The Sun.
London, England, 1830-03-03 00:00:00

LUNACY INQUIRIES.

Mr. M. A. TAYLOR, in bringing forward the motion
of which he had given notice, should confine himself to
facts which bad come to his knowledge as to the expellee of
Commissions in cases of Lunacy. The expellee of Lord
Portsmouth's commission had amounted to 25 0001. 01
all the eminent men at the Bar with whom he had con-
versed upon the subject, there was not one who did not go
along with him in thinking that these expellees ought to be
'educed. If theme was any Hon. Member unacquainted with
the circumstances attending Mr. Davis's Coot muisaon, he
trusted that they would advert to the published uttounts
of what took place before that Commission, previous to the
second reading of the Bill. Mr. Davis bad accunneated a
property amounting to 16,0001: for his family, and there
was expended of that sum in resisting the suit of the
parties before the Commission, nearer 4,0001. than
5,0001. The Hon. Member contended that the Judger
employed to try these issues were not the best adapted for
such a purpose, and that they ought to be sent before some
of the ordinary Judges and a Common Jury. He was of
opinion, and many others entertained the same, that the
Lord Chancellor, did not possess the power of sending such
issues to a Jurv. The Hon. Member moved for leave
to
bring in a Bill; authorising the Lutd High Chancellor; in

Colonel DAVIES rose, in the fulfilment of the pledge
he had given last Session, to bring forward an inquiry
into the conduct of an individual, against whom he was
under the necessity of bringing a charge of the graVest
nature, and which had already been the subject of in-
quiry lraf'ore a Select Committee. He assured the House
that he felt considerable pain in the discharge of this duty.
The world was so apt to attribute motives of a private
nature to an accuser, that their sympathies were generaly
excited against him, and in favour of the accused. It' that
was the ordinary ease, his situation was ten-fold mere
embarrassing, as he had, in some degree, to contend with
the resolutions of a Committee, appointed at his own sug-
gestion. There was nothing but a sense of public duty
and a feeling of the public interest, which was involved,
to a great extent, in the present inquiry. He should not
confine his charge to Mr. Nash only, for he had to bring
a serious accusation against one of the principal Ministers
of the Crown—the Chancellor of the Exchequer. In the
Committee that Right Hon. Gentleman bad exerted his
talents and his influence to throw a cloak over the delin-
quencies of Mr. Nash ; and, instead of discharging the
duty of an impartial Judge, be had assumed the character
of„ zealous partisan. The House would recollect, that last
Session a Select Committee bad been appointed to inquire
into the conduct of Mr. Nash, architect and surveyor to
the Crown. In 1819, when the improvements in Pal!-
mall East and Suffolk-street were in contemplation,
Mr. Nash received directions front the Commissioners
of Woods and Forests to survey and report upon the
Crown lands in that neighbourhood. Shortly arter the
Report was made, a person of the name of Edwards, a near
rela,ion of Mr. Nash, applied for a large plot of the ground
which had been cleared, admitting that he had consulted
Mr. Nash upon the subject. Ile finally obtained a grant
upon the valuation made by Mr. Nash, and, according to
his statement, employed him as his agent to sub-let the
ground. Edwards then went abroad for about a year, and on
his return, according to the evidence, an interesting scene
took place between him and Mr. Nash in the country, in
consequence of which he surrendered his interest to Mr.
Nash, who in a most friendly manner offered Edwards four
thousand five hundred pounds for his bargain (which bar-
gain Nash had himself made), and for that -sum he became
the purchaser. It ought not to be forgotten that during the
absence of Mr. Edwards, Mr. Nash had let the plot of
ground at improved rents, although he had not laid out a
single shilling in the improvement of the property. Having
thus become the purchaser for 4,500/., Mr. Nash received
no less than 11,600/. in improved ground rents. Thus Mr.
Nash himself became the lessee of the Crown, although that
fact was not known until three years afterwards, and in
the meantime the Office of Woods and Forests supposed
that he was acting on behalf of the Crown, in order to let
the land to the best advantage. In order to make out a
case, Mr. Nash hail brought forward a highly respectable
and eminent surveyor and architect, of the name of Shaw,
who had also valued the land, and had arrived at nearly the
same conclusion as Mr. Nash; but then he omitted a very
material circumstance, that this ground, . the rental of
which to Mr. Edwards was 9001., was to be held for the
three first years at a. pepperconereateineleinga as he him,
self acknowledged; a difference' of no less than 2;7001. Mr.
Shaw had said, as a reason for putting a lower value upon
the property, that it was a hazardous speculation ; be
(Colonel Davies) denied that it was so, and after the old
buildings were once removed, the applications for the
ground were numerous. The Noble Lord at the head ef
the Woods and Forests had proved himself a most efficient
public servant, -and as soon as Le became acquainted with
some of the leading facts of the case, he wrote upon the
subject to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, objecting to
the course that had been pursued, especially to the circum-
stance that Mr. Nash had become the purchaser from Ed-
wards, and stating in addition, that the frontage which
had been stated by Mr. Nash to be only 82 feet, was, in
fact, between 97 and 98 feet. These were points which
the Noble Lord had urged ; it was fit that Mr. Nash
should be called upon to explain. The discovery of the
difference of frontage was made by the Noble Lord him-
self, who, on coming one day from the University Club,
stepped the distance and found that it had been greatly un-
derstated ; front 1820 to 1829, however, this important
variance had escaped notice. It could not be alleged
by Mr. Nash that he was ignorant of the true
measurement, because the extent of frontage to each
house was stated in the margin of each lease he
had granted, as the purchaser of the interest from Ed-
wards. These were the principal outlines of the evi-
dence ; but he (Colonel Davies) begged to refer the House
to the evidence of Mr. Shaw, in which he strongly cen-
sured the situation in which Mr. Nash had placed him-
self ; and, in answer to a question, said, that as a broad
principle, no agent ought to be allowed to become a patty.
Mr. Nash, employed by the Crown, had first become the
agent of Edwards, then the purchaser of the grant to Ed.
wards, and kept the Crown in complete ignorance of the
whole of the transaction. He (Colonel Davies) had found
some difficulty in establishing these facts; but they ought
te be taken as facts the more readily as they were extorted
front reluctant witnesses, and were matters they could not
deny, and would willingly have concealed. Even Mr.
Milne, the Secretary to the department of Woods and Fo-
rests, had not given his testimony without considerable
repugnance. Having gone through the case as far as re-
garded Suffolk-street, he would sow proceed to the cir-
cumstances connected with the grant of Crown Lands in
the Regent's Park. If what he had already advanced
were worthy of attention, what he was now about to offer
was still more deserving notice. About this period of his
(Colonel Davies's) statement last Session, a Right Hon.
Gent. who was shortly to take his seat as Treasurer of the
Navy, moved that the Gallery should he cleared ; the con-
sequence was, that the Right Hun. Gentleman injured the
cause he meant to aid, inasmuch as the first charge he
(Colonel Davies) had made, went forth to the public with-
out an answer. The facts of the case connected with the
Regent's Canal were these r—ln 1816 the Committee of
that undertaking made application to the Office of Woods
and Forests, to obtain a lease of four acres of Crown
lands abutting the Regent's ('anal, in consideration of
various expences in making a collateral cut, basin, &c.
Mr. Nash was at that time a very active Member of the
Committee of the Regent's Canal, and being called upon
to do so, he made his report to the Commissioners of
Woods and Forests, who consequently took the matter
into consideration. The Commissioners, in the result,
thought and expressed their opinion, that it would be
more advantageous to have the Canal Company for te-
nants instead of an individual, and accordingly it was de-
termined that the request of the Conip-my should be con-
ceded. It was suggested, however, that no valid lease
could be made with the Company ; and in order to avoid
this legal difficulty, the Committee of the Regent's Canal
Company consented that the lease should be made out in
the name of Mr. Nash. The Commissioners of Woods
and Forests believed that the reason fur this change was
merely to overcome the legal difficulty, and that Mr.
Nash was only to stand forward as the trustee of the Cora-
p any. The understanding, however, between Nash and
the Company was, that he was to he its nominee; and
same of the 'Members o' the Company, when examined
before the Committee, stated that they thought Mr. Nash
had stepped forward to relieve the Company, andnot for
his own pecunia, y advantage. Nevertheless, six years
afterwards, the Committee of the Canal Company applied
for a grant of four more acres ef Crown Land, and
the application was signed by Edwards and Lyon,
as solicitors for the Company. Strange as it might
appear, the Company were iu.no
.respect privy to this
t
request—they knew nothing of it ;e
ft
*al
oifetriitsr,tohciaertneosp:oliortilaitenii
itiiiep:uytrepeineiei.anai
tl,eittbi‘ahblesepear.
Edwards and Lyon,. besides being solicitors to the Cum-
also
tors to Mr.
, cLtip;il:i
ul'f(o)lstrd i‘:rivielaaloracefueni
gay, when in fact it
rlesfield before the
rets
land in the name of
tient of Mr. Nash. This fact came out in the evidence of
ers of Wuodr anti
Nash, singular as it might appear, war required by the

circnnsstanees ; and instead of saying, as he aught to have
done, I cannot properly report upon a matter in which I
am personally interested, he' did execute hie task ; and
what was the result of his iuquity ? He recommende4t
that the subsisting leases, to which he *so a party, for 50
years, should be extended to 61 years. All this time the
Department of Woods and Forests supposed that the leases
hail been granted to the Regent's Canal Company ; and
five years afterwards, as was evident from the correspond-
ence, they were in profound ignorance of the real nature
of the transaction. The next step was an application fur-
ther to extend the term of the leases from 61 to 99 years,
on the ground that the tenants for the wharfs could not be
procured at a shorter term. Such was the allegation at
the time; but before the Committee the solicitor for Mr.
Nash was obliged to admit that 15 out of 17 wl arfs had
been let for terms not exceeding LI sears. Upon these
wharfs Mr. Nash had not been at the Expence of a
single shilling beyond the walling of the Canal Basin,
which was, in fact, paid for iu °thee nays. The case then
stood thus the first seventeen years of the term it was
stipulated that Mr. Nash should pay for the what fs on
rent of 541. les., and what was the amount he actually
received from his tenants for the same wharfs ?—No less
than 1.6981., leaving him, therefore, a char profit of
1,643/. 6s. Fur the next seven years he was to pay 6W.,
so that his profit would only be reduced to 1,635/. For
the next fourteen years his rent to the Crowe was to be
6341., and he would consequently gain 1,064/. 'hiring
that period. For the remainder of the term the rent to
the Crown was raised to 1,321/. Isy which his profit
would be reduced to 3771. per annum. This extraordinary
advantage had been obtained, as he (Colunel Davies) con-
tended, on false pretences, Mr. Nash having taken advan-
tage of the situation he fill.d and of the influence he en-
joyed. Under these circumstance he put it to the Law
Officers of the Crown whether loans so obtained were valid,
and though no lawyer, he would venture to assert that
they might be set aside. He had only one further cir-
cumstance to mention. It was the duty of M:. N tsl,, es
surveyor and architect of the Crown, to take care that all the
building mates ials used were most substantial. The Com-
mittee charged Mr. Nash not with fraud—they said there
was nothing in the evidence kid before them to raise a
doubt of his integrity e but Mr. Nish himself afforded the
fullest evidence that, he had been guilty of fraud ; be_sold
bricks at sixteen shillings a thousand as bricks of the best
quality, and those intended for Cursitor-street be used iu
Regent-street, though they were of an inferior quality, and
though it was stipulated that none but those of the higher
qualities should be used in the latter. There was no one
who thought proper to take the trouble of looking from the
back windows of the University Cluh-house, who might sot
see one of the must extraordinary pieces of patchwork that
ever had been dignified with the name of architecture.
Again, Mr. Nash was paid for reporting spun his own
work ; it was also in evidence that he first got four acres
of ground, and then eight; and disposed of that land at a
profit of 1,6431., and that was effected ender false pre-
teuces. The Hon. and Gallaut Member then proceeded
to read from the Report of the Committee its Resolution,
stating that there was no ground laid before the CORI.
teittee for impeaching the integrity of Mr. .Nash.—(Haar,
hear.)—Now, should the Chancellor of the Exchequer job
in the public funds as Mr. Nash la jobbed in the public
land, what would the House think of it ? Yet the whole
conduct of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was that of a
partisan—yes ; through every stage of the proceedings
directed against Mr. Nash, the Right Hon. Gentleman
threw around him the shield of Ministerial influence. He
defied the Right Hon. Gentletnau er any of his hien& to
show that a single question had been put by the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer which had not, or did riot at least
appear to have, for its object to screen Mr. Nash. Cer-
tain charges, as the House knees, hail been brought be-
fore the House last year, but they did not amount to one-
tenth of time evidence that he now adduced. If the House
could be induced to grant a new Committee, lie (Colonel
Davies) hail pledged himself to the House that he could
throw much new light upes the wetter which bad been
referred to the former Committee ; and he had no ?auk
that the result of that further information would be that
the House could then have little difficulty in cuming to a
resolution to agree to an address fur the remov 1 of Mr,
Nash, from his present situation. Would it be believed,
that in a time like the present, when the cry of distress
was universal through the land, that anything like the
show of defence could be set up for conduct like that of
Mr. Nash ? Could the cry of economy now proceeding
from every quarter be stopped by a Ministerial majority ?
Was the present a time when such. jobs as those which Lo
then endeavoured to denounce, would be tolerated by a
_ -

swiferingpeaple?- cone:hided by sauteing, that. a Select
Committee he appointed tbinquireidtatheeonduet-of Mr.
Nash with respect to the Crown Laads in the eutmty of
Middlesex.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
last year the Honourable and Gallant Officer hod made
some hardy assertions which were certainly not borne out
by the evidence laid before the Committee, and by thiere-
sults attendant upon those assertions they could judge how
iar his assertions of this year were to Le regarded. Every
nint at variancewho
attended h
tthpasteassertionsCommittee v
teinsistre
with th
have seene
how
ufacts.
The Hon. and Gallant Member had thought proper to
charge him (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) with de-
fending Mr. Nash at the extreme of integrity, honour, and
every principle which should gevern the conduct of a pub..
lie man.—(No, no, no.)—Yes, he told the Rouse that he
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had throughout acted
like a partiztn—ptocceded us he was determined, Tight
or wring, to carry Mr. Nash throsigh, and that in the most
improper and corrupt manner ; that was langneee which
the Hon. Member was not entitled to apply to him love
where else except in that House ; hat thoac who heard it
would judge such language by the former unproved asser-
tions of the Hoe. Member; and by those unproved state-
ments of his they would judge how far it was likely that,
if granted a new Committee, he would succeed in laying
before them charges ten times us great and important as
those preferred last year. As to the charges made against
himself, of partisanship and improper support of Mr. Nash,
lie was sure the House would do him the justice to believe
that his sole objsct was to do his duty to the peddle en
the one hand, and to the individual accused on the other.
Influenced by a motive such as that, he had earefully
attended to the evidence ou both sides ; and having ar-
rived ut a different conclusion from the Honourable Mem-
her, he certainly felt hound to propose to the Committee
a resolution expressive of the view which he took of the
subject generally, and of the conduct of Mr. Nash ; and
he should most certainly defend that reseilution, without,
being deterred by any threat or by ally imputation that
might he attempted to be thrown upon his honour or On.
racter. Such imputations, be confesaed, wane upon hint as
a m fitter of complete surprise was perfectly un-
aware that'the lion. Member meant to make his conduct
a subject of accusation. If he thought that accusation
could have any weight with the House, Le could satisfy
them, as lie had satisfied the Committee, that the views
he took of the conduct of Mr. Nash were perfectly cur-
rect. The House had sntertained charges aj,aiust Mr.
Nash ; had appointed a Committee to inquire into those
charges ; would they then, at the instance of a minority of
that Committee, re-try the same individual on the seine
eliargee ? The Hon. Member had charged him (40
Chancellor of the Exchequer) with being a part4e.
Mr. Nash, and with endeavouring to secure his esquittal
sa.ntinst justice, and against the sense of the Committee.
How could he, proposing a monition in that Committee 4
carry it against the sense of the members of that Commits.-
tee ? He selected that Cuumentec—(No, ne.)—sHow
could lie suppose that a person opposed to him *maid him)
any success? In saying that the Hon. Member selectee!
that Committee, he merely meaut that he hat! choaen them
as the persons most likely to judge fairly, and most capable
of coming to a sound dickies ; that they were amongst
the fittest that could be chosen, and the least 1 kely to Le
under the influence of Government, could even, by roc
ference to their names, many of them even iseclnd4h.
the names of the Honourable Member's own frieuds;
It had been said that he came down. to the Commit,
tee with a resolution ready drawn op, exculpatory
of 311.. Nash, and that he came down determined to
force it upon the Committee ; yet the filets were
opposed to that, for the resolution was not ;treed to
till after considerable discussiou. Again, no. Committee,
could be found less affected in his la% our by political twee
judicess—if they could be supposed to have any weight In
an inquiry wherein the question was one htfecting the
honour and character of an individual. Here was a geu,
tletnan tried and acquitted before a Committee and if ti
new Committee were to be appointed to du the work of
• the former Committee over again, in that 'way Mr. Nash
might be hunted session alter sees ion, until the most un-
just decision were at length arrive'. at. Tie snore espe-
cially was the House bound to resist the present motion,
considering the state of health of the individual in question
when that state was such as made it extremely doubtful
whether or not it would he in his power to attend the
sittings of the Committee. Finely, he had only to add,
that if any honourable Member besides the Mover thought
him capable of ell that had been charged against him, he
hoped thet such a sentiment might be openly steed, for
then, though not till then, he should feel it necessary na
cuter at length into the evidence and proceediega c.l'ehe
Committee, for the eurpose of removing any such iroyees-
sion. Thus much only should he saty, that he never had
the slightest knowledge of Mr. Nark tilt he entered upon,
his present situation. Wit 4 41,w phierrations Ise

should content himself, unless further accusation should
lead him to go through the ninety-seven documents laid
before the Committee.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ARBUTHNOT said, that the Member for Prest,ai

moved the resolution of acquittal ; and with that and tl:e
other proceedings of the Committee he could not help
fee ing the utmost astonishment at the statement of tin.,
Her.. and Gallant Officer. He really expected front him
something more of generosity, candour, and good ictlin;r,
than he had manifested on such an occasion as the pie-
sent.

Mr. WARBURTON said, he was not present at the
last sitting of the Committee, and probably he should not
have arrived at the same decision as that of the majority
of the Committee. He contended, that no lease should be
given to a Surveyor of Lands which it should become
his duty to set a value on ; and he put it to the Noble
Lord, whether he had not refused lately to sign leases upon
that very ground, until the Attorney and Solicitor. Gene-
rals had given their opinions upon the subject ; for there
had been a recert attempt to set aside a lease, owing to the
circumstance of its having been made to the surveyor.
He called the attention of the House to the Resolution
agreed to by the Committee, in which they stated, " that,
although there was no evidence that any loss had accrued
from the conduct of Mr. Nash, yet it was the opinion of
the Committee that the Commissioners of Woods and
Forest, ought not to grant leases to surveyors or architects
lowing any immediate interest, or being liable to be called
on to give their opinions—until their duty, as surveyors
or architects, had ceased." Thus, by implication, they
dial convey that Mr. Nash had an immediate interest in
the lauds which had been made the subject of observation.
Besides, it was most important to observe, that the
charges made last year would have been much more full
and numerous had they not been brought forward at so
late a period of the last Session. Now there was time
enough to go through them all, and his lion. and Gall,tet
Friend h►d piedzed himself to bring forward further
charges if the House would only grant hint a fresh Com-
mittee.

Mr. WARD said he was a Member of the Regent's
Canal Committee, and there the conduct of Mr. Nash had
been made the subject of discussion. The facts there
brought to light were certainly such as enabled him to
bear favourable testimony to the conduct of Mr. Nash.
Mr. MABERLY supported the motion, and adverted to
some transaction between Mr. Nash and Mr. Edwards, in
which he treated the latter on the footing of a partner, or
did acts which amounted to that. He doubted whether
Mr. Nash, or the Commissioners of Woods and Forests,
had even made a title that would stand investigation in an
Equity Court. —(Local cries of "Question, question.")--
In his opinion, however, the attack that had been made
upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not warranted.
—(Hear, hear.)—Whether the Committee was granted or
not, he thought that his Gallant Friend bad made out a
case which the Government ought not only to take into its
eonsi,leration, but also to take care that it never occurred ,
again. From the resolutions that had been passed by the
Committee, he thought that it was a fair inference that
they ►sere dissatisfied with the transaction ; and though the
Committee bad not actually pronounced that fraud existed
oil the pa: t of Mr. Nash, it was pretty evident that that
gentleman had not properly discharged his duty, and that
any one acting as he had done would be held culpable in
the public estimation.

Mr. CALCRAFT—He would appeal to the House
whether the Committee could have come to the Resolu-
thins they did on the case as stated by the Gallant Member.
The fact was, that the Gallant Member, in giving what
he called a fair narrative of the case, quoted the answers
given to his own questions only, and not one tittle of any
other part of the evidence.—(Hear, hear.)—The Gallant
Member had complained that he had been called upon to
prove his expressions : there was very good reason fur tins
—his expressions were charged against Mr. Nash, and be
was, therefore, required to prove them.—(Hear, hear.)—
The Gallant Member had also complained that the Com-
mittee and the witnesses were against him ; hot he had
forgotten to mention that there was one person still more
against him—and that was no other than the Gallant
31eroher himself—(A laugh)—for never had he (Mr.
Calcrsit) seen anything manaeed with so much ill temper,
—(A laugh)—or with such en appearance of personal
animosity, and total neglect of everything like public duty.
—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.)—lt Lad been proved in evi-
dence that there was no connivance whatever between Mr.
Nash and Mr. Edwards ; on the contrary, when the ground
in Pall mall East was leased to Mr. Edwards, that gentle-
man was abroad, and when he returned, he found that the
ground was much more than he wanted, and he was there-
Awe very anxious to getrid of it. The Committee had de-
rides! that Mr. Nash ought not to have appeared in a daulde
character ; but this he could tell the House—that if Mr.
Nash had nut been speculator as well as surveyor, Regent-
street would never haveheen finished. Mr. Nash, at great
risk and hazard, had aarried that noble project into com-
plete execution. Ho (Mr, Cideraft) would undertake to
say, that with all his speculations Mr. Nash had been no
gainer, but had involved himself in great responsibility and
risk. As to the attack on the Chancellor of the Eache
quer, he need not say one word, for there was no other man
but the Gallant Colonel in that House that would have
brought such au gccusation.—(Hear.)—ln this respect the
Gallant Colonel had been more unlucky than ever; for in
Slut attack on Mr. Nash he had only bad the Committee
awl witnesses against hint ; but in this very foul aspersion
IV the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he had the whole House
against him,—(Hear.)
Mr. RUMBOLD said a few words which were inau-
elible in the Gallery,
,Sir M. W. RIDLEY—He should vote against the 'no.
tion, fir it appeared to hint to be nothing more than an
attempt to get a Committee to find fault with a former
Cotnmittee,—.(Hear.)—But though lie opposed the Corn.
mittee, he was authorized by Mr. Nash (who was now
suffering under illuesz, severely aggravated by the repeated
attacks upon him) to state that he bad no desire to avoid
any inquiry ; and that lie was ready to adopt any course
which the House might impose, he felt that nothing
could be adduced against him to Latish either his honour or
his characte7,—(Hear.)—One fact he would state about
Mr. Nash, heeanse it would serve to show the spirit by
which be was actuated. Whets the new street watt tiret
is Agitation, Foley-house And gardens were offered for sale,
and ,Mr. Nash gave 400 W. more than any other bidder,
and afterwards cut it up into shreds and _plebes for-the
purpose of suiting the objects of the new street line, by
which he greoly depreciated the value of his property.
Mr. PBOTIIEROE said a few words, but was con-
tinually interrupted by cries of " Questioo !" so as to be
inaudible. _

Mr AIONCK Wall also much interrupted by cries of
" Question!" The Resolutions of the Committee did not
go to the entire acquittal of Mr. Nash, In his opinion,
that gentleman's conduct had been not only 4aproper, but
illegal.

Colonel DAVIES, in reply—He congratulated the
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Calcraft) on having found his voice,
for it was long since the Howe had heard its melodious
sounds.--(Laughter.)—No doubt there were very proper
reasons for hie silence—what they were Ira did not knew,
perhaps it was owing to his getting among those whom he
bad been lampooni4K and abusing all his political 1ife...,.-
(Latighter.)—The Right Hon. Gentleman (the Chancel-
ior of the Exchequer) had certainly refused to consent to
two very reasonable Resolutions in the Committee—one
being only the statement of a matter of feet, and the other
to the effect that there were sufficient grounds to justify
the inquiry. He had no wish to re-try Mr. Nash ; but lie
wanted an examination into fresh matter, which, owing to
tbe lateness of the inquiry last year, he had not been able
to bring forward. At all events, he trusted that Go-
vernment would cause the houses in the Regent's-park,
and Regent•atreet, and still more BuFkingham Palace, to
he surveyed ; for he thought that a great deal of foul play
would in consequence come to light. With respect to the
division of the Committee, Lord Mlton, Sir J. Yorke, 7-Ir.
W. IVliitreore, and Mr. Warburton, were unable to be
present at the division; and he (Colonel Davies) could
answer for it, that all those Hon. lien:hers would have
voted on his side. _(Loud laughter.)—As the Minister
bad said that he would not allow the Committee, he
(World Davies) knew that the matter was settled, and
that it would be of no use to press a division, At all
events, he had the satisfaction of knowing that he had ells-
charged his duty to the House and the country.
The motion use then negatived without a division?
THE LATE PROSEWTION'S FOR LIBEL.
Sir C. WETHERELL—In rising to bring under the
contiri,-ration of the House the important motion which
he had ft.lt it to be his duty to submit to it, be wa:4 aware
that the circumstances under which lie had to solicit their
attention were rapt very auspicious as to the honour or
feeling of the Homo. But since he had the honour of
baring a seat there, he had too often witnessed the
patience, duty, and diligence of the House in attending
to all matters of public and general importance., to in-
duce !rho, for one moment, to suppe;se that any not-aus-
picious circumstances would preclude hue from such a
patient hearing as be would have been entitled te-, under
a more favourable aspect. Therefore, instead of request- ,
ing the House to consent to the postponement of the
emotion, he felt it to be his duty, at whatever personal
hazard or inconvenience, now to bring it forward, The
flonse had just bestowed an hour or two on the trial of
31r. Nash ; and he trusted that he should he excused for
thinking the trial of Mr. Alexander of still greater iin-
portance.—(A lauit, dad bear, liear.)-4aviag prc-

wised thus much, he imagined that it would not be bold
to trespass, or presumption on his part, if he stated two
or three words as to the motives which had induced
him to bring forward a motion on the recent attack on
the liberty of the pres,. He had not forgotten the situ•
ation in which be had formerly been placed with regard
to the present Lord Chancellor. and the First Lord of the
Treasury, and the Secretary of State, in that House; and
under those circumstances, when he was desired to un-
dertake the defence of Mr. Alexander, on the prosecu-
tion of the three informations which had been laid
against Lim, lie (Sir Charles Wetherell) had felt him
self bound to decline the undertaking. He was ad-
vised, though, if required to say by whom, he (lid not
think it was necessary to say; indeed, he thought he was
bound not to say ; be was advised that it was his
duty not to undertake the advocacy of this case, and to the
judgment of these honourable persons be had deferred. He
did well, he was convinced, to retire from the advocacy of
Mr. Alexander. After retiring from that advocacy, he
was at liberty, if lie so pleased, and it was one of his pri-
vileges, as a Member of the House of Commons, if he
thought the privileges of the House insulted, or the Con-
stitution of the country invaded—that it was his right un-
restrained, and it belonged to him as a Member of that

House, to bring that subject before it for inquiry, which,
as an Advocate, lie bad refused to undertake. In that
House, if he made any mis-statements, they might be cor-

rected ; if his ar;lm:ents were wrong, they might be re-
futed ; if ml:le any claims which were ungrounded--
any observations which were untenable in principle, and
not in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution —he
was there liable to have his misrepresentations exposed, his
absurdities ridiculed, and his arguments refuted. In that
plsc,—by bringing the subject forward there, he exposed
hin.v:c:f to an ordeal which he would not have been ex-
posed to in a Court of Law. If he said any thing un-
manly, unjustifiable, or unparliamentary, he would there
be open to censure, .to which in another place he would
not be subject. Under these circumstances, having de-
clined the advocacy of the individual mentioned, he felt
himself at liberty to resume the subject, and to call the

attention of the House to what he considered a matter the
most important to the privileges of that House and to the
constitutional law of the land, and involving the most im-
portant discussion that had been engaged in since the Revo-
lution. The papers he tnehnt to move for were the proceed-
ings in the three informations for libel, which had recently
been tried in the Court of Ring's Bench, against the Editor
of the Morning Journal. He meant to call, first of all, for
a literal copy of the informations which bad Leen filed ;
next be should move for the judgments which had been
entered upon the information ; and then for the minute,
in one case, in which the Jury recommended the in-
disidual to mercy. This would be the object of his
motion. He would call the attention of the House to these
documents, as be had not stated, in giving the notice
of his motion, what practical measure he should found on
them; indeed, what ulterior measures he should found on

them would depend on the view taken by the House, and
whether it acquiesced or not in the views which. with the
candour and indulgence of the House, he meant to lay
before them. By his present motion he wished to lay on
the table of the House, and before the pubic, documents
which would enable the House and the public to
come to a correct opinion as to the legality or illegality,
the fairness or unfairness, the candour or oppressive-
ness of the proceedings to which they related.—
He would first state a few words by way of pre-
face, and then he wou'd proceed directly to the
subject.—(Hear, hear, and a loud laugh.) He did not sub-
mit the motion to the House from his own individual
opinion only that these measures were unconstitutional;
for if he were correctly informed, throughout the kingdom
these proceedings had excited general dissatisfaction.—
(Hear, hear.)—He believed that they had excited such
dissati,fiiction, because they were felt to be not so much
an attack on the Editor of the Morning Journal, as on

the party who advocated the great cause which he repre-
sented. If he were correctly informed, these sentiments
were general, not only among that party which had been
vanquished in their opposition to Catholic Emancipation,
but, he believed, these sentiments were common to all
parties and to all persons in the House and out of the
House ; and that there was a general opinion that these
proceedings were partial, unfair, and oppressive.—(Hear,
hear.)—He would nut use any expressions limiting his
own individual opinion, which was that these proceedings
were partial and oppressive. He thought so, and he
would state why. He would shortly call the attention of
the House to the proceedings to which the papers he
moved for related. Gentlemen must be aware that the
trials of Mr. Alexander, the Editor of the Morning
Journal, had taken place on three informations; the first
was for a libel against Lord Lyndhurst, the Lord HiA
Chancellor ; the second was for a libel against the Duke
of Wellington and his Majesty; and the third was for a
libel of an indescribable nature—a libel against he knew not
whom—(A laugh)—a libel he could not otherwise describe
than calling it an omnibus libel—(Laughter)—he called

it an omnibus libel—a hotch potcl; of libels—(Renewed
laughter)—it was against whom ? Why, against the Go-
vernment—against all the Ministers -against his Right Hon.
Friend the Secretary of State; and ►orry he was to see
him mixed up in such a manner ; his dignity deserved
something better; but it was a libel against his Right
Hun. Friend, the rest of the Ministers, the House uf Com-

mons, and quibusdamaliis—a proceeding, be would ven-
ture to as,ert, for which no precedent could be found in
all the forms of libel that ever were exhibited. Here

three ex-officio informations were filed by hie Majesty's
Attorney-General in the execution of his office, and as a
part of his plan of proceeding*. If, in the course he should
adopt—:should he go wrong, quern Deus vult, he wished
only to speak of die, and not of persona, be wished to ab-
strict the office from the individual, and to speak only of
the office in the observations he meant to address to the
House. He would be glad to deal with it as a case in
which only A, B, and C were concerned; but if he should
say anythini, reflecting on individuals—ifbeshould diverge

from the line he had marked out, he wished the House to
consider itindictuns puce, as not said.—(A laugh. )—lle
would take credit for that declaration, particularly because
he knew that there any attacks he might make on per-
sons were liable to he refuted. He would preface the re-
marks he meant to make on these papers by saying that he
thought the Lord High Chancellor (Lord Lyndhurst) did
quite right in instituting a prosecution against Mr. Alex-
ander, for having charged him with receiving a bribe
to raise an able and Learned Gentleman to the
high office of Solicitor-General. He was bound
to say of that Learned Gentleman, whom he had long
known, and whose talents, as a lawyer, he admired,
that his promotion was entirely the consequence
of his own merits, and the reward of his own exertions.—
He should not do justice to the Learned Lord (Lord Lynd-
hurst) if he alluded to him in any other manner than in
terms of approbation—if he did not concede to him what-
ever he would claim—it lie did not give him all the pro-
tection he could supply—and • if he did not speak of him
in terms such as► his warmest friends could call for. Ills
Lordship, in his proceeding's, bad been counselled by his
own feelings to bring forward for public investigation the
charge that he had illegally and immorally, for a corrupt
consideration, or fur a matter that was a convenience to
himself, given the appointment of Solicitor-General to a
Learned Gentleman. The Learned Lord was quite cor-
rect in instituting a prosecution. He moved for his infor-
mation through his Advocate in the Court of King's
Bench. If he differed from his Learned Friend, the At-
torney-General—and he regretted that he should differ
fiom him—he meant to speak of him without departing
from that personal respect, which he was bound to pay
him; anti he regretted that he was obliged to censure the
individual who held the office of his Majesty's Attorney-
General. He meant rather to speak of the office than of
the individual who filled it. If he knew how, he would
separate the individual from the office—for lie meant to
give no offence. When the information had been filed it
we* necessary to deny the truth of the allegaiien. The
Learned Lord had accordingly made an affidavit denying the
imputation ; the Learned Gent, also made an affidavit, and
then Mr. Alexander also made an 4ffidavit, denying that
the libel was meant to apply to Lord Lyndhurst, He
would not enter into the merits of the denial; the view
which he took was quite collateral to the merits or the
truth of Mr. Alexander's affidavit; but lie having denied
that the Lord High Chancellor, Lord Lyndhurst, was
meant, what happened next ? Lord Lyndhurst bad ap-
plied to the Court of King's Bench, acting by the Attorney
of the King, who was employed as his private advocate;
after the affidavits were made, after• they bad put the de-
fendant to the vexation, trouble, and expellee necessary to
answer the information moved for by the Noble and
Learned Lord ; rfter the prosecutor had taken that course
and the defendant bath been put to this expence, the Lion.
Gent., virtute o,Oicij, 4;led ap information against the de-
fendant.—(Hear, hear.),--In all the history of the Courts of
Westminster such an extraordinary and oppressive proceed-
ing had never befoie been heard of. This statement he par,
ticularly and solemnly made to abandon a course of pro.
ceeding after it was begun, to move for a criminal informa-
tion ; and then to institute, virtute officii, another course
of proceeding, was a case unprecedented in the annals
of legislation. §.upli a line of conduct was oppressive,
intolerable, and ruinous to the individual; and, in say-
ing this, he knew he was epeakipg the sentiments of
every lawyer in Westminster Hall. There was not a
single man acquainted with the Courts at Westminster
who would ch4rackrisc thm frocadingi iu any othar

manner than as wholly uprecedented in the Lis-
I tory of the law. If they were unprecedented, they were,
as a consequence of being unprecedented, vexatious,
causing additional and unnecessary expence and trouble,
and highly oppressive. If he made complaints that were
unfounded or futile, he was speaking in the presence of
those who could correct him, and he would repeat that the
mode of first moving for a criminal information, and then
filing an (x.officio information, watt oppressive and vexa-
tious, The defendant was put to double expence. That
was enough ; but, in fact, he was brought to trial a second
time. The Right Hon. Secretary had lately brought in
come Bills to relbrm the law ; and to those Bills, for which
he felt much indebted, he should be ready to give his sup-
port, as he should to every measure of reasonable refoim ;
and one of the Bills was to exonerate persons from paying
acquittal fees ; but the Attorney-General first put the de-
fendant to the exrence of answering a private suit, and
then subjected him to a public prosecution. Perhaps the
Right Honourable the Secretary of State would introduce
a clause into his Bill, to indemnify Mr. Alexander for the
costa of his private suit or of his public trial. The
Learned Judges who presided in the Court of King's Bench
—and it wasno new eulogy of Lord Tenterden, Mr. Justice
Bayley, and the two pnisne Judges of that Court, to say
that they were irreproachable in conduct ; indeed, he should
scarcely consider them as irreproachable if any euloey from
him were necessary—these Learned Judges were placed in
a peculiar situation, and what was that ? The Attorney-
General moved for his es-officio information after he had
obtained the affidavit from Mr. Alexander that he did
not mean the Lord Chancellor (Lord Lyndhurst.) Mr.
Alexander employed a gentleman of well known talents
and rare accomplishments, Mr. Denman ; and he called on
the Court of King's Bench to direct the Attorney-General to
make his election, and not to allow hint to go on with the
information, without first dismissing the rule which had
been granted by the Court. But the Attorney-General
said no, he did not like to make any election ; and tine At-
torney-General could not be compelled to make an election.
He remembered that when he was Attorney-General, he
had been called nn to make an affidavit; but he said no, his
word was as good as an affidavit, the Court was bound to
hear him, and the Judge decided that he was right. If lie
thought the decision of the Judge wrong, he would freely
say so, but he thought the decision right. Eo in the case
under consideration, the Learned Judge did not compel the
Attorney-General to make an election. He said he could
not cuntroul the Attorney-General; but he would say that
the Attorney-General should not be allowed to resnme the
rule for a criminal information granted by the Court, with-
nut its leave. The individual was tried on the ex officio in-
formation—he was found guilty, and sentenced by the
Court of King's Bench to pay a large fine, and to be im-
prisoned four months. Of the sentence he said nothing, but
the proceeding was an extravaeant departure from the law

of the land. He could not believe that in the Cabinet, which
gave directions to the Attorney-General to file the ex-officio
information—he could not believe that at the Meeting of
the Cabinet which gave this order, the Lord High Chan-
cellor, the head of that law, way present, or he never would

Dave sanctioned such an unconstitutional proceeding.—
(Hear.)—What he complained of was the departure from
all precedents in this case. Suppose, in such a case, the
individual had not been convicted on the es-officio infor-
mation, was he to be tried a second time on the informa-
tion granted by the Court? No man would say so—no
man could think he ought to be. The Court, however,
might happen to be composed differently. The integrity
of Lord Tenterden was an assurance, a guarantee that
such an occurrence should not take place. He would say
to the Attorney-General—No, Mr. Attorney, you have
brought the defendant to trial—you have nut obtained a
verdict—one trial is enough, and we cannot try the same
person twice for the same offence. But the times might
change; the time might come when there should be no
Lord Tenterden on tie Bench—the time might come when
it might be supposed desirable to try a man a second time,
and when an understanding might exist between the Judge
and the Minister ; and such a thing was not quite a specu-
lation, it was not a mere abstract possibility—if he might
judge from a celebrated letter lively published, and which
a ship might probably Root) bring from India.—(Hear,
hear.)—lt might happen that there should be an under-
standing between the Judge and the Government, as it
was said, though he did not know it was the ca-e that
such an understanding existed on the banks of the Ganges
—(A laugh)—and with such an understanding in exist-
ence, an Attorney-General might say that on the informa-
tion you grant me you can try a case, if I fail by my own
information, over again ; and he did not know, with such
an understanding, that the country could have any protec-
tion against such proceedings. At present the character
of the Judge was a guarantee that they could not take
place. He was not certain that a plan might not be adopted
here to promote an understanding between the Govern-
ment and the Judges, similar to that which was said to
prevail on the banks of the Ganges, and concerning which
letters might then be on board a ship in the Thames.
This was an important constitutional topic for the House
to take into its consideration ; and to this be would
take the liberty of calling its attention. He had heard
it stated the first night of the Session, by a Noble
Lord, that the offices of the State were bestowed and re-
gulated, and the Government conducted, on a new prin-
ciple, and that the present Administration was composed
of Tories, who governed on Whig principles. A Tory, he
admitted, would not have instituted these proceedings, nor
did he think they would ever be sanctioned by Whigs or
Tories, but only by the present Attorney-General. The
Government, however, was formed on a new principle of
being neither Whig nor Tory, but a mixture of both, which
was what writers on this subject called, he believed, a
tertiuni quid, or, in other language, the Government bad
no principles at all. He might call such an Administra-
tion—though if he were to do so twenty yards front where
he was then speaking, an ex-officio information might be
filed against him, and though he should, his application of
the words sanctioned by all the dictionary makers and
writers in the English language—he might call such an
Administration an unprincipled Administration, not mean- •
ing that it was composed of men morally bad, or of inn-
proper persons, but that it had no principles whatever.— •
(A laugh.)—lf he were asked what practical remedy he
should propose for what lie had described, he should state

that toe powers of the Attorney-General were incautiously
left undefined at the Revolution. He was not a Reformer—
he never had concerned himself about Reform, and did not
mean to propose any impracticable scheme for an imprac-
ticable purpose; but he would say, that since the Revolts-
tion—even since the rudiments and foundation of the Eng-
lish Law, a case like the-present had never been heard of;
and that it was necessary that the Legislature should take
some measure to prevent a similar occurrence, Tories and
Whigs were, he bdieved, both agreed. He did not mean
to restrict the Attorney-General's power to file ex-officio in-
formations ;he thought he ought to have the power. The
state of the Government might be attacked in such a man-
ner as to make it necess iry for the Attorney-General to
interfere ; and if he bad not the power of filing such in-
formation•, it might be attacked with impunity. But iu
his opinion it would be wise and wholesome that the Legis-
lature should provide, that when the Attorney-General,
having once moved for a criminal information, wished to
take the case into his own bands, out of the superior
Court of the King's Bench, he should not have the power
to file an ex•-officio information unless the Court first
gave permission. He contended, however, that there
never had been, either before or since the Revolution, a
course pursued so tyrannical, so arbitrary, or so oppressive,
as that adopted by the present Attorney-General. He
repeated this, and he would proceed to prove it—(Hear,
hear)—and prove it, too, out of Whig times as well as
Tory times—as the present Administration, being com-
posed of Whig as well as Tory, might desire to have a

little of both:--(Hear, and laughter ) The Attorney-
General, in the first place, moved for a criminal inforrna-

tion aga'nst the Editor of the Morning Journal. Very
well; but then, without any reason assigned, except per-
haps that the Lord Chancellor had changed his mind, the
same Attorney-General filed an ex-officio information,
and withdrew the other.—(Hear, hear.) He knew no
reason why the Lord Chancellor had not as good a right
to change his mind as any other man. Lord Chancel-
_

!ors had an official right to change their minds—(A
laugh)—but then, he contended, they Ivero not on so-
lemn occasions like this to veer about in their opinions on
the ad% ice of the Attorney-General or any other person, to
the manifest prejudice of the accused.—(Hear.) Now, he
said, he could prove that such a course had never been
adopted before by either Whig or Tory. Let the House
observe what had been done by a Whig in a case clearly
rese►nbling the present, in the year 1773. In that year
Lord Sandwich was the First Lord of the Admiralty,
Lord Ilalifax was Secretary of State, and Lord North
Prime Minister. Lord Sandwich was charged by some
person in one of the public journals with having sold for
a sum of money one of the Commissionorships of the Navy
—a case, be it remarked, extremely like the subject of
this prosecution. Well, what did Lord Sandwich do ?
Why, acting under the alvice of an Attorney-General,
who, be it remarked, was not a Whig like the present,
but an old Tory—(A laugh)—and one, too, who liked a
bottle of Burgundy in the afternoon, although he did not
seem to act under its influence—(Cheers and laughter)—
Lord Sandwich was advised with great coolness and dis-
cretion to bring an action. He did bring it, awl reco-
vered 2,0001. damage (Hear, hear.)—This was what
Lord Sandwich did. He had taken an Opportunity to lead
th 9 4CliVCre4 byLord Thurloy on that occasion.

It is to be found in the " Annual Register," and'a mos.
able and eloquent speech it was; and any one who took
the trouble to look at it would find that Lord Thurlow
put the gravamen of the libel expressly en its being against
the personal character and probity of Lord Sandwich, anti
not against his reputation as a Minister. The idea of
making the invasion of the dignity of the Lord Chancellor
an additional ground of prosecution, and a reason for adopt-
ing a peculiar, am! extraordinary, and out of the way
course, never entered into the head of Lord Thurlow, and
never was once alluded to by him in the course of the pro-
secution. Well, to pass to another case, Lord Loughbo-
rough was charged by some one with having entered too
frequently a certain house, such as those which are to be
found on the west side of St. James's-street—( A laugh)
—in other words, with having lost a large sum of
money at play. Well, what did Lord Loughborough do ?
Why, be brought an action. Then there was another
case, still more recent, and which occurred when Lord El-
don was in the Ministry. Certain imputations were
thrown out against the character and conduct of Lord
Rawdon, afterwards the Marquis of Hastings. An in-
formation was moved for ; hut it was a common one.
Lord Eldon made an affidavit ; Lord Itawdon made an af-
fidavit ; and Lord Grenville made an affidavit ; and the
result was that the person who made the charges being
convinced they were untrue, and having expressly declared
he ha►l found they were so, the idol 'nation was with.
drawn.—(Hear, hear.)—Not one word, however, it will
be perceived, was said all through of the dignity of the
parties : the whole was put on mere personal grounds, and
the dignity formed no ground at all for any portion of the

proceedings; nor was it attempted by any Attorney-Gene-
ral for the prosecution, to contend that it would form such
a ground. If the names of the parties were changed, the
cases were one and the same as these they were now con-
sidering. He trusted, whatever he might say of others,
that he had done justice to the Noble Lord's (Lord Lynd-
hurst) motives with respect to these prosecutions. He
hoped that whatever animadversions he might feel it ne-
cessary to make on the conduct of those who bad mixed
themselves up with these prosecutions, that he had done as
much justice to the Noble Lord's feelings and sentiments as
any man, and that he had not used one expression which
one political opponent might not fairly and conscientiously
use to another.—(Hear. )—He meant to do so. He hoped
he bad done 60.—(Hear, hear. )—Although, he repeated,
he could scarcely restrain expressiag in stronger language
his :sense of the toast oppressive, most unwise, and most
unprecedented prosecutions of which his Lordship had
been made the instrument.—(Hear, hear.)—The nextcase
to which he had occasion to allude was brought before the
Court on an information filed on precisely the same terms,
for a libel upon his Majesty and his Ministers, and which
was tried, he believed, during last Jauary. He trusted the
House would permit him to call their attention to each of
these individual cases, because he thought they were of
very great importance. He now passed to the second in-
formation, which was far a libel on his Majesty, his
Government, and the Duke of Wellington. Before lie
spoke of the Duke of Wellington, who made such a cor,
spicuous figure on this occasion, he begged it to be under-
stood that he most fully coincided in all that had been said
the other evening by the Honourable Member for Cumber-
land (Sir J. Graham), in language more eloquent and
more glowing than any he could pretend to, with respect to
the exalted merits and transcendent powers of that illustri-
ons Duke. It was not, however, as a Minister, or as a
General, that they were to look at that illustrious Duke,
in connection with these libels, but as a mere individual.—
(Hear, hear.) This was the ground he took on this oc-
casion. This was the course the Horse saw had been
pursued in all prosecutions of the kind before. If the dis-
tinction was not to be preserved between the great military
commander and the individual, he was prepared to con-
that there must he an end of all discussion.—(Hear, hear.)
If the Hero of Waterloo, or the Victor of Blenheim
when he returned to the country he had saved
by his glorious achievements, lord allowed the
soldier to blend with the citizen, was still to
plead his military renown; if, when he became once more
a member of the free commonwealth of ours, he was trot
to permit the soldier to merge into the civilian, but
to plead his claims on the gratitude of the people, as a
privilege to exempt him from the consequences of citizen-
ship, then he was prepared to say there was an end to all
free discussion in this country.—(Cheers.)—He lisped no
friend of that Noble Duke, whether personal or political,
would suppose that, in anything he s now, he intended
to utter aught which one gentleman should not say to
another, or which was inconsistent with the greatest ad-
miration -iLthe Noble Duke in his military capacity.
Having sat us much, he would take leave to observe,
. _

that this information which he wax now considering bore
a very extraordinary appearance. An information for a
libel on the King, his Ministers, and the Duke of Wel-
lington, was one of such a mixed character as they were
not often in the habit of witnessing—it was a sort of
Ego et Rex meus—(A laugh)—which, although they had
heard of it before, was, at least, something new in these
days.—(Hear, hear.)—lf there was to be an information
in future filed for libel against the Sovereign and his
Ministers, he thought it alight be as well to separate them,
bee tuse a mingling of this kind would eventually lead to
a good deal of confUsion—(Cheers)—for however well
it might sound in theory that the King and his Ministers
were one and the same, every body knew that, practi-
cally, it was not the ease. He repeated, I.e had never seen
a proceeding, emanating from au Attorney-General, more
unintelligible—(Cheers)—or one in which the name of
the Sovereign was mingled in a manner less reverential
and respectful with those of his subjects.—(Cheers.)—The
name of the Duke of Wellington and the Members of the
Ministry had become mixed up in a manner as new as it
was extraordinary.—(Hear, hear.) There were passages
in the libel about the Duke of Wellington, which he would
not trouble the House by repeating ; but he would con-
tend that Mr. Alexander would have libelled the Duke of
Wellington, if, in speaking of him, he had not aged these
expressions.—(Hear.) In the first place, the Duke was
called an ambitious Minister. Was he not an ambitious
Minister ? Had we ever a Minister that was not ambi-

tious? In .another place it was said that the Duke of
Wellington had been coldly received by the King at Wind-
sor. Coldly received by the King at Windsor• ! Had
ever anything like this been heard of in England since the

iniquitous tiu►ei of the Star Chamber? Was there any
man in that House, lawyer or not lawyer, learned or un-
learned, soldier or civilian, layman or not layman, Mem-
ber or not a Member, who would stand up and say that
that most iniquitous and infamous tribunal, the Star
Chamber, in the very zenith of its power, had pronounced
any sentence, or any charge of libel, so ptierile and so
ridiculous as that a Minister had been coldly received by
his Sovereign at Windsor?—(Loud and lung continued
cheers.) He would call on the Members of the House, on
the historians and the readers of histories, on the anti-

quarians and the readers of antiquaries, on the Whig, on
the Tory, on the Minister and the Constitutionalist—he
would call on any man and every man, to say whe-
ther in the very meridian and zenith ,of the Star
Chamber in the worst and most tyrannical period
of this country, they had ever heard, or could find
any record of a prosecution like this?—(Cheers and
loud laughter)—This was but a small portion of the
ribaldry and absurdity introduced into the information thus
filed by his Majesty's Attorney-General. In the next
sentence, however, he saw that the Duke of Wellington
was libelled by being called an imperious Minister_ Now
if any man would look at his Dictionary—and he hoped
that all the Dictionaries had been burnt by the fire at the
Argyll Rooms—(A laugh)—they would find that an im-
perious man meant a man of a lofty and commanding
mind; and this, with a further assertion that the Duke
was an ambitious and also a dangerous 'nag, formed the
burthen of the imputation. Ambitious he was and there-
fore dangerous; and who that was ambitious was not
dangerous ? and what public man in this country that was
not ambitious? It was, he believed, a remark of Dr.
Johnson, that criticism disdained to chase schoolboys from
common places._(Hear, hear, and a laugh.)—He would
leave, therefore, the information to those who framed and
supported it.—(Hear, hear.)—But what said the Jury to
this libel? No set of men without shoes and stockings—
(Laughter)—without hats or coats—(Laughter)—without
shirts—even sans culottes—(Continued laughter)—no
Jury, however ignorant, naked, or destitute, could have
been packed together to find it a libel. The Duke was
called imperious, and who could say he was not most
justly called so? What ! that man not imperious who
carried that measure respecting the Itoman Catbolics,which
had dissolved three Cabinets—which had put an end to Mr.
Pitt's Administration—which had put an end to the rule of
All the Talents, and which had prevented the formation or
the Administration of Cllr. Canning. To say that the man
who had carried a measure of that kind, in the face of a
powerful party, was nut an ambitious and an imperious
man, was to deprive him of those qualities which had
enabled him to accomplish that mighty object. The libel then
went on to allude to a subject which, he contended, was
most strictly within the line of constitutional discussion,

namely, the rumour, a rumour known to every man in the
country, that in the course of that unfortunate discussion
on the Roman Catholic claims, his Majesty entertained
opinions different from those attributed to him in the Speech
front the Throne, and at variance with those of his Minis-
ters. A Noble Lord (Pahnerston) had observed the other
evening, in the course of the debate on foreign c.ff.irs, that
all secrets of State were not confined to the Cabinet. Thip
secret way known. It was known that the State machine