The Sun.
London, England, 1839-07-31 00:00:00

GOOD before the House of Commons, and moved a re-
solution condemning his imprisonment, and condemning
Church-rates.

Lord J. RUSSELL moved the previous question, but
before the vote was taken on that, an objection having
been made to the form of Mr. DUNCOMBE'S motion, he
proposed to modify it by leaving out the words des-
cribing Mr. Tmoaocoon as having been treated with un-
called for severity, and his treatment as reflecting dis-
credit on those who instigated the proceedings against
him. This amendment the Tories resisted, and a di-
vision took place on the question that the words be left
out, on which they were defeated, by 44 to 20. On
the resolution so amended being again put the House
divided on the previous question, when Mr. DUNCOMEE'S
resolution was carried by 42 to 20. We see by the
lists that Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not vote for his own
motion which the Tories took up ; we presume there-
fore, that his objection to the resolution was confined
to the words which were omitted. The resolution as
carried was as follows :—" That it appears by certain
papers laid before this House, that JOHN THOEO-
- a Protestant Dissenter, has been confined in her
MAJESTY'S county gaol of Essex, since tne 16th day
of January last, for neglecting to appear in the Consis-
torial Court of the Bishop of LONDON, for the non-
payment of ss. 6d., being the amount of Church-rate
assessed upon him for the parish of Chelmsford.' It is
the opinion of the House that it will be the duty of the
Legislature, at the earliest possible period of the next
Session of Parliament, to make such alterations in the
existing laws for levying Church-rates, as shall prevent
the recurrence of a like violence being ever again in-
flicted upon the religious scruples of that portion of her
MAJESTY'S subjects who conscientiously dissent from
the rites or doctrines of the Established Church."

The refusal of the Royal Academy to supply the
House with some returns, was brought under the notice
of the House by Mr. HUME, who moved that the order
be enforced. Sir ROBERT INGLIS moved that it be
rescinded. As many Members are admirers of the arts,
the subject gave rise to a considerable debate which we
shall probably notice on a future opportunity.
Mr. HUME'S motion was lost on a division by 38
to 33.

The House adjourned at a Quarter before Two
o'Clock.

Two very useful disclosures of the partisan con-
dition of the Magistracy have just been made, the
first by Mr. PARKES of the Magistracy of War-
wickshire, the other by an unknown hand of the
Alagistracy of the Isle of Wight. We hope to
find room speedily for Mr. PARKES' excellent let-
ter and excellent exposure of the Earl of WAR-
WICK ; at present we mean only to refer to the two
cases as an indication of the state of the Magis-
tracy generally throughout the country.
" On inspection of the commission" says Mr. Parkes"
"(and the county has to thank you (the Earl of Warwick)
for public attention being called to it through your gra-
tuitous abuse of me), I see that including 15 Noblemen,
6 Honourables, and 14 Baronets, you have, in gross 157
lay Magistrates. In this number I find 49 Liberals only,
many of the latter as non-residents not acting 1 Now to
your clerical portion of Parson Justices. Few counties
can compete with you in number or proportion of clerical
Magistrates. Sixty Vicars, Rectors, and Curates, are in
the Commission, forming upwards of a fourth of the entire
county Magistracy I With a good knowledge of the
county and the help of local friends, we find that in the
60 priests you have but five Liberals 1"
_ _

The Magistrates of the Isle of Wight amount
to twenty-seven, and of these twenty-one are Tories
and six only are Liberals. Amongst the Tories
there are four parsons. In the Isle of Wight the
principal part of the property is in the hands of
Liberals, which makes the preponderance of Tories
in the Magistracy more remarkable. Now, in the
great majority of the counties of England, the
Magistracy, as in Warwick, and as in the Isle of
Wight, is composed of Tories and Parsons.
Some of our Contemporaries make an outcry at
this. We consider it perfectly natural. It is
what we should expect. It is, in fact, what the
Liberal public demands. Never is there a vacancy
in a Lord-Lieutenancy or in any public office, but
the whole of the Liberal press demands that it be
bestowed on a Liberal ; and if the Ministry bestow
it on a Tory or a Doubtful, the whole Liberal press
falls foul of the Ministry, as if they had committed
a crime. Now, this is exactly what the Tories
did during the many years they were in office, and
the consequence is, that the Magistracy and the
Lord-Lieutenancy, and the Episcopacy, and the
Church generally, are all crammed with Tories.
Their policy the Whigs are now required by
their partizans to imitate, and between both, as
each gets the ascendancy, all the offices in Church
and State will be filled with gentlemen whose
chief merit is that they are Whigs or Tories.
The principle on which they are placed in office
will naturally guide their actions, and justice will
be administered, and the State governed, with a
view to secure the ascendancy of Whigs or To-
ries. With all deference to our Liberal Contempo-
raries, we cannot approve of that, and by the same
rule that we condemn the Tories, we cannot hold
the Whigs to be innocent if they follow their
example.
And how is it to be avoided ? We know not,
for our boasted Constitution is a Government by
alternate factions ; and while each will allow the
people to assail the other, the utmost extremity of
care is taken that we shall not assail the principles
by which each alternately triumphs. While this
evil cannot be remedied, we admit the propriety of
jealously guarding the Constitution from invasion
and encroachment, for those who are kept out of its
pale will not have their veneration for it increased
by the character which it receives from the mutual
attacks of each party.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL, we are bound to state,
seems to have a far greater spirit of impartiality
than any of his predecessors. Nobody ever heard
of a Whig being admitted either into the Magis-
tracy or into any office during the palmy days of
Tory rule ; but Lord JOHN RUSSELL proposes to
create a rural constabulary, to be wholly placed in
the hands of the Tory Magistrates. The majority
of the Magistrates are Tories ; in the hands of the
Magistrates he proposes to place the power of
forming a rural police to any extent they please ;
he proposes to give them the power of taxing the
people to maintain it; and if he had devised a scheme
purposely to increase and consolidate the power of
the Tories, he could have discovered nothing so
admirable as this scheme of a rural constabulary,
formed and organised at the discretion of the Tory
Magistracy. We trust, however, notwithstanding
the advocacy which his scheme finds from some, so-
called, Liberal journals, and so-called Liberal Mem-
bers of Parliament, that it will, for this Session at
least be defeated or given up.
What title the Magistracy have to any increase
of power we cannot understand. What they
possessed under the old Poor-law they abused
to the ruin of the people. To take the poor
out of their hands was one object of the new Poor-
law. Their unjust execution of unjust Game-laws
demoralised whole districts. When outrages oc-
curred, scarcely any of them were found to do their
duty ; and the Parson and Tory Magistracy of
Kent, in 1830, allowed the county to be traversed
by bands of discontented men, unresisted. One of
them, indeed, displayed, we remember, a remark-
able degree of vigour in 1838, not in instructing
his flock when Timm appeared, but in sending
the troops against some poor enthusiasts. The great
hulk of the unpaid Magistrates are equally ineffi-
cient and unjust ; they are the avowed tyrants and
enemies of the labouring classes ; and to add to
their present power, that of organizing and control-
ing a rural police, is to perpetuate and extend a
system against which the Liberal press and the
Liberal party have disclaimed ever since we can
remember. Shade of BENTHAM ! what say you
to a proposition for increasing the power of the
unpaid irresponsible Tory Justices I

The debate in the House of Commons on Mon-
day night must have convinced our readers that our
view of the Birmingham Police Bill was not erro-
neous. We objected to that measure, that parties
were so much exasperated against each other in Bir-
mingham, that now to appoint a police would expose
that force, which is so useful when duly organised
for the repression of crime, to the animosity
of both Tories and Chartists. And what trans-
pired in the House of Commons on Monday ?
Why, Sir ROBERT PEEL insisted so much on
the present exasperated state of political feeling in
Birmingham, that Lord JoHN RUSSELL would not
on Monday evening proceed with the Bill, and
kept it back that he may limit its duration, and place
the police force under the control of the Home
Office. Would it not therefore have been
better not to have brought forward the
measure, as we contended from the first,
and to have provided for the temporary
security of Birmingham, by swearing in a great
number of special constables—as has been done at
Newcastle as well as at Carlisle—and maintaining
a small military force in the town ? Legislation on
the spur of the moment, which can only represent
the passion of the moment, must be injurious ; and
no doubt Lord J. RUSSELL now langins to regret

If there be anything established in the practice of Parlia-
ment, more particularly of late years, it is that grants of this
kind should be made in the House of Commons ; that they
should be carried, by address, to the foot of the throne :
and that they should be administered on the respon-
sibility of Ministers. It has been said, that the first grant of
20,0001. for the purposes of education was a new principle.
Indeed ! Then how did it happen that the Right Rev. Prelate
did not object to its being made ? Have any of your Lordships
ventured to dispute the right of the House of Commonsto come
originally to such a grant ? No, not one. Year after year
has this grant of 20,0001. been voted—year after year it has
been voted without any objection having been taken to it; and
yet your Lordships are now to be told that the present grant is
a novel proceeding, by which the House of Commons seeks to
put aside the constitutional privileges of this House. The
Right Rev. Prelate may perhaps say, that there are particular
circumstances connected with this grant which distinguish it
from all other cases. Now, I contend that there is not in the
grant even the appearance of anything like a proposition to
withdraw anything from the Church. There is, therefore, no
special case which renders it necessary for the House of Com-
mons to proceed by Bill instead of resolution, and to send up
that Bill for the approbation of your Lordships. I might re-
mind you that there are numerous precedents of high authority
to justify the course now pursued. In the year 1829 the
House of Commons came to a vote, by which all the grants pre-
viously made to the Bishops of Ireland for the administration
of charter schools in that country in connexion wi'h
the Church were placed at the disposal of the Lord Lieutenant
for the time being, and were to be applied generally, without
distinction of sects, for the purposes of education. Was that so
or was it not ? If it were so, and it would be difficult to deny
it, they were guilty of an attempt to delude and to deceive your
Lordships, who said, that it was a novel mode of proceeding,
and without precedent, to act upon a grant upon which your
Lordships had no means of pronouncing an opinion. There
are, however, cases of grants which go far beyond the grants to
which I have just referred. There was a special authority for
making such grants in the last Charter of the East India Com-
pany, not objected toat the time. There were grants for our
colonies in America, for our West Indian islands, and for our
settlements in New Holland—all made upon the express un-
derstanding, that a portion of the funds so created should be
allotted to the Dissenters, and that a system of joint education
should be adopted for Churchmen and ,'dissenters indifferently.
Your Lordships will find on your Table a very able dispatch
from sir J. Franklin, the Governor of Vat.-
Diemen's Land,
detailing the difficulties which he has met with -4
4. e
which hhe
has overcome,in carrying a joint system ofeducation. for Chu.. •

men and Dissenters into effect in that colony, and stating the
very beneficial results which he has every hope of deriving from.
it. lam sure, that it will not be said by any of your Lordships,
that this has taken place in a distant colony, inhabited by convicts,
Of the families and cOnipanions of conniets, for whom any mode
Of itistrttction is indifferent. But where and how had this eon.:
Vitt population arisen ? Wcatld to Ciod that tlidse persont had beeii
instructed as they ought to have been in this country, and then,
in all probability, they would not have become forced residents
in that penal colony ! Who will venture to say, that if schools
for general, moral, and religious instruction had been esta-
blished in Manchesteri in Litteptiol, iti fluty, in Salrotd4 in
Birmingham, and In our other large commercial and manufactur-
ing towns, the great feeders of our penal colonies ; and that if
the population of those districts had been trained in those
schools in good moral and religious principles, no matter whe-
ther those principles were those of the Church of England, or
of some sect dissenting from it—who, I ask, will venture to say
that many of the convicts now in New Holland, and several
from the parent land, might not have escaped from their pre-
sent cruel fate ? Again, in the East India Company's Charter
there has been a particular provision inserted for the purpose of
enabling a joint education to be given to the children of various
Christian Churches. Let me not, then, be told that it is an
unalterable principle of Parliament to exclude all sects of Dis
senters from instruction, either general or special, and that its
grants are solely devoted to the education of children in the
principles and doctrines of the Established Church.

The system of inspection which the new plan
provides, gave great offence to its clerical oppo-
nents. They felt that there was nothing in the
plan of education which they have adopted in what
they call their " National Schools," that could
stand the test of examination. They knew that the
funds had been misapplied, and in order, therefore,
to get rid of those officious persons who " pry into
abuses," they raised a cry that these inspectors
were to be appointed for the purpose of interfering
with the religious instruction given in the schools,
whereas no one entertained the most distant thought
of such a thing. Lord LANSDOWNE'S observa-
tions on this subject will, we are sure, meet the ap-
probation of all right-thinking persons :

Of this plan no part was, in my opinion, more unexception-
able than this wise provision of inspectors. I appeal to the
experience of those Noble Lords who sat upon the Committee
of Inquiry into the state of Education in Ireland, of which
Committee I had the honour of being Chairman—l appeal
to the experience of those Noble Lords, whether they
were not met at every step of their inquiry by evidence
showing that some inspection of those schools, on behalf of the
public, was absolutely indispensable to their success as a means
of promoting education? I have the authority of the Secre-
tary of the National Society, and also if the Secretary of the
British and Foreign Society, both men of great sagacity and
experience in education, both of whom stated that the inspec-
tion of the schools is at the root of all good. I could carry your
Lordships through a long detal of the present state of the
schools in different parts of the country, and could show in what
a wretched condition many of them are, owing to the want of this
inspection. I have by me the notes of a member of the Church of
England, a gentleman filling, too, an important and responsible
public situation, who, from motives of benevolence, has visited
many of the National Schools not distant from London. His
notes prove, that in some of those schools, the state of educa-
tion, though perfect in form, is so deficient in substance, that
though all the children can repeat the Catechism by rote, not
one of them knows or can give any meaning whatever to the
words contained in it, including those most significant of the
religious tenets and distinctions to which so much importance
is attached. _ .

I must also state that, it has come to my knowledge, that, in
some instances, the Treasury grant has been misapplied, and
has been directed to very different objects from those which
were originally intended. But the Most Rev. Prelate seems to
apprehend that there is lurking, under this proposition of in-
spectors to see the regulations properly enforced, an intention
to interfere with the ecclesiastical instruction of the children.
Will the Most Rev. Prelate believe me when I a•sure him that
it has never entered into the mind of any one Member of her
Majesty's Government that the inspection should be used for the
purpose of interfering directly or indirectly with religious in-
struction. But what it is proposed, and what it is most important
to effect, is, that the inspection shall be applied to the in-
troduction of these improvements which even in secular edu-
cation may be effected, and those admirable arrangements
which your Lordships may witness at the school in Norwood,
established by the Poor-law Commissioners ; arrangements not
bearing upon the question of religion, but bearing upon that
which is of equal importance—the training the children in
habits of order, cleanliness, discipline, and industry, which might
form a part of a general system of education without interfer-
ing with these high truths, which it is the duty and the privi-
lege of the Church to inculcate.

We have pleasure in learning from the French jour•.

nals, that the calendar of Republican guilt for this year
will not indicate to posterity the anniversary of the
" three glorious days." No conspiracy, emeute, tumult,
or individual atrocity aiming at the overthrow of the

Government, saddened the felicitations of the Citizens,
or filled with dread apprehensions the members of the
Royal family ; and yet the Royal closet is.not the abode
of tranquillity ! The Peers, who resent as an insult
offered to them the pardon of BARBES, do not allow the
KING to rest day nor night, for having refused them the
head of that brave, but misguided fanatic. The National
Guards, too, are furious that the brave man who ex-
posed their cowardice and incapacity, should not be
made a spectacle to glut their dastardly spirit of
revenge, and, of course, their no less gallant officers co-
operate with the discontented Peers. in embittering
the KING'S repose, by representing on all occasions that
the loyalty of the Guards is much shaken by the pardon
extended to the author of a revolt in which their blood
was shed. Now this is really monstrous. These men,
who affect to be the very pillars of the Throne, would
employ the Royal prerogative exclusively for the grati-
fication of their appetite for blood and plunder, in order
to perpetuate a system which enables them, in a great
measure, to live at the expense of their fellow-citizens.
The majority of the Peers of France are little better
than state paupers. They have no claims as a public
body upon the respect or the confidence of their country.
They are, for the most part, either soldiers of fortune,
who transferred their allegiance with their swords to the
chief uppermost for the time being—worshippers in turn
at the altars of Democracy, Imperialism, and a char-
tered commixture of all three ; or they are hack poli-
ticians, worn-out diplomatists, versed only in State
knavery ; or Government officials, all depending upon
the Royal Treasury for the means of supporting their
meretricious dignity. There are exceptions to be sure,
and illustrious ones too ; but they are so few in number,
and appear to exercise so little influence, that we may
pass them over, without exposing ourselves to a charge
of unfairness. The Peers of France do not represent
a class of society imbued with permanent instincts and
interests ; they are but a knot of individuals, dissimilar
in origin, in associations, in recollections, pursuits, and
every thing but the desire to maintain a position neces-
sary to the subsistence of some, the personal safety of
others, and individual consequence of nearly all. They
are sensible that the people regard them with a feeling
more dangerous than that of indifference, and, there-
fore, they seek to cast the odium of their own acts—of
acts purposely designed to crush a popular movement
which threatens to destroy the abuses by which they
are upheld—on the KING. The costume of the Na-
tional Guards purchases exemptions from certain taxes
which press heavily on the labouring classes, and hence
the efforts of this body to prevent all communication
between the KING and the disaffected, other than those
recognised between the tyrant and the slave.
Now that these facts have come to light, we think
that it is the duty of the Liberals throughout France
to adopt measures for silencing the ferocious clamours
of the Chamber of Peers and the officers of the National
Guards. For this purpose addresses ought to be got up in
all the large towns, thanking the KING for his firmness
in resisting the clamours of his Cabinet and of the
Court of Peers, for the execution of BARnES, and
pointing to the peace of the capital during the celebra-
tion of thefetes of July as incontestible evidence of the
wisdom, no less than the humanity, of his MAJESTY'S
conduct on that occasion. Such addresses would convey
the popular voice in language not to be mistaken to the
foot of the Throne, and would not fail to influence the
future conduct of the Court in seasons of perhaps equal
emergency.

Of domestic news we find very little in the Paris
journals of Monday. A letter from Toulon contains
the following notification :
" By a telegraphic dispatch of the morning of the 24th,
the Minister of the Marine has ordered the Admiral Pre-
fect to get ready for sea the Algiers and the Marengo,
which have been now two years constructing.
" The three vessels which are in the harbour—the
Montebello, the Diadem, and the Santi-Petri—receive
every day levies of marines to complete their crews, and are
to leave Toulon in a very short time to go to the Levant.
" The corvette Victorieuse sails to announce this re-
inforcement. The Nestor has been dismasted in order
that its masts may be put into the Marengo. There is
great movement in the harbour on account of these hasty
armaments.

" The frigate Thetis will soon be ready."
We have no additional news that can be relied
upon as correct from the East. One letter from Alex-
andria states that MEHEMET Au was so puffed up
with his late victory, that he was hesitating whether
to refuse or not the Regency of the Ottoman Em-
pire. Such statements are deserving of very little at-
tention.

The Moniteur Algerien of July 20 gives an account of
a sort of terror which has seized the European inhabitants
of the Mitidja. Some musket shots were exchanged in
consequence of a mistake between a patrol of native ca-
valry and some Europeans settled at Ben Yoruef, and the
appearance at different points of three Hadjout brigands,
who have been every where driven off, had spread alarm
even in Algiers. The arrival of forty Moivers, who came
to have their accounts, even gave rise to the report of the
evacuation of the plain by the Europeans.
These alarms were soon dispelled. The measures taken
by the inhabitants here have restored tranquility.

The Messager of this evening (the 28th) says, that the
operations of which we spoke yesterday between several
banking houses of Paris and the Bank of France, to pro-
cure fifty millions in cash from the Bank of England, on
the deposit of two millions stirling in Exchequer bills, is
definitely concluded. Courrier Francais.
TORTONI'S HALF-PAST TWELVE, MONDAY. -- yes_
terday there was little doing here, to-day there is
still less, in fact, nothing, the post closing so early hardly a
soul has shown himself; to-morrow affairs will take their
ordinary course, and the fetes of July be forgotten for
another year.

Papers,
The subjoined extract from the Hamburg
received this morning, contains the latest intelligence
received from Hanover. It is of considerable interest.
The contest betwixt King ERNEST and his subjects is
evidently very far from being at an end. The presenta-
tion of addresses to M. RUHMAN, a functionary under
the barn of Royal displeasure, is a revolutionary novelty