The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-09 00:00:00

obsolete or unnecessary acts of Parliament, whose
short titles extended over 76 closely-printed pages,
qnd thns tended greatly to simplify the 1 Nv. He

trusted that both the Lord Advocate the At-

I torney-General would continue their xortions in
this good work of law reform. (He . ear.) They
might all congratulate themselves - the general
prosperous condition of the country. (" The Lanca-
shire weavers.") Considering the American war,
the present state of things was most wonderful, and
he attributed it to free trade and the French treaty.
If there had not been that scope for the industry of
the country which free trade gave, the condition of
the Lancashire weavers would have been much
worse, but the rest of the community being pros-
perous, they had been able to contribute largely to
their support. (Cheers.) Now, however, matters
seemed to have taken n turn, and they would be
able, he hoped, soon to get a supply of cotton from
other sources than America. If they were, and the
cotton was untainted with slavery, such a result
would be for the benefit not only of this country but
for the whole human race. (Cheers.) Therefore,
after all, the American war might turn out, under
Providence, to be for the benefit of mankind; but,
whatever the result—whether the North overcame
the South, or the South became independent—he
believed slavery was doomed. (Cheers.) It was
not for us to interfere in the struggle; and the Go-
vernment had adopted a course which was strictly
in accordance with the opinion of the people at
large. (Cries of " No, no," and cheers, and con-
siderable uproar.) The policy of the Government was
non-intervention, which he believed had the appro-
bation of the whole land. (No, no," and cheers.)
ENnogrtlhand andhad been
theSouth,vio
butlen violently edheaobtuhsewb both the
North
was
sovere
the, whole Anglo-Saxon race on the American
continent would
taken. We oug appreciate the course she had
ht not to be too thin-skinned as
to what the American press said of us, nor
should those across the Atlantic be too
, thin-skinned as to what was said respecting
them in
the English newspapers. He did not
himself believe that the New York Herald expressed
the opinions of the better classes in the United States.
But however that might be, we had a simple duty
to perform—to remain neutral, and we should ulti-
mately have our reward. The great majority of the
nation were clearly for non-intervention. There
were many foreign questions of extreme import-
ance, but with respect to a great number of them
they had not full information. The Cabinet, they
must presume, had, and they must trust to them as
the executive, deciding those questions in accord-
ance with the information they possessed. There
was the difference between Denmark and Schleswig
Holstein. He had been in many societies of intel-
ligent men, and he never met with more than two
who distinctly affirmed that they understood that
question. Although Lord Palmerston had not said
he did not understand it, he had not distinctly de-
clare that he did. (A Voice—"He knows every-
thing.") (Laughter.) But Lord Palmerston had
said that it was an extremely difficult question.
Prussia seemed to have taken up the matter as if
for the purpose of deferring that liberal constitution
which she had so long promised to her people, but
looking at the good sense displayed by other coun-
tries, he did not think it would lead to war.: Next
came the question of Poland. (Hear, hear.) That
was a most melancholy question, and he should
deeply regret if any hopes had been raised in the
minds of the Poles by the course taken by this
country. No doubt the Poles were entitled to the
consideration and sympathy of this country, and
something more, but did England see her way to a
war with Russia on their account P (Cries of No,
and Yes, and much disturbance, chiefly caused by
a vehement individual in the crowd declaiming
against the Emperor of Russia as a wholesale mur-
derer.) We were upon this subject placed in a very
unenviable position. Twice had we remonstrated
with Russia on behalf of the Poles, in 1831 and again
recently, but without avail. (A cry of " Gunpow-
der," and laughter.) Did the people of England
think that their going to war with Russia would
ameliorate the condition of the Poles. (Hear.) He
wished that Poland were an independent nation,
and regretted that steps were not taken at the time
of the Crimean war for the purpose of establishing
her independence, but at present all they could do
was to leave the matter in the hands of the Govern-
ment. Another question of foreign politics was
that relating to Japan. Our admiral on that station
had been found great fault with for having fired a
broadside on the Japanese. Our merchants ex-
pected protection from the British flag in whatever
quarter of Iha world they traded, and if they did
not get it, no set of men would be more vociferous
in blaming the Government. The Chinese war
took place for the protection of our trade, and the
object of the war with Japan was the extension and
protection of our trade with that country. And if
they were to have trading establishments among a
semi-barbarous people like the Japanese, the pro-
bability was that they would come in collision with
them. An English vessel sailed by one of their
forts and was fired upon, and if the admiral had not
retaliated, what would have been said of him? (An
elector, "He would have been called a coward.")
And did any man like to be called a coward,
especially an officer in her Majesty's service ?
(Hear, hear.) The admiral, after ample warning,
tired ; but the sea being rough the shot went over
the fort, and unfortunately set the town, which was
built of wood, on fire; but he had not heard that
any people had been killed. Therefore, until they
understood the thing fully, they ought not to ca n•
demo him, and should not suppose that any British
admiral or officer in the army would be guilty of
any cruelty if he could avoid it. (Hear, hear.)
An ELECTOR —What is your opinion about
church rates ? (Hear, hear.)

Mr. LOCKE said he had always steadily voted
for the abolition of church rates ; but he thought
that the more violent advocates of that meusure•—
and especially the members of the Liberation
Society, who were examined before the Lords'
committee—had thrown back the question. They
had given evidence in favour of the abolition of
tithes and other matters, which afforded their
opponents a powerful weapon of attack. The hon.
member then declared that all the measures be
advocated were for the advancement of the people,
and concluded by asking his constituents to say
whether, after the explanation ho had given, they
thought he had done his duty towards them.
(Cheers.)
Mr. WELLER complained of the injurious cff,ct
which petroleum stored in warehouses in South-
wark had upon the health of the inhabitants, and
asked what Mr. Locke's views were on the subject.

the evil
OCKE said that an act. for the prevention of
vie_
to was passed last session, and if its provisions
not"itovt carried out the House of Commons was
he wastatme. In reply to other questions he said
soutt....4t in favour of the recognition of the
for uni,74:aelers)—and that he was not an advocate
of the fr suffrage, but desired a great extension
anetti_ . 9
passedattt
Upon ~_ 49•(Hear, hear.)
the /notion
by Mr. Tnoito of Dr. E. B. JONES, seconded
"VAL—
was unanimously "-ER, the following resolution
in parliament,
at the course pur-
suedexpresses its entire That this meeting
zealous and
and its high
by Mr. Locke
asurerod_eonstant attention,
appreciation of his
those measures but
also
the general
interest
ynftothtehoe
involving the welfare of ttho the local ques-
tionswhich eminently entities him to the
eoe borough,. and
n„tinued con-
fidence and support cf his constitneota.
A vote of thanks to the chairman .
terminated the
proceedings.
-----

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