The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-14 00:00:00

" COMMON LAW.

" The Reader on Common Law proposes to deliver dur.
ing the ensuing Educational Term six public lectures as
under:—The first public lecture will be introductory to
the study of the law. In the remaining lectures our com-
mon law will be viewed in relation to—l. The Leading
Doctrines of Constitutional Law. 11. Principles of Legis-
lative Policy. 111. Principles Regulating Civil Rights
and Liabilities.

" With his private class the Reader will follow out the
above scheme, using for reference—' The State Trials,'
' Smith's Leading Cases' (last edition), and Broom's
Legal Maxims' (second edition).
" The Reader on Constitutional Law and Legal History
will hold his first public lecture on Wednesday, Nov. 11, at
2 p.m., at Lincoln'si•nn Hall, the classes meeting in the
Benchers' Reading room, and his private lectures on Tues-
days, Thursdays, and Saturdays, at 10 a.m., the first claas
meeting on Thursday, Nov. 12.
" The Reader on Equity will hold his first public lecture
on Thursday, Nov. 12, at 2 p.m., at Lincoln's-inn-hall, the
classes meeting in the Benchers' Reading-room, and his
private lectures on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, at
a qoarter-past 3 and a quarter-past 4 o'clock, the first class
meeting on Friday, Nov. 13,
"The Reader on the Law of Real Property, &c,, will
hold his first public lecture on Tuesday, Nov. 10, at 2 p.m.,
at Gray's. inn- hall, the classes meeting in the north library,
and his private lectures on Mondays, Wednesdays, and
Fridays, at a quarter to 12 o'clock and at a quarter to 2
o'clock ; the first class meeting on Wednesday, Nov. 11.

"The Reader cn Jurisprudence and the Civil Law will
hold his first public lecture on Friday, Nov. 13, at 2 p.m.
at the Middle Temple-hall, the classes meeting in the
Middle Temple Library, and his private lectures on Tues-
days, Thursdays, and Saturdays, at a quarter to 4 o'clock;
the first class meeting on Tuesday, Nov, 17.
" The Reader on the Common Law will hold his first pub.
lic lecture on Monday, Nov. 9, at 2 p.m., at the Inner
Temple-hall, the classes meeting at the Inner Temple-hall,
and his private lectures on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Satur-
days, at a quarter to 12 and a quarter to 2 o'clock ; the first
class meeting on Tuesday, Nov. 10.
"The first public lecture in this term will be delivered
by the Reader on Common Law—viz., on Monday, Nov. 9,
at 2 p.m.

" The Educational Term commences on the Ist of Novem-
ber, and ends on December 22.

" The first meeting of each private class will take place
on the usual morning or evening of meeting after the first
public lecture on the same subject.

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Can aay statement be more to the point ? Any language
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Swelled ancles readily succumb to Holloway's meth
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lis; 121 b, 225; 241 b, 40s. Barry du Barry and Co., No. 77,
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SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—It is curious that we should be
able at this moment to turn to Germany for
an explanation of the fanaticism of America.
oldest group of States in the world is now im-
pelled to extraordinary action by the very same
yearning and passions which are cenvulsieg the
country of Washington and Franklin. The Fe-
deralsare bent upon recovering political union, the
Germans upon recovering political unity. What
Germany has been for ages, that the American Re-
public might be expected to become in the event of
Southern success or Northern failure. We should
see a Prussia on the Hudson, and an Austria on the
Mississippi, with Hesses and Hanovers perhaps
in the North-West, and Badens in the South. The
result would be precisely the same loss of public
strength which Germany has long experienced. All
the national power would be consumed at home.
For external action the resources of the Continent
would be next to useless. One of its divisions
would counterbalance another, until the efficiency
of the whole would be neutralised, and united
action would be almost as impossible in America as
it is found to be in Germany. There is one feature
in the case, however, from which the Americans
may derive a little instruction. The Federals are
are never tired of asserting that the Union can only
be dissolved at the cost of eternal war. Now, if
that is really the truth, it must be owing to the
inherent pugnacity of democracies, for certainly the
balance of power in the Germanic Confederation has
proved eminently favourable to internal peace. The
Germans have been prevented from fighting other
people, but they have at any rate not fought each
other, and their political stagnation has been
sweetened by profound repose. But they are not
satisfied with it, and they are now about to make
one more attempt at military unity. France has a
population of about 35,000,000; Germany of about
45,000,000, and yet Germany stands in awe of what
France may do. This is because France is one State
and Germany 30. These 30 States get on comfort-
ably enough in ordinary times, but when war
looms in the distance they find their body corporate
paralysed. Austria is a great Power, and Prussia is
a Great Power; Bavaria and Wurtemberg have
each their armies, but Germany is nowhere. It is
hardly a political entity. Before it could act in its
confederate capacity, before a real "German" force
worthy of the name could take the field, a modern
war would be over, and whole territories might have
changed hands. Cannot the German house be set in
better order, so as to hold its forces disposable, and
play a good part against any challenger, whether
on the East or on the West ? That is the question
which Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria and Chief
Sovereign in Germany, proposes to ask of his brother
Princes at Frankfort. The quaint old city has seen
a good many strange gatherings, but none stranger
than that now contemplated. The representative of
autocracy, conservatism, and prerogative calls a
Royal mass meeting, a democratic convention of
crowned heads, to arrange a " platform " on strong
popular principles in the broad light of political
day and with the utmost publicity of procedure.
His Imperial Majesty hopes to make Germany a
military, if not political, reality, and to see Father-
land counting for a little more than at present in the
European world. For this chance he foregoes the
traditions of his house, and as he has of late had
some experience of constitutionalism as well as of
war, he is willing to make provision for the latter
contingency by some fresh work of the former kind.
It is certainly a strong temptation. We may gauge
the value of unity by the uses to which France can
turn it. Relying upon a fusion carried by the insa-
tiable Jacobins to the utmost perfection of a political
amalgam, France asserts her will with an absolute
serenity of confidence. She quietly tells us that
Europe can only be at peace while she is satisfied,
and the boast is actually justifiable. Partly from her
unexampled advantages of geographical position, but
mainly from the consummate unity and compactness
of her political constitution, she can dictate to her
neighbours, and either loftily pronounce that
" the Empire is Peace," or " go to war for
an idea." She shows her appreciation of
her privilege even by her jealousies. She does
not approve unity in other quarters. She
has declared without disguise that a united Italy
would be prejudicial to her, and that a strong, well-
amalgamated Power either beyond the Alps or be-
yond the Rhine must be regarded as menacing her
with injury and loss. She prefers Federations, con-
veniently constituted and comfortably balanced, the
members or which can be elevated or depressed by
the weight of her powertul hand. This is perfectly
natural. On the European Continent real genuine
unity is at present the privilege of France, and the
gift would be damaged by diffusion. But Germany
has a right to bid for the pleasing, and, what is
more to the purpose, has the power of doing so. She
cannot, like Italy, be hindered in the work. If she
is determined, she can have her way ; but will she
show any such resolution ? We doubt it. It is the
old story of private jealousies conflicting with pub-
lic spirit. Now and then, at great crises of history,
perhaps the Princes of Germany may sigh for that
unity which confers strength, but for the most part
they, and perhaps their people too, will prefer, like
the Southern States of America, to maintain poli:i-
cal independence at the cost of political power.
They will have no wish to take their Fatherland out
of the regions of poetry. They know full well that
they cannot, any more than the Americans, have
two things at once—State sovereignty and a strong
central Government. The King of Prussia looks
at this matter very much like Governor Seymour of
New York. Francis Joseph and Abraham Lincoln
are both desirous of welding a great Power together
to the terror of all opponents, but what the Pre-
sident and the nation gain the constituent coun-
tries must lose. It is only in the capacity for ex-
ternal action that all will be winners together, and
in the eyes of phlegmatic Germany the occasion for
such action would not often occur. Better live,
they may think, as they have lived, fairly balanced,
not uncomfortably settled, and relieved from the
charges as well as the glories of conquest. Nation
ality is a fine thing, but it costs a great deal of
money, and often something more than money too.
Mr. Cobden was right when he said that small
States were generally happier than large ones. Your
mighty empires are very apt to be aggressive, and
to promote their own "destinies" in a very expensive
manner. We have got two of these fabrics already
—a French empire in the west, and a Russian em-
pire in the east. Would the peace of the world be
promoted by another, equally formidable and equally
ambitious, established between them ? Would our
quiet friends the Germans like to be started in a
race of this kind? They are now, it must be owned,
a less powerful people than they might be. The
great Teutonic mass is never thrown into the scale
all together, and is outweighed therefore by the
superior organisations of Celts and slaves. But they,
are tolerably happy without either colonies or des-
tinies, or, if they could believe it, even without a
fleet. They have not much active power, but they
could do a great deal in the way of resistance, and
their popular prejudices are wonderfully consulted
by their State divisions. They have au element of
disunion among them which is wanting in America.
The war between the Federals and Confederates,
bitter as it is, is, at any rate, not a religious war.
Francis Joseph, the chief man in Germany, 'wants a
'strong Government" in place of a Federal Execu-
tive so weak as to be good for nothing. That is ex-
actly what the Washington politicians wam-. This
Executive has hitherto been the weak point in both
the American and Germanic Confederacies, but we
see what it costs to strengthen it in the former case.
What the Northerners say about unity and strength
is undoubtedly true, but they forget that national
power is not the dearest object of every man's
heart. Mr. Jefferson Davis knows just as welt as
Mr. William Seward that divided America will lose
weight in the councils of the would, but that loss is
a long way off, and is not half so impressive a con-
sideration as the loss of immediate self-government.
The truth is that millions of men diffused over an
enormous Continent have never yet permanently
concurred in their estimate of what ought to be
their politicel object. Different conditions create
different views, different views establish different
interests, and different interests lead to separate
communities. The old Empire of Germany crystal.
lived into independent States in obedience to the
gradual operation of natural laws. That these have
never lost the old tradition of unity is perfectly true,
and we sincerely wish that they may discover some
method of giving it a more practical form, but sec-
tional jealousies and State claims are formidable
things to deal with whether in the Old World or
in the New.

POST.—The cotton trade in Manchester and the
surrounding districts has reached enormous pro-
portions during the last half century. Immense
fortunes were made, which in some cases were in•
vested in land ; a school of politicians arose from
this branch of industry which attempted on various
occasions to prove that the cotton interest was supe-
rior to that of any other in the kingdom, whether
connected with agriculture, shipping, foreign trade,
or the like. Suddenly, however, the civil war in
the United States demonstrated the fact, which had
often been predicted previously, that cotton was not
such an absolute monarch in this country as had
been imagined. A collapse was the result; and
while the nation cheerfully responded by liberal
subscriptions to the cry of distress, ingenuity tried
to find a substitute for the raw material Which had
hitherto employed thousands pf hands, as well as
contributed to the natiPpal prosperity. A gleam of
hope shot through the darkened horizon whet, it
was announced that zostera marina, a brittle sort of
seaweed was about to supply the place of the plant
from the Southern States; but a moment's in
tion of this proposed substitute at once dissiated
the illusion, and the hopes of the nation then. centred

on flax. Now, flax is a substantial fibre. It has
always been cultivated in this country. Queen
Elizabeth insisted, in her arbitrary way, on its being.
• grown in certain proportions to the breadth of
triable laud. The ancient Assyrians and Egyp-
tians were in the habit of clothing themselves ill
purple and tine linen ; and any person echo has
seen an Egyptian mulniny unrolled of nay date
pretending to antiquity must have noticed the
almost innumerable folds of linen with which the.
whole was encircled. In fact, the linen trade of
the British isles has run a close race with that of
cotton during the last 50 years, and it was mainly
owing to the abundance and cheapness with which
the latter could be raised in the Southern States that
it finally succeeded in establishing its pre-eminence,
especially in long cloths, in the markets of the
world. When the blockade of the Southern ports,
then, stopped the main supplies of the raw mate-
rial, public attention began to be directed towards
flax, and our agriculturists were urged to grow
flax as a substitute for cotton, as it was supposed,
and truly so, that the war might last many years,
and that our manufacturers and East Indian cotton
might not be able to adjust themselves to one
another for some time to come. The war still con-
tinues, and in all probability will last for years.
Cotton, it is true, arrives in considerable quantities
from the East and from other parts of the globe,
and our manufacturers are doing their best to adapt
their machinery to the staple which they have to
manipulate ; but in the meantime it may be in-
quired what are our agriculturists doing in order to
promote the cultivation of flax, which, be it ob-
served, when extended, may help to obviate the
deficit in the supply of the other commodity ? We
tear not much. Tnings go on pretty much in the
oid way. As long as beef, mutton, wheat, barley,
butter, and the usual products of a farm fetch a...fair
price, our agriculturists pursue the even tee of
their way, and never imagine that prices can alter.
In this delusion, however, they may be mistaken.
Wheat is now from five to six shillings a bushel;
there is a promise of an abundant harvest not only
in Great Britain but also throughout the world, end
in all probability wheat will fetch but a moderate
price for some years to come. Would it not be a
judicious step, then, on the part of the British far-
mer to advance a trifle beycnd the usual stereo-
typed system of cropping, and grow, say, an acre
of flax to every fifty of his holding P This crop is
not an exhausting one, as many persons ignorantly
suppose. It is sown about the latter end of April
or first of May, and is ready to pull before any white
crop is fit for the sickle ; and, as seeds are sown
with it, they always prove unusually heavy next
season. The seed of the flax, when saved, which
it ought to be, is exceedingly valuable for feeding
stock, either by itself or in the shape of oil-cake;
and when our agriculturists consider the thousands
of pounds annually which they expend in purchas-
ing this latter commodity, the seed of which is for
the most part grown abroad, the question must
naturally present itself to their minds whether they
could not themselves grow this plant on their own
land—which, apart from its valuable fibre as the
foundation of linen, is one of the most efficient
means, in the shape of oil-cake, for fatten-
ing sheep and bullocks. Almost any land
in England, with the exception of a still
retentive clay, will grow flax ; it occupies the
ground a shorter time than any white crop; it pays
well, and we are decidedly of opinion that more at-
tention ought to be devoted to flax than has hitherto
been, not only in a national point of view, but also
with respect to the individual interests of agricul-
turists themselves. The crop, in fact, has only to
be known in order to be thoroughly appreciated.
In Dorset, Somerset, Norfolk, and in certain por-
tions of Yorkshire, flax is grown in small quantities.
In Ulster it is more generally cultivated, but the
great consumers of flex and hemp throughout the
three kingdoms are obliged to import the chief bulk
of their supplies from the North of Europe ; and it
certainly does seem strange that Russians, Belgians,
and Poles should be able to grow, manage, save the
seed of and dress flax better than Englishmen, and,
in addition, furnish them with that cake which costs
so much, as well as adds to the weight of their sheep
and bullocks. W.., certainly think that the time has
come when our agriculturists might, with profit to
themselves and advantage to the nation, set about
preparing their land for sowing next spring a mode-
rate breadth of flix seed, and we have little doubt
that continued experience will induce them to per-
severe in their efforts.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

,~..__.

MANCHESTER--Aux. 13.
At our market this morning there was only a small at-
tendance of buyers, and the demand was extremely limited
for every article. There was, however, no material change
in prices from this day se'nright.

BIRMINGHAM—Ana. 13.
English wheat was sold at 988 to 52s for white, and 40s
to 48s per 36 stone for red, Barley, new malting, 328 to
42s per qr ; grinding, 25s to 298: Oats, old, 24s to 308
per 30 stone ; Irish, 22s to 255. Beans, 40s to 445, per qr.
Peas, 36s to 44s per 36 stone.

CORK—AUG. 12.
The following were the quotations this morning:-.Red
wheat, 8s Od to —s Od ; white, 108 3d to —s Od , barley, 6s
Od
dto .
Os Od ; oats, 78 6d to Os Od. ; black do., 6s 10c1 to
Os O

---
EDINBURGII GRAIN—juLY 12.
A large supply of farmers' wheat to-day, which met a
slow sale at is under the prices of last week. Barley met
a brisk sale, and prices were is higher. Oat quiet.
Wheat on the top Is Od down ....... average is 14d down.
Barley on the top Oa 6d down........average is 10d down.
Oats on the top is Od down ... . .... average Is Od down.
Beans on the top is Gd down ..... ...average is 5d up.
Total Suppl3r and Sales.
BWheat ...1814 qrs ........ Sold 1299 qrs
ar1ey........ 187 qrs ........ Sold 86 qrs
Oats
Beans 7l qr 5........ Sold 38 qrs
Flour sells as follows :—Whites, 41150 d ; extras, 39s Od ;
superfine, 395 Od ; fine, 37s Od.

DERBY SMITHFIELD—AUG. 11.
A good supply of fat beasts to-day, and the demand was
somewhat improved. The number of sheep and lambs
in the pens was large, without alteration in price. Pigs
were plentiful. Fat calves scarce, and sold. better.
MBeet ............ 6d to 7d Veal . ......... .6d to' 6d
utton .... ....... 6d to 7d •Pork .. .. ..... .sdto 5t a
Lamb .... , . ..... Bid to 9d Rough fat, 3s 9d per stone
Hides, 3d to 4td; calf skins, 5d to 6d.