The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF

ARGYLL ROOM S.-JULLIEN'S
PROMENADE CONCERTS.
NOTlCE.—During the Week the Selections will be—" Per
Frieschutz "—" La Forza del Destino "—" II Trovatorc "
" Don Giovanni," &c.
LEVY, the great wonder on the Cornet-a-Piston, plays
from half-past Nine to Twelve.
Admission, is.

31[1t. CARRICK begs to announce to his
Artist Friends and the Public, that his Photographic
stablshment, 32, Regent-street, Piccadilly-circus, is now
in full operation.
Cartes de Visite, 10 for 10s. 6d; 21 for £l. Miniatures on
Ivory, Marble, and the Photographic base in his former
styles.

MAR BRES ONYX d'ALGERIE.—One
Thousand objects made from this beautiful marble,
and comprehending every variety of work of decorative art,
including clocks, candelabra, vases, gueridons, inkstands,
tazze, card trays, jardinieres, Porte-bouquets, lamps, ring-
stands, &c., are now being exhibited in the Onyx Salon, at
Messrs. HOWELL, JAMES, and Co.'s, 5,7, 9, Regent-street.

ESTABLISHED 1833.
BOWDEN'S ERATED GINGER BEER, in
glass or stone bottles, warranted to keep good twelve
months. Lemonade, Soda-water, l'otass, Seltzer, and every
description of Mineral Waters.—Manufactory, No, 3, White
Hart-street, Drury-lane, W.C.

THE FARMER'S BAROMETER, 505., a
new Instrument, by Negretti and Zambra, will cor
rectly indicate whether the Barometer falls for Rain or for
Wind. Particulars by enclosing stamp.--1, Hatton-garden;
57, Cornhill ; and 122, Regent-street.

TEA.—MOORE BROTHERS respectfully inti-
mate that their New Prospectus is now ready. They
especially recommend their improved Family Tea, reduced.
to 3s. 2d. ; Souchong reduced to 3s. Bd. ; mixed Assam, re-
duced to 3s. Sd. ; and the finest Assam, reduced from 4s. 4d.
to 3s. 11d. per lb.
MOORE BROTHERS, 35, London-bridge, City, E.C.

RUPTURES.—BY ROYAL LETTERS PATENT.
mrIIITE'S MOO-MAIN LEVER TRUSS
(PERFECTED AND EXIIIBITED IN TFIE GREAT
RxRunTIONS OF 1851 AND 1862), is allowed by upwards of
Two Hundred Medical Gentlemen to be the most effective
,nvention in the curative treatment of HERNI A.
The use of a steel spring, so often hurtful in its effects,
is here avoided—a soft bandage being worn round the
body, while the requisite resisting power is supplied by the
Moe-Main Pad and Patent Lever, fitting with so much ease
and closeness that it cannot be detected, and may be worn
during sleep. A descriptive circular may be had,' and the
truss, which cannot fail to fit, forwarded by post, on the cir-
cumference of the body, two inches below the hips, being
sent to the manufacturer,

TIMES.-7111nyhave been the Chinese debates in
the British Parliament, and many more may we fore-
see in the years that are to come, each resembling
that which has gone before it in the scope of its
arguments. " Justice," " humanity," economy," one
party will eeclaim, as they urge a rigid abstinence
from all political intermeddling ; " necessity," the
other will answer, as they proceed to show that with
out arms in our hands and the will to use them we
can neither trade, nor travel, nor even live within
the borders of the Chinese Empire. When the evil
time shall pass away none can darn to predict, but
at present it seems as if weakness and anarchy and
the call for European interference were not likely
soon to cease out of the land. The hour of doom
has sounded for the old fabric of Chinese govern-
ment and society. The cloud which in the early
days of this generation began to form has become
blacker, until now it covers with a thick darkness
that ancient civilization. Weakness begets violence,
violence promotes the enmity of foreigners, whose
chastisements in turn tend to raise up rebels and
Pretenders against the humiliated Government.
The blows struck by England twenty years ago, by
breaking the spell of Imperial invincibility, had not
a little to do with the rise of the Taepings, who since
1850 have been constantly busy at their work of de-
struction in the empire. The natural insolence and
cruelty of the Chinese nature, increased by civil
wars, has broken out again and again within the last
few years, leading to fresh hostilities with the
Christian nations, and further weakening the influ-
ence of a Government already beset by gigantic rebel-
lion. While thus the Chinese political system seems
approaching its end, the European element is
plainly acquiring increased importance. Things
have gone so far that the House of Commons is now
appealed to, and asked to discountenance the for-
mation of permanent military bodies for service
within the Empire. At Shanghai a force is en-
rolled for the defence of the place and the surround-
ing districts ; and Captain Sherard Osborn will soon
be in Chinese waters ready to carry on active hos-
tilities against the rebels, and support the authority
of Prince Kung throughout such parts of his Re-
gency as a British seaman can reach. It is this
swerving from the paths of peaceful commerce that
Lord Naas last night desired to condemn. With
great elaboration he laboured to show that it was
neither our duty nor our policy to interfere in be-
half of the regular Government. To the usual
arguments in favour of neutrality Lord Naas added
others less commonplace, though hardly more con-
vincing. A. man of peace will treat the question as
one which general and abstract principles are
sufficient to decide. Like Mr. Cobden, he will con-
tent himself with saying that the Chinese have
governed themselves for several thousand years,
and need no interference from us now. He will
consider that whether there be peace or war w ithin
their borders we have nothing to do with the mat-
ter, our business being confined to buying tea and
silk from whomsoever will bring it down to us,
whether he be Imperialist or Taeping. We may
regret war and destruction, as we regret the flood,
the drought, or the blight, but we should no
more think of increasing our commerce by the in-
vasion of a neighbour's soil to compel political
tranquillity than to enforce the sunshine or
the rain. Lord Naas, however, is not content
with this course of argument. He suggests
that the rebellion is not an abnormal phase of
Chinese history. Resistance to misused authority
has always been a doctrine of the philosophical
Whigs of that empire. The right of rebellion had
always been recognised by the great Chinese writers,
and the people had been consistent in reducing the
doctrine to practice. Years had often passed in
such rebellions, and the country after their success-
ful close recovered and went on as prosperously as
ever. Why, then, may not the Taepings be now
working out a great and salutary change in Chinese
politics? There are the usual elements. One or
more Pretenders, a long and bloodthirsty warfare
of many years, desolating whole regions, and bring-
ing what in other countries would be thought
irremediable evils on the Empire; a weak Govern-
ment, unable to rescue some of its largest cities
from the grasp of its enemies; these are what have
been found in China for ages past, and they
are now seen once more. True, the Taepings
are unable to overthrow the Government they have
risen against. They are strong enough to overrun
and to hold permanently certain regions, but they
are not strong enough to change the dynasty. Yet,
if we do not misapprehend Lord Naas 's argument,
their rebellion is nothing so extraordinary in the
annals of China as to call for any nction on our part.
Whether the Government was victorious or van-
quished, or whether, HENS more likely, the rebellion
smouldered on for years, it would be merely a
healthy and natural process that was going on,
and we should impede recovery by attempting
to stop the progress of an inevitable malady. Our
own opinion is that these arguments, whether
philosophical, or economical, or political, in favour
of doing nothing and of seeing a vast wealth-pro-
ducing region: ruined by marauding savages, are
founded in error. As to Captain bherard Osborn
and his companions, we are not under the neces-
sity of defending them, It has always been he!d
that foreigners may enter the service of a legitimate
Government, and, leaving aside the question whether
periodical Chinese revolutions are necessary, there
is no service more praiseworthy than that of pro-
tecting the most flourishing cities of Eastern Asia
and the banks of the greatest rivers from the attacks
of insurgent armies which destroy wherever they
come. The British Government, however, is quite
independent of these officers, and not responsible for
their acts, although it has authorised them to enter
the service of a friendly State. All that this country
is doing is to carry out honourably and cordially
the principles on which the last reconciliation with
China was effected. We have been placed by the
Chinese Government—thanks to the courage of our
soldiers and sailors—in the same position that Russia
so long occupied alone. We have a Minister at
Pekin, we have the opportunity of renresenting our
views and wishes, and it is stated that the Chinese
ruler is ready to attend to our advice. It may be that
it is impossible to prevent the decay of Chinese
society, but it is possible and for the benefit of both
native and European that peace and order should
prevail, and that the industry of the people should
resume its wonted course. The Government of
Pekin asks our assistance in effecting this; and
those who know the country think that much may
be done by the support of a Power like England,
and the use of a small naval force. Considering the
magnitude of the British interests involved, it is
impossible, as it seems to us, for the Government
to hesitate. Unbounded resources, untold wealth,
exist in a region traversed by bands of robbers,
to whom the brigands of Naples are saintly and
gentle. To those regions we are freely admitted
by treaty, and only the state at the country pre-
e-ents our reaping the full advantages of former
exertions. We are now called upon to guide the
destinies of that mighty population, and in con-
junction with other European nations to take care
that the collapse of its ancient systems may do as
little harm as possible to them and to us.
POST.—Upon Monday next, it will be seen by our
Parliamentary report, the House of Commons will
in all probability resume the debate upon Mr. Roe-
buck's motion for the recognition of the Southern
States. We cannot help thinking that whenever that
debate is resumed, there is a point connected with it
which must receive a more solemn and seri-
ous attention than lass been yet devoted
to it. Proceedings have taken place in the
course of that debate which challenge a
decision on the question whether the House of
Commons can permit any of its members to profess
to be the bearers of communications from a foreign
Sovereign to Parliament in opposition to the Minis-
ters of the Queen. In opening the motion Mr. Roe-
buck took upon himself to say that he was autho-
rised by the Emperor to make certain statements to
the House of Commons. In the best days of the
House of Commons the uttering such words would
have been instantly followed by a motion to take
them down. The statements of which Mr. Roebuck
thus professed himself the bearer related to matters
which were the subject of S tate communication be-
tween the French Emperor and the Queen. Nay,
more, they involved a complaint of the manner in
which the Queen had treated the diplomatic commu-
nications of the French Sovereign. Mr. Roebuck
had the presumption to say that he had been desired
by the French Emperor to make a complaint in his
name to the House of Commons of the conduct of
the Foreign-office, and also to tell the House of Com-
mons the Emperor's sentiments upon the question
which had been the subject of official correspondence
with the Government of the Queen. The official
organ of the French Government has formally dist.:
avowed the part which Mr. Roebuck in his
vellous statement attributed to the Emperor of the
e
French. So far as his Majesty is concerned ,htivno
explanation is very simple and complete.
members of the British Parliament sought anhgether
ijatniefir:
view with him, which the Itloniteur rather s
cant ly observes be had no reason to refuse.
he would so easily be induced to grant themvaiee' n
the
the Moniteur does not say. In that inter
ic were
Emperor freely expressed his opinions, wother