The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-15 00:00:00

-A.;• „et

LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 15, 1863.

Our Parisian contemporaries are beginning to
turn their attention from alternately scanning the
progress now of the Civil War in America, now of
the revolution in Poland—to concentrate it, for an
interval, at least, almost exclusively upon the
coming Elections. Although the remarks articu-
lated by the French journals upon a matter so
vitally affecting the interests of the poli-
tical Constitution of the country, are
rather diffusive and generalized in their
character, they are worthy of some passing
examination, we cannot but think, under
the circumstances. With a wholesome fear of the
Imperial Censor before their eyes, they can yet
articulate in some measure, a few at least among
them, their inner hopes and aspirations. Turning
to this morning's Constitutionnel, for instance, we
read there—and how differently the language will
seem to the eyes say of Mr. COBDEN and of Mr.
KINGLAKE—we read there to-day no less exultant
an exordium than the following :—" The electoral
movement," quoth the Constitutionnel, as self-
complacently as the most constitutional pub-
licist on this side of the Channel, "has
commenced, and it is now rapidly de-
veloping itself over the whole surface of the
country—as befits a free people ! It is with impli-
cit confidence," adds the writer, " that we await
the verdict about to be pronounced by the ten
million electors who have the privilege of voting
secretly : each of those ten million electors having
no one to whom to render an account of his vote
bat his Conscience and his GOD !" So much
for the first utterances to-day of the Con-
stituttonnei. Its closing paragraph we com-
mend to the sympathy of our earnest friends of
the Ballot Society here in England. Passing on,
however, from Le Constitutionnel of this very morn-
ing to to-day's Siecte we there read, under the head
of " The Electoral movement"—" Never has there
been such a multitude of free men in France as to-
day ! Universal Suffrage begins again to hold its
assizes : and each (elector) regards himself as
pledged to keep unspotted from all sins against
liberty, each wishes now to love and to practise only
liberty. . . . This movement" the writer adds
a little further on, " is at once admirable and pecu-
liar." Aad so on—and so on. Le Sieels exults, in
fact, over the advance of the age in which it lives,
and of which it is one of the organs in France—it
exults thus over its age no less than Le Constitu-
tionnel exults in its Constitutionalism. L' Opinion
Nationale has for once in a way miscarried this
day in its transit to us through the post, other-
wise we might been obtained next through its
Utterances some of its notions, at least as the tenour
and the tendencies of the national opinion, in regard
to this same contemporary movement. Here, how-
ever, is the yet damp copy of Le Pays, under date
this very afternoon, Friday, the 15th of May : its
comments (signed MELTIL) upon the great repre-
sentative movement now upon the eve once more of
beginning in genuine earnest,
opening with its own
name thus formally ; " The con
utry," says Le Pays,
" IS now entering for the third time since the esta-
blishment of the actual regime lute the
electoral
constitutional period. This regimehas largely
satisfied now for ten years, both within and with-
out, all legitimate aspirations. Without,—[who,
by the way, shall deny this ?]—it has reclaimed to
itself its ancient ascendancy by a national
policy
which has known how to be power-
ful without being either ambitious or me-
nacing, and which has had the tact to
reassure Europe by its moderation in triumph at
the very moment when the victorious sword of
our soldiers has restored to the France of Louts XIV.
and of NAPOLEON I. her grandeur and her glory.
Within, it (this national policy) has given to the
country, order, repose, work and prosperity"—and
so on, here also with Le Pays ; as, in other words, as
we have seen and shown, with .Le Steck ; as we
have previously beheld and demonstrated with
Le Constitutionnel ! Examining the utterances
of the chief among the Paris newspapers—running
MIT glance down the columns of the Journal des
D•bats, down those of La Presse, and so forth, red,
blue, green, white, neutral tinted—no matter what
the party,or 'Kati
onof aparty,anyof theseorgans may
chance, upon partivad
ar themes, to represent, how-

I ever feebly, or however boldly--all is one for that, in
regard to the Electoral Movement, upon the eve of
entering upon which all France now stands forward
expectantly. There, upon that common ground, the
view taken of the coming movement is in a manner
identical. It is a French view, as a matter of

course—however surprising, and even es one may
say incomprehensible, this may be to the hon. and
learned member for the borough of Bridgewater.
It is, at any rate, not an English view—as ap-
pears quite comprehensible, if to no one else on
this side of the Channel, at any rate to the distin-
guished common sense of that living embodiment of
the Genius of Common Sense, the hon. member
for the borough of Rochdale. And really when we
come: to look at what our neighbours would call
the " situation," it is but reasonable that
they should have their own point of view
from which to regard that same situation.
It may just possibly occur, one of these
days, even to Mr. KINGLAKE, that France being
France, and not England, Frenchmen may be al-
lowed to hare different opinions from his own
in regard to the value of Election by
Universal Suffrage through the ballotting urns—in
regard to the import of the Imperial Constitution
—in regard to the significance of what is pre-
cisely meant by Napoleonism.

It has often been observed that those advantages
and opportunities most easy of access are the least
valued, and the aphorism is as correct in political
life as in individual experience. We have a very
striking example of this indifference in the con-
duct of our statesmen towards India. We have
had under our government a vast and varied
country, whose climate, it is true, is often insalubri-
ous to Europeans, but which possesses mighty
rivers, large tracts of fertile but uncultured land,
and other advantages lying waiting for the hand
of the enterprising cultivator. The population
are poor but industrious, and the opening of a
fresh source of trade and commerce would be to
them a very great benefit. On the other hand we
have an overcrowded country, where youth and
strength can scarcely find scope for their energies,
and even capital cannot always discover a satisfac-
tory outlet. Under these circumstances it would
appear thatithe.requirements of one country were
exactly fitted to the need of the other, and that
mutual benefit would result from a free interchange
of money, energy, and raw material. When we
remember, too, that for one of our principal manu-
factures we are wholly dependent on a foreign
supply, while India could furnish our needs,
it certainly seems strange that the oppor-
tunity should hitherto have been turned
to so little account. Our Indian Ministers
are generally men who know little of the country
or the people they are called upon to govern. They
are consequently forced to depend very much upon
the official reports which theyreceive. With their
knowledge of the fierce and uncertain character of
the inhabitants, they are naturally cautious in
making any sudden innovations, and are particularly
chary of invading their rights and privileges•
There are, too, so many old prejudices and interests
to escounter among Europeans that it is on the
whole an easier task to allow matters to take their
ordinary course than to attempt any grand im-
provement or comprehensive scheme.
Until very recently our legislative powers
have been fettered by the chartered interests of
the old company. Lord STANLEY, during
the few months he held authority in Leaden-
hall-street, showed how much could be done by an
Indian Minister who really knew something of
the country he was legislating for, and who was
willing to step beyond the mere routine
of government in his endeavours to improve and
develope the resources of the country. Unfortu-

nately the noble lord's tenure of office was brief,
and on Sir CHARLES WOOD'S assuming the reins of
power the old system returned in full force. The
right hon. baronet on Tuesday evening declared that
the Government had been most anxious to encourage
the growth of cotton, and had, in fact, before any
alarm had been felt iu this country about the dearth
of the material, taken steps to make the require-
ments of this country known in India. They had
sent commissioners into the different districts to
communicate with the people on the subject ; they
had offered prizes for the best samples ; they had
distributed seed and advanced money in the shape

of cotton loans. All this was, of course, very well,
but how much better would it have been to have
thrown open the door to European energy and
capital instead of merely communicating with
natives who were probably ignorant of the import
ance and value of the new trade; who were un-
willing to change their occupation ; and who
were unable to commence such large undertak-
ings without the necessary irrigation, &c. Nay,
even on Sir CHARLES WOOD'S own showing the
matter was left too late. Why leave until 1861 what
might have been done ten years earlier. The
shadows of the coming storm were already
darkening the horizon when the Indian Go-
vernment showed that wonderful foresight which
the right hon.baronet claims for them. Mr. SEY-
MOUR tells us that, when he was at the Board of
Control, he was applied to to ask the Indian Govern-
ment to grant a tract of land in perpetuity for the
cultivation of cotton. The only reply was an eva-
sive paragraph in a despatch from the Court of
Directors, which of course left the matter where it
was. The consequences of such perversity have
unfortunately fallen on those who had nothing to
do with the wilful mismanagement of affairs. Mr.
SEYMOUR. further said that Lord STANLEY, in his
despatch upon the subject, had stated that many
applications had even then been made for land to
grow cotton ; but, as the hon. member justly re-
marked, What would not have been the case now if
the question of tenure had been satisfactorily set-
tled! The returns given by the Indian Government
the waste lands are certainly startling.
The respectingh e
Government of Madras stated that there were
in that presidency alone 13 millions of uncultivated
land, of which two millions were actually irrigated.
Lord STANLEY confirmed the assertions made as to
the immense extent of uncultivated land in India.
He said there was no calculation to show the
exact extent, but for all practical pur-
poses it might be said to be unlimited. "In
some parts of Bengal, in Oude, in Assam,
and on the slopes of the Himalayas there is a
large quantity of uncultivated land, icfinitely
greater than any number of settlers for any reason-
able number of years are likely to occupy."
When we hear of one tract of waste land contain •
ing 25,000 square miles in a district suitable for
the cultivation of cotton, it certainly does seem
as if we had brought the heavy national trouble
prom which we are even now suffering upon our-

selves.

The money which the Government will have
to advance to find work for the idle mill
hands would have been better employed in irri-
gating the vast tracts of land which are lying waste
beneath an Indian sun. The neglect of the canal
system and general water works shown by our Indian
authorities have put another obstacle in the way of
the cotton trade, by depriving the cultivation of a
cheap, easy, and safe mode of transit for their goods.
They completion of the railways is certainly very

' desirable, but the every day needs of the small
trading community should not be overlooked. In
L spite of Sir CHARLES WOOD'S claim to be considered
the friend of the Indian cotton trade, his own words
on Tuesday bear a quite contrary interpretation.
He declared, towards the close of his speech, that
the waste lands were not fit for the cultivation of
cotton, and read an extract from a letter in which
these lands were described as being wild and incap-
able of giving shelter to the cultivator. In
their present condition we do not see what else
could be expected. Sir CHARLES WOOD also cited
another authority respecting the same distract
which is beyond Berar, saying that the amount
of labour in Berar was but small for picking and
cleaning the cotton already grown. So, then,
it seems that cotton does grow in the neigh-
bourhood by his own evidence, and the paucity of
labour is not likely to be long a difficulty where
there h a demand. The right hon. baronet then
quoted a report of the Chief Commissioner of Oude,
saying, that so far from being a cotton growing, it
was a cotton importing country. If these are the
arguments which have appeared conclusive to our
legislators, they must be men of very few resources.
With regard to the unhealthiness of some of
the Himalaya districts, that evil would
very probably be modified by drainage and
cultivation ; while, if that were held as an insuper-
able barrier to the cultivation of land, the dreaded
" Yellow Jack" might prove a formidable obstacle
to the industry of the Southern States. The climate,
besides, would not be so pernicious to natives, who
would be the ones to do the work of cultivation,
under the direction of European skill and expe-
rience. But there are districts enough over the
country which might be turned to good account
without any further risk to health than is common
in a tropical country. It is very unfortunate that
so little interest is generally taken in our Indian
affairs that matters are left almost exclusively in
the hands of a few prejudiced and interested parties.
Those who know anything of the subject are usually
old officials, or have been long resident in that
country under the old routine. New systems and
new schemes have little favour in their eyes, and it
is vain to hope for marked improvement until the
country and the Parliament interest themselves in
the matter, until they extend to the vast plains and
population of our Indian possessions those prin-
ciples of enlightened and liberal policy which have
made the prosperity of the rest of our empire.

Mr. GIBSON'S remarks on the subject of the
Anglo-Saxon naturally give rise to reflections con-
cerning the manner in whf.ch this question has been
treated. The right hoc. gentleman stated " that
the Associated Press of New York made a proposal
to erect a fog trumpet on Cape Race ; but it was
not thought desirable by the Government of the
colony or the colonial authorities here, that a foreign
company should occupy a site there for the
„Im-
pose." Could anything be more absurd than this ar-
rangement. And it has been sufficiently proved by
the recent fearful calamity which has befallen the
Anglo-Saxon, how this short-sighted policy has
conduced to dreadful results. Farther on, Mr.
GIBSON says that the Board of Trade had urged
upon the shipowners the necessity of erecting some
adequate fog-signal. It evidently occurs to the
mind on hearing this, why did not the Board of
Trade do something themselves ? Human lives
ought not to be sacrificed to suit the fancies of
national jealousy, nor should such calamities be
incurred, because those who ought to act, delegate
their duties to others. Mr. GIBSON endeavoured to
parry the question by saying that it was not certain
that the particular signal referred to was the best,
and that it was very important to have one as excel-
lent as possible. This is very true, but it is a pity
that some of these arguments did not weigh
with those in authority, before they let the golden
chance slip by, and were only awakened to a sense
of the responsibility, and to a consideration of the
danger, when so terrific a piece of intelligence has
saddened the mind and darkened the homes of so
many mourners in England.
In the work called " Never Too Late to Mend,"
there is a very impressive passage regarding the
suicide of a boy in the prison, who had been
dreadfully neglected ; and, while dwelling on the
sad picture, it is there said by the author that they
were " looking at the corpse of an Englishman
murdered by routine." This is a most apt illustra-

on of how valuable lives are sacrificed to that
Moloch in the course of a year. There is nothing
so dangerous for precedent as to fall back on offi-
cial order. And the fear of offending some prejudice,
by breaking some custom, is held more sacred, and
thought more important than the very steps which,
taken decisively, would be productive of an immense
benefit to thousands, and result in most substantial
advantages. As far as may be gathered from Mr.
GIBSON'S speech, something is contemplated, but
he could not give a decisive answer at present.
It is very well to take time to consider an important
point like this with due deliberation, but the time
has already been so wasted that it is sad to con-
template the consequences. The evil that has been
wrought by want of thought in this instance is
almost incalculable, but let not the warning be
neglected, let the thought of those now sleeping
their last long sleep beneath the great waters act
as an incentive to the dilatory offiCials in high
places, and urge them to the more zealous
discharge of their duties. It is impossible,
of course, to avoid the occurrence of acci-
den,s, and as was truly observed in the de-
bate on the railways the other evening, no human
forethought can always guard against them. But it
adds tenfold to the painful nature of the affliction
to reflect that it might probably have been avoided
had due care been exercised and right precautions
adopted. It is to be hoped that hon. members will
not let this subject drop, but continue to exercise a
scrupulous watch over the Government, until some
arrangement can be speedily come to, in order to en •
sure the safety of those who are to voyage in that
direction. It is sufficient evidence of the very tardy
conduct of the authorities that Mr. GIBSON said
"the English Government made an application to
the Government of the United States last year, who
answered that from their inquiries they considered
it worthy of trial, but they had not sufficient infor-
mation on the subject to give a decisive opinion."
This was in reference to the advisability of the fog
trumpet that Mr. DAWSON had asked about. Why
waste so much time it may surely be asked. Why
not put it to the proof at once, and then decide
upon its merits, or else adopt another course
altogether? It may suit the purpose of the hour in
the crossfire of detail to turn off awkward inquiries
and to give a plausible answer to an embarrassing
query that may, with a little skilful interpretation,
read any way most convenient ; but facts are un-
altered by these means. And it is plain that very
little care has been taken to gain information on
an important point ; that very little consideration has
been felt regarding the importance of a question
Which was so vital to the interests of thousands.
Also, it has been shown that while at home we did
nothing, abroad we would not allow any one
else, more willing if not more skilful, to supply the
want. This is an extraordinary mode of proce-
dure, and one that cannot for a moment be tole-
rated. Unless this misfortune be seen in its right
bearing, and looked at in its true light, there