The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 17, 1863

are incapable of recovering their fees in a court of
law, he would possibly have excited a titter amongst
the profane laity. Barristers, especially if they
aro married and blessed with a rising family,
cannot live upon air—" promise crammed." They
must have the substantial fruits of their labour in
a balance at their bankers'. They have no access
to the ambrosial food of the gods. The client who
wants to have his case attended to must pay his
counsel a good fee; for he may depend upon this,
that if he trust to that sense of wrong which, ac-
cording to the Chief Justice, rouses the advocate to
defend the life or property of a client, and to spend
his nights in poring over crabbed law books, he
will be grievously disappointed. The barrister is
no modern Quixote, who spends his early man-
hood in a Feet-street garret, waiting for the
wronged fellow-creature who will call upon him to
defend his cause without expectation of pecuniary
reward. He must live, and he gets called to the
Bar in order to live. He does his best for his
client, whoever he may be ; not because he thinks
his client right, but simply because he desires a re-
putation and a reward for his exertions; and the
certainty of obtaining these rewards, instead of re-
laxing, would probably quicken his exertions. The
only mode of effectually securing remuneration is
by the barrister making a contract with his client,
and enforcing this contract if payment of the re-
muneration agreed upon be refused. Chief Justice
Erle does not deny the propriety of the client
paying the fees, but he objects to the barrister
being allowed to compel the client by action to
perform his duty. To allow this, forsooth, would
be to degrade the dignity of the bar, and to de-
prive the client of a disinterested advocate.
It is marvellous to see how the tradition of a
profession can disconcert the most powerful intel-
lects. The Chief Justice knew well enough that
at the Bar mess such high flown purity would have
excited peals of laughter. Did any barrister ever
hear of a brother barrister undertaking a cause
without the hope of definite remuneration ? If
the client is unknown, does not the faithful clerk
take good care not only to finger the guineae, but
to see that the number of them is according to the
tariff? If the client is trusted and proves untrue,
is there any counsel foolish enough to take another
brief from the same quarter ? Is any one Quixotic
enough to suppose that any member of the Eng-
lish Bar keeps his chambers open to give ad-
vice gratis to anybody who chooses to
enter? On the contrary, the counsel who ventured
to open his chambers for any such purpose would
certainly be excluded from the Bar mess of his cir-
cuit, and would probably be disbarred. Barristers,
like other men, ,work for money, and neither their
independence nor their zeal is weakened by follow-
ing the example of ordinary mortals. None can say
Mr. Kennedy failed in his duty to his client because
he expected £20,000, and if he had been entitled to
recover this sum by an action at law the motive for
exertion would only have been increased. No doubt
the facts disclosed by Mr. Kennedy must be incon-
venient to Mrs. Broun ; but they are not more in-
convenient than if they had been disclosed to a soli.
citor or attorney in case he had brought an action,
which he might, of course, have done, for the re-
covery of his fees. It is, no dcubt, true that if a
barrister is to be allowed to sue for his fees, be must
submit to be made liable for negligence. But with
this alternative it is difficult to understand how the
honour of the Bar would be diminished by its mem-
bers being allowed to recover in a court of law the
fees which are justly due to them.

his troops from Rome. For my part I limit myself for the
moment to repeating what your Excellency has written in
all letters in your reply to General Deland°, thqt you will
receive with eagerness any proposition which allowed of
arriving at an honourable and equitable solution of the
Roman question; that they would find us ready to believe
in the friendly dispositions of the new Cabinet, awaiting
its acts. SKRTIGES."
"TILE MINISTER OF FRANCE AT TURIN TO THE MINIS-

so that there only remains to be discussed a question of
facts. I cannot follow Lord Russell in this rather too
practical a manner of simplifying the question. The great
question overrulling the whole matter—both the question. of
facts and that of the means of modifying a state of things
which does not agree with the wishes of Germany—is
just this :—Has the Confederation really a right to interfere
in the affairs of a Danish province for which the King has
never joined the Confederation? We have established—and
up to the present time the Germanic Diet has never seri-
ously tried to prove the contrary, preferring,,—and un-
fortunately with too great success—the more convenient
method of ignoring our argument•,—we have established
that ail the King engaged himself to do in respect
to Schleswig he immediately and completely accomplished.
These engagements did not contain any clause what-
ever respecting the languages in Schleswig. What the
King did was this :—ln en ordinance addressed to his
own subjects ha proclaimed the principles which he in-
tended to follow, and, among others, also those respecting
the regulation of languages and the equal maintenance of
both nationalities. Now, this circumstance can assuredly
not justify any foreign interference whatever for the pur-
pose of controlling the King's Government in the exercise
of its functions. That ordinance was communicated to the
Diet at Frankfort; but on communicating it the King's
Envoy expressly remarked that the Diet would learn from it
what position the Government assigned to Holstein, and it
is with the same restriction that the Diet took note of that
document by its decree of July 29, 1852. All the rest of
the ordinance did not, therefore, concern the Diet, and the
same pretended right of which it now avails itself for inter-
fering iu the question of languages in Schleswig, it might
any day equally well invoke also for the purpose of control-
ling the King's Government in respect to the manner in
which it observed the stipulations of the fundamental law
of the kingdom, for the observance of that law is quite as
much promised in the ordinance as the quality of languages.
"Thus neither public law generally, nor the diplomatic
correspondence of 1851 authorises any intervention what-
ever of the Confederation in the affairs of Schleswig ; and
the King's Government would betray the most sacred inte-
rests of the State if it made a compromise as to this capital
principle—that the authority of the Germanic Confederation
can in no case be extended beyond the frontier of Holstein.
"That principle the King's Government has always
maintained. But it has, at the same time, had too much
regard for public opinion in Europe to be willing to incur
the blame of being a Government that, while keeping within
the limits of its strict rights, did not take into sufficient ac-
count the liberty and moral progress of its subjects. For
this reason the Government has spared no pains in expos-
ing and refuting the errors and perversions of truth in re-
spect to the state of things in Schleswig which, from into •
rested motives, have been put in circulation. But, as the
price of its good intentions, it has found that the more it
tried to elucidate and explain facts, the more the question
of right was lost sight of by those to whom it appealed.
Our explanations, resting on a thorough knowledge of the
case, have been balanced by the contrary assertions of the
German Powers. who had, nevertheless, themselves ad-
mitted the difficulty of their discnrning the truth. Recently
Lord Russell has even preferred to found his opinion on
the report of a subaltern agent, whose goodwill has not
been able to supply the want of those other qualities which
were necessary for understanding and judging of such com-
plicated matters of details.

" By reason of this sad experience the King's Govern-
ment deems it to be its duty henceforth to confine itself to
the sole question of right, which sufficiently justifies its ro.
fugal to enter into any negotiation concerning the internal
affairs of Schleswig.

" Besides, what could I say on the subject of the different
projects mentioned in Lord Russell's last despatch ? I
would assuredly not have to dwell at length on these pro-
positions, which his Lordship himself admits would be less
acceptable to Denmark than the one to which he has given
the preference. As to that one I have already expressed
myself in my despatch of October the loth. Lord Russell
renews again the assurance of the desire of the British
Cabinet to preserve the existence and integrity of Denmark.
But that integrity Lord Russell's proposition would infalli-
bly destroy, by dividing the Monarchy into a number of
parts, all of which, enjoying in reality all the attributes of
sovereignty, would be only connected together by a Council
of State, a sort of common representative Assembly, it is
true, but which, condemned to impotence from the very
first, would, undoubtedly, within a brief period, altogether
cease to exist. lam sorry to say it, but this dismember-
ment of the Monarchy Lord Russell's despatch has all the
appearance of regarding as an already accomplished fact.
The idea from which he starts is, in fact, that of a union of
States connected alone IT the person of the Sovereign, and
not at all the principle hitherto exclusively recognised by
the public law of Europe, that of the unity of the Danish
Crown. That Monarchy, in short, which the British
Cabinet wishes to preserve, the arrangement proposed by
Lord Russell would deprive of independence, the essence of
life, by favouring a regulation ( f the constitution affairs
which has no other title to recommend it than that of hav-
ing been suggested by the German Powers.
" There is but one way open, and it is the one which the
King's Government has declared its intention to follow.
On the one side, we must submit to the necessity of granting
to the Holstein Estates that position which the Diet of
Frankfort claims for them, but with the reservations ne •
cessary to prevent that province from becoming the master
and arbiter of the rest of the Monarchy. On the other side,
Schleswig must continue to be excluded from the action of
the Confederates, and retain its constitutional relations with
the kingdom for the common affairs. The first point will
exclude every pretext for federal execution in Holstein.
The second point is the indispensable condition for the ex-
istence of the Danish State, and if Lord Russell fears that
the development of the legally existing state of things for
the kingdom and Schleswig would result in some violent
explosion, the King's Government is firmly convinced that
such an explosion could only be brought about by foreign
instigations and acts of violence. Such an eventuality the
Government will look forward to with that calmness and
resolution which tho conscience of its good right inspires.
"You will please to read this despatch to Lord Russell,
and leave him a copy of it.

" I have the honour, &c.,

" HALL."

CHURCH RATES AT GREENWICH.

STORMY VESTRY MEE SING.

Last night, at seven o'clock, a very numerously-
attended vestry meeting of the parishioners at
Greenwich Res held at the Literary Institution in
that town, to consider a proposition from the church-
wardens to make a church rate for the present year.
The chair was occupied by the Rev. NV. A.
SOAMCS, M.A., vicar, and it was evident from the
commencement that the proceedings would be of a
somewhat turbulent nature, as the anti and pre-rate
party were about equally divided.
The estimates having been read,
Mr. It. BRANSBY observed, he would at once sub-
mit a motion to test the opinion of the meeting. It
was a disgrace and scandal to the people of Green-
wich that a church rate should be imposed upon
them. Both the members for that borough had
voted against these rates, and now that the Conser-
vatives had made their continuance a party rallying
cry it was time that all true Liberals were up to the
mark on the subject. He moved, " That the church-
wardens be requested to take steps for raising the
required amount by voluntary contribution, and to
report the result to an adjourned meeting, to be held
on the 13th February next."

The motion having been seconded,
The Rev. CHAIRMAN (amidst much confusion and
cries of " Shame ") observed he must at once decline
to submit such a motion to the meeting, which was
convened to make a church rate or to !eject it, and
had no legal power to direct the churchwardens to
make a voluntary collection.
Mr. BRANSBY contended that the rejection of his
motion by the chairman would render nugatory all
subsequent proceedings of the meeting, and if a rate
was made it could never bo legally enforced.
Mr. II UNTLY then moved that a rate of one penny
in the pound be made, which was seconded by Mr.
Churchwarden MORLEY, who read extracts from
evidence given before a Parliamentary committee,
in order to show that the Nonconformist body had
ulterior objects in view for the injury of the Church
of England, besides the abolition of the church rates.
Mr. SAW and other ratepayers then addressed the
meeting against church rates, and the rev. chairman
persisted in his refusal to put the original motion.
The motion for a penny rate was ultimately car-
ried by a majority of 45 to 23, the anti-rate party
protesting that the whole proceedings were illegal,
in consequence of the conduct of the chairman.

GOVERNMENT EMIGRATION.—The Government
emigrant ship Mary Shepherd, Of 905 tons, belonging to Mr.
Litchfield Green of London, Captain William Bridge,sailed
from Plymouth on the 10th inst. for Adelaide, South Aus-
tralia, with 53 mar, led cumdes, 106 single men, 62 single
women, -10 Inys between the ages of 1 and 12, 36 girls, be-
tween the same ages, 13 male and 6 female infants,
making a total of 375 souls, equal to 313 statute adults,
under the charge of Surgeon-Superintendent Clarence
Chapman, assisted by the services of Thomas ilunter,
school►Haster, and Elizabeth Robertson, matron.

[AnvEwrisE3tv-Nrr.]—llolloway's Ointment.—Bad legs,
St \rho: 1
proper nds , ul,ers and all descriptions of sores are cured by
and 'diligent use of this inestimable preparation.
To attempt to cure bad legs by plasteriLg the edges of the
wound together is a folly, for should the skin unite a boggy
diseased condition remains underneath to break out with
tenfold fury in a few days. The only rational and per-
manent treatment as indicated by nature is to reduce the
inflammation in and about the wound, to soothe the neigh-
bouring nerves, to cool the iv aced Woad as it courses along
its vessels, and to render the thin watery icherous discharge
consistent and healthy, Holloway's Pills should be taken
en
the obnoxious humours
to purify the blood and expel
the system,