The Sun.
London, England, 1830-09-16 00:00:00

terror, are now recovering with us, and fatalness will
revive throughout France, as it has revived ar
'RETURN TO THE EXECUTION OF TIIE LAWS.

It cannot be forgotten with what violence several
of the Clergy, particularly in the provinces, attacked
those who refused to submit to their power, and
even to their caprices. They are eficouraged by the
support.they received from a Government that was
the enemy of the country. In order to escape the
authority of the laws, the Ministers of the Resto-,
ration had fallen on the plan of considering them-
selves the agents of the Government, and thus
placed themselves under the 7.5 th Article of the
Constitution of the year eight. None of theM could
be prosecuted for crimes against individuals in the
exercise of their functions without, the previous
sanction of the Council of State; and as this
Council was under the influence of the Jesuits, the
most palpable crimes were unpunished.
It seems that in some parishes the Clergy, terri-
fied at firstly the events of July, have now returned
to their former violence. We cannot he astonished
at this when we have seen Judges and Councillors
of the Government that was the enemy of the
muntry retaining their situations. They thought
that a change of dynasty would but bring a change
of system. The opinion appeared well founded,
because if there were some reasons for keeping the
Judges, there were some for replacing the Coun-
cillors. They thought that the Councillors of the
overthrown Government would not allow them to
be prosecuted, and if they were, they would find
Judges to absolve them, and who were appointed
under the influence of the Jesuits, by Peyronnet
and Chantelaure.

We must acknowledge that too many of the sup-
porters of the inimical Government are left stand-
ing to protect the enemies of the new order of
things, or to attack the men who assisted accom-
plishing our glorious Revolution. It would, at the
same time, be wrong to believe that, under the reign
of a just and popular Prince, a few removable Coun
cillors would have the power to suspend the laws.
The 75th article of the Consular Constitution cannot
he extended to the Clergy, but by unbearable abuse.
To pretend that the Priests, in the sense of this
article, are the agents of Government, requires the
most consummate ignorance or dishonesty.
According to the principles of our law anterior to
1789, the Civil and Ecclesiastical Powers were
independent of one another. The: Priest, in the
exercise of his fonctions, was no more the agent of
Government, than the agent of the Government, in
the exercise of his functions, was a spiritual per-
sonae. In the year 8, when the Constitution was
proclaimed, it would have been ridiculous to declare
that the Priest was the agent of the Government,
for the Government recognized no religion. There
is not one word in that law which has any relation
whatever to the Clergy, and the Priests ranked
then wilt the attorneys and doctors. Each man
might apply to them as he liked, but the Govern-
ment did not trouble itself with them.

The law of the 18th Geminal, year 10, relative
to the organization of religion, altered nothing in
the sacerdotal functions. It did not convert the
Priests into agents of the Government, and it could
not do so witho►►t confounding the two powers in
one alone. If the Priests are the agents of Govern-
ment, they must seek the precepts of their religion,
riot in the Bible or the Canon, but in the acts of the
legislative and executive bodies. If they are the
agents of the Government, the Civil Power rosy
regulate their religious practices and settle their
faith. It is evident, then, that the Article 75, year
8, cannot apply to them. _ _

An important consequence may be drawn from
this, which is, that if in the exercise of their functions
they were guilty of any crime, they might be car-
ried before the tribunals immediately by the injured
party or by the public Minister; end there is no oc-
casion for the authority of the Council of State. We
believe that this observation may he useful at a time
When the Government which is now established will
tk,' neerlaa' Alovrrer leinftWEre d %PAW
citizens.

The Government has received to-day the official
news that the Court of Vienna has recognized Louis
Philip King of the French.
We begin to suffer from the consequences of the
Chamber of Deputies regarding as irremovable the
persons appointed to office by a Government which
has perished under the public indignation. The
Judges, who ought to inspire respect and confidence,
give rise only to suspicion and contempt. The Gazelle
deJ Triblitlata published yesterday a circumstance
which is sufficient to prove the error of the Chamber.
The majority of the Coot Royale of Poitiers de-
cided, in favour of the Polignae Ministry against the
Chamber of Deputies, by an Address on July 12,
%80. This majority, ut the bend of which was the
Preeident, condemned very severely the Address of
the Chamber. " Enjoy (it said to Charles X.) a
glory so pure, which Providence has reserved to you
for consolation. Let it be a sweet solace to you for
the pain which your heart feels at seeing the French
forgetting the voice of the father of the country, re-
fusing their assistance for all the benefits which your
goodness contemplated for us. Afflicted its a halter,
offended as a King, deign to permit us, under such se-
rious circumstances, to join our grief with your grief."
The Magistrate, the authors of the Addrese, had
en audience on Sept. to take the Oath of Fidelity
to the King of the French. A. number of persons
were present ; they expected that the judges who
had pronounced so strong in favour of the Poligeue
Ministry would have had the modesty to retire. They
were deceived : but the moment. the President pro.
flounced the first words of the Oath, the public in-
dignation manifested itself, " Do%va with the im-
ptident—down with perjury !" was heard on all
sides ; and this cry was repeated whenever a Judge
particularly devoted to Charles X. presented him-
self. On the contrary, the Magistrates who have
distinguished themselves by their independence and
impartiality were received with approbation. Gm
the decisions of such Magistrates be respected, or
Whet good can they do ?
(From the Jourmzt des ))skate.)

PAWS, SEPT. 13.--The Ministry is to present, it
is 'aid, a Report to the Chambers on the state of
the country. This appears to us a good idea. This
report will put down, we hope, many exaggerated
fears, and it will also correct some excessive con&
Ilene,. Showing the state of things under a true
point of view, it will enable everybody to judge
more correctly of our situation. As to the measures
which the Ministry will
.propose in corisequenee of
the Report, let, it take its measures with the neejo..
rity of the Chambers; let it proclaim aloud the
union of the King, the Chambers, and the Ministry,
and the firm determination of the power* of the
Sutte to repress disorder. This, in our opinion, is
what can and ought to follow the Report of the:
Ministry.
Perhaps_ we, too, may be allowed to say what we
think of the situation of France. We take this
liberty the more readily, as we are much &into-
rested therein, except In one thing—the tranquillity
and order of the country. We did not wish for the.
Revolution, till the perjury of Charles X. had ren-
dered it necessary ; and we did not hesitute to rally
around the popular throne of Louis Phillip without
reserve, end with perfect sincerity. IVe have not,
`,"entrore. any old wishes and old political calcula-
tions 10 justify, whieli beget optimism nor ranrourl
Antl,"l'2l'olonce. which beget politicarmisanthropy.
i5,.‘",*..! thinka reat.wetortretbleiothoifi those who on one hand
have been serfs slaves
o)tirr
I(}rf Fratter, that we
tether, of th~sc v 0110141,410%
theft
pets; nor on the
1830, man huvimr no none 14t.
since: 41Y 30,
any more ousetolf disordor, nor society
into a political beatitude wh'ier 6 u'11.6„,4',..tt rane
an end. This credulity, ,itt ger' to
us ridiculous owl (0011,46. nuft",.lll„ -;,.' "11"
past which leads to ingratitude, a-1-.imrtj'atd4terst"
ton:,
future which leads to being iluimd,
we are pleased to remember the etfortur spiel
its
labour of the opposition, firmly believing that tht,-;
t fforte rendered possible what Gas bee ' do
n binCe

As to the future, it is by studying the present that
we shall endeavour to divine what it will be.

What do we now see ? Two species of agita-
tion. A moral agitation and a physical agitation,
one which is derived from opinion, and the other
from interest—the-republican party and the sedition
of the workmen.

The moral agitation is the almost inevitable con-
sequence of the Revolution which is just seem-
Osbert. The mind is yet astonished at such an
event. All these ideas are yet in a state of ferment.
There is in these agitations more noise than deeds.
People speak, write, and print. As this agitation
is not derived from interests or wants, it is the
agitation of clubs, and nothing more. It ig &sues,-
Mg, because it keeps alive trouble, and injures
credit and trade; but it is not, I think, dangerous
for the future, if the Ministry will be.only firm and
decisive.

The moral agitation will only become dangerous
and mischievous if it is united to the physical agi-
tation, and if the Republican party should endea-
vour to profit by the sedition of the workmen to
accomplish its ends. But the Republican parry can
only do this on one condition—it must either lie or
deny itself. It cannot ally itself with the inferior
classes, but by promising them some advantage.
Will that be some :political advantage that every
workman be an elector and a juryman ? That will
not meliorate the condition of the inferior class—
it will be a pure delusion, and the workmen know
it well. They will not coalesce to have political
rights—they du not require to be electors or eligible.
They require something plainer and more material
—the abolition of mai+inery : they desire that there
shall be no more machines in order that wages shall
be higher, and a day's labour better paid. In this
spirit coalitions and seditions are formed. Politics
have nothing to do with them—there is no question
of opinions but interests. I'o give political rights
to men who ask for bread, and cull that art amelio-
ration of the condition of the inferior classes, would
be juggling. If the republican party then promises
to improve the condition of the working classes, it
promises that which it cannot perform.
If it will not promise what it cannot perform, then
it will be forced to deny its principles and its ideas.
On what conditions, in fact, can it satisfy the phy-
sical interests of its allies, on condition of restrain•
ing the free development of manufactures, of saying
to the masters, " You must not use the machines
which science has invented. It is not for you that
the genius of Watt has given birth to the steam
engine—it is not for you that Jacquart has simpli-
fied the mechanism of looms. You must manufac-
ture at high prices low articles, and as the consumer
will not pay a high price, and will endeavour to get
his supplies from England, you must prohibit the
importation of foreign mereltandize. We shall wear
then clothes of coarse cloth, for which we shall Pay
a high price." Such will be the system which Re-
publicanism will found in the name of liberty. It
will annihilate the freedom of industry and of trade.
But to prevent the free development of industry and
trade is to infringe the right of property—it is to
abolish the property, the most sacred and incontes-
tible—that which even the followers of St. Simon
would not condemn—the property in labour, arid
in the fruits of labour.

In 1792 and 1793 the Republican party could
lead the people by some fine words, such as liberty
and equality. Then the people had nothing but
their pas ions, and nothing is so easy to dupe and
lend. Now the people have interests, and nothing is
trore sharp-sighted ; they do not follow change
readily. The task, then, of the Republican party is
become a hundred times more difficult than in 1793.
It cannot unite itself with the inferior classes but in
deceiving diem, and its deceit would be soon disco-
vered; or by disavowing the principles of which it
boasts, that is to say, in sacrificing liberty and prq-
party, which, is in itself a form of liberty. •
Barnarve, 40 years ago, laid down this doctrine
OW it is now laid down. These are his words—
" You have, gentlemen, (said he) in the Consti-
:„...l.l,t A ,;‘,-.lln is for liberty,
qi it y , you la
eye of the law, civil and political ; and hence results
the great truth, that if the revolution proceeds one
step further in advance, it will cause danger ; in the
lore of liberty, the first act which might fellow
would be the annihilation of royalty ; in the love of
equality, the first act which might follow would be
an attempt nn property." The question is here
plainly put. Free and era in rights, there is now
no other aristocracy but that of property. It is that
also; it is this physical aristocracy which threatens
the physical agitation which we have pointed out.
This may be easily proved by facts. What
were the symptoms of the physical agitation ? What
was the object of the sedition of the workmen ?
They desired to destroy machinery or industrial
property. There were some disturbances about
corn ; corn is territorial property. At Saint Eti-
mote they wished to destroy the mil-roads established
by subscription; that was annuity property. These
disturbances were speedily repressed, and the in-
ferior classes soon returned to habits of order. It
is, however, evident, that there is among the inferior
classes a feeling of ill-will against property ; and, as
this takes place not only in France, but in England
and Belgium, it is evident that the inrerior classes
everywhere tend to invade property violently ; and
that is the question for the future---a question alto-
eether physical and palpable. Who is interested
in preserving property? Who is interested in re-
pelling the violent invasion of the inferior classes ?
The tonrgeoise—that cannot be doubted. Thus
among our opponents, those who are aware of what
the discussion is about, do not trouble themselves
with lowering the qualifications of the electors or
rho eligibles; with the hereditary Peerage or the
Peerage for life they speak of the aristocracy of the
/therecoise, and of the melioration of the condition
of the inferior classes.

We do not blame the inferior classes for wishing
to improve their condition, for the improvement of
their condition is certainly the question for the fu-
ture. But how is this amelioration to be effected ?
Are the bourgeoisie:lnd the preservation of property
obstacles to their melioration ? Ought those ob-
modes to be removed by force and violence This
is what must be sought, and what we shall find in
examining attentively what is the bourgeoisie.
Is the bourgeoisie an aristocracy jealous of its
rights, which it will not share with any person ?
God forbid l It is that immense class of men, who,
by their industry, their activity, their prudence,
have gradually raised themselves to the condition of
proprietors, and who give an education more or less
liberal to their children. Whoever among the infe-
rior classes possesses intelligence sad probity, enters
with his tinnily into the ranks of the bourgeoisie,
and he remains there with his family, if laziness or
dissipation does not destroy the work of economy :
then the family falls back to the inferior classes.
The bourgeoisie is continually recruited from the in-
ferior- classes, and there is continual accession of new
families into its ranks, It is the result, therefore,
of industry. Since 100 years, the families in the
bourgeoisie have been prodigiously augmented ; and
being very few at the time of the League, they are
now immensely numerous.
On what depends this marvellous increase ? On
the progress of civilization; on property having be-
come more and more sacred; on industry having
become more and more free by the destruction of
monopolies, and by the progress of science. The
bourgeoisie needs two things, then, to develop° it :
that acquired property should be respected, and
that industry should be free and may go forward
without ever meeting sharkles or limits. Add
thereto, the liberty of the Press and popular schools,
in order that increased numbers of persons may, be
every day stimulated to exercise their industry and
talents. Under these conditions the bourgeoisie
will develope itself and multiply ; the inferior
classes will diminish in numbers ; there will be from
day to day more proprietors, more bourgeois, and
fewer labourers. Such is the movement of society,
when it goes in the regular way.
To conclude, this is the state of France. There
is a moral agitation on the surface which will have

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