The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-27 00:00:00

DRAMATIC WRITINGS.

A BILL
1° ALTER AND EXTEND THE rßovzsioNs OF THE MTH
"(MGM THIRD, CAP. 156, WITH RESPECT TO DRA-
IUTIC WRITINGS.

I°ll.--.The-wOrds printed in Italics are proposed to be
inserted in the Committee.

Whereas by an. Act passed in the 51,th year of the reign
of ilia late Majesty King George the Third, intituled,
c'
All Act to amend the several Acts for the encourage-
tnrat of learning, by securing the copies and copyright of
Piloted books to the authors of such books, or their as-
ligbS)" it was amongst other things provided and enacted,
1", l from and after the passing of the said Act, the author
of Sny book or books, composed and not printed or pub-
) or which should thereafter be composed and be
!tinted and published, and his assignee or assigns, should
have the sole liberty of printing and reprinting such book
hooka for the fill term of twenty-eight years, to coin-
mellee from the day of first publishing the same, and also,
the author should be living at the end of that period, for
*,he residue of his natural life : and whereas a practice has
of Irate arisen of taking down in short-hand copies of dra-
"atie pieces during the representation thereof, and of
representing such pieces at other theatres or places of dra-
Tetic entertainment than that to which the author of the
piece has first sold the right of representation, to the great
inti„urY Of the author of the proprietors of such first theatre.
allay it therefore please 3 our Majesty, that it may be
'nseted ; and be it enacted, by the King's most excellent
A
Bhie"Y, by 'and with the advice and consent of the Lords
~,Piritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present
.t.arliarnent assembled, and by the authority of the same,
that from and after the passing of this Art, the author of
arlY tragedy, comedy, play, opera, farce, or any other
a
Ir:Patic piece or entertainment, composed and not printed
"" published by the author thereof, or his assignee, or
nieh hereafter shall be composed and not printed or
"'l`?4slied by the author thereof, or his assignee, or the as.
.Inee of such author, shall have, as his own property, the
sole liberty of representing, or causing to he represented,
rev ny place or places of dramatic entertainment what-
?rTer, in any part of the united kingdom of Great
tain and Ireland, in the Isles of Man, Jersey, and Guern-
Producti in any part of the 13ritish dominions, any such
on as aforesaid, not printed and published by tl;e
author there,n
f; or hix assignee, and shall be deemed
a
proprietor thereof; and that from and
afdtertaken to be the
thepassing of this Act, th author of any such pro-
duction which shall hereafter be soe printed and published, or
the assignee of such author, shall, from the time of such
Publication until the end of twenty-eight years from the
'lay of such first publication of the same, and also if the
author or authors, or the survivor of the authors, shall be
living at the end of that period, during the residue of his
natural life, have as his own property the sole liberty of
representing or causing to be represented the same, at any
,each Place of dramatic entertainment asaforesaid, and shall
oe deemed anti taken to be the proprietor thereof.
And be it also enacted, that if any person shall, during
the continuance of such sole liberty as aforesaid, represent
or cause to be represented, without the consent in writing
of the author or other proprietor thereof first had and ob-
tained, at any place licensed pursuant to Act of Parliament
of the twenty-fifth of King George the Second, or place
of dramatic entertainment whatsoever, within the limits
aforesaid, any such production as aforesaid, or any part
thereof, whether printed and published or not, every such
offender shall forfeit and pay for every such representation
the full sum of ten pounds, to be recovered in the manner
hereinafter mentioned; and shall, in addition to such
Penalty, be liable to the payment of damages to the author
or other proprietor of such production so represented con-
trary to the true intent and meaning of this Act, to be re-
covered,
together with double costs of suit, by such author
or other proprietor, in any Court having jurisdiction in
such cases in that part of the said United Kingdom, or of
the British dominions, in which the offence shall be corn-
tnitted•

And be it further enacted, that it shall and may be law-
ful
to and for any one of his 'Majesty's Justices of the Peace,
residing within the county, division, city, town or place in
England or Ireland, or the Sheriff or Stewart or any Justice
of the Peace for the shire or stewarty in Scotland, within
which the offence next hereinafter mentioned shall be corn-
tnitted upon complaint to be made before him of the repre-
Eentation of any such production at any place licensed pur-
suant to Act of Parliament of the twenty.fifth of King
tieorge the Second, or place of dramatic entertainment
whatsoever, within the limits last aforesaid, to summon
before him the proprietor or proprietors or other
the person having the management or the super-
intendence of such place so licensed, or of dramatic
entertainment, or causing or procuring such repre-
sentation, and proceed to hear and determine the said
complaint in a summary way ; and that it shall
and may be lawful to and for the author or other proprietor
of such production, by writing under his hand, to autho-
rise and appoint any person whomsoever to appear for
him at such hearing, the signature of the person giving such
authority, to be sufficiently proved by an affidavit to be
sworn before any Judge of any of the Courts at Westminster,
or before any one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace,
verifying the same to be the handwriting of the person
signing and giving the same ; and affidavits sworn as
aforesaid shall be evidence to be received touching the pro-
prietorship of such production ; and if upon the hearing
of such complaint the person so complained against shall
not produce and show the consent and license in writing of
the author or other proprietor for the representation of
such production, it shall be lawful for the said Justice,
Sheriff or Stewart, and he is hereby required to convict
such offender, and to order the payment forthwith by him to
the author or otherproprietor, or to the person so authorized
and appointed as aforesaid, of the aforesaid penalty or sum
of ten pounds for each such representation, together with
hie reasonable costs, to be ascertained by such Justice,
Sheriff or Stewart ; and in default of payment thereof,
the same shall be levied by warrant under the hand and
seal of the said Justice of the Peace, Sheriff, or Stewart,
by distress and sale of the goods and chattels of the said
offender, together with the costs of such distress and sale ;
and the conviction or judgment of such Justice, Sheriff, or
Stewart shall not be removable into any other Court, or be
quashed or avoided for want of form.
Provided nevertheless, and he it further enacted, that
all actions or yroceedings for any offence or injury that
shall be committed against this Act, shall Le brought sued
and commenced within twelve calendar months next after
such offence committed, or else the same shall be void and
of no effect.
And be it further enacted, that wherever authors, per-
sons, offenders or others, are spoken of in this Act in the
singular number or in the masculine gender, the sante shall
extend to any number of persons and to either sex.
And be it enacted, that a conviction for any such pe-
nalty as aforesaid shall be sufficient if the same be in the
fln'crn marked (A.) given in the schedule annexed to this
er to the like effect; and that a warrant of distress
0111 be sufficient in the form marked (B.) in the said
schedule, or to the like effect ; and a warrant of committal
t
n
default of such distress shall be sufficient in the form or
to
the effect given in the said schedule and marked (C.),
making in such for
to ads t at
ms such alterations as may be requisite
S County
pCII to particular cases.
E
counDUI. m
F. TO WHICH THIS ACT REFERS.
°fine it rememhered,(tUt on the day of
of the P hit. Co in the year A. B. of is
,convic.ted
to Wit. S before
state thesesday or dayr;one of his Majesty s Justices
aosnthecase may be] of having on the [here
sate] at which the unlawful representation took
represented or caused to be represented a
ramatic Entertainm
without such consent
or license as is required liycaanedc of the of King yeorg,e
the rourth, intituflostdr,.,[sinss:irt theft tle of thu Act] and adiuttlxgine
to forfeit and pounds
the sure of ten_l
each the sum o.
t
th, sum
of for
.such representation, together with
fret)
being the of this eeding.
under my hand and seal the
day andcost year firstproc above written.G i
C. D. (t. s.)

To E. F. (B.)
the y
Whereareas
hath been on the day of in
one
convicted before me
of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for
case maybel [or, as the
an Act made in the
of a certain offence [or, of certain offences] against
year of King George the Fourth, in-
tituled, [insert the title of this Act] and adjudged to pay the sum
of together w ith the sum of for costs, amounting
together to the um of Now these are to require you
to levy, by distress and sale of the goods and chatte!s of the said
somibie
to
_,_uctlie.said and
of
thereof to 'lB h distress and sale, and to p.
[1 re insert the name of the party
injured or of the „ri„,
half] rendering the- toge‘tyhoevre'r the amount
duce of such sale to
the saidexcess (if ally) of the pro
n authOrliczed by him to proceed on his be_
day of
in the year
Giren under any hand and seal this
s.)
' County of (C.)
To
twit. of Correction] at the Keepeorrofhitshdeefi;),:r.otyl
herea, .[or Houme
6h" of hiB Majesty' hada been convicted before me
t....s Justices of the Peace for [or, as
t -"''they be] of an of [or, of certain cffences] against an
Act Ot
)80 the title of tYeaAr cotf King
ot the said stun of ' Ptna
ties]
tor the penalty [or ss l
.] and adjudged t
George
(tjhe Ftohuertshu,minottitatled,
unpaid and cannot be levieYdistressa f 1
and costs : And whereas hole
you the said
forthwith to convey the said
by ; these are to command
to the said Gaol [or, House of Correetionand. you the said
Keeper and Deputy to detain and safely keep the sa
therein until the end of hereof, cr until the ht
of the months from
~___,..ey.
payment
last-mentioned humor mu"
Caren under my hand and seal this day ( f in the )ear
C. D. OH e.)
the date

PUBLIC MEETING AT MANCHESTER.

On Thursday n meeting was held at the Town-hall,
Manchester, to consider the propriety of addressing
Parliament on the distressed state of the country, and of
petitioning that an immediate reduction of taxes be made,
and that commerce be not again disturbed by altering again
the value of the currency. The Hall was nearly filled, and
it is computed that upwards of two thousand persona were
present. The Boroughreeve having taken the Chair,

Mr. R. POTT F. It moved the first Resolution. Ile said
it was not until the opening of the Session of Parliament,
the delivery of the Speech from the Throne, and the
language of the Ministers of the Crown, that some friend
took preliminary steps to get you assembled. "We were
induced to do so," said he, " front a conviction that the
Government of the country was not sufficiently aware of
the state of the great manufacturing districts of Lanca•
shire, and those parts of Yorkshire and Cheshire con-
nected with us. We considered that Manchester, as be-
ing the chief mart of these districts, eught at once to come
forward and tell Parliament, in temperate but firm lan-
guage, their real condition. I trust no one will blame us
for having so acted, for surely it must be proper that we
should approach that body, to lay before it the distress which
now so unhappily prevails. With this feeling we procured
the signatures to the requisition you have read, and by the
good feeling and liberality of the Boroughreeve and Con-
stables, we are now assembled with the Boroughreeve at
our head.—(Loud cheers.)—The requisitionists have
confided to me the first resolution. I will not occupy
your time by stating my incompetency to do justice to it,
or lamenting it was not in abler hands—but I will prove
it to y u, by several official documents which I now pro-
ceed to lay before you."—(Continued cheering.)—Mr.
Potter then proceeded to read a number of very important
documents which had been furnished from overseers and
gentlemen who had been officially appointed to examine
into the state of the population in their respective districts,
and these documents in a very strong manner showed the
state of suffering which prevailed in the districts to which
they referred. At Huddersfield a manufacturers' commit-
tee had been appointed, and the result of their examina-
tion was, that out of a population of 29,607 persons, 660
received 12d., 420 received 7d., 2,439 received lid.,
and 13,226 no more than lid. a day. At Macclesfield a
committee of the principal inhabitants, with the Mayor
as the Chairman, reported that 8,800 individuals, of
whom 5,662 are above seven years of age, receive as
wages of labour and parochial relief, 17id. per week,
or 2id. per day. In that town there are 993 empty
houses, and thirty-four unoccupied factories. The
poor leys in 1828 were 4,5711. ls. 11d. and in 1829,
7,227/. 1 4s. 101 At Chorley the distress appeared, from
the communications, to be of a similarly extensive cha-
racter, and to exceed that of even 1826. Front the hun-
dred of Blackburn a memorial bad been sent to the Haute
Secretary, in which it was stated, from very particular
examination, that the distress was most general, and greater
in many parts of the hundred than ever was known. In
Pendleton, which adjoins Manchester, an examination had
been made, and 187 individuals had only 21d. per week
or 3d. per day, and 352 had 3ld. a day. Io Ardwick,
another adjoining township, a considerable part of the la-
bouring inhabitants were in the receipt of not more than
18d. a week. The whole of the reports and documents
to which Mr. Potter referred as his authority for these
most afflicting details were regularly authenticated by the
signatures of well-known individuals, who had (many of
them in their official capacity) drawn them up, and they
produced a powerful effect upon the meeting. Mr. Potter,
in commenting upon the documents be had read, became
so overpowered by his feelings, that he was compelled to
sit down. The resolution he proposed was to the effect
that the distress was unexampled in its extent and severity,
except in short periods of sudden depression.

Mr. SHUTTLEWORT/1 seconded the resolution, and said,
It seems to be the policy of Government to deny the gene-
ral existence of the distress under which all the leading
branches of national industry are suffering ; and there ap-
pears some reason for considering that this policy is adopted
for the purpose of continuing, to the utmost extremity, that
system of wasteful profusion and extravagance in the ex-
penditure which has principally caused the distress—
(Cheers)—and for an abandonment of which the whole
country is now most earnestly and anxiously importunate.
But, besides tha evidence which the destitution and misery
of the labouring classes present of the generally suffering
condition of the country at large, there is other evidence fur
which I may confidently appeal to the experience of perhaps
every individual of this large assembly. This evidence
consists in the fact of the almost entire absence of profit
on the employment of capital in the various branches of
agriculture, manufactures, and trade. This circumstance
is of great importance in estimating the real condition
of the country; for the average rate of profit is, perhaps,
the most unerring criterion—the most certain standard of
national prosperity. When this rate is high, it is a proof
that industry is productive, and the progress of wealth and
population favourable. On the contrary, when the rate
is low, it is a proof that the condition of the nation where
it exists, whatever may be the actual extent of its agri-
culture and commerce, is bad, that its industry is not pro-
ductive, anti that the national resources ai e in a state of
decay.—(Great cheering. )—On this principle, then, I
ask, what is the condition of this country? What, I ask,
is the rate of profit in agriculture ? 'What is it in all the
staple trades of the country ? What is it in the iron
traffic? What is it in the woollen trade? What is it in
all the numerous and important trades and manufactures
that are carried on here—in this great hive of industry,
wealth, and intelligence?—(Great cheers.)—The answer
to this inquiry must be, that in all these various branches
the average rate of profit is less than was ever known. In-
deed, there is not one department of business, that I am
aware of, in which capital can be employed with any rea-
sonable prospect of fair remuneration. No mattter how
earnest and; incessant may be the labour—no matter
how skilful the management—no matter how large and
adequate the capital—the return is precarious, and at the
best trifling.

We prune a rotten tree
" Which cannot so much as a blossom yield
In lieu of all our pains and industry."—(Continued cheering.)
The most prominent cause of this unexampled depression
in the productiveness of industry and the rata of profits,
is the overwhelming weight of taxation—(Great cheers)—
which being drawn, as it is in this country, from the ne-
cessaries of life, falls almost entirely on the wages of la-
bour and profits. The first operation of a system of taxa-
tion on the necessaries of life, is to diminish the rate of
wages, and hence the miserable condition of the great
mass of the British people.—(Cheers.)—When the power
of the labouring classes to pay taxes has been exhausted,
the next operation of the system is to lower the rate of profit.
In this country the power of the labourer to pay taxes has
been long exhausted. From his earnings it is now uni-
versally admitted, no further abstraction can be made
without extreme danger of a general convulsion.--(Conti-
nued cheering.)—The crisis of all the profligate expendi-
ture of the Government for the last :30 years is now rapidly
approaching, and in place of the scoffing disregard with
which till recently all warnings on the subject have been
treated, there is seen, from one extremity of the kingdom

to the other, a deep and fearful, and I believe rational ap-
prehension of the issue.—(Great cheers.)—A very slight
glance at the immense amount of taxation which has been
wrung from the country will clearly account for the diffi-
culties of our present situation. From Jan., 1797, to
Jan., 1817, the gross produce of the revenue exceeded
1,290,000,0001., and in the same period the public debt
was increased 4,500,0001., so that the total expenditure
amounted in 20 years to about 1,740,000,000/.--(Shame.)
or an average of 87,000,0001. a year. During a part of
this period the expenditure considerably exceeded this ave-
rage. In the five years from 1811 to 1815 inclusive, so
utterly reckless of consequences were these who then ad-
ministered the naticnal resources, that the expenditure
amounted to 613,422,0001., or an average of nearly
123,000,0001. a year. From 1817 inclusive, the expen-
diture has been about 900,000,0001., which, added to the
former sum, makes the expenditure for a period of little
more than thirty years 2,600,000,000/.,—a sum, the
mighty vastness of which no human mind has power
distinctly to eomprehend.—(Continued cheering.)
Mr. ROBERT HYDE GREG rose to move the second re-
solution. A greater difference of opinion appeared to
as to the cause of the distress, than as to its extent. In
1822, it was said to arise from the superabundance of the
harvest. Now, in the King's Speech, it was attributed
to the deficiency of the harvest. By some it was attri-
buted to the excessive number of Bank notes in circulation
—by others to the want of notes—by others to our having
ceased to have a monopoly of trade; but to him (Mr.
Greg) it appeared that the real and true cause was the un-
equal pressure of taxation. As to the inequality of that
pressure, some remedy might he adopted ; more might be
thrown upon property, and less upon industry. The tax

. . -
upon prints, which amounted to 600,0001. per annuutn,
and which was collected at an expense of 22 per cent.,
might be removed to shoulders that could better bear it,
by a tax upon property, which might be collected at a cost
of 2 per cent.
Mr. Joirx BROOKS seconded the resolution. In ad-
verting to the deprus,ed state of the home trade, he '4)-
served that time firm to which he belonged bad made twice
the number and amount of bad debts 'luring the last and
present year, than for the preceding 20 years. The ac-
counts due to the firm were many of them from five to
eight months past due. It was tuipleanut for him thus to

bring private matters before the public ; but as the bac
of Wellington had said that there was no distress ex;sting
amongst the drapers, he felt himself called upon to make
these statements. In 1829, his firm, which travelled
north and south, had made 139 bad debts, amounting to
11,1801. ss. 9il. And in the present year, up to the 23d
of February, they had made, in their country trade, twenty-
two bad debts, amounting to 981/. 1 Is. 10d. There (said
Mr. Brookes) is a beginning for 1830.—(Laughter and
Cheers. )
Mr. W. B. GRIME moved the third resolution. The
taxes at the commencement of the reiEn of George the
Third were only 3,322,9001., which was less than the sum
now paid for the bare collection of the taxes. _(Applause.)
The resolution was briefly seconded by Mr. I'uLLEN.
Mr. PaEsincr: made a long and animated speech, for
which we regret we have not room.
Mr. HARVEY and several other gentlemen addressed the
meeting at some length.

BUCKINGHAMSHIRE MEETING ON

DISTRESS.

A very respecta' le Meeting of agriculturists and trades-
men, residing at end in the neighbourhood of Ay!esbury,
was held in the County-hall, on Ilrednesd,,y, whose object
was to make known to the Legislature the deep distress
existing amongst them, and to petition for economy and
retrenchment in all branches of Government expenditure.
On the motion of Mr. WING, seconded by Alr. YOUNG,
Mr. CHURCHILL was called to the Chair.

Mr. CHURCHILL said he rejoiced to see the agriculturist
and the tradesman determined to unite their strength to
obtain some redress of their national grievances. The fact
was their interests were one and the same—they must sink
or swim together.—(Applause.)
Mr. I'. Dxr.r, said the meeting was for the purpose of
laying before the:Legislature the unparalleled distress of the
country. This course was more imperatively called for,
because in the Speech from the Throne, at the opening of
the Session, their distress had been slightly spoken of.—
(Hear.)—They were told, instead of its being general,
that it was partial only. All present must feel that this
statement was a misrepresentation of the facts in the know-
ledge of those by whom that Speech had been drawn up,
or it was the expression of a sentiment, founded on tes-
timony on which no reliance ought to have been placed.
(Hear, hear.)—Probably the information was obtained
from those who felt a greater interest in the levying and
collecting, of taxes than in their reduction.—(Applause. )
If he looked round him on the agriculturists with whom
he was in daily intercourse he saw that, from the
low prices of produce, in all cases there was a distressing
loss of capital, and in many instances total ruin. When
he looked to the tradesmen he found that their condition
was equally deplorable. The truth was, the agriculturists
and the tradesmen had risen and must fall together. There •
was another portion of the community which, though last,
was, he trusted, not least in their estimation. He alluded
to the-working classes.—(Hear, hear.) Where could they
meet them but in poverty and wretchedness, reduced and
degraded to the very lowest state of pauperism ? Their
only choke was between a prison and a workhouse. if
they would escape the latter they were driven for the
means of subiistenee to the perpetration of crime, by which
they became the inmates of a gash--(Applause.) Where
were they now to look for that class once the pride and the
boast of Englishmen?
Princes, and Lords, may flourish or may fade ;
A breath can make them as a breath has made;
But a hold peasantry, its country's pride,
When once destroy'd can never be supplied.
This was indeed a miserable portrait ; but he feared it
was a faithful one. They came then to this, that in these
three important classes of society the bitterest distress was
prevalent. Where were they to look for redress? Where
look for assistance? Where but to those who had the
management of the Government and the country ? If it
was a good Government it would take pleasure in seeing
the country in the possession of prosperity and happiness.
If it was a good Government, it would listen to their ap-
peal, and alleviate their distresses. But if it was not a
good Government, it would no longer deserve the confi-
dence of the people.—(Cheers. )_They must make known
to the Ministers their distress ; and he would recommend
them to do so with firmness, though with prudence.—
They should speak in a firm but constitutional voice, and
ask far the restoration of what there was worth preserv-
in the Constitution, not as supplicants, but as men en-
forcing the right they possessed to be relieved from their
distress. They should petition for a reduction of the
expenditure; fora relief from the heavy pressure of the
. .

tithes; and indeed for a strict enforcement of eco-
nomy in every department of the State; but that
alone would not be sufficient to save the country
from ruin—to effect this a reduction of taxation was
indispensable.—(Loud applause.)—This the Government
could do if they pleased ; if they had the inclination, they
had the power. Whatever might be said of the exigen-
cies of the State, he was of opinion, when, with the
country in such a condition as it was at present, they came
to ask for money to enable them to build palaces and mar-
ble archways, which were not necessary to the State, none
would snake such demands but those with heads as hard
as the materials ; and none would enforce such demands
but those with hearts as cold as the materials.—(Cheers.)
—Let them in their turn demand economy, retrenchment,
a reduction in the salaries of every office of the State, be-
ginning with the highest. It was also necessary to the
relief of the country that there should be a total abolition
of all useless sinecures and places. There was one thing
snore they must have, the want of which he believed to
be the cause of the evils of which they had to complain._...
he alluded to a full, fair, and free representation of the
people in Parliament.—(Cheering. )—He then read then

the petition.
Mr. MAYDWELL then rose. He said their petition
having been carried without the proposition of any amend-
ment, and without a single expression of discontent, op.
portunity was left for no remarks but those of a con-
templative nature. Those who pretended to represent
them only acknowledged themselves part of them when
they had some favour to ask. if the King required their
services they were not in a condition to afford them. The
tripartite establishment was gone. The Aristocracy alone
were our masters, and the masters of our Sovereign.
This was the fault of the people themselves. He then
objected to the preservation of game, which he contended
had driven vast numbers from the country. The estates
of the Aristocracy were avoided as if they were Turkish
seraglios, and as our prisons formerly were —(Applause.)
—He next argued against the tithes, and declared the
wealth of the clergy neither improved the moral con-
dition, elevated the understanding, nor benefitted the
souls of the community, but, on the contrary, occasioned
much political as well as moral corruption. The sup.
porters of the poor were fast becoming paupers them-
selves. It had been a maxim, that the strength of a
country consisted in the number, not of its acres, but of
the employed labourers it posscsssed.—(llear, hear.) This
maxim did not apply to England now. Our numbers
occasioned our poverty. What was the source of the
wealth of other nations constituted our dead weight. In
conclusion, he pointed out the evils of absenteeism, and
declared his intention of journeying through the country
to use his humble efforts to awaken the people to a sense
of the necessity that existed for their advancement of the
cause of Parliamentary Reform.
Lord NUGENT rose, and was received with much ap-
plause. His Lordship spoke to the following effect :
Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen, I have many reasons to
be extremely glad that I did not follow the first impulse of
my inclination, and rise before our friend who has just sat
down addressed you—to be glad that 1 did not stand be-
tween you and his able and entertaining speech. Gentle-
men, the last topic spoken of in your petition, and the
one of paramount interest, is Parliamentary Reform. I
believe no one, in addressing a popular meeting like the
present, can recommend himself better in the outset to
its favour, than by announcing to them such a fact as I
have it in my power on the present occasion to communi-
cate. Gentlemen, at the hour of' half-past two o'clock this
morning, we divided the House of Commons on Lord

John Russell's motion to extend the elective franchise
to the three largest cities unrepresented in this em-
pire. After the most triumphant debate I ever heard,
in one of the fullest Houses r ever saw, and, after the

greatest effort ever made by Government bad been
exorted in order to crush all further hopes of Parlia-
mentary Reformation, this was the result—at half-
past two o'clock this morning we divided, and, I repeat it,
notwithstanding all the exertions were made that could be,
to destroy, if possible, for ever, that proposition and that
cause, the majority obtained by Ministers did not exceed
the number of 48.—(Cheers.)—Gentlemen the number
for the motion amounted to 140, and the number against
only 188.—(Cheers.)—Now, my firm and conscientious
belief is, that the cause is carried.—(Great applause.)—
The seed has long been sown ; it has long appeared above
ground ; by the blessing of God the increase has been
given ; and I trust before long the harvest will be reaped.
—(Cheering.)—l ddmost conscientiously believe this will
be the result. It is true I may be too sanguine, but I
learnt it from the tone of last night's speeches. I learnt it
from the subdued tone of the opponents of Reform ;
learnt it from the triumphant tone of its defenders ;
learnt it from one of the most overwhelming speeches—it
was the last made this morning—_I ever heard uttered
even by that supremely powerful and eloquent speaker,
my 800. and Learned Friend, Mr. Broughani.—..(Mueb

applause.)—l s from these indications I learned to cherish
the hope—to confide in the belief—that, probably before
more than another year is over, six members will be sent
to take their seats in the House of Commons for Birming-
ham, Leeds, and Manchester, by popular election. Thus,
Gentlemen, Reform is advancing—it has advanced—it is
advancing with a giant's stride and with a giant's strength.
It is backed by the increasing intelligence of the people—
it is hacked by the education of the people—and
education and intelligence combintd afford that irresis-
tible strength which properly belongs to moral power.—
Gentlemen, we received powerful support. lam sure Ido
not say it disrespectfully of any one on whom, for the first
time, that great light shone last night—l do not say it dis-
respectfully of any who then, for the first time, voted for
Reform, when I assert that there was something in the
'mile of satisfaction with which we beheld that division a

little more arch in its character than is any expression gene-
rally to be found in the simple smile of joy. Be this as it
may,.we certainly did see that proposition most warmly
supported in quarters in which, a few years age, it was
treated with the most uncompromising hostility. I declare
again, I do not say this disrespectfully, tauntingly, or un-
gratefully. I will not speak in terms of disrespect of any
to en who shall tell me frankly, I am wiser to-day than I
was yesterday.—(Elear.)—But let not us of the old school
of Reform—let not us be twitted with filling behind the
ranks of our new converts. Let not us be told we pitch
our note a little lower than they. Let us not be told we
are idle while they are advancing. Gentlemen, we have
for many years supported that sort of Reform which, from
our hearts, we believed to be the most beneficial to the
people, arid which we further believed they, by virtue of
their education and increased intelligence, had a right to
demand. We have supported it through good and through
evil report, and through much more of the evil report than
of the good.—(Laughter and bear.)—We are now joined by
many converts. If we leave our posts it is only that they,
may take the labouring oar. They do so, and we find our-
selves standing among the moderators—amongst those who
do not go near the length of those new converts who are
enthusiasts, as new converts generally are. We allow them
to take the labouring oar, and why ? I remember the time
—though my experience is not very considerable—when it
required some boldness to stand up and say, " I am a Re-
former"—whether it was Legal, Ecclesiastical, or Parlia•
mentary Reform you espoused. " No Reform !" said they.
—(Applause.)—" No Reformation! No Reformers! Reform
is invasion—invasion is revolution—and revolution means
the guillotine and the dagger !"—( Laughter and applause.)
Why, gracious God ! we never even " spoke daggers," and
certainly never meant to use thorn.—(Cheering.)—But this
was the way in which the very name of Reform was treated.
I say, then, we may be allowed to smile, at least, with com-
placency, when we find these very gentlemen accessions to
our strength. Last night, from several quarters where we
least expected it, the topic of Reform was cheered, and
spoken of in a tone and language such as, since I have been
in Parliament, I have never heard used, even by those who
have steadily advanced the cause up to the point at which it
has now arrived. Those who used to be the loudest to cry out
against us, were all, last night, the loudest to cry with us,
and even before us.—(Applause and laughter.)—l do not
address myselfnow to any body here; but instead of " Church
and King" being the cry by a strange confusion of terms,
this cry of " Church and King" has subsided, or means, be-
fore high! Heaven ! to abolish all tittles, and destroy all
wildly-built palaces. Gentlemen, these are lengths in lan-
guage to which many 'of us are neither inclined nor is it our
business to go. But we will not retort on the language
we have from them received—namely, " We suspect your
motives, and, therefore, will not vote with you."—(Ap-
plause.)-1 will vote with any man--whatever his mo-
tives, I do not enter into them—(Hear)-1 am not a
searcher of hearts—(Hear)—l say I will vote with any
man for what I think useful. It is enough for me to
withhold my support when he transcends what is useful.
One of the first poets—probably the first living in his
day—the first as a poet of sentiment, patriotism, and
feeling—in a little, light, entertaining ballad of his, speak-
ing of a similar elevation of language, said--
These new conflagrations,
Bursting out from difThrent stations,
Set, 0, more dreadful, strange and dire,
Th' extinguishers themselves on fire.— (Laughter.)
We are now told by these gentlemen we seek for " milk
and water " Reform. Lord John Russell is called a mere
formalist; and Sir Francis Burdett a puny Reformer. For
the pure principles and true extent of Reform you must
look now to the pages of the Quarterly Review.—(A
laugh. )—Gentlemen, it was my duty, as it is always my
pleasure, to meet you to-day. I hope I have not been ne-
glectful of my duty, though I meet you under some disad-
vantages ; indeed, owing to the lateness of the debate, I did
not get to my bed till half-past three o'clock this morning,
and—here I am.—(Cheers. )—We are met here to discuss
the privations which we all feel—not to complain and
whine about them to each other, but to complain of them
to Parliament. We mean, I hope, to face the question—
not to flatter ourselves, or each other; but to look fairly at
the causes of our distress, for the purpose, if we can, of
grappling with them, and ascertaining the remedy.—(Ap-
plause.)—ln doing so, allow me to say that an Economical
Reform—not a Parliamentary Reform—roust begin at
home. There is an old proverb, that " Charity should
begin at home," the morality of which I never was able
very well to understand, because it rather sounds
like the doctrine that selfishness is entitled to rank
higher as a virtue than benevolence; but I am quite
sure, if charity beginning at home is not good, Re-
form, having such a commencement, is. Now, let us
see whether we can, every one of us, lay our hands on our
hearts, and say we are altogether guiltless of the misery
brought on oar country? Let every man lay his hand on
his heart, and ask—" Have I never supported unnecessary
and guilty profusion? Have I never voted for or sup-
ported those who have voted for unjust and unnecessary
imposts ?" And, unless you can answer to yourself man-
fully, " I never did it," it is childish and pharisaical to
turn round and go home, and impute the whole Waive to
others. Why are we suffering now ?—Plainly for this
reason : it does not require much sagacity to see that it
is not easy, after a country has been living 35 years on
credit, and beyond its income, for that country to be in a
creditable or healthy state. It is useless to ask any States.
man at once to make you rich, after 35 years living be-
y and your income. The closest anti most cautious eco-
nomy—the determination never to second one expense be-
yond what honour and the necessities of the country de-
mand—this is the great practical lesson, and let this be
impressed on our minds. I tun not now going to inquire
how far the American or French war was necessary; but
simply to contend it is war brought us to the state in
which we now are. It is, I believe, pretty generally
known, that scarlet cloth is not the cheapest wear; arai
gunpowder is rather expensive fuel to horn.—(Hear, bear,
and a laugh.)—lt is because every nation in Europe has
been doing the same—because every nation ir. Europe has
been merged in the expenses of war, all of them very much
at their own cost, some of them veey much at ours—
(Laughter and applause)—that our country is overwhelmed
in debt, the interest of which is to be met only by in-
dustry and economy, those great promoters of commerce.
But then every nation in Europe is nearly as poor as
ourselves, and we have, therefore, lost their custom.
We hope for a vent for our commodities, and fur
the reason just stated, are find they are left Olson our
' hands. Surrounded thus by difficulties, there is butt one
course for us to pursue—to profit by our bitter experience :
to reduce our establishments to the lowest possible scale—
to promote and cultivate the arts of peace, and thus by de-
grees to create a market for our produce. The state to
which we are reduced has been ably described by Mr.
Maydwell. It was this—To what an unnatural state
must not this country be reduced when the in-
crease of the labouring population, which is the strength,
anti the glory of every other nation in the world
ours ?—(Applause.)—Why ? Not for
w
Hear)—not for want of hands—(Hear,
hit sieraeantrslia.— hear)—but cursey
sukti skill
---f(
becauseo
the means of employing those labourers, and that skill
which in abundance we possess.—(Cheers.)—Now, are
we quite free from blame in this respect? You see, we
are talking of our distresses, really, as if no part of them
were imputable to ourselves. We are talking of our in.
jured innocence—of our undeserved losses—as if we were
all betrayed virgins or suffering martyrs.—( Hear, and a
laugh- )—But let us face the question like men, and ask
ourselves whether the miserable state of the agricultural
population is not very much owing to our own want of
foresight and want of energy. Let us put the question to •
ourselves when the agriculturist was flourishing—when the
produce of the soil did bring a high remunerating price—
did we ever give to the labourer the wages which iris la-
bour was worth ? Did we not, at the time when the
price of produce was highest, strive by every means in
our power, conspiring with the landlord, to reduce the
remuneration of labour to the lowest possible scale ;
Equally guilty with the landlord, the farmer said to the
landowner—" unless you, as Magistrates and Members of
Parliament, will conspire with us to throw the charge of
labour on tine parish, we cannot support you in your ex-
travagance—we cannot afford to pay your raised rents."
The consequence was, the landlord voted for all those in-
famous exactions enacted in tine poor laws ; and having done
this in their places in Parliament, in their places on the
Bench as Magistrates, they played the same game in detail,
which they had before played by wholesale, as Members of
the Legislature. Thus the labouring population became
reduced to a elate of parochial
pauperism. I say, then,

that this lies at our own doors. But having looked this
in the face, let us reap from it, for our own sakes, this
great moral; let us tell it to our children, and let them
tell it to theirs; yes, let our children's children—let pos-
terity to the end of time be, from our embarrassments, in-
structed in the important warning—to beware of war—
(Clwers)—jtrit and necessary war ; no war can be just
which is not absolutely and inevitably necessary.—
(Applanse.)—War that is not absolutely necessary is the
worst, because it is the largest, of murders.—(llear.)—
No man can condemn that war which is necess try for our
national existence; but war that is not necessary, let our
descendants, by every possible means, avoid. Let us
tin them to look back to the year 1830, and they will
will there see the effects of war. Let them look and see

the effeets of it in the deserted country-house—in the '
farm-house, the occupier of which cannot cultivate hie
land, cannot support his poor—in the cottage, where the
poor cannot keep out the elements—and they will perhaps
find this is the only instance afforded of the number of the
labouring population of a country being the curse of such
extensive suffering. Let them contemplate these features; I
let them put these features together ; and they will com-
pound one hidious visage of war, now staring on us
wherever we turn our ryes, reproaching us 'with our
former love for her.—(Applause. )—Aye, then the trucu-
lent beldam lived in your arms, embraced with all the
passions of a foolish and guilty love, and a pretty
family she has brought yr u!—(Laughter and cheers.)—
When I essayed to talk of Reform in former days, I was
much abused for so doing. All I took the liberty of
quietly saying was this—if you wish your wants to be at-
tended to—if you wish your voice to be heard—you had
better have some choice in your representatives. If you
wish to have a good guardianship of your purse, and
desire the House of Commons to hive the controul of it,
why do you not have some controul over your controllers !
—(Applause.)—Gentlemen, it is not because Birming-
ham, Leeds, and Manchester, are great in population and
in wealth, that they are now to have representatives ; at
any rate it is not for that reason only ; but because, be-
sides population, besides wealth, there is a great prin-
ciple now stirring in this country, and that is, intelli-
gence.—(Hear.)—lntelligence has increased, and is in-
creasing most rapidly. You could not stop it if you
would, and I hope, and I believe, you would not if you
could. But it is advancing; and I hold it to be one of
the plainest problems in political science, that the people
will have a share in their own government in proportion
as their education and intelligence increase. As they in
this respect improve; they obtain not only greater power,
but a greater right.—(Hear.)-_I say then, let the people
of England lay this doctrine close to their own hearts ; let
them be true to themselves ; let them take care and never
choose as a representative a man whose general principles
of conduct they do not approve, and they have their cause
in their own hands even now, though Old Sarum and
Gatton shine in their rotteness still.—(Cheers.)—There
are places enough to afford the voice of the people
sufficient influence, if the elective franchise is given
to all the numerously populated districts at pre-
sent unrepresented.—(Cheers.)—l say, I do think I see
that prospect before Inc. I hope we are all still young
enough to live to see the day when all these petty for-
tresses, which power without right has raised, will be
demolished on the sacred ground of English Representa-
tion. Gentlemen, if so humble a voice as mine could
be heard even in the highest quarters of the State—if so
humble a voice as mine eould be heard in loyal and re-
spectful advice in the first quarters of this realm—it
would be, I am sane, honest; and not deemed disrespect-
ful, I trust. I would say to my Prince and my Master—
your's is the proudest station of created man. You are
Sovereign of an enlightened, free, and affectionate people.
(Cheering. )—But your duties are as great as your station
is high. Look around you. Listen not to those who
would either entangle or blind you. You hare founded a
great station on a great none. Your name is the greater,
because your title to the throne is founded on a great re-
form, of which you yourself are the representative.
Reform it was, and an all-important reformation, too,
that seated your family on the throne—and on that dirone
may you long remain ;—may you continue its possessor
for many years to come.—(Cheers.)—Your ancestors
were the Plantagenets and the Tudors—an ancient
and illustrious race of Kings. They did great things,
even in bad and ignorant times. The Plantagenets
conquered France—so have you, my Sovereign. The
Tudors passed many wise and good laws for ensuring the
liberty of the subject ; so also have you.—(Applause.)—
But do one thing more.—(Much cheering. )—Countenance
the principle of Reform ; and let your measures of Go-
vernment keep pace with the growing intelligence of the
people.—(Loud cheers.)—Countenance the principle of
Reform ; sympathise with the people's distress. Show
them that the highest in station is the warmest in sym-
pathy with a people who for this country have done much.
Show your sympathy with their privations by commanding
the observance of economy ; begin by setting the example
yourself ; and then, indeed, you may look the Tudors and
Plantagenets in the face—for you well deserve the peo-
ple's affectionate love, devotion, and esteem.—(Much
cheering. )_Gentlemen, I have occupied more of your
time than I intended. I shall be most proud and happy
to present your petition to the House of Commons, in con--
junction with my colleague ; and have only to add, that
with every word of the prayer of the petition I most
heartily concur.—(Applause.)
Mr. RICKFORD, M.P.—Gentlemen, as one of your re-
presentatives, I have felt it a duty to attend here this day,
and truly sorry am I to state, that from a constant residence
amongst you, I have informed my mind but too fully of the
existence of the dreadful distress which has been alluded to.
With that conviction 1 voted for the amendment to the Ad-
dress on the King's Speech. The distress in that Speech was
described to be only partial, whereas I believed it to be ge-
neral, and with that impression I gave my vote. The petition
which you have just agreed to is one that no honest or rea-
sonable man can object to, and I shall support every part of it.

Thanks were then voted to the Chairman for his able
conduct in the chair, and to Lord Nugent and Mr. Rick-
ford for their attendance at the meeting.

THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY).

COVENT-GARDEN MARKET.

There was a moderate supply at this morning's market,
but the trade was dull. Most kinds of Vegetables were
cheaper than on this day se'nnight ; in prices of Fruit but
little alteration,

s. d. s. d
Potatoes (cwt.)
Cabbages (12 heads) 0 0 0 0
i)itto Red .... 1 9 3 6
Ditto Savoy 1 0 2 0
Horse Radish (bundle) 1 6 3 6
Brocoli 0 9 2 0
Celery
Turnips (12 bunches).. 1 6 2 6
Coleworts or Greens... 2 0 4 0
Leeks 1 0 1 6
Carrots (per bushel) 3 0 6 0
Parsnips (dozen)
Small Sallad (basket) 0 3 0 0

ed. s. d.
Spinage (half-sieve) 0 6 too 9
Onions 1 6 3 6

Apples 1 6 6 0
Sweet Oranges (11'0)
Seville Oranges
Lemons 4 0 12 0
English Walnuts
Span. Chesnuts (peck) 5 0 8 0
French ditto
Spanish Haslenuts
French Walnuts 4 0 6
Filberts (12111) 3 0 6 0
Eng. Grapes (per lb.) 0 8 1 0

~_:~

a\

SPIRIT' OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A motion on the state of the country, or for a
CoMmittee to inquire into the state of the country,
is something like a treatise de omnibus rebus, et
quibusdam aliis : or rather, it is like " plunging
Sterne's wig into the great ocean :" it would not
come out a bit the better or stiffer in curl : a pail of
water would have been more practicably applicable
and useful. Earl Stanhope would have;been greatly
perplexed on carrying his own motion, and would
not have known what to do with it afterwards. No

two men separately agree either as to the cause or
the extent of the present distress, if we may use
that harsh term ; and the whole body of Parlia-
ment, or of either House when clubbed, could not
possibly have come to any conclusion whatever. The
Noble Earl's motion, therefore, rau a proper course,
and came to a right end: every one said something
about it, and it was negatived by a great majority.
If any one has a fact to state with respect to the
situation of the country, let him state it or hat
any one a remedy to propose for a specific evil, lot
him propose it; and such is the only method of
being useful to the public. For our own parts, we
believe there is dist.tess in the country ; but we are

not convinced that they think so, whatever clamour
they may raise, who oppose or do not press for re•
trenchment.— Timcs.

A great comic writer has a scene, in which knelt
of mechanics in a public-House in Hamburg set:lg
the affairs of the world. One of the characters is

made to say—" I wish I were for an hour only at
the next Imperial Diet, I would whisper something
in the ear of the Elector of Mentz, for which he
would thank me. These good people know not
wherein the interest of Germany consists. Whets
was it ever before beard that an Imperial residento
town like Vienna should be without a fleet, or, az:
least without galleys ? It would easily contain a
fleet for the defence of the empire, and there are
taxes in abundance for that object. Only see how
much more wise the Turk is. We can never do
better than take him for an example in what regards
the carrying on. war. There are forests in plenty
both in Austria and Prague, if people would
only use them for skips or boats. If we bad
a fleet in Austria or Prague, the Turks et
French would not dare to besiege Vienna, and we
might go to Constantinople. But no one thinks of
this." The British Parliament is somewhat better in--
formed respecting distant affairs than the Hamburg
politicians ; but for all that, we wish there were
fewer occasions for the display of that knowledge
which its members possess of the interests of all mta
tions and countries under the sun, and even that.
they were less called on to discuss the conduct of
the Bramins, the Hottentots and Kafres, the West
Indian Slave-owners, and the Governors of our
different colonies. By attending to all these objects
a far more important -business, respecting which the
means of judging correctly are to be obtained--
. —namely the state of our own country, and the
possibility of remedying the grievances under which
we labour—is necessarily postponed or imperfectly
considered. It gives us great satisfaction to see
that a better spirit begins to prevail—that the
rage for foreign interference is considerably
abated—that it is no longer supposed the maim
business of an Administration is to settle how
such a King should treat his subjects, and how
the subjects should treat their King—whether he
should encroach on the Charter, or whether

they may take a little liberty with his neck—and
that the Duke of Wellington considers the price of
cotton and tape a question of far more importance
to the Legislators of England at the present moa
ment, than even whether Portugul shall he pos-
sessed by Dom Miguel, or the young Queen. The
Landowners, who, as long as rents were paid, were
far above concerning themselves with the condition
of the poor, are now all commiseration for them.
Two or three Members of Parliament have, indeed,
from time to time during the last fifteen years, busied
themselves with inquiries into the condition of the
labouring classe9, and much valuable evidence as to
their degraded condition in the agricultural districts
has been obtained; but the evidence produced no
effect on the House. The inquiries instituted by
Lord John Russell, into the interesting subject of
labourers' wages—to say nothing of the Committees
which have been appointed almost annually for the
List twenty years—led to a disclosure of all the
evils on which the Landowners now dwell, as if
before unknown. How are we to account fo this

lengthened apathy, this sudden sympathy ? The
labouring poor have now, for many a year, been
employed in dragging like beasts of burden. The
Duke of Richmond had only to consult the evidence
printed by order of his own House, many years ago.
It has been said, that they who never felt distress
themselves never sympathized with distress. Arc
we to impute this sudden expansion of the Aristo••
cratic heart to their own ?middle de poche ? The
Duke of Richmond is determined, it would seem,
to be no longer liable to the reproach of barren com-
miseration. Last night he gave notice, that on

Tuesday next he would move for a Committee to
inquire into the condition of the labouring classes.
We doubt whether inquiry will add anything to the
knowledge already possessed, of the wretchedness in
the parts of the country with which his Grace is
best acquainted. In the Report of the Lords' Com-
mittee, for instance, of May 1817, we find Lord
Egremont producing a letter, for the truth of state-
ments in which he vouched, parporting that the
Poor Rates of Midhurst, in the preceding year, had
been 255. in the pound : that " the parishes of
Ibing, Farnhurst, and Lynchmer, are in an impo-
verished state—in the two latter the rate is at 245.
in the pound, which has reduced the whole to a
state of insolvency ; that there is little prospect of
any diminution in the expenses of maintaining the
poor, their numbers increasing, whilst the resources
of the inhabitants lessen ; the want of employment
for the labouring classes, in itself so great an evil, is
rendered worse by the habit of idleness which it
engenders." If the Duke of Richmond have any
intention of remedying this evil in good earnest, he
will not waste the season in fresh inquiries, but pro-
ceed at once with a plan, founded on the ample
evidence in possession of Parliament, for the gra-
dual emancipation of the labouring classes from this
worse than Egyptian bondage. It requires, indeed,
no great conjuror to tell the causes of the
disease, or to point out the means by which
it may be remedied in time. What is
chiefly wanted is men of Parliamentary in-
fluence, whose heart is in the work, to carry a mea-
sure through the two Houses. We have already
again and again alluded to the scandaleus manner
in which Magistrates and Overseers contribute to
the evil of a redundant population. They plumed
themselves during the war, that by keeping the po-
pulation redundant, they would have the parson in
their power, and compel the young men to assist in
maintaining the families of the more advanced. This
last object was avowed in the most barefaced man-
ner in the pamphlets of the day ; and among others
is treated at great length in a volume published by a
Magistrate of the Midland Counties. Thomas
Pool, Esq. a Magistrate of Somerset, in his evi-
dence before the Lords in 1817, indicates the policy,
" When men have large families they are as-
sisted by the poor-rates, though in perfect health,
which may be considered as contrary to the
original intention of the Poor Laws, and so far men
may be said to have their labour cheaper; but the
and of nzen kith sniallfamilies
are,
an is
betterme
maintenance,
eaue
nkde
aenu
nvcc
cee a
er:o
yeftd
hot
educated,
though
often
gn betterino;n,nit
omht
tac
taught
imprudent
nut
oih
(who, unless they are
is kept lower. 'I hey are allowed enough for their
much as they ought at that period of life, if
they were prudent to save it by that mode. The
mass of wages is kept down, and probably the pro-
duce (2f labour of every description rendered
cheaper." In short, the object was to degrade
and make slaves of them ; but not possessing all
the power of owners of slaves, they have been un-
able to stop the labourers at this point, when the
wretchedness of the latter began to re-act on the
gtohousg•aavge generallysa wren
)

rich. The Bishop of Bath and Wells eulogized the
patience of the people.. " He had seen his fellow-
ereatures yoked to carts, which they were dragging
through the country.
their sufferings the people bad displayed no violence
or disposition to turbulence. He admired very much
that bravery which went forth to meet the enemies
of the country, and risked life in its defence ; but he
admired still more those Christian heroes who sub-
mitted with patience and fortitude to the privations
of their condition." His Lordship was here, perhaps,
obliquely reflecting on the impatience of the Lay-
lords near him, under debts and mortgages. Let us
hope that a word of praise from the good Bishop will
alwas preserve the poor in that more Christian frame
of mind which they now possess. By way of
counterpart to the eulogy of the Bishop of Bath
and Wells, we subjoin an extract from C'obbetes
.Register of this day. If we may rely on the state-
ment of the Earl of Radnor, on Thursday night, the
feelingin this extract is more in accordance with that
of the labourers, than the Christian heroism of the
good Bishop : " There was something beyond the
pecuniary distress," said the Earl of Radnor,
" which demanded their Lordships' attention ; out
of that distress there had arisen a most acrimonious
and hostile feeling—a feeling which he was afraid
was increasing and threatening destruction to so-
ciety The labourer was full of
animosity against the farmer, both as a farmer and
an overseer, because he thought the farmer was
grinding him down to the lowest possible pittance."
Hence the arsons, the houghing of cattle, and the
openly shooting at overseers. But to the extract
from the Register:—
" Strange hare been the workings of this Peel's Bill;
and stranger still will they be. They will leave no ves-
tige of the fine spirit that was floating about in the years
1817, 18, and 19. The Yeomanry Cavalry we never
hear mentioned, except cited as the cause of heavy ex-
pense. The bang, bang, from their pistols, and the rattle
of the feet of their horses, that charming music, really
appears to be gone forever. No paradings in parks ; no
dinnerinzs and toasting at taverns, or at Lords' houses; no
vote of thanks and stupid correspondence in the news-
papers, between troops and their commanders ; no boast-
ings about the gallant exploits in sillies on old women and
boys. ' All' is gone; and the rusty sword and furred-up
pistol, and the helmet-cap, and the uniform jacket, are all
thrown abide ; or the latter, perhaps, after being worn out
under the convenient covering of a smock-frock, has, at
last become the garment of a shoy-boy. I can remember
a fellow who, in the year 1807 used to come galloping
into the village at night, three-quarters drunk; after hav-
ing been at one of their reviews, as they called it, and
need to fire off his pistols, hang, bang, frightenhig the
women and children of the neighourhood. I saw, andl
was glad to see, the very same fellow, in 1821, with the
toes of both his 'feet peeping out through his shoes, with a
beard a fortnight old, and with half a smock frock upon
his back."

The following extract from the Essex Herald
of Tuesday last, also contrasts singularly with the
feeling of the Bishop :

" A letter from Maidstone, dated so recently as Friday
last, states an occurrence in the same neighbourhood,
which proves that depravity more than keeps pace with the
distress. Last week says our correspondent, whilst an
overseer was sitting at the pay-table of a house, in the
front of which the applicants were assembled, a loaded
gun was discharged at him through the window; but
providentially, at the very moment, his head was turned,
and the shot, to the number of sixty, entered the wainscot
close behind where the overseer sit. The miscreant was
sought for immediately by the police, but to the disgrace
of those who witnessed the transaction cut.ide, and who
might have ensured his apprehension, they made no
effectual effort to prevent his escape. As respects this
county, we believe the wants of the ror are well attended
to, and that none complain without receiving attention;
in every case where necessity requires an appeil to the
Magistrate, redress is immediately granted. Even the
poor themselves must reflect with satisfaction, that in the
most pressing cases, no act of violence on their part has
been recorded in our Journal. The conclusion at which a
respectable London Morning Paper arrived last week,
that the crime of arson was attributable to the Toupin.,
and that the sufferers were generally overseers, cannot
with justice apply to this county ; and we have never felt
a disposition to believe that such diabolical acts have been
confined to a class which come under the denomination of
the ' raral population.' "—.Morning Chronicle.
The state of our West India Colonies was brought
before the House on Tuesday night by the Marquis
of Chandos. We suffer from the Colonies, and
they suffer from us. In the work of Sir Henry
Parnell, it is stated that " there is no part of the
public expenditure which more admits of reforma-
tion than that which is incurred upon the Colonies ;
and if the business were undertaken on proper prin-
ciples, it ought not to be attended with any very
great difficulty. No Parliamentary documents show
what the whole expense is that is paid by English
taxes on account of the Colonies. It is generally
estimated that from two to three millions are paid
for the army, navy, and various civil charges; but
in addition to this, the public pay full two millions
more for sugar and timber than they ought to pay,
in consequence of the increased prices, occasioned
by the protection given to the Colonists by the
higher duties imposed on these articles when
imported from foreign countries." Yet all
these burdens on us do not benefit the Colo-
nies. We raise, by a number of injudicious re-
strictions and monopolies, the cost of cultivation
to the planter, and in return give him him a mono-
poly of the home market, which is unable to con-
sume the quantity thrown on it. This was stated
more or less distinctly by all those who supported
the claims of the petitioners, but in the most con
vincing manlier by Mr. Hume :—" His idea was,
that it was useless to attempt to keep up the price of
West India sugar above the European average. The
consequence of the attempt was, that the surplus
supply for the home market was obliged to be sent
to Hamburg at a great loss. The fact was, there
was no hope of a reformation in the Colonies, un-
less there was a diminution of the expenditure.
They could not have a monopoly—it was injurious
to others, and useless to the planters themselves.
Ha would, therefore, advise the reduction of duties
both on East and West India sugars, and the free
admission of both. The next best thing was to set
the Colonies free, to let diem be no longer bound by
those iron chains which fettered their best exertions.
They ought to be allowed to purchase their stores
and all kinds of supplies in the cheapest markets
that the world could afford them, if they
could find, which he did not expect, any market
cheaper than that of Great Britain ; and then they
ought to be allowed to export their produce where-
ever they pleased. If that course was pursued to-
wards the Colonies, we should mal,e them able to
maintain themselves, instead of being, as they were,
a burden to this country. In this way we should
not only be conferring a benefit on the Colonies,
but improving our own condition, by lessening the
demands upon the public revenue of the country ;
if, indeed, we should not be able to get money from
them towards assisting us in our distress. Instead
of doing this, we now follow a course of exclusion
and prohibition, and the result was, that we were
destroying each other." This point of leaving the
hands of the Colonists free is ably elucidated by Sir
Henry Parnell :—" As the incomes of the
owners of estates in the Colonies (he ob-
serves) are derived from profits on their ca-
pital, and not from rent, it is essentially neccs-
eary that the prices of the articles requisite for
feeding the slaves, and all other articles which are
of the nature of materials for growing and manu-
facturing sugar, rum, &c. should be- kept down,
so that the cost of production may be as low as
possible. All these restrictions and duties on food,
clothing, lumber, &c. are positive taxes on labour,
and cannot be Justified by reference to the interests
of Irish, Scotch, or Canadian Landowners. If the
planters of our colonies are ever to carry on a suc-
cessful competition with foreigners in supplying
foreign countries with sugar, it is absolutely neces-
sary that these restrictions on food, lumber, &e.
should be done away, or that they should he court-
tervailed by continuing to tax the people of England
to pay a bounty on exporting sugar. Our present
system is the height of absurdity ; first to raise the
cost of producing sugar by taxing labour on the
Colonies, and then to countervail the consequences

of it by taxing the people of England to pay a bounty
on sugar. As these duties on corn and lumber were
the cause of the alien duty which the United States
imposed on British ships trading between America
and'the Colonies, this is an additional and a most
cogent reason for repealing them." We observe
that several of the speakers, while condemning
the conduct of France and other Powers which
still carry on the slave trade, seemed to be fully as
much alive to the advantage which that trade gave
to the Colonies of these nations as to the sin itself.
" In the year 1807 (said Mr. Keith Douglas) the
slave trade had been put an end to in our Colonies,
under the impression that, by its abolition, we should
be paying a debt of humanity, in allowing slaves to
rise in the scale of society to the rank of freemen.
And all measures had been taken by Lord Castle.
reagh to induce foreign countries to give up this
traffic, but in vain ; for the French appeared bent
on carrying it on, though so deeply degrading to
such a nation as France. Thus it happened, that
notwithstanding all our exertions and expense, seven
hundred thousand slaves had, since 1815, been
brought from the Coast of Africa to Foreign Colo-
nies, for the purpose of extending cultivation there;
while our Colonies were deprived of all such ad-
vantages." This reminds us of the lamentations
of certain persons carrying on a traffic more lucra-
tive than respectable, who had the misfortune to
have their 1-muses burnt down during a recent con-
fl-sgration, that one sinner had escaped who would
have a monopoly of the commerce of the place. It
does seem hard on our Planters, now that the nation
has become virtuous and abhorrent to the traffic
in slaves, that it has paid already 5,700,0001.
towards putting down that traffic, and that
its annual current expence towards that ob-
ject amounts to near 400,000/. ; that all this
expence only induces our neighbours to cling the
faster to their transgressions, by making it more
profitable to them. It is now the interest of our
Planters to take good care of their slaves, while it is
the interest of the Planters of the foreign colonies to
work theirs to death, it being cheaper to buy a
grown slave than to rear one, and there being no
advantage in keeping a slave under such circum-
stances beyond the vigour of life. But we can
descry in these glances at -the prosperity of their
neighbourssomething -approaching to regret on the
part of our Planters, that they are obliged to be so
much better than these neighbours. It is much to
be lamented that an end cannot be put to this
vile traffic, for on a termination being put to it de-
pends the improvement of the Negro race.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.
Tan MORNING JOURNAL—The following is ex-
tracted from the Morning Advertiser of yesterday.
We cannot but appreciate the motive with which it
was written ; and we acknowledge it with grati-
tude. It is a consolation of no ordinary value that,
while we are suffering in mind and body from the
effects of prosecutions against which all parties are
entering, or have entered, their protest, we have the
unanimous support of our contemporaries—of those
who differ from as well as of those who agree with
us, upon the various topics by which men's minds
have been of late agitated :
" In our paper of yesterday there was one of those ad-
vertisements which really make us think ill indeed of a
class of men, or,' to speak more correctly, of a party, for
whom we have hitherto entertained the greatest respect—
we allude to the advertisement headed " Morning Jour-
nal," in which relief is prayed for its Editor and his pro-
perty, and to those whose opinions and principles the
Morning Journal has always boldly and consistently
advocated.
" With regard to the alleged violence of the paper,
whatever it may, or may not, have been, those assuredly
whom it supported could have no cause to complain. It
was meant, whether well or not, to serve them ; and the
least that has been termed the Protestant party ought to
have done was to have shown their sympathy by a liberal
subscription in favour both of the individual and of the pa-
per. The very advertisement, in fact, appears to us alibel on
the Protestant party, which, we trust, it will prosecute—
not after the manner of Sr James Scarlett—but by call-
ing a public meeting, in which their gratitude for the ad-
vocacy of their principles will be signalised by q subscrip-
tion of several thousand pounds. The time was when
the individual in such a case would have been enriched by
his sufferings ; now it appears that public spirit has sunk
so low that the honest advocate has to share the gloom of
a prison and the wreck of his property as his only consola-
tion. Shame upon his former upholders!"
Our respected contemporary has, however, pre-
sented far too gloomy a picture of our case. Public
spirit has not sunk so low as he appears to imagine.
We are not deserted ; and within a very few days
he will, we feel assured, be himself convinced that
those who are (as he is pleased to describe us)
honest and consistent advocates of opinioits held by
a large, an upright, a wealthy, and a faithful por-
tion of the people of Great Britain, will neither be
neglected iii their time of trouble, nor become the
victims over whose ruin and wretchedness their
persecutors may rejoice. A triumph over us would
be a triumph over them. It is not from the Morn-
ing Advertiser alone that we hove received assu-
rances of support.. Two or three passages ia pro-
vincial and Irish papers meet our eye at the present
moment, and, as we have extracted that of the
London journal, we are in justice bound to insert
those front the country papers
" The triumph of power over the liberty of the Press
has been fearfully consummated. Mr. Alexander, the
fearless champion of the Protestant cause, now occupies a
felon's cell in Newgate. We sincerely trust that a public
subscription will be immediately set on foot, not only for
the purpose of remunerating the victim of oppression, but
also to show the Duke and his Scarlett friend that with
all their authority they never will be able to stifle the ex-
pression of public opinion, and that the independent por-
tion of the community will fearlessly support the indivi-
dual who, in the cause of religion and his country, has
sacrificed both his property and his liberty ! ! We are
perfectly satisfied that Leicester will not be the last to re-
cord her sentiments upon this important occasion, with
which not only the freedom of the Press, but that of the
subject, is most intimately connected. Leicester Herald.
Our kind and generous contemporary, the Morn-
ing Advertiser, will thus perceive that we are not
deserted by the most influential portion of our court_
trymen ; and he may rest assured that we shall not
be neglected by the more wealthy.— Morn. Journal .
Our readers will find in another part of our
columns the copy of the Protest entered by the ve-
nerable Earl of Eldon upon the Journals of the
House of Peers, relative to Lord Stanhope's motion
for an inqeiry into the internal condition of the
country. The language of this Protest is as ener-
getic as its statements are indisputable. His Lord-
ship, who was never accused of forming rash or in-
considerate opinions, boldly and decidedly joins issue
with the Duke of Wellington and his Majesty's
Ministers on the state of the country, when he
says, " We are convinced that the distress which
prevailed in this kingdom at the time of the com-
mencement of the present Session of Parliament,
and which his Majesty must have been induced to
believe, and have been advised to sepresent to Par-
liament, as partial, was at that period most severely
felt in almost all parts of the kingdom, and that it
has since increased, and continues to increase."
This is the statement that Lord Eldon has put upon
record, and the unbiassed voice of the public bears
witness to its truth.—Mornang Herald.
When the crafty and indefatigable ambition of
Philip of Macedon endangered the -liberties of
Greece, the people of the several States applied to
their oracles for advice, and the answer which they
received were all in favour of Philip and his pro-
jects—the superstitious people, believing that the
cause of the Macedonian Chief was acceptable to the
immortal gods, were disposed to surrender their in-
dependence without a struggle into'his hands, when
Demosthenes, who was as sagacious and pattiotic
as he was eloquent, explained to the Athenians the
political trick of which they were the victims, by
declaring that the oracles of Greece had been
Philipized. In the present day the oracles of opi-
nion to which the people are accustomed to look
up for advice on great public questions are, in
general no less governed and controlled by secret
and ambitious influence than the oracles of Greeie.
It is evident to every man of common sense, who
reads the renegade Liberal Press of London, that