The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-24 00:00:00

re:pset to the policy pursued in the last Session of Perna-
meat, I need say but little. Every one knows that a stop
was put to the progress of legislation bv the impediments
thrown the way by one great branch of the Constitution.
The question thorcfere arises—%vhia, is to be done to re-
medy that serious evil ? Or how long is the nation to to-
lerate that suspension of Legislation ?—(Cheers.) If I
call your attention to the change of policy which is con-
t •mplated to be pursued in the ensuing Session of Parliament
as compared with the last Session, 1 think every man will
perceive that it is of the greetest irnpertanee. It appears that
Sir Robert Peel is to change his policy altogether. In the
manifesto issued by the Right Hon, Baronet from 'Merchant
Tailors' Hall, nothing more was claimed by him than a fair
trial. " Give us," said he, "a fair trial, and we shall be
prepared to encounter the Reformers.—(Laughter and
cheers.) You must carry your measures by the registration.
Look to your registries ; sec that your men are ready ; for
by the Members of the house of Commons must the fate
of the country be determined." But what does lie say
now ? Finding that the registration is against Limp, not-
vithstanding all the votes his party has gained, he now tells
them fairly and frankly, " 1 will not submit to a tyrant
majority."—(Loud cheers.) It is most important that
every Reformer should look to this. Sir Robert Peel is
now throwing himself into the hands of Lord Lyndhurst ;
Anil not only is he prepared to reject and dispute the authority
of that tribunal which, in my hearing in the: House of
Commons, he admitted was the only equitable and consti-
tutional tribunal for deciding the question pending between
the Reformers and the Tories, but before the great as-
sembly at Glasgow he changes his tone, refuses to accede
to any one of those propositions by which he formerly de-
clared himself ready to abide, and now declares himself
one of the Lyndhurst and opposing faction, and a
stanch upholder of the Peers.--(Tumultuous cheer-
ing, and cries of " All the better.") And 1, too, say, it is
all the better, because now the murder is out.—(Cheers.)
We had nothing but hypocrisy before ; now we
have the truth. The cloven foot is in view. And
now comes the question, what course ought the Reformers
to pursue ? Sorry am Ito say that there are too many
Tories in the House of Commons. But there they are,
and we must deal with them in the best way we can,
and the only way in which we can deal with them effee•
tually is by union—(Great cheering)—and by giving up
our own petty differences.—{Renewed cheers.) I dare
say ninny of you will recollect my having on one occasion
stated that nine-tenths of the stock in trade of the Tories
was power, and on a certain occasion I was called on to
decide whether I would turn out Lord Melbourne and a
Liberal Ministry, or act upon my honest conviction.
Now, if I had been, like the Torios, a hypocrite, I might
have held my tongue. But I said, so important did I con-
sider a change of Ministry to be at that political crisis, that
to keep in a Liberal Government, and to keep out the
Tories, I would vote that black was white.—(Laughter
and cheers.) The various Tory papers have rung the
changes on my want of principle in making this declara-
tion. Why, in fact, 1 told them the principle on which I
made it..--(Laughter.) Every thing, it seems, is to be re-
jected by our opponents. The Peers are not to be put
down. Right or wrong, they are not to be put down. The
trial is coming. Is it to be the few or the many who shall
conquer ?—(Cheers.) You may shut your eyes and be un-
willine to look as you ought to do at the real state of the case.
But I you that what is now going on in this country is a
struggle between aristocracy and democracy—whether the
few shall rule for their own benefit and advantage, as they
have so long done, or whether the affairs of the nation shall
be managed by the people through their representatives.—
(Cheers.) We are now arrived at that period, at that
crisis. The tug of war is commencing, and we have to
determine with ourselves whether we are to fight or yield.—
(Cheers.) I say on this occasion my voice is for war.—
(Cheers and laughter.) Generally speaking, I am against
all war ; but really this is a struggle—or call it war if you
please—which has already begun, and must be most seriously
looked to by the people.—(Cheers.) We have arrived at
that period when an error in our proceedings may turn all
to evil. It is a period, therefore, requiring from us the
coolest and gravest consideration.—(Hear, hear.) I pre-
sume we are all agreed that a Liberal Government should
be kept in office.—( Here the company rose, and gave seve-
ral distinct rounds of cheers.) I have no hesitation in stat-
ing that I have great confidence in my Lord Melbourne.—
(The cheering was renewed.) Now, gentlemen, my Lord
Melbourne never was a great Reformer. I have known
him a great many years, but one very important advan-
tage which he enjoys is, that he has risen with the times.
—(Cheers.) I wish I could say as much of all his col-
leagues.—(Hear, hear.) But I am willing to hope they
will see the necessity of adapting themselves to the opinions
and feelings of the times. Many of them, I know, are as
fully radical as I ever was, and what I want them to per-
ceive is that the time is now come when they ought to be
aiding and assisting in the great cause that is now pending.
in the country. wish not to see the whole labour anti
burden on Lord Melbourne alone, in whom, I repeat, I
have great confidence. It is therefore our business to con-
sider how that Noble Lord is to he continued in office while
the cause of Reform is made to advance. lam aware that
that there are many anxious friends of the Government who
apprehend that the differences of opinion which exist among
the Radicals will tend to break up the present Government,
and afford an opportunity to the Tories to step in. Allow
me, Gentlemen, to state the result of my observation dur-
ing the few past years. "What turned out Lord Melbourne
in 1834 ? He had a majority of 150 in the House of Com-
mons. It was because the people believed that he was against
them, while the Court and the Peers were certainly against
them. My inference, then, is that the Government ought to
consult the wishes of the people ; unless they adopt measures
to meet the public view they can have no security. On
them alone must Government depend. The Tories declare
that the Court is with them, that the Peers are with them,
that the clergy are with them, that the magistracy is with
them, and that the squierarchy is with them. Why, I will
give them all these so that 3ou give me but the people.—
( Loud cheers.) They say much more (and it is too true)
—" We have the army with us, we have a Tory com-
mander-in-chief, a Tory Secretary, the lieutenant of the
Duke of Wellington, managing everything." It is too true,
and the friends of freedom have no chance in the army ;
they have no chance of promotion at all ; and I tell Lord
Melbourne that his voice ought to be raised against so un-
constitutional and so unjust a proceeding.—(Cheers.) Can
any man look at the manner in which the whole family of the
Beauforts has possession of the army and of its emoluments
without feeling that it is too much that seven or eight millions
of the public money, besides immense patronage, should be
thrown into the hands of the enemies of the country ?
(Cheers.) Are such proceedings as these likely to satisfy
the people ?—(Hear.) Can they be satisfied with seeing
the military defence of the nation in the hands of men so
opposed to their best interests ? I want measures as well
as men.—(Cheers.) And I avow that the measures which
we see in this department of the State are contrary to a free
Government, and ought not to be allowed. And I am
surprised to see them continued under the auspices of a
Liberal Administration. We then come to the question,
seeing that Lord Melbourne was turned out, though he had
a majority of 130, what was it that brought him back again ?
Not a majority of 150, but a majority of lt) only. And
can any man doubt for a moment that Sir Robert Peel, who
is so well acquainted with the state of the country, would
have given up the Government after the trial of two months ;
for he had two long mouths' trial, and it was fortunate that
he had, because he had united with him a great many indi-
viduals who laid the flattering unction to their souls that
lie must retain power ; can any man doubt, I say, that
Sir Robert Peel would, under such circumstances, have
given up the reins of Government, if he bad not believed
that the country was against him ?—( Hear.) It is impossi-
ble. He felt that the fact was so, and he therefore re-
tired. Well, we are satisfied at taking their own statement
that all those powers in the country which I have just
enumerated are against the progress of Reform. Does any
man, then, believe that we can, with the majority which we
now possess, maintain, a Liberal Government in office
unless measures are taken to please the people. (Loud
cries of" Hear, hear) ? In order, then, to please the peo-
ple, my opinion is that we should proceed to complete the
Reform Bill. What is it the people ask the Ministers to
do? They say, give to us the power of exercising our
franchise honestly. Unless you protect us against all the
influences that are capable of being exerted over us in the
disposal of our votes, it is too much to expect that we
should sacrifice our property and the interests of our wives
and families for what, eller all, is but a contingent good to
us. You cannot ask us to put in jeopardy our immediate
existence for a remote advantage. It is cruel to do so
and therefore we ask you to give us the Ballot.—( Here the
greater part of the company rose and gave several rounds
of cheers.) Let us have open questions.—( Loud cheers.)
I should be sorry—perhaps I should even risk the exist-
ence of a liberal administration—if I were to press them to
adopt this or that particular measure- That is not the
course which it would be wise for us to pursue. But let
the Government hear the objections that may be urged
against, and the reasons which may be advanced ;a favour
of that measure ; let these come fairly before them and the
Legislature, and then let the country decide.—(Loud
cheers.) I want nothing but constitutional reforms.
I want to complete the Reform Bill. ; When that Bill
was introduced, we were told that there should be no con-
stituency below 300 ; but, in consequence of the money
paying clauses, and the other vexatious qualifications, many
of the constituencies have been actually reduced below °OO,
and, for want of the ballot, these places have become mere
nomination boroughs. That is not what ought to be a1m.04-0.
m.04-0. We want a large extension of the principle, and I
11,4 that we should fairly try whether a household
e"-esseerld not succeed.—(Loud cheering.) Ido en-
se, .1,46 dee& reepeethat no quarrel which may be raised about
.
ibis Cabala question or that will be allowed to interfere

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