The Sun.
London, England, 1837-07-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS•

Under the head of " An English Tory, King of
Hanover," we have given from Le Commerce, a
French journal, some very seasonable reflections on
the 'conduct of the King of Hanover, and the extent
to which the Tories, as a body, ought to les deemed
responsible for his acts. The Times, indeed, tells us
that the King of Hanover " has (whatever may be his
ultimate intentions) certainly startled all reasonable
minds, and most of all, we have strong ground to be
convinced, the very class of statesmen who are accused
by their political calumniators of participating or ap-
proving his designs." It is impossible, of course, for us
to prove that during the frequent consultations of his
Hanoverian Majesty with Lord Lyndhurst, imme-
diately before he left this country, he did not impart to
his Lordship his intentions with respect to so impor-
tant a measure as the destruction of a Constitution,
or that he was not confirmed in his intentions by
that unprincipled statesman. But when we consider
that the hopes of the Tory party were always fixed on
the Duke of Cumberland, that he is the chief of the
Orangemen, that at public dinners, down almost to the
death of his late Majesty, his health was drank in pre-
ference to that of her present Majesty, that on his in-
trigues at Court during they two last reigns the Tories
always placed their chief reliance, that he has always
been held up to the nation by all the Tory journals as
the son of that model of a Tory Sovereign George the
Third, who most resembled his father in character,
that he has always embraced all the Tory schemes with
the utmost warmth, and both in and out of Parliament
placed himself in the front of the battle against their
opponents—the degree of improbability assumes
almost the character of impossibility, that on so
important an occasion as his taking possession
of a kingdom, till then held by the Sovereign of
England, he would, in his frequent consultations
with his political associates, remain silent as to the
course he should adopt, or, if he imparted his views
to them, turn a deaf ear to their counsels. The Duke
of Cumberland cannot have deserved the eulogies so
lavishly bestowed on him by the Tories if he acted the
inconsiderate part the limes would now wish us to be-
lieve he did. We are justified, therefore, according to all
the rules which govern men in such cases, in Went' fyine,
the King of Hanover with his party. And what is
there in the conduct of the Duke of Cumberland
of which the Tories would not on principle approve ?
Have not their sympathies been uniformly with the
European despots who have trampled on liberal intitu-
tions ? Was not Don Miguel their favourite? . Have
they not invariably supported Don Carlos ? Did
they not bitterly lament the failure of Charles
X., in his endeavours to put down the French
Constitution ? Why should we suppoe that--
hating, as they do, all Reform which give.; the
people more than a nominal influence in public af-
fairs—they would not be gratified with the success of
the King of Hanover in putting down free institutions
in that country ? Who has forgotten the tribute paid
by the Duke of Wellington to the borouahmongering
system, to which an end was put by the Reform Bill ?
.‘ He would say, that if at the present moment he had
imposed upon him the duty of forming a Legislature
for any country, and particularly for a country like
this, in possession of great property of various de.erip-
tions, he did not mean to assert that he could form'
such a Legislature as they possessed now, for the na-
ture of man was incapable of reaching such excel-
lence at once ; but his great endeavour would be
to form some description of Legislature which would
produce the same results." Tile King of Ha-
nover's great endeavour is also to form some
description of Legislature which shall produce the
same results as if he were fettered by ro Legis-
lature at ail. He has an opportunity, he thinks,
of giving effect to the principles of those who fought
whim such perseverance to the last against the Reform
Bill, and he has seized with avidity the occasion.
While his associates in England are for the present
obliged to conform, he deems himself, from the aid he
expects from Austrian and Prussian bayonets, freed
from the necessity of disguising his sentiments. In
short, he can execute in Hanover what Lyndhurst
can only project in England. if you wish to discover
the real inclinations of the Tories you must observe
their• foreign partialities. At home, they are obliged
to pay homage so far to the spirit of the age as to dis-
claim the principles they really entertain. Though
in practice always opposed to popular privileges,
they yet cover their hostility with an affectation
of regard for them. But pn all occasions in which
the people in other countries are opposed to
despots—in all conflicts. between absolutism and
liberalism they are uniformly leagued with the
despots and absolutists. Are we not, therefore, jus-
tified in inferring that, if their means corresponded
with their will, they would lend themselves to the de-
struction of all which distinguishes England among
the nations—her free institutions ? " Whatever," says
the Times, " may be the act, or whatever its motives
or consequences, for neither one nor the other arc the
Conservatives of England, or any portion of them,
in-the slightest degree answerable. We can aver, on
the best authority, that to no one member of the
Conservative party--most assuredly to none with
whose name we are acquainted, or whose -rank or
character confers upon him the least title to dis-
tinction—did the Duke of Cumberland, or King
of Hanover, communicate any particle of his ins
tentions respecting the Government of that king-
dom ; far less did he receive from any such Con-
servative one syllable of advice or encouragement
tending to the curtailment of popular privileges." It
is so far gratifying to know that the Old Hey evi-
dence of the Times is yet necessary to the Tories.
That our Contemporary will not, for such a matter as
swearing hard, desert them on a pinch, does not startle
however, through the dispensations of Pro-
vidence, this nation should be afflicted by the succes-
sion of the bold bad man, whom the Tories cherish
"as , the apple of their eye," we should soon find, not-
withstanding the above disclaimer, Toryism rampant
and ready for the purposes of the Orange Monarch,
who, with the Horse Guards at his command, would
have no more scruple in setting aside the acts of Wil-
liam the Fourth in England than he had in Hanover.
In this glass
deformity. we see Toryism reflected in its native
It may be convenient for the Tories now
to disclaim the Orange King ; but he is notwithstand-
ing the King according to their own hearts.—Morning
Chronicle.
It would be an interminable task to undertake a
reply to the gross and innumerable slanders which daily
teem from the Tory press, against every candidate who
offers for the
representation on the Reform interest.
The seavenee
rs who fill these foul vehicles of calumny
—the factious journals--seem
to have adopted the
maxim" throw plenty of dirt, and some of it will be
sure to stick ;" and no
the matter how pure the character
y assail, or how falseand disgusting the missiles of
assault, they ply their
')
loathsome. task with most shame-
less and remorseless
ertmacity. Again and again is the
oft-refuted lie thrown
admitted
truth, and invention
• 1 itself is exhausted in
seeking the mate
the public are nowto
tolerably
tolerably well aware of the little
none but the Tory assertions, and, therefore,
egregious)y sim
in danger of being duped
by e or weak-minded are
still calumny is their grand we a their machinations ;
prive them of this, and their other onof assault—de-
test become comparatively powe instruments of con-
ress—the
corrupt, intimidate—but, the general Y may bribe,
i
good sense of the constituent body wouldntegrity and
triumph with
ease over all these vile influences, if they Were not
sustained by that villainous auxiliary, falsehood, No
person of liberal opinions is left unassailed by this
malignant spirit of abuse : from the Queen to the
humblest of her subjects, this envenomed spirit of
vituperation selects subjects of malevolent animadver-
sion. True the general outburst of public indignation
scared calumny from its atrocious insinuations against
our Sovereign and her illustrious mother, and perhaps
it is from being disappointed of its object in this regard
that it discharges its hoarded venom with increased
fury against all who are 1
:willing to sun port her in that
.1
liberal policy which she has so gracious! v, patriotically,
and wisely declared to lee her first actuating influence
in her capacity of Queen. The vile tactics
pursued in
the metropolis and its adjacent constituencies is a cor-
rect, though foul specimen of what is
going forward
in other parts of the kingdom. On one hand Mr.

Grote, against whom none but the most shameless and
base of his political opponents dare to insinuate a re-
flection on his political integrity or moral worth, is
fixed upon as the special object for the discharge of
Tory malevolence ; on the other, General Evans is
made the subject of the most false accusations and of
the most infamous of election frauds. Calumny against
Mr. Grote can affect only the calumniator, whom we
therefore leave to be crushed in the recoil of his own
iniquity ; and the aspersions attempted to be cast
upon General Evans have already been so abundantly
refuted, that it would appear not only supererogatory,
but worse—indicative of doubt—to repeat the exposure
of the fraud. Besides the question is not between
General Evans and Sir George Murray, but between
Reform and anti-Reform. If there were two Reformers
in the field in opposition, we might institute inquiries
into general subjects, in order to select the better man ;
but with a Tory opposing a Reformer, there is no choice
between an energetic and zealous support of the Liberal
candidate, or an utter betrayal of the general interests
into the hands of the most oppressive and ruthless
faction that ever conspired for a nation's plunder and
degradation. True, they may promise ; but what is the
value of Sir George Murray's promises ? Ask the men
of Perth. Under what auspices does he come recom-
mended ? Those of a renegade, who basely bartered
the respect which his previous career had procured for
him to the vilest purposes of political turpitude, and
now endeavours to hand over Westminster as a pocket
borough to the faction who aided in its betrayal at the
last election. There was a regular bargain made for
Westminster, and this was one of the conditions of
the contract. Else why did the pitiable apostate Bur-
dett resign Westminster on pretence of ill-health, and
immediately afterwards come forward with an affection
of juvenile ardour, which made his drivelling more dis-
gusting, to stand for the representation of North
Wilts ? Is this the way in which the representation
of Westminster is to be bandied between a brace of
superannuated renegades? We trust that this once
glorious constituency, notwithstanding its recent dis-
tgrace, is not yet so far fallen.—Morning Advertiser.
An article in the new Number of the Quarterly Re-
! view, on the new-reign, contains a very valuable view
of the conduct of the present Government, and the ne-
cessity of a reform in its principles and practice, if the
Icredit or the power of the British Monarchy is to be
maintained. We call this review valuable, because it
advances nothing except that which is a deduction
from notorious facts—notorious at least to all who will
consult authentic public records, instead of blindly
adopting the exaggerations and the falsehoods of cx-
travagant partisans. Nothing is more common than
to find the most fulsome eulogies of Ministerial policy,
and the most violent abuse of all who oppose Minis-
ters, but it is always in general terms, and bears rela-
tion to nothing, save the violent passions or menda-
cious venality of those who prepare the flattery or the
scurrility. Ministers are lauded as the best friends
of the people, but we are not told how they are so,
and the Conservatives are represented as- tyrants, op-
penents of improvement, and every thing that is
Ihad ; but Cie assertion is unsupported by any re-
ference to circumstances which prove its truth. The
Quarterly Reviewer proceeds in a better temper, and
in a more business-like manner. lie says this ad-
ministration is but a pretence of a Government. It
consists of political rope-dancers, who can maintain
their precarious position only by balancing themselves
between too opposite weights, and who shift occa-
sionally the fulcrum of the pole, so as to make the
lighter Radical end counterpoise the vast preponder-
ance of the Conservative side. Even this, he says, is
managed -by no dexterity of their own, but simply by
the calculation of one of the parties, and the modera-
tion of, the other. These assertions ate proved by re-
ference to the divisions of the session which has just
closed. The question regarding our interference in
Spain, was one in which the Radicals acted with the
Government, and the Conservatives put forth their
strength against both. The combined force amounted
to 278, and the Conservatives to 242. Upon the Ballot
question the Conservatives acted with the Govern-
ment, and the Radicals put forth their strength alone.
In that question the combined force was 265, and the
Radical minority was 153. Here are two cases in
which the Government was successful, but in both
they would have been beaten, but for the assistance of
those who are, upon all the vital questions of British
policy totally opposed to them. The Reviewer has
gone to the trouble of finding out what names were
common to the two majorities, and he takes those
names as the Government force comprised in each.
He finds their number to be but 58, although there

are in the House between 30 and 40 placemen !
Thus we find that when 153 Radicals voted for the
ballot, there would have been only 58 on the Minis•
terial side to oppose them, but that the Conservatives
brought forward their force, and saved the Ministers
from defeat. Again, on the Church-rate question,
287 voted with Government, and 282 with the Con-
servatives, but out of the 287 there 133 who had
voted against the Government upon the Ballot ques-
tion, so that if the Radicals had not come to the res-
cue of the Ministerialists, the division would have
been for the Conservatives 282, and for the Ministry
149. The same thing happens in every important divi-
sion. The Ministers are obliged to depend either on the
Conservatives or on the Radicals ; their own party is a
contemptible minority. Thus it has been only by ma-
nceuvermg in the House of Commons that Ministers
escape being in a minority ; and in the House of Lords
they have not escaped being in a minority ; yet this is
the Government which, at the commencement of a new
reign, seizes upon the Sovereign as though she were a
property of theirs, and causes it to be proclaimed over
the kingdom by their parasites, that they must carry all
before them, for the Queen has devolved all her power
into their hands ! We trust that the people love their
Sovereign too well to leave her in the hands of those
who have neither ability nor influence to support their
own views of what is right in legislation or in govern-
ment. There never can be a safe and settled and
vigorous administration of affairs while the Govern-
ment is obliged to lean now to this side and now to
that, according as it is pressed by those of different
views. There never can be dignity or consistency,
or strength or permanence, in a system of government
which this week must depend upon the assistance of
one class of opponents, and next week upon that of
another. It is time for the country to put an end to
this paltry system, and the best way to do so is to give
to the Queen's real friends, that is, to the friends of
those institutions upon which the Monarchy depends,
such an addition to the strength which they possessed
in the late Parliament as will enable them to carry on
the government in the House of Commons. In the
other House they have already the majority, and no-
thing is wanting to a complete union of Queen, Lords,
and Commons in a moderate, enlightened, and im-
provement-seeking Government, but such an addition
to the late Conservative strength in the House of
Commons as would balance the votes of the delegates
of the Irish Priests. Her Majesty is well aware that
the cause of " discreet improvement" would not suffer
in the hands of a Conservative Government, and she
cannot but be anxious that the existence of her Go-
vernment should not be dependent, from day to day,
during the sitting of Parliament, upon the aid afforded
by the enemies of the Protestant Constitution.—
Morning Herald.

SALE OF DIAMONDS.--We have been gratified
with a private view of the extraordinary jewels, for some time
past in the possession of Messrs. Rundle, Bridge, and Co.,
and which are to be sold this day at Willis's rooms. It would
scarcely be possible to imagine an assemblage of the " trea-
sures of Golconda's mine" which should exceed this collection
in brilliancy and beauty. The first among the number is the
Nassuk diamond, the nrincipal object in the Deccan booty.
It is as large as a good sized walnut, weighs 337} grains, is
of a dazzling whiteness, and as pure as a drop of dew. The
celebrated Arcot diamonds are of great brilliancy, and very
large :
-volume, shape, and purity, we should say far surpass anything
among them are a superb pair of earrings, which, in
of the kind. There are, besides, a variety of other jewels,
which we have not space to particularize. We understand that
pttypraieretosrnitinkrplz Paper.
an_,eeof the express desire of their late
1111:! Pre,ton and Glasgow railway passes through
Gretna-green. It will be easily possible to travel from Lon-
don to the forge matrirnoni-1
on the same day ; and whata and back again to London
consequence in an elopement, the railroad
I take
Il lera.c h
joatchic:s,osno, thatso npu
or pursuit
the
pimps, of still greater
hweilllete President.
of the
v trains cannot over-
fruited States, is at present sojourning at the lakes of Kil-
i larLey.

ADDRESSES TO THE QUEEN.

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, JULY 20, 1837

To the address from the University of Oxford her Ma-
jesty was pleased to return the following most gracious
answer :

" The solemn declaration of your attachment to my per-
son and Government demands my warmest acknowledg-
ment. I thank you for the justice which you have rendered
to the memory of the late King, and the well-founded gra-
titude which you feel and express towards my beloved
mother. I recall with lively satisfaction to my recollection
the visit which I formerly made to your famous University,
the attention with which I was received, and the pleasure
which I derived from the contemplation of its ancient and
venerable monuments. I rely entirely upon your zealous
exertions for the promotion of religion and the extension of
learning. I have no doubt that you are fully aware of the
importance of the charge committed to your care, and that
you will make it your study to instil religious principles and
virtuous habits. It will be my endeavour to secure our
ecclesiastical and civil institutions, by the maintenance of
their fundamental principles and the adoption of well-con-
sidered improvements ; and I join fervently in your prayers
to Almighty God for those blessed results which it will be
the study of my life to attain."
To the Address from the University of Cambridge her
Majesty was pleased to return the following most gracious
answer :

" I return you my cordial thanks for this public testimony
of your respect for the memory of my beloved uncle, and
of your affectionate attachment to my person and Govern-
ment. The well-deserved tribute which you pay to my be-.
loved mother is highly grateful to my feelings. Your
University owes much to the protection and encouragement
of former Sovereigns. I mil actuated by an equal desire to
promote its interests and to enlarge the sphere of its utility.
I entertain no doubt that you will labour to instill into the
minds of those who are committed to your care the true
principles of loyalty. I accept, with much satisfaction, the
authorised version of the Holy Scriptures. These sacred
volumes will be the more prized by me for the sake of him
by whose wishes they originated, and to whom they were
intended to be presented. I will direct them to be placed
in the Royal Library at Windsor, and I shall ever consider
them as the most valuable part of that collection."