The Sun.
London, England, 1839-10-03 00:00:00

EXTENSION OF THE SUFFRAGE.

TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD BROUGHAM

AND VAUX.

My Lord,—l am induced to address myself to you I
Lordship thus familiarly in the hope that you will excuse
the liberty I have taken in doing so, on a subject, poli-
tically speaking, dearest to my heart, and I firmly be-
lieve, viewed with intense interest by a vast number of
the intelligent working men of the United Kingdom. I
beg to state my political opinions are, and have been for
some years, what is termed ultra-Radical, believing that
until the Parliament is made truly responsible to the
majority of the people it is in vain to seek for good and
cheap Government. Holding such opinions, it is not
surprising that on the promulgation of the principles in
an embodied form, called the People's Charter, I be-
came an advocate and supporter of such measure, con-
sidering that the enactment of it as the law of the land
would have the effect of rendering one branch of the
Legislature, the Commons' House of Parliament, in the
fullest sense of the word, controllable by the people.
The only cause of apprehension was that such mea-
sure, by enfranchising indiscriminately all the male
population of the empire, might in practice for a short
period enable a corrupt and wealthy Aristocracy still to
domineer over the people by the means of bribing the
ignorant or apathetic amongst the labouring classes, and
intimidating their immediate dependants and retainers.
But this evil seemed to sink into a trifle when I con-
sidered the influence which would be derived from the
other points of the Charter, as equal electoral districts.
The Ballot,absence of property qualification, &c., which
I thought would enable the sincere Reformers to coun-
teract much, if not all, the unjust influence brought to
bear against the people, and likewise that is no case
could greater errors be committed than under the pre-
sent system, and that even what were committed,
by the spread of knowledge and the exercise of the
thinking faculties generated by the mere fact of having
a vote to dispose of, would speedily be rectified, and
their recurrence effectually guarded against. Considering
therefore that a short time would suffice to remove these
obstacles, I supported the Charter and Universal Suf-
frage, as embodied in it, as the only just basis of r epre-
sentation which had been laid open to the public, and
I fully expected to find that it would receive the sup-
port of a large portion of those electors who have avowed
themselves dissatisfied with the working of the pre-
sent system, as well as all those who, though not feeling
the evils under which the great body of the labouring
classes are now suffering, were yet open to conviction,and
ready to support any measure for the benefit of the people
which could lay claim to be founded in justice. Judge
then of my disappointment at finding that n early all
those classes by whose means such a measure could be
peaceably carried, either stood aloof or stigmatized the
whole body as robbers, levellers, incendiaries, and even
murderers ; who, instead of attempting to forward mea-
sures calculated to produce union between themselves
and the working classes, either from apathy or opposi-
tion, aided the enemies of all Reform to imprison many
of our most worthy advocates, and overrun the country
with an obnoxious police and increased military force,
which may one day be used to prostrate the few re-
maining liberties of the country, aye, and even used
against themselves should they dare to agitate for the
removal of their grievances. But, although the con-
duct of the electors towards the working classes has
been, to say the least of it, very reprehensible, I am
willing to believe that a great deal of the apathy and
opposition displayed by them may spring from the im-
pression assiduously propagated by the great part
,of
the press, that the Chartists would accept nothing short
of Universal Suffrage ; and hostility likewise may have
been induced by the belief that a great proportion of
the labouring population were not in a sufficiently in-
telligent state to exercise the right of voting with benefit
to the country at large. Such scruples as the above
having a plausible appearance, I was in hopes some one
would suggest some plan of representation which, whilst
founded on a comprehensive basis, would be likely to
obtain the support of a majority of both classes ; but in
this, as far as the middle classes are concerned, I have
been deceived. I therefore think it expedient that they
should have another opportunity, and should we fail a
second time in obtaining their aid under a change of
circumstances, we shall have only our own resources
to rely upon, and whatever may be the result of our
determination to share the Elective Franchise, no evils
that may befal the country through our endeavours to
obtain our just rights can fairly be laid to our charge,
but must be charged to those who, having the power,
refused to concede justice, or inquire into our griev-
ances with a view of affording redress. Acting under
these views, and believing it yZ,t possible to array the
great body of electors with the non-electors in de-
manding equal rights, I have thought it would have
the desired effect if your Lordship would give some
tangible form to a plan of intellectual suffrage, which
your Lordship hinted at in some of your speeches during
the present year, and although aware that in embodying
such a measure, there are many difficulties to contend
with, yet I know of no mind more capable than your
Lordship's, of surmounting those obstacles, and produ-
cing a system of representation which would (by means
of education, mechanics' institutions, mutual instruction
societies, working men's associations, awl the like) lead
us eventually to Universal Suffrage by the safest and
easiest road, thereby avoiding the evils of investing with
votes those who would not, from want of education or
otherwise, make a proper use of them ; at the same
time enabling any man who chose to impro his mind
in his leisure hours to qualify himself as a voter instead
of spending his time in those haunts of iniquity and vice,
the gin palaces and beer shops. Such a measure 1
believe would meet with the support of nearly, if not
all, the Chartists, and combined with the repeal of the
Corn-laws, I can see no reason why the middle classes
should not join in demanding such measures, and thus
obviate the charge of selfishness made against them, I
must say with a great show of reason, in asking our as-
sistance to obtain a repeal of the Corn-laws, and neg-
lecting or refusing to assist us in obtaining the franchise,
which we are struggling for. But apart from all this
your Lordship owes it to yourself and the
country to endeavour to work out such a system, or at
least to launch the bark of intellectual suffrage on the
ocean of public opinion, that by discussion and conside-
ration its details might, if possible, be perfected and car-
ried into effect,—and a glorious task it would move.
I have no hesitation in saying that any Government
taking office and making it a Cabinet question might
carry it as easily, if not more so, than the Reform Bill
was carried ; and if determined to govern on the prin-
ciple of responsibility to the people, might long hold the
reins of power in this country with credit and glory to
themselves, and prosperity and happiness to the people
at large. That the present state of political affairs, or
the present system of representation, can long withstand
the force of public opinion directed against it, no one
can be so credulous as to imagine ; and no other system
can give satisfaction any more than the present, which
excludes from the body of electors those who cannot
come up to a certain property qualification, and yet
possess all the most necessary qualities to the due exer-
cise of the franchise. No : to give satisfaction it must
be based on a just and intelligible principle ; therefore,
household suffrage would be open to the same objection
as the present 101. qualification. Nothing short of
intellectual suffrage, with free access to knowledge, will
ever satisfy the people ; and if this cannot be obtained,
we must fall back on Universal Suffrage, with a deter-
mination never to rest till we have compelled the Go-
vernment to concede our demand's. I beg to conclude
by hoping your Lordship will give this subject your
serious consideration, and if possible, by uniting under
one banner all the sincere reformers of Great Britain,
and Ireland, raise to yourself a monument in the hearts
of the people, which shall endure so long as liberty and
happiness continue to be prized by the inhabitants of
the empire.
Wishing your Lordship health and long life, I beg to
subscribe myself
ONE OF THE UNREPRESENTED.
Sept. 30, 1839.

ESQUIRES," AND “GENTLEMEN."

At a Special Petty Sessions of the Justices acting in
and for the Kensington diNision of the county of Mid-
dlesex, held on Tuesday, for the revision of the lists of
persons qualified to serve the office of Jurors for the
year ensuing,
Messrs. Jones, Hawkes, and others, claimed to
be designated as " esquires" on the ground that
they held her Majesty's commission as Commissioners of
Sewers.

Capt. Bague said they were certainly entitled to be
so designated, the commission for the governance of
the sewers being issued direct to the Commissioners
by her Majesty, and the bench held that Commis.
sioners of Sewers were entitled to the designation of
" esquires," even although they were merely tradesmen.
In the Kensington list, on the name of Wm. Sedge-
ley, of No. 2, Ailen-terrace, being read, his designa-
tion of " Esquire" was objected to by Mr. Hawkes,
Commissioner of Sewers, who contended that Mr.
Sedgeley, not holding her Majesty's commission, ought
to be designated simply as " Gentleman," and not as
" Esquire.'
Captain Bague said one thing was clear—it was laid
down by Mr. Blackstone that " an Esquire is not a
Gentleman."

Mr. Sedgeley said he was a commissioner of land
and assessed taxes, and as such had surely as good a
right to the designation of Esquire as a Commissioner
of Sewers. He had qualified for the office to the
amount of five thousand pounds, which was even mucb
more than the qualification required for a Justice of
the Peace, and a far different thing to the qualification
necessary for a Commissioner of the Sewers viz.:
" forty groats." ,

Mr: Moss said the question had been raised in De-
vonshire, in which case the Judges had decided that a
Commissioner of Taxes was an E.,quire.
The
Bench, then, after some further statement, post-
poned their decision on this knotty point until Friday,
and directed their clerk to ascertain by that day if any
Commission from her Majesty existed as to taxes ; and
College it, in the opinions of
'Lott s arse Gentlemen
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