The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-24 00:00:00

that at present there are two ironclads being built
in this country, and that a reclamation had been
received by the Government from the United
States Minister to the effect that these vessels
were intended for the Confederate Government.
What right has the United States Minister
to make any such representations, and above all,
what excuse is there for a member of our Legisla-
tlufrethpersensub
jmeientgwteorseaynot thatsewrie serious are to
tahtetendtot
heiannoyances
and losses it has caused, and important, inasmuch
as it concerns the honour and interests of our
s in
country, Mr. COBDENHe
g'Sreornesaorknstothsearyeutphoant
,w,
foruomld
be quite ludicrous.
all he observed of public opinion in America, he was
convinced that if these vessels went out and began
to prey upon the United States shipping, it would
lead to a war with this country." What absurdity
this is. How can Mr. COBDEN know what the
Americans will or will not do in the matter. One
thing is certain, it is neither consistent with the
dignity nor the greatness of our country to be
always on the watch for animadversions upon out
conduct. These foreign nations, be they great or
emsll, had better understand at once and for ever
that England is quite able to pursue what course
she thinks proper, without being frighted out of
her propriety by threats of angry feelings, and
having the dread of hostile engagements constantly
being held oat in terrorern to deter all who wish to
act independently, or carry out their honest notions
of right and justice. It appears that the American
Government make claims for the value of all the
ships destroyed by the Florida, Alabama, and Vir-
ginia, and forward them to the English Government.
l'hey, said Mr. COBDEN, had hitherto refused to ac-
knowledge those claims, but "some day," he ex.
claims with prophetic fervour, " when the demand
could be made most inconveniently for the Govern-
ment, the result would probably be either humilia-
tion or war." This is one of the most prepos-
terous speeches that Mr. COBDEN has ever made.
Prone as he is to exaggeration, he has seldom so
completely exhibited his extreme views and one-
sided arguments as on the present occasion. "No
doubt," he says, " many persons in this country
would prefer war." There is not a shadow of doubt
that the whole country wotild insist on war, and no
Government would remain in power who did not
carry it on with spirit and promptitude, but the
Americans are too wise to proceed to such extre-
mities. If Mr. COBDEN and his friends were in
office very probably there would be constant threats
of war from all quarters of the world, and endles,
demands made upon the resources of the nation to
pay for the injaries, real or imaginary, that our
subjects had inflicted on other people. As it is,
however, a wise and a noble policy is followed.
Too much latitude was given to the Federals at
one time, but never to the extent that Mr. COBDEN
and Mr. BRIGHT desire, and the consequence is
that they will remain quiescent under this new
order of things. Mr. COBDEN spoiled his case in
the abstract form of argument, and quite ruinedhis
consistency by stating that there was no occasion to
prohibit " arms and ammunition." Gunpowder
was an article of commerce, and therefore was
exempt from the role. Mr. COBDEN concluded by
contradicting what Mr. LAIRD had said in a former
debate about building vessels of war. Mr. LAIRD
declared that all his statements were correct, and he
was ready to put his proofs into the hands of the
noble lord at the head of the Government. The
hon. member refuted some of Mr_ COBDEN'S asser-
tions, and showed the fallacy of his arguments in
a brief but forcible speech. Lord PALMERSTON,
later on, also made some comments upon the obser-
vations of Mr. OOBDEN. The noble lord said that
" he and her MAJESTY'S Government, and I think
the country at large start from different points of de-
parture in the consideration of the matter
to which he directed the attention of the House."
" We look," explained the noble lord, " upon the
two parties who are now in arms against each
other in America as each of them belligerents, and
therefore alike entitled, as far as our neutral posi-
tion is concerned, to all the privileges and rights
which appertain to belligerents. This is exactly
the true state of the case, and then Lord PALMER-
STON stated with equal veracity that it seemed to
him that Mr. COBDEN believed " that the Union is
still in legal existence, that there are not in Ame-
rica two belligerent parties, but a legitimate Go-
verument and a rebellion against that Govern-
ment." Had Lord PALMERSTON spoken for an
hour he could not more clearly have demonstrated
the facts of the case. It is exactly on this basis
that Mr. COBDEN and Mr. BRIGHT et hoc omne
genus rest their arguments. Lord PALMERSTON
said that the American Government had laid down
the position for themselves, because they had de-
clared that a neutral was at liberty to furnish a
belligerent with anything he chose to buy. As
for the ironclads, which were to produce such dire
ful effects, Lord PALMERSTON mentioned that he
had been informed that the French Consul claimed
it for the Emperor of the FRENCH, his a pity that
at the close of the session Mr. COBDEN should
have needlessly made himself so ridiculous, and,
what is worse, exhibited so little regard for the
honour of the country and the interest of her mer-
chants. The fact is that he is prejudiced, and no
one who acts or speaks under that impression can
ever produce a lasting effect on the minds of his
hearers. Sooner or later he is sure to betray him-
self, and so mar the success of the cause he has
advocated.