The Sun.
London, England, 1839-01-31 00:00:00

IRELAND.

MURDER OF LORD NORBURY.—In an article on the recent assassina.:
tion of Lord Norbury, the Dublin Evening Post declares its belief that
the murderer will be discovered, although no clue has yet been found..
The Packet, as is its wont, indulges in some strong language on au atro.
cious rumour, which that journal says the Pilot was the first to put into
c; rculation, but which we thought the Mail had the bad priority of pub-
lishing. The equally atrocious and incredible rumour referred to im-
plicated the present Earl of Norbury in the murder of his own fattier I
The Pilot, as well as the other party assailed, are well able to defend,
themselves, and require not our humble aid in removing the feculent
rubbish of the Orange print, from whose columns we proceed to extract
the less offensive passages relative to the murder. The following is a
sort of editio expurgata of the Packet's article:—" At a recent meeting
in rthe Corn Exchange Mr. O'Connell, by way of strengthening the ca-
,itmny, expressed his surprise that a dying declaration seas not taken
f; om the late Earl by the Magistrates in attendance upon his death-bed.
lie thinks it strange that the late Earl's declaration respecting the mur.
d_,r and the assassin were not taken before his death; and he attempted
to prop up the insinuation intended in that expression of surprise by

saying—
" There is anothar curious fact, that the spot where the assassin stood
was marked with the impression of a neat and fashionable boot, instead
of the iron-bound brogee of the Irish peasant, having nine nails on one
side and eleven on the other." ••

The fact that the Earl of Norbury is a Tory, or a Conservative, fully
accounts for the rile, the perfidious, the atrocious charge brought against

, .
him by the hellish tyrant who presides over the destinies of, the bii -
nisters of the Queen 'of great Britain. •
Though we hasii‘ good reason to believe that the story of the " neat
and finished boot" is a fabrication, a mere invention, it is right to ob-
serve, that nothing is more likely thaii that the place where the assassin
stood when he fired, and the way by which he fled after the bloody
deed, were subsequently visited to discover his Gaels, by persons
who wore either neat boots or shoes, and very probably both.
The ingenuity by which the track has been ascertained to be
that of a boot, and not of a shoe, is well worthy of remark. It is
said, and we believe truly, that the track of the assassin has been ascer-
tained, and that the Government have in their possession a deposition,
wherein it is stated that the assassin wore odd shoes or boots, one of
them shod with iron, and the other answering exactly to the description
of an Irish peasant's brogue given by Mr. O'Connell, having " nine nails
on one side, and eleven on the other." We are not without a hope that

this description of the shoes, boots, or brogues of the assassin may lead
to his discovery and apprehension. The family of Lord Norbury have
deemed it prudent to repel the more than insinuation contained in the
expression of surprise at a want of a dying declaration, by the publics-_
tion of the following statement, which is most satisfactory and conclusive:
" Shortly after the arrival of Lord Charlevilte and Captain Fox, it
seemed to them that some examination of his Lordship, either in the
way of deposition or declaration, might be advisable. The answer re-

ceived to this was, that his Lordship had really nothing to communicate
—that he was totally ignorant of his assailant, although lie suspected
one of his tenants—not having seen the person who fired the shot, nor
being conscious of what had taken place until he felt himself wounded.
" To this was added the opinion of the surgeon then in attendance

—an opinion subsequently confirmed by the Surgeon-General—that the
slightest exertion on the part of Lord Norbury, or any communication
calculated to produce excitement, might be attended with sudden and
fatal consequences, by producing internal haemorrhage.
" CHARLEVILLE, J.P., King's County..
" BARRY FOX, J.P., King's County.
" R. MUNSELL, Merrion-square,
" (on behalf of the family.)"

The Pilot, writing on the same subject, observes—" The murder it.
self unfortunately remains still in total obscurity, and, so far as the Lords
have done anything, is likely to remain so. One thing is certain, that If
it resulted from a wide-spread conspiracy, the immense amount of the
rewards must have long since caused the assassin to be detected. It is
clear it must be an isolated crime. It is not, we are assured, one com-
mitted by country people. The people do believe it was some one in a
grade at least unconnected with them. That is all the clue—for vague
conjecture, torturing possibilities, has not, we are convinced, yet pointed
to any one whom any rational person can suppose a party to it."

TAE PRESS AND MR. O'CONNELL.

The subjoined letter, addressed to " the Public," is published by the
Dublin Evening Post :

Morning Register Office, Jan. 27th, 1839.
Several of my friends inform me that reports are in circulation, and
disseminated with an industry which is evidently intended to assist in
the endeavour ALREADY made (for the decree went forth to Ireland
on Friday) to crush the Morning Register. It is due at least to truth
that I should contradict these rumours, and I do it in the shortest way
by the following statement :-
1. Ido not owe the smallest pecuniary obligation to Mr, O'Connell,
and such newspaper prOperty as I am still allowed to possess I owe to my
own character and resources.
2. I never received a grant or loan of 500/., or any other sum, from.,
the Catholic Rent, or from any other fund, public or private.
3. I never received from the Catholic Association any special pay.
ments, though I rendered it special services, acknowledged by it in
various resolutions. I was paid for its advertisements and the newspa-
pers it ordered, just Iv the Freeman's Journal or any other paper was.
At the close of its career the balance in hand was, as Mr. O'Connell has
truly stated, divided amongst its creditors. The payments were so many
shillings in the pound, and I did not receive a dividend higher by one
farthing than any other claimant. Finally, as to the Association, 1 was
not in as good pecuniary circumstances when it closed as when it com-
menced its proceedings.
4. I have not sought for an Assistant Commissionership of Poor.
laws. I hove been invited to accept one of these offices, and I DE.

CLINED IT.
5. I am not the author, the suggester, the adviser, or the approver
of any of the letters signed Peter Purcell, or any part of these letters.
I regretted their publication, and would, if I could, have prevented it,
though I have not felt myself warranted in denouncing the motives as
well as the conduct of Mr. Purcell in reference to these letters.
I hope my Brother Editors will do me the favour of copying this state.
ment. MICHAEL STAUNTON.

HAYNIARKET THEATRE.—This theatre was last
night the scene of an " Amateur Soiree Dramatique ;" id est,
in plain English, an amateur dramatic performance. The
opera of Fra Diavolo was selected as the principal attraction ;
the music was admirable, and the vocal portion was of a much
better order than we could have expected. The part of Lo-
renzo in particular, we must remark, was excellently sung by
a gentleman possessed of an uncommonly pleasing voice, and
no slight knowledge of the art. One or two of his songs
were encored. The approbation of the audience was loudly
expressed at the fall of the curtain, and the opera was an.
nounced for repetition. The farce of High Life below Stairs
followed, and was very creditably performed. The theatre
was well filled.

POST-OFFICE DESPATCH.—Upwards of 15,000
letters were received by the Liverpool and London packets.
The steamer Royal William brought 8,000, and the United
States .5,500 from Liverpool, and the Wellington 1,500 from
London, besides various other arrivals. These were all de-
spatched by the regular mails of the day.—Manchester
Guardian.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLI

JOURNALS.

Anti-Corn-law meetings continue to crowd our columns.
Yesterday the Chartists at the Finsbury meeting suc-
ceeded in obtaining the substitution of their panacea for
the resolutions against the Corn-laws. The St. Pancras
meeting displayed more sense, the Chartists having been
there defeated by an over-whelming majority. The idea
of aggravating every grievance, in order that when oppres-
sion becomes insupportable, all classes may unite in de-
manding Universal Suffrage, which was gravely propounded
at Birmingham, and seems to be acted on by the Chartists,
is. with all deference to them, any thing but rational. The
Corn-laws ought not to be considered as a political ques-
tion—it is a question between the nation and a class of
men who would sacrifice its industry, and steep the people
in poverty. Many persons condemn the Corn-laws, and
would exert themselves strenuously for their repeal, who
are opposed to any Extension of the Suffrage. To be consis-
tentthe Chartistsought to contribute all they can to prevent
the execution of the law, in order that murder and blood-
shed may he secure of impunity, whence confusion may
become general. If England could be converted into one
great Pandemonium, the Chartists might then say to those
who had hung back—" Your only chance of regaining
comfort is to support the Charter, and as you shall not be
suffered to know happiness till then, the sooner you become
Chartists the better." This is only carrying out the prin-
ciples of the Chartists to their legitimate consequences.
" I am for Universal Suffrage," said Mr. Ebenezer Elliott,
at the Sheffield meeting on Monday last, " but I am not
to be starved till that measure be carried." At Greenock
there was an Anti-Corn-law m eting on Saturday last,
which though, says the Glasgow Chronicle, " it took place
at one o'clock, in the very midst of business hours, was
crowded to excess, and attended by Terie3, Whigs, Radi
cals, and Chartists, who passed resolutions for repeal una-
nimously, and all evinced a spirit hostile to the longer con-
tinuance of the Corn-laws."—Morning Chronicle.
From our report of yesterday's proceedings in the Court
of Queen's Bench it will be perceived that Mr. Lawson,
the printer and responsible publisher of this Journal, has
been sentenced to pay a fine of 2001., and to suffer an im-.
prisonment of one month, in consequence of a verdict of
guilty found against him on the -20th day of last month
(December), for an alleged libel upon Sir John Conroy,
of whom we do not by any means exaggerate or misdc-
scribe the merits in representing him to have been, for seve-
ral years past, a very notorious individual, reputed to bear
not merely delicate but curious relations towards personages
in a rank far higher than his own, but the " libel" upon
whom consisted of these words—that he had bought an
estate in Wales, and " who so capable of answering as Sir
i
John Conroy, whence came the means of paying for t?"
Such was the alleged libel for which a respectable Englishman
has been punished by a heavy fine, and by incarceration in a
felon's prison. We say nothing now as to the motives whicii
could have induced any man, conscious of his own integrity,
or feeling the least confidence in his own general character
with society, to prosecute a public Journal for such words,
had they been really libellous, which our able advocate the
Attorney-General insisted that they were not, and to which
opinion respecting them we, at least, humbly subscribe.
Had Sir J. Conroy sustained any injury in his reputation
from the above sentence in the Times Journal, why did ho
not attempt to establish such wrong before a Jury, where
the charge, if charge there were, might have been dis-
proved by the examination of witnesses in open Court,
where the defendant might have cross-examined such
witnesses—where also he might have brought forward
witnesses of his own, to justify the truth of any state-
ment he had male, or to explain and extenuate its
errors, and where such witnesses would have been right-
fully subjected to cross-examination by the plaintiff ?
But what was the nature of the proceeding resorted
to by Sir John Conroy ? It was this :—He went
before an officer of the Court of Queen's Bench, and
made an affidavit swearing that a certain passage in the
Tarns newspaper, which he construed into an accusation
of dishonesty, was untrue. 'What next ! On the strength
of his solitary denial of this charge he instituted a prosecu-
tion in the Court of Queen's Bench, according to a
certain form of a most cruel and disgraceful law—viz., the
law of criminal libel. A Jury was impanelled ostensibly to
try whether Sir John Conroy had been libelled or not--
whether the Times had inserted a malicious libel or not—
which Jury, as it turned out, had nothing to try, but whe-
ther certain words admitted on all hands to have been pub-
lished in the Times, signified that Sir John Conroy had
been guilty of certain conduct, and, without even a show
or shadow of inquiry, whether the Times in so doing
had published a downright falsehood or a strict and
unquestionable truth respecting a man who had official
duties to perform, and the purity of whose life the
country had a certain interest in ascertaining, the
Jury being charged to that effect by the Judge, found the
defendant guilty. Then let us ask what attribute or cha-
racteristic of justice between man and man, as recognised
by all the general principles and analogies of the law of
England belongs to such a proceeding ? Blackstone, in his
chapter on Trial by Jury, says that the " compulsory pro-
cess (of subpoena) to bring in unwilling witnesses, and the
additional terrors of an attachment in case of disobedience,
are of excellent use in the thorough investigation of truth."
But here there was no use in subpoenas, nor in witnesses
either ; for there was no attempt at " ari investigation of
truth," nor was the defendant suffered to say a single
word in his own justification. The Judge and Sir John
Conroy had it all to themselves. The case was one-
sided—the maxim of universal justice throughout the
whole earth was forgotten. " Audi alteram partena"
belongs not to the law of prosecution for libel. The Jury
was a cumbersome formality, and the verdict followed
literatint the course which the twelve gentlemen on their
oaths imagined that the charge of the Learned Chief Jus-
tice prescribed to them. Again, says Blackstone, in the
same chapter, " when the evidence is gone through on both
sides, the Judge, in the presence of the parties, the counsel,
and all others, sums up the whole to the Jury." But what
evidence on " both sides" was " gone through" here !
None. There was not a particle of evidence received by
the Court, beyond that which went to the single fact that
such and such a paragraph had appeared in the Times—a
fact which, by the defendant, was entirely undisputed.
How, then, were the merits of the question disposed of?
Why, not at all ; they were all quietly settled by Sir John
Conroy's affirmation in his own case, which nobody was
permitted to impugn or meddle with. The Jury didnothing
throughout the whole business but register the impres-
sion of Lord Denman. The case, in fact, was not gone
into by the Jury. It had been tried and determined by
the Judges on the Bench, when they made the rule for
a criminal information absolute, and which was granted on
no other authority or assurance but the unsupported affi-
davit of Sir John Conroy, uncontradicted by any other evi-
dence, because the defendant had no legal power to compel
third parties to swear to the truth of his allegations, or to
maintain the falsehood of those uttered by Sir John Conroy.
Then, let us ask, what has that personage achieved by his
criminal prosecution of the Times ? Has he cleared his
character by it ? Assuredly not ; for no human being
that gave credit to the imputed charge has had his faith in
it impaired or shaken by the testimony of Sir John Conroy
—the only testimony offered to his own exculpation. In
fact, the worst man in society—the adulterer, the thief, the
assassin—is he who has the deepest interest in the perma-
nence of this atrocious law, for such is he against whpm the
greatest number of accusations are likely to be launched by
the press, and he it is to whom the conclusiveness of his
own evidence to his own innocence must ever be most in-
dispensable. The effort in certain quarters to disparage the
importance of the precedent set by the Duke of Cumber-
land, and to represent the brave readiness with which he
offered himself' to the cross-examination of the adverse
counsei in a prosecution instituted by him for libel, as an
" idle parade," and a " mock issue," neither succeeded in
lowering the respect with which such manly bearing on
the part of a Prince was regarded by the public, nor
in raising the Judge who spoke thus slightingly of
an example which Sir John Conroy did not dare to
imitate above his previous level. Let us ask any man of
common candour whether it was pure magnanimity that
induced Sir John Conroy to shun the witness-box in
his own person, when he prosecuted the Times for a li-
bel ? There is little doubt that with whatever punish-
ment we have been visited on this occasion, the liberty of
the Press of England, in whose cause we suffer, must
eventually, ay, and promptly, be more than proportionably
benefited. This country will not stand much longer
such an " idle parade" of judicial forms, such a pendantic
" mockery" of justice, as that which the existing law of
libel would impose upon the patience of the people. Better
at once let judges throw off the mask—supersede by their
own authority, in name as well as substance, the functions
of a Jury, which are rendered ridiculous as well as useless--
and, robbing the British subject of that inheritance which
the patriotic exertions of Mr. Fox, and of the great ad-
vocate of civil liberty, the late Lord Erskine, bequeathed
to him, lay it down as the future law of England, that,
instead of its being the privilege of the Jury to decide upon
law as well as fact, the question of fact as well as law shall
be left exclusively to the Judges.—Times.
Our readers will perceive from our columns this day, that
they are mainly occupied with meetings of the people in
boroughs and parishes, respecting the abolition of the Corn-
laws. So many of them press upon us, that we are either
obliged to abridge them to an extent which is painful to us,
or to omit them altogether. The meetings have not, in
every respect, been unanimous in point of opinion ; one,
for example, voting for the total repeal of the Corn-laws—
another, for the adoption of the National Charter—and a
third, for a modification of the Corn-laws ; but upon one
point they have all agreed, namely, that the Corn-laws are
a great oppression, that they destroy our foreign trade—
that they encourage foreign competition, and that if not
speedily abolished England will lose the mainstay f her

strength. We cannot but express our regret that the
Chartists should have interposed the shield of their power,
by attempting the discussion of a theoretical question, in
preference to one which is in every respect practical. The
people are starving for food, because corn cannot be bought
except at an extravagant price ; but they are not groaning
under any political grievance which cannot be borne until
a fair opportunity occurs for discussing it. We say there-
fore to the people, stick by the Corn-laws, and let the
National Charter be the consideration for the next year.
To mix up the two questions is to burke them, in every
sense of the word.--Morning Advertiser.
We point the special attention of our readers to an
address, which appears in another column, from Mr. Daniel
Whittle Harvey to his constituents. This document,
like all the Honourable Gentleman's speeches, and like
every thing else which has ever proceeded from his pen, is
clear in its statements, and manly and independent in its
tone. It will be seen that, desirable and important as the
salary of 8001. a-year, annexed to the office of Registrar
of Hackney-coaches, must have been to one whose pecu-
niary resources are but slender, the Hon. Gentleman has
deliberately determined to relinquish the office, with its
emoluments, rather than forego the pleasure of serving his

constituents and his country in Parliament. In corning to this
resolution, Mr. Harvey has given a proof of his patriotism,
which is worth a thousand mere verbal professions and pro-
testations of being actuated by disinterested motives in the
performance of public duties. Professions and protesta-
tions of this kind arc ea,ily made, and are profusely given
by all who aspire to the distinction of a seat in Parliament ;
but how many, we should like to know, of the 658 gentle-
men who glory in the appendage of an " M. P." to their
names, would furnish the practical proof of patriotism
which Mr. Harvey has here afforded, were they placed in
precisely similar circumstances? We grievously mistake
the character of the constituency of Southwark, if they suf-
fer Mr. Harvey to be a loser by the pecuniary sacrifice he
has made in the ardour of his anxiety to serve them in the
Commons' House of Parliament. So remarkable a proof
of disinterestedness on his part cannot fail to be duly appre-
ciated by them. Not less certain are we that they will
give a practical exemplification of their sense of his de-
votedness to their interests, by forthwith meeting to-
gether for the purpose of taking into consideration the
best means of raising such a sum as shall, when sunk
in an annuity, produce a yearly amount equal to that
which he would have received from ,lie appointment
which he has relinquished. Mr. Harvey. it is to be re-
membered, is not an every-day or common-place man. His
talents as a public speaker are not surpassed by those of
any man in the House of Commons. There he shines as a
star of extraordinary brilliancy. Nor must it be forgotten
that in his political principles he is one of the most inde-
pendent men that ever appeared on the stage of public af.
fairs. Of such a man, therefore, the constituency of any
town or county in the kingdatn might well be proud. The
electors of Southwark have peculiar reason to glory in hav-
ing Mr. Harvey as their Representative ; for it is well
known that he gave them a preference over the more weal-
thy and populous borough of Marylebone, when its re-
presentation was virtually offered to him. Never,
we hesitate not to say, had any Member of Parlia-
ment stronger claims on the gratitude and some-
thing more of his constituents, than has Mr. Harvey
in the case of the electors of Southwark. Most confi-
dently, therefore, do we hope, indeed we feel perfectly as•
sured, that those gentlemen who are accustomed to take
the lead in the political affairs of the borough, will not lose
a day, nay not an hour, in taking measures to call a meet-
ing of the electors, with the view of raising such a sum as
shall compensate Mr. Harvey for the pecuniary sacrifice
he has made on their account, in resigning the lucrative
office which he recently held. Let such a meeting be only
once called, and from what we know of the public spirit of
the constituency of Southwark, we pledge ourselves that
before tho meeting breaks up there will be a keen competi-

tion among those present as to who shall be the earliest
and most liberal in subscribing their money to such an
object.—Morning Advertiser.

MONEY AND CITY NEWS.

CFROM TZB MORNING PAPERS ON TUDI DAT.)

HERALD.—The private letters which have been re-
ceived from our Canadian settlements to-day by the Roscoe
do not add in any important manner to the information already
given by this Journal, neither do the commercial advice, 'from
the United States. We may, however, state that the com-
merce of the Federal Union fully maintained the position to
which we have already adverted, and the projected plan of cal-
culating the rate of exchange according to the Federal
money calculation, in preference to that of the per tentage on
the given sum sterling, appears to have obtained very con-
siderable practice. Beyond this there does not appear to be
any point of importance excepting the fact that the specula-
tion in cotton at New Orleans for this market had not at all
abated.
We have slightly adverted to the fact of the Bank
of England Direction having raised the price of gold
bullion in bars to 31. 18s. per ounce, which, though but a
trifling advance upon the fixed standard of the currency, is
sufficiently indicative of a progressive restriction at the great
source of money power ; and the operation is so significant as
to its intended results, that we conceive an explanation of the
causes which have brought about this indirect and silent, but
eventually sure, restriction, or, in other terms, this precursor
of a more definite operation on the part of the Bank of Eng-
land, with a view to its probable results upon the commerce of
the country during the coming spring, will prove interesting to
the majority of our readers.
We must premise our remarks by stating that we believe the
late and still-continued drain for bullion has not created any
alarm in the Bank parlour, and that this advance is considered
to be a salutary precautionary measure. To this time the greater
portion of the bullion shipped to France and the Low Coun-
tries has been of silver, the extreme northern ports of Europe
taking more gold in proportion, which on the opening of the
navigation will probably be extended, although it is still going
in a considerable degree through a more circuitous route.
Indeed practical men fully expect that gold must find its way
to the north of Europe after the lapse of a few weeks to liqui-
date the claims of the merchants who have been permitted by
the sound policy of the Emperor of Russia to purchase cora
from the public granaries of that empire, under bond to return
the same quantity at the coming harvest—an operation which,
whilst it ensures to the merchant a good profit, is certain of
replenishing the Imperial coffers with gold more readily than
the transmission of any other produce. It here should be re-
marked that, if our manufacturers are buoying themselves up
with the hope that the late extensive importations of, and
contracts for, foreign corn, will create a further demand for
their fabrics in the spring, they will find themselves much dis-
appointed, as the most experienced monetary men and ex-
change dealers anticipate that, though the balance for this new
and forced trade in foreign corn may be settled partly in goods,
a most undue and unhealthy portion of it will have to be ad-
justed in the precious metals : and as the operations in the ex-
changes still continue, and are likely for some time to be
profitable, we shall, for a considerable period, probably, have
more foreign bills in our Money Market than orders in our
manufacturing districts. The stoppage of the Bank of Bel-
gium has had a very important effect in checking the amount
of paper credit upon the Continent, and, in fact, has thrown
much discredit upon the floating paper money of that por-
tion of Europe. The consequence has been that the Bank
of France, the Bank Laffitte, and the National Bank of
Austria, have determined to curtail their discounts. We
might enumerate other continental establishments which have
followed this example; but it ;would merely be a superero-
gatory task.
These facts, however, prove that the continental credit
system is undergoing a positive and severe, though, perhaps,
salutary restriction. The brunt of these operations must be
borne by the Bank of England, who will have to supply the
vacuum occasioned by this sadden withdrawal of paper credit
money from circulation on the Continent, and so far they have
been justified in their late proceedings.
These circumstances will, however, cripple the operations
of the continental merchants, who usually take our manufac-
tured fabrics, and thus prevent our manufacturers obtaining re-
munerating profits in proportion to the prices they must pay
for the raw produce in consequence of the late undue specula-
tions ; at the same time it will afford them a most opportune
and wholesome lesson that the abolition of the Corn-laws is
not exactly the panacea for the prosperity of the cotton lords
and their compeer manufacturers, who now appear to be so
desirous of extracting from their walking human machines an
amount of labour totally unproportionate to the means they
give in exchange of that labour for obtaining a healthy human
existence.

TIME S.—The exporters of gold, who avail themselves of
the facilities at the Bank of England for that purpose, com-
plain that if they decide on taking sovereigns rather than bar
gold, those they are supplied with are the greater portion of
them under full weight. The fact itself will hardly admit of
doubt, since the seigniorage on this coin was originally so
small, that they are pretty generally reduced, by wear, below
standard; but that there is any motive on the part of the
Bank in making over the light ones to importers, rather than
to bankers, and others for circulation at home, is a very dis-
putable matter. Their natural and proper course would be,
to select those coins of full weight, by preference, for expor-
tation, since there is no more effectual mode of lowering the
exchange with foreign countries than to circulate among
them coins deficient either in weight or in purity, and a
great source of reproach it would become, in time, to this
country. Their late advance in the price of bar gold may be
said to have exactly the same effect as representing, in another
form, the deficient weight of the sovereign. It would have
been wiser for the Directors, without doubt, to have abstained
from the latter measure, unless they will adopt at once the
French practice of fixing a premium on gold, for all tampering
with the exchanges, as it is a departure from their legitimate
functions, is to a certain extent injurious to them, and to the
commerce of the country also.
It appears by a circular which has been distributed this
morning by Messrs. Bell and Son, the American stockbrokers,
that a dividend of 4 per cent. for the last six months has been
declared at Philadelphia by the United States Bank.
Tho bitter feelings excited against all foreigners by the
tyrannical proceedings of the French in all parts of Spanish
America, lately alluded to as likely to endanger the personal
safety of British subjects, had, it appears, actually produced
that result. These papers contain copies of two communica-
tions, which had passed between Mr. Wilson, the British