The Sun.
London, England, 1830-11-17 00:00:00

ever was a moment in which a strong Executive 1
Government was necessary for the 'welfare and
safety of the country, the present is such a moment,
and we look with vain anxietyamong the whole
of men who have obtained any political name or
reputation in the State, for the materials out of
which a Government can be constituted, that is
likely to possess,' in a higher or even in an equal
degree to that which is on the point of dissolution,
influence in Parliament, or the confidence of the.
community Upon whatever Statesman the choice
of his Majesty may fall, the country we have no
doubt will endeavour, in the true and honourable
spirit of loyalty, to receive them with indulgence, if
it should find it impossible to hail their accession
to power with any feelings of satisfactiori. It would
he folly to he fastidicius when the range of choice
is so deplorably narrow, and the objects of choice fur
the greater part of a quality which in no degree
atones for the paucity of their number. The new
'Administration must, we fear, of necessity be a
'weak one. If it be so constituted, however, that
without an inexcusable forgetfulness of:the past, we
can think it likely to prove an honest one, the weak-
ness which is inevitable may be entitled to lenity
and forbearance. The present Ministers will of
course remain in office until the appointment of their
successors by his Majesty. Upon this subject no-
thing can have yet been definitively arranged. All
that is known for certain is, that Lail Grey has been
sent for by the King, to form The new A.dmieistia•
tion, at the head of which his Lordship will himself
be placed. It is not however improbable that the
principal offices will be thus filled :
First Lord of the Treasury ....Earl Grey
Secretary of State for the Home Del
partment
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Lord Holland
Secretary of State for the War and Cot Lord Palmerston
lonial Department
First Lord of the Admiralty Duke of Buckingham
Lord Chancellor Sir J. Leach
- - - - -

President of the Council Marquis of Camden
Chancellor of the Exchequer Sir H. Parnell
Master General of the Ordnance Marquis of Abglesea
Privy Seal , Earl of Carlisle
President of the Board of Control Mr. Wynn
'resident of the Board of Trade Mr. Grant
faster of the Rolls Mr, Brouilharn
113011.

Secretary at War Sir It. \V
—Morning Post.

That it is necessary a reform should take place in
the representation of the people, is, we believe, the
opinion of ull persons in this country, except those
who have an interest in upholding the present
system. When we speak of reform, we mean that
%vi,e, moderate, and practicable reform which would
restore the tone and energy of the Constitution,
without any admixture of wild and dangerous inno-
vations, which would be just as injurious to the
cause of enlightened liberty as the abuses of which
the public now complain. It has been the policy
df those who advocate what is called radical reform,
to make people believe that their novel and extra-
vagant theories are but u revival of the old principles
of popular representation; but there never was a
grosser delusion. There never was a time in the
history of this country when universal suffrage and
annual Parliaments formed part and parcel of the
Constiottion. These are the inventions of modern
times, and are calculated not to restore, but, to sub-
vert the Constitution. Their principle is opposed
to the existence of rational freedom—their opera-
tion would riot be remedial, but revolutionary. It
is true that by the Act of the 2d Edward 111., cap.
14, and the 36th Edward 111., cap. 10, the King
was bound to convoke a Parlrarnent every year or
oftener if need be ; but these statutes, instead of
prescribing the election of new Parliaments yearly or
oftener, as our radical reformers interpreted them,
only meant that the Supreme Magistrate should
summon the Parliament every year or oftener, if
the public interests required, to sit for despatch of
business—that k, that there should be one Session
or more every year, but not one or more new Par-
liament. The indeterminate words "if need be,"
were taken advantage of by succeeding vonarehs,
who,, pretending that there was no need of convok-
ing Parliaments, unless at great intervals of time,
omitted calling them together for a succession of
years. To remedy this grievance, the statute of the
16th Charles 11., rap. I, was passed, which enacts

that the sitting anti holding of Parliaments shall not
be intermitted above three years at the most, and
thus, though annual and triennial Sersions were en-
joined by positive statutes, and triennial Parlia-
melts were ordered to be called by the 6th Wil-
liam and Mary, rap. 2, it does not appear
that annual Parliaments ever were known to the
Constitution of Englund. As to universal suf-
frage, there is still less pretence for saying that
It ever existed in this country—for there never
was a time when property wits not an ingre-
dient in the qualification. of voting for Members of
Parliament; and in early times it was necessary that
all voters should be" freemen," which is the reason

that " copyholders," whatever amount of property
they possess, have not, as such, the elective fran-
chise us freeholders to the amount of forty shillings
have, because copyholders were originally in a state
of bondage, or, us it was technically called, villanage
to the feudal ;nds. On this part of the question,
the author of a pamphlet culled " Thoughts on Par-
liamentary Reform," letely published, says, and
rightly says :—" It is necessary to bear in mind
that, to whatever period or people we refer the
origin of our Constitution, whether to the Wittena-
gemote of the Saxons, or the Parliaments of the
ages succeeding the invasion of the Normans, still
our Representative system is founded on the basis
of property, for the freemen of those days were all
men of property—they wore either freeholders: or
burgesses; and as they formed what, in Constitu-
tional language, is called the CoMmons of England,
to them was confided, as to the persons most mer
rested, the choice of such knights and burkesses: as
they should deem most likely to watch over their
interests, and to lay on such taxation as should
be most equally felt—the principle being, that these
who were chiefly to bear the burdens should deptee
persons of their own selection to lay them—in feet,
that taxation and Representation should go toge-
ther." To show that this was the doctrine of our
ancestors, he quotes the preamble of the Statute
Bth Henry VI. cap. 7, which fixes the quallficalions
of freeholders to vote at elections for knights of the
shire at forty shillings by the year; and which runs
as follows :—" Whereas the elections of [(eights: of
the shire to come to the Parliament of our Lord the
King, in many counties of the realm, have now, of
lute, been made by very great outrages and exces-
sive number of people dwelling within the 'same
counties of the realm of England, of the which most
part was of people of small substance, and of no
value, whereof every of .them pretended a voice
equivalent, as to such eleetions to be made, ehh the
most Worthy Knights and Esquires, dwelling within
the came counties, whereby trianslaughters, riots,
batteries, and divisions among the gentlemen, and
other people of the same counties, shall very likely
rise end be, unless convenient and due remedy be.
provided in this behalf." Now, though an-
nual Parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote by
ballot, are not, and never were, part of the Con-
stitution of England, yet it is certain the principle 1
on which the elective franchise is exercised was
much more comprehensive formerly then it is at
present,
and therefore, in having that practice improved, we would have the Constitution nut altered,
bet restored. There was a time When all populous
Representatives; that is
towns in Englund returned
not the case at present. What is the reason ? Such
towns as Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield, Birmingham.
&c. have grown into importunce in times compara-
tively modern; while such places as Old Serum,
Gatton, 4c. have fallen into decay, or rather into
utter insigniiicances and Consequently furnish in-
stances of that gross anomaly in our Constitution...-.
'tamely, representation without constituency. Let
the franchises of such decayed towns be transferred
to other towns having a large unrepresented pope..
lotion, and while the letter Of tile Constitution is
apparently departed from, its spirit will be preserved.
But no plan of reform can be effective which does
not include the tin oWing open to inhabitant house-
helders the elective franchise of all the close bosougla
that now only lend the nominees of Lords anti oiln.r
great men into Parliament, and it can be shown
that the franchise was thus oomprnhen,ive in guch