The Sun.
London, England, 1837-06-19 00:00:00

THE PLAGUE IN TURKEY.

Most mournful accounts of the havoc the plague is com-
mitting are daily received, not only from those towns in the
interior which suffered from its *visitation last year, but also
from other places which then escaped the fury of its passage.
Every city and village along the coasts of the sea of Marmora,
but more especially Galipoli, Ganakorais, Silivria, Rodosto,
Lampsaki, Artaki Mika!etch, Modania, Ghio, and Triglia,
have for months felt the dire influence of this scourge.
From the sea-coast it. has spread to the inland country as far
as Philipopoli to the north, and to the west as far as Sofia.
In Aria Minor the extent and rapidity of its propagation
have proved equally alarming, nor has its malignity been
less terrific, several flourishing hamlets ha%ang there
also, within the space of a few weeks become vacant.
It has more latterly made again its appearance at
Smyrna, with symptoms of an alarming character. Within
the space of six days, according to the latest intelligence,
4SO Moslems had died of this disorder, and the daily
mortality among Rayahs exceeded twenty. In the ca-
pital the disease, which during the summer carried off one•
eighth of the population, after alternately languishing and
reviving during the winter, has within the last three weeks
shown a decided disposition to re-assume its former in-
tensity. A general and deep consternation prevails in .con-
; sequence, every one foreboding- a repetition of the scenes of
distress and desolation which, during the space of six years
it has been the lot of almost every family to witness. It
ware fortunate in the present easergency had the experience
purchased at the expence of the lives of the dearest among
their friends and relatives proved of any avail to the survivors
--had it led to an improvement in the means for, preserv-
ing themselves from sharing a similar fate. But, alas for
humanity !. the same degree of. ignorance as to the origin
and nature of the disorder Antinues to prevail—the same
divergency as to the mode of its propagation—the same
woeful absence cf curative means. The sense of man's ig-
norance on these all-important subjects alone has become
more generally felt, and this growing convection has had the
effect of throwing- the weaker-minded into a state of per-
plexity bordering, in many cases, on distractedness; of re-
ducing .the sanguinity of others either to the lowest level
of despondency and appalment; or to the stoical apathy of
helplessness. I had occasion to inform you last year that a
large portion of the Turkish and Christian population had
abjured the notions as to the propagation of the plague pre-
valent for centuries throughout the East, and became converts
to the more orthodox dogmas of European contagionists.

Animated with the fervour and enthusiasm of neophyts, they
scrupulously submitted themselves and their acquaintance to
the sundry ordeals which the Franks living here daily undergo
for the sake of keeping their persons and families beyond
the reach of contagion. The result of these experi-

ments proved highly unsatisfactory. Numerous well-
authenticated cases occurred both among the Turks and
Europeans of individuals who had in no way trans-

gressed the sanitary rules prescribed being seized with
the plague and dying. Greater, yet proved the number
of those who, either unconsciously, or willingly, remained
with perfect impunity esposcd to the most complicated
dangers of contagion. The reaction which has taken
place in their minds has brought the Mussalmans back to
their former predestinarian notions and passive resig-
nation to the decrees of fate. It has led them to v iew the
theories of Europeans as being as vain and imaginary as
their practices to
,screen themselves from its dangers are
childish and ridiculous. Armenians and Greeks of the
lower classes avowedly profess also the most sovereign con-
tempt for the opinions of Europeans and those of their Eu-
ropeanised countrymen with regard to the progress of the
plague, and the means for arresting it. Tradition,
which may be traced back to the days of Homer, teaches
them to personify the cause of this scourge. They describe
the plague as assuming the . gigantic form of a winged fe-
male, eladin black, itbow in one baud, and a quiver. filled
with arrows on the left sboalder. This ministering angel
of the angry Dirty eye-witnesses have seen hovering over
the aeVoted city, and hurling its invisible, silent, but un-
erring, arrows, against the victims she has selected, until
her resentments be assuaged. In the hope of succeeding
in averting from their own heads the fatal missiles,
they are in the habit of placing on the roofs of their
houses offerings of various kinds, consisting for the most
part of boiled wheat, honey, milk and wine. Should,
however, any among their friends or relatives happen
to be struck with her shafts, they consider it good po-
licy to conceal their grief under the appearances of joy,
and to 'deprecate with the most servile homage the
wrath of this troubled spirit. They acrordingly wait upon
the patient to compliment him on the honour the kind and
gentle Gossamer has conferred upon him ; they reverently
kiss both: buboes and carbuncles as being marks of her con-
sideration, and repeat aloud, in the hope she may hear, the
flattering words—" Blessed be the hour of her coming,
blessed also be the hour of her departure from among4t
us." I may
_upon another occasion enter upon the enume-
ration of the various precautions of the " superior-minded
European" considers "as efficient towards keeping himself
free from the attacks of the disease, to enable their friends at
home to form a conception of their actual mode of existence.

, This-day is cilstinguislieJ by being the anniversary
of one of the most interesting events recorded in the history of
this country.—the signing of Magna Charta on the 19th of
June, 1215. This great event should have been marked by
an annual national

Mr. Waghotn, the Fro :Ice-or of the steam intercourse •
with India, arrives in Paris on Friday, on his way to Egypt,
via Marseilles. The British Gevernment,in connection with
the East India Company, intend to avail themselves of the
French steamers between Marseilles and Alexandria three
times in the month. Mr. Wav,horn will report to the British
a'i Farm.
Government and to the Enst India Company, -upontbe whole
of the route from Boulogne-sur Mar to Alexandria. We hear
altre Boulogneadyso
appointed
it is, his intention agentstoapapnodincto.nre a
Messrs. Hobert Gower
Marseilles.—Paris Paper.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The public had begun to entertain hopes of a fa-
vourable change in the state of his Majesty's health ;
but the latest bulletins are not of a character to afford
much consolation. One might at such a time as this
expect that there should be a cessation of political
brawling. We are sure that it can only excite disgust
in all well. constituted minds to see so little respect
shown for the situation of his Majesty as to select such
a time for discussions which a regard for the most com-
mon delicacy ought to exclude from consideration, ,so
long as King William is the Sovereign of these realms.
In a case in which the national interests might be ex-
posed to injury from an unforeseen conjuncture arising
for which provision ought to be made, an excuse might
be afforded for a departure from ordinary maxims ; but
there is no unlooked-for accident now to be guarded
against. If the illness of his Majesty should terminate
fatally, the successor is of age, and no apprehension
need be entertained of the sovereignty being in abey-
ance. What demon, then, can possess the Times to pur-
sue its malignant and mischievous course ? Are the
Tories so lost to all decency that they abet the Times
in its dirty work ? We have no doubt that if it
should please Providence to terminate at this time the
reign of King William, the Princess Victoria will
fitly discharge the duties of her station. Certain we
are that if her previous studies and experience do not
fit her to discharge the duties of sovereignty, the vul-
gar articles in the Times will not benefit her much.
Our morning Contemporary will have it, forsooth, that
the judgment of the Princess Victoria has been warped
by the narrow education she has received, and that its
lucubrations are necessary to the enlargement of her
faculties. " Our business," quoth the Times, " for
the sake of her who is in all human conjecture to
reign over us, and of those millions over whom
she is to reign, was to hint at the natural
sources of such errors of judgment as might
be apprehended from a youthful Queen, with-
out being by any means imputable to her-
self, but (should error be really committed on
her part) to the misfortune of having received a
narrow, or jealous, or otherwise ill-framed education."
So the Princess Victoria has received a narrow edu-
cation ! But, then, says the modest oracle of Print-
ing-house-square, " We trust, and, indeed, have rea-
son to know, that within a few hours what we say will
meet the eye of the Princess Victoria." One leading
article of this sage is to supersede all the lessons whice
the Princess has hitherto received ! Without the la-
hours of our Contemporary, the Tories it seems would
stand no chance ; and this is to be the apology for the
disgraceful insult to the feelings of the nation during
the King-'s affliction. " Where a well-known faction
are in favour, the great names and real statesmen of
the empire would stand no chance of being fairly listened
to." Indeed ! So this is the key to this foul attempt
partly to slander and partly to intimidate the Duchess of
Kent, and to praise the Princess Victoria one day for
her strength of mind, and the next to impute to her
narrow views and a defective judgment. The object of
all this impertinence is as obvious as it is sure to fail
of its effect. The Princess Victoria, if she see the
Times, can have no other feeling than that of disgust
on reading the malignant libels addressed against her
mother. It is quite time enough for the Times to in-
dict the Duchess of Kent Ivhen she is found aspiring
to functions to which she has no claim. We presume
the iesolence of the Tories and their organ the Times
will not go so far as to presume to interdict all inter-
course between the mother and daughter. It is for the
Princess Victoria herself, and not for the Times, to
decide on the degree of confidence she may repose in
Ler parent. But we will not be seduced by the exam-
ple of the Times into the prosecution of a discussion
sn unsuitable in every respect to the present moment.—
Morning Chronicle.
Gentle dulness loves her jokes too well to sub-
mit patiently to their demolition. Thus Lord Palmer-
ston is perfectly furious in the Album of Saturday
last, at the treatment which the " ponderous levities "
of the previous evening had met with at the hands of
Sir R. Peel. The Right Hon. Baronet is termed " a
jester in ordinary to his patty, who has no higher am-
bition than to raise a laugh by his jokes." If so, then
the Conservative leader in the Commons, and the
Whig Foreign Secretary are, as to this particular, la-
bouring in the same avocation, with this material dif-
ference, however—that Sir Robert's jokes do raise a
laugh, while Cupid's ponderous levities but deepen
the gloom of the discomfited Treasury benchers. Take
the conversation on Friday evening as an instance.
The Foreign Secretary commenced his reply to Sir
Stratford Canning's question in a tone of most offen-
sive flippancy. This having failed to disturb the dig-
niied self-possession of the Right Hon. Gentleman,
Lord Palmerston proceeded to say very many things of
pompous and unusual silliness. Among others, was
the following specimen of philosophic statesman-
ship:—The Noble Sncretary declared that so far
from leave of absence being an improper indul-
gence to diplomatists who had been long in a fo-
reign country, particularly a despotic one, he should
be disposed to order them home, even were they disin-
clined, that they might " refresh their English feel-
ing." We should be glad 5o see this refreshing pro-
cess begin in Downing-street. But that is beside the
present question. The passage we have just quoted
contains Lord Palmerston's political doctrine as re-
gards our diplomatic functionaries abroad, especially
in foreign countries. Well, Turkey is despotic enough,
we presume, and Lord Ponsonby's English feeling,
after his six or seven years' absence, must be in the
greatest possible peril. Why, then, not force him
home to take a constitutional refresher ? That was
Sir R. Peel's question. And what does Lord Pal-
merston answer ? He answers, that to tell an ambas-
sador " You shall come home, and be refreshed,
re-impregnated with constitutional principles," &c.,
would be most ungracious. Why, as Sir Ro-
bert Peel exclaimed, " that is the Noble Lord's own
dectrine, and the doctrine of no one else !" Yet
hardly has Cupid laid down his doctrine of political
refreshment, than he is in a fluster at the ungentle
thought, the ungracious proceeding of enforcing it.
The ludicrous position in which he had thus placed
himself, and in which Sir Robert Peel held him tight
till the House had laughed its fill, accounts for the ju-
venile anger displayed in the Album of Saturday. The
Foreign-office print designates the speech of the Right
Honourable Baronet the veriest trash, and calls his
jokes tiresome. Cupid, we think, must have found
them so, for Sir Robert told the Foreign Secretary that
he did not wish to press too hard upon him, at the
very time that 'he was holding him pinned to an ab-
surdity, from which there was no possible escape. To
poor Lord Palmerston such a joke must have been
tiresome indeed, and we are uncharitable enough to
Trope that he will be fagged from his office by pleasan-
- tries equally fatiguing.—Times.
Our gracious Sovereign, William IV., is, we regret
to state, in that condition, as we previously informed
our readers, in which there is but small hope for con-
tinued life. We could have most cordially wished that
his days had been prolonged, and that, in addition to
the title of the Reform King, which he has justly
earned, his days and hours would have been sufficiently
long to have earned that also of " Liberator of Ire-
land." But it happens to few to accomplish all that
they could wish, and all that they deem necessary ;
and we fear, according to the latest and most authentic
accounts that have reached us, health and life will not
be so long to his present Majesty as to enable him to
add the latter to his former title of glory. According
to all the accounts which have reached us, his Ma-
kity's health and strength have been decreasing—the
disease under which he labours not less urgent—and
continued feebleness superseding- the vigour and
energy which once characterized him. This is a
matter of strong regret with us ; for if ever a King
deservedly earned applause from his subjects, it is he
who is now in a state of mortal affliction, and, at the
moment at which we write, may have passed -" that
bourne from which no travAer returns." His reign,
if its termination be now come, has been one of great
anxiety, and of great difficulty ; but, in a national
point of view, as a national benefit, and as a national
hie!;sing, there is none in the history of England which
can be compared to it I What, in fact, except justice
to Ireland, has not been accomplished during it ? The
Civil List has been reduced, with one exception,
within something like proper limits—free trade be-
tween this country and all the nations of the world has

been established, so far as prudence would permit—the
Criminal Code has been stripped of its greatest atroci-
ties—the poor of England have felt the benefit, not
only of earning their own independent livelihood, but
of finding their way to honest industry and moral con-
duct; and, finally, the African slave has had the dis-
graceful menacles by which he was bound, severed
from his wrists, and the certainty given to him that that
freedom which he originally enjoyed should again 1 o
his birthright. If these be not titles to popular esteem
and to popular regret, should his Majesty now pay the
debt of nature, we know not, as men and as Christians,
what ought to constitute them. The triumphs in his
reign have been triumphs of peace—of additional free-
dom, civilisation, and extension of knowledge—and
farther, these triumphs have been accomplished, not
only with the expenditure of a small portion of trea-
sure, but without the loss of one drop of blood.
What a contrast with the reigns of other Monarchs,
who, from obstinacy of temper, or perverseness of in-
tellect, have arrayed subject against subject in civil
warfare, and instead of promoting that community of
good feelling which ought to exist between every mem-
ber of the human race, have, for the dastardly and
selfish purpose of taking care of their own peculiar in-
terests, promoted animosity and warfare amongst those
who, but for them, would have had no contention 1
We speak this with the utmost cordiality and affec-
tion ; and nothing could gratify us more than to learn
that his Majesty is in that state of health which would
enable him to appreciate this unbiassed expression of
the sentiments, not only of an individual, but of a very
large portion of his subjects. If he has not been the
author of all the measures, and all the benefits accruing
from a liberal Administration, he has nevertheless most
nobly aided and supported them ; and we trust that
there is not an Englishman living who, if nature shall
take its course with Royalty as it does with all others,
will not come forward and inscribe upon the pedestal
of his monument the ever-glorious and endearing title
of " The Reform King."—Morning Advertiser.
In politics they who begin with mere audacity are
likely to end with mere weakness. Such has been the
career of our present Ministers. They obtained office
by an act which combined desperate political depra-
vity with unparalleled meanness—they had the hardi-
hood to set aside for the occasion every feeling but
one, namely, that of intense desire to rega'n the places
from which their Sovereign had dismissed them. The
audacity of this conduct was attended with success—
they regafned office ; but there they stick—helpless,
incapable, ridiculous, the scorn cf every human crea-
ture who has sense to comprehend, and a heart to feel,
what British statesmen ought to be. Like some silly
climber who has gained a crag from which he is afraid
to descend, and unable to proceed upwards, they stand
conspicuous in their feebleness and stupidity. They
make grievous complaints, sometimes of the people
below them for not coming more actively to their as-
sistance, sometimes of the House of Lords above
them, for being in the way of their progress ; but they
do nothing. It is needless to dwell in detail upon
the national injury which is the result of having
such a wretched set of characterless incapables in the
administration of the Government. We are Conser-
vatives, and therefore we do not particularly mourn
over the present state of things, because some of the
most important laws of the country are not altered.
It is not because we pant for change, that we are filled
with disgust at the ineffectual attempts of the Admi-
nistration in the cause of revolution ; bat we are im-
pressed with shame and regret to see the monarchy it-
self brought into contempt, by the imbecility and pal-
triness of its servants. The King's Government
ought always to be an object of respect. It is not so
now, and it cannot be so while such persons as the
present Ministers hold the reins of Government. They
are leaders of nothing. They are but the subordinate
members of a dirty conspiracy of dullness, which seeks
to overthrow everything in England with which
manly hearts
.and gentlemanly spirits are associated.
The Ministers are not the leaders and managers of a
system of policy emanating from the monarchy, and
supported by Parliament and the public—they are
nothing but partners in the scheming political transac-
tions of such disreputable speculators as Mr. O'Con-
nell and Mr. Hume. They have no patty of their
own. The country party and the King's party are
both in opposition to the King's Ministers. This is
the result of an attempt to govern the country by men
who, from the beginning, had no manner of just pre-
tension to undertake such a task. From one end of the
Administration to the other there is not one man of
highly distinguished talents in any one department of
human exertion. Not a single man of them ever held a
foremost place in any great transaction. Not a single man
of them is there who, if he were not a Minister, would
be of any considerable importance. Is not this dis-
graceful and absurd ? When before was there an Ad-
ministration in England of which this could be said ?
What affairs have these men ever distinguished
themselves in ? At their head is a frivolous volup-
tuary, whose every step, as a politician, and every
word, are in direct contradiction to the principles upon
which he acted before his mind sunk to its present
state of weakness and waspishness. Yet this man is
the least inconsiderable of the set : his colleagues are
made up of the subordinate clerks and secretaries of
Lord Grey's Government, together with one or two
scrubs of all work in all Governments—such as Lord
Palmerston and Lord Glenelg. How can any man
of common sense expect bold or dignified government
from such dregs as these ? The thing is impossible.
If we expect a first-rate administration of affairs, when
tenth-rate people are suffered to try to administer them,
we expect a thing which is absurd. It is like starting
a dozen hacks to run for the St. Leger. If the revo-
lutionary current were running so strong that it would
carry all before it these people might do as well as
any other faithless guardians of the Monarchy to give
way to the rushing destruction, and call themselves
the leaders of the popular mind ; but, thank Heaven,
there is no such power now in action of which to avail
themselves, and, as they have none of their own, they
stagnate, or make a small fuss, which ends in no-
thing :
" In a dull stream, which, moving slow,
You hardly see the current flow—
If a small breeze obstruct the course
It whirls about for want of force,
And in its narrow circle gathers
Nothing but chaff, and straws, and feathers."
Such is the course and such the achievements of the
present Administration. We wonder how much
longer Great Britain is to submit to this disgrace.
We think it is Coleridge who has divided the
pursuits of a true Statesman into three great ends,
which, he -says, the politician ought to propose to
himself in the Government of a nation. These
are-1. Security to possessors ; 2. Facility to ac-
quirers; ; and 3. Hope to all. Whoever will take
the trouble to consider these several heads will find
that they do, indeed, embrace to a great extent the
duties of good Statesmanship, but they exclude such
wretched attempts at political government as those
to which the present Ministers have been partners.
As to the first, we leave the owners of Church
property to settle the matter with Lord Melbourne,
Lord John Russell, and Mr. Spring Rice, while
the persons who were induced to embark their pro-
perty in the public funds of Spain may address that
very satisfactory and puissant gentleman Lord Palmer-
ston upon the subject. As to the second, the same
gentleman may be referred to—Mr. Spring Rice will
show all those concerned in Exchequer bills and Bank
accommodations how much he has helped them in
making their fortunes, and the owners of the Vixen
and its cargo will, of course, speak for the eminent ser-
vices of Lord Palmerston in giving success to foreign
mercantile speculation. As to the third—let the Pro-
testants of Ireland answer. When Lord Melbourne
announces the necessity of inflicting a heavy blow and
a great discouragement upon Protestantism, he can
hardly (unless he forgets) suppose that his Adminis-
tration is one which gives " hope to all." We are
driven to these remarks by the continued procrastina-
tion and utter frivolity which the course of this Ad-
ministration in Parliament presents. It is wearisome
and humiliating to see the great concerns of this great
nation made the subject of perpetual fiddle-faddle, or
the sport of a paltry irritability—the vile humour of a
petty and vitiated mind. We cannot think it is in
human patience that public affairs should go on, or
stand still, in this manner. Men who have weight
with the public must rouse themselves, and do Some-
thing decisive.—Morning Post.

The heaviest waggon between London and any
other part of his Majesty's dominions in the olden
time moved not more slowly than Lord John Russell's
Bills of " Criminal Law Reform." Like the lun.ba•-
ing vehicle to which we have alluded, they have I ad
so many stoppages that a question may fairly arise
whether they will ever arrive at their destination. Even
though they should not, it would not grieve us much,
for they are but a miserable compromise between the
worse than useless cruelty of a code of blood, and the
principle of enlightened legislation. If we accepted
these Bills now as a reform of the Criminal Law, we
might be hereafter told that we had accepted them as a
final settlement of the question. On the contrary, as
fruits of the Criminal Law Commission, whose mem-
bers have already received 15,0001. of the public
money, we say they are not worth the purchase. To
show the opinion that the Whig Attorney-General,
Sir John Campbell, entertains of them, he has got a
clause inserted, exempting Scotland from the operation
of four of the Ministerial Bills. If he supposed them
beneficial measures for England, why should he deny
the benefit of them to the country beyond the Tweed,
the land of his nativity ? Are we not to infer
from this that he considers them worse than useless ?
The Bills which Sir John Campbell prevents from
being wafted on the wings of Reform beyond the
Tweed are those relative to robbery, burglary, arson,
and (fences against the person. When Lord Den-
man's Forgery Act was under discussion in the Com-
mons, if we remember rightly, Jeffrey, then Member
for Edinburgh, and Lord Advocate, had a clause in-
serted extending its operation to Scotland. Campbell,
also Member for Edinburgh, adopts an opposite
course. Is it because he is adverse to diminishing the
black catalogue of offences punishable witk death in
Scotland, or because, while he is an accomplice in the
deception attempted to be practised upon England, he
thinks it too bad that his Majesty's lieges of the north
should be cheated by a measure of mock Reform,
while they have called out for a real and substantial
one ? We know not which horn of the dilemma the
Attorney-General prefers, but, whichever it be, we
leave him to his choice.- Let us once more impress
upon the public mind that the speech of Lord John
Russell, when introducing his Bills on the criminal
law, if good for any thing, was good as showing, by
unanswerable argument, that the punishment of death
ought to be entirely abolished, as worse than use-
less—or, if retained at all—only retained for the
crime of murder—though certainly the scenes which
took place at the executions of Pegstvorth and Green-
acre, and the atrocious murders which immediately
followed each execution, pretty strongly go in aid of the
reasoning of those persons who advocate the total abo-
lition. Of one thing we are quite certain, and that is,
that neither Whig nor Tory Statesmen can long pre-
vent the proposition of Mr. Ewart, for restraining the
punishment of death to cases of actual murder, from
becoming the law of the land. Why then should we
take any interest in such Bills as those proposed by
Lord John Russell, which are obviously intended to
prevent, rather than facilitate, a thorough and efficient
reform of our Criminal Code ? While upon the sub-
ject of law Reform, let us ask . Sir John Campbell
whether his Bill for the abolition of imprisonment for
debt has been quietly strangled by the hands of its un-
natural parent, or whether, as in a former year, it is to
he sent up to the House of Lords, at the close of the
Session, a scarcely-breathing bantling, to undergo the
process of easy suffocation and speedy interment ? It
will not do to practise this ingenious manoeuvre too
often, or Sir John may hear of it again, even at the
hustings of Edinburgh. The reform of the Criminal
Law is closely connected with this question, for our
prisons are in general so conducted as to make many
criminals, and imprisonment for debt is a prolific source
of demoralisation and crime.—Morning Herald.
We take no part in the controversy going on re-
specting the mock Poor-law Committee of Inquiry, for
the reasons which induced us to enter our protest
against it in the beginning, regarding it as a packed
Jury, whose verdict would have no influence upon
public opinion. We said then, and we repeat it now,
that we care not one straw about the Committee and
its proceedings. We have indeed published the vo-
luminous evidence from day to day, because it should
not be said that we had any desire to suppress the
whole or any part of the examination which has taken
place into the working of the Malthusian law, even
before such a tribunal. We also thought it expedient
that the public should have an opportunity of seeing,
as far as our columns could afford it, the one-sided
mode of inquiry which the great majority of the Com-
mittee have adopted, and which is calculated to show,
not the real character and working of the union-bastile
law, but the animus of the tribunal appointed by the
Whig Government to prevent the malignant operation
and distressing effects of that grinding measure of op-
pression from being too clearly elucidated. Even this ob-
ject Ministers, like unskilful workmen, as they are,
bungled. The deception that deceives nobody it is
hardly worth while to practise. Ministers, in their
eagerness to deceive, made their intention too manifest.
They placed but four Members on the Committee who
were known to entertain any doubts of the wisdom,
justice, or policy of the Malthusian law. Thus, while
the Ministers were most anxious to silence public opi-
nion as to the operation of that law by the decision of
a Parliamentary Committee, they acted in such a man•
ner as to make the public not care a fig for that deci-
sion. The four Members who constituted the minority
of that Committee ought, in our opinion, to have de-
clined acting. What has now happened they ought to
have foreseen, and allowed the Poor-law Commissioners,
and their advocates on the Committee, to have the whole
of the affair to themselves. But the thing is of little con-
sequence either way. The " masses" whom the Whigs
flattered until they got into power, and whom they
have insulted and oppressed ever since, are not to be
duped or blinded by any one-sided,inquiry into the work-
ing of the Malthusian law in Parliament, while that law
is working its grinding effects upon them and their
families out of Parliament. Let the Committee publish
as many ponderous volumes of evidence and com-
mentary as they please, we set against it all the written
law itself, which introduces a triple-headed despotism
into our free Constitution, by giving to the central So-
vereigns at Somerset-house the power of making laws
for all the parishes of England and Wales ; thus unit-
Inc, in themselves the power of King, Lords, and
Commons ! This novel and irresponsible delegation of
the legislative authority to three Commissioners we
denounered all along as a monstrous principle, and as a
precedent fraught with the greatest danger to our
constitutional system. Again, we say, let the Commit-
tee publish as many ponderous volumes of evidence and
commentary as they will, against it all we place that
odious, cruel, and anti-Christian principle of this
worse than pagan law, which makes it the prime canon
of the public charity of England that poverty shall be
treated as crime ! Never will the great, enlightened,
and benevolent community of England be reconciled
to this serpent principle of Whig legislation, that,
wrapped in the folds of seeming charity,, stings the
poor, while applauding " philosopher calls its slow
torture relief—that relief which is only afforded even to
the most deserving poor upon condition of submitting
to perpetual imprisonment hi the Bastile dungeons--
where the heart's best affections are turned into a
source of poignant anguish by the separation of the
victims of misfortune from wife and child, and
where they are forbidden to seek for the conso-
lations of religion at the Sabbath altars of their
God. Again we say, let the Committee and the Commis-
sioners, the Whig Government and the Whig-
Radical
philosophers, who are fond of appealing to the
" masses" whom they imprison or starve, publish what
they will of the Malthusian law, according to their
view of its working ; we take the law itself, and place
its principles in their naked deformity before the eyes
of the people of Englaud. There we show a cruelty
of legislation, a bitterness of oppression, Which by no
sophistry can be made to pass current for a well-regu-
lated system of public benevolence. Will the voice of
the vast population that assembled at Huddersfield the
other day, to denounce this tyrannical la*, be stifled
by the voluminous report of a Government Committee ?
The Whigs, who transported the Dorchester labour-
ers, may make it high treason to denounce the law ad-
ministered by the " three kings ;" but the manly heart
of England must wither—its Christian spirit depart
for ever—before public opinion shall cease to denounce
a law so opposed to the dictates of justice and the in
terests of humanity.—Morning Herald.

PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS,

ASSURANCE COMPANIES,&c. &c. &c.

LONDON, FRIDAY, JUNE 16.
Number Dividend

Price

of
Shares. Annum. Paid. Share.
1,766 7 pea cent. Ashton and Oldham.... Average 97/.lBs. sh. 135
1,482 41. Ashby.de-le-Zouch Average 1131. sh. 65
1,260 Basingstoke lOO/. sh. 5;
1,005 51, Brecknock and Abergavenny 150 . sh. 100
11,000 1-1601. 91.95. Birmingham, 1-16th share 8.1/. & 711. 218
4,000 Ditto and Liverpool Junct...l2s/ sh. 100 pd 31
600 Bridgewater and Taunton ....1001. sh. all pd 64
400 4!. Chelmer and Backwater 1001. sh. 102
500 481. Coventry 100/. sh. 700
4,545 Croydon Average 31/.25. 10d. sh. 3
2,060; 41. Os. Dudley lOO/. sh. 85
600 71. Derby 100/. sh. 133
20,000
3,575) 3!. Ellesmere and Chester Average 1331. sh. 80
231 401. Erewash 1001. sti. 670
1,297 23/. Forth and Clyde Average 4001.165. O. 610
11,900 12/. Grand Juncti---. lOOl. sh. 201
9,P49) 1/. Grand Union 100/. sh. 24
1,500 Grand Surrey' '
.. 100/. sh. 20
,
120,0001. 41. per cent. Ditto (optional) '''' lOO/. 70
3,896 Grand Western lOO/. sh. all pd
600 131. 12s. Bd. Glamorganshire, Average cost 172/. 13s. 4d. 230
749 10t. Grantham 1501. sh. 202
6,238 11. 15s. Huddersfield Average 57/. 6s. 6d. sh. 35
100
25,328 11. 2s. Kennet znd Avon, Average 39/.188.10d. sh. 221
2,897; 201. Leeds and Liverpool 100/. sh. 570
545; 13!. Leicester l4Ol. sh. 200
1,897 4/, 10s. Leicester and Northampton... Aver 531.105. 85
2,400 101. Monmouthshire 100/. sh. 200
150 101. Melton Mowbray 1001. sh. 200
500 251. Mersey and Irwell 1001. sh. 560
3,000 I/. 10s. Macclesfield 100/. sh. all pd. 54
247 171. Neat h lOO/. sh. 325
1,786 30!. Oxford 1001. sh. 528
2,400 5/. Peak Forest Average about 781. sh. 104
21,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 33!. 16s. 3d. sh. 16
5,669 6!. per cent. Rochdale Average 85/. sh. 114
500 8/, Shropshire 1251. sh. 138
800 9/. 103. Somerset Coal 150/. sh. 148
3,600!. 4; per cent. Ditto Lock Fund Stock l2/. 10s. sh. 11;
700 40/. Stafford and Worcester l4Ol. sh. 710
500 91. Shrewsbury 125/. sh. 243
300 9/. Stourbridge
3,647 2/. f.s. Stratford-on-Avon ...Average 791.95. bd. sh. 50
533 12/. Swansea 100/. sh. 220
2,762 I/. 9s. Severn and Wye and Railway -Av 351. sh. 261
2.60045 h. 321. 10s. Trent and Mersey, i share 100/. sh. 550
8,140
1,1 0.3
,000 sh.,
000-1 151. Warwick and Birmingham 100!. sh 2t2
980 I It. Warwick and Napton lOO/. sh. 180
6,000 41.05. Worcester and Birmingham.. .Av. 78/. Bs. sh. 81
5,000 225. Wilts ana Berks .. Average 671. 10s. Bd. sh, 20;
800 3/, Wyrley and Essington 125/. sh 75
126 ... Wisbeach 1051. sh. 45
905 1/. Wey awl Arun llOl. sh. 22;
DOCKS.
2,600& 1 . -
I,omish, s.P. c. Commercial 100/. sh. 55
193,667,1/. 6 per ct. East India Stock 116
3,238,31011. 50s. p.ct. London Stock 54
Ditto Bonds
1,330,000/. 5/. per ct. West India
2,209 2/. 19s. Bristol
68,3241. 51. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts ll3
1,152,752 4 per cent. St. Katbart lie Stock 91
500,000 4) per Gent. Ditto Bonds
200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds u:r 10 years 99)
Shoreham 'Labour
2.500 .... .... Deptford Piet .01. sh. N.
BRIDGES.

1,600 10s. Hammersm AI • 5O/. sh. 221
7,231 Southwark, Old Av. 03/ 2s. Bd. sh. 2
1,700 It 15s. Ditto, New, of 74 per cent. 5O/. sh. 14
5,000
5,000 18s. Bd. Ditto, Old Annuities of Cl. 6O/. pd ISI
5,000 16s. -4d. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 40/. pd 154
60,000/. 5/. per cent. Ditto Bonds. llB
5,818 14s Vauxhall
• 2
AS'4URANCF COMPANIES.
2,000 3110 s Albion 5001. sh. 50/ pd 8.)
50,000 rnefi ciesl:.t Alliance, British & Foreign 100/. sh. 1041. pd 121
50,000 6 per cent. Ditto, Marine 100/. sh. Si. pd 54
24,000 1/ per sh. Atlas 5Ol. sh. 51. pd 1:31
1,200 ish. 5/. Birmingham l ire 050/. sh. 55/. pd 105
20,000 4/ percent. British Fire 250/. sh. 50/. pd 41
12,000 61. per cent. British Comin,:rcial 50/, sh. 5/. pd 61
5,000 5/. percent. Clerical, Medial, &c. Life, ICO/ sh. 12110 s pd 4
4,000 2/ lOs County 100/. sh. 101. pd 42
20,000 ss. Eagle 5O/. sh. 5/. pd 5;
200 /r
and 30/ bs. 5 per cent.l Economic Lite lOOOl. sh. 250/. pd 275
2,271 225. percent. European Li. • 00/. sh. all pd 22
50,000 Os. Ditto, New 001. sh. 21. pd If
1,000,008/. 7/.per ct. Globe Stock 147
20,000 5/. Guardian lOO/. sh. 2741 pd 23
10,000 6s. fid. Hope 50/. sh. 51. pd 54
2,400 5/. 7s. 6d. Imperial Fire 500/ sh. 50/. pd 121
7,500 95. Imperial Lilt. 100/. sh. 10/. pd 10
13,158 12s. perch. Indemnity 51..rine 100/. sh. 8/. psi Ir 4
2,020 31 108 Kent Fire 501. sh. all pd 82
3/. Ditto Life. 79
10,000 I6s. Law Life 100/. sh. 101. pd 26
5,000 10s. London, Fir .. 25/. sh. 12/. 103. pd 154
3,900 10s. Londco, Ship 251. sh. 12!. 10s. pd 154
30,0:,0 5/. per cent. Palladium Lit, 50/. sh. 21. pd 2/ Ss 00
50,000 Protector Eli e 00/. sh. 2/. pi 18s 6d
2,500 1/. Provident Li i e
100,000 5/. per cent. Rock Life 00/. sh. 2/. pd (4
, V 0,220/ 51. per cent. Royal Excli..l;re Stock... 225
u 6,000 5 per cent. Untversity Lute lOOl. sh. 5/. p 54
50,000 4 per cent. Unite! Kint.,loin Life 2l. pd
JOINT Si•OCK. BANKS

25,000 A gric. and Cumin. of Ireland 251. ill. 101. pd 14
5,000 Australa'in 4Ol. sh. 401. pd 56
10,000 10 per cent. Bank of Birmingham 5ll. sh. 101. pd 13
10,000 10 per cent. Birmingham Bank .... 5O/. sh. 5/. pd 14
30,000 5 per cent. London and NVestmi lister —lOOl sh. 201. pd ISI
:3,000 4 per cent. Lancaster
25,000 Lives-pool 1001 sh. 10/. pd 19
50,000 71 per cent. Manchestes and Liverpool]
Discount lOO/. sh. 151 pd 211
20,000 7 per cent. Manchester 100/. sh. 25/ pd 201
20,000 Provincial Mink of 1 reland 100/. sh. 25/. pd 401
20, CO National Bank of Ireland s'l. sh 1711. pd 1:1
10,000 5 per cent. National Provincial Eng. lOOl. sh. 3.51. pd 291
19,000 Gloucestershire 5Ol. sh. 10/. pd 20
6,000 10 per cent. Hampshire 501. sh. 5/. pd 9
GAS LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES. .
_.

2,500 115; 6d -Bath 2O/. sh. 10/. pd 24
5,000 British 4Ol. sh. 101. pd 21
. r ercent.l
"i',v", '' Land Bs. ss. j Ditto Provincial 20/. sh. 19 pd 23;
928 5110 s Birmingham 5O/. sh. 94
4,250 21 0s Bristol
1,500 3, lOs Brighton 2Ol. sh. 12
750 31 lOs Ditto, New 2Ol. sh. 18/. pd 10
2,471 5 per cent. Brighton (leaeral ',Ol. sh. all pd 17
4,000 4/. Continental Consolidated lOO/. 621/. pd 85
1,000 10/. City of Loudon lOO/. sh. all pd 180
1,000 6/. Ditto, New
4,000 4/. 10s. Equitable ...
10,000 2 per cent. Imperial 5O/. sh. 42
IiOU 51. per cent. Isle of Thauet 25/. sh. 201. pd 20
2,350 6/. per cont. Independent 3Ol. sh. all pd 49
9,000 3/. per cent. Pheenix .. 5Ol. sh. 39/. pd 201
1,000 4/. per cent. Ratcliff
4,000 ...... ... South Pletropulitan 5O/. sh. 19/. pd 17
8,200 5/. per cent. United General 5O/. sh. 46/. pd 25
240 5/. per cent. Warwick 501. sh. 50
400 101. per cent WaKefield
12,000 3/. Westminster Chartered
6,000 12s. Ditto New
800 Yarmouth 281. sh. 18/. pd 9
WATER WORKS.
4,800 9s. Birmingham 25/. sh. 25/. pd 241
4,4.34 6/. East London lOO/• sh. 1401
.... __ .

5,500 21 lOs Grand Junction ....Average 41/ 13s. 40. sh.
2,000 2/. Kent ' 1001. sh.
372 10/. Liverpool Bootle 2'201. sh.
1,500 2/ lOs Now River I .ondon Bridge Water Annuities
6,186 1115 s Manchester and Salford lOO/. sh.
1,000 4 per cent. South LotalGn lOO/. sh.
8,294 35/. West Middlesex ....Average 031. 12s. 9d. sh.
1,360 1114 s York Building Co. Lessee Prop 100/. sh.
IRON RAILWAYS.
6,000 Birmingham and Derby lO/. pd
9,509 Birmingham and Gloucester 10/ pd
7,500 Birmingham, Bristol, and Thames Junction
15,000 Bristol and Exeter 1001. sh. 10 pd '..
660 Calcutta and Saugur 5O/. sh. 2/. Ix-I 0
7,500 Cheltenham and G. Western-1001. sh. 731. 5
3,000 Clarence lOO/. sh. 1001. p 0 40
12,000
8,000 Dublin and Kilkenny 100/. sh. 21 pd Of
60,000 Eastern Counties ,51. sh. 21. pd 01
Grand Junction 1001. sh. 50/. pd 1(7
Great North of England 7l. pd 55
25,000 Great Western lOO/. sh. 45/. pd 491
2,000 Hartlepool 100/. sh. 100/. pi 100
8,000 Hull and 9elby 5Ol. sh. 5/. pd Of
10,00 k) Leeds and Manchester 1001. sh. 51. pd 14
7,100 Leeds and Selby 100 sh. 45
1,500 Leicester and Swannington ....50/. sh. all pd 70
5,100 10 per cent. Liverpool and Manchester...lo(l.sh. 1001. psi 202
Ditto Quarter Shares 25/. pd 61
10,000 London and Brightol
45,000 Ditto ditto (Gibbs') -.20/ sh. 1/. pa Of
16,000 Ditto ditto (Rennie)...so/. sh. 3/. pd 15
8,000 Ditto ditto (Cundy)... WU sh. 31. pd Of
12,000 London and Blackwall 501. sh. 3/. pd Of
20,000 3 per cent. London and Greenwich 2Ol. sic '2O/. pd 15f
25,000 London and Birmingham -100/. sh. 854 Ixl 139
20,000 London and Southampton 50/. sh. 401. pd 181
7,000 ... ...... London and Croydon 20/. sh. 20/. lid 140
12,000 London Grand Junction 5 1. sh. 3/. pd 01
10,000 AI inchester and Birmingham 501.5 h. 5/. pd 3i
North Midland 100/. sh. 151. rid 121
Northe'm and Pastern MI/. sh. 31. pd 4
2,600 Preston and Wyre 50/. sh. 24 p 0
28,000 South Eastern and Dover .71. ixl 4
1,000 6/. per cent. Stockton and Darlington lOO/. sh. 240
9,000 ... ...... Thames Haven 5Ol. sh. 2/. 10s. pd Of
1,400 Westminster and Greenwich 50/. sh. 2/. pd Of
6,000 York and North Midland 5O . sh. 3/. pd 2;

3:-...6
58 0