The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—If the centre of the secret Government
of Poland is really the city of Warsaw, the increased
vigilance of the Russian police has not yet pene-
trated the mystery of its organization. The mili-
tary authorities in the capital of the old Polish
Kingdom aro still contending with an invisible
power. To the Russians it is a shadow that con-
tinually eludes their grasp, while to the Poles it is
something substantial enough to be obeyed. Whe-
ther it works through the affections and voluntary
allegiance of its subjects or governs by the influ-
ence of terror, it is equally perplexing to the Rus-
sian commanders. Though diplomacy has sus-
pended the discussion of Polish affairs, the revolt
still forces itself on the attention of Europe.
Though the insurgents are not very successful any-
where, and on many points have certainly failed, the
insurrection is not suppressed. The Russians ap-
pear to have calculated that the snows and frosts
of winter would render it impossible for the insur-
gent bands to keep the field, and would do the work
of the Russian troops in the most effective manner.
But of all military allies the weather is the most
capricious. Its aid cannot be commanded or bought,
and its hostility is always to be feared, The season
in Russia and the East of Europe has been unu-
sually mild. At St. Petersburg the winter is too
genial to give satisfaction to the extreme Russians,
who consider the delay in the setting in of hard
weather as a kind of disloyalty to the Emperor.
The Neva is not frozen, but runs in December ex-
actly as it did in the month of August. The winter
is "exceptional," and for Russian military purposes
treacherous. The open weather has rendered it
possible for scattered bands of insurgent to camp
out in the forests of Lithuania, and continue the
struggle several weeks later than the Russians an-
ticipated. But this accidental advantage is nearly
all the insurgents have gained. Not withstanding
the reports of occasional defeats of Russian detach-
ments, the Poles have net, recently, obtained any
marked success ; and in Lithuania the insurrection
has just received a heavy blow by the capture
of one of its ablest leaders, the Abbe Mackiewicz,
and the dispersion of the force he commanded.
But this and similar reverses do not seem likely
to bring the struggle nearer an end. No defeat
weakens the belief of the Polish people in the ulti-
mate intervention of the European Powers in their
behalf, either to prevent war, or to a consequence
of it. The object of the Poles is now to gain time.
Their past disappointments and the present unpro-
mising aspect of their affairs have not abated any
of their demands. The National Government has
just issued t proclamation or address to the people
which urges the necessity of continuing the conflict,
and calls for still greater sacrifices to sustain it.
The Address is so declamatory in its style that it is
almost impossible to derive from it any distinct idea,
either of the object to be gained or the means by
which it is to be secured. It seems to predict that
Poland will be a source of disquiet to Europe at
large till it intervenes.as much in self-defence as to
assert the rights of humanity. There will be no
security for peace in Europe till " Poland has ac-
quired her rights." Progress and civilisation are
likely to be arrested till the Polish question finds
" a just solution." Till this is obtained, " per-
severance in the path of insurrection " is the only
course to pursue. The end to be attained is the
establishment of " a Poland wholly independent,
with Lithuania and Ruthenia." To effect this ob-
ject the National Government intimates that it may
have to call for great sacrifices on the part of the
people, certain, when they are required, that they
will not be refused. 8o supported, it has unshaken
confidence in the future, and is ready for a farther
struggle. Considering how much ground the iusur-
rectiou has lost and that the general feeling in Eu-
rope on the Polish question is not enthusiastic, it is
impossible to find in the Address any reasonable
calculation of the means by which all the terri-
tories that have ever been comprehended under the
name of Poland can be recovered and restored. We
can ascertain what provinces were under the Polish
dominion two centuries ago, but the people of
I._'hese provinces now stoutly deny that they are
Pelee , They repudiate the name, and, whether
Russian or gradually assimilated by
would resist any incorporation with
Russia, they
Poland. In the Ruthenian provinces the insurrec-
tion found no sum. °rt. The population rejected
the offer of a Polish na:ionality, and the attempted
gular spectacle of a
i.
me'opressed by the
Western Power
movement furnished the .sin
27
"national" revolt promptly
ss
in-
habitants of the country. Could
have entered into official correspont: once with the
secret Government at Warsaw, that influential
body would probably have brought its demands
within more practical limits. But it France, Eng-
land, and Austria could obtain from Russia the
slightest improvement in the political institutions
of the country, or even a more humane administra-
tion of the Government, how is the much greater
change demanded to be brought about ? It is a
misfortune for any Government to have to rely so
much as the Polish Government evidently does on
vague declamation. The great peat and the glorious
future so continually alluded to furnish no clue of
deliverance from the difficulties of the present.
The power of the Russian Government seems to be
increasing in strength, and as it gains strength it
becomes more vindictively and wantonly cruel. The
condition of Poland is growing worse every day,
and if anything can rekindle all the old sympathy
in favour of the Poles it is the present policy of the
Russian authorities. Much would be gained both
for Poland and humanity if this savage and stupid
barbarity could be checked. If left uncontrolled
by any external influence till the ancient frontiers
of Poland are recovered, the Russians will have a
long term of impunity. The existing remnant of
the true Polish race is likely to be exterminated,
under the present order of things, long before the
" Ruthenian Provinces" again become part of an
independent Poland. Europe will more readily
respond to an appeal for assistance to procure for
the Poles an endurable and intelligent Govoriarrenits
whatever the institutions, than to a demasteti:-
help in an undefined and impossible onto?
rthce- con-
llanaaD.—lt is now perfectly clertrrtulls:i
a of their
ditional recognition by Austria and
obligations under the Treaty o soon do
bat ot thei die.
r co-
tated by the apprehension t
n :wa.s
would insist upon
signataries of the treaty f Austria d its
fulfilment. The Goverurrieutdscomuevi:; and Prussia
were quite as ready as_i%
t involve thet the attempt
despoil Denmark, I.)_t
n war against
at despoilment
w"t(hey Maid
fop with whom d.- not hope to cope.
feared ttmet agitatorsi to
a
They feared Eugsian.n. knew that she could
enormous Juries upon them, whilst they
touch her. They knew if they went to
could
dt
not
war with her she would soon have very formidable
allies in the field. and
Of Russia France they had
napprehension. The former is fully occu-
pied
ot mautchh
orae d
, an it is not the policy of Franco to
fight for the
maintenance of British influence any-
where.
They assumed, therefore, with considerable
eilaningOn attitude which, whilst it did not directly
violate the treaty, reserved the pretext for taking
that step if it should bo found that no great danger

attached to it. The language of Earl Russell, his
counsels and menaces at Copenhagen, have con-
vinced them that England will look on with folded
arms whilst Schleswig is wrested from Denmark,
and will only interfere after the crime has been
accomplished, to ask that the victim shall be Bub-
jected to no further injury. The two Governments
are, therefore, adopting, as rapidly as they decent',
can, the ordinary German doctrine in favour of the
right of the Prince of Augustenburg to both Duchies,
and the duty of putting him in possession of theta.
They have an understanding with the minor states.
If Austria and Prussia had been in earne.et the small
states would not have ventured to reply to their
identical note in such bold language, and would
not have carried against them in the Diet the pro-
position calling upon the committee to report upon
the accessional question—that is, to declare Prince
Frederic Sovereign of the Duchy in a week's
time. But the proceedings in respect to Schleswig
prove even more decisively their intention. Hesse
Darmstadt had proposed that the Confederation, to
ensure its right over Schleswig, should immediate],
occupy that duchy. The German Confederation has'
no more rights over that duchy than it has over the,
county of Kent. It has never formed a portion 01
German, and the Diet itself has over and over eg.ni
odmittedy this. Instead of meeting this proposition
with a direct negative, as they assuredly would has'
done if they had the slightest intention of upholding
the Treaty of London, Austria and Prussia ha
y°
proposed an amendment, summoning Dennear t
suspend the November constitution, non• compl,,c6
to be followed by occupation. With just as lone:
right they might occupy Zealand to enforce the'
equal position of all portions of the Danish monarch,
which they contend they are entitled to claim, or
take possession of the whole of the Netherlands, to.
establish a position for Luxembourg more in accordd
ante with German interests. But Federal right 9'n _
international law have been thrown aside altogether.
by the Diet as by the nation, and the Austrian anct
Prussian Governments, believing that both laws
be disregarded with impunity, are hastening to ID"
up for the delay which they made to repudiate thentf
whilst they were sounding their way. The reply ne
the King of Prussia to the address of the House of
Deputies is another indication of the determination
of the Prussian Government to repudiate the treaty
The The King, instead of condemning distinctly, AS is
wont, the opinions of the house, practically sato"-
that he shares them, but asks for a little delsi;
Prussia has reserved the question of succession, 00'4,
her withdrawal from the London Treaty would net'
be feasible without further consideration.
Majesty does not care to proclaim his breac her 0
faith. Earl Russell may be used a little lok
to set the King of Denmark and his people
the ears, and extract from them concessions Whic
will cripple the nation when the war does come,;e
th
The conduct of the English Government in
matter must bring a blush of shame to the cheek
of every Englishman who is not ready to sacrild.c
the national honour because it suits his part, Inf:
terest to do so. Assuredly, if ever a nation made a
promise, England has promised Denmark to star%)
by her in this emergency. English statesmen roe`'lo
this treaty of succession, the English people 111„110f
encouraged the Danes to resist the aggressi°'
Germany. Even Earl Russel, has declared that t„...
German Diet has not the slightest pretest for in the,
terfering in the affairs of Schleswig ; and ric't,:e.
when the two nations have been drawn closer to
gether by the present which Denmark has illadei;4l
England of a Princess for whom the whole F;ng if
nation feels the most profound regard, Denmsr''..l3
Earl Russell's own acts, if the language of his
organs can be taken as any guide, is to be Ob,Einpf.
doned—if indeed we are not to aid in enforcing "v.",
spoliation. The great principle that the weak
no right against the strong is dinned into our et3,_r;
and Denmark is told to give the world no troun'.
and die without a struggle. Let us do the Foreig!,
Secretary no injustice. He has written to the Cost
man Diet, telling it that if it is over bast, m'lo
serious complications may ensue, and that he is quiat
willing to j " oin in a conference. The Diet knows Ole
a conference will defeat its object, and will h 6„,
none of it. It understands by Earl Russell's cOTe:
plications" those Bogey threats of French inter it
rence, to which it attaches little importance
believes that England will do nothing, and it will
treat this despatch of Earl Russell with the 61_.
contempt as his previous ones. The Diet is rig at
The organs of the Liberal party declare plaintY„tbfor
the Danes are to be left by England to sh"' jai
themselves, but they threaten Germany., wn'e,
France. Germany laughs at the threat. -rrvan,
will not draw the chestnuts out of the fire for ----y.
land. It is English interests which are threatened
by the dismemberment of Denmark. It is Itglane.
which has undertaken solemn engagements to Prbe
vent that dismemberment. The Emperor of t a
French will not do England's work for her, firj.
Germany knows it. Napoleon 111. has good rte":
for looking with satisfaction at this great Gerolc:
movement. He will one day make his account ollb
of it at the cost of Germany. But not yet; and
d
Germany thinks only of the present. England
alone can prevent the spoliation of Denmark, an
English interests and English honour demand-.se
it would seem vainly—that she should prevent it.