The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-02 00:00:00

Lord Campbell on Mr. Cobden's View of the

Polish Question.

At a public meeting to express the sympathy of the
working classes in favour of Poland held last even'ng, at
the Chelsea V3stry-hall, under the auspices of the National
League for the Independence of Poland—Mr, Farrell in the
chair,

Lord CAMPBELL said—To me it is, I assure you, a great
privilege to be called upon by the committee to address
you upon the Polish question at a meeting so crowded, so
intelligent, and so unanimous as that assembled hero to-
night. It is true that this meeting has been called together
not by the National Pe'sh League, of which my friend Mr.
E ward Busies is the president, but exclusively by the
working classes themselves. (Hear, hear.) That circum-
stance is far from demonstrating, as some people would
suppose, the insignificance of the question before us, and
with your permission I will ttll you for what reason. It
shows that the Polish question has now seized upon the
mind of that class which is most numerous, and to wh:ch
its numbers must always give power and importance.
(Hear, hear.) Iu social or domestic questions it may often
happen that the first movement may originate with the
Iworking classes, in consequence of the evils whics they
may more acutely feel, and rely rise through the middle
classes, until, last of all, after years of agitation and
struggle, they are found triumphant in that class which
influences Parliament and politics. But in foreign ques-
tions it is not so; it most naturally happens that these
questions arise first in that, class to whom study and trade
are open, and then descends through the various strata
of society. Therefore, when solicitude as to a foreign ques-
tion is found imbuing the working classes of the nation,
we must believe that it has succeeded in establishing its
sovereignty over the minds of the higher and of the middle
classes of society. (Loud cheers) So far, therefore, from
the fact of this meeting being convened by the working
classes of the country being a proof of the insignificance of
the Polish question, it is a proof rather that the opinion of
the country has been fully formed upon the matter, and
that the time for action has arrived. (Cheers.) To me it
gives still more gratification to find a demonstration of this
magnitude by the working classes of the country, because
I think it the best and the most effective answer to the
speech of Mr. Cobden that we have lately heard, so far as
it relates to the Poli,h question, (Loud cheers.) In an
eloquent speech, recently addressed to the inhabitants
of Rochdale, Mr. Cobden, with the view to show that,
although the wrongs of that unhappy c .untry are indis-
putable, yet that it is not the proper part of Europe to set
them right, contends that, if left alone, the injustice of
Russia will meet with its own punishment, and, to use his
own words, " that the vices, and weaknesses, and the vir-
tues, and the power of nations were inseparable "—in other
words, that vices always have their own castigation, and
that virtues have their own reward, and that, therefore, it
was not incumbent upon bystanders to interfere to prevent
the one or to encourage the other. If that remark had
fallen from an insignificant person it would scarcely be
worth while to refute it; but coming as it does from the
great apostle of free trade, from a man who has obtained
and deserves the admiration of the country, who, beginning
lowly, has raised himself to the highest station ; and from
a person who is no less esteemed in private life than ap-
plauded in political and public life, it is certainly a remark
that deserves something more than a passing comment.
No doubt we may be able so far to assent to the views of Mr.
Cobden as to admit that crimes upon a large as upon a minor
scale will always have their own retribution—that if suffi-
cient time elapse, if ages are permitted to exhaust them-
selves—the day will come when the misfortunes of St.
Petersburg will balance the calamities of Warsaw, (Loud
and prolonged cheering.) But is this to bo an argument
for European silence, for popular indifference, or for the
inaction of the world ? (Cheers.) Are we not to think
upon the calamities—the horrors which must fall upon
individuals between the perpetration of the wrong and
'the arrival of the retribution that is to surely follow it ?
(Cheers.) Are we not to think of the men destroyed; of
the houses outraged, of the women wronged, of the vil-
lages obliterated, of the soil polluted, of the melancholy
capital of Poland transformed into a dungeon from which
the unhappy inmates look to us in Europe as living in some
fabled region in which air, sunshine, freedom, and tran-
quillity prevail, and in which men are to be pitied only
because they dont understand the horrors they have escaped
and the privileges they enjoy ? (Loud and prolonged cheer-
ing.) if the doctrine advanced by this amiable and high-
minded person were adopted by the Cabinets of Europe—if
countries would not permit themselves to interfere when in-
justice was being committed on such grounds as those ad•
vanced by Mr. Cobden, none of the weaker Powers, such
as Portugal, Belgium, Switzerland, or Denmark—(loud and
prolonged cheers)—could maintain their existence for a
single day against the Powers who are ready and anxious to
absorb them. (Loud cheers.) If it were once to be admitted
that injustice was to be allowed to work its way, and that
no interference should be permitted, and that it wes to be
left to the penalty which future ages might bring, there
would be no end to the wrongs which the strong would
perpetrate on the weak. (Cheers.) But
should we even
go so far with Mr. Cobden for a moment as to say that the
injustices and barbarity of Mash, as such, were not to
bring down upon its head the indignation and chastisement
of Europe, we should still have the further question as to
whether it is not the interest of Western Europe that the
flow of Russian tyranny should be made to pause, and that
Poland should be assisted in establishing her independence.
(Hear, hear.) The principal Western Powers are France
and England; and let us look at what is their interest in
the matter. At the present time Erance relies upon the
alliance of this country, but circumstances may arise when
the friendly relations between these countries may be
altered. That alliance must not be counted upon by
France as a thing that will be always in existence.
France and Russia both aim at supremacy in the Mediter-
ranean Sea, therefore there can be no true and lasting alli-
ance between those Powers. Supposing a collision to arise
—as it may do at any time, and has occurred within the
last 10 years—France, who may not then possess that firm
friendship in which this country now held her, must rely
for assistance upon the German Powers, (Hear, hear).
Now, so long as Russia holds Poland, and so influences
Prussia and Austria, how can France hope to attract to-
wards herself the alliance of those countries ? (Loud
cheers. Therefore, so far as France is concerned, it is
essential for her to preserve the liberty of Poland. (Cheers).
Now Ist us look at our own cosition in the matter. The
objects of Great Britain and Russia are altogether incom-
patible. (Cheers.) Great Britain desires to maintain the
independeuce of Constantinople, and to uphold the Turkish
empire as it now exists, while Russia is desirous of ex-
tending her dominions at the expense of that Power. The
objects of Great Britain and Russia upon this point are
therefore diametrically opposed. (Cheers.) Now, Great
Britain wi,hout France must also look to Germany, but
must look in vain so long as Russia is able to trample upon
Berlin and Vienna. (Loud cheers.) Therefore, even if
vice ought to be left to its own punishment, and even if we
could consent without remonstrance to see a people cruelly
tortured and crushed out of existence, still policy would
command the Western Powers to maintain the activity
which they have as yet devoted to the Polish question.
(Loud cheers.) They have already embarked upon their
course, and what can now restrain them from pursuing it?
(Hear, hear.) It is not the fear of Russia which will restrain
them, because, within the memory of the youngest person
present, Russia has shown her inability to resist the
Western Powers; it is not a regard of treaties which can
restrain them, because it has been explained that all those
treaties by which Russia claims right over Poland have
been trampled down and violated, and, in Earl Russell's
words, Russi s has forfeited all right to supremacy in
Poland. To what, therefore, can the inaction be traced ?
To nothing except to the want of the expression of popular
opinion and enthusiasm—a want which you have assembled
here to-night to meet. (Loud cheers.) If that expression
of opinion and enthusiasm is withheld, nothing will be
done, and there will be no want of plausible arguments
for standing still. (Hear, hear.) But if the voice of the
country makes itself heard, if statesmen are convinced
that they will be supported by the opinion of the people,
if they act according to their convictions, then there need
be no fear for the result, and Poland will bo free. (Loud
cheering.) That voice you are now raising, and that sup--
port you are now offering, and the effect of what you aro
now doing will be felt hereafter throughout distant ages,
as well as at the present moment. (Loud cheers.) I call
upon the meeting, therefore, to pledge itself to support the
Government of the day in any endeavour it may make fur
securing Polish independence.

Tho speaker sat down amid prolonged cheering.

A NOVEL PRESENT FOR THE PRINCE AND PRIN-
CESS OF WALES, by Mr. James Thomas LovedaY,
eurveyor of risks to the Phoenix Fire-office, London.—It i 8
a lithographic print on white satin (from his published sur-
veys), giving a ground plan of the buildings in Tooley-
street, comprising Cotton's, Hay's, and Chamberlain's
wharves, as they stood before the terrible fire that occurred
on June 22, 1861, with a brief history of that sad occurrence,
which was witnessed more than once by his Royal High.
ness during its progress; and which was the most destruc-
tive fire in London since the memorable fire of London in
1666. On the plan aro recorded 80100 interesting events,
such as " Here the fire began," "Here the fire ended," and
" Here Mr. Braidwood fell." It has also a facsimile of Mr.
Btaidwood's signature. It is in a frame of an unique de-
sign, and is a most elaborate piece of workmanship, con•
structed of black polished wood, presenting a face of very
minute work, not polished, richly ornamented with gilt scroll
and flower devices ; baying an inch bevelled
gilt mould.
iug inside; part plain, but the angles met by four inches of
chaste engraving on each side. The top centre represents
in an exquisite clot (also gilt) the blended arras of the
Prince and Princess, surmounted by the Prince's
with Crown
£l7l rn 1 the bo,to centre is it gilt, talet, surrounded ;
flowers, and on it is beautifully written an ap
in-
scription. Th© whole of it is enclosed in a polished d rosewood
and cedar case, lined with crimson velvet adding to the
rich effect of the black and gold, Which f
will be preserved
by a plate glass front completing the
enclosure. We may
add that this print was executed for the author by Mr.
Weller, of lied Lion-square, just prior to the death of the
late Prince Consort, but that ela
postponed the offer. The fratn m ntable event necessarily
Pashley, also of Iced Li e was manufactured by Mr.
oil -Fetuate, London,