The Sun.
London, England, 1837-10-03 00:00:00

was the establishing a responsible atithoiity each
county, whom the Lotd Chancellor ritight resort to,
and upon whom lie might rest, when applicctions were
made for appointments to the commission of the peace,
Here, then, was a positive assnrenet tlivieh that the
Lord Lieutenant of the totrtity should be consulted,
and his advice Mtended to, in the nomination of county
magistrates. But it appears that perfidy if 3 catching
Lord Melbourne has kept faith with PAtiiiilMlll fn
what concerns the Lotd bietittilAllCV Mil—witness the
celebrated case of Lord be Vesci and Mr. Cassidy--
to precisely the same laudable extent It' Lord John
Russell's conscience carried him with regard to Colonel
Kennedy, and as the agitating Papists, one and all,
manifested their integrity towards the Protestant
Church arid Clergy. The police, in spite of Colonel
, Kennedy, are diosen and patronized by O'Connell.
The magistrates, in spite of the Lords Lieutenant,
and of the law as expounded by Lord Melbourne on
introducing it, are named by Mr. Daniel O'Connell.
It is throughout a system of low-minded, gross, and
calculating baseness, which we protest before Heaven
our astonishment and mortification that the blood of
Englishmen has endured for a single hour.—Times.
The fable of the mountain in labour bringing forth
a mouse, has just been exemplified in the case of the
Irish Election Petition Fund. The small knot of
ultras, headed on this side of the water by no less a
personage than Mr. Andrew Spottiswoode, the printer,
threatened a few weeks since to unseat the whole of
the Liberal Representatives for Ireland. The grand
lever to be employed on the occasion was a certain
something which the parties called an Election Petition
Fund. Meg Dodds, in her celebrated book on Cookery,
before giving her instructions as to the best mode of
cooking a hare, advises that the hare be first caught.
Never was there more judicious advice. It had
been well for Mr. Andrew Spottiswoode, and the other
ultras who co-operated with him on the late occasion,
if they had paid some more attention than they seem
to have done to the sensible counsel of Mrs. Dodds.
It would have been fully as wise in them, before talking
in such pompous and inflated terms of the great things
they were to do with their Election Petition Fund, to
have raised the Fund itself. But, no; that would not
do for them. They never dreamt of the possibility of
failure in the article of raising the money. They thought
that they had only to advertise that subscriptions
would be received to insure a perfect torrent of 1001.
notes into the coffers of their treasurer. Simple souls
that they were I They knew not their own party so
well as we did. 'We said, on the first blush of the
thing, that the whole affair would end in smoke. The
mountain in labour bringing forth a mouse was nothing
to this. The mighty labour of Mr. Andrew Spottis-
woode and his foolish friends will not be productive of
even a mouse itself. A mouse, though insignificant
enough, without controversy, is still something, but
these " labourers" produce nothing at all. The
Morning Post, which did its best so long as there
was the shadow of a shade of hope that anything
worthy of the name of a fund could be filched from
the pockets of the Tories wherewith to harass the Li-
beral Members for Ireland, if they could not unseat
them, cheered the simpletons on in their folly. Now
our Contemporary, seeing the utter hopelessness of the
enterprise, gives it up in despair. In his paper of yes-
terday he says—" The Irish election petition fund is
not proceeding so successfully as could be wished."
We dare say not. But might not our Contemporary
have made a slight alteration in his phraseology,
and said that it is not proceeding at all. That would
have been the truth ; for the subscribing part of the
business is now notoriously at a stand-still. Or if a
guinea does now and then stray into the coffers of the
treasurer of the fund, it is swallowed up by anticipa-
tion in the advertising and other expenses—which is
just practically the same as if there were no subscrip-
tion at all. However, there is one consolation for the
unlucky wights who have been gulled out of their mo-
ney. They have had their names advertised in the
public prints as pre-eminently the friends of the Con-
stitution. And call you this nothing at such a time as
the present ? One word more. We congratulate the
Liberal Members for Ireland on this dead failure of
the Conservative conspiracy to harass, if not unseat,
them. If they ever felt the slightest uneasiness at the
daring and unprincipled---may we not add unconstitu-
tional ?—attempt to frustrate the objects of those by
whose suffrages they were elected, they may not only
now be at perfect rest on the subject, but they can
afford to laugh at the ridicule with which their ma-
licious, though impotent, enemies have covered them-
selves.--Morning Advertiser.

The report mentioned lately, in some of the foreign
ournals, of an intrigue being on foot to marry the
" innocent Isabel" of Spain to the young Duke d'Au-
male, one of the sons of the King of the French, gains
some degree of consistence from the rumour having
been distinctly alluded to by Arguelles in the Cortes,
for the purpose of protesting against the policy that
could dictate such a match, without calling forth a
word of contradiction on the part of any Member of
the Spanish Government. From this circumstance it
may be fairly inferred that the report of such a matri-
monial speculation being on foot is not altogether
groundless. Whether it will ripen into a reality is
another question. If it should, the treaty of marriage
will, of course, only be auxiliary to another treaty to se-
cure the intervention of a French army in " settling"
the affairs of Spain, which intervention will be so
managed as to settle the affairs of that country in the
most cfFectual manner fur reducing it to the condition
of a province of France. Thus all the British blood
that has been shed, all the British gold that has been
expended in Spain, during the stupid and disgraceful
Whig non-intervention war, will have been squandered
only for the purpose of opening a new road to Louis
Philip for the indulgence of his personal ambition,
and the aggrandisement of his family. If, on the
other hand, the speculation fails, there will be official
denials of its ever having been entertained. But, of
this we arc quite certain, that Louis Philip will never
agree to any proposition of direct military interference
in Spain unless for some substantial consideration.
The bait of family aggrandisement is probably the most
alluring one that could be offered him, and, should he
swallow it, he will pay dearly for the vain ambition of
the alliance, if his warlike enterprises in Spain should
not be conducted with greater ability, and attended by
a better fortune, than those of our own incapable Go-
vernment. If, however, he should succeed in setting
up the now tottering throne of the " innocent Isabel,"
in order to place his own son upon it, no one who has
observed the hollow and treacherous nature of the
alliance which France maintains with this country can
doubt, for a moment, that the immediate result
throughout the Spanish Peninsula will be, to " inflict
a heavy blow, and great discouragement, on British
influence and British commerce." In Portugal the
result of the absurd and ill-conducted system of in-
terference pursued by the Whigs has been to com-
pletely destroy the influence and abolish the commer-
cial advantages which Great Britain had for centuries
possessed in that country. Even the privileges
which British subjects enjoyed by treaty, or rather
by a series of treaties, of a peculiar jurisdiction under
their own judge conservator, by whom all cases affect-
ing the lives, liberties, and properties of British sub-
jects resident in Portugal were tried, have been swept
away by the Liberal proteges of Lord Palmerston.
The case of Colonel Bacon, banished, without any
proved offence or form of trial, from the country which
he had served with his sword, and by the " Liberals,"
who would never have been in a situation to exercise
such tyranny but for the lavish expenditure of British
treasure and blood, is a striking, but not solitary,
instance of the melancholy effects which the Palmer-
stonian policy has had in breeding contempt for the
English name in Portugal, where it used to inspire
affection and command respect. But to return to
Spain. The late Ministry of that unfortunate, dis-
tracted, and, we must add, demoralised country, were
represented by French journalists as having been the
monstrous product of English intrigue, co-operating
with the military treason of the La Granja revolu-
tionists. Whether that was so or not, one thing is cer-
tain,—and that is, that in support of the imbecile and
profligate Calatrava Administration, which contrived
to make away with, in some yet unexplained
manner, vast sums of money, leaving the Queen's
armies in a state of destitution, and most of the civil
functionaries unpaid, the most zealous exertions of the
"juvenile whip" of the Foreign-office were made. But
in vain ; the Calatrava Administration, after assisting

bon Carlos to escape from the blockaded mountains of
the north, and overrun two-thirds of Spain.,
same power hy trise=a tfiii.4o47l inbiri*4l6o;
fell by
.the
hietty about by French plotting, as the for-
mer was said to have been assisted by English intrigue.
Here again is evidence of the hollowness and insin-
cerity of the french alliance with our Uutterhttient.
Our Netters may retollect the biAeriiig Het loriA
Agb took phWe betVreiiii die bfgAii of the French Mi-
iiittry i.lhd that of Lord Pahncrston, and the disgrace-
ful revelations which were mutually threatened. Here
again is proof of the precarious tenure of the Anglo-
Gallic alliance. French policy has now undoubtedly
the upper hand in Spain. English influence is gone—
shattered to pieces, and annihilated like the English
legion. A French patty is now predominant at Madrid,
and once more there is a talk of French intervention.
We say wain that no uch intervention will take place
unless Louis Philip obtains a substantial considera-
tion. He would, no doubt, like to possess himself of
Spain, and make it another Belgium by placing one of his
family on the throne. But then he cannot do this
without obtaining time consent of the Autocrat of
Russia, with whom we believe him to have in secret a
better understanding, and a more intimate and confi-
dential alliance, than he has with the English Govern-
ment. Will the Autocrat, who affects to be favourable
to the claims of Don Carlos, give that consent ? We
have no doubt that the Russian Autocrat, the treachery
of whose finessing friendship even the King of Hol-
land experienced, would throw Don Carlos overboard
to-marrow to secure the assistance of France in carry-
ing on his ambitious projects in the East. English
power and English commerce have long since excited
the jealousy and stimulated the rival exertions of the
Russian Government. We pointed out this tendency
of the Russian policy years ago, and we have seen our
opinions frequently repeated since in quarters where
they formerly met with no acceptance. We did our
duty in raising a warning voice against the designs of
Russia before events had made them as manifest as
they are at present. The country will do well to place
as little reliance upon the sincerity of Louis Philip's
friendship as upon that of the crafty and ambitious
Nicholas,—Morning Herald.
If the political condition of a Minister were like
the moral condition of a man—if it were the duty of
a Minister to bear patiently every circumstance to
which that condition is liable, and under no circum-
stance of pain or degradation voluntarily to abandon
it—we should in that case have much reason to com-
mend the philosophy of the present servants of the
Crown. But we have very grave doubts as to the
truth of this hypothesis, and we think that Ministers,
in acting upon it, as they do, are, to say the least,
rather hasty. The doubt is not ours merely, but
that of the public ; and what if it should be a nen-
founded doubt ? What if it should prove, upon the
most mature reflection of the most erudite moralists,
that Ministers are not bound to their political condi.
tion as they are to their moral being—that there
are some things which they ought not to endure—
and that there arc circumstances of disappointment
which would not only justify but recommend
their abandonment of official responsibility ? Why,
if this be so, their philosophy resolves itself into want
of feeling, and their magnanimity into meanness.
Thus, then, the matter stands—if it be true that
the political Ministers of the Crown are bound to
continue to be so as long as they can, no matter what
failures and discomfitures they meet with, then the
present Ministers are philosophers, and entitled to
much respect for the perseverance with which they
cling to office by means which would kill some fasti-
dious people through mere disgust. But if it be not
true that Ministers are bound to stay in office as long
as they can, whether fortunate or unfortunate, suc-
cessful or unsuccessful, then the present Ministers, in
submitting to what they have done, and holding place
by the means which they have resorted to, are the
meanest and most contemptible set of people that ever
disgraced high station. lf we take the first and more
favourable view of Ministerial conduct we shall be at no
loss for circumstances upon which to found our con-
gratulations. The cheerfulness with which Ministers
submit to disappointment, and the absolute forgetful-
ness which they and all belonging to them appear to
entertain regarding their confident expectations, as soon
as it is found that these expectations cannot be real-
ised, are quite charming instances of the secret sub-
mission to duty which is the soul of philosophic wis-
dom, and the only " sober certainty of waking bliss"
which humanity affords. It was but the other day
that we found the most favoured organ of the Admi-
nistration rejoicing with the most innocent cheerful-
ness in the support which Ministers had received in
the late general election. The support of the country,
it said, " has been triumphantly shown in the result
of the late election, which, in despite of all the arts
upon which the Tories relied for success, has placed
Ministers at the head of a Parliamentary majority
sufficient to ensure their continuance, and the progress
of the principles to which they are pledged, and of
the policy they have hitherto pursued." Now,
this cheerful view of Ministerial circumstances and
prospects must be admitted to be a great example of
resolution to abide with philosophic temper the fate of
the late general election, even according to the
public estimation of it. Everybody knows that Mi-
nisters have lost by the late election. They them-
selves do not 'deny it, though they are too philo-
sophical to proclaim it, and to complain of it. On
the contrary, we find them, through their favoured
journal, treating this very loss as a triumph. It is
very true that their majotity, small as it was before the
election, is now smaller. But do they complain ?
Far from it ; they say the result of the election
is a triumphant result. There are very many who
would.think that an election by which the Ministerial
majority was diminished, and by which the electors
of England returned a majority hostile to the Admi-
nistration, was not a " triumphant result." There
are many who would think it a most preposterous
and impudent absurdity to call such a result a
" triumphant result" for the Administration ; but
such persons are evidently of a different philoso-
phical school front that of her Majesty's Ministers.
fire principles of philosophy, by the light of which.
men measure the good cie-evil of events—the' tridinph
or disgrace which attends them—make all the diffe-
rence. A glimpse of the Ministerial philosophy is
afforded, even in the statement of that triumph which,
somehow or another, they derive from a diminished
majority. The first particular of the triumph is this—
that the diminished majority (the fact of its diminution
is philosophically passed over) is sufficient to insure
the continuance of Ministers in office. This, as by
far the most important- part of the " triumph," is put
first, and then—as it were from an afterthought—
something is said of the progress of their principles,
and of the policy they have pursued. The unphiloso-
phical would perhaps have preferred to hear something
about the progress of the principles of the Constitu-
tion ; but Ministers knew better, and foresee how
much more convenient it will be to pledge themselves
only to their own principles and their own
policy.
But it would not be doing sufficient justice to the
philosophy of Ministerialists if we merely compared
their cheerful view of events with the events them-
selves. Not only can they consider defeat as a tri-
umph after defeat has come, but the very circumstances
which they did complain of as grievous when they
hoped they were about to be changed for the better
they now are able to describe as satisfactory and tri-
umphant, because they are not changed for the better,
nor likely to be so, but quite the contrary. This
is a touch of Ministerial philosophy almost sublime.
Ministers are weaker in the House of Commons
since the late election than they were before it.
The love of the electors for the Ministry was not
great at the beginning, and it has pleased Heaven
to decrease it on better acquaintance. What, then,
can be said in sufficient praise of the philosophy
voefbenthtthey called the co
those who call the present strength of Go-
at a triumph" when
owe acquaintovern then
public
t
in the late Parliament nothing better than weak-
ness ? The very authority from which we have
r i
nmi
spt
rhya nht lays" s
talffet
rt
ehde
tehned of
qsuepotteedm,bwerhic(laifter
says
the
ge-
neral election) that Ministers have
a majority sufficient
to ensure their continuance, and the progress of their
political principles, said at the end of July, before the
election had taken place, that the state of parties in
the douse of Commons was such as made "Govern- ,