The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-25 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 25, 1863.

by deprecating any forcible action in connection with the
Polish question, for which he said there was no justifica-
tion, either on the ground of friendly associations between
England and Poland, or of financial or commercial inte-
rests. If this country joined in a war with France on ac-
count of Poland their interests would be at variance, and it
would end as other wars had ended during the last six or
eight years, in giving France some material advantage.
Earl GRANVILLE said it was rot desirable for mem-
bers of the Government to go deeply into arguments on
this question at a time when they were giving the gravest
consideration as to the course to be adopted, But he de-
sired to say, in reference to the noble earl's speech, that the
policy he had suggested was incomprehensible. At first he
had deprecated any interference, even diplomatically; and
afterwards he had suggested a course which might have
been adopted—the alternative of the non-acceptance of
which, on the part of Russia, was to have been the with-
drawal of our ambassador. That was a ten times stronger
step than any which her Majesty's Government had taken.
He denied that there had been any departure from the prin-
ciple of non-intervention. Her Majesty's Government had,
in conjunction with the great Powers of Europe, applied
their moral influence, based on treaty rights and interna-
tional law, to point out the course which, in their opinion,
wnconsistent
nwo with the dui
ans i tsyo aanndx
iporuess prestige ep
reef
stehr ivse c. o uin
0-
Russia ought to take. Not to have done so would not have
btreye
have withdrawn our Ambassador and ceased diplomatic re-
lationseubremtoorleeaidmptoortthaentdwisaasyt,raonuds wreosuulldtshwavheictehene
mveuncehinmaormeus
with the Court of Russia would have been to inter-
trusted might yet be averted, than the course pursued by
her Majesty's Government.

After a few words in reply from the Marquis of CLANRI-
CARDE, the motion was withdrawn and the subject dropped.
ATTACHING IN I :EPEND ENT VOLUNTEER
CORPS TO ADIVIINIoTRATIVE BATTALIONS.
The Earl of MALMESBURY moved for a copy of the
letters written to the Lord-Lieutenants of counties by the
Secretary of State for War, on the subject of attaching in-
dependent corps of volunteers to administrative battalions.
He understood that it was to be permissive, and that Lord-
Lieutenants were to give the corps the opportunity of de-
ciding for themselves whether they would be so attached;
but he had ascertained that in some cases this had not been
done, and that independent corps had been so attached by
the Lord-Lieu enants without having been consulted.
Earl DE GREY, in reply, said that there would be no
objection to lay a copy of that letter on the table. It was de-
sirable that independent corps should be connected with
administrative battalions to receive the services of an adju-
tant as acting paymaster in connection with the distribution
of the capitation grant, and to give the Government the
security necessary as to the efficiency of the members of the
corps. The letter had been sent on the supposition that in-
dependent corps should not be so attached without their
free consent. Although it was very desirable that the corps
should be united into administrative battalions, to receive
the instruction of the adjutant and the payment of the Go-
vernment grant, yet in places where any local difficulties
existed, the Lord Lieutenant would be empowered to make
such arrangements as would be most acceptable to the corps.
Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to 8 o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Yesterday.
The SPEAKER took the chair at half-past 12 o'clock.

RUM DUTY BILL.
This bill was read a third time.
AUGMENTATION OF BENEFICES BILL.

This bill was read a third time.
ALTERATION OF JUDGES' CIRCUITS BILL.

This bill was read a third time.
BRITISH COLUMBIA BOUNDARIES BILL.

This bill, as amended, was considered and agreed to, and
read a third time and passed.
CLERGYMEN (COLONIES) BILL.

This bill was read a third time.
EAST INDIA REVENUE ACCOUNTS.

The report on the resolutions agreed to last night was
brought up and received.

STATUTE LAW REVISION BILL.

On the motion that this bill be read a third time,

Mr. HENNESSY repeated several of his objections to
this bill, which he said would repeal some enactments
which ought not to be repealed, and leave untouched others
which were virtually of no use on the statute-book.. The
hill, which consisted of 198 clauses, was full of anomalies,
and ought not to be hurriedly passed at the fag end of the
session. Some old acts would be mutilated, such as Magna
Charter, and for all practical purposes the bill would be in-
operative. In conclusion, he moved, as an amendment,
that it be read a third time this day week.
Mr. L YGON seconded the motion.

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL replied—The bill had
been carefully prepared by eminent gentlemen of the greatest
legal experience, who had devoted years to its compilation.
All the objections raised by the hon. and learned gentlemen
were utterly baseless. The hon. and learned gentleman had
evidently employed his leisure in dipping into some legal
books, and the result was his picking up a smattering of
information of the most superficial nature, which he had
abundantly displayed in his opposition to the bill.
He had raised no real objection to the bill, which,
in the opinion of lawyers on both sides of the house,
would constitute a great boon to the professors of the law
and the general public. In truth, the hon. and learned
gentleman evinced no knowledge on the subjects with which
he had dealt, and yet asked the house to withdraw its confi-
dence from those who possessed great knowledge on the
matter, as abundantly evinced in the laborious preparation
of this measure, which had been in preparation since 1859.
Mr, HENNESSY withdrew his motion, and the bill was
read a third time, and passed.
EXHIBITION MEDALS BILL.

Mr. MILNER moved the second reading of this bill, and
asked the house to go at once into committee, that it might
Le read a third time this evening, or Mondry. The object
of the measure was to provide, otherwise than by costly
civil process for the punishment of persons falsely repre-
senting themselves as the owners of medals.

The bill passed through committee. TE:t a reading on
Monday.

PIER AND HARBOUR BILL.

The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to.

VACCINATION (SCOTLAND) BILL.

The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to.
SHEEP AND CATTLE (SCOTLAND) BILL.
The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to.
STIPENDIARY MAGISTRATES BILL.
The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to.
MISAPPROPRIATION BY SERVANTS BILL.
The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to.
The sitting was suspended at half-past one o'clock.
The house resumed at six o'clock.
NOTICES OF MOTION.

Mr. MONSELL gave notice that, early next session, he
would move for leave to bring in a bill to substitute an oath
for that taken at present by Roman Catholic members of
the house.

Captain JERVIS gave notice that, early next session,'he
would move fer a select committee to inquire into the orga-
nisation and administration of the army in India.
THE FRANCHISE OF COMPOUND HOUSE-

which was necessary for the effective prosecution of the
purposes of the institution, including, above all, its religious
purposes, and at the same time make every practical con-
cession to those who were without.
Mr. LYGON expressed his opinion that subscription
was amongst the most effectual means of preventing reli-
gious animosities, and reminded the house that although
the petition was signed by 106 persons, 73 of the number
were laymen. The document could not, therefore, be taken
as expressing the views of any important section of the
clergy.

Mr. G. DUFF said that the petition represented the
views of the elite of the blue blood of the university, and
that, although many distinguished members had not signed
it, the spread of liberal sentiments was so great since the
secession of Dr. Newman that a very strong feeling existed
in favour of the abolition of tests.
Mr. NEWDEGATE hoped the house would not, with-
out mature reflection, give any countenance to a proposi-
tion to open to persons holding different religious opinions
the only university now limited to members of the Church
of England.

Mr. B UXTON thought the question was not whether
we should abolish tests, but whether those particular tests
complained of were not cumbersome and unnecessary.
Moreover, Parliament had already, in the case of the Uni-
versity of Cambridge, condemned those tests.
The subject then dropped.
THE lOMAN ISLANDS.

Mr. C. BENTINCK directed attention to the proposed
cession of the lonian Islands to Greece, and charged the
Government with an altered policy on the question,arguing
that in the present state of Greece the mere placing of a
young and inexperiencdd prince on the throne constituted
no guarantee for the settlement and tranquillity of that
country.
MONUMENTS IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY.

Mr. M. MILNES referred to the refusal by the Dean
and Chapter of Westminster to allow monuments to be
erected in the Abbey to Lord Macaulay, Mr. Hallam, and
Earl Canning, and to the demand of exorbitant fees for
permission to place a bust of the late Sir G. C. Lewis
there. The conduct of the capitular body in this respect
demanded, he thought, the intervention of Parliament,
with the view of placing the matter under the charge of
some department of the Government.
Mr. F. PO WELL condemned the appropriation of the
Abbey to monuments many of which were scarcely of a
Christian character. So far from admitting more, he
thought many of those already there ought to be removed.

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

POST.—Whatever may have been the intention
of the Legislature in passing the Foreign Enlist.
ment Act, it seems tolerably clear that it was not
with the view of protecting friendly States which
happened to be at war with each othet. The sale
of munitions of War is not prohibited, nor is any
restriction imposed upon export trade. British
subjects are forbidden to furnish, arm, or equip ves-
sels of war with the intent that they shall be used
against a friendly State, but they are in nowise
prevented from doing the same acts for the sake of
the profits to be realised on the sale of such ships
when completed. It was au error to suppose that
the departure of the Alabama from these shores was
an infringement of the Foreign Enlistment Act.
For many reasons there was in her case no violation
of the law. She was neither furnished, armed, nor
t quipped when she left the port of Liverpool ; and
as, from what subsequently occurred, it is evident
that it was never the intention of her builders that
she should have been equipped in an English port,
her seizure by the Government would have been
unjustifiable. The Messrs. Laird, of Birkenhead,
built and sold, as they had a perfect right to do, a
vessel which, when duly armed, became a ship of
war. The transformation, however, the " furnish-
ing, arming, and equipping," which are alone pro-
hibited by the Foreign Enlistment Act, if done
with the intent that hostilities should be carried
on against a friendly Power, took place out of
her Majesty's dominions. The Alabama received
her armament at Terceira, and in that port
for the first time became invested with the charac •
ter of a ship of war. In the case of the Alexandra
the ship had nearly reached that stage of construc-
tion when seized in which the Alabama was when
she left the Mersey, and, assuming that she was
equally intended tor the use of the Southern Confe-
deracy, would, it unmolested, have taken her equip
went on board, like the Alabama, in a foreign port,
or possibly, like the Japan, in the English Channel.
If, then, the interpretation put by the Lord Chief
Baron on the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment
Act be correct, and although exceptions have been
taken to it by the law officers of the Crown, there
seems no reason to doubt that it will be sustained ;
the obstacles in the way of supplying a belligerent
either with armed ships, or vessels easily convertible
into ships of war, are purely nominal. Under such
circumstances it was not surprising that those who
still hope to see the American Union restored
should have protested against a condition of the law
which permitted the Southern States with blockaded
ports to create a navy at a distant part of the worlu.
Hence sprang the memorial which certain ship-
owners at Liverpool a short time since presented to
the Government, praying for a revision of the
Foreign Enlistment Act, and hence the speech of
Mr. Cobden in the House of Commons, on Thursday
evening, in which that gentleman supported the
views of the Liverpool shipowners. It was scarcely
relevant for the member for Rochdale to refer to the
injury inflicted on American trade by the Alabama
and other vessels which the Southern Confederacy
have been enabled to purchase and equip in Euro-
pean waters. No one doubts that the shipowners
of the North are great sufferers. But their suffer-
ings prove nothing. Great injury has been inflicted
on the Southern population by means of artillery
and rifles and gunpowder purchased in this coun-
try, but that fact would not justify the friends of
the South in demanding from the Government an
alteration in the law which would have the effect
of checking the exportation of munitions of war.
Mr. Cobden saga there is a distinction between
supplying a belligerent with armed ships, which
can only be applied to one use, and furnishing him
with gunpowder which may be employed for blast-
ing or sporting purposes. But to what use, let us
ask the member for Rochdale, can some thousands
of Minie rifles and some hundreds of Armstrong or
Whitworth guns, which have been exported from
England, be turned, and does he pretend to be
ignorant of the manner in which they have been
actually employed ? If the sufferings of the respec-
tive belligerents, occasioned through war material
supplied from these shores, were to be taken into
account, the claims of the South for redress would
be infinitely greater than those of the North. But.
as Mr. Cobden candidly confesses that he does not
believe in the future existence of two independent
Federations in North America, he appeals to our
sense of fear, by conjuring up the consequences of
exciting the enmity of the Federal Government.
The North will*ultimately triumph, the Union will
be restored, and then the day of retribution will
come. It may not be generally known Mr. Cobden
told his hearers that the American Government
estimate the value of every vessel destroyed by
Confederate privateers, and make formal claims for
reparation on her Majesty's Government, which
claims are disallowed. But so soon es the rebellion
is crushed, we are left to suppose that the Govern-
ment of the then United States will not only again
advance those claims, but will enforce compliance
with them. Whilst there is yet time, therefore,
Mr. Cobden implores us to modify our law to pro-
tect the commerce of the North, and thus to appease
the just wrath of the American Government.
TIMES.—The debate in the House of Lords last
night on the subject of Poland will do little to allay
the anxiety which is taking possession of the public
mind. We look to that assembly for wise and mode-
rate counsels, for temperance in the midst.of passion,
tor calm, far-sighted, and impartial wisdom. Winstance
ae
sorry to say that in the present momentous
we look in vain. How heavy is the responsibility
which devolves on any one who at the presentmo-
ment says a single word to inflame popular passion,
or to irritate susceptibilities already too much
ex
cited, can hardly, we think, have been considered
by those who gave treated this grave
and important
invective and
subject as a fitting theme for stinging
Ellenborough,
high-sounding declamation.
admirable as usual in point of eloquence, scarcely
condescended to argument. He dwelt upon the
enormities of General IVlouravieff, and observed how
impossible it was for the Poles to be content when
they bad been treated with so much cruelty since
1831. This is perfectly true, but justice is due
even to Russia; and we
may not unreasonably ask
whether the wounded nationality of Poland would
have been contented even had the Government of
Russia been the best and most humane in the world.
Lord Ellenborough thinks that there is an end of
diplomacy in the Polish question—that it would be
vain, and even degrading., to pursue it further, and
that there is nothing left for us but to act. Lord
Malmesbury had no difficulty in exposing the ex-
travagant language and unreasonable inferences of
Lord Ellenborongh,
but he concluded by a propo-
sition the most injudicious and the most dangerous
that could be conceived. He wishes that we should
withdraw our ambassador from St. Petersburg !
We confess, for our own part, that, such a step once
taken, we should have little hope indeed of escap-
ing an European war. Let us once admit that our
interest in the affairs of Poland
oblige us to go beyond the mere language of ex_
postulation and remonstrance, and something more
than a diplomatic rupture becomes inevitable. The
opinion which we ourselves should have created
would
by forcing us along with it, and many
end
who had no desire to involve themselves in the
quarrel would feel that our honour would not per-
mit us to withdraw. In the absence, then, of that
wise counsel for which we had a right to look
under circumstances of so much danger and diffi-
culty, we
will endeavour to set before the country
the real nature of our position with regard to the
Polish
question. The Treaty of Viennaeodoiadt,no
doubt, stipulate that Poland should be a it
tional kingdom under the government of the Etripea:
ror of Russia. The power of the Emperor over that
kingdom was not the result of the Treaty
ofof
Vienna, but of that great crime, the pa
1772, consummated in 1794. The treaty gave us a
right to call upon Russia to Constitute the kingdom
of Poland, and to make War upon her in ease
she destroyed it. The case provided for in the
Treaty was not long in arising. In 1831 the con-
stitutional Monarchy of Poland was destroyed, and
Poland itself was incorporated with the dominions
of the Empire of Russia. We did not see fit to avail
ourselves of the rights which the Treaty of 1815
gave us. Again, in 1846, the Republic of Cracow
was destroyed, and we did not see fit to draw the
sword for its preservation. In 1856 we made peace
with Russia after the
.2e
with i
closel of the Crimean War.
Then, if ever, was the t for us to come to a defi-
nite understandingregard to Poland, but we
passed the question over in silence and concluded a
treaty of peace with Rue • '
sia in which not a single
word is to be toned bearing on this double violation
of the Treaty of Vienna. Seven years after the con-
clusion of this treaty, when we had by our silence
and acquiescence of wo-and-twenty years effectu-
ally waived our right to take a stand on the 'freaty
of Vienna, we see fit to recur to an instrument which
we have so long treated as obsolete, and to propose
to Russia that she should grant an armistice, and
entertain six propositions based on the Treaty of
Vienna, and not in the least calculated to restore
confidence to Poland or to give security to Russia.
We cannot expect that if Poland received through
the agency of the Western Powers a constitutional
Government, a native Ministry, the use of her own
laws and language, that she would not immediately '
employ all these advantages for the purpose of doing
to Russia all the evil in her power. We ask Russia to
place arms in the hands of her adversary. This is
our recommendation. It has been refused. Ths Rus-
sian Government will grant no armistice while the
Poles are in open insurrection against her, and
declines to submit to foreign Powers the regulation
of her relations with her revolted subjects. Is this
a case of war ? We do not believe that even techni-
cally it is so, for it appears to us that by long and
distinct acquiescence we have waived tiny right to
interfere under the Treaty of 1815. But whether

we possess this right or no, sure we are that it is
inexpedient to use it. As far as Poland is concerned,
she will be satisfied with 'clothing short of absolute
independence ; as far as Russirileof atonoon
concerned,
to ned,s
she
will be content with nothing short
con-
quest. Neither party will hearand even of any
wnyintermediatesuch
position between the two,
position
estedllehedite t
would
Whereld each
only serve
masigahbt rardeathw-
ing place between th
undertakenencounter.
this L Let un st
tloogoketahelirtthleisfuforrtcheesr.folrvtehhealvaset
Francediplomatic
da cnt inognl
awnidt h
a Fh
sr
oa
uctee
l;ya ri
de
etnhe ti
oianit
pe r e sltts oi
sf
the interest of France to humble, and even to
ppresent dis-
tracteddestrny a
state power
of t the whichm
Continent fnr a
oifnEtuhreo e the only
efficient counterpoise
hpoisoeuntdoau her
of aggrandisement.theßhineto re
Has
not France .
conouer ? Has she not themem, memory
w
theyofego
hand
later
days of the Empire to ob'iterate .
inh
handthat Francein suchist o
o w e undertakingsak and
Russiaunless
wtonoasrtnrosatisfieds
not our policy now, as always, to maeintary meansinEuro
pean equilibrium, instead of to seekby every
in our power to overthrow it P And, finally,
lenaplleyol what
is more important than all the rest, th
this country are well aware that our arm is not
people
long enough to reach the present scene of action.
There is one result from such a war that we
regard as certain—the ruin of the Ministry that
declares it and the discredit of the political party
that supports it.
HERALD.—" What shall be done with the Royal
Academy," might be the publishing title of the
report which hasjust been given in by the commis-
sioners who were appointed at the beginning of the
year "to inquire into its present position.' We
may differ still as ,o what we should do with the
institution, but we are left in no further doubt as to
what we are dealing with. If it was impossible
from the beginning to complain of the selection of
the gentlemen charged with the inquiry, it is
equally impossible vow to accuse them of any want
of zeal or diligence in carrying it out. A better
written report, with more carefully considered
conclusions on the data brought before them, was
not to be expected; and if they have not suggested
the true remedies " the position" which they
describe calls for, it must be admitted that the
mistake has originated in an almost inevitable
acceptance of a very current illusion as to the true
aims and uses of such institutions. They have con-
sidered in detail the constitution of the Academy—
its machinery as a school—its service to art in its
exhibitions—and its requirements of meal accomo-
dation. Under each heading the Academy is found
at fault, and an accumulation of suggestions are
offered which, if adopted, would amount to a little
revolution in its working. The commissioners pro-
pose to transfer the functions of government under
a charter to a general assembly, which is to be com-
posed of some 60 academicians, lay and professional,
and of an equal number of associates, who are to
enjoy the power of filling up their own vacancies.
The president, who is recommended for a " very
much augmented salary," is to hold office subject
to an annual election, and to be assisted by a
council of ten academicians, who are to be chosen
from that body exclusively, but to be approved by
the general assembly, and to vacate office under a
yearly system of rotation. Suggestions are added
that engravers aed art workmen might be made
eligible on equal terms as academicians
or associates,
and that a class of honorary members might be
created in favour of foreigners. The constitution
being thus remodelled, it is thus proposed that the
committees—three in number—appointed to arrange
works for the annual exhibition should be chosen
by the council and general assembly, and that the
council should alone have power to make the selec-
tion of the works. A limitation of the number of
works which academicians and associates have now
the power of exhibiting as of right, and some sag-
gestions as to the immixture of sculpture, the height
at which works are to be hung, the mode in which
the name of the artist and subject of his work
should be made known, and the admission of the
public under different arrangements, complete all that
the commissioners have to propose on the exhibi-
tion, except so far as they recommend the more
spacious buildings made indispensable by the
double needs of the Academy and National Gallery.
With the latter advantage attained, a considera-
able development is recommended for the school,
which they propose to withdraw from the special
charge of the visitors and to transfer to a com-
petent Director General assisted by well-paid in-
structors. The students, it is thought, ought to
undergo test examinations on admission pay fees,
and be rewarded by travelling studentships and
admission by merit to a school, to be established on
the French model at Rome. To provide for the
extended uses thus proposed for the exhibition and
school it is thought that the rooms of the National
Gallery should be handed over to the Academy, or
that the Academy should move elsewhere, and the
whole building in Tratalgat-square, with additions,
be used for the Gallery. The proposition of the
commissioners, in short, is at once to amplify and
complicate the government of the Academy, and es.
tablish it on some such footing as that maintained
by the College of Surgeons in reference to its ten or
twenty thousand members. Now, we will enter
into no question about the worth of the precedent,
pimply because whatever that may be we fail to see
the analogy which would justify imitation. The
public asks no guarantee for the qualification of a
painter or sculptor beyond its own taste, and we can
hardly understand the principle of the interference
by which the Academy would undertake to provide
for the instruction and training of the body of
British artists unless we are to have government for
government cake. It is the distinction of the arts
that they may be learnt, but cannot be taught; and
the best uses of the Academy as an educational in-
stitution must, in our opinion, be confined to offer-
ing the means, not to be found elsewhere, by which
artists may instruct and train themselves. "Lec-
tures," " periodical examinations," " travelling
studentships," and salaried " residence at
Rome in
lish acads they fu
academy of art"—are very attractive
aagnenEcniegs far as
matter for an ad-
ministrative dolce far niente, and
to the eve may supply food
r-increasing appetite for official patron-
age ;but we deny that they are the necessities of a
thepro shpiegr
he ue
rs art ,a os
phases
st at tglaeenyi
nhda v
ine ever
pt er na
edteido
et.o e
Tl i chiet
great want in the education of artists ever since
the Caracci school system began, has been the
inability of students to run
alone, to think for
themselves, to produce the effects of nature, not
after certain artificial and misunderstood rules of
teachers, but under the guidance of experience,
assisted by the inspiration furnished by their own
use of it. To do work well we must see what we
want to do with our own eyes, not others'. There
is nothing so misleading to young art as the sup-
posed possession of the technical secrets for pro-
ducing
results that belong but to its highest deve-
lopment, and academies will be found probably to
be most useful to the genius that connects itself with
them, as they happen to limit their help to letting
it freely help itself. Beyond this assistance, which
supposes the rather large accommodations of sp ce
and models than any very distinguished demonstra-
tion of the metaphysics of the art, the profession
has no need of assuming a corporate form,except to
make the public and artists mutually acquainted.
True art will never be wanting when it has the
fair stage with no favour that belongs to an effec-
tive exhibition. The rivalries, the petty ambitious,
the caballing intrigues, the embarrassments of ad-
ministrative responsibility, are no elements of a
prosperous art ; and all the good to art that has
arisen from the academical distinctions and official
advantages that belong to the present system, or
the more complicated substitute the commissioners
recommend for it, would not outworth the loss
which would accrue by withdrawing a Reynolds, a
Gainsborough, or a Lendseer a single month from
their ateliers. The true place for an artist is made
by his works, not his titles or the social posture:
acquired for him by his placein an academy;rartis
ttntdo
the greatest aid such institutions can offer
showthe worthily
works
presents
oprovide it with what we have never yet had in this
country, ai. nt exAhitbiptiroensewnhticwhe
fully and
f
academicians and associates as a matter of right,
and of a few of their friends, as so many prizes
drawn out of a lottery; but for artists generally the
only acquaintance we give them of their exhibition
is under its annual characteristic of " a delusion,
a mockery, and a snare." It is thus that art has
no such curse as the very aid which should most
assist it. In the limitation of space and necessary
exclusion of nine-tenths of our works of merit the
unfortunate artist, who knows that the exhibition
offers his only road to fortune, paints, not as his
own taste suggests, but to suit some supposed
tastes, the committee of selection, and in proportion
as, he has incurred risks and sacrifices to gain his
object, he becomes in his success, but still more in
his failure, much less serviceable to a high ideal of
his art, to himself, and to society.

A SAVAGE RACEHORSE.—Bedouin, the property
of Mr. Ten Broeck, whilst being conveyed to Stam•
ford, bit off the finger of the boy in charge of him, and
kicked so violently in the box as to wrench two shoes off.—
, Slumlord Mercury.
[ADVERTISEMENT.)—Holloway's Ointment and pills._
All whose maladies have been of long duration, and whose
pains are still severe and excruciating should read the
truthful and authentic evidence of patients who have been
cured by Holloway's remedies after their oases had been
considered perfectly hopeless. Sores, ulcerations, sprains,
contractions of the muscles andjoints, white swellings, scro-
fulous tumours, scurvy and scrofula are some of the serious,
disfiguring and vexatious ailments remediable by these
medicaments. To all such sufferers, Holloway's prepara-
tions will afford a last chance of obtaining ease and re-
deeming health. All victims of varicose veins and swelled
ankles are earnestly entreated on reading this to avail
themselves without delay of an opportunity of restoration
which may never occur again.