The Sun.
London, England, 1806-02-04 00:00:00

.deuce on fdagn iuppf*, be most severely repress-
ed.
The .eTe6l4 of War cannot be confined to the
countries engpged in War. - The value of money,
the price of labour, the rates of freig,-lit and insur---
mice, are by War enhanced, throughout the World—
all articles of mereliandize,.. both of export and im-
'port, are variously atreaed, in their qualities and
value, by new wants; by the relinquishment of
former pursuits,..and by the new dire6tion whiCh is
hereby given to the industrk'of different nations.—
Other consequenceS result froni the effects of War :
as the impoverishment of some, and the aggran-
dizement of other 'Countries also from the ac-
knowledged right of Belligerent Nations to inter,
diet commerce in contraband articles, and to insti-
tute-blockades. This last right is highly injurious'
to Neutrals, as it freqUently restrains them from
proceeding to the best markets.. It is obviouSly im
possible; therefore, to confine the United States in
time of War, amidst all these changes and disadvan-
tages, to their accustomed trade in. time of Peace;
without destroying all trade.
'lf, in consequence of the War, certain articles
usually exported froM the United States to Coun-:
tries.from which we received necessary supplies,
cease to be demanded in those Countries, may we
not export other articles, and thereby obtain the
supplies- we need.?
If articles usually imported into 'the United States
!in. time of Peace cease to be demanded by,us in
time of War, in consequence .--of our ability to obr
taro substitutes which we,
.prefer, shall we be re=
quired to renounce our export trade,- by being for-
bid to import other articles for consumption or for
commerce ? Or shall ,we be compelled to receive iii
exchange articles which we do notrequire ?
If, in consequence of an increased demand for our
exports to particular Countries, we obtain. in
change articles of corm-tierce exceeding our domes-
tic wants, shall it be reqUired that the surplus pe-
rish on our, hands ?

•If Great Britain permits commerce between her
Subje&s and the Colonies of her Enemie., may we
not, with the consent of these Coloni4s, participate
in the same commerce? . •
If our commerce with the Enemies of Great Bri-
tain' may be confined to the systern established in
tune of Peace, may we;,.nc-4;apiirehend that the prin-
ciple
.Will be retaliated: in respe6.t.to our commerce
with the Colon.es. of Great Britain In that case,
what can ensue 'but- war, pillage, and devasta-
tion
?

These.are not imaginary suppositions : they ilhis-
trate ;the most inaportalit principles of our com-
merce: they .evince the. necessity of a circuitous
trade, to enable us to realize the great value of ex-
ports in ournativepiodUCtiOns, by
,which alone we
ar_'quire the power to liquidate the balance against
us in our commerce with Great Britain : they de-
monstrate, that the pOsition
,against which we con-
tend, is not a rule oftheila-W of nations t -the law
of nations o'rdains no law which is uneqUal and
unjust.
But still we liasve
,other and more forcible objec-
tions; the concession which is required, wouldde-
prive us of many, advantages connected with our
local situation, our enterphie, our wealth, and our
fortune ; it would require us to divert much of otir
capital and.indUitry tb new employments ; it would
amount to-an abandonment of views as a commer-
cial peoplii, and might involve us into dangerous
controversies,. by.virtual 'admission, that any essen-
tial articles of supply May, 'at the pleasure of a bel-,'
ligerent nation, be 'placed in a state of inhibition,
equivalent to be declared contraband of war.
'Hitherto we have regarded it as a peculiar felicity,
incident to our neutral situation, that it was equally
beneficial to ourselves, and to all the parties with
WhOrn we are connected : the articles exported by
us to the enemies of Greai Britain being convenient
supplies, promised to secure to oar ships in . their
_ports a welcome reception and hospitable treatment.
As the direa returns of these exports•were inconsi-
derable, and as the products-were almost exclusively
iremitted to Great. Britain,, and thereby applied, in
payment for. nrawfadtures' purchased on our own
account, we considered ourselves sure of receiving
fro,tu them, at least, that degree of protection, which,
was recommended by a regard, to mutual interests. •
It -is however with much surprise that we have
recently discovered, that the very cirCunwance upon
-which our hopes of security
j were reposed, haVe
been urged as .arguments to justify an invasion of
our rights, and that, having totally suppwsSed the
external commerce of her enemies, Great Britain is
now counselled to appropriate to herself That of her
friends. If. it he. true that,,as exporters, of certain,:
articles, to the ultimate, markets, our interest,tere in
collision with her's ; yet it ought to be reeolleeted,
thatit is a particular and minor interest only-; which
suffers, and, that the disadvantage is a necessary
consequence of her colonial system that the 'ge:-
neral results'of our commerce are greatly' hi her fa-
-your i that they invigorate her manufacturing inte-
rests, which are the great basis of her wealth : and
that these interests can never be promoted by•the
Unpov'erishment Of her best customers. Surely:the
security of neutral rights ought not to diminish, as
their value is augrnented ; surely a maritime pre-
ponderance, which enables its possessor to blockade
any of the ports, of its enemies, conveys no just title
to a monopoly of the commerce of the. world !
In the list of our complaints we cannot forbear to,
enumerate the humiliating and oppressive conduit of
ships of.war in the vicinity of our coasts andhar-
hours. We ,respeCt the principle and emulate the
condu& of Great Britain, in regard to her own juris-
dietion, and we wish merely to claim for ourselves
the suite measure of justice which she exacts from
others. .

.
But while we contend that we ought not to be ex-
posed to humilinting,inquisitinns in .the. verge of our
ports, which by means of secret connexiqn with our
city, may be rendered conducive to the indulgence of
partiality, favour, or tnalice„ we disavow every wish
to divest the Belligerent:Nations of their rights. If,
in particufar the American flag, and the
chara&er of an American merchant, have been pro-
stituted to unworthy purpOses; we declare the indivi-
duals thusguilty to b our enernies,and we wish not to
screen them trout the just consequences Of their ntis-
condua. We also assert, that a colpprehensive view
of our commerce affords a conclusive evidence 'that
of the prterty circulating through. Ibis port, the
proportion Which can pO s bly belotig to the,enquies

ofGoat 13ritain is at objea nnwoitby roe attentipn
of a great Power; especially if in a rigoroas pit
of its stria rights it inenrS the hazard of foribiarte-,:the.:
esteem of its friends.

If, therefore, the.mode in -Which the A,rnel.-icaa.. I.
commerce is prosecuted .is allowed, by the law of •
tions ; if irrefragable evidence arises frorn-riniiSi:tua.-;
tion, WtilitS, and necessary connections witivt-lf.e fest
of the world; that -it- is -almost exclusively grounded,
on American capital; if the suggestions, that 'we are
the mere agents of foreigners; are ungeneroni :in-
sults, contrived as apologies for- injuries ; ..if frauds in
relation to foreign trusts areThot more freqent in,
this country then in Great Britain; and if no Govern-
meat is able wholly to prevent them : then' 'our eon -'
elusion in the present, as in all other eases, onglitAo
he reduced from general faCts, and not from partial-,
lar exceptions. This, conclusion is, that the Ameri-
cap commerce is one of the great links that Connea
those interests of civilized nations, which wars'.oughi. •
not to disturb : that to break this link will be:to-de-
stroy all commerce ; and therefore that a serious mis-
understanding ‘ifith Great Britain would prove fatal
to the racist importabtintrests of both- countries.-
This view of the subjedt, while, it ci(cites our
anxiety, furnishes also a resource for our hopes.—
We wish only for. justice; and bellevng that a corn:-
. mercial Nation which disregards justice" , thereby
undermines the citadel -of her power, we. ,rely, oil
the effeEt of mutual interest and wishes in prom*
ing a cordial explanation and fair adjustment' of
every cause of misunderstanding : in particular, we
rely on the Governrirnt of.. .our Country, that. our
rights will not be abandoned, and thatmo argument
in favour of: an usurpation will ever be, derived froM
our acquiescence., .
'lf our personal interests and local' attachments
'have not greatly mis-directed our opinions, the de-
fenceless situation of the Port of New.-York ought
to excite the anxious solicitude of every 'friend"of
his Country. Our River is the only commercial
• avenue to a fertile and populous. Country, which is
rapidly rising into importance. It is here that one
third of therevenue of the Union is colleted ; and
this proportion is understood to be relatively in-
creasing. But while we are grateful for these dis- ,
tinguished advantages of nature, our satisfa6tion is
_diminished by retieain,g.on their insecurity ; for in.-
proportion as the resources of the Country ft&Cll-
- inulate to this-point, is the hazard that they.preseut
a temptation to rapacity, 'and become the priie.of-
V iolence. Without recurring, to the -experience ,of..
past times for proofs, that no i\lationcan long main-
tain an extensive commerce Without-Well)defended
sea-ports and an- effieienC military Inartne, •Vve:icre.
admonished by the new and
.portentous'aspV.ea .of .
Europe, and the alarming preyalence.Of piracy in
the West 'lndies, that energetic-Ws§nres- of- de,
fence have become indispetisibly-necesSary.- .
We presume not to express. atty. opiOikl.P.:.re 4-
- ing the degree of force of - whith the, permanent
navy ought to consist; and , sen,ibit-i"that de-
lays must attend the construction bt uituble defence's
for our port, we shall rest-- satiSfiecli• when we :per-.,,
ceive that these measures are coMmenced in astvan-
tier, and upoi-i a scale, which -Will assure- to • us'an
efficient completion.. • -..1..-.::•:: i ........
Such, however, is the present„.organised-:force of
the United Srates7tirat-we shotikl consider it ineon-
sistent with the honour, interests,,,U,F.seQurity of our,
country, to Marley with the pirateSzitiiiii‘ West In-
dies, .. whose condu6t being , inconsistent with aiiy
known rules ela;iifulwartare;4annot have been an-:'
thorised by any Ciyiiized nation towards ?pother na-7
'tion in a state of peace'. Our veisels,'Wha pur-
- lawful -
suing atrade,. have_ been-piratically...seized, ,
their cargoes have been forcibly taken. away .and'
distributed, without •even the form Of a trial ; the'
vessels. in many instances sunk and destroyed-, 'and
the crews stripped of all their' prOperty; all these
. outraged have been exercised upon innocent and de
fenceless men, aggravated by unprecedented circum-
stances of insult; oppression, and 'barbarity. Some
of. the. vie lences have been „committed on. vessels
: which were captured in sight of our harbours ; and
the, great scene of these unparalleled enormities is
the Island of Cuba, which commands the only aye-
'

. -
rale by winch w6` preserve a commercial connexion
with our brethren of the Western `States--a con-
nexion' which "iite: cherish with ardour, as ,-source

of., mutual advantage, and a bond of permanent
union. -

But it is'not2on account of our pecuniary losrs
alone that we complain. The constancy and valour
of the Sqamen of the United States are justly themes
of patrjoticexultation. From their connexion with
us we consider their cause as out cause, their rights

as our righls, 4d their interests as our interests—
our feelings are indignant, at the retital.- of their
wrongs ; and we -request, in -addition to the pro-
.teaion of a naval force, that, at least in. the Ameri-
can`
,
can' seas, our brave countrymen may be. permitted.
to display theirenergy in their 'own defence.
Yorir Memorialists conclude with letnarking, that
they deem the present situation of public atfair:s,to be
peculiarly. critical and
.perilous, and such as •require
all the prudence, the wisdoM and energy of Govern.
molt, supported by the cO-operation' of all good Ci-
tizens-. By rhuttial exertion, under the-benign in-
fluence of Providence, -upon this hitherto favoured
nation, we hope the clouds w hich threaten to ob-.
scure its prosperity, may be dispelled ; ' and we-pledge
()in-united support in favour;of all measures adopted
to vindicate and secure the just rights of oar country.
And your Memorialists, as in duty_ bound, will
ever pray, &c,
Signed by the unanimous order, and on behalf of
a General Meeting of the Merchants.of the City of
New-York, convened on the 26th Dec. 1805. -
JOHN 13.1WOME, Chairman 4
Oliver Wolcott, john -Franklin, Wnr. Edgar., Isaac Law.
mice, Thomas Carpenter, Henry 1. Wy4:kulf, lottu•
Tho Mas Farmer, Geo. M. Woolsey; David M. C lark-
soa, R. Lenox, Gorki Hoyt, tlislia Cott, John 13. Mur-
ray, Leffett Lelletts, Samuel A. Lawrence, Samuel Rus-
sel, ,Joseph' Blackwell, J. Murray, M. --Clarkscu, John B.
Coles, Arch. Gracie,* Wm. W. Woolsey, i'lcuji:'Nlim:rn,
.Win. Bayard, Gulian Ludlow, Ebenezer Stevens;*Rens-
selaer Havens, Win. Lovett, Ceo. G Henry host,
jun. John K: Livingston, Daniel Lucildw, Headera
son, lames Ar,lo, John Y, Mumford, I.ll4oj.atnid bailey,
Wynaut Van Zant, jun. John De Peystee; ,14aac Clasen,
Edmund e..Litan, Peter Schermerborne, ladles Scott,
Charles MiEvers, jun. John Kane, 101111 Clendening,
Coteinan—Conmuttee.

At Chirk Colliery a flush of water broke into one
of the pis and drQ\vned six llo6es, but none of the
-workmen . •