The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-14 00:00:00

• with approval the exertions made by the employers,
and, indeed, by the whole people of England, to
mitigate the distress. He could not doubt that the
effect would be to knit together in firmer bonds all
classes in the country, because in this instance it
has been shown that the sympathy of the rich was
gratefully extended to the sufferings of those who,
in consequence of circumstances entirely beyond
their control, had been deprived of their ordinary
means of support. The cause of that distress has
been, as they knew, the withholding of the Ameri-
can crops of cotton, the consequence of which had
been that great interest had been shown in respect
of cotton supply from India, Of late years six-
sevenths, or nine-tenths, of the cotton used in this
country had come from America, but it was only
of late years that this supply from America had
superseded that from all other countries. Many
causes had been assigned why the supply from
America had superseded that from other countries,
but he believed that its main reason was that its
price had been very far below the price of cotton
of equal quality produced elsewhere, and there had,
consequently, not been in India sufficient induce-
ment to grow in sufficient quantities to supply the
wants of tLis country. It was about 10 years since
he first commenced with the administration of
India, and he had hardly been installed in the office
of President of the Board of Control when the ques-
tion of cotton supply was brought before him. On
that occasion he consulted Lord Hardinge, who at
once saw that it was a simple question of price, and
that if it was rendered worth while to the root to
grow itlin India he could do so to almost any extent.
Everything that he had since heard or seen con-
firmed that opinion. When the danger of relying
on America solely for raw cotton first attracted the
attention of the people of this country, Govern-
ment made several experiments with respect to the
capability of the soil of India to the cultivation of
the cotton plant, and they demonstrated both that
the land would grow it and that the ryots would
cultivate the plant if remunerative; but it was also
demonstrated that the manufacturer would not pay
the price for it which was necessary to render it re-
munerative, and the Government gave up producing
it, in the first place because it was not the duty of
the Government to grow cotton at a loss; and,
secondly, because, although Government work was
often very good, it was remarkable for never being
very cheap. Subsequent experiments have shown
that cottcn could easily enough be grown in India
if there was sufficient inducement to do so, and last
June, at the very time that the Lancashire distress
was exciting the attention of the House of Com-
mons, the price of cotton was falling at Bombay.
As soon, however, as it became a certainty that the
prices in this country would rise and be maintained,
every available hundredweight of cotton that could
be obtained in India was sent to this country, and
India was so drained that native manufacturers bit-
terly complained that they could not get raw mate-
rials for their industry. About a month ago he
had heard from a gentleman of high authority in
India that he had been through various districts
of the country, and had found the ryots plough-
ing up green crops a foot high in order to sow
cotton, and he (Sir C. Wood) saw by the papers that
the cotton cultivation of India would be increased
by at least one-third in the course of the year,
though, as they had no system of collecting agri-
cultural statistics there more than here, it was diffi-
cult to imagine how the result had been arrived at.
The laws of producing were regulated by demand.
Thus, indigo was produced as long as it paid, but
when the price of other commodities rose they
raised the price for the cultivation of opium, and
they had no difficulty whatever in procuring a sup-
ply. The same
might be said with respect to the
production of jute, linseed, and other agricultural
produce. Therefore, it was plain that if it were
made worth the while of the ryot to grow cotton
it would be grown. It bad been suggested to the
Government to place a premium on the exportation
of the cotton from India ; to do so on the ground
of policy; and it was justified because, as he had
said, every pound of cotton that was possible to
send had been sent from India. He had also been
asked to apply for a vote of public money for the
relief of distress in Lancashire, but he felt that as
the money would have to oorno from tho English,
and not from the Indian Exchequer, the proper
Minister to be applied to in such a case was the
Chancellor of the .Exchequer. What he had to con•
sider in the government of India, was not the welfare
of the people of Lancashire, or even of the 50,000
Europeans in India, but the 180,000,000 natives—
(cheers)—and in this respect he held the doctrine of
the greatest benefit
hew
as to
nugmebveerr.n
IndiaTh t
was the true policy,and
on just principles it was his duty to look to the happi
ness of the great majority of the people whom he had
to govern. A proposal had been made to exempt land
in India devoted to the cultivation of cotton from the
land revenue, but that would be simply to divert a
portion of the revenue of India, because half the re-
venue of India was derived from the land, and he
could never be a party to such a proceeding. With
regard to the public works in India, they were pro-
gressing at a most astonishing rate, and there was
everycrop of
reasonto e believecotton
te n
was
ready therethethatbythetiwmeeuldbe at
next
year's
least two main roads completed and available for its
transport out.
between Of
£ll,ooo,ooothe small
and
revenue,lllndtan,ooo,o
no less
a sum than
would be this year expended in public works ; and
such had been the liberality of the Government in
rendering assistance of that description that when
it had been found that there was, in consequence of
some miscalculation, an excess of three millions in
the Indian Loan, and he had sent out directions that
it could be applied to public works, the reply that
he received from the authorities in India was that
every available labourer was employed who could
be properly superintended, and that, notwithstand-
ing the ravages of fever in many districts, there
were no less than 7,000 persons employed daily on
public works; so that it was perfectly plain that
the Government had done all that could be done to
foster and encourage them. With regard to the
charge that had been made with respect to the
changes in the resolutions of Lord Canning respec-
ting the sale of land, ho explained that the changes
were merely changes of detail, the principle being
being
land s
neddTransfer
uniform,
ho
rt
hm should lt
Bill
t bsl
instead
he r
onsu
d evebf be put
before
India,
tephbueytpriceguipv it itnogeafu w
waste
t io an s.
land con-
veyed,
The
o -
b e title, had encouraged the investing a noifndße
rfeitaissih-
capital to a surprising extent, and he thought that
no one could doubt that the many reforms intro-
duced into India within the last few years would
do much to produce a happy and prosperous and
contented people, while India would become a
source of wealth as well as a glory to the English
nation. The right hon. baronet resumed his seat
amidst loud cheers, having spoken nearly two
hours.

Mr. STANSFELD was greeted with loud and en-
thusiastic applause. He said, the four years since
that town elected him, very much on trust—(cheers)
—had been years heavily laden with events of ab-
sorbing and sometimes painful interest—years tell-
ing greatly upon his mind, and during which it so
happened that he had not been once called upon to
address his constituents on subjects which now lay
nearest to his own thoughts; hence not merely
readiness, but eagerness, on his part to have the
opportunity of doing so, (Cheers.) Going back
to the commencement of this Parliament, the first
in which he had sat, they were returned, if he re-
membered aright, to pass a Reform Bill. (Cheers.)
He feared it was not in his power to say to-night
that they had exactly
fulfilled their mission. (Much
laughter.) He did not know that he felt able to
congratulate his audience upon the progress which
had been made. lie could say, however, what he
conceived to be the causes of failure,
and what he
thought of the future of that great question, for
which a solution must
yet before long be found.
The Government had
not redeemed its
the Liberal party in did not hold it to
pledges, and
the House
those pledges. 'WI,
• -.Q3. this Parliament assembled
several parties had been bidding against each other
on this question. Still it seemed we had only to
decide what we would not accept. (Hear, hear.)
We exercised that right of choice
upon the bill of
Lord Derby, but in doing so we forgot the element
of motive power, The Consorvativo party had no
sufficient any tE c-
interest in being reformers

after that rejection, and the dead weight of their
passive resistance was a new obstacle, which neither
in the Liberal party in the House of Commons nor
even in the country itself could there be discovered
motive power enough to overcome. Reform
collapsed, and, collapsing, left a stain upon
the Libel al escocheon which there was no future
for them until they wiped away. (Cheers.) In
these days two things were necessary for re-
form : first, popular will, whereas now the popular
attention was diverted to events abroad ; and,
secondly, the sincere and earnest application to the
solution of the question of the cultivated and the
influential thought and intelligence of the country.
The noble conduct of the working classes of Lanca-
shire was a lesson which would have its effect when
the time of action returned, for which he longed
with unabated though tempered zeal. (Cheers.)
He strongly approved the foreign policy of the pre-
sent Government, for which Italy was grateful.
(Cheers.) Ho regretted to see the new light that
had been thrown upon the Emperor's policy in that
country by the disaster of Garibaldi. Instead of
taking that opportunity to retire with dignity, as
it was sometimes called, from Rome, the Emperor
had declared he would hold Rome in the interests
of the Pope at all cost against the Italian nation.
(Shame.) Another ground of confidence in our
Government was the cession of the lonian Islands.
The Turks were an anomaly in Europe, and gradu-
ally relaxing their hold. He was not blind to the
danger of a precipitate dissolution of their empire,
and could understand what had been our past policy
in the East. It had been to defend Turkey rather
than the Turks. (Cheers.) But the peaceful revo-
lution in Greece, which gave signs of a fitness to
become the Piedmont of the East, gave hope of a
new and safer development of our policy. His
reasons might not be those of our Government for
ceding the islands, but they were the reasons of
the Conservative opposition to it. (Hear, hear.)
The most momentous event since this Parliament
began was the American war. He would not
attempt to grapple with that subject to-night.
He entered not into the merits or demeeits of the
various parties in America, but he should leave the
platform with a sense of duty unfulfilled were he
not to say that he regretted with a profound
grief the current of public opinion, as inter-
preted by society and the press for the Southern
cause. The successes of the South would be a
triumph for our day and generation of a system of
society founded on slavery. (Cheers.) The state of
sympathy that had been shown was not creditable to
this country. (Cheers.) Whatever might be its
explanation, it was assurenly not the child of
charity, nor the offspring of any principle, nor of
any faith. (Cheers.) Sir Charles Wood had not
felt at liberty to touch on the subject of national
expenditure. He (Mr. Stansfeld) had long regarded
the question of retrenchment as one which, in the
logie of events, must become prominent, when other
recent measures, such as the French commercial
treaty, had been accomplished. The crop of amend-
ments producedby his motion last session abundantly
justified that opinion. (Laughter.) Both the Pre-
mier's and the Conservative amendments pledged
them to economy. (Cheers.) He adhered now to
the course he then took, and upon the path he then
entered he should unhesitatingly proceed. (Loud
cheers.) Report said that some retrenchment was
now in prospect. He did not claim all the credit,
but as there were "ennobling statutes," so his mo-
tion had been an " ennobling motion"—(cheers)—
rendering economy more easy of attainment. He
disagreed with objectors who would have had him
look to economy solely, and be indifferent to all other
questions. He had not refused the support of the
Conservatives for his motion, except by denouncing
the terms on which it was offered. He could con-
ceive of no system of party tactics more shortsighted
or more fatal than a system which would allow the
question to be put as the leader of the Opposition
had wit enough to desire—namely, as an alternative
between a liberal foreign policy, necessarily accom-
panied by extravagant expenditure and a large
economy, at the price of retrogression abroad. Mr.
Stansfeld sat down amid great cheering, having
spoken for an hour.

Several questions having been put to the members
and answered apparently to the satisfaction of the
meeting, a vote of thanks to the hon. gentleman was
passed unanimously, and the meeting broke up at a
quartet-past 11.

Mr. Kinglake, M.P., and his Constituents.

On Monday evening Mr. A. W. Kinglake, one of the
members for Bridgewater, addressed a crowded meeting of
his constituents at the Town-hall. Mr. J. L. Sealy pre-
sided, and, in a brief address, introduced the hon. gentle
man.

Mr. KINGLAKE, on rising, was greated with loud applause.
He said,--Gentlemen, this excellent habit of ours of occa-
sionally meeting between the sessions of Parliament is one
of the features of the British Constitution which has never,
I think, been understood by foreigners. Not long after I
had an opportunity of addressing you last year I witnessed
an instance of this deficiency on the part of foreign nations
that are most desirous of imitating our institutions. After
my last address to you it came to my knowledge that the
observations I had then the honour to make had been,
through the wonderful agency of the press, conveyed to
people who were labouring to complete their representative
institutions at a great distance from this country. 1 allude
to a place called Pola, on the other side of the Adriatic. In
one part of my speech I had spoken of a conversation I had
had here with some of my friends on the Cornhili. Well,
this struck these foreigners as the most extraordinary thing
in the world. They said,—" Now we see where Mr. Bing-
lake gets his:opinions from. It seems, after:all, that he does
not get his opinions from books, like our German profes-
sors ; he does not even get them from his own blue-books,
but he gets them from his constituents, from the borough
of Bridgewater," and they said, what they want is a few
places like the borough of Bridgewater. (Hear, hear.) Well,
gentlemen, the last Session of Parliament has not been what
is called a " showy" Session. There have been a number of
useful measures passed, but I think I should weary you if I
were to attempt to give you a :catalogue of the bills passed,
and I believe I shall best perform what is expected of me if
I touch on one or two of the most prominent. (Hear.) Of
all the subjects which engrossed the attention of Parliament
there was none, I think, which, upon the whole, was more
exciting than the old question of church rates. (Hear.)
There was, gentlemen, as you know, upon the discussion of
the subject, a very full House of Parliament assembled,
there was a very close division, and in the result we were
beaten, lam sorry to say, by a majority of one. You must
recollect that we were ranged under the banner of a pri-
vate member. A more excellent leader than Sir John Tre-
lawny could not have been selected in the House of Com-
mons ; but we were not a party such as could have been
ranged under the Ministry in power, or under the leader of
the Opposition. It is very well known that we did not in
the slightest degree whatever desire to destroy the Estab-
lished Church of England, but to get rid of an impost which
we believe to be a wrong one. (Applause.) Well, but
gentlemen, we were not met by antagonists who fought us
at all upon that principle, but by antagonists who came
ranged against us with the whole strength of the Conserva-
tive party—nay, more, with the cry of ic The Church in
danger," and you may well conceive, when that old appeal
is resorted to, it must give a great advantage to those who
rely upon it. (Hear.) We all know in the great game of
politics certain implements are required to play with. As
in the game of cricket, bats, balls, and stumps are neces-
sary, so in the great game of Conservative politics you re-
quire " The Church in danger," and it was brought out ;
but if you reflect for a moment you will, I think, come to
the conclusion that for an anxious and timid Churchman it
was not so very pleasant as he might at first think it to be
to find that that great institution was, according to his way
of putting it, saved from destruction by a majority of one.
It was my fate during the last session of Parliament to be
almost a constant supporter of her Majesty's Government.
You well know, for I have proved it by the steps I have
taken since I have been in Parliament, the support I give
to her Majesty's Government is not a servile support, nor
has it been given merely because they are the Government
in power. It was my fate on one occasion to take the
very first step which expelled the present Prime Minister
from office, and therefore it may well be supposed that I am
not a person who would unworthily and unjustly be a sup-
porter of the Government of which the noble lord is the head.
I have been a supporter of her Majesty's Government on
principle. (Hear, hear, and applause.) During the last
session of Parliament there was only one occasion upon
which I bad the misfortune to differ from her Majesty's
Government. Those who have done me the favour to ob-
serve my humble career in the House of Commons will have
noticed that if there has been any one thing more sure to
rouse my attention than any other it is that which occurs
when a British subject suffers wrongs at the hands of a
foreigner. (Hear, and applause.) You will have observed
that from the days of the Cagliari clown to the present time
I have never asked to what party a British subject so in-
jured might belong. It is enough for me that he is a fellow
subject of mine. (Hear, hear.) I have never pat forward
any claims which I believed unjust or exaggerated, but when
I have found a British subject suffering any wrong I have
done my best to obtain for him justice. (Hear, hear.) In
the last session of Parliament we wore 'compelled to know
that an English gentleman had been deprived of a great k,