The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-04 00:00:00

severe. It is not so certain that it will be decisive.
From this rapid survey of the field of impending
operations, it will be seen that the Federal Govern-
ment has a large work in hand ; and that if Mr.
Lincoln and his Cabinet are about to make an end
of themselves politically, they are inclined to do the
deed after the fashion of Sardanapalus and to expire
in a blaze of fireworks.
Meantime Mr. Lincoln is called upon to dismiss
his Administration, and replace it by one more homo-
geneous, or, as Mr. Seward would say, " more
unique." But as the President is iu one of his in-
tervals of self-assertion, nod in the mood to say
"No" shortly and sharply to all comers, the efforts
of those who strive to produce a Ministerial crisis
make little progress. The memorial of the 26 Re-
publican senators has produced no effect. A depu-
tion from New York, headed by Mr. George Op-
dyke, the Mayor, and including several men who
have it in their power either to make or mar the
fortunes of any loan that Mr. Chase may desire to
negotiate, has been equally unsuccessful. The depu-
tation, when admitted to the Imperial presence, re-
presented in respectful terms the public lack of con-
fidence in his advisers, and urged a change "as
essential to the salvation of the country." Mr. Lin-
coln could not see the point. If he had been a
constitutional king he might have seen it, and re-
membered the unpleasant consequences that have
followed in other countries when king and people
took different sides; but being an elected Presi-
dent, more absolute during his four years in office
than any king or emperor in the world, he
contented himself tith telling. the busybodies who
preiiiiiied 'to give him advice that The Goverit-
ment was better informed of the necessities
of the country than any outsiders could be,
however able or intelligent." And so the depu-
tation retired—possibly as patriotic as before,
but probably not so sanguine that much good could
be done while Mr. Lincoln remained President. Mr.
Greeley, with whom Mr. Lincoln said some time ago
that he could not afford to quarrel, is trying his
powers of persuasion with a similar object, and has
instigated the meeting of a select Republican caucus
to consider the action to be pursued in both Houses
during the short remaining term of the present Con-
gress. The ultra-Republican party are dissatisfied,
because there is not abolition enough in the Presi-
dential policy, while the Democrats are dissatisfied
because there is too much. One would emancipate
all slaves by a Presidential and inoperative decree,
and appoint Gen. Fremont commander-in-chief to
superintend its non-execution; the other would annul
or withdraw the proclamation of emancipation, and
reappoint Gen. M'Clellan to the head of the army.
If Mr. Lincoln were disposed to change it is pro-
bable that the Abolitionists would carry the day ;
that Gen. Halleck and Mr. Stanton would be sacri-
ficed to the public disgust at the mismanagement
of the war; that Mr. Chase would be immolated to
appease the alarm of bankers and business men ;
that Mr. Welles would be offered up as a victim to
the wrath of the indignant merchants who have
ships and cargoes afloat in the way of the Alabama;
and that Mr. Seward would be consigned to the
rural retirement of his own sweet Auburn, and to
the tender mercies of a score of ex-prisoners in
Fort Lafayette, to satisfy the distrustful animosities
of Mr. Charles Sumner and the other high priests
of Emancipation, for having played false to the
cause of the negro and lost faith in the healing in-
fluences of his traditional ninety days. But in this
case a much worse Administration would be ap-
pointed to succeed the defunct. Gen. Butler might
fill the place of Mr. Stanton, Gen. Wadsworth that
of Gen. Halleck, Mr. Charles Sumner that of Mr.
Seward, and Ar. Horace Greeley that of Mr. Chase,
Perhaps even Mr. Lincoln may be of opinion that
it is better to endure the ills he has than fly to
others that he can but too easily prefigure, even
though by so doing he should incur the much
dreaded hostility of Mr. Greeley.
Yesterday the President sent a special Message to
the Senate and House of Representatives, informing
those bodies that he had signed the Bill authorising
the issue of 100,000,000 greenbacks, for the pay-
ment of arrears due to the army; and expressing,
at the same time, his " sincere regret" that it had
been found necessary to increase the paper money
of the country to so large an extent, at a time when
the circulation was already so redundant as to have
seriously augmented the cost of living, to the injury
not only of the labouring man but of the whole
community. He also took occasion to suggest as
the best remedy for that inflation of the currency,
which he admitted as likely to produce " disastrous
consequences," the taxation of the circulation of all
the State and local banks, and the establishment of
a uniform currency, based upon the security of
United States bonds, as suggested in his recent
Message. This is the idea of Mr. Chase, as well as
of Mr. Lincoln, but it meets with little favour from
the public, although as far as the mere uniformity
of the bank-note circulation is concerned, there is a
large class of people who are inclined to support it.
The Message was very ill received by both Houses.
Mr. Greeley, who is at Washington, urging a
change of Ministry, states in the Tribuneethai the
recommendation to adopt Secretary Chase's banking
scheme provoked laughter over most of the House;
that there was a very general expression of irrita-
tion at what was called the interference and dicta-
tion of the President ; and that in the Senate,
which refused to print the document, there was a
feeling of resentment at what a distinguished
senator called Mr. Lincoln's " growing habit of
returning bills with his signature, accompanied
by lectures to Congress for having passed them."
It may be inferred from this statement that the
Republican majority of the Senate are annoyed
at Mr. Lincoln's refusal to change his Ministry
at their dictation, and that he has finally suc-
ceeded in " quarrelling with Mr. Greeley." The
Conservative party—. while otherwise disapproving
of his policy—are of opinion that this last is a step
in the right direction, though they are quite pre-
pared to believe that he will retrace it as soon as
Mr. Greeley has the opportunity of a private and
confidential talk with the man whose policy, though
not himself in office, he has succeeded in moulding
more effectually than any member of the Adminis-

tration.
Mr. Chase and the Committee of Ways and Means
which controls his operations have finally agreed
upon the financial scheme which is to rescue the
country from its present monetary perplexities, ,or
sink it still deeper into the slough of bankruptcy.
The Government must have 900,000,000 dole. im-
mediately, or it must collapse. Mr. Chase and the
Committee have agreed that this sum must be raised
by three separate modes,—first, by the issue of
300,000,000 greenbacks, or legal tender notes;
second, by a loan of the same amount, secured by
three-year bonds, bearing 6 per cent. interest, con-
vertible
into legal tender notes; and, third, by a
similar loan for 20 years at 6 per cent., inconvertible.
The President, having protested against the issue
of 100,000,000 dots. for the payment of the army,
may for consistency's sake protest against the
300,000,000 dots. ; but as Congress will certainly
pass the Bills, the protest will be vain unless
it
Lincoln, in the exercise of his prerogative, matters
solve to veto them. But as this would bring
a Lord Pro-
to a dead lock, and prepare the w
it is not
Union with Jefferson Davis
" either so
likely that Mr. Lincoln will be
conscien-
tious or so desperate.
lutions introduced by Mr.
The series of reso
tector Cromwell or a General Mpoanryeksfiodtroeurte,
California, th t ' rea ening
M'Dougall, the senator from
the
with
h
the Emperor of the French
the United States if h . t the vengeance of
storelthe
e do not immediately with-
draw his forces from Mexico, is everywhere con
damned or laughed at. Mr. M‘Don gall has no
debate a matter so likely to produce
aordtotoseqoauatrirtelcowntietmh
pFturoaunscleyj
cal weight or influence ; and if he had, the Senate
knows too well that the Federal Government cannot
now, or even to
fromus the mischief,So e.l ex-
ceptiti

)C

PRICE.-- ...4d.
STAMPED ....sd.

The New ork, Tribune contains the following
intercepted despatches :
No. 7.
Confederate States of America, Department of
State, Richmond, Oct. 17.
Sir,—Since my No. 5 of 26th ult., of which duplicate is
herewith forwarded, some circumst :nces of a very remark-
able character have come to the knowledge of the President,
to which your earnest attention is invited.
On the 7th but. the President received from Governor
Lubbock, of Texas, a letter, of which a copy is annexed,
marked A, with inclosures No. 1 and 2.
The very singular nature of the correspondence initiated,
as you will perceive, by Mr. B. Theron, French consular
agent and Spanish vice-consul at G alveston, naturally ex-
cited a lively interest ; but we have not yet arrived at any
satisfactory conclusion as to the nature and extent or the
source of the intrigue evidently on foot, when, on the 13th
inst., the President received from the Hon. W. S. Oldham,
senator from Texas, a letter, of which a copy, marked B, is
herewith enclosed,
The concurrent action of two French consular officers at
points so remote from each other as Galveston and Rich-
mond, the evident understanding which exists between
them, the similarity of their views and conduct, the choice
of Mr. Oldham as the party to be approached, he being ge-
nerally considered as identified with the party opposed to
the Administration, while Mr, Wigfall is its supporter—all
concur in satisfying us that there is not only concert of ac-
tion between these officials, but that their conduct has been
dictated by some common superior. In plain language, we
feel authorised to infer that the French Government has, for
some interest of its own, instructed some of its consular
agents here to feel the way and if possible to provoke some
movement on the part of the State cf Texas which shall re-
sult in its withdrawal from the Confederacy. It is difficult,
if not impossible, on any other hypothesis, to account for
the conduct of these agents.
I have, in accordance with the instructions of the Presi-
dent, expelled both Mr. Theron and Mr. Tabouelle from the
Confederacy, and have forbidden their return without the
previous permission of the Government. I enclose you copies
of the orders of expulsion, marked C and D.
In endeavouring to account for such a course of action on
the part of the French Government I can only attribute it
to one or both of the following causes :-
1. The Emperor of the French has determined to conquer
and hold Mexico as a colony, and is desirous of interposing
a weak Power between his new colony and the Confederate
States, and in order that he may feel secure against any in-
terference with his designs on Me xico.
2. The French Government is desirous of securing for
itself an independent source of cotton supply to offset that
possessed by Great Britain in India, and designs to effect
this purpose by taking under its protection the State of
Texas, which, after being acknowledged as an independent
republic, would, in its opinion, be in affect as dependent on
France and subservient to French interests as if a French
colony.
It is more than probable that both these considerations
would have weight in the councils of the French Cabinet ;
and we are not without suspicion that the tortuous diplo-
macy of Mr. Seaward may have had some influence in in-
spiring such designs. The desire to weaken the Confede-
racy, to exhibit it to the world as a rope of sand,' without
consistence or cohesion, and therefore not worthy of recog-
nition as an independent member of the family of nations,
would afford ample motives for the adoption of such a course
by the Cabinet of the United States, which is driven to a
diplomacy of expedients in the desperate effort to avert the
impending doom which awaits the party now in power in
Washington. One other suggestion occurs to me, which
you may receive as purely conjectural on my part. It is
known to me personally that, at the date of the annexation
of Texas to the United States, M. Dubois de Saligny, the
present French Minister in Mexico, and who was then
French Charge d'Affaires to the republic of Texas, was ve-
hemently opposed to the annexation, and was active in en-
deavouring to obstruct and prevent it. Even at that date
the despatches of M. Guizot, which I had an opportunity of
reading, were filled with arguments to show that the interests
of Texas were identical with those of France, and that both
would be promoted by the maintenance of a separate na-
tionality in Texas. The intrigue now on foot, therefore,
accords completely with the policy in regard to Texas that
may be almost said to be traditional with France ; and it is
not impossible that the movement of the consular agents
here has received its first impulse from the French legation
in Mexico, instead of the Cabinet of the Tuileries. These
movements are not considered as having the slightest im-
portance so far as their effect on Texas is concerned. The
answers of Governor Lubbock, and the letter of Mr. Old-
ham, will satisfy you how little those gentlemen were dis-
posed to encourage such attempts, while the popular feel-
ing in Texas is best evinced by the fact that she has 70
regiments of volunteers in our army. But the evidence
thus afforded of a disposition on the part of France to
seize on this crisis of our fate as her occasion for the
promotion of selfish interests—and this, too, after the
assurance of friendly disposition, or at worst, impartial
neutrality which you have received from the leading public.
men of France—cannot but awaken solicitude ; and the
President trusts that you will use every effort to discover
the source, extent, and designs of these intrigues, and
whether the United States are parties to them. It may,
perhaps, be in your power to make use of this discovery also
by awakening the British Government to a sense of the fact
that designs are entertained of which that Government is
not probably aware, and which it may be unwilling to see
accomplished. An enlarged and generous statesmanship
would seem to indicate so clearly that the establishment of
Southern independence,on a secure basis (and with a strength
sufficient to counterbalance the power of the United States,
as well as to prevent extensive French colonisation on our
southern border), would promote the true interest of Great
Britain, that we find it difficult to account for her persistent
refusal to recognise our independence. The knowledge of a
secret attempt on the part of France to obtain separate ad-
vantages of such vast magnitude may, perhaps, induce a
change in the views of the British Cabinet. I speak of the
attempt as secret, for it is scarcely possible to suppose that
the act on the part of the French agents is taken with the
concurrence or connivance of the British Government. If
you come to the conclusion that these conjectures are well-
founded, you are at liberty to make known to her Majesty's
Government the facts herein communicated, either through
the British Minister at Paris or by concert with Mr. Mason.
It is deemed desirable that, in either event, you should ad-
vise Mr. Mason of the course you may adopt, as it is very
probable that the English Government will learn from
Richmond the fact of the expulsion of the Consuls and the
cause of the action of this Government, which, from its very
nature, is accompanied with some degree of publicity.
I enclose to Mr. Mason, for his information, a copy of
this communication.
Your obedient servant,
J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of State.
DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE.
The following are the letters referred to by Mr.
Benjamin :
(Private and Confidential.)
Executive Department, Austin, Texas, Sept. 11, 1862.
To his Excellency Jefferson Davis, President, &c., Rich-
mond, Virginia.
Sir,—l have the honour to forward for your considera-
tion the enclosed copies of letters, the one (marked A) from
the French and Spanish Consul at Galveston, the other
(marked B) being my reply thereto.
As the proceeding of the said consul would seem to indi-
cate an incipient intrigue, I have deemed it proper to advise
you thereof on the threshold.
I have the honour to be, with great respect, your obe-
dient servant, F. R. LUBBOCK.
A.—(Confidential.)
Consulate Agency for France and Vice-Consulate for
Spain in Galveston, Galveston, Aug. 18, 1%2.
To his Excellency F. R. Lubbock, Governor of the State
of Texas.
Sir,—Will you be kind enough to inform me confiden-
tially of your personal opinion on the following questions-
1.
The annexation of the Republic of Texas to the
United
States was or was not a good political wear ;02% State of
2. The act of disunion and of the junction
Texas to the Southern States weasloarte si°Annotdanother good
or bad political step taken by S
3. The re-establishment of thetbhel
oovl de Republicadopte d ocfo u
n tTexasry will
or will not be beneficial to
uosusrtions,
sir,
will
serve
me
as a
correspondence with the Government
Your answer h
guide in my politictaleesee4letos
which I have the honour present.l have the honour
very much respect, to be your obedient servant
sir,
and with B TTIERON, French and Spanish Consul.'rva
certify the above and
iforegoing to be a true copy of the
or now on the file n the Executive Department at
Austin, Texas.—JAMES PAUL, Private Secretary.
B._Executive Department, Austin, Texas, Sept. 9, 1862.
To B. 'lheron, Esq., French and Spanish Consul,
Galveston.
Sir,—Your communication of the 18th ult. is before me,
and contents duly noted.
In answer to your first interrogatory, permit me to say
that the annexation of Texas to the United States was a
good political measure.
_ ,
As to your second question, I answer most emphatically
that the act of disunion and of the junction of the State of
Texas to the Seuthern States was a good and proper politi-
cal step."
In reply to your third inquiry, I have to say " the re-
establishment of the old Republic of Texas will not be be-
neficial to our beloved adopted country."
Texas has linked her fate with that of her sisters of the
South. She will be true, steadfast, and victorious.
I have the honour to be yours very respectfully,
F. R. Lunsome.
True copy of the original—JAmEs PAUL, Private Secre-

tary.

Richmond, Oct. 13, 1862.
To his Excellency Jefferson Davis, President.
Sul at
Sir,—On to-day M. Tabouelle, French Vice-Cons

11fehniontrsought an introduction to me in the Senat e-
chamber;imd stated that he desired to obtain from me cer-
tain statistical information in regard to Texas. I told him
that I did not then have the time to give him the desired
information, but if ho would call at my room I would take
. pleasure in giving him any information which I possessed.
He promised to call this evening, which he did, and has
just left my room. I deem it proper to give you the sub-
stance of the conversation between us, as it had a connexion
with the subject matter of the c rrespondence between the
Governor of Texas and the French consular agent at Gal-
veston, of which you advised Gen. Wigfall and myself a few
days since.
After J. had furnished him with information in regard to
the area, population, debt, taxes, and agricultural productive
capacity of Texas, he remarked that the resources of the
State were magnificent, and capable of supporting a power-
lid and independent people, and then asked me whether I
thought it would not be to the interest of the State to as-
sume an independent nationality, I told him that the people
of Texas, being mostly emigrants from the old Southern
States, were strongly attached to these States and to our
federative system of Government, which I at some length
explained to him. I told him that they never could have
bean induced to secede from the United States but to pre-
preserve that form of government, which was in danger of
being destroyed. I further stated to him that not only the
affections and sympathies, but also the interest of the
people of Texas, bound them to the States of the Confede-
racy ; and that their institutions, pursuits, and agricultural
products were the same, and that mutual safety required
harmony among them, which could only be insured by a
Confederacy ; and as a separate and independent State Texas
would be weak and incapable of self-defence, that we were
sensible that we would be subject to be involved in collisions
with our sister Southern States; that the similarity of in-
stitutions and production, which are now bonds of union
and the cause of harmony, would become causes of rivalries,
jealousies, and perhaps wars between the States; and in
the Confederacy we would not be a weak and dependent
people, incapable of resenting insult or repelling aggression.
The subject was then waived, and we talked of other matters.
I am, sir, respectfully your obedient servant,
W. S. OLDHAM.

Naval and Military Intelligence.