The Sun.
London, England, 1839-12-07 00:00:00

individual account ; our exultation increases to a ten
fold extent, when we see in his person the triumph of a
great principle—the future exemption of Dissenters
from the civil jurisdiction of Ecclesiastical Courts. But
we would most earnestly adjure the friends of religious
freedom throughout the country not for one mo-
ment, or in the slightest degree, to slacken their
exertions on behalf of Mr. Thorogood. Let them con-
tinue to act as if the battle were yet but beginning,
and not as if the victory were already won. Who can
tell how necessary energetic and untiring exertion in
the righteous cause in which the Dissenters have em-
barked, may be to keep Lord Melbourne's promise in
his recollection, and to stimulate the Government to its
performance. Besides, it is to be remembered, that
though Ministers may bring in the contemplated Bill,
and may have every wish to see it passed into a law, it
does not necessarily follow that they can insure its safe
transit through both houses. There is a formidable
hostile party in either branch of the Legislature, each
of whose votes is, unhappily—we say unhappily as
regards the present question—as important and in-
fluential as the vote of Lord Melbourne himself, or
any other of her Majesty's Ministers. Let, then, the
Dissenters in all parts of the kingdom—and riot the Dis-
enters only, but the friends of freedom generally persevere
in keeping the case of Mr. Thorogood prominently
before the public mind ; and along with the subscrip-
tions which are now pouring in from all-quarters on
his account, let there be public meetings in every town
and city in the land for the purpose of petitioning Par-
liament for the abolition of the civil jurisdiction of the
Ecclesiastical Courts, and the immediate liberation of
Mr. Thorogood from prison. Nor will even this be all
that the exigencies of the case demand. These com-
bined exertions must be followed up by the isolated ef-
forts of congregations. 'We trust there is not a Dis-
senting congregation in the kingdom that values reli-
gious freedom, and is anxious to see the rights of con-
science asserted, but will forward its petition in favour
of these two great objects. This is the way, and the
only way effectually to strengthen the hands of Minis-
ters. Without such cordial and general co-operation,
the Church party will frustrate their just and liberal
intentions. And let the work of meeting and petition-
ing begin without an hour's delay. Promptitude is as
necessary as union and energy. Let Dissenters re-
member, that the object to be accomplished is one of
unspeakable importance, and is worthy of any amount
of exertion which can be expended on its attainment.
( From the Herald.)
The opinion gains ground, that Parliawient will as-
seeable in January. The state of the country, undoubt-
edly, calls loudly for the superintending care of the Le-
gislature ; but Lord Melbourne and his associates dare
not meet Parliament without the intervention of some
new variety of Court influence in their favour. The
Queen's marriage may, it is true, be turned to ac-
-1 count ; and, therefore, it is understood that that event
is to be accelerated as much as possible. The eclat
attendant on the Royal Marriage will, however, yield
but a fleeting sort of influence to the Queen's present
Ministers. The stern realities that present themselves
on every side—the suffering and discontent which per-
vade all classes of the community—these are subjects,
to the consideration of which Parliament must without
delay address itself ;—and how may the men in office,
to whom as to the cause, may be traced the misery and
anxiety which now, " with fear of change, perplex"
the calmest observers, pretend to deal with the mis-
chief which they have called into existence ? Are
the Canadas in danger ? The Whigs have aided and
abetted Colonial traitors in their attempts to " shake off
the baleful domination of the mother country." Are the
Wed Indian interests in a state of depression ? The
Whigs have injured and insulted the planters, and al-
most goaded them into an attitude of rebellion ! Is
the Protestant Church in Ireland beleaguered ? The
Whigs are not only consenting parties to the siege,
but they actually hold office at the pleasure of the
Popish conspirator who directs the assault ! Does the
scarcely-extinguished Chartist rebellion affright the isle
from its propriety ? That rebellion has been " got
up" after the models of rebellion prepared by her Ma-
jesty's present Ministers in 1831 ; nay, the late out-
break was actually headed by afar:ajar of the Colonial
Secretary—by a member of that body of 'Magistrates,
with which " Municipal Reform" has blessed Eng-
gland ! On every side, does the direct connection of
Ministers with the present distresses of the country ren-
der itself apparent. If these distresses are to be removed,
the present Ministers must be removed as a preliminary
measure to the pacification of the country. They
have already sounded the bass string of humility."
They can sink no lower. They have survived
character, principle, professions. They have out-
lived eveu their party—for the supporters of the
Whigs are not their followers. No :—Lord
Melbourne and his colleagues are mere instru-
ments,—base yielding instruments of destruction,
—in the hands of open and avowed enemies to
all the established religious and political institutions
of England. But the alliance between the contracting
parties to the compact which still sustains the Whigs
in place, is not graced or cemented by anything so re-
spectable as a spirit of partisanship. The O'Connells
and Shiels on the one hand, and the Humes and
Wakleys on the other, despise Lord Melbourne and
i his associates, as heartily as the staunchest Conservative
can do. But the " Liberals" in question are content to
secure to Lord Melbourne the wanes of office, as the
price of his treason to the Monarchy, to the Church, to
the Aristocracy, and to the Constitutional rights of the
labouring pcor ; and Lord Melbourne is base enough
to become the despised recipient of official pay, in ex-
change for services, which the worst of English states-
men in past times would have shrunk from performing !
The first step towards the pacification of the country
must, we repeat, consist in the expulsion of the present
Ministers from office. The next must consist in a calm
inqmry into the causes that have generated the danger-
ous feelings which now possess immense bodies of the
working people in every part of the kingdom. Not
only are all existing political institutions regarded by
the Chartists as pernicious to the order of labourers ;
but the institution of property itself is held up by them
as the fountain and source of all the evils that have ever
desolated society. These opinions are, obviously, fraught
with perils of the most formidable kind ; and unless these
opipions can be corrected and removed, they may bear
the fruit of rebellion during every year for a long time
to come. Of all the stumulants to Chartism, the New
Poor-law has been, beyond comparison, the most active.
That law placed the labouring poor, as they believed
and felt, beyond the pale of the constitution ; and now
they are eager to subvert a Constitution, under which, as
they think, the rights of the labourer are no longer re-
cognized. If we could even admit, that the hatred
which the labouring poor bear to the New Poor-law
was altogether unwarranted by the nature of that enact-
ment, still we should contend for the policy of its re•
peal! What do the Whigs mean when they prate at
other times, about the policy of yielding to public
opinion ? There exists a mighty public opinion in op-
position to the New Poor-law ! What is meant by
the Whig slang about the wrongs of Ireland protracted
through centuries ? The New Poor-law is a living,
ever-active wrong ; and the remonstrances of the poor
of England ought to exercise as much influence over a
Protestant Parliament, as the grievances, real or simu-
lated, of which Popish Ireland is the hot-bed !
(Prom the Globe.)
Defending enesself gravely against a palpably silly ,