The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-24 00:00:00

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SPIRIT Ot.ritE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

When we lately quoted part of a speech of the
noted Mr. Bignold, attributing the success of :the
Tories in East Norfolk to the skill with which the re-
gistration had been attended to, we were aware of the
exact degree of reliance to be placed on Alr.Bignoli's
statements. The advice, however, which we gave to
Reformers generally to attend with equal assiduity to
the registration, was not the less useful because the
statements which led us to make it were apocryphal.
But we have a letter before us, from Norwich, dated
August 22, with some curious illustrative documents,
which we shall lay before our readers on a future day,
that satisfies us that the Tories did not gain East Nor-
folk by means of registration. Since the elections: in
1835 the Reformers in East Norfolk have registered
700 persons to 400 of the Tories, and as Mr.Windliam
was beaten only by 90 in 1835, the Reformers were
justified in being sanguine at the late election.
Mr. Bignoid knows well how the elections of both
Norwich and East Norfolk were carried ; but we
reserve for a future day the details of Mr. Big-
nold's own share in bringing about such a re-
sult. In the meantime we shall advert generally to
the causes of the success of the Tories throughout
both Norfolk and Suffolk. The eleaions were bought
with money, aided by the vilest and most profligate
use of all sorts of intimidation and coercion. By way
of illustrating the intimidation, we take th,7 following
case, detailed in a placard printed at Bungay, to which
the name of Charles Childs, son and partner of John
Childs, of Bungay, is attached. Mr. Bedingfeld, the
Magistrate who appears as an actor on this scene, is
brother-in-law to Lord Henniker, the Tory Member
for East Suffolk, and he is here distinctly charged
with a peculiar refinement in vindictiveness—the
punishing a son who had set up in business as a smith
and foundryman, and who had, fiom motives of pru-
dence, resolved to take no part in politics, because his
aged father refused to violate his pledge previously
given to the Reform candidates. Mr. Bedingfeld de-
clared a Reformer should not again register his land.
The men on the land are considered by the Tories as
iothing. The land gives the vote—register his land !
`lit the placard speaks for itself:—
" TO JOHN LONGUEVILLE BEDINGFELD, ESQ.

" Sir—l adopt this public mode of addressing you, and
shall detail facts with which you are well acquainted, be-
cause the public are deeply interested in the exposure of
such facts.

" You are the deputy squire of the parish of Ditching-
ham, administering the estate in the absence of your fa-
ther, and a justice of the peace—one of those functiona-
ries whose unpaid services are dearly bought, and afford a
precious specimen of 4 penny wisdont:
" James Leggate is a man verging on fourscore years
of age, and residing in this town, where—for more than
half a century—he has sustained the good repute of honest
industry. He now rents of you twelve acres of land lying
in Ditchingham, for which you charge him forty pounds
per annum.

" Having ascertained last year that he was entitled to
claim a vote, and favourably inclined to the cause of Re-
form, I obtained his consent to place his name upon the re-
gister for East Norfolk. At the same time I received his
assurance that at the first election his vote would be given
to reforming candidates, and the assurance was repeated
when the recent contest was announced.
" A few days subsequently I called again, and found you
had been with him, and that, although he told you he stood
pledged with me, you stated you must have his vote ;'
and had left such an impression as caused the old man to
remark he did not much care about holding on the land.'
Knowing that his infirmity was considerable, I sent a mes-
senger, on the morning of election, to assist him to join the
ether electors, and found that Earl, the constable, had been
to him with a message from the Tory agent that a convey-
ance was ready to carry him to the poll. Hereupon I sent
for his son, Robert Leggate, told him what was going on,
and sent him down. He had already seen the constable,
and remarking that, his father's great age and weak health
being considered, it was a shame to work upon him so,
added, that although he had not before interfered about the
vote, he would not suffer his father to be driven in his old
days to forfeit his word, which they all knew had been
pledged. The vote was accordingly given for Windham
and Gurney.

" I must here remark that tks son has lately established
himself in the town as a smith and foundryman ; and I
mentioned to him, some time ago, his father's promise. He
then stated that, as he was situated, be had resolved on
taking no part whatever in politics, and requested me not to
ask him to interfere with his father's vote. I was too well
acquainted with Tory practices not to acknowledge his dis-
cretion ; and he did not interfere until his father's respecta-
bility was endangered, and he was tempted to violate the
word which it has always been the old man's pride to declare
was as good as any other man's bond.
" Last evening you called at the son's workshops, and in
terms marked by the elegance which characterizes your
habits, ordered the son immediately to send in to you his
bill for work, declared I should not again register your land,
ar.d expressed your resolution of turning out the old man
from his occupation.

" This afternoon the young man carried in his bill to you,
with all your property in his possession, finished and unfi-
nished as you had directed. You then thought fit to declare
that his father's promise was first given to yourself ; you re-
peated your assurance that I, whom you were pleased to
designate as rascal of a fellow,' should not again register
your land, examined the articles returned, and discharged
the bill. As to the first allegation, I can demonstrate its
untruth by reference to facts and dates ; and, even without
this, the established characters of James Leggate and John
Bedingfeld would, in any case, satisfy the public on which
side either truth or falsehood lay. Your abuse of myself is
perfectly harmless ; it inflicts no disgrace, and has not
weight enough even to confer an honour.

" The intimidation of voters, by a petty aristocracy, is
the rule of this and of other agricultural districts ; but the
cowardice on both sides—that which employs and that
which endures it—is usually so creeping as to elude ex-
posure. It is rare to find so little shame, or so much indis-
cretion, as will do these things ostentatiously ; and good
service is done to the cause of political improvement when
opportunity is afforded of dragging into light the common
practices of your class.

'l'hc minds of men are turning to the Ballot as a pro-
tection for the dependent %otcr from the visitations of his
unprincipled .superiors, and, in these districts, from the ar-
ray of every public functionary—the clergy, the magistrate,
his clerk, and his constables, down to the lowest of all, the
Poor-rate collector, who are ostentatiously employed in
opposition to the Queen's Governnent. The advocates of

the Ballot have abundant reason of gratitude to you, for
the aid you give their cause. It is their fault, ifsuch proofs
are not widely circulated ; and I beg to assure you, that
on this score I shall subject myself' to no reproach.
" Sir, yours obediently,
" CHARLES CIIILDS.

'' Bungay, August 18, 1837."

The causes of the success of the Tories in Norfolk
n;td Suffolk may be briefly summed up :-Ist, The
expenditure of money in bribing the venal and needy.
Then theic arc nearly 1,400 parsons of the Esta-
blished Church in these two counties ; and on examin-
ing the lists of voters it will be found that the parsons,
clerks, and churchwardens who voted for the Tories
exceed in number the majorities by which their elections
were carried. In 1818, when Mr. Edmond Wode-
licu,:e first came in for Norfolk. more than 550 par-
sons voted for him, and his majority was less by about
a score than the number of parson voters. Most of
the unpaid magistrates, their clerks, the constables,
and every understrapper In office, were banded
against the Government. Under such circumstances a
county contest becomes a nitre farce. The Tories
consider the .vote of the tenant to behng to the land
for which he registers. It is true the 'Whigs own in
most of the counties much land ; but in a struggle of
this sort the patty least fettered by delicacy or princi-
ple has the advantage. A Liberal may wish his te-
nail's to rote for the candidate of his choice, but the
parson tells the tenant, do not be afraid of your land-
lord ; he is a Liberal, and his principles will not al-
low him to punish you. But the Liberal tenant
knows that the Tory landlord is rest„ained by no prin-
ciple, and only laughs at those who question his eon-
duct. 'lhe natural territorial influence of the Hd-
formers is, therefore, greatly diminished by the influ-
ence of the Clergy, with few exceptions rancorous op-
ponents of the Government, who possess powerful
tnans of intimidation and great local knowledge.
Once or twice in a century, during periods of extraor.
Binary excitement, men may act without regard to con-
sequences ; but in ordinary times the first consideration
with vote's in agricultural districts must always be not
to offend those who have the power of ruining them ;
and the more tyrannical the landlord, the more abject
will be the obedience of the thrall to his wishes.—
r.ling Chronicle.
It is admitted that in the new Parliament the Mi-
n:s-etial majority will not be such as to enable the
Whigs to conduct the business of the country in con-