The Sun.
London, England, 1830-01-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The Irish Papers have opened the new year
with offerings, which are not exactly peace-
offerings. The two most unwearied (would wt
might say unwearviug) letter-writers of the art
have again led forth their formidable columns.
His Right Rev. Lordship, the Bishop of Fern,
of immitigable activity,—fierce, tough, unbend-
ing, unqualifying,—treating his readers like his
adversaries, by showing no mercy to either,—has
written an epistle to Lord Mountcmhel, which
the Dublin Mall, with equivocal praise, pro-
fesses '' sincere satisfaction" in announcing to
be the last with which the Right Rev. Champion
of the Church of Ireland will vouchsafe to
honour the Noble Earl. Mr. O'Connell has
also bestowed his diffidence on the public, in
the shape of two political exhortations, of one of
which the avowed purpose is to canvass the
county of Limerick on behalf of Colonel
O'Grady, and to the discomfiture of Mr. Daw-
son, who is represented by Mr. O'Connell to
stand on the interest of the Toiy oligarchy. So
far as the electioneering prospectus of each party
goes, that which we have seen exhibits a list of
" Lords" pretty nearly equal on both sides:
for the candidates themselves, we know little
of either, except that Colonel O'Grady has the
reputation of being a brave and experienced
soldier, an entertaining companion, and a man
of strong natural abilities : he is eldest son
of the Lord Chief Baron O'Grady, and
married to Lord Anglcsea's niece. For a dispas-
sionate observer, the most important circumstance
of this new county contest seems to be, that the
Catholic interest is here—as henceforth, we ap-
prehend, it will be every where—no longer a
collective power, operating for ends exclusively
and politically Catholic, but dispersed through
individual motives, and variously directed to
party, personal, family, or public objects, like
the elective influence, which may happen to be
placed in the hands of Protestants and in an
English county. Colonel O'Grady, neverthe-
less, ought to beware of assistance which can
only injure him. Mr. O'Connell's second letter
is one in self-defence, against some unintelli-
gible charge about the custody or non-custody of
certain archives of the defunct Association,—
and against another, of preventing a gentleman,
named Mr. Frincis Wyse, from getting 4001.
or 5001. from the empty treasury of the said
Association, to defray the costs which he had
incurred in actions brought against him for
"libelling" two or three of the I.lagistrates. It
appears that this gentleman had been amerced in
damages to the amount of 5001.; but unless the
libelling of the magistracy had been recognized
as a public service to the Catholics of Ireland,
we confess we are a little puzzled to discover on
what plea the claim of this Mr. Wyse can be
maintained.— Times.

The Scotsman of Saturday last, after cha-
racterising the attempt to connect the Govern-
ment of Europe generally with the recent pro-
secutions as extravagant, and the attempt.; to
cart all the odium of the prosecutions, if odiuin
belongs to them, on the Whigs as unjust, the
Whigs in and connected with the Cabinet not
having strength greatly to modify, far less to
direct its measures, proceeds to observe :
" And bir James Scarlett, besides, never was
what we considered a genuine Whig. This opinion
of ours has been many years on record. But al-
though Sir James is less than a Whig, Mr.
Brougham is more; and differing entirely from the
Morning Chronicle, in holding that Mr. Brougham's
appearance, along with Sir James Scarlett, in the
conduct of these prosecutions, ought to be viewed
as the common act of an ordinary lawyer in taking
an ordinary fee—for we think the taking of a fee
by one who has a name like Mr. Brougham to sup-
port the Attorney-General in managing State pro-
secutions, is equivalent to an approval of the mea-
sures—we are thus led to conclude that no design
against the Press generally is entertained in the
Cabinet. The Press, as a whole, has been generous
to the Duke of Wellington. It has, in truth, been
the great supporter of his Administration ; and as
nothing was to be gained, while much was to be
lost, by his turning round. upon his best friend and
ablest advocate, we can neither think so badly of his
Grace in regard to moral feeling, nor so meanly of
his intellect, as to believe that, under the pretext of
vindicating the personal character of his Majesty,
and exposing the falsehood and malice of charges
published against himself and the Lord Chancellor, I
he would aim a deadly blow at the liberties of his
country. We do not, and will not, as yet, believe
this. We are convinced that there were others—
we are anxious to think, sufficient—reasons for these
various prosecutions. A short time will serve to
show whether we are or are not here in the right."
Our esteemed contemporary rather perplexes
us here. It appears to us that the reasons for
a prosecution must be sought for in the prosecu-
tion of:itself, and no where else. The motives
of the Duke of Wellington in ordering the
prosecutions may be very different from any that
have hitherto been ascribed to him ; but we have
all the light as to the reasons for the prosecution
we ever can have. All the reasons which can
be urged for a prosecution ought to be laid be-
fore the Jury. We say distinctly, that there can
be no good reason for proceeding against any
writer criminally for the tendency of his writings
to bring Ministers into contempt ; and that the
very principle of a free Press is struck at by all
attempts to prevent the unrestrained expression
of opinion as to the conduct of all public men.
Our sentiments with regard to the articles pro-
secuted are no secret ; but if the principle be
acted on, that we may put down the opinions,
of which we disapprove, by the strong arm of
the law, a writer can only hope to be secure so
long as he is in favour with men in power ;
whereas the chief use of a free Press is to ex-
amine, and, if necessary, to arraign the conduct
of men in power. Our contemporary observes
further :

" We must also disapprove of the tendency of the
! comparison drawn by the Chronicle betwixt the deci-
sions of the French Judges, and the verdicts of our
London Juries. We are quite willing to concede,
that if Judges were not only named, but, at stated
periods, removable by the people, the decisions of
single individuals bred to the lam, especially in its
constitutional branches, and with the feat of the
people before their eyes, would be greatly superior
to the verdicts of our present Juries; but it is for-
gotten that if the voice of society were so influential
as to name and cashier Judges, the qualifications of
the middle classes for discharging the functions of
Jurors would be much higher; and, in all these side
blows at Juries—in all general remarks having a
tendency to excite a prejudice against Jurors, arid
create a bias in favour of Judges, appointed, as they
aq are in this country by the Crown—it is also for-
gotten (for the moment) that while English Juries
have often displayed a spirit of independence, shied-
ing patriotism from the vengeance'of power, Engli h
history tells us that English Judges have been the
willing, corrupt, most efficient, and systematic in-
struments of bigotry, tyranny, and oppression. We
do not make these remarks invidiously. And it is
likely they would not have been made at all, had we
not entertained a very high respect for our contem-
porary. The dronicle is a most honest, able, and
intrepid Journal; but its errors are thus so much
the more dangerous,"
Our sentiments with regard to English Judge,s

are not ma!erially different fr," those ex; resscd
by our contemporary ; and whatever we may
think 01Jories, we have
_never he,itated, in the
present state of our Judietture, to prefer them
;ready to ,Judges ; and it was but ye:,terday that
we expressly raid, we fear e-cm must wait
a long tune Engl,tud before it e:oul:l he ad-
vantageous to rely rather on a Ju.iec than on a
Jury." kVhat has chiefly rtetun'n:emded Juries
to Englishmen is the circumstance that the law
in itself being unjw,t, and the pr: ver. calling it
into action hostile to the people, a :-ingle
re o-
ltlte individual in the twelve c..am p...trt4se its :mo-
tion. Were the law alwaya framed in ac-
cordance with the interest of the community, it
ought always to be carried into effect ; and the
circumstance which now rewmmends Juries to
us—namely, the chance they afford of cstape---
would. of course, be an evil. Asa tribunal, a
Jury labours under the disadvantage of e•inder
responsibility ; and, in all eases where the objCtt
is justice, must be open to greAt objections.`
Referring to the late prosecutions, the Examiner
of Sunday last observes—
" The noble example of integrity and wisdom
which has recently been furni.h'ed by the French
Judges, in the acquittal of the Editor of the .I,urnal
des Debar, must surely suggest the qiiestion whe-
ther the boasted institution of Juries is iiideed so
pre-eminently excellent a bulwark for the pro!ection
of liberty, and the means of liber:e. as Englishmen
have delighted to believe. Respon-ibility to public
opinion is the grand moving end regulating principle
of duty; and by Juries, responsibilne is reduced to
the slenderest force. Between the .Ijulge and the
Jury it falls to the ground. The public iiiishoisfac-
tier) cannot fix upon the author of an evil deei•ion.
It knows not what share to allot to the cluitr of
the Judge, and what to the s'opidity, servility, aqii
indifference of the Jury. If the fault should, bows
ever, be obviously with the Jury, the disepprol etiou
of society expends itself upon the mere untne,
the twelve unknown men leave the box to bear titj
brunt of the animadversion. For the recent dnitisti
verdicts, what remedy have we aeainst the \
acres who returned them ? Their names are pie put
to their handy work. We want even the poor com-
fort of their shame. Of this freedom from iedivi-
dual responsibility to the public, Juries are
aware, while they too strongly feel the prole-tit rt!Ve
of the Judge's eye. If they succumb, and vFei-,`i.4
the exercise of their judgment to his aullioritf, they
may prove the most pernicious nape go tin of a
Magistrate's injustice. The Judge escapes lira be-
fitting odium, in such eases, under cc,ver of the
Jury's verdict, and the twelve recreants escape yen-
sure through their personal obscurity, lint ing tftet
empty name of Jury to suffer for their ini,condurt;
Judges, between whom and public opinion iliettc is
not this balk, must necessarily feel, with
more strength, the force of responsibility ; and
gard to their characters, and desire of the world's
esteem, will powerfully bear them up against
biases sinister to virtue. We sincerely believe that
had Lord renterden tried the two last indieunritte
against the Morning Journal without a Jury, re-
spect for his reputation for knowledge and sense
would have compelled a verdict of Not Ouiftp”
As far as responibility is concerned, tile spa
curity of the party on trial is, no doubt, suffi-
ciently slender. Where a strong prejudice exists
in society against any individual, he is much
more likely to find justice from a Jtidge th;:at
from a Jury. But a writer is seldom prosecuted
who has not his adherents ; there is a chance
that in the twelve men, there may be found one,
who either shares his opinions, or does not alto.
;ether disapprove of his conduct, and, therefore,
will not join in a verdict of guilty. In the case
of Judges known to be hostile to the pteede,
here would be no chance whatever, acrid time
Press would be completely prostrated. In the
case of a Jury deciding by majority, the choice
of acquittal would be diminished. The circdun-
stance of one man having it in his power to pui
his negative on the law, coupled with the diffi-
culty of so packing a Jury as to prevent the in-
troduction of one man not favourable to the pro-
secution, is -what has hitherto been the protee.
tion of the Press. Titus what, if the law were
good, would be a great evil, is a good because
it has protected the people from a bad state of
the law. By a mistake into which the Ameria
cans fell, from taking us as a precedent, the
Judges were made independent; and we find,
from Jefferson's Memoirs, that the greatest mis-
chief has resulted from this. The Executive
and Legislature are both dependent on, and
identified with the people ; but the Judiciary
have set themselves against People, Executive,
and Legislature ; and have on several occasions,
from factious motives, endeavoured to paralyse
the Government, in critical conjunctures, when the
Government had the support both of the Legis-
lature and the People, With Judges hostile to
Government and People, and disposed, from fac-
tious motives, to abet designs dangerous to the
State, a Jury which gives , the guilty ade:itional
chances of escape, might be found an evil.
Wherever the law is good, and the Magistracy
are identified with the community, recourse to
a Jury will always be unadvisable. Even ad-
mitting what the Scotsman assumes as to the

improvement of the middle classes, the objec•
tion to the slenderness of the responsibility re-
mains in full force ; and the chances of escape
arc only not an evil when the law is bad. This

last point has been handled in a masterly manner
by Mr. Mill, in his account of the Trial of
Warren Hastings, in the fifth volume of the
History of British India In times of rude-
ness (he observes) which are times of turbu-

lence, contests arefrequent for the Crown ; and
the great men are ranged on different sides. If
it happens to them sometimes to be on the win-
ning side, it Is equally incident to them to be
on the losing. When that happens, the law will
be employed to destroy them. And as they live
in such a state of things that all foresee they
may very probably stand in this predicament them-
selves, they all eagerly concur in establishing the
credit of a rule that shall render it very difficult
for the law to convict them ; in other words,
that shall afford them many chances to escape.
The moment, however, at which the law be-
comes good, and no man has power to wrest it
iniquitously to his own purposes, the case is
altered. The moment the law becomes such
that it really ought to be executed, that it is
good for the community it should be exactly
executed, that it cannot, without mischief to
the community in one instance be defeated of its
execution, then every subterfuge by which he
who has infringed the law may escape is an evil."
It is proper that murder and robbery should be
severely punished ; and no one will pretend to
say that the law, when guilt is proved, can be
too often put in force. But in the case of the
dreadful law of William and Mary against the
denial of the Trinity which was lately repealed,
it was only not productive of enormous evil be-
cause it was not enforced. To multiply the
chalices of escape to a murderer is an evil—to
multiply the chances of escape to a Unitarian
tinder a persecuting law is a good. In like man-
ner, had the law respecting libel been a good
taw, the conduct of the Government in consent-

ing to its non-execution for the last ten y_.ars
would have been aitoevil. - But the heat proof
that they acted wisely is the alarm which is felt

front -one.ev al of the country to the other at the
prospere-4-4,p. eing -effect mice snore given to the
law. 11-ithf law were clear and distinct, wr
shou'd!ireFtliy be afraid or Judges ; but the evi
is, tligat'present any thing can be made a libel..
John•Jteeves, for instance, was ordered by tin
liouie of Commons to be prosecuted for the
expreSsion of a mere speculative opinion. If it
were law that no man should be called to ac-
count for the expression of any opinion what•
ever, we do not believe that any Judge would
dare to fly in the race of it. _ The mischief with
us is, that the law is any thing or nothing; It
is observed by the Examiner that—
" There is no safety for the Press but the instant
amendment of the law, which would clear away 01.
confusion which serves to paralyse the plain intelli-
gence of Jurors. The averment of tendencies, fot
CatiMple, is an ingenious artifice of deceit, for a ten.
dency may be of any degree of slightness, and of an
infinitely remote relation to a practicable effect.—
Toe lightest down as it falls gravitates to the centre
uf the earth, but it will not surely reach that point.
There is this monstrous contradiction too, that ten-
dency is often criminal, where the effect in view
would not he so ; nay, when the effect, instead of
involving the author of the tendency in penal con-
sequences, may lead to results giving him grounds
for demanding redress. As thus :—Let us suppose
the Times and Chronicle to publish precisely the
same strictures on the conduct of an individual. The
party goes to the Times office, and assaults the
Editor, and he goes into a Court of Law and indict:
the Chronicle for the same provocation. The Chro•
nick Proprietor is found guilty of a libel tending to
provoke a breach of the peace. The Times Editor
brings an action for the breach of the peace, to
which his publication, in common with that of the
Chronicle, has tended, and recovers damages. Thus,
while the tendency is criminal, its effect is not sa, but
on the contrary, furnishes ground of redress to i:s
whor. Colonel Berkeley horsewhipped the Editor
of a Cheltenham Paper for some impertinent com-
ments on his family. Had Colonel Berkeley prose.
voted the man by indictment, he would pretty err-
tau* have thrown him into jail for writings tending
to a breach of the peace, but as the tendency was
sufficiently strong to amount to the effect which the
policy of the law would avoid, the provoking party
was absolved from culpability, anti the provoked sen-
tenced to damages. While tendency is inoperative,
it is, though of any degree of fineness, punishable;
when it has produced its worst effect, it, in private
eases, ceases to be offence. Such are the wild ab-
surdities involved in fictions, which constitute the
main malignity of the libel law." —Morn. Chron.
If it be true, as we now see it reiterated, that
Prince Leopold is destined to occupy the in-
tended throne of Greece, we presume the subject
will be made a topic of discussion, perhaps
through a direct Message to Parliament. His
Royal Highness can assume the office in no
other character than as a British subject and a
British Prince ; and it becomes a matter of no
small import to consider how far this country
may eventually be benefitted by, or involved in,
the consequences of such an appointment. In
this country the Prince is only known as a pri-
vate gentleman. In politics he has taken no
part. Ile was denied a British Peerage, and
therefore his qualifications for that or any other
office can only be judged of by the tenor of his
private life. We know nothing of him as a
Statesman or a Senator, nor in any situation
which would enable us to form an opinion of
his talents for Government. He has had no
political—we may say no public—existence in
this country. It is indeed highly creditable to
him that he lived in more of domestic happiness
than regal splendour with that amiable and
lamented daughter of England, whose vir-
tues filled the country with hope, and
whose early death was felt as a national
bereavement. lie is also known for enjoying
a princely fortune with a spirit of frugality,
which circumstances at one time made necessary,
and which habit has confirmed. Economy,
when not carried too far, is an estimable virtue,
even in the highest fortune, and the best pre-
servative of independence. But, should the
kingly power confer the kingly capacity, there
still remains another question—it is, whether
placing a British Prince in what may be likely
enough to become the centre of new wars and
intrigues be a position desirable for this country ?
This is a question which deserves to be well
weighed before it is finally decided upon. On
the first view the appointment may be tempting
and complimentary, both to this country and the
individual ; but whether it is likely to add to
the permanent interests of the one, or to the
welfare and happiness of the other, arc points
which hitherto appear to have been but slightly,
if at all, considered. On the favourable side of
the subject it cannot but he borne in mind that
the important interests of this country, as con-
nected with the commerce and Naval sovereignty
of the Mediterranean, cannot but be materially
promoted by adding the virtual Sovereignty of
Greece to those of Malta and the lonian Isles.
But, on the other hand, commerce and territorial
dominion- are very different things ; and
we are not at all convinced that, were
Greece to become even a colony of
the British Empire, the latter would be
likely to be in any great degree benefitted by the
new appendage. At the same time, if Turkish
interests are to be cultivated, and there remains
any hope of keeping up the Turkish power in
Europe, the appointment of a British Prince to
rule over Greece seems calculated to operate
both ways. On the one hand, it will naturally I
be the object of the new Sovereign to conciliate
the Porte by every possible means towards the
country to whose influence he will owe his
Crown ; while, on the other, the Porte will
hardly look—for some time, at least—with a
friendly eye towards the Representative of its
ancient Ally, as the apparent usurper of so large
and favourite a portion of its ancient territory.
Then comes the growing power, jealousy, and
ambition of Russia, as likely enough to lead to
-fresh wars, in which this country may become
•involved, for interests not materially her own.—
' We rather throw out these hints as materials for
'thinking than as representing any decided opi-
nions of our own. It is too much the fashion I
in our days for Statesmen to decide first, and
look to consequences afterwards. Half the evils
which this country is now experiencing might
probably have been avoided, if those who decide
on public measure's had given themselves the
trouble to think first, and act afterwards, instead
of reversing, as they have- too often 'done, the
most obvious use of wisdom, experience, and
common sense. Morning Herald.'

It is very generally asserted and believed that
Mr. Peel will not appear in Parliament as a Mi-
. pister of the Crown. That he will not be ele-
vated to the Peerage is certain, but wl ;Sher he
will join the Opposition, or sit mute upon the
cross benches, or be non cst altogether, are
queries which, of course, we cannot reasonably
be called upon to answer. It is, however, con-
sidered as certain, that Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald has
been removed from, or, what is more the Court
style, has vacated, his seat at the Board of
Trade. The Right Honourable Gentleman is
represented in the Newspapers and the " Court

Tircular" as being seriously indisposed. This
a mistake. He may be ill at ease, mitt ,his'
nind may be disquieted, in which east we
Iceply sympathise with him, but the vacation,
n- the removal, is the cause of his disorder from
vhich we sincerely wish him a speedy delive-
-nee. Mr. Spring Rice is among those who
ire already named as his successor. Lord Wal-
lace, it is said, will succeed Mr. Peel. There is
eo truth whatever, as we stated within the last
•e,,v days, in the report of Mr. Huskisson being
bout to join the present Ministry. The Right
Hon. Gentleman, not six days ago, was heard
o speak in the harshest terms of the Duke of
Wellington's conduct towards himself, and to
express his conscientious belief that the present
Administration could not exist four months
without bringing down the most disastrous and
alarming consequences on the country. Mr.
Huskisson is master of the secret, and we take
his word on this point.—Morning Journal.
The change which is intended in the ap-
pointment of the Preachers at 'Whitehall has
given rise to much unfounded remark, and much
dissembled or gratuitous jealousy on the part
of those who avail themselves of every oppor-
tunity to cast aspersions upon the character, and
excite mistrust of the intentions of his Majesty's
Government. The appeal to a proceeding of
this comparatively insignificant description, in
support ef a charge so grave as that of a syste-
matic design to despoil and degrade the Church,
is susceptible of one very obvious interpretation,
which cannot fail to be highly satisfactory to all
who entertain feelings of respect for the Admi-
nistration, and attachment to our excellent and
venerable religious Establishment. '1 his appeal
shews nothing su clearly as the absence of any sub-
stantial or rational grounds for the suspicion
either that the Church is in danger, or that Mi-
nisters are indifferent to its interests or hostile to
its welfare. The system by which Whitehall
Chapel has hitherto been supplied with
Preachers, it may be necessary to inform our
readers, is the election by each of the Univer-
sities of twelve of its clerical members to per-
form the duty in monthly rotation; that by which
it is about to be superseded is the appointment
of permanent Preachers by the Bishop of Lon-
don. In noticing the intended change, it is
unnecessary to advert to the assumption in which
some of our contemporaries have indulged, that
it is an invasion of the right and privileges of the
Universities. It will be time enough to consi-
der the subject in this point of view when any
complaint is heard to proceed from either of
those learned bodies, who fortunately possess
the means, and we trust the disposition also, to
withstand any proceeding of an aggressive cha-
racter. . If the Universities acquiesce in
the change, we mey safely enough presume
that it involves no disparagement and no
injury to them. We are convinced that the
proposed change does not indicate any system of
hostility to the interests either of the Church of
England or of those venerable seats of learning-,
which contribute so much to her ornament and
her strength ; and to impart the same conviction
to all candid men, it can scarcely be necessary
to do more than remind them, that if patronage
is withdrawn from the Universities, it is to the
same extent, and in a more effective form, placed
• in the hands of the virtuous, zealous, and cu-
-1 lightened Prelate within whose ecclesiastical
d• • juris iction the duty is to be performed. But
if more than this be required, in order to disarm
censure and dissipate apprehension upon the
subject, we suppose the most jealous friends
of the Church will be satisfied, and the least
favourable observers of the conduct of Go-
vernment be appeased, when they are ap-
prised of the fact, that the change now
about to take place in the mode of supply-
ing preachers to the King's Chapel, White-
hall, had become expedient from an antecedent
change in the character of the congregation
habitually assembling there for divine worship.
1 In the time of George the First, when the esta-
iblishment of the twenty-four University Preacher-
ships took place, the Chapel was attended prin-
cipally by persons more or less connected with
the Court, and of course belonging to the supe-
rior and better educated and more refitted class
of society. The object being to present an at-
traction to this class of persons which might
draw them to Church, and such means of re-
ligious instruction as seemed best calculated to
promote their edification when there, a succes-
sion and variety of Preachers, each bringing with
him the sanction and authority which an Uni-
versity election, in the estimation of' persons of
education and refinement, can never fail to con-
fer, was perhaps the arrangement which of all
others held out the strongest promise of success.
Nor were the collateral advantages unimportant,
which might naturally be expected to arise from
thus bringing the ablest Preachers of our two Uni-
versities under the notice °fa congregation which
comprehended, at that time, many powerful dis
pensers of ecclesiastical patronage. The road to
preferment was opened to merit, against which
it might otherwise have been closed in many
instances for ever, and a new stimulus was given
to the cultivation of those peculiar talents and
attainments which are conducive to the dig-
nified, impressive, and successful eloquence of
the pulpit. Such were the circumstances and
motives that gave rise to the institution which
it has now been thought proper to abolish ; and
before we condemn its suppression, it is surely
proper to enquire whether any of those circum-
stances or motives remain. If it were necessary,
it would not be difficult to explain the causes
which led to the gradual but total desertion of
Whitehall Chapel, by the class of' persons who
in a former age were in the habit of worshipping
God within its walls. All that is important to
our present purpose is the fact which nobody mill
dispute, that it was so deserted. It had long
been a temple without worshippers, when
Government, very laudably as we • think, appro-
priated it to, and fitted it up properly for, the
accommodation of the Regiments 'of Guards in
quarters or barracks in the western part of the
metropolis, of whom the congregation would
wholly consist, were it not for the tew straggling
and occasional visitors sometimes drawn to the
Military Chapel, as it. is now called, by curio-
sity. The real question then is, whether men
can justly be suspected of indifference or enmity
to the interests of the Church of England, or of
any dangerous designs against her privileges,
rights, or dignity, merely because they think and
have acted upon the opinion, that the same eccle-
siastical provision which was perhaps the best
calculated to promote the edification of the
Courtiers of George the First, is not equally
adapted to convey religious instruction to
the rank -and file of the Foot Guards of
George the Fourth. In the answer that
may be given to this question we feel con-
siderable luiterot, because we entertain the opi-
nion not only that permanent and stationary
instructors are likely to be more intelligible,