The Sun.
London, England, 1830-08-19 00:00:00

powerful nunt.:- The ex-
travagance of Government and the burdens which i
has entailed on the country have at length impresset!
on the yeomanry, and the freeholders generally,
the truth that they have a deep interest in the re-
turning men who will protect their properties.
This, of course, leads to a different view of the re-
lation in.which they stand to the representatives.—
They who feel an interest that certain men should
be returned will not expect that those men shot&
put themselves to expellee to serve their consti-
tuents. The freeing the representatives from ex-
pence seems implied in the claim to controul the
conduct of the representative. Hence we see, that
with the independent exercise of the franchise has
generally been united the determination to return
the candidate free of expence. Still we fear that in
many large counties it would be expecting too much
from a large chiles of the poorer freeholders to' cli-
matal of them to put themselves to the expence an
journey to the place of election. The possessor of
a forty-shilling freehold may be so very poor, that
the extreme of a journey to poll would materially in-
convenience him ; or he may be so infirm, as to b,
incap able of travelling without n conveyance. In
the ease noticed by us in the Chronicle of Tueitley,
u Nees Crackendunpe asserted it as his deliberate
opinion, that, were it not for the imtnen-e
expellee, " Cumberland could send two hide-
pendent Members to Parliament." Cumberland
is rather a large county, its length being 58 miles,
end its meat, breadth 30 miles; and though to
freeholders in respectable circumstances the journey
may be accounted nothing, yet it may be an &jet!
to others. NVithout means are adopted fur taking
the poll in different places, we fear the poorer free,-
holders will in many cases avoid polling, where
they are not conveyed. It is very easy for our
coetemporary (the Globe) to say, that " until the
mass of electors throughout England--in those
places at least where the right of voting is lodged
in considerable bodies of men—shall follow or out-
run the examples which have been set to them—
until they shall deem it disgraceful to put candi-
dates to any expence, and shall, in consequence,
choose their representatives, and not be chosen or
bought by them, we shall not see any reform in the
constitutioll of Parliament," &e. We know,
however, that in all large counties there are many
men possessed of the franchise, tied yet in very
necessitous circumstances, whom we cannot hope
to prevail on to make the sacrifice in question.
Mae is no reason why we should not at the same
time endeavour to improve the notions of the
people as much as possible.
" We teamed (says ;our contemporary) the fact to be
true, as Mr. Crackenthorpe stated it, that in Cumberland,
mg many other eounties, independent politicians would be
elected if any could be Hasid to bear the expence of an
election. But this assumption of the existence of a ma-
jority of electors, aisle and willing to vote for inde-
pendent men, puts tetrorism out of the question. The
elaves, where there is a mojority of slaves, would not be-
come free by being carried to the poll in chariots; the
terrorism, if it exists its a substantive force, is not to be
dispelled by the gin and beer of an Independent Candi-
. slate. The conclusion ha drew was, that the cause of the
disgraceful state of the representation of many counties,
on the showing of time speaker na whose words we COM •
inented (end we believe him showing to be correct), is
to be found not in the want of independent voters, but in
the want of a due sense of honour and props iety among
the voters, who are independent, and who require to feast
and be carried to the poll at the expence of as Candidate, as
a condition necessary to the display of their vaunted
independence.
" We know the change among voters is not to be
wrought in a tky—for we see it is nut yet effected : hut
it will come, And come the sooner, if the independent
voters :of counties are retitled to the nature of their con-
duct; to which they would not have been so long blind,
if it bad nut been the general habit of speakers anti
writers rather to flatter than to warn them."

We have seen that the improvement in the county
representation, in several cases, has originated in
the conviction of the freeholders that they have a
deep interest in the conduct of their representatives,
and that if they hope to contreul their Members
they must return them free of expence. Where
that conviction is not fell, we question if the cir-
, cumstance is to be attributed to the general habit of
speakers and writers rather to flatter than to warn
the electors. The electors considered the election
rather a concern of their superiots than their own;
or, being poor, the treating was in accordance with
their notions of the relation between themselves
mid their superiors.—Morning Chronicle.
At the dinner yesterday at Freemasons' Hull, to
celebrate the late triumph of freedom in France,
there were upwaids of three hundred gentlemen ;
and letters from Lord Milton, Lord John Russell,
Lord Nugent, tied Mr. Brougham, accounting for
their absence, were read to the meeting. Mr.
Brougham says, than himself " no man entertains
mote lively sense of the debt of gratitude, never to
be repaid, which all the lovers of freedom in all lands
owe to the authors of the glorious event you are
met to celebrate. They have done far more in three
days to make despotism impossible either in France
or in England, than its vile abettors can now accom-
plish in as many ages." Lord Milton speaks. of it
as desirable " that the greatest possible Humber of
portions in the higher ranks should be known as ape
provers of the last Revolution." There can be no
doubt that there never was a question as to which
all classes of Engliehmen difrered less than in the
admiration of the conduct of the Pet-Wane. It is a
pity that the higher elteles should not appear to be
as teach as the rest in their admiration. However,
the French people cannot mistake the universality
of the feeling in the nation, which pervaded the
meeting of yesterday.--- Miming Chronicle.
The distinguished honour conferred on Mr.
Brougham by the freeholders of Yorkshire, in
electing him one of the representatives fur that
great county, is a rare instance of so disinterested
and judicious an exercise in the elective franchise
in modern times. It is an event of which Mr.
Brougham may well be proud, but it is also an
example which is likely to lead to important public
eimeequenees. Hitherto the representation of
counties has been a sort of family property, which
those deaeended from the ancient feudal Lords, or
those who have succeeded to their estates, have
' held 11 s the appurtenances of their greatness, in a
sort of political fee simple, of which they could only
be disseised by some rival of superior local and am-
tom-Weal influence, or by the lavish application of
great riches on the part of some wealthy aspirant
for senatorial honours. In open and populous bo-
roughs splendid talents and eminent public services
have generally had a good chance of a preference
over the pretensions of mere opulence or rank, when
unaccompanied by personal merits; but counties
were inaccessible to all corners who could not
• carry to the poll long purses, or Still longer pedi-
grees. The charm is broken—the spell is dissolved
—1 new era has commenced. The men of Yorke
•
shire leave set the freeholder* of England a glorious
example. A practising Barrister, without mist°.
eratittelsrenk, without local influence, supported only
by the reputation of his talents and by a name of his
own creating, now represents the first county in
England 1 Mr. Brougham, speaking of his own
election says, " There are three principul grounds
on which persons who aspire to the representation
of a county usually rely—high birth, extensive
landed possessions, and great local and personal in-
fluence; now, of all these, the usual causes of sue.
COSS, I am totally destitute—l have no property in
this county, and not much anywhere. have no
sort of .aristocratic pretensions, though my force
fathers ranked in the class of Esquires, and I my-
self urn of that class. 'I am totally without patro•
nage, and I have no. Incal influence in the county
whatever ; nay, I am not even a Yorkehireman ; and
what is more I am nut very likely to become one;
end. yet, ie spite of all these disqualifications, I have
been supported by all classes of the freeholders, and
by those who are no freeholders at all, with a zeal,
unanimity, and ardour of feeling, wholly unprece-
dented." After some further observations he says,
why do I dwell on this topic? Because it teaches
4 great and grand lesson—it holds out a mighty
weistiter—it exhibits a splendid example. The

sauce will be found in my principles—it is because
they are the opinions of all the people (I do not
Mean the mob), but all the rational, the thinking
people of England—the principles of liberty anti
n•ee►lom." No doubt Mr. Brougham owes a great
Meal of his popularity to his long and splendid ad-
vocacy of popular rights—and that popularity has
been enhanced among enlightened and reflecting
people, by his efforts to procure the amelioration and
improvement of our legal institutions. His able
exposure of the absurdities and defects in the
forms of law and the administration of justice,
prove that we have, at least, one lawyer eminent in
the practice of his profession, who does not pay an
idolatrous veneration to its antique pedantry, while,
at the same time, he keeps clear of all visionary
theories of improvement. Who can forget his
eloquent exertions in the last Session of Parliament
to introduce a principle of reasonable amelioration
into our criminal law, by establishing a distinction
between the punishment of forgery at►d that of
murder, and making criminal justice more conform-
able with enlightened opinion, by proportioning its
penalties to the degrees of moral guilt. Such
exertions, though not possessing the splendour of
those great political displays of intellect which his-
tory records when she writes of the fortunes and
fate of empires, have a charm for the hearts and
minds of all who take an interest in the advance-
ment of civilized principles, and the moral prosperity
of a nation. How infinitely small such a Status-
man as Sir Robert Peel looked in contrast while re-
pelling; by the aid of his obsequious majority, the
appeal of reason and humanity, in favour of vindictive
doctrines that set reason at defiance and disc ace
the name of justice. But, even with his disciplined
and marshalled host of Treasury placemen ar►d ex-
peewits, Sir Robert Peel was beaten, anti must
have submitted to inconsolable defeat, but that the
decision of the Representatives of the people was
subverted by the titled patrons of sanguinary exhi-
Waite in the other House of the Legislature. His
humane perseverance and his convincing eloquence
upon this question greatly added, as we before ob-
served, to the popularity of Mr. Brougham. No
application of his talents was more conducive to hi•
fame with the people in general, if we except his
fearless and energetic denunciation of the policy of
the Military Chief and his " fawning parasites."--
For these things he deserved the gratitude of his
countrymen, and they have not proved themselves
ungrateful!—lforning Herald.
It is intimated in an Evening Paper, that the
British Government was utterly unacquainted with
die intention of Charles X. to approach the shores
of this country, or to desire to land in it ; and such
we trust is the case. We do not see any reason
why the Ex-King, should be seek an asylum here,
should not find it; for the refusal of such a trifling
boon would be a stein on British hospitality; but we
do see great reason why there should be no concert
in the mat ter, and why also the reception of his Ex-
Majesty should be arranged in such a manner its to
give no just cause of offence, either to the new
King, or to the people, of France. With the for-
mer, rejected as he ►s by the people over• whom he
reigned, and renouncing, as he has, all pretensions
to the Crown of France, neither the people or the
Government of this co►n►try have any thing to do,
except as a private individual, by whatever name he
may choose to be called, or by whatever title he may
choose to be designated ; and be it observed, that
in its intercourse with him, both the Government of
this country, and those connected with it, cannot be
too cantioue, A lama elamosa has been long pre-
valent, that the line of politics adopted by the Go-
vernment of Charles X., was not only no stranger
to the Duke of Wellington, but wits actually ad-
vised by him ; and although many disclaimers have
since been put forth by the Ministerial Papers, the
fact is still very generally, though, perhaps, very •
unjustly, credited. What then would be the cense- ,
(pence of holding a courtly intercourse with the
Ex-King, we need, not even advert to ; because it ,
must be obvious to all that suck► conduct on the
part of our Govermnent, would be construed by
that of France us it conf►rmatiun of previous ru-
►nours, t►nd of course dispose it to embrace the first
plausible opportunity to quarrel with this country in
despite of the openly expressed opinions of the two
countries.—We say, therefore, let the Ex-King of
France be received with the hospitality and kind-
ness befitting a great and free people, who are
always ready and willing to sympathise with mis-
fortune; but let not, on account of one individual
--and that individual a mere drop in the bucket of
human existence---the peace and happiness of the
two greatest nations in Europe be compromised, or
in the slightest degree endangered. If these two
objects cJr) be combined, every end will be answered;
—if they are separated, war is tl►e only probable
consegitenee.—illorning jidverliser.

(From the News.) .
On the dissolution of the last Parliament, that
servile 'Ministerial hack, the .11forning Posi, trium-
phantly announced that the Wellington Cabinet
would acquire upwards of ninety additional votes
in the Commons as the result of the " appeal" (us
it is called) to the people. Where, we ask, are
these ninety thick and thin tax-eaters ? Like Fal-
staff's men of buckram, we believe—in idea. So
hie from the Minister gaining ninety votes by the
general deck!' —if lie goes on no better than he
hue proceeded, he is much more likely to lose ninety.
It is not, however, the numerical loss alone, which
the Minister will have to deplore in the result of
the new elections—he has evidently lost ground in
the estimation of the country. Whilst the people.
see such men as Mr. Wodehouse, the late member
for Norfolk, Sir Thomas Gooch, the late member
for Suffolk, Mr. Bastard, the late member for
Devon, together with all the younger sons of the
corrupt houses of our Aristocracy—whilst they see
these men, the consistent defenders of every abuse,
and of every tax, receive the support and patronage
of the Government, how is it possible to believe rn
Ministerial professions which talk of retrenchment
and redaction of taxation V In almost every county,
city, and town, where the people have had a voice,
the Ministerial member has been thrown out—and
wherever a Tory has been chosen, lie has been corn-
pellet! to profess TVhig opinions—such us reform,
economy, &c., &c. We confess that, a few weeks
ago, we did not sufficient justice to the patriotism of
our counties and great towns. We really did not
think there was so much of the spirit of independence
in them. The people, however, seem alive to their
real condition, and appear resolved, as far as is in
their power, to free themselves from the galling
taxes which oppress them. In consequence, time
most signal defeats have been experienced by the
Ministerial candidates in every populous place where
they have tendered themselves. In Surrey, Mr.
Briscoe has triumphed over Colonel Joilde,
In
Middlesex, Mr. Hume has successfully defied all Mi-
nisterial opposition. In Norfolk, Mr. Coke has
pet forward Sir W. FAN', and compelled Mr.
Wodehouse, the Wellington Member, to retire. In
Suffolk, a new Whig Member has ferreted out Sir
Thomas Gooch, who after five-and-twenty years of
slavish voting for every tax and every Minister, is
at length driven from the county. In Cambridge-
shire, the Duke of Rutland's brother, Lord Charles
Manners, will certainly be beaten; anti the same
fate, we are assured, awaits another brother, Lord
Robert Manners, in Leicestershire. The county of
Devon is also exerting itself to turn out its old Tory
Member, Mr. Bastard; and from the present state
of the poll, we have no doubt the Liberals will
prove successful. The greet county of York has
returned Mr. Brougham, Lopritellt hm
rpteteh, anti two
s to
other Members, who have dg
economy and retrenchment. The towns have been
equally unfavourable to the Minister as the counties.
themselves
In Grantham and Ilebester, Liberals have taken the
places of treasury hireliegs. Colonel Peel, (brother
of the Home Secretary,) and his friend Admiral
Ogle, though backed by all the interest of 'Govern-
ment, have been driven out of Norwich. - Another
brother of the Home Secretary has been beaten et
Newcastle. under-Lyne. At Yermouth, the Liberals
have been triumphant. At. Taunton, a thick-end-,

thin Ministerialist has been ejected. The same has
occurred in the city of Durham. At Reading, Dr.
Lushingtoe, who now votes regularly with Minis-
ters, has been unsuccessful. In fine, we might ex-
tend this article to a most unrett‘onable length, wete
we to enumerate all the counties, cities, and towns,
in which tha influence of the Cabinet has been de-
feated by the energies of the people. From Scot-
hue' we expect little of independence—we, there-
fore, cannot be disappointed. In Ireland, however,
the evil star of the Minister seems as predominant
as in England. Mr. Croker, the Admiralty Secre-
tary, has been turned out of the University of Dub-
lin. The O'Connor Don has succeeded in Ros-
common. Mr. O'Connell will come in for the
county of Waterford, while O'Gorman Mahon will,
no doubt, be one of the Representatives for Clare.
Besides, Mr. Dawson, Sir Robert Peel's brother-ia-
law, has retired from Londonderry, not daring to
stand a contest ; anti it is highly probable that Mr.
North will he beaten at Drogheda, where he is op-
posed by Mr. Maurice (sConnell, a son of Mr.
O'Connell. In fact, wherever we turn, if to a po-
pular election, the Wellington candidate is in the
back-ground. It is morally itepo,:sible that the
Ministry can stand under such a weight of opposi.-
!ion. Most happy are we to find, from numerous
indications of public spirit, that the glorious example
of France will not be lost on our countrymen.

(From the Rxaminer.)
AFFAIRS OF FRANCE.

Affairs are proceeding tranquilly in France amidst
much agitation of opinion. The Correspondent of
the Morning Chronicle represents us as affirming
that there is no desire for a Republic in France.
The proposition is far stronger than any positions in
our Paper will bear out. We stated in our Print of
August Ist, that amongst the 221 who voted the
memorable anti-minist eriul address, we doubted whe •
ther there were so many as ten favourable to a Re-
public; but added, " how many may be so now, is
a ►lifferent question. An obstinate monarch, who
cannot be prevailed upon to govern tolerably either by
caresses or by in►imidation, makes men Republicans
whether they will or not." The obstinate Monarch
is uprooted and flung away, but the effect of his
crimes will not vanish with his power. He has
written a lesson in characters of blood, which the'
people will not soon forget. He had taught them to
beware of Kings, to expect in them plotters against
popular rights; and, however excellent is the opi-
nion of the reigning Monarch, it must be felt that a
hereditary succession offers no assurance of those
virtues which constitute his personal claims to the
world's respect and a nation's confidence. There is
in JEsop an excellent fable to this effect. A wood.
cutter anti a snake contracted a friendship, and
agreed to live together. It chanced one day that
the man's hatchet fell on the snake and cut off his
tail. The wood-cutter made a thousand apologies
on the painful occasion, promised more care for the
future, and expressed his sincere hope that the un-
fortunate accilent would not interrupt their friend-
ship, or disturb that agreeable union of man and
snake from which so much happiness had been mute-
ally devised. Tl►e snake, ha vin;; heard him out,
moved towards the door, observing " What you say
is doubtless ►ery true; but I have come to the re-
solution never to live with a ;urn who keeps a hat-
chet in hit house." The dislike of living with a nam
who keeps a ha.chet in his house, is probably much
spread 111111 exuspersted in France by the savage
stroke she lately experienced; but for the present it
seems more judicious to bind the hatchet in the
magisterial laves than to renounce the house of tem-
porary shelter and convenience. Desiree must often
be waived to prudence; and much as we should wish

to see a Republic established in France, which has
the best preparation for it of any country in
Europe, we should yet deeply regret any movement
of impatience to that object at this critical instant.
A vast stride has been made; and we would
rather have the step assured than emperilled by a
further advance. The Republicans have reason on their
side, but reason in an authority which in its strongest
assertions, the world is not always ready to obey;
and in the province of morals, as in that of me-
chanics, the power acts with greatest effect through
space. We deprecate impat►ence, : vast good is
already obtained, and time tells for the better cause
—therefore delay, and tile abstinence from occupa•
tion of the extreme ground, are no evils, no cur-
renders, but waivers only. Holding this opinion,
we are, in complete consistency witl► it, well pleased
to observe so much Republican spirit alive; and
though we dissent from the policy proposed, we
were exceedingly gratified by reading the re-
monstrance of Mr. Loudon, addressed to the Editor
of the Chronicle, on the score of that able writer's
approbation of the French Monarchy in preference
to the Republic, for which Mr. Loudon thinks
France sufficiently ripe and strong. We know Mr.
Loudon to be a useful member of society, and we
honour him now for a courage of no common kind,
and opinions estimable though unseasonably recom-
mended to adoption. The Romans made a nice
distinction between tutus and sccurus. Like Mr.

Loudon, we would have France secure against the
evil accidents to which a hereditary Monarchy is
liable; but solely must precede the preparations for
security, and the nation will breathe, tranquillize, and
consolidate its strength under the reign of the tem-
perate and experienced Philip, who has made sweet
the uses of adversity, and in his prosperity forfeited
none of the respect he had earned in the school of
misfortune. Many ingenious arguments are, we see,
directed against the principle of this election. The
Gazette de France writes thus—
" Philip of Orleans is procl aimed king. It is not by the
right of birth that he ascends the throne ; neither is it by
the proved suffrages of the people. Deputies elected in
virtue of a pi inciple of legitimacy, without authority to
take away or confer the Crown, have greeted him, with
a title which they might with equal validity bestow upon
another. Hare hereditary legitimacy is set aside, and the
legitimacy of the nation is taken no account Of. This
election will, therefore, have against it both the opinion
which admits the dogma, of hereditary sovereignty, and the
opinion which believes in the sovereignty of the people.
The Chamber of Deputies has usurped powers which it
did not possess."
The best sanction of the measure is its fitness. For
such extreme occasions no rules are prepared ; anti
it is more ingenious than profitable to quarrel with
the inconsistencies involved in a measure of safety.
The French will not be like Swift's Lilliputians,
who impeached Guliver for having, extinguished a
conflagration by means abhorrent to etiquette. The
Deputies only could exercise the power that the
urgency of the occasion required ; and the necessity
authorizes the stretch of their functions. Revolutions
cannot be conducted according to the rules of Consti-
tutions, and the nearest approximation to right, con-
sisting with public safety, must satisfy all sensible
people. The reforms which our neighbours may make
in their Constitution will be looked to with great in-
terest; and a signal advantage it will be to the
people of England, it, as Mr. Bentham somewhere
says, they have the opportunity of going to see a
good Government at the price of a crown. Packets
from Calais will bring home some curious instruc-

iiche„ The duration -Of the Chamber of Deputies
should be shortened more than it is, to two years,
or even to one year, as from the method of election
no inconvenience arises from frequent re-constitutions
of the assembly; and members found worthy should
be chosen again. The Hereditary Chamber should
be abolished ; and if a second Chamber is necessary,
_a question allowing of many arguments in the
affirmative and the negative,—it should be este-
blished on some more rational principle than the
nomination of the King andc anustthiteueliniceyk ohfavtihnegiboeitsein.
sTohseigvnaallulye opfrtolVeed—for the choice of the present
Chamber. was the first cause of the redemption of
France—We hope to see its basis much more widely
extended. The people who have so worthily
wielded the sword, have sufficiently shewn their'
qual,fication for the franchise. A few parting words
now on the outcast Charles Caper. We observe
him to be honoured in this country with the descrip-
tion of naforiunefe, which title he bears after
Thurtell, Corder, Burke, and ail our malefactors.

No sufrerer under Justice is criminal in Eng
Persons who have the bad fortune to be overtake!,
by Justice after cutting throats or robbing pockets,
are called unfortunate in respect of the had fortune
of failing to escape. Had Charles overturned the
liberties of the people, he would have been a for-
tunate Prince; having lost the game of blood, he is
on the contrary unfortunate. Thus a man's failure
in crime is his express title to compassion. The
French appear on this subject to be carrying genero-
sity and moderation to the verge of false sentiment.
They say that their cause is so good as to disdain
the punishment of the guilty. In proportion to the
extreme goodness of the popular cause, is the ex-
treme wickedness of the opposite teaching; and if,
because it is so good, it refuses to punish, then the
aggressing party, expressly because it is so wicked,
is favoured with impunity ! The worse therefore
traitors are, the better are their conditions. This
may be extraordinarily refined sentiment, but it is
enormously bad policy.

TO. TIM RDITOR OP THE EXAIIINFR.
Sta,—Do not, I pray, omit to notice the leading article
in the Courier of last evening ; observe, espe-ially, its
concluding words:—..

" This unfortunate and aged Monarch does not, it is
said, come to England, the refuge of misfortune and pro
scription, but proceeds to America, fearing lrst he should
meet ►with insult in this country—we doubt the statement
as to the reason &sail ned. Shorn of his splrndour, and
deprived of the means to distorts the new order of thin: s,
who in this country would he base enough to treat with
insult a King whose faults have been occasioned by age
and imposition? Charles has paid the penalty of hip
offence, and no English heart would rejoice to see him
insulted"

I would give a trifle to know who dictated these words.
No, no ; Charles X. is not going to America, he is not
going among the republican Yankees to join Joseph Boone-
parte in exile ; this article says plainly enough, to all wLo
can see what the writer would be at, that we may coon
expect to see him here. Charles, the traitor to his people,
who brought wiwards of 20,000 soldiere (kis own person
surrounded by 6,000 mercenary Swiss) to MIMI tent the
ht ride citizens of Paris ; Charles, according to the Courier,
has been guilty of nothing worse than the being an "
fortunate end aged Monarch," " whose faults hare been
occasioned by ape and imposition," and who has " paid
the penalty of bis offence." What ! paid the penalty of
the offence of treason in suffering only to be removed from
the country which he had betrayed, in only losing a croon
which, in justice, should have gone from him in company
with his head ? " Whose faults have been occasioned by
age and imposition." Here is a rare piece of dwindling
into absurdity through fright! So that, when a King
gets to be old, he roust, for that reason, be no longer
worthy of the people's confidence, and ought accordingly
to be deposed. Would the Monarch, though aged, not
have been beloved if he hail done right? Why, then, is he
not to be hated when he does wrong ? But the mention
of insult,—the calling us, by anticipation, base if we do
nut show respect to this murderer in cold blood of his own
subjects, is the least tolerable part of what the Courier
has to say; this, indeed, is insult,—insult offered to every
Englishman that reads it. If the royal malefactor choose
to trust himself amongst us, why not let him come, like
any other perpetrator of crime abroad, running the risk of
reception according to his deserts and the honest opinions
of those whose society he seeks? His life will be in no
danger here : there will be law to preserve that, even to
Citadel' X., and what more, I would he glad to know,
should the tyrant expect from us ? At all events, what-
ever may be the fate of such a King, do not, for God's
sake, let us submit to the " insult" of being (WINd base
by the Courier if we do not rest our nation's character as
the " refuge of misfortune and proscription" upon our
sy►npathy with that " natural goodness of heart" which
one writer has been cap!ble of attributing to a King,
cashiered by a noble people fir the cruellest acts of despo-
tism, and et:talking towards the sanctuary of England from
the acene of his misdei da and the vengeance fur which they
cry aloud !—I am, Sir, your most obedient servant.
August 7, 1830. P. C,

(From the Spectator.)

RESULT OF THE ENGLISH ELECTIONS.

WHAT HAVE THE MINISTRY GAINED ?

We might put another question, to which a post,
live answer would be more easily returned—What
have the Ministry lost ? They were to gain ninety.
three votes. According to the most accurate c ll-
culations, they have lost forty or fifty; and a much
larger number, if we add to these many of their for-
mer thoroughgoing supporters, who, by their pledges
they have voluntarily entered into, must be tho-
roughgoing supporters no more. Everywhere that
the popular voice could be heard, it has been ex-
pressed in one way. " Reduction of expenditure—
abolition of 'monopoly—reform of the represents.
tion "—the two first universally, the last in snree
shape or other almost universally—haeo been the
points insisted on by the voters, arid, with hardly an
exception, conceded by the candidates. In every
case, the worst recommendation that a candidate
has brought to the hustings, has been that which
was once his best—his consistent support of' the
Administration. Indeed, the support of the Admi-
nistration, uniform or occasional, has been found to
operate against almost every candidate suspected of
it. The beet claim which any man has brought to
the hustings, has been independence—independence
of party—independence of the Government. The
House of Commons which assembles in October,
will contain more honest members than any that has
met since the Revolution, if they fulfil the pro-
mises made to their constituents. What is the les-
son to be gathered from sell this ? The lesson,is in
kind precisely that which was read to Prince Po-
lignae, and to which he would not listen—and where
is he ? We say in kind, for we do not mean to
• parallel the cases in degree. The Doke of Welling-,
ton's Administration is not so unpopular as that of
Prince Polignac ; hit enemies are riot so overwhelm-
ing; and we must add, that the appeal by which he
sought to determine their numbers and their power
was by no means so impartially made. If it had,
we do not knOw what the result might have been.
So far as we have traced the history of the elections,
there seems to prevail in all the instructions of the
people a lofty and honourable feeling, very different
from what is commonly displayed on such occasions.
They do not say to their Members vote against the
Duke of Wellington; they make no objection to
men; they only call for good measures, emanate
from whatever quarter they may. This is precisely
the way in which we wish the people to ace,
We owe a large debt of gratitude to the Duke's
Administration, and we desire nothing awe than
to see him remain in power, if he
niwilll
ot
himself with counselling such acts as the com-
munity of Englund haver determined to be good
and desirable. If he remain in power he must
do so. His only strength must in future be sought
in the general approbation of wise rend prudent and
patriotic men. He has no frictions opposition to
dread. The same principles which he must main-
tain if he would keep power, must be maintained
by his opponents if they would pin it. The Mi-
nistry is weaker in numbers now than before the
dissolution of Parliament—weaker in numbers than
perhaps any Ministry which men looked on as stable
ever was; but from the present composition of the
blouse, it is stronger to do good than the strongest
of its predecessors. It has sometimes been said
that the Cabinet was more liberal than the Parlia-
ment; to every appearance this will be no longer
the case. if the Duke entreat the new House of
1 Commons to go with him one mile, it will go with
him twain; Whir ask for the coat of a sinecurist, it
willgive him give him the cloak also. Will he throw him-
self honestly and heartily into the army of the
People ? We hope he will, for his own sake. If
he refuse, the Ministry must tumble in pieces in a
mouth. We make these general observations, pre-
liminary to the following tables, which have beers
drawn up with great labour and industry', bY a per-
son- well versed in the subject. The reader will
htphie,evr
they
perceive,
moreicv
come.
m, bey.
than merelyju justify
glancingif
y
gosancilonyt
latahride:ve
‘ov% or,
votes--perhaps
eotsut—ori
think
kaEn English
it probable
rsschs,cbitodahehnbrl iceleteeolceuet
thatsbi):ool
rngoo:I.:1 i ateidpuorrierrene:twrshductieeloeeeil dr:4.'1:1:81i
i‘blivwwlliii
certainly
,
i ,hr : i ,o It yi
y store.l
complete.the! eeiorAltalhadef eroswzbean t n Ireland;e they
I
that,"
although the result of the elections in those pima of
the kingdom cannot be accurately stated, we can

confidently affirm that, it will not he found to be 10
favour of the Cabinet.—[The tables referred to WIN
given in The Sun of Saturday.]

INTERCOURSE WITH SOCIETY.::

All Bonaparte's narratives overflowed with
fascination and originality. He was particuistif
conversible on a journey. In the warmth of
discourse, always delightful, always abounding
it) novel views and elevated ideas, he sosnetimaa,
permitted to escape involuntary disclosures up,
his future views, or, at least, revealed th
which might serve to give insight into dog
which he still wished to conceal. I took ths
liberty of remarking this imprudence to gist
and he received my observations in good pOt
acknowledging his failing, saying, at the
time, that he was not aware of going so
did not pretend to dissemble this specinlffi
heedlessness, of which he has made fraikCoo"
tension in his notes from St. Helena.
When in good humour, his ordinary 0101
consisted in slight fillips with the first and Oa
fingers, or in gently pinching the tip of thifsb
In his most friendly conversations, withih
admitted to unrestrained intimacy, he wse 1
the habit of repeating, " You are a simpkioN
a ninny, a blockhead, an ass, a fool, an bebe'
cite." These six words served to vary We
lope of compliments, but he never Aprt—
them seriously, and the tone with which, thol
were pronounced rendered their signification
one quite of kindness.
-Bonaparte put no faith either in medicine sin r
pthh)esilomraesseoritpatiootatsrt oafitiomghLslitceirans. He
his
of
opinion in this respect being
im
moveable. He possessed a masculine
,reasoi
which admitted only of demonstrated truths.
He had little recollection of proper words spd.
dates, but a prodigious memory for facts and 10
calities. I remember that once, in geing ftrf
Paris to Toulon, he made me remark six aro
ferent places adapted for great battlestodA,
never forgot them ; for, at that time, the racr,,,
ficoinejdeetaunrds ,
lection was one of the earliest journeys ofnl
Youth, and he described to me the surfsee iv°
the ground, and explained the positi°"shea
would have occupied, even before we bad reached
the places themselves.
Insensible to the charms of poetic hsrineeP
Bonaparte enjoyed not even sufficient ear 0$
preciate the measure of the verses, and he
, c°the
not recite a single line without altering ry
rhythm ; but the sublime thoughts of
charmed him, He was an idolater o 700
neille, and to such a degree, that he saidif
one day, after the representation of Ginnie-jug
a man like Corneille lived in my time, MO
u.
him m prime minister ; it is not hisPereit
that I admirey , it is his good sense, his gam
knowledge of the human heart, the prowl'
of his politics." did
Politeness in his intercourse with viol' 61
not forum a habitual trait in the charstotera",
Bonaparte. 7
ert°. Rarely had he any thing agree,
to say ; often, indeed, he addressed an
compliments, or said the strangest also
them. Sometimes it was, 44 Ah good h!
what red arms you have get !" at others:
what a villanous head-dress ;" or, " whg a.
bundled your hair up in that fashion r °,_!1„1
times, again, 44 You have got a very dirty 760,
Do you never change your gown. .1,!1111: thin
you mn that dress twenty times before• In
he had no mercy, and generally liked t° of
money disburz•ed. Often present at the nod hid
wtiol
lofeef, hadother
rlet
required
eimstn.eods :Acatuilfiiutrstilseti: eleititaseogrtire fec;p:jopri
become not easily satisfied as respected the
vas
hat
and magnificence ; but always propriety,
tthhee
icietmeink tneetxmpc:sneide7 of time Consulate, he 471
plained inure than once of the fashion which I"
csoirclilesir; .1 os
Bonaparte did not love play rua lea his
%f•oerrywhfoeritlu 'fret esatfodrotwhiot
e
as he sometimes considered himself o gibe
to do, nothing cauld be more tiresome tilt
joy
party, whether at the Luxembourg or the but
ries. On the contrary, when he walked ,Mt
through the numerous assembly, every 011-0 10,
at ease, for he addresses a great many Plen
It was, however, always with the learned, wilt)
present that he held conversation,_espeoial Yore.
those who had accompanied the EgyPtin"„„ the
dition, or some popular author. 13t! —root
whole, it was not so much in a drawing t have
those
AS at the head of his troops that one must
seen, to hare formed a high idea of P°l)-rocas
robes,
told,oe
and appreciated his powers. Uniform ):ivil
him much better than the most splelii, soilg
costumes; and in these latter, his "L":„, WO;
twheorefirwstitlitternhea a eardireid
were not by any means happy. I re'o.-fficial.
gulur contrast, as was remarked to him, woo
much the better," replied he, " that leav°ll
thing at least of the soldier, and there's r';'ilk
done."—Constable's Miscellany,VaLL •
apbplaecakredstoicek,-.lising,

Thursday W;---s
the first day ctigtOUSC4lll3°edtlitlg;
On the Craven end other Yorkshire Moot* the ~e
said to be. scarce. Great numbers perished „ii.1"`";i0,...
tas
severe winter and succeeding wet topring..."^'
Chronicle. G3IOY
Dreadful excesses were committed to
during the election. The boob were armed with `'3o,
finnudngsleadtgseshe;atuhteimartsittnieses
awittedremtinlirtinroyu,t of the WIT.% Old
several persons were lying bleeding
hi.Doxitabr., the Deputy Clerk of the Peace, wiloblis
doted by a ruffianly crew on Wednesday waste-.
Warder.,
venseememir......rogrogootresOgi°
BITHS. he 1011
wi
ivintslhoewsstrebre7: ,:oftrri
On the 12th inst. at Believes..hall, Drightoor I
of 1)r. Byron, of a daughter. le AO°
On the 19th inst. in St. lieletes-place, P. r
• st
Key, of a daughter.
On the 18th inst. the lady of W. C. L. Keene'

a son.
MAIED.
Oa the 17th inst. at StRR James% the Rey. 0,-„ 1a
6(
Ch‘loner Ogle, third son of the Rev. J. Eoville Otiti'lest
Kirkley, county of Northumberland, to sophis, 1<"
youngest
daughter of Admiral Sir C Ogle, Bart. lII.P. 1011.
Oa the 181 h inst. F. C. Skey, Esq. of Southlltrojj,
row,sq., to,f SBariusytitSroetptl,daEi.
temnolyntodna.ughter of F. 7;100
E
On the 17th inst. at Northwood, Isle of Will-,-1 Siff
Tyers Tyers, Esq.
Seymour,
Ruffen, Eqq. Al C.
On the 17th inst. at St. Danstan's.in-the-got, r 0.14
odfoßeghltraeirtdooftlitieh,e Wlersinwgtooniirok; 001
Roworth, of Sidmouth-street, to Sarah Elisshet',4rociv
daughter of E. 11. Noy, Esq. of Tower-Wee" and '
ham-green, Surrey.

DIED,,f htc
On the 17th inst. at Kenwood, in the 17thlay', • ti. d
Ate. the Lady Cecilia Sarah Murray, daughter °l' I't
i
of Mansfield— r ia
Majoroo thee H. Glover,
lateat 31:7:: Mr. Jueohougeliti: '
hiso6n2dthyeealrs.th inst. at Townsetui-L-ute, ffrgen't....Psiall':
ageOdn4tt 15th inst at Dolby( gilignneen:bighlitiirti 3 it
0 it"
11" year, Charlotte Jane, youngest daughter or lb.
J. Peel, Esq., of Bowes farm, Middieses.

Plll7/141ND ANDUItO.4IUIND BY 4,1
Ai;
p nftDO I
VAN SUN OrriCS, 112, STAA ND,