The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-30 00:00:00

Ellen Scott confirmed the evidence of the last witness.

Harriet Wellington, of No. 22, Oriental-street, Poplar,
said her house was broken into on the night of the 29th of
December last, and various articles stolen. Her daughter
had been ill ever since. She heard some one in the house
in the course of the night walking softly and without shoes
over the stairs. She struck a light, got up, and found the
back parlour window open. Mrs. Wellington then identi-
fied a coat as her husband's property. It was one of the
three stolen from her house, and the prisoner was wearing
it when he was apprehended by Chadwick on the 20th inst,
in Albert-street, Shadwell.
Mr. George Pound, butcher, of 58, Dempsey-street,
Stepney, said that on Saturday morning, the 17th inst, his
house was burglariously entered. He heard a noise between
4 and 5 in the morning, and rose in his bed. A great
draught of air rushed into the apartment. It was caused
by the opening of the window. He saw the hand of a man
on the table close to the window, and made a blow at it
with a piece of iron. He missed the hand and saw the form
of a man retreating from the room. He missed a silver
watch and a gold chain from the table. Chadwick, the
constable, produced the watch and chain. They were
pawned by a woman, Elia tbeth Ann Terry, alias Thomp-
son, a dressmaker, of 21, Angel .gardens, Shadwell, who
received them of a woman named Jane Rees, a prostitute)
of No. 30, Angel-gardens, Rees received the watch and
chain from the prisoner, and gave him 305., the money
advanced. Rees had pawned a large quantity of stolen
property, the produce of numerous burglaries committed
by the prisoner, who employed her to raise money on the
booty.

Many persons whose houses had been broken into and
plundered advanced towards the witness box.

['he Prisoner—l don't know what the -- they mean.
Every one who has had a robbery committed brings it
against me.
Mr. Selfe—So it appears.

Edward Conly, a police-constable, No. 417 K, said that
on Sunday morning, the 4th instant, he was passing along
Jubilee- place, Stepney, and heard the catch of a a reet door
'unfastened. He listened, and heard some one moving in
the passage. The door was ajar. He called out, " What's
the matter here P" and some one called out, " All right." He
tuought it was all wrong, and seized the knocker of the door.
Immediately afterwards the prisoner rushed out of the house
with a cloak over his shoulder, which fell from him as he
entered the street. He knew the prisoner, and pursued
him. The prisoner directly turned round and threw a large
and valuable timepiece at him. He held up an umbrella,
which partially warded off the blow. He continued the
pursuit along Clark-street, Dempsey-street, and other
places, an t sprang his rattle. He called out, " The black
man, stop him, for God's sake 1" The prisoner turned and
threw a bundle at him, which knocked him down. He
then darted off and soon distanced all his pursuers.

Mr. Henry Webb, 33, Jubilee-place, said the property was
his. His house was broken into and plundered of articles
worth £22.

Mr. Selfe asked who had tried the prisoner last year, and
a constable replied that it was Mr. Commissioner Kerr.
Both judge and jury thought the prisoner was a poor inno-
cent fellow.

The prisoner was then told he would be committed for
trial for committing four burglaries.

He no sooner quitted the dock than he attempted to bite
Roche, the gaoler, and seized him by the throat at the same
time. A fearful struggle took place, and the excitement in
the court was great. The women screamed aloud. The
people at the back of the court, among whom were many
thieves, attempted to get over a partition two feet high.
Mr. Selfe peremptorily ordered them to stand back. All
the police-constables in court rushed to the assistance of
Roche. The prisoner, who seemed to be endowed with
superhuman strength, kicked and plunged and fought despe-
rately. Several were rolling over the floor of the court, and
the yells of the prisoner were frightful. He was over-
powered by numbers, pinioned, and carried to the lock-up
cell, yelling and swearing in the most horrid manner. When
the prison van arrived at half-past 6 o'clock to convey him
to Newgate another struggle took place. It was some time
before he could be dragged out of the cell. He took a trun-
cheon from one constable and knocked another down with
it, broke down the door of the van, and laid prostrate on the
ground seven or eight strong men, before he was securely
locked up in the van. The contest in the yard lasted nearly
an hour.

What is that with which you are strileng fire
on your steel to light your pipe?'' said a gentle-
man to a eontadino, whom he had stopped to ask a ques-
tion. " Una pietra—a stone I found here some months
ago," he replied. " Would your excellency like to see it ?"
and he extended to him a stone, the edge of which he had
worn away on his steel. It was a magnificent tntaglio in
pietra Jura, one of the rarest and largest of the antique
stones that exists, and undoubtedly was the shoulder brooch
of an imperial mantle worn by one of the Camars For a
few pants the ignorant contadino sold an antique gem which
was worth a fortune, and which had for its possessor no
other value or use than a common flint.— Reba di Roma, by
William W. Story.

OUR (ITALIAN) VILLAGE POLITICIAN.—The
" Order of the Course" prescribes that the walkers
should pass before a certain stone bench, where our highest
dignitaries usually seat themselves; and of these let me
present the chief—our great man llt is with pride lam
able to name the Signor Corroni, late vice-consul of Sar-
dinia at Termakopolis, a diplomatist of the first order, a
man of fashion, a man of plea-ure, a man of letters, and a
wit. His family for centuries belonged:to Porto Stretto,
and it was with a graceful good feeling towards his native
town that he came back from all the turmoil and ambition
of a public lit: to pass his lass years amongst us. Though
common eyes might only see in him a thin, shrivelled-up,
pinched featured man, with a pompous air and pretentious
expression, wearing clothes of a very ancient cut, and a hat
hill-shaped and towering, we know better ; we recognise
him as he is—the rival of Thiers, and Palmerston, and
Gortschakoff, come to meditate in retirement over that dis-
memberment of Europe he has long predicted and now
waits for. In this respect he is a terror to us. Dr. Cum-
miag is a bland and sanguine prophet compared to him.
He has had it all revealed to him. The Cossacks are to
win, and the Pop 9 be "nowhere." He says he told Ca-
your so; he declares that the last days of that great man
were embittered by not having listened to his counsels,
which ►•ere to make Porto Stretto the capital of the king
dom, and declare war with France at once.-411 the Year
Round.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. 1

HERALD.—We have, almost for the first time in
our history, a Government recommended to public
confidence, not for its judicious management of
English affairs, but for its tender concern for the
welfare of other nations. The choice of the battle-
field shows the terrible straits to which the Govern.
ment is reduced. It is precisely the one which its
opponents would themselves have selected. Great
as is the mismanagement of home affairs, it is an
evil upon which strong opposition may put some
check, whilst it affords no good grounds for raising
a party fight. Sir Charles Wood's incessant inter-
ference with the governing authorities in India, his
persistent opposition to all measures for developing
the resources of India, excite great disgust, no
doubt, amongst all who interest themselves in the
welfare of India, but how few is their number? It
would be difficult to get a house of 200 members to-
gether to listen to any arraignment of the Indian
Secretary, however urgently it might be demanded
by the earnest men of all parties. Sir G. Grey's
singular want of discretion—his continual interfer-
ence with the due course of justice, although they
may be censured and perhaps corrected, afford no
scope for an attack upon a Ministry. Mr. Cowper's
blunders are too contemptible to be made the
subject of a formal condemnation. A Govern-
ment which avoids bringing forward any important
political. measures may exist a long time in spite of
its general inefficiency. The Conservatives feel no
call to overthrow the Ministry on account of its
abandonment of reform. They can watch with
satisfaction the general process of disintegration,
division, and decay going on on the Ministerial
benches. They are not sorry to see the men who
would not take a Reform Bill because it was not
quite up to their standard, sold by the Minister
with whom they made a corrupt bargain. They
can wait patiently whilst the Ministry, by its dis-
honesty and jobbery, its blunders and its tricks,
discredits itself with the nation. A great party
cannot be brought to make an attempt to overthrow
a Ministry merely bee fuse its administration is con-
temptilye. There must be some great danger to
avert, some great principle to maintain, to unite it
in such an assault. Unless Mr. Gladstone beings
forward another reckless budget, there is not likely
to be any question of home interest this session
which would stimulate the Conservatives to under-
take the overthrow of the Ministry. It is quite
different, however, with the foreign policy to which
the Government organs invite attention, and upon
which they ask that the question of confidence shall
be tried. There the policy of the Government has
proved not only generally inefficient and injurious
to English interests, but it now threatens, unless
decisively checked, to drag the nation into a course
involving certain sacrifices of considerable magni-
tude, and dangers both probable and serious. Al!
this side of the foreign policy the Government
prints, in their glorification, leave entirely unnoticed.
One might fancy that the writers had been sleeping
for the past twelve months and knew nothing of
what had occurred in that time. The whole foreign
policy of the Government is summed up for them
in Italy and the Trent affair; and of Italy they ap-
parently know nothing since the annexation of the
Two Sicilies. We have no particular quarrel with
the conduct of the Government in the Trent busi
ness, but we cannot allow them any particular
merit ; they acted with some energy, but they did so
only under an irresistible pressure of English public
opinion. The Government in some part owed its
accession to office to its profession of sympathy with
Italy and to its misrepresentation of the policy of
the Conservative Administration. As soon as he
was in office, and the falsehood had done its work,
Earl Russell admitted that the policy of the Earl of
Malmesbury was the only one an English states-
man could have pursued. Since then Earl Russell
has given Italy many sympathetic words, but in
what manner has he really aided her ? If she owes
in some degree to his intrigues the annexation of
the Legations, she owes equally to them the cession
of Savoy and Nice, which has given France the
means of overwhelming the country with an im-
mense army, and will render her, however aggran-
dised, always dependent. He has dole nothing
more for her. He encouraged her to waste all her
energies in the effort to obtain Rome, and he forced
the French Emperor to declare explicitly that he
will never let her have Rome. We cannot see how
the sympathy of the Government has helped Italy;
we know that its injudicious manifestations have
created a coolness between the G,vernments of
France and England. These very questionable
merits make up the whole of the credit which the
I defenders of the Government upon its foreign policy
can claim. Let us see what stands to the other side
of the account, the weight of which they admit by
the care with which they avoid all mention of it. A
shoal of questions at once rise up in which Earl Rus
sell has sacrificed English interests to his vanity,
his ignorance, his arrogance, end his timidity.
When France had formed no project of intervening
in Mexico he managed to get up an intervention, all
the evil consequences of which at the time he fore-
saw, but thought he could ward off by his wonderful
acuteness. England has spent hundreds of thousands
ter no purpose, and France has embarked upon the
conquest of Mexico. He has betrayed an excessive
dread of offending Mr. Seward; he has allowed Eng-
lishmen to be maltreated without remonstrance.
He refused to join in the mediation proposed
by France which would have been welcomed then
by both North and South, would hare saved the
lives of tens of thousands of brave men, and re-
stored prosperity to the buggered counties of Eng-
land. The refusal has not reduced in the slightest
degree the hatred of the North ; it has lost, to no
small extent, the friendship of the South. He has
taken the occasion of the betrothal of a D inish
Princess to the heir of the English throne to endea-
vour to force upon the Danish people a scheme
which would be fatal to its national existence, and
the mere proposal of which it regards as a cruel
insult. He has sought to destroy that integrity of
the Danish monarchy which England has solemnly
guaranteed, and which it is her urgent interest to
maintain. He has offered Greece, as the reward of
revolution, the lonian Islands; and with the cer-
tainty that he can obtain no guarantees that Corfu
will not soon fall into the hands of France, or the
islands be used for the promotion of projects of
aggression upon Turkey which he has himself stig-
matised as criminal, and declared that England
could under no circumstances permit, has, as far as
he can, abandoned a fortress which contributed
powerfully to the maintenance of our power in the
Mediterranean. By his strange offer of Malta to
the Pope, and the still stranger menace by which
he enforced it, he has insulted the Pope, annoyed
France, and made England herself ridiculous. No
one act of Earl Russell's since he assumed the direc-
tion of the Foreign-office can be instanced to show
the advantage derived from his administration ;
there are many to attest that he has not served the
peoples whom he undertook to befriend, whilst he
has sacrificed the prestige, the influence, and the most
important interests of England.

TlMES.—Twenty-nine of the principal commercial
houses in China have signed a memorial to Lord
Russell, begging him " to hold a firm and decided
tone" towards the Chinese Imperial authorities.
This is a very serious matter. We cast our eye down
the list of names printed on the circular copy of
this memorial, and we recognise signatures which
represent nearly the whole body of wealthy and
energetic men who have, by all and every means ne
ce:•sary to the end, broken down the old moral wall
of China. Our wars have been, in fact, their wars,
our victories have been their victories, our occasional
defeats have been their defeats. Successors of the
old East India Company, they pushed their traffic
silently and submissively so long as these means
served their purpose, but hailed to England for ships
and armies v hen their views became more extended
and the objects within their reach more precious.
This important body has instigated us to two Chinese
wars, of which the cost has pressed heavily upon the
country. They have been as much our guides and
leaders as if we had once again incorporated a body
of rulers, and had let them loose to make conquests
in the East. What paths tbey have led us through
we would rather not at this time of day discuss.
These powerful and wealthy merchants will more
safely justify the course through which they have led
us by the results which have been Attained. These

have been so enormous that, when we contemplate
the-contrast of China as she was and China as she is,
we must all believe that, however qut-stione.ble may
have been some of our earlier acts, the ultimate re-
sult has been a great good, both to us and to the
Chinese. Looking at our trade:statistics also, we
must admit that, if these energetic sons of commerce,
busy upon the spot; have gathered the first fruits of
every victory, yet the wider and the later harvests
have been so shared by the people of these islands
that every cottage feels the benefit in employment
widened and in comforts cheapened. These are the
two grievances which have been thought of sufficient
magnitude to produce the very important memorial
which we publish elsewhere—first, there are Custom-
houses on the Yang-tze ; and, secondly, merchants
may not build or buy houses. We are by no means
inclined to underrate the importance of either of
these complaints. It would undoubtedly contribute
greatly to the freedom of our relations with the
Chinese if all the duties upon our goods were paid
once for all at the outport and if they then passed free,
without hindrance from customhouses, through all the
inland waters. It is also a fair expectation that with
the advance of our commerce British longs
should arise upon the banks of the Yang-tze just as
they have risen at Hongkong and Shanghai. There
may, indeed, possibly be something to be said upon
the Chinese side with respect to the Custom-houses
on the Yang-tze, for there may be some lack of cer-
tainty that a ship which proposes to break bulk
some 600 miles up the river has paid quite all its
duties at the Custom-house near the mouth of the
river; but the refusal to allow our merchants to oc-
cupy houses could only be conceived in a grudging
and illiberal spirit. These vexations, however, are
not matters to take a " firm tone" about. That
"firm tone" policy is a worn-out tradition now.
China is passing into another phase of existence.
The door has been sufficiently opened for the strong
tide from the West to'stream in, and not the united
force of the black-haired race of Han will ever be
able to shut it again. Instead of using resolute ex-
postulation, it is wiser now to await the current of
circumstances which is certain to carry us on to the
full development of our commercial relations with
that part of the world. What Cnina now wants is
peace, and, unless et the last extremity, it behoves
us not to cramp her movements while exerting her-
self to obtain peace. Already, in despair of being
able to make anything of tha Imperial military
system, as it exists in the Southern pr vinces of
China, the local authorities have accepted the assis-
tance of American officers, who have drilled their
Chinese troops after the European fashion, and have
for the first time obtained some successes over the
rebels by means of Chinamen alone. A much more
efficient and reliable aid has been obtained by Prince
Kung himself through the favour of our Government.
l'hat power will now very soon be upon the field of
operation. If any reliance can be placed upon the
news received through Hongkong, the French end
Russians about Shanghai are both anxious to con-
tribute to the pacification of China, and their en-
rolment in the service of the newly-appointed
Taoutai is only opposed by the influence of an
American named Burgovine, who had succeeded
Colonel Ward in the command of the Taoutai's
disciplined Chinese, and who, excited by his recent
success over a party of rebels, is anxious to mono-
polize to himself the glory and the booty to be ob-
tained at Nankin. Ho, however, is the leader only
of a local Chinese force and is but the instrument of
a provincial magistrate. It is highly improbable
that he could take and hold Nankin. He will do
good service if he prevent the rebels from attaining
their present object of getting to the seacoast and
scattering themselves all over the Chinese seas in
piratical junks. The only Imperial force directly
commissioned by the Imperial Government goes
from this country under the command of Captain
Sherard Osborn. If that officer should, as we trust
he will, succeed in giving peace to all the lands
watered by the great river, he must at the same
time be the instrument of pouring into the Imperial
Treasury at Pekin an enormous revenue derived
from European commerce. We would put it to the
very eminent firms who are parties to this Memorial
that it would be much better to wait a while, and
see what can be effected in favour of commerc - by
these influences, than go back to the old system of
threats and force at a time when the Chinese Go-
vernment seems to be anxious to do everything it
can to propitiate us, and certainly is putting itself
almost into the hands of the Western nations.

POST.—The address of the French Senate, in an•
swer to the Emperor's Speech from the Throne, is
more than a mere echo of the imperial language. It
is a manifesto of national feeling. Necessarily for-
mat, and official, it could not possibly contain any -
thing out of consonance with all the acts and spirit
of theaovernment. It must give its adhesion to
the imperial policy. Nevertheless,-it is-a truth-tEll-
ing statement, and in spite of its official inspiration,
is a fair exponent of the mind of the French people
towards their Sovereign. It comes also as a most
appropriate seqeel to the Emperor's recent words
on the comparative liberty of France and England,
and the general tendency of his rule. It regards
the condition of France from a different point of
view, but arrives at the same conclusion. In his
speech on Sunday, though addressed to a different
body, the Emperor explained the principles of his
policy. In their address on Monday the legisla-
tive body virtually express their confidence in those
principles. In mutual accord and confidence
like this the hopes of France are founded
The Chambers have closed, after sitting through
the regular period. A fresh appeal has now to be
made to the suffrages of the people, and a good
opportunity is therefore offered to the nation of
summing up the work of the last five years, and of
surveying the present situation of public affairs.
There is a past, to review, and a very wonderful
past, during which the legislative body just dis-
solved has witnessed an immense advance over its
predecessor. Within its existence the arms of
France have won Low glories, the liberty of the
people has been enlarged, the control of the national
purse has passed from imperil' to parliamentary
hands, and commerce has, by new treaties, received
an almost incredible stimulus. These are not trifling
events in a nation's history. They have taken place
silently and without political excitement, but they
will produce fruit that will laSt for all time. The
jconstitutional administration of the national finances
and the abolition of monopolies by the corn nercial
treaty are, in their admirable working, the best
proofs that could be given of toe Empress's
hearty efforts to assimilate the circumstances of
France, so far as they will bear it, to those of Eng
land, and to extend to his own subjects the freedom
which he has seen exercised with so much modera-
tion and social happiness in this country. Here is
a tangible good with which to go to theFiench con-
stituencies. The people have but to look around
them, and in the growing wealth and prosperity of
their nation they can see the good effects of the
policy by which they are governed. If they, still
yearn for a freer press, for less official dictation, for
more independence of speech and action, they have
the means in their own hands. They have only to
show that these, if granted, will be used with due
regard to authority and the necessary claims of
rulers, and in due time all that they desire must
come. The course of things is moving naturally to
the desired end, and. a few more years of such mutual
confidence as now exists between the French people
and their Sovereign will bring about all that can be
wished. But it must be hearty co-operation, and it
must be consistent. It must be the fruit of broad,
not narrow, views. It must trust the Imperial
policy as a whole, and go with it to the last inch.
It must not support it with one hand and thwart it
with the other, as it has done and is doing in the
question of Rome. It must not applaud broad views
of Italian unity when the advancement of it brings
glory to the French arms, and then stultify it by a
false view of the temporal rights of the Pope ; nor
uphold the princip'e of free trade and yet clamour
for protective duties in favour of their own manu-
factures ; nor talk about competition with the world,
and at the same time place their competitors at a dis-
advantage by an unequal tariff. In these matters
the French have much to learn. They will learn it
best by according a hearty support to the general
policy of their Government, by patriotically looking
for gradual concessions, by loyally waiting the most
desirable opportunity of granting them, and by an
honest use of them when granted, in fact, by moving

uniformly with the Government in the direction
already indicated by the policy of the last ten years.
Tn. terms in which lttilian affairs are spoken of
will not meet with much response in this country,
where it is only too well known that at Turin
people do still speak of Rome, though the address
says that they do not ; and that at Rome the autho-
rities are not busying themselves about any serious
reforms, though the address says that they are. It
may be that in Italy " the period of compromises is
approaching ;" but the scheme of Italian unity is
not given up, nor will it be while things continue
as they arc in the ancient capital of the peninsula.
The Roman question would probably have been set-
tled by this time on a basis permanently beneficial
to the Catholic Church but for the Church's own
enemies, the priests, who, by their influence over
the women of France, have wrought a popular ob-
stacle to the carrying out of the full views of the
Emperor. The confessional has been stronger than
the cpuncil-roots, and the interests both of France
and I aly have suffered thereby. But time will
mend this also, and the French nation will yet come
to see that the emancipation of Rome does not mean
the overthrow of the Papacy. The people have now
to address themselves to the elections, which they
way do with the more cheerfulness now that they
can look back upon a decade of peace, glory, and
prosperity, such as their great country has not seen
before for centuries.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

MANCHESTER—Jew. 29.

This morning at our market there was a fair attend-
ance, with only a moderate demand for wheat. The cur-
rencies of last week were maintained for both English and
American. Oats aiid oatmeal were inactive, and unchanged
in price. Beans and Indian corn a fair sale. Flour a very
quiet sale, at prices in favour of the buyer.