The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-11 00:00:00

qPTRTT OF THE rvette JOURNALS.

The declaration of the Duke of Wellington ilvtltt-
House of Lords, on Thursday evening, with rettpect
o the late'revolutions on the continent, has excited
ninth conversation, and provoked several severe re-
narks, the knowledge of which it would be un.
:undid to withhold from his Grace. At his dis-
toprobation of the Belgic commotion we are not al-
ogether surprised: it is certainly an affair of much
nore dubious merit, and, we might even say, of a
.otelly different character, from that by which it.
.vas preceded in the neighbouring country. How-
:reear:ofiorteoigl,,e o
tdhegoDvieikrtenn ies iets will bn
longer a
Vfiniater,that he no longer directs the councils of
this country,— therefore, and were his censure much
l'ratt.ie, 1 s
that 'e
"
nore decided of the efforts by which the kingdom of
he Lnw Countries has been broken in twain,.and
;tit Sovereign dispossessed of ont-Italf, it is only the
censure of a private person of high rank in
so-
ciety, and of great and just military renown through..
iut Europe. It has nothing wa like in it, unleat
sift Grace were the chief Minister of state, trod at
the head or a majnritv Parliamtur. With repast.
to the revolution in France, we do not think, more
nirtictilarly at this time, when the whole conduct of
hat miserable creature Charles X. has been breught,
o light through the evidence adduced before the
Chamber of Peers, that any man in his senses can do
other than approve of the removal of such a wretch
from the kingdom ; or can smother the feelings of
admiration which rise in his breast at the gallantry
of that people who asserted their right to have
at least something human to reign over them, he
being obviously much below humanity. But a good
let may be drawn into a bad example, arid it may
be in tide. sense that the Duke of Wellington thought
or designated the happy events of July and August
last us " misfortunes,
.Nay, we observe that in
mother pat of his speech he says—" This" e.,
the mischief in England) " has been encouraged
Ind heightened by the misrepresent. bons and false
ideas which have been too gene ally cireulated
throughout the country, of the causes and character
of the unfortunate events which occurred lit sum-
owe in an adjoining kingdom, and ultov.c all, by a
want of knowledge on the part of the people, of the
teal nature of those events, end of the mischiefs sure
to follow Innu their imitation:"rhe nature of the
event in France was a most ungrateful and nil tvoi thy
attempt on the part of the Sovoteign to to,erthrow
the Constitution: nobody doubts, or Can that
a brave people arrested his detestable project ; the
mischief would be, if others without it'shnilar pro_
vocation were to attempt the same course.—Times
•
Lord Wynford began his speech ott Thursday
evening by promising " to make out it strong case'
for an enquiry into the " causes of the present state
of the eountry, and into the 'mediae that should be
applitd." His Lordship opened the subject with
tolerable fairness, by muting that distress was "
til-
most universal" throughout the country, and that
such divress was the immediate cause of the crimes
and outrages which were occurring everywhere. So
Liar correct enough. But from this goodly tree there
fell, alas! no fruit. The Noble and Learned Lord
then lighted,—by accident, as we must suppose,—
upon u theme, the connection of which with the
form or with the avowed object of his motion was
not very easily discoverable in itself, and cvrtuimily
was not made much clearer by his Lordship's mode
of handling it. The capital of this country, stint
Lord Wynford, was in an unhealthy state, front
being locked up in the boxes of a few, and not ILA-
ing its way to the productive classes. " The boxes
of a few :"--that must be, as eompured with former
periods of our history, or it means nothing. Let us
see, then, how hiS Lordship goes on. " Although
the currency of the country exceeds the amount of
it at any former period of our history," it was not
sufficient for the wants of the country I 'What ?
With less capital in activity than ever, and a
greater amount of circulating medium, the cir. •
culuting medium it not sufficient fot the
public wants 1 Why whet a frightful contra-
d.etioa is here! The currency in circulation, us
we have always beard, if it does not represent,
still bears a direct, proportion to the „quantity
of active capital. Money is the instrument of trans.
actions, and if those transactions diminish in amount,
the demand for money diminishes with them
suffices for " more wants " than arise for its employ-
ment, and it mites its flight to -Mime snore eager
market. lf, therefore, Lord Wynfoid had followed
up his proposition that there existed a gesiertil cag.,
11110011 of capital, by saying there is also a vast le-
auction in the amount of circulating Money, his
Lordship might not, perhaps, have been telling tint!)
in either assertion, but he at the Joist would here
escaped a gross and monstrous contradiction. Next
conies the farmer, The farmer, says Lord Wyr,
ford, has work enough to give his labourer, but he
has not capital from which to pey his wages. By
the farmer, Lord Wynford'of course must mean the
mass of farmers. We should think, therefore, that
of such a phenomenon the natural eXplenutien
would be, the diversion of the farmer's capital to
some other quarter—as, for extiniple, the landlord's
purse. But as if the Learned Lord had foreteen
that such an answer to his- statement would tingost
itself to most people, lie resolved to be beforehend
with his adversaries, and commenced a Volunteer
panegyric on " that great and respectable cleats of
individuals" the landlords. His Lordship pro-
pounded, with regard to the soil of England,
that its produce had fallen off in an alarming
manner, and that we should WWI be " dependent on
foreign nutions for bread," Is that, then, the con-
sequence of the dearly beloved corn-law ?Oh fle,
Lord Wynford Ott manufactures, quoth the
Learned Baron, there is an " excessive glut etthem:'
and if there be, who can affirm that capital is lacked
up in bares, unless manufectured goods me made
Pout of no materials, and at uo expetnie ? With re-
spect to machinery, the Noble Lord is equally feli-
rams as on money, land, and manufactures, I his
Lordship, truly, would net stop the use" of ina..
chinery altogether. lie would merely so far rcpt.
hie it. as not to " interfere with the poor man's
labour !" We should like to see a puichine in..
vented, whiub, for a time at loot, :would not, in
some way or other, interfere with maraud labour.
Even Lord Eldon was %bashed by this daring rcpt»
ration of his Lennie(' Brother, and proved that he
had, since his retirement from the woolsack, got
lip more chlorination on the subject than he had ever
exbiltited Whilst Seated an it, Lord (hey Well
exposed the 'absurdity of the anti-muchintsts, and
an address which we publish tosday, will, we
trust, make t he matter clear to the dullest undermand-
tugs. But to proceed with Lord Wynford. We have
then a touch at the currency, which, the Learned lord
insinuates hypothetically, has been diminished,
uA-
though in the otarlier part of his speech it was Of 's 3
gretuu,' 'mount than ever," But the issue of smolt
notes by the country banker would enable him to
accommodate the former, at the Same thee his Lord-
ship declared, that be would not suffer the.hatiker to
issue smell notes, without lodging Exchequeisbilla
to the same amount,--sari obligation f. r which we
apprehend the country would not express Much gra.
titude to tho Noble and Learned Item We cate
not quite hallow his Lordship through the intricacy
of bin opinions on the subjects of rents and soils.
lie says, however, that if poor soils were thtown
out of cottlysiiee„ millions would be deprived of
bread, The cultivation of poor soils, as compared
with that of OA ones, is the manufacture of dear
bread as compared with cheap. If poor soils eaituot
'he cultivated so as to product) cheap break—pas-
ture the best of theineasylant the worst they will
feed good miatiwi, and yield stout tituher—latch, oe
elm, n; eak ; and the repeal of the Corn LaWs
will eatable us to eat bread at reasonable prices.
His Lordship's enmity to the Corn Laws is of
curious kind. He says that foreign corn is 'inns
ported into We country at almost a nornitual duty !
last and .Russi4ns hind be
fish ,olidie rr
thur Ivi
stry h ie:sihideat
tufty, tittltolutmul ttl:leeras(tibsn'
tiaken
England, by her coin laws and her severe timber

•.e

duties, has put it out of the power of these foreign.
err ,to, pay- for rflritish manufactures in the'only
coin which is abundant with them, viz., their seve•
rsl rawrproductions. We refer with great pleasure
to the equally,sound and ingenious observations of
Lord King on this part of this subject. We really
cannot go over Lord Wynford's " case for inquiry.."
It was an far a strong one, as it proved beyond die.
pate that his Lordship should have inquired,further
into at least one of the topics ott which be spoke,
before he ventured to address the House of Lords,
or to expcise himself to public animadversion. Lord
Stanhope did what he could (and his power in such
mutters is not inconsiderable) to keep the noble
mover in countennice, but all the knowledge and
ability of the House, except their own and the Eat!
of Eldon's, was against them. The motion was
withdrawn.---'liner.

Mr. Hodges last night presented petitions front
Wrotham and other places in Kent, praying " for a
change of the Ti7he System, and for Reform in
Parliament, He concurred in their prayer, and he
believed that if the new Miniqry redeemed their
pledges on the subject of Reform and Retrenele,
ment, there would be comparatively little difficulty
in putting on cud to the outrage* which had tnihep-
pity disgraced that county. Had the change taken
place some months sooner, those outrages never
would have. occurred.—(tear.)" Nothing has, we
believe, contributed.so much to the demoralization
of this southern counties as the existence of tithes ;
and it is astonishing how a tax so oppressive in its
operetion should have been so lung suffered. There
are at the present moment several districts in which
the tenth of the gross produce actually absorbs all
the surplus after defraying the charges of cultiva-
tion, leaving nothing for; rent, From this cause
many estates have been theown on the owners, who
have the mortification of seeing, the titheholder dr.
rite a large income from lands which yield him
noihitig. In some of the clay lands, for instance,'
the produce, though great, can only be obtained
by an enormous expenditure for labour, In a Ben-
son like the last, the tenth of the produce may often
in such lands considerately exceed the surplus,
and thus not merely absorb the rent„ but encroach
en the capital of the cultivator. 'Hence the tempta-
tion to throw the charges of cultivation on the tithe-
owner, by making the labourers paupers and defroy.
ing wages out of the Fates. It seems strange that
the mode of paying an establishment appointed for
the avowed purpose of improv:ng the morals of a
people should be the very means by which the mo-
rels of the people are destroyed, Yet so it is
throughout England, The mode of paying the
Clergy must be changed, or moat assuredly the
Church will not long continue to exist. There must
be a permanent commutation—not a commutation
front time to time—and then owners and occupiers
of land may expend money in cultivation without ap-
prehension of others sharing in preditce obtained from
their outlay alone. We know, too, that in many in-
ounces the distress might have been materially re-
lieved, but for the itiflueuce of tidies. There are
few perishes in which there are not pieces of Model
little video to the owner, from which men without
employment might obtain crops equal at least to
the value of their labour; but when schemes of this
kind have been attempted, the Clergyman (pus we
know, in several instances), by putting in his
shirts 'for a tenth, has instantly caused them to
be abandoned, the tenth in such cases is an enor-
mous rent. So well known is the determination
of ownets and occupiers of land to have a per-
esomit arrangement with regard to tithes,
that advowsons, at present, are absolutely on.
merketable. The support of an Established Church
In a suitable manner is what no one feels disposed
*t present to oppose; but this object ought not ne-
ettsocrily to produce distress and dernoraligation.
With suspect to lay-imptopriators, they must be
desk with on the principle Affair compensation. The
interests of individuals in possession of livings must
also be respueted. But with respect to the Church it-
self as, like rill otiti.r corporationt,its'exist enee depends
on the good-will of the StateitheState may also deter-
mine the mode in which it shall be supported. It
is clear that in Ireland the question approaches ra-
pidly to an issue; and that in this country the
°potent and occupiers of Laud are looking antdouely
forward for relief from the oppressiveness of the
tithe, systetifurning Chronicle.

The speech of Lord Althorp,on Thursday night,
onrooting for a Comm itteo to inquire into the fa.
'sties of Offices held during the Pleasure of the
Crown, from its candour and frankness, cannot fail
to produce the hest effects, at a time of excitement
like the present. The English Minister, who pro-
cads in this plain and straightforward manner will
never fail to obtain the suffrage of an intelligent
public:—
" The principle of economy (sail his Lordahip) they
(the Ministers) were determined to carry into effect was
Olio—that wherever the mere patronage of the Government
wee concerned there should be no limit to the reductions ;
but when the wants of the public service required efficient
cfficera, then their economy should be only a secondary
emmbleration, carried as far as it can be in accordance with
the principles of the Government, but never permitted to
interfere with that which they conceived to be demanded
for the proper conduct of the public business
feel it my duty, at the Isms time, to warn those who are
looking with anxiety to their effect, that they roust not
expect any extensive relief from anything which ran
be taken from the salaries of the Government officers.
Aluch as such a measure may be desired by the advocates
for economy, I think it right to say that it will produce
bet a very small diminution in the amount of the taxation
with which they are burthesied ; but smell as may be the
relief, it will produce that which is of much more im-
portance in the present state of the public mind—it will
give glit Wamtli,“ ea, the people-411w, hear)—and con-
vines them that economy is with the present Govern-
ment no idle profession, but that they ate determined to
make the necessary retrenchment of eapenditute, and dis.
play the sincerity of their intentions by beginning with
their awn emoluments."

7 -
The manner in which his Lordship disposed of a
valuable piece of patronage on his entering office,
may be taken as an earnest of the sincerity of lila
declarations. The Chaocellars of the Exchequer
have at their disposal, a situation, .the ditties of
which are nominal, but of which an income uriscs
from fee* to the extent of about one thousand pounds
a year. On inquiry into the circumstances, instead
of imitating the Dutitlas and Bathurst se/wole, by
creating an income for come relation at the public
expense, he instantly determined that the Alec
thould be attached to another with real duties, and
that the fees should thenceforward he paid into the
public purse. So little impel-tante did hit Lordship
*asset* to what. he conceived an honest discharge of
hie duty, that the: ,circumstance was not even men.
tioned' by him to any one oat of the depertment over
which he presides, and it Only transpired accidentally.
—Morning Chronicle.
It may be, unfair to charge all the distresses
created during the last forty years to the late Ad-
ministration, who, in strict justice, are only revolt.
tilde for their proportionate share. On the presen.
tation of a petition, last night from Shorediteli, it
Was stated by Lord Radnor, that
" The inhabitants were natured to the lowest state of
demoralisation, by the reeldessness occasioned by eat; eute
clistrase." " The was a rendition," lie i0f,11.11, " dist
sought to have received the Attention of the Noble Duke
cud his colleagues; but they had diaregar.led it, like the
distretoes of odor parts of the kingdom, and the coven-
sibility of Ministers was but a wool--a mere farce—if
they were riot punishable fur such neglect. If they were
ignorant of the fed, ,their ignorance was cuipahle ; if
they were nut, ignorant of it,. their spethy was criminal."
'lbis is, WIMP. Fanshieg matters too far. There
must eetteitily be, hi a country like England, partial
distress, from the failure of a crop in a particular
district, from the ebb of emptayment in a particular
manufacture, front the migration of tritunifiretures,
fee. In some of the towns of sccx and Suffolk, for
instance, there has hem great distrese from the full«
ill off of the larswltett of industry pursued in them
ter forty or fifty yeara past. But the Duke of Yelp
liven want ea far wrong in the other extreme
41 lb had nothing to do (he cMI) with the pariab ref
Shoretlitth ; and were its sitoatioo twenty times worse
ihsu the Noble Lord had thsierihed it, as he bad nothing

to do with the parish officers, he could not be answerable.
I . . . . Ministers had, by law, no right to inter-
ere with matters of parish detail, which belonged only to
the overseers of the poor."
1 As the kingdom is an aggregate of parishes, all
Ministers
may be considered parish details, and thus
Ministers may rid themselves of the duty of watch-
ng over the welfare of the country, by refusing to
ook into the details of it. Ministers cannot relieVe
all distress, because Ministers cannot convert a but
imam into a good one. But. where ' tilstress mi.
'tinges in vicious legislation, it is the duty of Minis-
ters to reek to improve their legislation. If, for in.
Itanceithe parishes of the south ofEngland are involved
n distress from a redundancy of lebourers caused by a
Vicious administration of the Poor Laws through a
lonnivance between Magistrates and farmers, it was
he duty of Ministers to procure either an alteration
4f the law, or an alteration of the condition of the
slligistracy, so as to remedy, through laW, evils
ivhich law had created. For what do we appoint
and pay Ministers but to watch over the safety oftlic
Country, to protect us frotn external violence, and from
Suffering from the invasions of each other ? If such be
the state of the law, that in one half of England th..
labourer has no propeity in his labour, the Magistrate
compelling the unmarried matt, or the man with no
children,..to pay for the children of the married, this
is a violation of justice perpetrated under the law,
anti it is the duty of the Administration to seek to
put an end to this violence. The Duke of Wel-
lington seems to think that the business of Ministers
is to look on, like the gods of Epicurus, while Magis7
tintes and farmers are robbing labourers, and labourers
are robbing farmers and Magistrates in their . tui n,
allowing free scope to each evil. The Duke con-
founds two things perfectly distinct--the liberty of
individuals to pursue what they themselves deem
the course most Jikely to promote their own advan-
tage without invading the liberty of others, and the
liberty to exercise injustice and to involve others in
ruin and misery. The former liberty ought to be
respected by an Administration ; the latter it is its
business to check. Why do men live in society but
for the protection of perseu and property ? An Ad-
ntinistration ought not to sit with their arms folded
and witness injubtice, exclaiming, it is the hu6iness
of the Nlagistrates to controul it. It is their busi-
ness to see that each part of the social machine has
a healthy play. 'Whether they could have cured
the evil is another question; there cart be no ques-
tion, however, as to the duty of a Ministry to seek
to cure an evil the moment they perceive it. We
most say, that we by no means understand what in
common life is called putting the best foot foremost.
The conduct of other Ministers may not have been
reconcilable with higher notions of duty ; the lan-
guage of no Minister ever betrayed that he enter-
tained a lower notion. Lord King observed, with
reference to his Grace:

That it might be, and no doubt was, very true that
reductimis in the expenditure had been previously made;
hot he felt satisfied that no reductions in the taxes was
intended, had nut the Noble Duke and his friends been
driven to them. They were like other people, who above
all things loved what is called a large margin ; had the
Noble Duke been able to keep that large margin, it was
very doubtful whether what were termed the deplorable
events of lust July would have been merely looked at by
the Noble Duke. The proceedings in France had been
lamented as a woeful exa►nple ; and had the British Mi-
nistry possessed funds, they would have endeavoured to
prevent its being set to the rest of the world."
The language of his Grace fairly warrants this
inference what are we to expect from a man whose
moral sense is so vitiated as to condemn, as a bad
example, the heroic conduct of a people hazarding
their lives to secure for themselves and their de-
scendants all that renders life valuable—their rights
and liberties, which .tt tyrant was seeking to destroy ?
Of %% bat may not such a man be capible? It does
not follow that an individual always acts on his
principles; the dread of the gallows may deter a
man from carrying his principles interence; but,
nevertheless, when you hear a man justifying rob-
bery, you may infer that where the opportunity
occurs ho would not be overscrupulous with regard
to his neighbour's property. In like manner, when
a Minister considers the application of force to put
down a Constitution meritorious, and the resent►ng
of that force a bad example, you are, warra►nted in
inferring, that if a safer occasion offered he would
not hesitate to apply force in a simil►r case at house.
Prom such a man we have obtained is happy rid-
dance.—Morning Chroniek.

The determination of Ministers to submit, their
own saluri.o to a Select Committee of the House
of Commons, with a view to reduction, shows that
they are resolved to begin the promised work of
retrenchment and coonomy at the right end. '1 he
late Administration tiepin exactly at the opposite
end, and slopped there. They contented themselves
with cattily; down the sulfides of. bard-oorking
clerks, who were in general not overpaid, while they
left oitiouched the splendid revenues which the idle
and pampered children of patronage drew from the
politic purse. This was a one.eyed economy which
looked with microscopic glance to small matteissirut
was blind to great profusioti. Who can wonder
that'the public were disguated when they saw the
herd earned pittance of industrious men reduced,
while iftose who scarcely lent more then their names
to pnblia officesiond whose mode of attending upon
the Ouainess of their departments showed that they
considered themselves more for ornament than use,
%eta Allowed to pocket the undiminished amount of
their extravagant salaries ? Thus industry was taxed
to support indolencis—and the acqiiirements and ex-
perience requisite for the public service in various
departments of the State were obliged to submit
to efnefa sacrifices, that luxurious Incompetency
might continuo to revel in its unearned riches
undisturbed 1 It does not require any rea-
soning to prove that that Reform was but u
delusion and a mockery, which applied its prun-
ing-knife only to the entail twigs, but left the broad
branches of prodigal expenditure untouched, We
hail, therefore, with pleasure another era when, so far
as politieal connection or family influence from being
a, hindrance to retrenchment, which renders official
extravagance the inviolable right of a particular class,
that gielsters set the example of an impartial and
equitable redoption of the public sularieu, by sub-
mitting their own to the first instance to the revis
(don of a Parliamentary Committee. This is the
very thing we asked the Duke of Wellington and
Sir Itubett Peel to propose last Session, eta a proof
of the sincerity of their pledges of financial Reform;
het we asked it, in behlit of the public, and as a
useful example to others, in vain, Vtrealthy us those
' late Ministers use, they
.would not consent to the
tfetintiti,ll of their salaries by a single (Vatting, and
' now we find it asserted in PurliaMeot, that so re-
;tartness were they of the repeated pledgee of cco-
twiny which they had given from time to time, that
they 'actually added tour new pensions to the bur-
demi of the country after their resignation bud
been tendered and accepted, and while they held
the Heels of offiep merely ad interim, durmg the ;
formation of u new CiPVgrnment. We believe it
will be found, however, that awl) appointments
have oat the force of law, and certainly Parliament
will be remiss in its duty, if it does not inquire,
into those cases, end do what the Constitution
nod pUbliti duty requires. c)f all men, Sir Roert
Peel was ballad to propose such 4 reduction ofb hit;
own salary as the present Ministers have determined
on; for, having raised it considerably in value by
Alm necessary operation of his Currency fill, the
country bad an equitable claim on him ter the diffe-
rence.. Though a reduction of the Ministerial sty
laries :will not censibly relieve the burdens of the
State, it e ill have great morel effect in gaining for
the Administration the confidence of the public; arid
it will, besides, operate powerfully es an example
:upon all who live luxuriously on the taxes of the
.people. What great sineeurist will venture to
Lrvii the public odium, in spite of tech an ex-
ample, rather than make a voluntary sacrifice of a
portion or the gains for which he has given no
labour in exchange. We allude, of course, to
entecurists who have patent offices, or are otherwise
secured by a freehold tenure of the public spoils
for, where their salaries are dependent on the
pleasure of the Crwtt, we expect to see them

[ without ceremony „abolished. It is ridiculous to
'hear Mr. Dawson, Mr. Oonlhnrri, and other un-
(hitching advocates and participatora in the extra-
t'agance of the late Povernurei apologias ants
Supporters of Bathurst and Dundas jobs—and the
unblushing admirers of the godly craving of Dr.
rhillpotts for, holding, the living of Stanhope :in
eononendam—now stating in their places in Portia,-
:
inent what reductions they intended to make in
[ Various departments, and which reductions we never
[ heard of until they were turned out of office—
Credat Judatus I—Morning Herold.
It will be seen from the proceedings in the House
of Commons last night, that the procession of the
Trades, the other day, to wait upon his Majesty, is
a. sore u subject with the Ex-Mimsters in that quer-
ter, as with those in the Lords. The new Ministers
were again taxed to reply to t:teir objurgatory obser•
%Potions; but the reply was triumphant—the Trades
did nothing more titan the Universities, and the Ve-
nerable Assembly of Divines of the Church of Sem-
land, have repeatedly done, and, cOnsepiently, al-
though their conduct was an ,infraction of the law, it
Was one only in degree! The maxim of" Odi pro-
lamin: vague et areeo," will not, in fact, go down
in these days ►with any class or any set of men, but
the Ex-Ministers; and the latter, if they be wise,
I:ad better not bring too frequently to the reeollec-
tirm of the public the memorable 9;h of•Yovember,
now not less famous than the sth of the same month
was wont to Etc.—Morning Advertiser.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

(From the Glasgow Chronicle of Monday.)

o-day, at two o'clock, agreeably to preViOus re-
gisidtion, a meeting of the Alerchunts House was
held in the Town Hall, the Lord DUO of Guild in
the Chair, supported by the late Dean of Guild, the
Lord Provost, and,,the Merchant Baillies. There
was a very full, attendance of members.

The Lortri DEAN of GUILD said, the meeting had
been called in consequence of a numerously respect-
able signed requisition, for the purpose of cons:der-
ing the question of Parliamentary Reform.
The requisition having been read by Mr. DOUGLAS,
the clerk of the House.

Mr. OSWALD, of Shieldhall, said a set of resolu-
tions, prepared by a Committee of the requisitionists,
had been put into his hands to submit to the meet-
ing. He regretted the task had not devolved on
abler hands, particularly as it was usual that such
resolutions were introduced by a speech. It so hap-
pened, however, that the cause of Reform did • not
now so much. require the support of speeches, and
he could not but congratulate the House on the
great progress which the cause had made over the
empire, and very lately in our own city —(Cheers.)
—He congratulated the meeting on the auspicious
change which had taken place- in his Majesty's
Councils—(Cheers)—and he hoped under• the pre-
sent administration that they would obtain such a
Reform in the House of Commons, as would
tend to the tranquillity and prosperity of the
country, and the happiness of every individual of
the community. Mr. Oswald then read the resolu-
tions seriatim, and concluded by proposing the
adoption of the first.

ROBERT THOMSON, Esq, of Camphill, seconded
the motion, which was ca► tied with great applause.
COLIN DUNLOP, Esq. of Tol!cross, said that while
all were unanimous that the long standing abuses in
the House of Commons should be reformed, it was
superfluous to enter into minor details. The House
of Commons was 'mown as having become too
powerful, swallowing up and overthrowing the pd.,
vileges of the people, and overwhelming to the dust
the power of the Crown. That House was
longer chosen by the free open suffrages of the
people; but was elected by great families, and was
governed in all their enactments by what only
would be productive of advantage to their nominees.
It was therefore their object to get rid of that un-
constitutional influence ; and as the resolution he
was about to propose was based on that principle,
he should submit for the approval of the meeting the
second resolution.

Mr. HUGH TENNANT seconded the motion, which
was curried amid great applause.
Mr. FuLLArtrroN congratulated the meeting on
the high, noble, and independent circumstances
under which they met. The time was, when had
they thus met, or the Lord Dean of Guild presided
over such a meeting, it would have been accom-
panied with immediate danger to their lives and
liberties, and they might have been dispersed with
military force, and brunaed as traitors, and conducted
to a dungeon, or sent to spend the remainder of
their days on a far distant shore. Happily those
days were gone' by, amid it would depend on them-
selves if they would ever return.---(Applause.)
Political lig:it and liberty was spreading everywhere.
He might dilute on the happiness, peuce, and fellow
love which was beginning to dawn on the world;
but he would turn to the business of the day. They
were collected adopt measures to improve the
great Cuuncil of the nation, which pretended to re•
present them, but' which did not do so. He wan
happy the time was at hand when they would see
the science, literature, wealth, and respectability of
Glasgow represented by one or more of her but-
gesses7.(Appleuse)—and when they would not have
to go a 'Squire, however polite, to request his at-
tention to their interests. It was asserted this was
not the time to meet in public discussion; but if ever
there Will a time to do so it was the present. They
had a King who was a patriot and ftiend of his
country, nay more, he was a Reformer.--( Applanse.)
They turd u Ministry more able and independent
than was ever congregated around the Throne. He
concluded by proposing the resolution.

Mr. Joni; STRANG seconded the motion.
Mr. ALEXANDER JOHNSTON said the resolution
he was about to propose referred to the inequality
of representation; and they could not have a better
example than their own burgh. It was contrary to
common sense that Rutherglen should have en
equal weight with this city in the scale of repre-
sentation--a city unequalled in point of wealth and
intelligenee, and little surpassed in paint of popula-
tion in the empire. It was opposed to every view
of justice or common sense. He then moved the
fourth resolution, which was seconded by Mr. We.
mid unanimously adopted.
Mr. ROIUIRT STEIVART in moving the next Yew-
lotion, said, that the resolution which be bad to pro.
pose, described the representation of the country as
bad in the extreme; but that of Scotland was pre.
eminently bud, It had been .stated by a gentleman
in a high puller, that Scotland did not ask for a
Reform; but when that gentleman spoke, it must
have been ironically; if not, he was aiding the very
cause which he wished to thwart or overturn. His
statement had produced such a burst of public feel-
ing as would show what the people of Scotland felt
upon the question. His 111,,,jeatY'a Ministers teem
pledged to do much; he hoped they would redeem
their pledges, but he did Hot hesitate to say that
much more depended upon the people themselves.
Mr. W 1,47. Nl.,DprilCuthNo7gclortnsetltchde 1111)elaiii
gbiQstrtlttl:.
es deserved
credit for the resolution* they hod come to; and he
therefore suggested another word for "Junto."-s,(Hear, and cries of "junco," junto.")
Mr. STEWART said that the word junto was not
his bat was the resolution when put into his
betide.

poii)d see no possible
Mr. 13E14, observud Out he
objection to the use of the ward "ittolos," it was
used quite in a general sense, and Iss it was a
odpitat
word be thought it should remairn—(ll, laugh and
applantse.)
Mr. WM. Ewtrio said the Magistrates of Glas-
gow were es much junto as any other Magistracy.
Mr. OstYALP said the word Junto, thou di not
originally u word of reproach, had beeomo
so,
nod
he seconded Mr. Dunlop, that the words should he
" corporate bodies."
Mr. ROBERT M‘GAVIN would agree to that sug-
gestion when the Msg;strateo were elected by the
eltigens.

The DEAN of Gum) believed it 'would be a

tatter of indifference whether Were* retained oe
qot. It was a matter of moonshine.
The original resolution way then carried.
= Mr. GILMOUR, in moving the sixth resolution, said
they were only following the municipal authorities
who deserved their approval and support.
Mr. C. J. TENNANT seconded the motion.
Mr. THOMAS ATKINSON, in moving the seventh
resolution, said from a resolution given to me to
propose, within these few minutes, and from the
division of honourable labour, which I have seen
male to-day, I rejoice that the custom " more
honoured in the breach than the observance," which
had too long obtained, in this city, of entrusting the
whole body of resolutions to be proposed for the
adoption of a public meeting to the charge of one
individual, however excellent, and then gravely
Settling to then), and with a silence edifying
as absurd, is for ever done away with. Who, five
years ago, could have anticipated such a meeting it'
and what is the change which has produced it.? It
is this, and let the lesion be listened to elsewhere,
jt is the most impressive the schoolmaster can go
abroad with.7-to the resistance which in morals as
in matter, gives new elasticity and greater force to
that which might insensibly penetrate and permeate;
what, if repelled, it will else undermine and
overthrow ! But it is now the part of Reformers,
to be conservators also. Ours is now by right the
venerable phraseology of what was once esteemed
an exclusive loyalty. We are met to "strengthen
the hands of Government"—to " support the-
Executive"--and to " countenance his Majesty's
Ministers"—(Cheers and laughter)—and the reso-
lution in my hand is in accordance with this our new
poaition.—(Here- the speaker read the resolution.)
I rejoice to have lived to see this take place, and to
see it in Glasgow. I augur from it that that change
which the sense of mankind from time to time de-
mands in institutions, and which we call Reform,
will in other countries, as in this, anticipate the
sometimes needful, but always terrible remedy of
Revolution.—(Cheers.)
Mr. BUCHANAN seconded the motion.

Mr. JAS. PERSTON wished to move an amendment,
but he previously wished the sense of the meeting
taken as to whether the ballot Ivas a bad or u good
thing. tie did not mean Glasgow or Dumbarton
ballot, but such a mode of secret ballot as would
secure the independence of the voters.
'Mr. FULLARTON said the proposition was not
within the bounds of the requisition. Let them
confine themselves to Reform ; and wait till they
reeeive the details from Government, and then they
could deliberate upon the subject.

Mr. DUNLOP coincided that
,nothing could be
more calculated to sow disunion than discussion ac
present upon any particular mode of Reform. He
was confident vote by ballot would ultimately pre.
veil ; but at present there was no occasion for di-
vision on the subject.
Mr. ATKINSON said the present amendment was
not in g,ood taste after the point had been rejected
in the Committee.

Mr. •PERSTON shortly replied and pressed his
motion, but it was not seconded.
The original motion wet then carried,
Mr. LEADBETTER proposed the eighth resolution,
which way seconded by Mr. MATHEW PEARCE, and
carried amid great applause.
Mr. HUGH MontusoN moved the ninth resolu-
tion, which was curried by ucclatnution.
Mr. STRANa then read the draught of the petition,
which wee approved of.
Mr. CHARLES HUTCHISON moved the thanks of
the House to the Dean of Guild, for his prompti-
tude in calling the meeting, and for his admirable
conduct in the chair, which was carried by sedum-
-1111113011.

The DEAN of GUILD having retained thank., the
meeting broke up.

LORD WINCHILSEA'S BILL.

The Bill just introduced into the House of Lords
by the Earl of Winchilsea, is entitled " An Act to
provide for the better employment of labourers in
husbandry, by enabling his Majesty's Justices of the
Peace to order a distinct rate to be made on their
behalf (to be called the Labour Rate), witt► allow-
ances to such occupiers of land as shall find them
em ploy ment."

The preamble sets forth, that " whereas, to the
greet injury of a parish, whilst many occupiers of
land may be found who are employing their full pro-
portion of labourers belonging to the parish in which
their land 'is situated, whereby such labourers have
avoided becoming chargeable to the said parish, other
occupiers of la►►d and tenements, with equal ability,
have refused- as to do; and whereas it is expedient
that encouragement. should be given to such land-
holders as are willing to employ their full proportion
of labourers, to the end that such persons may not
he subjected-to ihe additional but den of contributing
to the maintenance of those labourers whom other
landholders ht the. parish ought to' employ ; be it en-
acted," &c.

There are then clatisesproviding that pariah officers
deliver annually to the Justices acting for the di-
vision lists of labourer's in husbandry dependent on
the employment given by the landholders, and
Justices to order asse►sments to be made for the
maintenance of those unemployed.

That the Justices, after inspection of these re-
turns, shall have power to allow weekly assessments
to the amount specified in the lust clause, (the same
to be applied to the support of those men, being
labourers in husbandry, belonging to the parish,
whose need of relief shall arise solely from the land-
holders in the parish refusing them employment,) in
such proportion us they, the Justices, shall direct,
and not to any other purpose whatever.
That the parish officers shall deduct from the
amount which each person, shall be charged with in
any labour-rate made by virtue of this Act, for every
lithourer in husbandry (being a parishioner) em-
ployed by him, that stun which such a labourer, ac-
cording to his class, is entitled to.
That no payment to any individual labourer out
of any rates granted by virtue of this Act, shall ex-
ceed the wages to which he is entitled, according to
the class to which he belongs; which rate of wages
shall be fixed and determined at. a meeting of the
Justices held at their petty sessions in each month,
for the' month ensuing; but in all cases where on
account of bodily infirmity the earnings of the
labourer are not sufficient for the maintenance of his
family, and un additional allowance shall be thought
requisite by the Justices, such allowance shell be
made out of the general assessments for the relief of
the poor.
No deduction to be made for less than a week.
Proportion of assessment may be collected.
Acconnt of deductions claimed to be given in.
Accounts to be produced to a vestry, and verified
before the Justices._

That no rate shall be collected by virtue of this
Act, ttnless demand for lsbour shall be made by
those belonging to the parish.
General enactments to continue, unless contra•
dieted hereby. _

this Act shall be in force in such places
only where a proportion of at least three,fourths of
the whole number of families belonging thereto shall
be
Islt the(principally
rate te, tie
employed,
` recovered under this Act
shall be levied in the sa:ne manner us the rates levied
under the general ossessroonta for the relief of the
Door.

That this Act shall continue anti be in force for
tlrd during the perbad of two years fiom and after
the, psa,ing thereof, and froM thtnee to the end of
the then next Session of Parliament (unless sooner
repealed.)
Provided always, and be it further enacted, that
Act contained shall be deemed or
onstrued to exitmd to Scotland or Ireland.
nothing in this

A. Noble :i enjoying a large hereditary
14 sial to have given great umbrage to the LainLeirren At of his county, by leuving it au the eve of the
late commotion, when hit preeence woe the more newt.
y.