The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The impression seems to have become deep and
r general in France, that a war in Europe is now
not only probable, but almost inevitable. The ap•
prehension of an approaching rupture has seized boll
of the Journal., has spread into the mast of
• the population, and is said even to actuate the
councils of the King. Hence we hear oft new levy
of 80,000 men in addition to.the extraordinary COO..
tingent ordered out by recent ordinancem,—of an in-
tention to demand from the Chamber anew war-
credit, and of active preparations for putting the
border fortresses in a state of
.defence. Hence we
hear that the patriotic inhabitant's of the frontiers
have anticipated the pravidence of the Government,
and are arming themselves to resist then Ppre,heetled
eggreesion. On the eastern liMits of 'Pripet, we
are told that the people of towns, villages, nod ham-
lets are organizing themselves into military corps,—
are purchasing arms, and forming patriotic associa-
tions of insurance against the disasters of invasion.
Lorraine and the Vosges have shown the exarapte
and in the communes of the departments of La
Meuse and La Meurthe it has been resolved
to employ the communal revenues in buying
sabres and muskets for their volunteers. 'Ver.
like Burgundy is equally on the alert. The, po-
pulation of Champagne is not behind in patriotic'
ardour. Dauphiny and Auverne display the .same
promptitude in preparing for the enemy, on the south.
From the Pyrenees to the Alps, we are informed,
the French frontiers will, in a short time, present a
line of glittering bayonets to oppose the during
aggressor who would violate the French territory.
The National Guard would be the nation in arms.
In confirmation of the inference to be drewn .from
these alarming rumours, we are told of the extraor-
dinary activity of Mershal Sault, the new Minister
of War, whose paroxysm. of energy would be
thrown away unless he apprehended a war, and
who certainly would not be found (nor, Weed, do
we believe he is ever to be found) in his bureau at
four o'clock in a December morning, miles* ho
almost considered his office as the heed•quarters of
a commencing campaign. Such is the picture of
French warlike preparation,--such is the attitude of
French resistance, as presented in some of the
journals. The grounds for apprehending that the
courage and preset.* of oar neighbours, thus ae on
every former•occasion eager for display, will soon
find a-field for distinguishing themselves, are not so
obvious. Russia, according to all accounts, has put
some corps of her army on a war footing: great
bodies of her troops are marching to her western
frontiers, and the conqueror of time Turkish empire,
Count Diebitach, who has been fur some time at
Berlin, is said to have gone to inspect and to pro-
vide for this advancing force. The Prussian Wart-
office is reported to be very active, and great
reinforcements have been ordered to the Rhenish
provinces, to be nearer the scene of the antici-
pated operations. We need scarcely add the
very current rumours of the preparations of
Austria on the side of Italy, and the certain
fact, that an additional levy of 50,000 men has
been demanded from her Hungarian dominions
Connected with the known principles of these ab-
solute Governments, with their aversion to political
change, and with their alarms at revolutionary' con-
tagion which the events of July had occasioned, it
is not surprising that this array of bayonets should
be supposed by Frenchmen to be directed igainst
their Citizen King and their new Charter. Imrne-
dietely after the expulsion of the Bourbonvi the ap-
prehension of a European crusade against their
liberties seems to have seized hold of their minds.

Bence their. numerous poetical rants against inva-
sion and foreign interference—hence their anxiety to
learn the recognition of their King by the Great
Powers—and hence the popularity of the Marsellois
hymn, which was sung, by the King himself, and
which had no application, if there was no foreign
menace. But a little reflection or a little delay must
hare convinced the most timid or warlike politician
in France, that he bad no reason to look for the
march of European armies to drive Louis Philip
from the Palais Royal, to restore the young Duke
de Bordeaux, or to interfere with French institutions.
Even the meet benighted bigots of absolute and itch!.
trery power had learnt something from experience,
and knew that in a conflict of ennui. and
generals .againat nation, and national, opinions,
victory could only declare itself on one Ode,—
They, therefore, consented to ' receive the new
King into the society of Sovereigns; and. to par.
don the French people !lir asserting their liberties.
The French journalists, then, act front the ((mason
delusion or the most flagrant perversity, when they
attempt to inculcate on their readers that this array
of Holy Alliance force is directed against the reeerit
changes in France. France may tillinsalel* have to
sustain the *hoar, but it is only in advancing her
shield over her neighbour that the blow will fell upon
her. The immediate object of the attack (if any
attack is to be made) will of course be Belgium ;
and the justification of the violence will be,-7not
that Belgium has adopted a particuler Govern-
merit, or rejected a particular dynasty, but that
it has broken solemn treaties, on the observance
of which the security of the present European. sys-
tem depends. The time is gone by for. waging a
war of opinion with the declaration of Laybach Jo-
scribed ott the standards of invasion; but the faith
of treaties, which settle the international relations
of states, may still be enforced by arms, and their
violation at least may furnish the pretext rot-attack.
The new Belgic State inside upon uniting to itself
the province of Luxembourg, a Grand Husby ofthe
Germanic -Confederation, in opposition to the so-
lemn protest of the King of Holland, acting in the
name and as a member of the Germanic Diet, It
has, moreover, committed the unpardonable Anti
enormous offence of showingthe treaties of Vienna
to be waste paper, while 'Russia has no more title
to Poland, Austria tb the Lornhardo-Verietion king-
doin, and Prussia to Saxony' and the Rhenish pro-
vinces, than this same despised, violated, and mutt
fated set 'of documents. if, 0106-Powers, there-
fore, send their armies to the Rhine, It will be under
the pretext of restoring or maintaining the uhf re-
lations of states as settled hy the tretittes to which
the Emperor Nicholas *Hutted in his letter to the
King of France and the collision for which France
is said to be preparing must occur in the execution
of her purpose to protect her Belgic neighhours
from foreign aggression. As soon as a P,tr,situt
cannon is heard on the Belgic frontier, the new *,ante
will demand succours from France ; and as the cause
and the interests of the two revolution. will he con-
founded- in popular estimation,thiOireiroment of
the latter will find it impossible to decline contest
which will be 'artfully represented as its awn. Such
must necessarily he `the' course of events should the
spirit of the Ifoly Alliance unhappily stimulate the
Emperor of Rusila and King of Prussia to proem,
by an appeal to. arms, the antioneed relics of eh.
Woe engaement.. Whatever may occur, Wino'
is fortunately secure from any necessity of entering
the field at the beginnlog of the contest, and can
only be compelled to mix in it, during its progress,
by such ambitious and dishonest pretensions on the
Eart of our French neighbours as would m4ke all
urope our anise.' She has tacitly renounced the
otrnetetwiheisc,hanthdefuogrtitnrielillysotrnsoateedcsttiatiagdailinstitiethlerrnelf:erticiLioes.
verument is faithful to its deelarstions and Prays-
sione,—of which we see tin mum to doubt,—her
peace still be preserved amid surrounding war.—
• .

The disturbaricce throughout the country con.
tinue, but the tumaltuoue lineMbiatos are less fro.
quenti The prisons ere ND. We untletaia4tl in
those at Herepettire there ere uhove two hundred
untivittuals, against many of whom sets of grunt
criminality cos be substantiated. In Wllteldre the
outrages hare been very barbarous in many Oilers,
Our reader* will set, from ten extract from is ptivare
letter from Crioklade in our columns, that Ow ,rwit) everywhere plundered es well et broke nuseltti%*o,
destroyed furniture, nay, even .eueeled-tolf
'Hardly a vitiate has sae4,po4„ fit 44 prison ik-
vises there are above one }misfired prisentil. 'flit.°

are two examples bperating in a contrary direction
et this time. The labourers have seen that disturb-
ances have regulatly 11 d to an increase of wages,
and heuce the universality of the movement. What
*lesson / Need we ray that we shudder, when we
think of the tendency of this example ? What a
lesson to teach, that crimes lead to increersed
well-being i The other example—am punish-
ment—will, we fear;be less influential. Individuals
will suffer, but the peasantry are not to be
deterred by the example, for they are bet-faith-le
by what led the sufferers to their fate. It
is not to be disguised that the effeet o? what has
been done is a revolution in property. An increase
of wages to the whole population, willing and able
to work, settles the question with the litedlord and
the titheholder its a very summary way. In a
pamphlet, just published, under the title of " 7'he
Common Cann of the Lanctiord, Tenant, and La-
Laurel.," &c., by Cl. Poulett Scrope, Esq.,
F. R. S., there is the following striking passage
4* For some years past the tax-gatherer Ite.s been closely
pinching the parson and the landlord, these in turn pinche
mg the former, and the farmer his labourer. The tables
-are turning; the game toes the other way. The la-
homer will bear pinching no longer, and returns it back to
the farmer, sad the farmer must of course pass it on to
the tithe-owner and landlord ; and these gentry will take
Me to take it out of the Otwernment. What, the/4
should he your melee? I answer, wait upon your land-
lord or his agent, and call on him to reduce your rents is
proportion to your increased expences in wages and rates,
You need not use threats, ns the.pacr ignorant labourers
do to yoO. They well know thaeefter the fires which
Lien enlightened en many of you on the necemity
of itn-
proving the condition of your own labours re, they cannot
refine to tower rents, for who wPI take your farms on
other terms if you threivie them op?"
This is the language of a great landholder,
Manting Chronicle. •
The French, with their usual alertness, are mete-
ing such preparations for war, that, happen what
may, they will be safe. They see all the difficulty
of their position with reference to Belgium. This
question of Belgium is no doubt full of perplexity.
The French Government communicated to the
Belgian Provisional Government the determina-
tion of the Great Powers to interfere if the Nassau
family should be excluded from the throne. A
formal communication was shortly afterwards made
to M. Van de Weyer, on the part of the Bussien
Government, to the same effect. This information
was laid before the Congress previous to deliberee
tion on the question of the exclusion of the Nassau
family, and we have seen how little effect the com-
mumcation had upon the votes. Will there be
war ? If the Duke of Wellington were now Mini.
stet., we know what answer we should make.
We have no doubt all the movements of Russia,
Austria, and Prussia are the result of n common un
derstanding between these Powers and England.
The language of the King's Speech with regard to
the observance of Treaties and approbation of the
King of Holland, the obstinacy of the Dutch Mo-
numb, his mention of the promises he had received
Amu bit Allies,—all seem to point to an under-
standing to interfere with Belgium. The ulterior
views of the conspiracy may easily be inferred,
They knew that the French Government would be
placed in an awkward dilemma by their interfer-
ence; that that Government would endanger its
existence by allowing the great Powers to conquer
Belgium, and that it would be obliged, therefore,
to guard against domestic danger, to come to blows
with the Powers offer their entrance into Belgium.
They probably counted also on the reluctance of
the French to have recourse to arms till the last
extremity, when the proximity of their armies to
Prance would lead to that country being this theatre
of war. The Quotictirnne of Monday hints that the
Freya, will not be in time for the great Powers-.,-
a' If we are to believe (says that Journal) persons who
stall thetamtvee well.inforrned, the Minister of War, after
111 very agitated Council, tlespatclied, last night, five Coo.
tiers to different parte ; out of them was charged with
order' to the Lietitesent.Generel Commandant of Lille to
take possession of Mons on the first news of the entrance
of the Allies into ' . . In this state of
things the occupation of the frontier fortresses by our
temps would be a violation of the Treaties which the Ca.
net of the Pelais 'loyal has recognized. Ws Ctthi-
binet would thus take upon itself en immense responsi-
bility in thus intervening as an aggressor in a quarrel
which is not personal to us, and when all Me world are
convinced that the Government is not in a condition ac-
tually to support a war fir which the Great Powers
have taken the precaution to make preparations as soon
as they had information (If our Revolution."
France is not certainly a country to be conquered
in a day; and it so happens that the provinces which
form the frontier towards the great Powers are the
most wealthy and warlike, and the best affected of
all Prance. An article In the Considuiionnel men-
tions the eagerness with, which the people of the
eastern departments are preparing to repel any at-
tempt at invasion. It remains to he seen whether
the breaking of cue link in the chain of the con-
spiracy will alter the determination of the great
Powers. The French Government we are assured
(nn what we consider gond authority) possess the
best evidence of the participation of the Wellington
Ministry in the projects of the great Powers. In-
deed, we believe this may be safely taken as a set-
tled point. The Wellington Ministry being re-
Moved, and a Ministry who have not hebitaied
to express their sympathy with France having
taken their places, the Great Powers may yet
pauee before plunging Europe in war. A little
time will soon clear up this point. After all, how-
ever, we question whether it might not be the bet-
ter policy to take it for granted that Europe can
never know peace so long 1111 so large a portion of it
is subject to irresponsible Governments, aed whether
it would not be well, once fur all, to nele one
grand effort
.to secure the nations against the con-
temn recurrence of calamities almost inseparobte
from Governments which have hardly ono feeling in
common with the people under them. Were Europa
ender Constitutional' Governments, the peace of the
nations, would be assured; because nations can never
have an interest in war, and because the consent of
the people would be necessary before it could in any
case be declared. All plots and conspiracies are in
a great measure impossible where the Got-eminent
can only go hand-in-hand with the people. But
Europe ever since the first partition of Poland has
been familiarised with, great military movermnis,
directed by the caprice of despotic Governments
At this present moment the people of Europe golf:-
rally, and more especially the people of that great
portion of it %sleek may be, described as the heart,
have shown that they
,ntn ripe mei ,teruly for au effort
to secure their liberties against the eaptices of their
Governments. We are assured that, attachment to
the person of the King of Prussia, who is very
mach loved by his subjects, is the the cause of the
tranquillity of the north of Germany; but that the
least imprudent movement on the part of that Mo-
narch would dissolve the:Spell
.by which the people
are bound to him. Tlie threat of the late 211 r,
Canning is much more 111)1)1;01)4,4o the times in
which we live titan to those when he uttered it, If
he feared " that the next war which shriek tie kin-
dled in Europe would be a war not so much of
titmice as of opinions,"" that " it was the contem-
plation of this new power in one future war which
excited his most anxious apprehension,'" and that
" the consequence of lettieg loop. the passions,
at present alibied and eonfined, would he to pro-
duce a scene of destolation which no moo rim c"n*
template without horror," , vie now know
„that, oft
the first entrance of an armed French force into
Germany, the population of the greatest part of that
immense country would avail themselves of the
opportunity to shake off the little petty oppressors
who now harass their industry and waste their le-
west**. There is hardly n State in Germany ire
which the people are not at issue with their Govern-
moo no account of Newton. The 'Ciminero, say,
why are we to be etetasally cursed with such a
number of Courts ? The splendour du Court may
suit very welt the meridian of Paris sold londoo,
but it becomes a nuisance in a little dominion of a
few miles square. The French would be hailed tie
deliverers, and receive the tight hand of fellowship
whitlow they appeared, From the Khios to the

Dnieper the population everywhere requires only
the signal. Since War is so great an evil, that
although we foresee, it meet long he avoided, and
that the French would derive great advantages from
giving the signal for insurrection throughout
the Uontinent, we would put off the thy to
the very last. From the very nature br things, there
must be strong hatted between France and the
kingdoms of the tuntinent. The example of France
shalom the authority of the Monarchs, and they
cannot see without alarm the exigence of a great
power in their neiF,hisetrbood in which the demo.
erotic principle 'unquestionably preponderates.—
Russia, however, having most to apprehend from
war, will probably act with the greatest prudence ;
and if Prussia only remain trtinpiil, the other two
Powers cannot move.,..4llerning Chronicle.

If the r,4. eA t military preparations of the Holy
Alliance do not mean war, those despots have cer-
tainly a very warlike wisy off skewing their ham-
non to remain at ISeace! The rulers of Russia,
Prussia, and Austria, have been for some time past
.most actively occupied in raising armies end making
other hostile demonstrations, It is trite, the Ger-
man Papers, which dert, fiat publish any thing dis-
agreeable to the authorities, which allow them to
exist only On sufferance, and tegnire that the only
" light" which !shell easenate tram the Press upon
political matters shall be " darkness visible," would
have • us bAeve that these warlike preparations are
only precautions 'against continssencies, which do
not indicate * design to to to War. • They mix up
these statements with a liberal proportion of flattery
to the Russian Autocrat, whose elevated and bench
volint Character, they tell us, is genetally iseknow-
ledged, and add, that he understands what the times
require, and appretiates the blessings of peace.
They, told its the same when he was making pre-
perattons for the overthrow of the Turkish empire.
Yet the same Journals menet so completely sup-
press the truth as not to allow some obscure in-
timations of a gloomier description to transpire.
For Instance, they tell us that " the accounts of
the vigorous and extensive armaments, and the
movements of troops in Russia, make a great
impression at Berlin, and that the public look
with Confidence on these armaments as an increase of
the resources which justice and the gond cause may
immediately command in case, an intervention by
arms should be required; but this case itself, even
with a guarantee of the successful issue, fills people's
minds with apprehensions, since at first great con-
vulsions and extraordinary sacrifices must inevitably
ensue as soon as the word war is decidedly pro-
nounced," Here we have a little truth used us a
cover to a greet deal of deception. No doubt, as
soon us the tocsin of war is sounded, and those
armed Legislators, the Scythian hordes, and the Don
Cossacks, pour forth from the desert towards the
fertile plains of western Europe, to dictate to free-
men what form of Government they shall be per-
mitted to live under, great convulsions and extraor-
dinary sacrifices must inevitably ensue! And all this
to support a good cause forsooth I The cause, rather,
of that selfish ambition, equally ferocious and fearful,
which trembles and flies to aims whenever the spirit
of freedom rises to ',meliorate the condition of man-
kind in the remotest corner of Europe! The
" Holy Alliance" appreciate the blessings of
peace in the same sense that the Roman histo-
rian informs us the term was understood by some
ancient pacificatory of the world, who tranqiii-
fixed by the simple process of destruction--soli-
tudiirem et preens vocant. To extend the
blessings of that sort of peace it is that
Field Marshal Count Diebitsch, the victorious
passer of the Balite, is expected on the frontiers
of Russian Poland, to review the troops, consisting
of 200,000 men, with 400 pieces of cannon, march-
ing from the interior, and to order the necessary
measures for their cantonment and subsistence.
Truly such a force looks like an indication of a con-
tinuarce of " weak piping time of peace !" But
where, it may be flaked, where is the enemy? Ar-
maments like these are not raised to fight, after the
Quixotic faction, against windmills. if it be only
Belgium which is threatened, one would think that
the '70,000 men which Prussia has in fighting order
in the Rhenish provinces, would suffice, even though
encumbered with the dangerous assistance of the
heroism of Holland, to force a Prince of the House
of Orange on a country, which, as Sir William
Temple describes it, is not of a size to support a
large army, nor of a figure to be defended by a small
one. No, this is not the only object of such vast
and expensive levies. The vulture of the north has
a nobler prey in view, and will pounce upon that
prey unless the revolution in the councils of Eng-
land should scare it from its rapacious design. The
military preparations in France, which its late Mi-
nistry had left in almost a defencelesti state, show in
what way the present Government of that country
interpret the warlike movements in the north. Had
France elects the revolution in July put forth her
energies in creating armies, and concentrating
the, elements of war, for some great enterprise,
there would be some reason for supposing
that the military equipments, which Russia and
her Allies have been for some time making,
were but precautionary measures. But France
made no demonstration of the kind. On the con-
trary, her late Government seemed to be even
timidly scrupulous to afford no ground of suspicion
that she would either disturb the peace of Europe
herself, or countenance others in disturbing it. The
proof of this is found in the fact, that if that coun-
try had been invaded by the Allies while the late.
Ministry were in power, it would not, us far as de-
pended on a regular army, have the meatus of re-
sistance. There is one hope still for the peace of
Europe, and that is, that the change in our foreign
policy, which the change in our Cabinet has pro-
duced, may make the Holy Alliance consider suc-
cess es hopeless, because their nefarious project can
have no cooperation either of English troops or
money. The present Ministry, If they act with the
judgment and good sense for which the country is
willing to give them credit, will leave no fair effort
untried to preserve the peace of Europe. If even
war should arise, they will do nil that is consistent
with the character and honour of England to save
us from any participation. But if driven by tun in-
superable necessity to the sad alternative of arming
the nation in defence of its existence, or in defence
of those interests without which its existence could
not he worth preserving, they will, we trust, take
that side which eitgage the feelings and sympathies
of the English' people, and assist France in a
struggle which would be a war of opinion—a war
of constitutional against despotic principles—a war of
intelligence against barbarism—of mind, and law,
and justice, against ignorance, force, and oppres-
sion,
and which we believe would only' terminate in
the estublishmint of representative systems upon
the ruing of every despotism in Europe.— Morning

The Paris and German Papers continue to abound
with rumours of war, and materials for grounds of
war. We noticed yesterday the preparations which
were making, or had been made, by Russia and
Prussia; and, us will be seen from the Paris Papers,
the apprehension of an approaching conflict has
grown so much, not only on the French people, but
on the -French Governmeni,—which, considering
the perwes of whom it is composed, is not very
likely to take a wrong-headed view of things,— that
it lee, in .addition to the 148,000 men called out
lately, as bur readers will remember, and who were
ordered to march on the Ist and 15th instant, de-
tertnined on making an extraordinary levy of 80,00(1
►core T—making in all a disposable force of, in round
numbers, 230,000 men, to which ought to be added
the previously standing army of not less than 147,000
veterans. When we speak of such being the nunt-
her of armed men ut the disposal date French Go,
vernment, we speak of them as the regular army,
with the deductimi, however, of the number killeti
and wounded at Algiers ; but, as our readers
Are aware, there is another force of a mili-
tary character in France—the Natio►tal Guard
which, to our certain knowledge, averaged, at the
end of September, not Ws than 700,000 men, of
which a considerable portion—say one-third in order

ter be within bounds—had been bred to arms, 'and
to which practice the remainder were busily engaged
in being trained. Thus oUr neighbour has at her
command hot only an immense force, ready at any
moment that may be desirabies or thay seem he-
cessary, to make foreign aggrission ; but also one
of still greater infigiiitude, and not very inferior in
efficiency, capable of repelling aggression from
abroad, and of guarding the soil of France from the
trespass of either Austria, Prussia, or Russia; and
we mention the facts to show, fist, that a Strong
apprehension of the hetessity of being at least pre=
pared for War, must have existed on the part of the
French Government, and grounded On facts which
" have not yet met the eye" of 'common observers
like ourselves, before it determined on making any
additiott to such an immense force; and, secondly,
to prove to our readers the extreme folly of those
who imagine that any continental war in which
France may be engaged must necessarily be carried
on, not without, but within her territories. The
idea is ridiculous. The National Guard alone is
sufficient to protect the territory of France; and a
regular gamy of '200,000 men would be inefficient
indeed, badly disciplined, and still more ineffiCiently
headed, if it would allow any combined force that
could be mustered in its neighbourhood to drive it
back upon the soil of Prance. But, however this
may he, it appears that the agents of the King of
Holland, lac Ei»g of the Aretherlands, have
not been slow in furnishing both parties with
grounds for quarrelling; and what is the ground for
quarrelling? Why, neither more or less than
the pitiful Duchy of Luxemburg I—Pitiful, we
say, because the value of any Duchy, com-
pared with the value of treasure and blood that
might he expended in a general war for its posses-
sion, is us a grain of sand to a mountain. How-
ever, this very grain of sand looks very like—from
a Proclamation issued by: one of the Dutch King's
Councillors of State, warning the inhabitants of the
Grand Duchy, who have already sent representa-
tives to the Belgian National Congress, from taking
any part in Belgian affairs, " because the Grand
Duchy forms a part of the German Confedera-
tion,"—and from another Proclamation stating--
" that as the sovereign rights attached to the
Grand Duchy having been disregarded and attacked,
his Majesty the King of the Netherlands, as
Greed Duke, has, cseformahly to Article 63,
of the Act of Congress of Vienna, been obliged
to require the assistance of the German Coefe-
deration, to re-establish legal order in that
part of the Confederation, they may of their own
accord place themselves again under the autho-
rity of the King, their Grand Duke, alone legal, and
which it is their interest to do, in order to avoid
the injury that may come from the employment of
constraint and of the armed force;"--we say this
grain of sand looks very like as if it would prove
the cause of a more general war than Europe has
yet known, and more destructive in every respect of
the institutions which are at present established in
her different states. However, if so be that the
three Holy Allies are desirous of waging war
against liberal institutions, let them try it. if
France prove not enough for them, there is spirit'
enough in this country to turn the scales; and that
England would remain idle while other powers were
struggling, some against institutions of the same :as-
tore as our own, and one only in favour of them, it
is utterly ridiculous to imagine. We say confidently,
that site would enter the field, and that, leagued
with France, the attacks of the barbarians of the
north, and of the south, would prove destructive to
themselves only.—Morning Advertiser.
The accounts from France and the Netherlands
continue to excite apprehensions of approaching war
on the Continent. The French Government in ad-
dition to the 148,000, or 130,000 troops
immedi-
ately destined for the frontiers, have ordered a new
levy of 80,000 men. It thus 'splicers that the Go-
vernment of terance sees in the intended movements
of the Armies of the other Great Continental Powers
sufficient cause of distrust in regard to their views,
and is determined accordingly to lose no time in
providing every possible means of defence, if not of
aggression; nor is it at all unlikely that instead of
waiting the near approach of the apprehended in-
vaders, the first movements of the latter, whether
Austrian, Russian, or Prussian, will be the signal for
the march of the French army. These demonstra-
tions may however prorkce such an effect upen the
Councils of the Allied Sovereigns as to induce them
well and seriously to reconsider their hostile resolution,
in which case the general peace of Europe may yet
be preserved. It is in the very nature of things
that the finitude of mutual menace or defiance thus
assumed by great and powerful States towards each
other should increase on all sides the feelings of re-
ciprocal jealousy or ill.will by which it has been
occasioned; and it cannot fail to be recollected, that
in tact hostile demonstrations so gemeral and exten-
sive as those of which we daily receive intelligence
have usually been followed at no distant period by
actual hostility. Yet in the actual situation of the
several Eutopean Governments, and in the relations
which connect them with each other, there is much
that encourages us to cherish the hope of prolonged
and uninterrupted peace. The expediency of avoid-
ing war, with a view to the interest of each sepa-
rate State, appears to us to be so evident and
so strong, that we think it pacific policy is likely to
predominate for a considerable period in the Conn-
cils of the Monarchs, notwithstanding the grounds
and inducements which recent occurrenc,s may
have afforded to some of them for hostile inters
vendors. We rest time question solely upon
considerations of convenience, for the right of in-
terference in the affairs of the Netherlands---
should the interests of Europe seem to require
such interference on the part of great Powers--
is, we think, ungneetionuble. It is a right which
these Powers purchased and paid for when they
erected the Netherlands into a kingdom by the
union of Belgium with Holland; it is a right which
the Belgic and time Dutch people recognized in the
fullest manner when they joyfully acceded to this
union, and gladly embraced the advantages it con-
ferred; it is a right which those nations conferred
upon their deliverers as time price of theirrescue from
the iron yoke of the usurper and a tyrant ; it is a
right which the great Powers of Europe still fur-
ther established and secured w lien they incurred
the heavy expence of fortifying the frontier of
the Netherlands against the aggressions of her
most formidable neighbour. The question, then,
is not whether the right exists, but whether
it be convenient or advantageous to exer-
cise it. And this question we still think it
probable that the Powers chiefly int,,rested will, by their
conduct, answer in the negative. The late Administra•
lion of theta Britain had, as we know, decimleit against
interference in the affairs of the Netherlands, unless an
appeal to the natioaal honour, and the faith of treaties,
rendered forbearance impossible; the present Aduainis.
Italian is resolved not to interfere, whatever may become
of na lanai honour or the faith of treaties. Thus at any
rate it seems certain that fur the present at least Great
Britain will remain at peace. France, bound by the
'Jame obligation as Great Britain to the other Powers of
Europe, wilt not interfere, sinless it be to protect the Bd.
gian revolutionists, and to maintain the effects of the revo-
lution : for these purpose*, if necessary, she will interfere
in defiance of the treaties to which she _
NI a party.
This with the present French Government is not
a matter of choice ; it is an indispensible con-
dition of its own existence. Whatever may be
the disposition of Russia, Austria, and pire„eht, or
whatever in other circumetances might have been their
understanding of their rights, their interests, their
ditties, it is ettreinely probable that the conduct of those
Powers will be greatly influenced by the position which
France and England have assumed. What prospect of
success or of advantage can Rus4ia, Austria. and Prussia
perceive in an attempt to ia-rstabliili the authority of the
family of Nassau iu Belgient by force of arms, England
standing aloof in resolute neutrality, and France employing
her vast military means to withstand and to resent their
interference? Can they overlook the probability that the
consequences of such a war might he to Unite not only
Belgium (for this mead be certain, end immediate), but
Rolland also, to France—to subject Austria to invasion,
Prussia to dismemberment, Poland to insurrection, Italy,'
and Portngal to revolution i' Can they overlook the
important fact that the separation of Belgium mei

land is equally agreeable to the piople of both countries ?
Can they forget how essential to the vigour and success of
their former military operations against France they in-
variably found the .pecuniary aid of Great Britain, of
which they can now entertain no hope? The difficulty,
the danger, the improbability of success, are strong grounds
fur believing that the other Continental Powers will
not engage in war against France and Belgium fur
the purpose merely of restoring the latter coun-
try to the dominion of the House of Orange ;—nor
cart we believe that the military preparations now
in progress have any such object. It is assumed
much too hastily that the purpose bf these irmatnents
is aggressive, Is it not more probable that it
is strictly and purely defensive ? Is there nothing of
menace to the great and ancient Monarchies of Europe
implied in the present situation and character of the
French Government? Is it impossible even that they
may have grounds of apprehension more distinct than
those which are open and obvious to all the world ? Has
Prince forgotten the ambitious deaires which she never
yet, we believe, omitted any favourable opportunity to
display, and which within our own times have been suc-
cessively gratified and tantalized ? Doe. not the pacific,
determination of the British Government, ►o unreservedly
proclaimed, offer a favourable opportunity to France, if
she be such too France has always been? Must it 'of
necessity be for purposes of aggression that the Continental
neighbours of France prepare themselves for combat ?
Morning Post.

We gave yesterday in a somewhat lengthy extract
from the last number of Fraser's Magasine, a more
accurate account of the real state of the labouring
classes, and of the real causes of the buntings of
farm-yards, and breakings of machinery, in the dif-
ferent counties, than we have yet met with; as well
as some sound observations upon the operation of
Peel's Bill, in increasing the difficulties of the far-
mer, and rendering more intolerable the state of
destitution and degradation to which farm labourers
here been ►inking for years past. We now return
to the subject, for the purpose of confirming more
at length the view taken by the writer of that
article, of the causes of the d'sturbances—causes
which have their origin, not in disaffection to the
Government, in disloyalty to the reigning family, or
in the promptings and persuasions of hired incendi-
aries or political fanatics—but in the long course of
oppression endured by the labourer—in the poverty
and degradation to which he has been sunk by a ra-
pacious aristocracy—and in blind revenge, to the
adoption of which a system of so much injustice
has ut length driven the unhappy labourers, who,
besides being condemned to labour hard on a starv-
ing pittance of 9d., or Is., or, at best, Is. 3d. per
day, have been used, as the writer observes, more
like locomotive engines than human beings, driven
from place to place, and actually let out on
hire us lyasts of burthen. These are the real causes
of the outrages and the buntings; and it be-
comes perfectly evident, in consequence, that any
system of cure, in order to be effectual, must em-
brace, Ist, an increase of the labourer's wages—
and, secondly, a return to that kindly treatment, in
all other respects, which secured to the farmer and
the landlord not only the best services, but the pro-
tection and regard of the labourer. Now there is
no difficulty, so fur as rational and humane per-
sons are concerned, in effecting the latter object ;
but bow is the former to be accomplished ? We
believe there is but little doubt that the fault of the
low rate of wages paid to agricultural labourers does
not rest with the farmer—that he pays as much as
the produce of the soil will permit him, and that
were he compelled to pay more, that more would
have been paid, not out of his profits, but out of the
very capital which supplies the means of employ-1
ment Such a system, however, could not last for
twelve months—the capital of the farmer would be-
come greatly exhausted, and in order to prevent the
whole slipping from his bands, he would become au
exile from his country, and betake himself to
regions where his person and his property would
be secure against violence and forced payments 1
What, then, remains to be done ? The bur-
therm that press upon tl►e farmer must be re-
duced, and the to•la which cramp his exertions and
industry destroyed. The enormous rent which he
pays to the landlord must be reduced, and the tithe
system either done away with, or so modified and
arranged as not to prevent the farmer from employ-
ing his capital upon lands which are at present
waste, but naturally fruitful and capable of a high de-
gree of cultivation. These are the natural remedies,
and they are those which must be adopted, and that
speedily, in order to arrest the progress of evils
a hich are now undermining the very foundations of
society, and striking. at the root of social order;
and be it observed that while the landlord has, on
the one bawl, no just rause to complain in being
called upon ►o reduce rents which, by the operation
of Peel's Bill, have been augmented, like all other
fixed engagements, to the great injury of the farmer,
and, indeed, of every class in the community but
those possessed of fitted money incomes;--the
clergy, on the other hand, can have no valid °Nee-
jewion to have their claims on the public liquidated,
we do not say reduced, in a manner which will pro-
mote peace mid amity between them and their flocks,
and enable the latter to provide more liberal wages
for the labourer. If either do object, however, to
the adoption of the only rational remedies for the
distress of the times, theirs will be the fault of all
the direful consequences which we foresee as the
result of times the most extraordinary which the
country has ever witnessed, and which require the
application of equally extraordinary remedies. As
some proof of the necessity of adopting the remedies
which we have pointed out above, as well as of
their reasonableness, we copy from the Hampshire
Telegraph the following extract from the general
account tJouk of a respectable timer in this county,
kept in the year 1772, 1773, 1774, and 1775,
when the average price of wheat was 134 151. per
load, and labour 9s. per week :
The rent of the farm was :£125 per annum.
The amount of tithe
Poor. rates 2O
Making together —ls9
The rent is now
The tithes
Ponr-rates BO
Deduct the former 159

An excess of. 292

It will thus be seen that the rent has increased
140 per cent., the tithes 500 per cent., the poor-
a ntn ets as othe itself,v e average than
fre,
cent. It Intostpmeaok for
res
nn
n
1,54 per loud, that the firmer is overburthened with
4 wheato pe r
rent and tithe ; the rates be must still pay, or lessen
them by employing more labourers. It may be
urgel tottiogtheemleanndt,
then formerly ; we grant this, now is more productive, from
better
in part, but even that is not comtnensurate with the
increased price of every commodity the firraer's
wants compel him to consume. We would advert
also to the alteration of the farming system from
what it was sixty years ago. At that period every
farmer maintained at least two.thirds of his labourers
in the hortse ; and what they ate and drank was
wholly, or nearly so, produced on the farm. At the
end of the year he had about 41. to pay each for
wages • in addition to this he was weekly in the
habit of receiving for eggs, butter, pork, &c. twenty
tr thirty shillings from the neighbouring market.
Now, on the contrary, he is obliged every week to
rind money to pay his labourers ; and, as he sends
110 small produce to market, be has not funds arising
from that source to meet this expense. With re-
gard to the labourer, in those days he could do better
on his 9s. a week than he can now on 12.. Meat,
groceries, and clothes were cheaper, nd the labourer
generally then kept a pig; now he keeps none.
Every necessary, in fact, he now uses is loaded with
2(ttaisil.ceouxflcahitsoiesr twhatisgoetnfsatihdnierttiaytxopenilceeitateiftlo.l,ri:oiburo,guarAsedravnceoriltiitgleeibnr.niottetss

----
ituesELL.—The author of " A Winter in
London" has added greatly to his celebrity by the publica-
tion of his last novel. The applications at the libraries
.or an early sight of the new work an writer who wrought
memorable en effect by his first production, are, we un-
derstand, very great ; and "Russell" has already been pro-
nounced a greater bit than "via the " Winter in London."

SECOND EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, Seven u' Clock.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

The LORD CIIANCRLLOD took his seat on the Woolsack
at Ten Minutes past Five.

NEGRO SLAVERY.

Petitions were presented by Lords CARAMV anti CAL.
THORPE, Earl GRIM, and the Bishop of LownoN, against
Negro Slavery.
The Bishop of NORWICH presented a petition from
Newport, in Galway, for the more equiPahle distribution
of Parliamentary grants to the Kildare School Society.
Lord CALTHORPE presented a petition for the Repeal
of the Duty on Sea-borne Coal.

Earl GRAY presented a petition from Montrose, pray-
ing for the regulation of the Scotch Boroughs; and Ao
from Arbroath, praying for Parliamentary Reform.

ADMIMSTAATION OF JUSTICE.

The Order of the Day having been read, the
The LORD CHANCELLOR rose, and said—My
Lords, is rising to call your attention to a subject
of the highest possible importance, as it appears to
me, for the welfare of this country, I think I owe 'your
Lordships a very ample apology for introducing such
subject before you. In any ordinary circumstances,
and upon any other occision, the feelings which
indicate to me the necessity of this apology would in-
stantly concur in preventing me from trespusing upon
your Lordship's time ; but the circumstances I am
about testate, and with the greatest satisfaction! state thew,
will probably be considered as offering the best apology
to your Lordship*. Upon looking to the Journals of
the other House of Parliament, your Lordships will
find at a very early period of the present Session, I, who
then enjoyed the high honour of a seat in that assembly,
obtained from that House leave to bring in a Bill,
not precisely, but in all essential particulars, the
same as that to which I now have the honour
to bring the consideration of your Lordships
Before I had an opportunity of availing myself of the leave
which had been given me, I was removed to the high ho-
nour of a seat in this House, and necessarily the proceed-
ings on that Bill were put an end to for the
present. My worthy Coadjutor (Lord Morpeth), how-
ever, kindly offered to bring the subject forward; but be
not being of the profession of the law, I told him that it
would he almost impossible for any person not experienced
in Courts of Justice to prosecute such a Bill through its
♦arious details. The impossibilty of proceeding with that
Bill in the other House of Parliament has been the cause
of toy soliciting the attention of your Lordships to it.
A subject, my Lords, for which your Lordships are more
capable of taking cognizance than the other House.—
It belongs more particularly to the jurisdiction of this
House, which has within itself the highest func-
tions of Parliament, as well as judicature. Encouraged,
my Lords, by the paramount importance of the subject,
and having from my personal professional knowledge been
confident of the defects for which I am about to bring in
this Bill to remedy, I throw m} self on the indulgence of
while I state as shortly as I can the nature of the evils,
and the course which I intend to pursue in order to cor-
rect them. Before, however, my Lords, I proceed to that
part of the subject, it is due to my Noble Friend opposite
your Lordships, that I should state that which I am about
to suggest to your Lordships, comes from myself indi-
vidually. I hail no opportunity of consulting with
my Noble !Friend, with whom I am joined by the
ties of office as to to this measure.—(Hear, hear. )
I bring it forward, my Lords, in my individual capacity
as a Peer of this House, and I press the matter upon the
attention of his Majesty's Ministers with equally as much
zeal as Ido upon she attention of your Lordships indidually.
(Lary srsAtixc.)