The Sun.
London, England, 1830-06-10 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

ASCOT RACES.
The unpromising state of the weather, the absence of
Royalty, and the prevalent notion that the second day is
in most r, spects inferior to the others, are sufficient to ac-
count for the meagre attendance on the Heath yesterday.
As far as the weather and the company are concerned,
nothing could be flatter, fir there was not above one-fifth
of the number present on Tuesday to encounter the cub'
winds and fr, quent showers of Wednesday. The roads
Inding to the Heath afforded none of the incidents common
ti an occasion like this, and nothing but the knowledge
that something of the sort was going on would have in-
duced us to believe that such was the case. There were

two or three extra coaches, with about as many passengers
each—about the same number of gentlemen, and a few
extempore whicles, not half filled ; such were the travel-
ling evidences of a racing meeting ; nor were the features
of the course of a much more imposing character, the
Royal Stand being closely shut up, and the other not
half filled. The rain drove the majority of the spectators
to the Ascot Race Lodge, which, in the absence of her
husband, is carried on with great spirit by Mrs. Wright.
Of the nature of the sport we cannot speak too highly—
' it was good in every respect, and fully supports the high
name obtais:ed by the Ascot Meetings, under the Steward-
ship of Lord Maryborough. It would be absurd to give a
list of the fashionables, for a few only of the nobility men-
tioned yest,rday were on the ground. The most anxious
enquiries were made as to the state of his Majesty's health,
which was represented as being much better than on the
preceding day.
The following is a correct detail of the running :
The Swinley Stakes, of 25 sovs. each, ftr three year olds,
7st. 41b. ; and four years, Sst. 101 b. ; fillies allowed
31b. The last mile and half, starting at the Swinley Post.
Lord Exeter's Green Mantle, 4 yrs. •
1
His Majesty's Frederica, by Moses, 3 yrs.
The following also started, but were n placed :
Mr. Stephenson's ch. c. Cornelian, 4 yrs.
Lord Mounteharles's Benedict, 4 yrs.
Mr. Crouch's ch. ti Lady Wanche, 3 yrs.
Pour paid forfeit. Betting-5 to 2 and 3tol on Green
Mantle, 4 to 1 agst Lady Blanche, and 8 and 10 to 1 agst

Frederica.
Cornelian made play at a smart pace, followed by Lady
Blanche, Frederica, and Benedict, close together, and
Green Montle on the waiting order behind. Cornelian
maintained his lead to the last turn, where some changes
occurred in the positions of the horses. Green Mantle
came from the rear to Cornelian's heul, Frederica at the
same time passing Lady Blanche, and getting abreast of
the two in advance; Cornelian kept well up till they
made the betting stand, where he fell off a little; the re-
mainder of the ground was severely contested, Green
Mantle appearing to have the advantage till the last three
or four strides; here Pavis made a vigorous effort, and
,ucceeded in making it a dead heat, Cornelian being third
by about a length. After this the betting was 2to 1 on
Green Mantle. The King's mare took the lead to the
last turn, when Green Mantle challenged, and after a very
short race beat her easily by two lengths—rode by Dockery ;
Frederica, by Pavis; Cornelian, by S. Day; Benedict,
by Nelson ; Lady Blanche, by Chapple. It is proper to
state, that this is not the same Frederica that ran on the
Oaks.
'lle Albany Stakes of 50 soya. each, 30 ft. ; for colts,
Bst. 71h., and fillies, Bst. 31b. New Mile.
Lord Exeter's Mahmoud 1
Mr. Ramsbottom's Zucharelli 0
Mr. Goddard's Sketch-Book 3
The fallowing paid : —Duke of Richmond's Confederacy,
his Majesty's Vanloo, Lerd Exeter's Red Rover, Mr.
Chifney's Priam, and the Duke of Rutland's c. by Orville
or Bustard. Betting 7to 4 and 2tol on Mahmoud, 7
to 2 on Zucharelli (taken), and 6 to 1 agst Sketch-Book
Zucharelli was in front from the beginning till half
within the distance, when Mahmoud made a push, got in
front wiihout much difficulty, and won chverly by a
length ; rode by Dockery ; Zucharelli, by Robinson ; and
Sketch-Book, by Arnull. The running gives additional
corroboration to the superiority of Priam, who was drawn,
from a conviction that it would be unwise to take any
more out of him by running for a stakes of comparative
insignificance. He is now put by for the Great St. Leger.
Sweepstakes of 50 soya. each, 30 ft. ; for colts, Sst. 71b.,
and fillies, Sst. 41b., now two years old. The last half
of the new mile. To continue in 1831. (15 subs.)
Mr. Wreforti's Washington, by Smolensk° 1
Lord Exeter's f. by Sultan, dam by Woful 2
His Majesty's f. Lisbeth, by Phantom—Elizabeth
Duke of Grafton's c. by Emilius—Zeal
His Majesty's b. c, by Whalebone —Electress 5
Betting 2 to agst Lord Exeter's; 5 to 1 agst each of
the King's ; and 6 to 1 agst the Duke of Grafton's.
Washington opened at 5 and 6 to 1, and finished at about
3to 1. Just at starting, the Electress colt slipped, went
with her side against the rails; and, by the jerk, threw
Pavis, who escaped uninjured. The colt was considered
as having started, and placed fifth, although, in point of
fact, he was not in the race. Lisbeth, the Sultan filly,
and Zeal, made running amongst them till half within the
distance, where Sam Day, who had been waiting with
Washington, came out and won cleverly by a length; he
is Lt./ail-blown two-year old, and might, as far as appear-
ance goes, pass very well for a three-year-old, Lord Exe-
ter's was rode by Armin, Lisbeth by Nelson, and Zeal by

J. Day.
The Windsor Castle Stakes of 100 sous. h. ft. ; for colts,
Sst. '7lh. ; and fillies, Sst. 31h. New Mile.
Duke of Grafton's Paradox walked over
Four paid forfeit.
A

Gold Cup, value 100 sovs., by subscribers of 15 sovs.
each, 10 It., for all ages, the horses bona fide the pro-
perty of Officers of the Household Brigade. Two miles.
(13 subs.)
➢lr. Gardner's Emmelina, 5 yrs 1
Mr. Ricardo's Linkboy, aged
Mr. Cosby's Windrush, 4 yrs 3
Colonel Standen's Conrad, 6 yrs.
Mr. Nisbett's William Tell, 4 yrs 5
6 to 4 on Conrad, and 5 to 1 agst Em reline.—Conrad
made the running half way, when Emmeline, who had
been pulling all the way, went to the front. Linkboy and
Windrush getting forward at the last turn, a tolerabl race
home was won cleverly by Emmeline, by a length—rode
by Paris, Linkboy by Dockeray, Conrad by Conolly, Wind-
rush by C. Day, and William Tell (who is more like a
cart horse than a racer) by John Day.
ST. LEGER.
5 to 2 agst Mr. Chifney's Priam (taken)

The Hon. Mrs. CONWAY, the only child of
Field-Marshal HENRY SEYMOUR CONWAY, afterwards
Mrs. DAMER, when some eighteen or twenty years old,
happened to be walking with DAVID Hums; they were
accosted by a wandering Italian boy, who offered for sale
some plaster figures and vases which he carried : the good
natured historian looked at the casts—conversed with the
bay—gave him a shilling, and continued his walk. Some
time afterwards the young lady related iu company the
adventure of Mr. Hume and this wandering artist, not
without a satiric touch at his squandering his time on paltry
plaster images. "Be less severe Miss CoNwAY," said
HUME : those images at which you smile were not made
without the aid of both science and genius; with all
your attainments, now, you cannot produce such works."
She soothed her monitor by submission and smiles, in-
wardly resolving to try her hand in art, as much with the
hope of confounding the historian, as with the expectation
of finding pleasure in the attempt. She procured wax
and modelling tools—set to work in secret, and in a few
days presented a head which she had modelled to the phi-
losopher. " This, now," said he, "is clever, and much
better than first attempts usually are ; you have found it is
no easy thing to produce such works, but believe me it is
much easier to model in wax than to carve in marble."
She was not probably prepared for this ; she, however, as-
serted that it could not be difficult, and that the hand
which wrought well in wax would easily acquire skill in
marble also. Resolving secretly to make this second expe-
riment, she got marble and proper tools, and in a short
while copied out, a little rudely indeed, the bust which
she had made in wax,. and placed it before HOME. He had
nothing more to say.— Cunningham's British Sculptors.
Two young men, brothers, of the ages of 17
and 20, sons of Mr. J. GRANT, cabinet-maker, Culver-
street, Bristol, were drowned early on Sunday morning
las
seat,NVlibilane bathingkg. in the Float, near the Glass-house, on
the

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The French Government, as we see by the Papers
of Monday, has not yet published the list of Presi-
dents for the Electoral Colleges. It is reported that
the Court .elperiences great d!fficulties in making
this selection. Those who have any popular cha-
racter to lose are unwilling to risk it by accepting
such appointments; and those who are already
obnoxious to the people are not likely to be the
best instruments for securing popular favour for
the Ministry. To preside over the elections, 259
friends of the Ministry will be required for the
colleges of arrondissements, and 172 for those of
departments. It would be easy to find in France
a sufficient number of intriguers to answer this
purpose under any Administration; but it would
perhaps be difficult to select 340 men for such an
office, at present, who unite a devoted attachment
to the Ministry with any share of popular favour.
In every department of France the greatest activity
is used in preparing and publishing the lists of elec-
tor;,—in making out supplementary lists, in cases
where new distributions of property have taken
place to alter the electoral census,—and in taking
measures to erase from them the names of those
who either never possessed or who may have
forfeited the electoral qualifications. As third parties
are allowed to interfere in this scrutiny, and super-
vision, the agents of Liberal committees have
frequent contests with the Ministerial local autho-
rities. As some very superficial people on this side
the :rater affect to speak of the electoral assemblies
in France as a mere rabble or mob, it may not be
superfluous to counteract their assertions by a state-
ment of the conclusive fact, that the whole of the
French constituent body does not much exceed
80,000 persons,—that this comparatively small num-
ber, not much exceeding quadruple the electors of
Westminster, returns members for 32,000,000 in-
habitants,—that to be an elector for the smaller col-
leges it is necessary' to pay 121. sterling to the state
in direct taxes, and that the qualification for a de-
partmental elector is frequently 401. or 501.,-Mhos
the votes of these electors are taken in more thus*
300 colleges or assemblies, in few of which the
electors exceed 1000, and in most of which they
fall short of 500,—and that no popular addresses
are permitted to influence their minas when met to
give their suffrages. No institution can be further
removed from radical influence than those instru-
ments for collecting the voice of the country-- no-
thing call be more inconsistent with the plans of oar
universal suffrage reformers. In the department of
the Seine (including, of course, the capital), the
number of electors on the list published for this year
appears to be 0,755, or nearly an eighth part of the
whole French constituency. This body is divided
into eight colleges of arrondissement, each of which
returns a deputy, and one college of department,
which returns four. When the relative importance
of Paris to the rest of the kingdom in point of popttla-
don and wealth is considered, this quota of deputies
will not appear excessive. At any rate, 9,755
of the wealthiest citizens out of a population of
800,000, cannot be considered as a pot-walloping
rabble. The Director-General of Registration and
Domains, M. de Suleau, has addressed to the
officers employed in his department a circular on
their duties as electors, similar to that of Prince de
Polignac, which we published yesterday. It would
appear that news had been received at Paris of the
Algerine expedition having reached the coast of
Majorca. Whether from sinister rumours about the
expedition, or about the electoral colleges, the French
funds have again fallen.—Times.
If we could give the Greeks all we wish, they
would certainly have the enlarged boundary, up to
the Gulf of Arta. However, wishes should hardly
guide arbitrators ; and the three High Allies, in the
exercise of their discretion, have only assigned to
new Greece the line of the Aspropotamos. It is
said that the miscellaneous Opposition now pre-
paring acknowledge that Prince Leopold knew that
Acarnania was to belong to the Turks when he ac-
cepted the sovereignty, and, of course, mean to give
him up ; but still contend that it was pusillanimous,
inconsistent, and, on the whole, improper and ill-
judged in Ministers to deprive the Greeks, by their
latter protocols, of the more enlarged territory. Be
this, then, the principle which the Opposition mean
to adopt ; but still it is proper that the whole-
case of which the British public and Europe
are to be judges, should be fully known.—
It has been conceived that the Allies had
prescribed the more confined boundary, in the
mere wantonness of power, and that while
they were able (as they no doubt were) to give
more to the Greeks, they have chosen to give less.
This is a hasty and erroneous conception. The
matter was fully argued; and if our feelings are
deeply interested in behalf of the descendants of an
illustrious race struggling for freedom, it is impos-
sible not to sympathize also in some degree in the
sorrow and distress of a falling empire,_ even though
it be the empire of the Turks. " You are giving
to the Greeks," says the afflicted Emperor of the
Mussulmans, " more than you promised them. You
present them with absolute freedom, when you only
spoke of raising them to a state of feudal depen-
dence. Do mot dissever too large a portion from my
empire, lest I should perish through the indignation
of my own subjects, the unoffending victim of your
generosity at my expense." The Allies acquiesced
in this reasoning, or sunk under this appeal to their
feelings, and the line of the Aspropotamos has been
prescribed- It is partial and unjust to pity only one
of the contending parties: we now sincerely pity
both. In the following terms is the line of the
Aspropotamos prescribed in the conference held at
the British Foreign-office, on the 3d February last :
" 1. Greece shall farm an independent state, and shall
enjoy all the rights, political, administrative, and com-
mercial, attache.' to complete independence.
" 2. In consideration of these advantages granted t
the new state, and in deference to the desire expressed
by the Porte to obtain the reduction of the frontiers
fixed by the Protocol of the 22d of March, the line of
demarcation of the limits of Greece shall take its depar-
ture from the mouth of the river Aspropotamos, ascend
that river as far as the latitude of Lake Angelo Castro,
and traversing that lake, as well as those of Vraehori and
Sourovitza, it shall strike the Mount Artolina, front
whence it shall follow the ridge of Mount Oxas, the val-
ley of Calouri, and the ridge of Mount (Eta, as far as
the Gulf of Zeitoun, which it sal reach at this mouth of
the Sperchius."
Upon this line of frontier we skull venture to say
ti word or two. It is not so strongly marked, probe•
lily, in the first instance, as that from the Gulf of
Arta by Macrinoros, to the Gulf of Volo; but to
say that it is no line of demarcation at all, is absurd.
Its adoption is a proof that it exists as a distinct
and cognizable boundary to the two kingdoms.
Still the Turks, it is said, can easily cross a river
which is generally fordable in summer, and, by turn-
ing (we use the military word) the position of the
Greeks in Eastern Etolia, may obtain access to the
heart of Greece, to Boeotia, and even to Attica.
And may not the Turks, we ask, while attempting
to effect th's, be also turned themselves, and attacked
on their right flank by the garrison from Misses
longhi ? It is to be doubted whether the Turks
can advance towards Bceotia till they have taken
that place, which it cost the gallant General Church
so much to take from them. This, it is possible,
may be the state of the argument with respect to
the frontier, in a military point of view; and it is
at least no reply to it to abuse the Turks as a bar-
barous and a cruel race of people. They are fallen
now no doubt, end weighed down into the earth,
but none can tell whose turn it may be next, and
" a Turk has a soul 1" as Corporal Trim rays. On
the subject of a successor to one who never reigned,
—namely, to Prince Leopold,--virious -opinions are
hazarded. There is no want of aspirants, we be-
lieve, though one hat slunk out of the concern, so
that conjecture may riot atilarge ; but'nothing cer-
tain is known, either here or abroad. As• soon as

the- impottatit matter is settled, we 0411 not be
tardy in communicating the name, and canvassing
the pr et elisions, of the successful candidate.— Times.
The currency question is so settled, in point of
fact and practice, as well as in reason, that Mr. Att-
wood's motion attracts no attention either in or out
of the House. He preaches to the winds; and it is
certainly highly honourable to this country to find
itself in the same situation, with respect to the cir-
culating medium, as before the war began, and be-
fore the Bank stopped payment. How many pro-
phecies were rung into our ears, that it was totally
impossible either to resume payments in cash, or to
recall the small notes ! Both have been effected,
and that without corn sinking to nothing in price,
or any great misery inflicted on the various classes
of society. What any one can mean, except
mischief, by asking for the re-issue of small notes,
we cannot understand. It is asking for a state of
danger to the country, and for fresh panics. Gold,
discharging as_ it does now the office of small notes,
supplies a fund which would be easily attainable in
case there were a run upon the Bank. But were
small notes to appear again, gold would vanish,
and then, should a run take place, there would be
nothing to meet it—at least till after an importa-
tion from the continent—but the specie preserved
in the Bank coffers, be that more or less. The
public may not generally be aware that silver is
a much more perishable article than gold, not only
because it is more worn when coined into specie,
but also because its specific gravity is less. Surely,
therefore, it is rational to assume the more fixed and
unvarying substance as the standard. When the
silver coinage is worn light, a fresh issue should take
place, but gold should always be the criterion to
which it should be referred. But the great objec-
tion to Mr. Attwood's proposition is, that it is, in
fact, a direct attempt to change the common stan-
dard of property throughout the realm, which would
have been equivalent to a disturbance of every con-
tract made by the possessors of property since paper
ceased to be the circulating medium of Great Bri-
tain. The best possible way of describing the hope-
less attitude of the paper schemers, was taken
•by Mr. Herries in his reply; when, alluding to,
the thin attendance of the House of Commons,
he assured the Honourable Mover, that if ever
so remote an idea had gone abroad, that his mo-
tion stood the least chance of being carried,
Members would have flocked in from every
quarter to oppose it. " The two Hon. Members
(the mover and seconder), said Mr. Herries,
" might depend upon it, that if the majority of the
house thought there was the slightest probability
of this motion ending in an alteration of the cur-
rency, the House would be crowded by the fullest
possible attendance of Members, who would be
drawn down for the express purpose of preventing
such alteration." The plan of the two standards,
viz., gold and silver, being compelled by Act of
Parliament to circulate at fixed proportions to each
other—viz., as in the year 1798—such proportions
being essentially different from those which they
now actually bear to each other, from the extraor-
dinary changes which have occurred in the supply
and management of the respective metals—that
plan, we say, resembles no other in history but the
immortal one of poor Mr. Vansittart, for voting
truth to be a liar," and a paper guinea and a
golden one of precisely the same value ! Enough,
and more than enough, on this wearisome theme,
which is worth about as much as a fiddlestick by
way of a text for dissertation.—Times.
We understand that much inconvenience has been
experienced during the last month, in consequence
of the slow, or rather the uncertain progress of
Scotch Judicial business in the House of Lords.
The 'Lord Chancellor, in bringing forward his
Equity Bill, some time ago, engaged to extinguish
the arrear of appeals, before the close of the present
session of Parliament. That arrear we believe, con-
sisted of sixty'-four Scotch appeals; of which only
twenty-seven cases have been yet completely heard ;
and of these, only seventeen have received the final
judgment of the House. Whether their Lordships
mean to proceed further this Session we know not.
Recent circumstances, tio doubt, have thrown an
unexpected pressure of other business on the Chan-
cellor; and delay has also been occasioned by Lord
Wynford's indisposition. But if, as generally sup-
posed, the Session is to be a long one, we can see
no reason why the Lord Chancellor should not re-
deem—we do not say the whole, but a moiety of
the pledge which he has given. At all events.the
parties should not be kept in a state of uncer-
tainty and suspense. Several Advocates and Agents
from Scotland are, we hear, detained 'n London, not
only with much inconvenience to themselves, but at
a grievous expense to the litigants who employ them.
'fhis evil may easily be remedied by the Lord Chan-
cellor announcing his intentions distinctly to the
public.—. Morning Chronicle.
One of the greatest improvements in the Poor
Laws would be to confine settlement to birth. In
an article on the Causes and Remedies of Pauper-
ism, in the Quarterly Review (from many of the
conclusions of which we dissent), this point of a
birth-settlement is strongly contended for. " The
law of parochial settlement (says the writer) may
be mentioned as another check to the most advan-
tageous employment of labour. It tends to prevent
farmers and tradesmen from employing those who
might by such service, or by residence, acquire
a settlement, and ultimately become charge-
able on them, and in this way checks the
• migration of labour from districts where it is
tedundsnt to those where there is a deficiency.—
~. Birth is the most rational ground for settling a
pauper on any parish ; it is the easiest of all to he
ascertained; and by restricting the question within
these narrow limits an immense mass of expensive
litigation would be at once annihilated." It has
long been a boast of our English agriculture, that in
consequence of a good rotation of crops, and an
economy of labour, the number of labourers bears
here a much smaller proportion to the produce ob-
tained than. in other countries. Hence, in many
parishes in flourishing agricultural districts, though
the produce may not be less than thirty times what
it was at the Conquest, the population is much the
same now as it was then. But the tendency of the
present Law of Settlement unquestionably is to
counteract agricultural improvement, by retaining
labourers where they are not wanted. The paying
wages out of rates, which has latterly attained to
such a height in the South and West of England,
had, it is believed, its origin in the redundancy caused
by agricultural improvements; and under a birth-set-
tlement the evil would probably have soon remedied
itself. In Sir F. Morton Eden's invaluable work
on the Poor, the roundsmen are said, in many of
the parish returns, to have had their origin in im-
provements. Thus, for, instance, in the parish of
Winslow, in Buckinghamshire, it is said—" In
1774., a hamlet belonging to the parish, containing;
about four hundred acres, was enclosed; and in
.1776, the other part of the parish was enclosed.
The rise of the rates is chiefly ascribed to the en-
closure of common fields, which, it is said, has leE-
%cited the number of farms, and from the conversion
of ,arable into pasture, has much reduced the de-
mand for labourers. An old man of the parish says,
that, lieke the enclosures took place, land did not
let for 4,aa acre, arid that, when he was young,
the name of roundsmen was unknown in the parish.
It must, however, be considered, that now a great
part of the labour done in the parish is paid for out
of the nor'a rate in money given to roundsmen
(1795),
.In Xibworth Beauchamp, Leicester-
. shire; it is said, ‘ No account of the rates in any of
. the divisions, previous to the enclosures of the
helds,.couldbe obtained ; but it is said that they
were not one-third of what they are at present ;
and the
.people attribute the rise of them to the en-4
closure ; for they say that, before the fields were
enclosed, they were solely applied to the production

of corn ; that the poor had then plenty of employ-
ment in weeding, reaping, thrashing, &c.. and could
also collect a great deal of corn by gleaning ; but
that the fields being now in pasturage, the farmers
have little occasion for labourers, and that the poor
being thereby thrown out of employment, must, of
course, be supported by the partsh." Every one
kr.ows that the wretched system here alluded to
kept a number of people employed in raising what
hardly exceeded their own consumption. The
change added greatly to the food of the country ;
and till that is regretted is, that the population Should
have been penned in where there was no demand
for them. After all, however, we suspect there is
much exaggeration in the account of the deterio-
rat:on of the condition of the labourers ever► in the
home counties. But into this subject we will not
now enter.—Morning Chronicle.

Every country ought to be left to settle its own
affairs, and to choose that sort of Government which
it may deem the best. We formerly censured the
conduct of Mr. Canning in interfering with the in-
ternal affairs of Portugal—we equally condemn the
present Government fur its intermeddling, policy
with regard to Greece. A man who, in private
life, troubles himself much about his neighbours'
affairs, acquires a reputation which is never spoken
of with respect. It is best for both individuals and
nations to mind their own business, which they never
can do well as long as they are possessed with the
officious zeal of intermeddling with the concerns of
others. Interference with the political regulations
of other States has already cost England dear. Her
National Debt, chiefly incurred during the last
French war, is the evidence, and ought to be the
corrective, of such Quixotic folly. Are not the pro-
per interests of this country sufficient to give full
employment to all the intelligence and talents which
Ministers have at their command, without taking

upon themselves the unnecessary and gratuitous
labour of " settling," as it is called, the affairs of
Greece ? Our Ministers talk of having assisted in
giving freedom to the Greeks at the very moment
in which they deny them the first privilege of a free
people—that of choosing their own form of Govern-
ment. When Prince Leopold was first spoken of
as the appointed Sovereign of what was styled the
new " independent" State, we deprecated the ap-
pointment as likely to involve England at future
time in foreign wars. He is a British subject—pen-
sioned by Great Britain—allied to our Royal Family:
and if he had finally accepted the Sovereignty to which
British influence had nominated him, the na-

tional honour would have been pledged to support
him on the throne of that country at any expense of

blood and treasure. It mattered not whether our
"ancient and faithful ally," the Sultan, whose em-
pire we so kindly assisted in dismembering, chose at
some future time to reconquer his hereditary pro-
vinces ; or Russia, or Austria, found circumstances
favourable for the ambitious design of annexing the
new State to the empire of one or the other ;
England would be bound, in the true spirit of
knight-errantry, to run a tilt against all corners, and
employ her money and armies for the defence of
Greece, as she had before done for Hanover, with-
out the prospect of deriving the least advantage
from the most successful issue of the contest. On
this account we are glad that Prince Leopold de-
clined the proffered crown of a people who have
not the means of preserving their own independence,
and who, if they had, would not allow a foreign
Prince to be imposed upon them by the dictation of
strangers, without permitting them to have the least
participation in the choice of their Sovereign, or of
the Government which he was to administer. By
the refusal of the Prince to expose himself to the
risks of this dangerous and precarious elevation,
England has now a good opportunity of getting out
of this foolish business altogether. Our public
debt, and the taxes mcessery to pay its interest,
can ill brook any augmentation. We are now
in the fifteenth year of peace, and the bur-
dens which former wars have entailed on the
country still press heavily on the industry of
the people. What would be the consequence of
getting into new wars, while this load of debt
remains upon the country, it is not difficult to anti-
cipate. The result which occurs to any one of
common sagacity is so bad that imagination recoils
from the prospect. Nothing, therefore, short of
absolute necessity, should induce us to place our-
selves in such a position as might, by possibility,
lead to war. Where, indeed, the national honour
or the national existence is at stake, we must de-
fend ourselves with all the means in our power; but
we are not bound by any such pressing and para-
mount consideration to mix up the interests of this
country with the affairs of Greece. No country is
fit for independence that is destitute of either the
spirit or the means to defend herself. o say that
her independence must be preserved by the arms of
a foreign Power involves a contradiction, for there
can be nu independence where there is no self-sup-
port. In the negociation our Ministers talked us
readily about guaranteeing loans of money and troops
to Greece as if we were a people in the highest
state of national prosperity, and had our public
coffers overflowing with wealth ! Our Govern-
ment should lay aside this ostentatious style of di-
plomacy, and first enable the nation to pay its own
debts before they talk of guaranteeing the loans of
other people. As we have said before, our Mini-
sters have now a good excuse for disentangling
themselves and the country from the Greek nego-
tiation. They will avail themselves of it if they
are wise ; and, if they are riot, the country may yet
hare reason to lament the day her Statesmen were
possessed with the strange ambition of dictating a
Sovereigns to a :state whose independence they ac-
knowledged.—Morning Herald.
Mr. Sheridan's celebrated sarcasm upon the
Whigs, that they " built a wall to run their own
heads against," has been in some measure realised
by Sir Robert Peel in the case of his Forgery Bill.
What earthly occasion there could be to render that
a party question, and issue pressing Treasury cir-
culars, only as preludes to a defeat, we have not the
smallest conception. Besides, Sir Robert Peel must
know, we should imagine, that the Government is
not so overburthened with strength as to make it
advisable that it should be called forth upon doubt-
ful eccasions ; and yet here is a defeat sustained
after every effort has in vain been tried to secure a
victory. These are mortifying matters, arid are
felt, we have no doubt, by the head of the Ad-
ministration more keenly than his Grace would
have the world believe. Indeed the Duke is well
known to be unusually sensitive on the subject of
these untoward divisions. The other night, in
the House of Lords, on a question whether
the East Retford or a Divorce Bill should take
the precedence, a division ensued, in which the
Duke and five other Cabinet Ministers were left in
a minority. Though the affair was in no respect a
Ministerial one, his Grace's mortification upon the
occasion is represented to have been marked and
extreme, and shows how feelingly alive those are
who are used to give the word of command, when
called upon in their; turn to obey. But all these
sources of mortification the Duke of Wellington has
brought upon himself. No man was ever placed at
the head of affairs with more decided means of
commanding popularity than the Duke. No man
ever brought to office so high a previous reputation.
Why is the Duke not the popular Minister lie might
have been ? Why, as a general election approaches,
do even the willing satellites of any Administration
shrink from supporting him ? Shall- we tell his
Grace ? It is because he has not shown that deci-
sion in the Cabinet which the world had witnessed
, from him in the field.—lllorning Herald.

Those persons, in Parliament or out of it, who
habitually display a spirit of hostility to the Esta-
blished Church, have never been very scrupulous
on the point of veracity. But we do not recollect
upon any occasion a more absurd or outrageous vio-
lation of truth and probability than was committed
the other night by Mr. Hume, when, on presenting

a petition from certain inhabitants of the parish o'
St. Luke, he charged the Commissioners for Build-
ing and Repairing Churches with the offence of
forcing new churches and chapels upon parishes
which had no need of them. It would be worse
than idle to reason upon such a subject with per-
sons who express the opinion that a parish like
St. Luke's was adequately supplied with places
of worship, in which the ritual and doctrine
of the established religion of the country are
observed and expounded, notwithstanding their
knowledge of the facts that the population of the
parish exceeds 40,000 persons, and that before the
new churches and chapels, of which complaint is
made, were provided, there was accommodation for
the purposes of public worship for no more than
1,200. To argue with such persons on the neces-
sity or importance of religious observances of any
kind, or on any subject indeed connected with reli-
gion, would be almost as foolish as to discourse to a
blind man about colours. But it is a consolation
to believe that the public does not generally par-
ticipate in this depravity or moral blindness, and
that it will not see much to censure in the Commis-
sioners for thinking that a population of above
40,000 persons required church-room for more
than 1,200, and for acting firmly and steadily upon
this conviction, in defiance of the obstructions and the
obloquy they must have been prepared to encounter
from hardened unbelievers and fanatical schismatics. If
the assertion of Mr. Hume were true, that the
people of this populous parish had so far lost the
habit of going to church as to leave an insufficient
number of worshippers even for the scanty and in
adequate accommodation already provided for them,
what would it prove, but the fatal tendency of
scanty and inadequate accommodation in our
churches to foster the growth of profligacy, infidelity,
and dissent ? Could a stronger' argument be urged
to show the necessity of substituting exertion in
place of the apathy which had heretofore so fatally
prevailed—of awakening the attention of the people,
and loudly claiming their regard to the National
Church, by presenting it to their view, active,
vigilant, and zealous to maintain its character, to
assert its pretensions, to enforce its pure and holy
doctrines ? Could any thing have established more
conclusively the relation of cause and effect between
a dormant church and an irreligious or misguided
people ? To • assert that the Commissioners for
Promoting the Building of Churches and Chapels
have in any ease interfered unnecessarily, or with-1
out pressing and urgent necessity, is to assert not
only a falsehood, but an absurdity. Is their field
of necessary exertion so limited that they can
have aay inducement to travel out of it ? Are
there so few places in England where additional
churches are undeniably required, that they need to
expend their superabundant energy, their leisure
time, their overflowing means and resources, upon
places where their interference is not a duty ? What
should induce them so to transgress the bounds
of their commission? It cannot be the desire of
popularity, for they must know that nothing is so
sure to render them unpopular as an officious inter-
meddling in the local affairs of parishes upon slight
grounds. It cannot be the desire of creating pa-
trorage, for they must know that a new church
built where it is not wanted will attract a very small
congregation, and yield accordingly a very incompe-
tent income to its Minister. It cannot be the de-
sire to prolong the period of their official existence,
for they must know that there is no probability of
the commission expiring for want of employment,
during the life of the youngest of its actual mem-
bers. There-is no conceivable motive, in short, to
lead the Commissioners to an unwarrantable or
needless exercise of their powers in any case. Arid
this would be sufficient to convince every reasonable
man that they had never exercised them needlessly
or unwarrantably, even if he did not concur with
us in the opinion that a very satisfactory security
against the abuse of power is afforded by the cha-
racters of the distinguished persons whose names
are included in the commission.—Morning Post.

The Agriculturists are mistaken in supposing that
it would be injurious to their interests to have an
additional duty of Is. per gallon levied upon Corn
Spirit, because the only effect would be to prevent a
very extensive importation of Foreign Corn. It has
been proved by the official returns to Parliament,
that in the last five years the average quantity per
annum of Foreign Corn imported was equal to
15,466,280 gallons of Corn Spirit; whereas the
average quantity of Rum annually imported for the
same period was 3,288,625 gallons, only one-fifth of
the Corn Spirit, and if no Rum had been imported,
the quantity of Foreign Corn imported would have
been much greater. It therefore follows that it is
advantageous to the landed interest to encourage the
importation and consumption of Rum (even by addi-
tional duties on Corn Spirits) to the extent of pre-
venting the importation of Foreign Corn; for it is
well known that an over-large supply of Foreign
Corn, bonded here, has frequently glutted and de-
pressed the British Corn Market to a ruinous extent,
and for months and years continuance, without a
remedy. Whereas the duty on Corn Spirit could
be lowered at any moment, and the price of Corn
would rise. So that Rum might be made to act as a
safety valve, to prevent British Corn rising too
high, or sinking too low; and save it from the in-
jurious effects of a glutted market, by the over-
whelming importation of Foreign Corn. It would
also have this national advantage, that the money
derived from Rum would be spent in this country,
whereas the money derived from Foreign Corn would
be spent in foreign countries.—Morning Post.
It is not, perhaps, possible for us to divert the
attention of our readers at present from the all-
engrossing topics of the demise of the Crown, and the
political changes which may result from it ; but we

cannot, nevertheless, allow one of the very many ri-
diculous op;nions broached on Tuesday night on the

sulject of the currency, to pass without notice. The
idea to which we allude, and to which Mr. Hus•
kisson lent the sanction of his name, is, that if silver
were made a legal tender, the shillings and six-

pences would chase the sovereigns, and all other
gold coins, out of the country. Now, in answer to
this objection to Mr. Attwood's motion, it must
strike every one, first, that no harm could possibly
ensue from a preference on the part of the public to
silver over gold, as a medium of exchange; and,
secondly, that if the gold were really driven out, we
should, at all events, have an equivalent quantity of
silver, or of some equally valuable commodity, in
lieu of it. Both the gold and the silver are, in
fact, articles of commerce, quite as much as flour
or bacon. If gold or silver be in demand, whether
for coinage, or for any other species of manufac-
ture, they will naturally be high-priced ; and,
vice versa, if they be not in demand, they will be
bought for a proportionally less value. Nov it
happens that the one is sometimes in abundance,
and that the other is scarce ; and the consequence
is, that he who may have come under obligations
in one coin, is, from the necessity of the case, com-
pelledto pay in another of greater value. This, at
least, is not fair towards either debtor or creditor,
and it is the less fair, because if silver and gold
were equally legal tenders, or were duly valued,
every one would know much more exactly than he
now does what available property he possessed, as
well as be enabled to guard himself against a
ruinous variation in prices. The most ridiculous
part of the objection to Mr. Attwood's motion,
however, is, that silver would drive gold
permanently out of the Country. With as much
justice it might be said, that paper would
drive both gold and silver out of it. The first effect
of the measure proposed by Mr. Attwood would
unquestionably be to render gold of less value, and
to raise the price of silver—to send the former to
markets where it was in more request, and bring
forth the latent stores of the latter; but it is as
much a property of all commercial articles to find
their level in the long run, as water itself, and we
have no doubt that the respective value, as well us-

the respective quantity, of each, which might be
required for general use, would be adjusted in the
course of a few weeks. The effect of the present
standard is to confer an extravagant value on gold,
and tb depress that of silver in a similar proportion,
while were both decreed by the Legislature to be
equally legal tenders, their value would be more
duly 'proportioned, and the country, besides, guarded
Against the evil consequences of any extraordinary
scarcity or superabundance of either.—Morn. Adver.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

Mr. Putland, a boot maker in the city, applied to
Alderman VENABLES, who sat during part of the
day for the Lord Mayor, for advice in what manner
to act under the following circumstances :
He employed several men, and they were in the
habit of drawing up a list of prices by which they
consented to abide. This list he and they signed, and
the men regularly were paid according to the terms
thus prescribed by themselves. The men had,
however, found it necessary to violate this compact,
and they accordingly informed him that they could
not work except at advanced prices. To this mode
of proceeding they had, it appeared, been obliged to
resort, in consequence of a threat from others in the
trade, so that unless he (Mr. Putland) consented
to pay according to the new scale, his business must
remain suspended. He thought it a very hard mat-
ter to be subject to such an injurious breach of
agreement. It was evidently a regular conspiracy.
Alderman VENABLES said, that as the law at pre-
sent stood, workmen had a right to combine, but he
apprehended that they might carry the spirit to an
unwarrantable extent. He by no means considered
that the general body had the right conferred upon
them by the Act of Parliament to annoy individuals,
or pursue any measures towards them calculated to
force the adoption of a list of prices in opposition to
that by which they were satisfied to be governed.
He should grant summonses if Mr. Putland wished
to try the question ; and if it appeared upon the
investigation that the body of the journeymen sub-
stantially obliged the men employed by the appli•
cant to abandon their work, by holding out to them
a prospect of greater evil, he should certainly feel
inclined to convict.

Mr. Putland intimated that he should act upon
the advice of the Alderman, and it is expected that
in a few days the case will come on for a full hearing.
Accounts of bites from dogs are daily brought to
the Justice-room. Yesterday one of the parish offi-
cers waited upon the LORD MAYOR, and informed
him that several persons had lately been bitten by
truck-dogs, which started suddenly from beneath the
trucks and fastened their teeth in passengers. He
requested to know whether his Lordship could not
oblige the owners of trucks to have their names and
addresses painted on the trucks, in order that they
might be made responsible for any mischief commit-
ted by their dogs.
The LORD MAYOR—I would have you not be
over nice on the subject at all. If you have the
least suspicion that a dog is mad, kill it. I shall be
answerable for the consequences. I wish it to be
known as publicly as possible, and do not care a pin
who is the owner. The accounts I receive are
dreadful, and I know of only one way of checking
so horrible an evil.

1 he Officer—But the officers do not like to go to
those truck-dogs, they are so savage and they snap
at every body.
The LORD MAYOR—I shall inquire whether we
cannot compel the owners to abate the evil. In the
mean time I would have the officers destroy all- the
dogs they suspect of madness.
A person told the Lord Mayor that be and his
family were kept awake all night by the noise of
dogs which were locked up behind his premises.
The LORD MAYOR—Poison them by all means.—
His Lordship repeated his directions to the
°officer,
to destroy all dogs that wandered about unmuzzled
without masters.