The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TIMES.—The debate on Poland last night was
worthy alike of the eloquence and the wisdom of
the House of Lords, and we venture to say that it
represents very accurately the general public feel-
ing on the subject in this country. There are few
of us who do not sympathise to a great extent with
the language of Lord Shaftesbury, however we
may withhold our assent from his conclusions.
There are none who will not be glad to see so pub-
licly and so eloquently expressed the universal feel
ing of indignation which has been roused in this
country by the treatment of the Poles, both before
this insurrection and in the Course of its progress.
In that part of his speech, at least, Lord Shaftes-
bury will not be gainsayed. Lord Russell, indeed,
declines to interpret the character and intentions of
the Emperor Alexander by these ache, and gives
him credit for the benevolent purposes which must
have prompted his measures for the emancipation
of the serfs. Lord Russell truly points out that
the root from which all these oppressions, and mi-
series,
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its
natural spri
agnd is simply despotism,
legitimate fruits.
and tn
In judging of the facts before us, then, we put aside
entirely the character or objects of the persons 1
en-
gaged in them. With them we have nothing to do,
but the facts are plain, and cannot ba disputed or
explained away. That in one night a secret con-
scription should seize 2,000 of the best and bravest
youths of the country—that the Russian soldiers,
many of them no better than savages, should by
distinct orders from headquarters be directed to dis-
regard the directions of their officers, and allowed
to commit the atrocities with which our readers are
too familiar—these are acts which every man, in
private or in public, out of office or in office, and of
every country in the world, is not only justified in
denouncing, but is bound to denounce as unjust,
" horrible, and heartrending;" and none of us can
refuse his sympathy with that admiration which
Lord Shaftesbury expressed for the energy, patriot.
ism, perseverance, and enthusiasm, of the Poles.
But the more we are conscious of these feelings,
the more strongly does the question press en us—
What is to be done ? We feel a certain dissatis-
faction in sitting still and seeming unable to take
any material steps to stop oppression and urge jus-
tice, But it is the sort of dilemma into which men
are continually forced in the ordinary affairs of life.
To adopt the illustration which Lord Shaftesbury
quoted, a man may be perfectly conscious that his
neighbour systematically and cruelly ill-treats his
wife, and yet be at his wits' end to give any assist-
ance in the matter. He may have the strongest
sympathy for the wife, and yet it may be a moral
impossibility for him to interfere with anything
beyond advice and moral influence. That he is un-
able to do more may be, and continually is, to a man
of high honour and spirit, the most galling part of
the position; but he may none the less be unable to
act otherwise. The case is precisely the same with
Russia and Poland at the present time. Every im-
pulse leads us to sympathise with Poland, but num-
berless considerations of public law and public jus-
tice prevent our material interference except in the
extremest necessity. In a country like this many
men are sure to be roused by such events as are now
going on to very strong language. edo net in the
least wonder at it ; but it cannot be too often enforced
that it is much easier for most men to speak than to
act. Difficult, however, as it is to act, there is one
thing which may be safely done, and we are very
glad to see that Lord Russell insists on its efficacy.
Public opinion can be thoroughly, openly, and con-
stantly expressed, and it can be, and is sure to be,
forced home on the consideration and the consciences
of the Russian Emperor and the Russian Ministers.
It was said in former times to be the greatest misfor-
tune of a ruler that he was unable to form any idea
of men or affairs except from the representations of
those about him, who might be led by interest, pre-
judice, or many other natural causes, to prevent the
truth being ever thoroughly laid before their mas-
ter. That state of things is impossible now. The
Emperor of Russia and his Ministers cannot be igno-
rant of the condition of Poland, or of the nature of
The acts for which they are now held responsible.
They cannot be deluded by official misrepresentation.
By that wonderful system which has welded Europe
into one body, every sentiment of indignation, every
demand for justice, every revelation of wrong is
freed under the notice and on the conscience of the
Ruesian Government. However blinded the eyes
of the Emperor may be, such debates as that in the
House of Lords last night must reach him and must
enlighten him. If he has no eyes to see with in
Russia, he may see, and must see, through the eyes
of the British Parliament. If the officials there, as
it is said, use words only to hide their thoughts,
here, at least, they are used to express them, and
when these expressions are embodied in diplomatic
documents, and supported by the whole weight of
offieial authority, it is impossible that they should
not have an influence. Right, Justice, Honour, and
Humanity are ideas which rouse an answer from one
end of Europe to the other, and have just united
Three nations so widely separated in all other re-
spects as England, France, and Austria. The Power
of these no Emperor can resist, no at my crush, no
diplomatists explain away. They rouse a voice
which every man knows and fears, which will com-
pel an audience even in St. Petersburg, which will
refuse to be banished, and which, as we believe with
Lord Russell, will ultimately compel obedience.
For the rest we are quite content, and we are sure
the country will be quite content, to leave the matter
in the hands of Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell.
It is clear that they are acting under the keenest
appreciation of the wrongs committed, and at the
same time under that sense of responsibility which
the importance of public action demands. The
i
country is well aware that t requires the greatest
possible experience and caution to manage such
negotiations as are now in progress respecting
Poland. It is the most characteristic virtue of
Englishmen that, however strong their feelings, or
even their judgment, they w.ill.patiently and loyally
follow their leaders, unless it obvious that they
are being grossly misled.. .And. if the country was
in any doubt whether its Ministers could be trasted
with this matter, it can have no fear after Lord
Russell's speech last night. We have expressed our
sympathy with the P.ole.s, and our sense that they
have the right on their side. We have promised to
express these feelings to the Court of St. Petersburg,
and to urge the claims of the Poles to the Constitu-
tion of Alexander, or to some fixed and definite
order of national life; and yet have clearly declared
that the Government cannot entertain suggestions
which involve departure from existing treaties, or
promise any other than moral influence. This is
just the course which we should expect and desire
the Foreign Minister to take.

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Majesty's Ministers
are, if their own statements may be believed, in no
small degree responsible. They have taken great
credit for their services in promoting the annexa-
tion to Piedmont; they must bear the discredit of
the evils which that annexation has generated.
From the first they have felt the liability, and
therefore they have made the most desperate efforts
to deny the existence of the evil. For a long time
Earl Russell and Mr. Layard denied, without dis-
crimination, every report of discontent on the part