The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 3, 1863,

THE DEBATE IN THE PRUSSIAN

CHAMBERS.

(From the Times' Correspondent.)
BERLIN, Feb. 27.—This being Friday, postalli

corresponding with Sunday in Locdon, I the more
regret that it yesterday was impossible to send you

a better account -of the first day's debate on the
Polish resolution than was comprised in a few hasty

and imperfect jottings. Before proceeding to a

closer examination of it, we may briefly sum up the
declarations of Government, made in its course,

with respect to the Russian convention. M. Von

Bismark said that every overstepping of the fron-

tier, whether by Prussian or Russian troops, re-

quired previously to be consented to by frussia:;
that Lord Russell's declarations with respect to the

contents of the agreement with Russia were incor-
rect ; and that the presumptions of the report of
the committee concerning the possibility of Russian
marches into Prussia were false. You are already

acquainted with Count Eulenburg's declaration re-

specting the Poles arrested at Thorn, and who, their
passports not being in order, were sent across the
Russian frontier. The Chamber received the an-

nouncement with marks of great disapprobation,
wherepon Count Eulenburg quoted, in his justifica-

tion, Art. 23 of the Cartel-Convention, which says
Russian subjects, not having their papers in order,

can be sent across the frontier by the Prussian
authorities, and must be received by the Russians.
Supported by this paragraph the Prussian Govern-

ment had thought proper to send the four young
men in question into Russia—probably to Siberia,
... .

or to life-long service in the ranks. The speech of
the day, however, was iatquestionably that of the

Minister-President Von Bismark-Schonhausen,
which, unrivalled for its insolence, was in every
way worthy of the remarkable statesman who spoke

it. He began by denouncing the successive inter-
pellations with respect to the Prnsso-Russian con-
vention, or, as it is now generally termed, the
Polish question. The Government had deemed it
for the interest of the State to decline answering,
and, in any other Parliament that he knew of, the
most malcontent Opposition would thereupon have
desisted from further inquiries. He added:—
"Therewith I couple the wish, Give us an Eng-

lish Lower House, and then ask us for English in-
stitutions. (Agitation. A Voice—' Upper House !')
The Upper House is less important. (Great laugh -
ter.) A Lower House like the English would ren-
der our Upper House unnecessary."
M. Von Bismark then turned to the speeches made
by Waldeck and Unruh in the former debate on the
same subject. He said :

"DepUty Unruh had declared, amidst the ap-
plause of the Chamber, that if the measures taken
by Government for the security of Prussian fron-

tiers and interests were to lead to external compli-
cations, the means for the defence of the country
should be refused to the King. Is not that saying
to the foreigner, 4 Come hither; the moment is fa-
vourable P Prussia'—(lnterruption and contradic-
tion.) lam glad to see that you yet express a feel-
ing of indignation—(lnterruption and cries of
' 0 rder:)"

Vice-President Bebrend requested silence, and
said that the Minister had made use of no expres-
sions necessitating a call to order. M. Von Bis-
mark resumed, and said he would not yet raise the
question how far Ministers were liable to be called
to order. The threat to leave Prussia defenceless
had been spoken by that same deputy, Von Unruh,
whose name was connected with the refusal of taxes
in 1848. Here there was fresh interruption, and
the Vice-President told the Minister that his last
words had nothing whatever to do with the question
before the Chamber.

M. Von Bismark—l will permit myself to remark

to the President that I cannot admit his right to a
disciplinary interruption of my speeches. I have
not the honour to be a member of this Assembly ;
I did not make your regulations nor share in the
election of your Presidents ; I am not subject to
_ _

the disciplinary influence of the Chamber. The
disciplinary power of the President ceases at this
bar. (The table at which the Ministers sit.) My
only superior is his Majesty the King, and I have
to learn that any legal or constitutional enactment
has placed me under the discipline of the President
of this house. (Interruption.)
Vice-President Behrend—l have not deprived the
Minister-President of the word, nor could I do so
consistently with the Constitution. But according
to the regulations of this house, its President exer-
cises disciplinary power so far as its four walls ex-
tend—(loud applause)—and that power will I exert.
M. Von Bismark—l do not speak here in virtue
of your regulations, but in that of the authority de-
puted to me by the King. On the ground of the
paragraph of the Constitution which prescribes that
the Ministers must be allowed to speak and must
be heard as often as they demand it. (Interruption.)
You have no right to interrupt me. I must mark
that view as an erroneous one, which the Govern-
ment does not share. I was saying, then, the same
Deputy Von Unruh who, in 1848, indelibly asso-
ciated his name with the refusal of taxes. (Violent
commotion in the Chamber; cries of "It is scan-
dalous, adjourn." The President rings his bell con-
tinuously.)
Vice-President Behrend-1 shall find myself com-
pelled, in conformity with the regulation in such
cases, to adjourn the sitting—(applause)—if the
Minister-President should repeat expressions which
I have declared do not pertain to the debate. (Ap-
plause.)

M. Von Bismark—l cannot prevent the Presi-
dent adjourning. I have no need, gentlemen, again
to repeat what I have twice said, and what you, I
apprehend, ave understood. (Great commotion in
the Chamber, cries for and against an adjournment.)
The threat to leave Prussia defenceless is happily an
impotent one, but the remark is thereby suggested
that the tendencies, the words, the names of 1848
again appear in the foreground of the stage.
The European revolution is connected and
mutually supporting in all countries; it is
natural that a movement in Poland, which,
according to proofs that lie before us, has been
prepared with Mazzini's co-operation, and
which, according to known facts, is being car-
ried cut with Mieroslawski's assistance, should find
support from the revolutionary element in all coun-
tries. Under these circumstances, gentlemen, it is
proposed to you to testify your sympathy with the
Polish insurrection by the acceptance of to-day's
resolution. (Sensation.) It is not my business to
criticize the object of the gentlemen who bring it
forward. But the effect produced throughout the
whole world by the acceptance of the resolution will
unquestionably be those who vote for it constitute
themselves, to a certain extent, partisans of the
Polish insurrection. (Great agitation, animated
dissent.) You recommend to the Government—if,
that is to say, you will look upon the resolution in
the light of a recommendation—to favour neither of
the two parties. That the Government would not
favour the insurgents might be foreseen by the
Chamber d
wou ; the
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prejudices that might result to it from the attitude
of this Government. (Sensation.)
Comment is unnecessary on the language and de-
clarations of the Minister in the stormy scone de-
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