The Sun.
London, England, 1830-08-25 00:00:00

ours P Why, by representing them as equally exempt
frotn re/igian and drunkenness—while here he repre-
sents the churches and the alehouses as equally
crowded. Observing, by the way, that there is no
small degree of cockneyism in taking the conduct of
the capital in either country as the sole standard of
national character yet we believe that, taking up
the orator upon his own showing, he is mistaken in
the very strong contrast which he draws between the
druukenness even of the lower orders in the one
metropolis, and their excessive sobriety in thipther.
The truth, we believe, is, that in proportioirto the
relative amount of die two populations, there i*
afi much drunkenness without the walls of Paris
as there is within the cities of London and West-
tninster ; the great sale of intoxicating liquors
to the inhabitants of the French capital taking
place in wine-cellars without the barriers, in cense-
qeeece of liquors passing the harriers being subject
to an impost, which is thus avoided. But of all
the strange accusations brought against the people
of this country is that of their being the slaves of
"Ipriestcraf .' A Protestant community the tools
of pilestcreft, from which a Roman Catholic com-
munity is exempt I if the orator means by priest-
craft
the influenee of religion upon the mind end
conduct, the inference which he would atnv from
it, us prejudicial to the capacity for the enjoyment of
public freedom, is the melancholy error of shallow
and conceited infidelity. Despotism finds no sup-1
part in the doctrines of our Reformed Church ; with
these doctrines the spirit of civil liberty first arose
in modern Europe, and triumphed over ignorance
and superstition. Even abstractedly considered,
were we asked where will the best-regulated prin-
ciples of the social compact, and, consequently, the
true elements of rational freedom, be found, we
should answer, " Search the Scriptures"—the liv-
ing sources of the noblest civilization. In making
these remarks we are far from being insensible to the
virtue and the heroism displayed by the French
two* on the late conservation of their liberties
from an iron grasp which would have held them in
perpetual botithige—in a bondage; too, let the ors
-
for -
for remember, for which " primecraft," as contra-
distinguished from religion, had helped to forge the
chains. The occasion was one which was eminently
calculated to call into uction ell the best and highest
energies of the human mind. it has done so; and
we trust the French people will show its much virtue
in preserving, as they have displayed courage and
moderation in obtaining, their freedom. But in
England, let it be remembered, freedom, of n sill
higher character, was known long before France had
ever heard or dreamt almost of its existence ; and
it is rather too much to hear the country which still
enjoys, and which has led the way in other notions
to the attainment of constitutional rights, degraded
below those who are may just beginning to follow
her glorious awl inspiring example.—Morn. Herald.
The Leicester Chronicle of Saturday last, speak-

ig with reference to the lute elections, observes :
" to whatever degree reform may be necessary in Great
Britain, one thing is evident, that it can clever take place to
any peat extent until the electiie franehise lie virtuously
exercised by those who really posse:* it ; and until it be
acquired by those who ought to presets it, and do not. As
regards the first point, it is trite to observe tbat people
hava no right to expect puhlie epirit anti dieinteresteilnese
from representatives, who exhibit nothing of the sort in
their choice of them, and who yield to every kind of in-
fluence to which it is profitable for them to attend. Let
tie regard our own county election, far inetance—how
obviously many have voted for the one candidate, whose
inclinations and feelings have gone fled ledly With the
other. This is as melancholy as it is true ; and until n
something of recent French spirit can be exhibited in a
noble and consistent support of professed principle, it is
in vain to load( for much virtue in Parliament. While
we say this, however, we do anything but despair of the
ultimate emaneiption of Leicestershire, from that species
of family domination which may be denominated the scab
of the Britieli system. Enough has already been effected
to show that this wealthy county cannot always be dis-
posed of like a Cornish borough. Mr. Paget has received
a mo,t encouraging, if not a triumphant support; and the
display of ;midi@ spirit in his behalf has been not wily most
gratifying, but quite conclusive as to the future power if
shaking a predominant influence which is fatal to that free
exercise of feeling and reason, in which the essence of
sound representation consists. This is not said because the
house of Ilelvoir is of the Tory persuasion ; it would be
equally oblectionable were it otherwise, so far as regards
freedom of election. It is no doubt something more grating
to persons of liberal feelings when men of opinions dater.
cut from their own are forced in against the grain ; but
the great evil arises from the power of forcing in at all.
The influence of property is tin doubt salutary; but not as
exercised by the lodine aristocratic families of England ;
and never until Englishmen have sufficient spirit to risk a
few sacrifices to resist it will the evil be rectified. Such
an opportunity has occurred in Leicestershire, and if not
rendered altogether available, rwe trust that the seed bas
been sown which at no distant period will produce tl.e de-
wired fruit; and free our county from the discredit of
being repelled as a mere family property, and sue such
from the disadvantage of being represented by lordly
younger sans and brothers to the end of time. We say
nothing of political creed, for, whatever the creed, it
would be a grievance; but the case is certainly not much
amended in broad and liberal estimation, by a tolerable
conviction that this inherited theory will eternally imply
every thing opposed to the extension of civil hod religious
liberty; and to the diffusion of any species of information
or opinion, which by exalting the many, would relatively
depress the ruling few. To the Tory support ennui-
entionsly given to Lord. Robert Mariners, certainly no
politics! objection Can be nestle; but if,. as we believe, the
majority of the freeholders of Leiceater shire are not of that
party, then) is but one conclusion to be gathered from his
tineessee-4hat a portion of the aforesaid frecholderi have
sacrificed conscience to interest, end thereby forfeited all.
right to.complain of any species of Parliamentary conduct
or misconduct which nifty follow. Our principal cow.
letion at present is, that the flag of reeierailer has been
raised, end most respectably supported, and sooner or
later, we doubt not, at will wave as triumphantly from
the citadel of the county, as from that of the town,"
In Leicestershire the erittocratical influence has
prevailed after a hard struggle; but when we con.
shier that the attempt to resist the aristocraey is
new in this country, the only astonishment is, that
it :has been in so many places successful. The
writer of the above observations speaks confidently.
as to the future power of shaking a predominant
influence. We are told that " many have -voted
with one candidate, whose inclinations and feelings
have gone decidedly with the other," that " men
have been forced in against the grain," mid that
" portion of the freeholders have sacrificed con-
science to interest, rind thereby forfeited all right tri
complain of any opeelet Parlianientary conduct
or misconduct which may follow." Unquestionably
Ho man ought to sacrifice conscience to interest ;
but in politica we must not consider so much What
mew ought to do as what they will do, Mr.
Brougham nays ho hates the ballot, Incense every
man ought to have the courage to give an indepen•
dent vota; bet we know that many men have not
the courage to give an independent vote. Every
man ought to follow the Christian precept of loving
his neighbour us himselt; but if every men adhered
to this precept, we might dispense with all Govern.
meut end law. Let us suppose a tenant, holding a.
firm at will of one of the Leicestershire aristocracy,
it asked to 'vote for a Keck oe a Manners, on pie
of receiving notice to quit, he thinks it a little hard
-that be should be called on to sacrifice his all for
the sake of the public. It is proper to lay down.
the strict rule that he ought to sacrifice his all, ra-
ther than do the , least violence to his conscience;
'brit who is there, who, while he looks on his wife
and ehildren,- eon work himself up to the resolution
of eiposing them to beggary, ni obedience to the
'ciairint of conscience ? The point it argued with
an irresistible force by the writerar_ the article on

the b llot, in the lasi number of the Weaminder
Reviito, which has, been separately published, and
extensively ctreuluted throughout the country.
" We are told (he says) that the voters ought not to be
guilty of such criminal compliance. True. So say we.
They ought to Orish rather, And so they would, under
a social order Morally constituted. But what is to be es-
peeted in a state of-things which has no tendency to gene-
_

rite the high feelings of public virtue; a state of things
in which the hollow pretence of public virtue is, indeed, in
fitztlicient repute► but any effective display of the reality ex-
kites only ftrelinievof hatred ; a state of things in which
the interests of the men who have the had in the country,