The Sun.
London, England, 1837-04-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The third reading of the Irish Municipal Corpora-
tion Bill comes on to-night, and we trust that all Li-
Feral Members will be at their post. Let not the
House of Lords have the pretext, if they feel disposed
to incur the responsibility of throwing out the measure,
that the representatives of the people had been indif-
ferent with regard to it. If the Peers throw out the
Bill, they of course must be prepared for the conse-
quences. The Dublin Evening Mail, the organ of
the Irish Orangemen, does not hesitate to state—af-
fecting to speak from authority—that the Tories are
all anxious for a civil war in Ireland, and that Lord
Lyndhurst and Lord Winchilsea do not thirst more
everly for Popish blood than the Duke of Wellington
and Sir Robert Peel. Alluding to an article in the
Chronicle on the division among the Tories on the
policy to be pursued with regard to Ireland, the Dublin
Evening Mail denies that any such divisions prevail,
and says, " Ihe repeal of the Emancipation Act will
be demanded before the expiration of two years,"
adding, " We are happy in being able to assure the
Chronicle that not a shadow of difference at this
moment exists as to the mode of governing Ireland
between any of the illustrious individuals whose names
it has introduced. This country requires a strong
Land, and with the blessing of God it will be soon
suede to feel it." On this passage the Dublin Evening
dr Post has some excellent comments
We do not think," says that paper, " in candour—we
must say so—that Wellington or Peel have any such mon-
strous notion in their heads as contemplating a repeal of the
Emancipation Act. Granting, indeed, which we shall not
do, that either or both had the wickedness to design such a
measure, they are not such fools as the Quartarly Review
people, or the Lords of %Vinchileea or Roden, to dream
that such a course was practicable. But no matter what
they design, or what they dream. It is now reiterated by
fiaeir leading organ in this country, that the object of the
Tories, if they should come into power, is to re-enact tho
Popery Code ; for it would not be sufficient to recur to the
of 1703. The elective franchise would have to be an-
nihilated before the measure would be complete. All Ca-
tholic barristers disbanded. All Catholic attorneys struck
off the roil. But they could not stop here—you might as
well arrest the progress of a bowl upon an inclined plane of
thirty degrees, after having given it an impulse of motion
mid-way. You should return to the Saturnian times of
George 11., and prevent all Catholics from purchasing land
—nay, from farming. This would not be enough whileCatho-
lies held land in fee-simple, and while farmers had leases.
You should rob them, as of old, and take forcible posses-
sion of their estates and homesteads. All this is implied,
though not distinctly set forth, in the proposition now an-
nounced by the organ of the faction in this country.
There is a No-Popery cry, quoth be, in England ; that cry
will be invinciple, and in two years the Emancipation Act
be repealed.
"`this is absurd, ridiculous, extravagant ! the reader
may eaelahrt. But, absurd as it is ; i idiculous as its entin-
cin.'ion appears to be ; extravagant a dream as is even the
conception of the design, it is, nevertheless, entertained, we
not say by such paiiry and imbecile devils as the Maid,
but it is announced as one of the sine qua new of trap-
,in Ireland, by the greatest of all the Tory organs,
• :21ret, Icily Review. If this proposition only appeared
in sae Irish Orange journals—if it were only the venomous
sspiraticei of a wretched renegade for the blood of the peo-
ple, whose religion he has deserted and blasphemed, ice
shoul.l treat it, as we have constantly similar sanguinary
feotiinents, with disgust and contempt. But when it is
now produced, at the eleventh hour—when the fellow who,
ete.ee or four months aao, invoked a Cromwell to settle
ti. • affairs of Ireland, now re-echoes the sentiments of the
121m..-terly Review, what are we to infer ? what are we to
Why, that his ihspi. CI'S are in utter despair ; that
nay were near entering into office—if they had tile slight-
est hope—if they entertained the most remote possibility of
an early entrance into office, they never would have the
sear: me folly of giving utterance to any sentiment so san-
naluary and brutal as this reckless writer has ventured to
pat ;.:to their mouths."
incline to be of the opinion of the DAIL
L:,ening Post, that the ravings to which he alludes
rather indicate despair of office than the belief in a
apedv advent to power. The Duke of Wellington
and Sir Robert Peel would hardly think of encou-
raging the more reckless of their party by arraying
ag=ainst themselves not merely the great body of the
Isiah people, but all men of prudence and moderation
in this island. The Tories have no doubt reflected
on the responsibility they will incur should they throw
out the Bill. If they have not, it is high time they
set about it. It is admirably observed by Mr.
Albany Fonblanque, in the introduction to his
" England tinder Seven Administrations," that
" a continued stand in a branch of the Legis-
lature, opposed to the sence of the country,
must end in something more than the loss of
the things in dispute ; it is a spendthrift waste
of the powers of resistance ; it is sinking the
vessel of the Oligarchy in the desperate attempt
to save its cargo." He afterwards adds, " Upon
every question the opponents of Reform have
mistaken the voices of the classes with which
they have social intercourse for the full voice of the
country ; and, when they have been beaten in the
struggle, they have railed against the effect, instead of
growing wiser by an understanding of the cause.
Upon every question now in dispute they commit the
same error- They count their allies in the Court, the
Peerage, the Church, the gentry, and thg parasitical
class which adopts with exaggeration the opinions of
those orders, and they imagine that they sum up all
the powers of the country. Their views will always
he falsified by the event, as they have hitherto been
falsified by events, so long as there is in them this
capital error, this great omission of the main stratum
of political power."—Morning Chronicle.
The question of Irish Municipal Corporations comes
once again before the House of Commons this day,
upon the third reading, to be followed up, in case of
a majority for the Bill, by its transmission to the Lords,
whose decision, the Ministerial newspapers announce
to us, will he vital to the present Government. If by
by the term " vital" the Whig-Radical organs would
signify the intention of Lord Melbourne and his col- ,
leagues to resign, upon the rejection of that fraudulent
and evil-designed measure, we do not believe a word of
it. The odour of the Downing-street flesh-pots is still
too savoury for the gastronomes in office, and the insti-
gations of certain of their revolutionary bottle-holders
is Etr too peremptory and pungent to admit of the na-
tional eagerness for their retreat to exercise its rightful
.influence over them. In the mean time, we have our
own reasons, and they are potent ones, for deprecating
if it were at all probable, the resignation, which, at the
same time, we entirely discredit. The pear is not yet ripe.
The exposure of the corrupt, worthless, and despicable
genius of Whiggery is not yet perfect—not yet, for a
few weeks longer. We observe, however, an extreme
restlessness and irritability on the part of the Downing-
street journals, whether genuine or simulated we shall
not decide, in their lucubrations upon this Irish, falsely
called " municipal," question. Their preliminary ad-
mission, indeed, in an article published yesterday by
.authority, has the merit of no ordinary candour. "It
is unfortunately too true," say they, " that the spirit
of faction and political corruption, and particularly so,
if stimulated by personal wants, will ever hurry bad
men into the most wicked enterprises ;" but when the
" danger comes near, and stares the empire full in the
face, the misrepresentations of journalists, and the cre-
slulity of their dupes, give way to the general sense of
se.lf-preservation, and the wicked and their designs are
trodden under foot." There could not have been
penned a commonplace more pat to the ensuing crisis,
or more neatly illustrative of that termination to which
the "enterprises" of the present official faction are
rapidly and inevitably passing on. Nevertheless, the
,clearsightedness of the Ministers and their minions, as
%o general results, appear to be modified by now and
then a blunder in matters of detail, which may as well
be sioticed. It is insinuated, for instance, that the
Peers of the realm will actually " have forfeited their
public trust," and have made it a question " whether
they shah' be suffered to exist if they dare to throw
out the O'Connell Bill for turning the Protestant corpcs.
.rations of Ireland into corporations of Popish priests and
awir vassals, to be worked for the extinction of the Pro-
testant Church, and of its foster-child and dependant,
tire civil sovereignty of the British Crown over Ireland.
Now that is a trifling blunder, inasmuch as no man of
the least pretensions to sanity can believe, that if the
Prot( Vant Church, with the legislative Peerage, and
the in corporeing union between these islands, be put
in one scale, and the O'Connell, the priestly, and se-
paratist influence in the other, there is the slightest
4avger of a decision being come to by one-hundredth
portion of the people of England tmurable tc, the

nmit

?

views of O'Connell. We are told by the Whig
oracles that the Bill for Popish Corporations is a Bill
for the " enfranchisement of a whole nation," for
giving " equality" to all citizens after the fashion of
that municipal equality which exists among the citizens
of Great Britain ; that the Protestant Dissenters of
England are equally involved in it with the Irish
priests ; that " the union between Great Britain and
Ireland" depends upon it ; and, finally, that the whole
people of Ireland demand the Bill as sternly as the
Roman Catholics alone demanded their Bill in 1829.
This would be all prodigiously formidable, only that it
happens to be the reverse of true—a series of enormous
blunders. Instead of a Bill for the "enfranchisement of a
" whole nation," this Bill of O'Connell's is a Bill for
the absolute subjection of the whole Protestant com-
munity of Ireland to the mandates of the Popish hiet-
archy, through the medium of the despotism already
exercised by the same hierarchy over their own spiri-
tual vassals, the ignorant and superstitious multitude
about to be raised by this Bill to the nominal enjoy-
ment of corporation privileges, in the use of which pri-
vileges they would be blindly obedient to the priest-
hood, as they have proved thsmselves to be in the fac-
tious purposes for which they have been compelled to
employ their rights as political electors. Instead of an
" equality amongst all citizens," as pretended by the
partisans of the O'Connell scheme, this Bill would
vest, and is valued by the conspirators for no other
reason but that it does vest, a complete monopoly of
power in the hands of one particular faction, the sub-
ordinate members of which implicity obey their lead-
ers under penalties equal to death itself, and act toge-
ther as a single man in making war upon every one of
our political institutions. Instead of a Bill for " main-
taining the Union," it is one which O'Connell ap-
plauds and insists on, as being that step in his poli-
ticel progress which will enable him to obtain every-
thing else that he wants ; announcing in the very
same breath, that which he does require is the
total subversion of the Protestant Church, and either a
repeal of the Union, or such an independence of
all those legislative powers and authorities as it was
the business of the Union to create. But we are told
that the Dissenters of Great Britain take an interest
in this foul and destructive measure, not less earnest
than the Irish Roman Catholics did in their emanci-
pation, and that the " whole Irish nation" feel equally
moved upon the subject. What the factious and dis-
affected, the Republican and Revolutionary, branch
of the English Dissenters are likely to feel with re-
spect to any political project, is very plain, and in our
minds very unimportant. They will feel as well dis-
posed as the Popish revolutionists of Ireland can be
to push forward every scheme by which the public
peace is liable to be 'disturbed and the British Mo-
narchy endangered. If the power of these hypocri-
tical incendiaries were not substantially as contempti-
ble as their designs are wicked, the Crown of England
had long since been' rolling in the dirt, and a fierce,
intolerant, and brutal democracy enthroned for its
brief day on the ruins of our Constitution. But let
the House of Lords, and the friends of Church
and State, be assured, that if true to themselves,
they have nothing to fear from a foe, whose
violence and desperation are exact measures of the
disappointment he has already sufiCred. It has
all along been to us a subject of surprise and regret,
that the people of this country, and many of their re-
presentatives, hare not yet taken the pains to pluck
the vizor from the face of this knavish and ill-disguised
fraud, but have been satisfied with the misnomer af-
fixed to it by Ministers, and accepted as a bill of cor-
porate reform for Ireland, that which is in reality, nay
palpably, nothine, more than an indirect and insidious
attack upon the 'Protestant religion. Let but our ho-
nest and discerning countrymen once contemplate it
under that point ("view, and with reference to that
particular tendency, and if 100 English members vote
for its third reading this night, we shall wonder if their
next vote be not for the establishment of the Church
of Rome in Ireland, and embodied with it the simple
alternative of exile or extermination to every descend-
ant of English blood and every member of the Protest-
ant religion. The organs of ministers appear desirous
of dimming to the Blouse of Lords on this occasion the
course of proceeding which may be most convenient to
Lord Melbourne and his colleagues. Their Lordships
are, it seems, at their peril to accept the Bill. We can-
not answer for what those powerful and upright states-
men who are best capable of influencing that illustrious
body advise under such intimidation, but for this we can
undertake to pledge ourselves, namely, that nothing will
be surrendered which can by any device of ordinary
cunning be perverted to objects destructive of our reli-
gions institutions, nor therefore favourable to those
vicious purposes for which the appropriation clause
was invented. So long as the Church of Ireland shall
remain in its present condition, exposed to the threat-
ened renewal of that wanton and unprincipled attack
upon the first principles by which only an Established
Church in Ireland can be maintained, it would be a
monstrous violation of the entire policy which governed
the decision of the Peers in the last Session, if their
Lordships were to leave the Protestant Establishment
of that country, suffering at once under the present
mischief inseparable from the enactment of such a law
as this for the setting up of Popish Corporations, and
to the incessant weakness and disturbance which must
flow from an impending renewal of the direct spolia-
tion project. Were the dangers and persecutions of
the Church once disposed of or guarded against by
some precautionary measure of wholesome settlement,
Ministers might be permitted some greater latitude in
their municipal manceuvres.—Times.
We still persevere in the assertion which we made
the other day that tire greatest disunion reigns among
the Tory party. Lyndhurst is working heaven and
earth against Peel, and has been stirriung up the
wrath of Kenyon and Wynford, and all the old gentle-
men in pantaloons, against his rival whom he accuses
of treachery and cowardice ; while, upon the other
hand, the Tamworth Baronet is doing his possible to
blacken the character of his Ex-Chancellor, and
openly declares that he will never co-operate with him
in an official capacity. In the middle stands the
Duke of Wellington, with a " how happy could I be
with either " sort of aspect, viewing the two pugnacious
statesmen or rather would be statesmen, and feels mar-
vellously disposed to cement a peace between them, and
only wonders why a couple bent upon the attainment
of the same object, and by nearly similar means, should
ever think of quarrelling. The debate upon the third
reading of the Irish Municipal Bill comes on to-night
in the House of Commons ; and we can positively
state that the utmost indecision prevailed up to yes-
terday in the councils of the Carlton, as to the
course that ought to be pursued. Peel is eager
that the Bill should pass, so that one obstacle
may be removed to prevent the chance of his sliding
into place at a future day as Conformer, which lie feels
he cannot do so long as the Irish Corporations and
Church Bills remain as barriers. Lyndhurst has the
ear of the Countess, and he also can, we know, calcu-
late upon the violent section of the Irish Tories, who
are aware that Peel wishes to throw them off. The
Percevals and Emerson Tennents gape to enter some
of the offices of Whitehall, and the \Vests, Jacksons,
and Shaws yearn to ascend the Bench, the emoluments
of which would recompense them for the pecuniary
losses they have sustained, and they know their hopes
will be frustrated if Peel is allowed to play his game.
The Duke of Wellington, in his own blunt way, used
to call the Orange Irish Tories " a d—n'd pack of
fools," and -Peel is now accustomed (the circumstance
is quite notorious) to utter ditto to his Grace's opinion.
Peel will rat if tie can—this is certain ; but in the
mean time, the obvious duty of every Liberal is to
attend in his place to support by every effort in his
power a measure of justice which Ireland has a right
to claim.— Morning Advertiser.
Our more than " liberal" ministers adhere to the
brutal punishment of military flogging with " desperate
fidelity;" they are indeed more faithful to what was
formerly the object of their hatred and execration, than
to their " first love." Their first love, as unplaced,
unpensioned Whigs (of course we do not include the
renegade Tories of the Administration), was the abo-
lition of the cruel and barbarous punishment of the
cat-o'-nine-tails. Their " present love" is the pre-
servation of the system of bodily torture and man-de-
grading laceration, as absolutely necessa9 to the main-
tenance of the discipline and subordination of the
army—a reason for treating men as brutes which, if it
had any foundation in fact, would form the strongest

argument against a standing army in time of peace
that has ever yet been adduced. But it is untrue,
wholly untrue, that the discipline of the army cannot
be maintained, and the character of British soldiership
supported, without shocking a civilized age with the
practices of barbarism, and lowering human nature to
the level of the brute creation, nay, sinking it, in one
respect, below it, for the brute creation are under the
protection of Martin's Act against cruelty to inferior
animals; it is only the "beast of reason," as Otway sar-
castically calls men, that can be flogged as British soldier*
are flogged,without having any right to legislative protec-
tion But punishment by the British knout upon the
naked back is reduced to 100 lashes; we are told, by a re-
gimental court-martial ; but the authority upon which
°this was stated in the House of Commons did not say,
and was not asked, what is the amount of punishment
allowed to be inflicted by a garrison court-martial.
For our own part, we object ro the principle of bodily
torture as well as the quantum. We recollect when
Sir John Hobhouse held the opinion that one lash de-
graded a man as much as 100—yet when the same Sir
John vas Secretary at War, he made his boast, or, at
least, his defence, not that he had exercised his official
power to procure the abolition of corporal punishment,
but that he had made it a regulation of the service that
not more than 300 lashes could be inflicted by a regi-
mental, nor more than 500 by a garrison, court-mar-
tial I Putting the degradation out of the case, many
a man has perished under the infliction of the smaller
of those punishments, which Sir John Hobhouse gave
the country as a substitute for the only real reform of
total abolition. In British India the cat-o'nine-tails
has been laid aside as an instrument of military dis-
cipline. In civilised, in Christian England it cannot
be dispensed with I What ! shall it be said that the
dusky barbarian of the East can be converted into a
soldier without having his back lacerated with the
man-degrading lash, while it is impossible to infuse
the requisite bravery and subordination into the natives
of the foremost nation of the world, but by scourging
the bleeding back into the proper fitness for a soldier's
uniform ? Let us hear the answer of Mr. Cutlar
Fergusson, a Liberal and something more—to this
question. Here it is :---"The facts which are stated
in the Report of the Military Commission are so incon-
trovertible, that it is not in the power of any Hon.
Member to get up and point out any part of the
Report that is defective. That evidence is of a most
triumphant character, and clearly shows that flogging
in the army cannot be abolished without reducing the
power of military authorities, and.endaneering the dis-
cipline of the whole army." Mark the expression
triumphant"—the apparent exultation which it im-
plies at finding it " clearly proved" that the British
knout is to the army what the Patriot Whigs used to
say in their after-dinner speeches, the " liberty of the
Press" was to the body politic—" it is like the air we
breathe, ii we have it not we (lie." If dereliction of
principle in public men was to be punished in that
way, the Whigs must have more of it than they could
desire. They who abhorred military torture as brutal
and unnecessary at a former time, have grown wiser
as the world has grown older, and now find that, with-
out military torture, military discipline could not exist.
It is true it may exist in the French army, in time Prus-
sian army, and even in that of Himiostan ; but in
England, - says Mr. Cutlar Fergusson, the report of
the military commission ttiumpliantly establishes the
important truth that the British army has no other
guarantee for its efficient existence but the drummer
flourishing his blood-dropping scourge over the naked
back of the writhing victim at the halberts. In the re-
cent discussion upon this question Captain Boldero
very properly reminded the House that '' they had a
practical and melancholy proof of the infifficiency of
flogging in that disastrous event which had lately taken
place in Spain. The argument of some was that the
more the punishment the better the discipline of the
soldiers .evould be. In the regiments under General
Evans the lash was pretty freely exercised, not only
under the authority of courts-martial, but under the
provost system. How had it answered ? Was it
efficient ? Quite the contrary. As soon as the men
appeared in front of the enemy they made a rapid re-
treat, which was covered by abo'ut 400 British marines,
to whom not one stripe had been administered where
Evans had iqflicted tuenty ; so that the rule was, the
fewer the stripes the better the discipline of the arm)."
We wish that Evans had kept his engagement with
" dear De Vear" and Co., and been " at his post," as
Representative of Westminster, to answer this charge.
We assisted to help Evans into Parliament by strong!)
supporting him against Hobhouse, principally upon
the ground of his declared hostility to the brutal prac-
tice of military flogging, in respect to which the once
ultra-Radical Sir John Cam had " turned his back
upon himself." We gave credit to Evans when he de-
clared himself an advocate for the total abolition of
military torture, as well as for the repeal of the assessed
taxes. Gracious Heaven ! how have we been duped!
This man no sooner obtains a military command over
some thousands of his unfortunate countrymen than he
sets the flogging system vigorously to work ; more
vigorously than ever has been known since the most
barbarous times. Not content with putting that
system to work under the precautionary control of
courts-martial, lie places, according to Captain Boldero,
the scourge in the hands of the provost-marshal to lace-
rate the backs of his " Westminster grenadiers," even
without the form of a trial! It is true that officer must
not exceed a certain number of lashes at a time, but
that any petty despot should have it in his power to
inflict a torturing and degrading punishment upon
British subjects, at his own will and pleasure, excites
our own unspeakable indignation and disgust. None
but a modern " liberal" could sanction so tyrannical a
practice. Flogged by their friends, starved by their
allies, and shot by their enemies, who can wonder that
the British mercenaries ran away upon the field of
battle, and that of 15,000 of those miserable dupes of
our non-intervention Government, little more than
3,000 now remain ? Mr. E. L. Bulwer, whom we
never mistook for a Solon, distinguished himself in the
debate on military flogging. How ? He professed him-
self a decided enemy to this species of corporal inflic-
tion, and humanely proposed to get rid of it by intro-
ducing a greater number of capital punishments in the
army. This is a reform with a vengeance I That a
man may not be flogged like a dog, Mr. Btalwer
mercifully proposes that he should be shot like
a dog. British soldiers have great reason to feel
obliged to such an advocate for his tender re-
gard to their interests. We should like to see
the Government that would, in or after this year, 1837,
dare to increase the number of capital punishments
either in our military or civil code. By annexing an
impossible condition to the abolition of military flog-
ging, Mr. Bulwer is in reality an advocate for its
s
continuance. To hear a self-admiring ladies' novel
writer talk so flippantly of putting °brave ment
death, as if human life was a matter of which heart-
less legislators and headless philosophers might
dis-
pose as they please, is too bad. Both military and
civil power used, indeed, to crush human beings in
cold blood as if they were but insects for their
sport or gust ; but such things will not be tole-
rated much longer. They who have not the ability
to govern mankind by moral means, aided by such
coercion as partakes not of brutality, torture, or
the exterminating principle, will be considered un-
qualified to govern at all. This we may lay down as
an incontrovertible truth—an axiom that cruelty
in any shape is not necessary to the government of
mankind. There was a time when our statesmen and
legislators supposed that commercial credit could only
be maintained by periodical immolation of scores of
human beings in front of the Old Bailey. Those hor-
rible sacrifices were just as necessary to commercialthe
credit as the disgusting spectacle of the halberds—the
knout-wielding drummer—the bleeding victim, and
the surgeon watching the ebbing of life, is to
proper and efficient government of the British army.
An episode which arose in the course of the debate
upon military flogging requires a few words. The
subject was introduced, in our opinion, most injudi-
ciously by Lord Howick, for the case ought to rest
altogether on its own merits, and not have been
dragged into the discussion upon a general question.
We allude to the charge made by Colonel Bradley
against Colonel Arthur, of having administered cor-
poral punishment in a novel and unusual manner. We
presume not to prejudge that charge, but the public
have a right to expect that it will be investigated. We
agree with Sir H. Hardinge that any officer guilty of

such a crime should be dismissed the service for ever ;
but we differ from him in thinking that the charge is
one that can be disposed of upon ex parte statements.
If Sir G. Grey be convinced of Colonel Arthur's in-
nocence, why oppose inquiry ? It is due to the ac-
cused as much as to the accuser that this serious charge
should be fully and fairly investigated.—Morn.Herald.

The new number of the London and Westminster
Review supplies us with a synopsis of the " Parlia-
mentary conduct of the Radicals," from the same
"W. M." who laid down for us in January the
" Terms of Alliance between Radicals and Whigs."
A large fortune and a little talent, a considerable
fluency of common-place and a noble disregard of common
sense, his boldness and his Baronetcy, have made Sir Wil-
liam Molesworth no inconsiderable man in that party
which numbers amongst its members very few conspicuous
either for their rank, their wealth, or their abilities. We,
therefore, look with some interest for his trimestrial lu-
cubrations : and the more so since, in the expositions
made by the leaders of the Movement of their pur-
poses and inclinations, we generally find our own views
of what is passing around us pretty freely and fully con-
firmed. In his present essay, after recalling, in some
brief paragraphs, the position in which Radicalism
appeared to be placed at the commencement of the Session,
Sir William proceeds to glorify the exertions which he con-
ceives it to have made upon the several questions which
have successively roused its energies to action. He divides
these questions into three classes ; " firstly, questions which
involve no party considerations ; secondly, those in which
Whigs and Radicals were combined against the Tories ;
thirdly, those in which the Tories enabled the Whigs to
defeat the Radicals." Of the questions " which involve
no party considerations" Sir William particularizes only
one, that of the introduction of poor laws into Ireland ; and
as this—a measure of practical benevolence and genuine
humanity—has had little to do with the " Parliamentary
conduct of the Radicals,"l Sir William writes not two syl-
lables about the Radicals in the two pages which
he writes about the poor laws. We take Sir William's
statements of the views of our Bowrings and Ewarts
to he valuable, because of such individuals he knows
much ; but we take Sir William's theories of the
uses of poor laws to be worthless, because of such
topics he knows little. We will not trouble our readers,
therefore, with more of his philosophy than they will find
in the following exquisite sentence :—" Although the calcu-
lations on which Ministers rest their measure are altogether
wide of the reark, and their remedy, in all human probe.
bility, insufficient, without other auxiliary remedies, the
measure is nut the less entitled to the warmest support."
Let us proceed, with Sir William, to the questions " in
which Whigs and Radicals were combined against the
Tories." In his consideration of these questions, Sir Wil-
liam seems especially anxious t• establish a proposition from
which we by no means dissent, that " when the Whigs and
Radicals have been combined, the latter have this year
taken the lead." There are two reasons for this undeniable
superiority of the Radicals over the Whigs. The first is the
simple fact, that the Radicals are much cleverer people
than the Whigs. The talent of the Administration of the
Whigs has evaporated with its respectability. Lord Stan-
ley, their readiest in the subtleties of debate ; Sir James
Graham, their clearest in toe details of business, are both
ours ; Lord Althorp, their most popular tactician, is fat-
tening his beeves in Northamptonshire ; Mr. Macauley,
their most brilliant orator, is chewing. his curry at Calcutta.
Greatness and littleness are only comparative terms. By
the side of Lord Howick even Mr. Bulwer may not be
little ; measured with Lord John Russell even Mr. Roe-
buck may be great. But there is another reason for the
sorry figure which the Whigs make in the combined ma-
noeuvres. Whenever we find the Ministry and the Move-
ment fasting in concert, we may be sure that the measure
they unite to support is a measure insisted upon by the
Movement, and submitted to by the Ministry. They
coalesce for the robbery of the tithes of the Irish
Church ; but we remember Mr. Ward's resolutions, and
know that they cannot voluntarily have been adopted by
those who exposed and defeated them. They coalesce
for the plunder of the rates of the English Church ;
but we recollect the clauses of Lord Althorp's Bill, and
have no difficulty in concluding that those who concurred
in its introduction cannot voluntarily have introduced a
scheme totally opposed to its principle. It is very natural
that tire Radicals should support, with more success than
the Whigs, measures which the Radicals support from in-
clination and the Whigs from necessity. When, therefore,
Sir William Molesworth announces that on an occasion
upon which the Ministry and the Movement happen to be
together " the superiority of the Radicals over the Whigs
is most apparent," lie no more startles us than he would by
propounding that when the four horses of the team pull toge-
ther the leaders habitually go first. Upon the three great
questions on which the Radicals are united with the Whigs
against the Tories Sir William says many things of which the
truth seems to us indisputable. For example, on the Irish
Corporation Bill, " if they (the Conservatives) were to
return to power they would find themselves unable to sus-
lain a position against municipal institutions far Ireland."
Of course, the first measure of the Conservatives in office
would be one which should give to Ireland full security for
her Protestant Church and free exercise for her constitu-
tional law. Those evils which make Ireland unfit for mu-
nicipal institutions being removed, the Conservatives have
no desire to " sustain a position" against their intrnduc-
tion. Again—" It is a matter of general belief that the
appropriation clause will not be brought by the ilThigs
bejiire the House if Commons this Session." It is, in-
deed, a matter of general belief—of belief expressed by
ourselves almost before the King's Speech lay on the break-
fast table of our readers. Time will show the justice or injus-
tice of the expectation. Meantime we agree with Sir. William,
that the Ministers " cannot give up that clause without
degradation and dishonour," and that to abandon the prin-
ciples which it affirmed would be to acknowledge " that
the contest was that of two factions struggling for power,
in which principles were used merely as convenient pretests,
and dropped when no longer needed." And of course,
having repeatedly expressed the same opinion, we cannot
differ from Sir William when he asserts, that " if the ap-
propriation clause should be abandoned, the sonic principle
on the subject of Church property is distinctly asserted by
the Church-rates Bill," and that all the hocus-pocus of Mr.
Spring Rice, about increased value and created surplus,
" clearly involves the position that Church property is na-
tional property." On many of these points Sir William
Molesworth will have a battle to fight with Mr. S. Rice ;
but " it is a very pretty quarrel as it stands," and it is not for
us to interfere. And so Sir William comes at last to the ques-
tions " in which the Tories enabled the Whigs to defeat
the Radicals." Remembering that at Leeds the other day
he perfectly coincided with Mr. Baines, and declared the
present Ministers the best that had ever dined in Downing-
street, we supposed that Isis scorn for Lord Melbourne
would have been less intense, his hatred of Lord John Rus-
sell less bitter, than they had been in his philippic of Ja-
nuary. We find him, however, still in the angry vein, pro-
testing that the time is not come, if ever it come, " when
the present Ministersshall cease lobe aristocrats at heart ;"
that, except when under the urgent fear of the pressure from
without, " they not only vote with the Tories, but put
forth the hackneyed Tory pretences for so doing ;" that,
instead of beating the drums and blowing the trum-
pets for the march of intellect, they " are always be-
hind the progress of events, and are always striving to
impede that progress ;" and, finally, that, in their
policy respecting Canada, he sees this Cabinet, Mr.
Baines's Cabinet, the best Cabinet that England ever was
blessed withal, capable " of an act worthy only of the
Polignac Ministry I!!" These sentiments respecting the
Melbourne Administration may be expressed by Sir Wil-
liam Molesworth with an unusual freedom ; but they are
held by the mass of Sir William Molesworth's coadjutors
with a common fervour. Turning to another page of the
Baronet's Essay, we find the relative strengths of parties on
several important divisions thus, we believe not incorrectly,
measured. On the Bill for the Abolition of the Property
Qualification the minority is stated to have consisted of
104 of the Movement party, the majority to have com-
prised 33 Members or friends of Government, and 101
Conservatives. On the motion for removing the Bishops
from the Upper House, Ninety-two of the Movement
are represented to have been beaten by fifty-three
Members or friends of the Government—and 144
Conservatives. On the Ballot, the Movement counted
155 ; the Members or friends of the Government were
57 ; the Conservatives aided them with 210. Whatever
superiority the Radicals may be entitled to claim over the
Whigs in point of ability, their numerical advantages are
certainly not less apparent. The statements and the in-
ferences of the review all tend to elucidate and confirm
the theory which we have frequently of late dwelt upon.
The Whigs, considered with reference to the old signifi-
cation of the title, are politically extinct. 'They have of-
fice, and nothing but office ; no power, no popularity, no
influence, no friends. A crisis is approaching, which,
from the day on which the Reform Bill received the Royal
Assent, we have not ceased to anticipate—a crisis in
which the struggle will be not between Whig and Tory,
not between Reformers and anti-Reformers, but between
the Republican principle on the one hand, and the Monar-
chical principle on the other.-2110, ning Post.

The inhabitants of Hampton-row, near Bath, were
recently much alarmed by a threatened inundation from the
canal below which their houses aro situated. The water sud-
denly found its way through the bank at the bottom of the
canal, as is supposed by the giving way of a covering to a
sewer, or some other subterraneous channel. A great body
of water poured into the road ; but Mr. Sumsin, who hap-
pened to be on the spot, prevented much injury from being
done by throwing in a quantity of turf, which was quickly
sucked into the hole, and the passage thus stopped.

Q,OOO

PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS,

ASSURANCE COMPANIES, &c. &c. &c.

LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 7.
Number Dividend Price
of per CANALS, per
Shares. Annum. Paid. Shire.
1,760 7 per cent. Ashton and Oldham....Average 97/.188. sh. 135
1,482 41. Ashby-de-le-Zouch Average 113/. sh. 65
1,260 Basingstoke lOOl. sh. 5i
1,005 51. Brecknock and Abergavenny 150/. sh. lOC
8,000 1-160. 91. 9s. Birmingham, 1-16th share S.V. & 711. 218
4,000 ...... ... Ditto and Liverpool Junct...l2s/ sh. 100 pd 31
600 Bridgewater and Taunton ....100/. sh. all pd 64
400 4!. Chelmer and Blackwater • lOO/. sh. 101
500 43/. Coventry 1001. sh. 700
4,545 Croydon Average 311.23.103. *h. 3
2,0601 4/. Os. Dudley lOO/. sh. 7S
(910 71. Derby 100/. sh. 122
20,000
3,5751 3/. Ellesmere and Chester Average 1331. sh. 80
231 40!. Erewash 'ON. sh. 6co
1,297 281. Forth and Clyde Average 4C01.165. sh. fOn
11,500 121. Grand Junction 100/. sh. 204
2,1,49 f 11. Grand Union 1001. sh. 2-e
1,500 Grand Surrey
120,000/. 4!. per cent. Ditto (optional) Loan lOO/. 70
80196 Grand Western
600 131. 12s. Bd. Glamorganshire, Average cost 172/. 13s. 4d. 230
749 10t. Grantham 150/ sh. 202
6,239 1!. 15s. Huddersfield Average 57/. Os. 6d. sh. 35
100 Kensingt-m 100 sh. all lA. 10
25,329 11. 2s. Kennet :.ad Avon, Average 391. 184.10 d. sh. 22
2,9971 201. Leeds and Liverpool 100/. sh. 540
5451 12/. Leicester l4O/. sh. 195
1,897 4/. 103. Leicester and Northampton... Aver C3l. 10s. 77
2,400 10/. Monmouthshire lOO/. sh. 200
50 161. Melton Mowbray 100/ sh. 200
500 251. Mersey and Irwell lOO/. sh. 560
, 3,000 11. 10s. Macclesfield 1001. sh. all pd. 54
247 171. Neat h
100/. sh. 325

1,786 301. Oxford lON. sh. 580
2,400 5/. Peak Forest Average about 791. sh. 104
91,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 331. 16s. Bd. sh. 16
5,669 61. per cent. I'iochdale Average 85/. sh. 119
500 81. Shropshire 125/. sh. 138
800 9/. 10s. Somerset Coal l5O/. sh. 148
3,600/. 41 per cent. Ditto Lock Fund Stock l'2l. 10e. sh. 111
700 40/. Stafford and Worcester l4O/. sh. 730
500 91. Shrewsbury 125/. sh. 243
300 81. Stourbridge
3,647 21. 07. Stratford-on-Avon ...Average 791. 9s. bd. sh. 50
533 12/. Swansea 1001. sh. 220
3,762 11. 4s. Severn and Wye and Railway...Av 35/. sh. 191
9,6101 sr,. 321. 10s. Trent an.l Mersey, 1 share 1001. sh. 150
8,149 Thames .:..n.I Medway... Aver. 19/. Se. 9d. sh. 2
1,0005 h./ ,u_ Warwick aotl Birmingham 100/. sh• 450
I ,0001 s h. 5 '
960 EU. Warwick and Napton lOO/. sh. 180
6,000 4/. Os. Worcest ,r and Birmingham...Av.7B/.81. sh 81
5,000 225. \Vilts an, Berks .. Average 67/. 10s. Bd. sh. 21
800 31, Wyrley and Essington 1251. sh 75
IW
905 V. Wey and Arun 110!. sh. 221
DOCKS.
2'613"1 I 3 c. Commercial lOOl. sh. 56
1,6 oslsh. • '
•
491,667,1/. 6 per ct. Ea.t India Stock 114
3,233,31011. 50s. p. ct. London Stock 55
Ditto Bonds
1,380,0001. Si'. per ct. %Vest India
2,'20) 2/. 19s. Bristol
68,3241. 5/. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts ll5
1,352,752 4 per cent. St. Katharine Stock 90
500,000 41 per rent. Ditto Bonds l6O
200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds for 10 years lOO
Shoreham IL, i hour
2.500 ........ Deptford l'iet "01. sh. 31.
BRIDGES.
1,600 Irs. Ilammersm,tl. 9/. sh. 221
7,231 Southwark, Old Av. 63/. 2s. &l. sh. 2
1,700 11. 15s. Ditto, New, of 7/ per cent. 5Ol. ail. 14
5,000 Waterloo
5,000 18s. Sd. Ditto, Old Annuities of 91. 6O/. pd 1111
5,000 Ids. Id. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 40/. pd 151
60,000!. 51. per cent. Ditto Bonds llB
6,000 17s Vauxhall Average 701. 10s. 3d. eh. 101

AS,URANCI, COMPA:ES.
3110 s Albion 5001. ch. 501. pd $0

•
50,000 rfnerciciesl:.Ll Alliance, British & Foreign 1001. sh. 101/. pd 12;
50,000 6 per cent. Ditto, Marine 1001. sh. 51. pd 5;
24,000 (1. per sh. Atlas 501. sh. Si. pd 13;
1,20015 h. Si. Birmingham 1 ire 2501. oh. 551. pd 105
20,000 41 per cent. British Fire 250/. sh. 50/. pd 41
12,1/00 61. per cent. British Comm,..icial 501, th. 5/. pd 61
5,1)00 SI. per cent. Clerical, Medi al,Sec.l.ife, lOiLsh. 12/10s pd Si
4,000 21 10s County 1001. sh. 10/. pd 42
20,000 55.. Eagle
200 5-5 per
30/ cenths.3...! Economic Li, 1000!. oh. 250/. pd 375
Land
2,271 225. percent. European Li. • r,O/. sh. all pd '22
50,000 2e. Ditto, New '2ol. sh. 21. p 4 1.
1,000,0001. 71. per et. Glohe
20,000 5/. Guardian lOO/. ch. 27;/ pd 531
10,000 6s. fid. Hope 50/. sh. :V. pd 61
2,400 5/. 7s. rid. Imperial hire '.OO/. sh. 50/. pd 121
7,500 9s. Imperial I.i le lOO/. sh. 101. pd 10
13,458 12s. per sh. Indemnity MA inc li 0/. sh. 8/. psi 16
2,020 Si 10s Keot Fire 50/. sh. all pd 82
Si. Ditto Life
10,"00 I Rs. Law Life
5 000 los. London, Fire 05/ oh. 12/. 100 pd 15;
3,9;0 10g. Louden, shy 051 oh. El. 10s. pd 15;
3,0005 i. per cent. Palladium Lite 50/. sh. 2/. pd 2/ 8s Od
50,000 Protector Fite "II!. sh. 2!.. pdlSo 6d
2,5.00 1/. Provident Llie lOOl. sh. 1:1. pd 2 )
100,000 51. per cent. Rock Life 20/. sh. 'll. pd 6;
389,2201 5/. per cost. Royal Exch_lige '.to •k... 220
6,000 5 per cent. University I.tte lOO/. sh. 5/. pd 5;
50,001 4 per cent. United King,lom Life 2l. pd
JOINT STUCK BANKS

25,000 Agric andCuan. of Ireland 25/. sh. 10/. pd
5,000 A list rala•in 4Ol. sh. 401. pd
11,00. 10 per cent. Bank of Biiiiiingliam ... s' 1. sh. lot pd
10,000 10 per cent. Bit mingh am Bank 5O/. sh. 51. pd
3'1,000 5 per cent. London and 4.Vestminster...loo/ sh. 201. pd
3,000 4 per cent. Lancaster 100/. sh. 2"/. pd
25,4)00 Li vet pool.. lOOl sh. 10!. pd
50,000 8 per sent. Manchester and Liverpooll
100/. oh. 15/ pd
Discount
21,000 71 per cent. Manchester 100/. sh. 251 pd
20,000 Provincial Bank of Ireland :00/. sh. 251. pel
20,-10 National Bank of Ireland -50/. sh 171/. pd
10,000 5 per cent. National Provincial Eng. -1001. sh. nt. pd
19,000 Gloucestershire 5Ol. sh. 111. pd
6,000 lOper cent. Hampshire 50!. eh. 5/. pd
GAS LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES.
2,500 115 s 6d Bath
5,000 British 4Ol. sh. 1(1!. pd
5,,,..A c5/.percenti Ditto Provincial 20!. sh. 19 pd
'''''-' /and 80. ss.
923 5110. Birmingham sol.'sh.
4,250 2! Oa Bristol 2o'. sh.
1,500 8' 10s Brighton '2ol. sh.
750 31 lus Ditto, New 2O/. sh. 151. pd
2,471 5 per cent. Brighton General 201. oh. all pd
4,000 41. Continental Cansolidated lOOl. 6211. pd
1,000 10/. City of London lOO/. ch. all pd
I,l'oo 6/. Ditto, New
4,000 4/. 10s. Equitable ..
r 0,4,00 2/ per cent. Imperial 5O/. sh.
800 54 per cent. Isle of Mallet VV. oh 201. pd
2,350 8/. per cent. Independent 9Ol. sh. all pd
9,009 51. per cent. Phoenix . 5O/. sh. 39/. pd
1,000 41. per cent. Ratcliff
4,0,0 South Metropolitan 5Ol. sh. 111. poi
8,200 5!. per cent. United General 5O!. sh. 46/. pd
240 5!. per cent. Warwick 501. sh.
400 51. per cent Wakefield 25/. oh.
12,010 3/. Westminster Chartered
6,000 12s. Ditto New 5(l. sh. 10/. pd
BCO4 Yarmouth 201. sh. 181. pd
WATER WORKS.
4,500 9s. Birmingham 25/. sh. 551. pd
4,443 6/. East London 10)/. sh.
5,500 21 10s Grand Junction ....Average 41/ 130. 4d. sh.
2,000 21. Kent lOO/. sh.
372 101. Liverpool Bootle 2201. sh.
1,500 2/ 10. New Inver London Bridge Water Annuities
13,416 1/ 15s Manchester and Salford lOO/. oh.
500 4 per cent. South London 100!. sh.
5,204 3/. West Middlesex ....Average 63/. 128. 9d. sh.
1,380 1114. York Building Co. Lessee Prop 1001. sh.
IRON RAILWAYS.
6,000 Birmingham and Derby 10!. pd
9,500 Birmingham and Gloucester le/ pd
7,500 Birmingham, Bristol, and Thames Junction
15,000 ... ...... Bristol and Exeter lOOl. sh. spd
660 Calcutta and Saugur 5Ol. sh. 2/. pd
7,500 Cheltenham and G. Western...lool. oh. 711.
3,000 Clarence lOO/. sh. 100/. pd
12,000
8,001 ... ...... Dublin and Kilkenny 100/. sh. 21 pd
60,000 Eastern Counties '2sl. sh. 2/ pd
Grand .)unction 100/. sh. 501. p i
Great North of England 7l. pd
••• ..... •
25,000 Great Western IOU sh. 401. pd
2,000 Hartlepool mot. sh. 1001 pd
8,000 Hull and Selby 5O/. sh. 51. pd
10,000 Leeds and Manchester 1001. sh. Si. pd
7,100 Leeds and Selby 10(1 sh.
1,500 Leicester and Swannington ....501. sh. all pd
5,100 10 per cent. Liverpool and Manchester...lo( /. sh. 100/. pd
Ditto Quarter Shares "5/. pd
10,000 ... ...... London and Brighton lOO/. sh. 51 pd
45,000 Ditto ditto (Gibbs') ...20/ sh. 11. pd
16,001) Ditto ditto (Rennie).*so/. sh. 51. pi
8,001 Ditto ditto (Cundy)...lool. sh. Si. pd
12,000 London and Blackwell 501. oh Si pd
20,000 3 per cent. London and Greenwich "0/. oh. 20/. pd
25,000 London and Birmingham ...100/. sh. 751. pd
2.0,(100 London and Southampton 501. sh. 351. pd
7,000 ......... London and Croydon 50/. sh. 15/. pd
12,000 London Grand Junction 5 1. sh. 3/. pd
10,000 Manchester South Union lON. sh 51. pd
North Midland 1001. sh. 1, /. pd
Northern and Eastern lOOl. sh. 3/. pd
2,600 Preston and Wyre 501. oh. 51. pd
25,000 South Eastern and Dover 7l. pd
1,1100 61. per cent. Stockton and Darlington lOOl. sh.
9,000 ... ...... Thames Haven 5O!. oh. 21. 100. pd
1,400 Westminster and Greenwich 501. sh. 2/. pd
6,000 York and North Midland 5O . sh. 3!. pd
MINES.

8,000 Albion Copper Si. sh. 34/. pd
4,000 11. Ss. Alten 151. sh. 121. lOs pd
10,000 ... ..... Anglo Mexican, iss. Si. pm.... 100/. sh. all pd
Ditto Subscription 25/. pd
2,000
10,000 11. 10s Brazilian Imp. iss. 5/. pm ..... 351. sh. 20/ lxi
6,0.0 Macaubas & Cocaes United 25/. sh. 230. pd
11,000 Ditto St. John Del Rey VOL sh. 841. pd
10,000 Bolivar Copper Company. 201. sh. 20!. pd
10,000 Ditto Scrip IN. sh. 8/. pd
20,000 British Iron 5O!. ill. 50/ pd
6,000 British Copper
Cata Branca 9/. pd
Candonga 751. pd
10,000 11. Copiapo 2Ol. 6h 1241 pd
8,500 Columbian, iss. 5/. pm.
2,850 31. English
20,000 General Mining Association-20/. sh. 15/. pd
6,155 Mexican Company 10')/. sh 5441. pd
3,009 Polberou Consols 10/. eh. 8/. pd
11,500 Real del Monte, Unregistered
Ditto Loan Notes l5Ol. pd
30,000 ... ...... United Mexican, iss. 2 pm. _AO/. sh. all pd
Dit,t. Scrip
Ditto New Scrip 5/ pd
West Cork 50/. sh. 501. pd
LITERARY INSTITUTIONS.
1,000 London, with Bronze Ticket 75gs. sh.
1,500 London University 1001. sh. all pd
700
King' College 100/. pd
MISCELLANEOUS.
10,000 15s. Australian Agricultural....loo/. sh. 211/. pd
6,000 61. per cent. British American Land Company 23/. pd
10,000 61 per cent. Canada Company 101/. sh. 24/. pd
200,000 51. per cent. Upper Canada Loan
City Bonds, 4 per cent
15,000 11. 6s. General Steam Navigation ...15/ sh. 13/. pd
101. per cent. Hudson's Bay Stock
2,000 11. London Corn. Sale Rooms Av. 751. sh.
8,000 Caoutchouc Company ..25/. eh. 2il. pd
New Brunswick 'Land Company 431. pd
2,754 5/. per cent. Reversionary Interest 50c...100/. sh. 100/. pd
2,633 51. per cent. Ditto New 100/. sh. 451. pd
4,001
10,000

36
16
341
95
101
2,4

LIST OF SCOTTISH COMPANIES' PRICES.

APRIL 6, 1837.
BANKS.

4500,0011. 61. p. et. Bank of Scotland 5131. 6s, Bd. ah. all pd 19oi.
6,000,0 X/. 54 p. ct. Royal of Scotland 100/ sh all pd 156/.
500.0)0/. 6p. ct. British Linen Company 100/.sh. :al pd 2361.
3,000,0061. 6/. p. Ct. Commercial 5OOl. sh. 100/. pd 1751.
5,000,000/. sp. et. National lOO/. sh. 101. pd !W.
2,000,0001. 51. p. ct. Glasgow Union 250/. sh. 501. pd 68/.
4,000,001. 4p. et. Western of Scotland 2001. sh 30/. pd 3611.
INSURANCE COMPANIES.
25,1.0005 h. 61 p. ct. Scottish Union 20/. eh. /.pd 25a
-,506 bp. ct. Hercules lOOl. sh. 101. fxl 14! os.
100,000 sp. ct. Insurance Co. of Scotland _JO/. sh. all pd Sl.
50,04 6p. Ct. North British 900/. sh. 101. pd It 1.
1,000 sp. ct. Caledonian Fire 1001. sh. 10/. pd 16/53
5,000 6p. et. Edinburgh Life 1001. ah. 10/, p 4.1: 14/104
00,000 .
...,_ lO/. pd 710: