Government
were to attempt to institute a model school, long before
such school could be organised they would have to come to
Parliament for a renewal of the grant. On these grounds
he had dissented from the Right Rev. Prelate. But he
owed it to the Right Rev. Prelates to say, that on all the
main points of education he agreed with them.
The Bishops were employed at present in their
dioceses in forming and carrying into effect plans for diffusing
ththeeprp
o n educationreligion
but would also carry out the ordinary subjects of education,
which he thought might perhaps so far satisfy the Noble
and Learned Lord as to induce him to withdraw his Bill.
In very much that the Noble and Learned Lord had said
he entirely acquiesced. His first objection, however, to
the Bill was, that it being for a scheme of education pro-
posed for a country like this_enlightened, generally speak.
ing, as this country was, so as to be exceedingly earnest about
its religion, above almost every other country in the world,
and attached exceedingly to the Established Church,
under whose administration it lived, whose doctrines
for the most part it entirely approved, and which it was
desirous of transmitting to posterity—it was a scheme of
; education in which the most remarkable feature was that