The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-28 00:00:00

PRUSSIA.

A letter from Berlin, dated Oct. 25, says ;
On Wednesday next the general election takes place, and
no doubt is entertained that by the middle of November, at
latest, the Prussian Diet will have been opened—whether
by the King or by commission is still uncertain, and not
very important. The exact date is not known to be fixed ;
the 10th was spoken of, and latterly the sth was named—an
ominous day, whose explosive associations gave rise to some
comment and to unpleasant parallels between kings that
were and kings that are. As to the composition of the
Chamber there is little room for speculation; since it is
pretty well known beforehand. People speculate rather
upon the probable tactics of Government and of the Oppo-
sition, and, as the moment for action approaches, the
anxiety increases of those who fear a bitter conflict, and
would fain see peace restored between King and subjects.
Difficult as it appears to bring about such a reconciliation,
there yet are courageous and persevering spirits who will
not admit it to be impossible, and who indicate the mutual
concessions by which they bold that it still may be effected.
I need hardly remind you that the whole quarrel between
the Government and the nation took its origin in the mili-
tary question. It may be perfectly true, as many believe,
that the King's Constitutional and Liberal tendencies
have never had any real existence, although the decep-
tion may not have been wilful on his part, but
may have been practised on himself as well as
on the world at large. Bearing in mind the events
of the last two or three years, the majority maintain
that his Majesty has in reality always been at heart as much
a military despot as any Hohenzollern who ever wore a
crown, and far less dispose to bona-lick Constitutional re-
forms than his amiable and kind-hearted but most unprac-
tical brother and predecessor. But the immediate cause of
quarrel and of the present extremely unfot tunate state of
affairs has undeniably been the military question. Now it
is asked whether sufficient basis does not exist for build-
ing up a reconciliation between a King whom many believe
to be at bottom well meaning and a people long famed for
loyalty and attachment to their Sovereigns. Things have
gone far, it is true; but through the gloom of the
present situation a bright opening may perhaps be
discovered, and this some persons are disposed te
find in a document already noticed in your columns—in
the King's letter to the village of Steingrund. With re-
spect to the taste and judgment shown in addressing a Royal
missive to that petty rustic corporation, little that is favour-
able can be said. Steingrund, a place which you will
hardly find in any but Prussian local maps, returns an
elector and a half. That is to say, its primitive voters
choose one man and, in conjunction with other small
communes, another man, who gave their voices at the
election of a deputy to the Chamber. It reminds
one of the military contingents of certain infini-
tesimal and German States, whose contribution to the com-
mon defence consisted of a couple of infantrymen and half
a hussar. Now, if the royal letter was intended to carry
weight and include a promise such as the country might
welcome, it might more suitably have been addressed to
a large city. There would nowhere have been a dif-
ficulty in furnishing his Majesty with a pretext for such
a communication, which might also have been made, as has
not unfrequently been the case in other countries, by means
of a letter to some distinguished individual. Since Stein-
grund, however, was selected for the honour, let us see what
is the value of the reply to the question " Whom are we to
elect ? " Persons (the King in the first place answers), who
are firmly decided to support my Ministers in the perform-
ance of the tasks I have confided to them. Hostility to my
Ministers is incompatible with fidelity to myself." This is
intelligible enough. The King wishes to support the only
set of men who in Prussia can at the present moment be
found ready to carry out his views, and he accordingly iden-
tifies himself with them to the fullest extent, declaring those
faithless to him who are adverse to them. But then comes a
paragraph including a promise which the Opposition call an
electioneering bait, and optimists an opening for a transac-
tion, The King says :
"The work the carrying through of which I, above all,
have committed to my Ministers, is the establishment of
that organisation of the army which I have recognised as
necessary to the security of the country, and useful and just
in respect of lightening the burden of the older men liable
to military service. I should violate my duty towards my
people did I not, in the most decided manner, strive for the
attainment of that aim. So soon as it is compassed, peace
will again, and permanently, be founded in the country, and
the carrying out of my views for the further prosperous de-
velopment of legislation, on the basis of the Constitution,
will be ensured."

These words, which certainly imply a. sort of promise,
should, it by some is said, be treasured up and acted on by
the Opposition. The moment is a critical one in Europe—
many look forward to a war in spring. It is not the time to
diminish Prussia's military force, but rather the moment to
make sacrifices for its increase. At the point to which mat-
ters have come, it is idle to suppose that the King may be
yet induced to yield on the question of army organisation.
It is through that question that the Absolutist party has
worked upon him to the extent of violation of the Constitu-
tion—persuading him all the while that ho was remaining
within its limits. His relatives (not his nearest, but those
who have, at the present moment, unfortunately the greatest
influence over him), his personal intimates and most fre-
quent advisers, all do their very utmost to keep him stanch
to his resolve; in short, it has become a point of honour
with him to maintain the present military establishment,
and obstinately to resist, no matter at what cost, every at-
tempt at interference with what he considers his right and
prerogative, both as :King and supremo chief of the whole
Prussian army. Of the impossibility of moving him in that
matter all parties are now I believe fully convinced. But,
it is urged by the advocates of conciliation, would it not be
wise and well, seeing that the moment is really inopportune
for any reduction of the army, to yield to the King on this
point—deferring, if not to his wishes or wisdom, at least to
his position and to expediency—and so to remove the sole
obstacle to those concessions on his part which, it cannot be
doubted, he would then be disposed to make ? There exists
an army of upwards of 200,000 men, but that is not one man
too many for Prussia under present circumstances. Grant
it, then, for the present, and, by so doing, pave the way to
obtaining Constitutional guarantees such as shall enable
you hereafter to control, by means of the Budget, the mili-
tary expenditure of the country. Eschew questions of mere
form, forget recent irritation and recrimination, have regard
interests
'Arty f?eling
to Probable impending contingencies, and take a bread and
patriotic view of the present position of Prussia, its perils itsnecessities. Considering, above all, whether the
crificeofilnd security not only of the country, but of the
sa
ion, may not best be advanced by some resent
real s'`eniGe° "-
and by a conces';:ion involving no
maintain. Principle or disadvantage to the cause you
deal to be said in favour
of oefn°ugh' and there may be a great
All this sounds fairly
apprehen there will
ibte soinseuch a line of argument, but I
position to entertain .
the
Op-
Since h ifficulty in gAting the
Constitutional
t yi e l
dbudget
question has been raied, the mero
e military question has
dropped somewhat into the background,
ro111?d, but I doubt
whether there be en increased disposition