The Sun.
London, England, 1837-03-17 00:00:00

TliF! SUN, LoNpoN, FRIDAY, MARCH 17, 1837.

advocates. Cun anything exceed the blundering despera-
tion of the 11.arquis of CHANDOS in defending his favourite
law of stare ation ? " Why," says the Noble Marquis,
" should not; ibe manufacturer of corn be protected as well
as the manufacturer of silk Now, to drop the obvious
distinction 13etween an article of luxury used by few,
and one of necessity used by all, what was the object of
Mr. CLAT's motion which the Marquis of CHANDOS was
resisting, brit to give the landowner the protection which
the Noble Marquis claimed ? Was it not to place corn on
the sang footing as other imported commodities, by sub-
jecting it to afixed instead of a perpetually fluctuating duty ?

The Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets has not sue-
ceded in his meritorious object, but he has the consolation
of reflecting that he has performed a great duty to his country
in a manner that must raiso him in the estimation of all
who are capable of appreciating high principle, combined
with great talent. He has bestowed, it is evident, much
labour upon the subject of the Corn-laws ; and no one can
read the speech of last night, without admiring the masterly
manner in which the question is handled. If it is to
be regretted that he should have thrown his pearls before
swine, we are sure the country at large will not benefit the
less by his exertions.

Mr. HARDY has redeemed his pledge to the House of
Commons. He has brought forw'ard his promised Bill for
the prevention of bribery at elections ; and although sub-
stantial cause exists for placing no reliance upon the sines:
rity of the Hon. and immaculate Gentleman when dwelling
upon the horror with which he professes to regard bribery
in every shape, yet do we freely admit that it would be dif-
cult to frame a Bill under which it would be more difficult
for the subtlest casuist to give, promise, or accept a
bribe without perjury, than the one which he proposes
for the adoption of the Legislature. 'The first clause simply
repeals the 7th of WILLIAM 111. c. 4. ; the 2nd, of
GEO. 11. c. 24 ; the 49th of GEo. 111. c. 118., and the
7th and Bth of GEo. IV. c. 37.—a1l Acts passed to prevent
bribery at elections, and to secure the purity and indepen-
dence of the House of Commons. The second clause sub-
jects to a penalty of 5001. any person offering, paying, or
promising to pay, any sum of money, whether advanced by
way of gift, loan, or donation to any individual, corpora-
tion, club, or society, with a view to obtain the return of
any person whatever to serve in Parliament. The third
clause subjects to the same penalty any person who by
himself, or others, by means of money, promises of place, or
any other advantage, procures, or attempts to procure, the
vote of any elector, or to prevent him from voting. The
fourth clause imposes the same penalty for paying any
part of even the necessary expenses or travelling charges of
electors. The fifth clause subjects to a penalty of 501. the
allowing of any compensation for loss of time on the part
of the electors. The sixth clause imposes the same penalty
for allowing them either meat or drink before or after the
election. The seventh clause declares that all candidates
proved to have been guilty of any of the foregoing offences
shall be declared incapacitated to serve in the Parliament then
sitting. The eighth clause subjects to a penalty of 101. the
giving of any cockades or ribbons to be worn by the elec-
tors, as the distinguishing mark of their party or candidate.
The ninth clause enacts that electors convicted of having
received any money, promise thereof, place, or other ad-
vantage for voting or refraining to vote, are to be liable for
each offence to a penalty of 501., and to be for ever inca-
pable of holding any office, benefice, commission, place, or
employment. Electors convicted of receiving a compensa-
tion for loss of time are to have their votes declared void,
and their names struck off the poll. Neither are they to
receive hire as special constables, nor to be appointed such
unless in a ease of actual riot, when their services aro to be
given gratis. On the return of Members to serve in Par-
liament they are to take at the table of the House an oath
couched in these words :—" I do swear that I have not
advanced, paid, nor promised, nor will I hereafter advance,
pay, or promise to any person whatsoever any money, gift,
or reward of any kind, for the purpose of corruptly procur-
ing or promoting, or having corruptly procured or pro-
moted, my return to Parliament?' Every elector on com-
ing to the hustings to vote, must, if so required by any
candidate, or any two electors, swear that he has neither
received, nor will receive, any reward or compensation
whatever for the vote which he is about to give ; and
a similar oath is required to be taken by every Returning
Officer after reading the writ. In the case of elee-

tion petitions, the Committee sitting upon them is

authorized to examine all witnesses, whether agents or
otherwise, and to declare the election void when bribery is
proved by any witnessses to have been carried on. In its
Report the Committee is boom] to state whether the offence

was a first one, and how often repeated. Witnesses ex-
amined before Committees, on Election Petitions, arc not
to be allowed to conceal any part of the truth from a fear
of eliminating themselves. Tbey arc to be compelled to dis-
close all they know, and if their disclosures satisfy the
Committee, they are to be furnished with a certificate,
signed by the SPEAKER, which shall be a full discharge from
all prosecutions and penalties to which they may have be-
come liable. All persons discovering offences against this
Act, within three months after their commission, are to be
indemnified for losses sustained, and discharged from the
penalties incurred under any of its provisions. _
This Bill would put an end to bribery at elections, were
it conceivable that men capable of bribing and receiving
bribes, would be deterred from such a crime by the dread
of taking a false oath. We admit that many instances
might be cited of men ready to sell their franchises for a sum
of money, or the promise of a place, who would make any
sacrifice rather than perjure themselves ; but at the sank
time we are of opinion that in the majority of cases, the
man who would off.n., or accept a bribe, would not be
over squeamish about the sacredness of an oath. It
is therefore of the last importance that in guarding
against a corruption which threatens to be fatal to our
liberties, we adopt not such a system of prevention as may
sap the foundation of public morals. It is as impolitic as

. _
it is anti-Christian to sanction the administration of oaths

on every trifling occasion ; and we think that under this.
Bill too great facilities are allowed for hurting the feelings
and injuring the morals of the elective body, by the unne.
cessary imposition of such sacred tests. What high-minded
elector would not deem himself insulted, if on coming to
the poll among hundreds of his neighbours, a candidate
were to single him out, and insist on his taking the oath
against bribery? And supposing him to have taken a
bribe, is it to be believed that under such circumstances he
would shrink from the commission of a perjury to screen
his guilt from public detection ? Thus, if be were inno-
cent, the idea of his having been suspected of perjury would

rankle like a poisoned barb i❑ his heart's core—an outrage

would have been offered to him which he would resent to
the day of his death ; and, on the contrary, if be were
guilty, one crime would unnecessarily be heaped upon
another.

We are therefore opposed on principle to a system which
cannot be carried into effect with so much rash swearing,
and such deadly injury to the feelings of the electors. We
are, moreover, quite confident that were such an optional
power of administering a bribery oath vested in candidates,
and in every two of the electors, one-third of the electors

of these kingdoms would decline altogether to take any
part in the election of Members to serve in Parliament.
In fact, the elective franchise would be completely mono-
polised by a few demagogues on the one side, and zealots
on the other, prepared to sacrifice the great interests of
the country to the petty triumphs of faction.
The only moral and radical remedy for the prevention of
bribery at elections, is the Ballot. In it the elective body
can only find a sure protection against coercive influence,
and a shelter from the indignities to which this Bill would

expose them. Should Parliament, however, think more
favourably of this Bill, as a remedy for the prevention of
bribery than we do, we trust that no optional power of
administering an oath, will be vested in either the candi-
dates or the electors, but that the oath, if imposed at all,
will be taken by every elector, on presenting himself to
vote for a Member to serve in Parliament.

The Marylebone Conservatives held their second anni-
versary festival yesterday. Mr. MACKINNON was in the
Chair, and expatiated in high terms of eulogy, and at con-
siderable length, on the various political deserts of the
House of Lords. " Great as were the exertions," ob-
served the Hon. Gentleman, " of the House of Lords in
the cause of civil and religious liberty at former periods,
they were not greater than the exertions of the present
House. That body was now composed of the most distin-
guished men in the land, the first statesmen, and the ablest
political and military leaders of the daj." This will be
news to the majority of our readers—and indeed to the
country generally, whose great cause of complaint with