The Sun.
London, England, 1837-03-21 00:00:00

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.

The third ordinary Meeting of this Society was held in the
apartments of the Royal Astronomical Society on Thursday
evening last, Dr. John Lee, of Hartwell, President, in the
Chair.

Several communications were read and presents announced.
Sir HENRY ELLIS, K. H, communicated some curious parti-
culars respecting the pewter farthings issued about the middle
of the lith century.
Mr. J. Y. AKERMAN, the Secretary, read a paper on the
" Coins of the Ancient Britons," in which he showed that the
account of Cmsar, who distinctly states that the Britons had
no coined or stamped money is not entitled to implicit credit,
since many specimens at present exist, which are obviously of
very early fabric, long anterior to the arrival of the Romans in
this country. Mr. Akerman contended that the objects repre-
sented on British coins have no reference to the habits or
customs of the people by whom they were minted, and that in
fact they are copied from the coins of the Greeks. Many
French antiquaries, on the authority of Caesar, hold that the
Britons had no coins before the arrival of the Romans, but the
circumstance that rude coins of a workmanship differing from
those of the Gaulish series are found in England only, is a suf-
ficient proof to the contrary.
A paper on the coins of the Egyptian Ptolemies was read,
as was also some further remarks by Mr. Cullimore, the other
Secretary, on the inscription commemorating the subjugation
of Britain by the Emperor Claudins.
The Society then adjourned to Thursday, April 20.

The following account of an ingenious mode of
smuggling between Switzerland and France is related by Mr.
Cooper in his recent tour in those two countries :—On a re-
cent occasion, a cart loaded with split wood (larch) had safely
passed the door of one of the frontier custom-houses, driven by
a peasant, who appeared to be one driving a very common
burden to his own home. The cart, however, was stopped,
and the wood unloaded. While reloading, for nothing but
wood was found, one stick attracted attention. It was muddy,
as if it had fallen into the road. The mud, however, in the eye
of the douanier, had a suspicious air about it ; it seemed as if it
were smeared on, and on examining it closely, two scams were
discovered, ►which it had been hoped the mud would conceal.
The billet had been split in two, hollowed, and re-united by
means of pegs. On opening it, the cavity was found to con-
tain no less than 70 Genevese gold watches.

THE DIVORCED.—The grace, both of sentiment
and expression, with which this work is written (observes the
Court Journal), may be best conceived by those to whom the
former writings of the authoress are familiar. But whether
for interest in the story—truth in the characters—or power in
the moral, " The Divorced" is without question, the best of all
Lady Charlotte Bury's fictions.
During the past week great excitement has prevailed
in the parish of St. Mary Abbotts, Kensington, in consequence
of summonses having been issued against 1,200 rate-payers, at
the instance of the churchwardens, for non-payment of the rates
made for the support of the Church during the years 1835,
1836, and 1837. Saturday being the day appointed for hearing
the reasons of the defaulters, the magistrates assembled in the
board-room of the workhouse, in Gloucester-place. The bench
went through upwards of 500 of the summonses, all of the de-
faulters being ordered to pay either immediately or at periods
varying from 7to 21 days. The remainder of the cases will
be heard next Saturday.
SAN SEBASTIAN.—A coloured map of this im-
portant fortress, with a well-defined outline of the positions oc-
pied by the Christinos and Cellists from the Bidassoa to Her-
nani, has just been published by Wyld, of Charing-cross. It
is dedicated to Major Humfrey, Quarter-Master-General and
Deputy Engineer to the British Auxiliary Legion, from whose
sketches, taken on the spot, it has been chiefly compiled.
RIIENISII `WlNE.—Charlemagne, observing from
the window of his palace at Ingelhcim (says an old legend),
that the snow disappeared from the cliff above Rudesheim
earlier than from any of the neighbouring hills, caused the
same to be planted with vines. What has become of Charle-
magne and his descendants, no one knows, but the progeny of
his vines remain on the same spot to the present hour.
~IILITAIt FLOGGING.—The officers and privates
of the 17th Lancers stationed in our Barracks under the com-
mand of Lieut.-Colonel Lord Bingham, had an opportunity
afforded them on Monday week, of witnessing the torture of a
fellow-creature by the infliction of the sanguinary punishment
of flogging on private John Quigley, who is a mere boy under
18 years of age! Ile deserted, however, about two months
since, but voluntarily surrendered himself, six weeks afterwards
at Manchester, since which time he has been confined in the
black hole at the barracks for three weeks. On Monday, the
27th ult., a private Court-martial of the officers of the regi-
ment, Colonel Lord Bingham President, was held to try the
prisoner, who was found guilty of the charge of desertion. The
sentence of the Court was that he should receive a hundred
and fifty lashes on hes bare bach, and be marred with the letter
Don she side I This sentence was of course confirmed at the
Horse Guards ; and on its being communicated to poor Quig-
ley, he quietly observed, " Well, I must bear it as well as I
can ; but I am glad it will not take place till Monday, as you
will pray for me on the Sunday." Lord Bingham superin-
tended the infliction of the brutal lashing at the riding school,
in person, the officers and men being all drawn up to witness
the horrid spectacle. Quigley writhed much beneath the
many-tailed cat, but not a sigh, a shriek, or groan, escaped
from the sufferer's lips, and he bore the degrading punishment
—the whole number of lashes imposed—without gratifying the
tormentors by the expression of a single sound that could be-
token the emotions of his bosom, or the feelings of his lacerated
and mangled body. By this time he will have been considered
sufficiently recovered to be dismissed from the hospital, and
to be drummed out of the regiment, without a friend in the
world to aid him in his most distressed and most deplorable
condition. This is the second time within three months that
this inhuman punishment has been inflicted in these barracks.
—Suffolk Chronicle.
Mr. WARD'S NEW WoRK--,, HUMAN LIFE."
—These " Illustrations of Human Life" have three divisions,
or we should rather say, that there are three separate stories,
or sources of interest, that form the work. The first of these
is entitled " Atticus," and unfolds to our respect and admira-
tion the character of a rational being, who having acted a fair
and important part in the State, quits it before he is worn out,
or before it quits him. The second, " St. Lawrence," occu-
pying half of the first volume, consists of a set of startling
stkieetoefhe,s,
loFineitsi
jung ;
supernatural agency. The other two volumes,
notwithstanding the ability and interest of the first one, will
probably be the favourites. They form one story under the ti-
or, Society ;" and this is unquestionably
a production that may take rank in every respect with the most
finished and forcible parts of the author's previous writings.—
Court Journal.
There is now living twin brothers, one at Heage
and the other at Green hill Lane, in this county, so strongly
resembling each other in size, features, and general appear-
ance, that even their own mother has frequently been puzzled
to distinguish John from William. A droll anecdote is told
of one of them going into a tradesman's shop, at Belper, the
other day, and was saluted by the tradesmen in a most fami-
liar manner, feeling confident that it was the one he was inti-
mately acquainted with. The tradesman was told of his mis-
take, but he still persisted that he was right, and called the
servant, who also affirmed in the most positive manner that
this was the Tomlinson (for that is the name of the brothers)
her master was acquinted with. So matters remained, till a
circumstance transpired that convinced the tradesman be was
Wrong. John and William Tomlinson were born at Heage,
arid are about 34 years of age.---Derbyshire Chronicle.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The Irish Corporate Reform Bill, containing 147
clauses and five schedules, passed through Committee
in the House of Commons last night. Only a few
.verbal alterations were made in the original clauses ;
and only one division took place upon an amendment
moved by Mr. Sharman Crawford on the 96th clause,
which regulates the future election of sheriffs in eight
counties of cities and counties of towns. The Hon.
Member for Dundalk proposed to vest in the corporate
bodies in these eight municipal towns the absolute
power of electing their own sheriffs ; whereas the pro-
position of Ministers was to give the town-councils the
right of electing three persons for the Lord-Lieute-
nant's consideration, one of whom his Excellency might,
if he thought fit, appoint sheriff. Should the Viceroy
not select either of these three, then it was pro-
posed that the council should make another elec-
tion of three other qualified persons ; ,and if it
should happen that neither of these met the ap-
proval of the Lord-Lieutenant, the Bill in that case
devolved upon his Excellency himself the duty
and absolute right of appointing the sheriff, with-
out the further interference of the town-council. Mr.
Sharman Crawford conceived this clause of the Bill
to be an insult to the people of Ireland, and asked
why was a distinction drawn in this respect -be-
tween the town-councils of England and Ireland ?
The answer of Lord John Russell was, that of course
no insult was intended to Ireland ; and that if the
English Bill were now before the House he would
propose the assimilation of the corresponding clauses,
by substituting a clause similar to that in the Irish
Bill for the clause as it now stands in the English
Act. This explanation seemed satisfactory to Mr. S.
Crawford, who, however, thought fit to press his
amendment to a division, in which there were 65 for
and only 5 against the original clause. The Tories
did not vote in this division. Shortly before the ques-
tion was put, Sir Robert Peel walked off with him-
self ; and when the Chairman desired strangers to
withdraw, Messrs. Goulburn, Shaw, Lord Castle-
reagh, and the other occupants of the Opposition
Benches rushed to the door, to avoid voting, their
notion being that the appointment of sheriffs ought
to rest exclusively in the Viceroy. In the early
part of the evening, Sir Robert Peel took ex-
ception to the working of the 22d clause, which ap•
points the election of " Mayor," Aldermen, &c.,
in certain boroughs. The Right Hon. Baronet
complained that by this clause the Chief Magistrate
of Dublin would be degraded, that officer being now
a Lord Mayor. Sir Robert must have overlooked
schedule A of the Bill, for there we find the future
designation of the head of the Dublin Reformed Cor-
poration thus set forth, " the Right Hon. the Lord
Mayor of the city of Dublin." We were not sorry,
however, to see the ex-Premier starting so frivolous an
objection. It demonstrates two things : first, that Sir
Robert could find in the Bill no solid ground of op-
position ; and, secondly, that the Tamworth Baronet
is anxious to show that lie has no very strong preju- '
dice against the reformation of the Irish Corporations,
and that the violence of Lord Lyndhurst finds no
sympathy in his bosom. Mr. Shaw, (who, with Mr.
Goulburn and Mr. Peter Borthwick, conducted
the faint opposition which the Bill encountered
in its several clauses) took a series of exceptions
to the 106th, 108th, and 116th clauses, which re-
gulate the appointment and the jurisdiction of recor-
ders. The 108th clause directs as follows : " And be

it enacted that the recorder of every borough to
which such separate Court of Sessions of the peace
shall be granted as aforesaid, shall hold once in every
month, or at such other and more frequent times as
the said recorder, in his discretion, may think fit, or
as the Lord Lieutenant shall think fit to direct, a court of
sessions of the peace in and for such borough, of which
court the recorder of such borough shall sit as the sole
judge," &c. This is a most excellent regulation. The
late Baron M'Clelland, in one of his charges on the
north-west circuit, designated the gaols of Ireland as
pest-houses, where innocence was corrupted and vice
hardened. It is obviously the duty of 'Government
and of the Legislature to prevent. an accumulation of
prisoners—many of them guiltless of the imputed of-
fence—in such demoralising places. Besides, there is
the cruel injustice of depriving innocent persons for six
weeks or two months of their liberty, as well as the
weighty burden upon the public of maintaining crowds
of prisoners in gaols. Taking all these reasons into
view, we do think the recorders in populous lo-
calities, such as Dublin and Cork, should hold their
courts once a week. But Mr. Frederick Shaw
does not like to see recorders obliged to hold their
Courts even once in every month. He dreads the
consequences to himself of so admirable a regula-
tion. If the. pickpockets of Dublin, who crowd
Newgate, and during the weeks they are there await-
ing trial occupy their minds with the invention of
new modes of pilfering—if these were brought to
trial weekly, Mr. Recorder Shaw would be under
the necessity of vacating his seat for the University of
Dublin—a sacrifice which the Right Hon. Gentleman
would not like to make, now that in Ryall's Conser-
vative Portraits he is held up to the admiring gaze
of the Corruptionists as the acknowledged leader of
the Irish Conservative party : notwithstanding his
cavilling the Committee passed the clause, and it now
remains for the Peers to deal with it. Notice had
been given of some amendments in the schedules at-
tached to this Bill by Mr. James Grattan and others,
for the insertion of Wicklow and Bangor in Schedule
C, by which their corporate, character would be pre-
served; but they were not pressed to a division,
and the schedules were adopted without alteration.
This Bill differs in little from the Bill of the
last Session. One of the variances—that relating
to the appointment of sheriffs—we have already no-
ticed. By the Bill of last year, as it was altered in
Committee by the COMMOIIS, the appointment of
sheriffs was vested solely in the Lord-Lieutenant : the
present Bill virtually transfers the appointment to the
town-councils, leaving the Viceroy a veto, as is partly
the law at present. The other material variance is
likewise a great improvement, even on the admission
of the Tories. By the former Bill, the election of al-
dermen was vested in the town-councils : the present
Bill makes the burgesses the electors of aldermen as
well as of the councillors ; so that there shall be but
one election for aldermen and councillors in boroughs
not divided into wards—onefourth part of the persons
elected and having the greatest number of votes being,
ipso facto, the aldermen, and the remaining three-
fourths the councillors, of such boroughs. The elec-
tion shall also terminate in one day, thus swing time
and preventing corruption, intimidation, and the evils
consequent upon protracted excitation. The Bill is to
be read a third time, according to the notice given by
Lord John. Russell last night, on Monday, the 10th
April next.—Morning Chronicle.
For a people so intelligent, and so capable of re-
gection, as the English, it has often been remarked
that they are uncommonly prone to be m;sled by
sounds, and to take for granted, in spite of all warn-
ing and remonstrance, that mere names do really de-
note the things which they arc employed to signify.
In politics the most lamentable dupery is caused by
this disposition of our countrymen to give credit to
appearances as if they were substances, and to infer,
without examination, that whenever an invoice is
shown them, the cargo must always correspond. We
have often thought of this when any mention was
made of that particular measure which is now on its
way through the House of Commons, and on the
success of which the Ministers are at daily pains to
inform us that their fate as a Government hinges.
The Irish Municipal Bill is that measure which Lord
John Russell has declared, and the gazettes of Minis-
ters have repeated is a " vital one," which they call a
" Corporation Bill," and which Mr. Daniel O'Connell
and his tail have denominated a Bill for "loin; justice to
Ireland." Now what has been often remarked, but nt,t
sufficiently attended to by the Protestants of Great Bri-
tain, the misnomer of this falsely called " Municipal
Bill" is manifest, from the very fact of its being so
eagerly insisted on by the Popish party in Ireland.
Had it been a measure of a bona fide Municipal or
local character, purely for adding to the cleanliness,
comfort, and more orderly regulation of towns, with no
further purpose of any kind, what charms would it or
agitation interest ? By what
could it pouess for the

far-fetched ingenuity could the leaders of that interest
convert it into an engine for doing " justice to Ire-
land?" What meaning is affixed to the phrase of
" justice to Ireland," in the minds of those who are
most familiar with it, they leave us under no difficulty
to understand. They tell us openly, and impress it
upon their followers as a fundamental truth, that justice
to Ireland consists mainly in the overthrow of the Pro-
testant Established Church, and the substitution of the
voluntary principle. Well, then, can anything be
more obvious than that the measure which the pest
and O'Connell faction deem essential as a meant;
of justice to Ireland must be one of which the
anticipated consequence is the ruin, of the Church
in Ireland ? It follows, therefore, that this Irish
Corporation 'Bill is in its nature, and ought to be
in its title, a " Church Subversion Bill" for Ireland.
For such is its recognized object with those who arc
most violent in the pursuit of it,—namely, the Irish
Revolutionists and Papists. Yet, strange to say, we
find many of those Members of Parliament who con-
demn the appropriation clause as being an outrage upon
the rights of the Church, and who reprobate the Bill
for the abolition of Church-ratos as being a direct spo-
liation of Church property—we find them voting for

the Irish (so called). Municipal Bill by a majority of SO,
while for the appropriation clause there was but a ma-
jority of 29, and for the anti-church-rate project a ma-
jority of no more than three-and-twenty I Of what
explanation are such facts susceptible, save that En-
glishmen who so treat such questions have neither
seen the differences of things nor their affinities--

that they have not seen the utter contrast between
a really municipal policy for Ireland and that
which dictated the Irish " Corporation" Bill, nor
the close and inseparable connexion between the latter
measure and those others which have simultaneously and
avowedly been directed against the Established Church.
They have mistaken sounds for substances. Why, if
the appropriation clause and the Municipal Bill be
considered even for a moment, it will be seen that the
first is in practice as compared with the other, quite
innocent and inoperative. The appropriation Clause
yields nothing but a principle, which, excepting as it
is a principle, sleeps for three-and-forty years. It
inflicts little present loss upon the Church beyond that
of which Conservative Statesmen themselves have ac-
quiesced in the expediency. But what does the Irish
Municipal Bill ? It grants a large accession of- real
power to the declared enemies of the Church, to be
used horn the very outset for her rapid destruction ;
while the appropriation clause is only pregnant with
remoter dangers—the Municipal Priests run far
ahead of the abstract principle—their evil offspring
start into life at once, full grown and armed for
immediate mischief. But of both the end is alike.
The Protestant Church is aimed at from different
points, and by paths which seem to take separate
courses. The appropriation clause avows its mo-
tive, and seeks to introduce a political doctrine
for hereafter ; the Municipal " Reform" lets in
upon our Church the physical force of a fierce and
superstitious rabble, to be led or driven, as the may be,
commencing from the first hour of their franchise.
To us it is more than strange that the true com-
plexion of this measure has yet at least. escaped the
vigilance and shrewdness of our Protestant countrymen.
Surely there is now enough before them to expose, in
its genuine tendency, the spirit of a scheme whose
entire value in the eyes of the public enemy, who pro-
claims his detestation of the Church, is its aptitude for
the overthrow of the whole fabric of Protestantism
throughout Ireland. It is monstrous to talk about the
popularity of this Municipal Bill, in favour of which
the petitions from Ireland, where the art, moreover, of
getting up petitions has long flourished, have been few
and unimportant. It is more monstrous to talk of the
Bill as carrying with it the slightest illustration of equa-
lity in the laws of the respective countries, when the
working and effect of English Corporate Reform are
directly opposite to the Irish—the moving power in
England being individual free agency, in Ireland col-
lective subserviency to the priest. If the agitators will
have equality of corporate legislation, let them begin
by recommending an equality of material for burgesses.
Let them ask for such an amount of qualification in
Ireland as would raise the Irish burgess to the same
level of intelligence and independence as are prevalent
in the municipal bodies here. But that is not the de-
scription of equality they look for.— Times.

Several of the clauses of the Irish Municipal Re-
form Bill were last night passed in Committee, by the
House of Commons, without any discussion deserving
of the slightest commentary. We, therefore, refer for
the particulars of the proceedings to our report and
summary. The merits of the Bill have already been
so thoroughly canvassed and established, that every
one influenced by fair, honest, and impartial motives is
already convinced of its expediency, justice, and sound
policy, and with those desirous of arraying one sect of
people against another, and one division of the em-
pire against the other, in order more effectually to re-
tard the progress of popular rights, it would now be
useless to argue ; it is not by words that such op-
ponents must be brought to yield to the dictates of
reason and justice. It is not their intellect, but their
inclination, that is for the most part at fault. There
certainly maybe, and we believe there are, some amongst
the Opposition, too imbecile or indolent to exercise any
judgment of their own, who follow their leaders in stupid
indifference ; but these leaders themselves see and ap-
preciate as distinctly as men can do the justice of the mea-
sure, and hence arises their opposition. Accustomed
to batten on the spoliation of the people, they re-
gard any and every proposition to establish a just
and equitable system of government as a personal
wrong. Plunder is the patrimony they have received
from their fathers, and plunder is the inheritance they
would transmit to their children. How could it be
expected that amongst such men the proposal of jus-
tice to Ireland, or justice to any part of the empire,
should meet with a favourable reception ? As well
might the members of the " swell mob be expected to
co-operate in the establishment of a more efficient
system of police. The cases are exactly parallel. One
class live by individual plunder, the other by national
plunder. What is the history of the Irish Corpora-
tions but an uninterrupted record of plunder, oppres-
sion, and corruption ? What is the taxing of the
Irish people for die maintenance of a Church in many
parts known to them only by its name and ..its persecu-
tions, but plunder of the most heartless and aggravated
character ? This, say the spoilers, is for the interest
of religion. In many parishes in Ireland there is no
Church, and in some not a single member of the esta-
bliiihed religion. Where, in such instances, we ask,
is the religion or the Church for the support of which
such parishioners are asserted to be taxed ? The
Church, the congregation, and the religion are to be
found only in the person of some reverend gentleman
whose face is, perhaps, never seen in the parish unless
when seeking the payment of those funds which he
claims on behalf of the Church. Can such a system
be otherwise designated than one of plunder and abo-
mination ? Can it be hoped that the abettors of
such a system or systems will yield tu-the force of
argument, however convincing ? The whole history
of Toryism-affords ample proof of the contrary. They
have never yet made any concession to popular claims
but on compulsion. Whenever a measure of public
justice is proposed, the Tories consider, not the me-
rits of the question, but merely calculate the best
means of defeating it, and how far it may be safe
to carry their opposition. To what was Catholic
emancipation conceded ?—Compulsion. To what was
the Reform of the Home of Commons, and of the
Municipal Corporations of England conceded ? Com-
pulsion. Those measures, like these now pending,
had long the justice and policy of their principle tm-
disputarAy established so far as argument could do it
without any practical result, till the people showed, by
a general demonstration, that they would no longer be
trifled with. "The Tories did not even pretend that
they yielded through conviction—on die contrary, they
avowed with a frankness not usual with them, that they
gave way to necessity. They made necessity the plea
with their friends for their concessions ; but they of-
fered no apology to the people whose rights they had
resisted, and whom they forced to the verge of revo-
lution in the effort to establish equitable institutions.
Where, then, is the use of argument with such oppo-
nents ? No. They must be shown a necessity sm.

ltr to that which carried the Reform Act—the argn-;
tnenturn ad Birmingham.—Morning Advertiser.

We have had in the House of Commons able
speeches upon the affairs of Spain. Mr. Maclean
las elucidated the circumstances of the present strug-
gle with great industry and extensive research ; Lord
Mahon has brought to the illustration of the subject
the resources of a mind rich in historical information ;
Sir Robert Peel has exposed the vanity, the vacilla-
tion, the fatuity, of the Foreign-Office, with the most
conclusive argument and the most bitter sarcasm ; but
this is not enough—it is time to ask the House of
Commons for a vote. We know bow strong is the
repugnance which is felt by constitutional statesmen
against any course which may tend to exact from the
Foreign-Office premature disclosures, or to embarrass
in any way the free action which, within certain bounds,
is rightly allowed to the King's Ministers in their ma-
nagement of the external relations of the country.
We do not blame the Conservatives for their long-for-
bearance,
though the Whig Radicals would not have
been so delicate in a similar position. If the Duke
of Wellington had been in Lord Palmerston's place
one-tenth part of the supplies which iNlendizabal has
squandered, one-tenth part of the interference which
Lord John Hay has practised, one-tenth part of the
losses which Colonel Evans has sustained, would have
afforded a theme to blustering patriots for motions
without number, and orations without end. But once
more, we do not blame the Conservatives for their long
forbearance. Yet surely it has reached its limit—
surely there is a depth of disaster and disgraCe at
which Englighmen who love England are entitled to
pause, and to demand from the contriver of these
harms an account of his stewardship. We ven-
ture to counsel the Conservatives against the fear
which calls itself caution. There is no need of
the pros and cons of party tactics. The Spanish
policy of Lord Palmerston is condemned by the
universal voice of the country and of its represen-
tatives. Its injustice long ago made it odious : its
failure has now rendered it contemptible. Let us see
whether the House of Commons will dare to sanction
by a vote the iniquities and the blunders which not
ten of its Members, out of its walls, hesitate to
denounce and to deride. If the Members of the
House of Commons should vote honestly, in the dis-
charge of their duty to their constituents, an address
for the dismissal of Lord Palmerston would be carried
to-morrow by an overwhelming majority ; and if they
should vote dishonestly, in fulfilment of their pledges
to the Administration—if they should vote that
black is white, to keep the Melbourne Ministry in
office—certain are we that men so unmindful of the
credit and of the interests of their country would
never again disgrace the deliberations of a British Se-
nate. Is it not marvellous that Lord Palmerston's
colleagues, unpopular as they are, should endure
—should embrace—the superfluous and unprofitable
unpopularity which accrues to them from their alliance
with this contemptible man ? Lord Palmerston has
been the hack of every party that has successively held
the reins of Government for nearly thirty years : and
in the history of each Administration to which he has
belonged Lord Palmerston earns for himself no parti-
cular distinction but that which is due to the versatility
which has enabled him to accept the wages of them all.
Lord Palmerston has been a Tory and a Radical with
equal sincerity : but little honoured among Tories, and
little trusted among Radicals. Lord Palmerston has
cheered the speeches of Lord Castlereagh and the
speeches of Sir John Hobhouse with similar enthu-
siasm ; but Lord Castlereagh did not bring him into
the Cabinet, and Sir John Hobhouse can hardly be
anxious to keep him there. In council he is both un-
wise and unfortunate ; in debate he is both indo-
lent and ineffective. Neither by his moral vir-
tues nor by his intellectual powers, neither by
his connections nor by his professions, does
lie command any following in the House, or in
the country. What inducement, then, have Lord
Palmerston's colleagues to take upon themselves their
share of the censure and ridicule which follow Lord
Palmerston's policy ? However, if none but Lord
Liverpool's Secretary-at-War will serve for Lord Mel-
bourne's Secretary of State, it is time, as we before
said, for the Commons to interfere. Before another
man is sent out to Colonel Evans, before another
musket is handed to Mendizabal, before another
treaty is framed, before another protocol is penned,
let the House of Commons be asked for a vote.
We verily believe that in a resolution expressing
censure of Lord Palmerston's Spanish policy all
parties but the mere placeman party would concur :
Mr. Roebuck supporting Lord Stanley—Sir William
Molesworth echoing Sir Robert Peel. Some may
like Lord John Russell for his endeavours to rob the
Irish Church—others may love Mr. Spring Rice for
his willingness to defraud the English Church : Mr.
Poulett Thomson may have made friends by his rea-
diness to repeal the Corn-laws—Lord Howick may
have won popularity by his disposition to yield on the
Ballot ; but, notwithstanding all this, scarcely the most
corrupt, scarcely the most audacious, will venture to
vote the continuance of a system by which British
treasure is wasted, British lives sacrificed, British
interests endangered, and British honour disgraced.
--llfor fling Post.

The subject of Post Office Reform is one of such
deep importance to a commercial nation, that once it
is fairly undertaken, we cannot doubt of important
results. There are two distinct views to be taken of
this subject, of which one may be considered the
official view, the other the popular, but in both it
would seem there is a great field for useful inquiry.
Officially, the Post Office is regarded as a source of
State revenue, and though public convenience is by
no means lost sight of, vet, we believe that the pro-
ductiveness of the Post Office, as a source of revenue,
is the principal object. According to the popular
view, which consists also with the view of the framers
of the Post Office Establishment in the reign of
Charles 11., the principal object should be the accom-
modation of the public by the quick and certain, and
cheap transmission of correspondence, and the conse-
quent advantage which commerce, and, indeed, every
active pursuit of life, would therefrom receive. The
investigations of several Government Commissions, and
the discussions of various points relating to Post Office
management in the House of Commons, have roused a
decree of public attention to the details of the subject
which already has led to some beneficial consequences.
and will probably lead to many more. Among them
we perhaps ought to rank the pamphlet of Mr. Row-
land Hill, who appears to have thoroughly looked into
the subject, and whose views of Reform are certainly
of no confined range. He goes so far, indeed, in his
speculations, that we fear some of the attention which
his pamphlet has received may be as much on account
of its strangeness, as for more practical reasons ; but
even those who think that his views of what may be
done touch rather upon the realm of extravagance, must
admit the value of the information, which he has con-
densed from official documents, and of the calculations
which he has founded upon that information. Look-
ing at the Post-office as a source of revenue, it must
be quite clear, upon an inspection of the financial re-
turns, that there is something wrong. On a compari-
son of the receipts of 1815 with those of 1835, it ap-
pears that there is no increase whatever of revenue to
the state, but a trifling diminution. Mr. Hill, how-
ever, shows, by calculation, that if the increase in the
receipt had advanced in proportion to the increase in
the population of the country, there would, in 1835,
bare been an increase in the Post-office revenue of
507,7001. a year. But the case is made much stronger
by a comparison of the progress of Post-office revenue
with that of a revenue which may be considered to de-
pend upon nearly the same influences—namely, the
revenue from the tax upon stage coaches. If the
Post-office revenue since 1815 had increased in the
same proportion that the revenue from stage coaches
has increased, the Government would now be receiving
from the Post-office two millions a year more than it
does receive I It is fair to make allowance for greater
facilities to the public which have been afforded since
1815, and a consequent increase of expense ; but,
taking this into consideration, it is still evident that
some principle must have been operating with regard to
Post-office revenue, that made it an exception to the
general laws of increase by which other sources of
revenue are governed. This principle will, no doubt, be
found in the excessive rates of postage. The taxation
upon the conveyance of letters is so great, that, upon

a large scale, it becomes more profitable to cVade thr
law, and to incur the than to send letters
through the c hinitl which would make them contri-
hut* to the revenue. The quantity of letters and com-
munications of all sorts which the law requires to be
sent through the Post-office, but which are not 30 sent,
must be enormous. If it were not so, our Post-office
revenue must have been by this time fully double what
it is. to France, where the progress of omi-tierce,
and the activity of communications is so Much inferior;
the Post-office receipt has increased 54 per cent: since
1821. In this country it has rather ch**ettfir:4 since
1813. In Mr. Hill's pamphlet he calculates the tax
upon letters—that ibr the cost of postage beyond the
actual expense of transmission--at no less than 300
per cent. He contemplates three rates of reduction, of-
which he prefers the last. Reduction to a considerable
extent, would, according to his view, produce an increase
of revenue ; a second reduction would be required to bring
back the revenue to- its present amount ; and a third to
bring it to the limits which he proposes. Our readers
will perhaps smile when they hear that that limit is one
penny per half-ounce ; and since, according to his cal-
culation, the expense of conveying a letter to the most
distant part of the kingdom is so small as not to be
measurable by any existing coin, he would have the
same rate whether the latter was conveyed a short dis-
tance or a long—that is to say, one penny for all letters.
We cannot of' course enter, in this place, into the
details of management by which he conceives this
reduction might be accomplished, but they are at once
bold and ingenious ; and we do not in the least doubt
that ere many years pass a reduction of postage will
actually take place, the mention of which at this day
seems almost ridiculous. We do think that Mr. Hill's
enthusiasm for cheap postage has rather run away with
him, and that he expects an activity, and an accommo-
dation of long-established habits to the new system,
which would be found in practice wholly impossible.
But Mr. Hill leaves room for a very considerable re-
coil from his proposition before we fall back upon that
which now exists. We think it is quite clearly esta-
blished that, in our present system, some very erro-
neous principle is in operation ; and we feel confident
that, by proper attention to the subject, there may be
combined greater accommodattion to the public, along
with a greater contribution to the revenues of the
State.—Morning Herald.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, MARCH 20.

The Loan CHANCELLOR took his seat at Five o'Clock.
Lord STRAFFORD presented a petition from Poole,
praying for the abolition of Church-rates.

. Thee Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented petitions
from various parishes in the county of Kent, against the aboli-
tion of Church-rates.

The Bishop of LONDON presented petitions from Stroud,
Stanmore, Edgeware, Bushey, and other parishes, to the same
effect.

The Bishop of St. A SAPH presented petitions from Whit-
tington, and other places, to the same effect.
Lord HADDINGT ON presented petitions from several
parishes in the county of Nottingham, to the same effect.
Also a petition from Mr. Hope Johnstone, claimant of the
Annandale Peerage, praying their Lordships to take his case
into consideration and give judgment upon his petition, by
which he claimed the Peerage so long ago as 1820.
The Bishop of EXETER presented a petition from the
clergy of the diocese of Dromore, and also from the clergy of
the diocese of Clogher, against the present system of edu-
cation in Ireland. The Right Reverend Prelate took the op-
portunity of saying that a statement made by the Noble and
Learned Lord whom he saw in his place ( Lord Plunket) with
respect to certain forgeries which had been committed
in certain signatures and applications which had been made to
the Board was, as he was informed by a letter he held in his
hand, entirely without foundation.
Lord PLUNK ET said that he had no personal knowledge
of the subject, and all he had stated was the fact as he had
been informed, as it appeared before the Commissioners, and
which he believed to be true. He had been assured that both
the names of Mr. Morrison and Son were in the same hand
writing.
MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS.

Mr. Fox MAULE, and other Members of the House o)
Commons, brought up the Loughborough Small Debts Bill,
and several private Bills.

The Bishop of EXETER presented petitions against the
abolition of Church-rates from several parishes in Stafford-
shire, Herts, and Norfolk ; also from Brattlestoke, Totness,
and Harford, in Devonshire.
POOR LAWS.
Lord HOLLAND said he had a petition to present from
the constable and inhabitants of Salford; but although they
had done him the honour of entrusting it to him, he must sa,
he differed altogether from the prayer of it, which was—that
their Lordships would alter the Poor-law Amendment Bill.
The Bishop of EXETER said that he concurred in
the prayer of the petition, but would not make any further ob-
servations in respect to it, lest they might excite adverse decla-
rations. He, however, took the present occasion of stating,
that he had received many petitions on this subject, which he
would present on Thursday next.
The Duke of RICHMOND said that he had been entrusted
with a petition on this subject by the Guardians of a Union in
Sussex, praying that their Lordships would not consent to
make any alteration in the Poor-law Bill. The petitioners
stated that Sussex had been one of the most pauperised dis-
tricts in the kingdom under the old law, but that the new law
had been so satisfactory that it was their unanimous opinion
that the condition of the poor was less precarious, and that
they were more effectually relieved by the working of the pre-
sent system, and they therefore prayed that their Lordships
would not consent to any serious alteration of the law.—.
(Hear.) He (the Duke of Richmond) would take the oppor-
tunity of saying, that he concurred in the opinion of the peti-
tioners. He had beenjChairman of a Board of Guardians in
the country, and was ready to prove before a Committee of
their Lordships' House if a Committee was appointed that the
condition of the aged and the infirm, of children, and the de-
serving poor, was now better than under the old law. Before
the new system was adopted, the overseer might refuse relief
of his own accord, or the pauper might go to a magistrate,
who might be ready to sign an order on the rates ; but now the
the poor had the protection of attending the Board of Guardians,
by whom they could be heard and their cases impartially de-
cided on.---( Hear.) There were few measures therefore, he
would say, which effected more for the well-being of the poorer
classes than that in favour of which he presented this petition.
CHURCH-RATES.
Lord HOLLAND presented petitions in favour of the
abolition of' Church-rates from tho Protestant Dissenters of
Newport Chapel, Chancery-lane, and also from several pa-
rishes in Kent.
The Bishop of BANGOR presented petitions from Arling-
ton in Cumberland, and from parishes in Westmorland, in fa-
vour of Church-rates.

Lord ABERDEEN presented a petition to the same effect
from the members of the Scotch Church in Liverpool.
The Marquis of DOWNS HIRE presented a petition from
the Union of Windsor, praying that their Lordships would re-
sist any attempt to impede or impair the efficiency of the work-
ing of the poor-laws. The petitioners stated that the union con-
sisted of six parishes, and that under the new law 40 per cent., or
3,396/. had been saved there in one year. He would observe
that it was desirable such a measure should be extended to, or
at least have a fair trial in, Ireland, and any measure to that
effect would have his best wishes.

Lord DUNCA NN ON brought up the Report of the Com-
missioners of Inquiry as to Poor-laws in Ireland, which was
laid on the table.

Tho Duke of BLTCCLEIIGH presented petitions in fa-
vour of Church-rates, from parishes in Gloucestershire and
Northumberland.

Lord KEN YON presented petitions to the same effect
from several places in Yorkshire.
Earl DEVON presented petitions from Plymouth, Barn-
staple, and other places, against the abolition of Church-rates.
Earl MANSFIELD presented petitions from Tamworth,
Weldon, and other places, to the same effect.
The Bishop of BATH and WELLS presented petitions
from Monmouth, Mapleton, and other parishes, to the same
effect.

Lord WHA RNC L IFFE presented petitions from Windsor,
Huddersfield, and parishes in the county of Berks, to the same
effect.

Lord HARDWICK E presented petitions from a great
many parishes in the county of Cambridge to the same effect.
The Noble Lord said that some of these petitioners stated that
the claim of the Dissenters was unjustifiable. He would
state one circumstance, which induced him to agree with
the petitioners. It would be in the recollection of the
House that last year their Lordships passed the Regis-
tration of Marriages (Dissenters) Bill, which threw
on the public the expense of building a great many
houses for the accommodation of those who chose to get
married in them.—( Hear.) Now, as he never could ex-
pect to see his children married in those places, and
as he would in some way or other have to contri-
bute to the expense of raising and supporting these
houses, if the Dissenters were now paying something to-
wards the support of an Institution which they did not con-
sider they derived benefit from, in his opinion they could
not claim any sympathy in that respect, but were merely in
a situation to cry quits on the subject.
Lord MONTFORT presented petitions from Stoney
Stratford, and other places, praying for the abolition of
Church-rates.

Earl RADNOR presented a petition from the Mayor and
Corporation of Richmond, in the county of York, to the same
effect.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Bradford,
in tho county of York, signed by some thousands; also peti-
tions from Chelmsford, Alorpeth, Dover, Caruarvou and se-
veral places in Wales, praying for tile abolition of Church-
rates.

A Message by Mr. STANLEY and others brought up a copy
of the Minutes of the Evidence taken before the Committee
appointed in 1834 on the Affairs of Lower Canada; also the
Runcorn Gas-light Bill.
Mr. Ellis attended from the. Court of Exchequer ( Ireland),
and presented papers.

The Pistilli) of B rsiGo R. said that be had now to pre'setli
a petition, agreeable to the notice he had given on the subject,
of the revenms of the Secs cf Bangor and St. Asaph,
in the event of the union of those Saes.—(Hear. )
The petitioners d;d not see any good reason for encroaching
upon their ancient institutions. The Sees of St. Asaph
and Bangor had eitsted in their teparate stele
from time immemorial, and before Walt's formed a part of this
country ; and they itete of Opinioti that hy uniting them great
injustice would be done, and much inCon7enionee would be
caused, riot only to the people; but to thb gna clef-
tymen; There Wei; paiagf Oil in the report
Whieti in tOtite Measure reconciled them to the proposal. The
pilragraph was to the effect that a large proportion of the re
venues of the See should be devoted to the improvement of the
poorer livings. The Bight Rev. Prelate, who was almost in-
audible in the gallery, went on to detail the alterations subse-
quently made by the Church Commissioners in their plan, and
the correspondence that passed between them and himself in
consequence. lle concurred in the prayer of the petitioners,
and he certainly thought that the Commissioners had acted
hastily in the recommendations which they had made to Parlia-
ment. lie regretted very much to express thus publicly his
dissent from the proceedings of the Commissioners, for whom
he entertained the most sincere esteem and respect ; but in the
few observations he bad made he trusted that he had expressed
his opinion with temper and moderation.
The Archbishop of CANTERBURY thought that the
Right Rev. Prelate would have done better if he had entered
into communication with the Commissioners before he brought
forward the matter in the House, for they were certainly the
best jud,Tes on the subject.
The Bishop of BANGOR said that the reason he had
brought the matter forward in the House was because he thought
it would have been improper to introduce it before the Com-
missioners.

After a few words from another Right Rev. Prelate, whose
name we could not learn, Lord HOLLAND, and the Bishop of
LONDON, the petition was received.
Lord R E DES DALE moved the third reading of the Scotch
and Irish Vagrants Bill.
Lord BROUGHAM suggested the propriety of deferring
the Bill until after the holidays.
After a short conversation, in which Lord REDESDALE, Lord
BROUGHAM, and the LORD CHANCELLOR, took part, the second
reading of the Bill was postponed until Thursday, April 6.
THE WILLS BILL.

Lord LANGDALE moved the third reading of this Bill.
Lord BROUGHAM said that the alteration which their
Lordships had made in this measure had brought it back to
the same state in which it stood in the year 1835, when it came
from the House of Commons, and when great objections were
urged against it. Several Noble Lords on the opposite side
of the House had said, upon the introduction of this measure,
" see the consequences of the delay which has occurred—the
measure comes now before us considerably improved." But
the provisions had been very carefully and candidly considered,
and everyone of the charges had been given up, so that the
Bill was now in substance, though not in all the details, pre-
cisely similar to the former measure. They had absolutely
gained nothing by the delay ; but the consequence had been
that some highly important measures with respect to the Ec-
clesiastical Courts had been likewise delayed.
The Bill was then read a third time and passed.
Their Lordships adjourned shortly after Seven o'Clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, MARCH 20.

The SPEAKER took the chair this day at Four o'Clock.
A Messenger from the Court of Chancery presented returns
according to order.
A Messenger from the East India House presented certain
resolutions respecting the granting of pensions, pursuant to
order.

SOUTHWARK AND HAMMERSMITH RAILWAY.

Mr. BAINES presented a petition from the Directors of
the Southwark and Hammersmith Railway Company, contra-
dicting certain allegations in a petition lately presented against
the passing of their Bill.
DUBLIN AND DROGHEDA RAILWAY.

On the motion of Mr. EVANS, leave was given to bring
in a Bill for Altering and Amending the Dublin and Drogheda
Railway Act.
Lord HENNIKER brought in the Lowestoffe Harbour
Bill, which was read a first time. The Noble Lord also moved
the third reading of the Loughborough Small Debts Bill._
Agreed to.
DURHAM JUNCTION RAILWAY.

Mr. LAMBTON brought in the Durham Junction Rail.
way Bill, which was read a first time.
NORTH AMERICAN STEAM NAVIGATION.

Mr. HAMILTON brought up the Report of the Commit-
tee on the North American and Colonial Steam Navigation,
and brought in a Bill for enlarging the powers of that Corn-
any, which was read a first time.
MERTHYR TYDVIL ROADS,

Mr. MACKINNON brought in the Merthyr Tydvils'
Road Bill, which was read a first time.
SOUTHWARK AND HAMMERSMITH RAILWAY.
Captain ALSAGER presented a petition from the Church-
wardens of Christchurch, Surrey, complaining that notice of
the intention of the shareholders to apply for this Bill had been
served in the name of the City of London Railway Company.
The petitioners stated that they had been watching a Railway
Bill under that title, but had found no notice of such upon the
books, and they had been thereby prevented from attending to
the progress of the Southwark and Hammersmith Railway Bill.
The SPEAKER said the question was one of much im-
portance, and he confessed that be was totally ignorant of the
mattnev id which the title of the Bill had been changed. He
would make inquiries on the subject.
Captain ALSAGER brought in the Southwark Collier
Dock Bill, which was read a first time.
DERBY SMALL DEBTS BILL.

On the motion of Mr. STRUTT, this Bill was read a first
time.

DUNDALK WESTERN RAILWAY.

On the motion of Mr. S. CRAWFORD, this Bill was
read a first time.
WATERFORD COUNTY RATES BILL.
On the motion of Mr. V. STEWART, this Bill was read
a first time.

DROGHEDA AND KELLS RAILWAY.
On the motion of Mr. HAMILTON, this Bill was read a
first time.

ST. PANCRAS PARISH.

Mr. TOOKE presented a petition from certain rate-payers
and mortgagees of the parish of St. Pancras, against a Bill
(No. 2) which had been introduced into that House, against
which the same objections apply as had been stated on a
former occasion. The petition stated, that this Bill com-
prised certain changes, altering and increasing the
rates, no notice having been given to that effect
as prescribed by the Standing Orders. The petition
prayed that the Bill might not be entertained. In conse-
quence of the salutary regulations introduced by the Speaker
with reference to the conduct of private business, it was ren-
dered imperative on agents conducting proceedings in Par-
liament that the Bills which they introduced should be in
conformity to the Standing Orders. The agents were
made personally responsible to the House for the
due observance of the rules, orders, and, regulations,
of Parliament. It appeared to him that this Bill came dis-
tinctly within the rule laid down on the former occasion, in
consequence of which the Bill No. I was withdrawn. He pre-
'mined that the Speaker would take the same course with re-
spect to this Bill in determining how far the Standing Orders
of the House had been complied with.
Mr. WILK S thought that proper notice had not been
given.
The petition was then ordered to lie on the table.
Sir H. PA RNELL brought up the Dundee Water-works
Bill, which was read a first, and ordered to be read a second
time to-morrow.

Lord D. STUART presented a petition from Ayr in favour
of the Glasgow and Ayr Railway Bill.
Mr. RUTHVEN brought up the Cotton Joint Stock Com-
pany Bill, which was read a first time.
Mr. M. PHILIPS brought up the report of the Stand-
ing Order Committee on the Leeds Railway Bill, reporting
that the Standing Orders had been complied with. The Hon.
Member also brought up the Report of the Committee on the
Sheffield and Manchester Railway.

Mr. if INDLEY brought up the report of the Committee
on the Rochdale Road Bill. The Hon. Member also brought
in a Bill for the purpose of forming Water Works at Barnsley.
On the motion of Mr. JONES, the Llanrwst Road Billwas
read a third time and passed.
Lord DUDLEY STUART presented a petition in favour
of the Glasgow, Paisley, and Ayr Railway. Also a petition
from Kilmarnock in favour of the Edinburgh and Glasgow
Railway.
SALMON FISHERIES (SCOTLAND) BILL.

On the motion of Captain JONES the Salmon Fisheries
(Scotland) Bill was read a first and second time, and ordered
to be committed.

KINGSWORTHY AND WESTMONCKTON RAIL-

WA Y.

Mr. MORRISSON wished to state, for the information of
Gentlemen interested in the Kingsworthy and Westmonekton
Railway Bill that it was not the intention of the Company to
proceed with the second reading, which stood for to-morrow, but
it was their determination to apply to Parliament in the next
Session. The, reasons which induced them to follow this
course were the resolutions of the House in another Railway
come to last week which might probably affect their case, and
the great scarcity of capital at present. He should therefore
move that the Order of the Day for the second reading be
now discharged.
SOUTH MIDLAND COUNTIES RAILWAY.
Mr. T. GLADSTONE presented petitions against the
South Midland Counties Railway Bill.
Lord CASTLEREAGH moved for leave to extend the
time for bringing in the Belfast and Newry Railway Bill (as
we understood the Noble Lord).
The SPEAKER intimated that the proper course for the
Noble Lord to pursue would be to present a petition, praying
for leave to bring in the Bill.
Lord G. SOMERSET brought up the Report of the
Committeeonthe
BRISTOLB sm ALL Birmingham and Gloucester Railway Bill.
Sir R. VYVYAN brought in thie TS BILL.
e Bill which was read
y
a first time. -
GLASGOW AND GREENOCK RAILWAY BILL.
Mr. GREENE presented petitions from the Provost and
Magistrates of Greenock, and from the Chamber of Commerce
of Greenock, in favour of the above Bill, which was then read
a secondti
STUARTe.rbour Bill
UART brought in the ArdrPssaii /
Lord J. ,
which was read a first time.
EDINBURGH AND GLASGOW RAILWKI.
atThnhedTh
The
Provostst
ite stating
tAT
ni
.nga TO
ntadhnadLtß
Learned
their
CouncilrEned•
objections
GENERAL
NMember
m berEdinburght
presented
rethsepe
enr
Billt
esn de nf
aathed a
yapodeutbri
etpoieoefnnt
thisrt
romon rmoßvill
same body, in favour of the Glasgow and Paisley Railway Bill,

131-41,FAT HARBOUR:
On the motion of Mr. E. TEI4NENT this Bill was read a
,rst time.

BATH GAS BILL.
Or, the motiol of Mr. ROEBUCK this Bill was read a
first time.

JJUNGARVAN ELECTION.

The SPE Ala 12 ir,forriscd the flouts, that as Mr. Oalwey
had not entered into his recognisances to prosecute his petition
of the 3d of MarCh, complaining of an undue election for that
bOrtittel; the btder for ttilting, it into Consideration must be dis-
charged. The order was accordingly dikhafgefli
A new writ was moved for the borough of Warwick, in the
room of the Hon. C. J. CANNING, now called to the Upper
House.—Ordered.
DEPTFORD AND DOVER RAILWAY.

Mr. WA SON presented a petition, praying that the Kent
and Dover Railway might be referred to the Committee on
the Deptford Railway.
Captain POLHILL resisted the prayer of the petition. He
was willing that every investigation should take place, but he
thought that it should be referred to the Committee on the
13ill. If the Hon. Member did not take that course, he should
take the sense of the House on the subject. He was willing
that every investigation should take place with regard to this
petition, and he, as one of the Directors, could pledge his
word and honour that the allegations therein contained were
false in every respect. The Hon. Member concluded by moving
an amendment, that the petition be referred to the Committee
on the Bill.
Mr. R. WASON could assure the House that he had no
personal interest whatever in the matter ' • and he had no ob-
jection to any course which might meet the ends of justice.
After a few observations from" Sir E. KNATCHBULL,
the petition was ordered to be referred to the Committee on
the Deptford and Dover Railway Bill.
_ DUBLIN AND DROGHEDA RAILWAY.

- -
Mr. G. EVA NS brought in a Bill for extending the
powers of the Dublin and Drogheda Railway Company,
which was read a first time.
THE FACTORY ACT.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, before moving the Order
of the Day, wished to say a few words with respect
to a notice of a Noble Lord opposite relative to an
alteration in the Factory Act. Complaints had been
made that Mr. Horner, one of the Factory Inspectors, had
issued certain orders and made regulations inconsistent with
the provisions of that Act. It appeared to him (Lord John
Russell) that it was a matter of doubt whether these
regulations were in conformity with the Act, and
the matter had been accordingly referred to the Law
Officers of the Crown. Their opinion was, that these
regulations which related to the judging of the age of
children from the strength of their persons only, without re-
ferring to any other evidence which might be given of their
actual ages, were not in conformity with the spirit of the Act.
On receiving that opinion he had directed that instructions
should be sent to Mr. Horner, requiring him to attend to
that opinion, and to act strictly in execution of the Act.
He would take leave to add, that when the Bill of last
year had been given up, he ( Lord John Russell) had
issued directions, after consulting with his Right Hon. Friend
the President of the Board of Trade, that the present Act might
be strictly put into execution. If any error had arisen, he could
assure the House it did not occur from any wish on the part of
the Factory Inspectors either to shrink from the execution of the
Act, or to put a wrong construction on it. He hoped under
these circumstances that the Noble Lord would not persevere
in the motion of which he had given notice on the subject.
Lord ASHLEY said it never had been his wish, or that
of those with whom he acted upon this question, to make
any personal charge against Mr. Horner—( Hear)—though
they had thought it their duty to question his acts. With the
explanation which the Noble Lord had just made, he was per-
fectly satisfied, and would not press his motion.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. FA Z AKE It LY brought up a Report from the Poor-
law Amendment Committee.

Mr. HINDL EY hoped the Attorney-General would in-
form the House of the grounds upon which he had come to
the conclusion that the instructions of Mr. Horner were illegal.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL was not prepared to give
his opinion upon a matter of such importance in such an off-
hand manner as his Hon. Friend seemed to expect. He
would give the case his utmost consideration, and inform him
of the result.