The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

LONDON REVIEW.—Sir W. Atherton, in the

middle of the recess, has thrown up his attorney.
generalship, after refusing probably half a dozen
puisne judgeships. An amusing and not altogether
uninstructive volume might be m ritten on the

career and demeanour of rising lawyers in the house
of Commons. For the present a few passages must
must suffice. Every lawyer on the Ministerial side
—almost every lawyer in the house indeed—" goes
in" for the reputation of a legal reformer, and a
few years ago a certain hon. and learned gentleman
took up the law of partnership. He made a good
speech in favour of tne principle of limited liability,
and might have been delighted to witness the una-
nimity with which his motion was received by the
house if he had not discovered, by a friendly whis-

per from Mr. Hayter, that the Government were
in danger of being defeated if he pressed his motion
to a division. They had just been beaten on some-
thing else, and it was an object with them to avoid
another defeat just then. The hon. amd learned
1,,w reformer was found by the Secretary of the
Treasury to be no stubborn and impracticable poli-

tician, for he manifested an instant and eager desire
to withdraw his motion in deference to the appeal
of the then Attorney-General. The house, however,
did not appreciate as it ought the alacrity with
which the mover of the resolution consented to give
the go-by to the principle which he had just de-
scribed as one of so much importance and such press-
ing value. The purity of his motives was not quite
so distinctly recognised, perhaps, as his desire to
avoid any appearance of factious opposition to the
Government, At auy rate a storm of " oh's" and
cries of" divide" greeted the hon. and learned gen-
tleman's willingness to withdraw his motion. He
had only been too successful in his argu-
ments, and was appalled at his triumph. A
great commercial authority, the lamented Mr.
Ricardo, declared that he had never known
the house more unanimous in any debate within
his recollection. A dozen other M.P.'s joined
Mr. Ricardo in protesting against the withdrawal of
a reasonable resolution, on which the house was
agreed, because an Attorney-General had promised
that the question should be seriously considered by
Government. So the resolution was literally taken
out of the hands of the hon. and learned mover, and
carried in spite of him and against the Government.
It did not surprise any one when, after a decent
interval, this gentleman received a silk gown. But
it did astonish a good many M.P.'s a session after-
wards to hear him enter upon an elaborate defence
of abstract resolutions, taking credit, at the same
time, for his own, and complaining of the readiness
of the Government on such occasions to " Come in
at the death and bag the game." The hon. and
learned gentleman began after this to be talked of
for the next solicitor-Generalship. He has not belied
the promise of his early career, yet a dozen times the
prize has evaded his outstretched hand. He has been
rather too Ministerial for a good many of his con-
stituents, and a little grumbling was now and then
heard. But he has beau patient inside and outside
St. Stephen's_ He has waited well. He took any-
thing in his way, was made Judge Advocate of the
fleet and counsel to the Admiralty. He drew up
resolutions on the defeat of the Paper Duty Aboli-
tion Bill, declaring that the Lords had committed a
breach of constitutional usage, and had encroached
on the privileges of the Commons, but allowed Lord
Palmerston to take the matter out of his hands. He
has volunteered speechesin defence of the Government
wizen it has been hard pressed. He now reaps the re-
ward of his patience. At the levee he will go to Court
as Solicitor-General. He will receive the honour of
knighthood. His voice may be heard more frequent ly
in the courts of law, and in due time Sir It. Perrett
Collier will doubtless mike a very respectable puisne
judge. It is one of the scandals of our party system
of governineut that the hignest judicial prizes—the
" cushions," as they are called, of our common law
courts—are not awarded to the highest judicial
eminence, but are left to be scrambled and competed
for in the arena of the House of Commons. Lord
Palmerston deserves great praise for having so often
gone out of the House of Commons to find the fittest
judges, regardless of anything but merit and learn-
ing. Would not a Prime Minister also deserve well
of his country who should break through the legal
etiquette which gives the Attorney-General a claim
to be Lord Chief Justice or Chief Baron, and pro-
mote occasionally to a vacant " cushion" the most
able, learned, and impartial among the puisne
judges? About the same time That Mr. Collier was
BO seriously alarmed at the Frankenstein he had
created, and jest atter he had deprecated the passiug
of his o ern revolution, an hon. and learned sergeant,
sitting on the same benches, considerably his senior,
became involved in a sharp dispute with the First
Minister of the Crown. Tne Irish members brought
in a Tenants' Compensation Bill, which the Govern-
, went tried to lick into shape. This hon. and learned
sergeant made a violent personal attack upon Lord
Palmerston, declaring that the Government were
not giving a bona fide support to the bill. Out noble
Viscount replied with more spirit and indignation
than he had manifested during the whole of the ses-
sion, and said that if Irish members objected to the
reasonable amendments he proposed it was only be-

cause they were afraid of losing a hustings' grievance.
The hon. and learned sergeant retorted still more
angrily, and Palmerston was even more severe in
his rejoinder. Tne Irish members were furious,
and it is doubtful whether the rupture„ has ever

since been healed. They declared that they
would vote, against the Ministry on any pretext.
The Government, on their part, hinted that they
meant to carry the Irish Tenants' Compensation
Bill into the Lords in defiance of the learned ser-
geant and his party of malcontents; while English
and Scotch M.P.'s, with more reason, doubted
whether a measure of this kind, abandoned by its
authors, and not very enthusiastically supported by
the Government, would weather the opposition of
Irish landlords in the Upper House. A personal
squabble with a Prime Minister is not a thing to be
looked back upon with any complacency by a
lawyer who has his way to make. Sot when an
occasion arose on which the hon. and learned ser-
geant could make the anzende, he availed himself of
it. When the Opposition followed Mr. Whiteside
in his disastrous move upon Kars, Sir E, Bulwer
Lytton and the learned sergeant rose late at night
at the same moment—the former to move the ad-

journment, and the latter to make his peace with
the First Minister. The great novelist gave way,
and the learned sergeant expressed an opinion on
the treaty of peace with Russia (just published, but
not then before Parliament), which derived some
importance from its reception by the House. He
said, " The noble lord (Palmerston) has prosecuted
with the utmost vigour, and to a most glorious and
successful termination, the war in which this:coun-
try has been engaged. The noble lord has concluded
that war by what will no doubt be declared by this
House to be a safe .end honourable peace." This
assertion was said in tones which seemed to invite
contradiction. The Conservative benches were at
that moment thoroughly out of humour, and were
just in the temper when hon. members cry " Oh !"
to anything debateable. Yet although the learned
sergeant's declaration was greeted with loud
cheers by the Ministerial benches, not a
single cry of "Oh !" was heard from any part of
the House. There was not even a murmur of dis-
sent, however slight. The Opposition had not
arranged its policy, and was taken somewhat un-
awares. Silence was taken for assent and approval,
and every one felt that the learned sergeant had
rendered the Government an essential service.
During the rest of his career he gave the Premier
no serious cause for complaint. But at the last
general election, Ministerial proclivities and pos-
sible Ministerial advancement were no recommen-
dation to the favour of an Irish constituehcy, and
the electors of Kilkenny deprived of his seat a mem-
ber who would have served them well, and who had
notwithstanding, some claims on the Government.
Westminster Hall, we are told, regards Mr. Sergeant
Shea as at least as good a lawyer as Mr. Justice
Mellor. But the latter learned judge was never
involved in a squabble with the head of the Go-
vernment, and preserved his seat until the moment
of his elevation to the bench. These little matters
go forsomethieg even in dayslof political purism,and
Mr. Sergeant Shoe must bide his time, and wait a
little longer. .
SPECTATOIL—Wo have begun the civilisation of
Japan by bombarding, and apparently destroying
one of its cities, known to be populous, and said to
contain no less than 180,000 inhabitants. Now we
have never been disposed to admit the claim of bar-
barous, or even of semi- barbarous, nations to seal
themselves up hermetically in a social life of their
own, and to forbid the approach of every other
people. History shows that every great step in the
progress of nations has been marked by a new in-
tercourse between different races—even when that
intercourse has been forced by conquest. It was
conquest that moulded the national life of Israel,
conquest that spread over Europe the laws and
civilisation of Rome, conquest that made England
one of the greatest of European peoples ; and
though to the scrupulous equity of modern feel-
ing it might be exceedingly difficult to justify
some of these proceedings, no thoughtful
one
can doubt that conquest has played n
the most important parts in the Divine
be some
govern-
ment at the world, and that there
sense or other in which the higher eiv."7issation has
a right to demand admittance to the lower, and to
take upon itself the government bto welcome the
,Irtarous States
which prove unwilling ors unable
and intellec-
painful but salutary process of mo o
now go in g to discuss
tual grafting.
the limits under hiWweaerh t
are not
this right must be asserted,
though, of course, there are obvious limits, without
which it might be made the mere p_li!a)forspoiiation.
But we do to assert very btro,,:;.,y that it is

barbarous ane, monstrous thing to interfere at all
with a power like Japan, if our only purpose in in-
terfering is to thrust in one hand, laden with mer •
chandise, through the door of unwilling communi-
cation, and take revenge with the other for injury
then inflicted by such frightful acts of retaliation as
this. In what we have just done we were reveng-
ing the murder of Mr. Richardson. The Central
Government of the Tycoon had paid the fine de-
manded, but Lad pleaded its inability to give up or
punish the murderers in consequence of the great
power of the Prince Satsuma, who sheltered these
murderers. The fleet therefore immediitely goes
down to Kagosima, a city in the territories of this
semi-independent noble, and demands the rendition
of the murderers, which is refused. The shore bat-
teries opened on the fleet, which thereupon bom-
barded the forts and town, and the last report was,
" The whole town is in flames. The city is one
mass of ruins—palace, factories, arsenal, &c. Three
steamers of Satsuma are destroyed completely. Such
is the result, and, probably, not the worst result,
of forcing a commercial treaty from an exclusive
and reluctant people, whom we are not prepared
to conquer and govern, and whom we only
wish to force into an exchange of merchandise.
Tee chain of moral necessity is this f—We insist
on a treaty with an overawing force, and get the
treaty ; the reaction naturally sets in io Japan. and
the party hostile to foreigners comes into the as-
cendant; outrages are committed on our subjects;
we demand redress, do not get it, and make an ex-
ample of a recalcitrant Prince by burning down a
large city, and driving all its inhabitants to despair.
Is it possible for any man with the slightest preten-
sion to Christian politics to justify such a policy—
foe the sake, not of civilising the Japanese with any
of the higher resources of a European Government,
but of compelling them, against the will of a large
party, to trade with us? We should assuredly not
scruple at any attempt of the English authorities to
inflict condign punishment on Mr. Richardson's
murderers. But on what possible principle can we
inflict such wide-spread misery on a great city which
is accused of nothing but lying in the territory of a
man who screens these murderers? Even in Euro-
pean and American wars, the bombardment of cities
is thought discreditable, and we have heard no
slight denunciations of the American generals for
bombarding Charleston after a six months' notice.
But how infinite is the gulf between the responsi-
bility of the Southerners for the events which led
to the bombardment of Charleston, and the respon-
sibility of the Japanese of Kagosima for the murder
of Mr. Richardson ! War in Europe and America
means war with a people who have, at least, freely
and intelligently taken the steps which they knew
would lead to war—taken their bide, and prepared
for the sacrifice—and yet we hesitate to inflict such
wholesale injuries. War in Japan means war at most
with an individual, while all the misery is inflicted
on creatures who, probably, know and understand
nothing of the cease. Nor is even for a political
end. TO only political result will be to shake down
the exiling Government, as we have done in
China, while we repudiate, and have, perhaps, never
even thought of substituting, anything better
and stronger in its place. Is there no limit at all
to the duty of national retaliation on these Oriental
peoples ? Would it really be held a crime rather
to have let Mr. Richardson's murderers go uu-
punished—there is, indeed, no proof that they were
punished, even at last,—than spread this wnolesale
murder among an inoffensive people ? Would it
not be better a thousand times to give up commerce
where commerce necessitates such crimes, if it is
only for the sake of commerce that we go there? A
civilisation which only demands, at best, the right
to exchange English linen and cotton for Japanese
copper, mill enforces that demand by destroying
cities on the first outbreak of barbarian malice, is
not a weapon of which we need be proud. If we
were prepared to rule even a portion of Japan, as
we are now ruling India, and beginning to rule
China, we might have something to give worth
figtiting for, though not worth fghting for in this
way. But to civilise only by selling cotton and
hardware, and following them up with gratuitous
bombshells whenever the barbarian spirit bursts
forth against us, is to present Japan with a type of
Christian civilisation it may take many generations
o forget. _

SATURDAY RRYIEW.—If her Majesty could, with-
out disrespect, be supposed to share the crotchety
ambition of the King of Prussia, she might con-
gratulate herself on the remarkable exemption from
hostile attack which her Ministers at present enjoy.
Without waiting for Royal exhortations, which,
indeed, might not produce the desired effect, con-
stituencies and public meetings almost unanimously
approve the foreign policy and domestic inaction of
the Government. It matters little whether the law
officers are addressing the electors who have just
confirmed their appointment, or Major Beres•
ford is lamenting at an agricultural dinner
that he can find no political ground of com-
plaint. On the whole, perhaps, the Ministerial
members approach more boldly than their oppo-
nents to the limits of criticism. Mr. Collier
reminds his constituents that he has once or twice
voted against the Government; and Mr. Lefevre
hints, with the hasty irreverence of youth, that it
is Lord Russell, and not the country, which ought
to " rest and be thankful.' In the long and useful
career to which Mr. Lefevre may fairly lock for-
ward, he will probably pass through seasons of
agitation which will contrast more or less agreeably
with the present calm. Lord Russell, who was the
last of his contemporaries to acquiesce in the expe-
diency of letting things alone, represents for the
moment, more accurately than his impatient cen-
sors, the wish or instinct of the community. It
may be perfectly true that dormant liberalism is
not altogether intelligible to eager partisans, but
the country at present cares little for party. It is
hard on Major Beresford to have to discuss the
price of flour and the construction of labourers'
cottages, instead of denouncing the misconduct of
the Government ; but the attention of politicians
has for several years been directed almost exclu-
sively to foreign affairs, and Lord Palmerston and
Lord Russell have interpreted with unusual success
the spirit of: the national policy. It may be a
matter of conjecture whether the majority of Eng-
lishmen incline to the North or to the South in the
American quarrel, and perhaps the dispassionate
observers who suspend their prepossessions and
opinions may claim to be the most faithful expo-
nents of public opinion; but as to the practical re-
sult of perfect neutrality there is really no difference
of judgment. The few who profess to understand
the affairs of Schleswig and Holstein agree in
deprecating an unintelligible war ; and as to
Poland, there is a general consent that Russia
is wrong, and, at the same time, that it is not
the business of England to correct the 11/-
justice. Sir Roundell Palmer, who was not
long since reckoned by many persons as 14 mem-
ber of the Opposition, gives the strongest or
most ,zealous evidence in favour of himself and
his colleagues. He would not consent either to sit
in Parliament or to hold the most lucrative office in
the gift of the Crown, except with a view to the
pubic services which he is prepared to render, and
the good which he intends to effect. He will "never
tor a moment have the feeling which would prevent
him from preferring the interests of the country to
the interests of party, or to any personal interests
whatever." It is gratifying to know that the At-
torney-General is so conscientious, nor is it possible
to doubt his testimony to the kindred virtues of the
Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, and the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. "If ever there was
a man who loved his country, that man is Lord
Palmerston," and Sir Roundell Palmer is " prond to
serve under that man." Lord Russell has adminis-
tered foreign affairs as they were never adminis-
tered before, and " in our revenue we have the ad-
vantage of a Minister, the object of perpetual
obloquy to his opponents, who triumphs over thet
obloquy by his disinterestedness and success." It
would not be easy to quote any attempt during the,
last two years to throw obloquy on Mr. Gladstone 's
financial policy, and there is much reason to hope
that in the next session it will once more be. his.
pleasant duty to reduce taxation, with the certainty
of receiving universal approbation. Yet. it is, per-
haps, not altogether judicious to eulogise Hercules,
or to proclaim with too vociferous. repetition the
justice of Aristides. The Ministers are very. tolera-
ble
competent Ministers,
Attorney-General;
t t andoroe
yS i.rGRe
noeurno e; llb
ota Palmer
reactionis a highlyma y
sooner or
be
cteior
obeessparnotvvokoetdirfingthtehcooruoniterrys
whom
sheoxm-
pected to
it has no desire to disturb. A mere accident may at
any time produce a change of government,. and it
is extremely doubtful whether the dotcanant party
could hang together in the absence of the present
Prime Minister. The recent eletionshi
in-
creased the strength of the Opposition by two or
three votes, although Richmond end Plymouth
and Devonport remain faithful to their customary
allegiance, and although Barnstaple has par.
tially compensated the reverses of Coventry and
Tam worth. The general election which toilet take
place at furthest within may
two years possibly
substitute a hostile majority for the finee balanc of
parties which has prevailed for several years.

LADvEnmsEmENT.]H.olloway's Pills.--Despondency;
Low Spirits.—The misery occasioned by disordered diges-
tion is unfortunately felt by marry, Known to every one,
Holloway's Pills should be taken to restore health ; they
dispel h,adache, bilousness, nausea, lowness of spirits, and
similar symptoms, which indicate the presence of poisonous
matter or perverted action. A. course of these invaluable
purifying
Pills never fails in removing the causes and
consequences of these morbid signs, without subjecting the
sufferer to any disagreeable restrictions of diet or ordinary
pursuits. They strengthen the stomach and brace the
nerves, Holloway's Pills are peculiarly adapted for reno-
systems enfeebled by late hours, hard living, over
anxiety,
or any other excess which is known to debilitate
i
au.St the human constitution.
,v zt
if i n
eg x

COUNTRY' NARKET

-------

LEICESTER--SATURDAY.
The weather has been more favourable for seed sowing
this last week, and a fair quantity is already in the ground_
—New white wheat, 41s to 445; red, 39s to 41s and
--New
stone. Old red, 39s to 41s per 36 sione. Barley, malting,
new, 34s to 38s per qr.; grinding, 39s to 32s ; old oats,
25s to 30s; new oats, 22s to 25s per 24 stone. Beans,
old, 31:s to 42s per 38 stone ; flour, 30s to 35s per 20 atone.

NORWICH—SATURDA.T.
There was a fair supply of wheat to-day, and for all
samples late prices were maintained. There was about the
usual attendance of farmers. A fair show of L arley, and
sales were made at fully late rates. Flour in favour of the
buyer.
White wheat. 43s to 453 1 Red wheat 30s to 41s
Malting barley ...36s to 38s 1 Chevalier barley 3G:: to 37s
Distilling do 33s to 35s 1 Oats.. 24" to 283
Flour, 31s Od to —s Od per sack from the minor.

GRANTHAM--SATURDAY.
Old white wheat, 40s to 44s ; red, 40s to 435-per 3(;st. ;
new white, 40s„to 435; red, 38s to 40s. Malting barley,
3is 'to 38s per qr ; .grinding, 28s to 30s ; oats, old, 28 s t
30s ; new, 20s to 24s ; beans, 40s to 42s ; peas, 34s to 40s.

N ORT HAM P T 0 N—SATUB.DAY.
There was a fair show of wheat to•day from the fat rners,
and the best sorts were held at a trifle over late currencies.
—White wheat, 40s to 44s ; red, 35s to 42s ' • line, —s
to —s per qr. Barley, 35s to 39s—grinding, 28s to 30s;
Oats, 28s to 32s per 24 stone. Beans, 38s to 425. Peas,
34s to 408 per qr.

YORK---SATURDAY.
We were moderately supplied with new wheat to-day,
with a good demand for the best 3or:s at full rates. Bar—
ley a moderate show, and a healthy business.
Wheat, red 36s to 40s Oats.. 18s to 20s
White do .40s to 44s Beans .. , ..40. to —s
Barley .30s to 32a Peas ......• • • •••• •-5 to —s
Malt, 62s to 64s per qr.; rye, 30s per qr.; flour, 303
to 32s per sack.

NOTTINGHAM—SATURDA.T.
The supply of wheat at market to-day was moderate, and
very few old sorts on offer. The demand firm at late rates.
—White wheat, from 41s to 45s ; red wheat, 35a to 425.
Barley—malting, 33s to 40s ; grinding, 28s to 31s. Oats
old, at 24s to 31s Od; new, 22s to 26a. Beams sold at 38s
to 43s per qr. ; new, 38s to 425.

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