The Sun.
London, England, 1830-01-15 00:00:00

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LITERATURE.

THE HISTORY OF THE JEWS.—Vor„

cuvirms ANIMAL KINGDOM. Part XXII.
LONDON, 1830.

When completed, this will be one of the most
useful and intelligent works that has issued
from the press for many years. It is a transla-
tion of the Animal Kingdom, of the celebrated
naturalist, Cuvier—who has himself, we under-
stand, expressed his approbation of the spirit in
which the translation has been executed—ac-
companied by such additions in the way of fact
and information as have been made in natural
history since the publication of the original.
The engravings of different classes of animals,
appended to the Number, are executed in a very
superior style.

THE ROMANCE OF HISTORY.—LoxDox, 1830.
The author of the " Castilian " has added not
a little to his reputation by his present series of
the Romance of History, which the late Mr.
Neale left unfinished, and which Mr. Trueba
E Cosio has here completed in a style fully
equal, if not superior, to the original. The sub-
jects of his volumes are drawn chiefly from
SpaniNit history which, as our reader is not to
be told at this time of day, abounds in materials
for romance and sentiment. Among the best
and most naturally told tales in the present series,
W may mention the " Pass of Roncesvalles."
The incident also of " The Poisoned Goblet,"
in another of the stories, climes considerable
Powers of description.

LECTURES ON NATURAL HISTORY.
LONDON, 1830. •
The following lectures were, it seems, delivered
before a Philosophical Society at the Isle of
Wight, and being received with much favour I,y
the different audiences who attended them, the
author, (Dr. Lempriere, a relative, we under-
stand, of the late distinguished compiler of the
" Classical Dictionary") was advised io publish
them in their present form. We think the ad-
rice was far from injudicious, inasmuch as the
Lectures every n here exhibit proofs of unwearied
industry, and useful and various information.

DICTIONARY OF QUOTATIONS.
We have before noticed this very able publica-
tion, and are happy to find that the praises we
then bestowed upon it have been seconded by
the public voice, which even as long ago as
1826 called for a Ninth Edition. The work
has been much improved and enlarged in bulk
since we first directed attention to it, and as a
work of constant reference cannot fail to be in
general request.

A CODE OF HEALTH AND LONG LIFE.
BY J. PINNEY, E•q. LONDON, 1830.

There is a great deal of sound practical sense
in this volume, which is the composition of a
gentleman who prefers theory to practice, and
states valuable truths in a homely, unadorned,
intelligible manner. A variety of subjects con-
nected with the well-being of every individual
are canvassed fairly and sensibly, and rules for
the regulation of health, and the preservation
of happiness, laid down with a simplicity that
Cannot fail to become appreciated as it deserves.
The most useful portions of the volume are,
Perhaps, those which are ranged under the head
Exercise," where the author dwells empha-
tically on its advantages, as also on the incon-
veniences, not to say the necessarily
attendant ,
attendant on indolence of action. We cannot
speak in higher terms of this volume than to say
it makes an admirable Family Book.

Hg
PASSES OF THE ALPS. By WILLIAM
BItOCKEDON. LONDOK, 1830.
We have just seen the twelfth number of this
terY splendid publication, which consists for the
1110.08 t part of Illustrations of the Pass of the
'lnaplon, drawn and engraved in a style of ex-
ellence fully worthy of the former numbers.—
Brockedon looks on nature with the eye
11°t less of a poet than a painter. He has a
genius sensibly alive to her various forms of gran-
deur and beauty, and seizes with felicitous readi-
ness on the most prominent portions of a land-
4espe,--the wild frowning gigantic precipice on
Which the clouds love to balance themselves—
the waveless far spread lake, whose shores at one
Place are studded with villas and luxuriant shrubs
and forest trees, and at another are barren and
titountainous—to a degree that forcibly im-
Presses itself on the imagination. The Lake of
Prta, with its secluded little island in the middle,
one castellated promontory stretching far into
the water, and its enormous mountains piled
'`)llfusedly one upon another, the foremost range
°f which plant their dark feet in the Lake, have
been viewed from the most picturesque point of
kelt by Mr. Brockedon, and transferred with
14PPropriate fidelity to his canvas. In this illus-
-4tlon we scarcely know which most to admire,
it
ith exquisite and complete style in which
"ss been finished, or the admirable tact by
be 'eh its numerous points of attraction have
e 4 brought together, and made to form one
vlituresque coup d'ceil. " Monte Rosa and
Alps, from the Strada Sempionc near
Q°4lma," is another able embellishment, in which
long and difficult reach of perspective is ma-
Red with consummate skill. In this engrav-
h
hR We must not omit the appearance of the little
e, whose waters, backed by a lofty range of
is, gleam brightly in the distance, and lend
;eat vivacity to the landscape. " Lago Mag-
-ore,"--that unrivalled lake, over whose en-
kiting
1 scenery Rousseau, who resided for

The details of the Siege and Capture of
Jerusalem, by Titus, which commence the pre-
sent volume, arc given with great power and
eloquence of language by a gentleman whose
" Fall of Jerusalem," published a few years.
since, obtained him a high rank among the
poets of the day. Mr. Millman sketches the
different factions which devastated the " Holy
City," at the opening of the siege, with a
graphic energy not easily to be surpassed. He
seems evidently to delight in his subject ; and
has consequently embellished his information,
which is both great and various, with all the
graces of style.

some time on one of its most romantic Dorm-
mean islands, has thrown a never-dying splen-
dour—pos,.-csses a most exemplary correctness, as
regards the site and aspcvt of the different objects
which Mr. Brockedon has chosen to group to-
gether. To the high recommendation of exact-
ness, it adds those of elegance and spirit, in
which however this artist has never shown
himself deficient. We shall anticipate the fu-
ture numbers of this attractive publication with
no slight interest.

MAD DOCTORS.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SlR;—When I took the liberty to address you on
the epithet " Mad Doctor," I did not presume to dis-
claim the character as applicable to myself or other-
wise, although I never was connected, directly or in-
directly, with any private establishment for lunatics.
I by no means deem myself of that importance as to
think ally such disclaimer could for a moment de-
serve the notice of the public, or even yourself, who
have shown me some friendly feeling. In truth I
had no idea of the kind ; my sole object *as to
point out that the terms applied stigmatically and
indiscriminately on all whose line of practice is the
treatment of the insane, which mine is not; was
calculated to induce the more sensitive and honour-
able to abandon the practice, or to avoid it, since
an odium seems to rest, by public consent, on all
such practitioners as came under the denominaticn
of" Mad Doctors ;" and thus the wretched lunatic,
alike unfortunate in his enemies and his friends,
would be still more certainly thrown into the cus-
tody of the rapac►ous, the ignorant, and the cruel.
In justice, too, your blows should fall on the trans-
gressors, on the individual species, and not on the
whole class, to which, however, I have for many
years ceased to bring. I have read all the evidence
taken before the Parliamentary Committees; it was
sent to me, from time to time, I believe, from the
Committees; and I am sorry to say the perusal of it
has convinced me that the human character is more
generally vicious tha►i I had conceived possible in s
country, where the benign influence of Christianity
may be expected to soften the callous heart, and
give us an exalted idea of our religious and moral
duties. I say more generally vicious, because lam
quite convinced that individual character may be '
found, whereof all you can conceive of that which is
deceitful, subtile, and, to ordinary rsiitids, unima-
ginably wicked, will exist, and occasionally be
brought into action ; so, on the other hand, may be
found all you can conceive of that which is noble,
undisguised, virtuous, and pious; but that there
should be such a mass of viciousness as polluted
some former receptacles for lunatics, I should never
have suspected notwithstanding.
The following I offer as a contribution towards a
system of laws for the protection, &c. of lunatics:—
That a class of well-educated medical men, prac-
tically versed in the treatment of the insane, morally
and medically, by studying the diseays under the
superintendents of the large public lunatic hospitals,
or asylums, for at least six months, and to be after-
wards examined and approved by the Commis-
sioners for Lunatics, be appointed Inspectors of
Lunatic Asylums. The appointment of these of-
ficers to be vested in the Commiisioners for Lu-
natics. They should be allotted districts, at a Axed
pay per annum, sufficient to enable them to main-
tain a respectable station in society. They should
not remain longer than one year in a district; they
should not, in any manner whatever, exercise their
profession ; they should inspect very carefully every
asylum in their respective districts at least once a
month ; they should keep journals of the particulars
of all their official proceedings, and transmit the
!same quarterly to the Commissioners; they should
receive immediate notice of all admissions into any
asylum in their respective districts, and should,
within one day, visit the lunatic or reputed lunatic,
and very carefully examine Into his state of mind,
or assign a sufficient reason why ,a day is suffered to
elapse, in case he is not visited within that period.
They should have full powers to inspect all recep-
tacles for lunatics at any time; and they should
transmit to the Commissioners any information they
:nay think requires prompt attention, over and
above the information transmitted quarterly in their
journals. They should be deprived of their office
only on being proved guilty of neglect or malprac-
tices. They should at all times be subservient to
the orders of the Commissioners.

Nov, Sir, I think there are many respectable
Army and Naval Surgeons, and Assistant-Surgeons,
who, with the addition of the study I have pointed
out, would make the best possible Inspectors; and
I apprehend there are an abundance of them who
would be exceedingly glad to have their income in-
creased to be equal to a respectable subsistence, on
condition of their taking this duty. Thus we should
have competent Officers, their authority being pro-
perly decided by the laws, whose only interest would
be to see that the lunatic wai properly treated, and
that no sane person was confined ; and who would
labour under a heavy responsibility, and whose re-
ports to the Commissioners would be annually
tested by the reports of his successor. Such
Officers would be paid at much less expense than
asylums would be built, and the relatives of lunatics
may enjoy the liberty of choosing between a private
and a public receptacle. The keepers to be liable to
heavy penalties if they attempt to bribe, directly or
indirectly, any Inspector.
These observations, crude as they are, do not re-
sult from a hasty reflection ; nevertheless I submit
them with great deference. A sounder head may
see insurmountable objections, since every species
of legislation not only affects causes to which it is
immediately applied, but inevitably creates a new
series of actions, by which the social system be-
comes modified either for the better or otherwise.
It requires no ordinary mind to run down the chain
of moral causes and effects. I remain, Sir,
Your obliged and obedient servant,
PAUL SLADE KNIGHT, M.D.
Glossop, Derbyshire, Jan. 9, 1830. _

. -
N. B. For the author quoted by Dr. Morrison,
read Gaubino, and not Jaubius, in my last letter.

SINCERITY OF CIIILDHOOD.—The since-
rity of childhood is occasionally very inconvenient, and let
that person be quite sure that he has nothing remarkably
odd, ugly, or disagreeable about his appearance who ven-
tures to ask a child what he thinks of him. Amidst the
frowns and blushes of the family, amidst a thousand efforts
to prevent or to drown the answer, truth, in all the hor-
rors cf nakedness, will generally appear in the surprised
resembly ; and he who has hitherto thought, in spite of
his mirror, that his eyes had merely a slight and not un-
pleasing cast will now learn, for the first time, that " every
body says he has a terrible squint."
BRISTOL SESSIONS, JAN. 11.— WILLIAM
DIArIN and FRANCES DEAVIN were indicted for cruelly
beating and ill-treating WILIAM DEAVIN and CitwaLorra
Diravrw, both children of tender years. The children
were the son and daughter of the male prisoner by a
former wife. Between the death of the male prisoner's
first wife and the marriage with the second, there was an
interval of four years; and (luring that time the children
were in the care of a woman of the name of GARLAND.
Upon the marriage of the mile prisoner with his pre-
sent wife, about two years ago, the children were given
up to the care of the prisoners, in a healthy state. Mrs.
GARLAND had heard that the children were badly
used, and she called to see them several times,
but was always denied, under various pretences, from
seeing them. At last she went up stairs, and there found
under a heap of filth and rags, the wretched boy. Hr
was covered with filth and had several sores. The chil-
dren, when food was offered ate it voraciously, and in a
disgusting manner. They were taken to the Infirmary.
The children had been cruelly and shamefully beaten; the
boy had even been suspended by the thumbs, so that he
rested only on his toes, and in that state he had been
beaten in a shocking manner...—Verdict, Guilty, against
both prisoners. Sentence against FRANCES DEAVIN, 18
months' imprisonment ; and WILLIAM DEAVIN 12 months'
imprisonment,

DUELLING,

(FROM A CORRESFONDF:.T.

Does it arise from the increasing influence of
Christian principle, or from wars having for some
years ceased, or from our national gallantry
having been too signally proved to require the
testimony of personal conflicts, or from all these,
in greater or lesser proportion combined, that
duels are latterly of comparatively rare occur-
rence? The speculation is highly an interesting
one, and bears so directly, and with such weight,
upon our domestic happiness, that it might be
an occupation of no small utility to follow it up,
especially as the practice has hitherto marshalled
on its side arguments to which, though the
understanding and conscience did not assent, it
has been really difficult to urge any thing like a
satisfactory and universal reply.
This, however, we not now attempt. Our
business shall rather be to inquire whether duels
may not -be prevented through a positive institu-
tion, formed with that single view, by the gene-
ral consent, and under the immediate auspices
and direction of those persons to whom public
opinion assigns the principal interest and skill
in questions of " honour."

On behalf of duels, it is alleged that they
operate, and they alone, to prevent rudeness,
brutality, and offensive personal presumption.--
But is it so ? We doubt it very much. Occa-
sionally they unquestionably do, though, even
then, by the intervention of a custom upon
which, if carefully analysed, we fear we can pro-
nounce no other nor more favourable verdict
than that h is itself too much a-kin to rudeness
and brutality, in principle, we mean, for we arc
very far from asserting that none have recourse
to it but the rude and brutal. We know the
contrary ; but we know also that it is never
used by those who are not so, without a strong
feeling of its utter inadequacy to accomplish its
supposed end, and without regret that opinio❑
should have peremptorily demanded what reason,
and conscience, and humanity so intelligibly dis-
own. But what duels take out of one scale, they
throw into the other. If they disarm, they
also arm. Insolence, united as it may be, with
personal hardihood finds its increase of power, its
additional opportunities of tyranny and insult, in
the very system which, it is argued, is to repress
it. The consciousness that a rencontre may be
the unavoidable result of disputing its preten-
sions and resenting its claims, may, in fact, throw
around it a shield, and confer upon it a new and
more offensive strength.
Duels originate in jealousy of manhood.—
That must be asserted, cost the assertion what it
may. . . . But do they either prove or vindicate
it ? Is it not quite certain that many men of
unquestioned bravery have refused them ? Is it
not equally certain that many cowards have been
goaded into them : the sense of present shame
overcoming the sense of present danger ?
The system, let it be remembered, admits of
no distinctions nor exceptions : its rules apply,
in the gross, no matter whether the parties
be already noted for their deeds of bravery, or of
unknown and unrecorded name, if certain words
are spoken, or certain acts done, to which this
arbitrary code of honour has annexed the idea of
insult, a conflict or disgrace must follow. How,
we demand, is this the test of courage ? Admit,
for argument's sake, that it is so in the latter
case, it cannot possibly be such in the former.
Undoubtedly there are offences which the law of
the land do not, and cannot reach, without
descending to a minute legislation, unworthy of
their dignity ; if, indeed, it be practicable, but
which, altogether uncoerced, may molest the
peace of society, and blight the comfort or re-
spectability of individuals. These are the
wrongs mainly, though not exclusively, uphold-
ing the system of duelling. But, if carefully
examined, they will be found to be not real, not
attended, that is, by absolute harm to person, or
property, or name, but imaginary, wrongs of
Opinion, wrongs which the individual would
have little or no difficulty in passing over alto-
gether, were they not. unhappily known to others.
In such cases they are resented, simply because
public sentiment demands it ; and were it pos-
sible to obliterate that sentiment, the will and the
necessity would cease. And can it not be
obliterated ? so far, we mean, as to admit a
transfer of the appeal from one individual to
many—from a person to a tribunal.
This we will 'consider by and bye. Mean-
while, it will be desirable to advert to some
graver charges against duelling. Now it is a
fact that in every instance, whether the wrong
resented be greater or less, a life is hazarded
commonly, of course, more than one. What
says the Christian law to this ? It utterly con-
demns it. In such instances, whether it be losing
or taking life, it matters not which, account
must be given for " shedding man's b100d.".._
And under what circumstances does this priva-
tion of being take place ? In the act of rebel-
lion against a solemn law of God : when, from
the very posture of the parties, it is difficult to
understand how there can be on any good
ground of faith or repentance, preparedness for
death.

But again, how stands the case with respect
to political or social duty ? It is an axiom of
Government, full of sound wisdom, that the
King has a right to the service of all his sub-
jects. But how, then, are those subjects free,
upon any principle of loyalty or patriotism, to
sacrifice life, in private conflicts, and those often
for the most trivial offence ? And what shall be
said of the laws of honour, thus diametrically
opposed to the laws of the State ; and whose
indiscriminating, ruthless, and, we do not hesi-
tate to add, in this sense, treasonable dicta-
tions have power to rob the land, at any time,
even in its moments of most imminent
peril, of its noblest champions, and the King
himself of his trustiest counsellors ?

Once more, and finally, let it be well•weighed
how this code, like death itself, in the broadness
and sweeping generality of its laws, levels all
men, without distinction or compunction. One
might anticipate that the affectionate husband,
the father of a numerous family, looking up to
him alone for subsistence and protection, the
man essentially precious to any circle, might
claim some exemption from its grasp—might, at
least, risk something short of life, and yet not
be subject to its " ban," but no ! For some
trivial wrong, which has not sting enough to
excite any, even the smallest sense of personal
wrath, on his own account, the man of most
value in a community must, under pain of ig-
mlniy' peril his life, and perhaps the lives, and
fnoortuies,and happiness of those near and dear
to him, in a contest with another of the least
value !

If we exclaim with Falstaff gazing upon the
corpse of Hotspur—
" There's honour for you,"
we do so, in the unfeigned spirit of our bit-
terness of spirit !
__

But it may be replied, 4( are you not rather

!" speaking or a past than present evil and did
" you nut set- out with affirming that, of late,
, " duels were of rare occurrence ?" Certainly we
did. There are, however, three circumstances
winch urge us to prosecute our short inquiry.
'File first is the recent occurrence of one, attend-
ed with peculiar culpability ; the second, the
probable recurrence, at no great distance of time,
of military habits—to which we principally
ascribe the practice under discussion ; the third,
that there cannot be a better season for applying
a remedy, than during the prevalence of that
spirit of forbearance and moderation, which is,
as yet, in spite of evil example, well disposed to
listen to reason and to adopt its suggestions.
We ask, then, with all seriousness, whether
there might not be instituted with much proba-
bility of providing a more adequate and satisfac-
tory redress, for personal offences, than that by
combat, as we before hinted, a Court of Honour,
under the wing of men of undoubted character
and tried courage, who should bestow upon it
respectability and weight, by being themselves
the first to submit, according to an express sti-
pulation, to its authority.
We are most fully aware that the very pro-
posal of such a scheme will, from its apparent
impracticability, most likely deter some of our
readers from perusing another line, and will, at
all events, implicate us in the charge of visionary
and romantic speculation, more proper for a
novel than any graver pages. Nay, we have no
hesitation in avowing, that no long time has passed
since we ourselves should have joined in the
lAugh at the adventurous propounder of such a
Quixotic code of pacification. We have no
right, therefore, to be either surprised or offended
if others are affected with the same humour. All
we can do is to address them, in a slight parody,
upon the celebrated speech of history—
" Lnigh, but hear!"
_ _

Now it is acknowledged that public opinion
is the thing to be operated upon—that alone up-
holding the duelling system in its general fea-
ture. The sense of insult, that admonishes,
must be kept sharp and tender. The assertion
of personal prowess be prompt and vigorous.
But as to the first—would not a body of ho-
nourable men be more competent to detect, real
affront, where it existed, than one ? Again—
looking at the obvious incompetency of the ex-
isting system to effect its proposed end—the
irregularity of its action, and the mass of mis-
chief, beyond ali denial, mixed up with it—may
we not hope that the intervention and mediation
of persons whose characters gave them weight
and atahority upon such points, would he
willingly accepted ?
Let it be supposed then, that such a tribunal
were established, with the Sovereign at the head,
and its associates, in the first instance, leading
men from all professions, except the clerical—
but especially from the military and naval—and,
in the sequel, all persons of the rank of gentle-
men. Such an association being itself deemed,
as so constituted it assuredly would be deemed,
honourable r —let them individually bind them-
selves to seek and abide by the decision of such
of the associates as should be constituted into
a Court in all such conjunctures, as its juris-
diction, well defined and subscribed to, should
embrace.

Would not " honour" be more punctiliously
defended in this manner, and aggression re-
pressed, and recompence obtained, than by the,
to say the least of it, questionable remedy of
combat ? At all events, is not the experiment
worth trying?
There are, it must be frankly admitted, diffi-
culties and objections. Who, for instance,
would undertake the trouble of such a business?
For trouble there must be—and that too gratui-
tously—because we assume that a court of
honour would be somewhat tarnished by acting
13r pay ? We hope, and verily believe, many
would. Those who already occupy themselves,
upon the mere principle of duty, in the further-
ance of public interests, would hardly decline an
office so eminently distinguished for its dignity
and importance.
Again, there is the difficulty of reference—
perhaps, also, in certain cases, the expense. But
these might be obviated by the formation of pro-
vincial courts, with right of final appeal to a
central one.

Once more—there may arise a quarrel be-
tween parties, of whom the one shall have recog-
nized, the other declines, this supposed jurisdic-
tion—what could be done in that case ? We
answer that the obligation of the former is dis-
tinctly marked out. The pledge which he has
given lie will redeem. And for the latter, since
he has not chosen to concur in a measure up-
holden by the voice and co-operation of honour-
able men, and by that weight of testimony pro-
nounced "good," he cannot reasonably com-
plain if he is without his remedy.
With respect to disobedience, under unfore-
seen and peculiar circumstances, to the general
laws originally agreed upon, which, we admit, is
to be occasionally apprehended, unless strongly
opposed by counterbalancing considerations, we
would propose that the preventive of this should
be found in a power—or rather a positive reso-
lution, to expel from our association for any such
act of insubordinationj
And if to belong to it were once felt to be a
distinction, or, at least. a privilege—as, with its
proposed constitution we honestly think it would
be, then certainly expulsion could not be lightly
regarded.
That such an institution would occasionally
shclter a coward is most clear. It should, how-
ever, set out upon the principle of admitting into
fellowship no man known to be such ; for if per-
sons of this stamp were found in its ranks, its
hold upon public opinion, as a mediator, would
be at once and irrecoverably lost. As to the
unknown, the humane axiom of our English law
must apply. " Every man is presumed to be
innocent until proved to be guilty."
It may be averred that there are injuries visi-
bly trifling, but substantially considerable, which
may be felt, and are intended to be felt, but
cannot be defined or described, and therefore
cannot become the subjects of narration and in-
quiry. But surely, if there be nothing which
can be made intelligible to the apprehensions of
sensible men, conversant, as our premises ,
sup-
pose, in matters properly called " of honour ;
there can be nothing to risk life about. And,
in such cases, the contemplated court would
have its essential use ; for, either the very con-
viction that they could not be made matter of
evidence would itself salve the imagined wound
—or, if they did come before it, in their almost
imperceptible dimensions, the verdict of the tri-
bunal would show the folly of such resentments.
Again—there are wrongs of another sort ;
great by common consent, and by common con-
sent also demanding signal redress. The se-
duction of a sister is an instance in point.—
Could our Court afford, in such instances, the
redress demanded by wounded honour ? Why
not ? In point of fact, how could the seducer
be more effectually branded with public contempt

and infamy, than through _ the unanimous ver-
dict of distinguished citizern.? • But it' may be
that the challenger seeks blood—and, assuredly,
there are cases of this description wherein the
of enders have merited even that "ultimum sup-
p!iciu n" far more than many-that sufFer by the
laws. Yet no man, after a time, will lament
that neither his own life has been taken by a
miscreant, itor that, by his hand, a being,,untit
to die, and consigned to ignominy, if be lives,
has been dispatched to his premature and fearful
account.

We are perfectly aware that we are open to
the charge of proposing for a remedy an in-
ferior principle, when a greater ought to govern—
of substituting secular for spiritual motives—of
putting man where God should be. We do
not plead guilty nevertheless. Tice whole
system of criminal law is composed of eu-
actments, superadcled to those of the divine
law. We do not supersede Christianity--but,
painfully estimating the weakness of human
nature, and the power of opinion over men, we
desire—by measures, fitted to the " present
need," to make way for its mild arid merciful
influence. We would, God permitting, silence
the torment of the earthquake and the storm—
that its "still small voice " may be heard, would
enlist worldly (are they altogether worldly ?) in-
terests in its service.

So much for our inquiry. We now take
leave of our readers, whether at this point of
their task, disposed to smile on or be grave,
with observing that as one clergyman invented
gunpowder, " inulta non sine laude," another
may be pardoned for endeavouring to confine
it to its proper, if it hare a proper, destination.

TO THE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

The population of the British empire is oppressed
by a superabundance of wealth, and by an excess of
poverty. _

It seeks the means of relief from both these evils.
Other civilized nations are beginning to experience
the same effects from similar causes, and the most
enlightened individuals in these countries look to the
wisdom of your councils for a remedy.
All who reflect now perceive, that the immediate
cause of these is an excess of production, unaccom-
danied by a knowledge of the means by which that
excess may be advantageously distributed.
These evils were first experienced in the year
1810, when a new era commenced with regard to
supply and demand. _

Up to that period the supply never equalled the
demand; it was therefore the chief business of poli-
tical economists and others to devise and point out
the beat means of increasing the supply.
The introduction, within the last fifty years, of
machinery into the manufactures of Great Britain,
overcame this aliculty; and in the year 1810, the
period of a deficient supply was passed, for the first
time in the history of nations.

It was passed, too, in the midst of a long, gene-
ral, and most wasteful war; proving that the powers
of production were become not only ample for a
period of peace, but were also more than sufficient
to meet the exigencies of the most \vide-spread war•
fare, simultaneously carried on by the most powerful
nations of the world.

Since that eventful year, the distress which has
arisen in Great Britain, in the United States of
North America, and in many of the civilized coun-
tries, has uniformly arisen from an excess, conti-
nually increasing, of supply over demand.
In consequence a necessity at that period com-
menced for a change in the commercial policy of so..
ciety ; that necessity daily increased, producing
periodical distress among the industrious classes,
until at length its severity in 1816 became such,
that the proceeds of a large public subscription were
inadequate to afford relief to the extent required.
Under these circumstances, a public meeting was
held in London, to consider of the cause of the evil
and of its remedy.

At this meeting a Committee was appointed to
investigate the subject, composed generally of the
mast respected public-spirited Statesmen, politi-
cal economists, and other<and the late Archbishop
of Canterbury was selected to preside over its
deliberations.

It appeared inexplicable to the mcm'eers of this
Committee, how much general and alarming distress
could arise among the agricultural labourers and
manufacturing operatives, while there was at that
moment, throughout Great Britain and Ireland, a
greater superfluity of productions, both agricultural
and manufacturing, than had existed at any former
period.
At the first meeting of this Committee various
conjectures were offered by different members as ex-
planations of this singular anomaly ; but none were
deemed satisfactory. The writer, who was supposed
to have some useful practical knowledge upon the
subject, was requested by the Chairman and others
to state his view of the case; which he did, but
probably in a very imperfect manner, as he was then
❑naccustomed to public speaking.
He attributed tl►e difficulties, the cause and re-
medy of which they were met to consider, to the
rapid extension of machinery and other scientific in-
ventions and discoveries, which bad been introduced
during the late war, and which had superseded the
necessity for so much manual labour as had formerly
been called into action. Thus a large surplus of
al! kinds of productions was created, and a dimi-
nished supply became unavoidable : the newly-ac-
quired scientific power produced more economically
than did manual labour; manual labour was, in con-
sequence, dismissed from employment, and ma-
chinery was retained.

The Committee considered that this statement
contained a reasonable and satisfactory explanation
of the subject, and the writer was requested to draw
up a report on the existing state of the working
classes, and to propose a remedy for the evils under
which they were suffering.
He accordingly, in the spring of 1817, presented
to the Committee a detailed report upon these sub-
jects.

The distress of the working classes had become
so general, and pauperism had in consequence in-
creased to such an alarming extent, that your Lower
House was induced to appoint a numerous and highly
respectable Committee, under the title of a " Com-
mittee on the Poor Laws," to trace the subject to
its source, and through all its ramifications.
When the writer presented his Report to the
General Committee, of which the then Archbishop'
of Canterbury was Chairman, the subject was
deemed by them too important to be passed slightly
over; and they recommended that the Report should
be submitted to the Committee of the House of
Commons on the Poor Law s, which was then sitting.
It was presented, accompanied by drawings ex-
planatory of the practical arrangements proposed;
and the writer offered to be fully examined as to the
cause of the evils under which the country was suf-
fering; the principles on which he proposed to apply
a remedy ; and as to the detail of the practice which
he recommended.

The report, the plans, and the offer of examina-
tion, were under the consideration of the Committee,
with closed doors, for two days; at the termination
of which the writer was officially informed by one of
the Members, that the Committee, after a long and
interesting debate, had come to the resolution not
to receive the report, or to examine the writer upon
the subject.
The Committee judged wisely. The public had
not then been sufficiently prepared by commercial
difficulties, or by distress among the lower orders,
to believe that a change so extensive as the one
proposed was necessary, nor indeed would become
at no distant period unavoidable.
The report and detailed reasoning thereon were,
however, at that time, extensively published in the

nemspapers, to prepare the. puNic f,:r the adoption
of the principles and the plan wino the further ex-
tension of mechanic and other scientific producin,:
powers should compel all daises to seek relief Eon]
the overwhelming effects of over production, and of
competition between scientific power and manual Li-
hour, and when the increased knowledge of the
people should have convinced them of the necessity
of changing the policy of the empire, in order to
supply this new power in aid of, instead of bert;,
as it now is, opposed to human industry, and the
general prosperity of the D Irish dominions.
lu proof of the benefit arising from the practical
adoption of his plan, the writer now begs leave to
refer to the experiment c )mmenced in 1818, in the
Netherlands, under the Fauction of the Government
and the auspices of the Royal Family, when some of
the principles, and much of the detail, were put to
the test of experience. That experience during the
period of neatly twelve years has now abundantly
proved these eminently calculated to diminish pat:-
peticm, and to improve generally the habits and
condition of the industrious classes.

The principles and practice recommended in t!
report to the House of Commons are no long-tr
hypothetical; it having been preyed that they have
rai,ed the condition of 30,0(10 ignorant, and there-
fore generally vicious and useless pc-x.6mm, from it
state of burdensome dependence upon the producing-
classes of the community, to become industrious and
useful, to earn their own support, and to acquire
good and orderly habits ; and these favourable re •
subs were produced, too, in a country where know-
ledge was less diffused than in Great Bri•ain, and
where the colonies were, to their pecuniary disad-
vantage without the aid of modern improved ma-
chinery. Still they have produced a surplus which
will repay the original capital expended upon each
establishment, and all the interest accruing thereon.
When the Committee of the House of Commons,
on the Poor Laws, rejected in ISI7 the report and
the plan presented to them by The writer, circum-
stances justified their decision ; but these circum-
stances no longer exist, and have been replaced by
others of a different character.

The machinery of the kingdom has been nearly, if
not fully, doubled since that period, and in conse-
quence distress now not only ovens helms the ope-
rative manufacturers and agricultural labourers, but
pervades the smaller farmers, and a large portion of
the master manufacturers, and threatens continually
to advance upwards until the sufferings of the ma-
jority of the population will become greater than
they can endure; and this by means of a power,
which, under a wise direction, is capable of securing
permanent prosperity, not only to those born within
the British dominions, but to the subjects of every
state brought under its influence, when aided by a
rational system of education, founded on a know-
ledge of the general laws of human nature.
The writer, therefore, now in the most earnest
manner recommends the full consideration of there
all important subjects to the Members of the Im-
perial Parliament, as individuals and as constituents
of that Government to which all nations are look-
ing for direction, in the adoption of measures for
the relief of their respective populations, from
poverty, vice, and misery.
Bedford-square, Jan, 12. ROBERT OWEN.