The Sun.
London, England, 1839-12-27 00:00:00

full flow of national hatred, made more palatable to the
ear of prejudice by the admixture of religious antipathy ;
these sentiments, universally expressed by the Tory
party, have not been denied by their leaders, Peel or
Wellington, who, although refraining themselves from
the avowal of those malignant feelings, secretly hoped
they would be sufficiently strong to elevate them to
office.—(Cheers.) This prospect has convinced me
that there is but one remedy before us, that of arousing
the energies of the universal Irish people.—(Cheers.)
I may be told of the Queen that she is favourable and
just towards the Irish people—that she makes no im-
proper distinction between England and Ireland, or be-
tween one religionist and another, and I admit the fact
—I boast of it ; to me it affords delight, and in the
impulse of my allegiance to the Throne I rejoice at the
circumstance ; and, while I pray for her prosperity,
temporal and eternal, I readily convey to her Majesty
the allegiance of the Irish people.—(Great cheering.)
That is, of all the Irish people, with the exception
of the m'se,able Tory factior.—(Hear, hear, and laugh-
ter.) I cannot control their disloyalty—l cannot
reform their doings and their ways ;—but I speak of
the Irish people, not of those who would call it loyalty
to plunder, and allegiance if they were allowed to
torture and torment—(Hear, hear, hear.) I speak
not of that faction who blotted out the name of Ireland
itself in the blood of the Irish people—l speak not of
those mercenary traffickers who have recourse to every
bad practice, in order to advance their political or
private ends.—(Hear, hear.) Men who if they could
get back Ernest of Hanover, would have a congenial
monarch, and he would glory in having congenial sub-
jects.—(Hear, and laughter.) Ido feel the strength of
the objections made to my agitation, in the impartial
conduct of the Queen. Ido admit, that I may be told
that Lord Melbourne means well to Ireland—l may
have it pointed out that Lord Normanby's example has
been strictly followed up by Lord Ebrington—and thank
Heaven he has earned the hatred of the Orange crew.
—(A laugh.) They flattered, they coaxed, and lauded
him, as long as it was possible to deceive him ; but I
thank my stars they have failed in their deceit, and it is
to be rejoiced at, too, that he saw so soon into their
designs. I look at the Mail—l wade through the muddy
current of its unsavoury eloquence, and I find that
after all the praise, they now abuse Lord Ebring-
ton as much as they ever did Lord Normanby.—
( Hear, hear.) This your pride and glory, Lord
Ebrington ; you have been too honest not to escape
their malignity ; and as you have met with their petty
vituperation, I tell you, you should value the fact as a
triumphant achievement. There is in favour of Ire
land, the Queen, God bless her.—Jremendous cheer-
ing.) She is in favour of Ireland, because she is im-
partial towards all her subjects. The administration of
Lord Melbourne and the Government of Lord Ebring-
ton are in our favour too—all these I admit ; but what
I ask is this—l ask of every considerate man in the
community—are we safe, even with all these proteotions ?
May we repose in tranquillity, or live as we should
wish ? Is the peaceful current of the Government to
go on in its natural course ? no !no!!no ! ! ! a
thousand times I say no. We cannot—(Loud cheer-
ing)—we cannot do it, my friends—(Hear)—and
when I turn to England I find the Tory aristocracy there
ready to trample on the precincts of the Crown, and slan-
der those around the Monarch, if they were not above their
reach, and despised their petty malignity. I find traitors
amongst the Tory aristocracy, and I find that treachery
and treason are abroad amongst that party, and would
fain elevate themselves by making the Monarch a slave,
if she were not in possession of their designs, and if the
true-born spirit of loyalty nurtured within the breasts
of those mho love and value her were not still at the
Monarch's command.—(Cheers.) I am here to vindi-
cate the prerogative of the Crown and its constitutional
rights, as well as lam here for the people of every
creed and class who respect it.—(Hear, and loud
cheers.) Let no man say that lam accusing the Eng-
lish peerage without cause.—( Hear, hear.) Have they
not taken the control of the double branch of legisla-
tion into their hands?—{Hear.) Did they respect, in their
proceedings, the majority of the House of Commons that
was opposed to them ?—(Hear, and no.) Did they obey
the wishes of the majority of that House, when the
franchise in England, a matter referring solely to the
Commons, was brought forward?—(Hear.) Were the
Commons or the Ministry able to work out the details
of amending the state of the franchise in England in
consequence of their acts ? In fact, was there a single
matter which could in any way interfere with the abso-
lute power sought by the aristocracy of England, that
the House of Lords did not intermeddle in ? Would
they not, in a word, have taken absolute dominion over
the entire legislation, were it not for the exertions of the
people of Ireland, who were more particularly sought to
be deprived of their rights, and against whom the most
determined malignity is and has always been shown
by the oligarchy of England ?—(Hear, and cheers.)
A tyrannic monarchy, unchecked by the popular voice
is, to be sure, very bad ; but an oligarchy is still worse,
and for this reason—that you multiply the number of
tyrants—you multiply those that feed and fatten on the
State and on the people.—(Hear, hear.) The Lords
wish to bring about an oligarchy in England, and, in
fact, a revolution—for that end is actually in progress at
this moment in that country ; and, so help me God, I
am at this instant firmly convinced that, but for the spirit
of freedom that breathes in the breasts of the people of
Ireland, that revolution would have, ere this, broken
out, and that the oligarchy of England would succeed in
establishing an unlimited power over the people of
England.—(Hear, hear.) But at all events this must be
admitted, that they are making the experiment. It is
not only the power which they have in the House
of Lords, and which they refuse to submit or regulate
by the will of the Queen or her Ministers—it is not
only their direct power in the Lords, but the indirect
power which they have obtained by property in various
boroughs, and through bribery—committing the crime
of bribery wherever it can be safely committed ; they
intimidate and they corrupt ; they use every species of
influence, and every act, to accumulate the number of
their followers in the House of Commons, and accord-
ingly the majority of Ministers is but small—compara-
tively insignificant. There is no concealing or dis-
guising the fact—it cannot be kept frotit the eye of an
intelligent man, or an? person who has statesman-like
views, that this is the position of affairs—there is a
Liberal and enlightened Queen, with servants ready
to work out her views ; a House of Lords, the ene-
mies of every species of human liberty ; a House of
Commons, with a minority almost equal to a majo-
rity, and subservient to the worst passions of the
Lords. Well, but what is the plan they have adopted ?
—(Hear, hear.) The people of England at large have
no interest in being badly governed—in allowing an oli.
garchy to be established. There is, to be sure, a pro-
pensity in England to submit to titles, and to be lured
by the " gew-gaws" of hereditary nobility. It was one
of those things that tarnished the English mind ; but,
notwithstanding that, John Bull possessed common
sense enough not to submit to despotism of a bad descrip-
tion. What has the oligarchy done ? What steps have
they taken to get dominion over the Queen and her
Government ? Why, they began the accursed crusade
of religion. They have assailed Catholicity ; they have
put forward Protestantism ; they have set up their
bigotry in every part of the land, to traduce the reli-
gion of the people of Ireland, whom they know to be the
real foes to the tyranny they would establish.—( Hear,
hear.) Not having reason, not having argument, not
having any justification of right at their side, they
found it necessary to adopt some plan of delusion—
and they knew that no plan ever succeeded in England
so well as the " No Popery" cry. Have they not
raised that cry ? Is there a man in Ireland,
or in the British dominions, who does not know that
they have raised it ? Have they not traduced the Ca-
tholic priesthood of Ireland ? Is there any word too
foul in the language not to be applied by them to the
hierarchy and priesthood of the Catholics of Ireland?—
is there any slander too abominable not to be used
against their religion ? They do not act thus to convert
the Catholics—that is not the way to do so. If you
knock a man down and call him a scoundrel, you arc
not very likely to convince him that he is not as good a
man as you are—on the contrary, the promotion of bad