The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TILES —The telegraph itself can scarcely keep pace with
the war, which within a few days has described a whole
quarter of the circle round the pivot of Washington. If
our readers would not be left behind they must give their
whole attention to the column of American intelligence this
day, for it puts yesterday's altogether out of date, and has
every likelihood of being in its turn antiquated by to-mor-
row's. For General Hooker we must to-day read General
Meade. the former having been relieved of his commaad,
either at his own request, or because he had lost influence,
or because he did not agree with the authorities at Wash-
ington as to the military value of the Maryland Heights.
That, however, is a small affair. The Confederates at the
last, date were in possession of nearly the whole block of
country between the Upper Potomac and the Susquehanna,
north of Washington and Baltimore. They had traversed
eastward the northern boundary of that region ; they had
shelled Harrisburg on the Susquehanna, and compelled the
destruction of a fine and costly railway bridge over that river
at Columbia; they had broken up the Baltmore and Ohio
Railway within 25 miles of Baltimore; they were making
a similar attempt on the railway between Baltimore and
Washington, which latter city had then only one commu-
nication left with the Northern States; their cavalry was
passing, -without fear of interruption, within 14 miles of the
Federal capital on its own side of the Potomac, and at a
much less distance on the Virginian side was waylaying and
destroying the Federal cavalry. If at the last date there
was any sign of a halt in this onward movement, it was
only that the Confederates appeared to be collecting their
forces in order to be able to strike a fatal blow as soon as the
new Federal commander should give them an opportunity.
Both armies were now north of the Potomac. The Con•
federates were prepared either to demolish General Meade,
and, following up their victory, take possession of the panic-
struck and not very hostile capital; or to descend upon
Baltimore and consider at leisure what next to do ; or to
cross the Susquehanna and march straight upon Philadel-
phia. The only contingency that could deprive the Con-
federates of any one of these prizes and curtail their entire
liberty of action was the chance of General Meade—of whom
we are only told he commanded the Fifth Corps under his
predecessor—proving a more able soldier than General Lee.
Where one side is known, and the other unknown, it is im-
possible to make a comparison or anticipate a conclusion.
But we may say that unless the Federals possess much
higher 'qualities than they have hitherto shown to the
world, we may expect, in a week or two, to hear of
President Davis at Washington. The loss of Wash-
ington we have all come to regard as a great and
critical contingency, almost decisive of the war,
and of itself compelling overtures of pease from the unsuc-
cessful defenders. But we naturally borrow our estimate
from these defenders themselves, and conclude that what
they hold at so much cost must be really invaluable. Wash-
ington, however, was not selected either with a view to de-
fence, or as the military capital of the States. Its founders
never contemplated its use as a means far overawing and
' holding the United States. The living generation has seen

it fall after a few hours' fighting to a handful of soldiers
Converted into a fortress at enormous cost, it is at best only
a Sebastopol, at the very extremity of the vast region of
which it is now the nominal capital, and continually threat-
ened with attack. Its possession by the Federals has hitherto
compelled the war to be carried on in the Confederate coun-
try, a circumstance which has its advantages, as well as its
disadvantages, for the Confederates. Its loss would draw
the latter into a country where they will, indeed, live at the
cost of the foe, but will not be able to conceal their move-
ments and keep their own counsel so well as they have done
hitherto. The loss of prestige is another affair ; and in this
case it is not merely the prestige of power, it is rather the
prestige of union that is in jeopardy. Should the Govern •
meat have to migrate to New York, that will materially
affect the whole aspect of the question .at issue. It will
give colour to the scandal against which the Cabinet has
hourly to struggle and protest—that the war is fought in
the interest of Now York, Philadelphia, and New England,
not in the interest of the Union at largo. From what-
ever reason, Washington is regarded as the palladium
of the cause. Though selected simply as a convenient
rendezvous, it has become as Rome or Jerusalem itself to
their respective possessors, We presume the Federals were
not fighting for a shadow when they constructed we know
not how many miles of fortifications round their capital,
and guarded every stream, every valley, every ferry, every
mountain pass, and every river bluff that leads towards the
bacxed city. They must regard it as almost essential to their
cause, and they must know as much about it as others.
Apart from that inscrutable question of prestige, in which
we are forced to take the valuations of others, however seem-
ingly irrational, we cannot help attaching at least as great
importance to the news from the Mississippi as to that from
Pennsylvania. From the Federal camp before Vicksburg
there was still the same dreary, monotonous, and almost
desponding daily bulletin. General Grant had an impos-
sible task before him, with an advancing foe and increasing
difficulties behind. General Banks had not even this much
to say for himself. At the last date he had announced to
his army that they must raise 1,000 volunteers for one
more assault, and, if they could not take the fort, they must
retreat as fast as possible, if they could retreat at all. This
was, of course, to give up the command of the great river to
the Confederates; it was to expose General Grant to a
similar reverse, to endanger the possession of New Orleans
and Louisiana, and compromise tne safety of the Federal
forces in that quarter. As yet there were only rumours as
to the results at Port Hudson and Vicksburg ; but one can-
not help feeling that in the state of things in the South
there is a very small margin for success, and a very wide
margin indeed for every conceivable amount of disasters.
In this dark and dreary prospect there is hardly a gleam of
hope from any other quarter. In all the States, midway
between the opposite poles of American opinion, there rages
a social war even more dreadful than the occasional collision
of great armies. Bands rove about without molestation,
and, if not able to protect, are never without the power of
plundering and destroying, This roving and marauding
propensity has taken root in the people and is becoming
habitual. " One year in seed, seven years in weed," says
the old proverb ; and when the seed of licence and
rapine is once sown broadcast, and allowed to germinate and
grow up, it will take many years to pluck it up and rid the
soil of the baneful intruder. From hand to foot, from the
capital to every valley and village, the whole body politicis,
in the words of Sacred Writ, full of " diseases." It is al-
most past hope that even peace should heal them, but the
longer the war lasts the more incurable they become.
HERALD—LordPalmerston is not an acutely sensitive in-
dividual, but he is evidently very keenly alive to the incon-
veniences of a prolonged discussion on the interview of
Messrs. Roebuck and Lindsay with the Ruler of France.
We should have expected that on a question so seriously
involving the honour of the Ministry every opportunity
would have been sought for bringing the whole truth to
light. Instead of this our adroit Premier is only too anxious
to stifle all discussion. The Government have had their sey,
and there is to be no response. Messrs. Roebuck and Lind-
say are to sit down quietly under the imputation of some-
thing worse than a want of discretion ; Lord Palmerston is
to get rid at once of an inconvenient motion and a humiliat-
ing exposure. Be it so. We have had a session of motions
withdrawn, and of animated recriminations. It would be
a pity to alter the humdrum character of our parliamentary
proceedings at the fag and of the session. Let the House of
Commons agree that the Ilfoniteur is right, Messrs. Roebuck
and Lindsay right, and Mr. Layard right, and illustrate the
old proverb, the least said the soonest mended. There is
great justice in Mr. Gregory's view that it would be a mis-
fortune if a vote of the House of Commons should make the
House of Commons appear hostile to the independence of
the Southern Confederacy; and we fear that the mode in
which the French Emperor's name has been made use of
would ensure a majority against recognition at the present
moment. But whether Mr. Roebuck will be content to put
up with the aspersions which the Ministerial press has heaped
upon him is another question, which it would be impertinent
in us to answer. But explauation of some sort is duo to all
parties, to the House of Commons, to the French Emperor, to
the public. The question of recognition may well stand over,
If, with the Confederate army threatening the very gates of
Washington, of Philadelphia, and of Baltimore, the House
of Commons cannot make up its mind to stani by the prin •
ciples which have for centuries prescribed its policy, it is
quite right to leave all respot sibilit y to Lord Palmerston,
and to suspend all consideration of the question until ano-
ther half million of lives have been sacrificed, until the last
cotton plantation has been ploughed up by Northern armies
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POST.—The capture of Mexico by the French possesses
a significance which it is impossible to overrate. It may
not be the crowning conquest of a successful war, but it is
certainly one of those achievements which tend directly to
bring hostilities to a speedy termination. The Mexican
republic is peculiarly situated, and can better afford the loss
of its capital than most States ; but still the brilliant suc-
cesses of the French army on the present occasion, follow-
, ing so quickly after the capture of Puebla, must exercise
... some influence on the future conduct of those at present