The Sun.
London, England, 1830-05-31 00:00:00

potentiarics of a promise made to me on the 15th
of February, with regard to the Western limits of
the new State. As I find sec. 3, of the Projet du
Protocole does not allude to this promise,„l beg that
your Lordship will cause the instructions—Aux Com-
ndssaires pour fixer les Limites, &c. to be couched
so as to give them sufficient latitude to have it in their
power to improve the above mentioned boundaries,
at least upon principles of natural separation." On
the 7th of March he returns to this subject of an
improved line of frontier. On the 15th of May, the
Prince communicated to the Plenipotentiaries the
documents received from Greece, and prepared them
" for his resignation." Among these papers there
is a curious piece of mystification—an extract of a
letter from Mr. Dawkins to Lord Aberdeen, dated
April 20, in which he dilates on the gratitude of the
Greeks " for the immense benefits which they have
received at the hands of the Allies; the first of
which, after the acquisition of their independence,
they consider to he the choice of Prince Leopold
of Saxe Coburg." Not a word of the discontent on
account of the arrangements of the Allies ! Unfor-
tunately for the effect of this communication, the
Prince had become possessed of more authentic in-
formation. The Senate, in their Memorial of the
24th April, did not leave him in ignorance of the
effect produced by the determination of the Allies.
They say—
" The Senate considers the extension of the boundaries
as so closely connected with the real independence of
Greece—it considers it so necessary for the accomplish-
ment of the generous intentions of the Powers who sigued
the Protocol of the 3d of February, that it cannot refrain
from making the following observations :

" Ist. Upon the continent the provinces which, with
a population of shoat 100,000 souls, are to he detached
from the new Greek State, have opposed a barrier to the
devastating torrent of the Ottoman troops. Upon the seas,
the island of Candia, which has been exposed during nine
years to all the calamities of war—Samos, where the
enemy's forces have so often been repulsed—lpsara and
Cassos, which did not f.ll until after• an heroic resistance,
—have acted as so many bulwarks against the fleets of
Byzantium and Alexandria. With what feelings will the
inhabitants of these unhappy countries see that they, the
first defenders of the cause, ►ink again into s'avery, while
their companions in battle are restored to liberty ? Ought
the one to be torn away from a soil which the Turks have
never dared to tread, and the other from a land stained
with their blood, which recalls the recollection of glorious
victories and the names of their most illustrious Chiefs ?
Is it not to be feared that in the excess of their despair
they should renew the bloody scenes of Missolongbi and
Ipsara ? We know the enthusiasm with which the in-
habitants of these countries are attached to their native
toil—we know a'so the character of those warlike races,
and we shudder to think that the massacre of a whole
people may soon affect the compassionate minds of the
august Sovereigns who pretect us.
" 2d. The frontiers assigned to the continental part of
the State are neither secured by mountains of difficult
access, nor by deep rivers. The Achelous and Sperchius
are especially during summer, small streams, fordable in
several places. The boundary line, far from crossing preci-
pices and ravines, passes over a flat and desert country,
which offers no means of defence. To protect such
frontiers, a cordon of several thousand soldiers would be
necessary, and enormous sums of money, either to raise
fortifications, or to procure shelter for the troops. The
island of Candia being excluded from the Greek State,
and the Archipelago rem lining thus exposed on the African
side, it will be necessary to keep up constantly a con-
siderable naval force. Greece, in its present state, although
possessing the provinces which are about to be separats d
from her, and exempt also from the expenses required i:•y
diplomatic relations, and a perfect internal organization,
can hardly defray with its own revenue a third of its
annual expellees. How, then, will these revenues suffice
when Greece shall be dismembered, and bounded by
frontiers, the defence of which will require an exorbitant
expenditure ?
"3. The provinces of Roumelia ceded to the Porte
furnish two•thirds of our land forces. If these soldiers re-
turn to their homes, Greece will be berself deprived of the
sinews of her strength—of those very arms which have so
heroically defended Missolonghi and Athens. If they re-
main among us, placed in the interior of the country, or
upon the frontiers, will they be passive spectators of their
misfortunes, or faithful observers of peace? The exclusion
of the islands of Candia, of Samos, of Ipsara, of Cassos, of
Scio, of Ecaria, of Patmos, of Sero, of Cslymnos, of
Assypalea, of Carpothos, and others, will not fail to force
the emigration of men inured to war, driven to despair,
who will infest the Grecian Seal, giving themselves up to
piracy, favoured by the proximity of so many inhabited
inlets, and of desert and undefended shores. What will
then become of the rising State of Greece? Where wid
then be the tranquillity on land ? Where will then be the
security of commerce at sea? Where would independent
Greece find sufficient means for keeping up a large fleet,
and for paying numerous troops?
"4. The detached provinces of Roumelia, far from
giving important revenues to the Ottoman empire, have
always served as an asylum for a free and warlike people,
causing to the Porte almost continual uneasiness and ex-
pense. Will not these provinces, to the independent and
warlike spirit of which a new impulse has been given by
nine years of war, and which is placed, it may be said, at
the portal of two states, afford materials ready to be in-
flamed by the slightest incident, and to rekindle the fire of
a war which is hardly extinguished ?
" Let us, however, suppose every motive for a new
struggle to have ceased, and the martial character of these
people given up to Turkey to have been softened down ;
the Turks will occupy all the strong frontiers in the moun-
tains, and will at every moment threaten the Greek state.
They will henceforth exercise an influence irreconcilable
with the elevated views of the august Monarchs in settling
its fate."

Who, after this, can blame Prince Leopold for re-
linquishing the odious task which it was wished to
impose upon him ? It would have been insanity to
have entered on a Sovereignty under such circum-
stances.-21forning chronicle.
The objection taken by the Earl of Winchilsea
in the house of Peers, and by Lord Althorp in the
House of Commons, to the " Sign-Manual Bill,"
on the ground that the King's physicians had not
been previously examined at the bar, was in point
of principle, perfectly correct. We do not see why
a proposition so reasonable, and, on constitutional
considerations, so necessary, should have caused the
Duke of Wellington to lose his temper, and express
himself as though a personal attack had been made
upon his honour. It is true a Royal Message had
been delivered to Parliament as a ground for such a
proceeding, and nobody doubts the truth of what
was therein stated as to the painful necessity which
exists for relieving:the Sovereign from the trouble
of affixing the sign-manual to public instruments,
but Parliament would greatly neglect its duty, and
prove itself unworthy of its trust, if it legislated for
particular cases without looking to the consequence ,
of the principles which they involved. One of the
most important duties which the King can execute
is the authentication of public instruments by his
Royal signature—that signature being the most
solemn evidence of the most important rights.
To give to a stamp, in the hands of one or
more subjects, all the legal force of the sign-
manual, is to alter the Constitution of the realm,
pro tempore, in a point of vital interest. It is ob-
vious to every one who looks to possible conse-
quences that such a measure should not be sanctioned
by Parliament but on the best evidence of its neces-
sity. Had the Legislature the best evidence that
could be afforded in the present case ? We answer
in the negative. The Duke of Wellington is in-
dignant that the King's own Message, delivered
upon the responsibility of the Minister, is not consi-
dered sufficient. He might have learned, from the
history of the country whose affairs be administers,
that great troubles, and even sanguinary civil wars,
i
arose to the realm n former days from weak and in-
firm Princes allowing themselves to be made the in-
struments of artful and ambitious politicians, who con-
trived by fraud and deception to obtain the sanction
of such Princes to their own encroachments on the
regal prerogative. Does any one accuse the Duke
of Wellington of any thing of the sort ? Certainly
not. But as his Grace is not immertal, and we do
not know what Ministers may come after him, we
think Parliament would have only done its duty in
requiring the best possible evidence of the King's
health before it established a precedent, which,
although it may be perfectly harmless as far as the
present Premier is concerned, may be made available
by some of his less scupulous successors to the most
dangerous purposes. In Courts of Law, where only
private rights me in question, secondary evidence is

never taken, except where the best evidence cannot by
any possibility be had. Why, then, should the Legis-
lature, where the most valuable public rights are at
stake, both of the Crown and the people, be content
with inferior evidence, when they might have the
best. Here it may be asked, "is not the Royal
Message touching this matter sufficient for the Le-
gislature to act upon ? We say no—and for this
reason—Kings have, before now, been induced, by
their Ministers, to deceive Parliament; and Mi-
nisters have, before now, deceived both Kings and
people. But then, in this instance, the Message is
authenticated by the sign-manual. The sign-ma-
nual has been counterfeited before now, or there
would not be a law against that crime on the Statute-
book. Well, but the Message is also supported by
the responsibility of the Minister. The responsibility
of the Minister sounds well ; but the practice of
many years past shows us that it is but a splendid
fiction of the Constitution. What instance is there
in modern times of a Minister having been called to
account for bringing the country into difficulties and
danger by corrupt and wicked policy ? History
rrcords the names of many of the supposed respon-
sible advisers of the Crown who have abused their
power to the worst of purposes, while the sword of
impeachment rusted in the scabbard ; but where shall
we read of one of them having paid the just forfeit
of his criminal ambition ? Therefore we say that
the argument of the responsibility of Ministers ought
not to have been accepted, in the case in question,
by Parliament, in place of the best evidence, which
evidence the King's Physicians, and they only,
could give. Such evidence was absolutely requisite
to guard the measure from being of dangerous con-
' sequence in future times, and in this light alone we
view it. Several Members of both Houses stated
that if the Bill were for a longer time than the pre-
! sent Session, or if it were to be renewed, they would
insist upon the Physicians being called, on account
i of the danger of the precedent ; but the precedent
is equally dangerous whether the Bill be for a shoat
or a long period. We trust, however, that, if it
should ever be proposed to renew it, they will re-
' deem the pledge which they have given to the country,
and show that their future opposition was not
a mere pretence to escape the blame of theirspresent
subserviency. Before we quit this subject we must
ask why Ministers, who affix the stamp without the
King's authority, should only be guilty of a mis-
demeanor, while any person forging or counterfeiting
the King's sign-manual are, by the Statute of Mary,
guilty of high treason. Both offences are alike in
effect and in criminality, and should be visited with
like punishment. Either the Statute of Mary ought
to be repealed, or its provisions be introduced into
the present law.—Morning Herald.
We copy the following from an Evening Mini-
sterial Paper, which affects to be the especial oracle
of Government :—" The attempt to re-muster a
party is a doubtful undertaking. Indeed, when the
peculiar character of the Duke of Wellington is con-
sidered, and especially the maxims by which his
Grace governs his Administration, nothing is less
likely to prove effectual than an endeavour to or-
ganise a regular opposition. The Duke seeks less
for men of particular principles in politics than for
those qf official fitness ; arid no Minister ever paid
so little attention to the principles (f those by whom
measures are suggested. The measures themselves
only obtain his consideration ; and while this is the
case it is morally impossible that an organised
party can exist against him." The political invin-
cibility with which the writer of the above passage
invests his Grace of Wellington rests certainly
on very peculiar grounds. It appears that his
strength lies in the maxims by which he governs
his Administration—not his Majesty's Administra-
tion. And what are these maxims ? Let his pane-
gyrist explain. "No Minister ever paid so little
attention to the principles of those by whom mea-
sures are suggested." To praise a Minister for his
utter disregard to principles is a novel mode of adu-
lation, and has all the merit of originality. We ques-
tion if any of the servile sycophants of the corrupt
Sir Bobert Walpole ever offered him such praise as
this, though no Minister of the Crown ever better
deserved it. That Statesman scorned to pay ar►y
attention to the principles of those by whom mea-
sures were suggested;—he acted upon a maxim that
excluded all principle;—that maxim was, that
" every man had his price ;" and he knew
when to ripply that maxim in practice. By
his singular penetration ir► this mode of con-
version he male marry proselytes from the ant:-
quitted notions of political virtue to the more con-
venient doctrine of the no-principle sect—a sect that
have outlived his day, and have wonderfully flourished
of late years; and, like all zealous disciples, have
carried their creed to a degree of perfection which
could hardly be expected by their master. With the
members of this sect, whether avarice or vanity is to
be gratified—whether the consideration for political
services be sparkling gold or blushing riband—they
are always sure to prove themselves qualified by an
utter contempt for principle and an " official fitness"
that is truly astonishing. 'I hat the organ of that
Administration which the Duke. of Wellington
governs should have announced him as the great
leader of such a sect, does not excite our special
wonder, because we know that flattery has some-
times a strange way of exalting its idols, and too
often proves the truth of the poet's sarcasm, " No
enemy can match a friend."—Morning herald.
The fact which we stated exclusively on Friday
last, of a great political meeting at the Marquis of
Lansdowne's, has silica been confirmed by the attes-
tations of almost all our cotemporaries ; and we are
now enabled to add that several meetings of the
same description have also been held at Holland
House, and at which the most distinguished Whig
leaders were present. What the resolutions adopted
on the occasion were, we do riot yet know; but
public rumour attributes to them an invitation to
Prince Leopold, to head the opposition which is
now mustering against his Majesty's Government.
Such may be the fact; but if so, nothing could
assuredly be more foolish, or more insulting to
the English public. What has the country to
do with Prince Leopold, that he should be
invited, either to head an opposition, or to
ally himself with the Government? Nothing,
absolutely nothi►►g, beyond the payment of
his extravagant pension. He forms no part of
the State, or of the Legislature—every tie that
connected him with this country has been severed ;
and so little has he hitherto appeared desirous of
continuing his connexion with it, that he has, since
the melancholy event referred to, spent the greatest
part of his time, as well as of his enormous income,
on the Continent. There is not the slightest
ground, therefore, either for putting him at the
bead of the opposition, nor airy rational plea for
conferring upon him the guardianship of the future
Queen of these realms. Were the Princess only a
private individual, the right of relationship would
form a paramount claim; but situated as she is with
respect to the Throne, it is evident that the country
over which she may one day rule, must be the
best judge in the matter of guardianship, and that
private relations must give way to public expediency,
and state necessity.—Morning Advertiser.

As it appears to be now a matter beyond all
doubt, Ist, that Prince Leopold has resigned the
Sovereignty of Greece-2dly, that he has done so
not on account of the political state of Greece, but
on account of the political state of Great Britain-
3dly, that there is no chance of recalling him to that
sense of honour and imperious duty which would
dictate an adhesion to his original acceptance of the
Greek throne; and, lastly, that the change which
has taken place in our relations to Greece has been
mainly caused by the intrigues and interested repre-
sentations of the existing President of Greece, and
sworn creature of Russia, in conjunction with cir-
cumstances to which we do not wish mare specially
to allude, it may not perhaps be unacceptable to our
readers to state a few facts connected with the tnain
topics in this important discussion. And in the first
place, be it remarked, that Prince Leopold i 4 not
even a Peer of the United Kingdom, or of any
part of it. He is a Privy Councillor, but to all