The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 19, 1863,

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
Manager, Mr. W. 11. Swanborough.
THIS EVENING, MY SON'S A DAUGHTER. Miss
Josephs, Mr. Parselle.
After which, MIRIAM'S CRIME. Messrs. G. Honey,
Parselle, Beltord, Turner, Miss K.Saville, and Miss Manders.
Followed by IVANHOE. Miss Ada Swanborough.
To conclude with FAINT HEART NE VER WON FAIR
LADY. Mr. Leigh Murray, Miss Button,
Commence at 7.

rE THIRD EDITION OF " THE SUN,"
ontaininz the Latest SPORTING INTELLIGENCE,
be had Every Evening of
G. R. GLENIE, NEWS AGENT,
No. 4, Connaught-terrace, Hyde-park.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
THIS DAL—Morning, Sh. 10m.—Afternoon, Bh. 48m.
Yo-moitßow.-Morning, 9h. 25m.—Afternoon, 10h. 3m.

The Weather—Sun Office, Nov. 19, 1863.

THERNIOMETER.
This day at Two o'clock 5l

Barometer-30.19.
Wind—South ; light, and fine.

N'tk
.1 7;0
,4‘ .„(
ut
ut%%4:1004 A •Q)

LONDON, THURSDAY, NOV. 19, 1863.

The apathetic policy of this country in regard
both to the Polish Insurrection and the American
Civil War, is rather painfully contrasted with the
vigour of the policy applied by our Government, at
yet remoter points of the habitable globe, to the
Maori and the Japanese populations. The contrast
to us, we cannot but acknowledge it, appears not
only very painful, but very humiliating. Against
a mighty empire like Russia we refrain from acting
in any way energetically. Although, while so re-
fraining, there is every conceivable provocation to
'as as human beings. When delicate women, when
mete
slips of girls are being brutally maltreated in
Rusai
tin. Poland, and that not casually, or by acci-
dent rta it were, but repeatedly, deliberately, and
"erMallie
Secretary Y, all that our chivalrous Foreign
do is to write a series of
cleverly argued
despatches—despatches that end
at last, tit,bwe e
'ridings that
br.nr, in a mere diplomatic fiasco ,
tears into the eyes and a
burning flush of indignation
who has
into the cheek, induced
the noble Earl,
an asi.earned by a long life of
labour his seat as
thin the House of Peers, and
his Stall as a Knight of
Chapel—induce Lord Rtsse Garter in St. George's
Chapel—
no less as a diplomatist tEht' L (disposed probably
has recently
acknowledged. himself rathe:,a4.elY he
to be, as a
Reformer,
to rest and be thankful)
actually induce
the noble Earl to re-nib his pen,
t dip of ink, and to write off
another
a fresh
wonderful letters to Prince uotlscra of his
e
So, likewise, in reference to that hideous
Scene
of wholesale slaughter in the North American
continent—a battle-ground where the belligerents
engaged are no less hainously culpable than. eon.
fronting armies of fratricides—our Foreign Secre.
tary contents himself with meekly risking the'
violation of the law by ordering the seizure of a
couple of steam rams in a private building-yard at
Liverpool, out of a wholesome feeling of respect
for the insolent Government of the Fede
rals at Washington. The disastrous conse-
quences of this most dreadful and protracted
civil war, not only to the population of the
republican land actually devastated by it,
but indirectly to ourselves, has been matter of noto-
riety upon both sides of the Atlantic ever since the
contest between North and South began. We are
in no way indifferent spectators—using the word
not merely as one expressive of a sentiment. The
contest now going on there in America affects us
vitally. I:s continuance militates against our
interests, both politically and commercially. Ii
impedes our commerce. It inte • •
rriy,s our mane
factures, It I.,hes at once our imports and
cur exports. And • insomuch as it does all
tins—as it
site clearly and manifestly
does, beyond all
Te'eh of contradiction— it
cannot be said that We are
make p
our without a right to
interfere whenever we may
minds to
interfere between the belligerentus b between the
Federal Government at Washington and the Con-
federate Government. at Richmond. Yet, as in
the
matter of Poland, as in the matter of Mexi o
r;ow continuously during all these last two orctLs°
ee
years we have, in the matter of this pitiable Atne.
riean Civil War, hung back and hesitated about
the possibility of interference of any kind
While the initiative was being taken by th,

more adventurous, rend enterprising, and ostensibly,
at least, for this • i'ery reason, the more chivalrous
Government of 12rance. Twice the French Eat•
PEROR, at any rate, at'empted to act between North
and South o' a Mediator. Ineffectual his efforts
were, to bring about any satisfactory negotiation.
But, at and, rate, ho tried to do so. Again, in re-
gard to the Polish Question, while Lord
RUSSELL, on the part of England, has vir-
tual; Y: eaten all his big words—thoroughly mas-
ticlaed them and swallowed them one after
3 anther as bully PISTOL did by FLUELLEN'S
leek—while Lord RUSSELL has eaten his words
uesly, a,
thati n -
thus by inditing his last wretched-like missive
e
to Prince GORTSCHAROFF—the Emperor of h
ateldl'Enuortopoenlycoltleoctßi collectively,
has
ntibuittmo all
unless some definitive arrangement shall be entered
into for the better government of Poland, for the
vindication of those sacred rights of the Poles,
which, says NAPOLEON 111., are inalienably theirs
—but one alternative remains for France,
for Russia, for Europe—War ! As to Mexico
—we know full well how we let " I dare
not wait upon I would" in that direction. 'We were
engaged in the project, first of all, quite as much as
France was—and we backed out of it at the eleventh
hour, before the departure of the expeditionary
force. France there again maintained her career
uninterruptedly, unhesitatingly, with what result—
every one knows. And while all this has been
going on in respect to Mexico, to Poland, to
America—upon the pretext, we were almost
going to call it, of Non-Intervention, we
have been flagrantly violating all th© principles of
non-intervention where we could do so with any-
thing like safety. Against those wretched New
Zealanders for example, or against those almost
equally powerless Japanese. Cold steel and hot
iron, there, if you will, instead of rigmarole
despatches and all the frivolous courtesies
of diplomatic circumlocution. So much for
our foreign policy, as it has been latterly moulded
into certainly very new, and startling, and
exceedingly tortuous forms under the direction
of that haughty, proud-speaking, Patriot-Earl who
seizes the Rams to mollify the Federal Government,
and who drops his correspondence even with Prince
GORTSCHAKOFF to propitiate the Government of the
CZAR! But who is all readiness, at the same time, to
enter valiantly upon another " little war," or half a
dozen of them if need be, against those miserable
Maories, and who is eager to authorise, at the safe
distance of Japan, the pitiless destruction of a vast
and populous city by the deadly agency of a British
ship-of-war.

It is fortunate for the peace of Europe and the
welfare of Denmark that the members of the Ger-
man Confederation are usually very strongly in-
clined to observe TALLEYRAND'S caution, and be
careful not to act with too much precipitation. If
their acts followed quickly on their words, asser-
tions, and professions, we should never be out of
hearing of " the diapason of the cannonade." The
long-pending dispute with Denmark respecting the
Duchies, which has wearied out the public interest,
and wellnigh exhausted the patience of every diplo-
matist in Europe, is a sufficient proof that German
ambition, however eager and aggressive, and Ger-
man claims, however interminably argued, have a
very long way to go before they make any decided
progress. It is necessary to bear these truisms in
mind at the present crisis, else we might feel called
upon to anticipate the immediate outbreak of a
European war, and a war, too, based on that which
history proves to be, after religion, the most hope-
less and unsatisfactory of all motives for strife—a
war of succession. One might have supposed that
the days for such a phenomenon were over, that
modern Europe had learned the lesson well enough
in the seven years' war in Spain, even as earlier
ages might have watched its bitter fruits in our
English Wars of the Roses. The history of the
Bourbons, too, is full of such passages. Wherever
they have founded dynasties, sooner or later has
come the struggle, bringing in its train, as such
wars invariably do, nothing but prolonged suffer-
ing and an expenditure of men and money wholly
disproportioned to the end to be gained. Yet,
judging from words atone, we are threatened with a
war which is not only to be in some degree a war
of succession, but a war founded on some of the
hopeless intricacies of the genealogical tables of
Royal Houses of Germany. The most indefatigable
student of the Alnzanach de Gotha might draw back
appalled at such a prospect, and foretell that a con-
test depending on such an issue might last till " the
crack of doom." As it happens, however, words in
this instance only fulfil the part assigned them by
the witty Frenchman, and conceal the more direct
and comprehensible motive beneath. The sudden
and unexpected death of the King of DENMARK has
given the German antagonists of that kingdom an
opportunity for which they have long been watching.
The right of his present Majesty of Denmark to
succeed to the Duchies'has been immediately dis-
puted, and, with a promptness which, in this
instance, proves the exception to the rule of Ger-
man deliberation, the Duke of SAXE-COBURG
GOTHA, who has long been known as a warm up-
holder of the claims of the Diet, has recognised the
hereditary Prince of AUGUSTENBURG as Duke of
SCHLESWIG and HOLSTEIN. The families of
Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Augustenburg and
Schleswig-Holstein•S on derb urg-Glucksburg, both
spring originally from the same source, the former
being the elder 'branch, while the House of Glucks-
burg, to which Prince CHRISTIAN, now King of
DENMARK, belongs, is the younger. The confusion
of connections, inheritances, successions, and treaties
upon which the Germans base this pretension are
too long and two intricate to discuss, but it is worthy
of notice that by this bold and determined step they
Proclaim more decisively than ever their determine-
tier, to regard the two duchies as one, and to com-
'atm under one Sovereign. They find plenty
of
"'uses for evading the terms of the treaty of
1852, deela -
ng I
of his fatheruitcl
' AUGUST zN that the hereditary Prince of
is not bound by the renunciation
diplomacy, l'hunewhat novel reading in law and
all partics bounY are forced, however, to consider
d
1/:y. '
much older agreement—the
declaration of the
ee4i. of the duchies h
ey Cunis-
lIAN I. in 1461, a ti
are to consider binding despite which it seems we
espite all subsequent
changes—changes concurred in by th© people alike
of Denmark and the duchies, and treaties which
have been solemnly ratified by the
to the
great Powers.
Coburg
Notwithstanding all arguments and f
of
facts
of these
however, ke ERN Esi:
contrary,
has thought proper to support the claim of the
branch of Augusten g
bur to the possession of
long disputed provinces, and has informed the
representative of Holstein at the Diet that any
other pretension will be met by a proposal
to the Diet to protect the rights of the
legitimate Prince, it need be, by force. Legiti-
macy, one would have thought, had done mischief
enough in its day, and a good many of the rulers of
Europe would find the rigid application of the
principle extremely inconvenient. If German
Princes are to be allowed the right to regulate the
succession of otl•ler States the world is likely to have'
a weary time of it, and if the lesion of their
genealogies is to be taught by the sword it is not a
pleasant prospect. Meanwhile
in 1 enmark itself,

great popular enthusiasm has manifested itself for
the new KING. Mr. HALL, the President of the
Council, who occupies a post similar to that of our
Prime Minister, and whose name is welt known in
this country, having proclaimed Prince CHRISTIAN,
King of Denmark, as CHRISTIAN IX. from the
balcony of the Palace of Christianburg, the new
KING himself appeared to greet his people. The
vast crowds who were assembled broke forth into
vociferous cheers and cries of " Denmark and
Schleswig," "The New Constitution," and words
of similar import. The resolu'ion of the people to
retain Schleswig as part of the monarchy has
suffered no diminution from the startling event
which has brought a question of hereditary right
still further to complicate the Danish re'ations
with Germany. It is not so long since the Danes
proved themselves formidable antagonists, and the
spirit that animated them in their encounters with
German forces will certainly not be absent now.
Great as is the national grief at the loss of a KING
so much in union with his people, and so staunch a
defender of his constitutional rights, it is yet to be
hoped that the close alliance thus produced between
the Danish and English thrones will not be without
its effect on the cautious members of the Diet. It
is very well to supersede treaties when they are
virtually obsolete by reason of the change in the
times or the sentiments of the people; but to set
aside so recent and so important a convention when
neither party can put forward any real title to
change, is to shake the foundations of all existing
dynasties, and to efface every boundary line in
Europe.

The attention of the public is again directed to
the affair of the Alexandra, and it is, of course, a
subject of paramount interest. There is one con-
solation to the friends of the owners of the
Alexandra, and that is that their interests can-
not be better represented than by Sir HUGH
CAIRNS. Whatever skill, energy, or eloquence
can do to extricate them from their present pain-
ful position, and to vindicate their rights, that he
has certainly effected in his masterly address.
No one can read his arguments without being
deeply impressed with the facts he has brought
to bear upon his case, and without acknowledg-
ing that ho has exhausted the question, so far as
regards the available points under discussion.
The attempt to gain a new trial shows a perti-
nacity on the part of the Government that speaks
volumes for the animus that has existed through-
out the progress of the affair. It is evidently
their intention to stand to their first intentions,
and, at any cost, to enforce their wishes, or to
make desperate efforts to do so at any rate. It
is singular bad taste to exhibit this persistency,
and to repeat the conduct that has given such dire
offence to so many who are not personally concerned
in the affair, but who are jealous for the indepen-
dence of their country, and who resent interference
with the rights and privileges of British subjects,
in order to suit the views and further the interests
of foreign nations. The utter indifference which
has been manifested in the renewal of this discus-
sion exhibits a total want of respect to the general
sentiments of the community, which it will be very
difficult for them to forgive or to forget. Sir HUGII
CAIRNS very truly explained the difficulty in
which he was placed, in consequence of the
course adopted by the other side. It was
given them to understand that the Lord
Chief Baron had misdirected the jury, but in what
way had not been stated, and therefore it followed
as a natural sequence that they could Rot meet the
objections which were not stated. The learned
counsel put the question as clearly and distinctly as
could possibly be effected before the Court, and the
passage in which he laid down the two rules which
regard international law with the subjects of a neu-
tral power is in itself a complete exposition of the
true bearings of the case. While the Government
would not be at all likely to permit any sort of
arnmuoition to the belligerents, the subjects of a
Power may, on the contrary, supply either or both
belligerents with all articles termed contraband of
war. Mr. Chancellor KENT cited in his Commen-
taries the instance of the United States successfully
proving against the French that neutrals may sell
or convey to a belligerent Power contraband
articles. This opinion Sir HUGH CAIRNS appro-
priately quoted. It would appear, however, as if
the views entertained by the United States in 1796
as regarded themselves are very different from the
notions expressed nowadays when the question
refers to others. The second rule is that the terri-
tory of a neutral Power should be kept inviolate
from anything approaching to war either on the
part of the belligerent, or by one of its own subjects
at the instigation of the belligerent. These rules,
if strictly adhered to, would simplify matters very
considerably, and indeed it is most probable that
none of the present vexed questions would have dis-
turbed and excited the minds of our rulers and mer-
chants. It is the undue exercise of special
favouritism and the unwarrantable assumption of
extreme authority which has caused the clashing
of interests, and led to the fierce and bitter contro-
versy which has been waged in so many quarters.
It seems almost useless to look for moderation, or
to expect reticence from our Foreign Secretary
when once ho has taken up an idea, but still his
best friends ought to see the danger of the course
upon which he has entered, and the utter useless-
ness of the controversy he has provoked with so
much pervereeness, and carried on with so much
acumen. If it so occurs that a new trial re-
verses the decision of the former one, no one will
be greater losers than the Ministers in the long
run. It is the immediate issue of a conflict that
attests its value, not the ultimate effect and the
attendant circumstances. Thus it will prove of
little avail to the Ministers of this country if the
Cabinet of Washington accord them their gracious
thanks and their flattering approval, and if the
English people regard with signal disapproval, and
look with suspicion upon the whole of the proceed.
ings in the affair. It is not too much to say that
the fate of the Government hangs upon the issue
of their actions in this matter. The day of reckon-
ing will surely come, when it will be found that
the most popular Minister cannot retain the pos-
session of power if he forfeit the confidence of the
nation. Yet more than the rise or fall of parties
hangs in the balance of this undecided question.
Whatever may be the result of the appeal to a
court of law, there will remain many other difficul-
ties to conquer before the uncalled for and unwar-
rantable interference with private rights and public
privileges can be justified. It was a bad day's work
for the Ministers when they undertook to fight the
cause of the Federals against the time-honoured
customs of our land, and in defiance of the deep-
rooted principles and dearly-cherished convictions
of our people. The path on which they have en-
tered has been beset with difficulties, hedged in by
doubts, and replete with controversies ;rem first to
last, It is more than a legal technicality that is
sought to be made clear, and a point of priority that
is put under discussion, but our Ministers represent
ot hf ea ifnotreeriegsntsaate Government against th exponentsens h
t te a
ocfkn theowewlidsghedes
opinions well-known sentiments of the great
Li osly and
of the English People,
nThei:tesuribe
jreeenteseis withan
the established rights of EgLits
offence against the national feelings is that no

sophistry can explain away, and no specious
arguments excuse. Ministers must remember that,
if successful in their present venture, they will not
have done with the question. They will have tt,
defend themselves before Parliament, and they will
have to consult the opinions of the country. When
all things seemed going smoothly for them, they
have gone out of the way to provoke a contest
which is disastrous in its defeats and almost anni-
hilating in its victories, and which throughout its
course excites neither sympathy nor solicitude.

LORD PALMERSTON'S KINDNESS.

LATEST INTELLIGENCE.

• [REUTER'S TELEGRAM.]

THE CALCUTTA, CHINA, AND AUSTRA-

LIAN MAILS.
SOUTHAMPTON, Nov. 19.

The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steamer
Ripon has arrived here with the above mails, 78 pas-
sengers, :2,473 doll. in specie, and a general cargo,
including raw silk, to the value of £BO,OOO sterling.

Oa the 11th ins'. the Ripon spoke the steamer
Poonah, on the 15th the Iberia, and on the 16th
the Florida.

the Spanish steamer Concordia had left Malaga
for the penal settlement of Melilla with Senor
Merry. Spanish resident Minister at the court of
Morocco, the Spanish Consul, and two Moors. The
Concordia likewise carried 85,000 dole. from the
Morocco treasury to indemnify the Ruffians, and
terminate the differences existing regarding the
limits ceded by the late treaty.
The steamer Alava, with volunteers for Ha-
vannah, has left Corunna.
The British brig Lisbon rolled her masts over-
board in a heavy swell off Cape Lines (?) on the
11th, and was taken into Gibraltar by the brig
Mina.

Exclirnge on London at Gibraltar was quoted
90 daya'sight, 491 ; on Paris, 5,26; on Madrid, one
quarter premium.

The following telegram has been received at Mr.
Renter's office from the Peninsular and Oriental
Steam Navigation Company :—.