The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-06 00:00:00

. ..))`!

SP/RIr:OP TIM PUBLIC JOURNALS,

We do not knol that the Peculiar danger which
affects the soutbere and seems to be spreaditg into
the midland has existed-toany thing like
the same satent in 'England,- within any period of
'tvhjelt- Yee have ..precise -and well authenticated re-
Cords% One whole class, and that the most mime-
!cede, driven by famine,
.for such is the beartsbreek-
tug fact,—driven by famine, to such courses of des-
perate violence
,and outrage, thut for their own
Sakes, regarding them as a body, and for the great
and permanent interests of society, they must be vi-
sited with punishment,. even before they can be re-
lieved, and provision mule, if it can be Made, for
their future exemption from such cruel sufferings.
Although, we repeats the general cause of those
excesses which the agricultural poputation of Kent
and other counties have been perpetrating, be the
actual misery so long endured by themselves and
their helpless families, the penalties of the law
must, we fear, in some cases be resorted to,
er the crimes of these poor creatures will be
multiplied, the resources applicable to their aid
and comfort wasted, and their Common mass
of wretchedness prolonged beyond its natural
duration. We -published on Saturday, and now re-
publish, three clauses of the. penal law 7 and 8 of
Geo. IV. c. 30, which apply to the offences of these
ignorant and unhappy men, That they are unhappy
to such a degree, and so overwhelmed by their mi-
sery, as to be reckless of all inquiry into the legal
risks which they incur by their proceedings, and
therefore to remain in a sort of compulsive ignorance
of the predicament in which they stand, is attested
by all the; firmest and impartial information which
reachee 1111 from the various scenes of disturbance,
We rejoice at the issue of the special commissions,
noti certainly, as steps to an tinfeelitier retribution
for the offences of a hungry multitude, but as means
of averting them-from a repetition of unavoidabte se-
verity, by administering to them a clear rind simple
underetaoding. of the penal consequences of their
raehtiese,and of the sound and unanswerable reasons
on whiCh legislative measures against the wilful de-
struction of property have been enacted in any civi-
Ned state,—nay, in states not civilized,--stall epochs
of history, and on which such laws must be conti-
nued and enforced in this country to ell future tiMes.
Nor must the opportunity be omitted, and we trust it
will be Seized with eagerness by the high officers of
justice, to explain to the poor man what rights he pos-
sesses, according to every rule of reason, policy, and
humanity, to a full relief from the terrible privations
which have been inflicted upon him by institutions, or
the abuse of institutions, in the establiShment and
evil effects of which he iad no active concern, but
both of which have had their origin in the conduct
of certain classes of society, which themselves are,
by the nature of things, exempt from similar cilia-
tnities. The moment is a fit one, and we prey—
nay,' we demand-sfrom the commissioned guardians
of the public peace and welfare, that it may be so
emPloyed, to teach the rich the .wickedness as well
as disastrous fruits of violating their dirties to their
less powerful neighbours. Let the rich be taught
that Providence will not suffer them to oppress their
fellow-creatures with, impunity. there are tens of
thottsands of Englishmen, industrious, kind-hearted,
but -btoken.hearted beings, exasperated into mad-
ness by insufficient food and clothing,—by utter
Want of necissuries for themselves and their unitive
tunate families. There is no complaint any where
that they Will not work, or that having undertaken
.to tabour for pay, they break their contract. The
complaint is on their side, that they cannot get such
wages for their work as will keep them above star-
Tatum. Of the specific causes to which 'this dread- ~ '
ful state of the peasantry of England ought to be
attributed, we have •heard many alleged 6 but no
single cause will suffice. A. letter, a most ef-
leering . one, from a Country Surgeon," has
Ifillad us with sensations so . painful, that we
should be. sorry to communicate .them in their
full force to' our seeders.: There Is no body
of men: in decent life an well entitled to cre-
dit for a perfect knowledge of 'the Internet aril
Slition of that poor mutts Minas, as those who
visit its inmates on the bed of siekness. Noth-
ing is then concealed; there is no time nor
spirit for mystery, nor attempt at any jealous
concealment of that devouring destitution which
generates disease, and hastens its march, and only
mitigates the agonies of the stdrertr, by inviting the
band of death to smooth,,his pillow. An individual of
this` worthy profession paints .scenes which can be
tolerable only to the hard of heart to witness,—
useful, perhaps, to none but those, .or torpid and
inert humanity, hut-whatever, ato-we have said,
may be the cruise of these deplorable distresses, one
thing is sure---viz. that the relief of want is the first,
grand specific which deserves the 'time of remedy.,
Our correspondent' visits all upon the tithe system.
The tithe is, we fear; constituted or administered,
and ought to be in some way commuted; but tithe,
Ins not.enetigh,,rior is the enelesure of 61Mi110114 from:
the poor enough, as suggested by another and tvell
infOrmed correspondent, " Serutator." limit we.
apprehend that tithes, and enclosures, and emu-
tabus rents, and . corn laws, and grinding taxes, and
the general tendency ef men who derive power
from property to shove off a parrot" their own bur-
then% upon the shoulders of the poor, who hays
neither property nor power, and display no strength,
but in the extremity of wretchedness—we believe
'that all these things together have coospired to
break down the poor. Let us trust that the Ons
',velment, and the Magisttricy, and the rich---that
all who are not driven to manual lirbees..-will wee,
learn to
,have mercy on those who are, and that a
criticall'ihough tardy, perhaps a repugnant, but still,
effectual exercise of even diet sordid wisdom which
has self for its counsellor, may be found where hi-
therto it-kris not gaitied entrance, among the " con-
servative" (as they call themselves) orders and au-
thorities of Great Britnin.—Tintet.

An Evening Paper, of Friday, soya...
" It is tliffichlt on any principle to Justify the present
lystern of English Judicature, which is in fact denial of
justice, exeept in extreme cues. In India, inn recognixall
mode of reenvet big a demand is for the plaintiff to peat
himself at the door ef the defendant, and ol6titiately to;re-•
fuss any subliatence till ire expires, whereby he involves.
Lis adversary in inexpiable religious gnat ; and the dread
of tisk °identity often induce« the wrong-doer to make re-
paration. In the like mariner, if an Zig!Whiners is so far
aggrieved that lie will oneritice himself, he CAR
get very perfect justice ; but where he is not driven to this
desperation, or I. very inflaeninaide by mature, lu com-
monly pockets his *tona-s, or iteeka to repair bit loss by
some other 'means than law. ft is certainly mticb to the
credit of the morality and good temper of the people that
such 6 system works so well as it doer, ae that the
power of doing inju-tice, which its' expeniiivenesii pita
into the hands of the rich, is en'iteldom retorted to.
Ono of our contemporaries (the -Chronicle) asks
why the Scotch peasant is contented,
,nerd the Eng-
lish peasant,' with higher wages, disiatisfied ?' and,
answers, that the word independence solves the diffi-
cult), t..-there is not a man, however low in station, in
lientiand, who does not know that he min at all timee,
for a sum within his means, olatain impartial justice.—
There is a justice-chop in his neighbourhood (the Shotiff'S
'Court), which be can at all times enter and detained kw-
tire This dote not appear to us a satisfactory mode of
eiplithiiNg the difference, and we fear that we "ghoul&
trwrely raise expectatious which would be disappointed, if
'Ave`inateal to the establishment of kcal courts as the means
• di satisfying the poor. • We do not find that the egricul-
tural lebouters who best the overteers, and break thrtush-z
Inc h:whine* and extort money, complain that the laws
•are not edmieistered—that they are aisaulted with impu-
nity-.or though they have. good cause* of action,
they are un Miss for want of natant, to bring actions of
debt, *river, or trespass. They are diseentented for re it-
sons which have obrioneir nothing to du with the Ala-
,nisttatiors or denial 'of leq,el juatice ; or, itt lOW, if jillitioe
is 1"1a"rir"1 hy.the law t6ll land, they are clivt4titfittd)
Out tititt it le, dAtkiitti, hut that it is aalministera."
W.tr how,: tit cutnplain of the mode, itt which our
COili6Mpotery lite repreietttod otlr •hrgurneilti • of
,
which trio above quotation forma *Witt part,.
" If (we uneerved) had poesesied kaacal.Courts
a hundred years ego, that scourge of thi,giasoary—the
Unpaid lilagisinteY-4the 01414 laanairoopinativotion that
fiver disgraced a country eallioir tse 616111441—the !twee
orders would not now Lai err'. prostrate condition 'ice

which they, unfortunately, are. We have no hesitation
in saying, that in as far as the peace and happiness of the
lower orders are concerned, the Sheriffs' Courts of Scot-
land are of ten times more value than all the boasted in-
atitutione of England, the influence of NVilith pasOs over
the heads of* the poor.'"

And after remarking the diterence between the
mode of proceeding in Local Courts and before
English Magistrates, we obiterved—
" Hence Justices of Peace in Scotland have never been
able to obtain more than the power to which they ought
to have been confined io England—that of preserving
peace 'and aiding justice in emergencies., The monstrous
idea of giving to the Landholders of a country all sorts of
discretionary power over the mass of the people, and to
make them substitute's for local tribunals was reserved for
England."

ii
We do not find (says our cotatetnilorttry) that the
agricultural 'labourers, who treat the overseers, and break
thrashing machines, and extort money, complain that the
laws are not administered—that they are ahaaUlted with
impunityoss.or that, though they have good causes of ac.
tiOn, they are unable, for went Of means, to bring actions
of debt, trovcr, or trespass."
Why is it that the agricultural labours have broken
out ? Because (as our contemporary has stated
himself) they are ovemdministered,---because the
Magistrates, by coostant interference with them,
have taught them to place all their sufferings to the
fteeetrot of authority,--because they conceive that
the higher orders are bound to make there happy
and comfortable. As mere landlords, the unpaid
would have been unable to introduce that system
of regulation which, whenever the neighboinhood
of manufactures did nut defeat it, succeeded in
destroying all connexion between labour and its
reward. But for want of local • tribunals the
landholders became necessarily vested with ad-
ministrative and judicial authority, and used that
authority in a way which, with a Court of ne-
e-Ord, would have been impossible in combining to
regulate wages, by on allowance to each child be-
yond u certain numher The avowed object, as May be
seen from numerous communications at the time, in
the proceedings of the Bath Agricultural Society,
Yourig's Annals of Agrkulture (to say nothing of
the resoluiions of Magistrates at Quarter Sessions),
was to prevent wages from rising, for, said they, it
we once allow wages to rise, we shall never be able
to lower them. lf, then, this vicious system of in-
terference produced the superabundance of labourers
and if the vesting landlords with extensive discre-
tionary powers, alone enabled them to give effect to
this vicious system of interference, we are not, per-
haps, going too far when we say, that if England
had had local tribunals one hundred years ago) the
lower orders would not be in the prostrate condi-
tion in which they now are) slid the country would
not he in its present diseased state. Li the ad-
mirable' tract of Burke on Scarcity, presented to Mr.
Pitt in 17M, he predicted very accurately the cons
sequences of the system on which the IVlagistrecy
had entered. Speaking of the Drench Govern,
meet, he observed, as a warning to ourselves,
that " its faults furnished its enemies with means
for its destruction. My dear departed friend,
whose loss is even greater to the public
than to me, had often remarked,, that the
leading vice of the French Monarchy (which
he had well studied) was a good intention ill-di-
rected, and a restless desire of governing too much.
The hand of authority was seen in every thing, and
in every place. All, therefore, that happened amiss
in the course even of domestic Airs, was attributed
to the Government ; and as it always happens in
this kind of officious universal interference, what be-
gan in odious power, ended always, I noty say with.
out an exception) in contemptible imbecility."
Burke, adverting to the Itesolutions of the 'Squires,
observes that they " had denied when they gave it
as their opinion that the price of labour ought to
rise arid fall with the market price of provisions.
The rate of wages, in truth, has no direct relation
to that price. Labour is a commodity, like every
other, and rises or falls according'to the demand.'
.!
lie inveighs against the arbitrary tax levied et
" what is called the discretion of JUsticet of,Peuce
The vulgar error he was combatting, :he said, and
said truly--
" Arises Iron a total confusion in the very idea of
things widely different in themselves—those of convention,
and those of judicature. Itilien a contract is making, it is
a Matter of discretion and of interest between the parties.
Its that iritercourse and in what is to arise_ from it, the
parties are the masters if they are not completely so,
they are not free, and therefore their contracts are void.
But this freedom has no further extent when the con-
tract is made then their discretionary powers expire, and
new order of things take .their origin. Then, and
not till then, and in a difference [between the parties,
the °nice of the Judge commences. He cannot dictate
the centract. It is his business to see that it he enforcedt
provided, that it is not contrary to pre-existing laws, or
obtained by force or fraud. If he is in any way a maker
or regulator of the contract, in so much he is disqualified
from being a Judge. But this sort of confused
tuition of administrative and tidicial characters (of which
we have already as much as ithufficient and a little more)
le time only perplexity of motives and passions which
trouble us in the present hour." Burke predicted that
the people would turn and bite the hand that fed them.'
'' To avoid that evil, Government will redouble the causes
alit ; and theu it will become inveterate and incurable,"

Now when our contemporary says that the agri-
cultural population are " discontented for reasons
which have obviously nothing to do with the admi-
nistration or denial of /ego/ justice; or at least, if
justice is measured by the law of the land, they are
dissatisfied, not that it is deided, but that it is ad-
ministered," he does. not meet our argument in a
fair mariner. We took the whole field under our
view. We considered Magisterial discretion to
grow meessarily out el the absence of Local Courts,
and the independence of the labourers to have
beeo destroyed by 'discretionary power. The
relation between master and labourer has never
beOw free since the discretionary system corn-
meneed—weges never rose, and they have not
fallen. A most intelligent agriculturist of Kent
assures,' us, that during the war, • when wheat
was selling for 71, a quarter, meat at Is. a
pound, and bacon at I4d. or !bd. a pound, he never
paid more than 3s. a day fbr labour. He pays a little
less at present, when wheat' is 655., meat at 4d.,
and good batten at lid, a pound. In Stirlingshirel
Agricultural Report, published iti 1812, it is stated
the wages of a larm servant in the house was 28/.
In England such a Servant never received more than
IV/. But mark the difference. I' he Englialiman's
wages remain nearly the same. The Scott :limas
in a year or two fell to one-third of the sum of 1812.
The substitution of discretionary power for law hay-
ing destroyed the independence of the agricultural
labourers, they are justified in placing their misery
at the door of those who would ' take charge
of their happiness. We are, therefore, justified
in attaching great importance to Local Courts, as a
means of the preservet:on of order in a country,
end we are not answered by saying that the
labouring population are not disinterested because
the law is not enforced, but because it is when that
law has placed them in circumstances which deprive
them of all free agency. We never contended that
Local Courts alone will now extricate the agricul-
tural labourers from their difficulties.; anti it is tor-
turing our language to attach such a meaning to
what we sail. lint if the system which has de-
stroyed their independence could riot have been
established except by the combination of the power
of landlords and magistrates growing out of the ab-
sence of Local Courts, we conceive we have not at-
tributed too much to the absence of an institution,
without which the independence of the labouring
people, cannot he maintained. When a man be-
cornea a slave, he loses half his virtue.—Morning
Chronicle.

Lard llroughstoPti Local Court's Bill is generally well
received by the bar, a circumstsiice which tells very much
in, favour of the liberality of the profession. Thercare,
Inniever, strong iutereats to be opposed to it ; and we
litioubt only be deluding our readers were we to lead them
telieva that thlitgrand, we should say pararuouut, object
of Local coedit edit he obtained without 4 severe struggle.
The opponents are neither few nor unimportant from station.
Ml tests of obstacles will be thrown in the way
the measure ; all sorts of objections will be taken to it,
Beth IA(1)011600 and iu detail. Except the public opinion
by pronounced in suit a manner as to unnerve the interested,

we should be alarmed for the ultimate success of the Bin.
Where the object to be effected is merely the public good,.
and the interests struck at by, a rocasetre Strong, compared
with the interest of the - public individually, there Can be
little doubt as to the side nit Which the combatants will
exert themselves must keenly. We regard the Measure a.
one of paramount importance to the pcior and rich. It
is true the rich man at present has aceets to Courts 01
Law ' • bet the security of the rich depends greatly on the
belief entertained by the poor na.to the protection afforded
to them by the law. Law becomes inoperative when the
mass of the people conceive the law affords no teciltity to
them, and that they only experience its Operation as an
engine of oppression, The circumstances of the present
day proclaim lousily the danger Of having it great part of
the population below the level of this Mw. A contempt),
racy (the Globe) greatly kmder-rates, we think, the de-
gree of proteetion which Local Courts would afford to
even the lowest description of poor.
The chronicle (observes our contemporary) says that the
influence of the boasted Institutions of England pasies ober the
head of the poor. We believe the Sallie thing to he nearly so true (it
by the poor we mean thelliiVett nipicultn rai pool') or Local Couils,
valuable as the), may be to the corn/Untidy at large ; the chief
advent* babe administratien of justiee moat be to those who
have property tp protect. The fidvantage of the Local Courts
will be chiefly felt by the chases above the poorest. Towards the
latter the Government will have other duties to perform"
That in the present depressed state of the agricultural
poor, the Local Courts will be less valuable than to the
labourers of countries placed in more independent circum-
stances, we can easily belieVe. But it is a mistake to
suppose that even the most bumble labourer has not occa-
sionally transactions with his fellows, or with artisans, to
say nothing of employers, which tender the aid of a Court
necessary to him. On thle subject we perhaps possess more
knowledge then our contemporary. In countries possessed
of local Courts, we know that the very lowest class of the
population are, in fully a greater proportion than their so.
periors, applicants for redress. We must not suppose
that a matter of five at ten Bidding* is unimportant to a
poor man because it is unimportant to a rich man. In
fart, his feelings, from being concentrated on few objects,
are, in all cases of supposed injury, intense beyond
what the rich man can almost conceive. Who-
ever doubts this, has only to enter a Local Court, where
a case in which the parties are poor is tried, The
County Fire-office, in their printed circular, issued the
let of this month, distinctly state that the result of the re-
searches, made extensively and with great care, leads them
to attribute the fires to depraved persons, of whom ton
many, we fear, are to be found in every neighbourhood,
and to persons who have either been injured, or conceive
they have been injured. The very existence of vengeance
proves the mint of law. A man who conscientiously
believes he has been injured, would always prefer dragging
his adversary before a tribunal to private vengeance ; be-
cause, in the latter case he loses' the gratification of a
triumph. Ile wishes his friends and n, ighbours to be
witnesses of his succe,s, or to condole with him on his
' failure.—Morning Chronicle.
Reform and Retrenchment are in every manta mouth,
and as the Ministers mean honestly, we have no doubt that
Reform and Retrenchment will be obtained. Reform and
Retrenchment go hand in hand ; for, as every one knows,
the motives to corrupt are weakened by the diminution of
the fund of corruption, while an imperfect Represents.
lion is constantly adding to the expenditure. The two
measures will aid each other, A pamphlet just pub.
lisped, under the title of Observations on the State ot
the Country, and of the proper Policy of Administra.
lion, attaches too little importance to the retrenchment
that_ispracticnble

" Reform (says the writer) is at present sought by two classes:
the middle class...or,- as Mr. Bentham would say, the interior
section of the Aristocracy—and by the labourers, or those who
have nothing. The motives which influence both classes in
seeking it, are partly similar and partly dissimilar. Both of them
imagine that the measures of retrenchment which a reformed
Parliament would adopt, would have a powerful influence in
lightening the pressure of the burdens by which they are
Weighed down; and each class is anxious that It should have a
greater direct lottuenCe over the elections. We should be most
unwilling to throw discredit on any reasonable expectations;
but nothing can be more mischievous than the formation of
hopes in the public mind that aro sure to be disappointed. Those
who affirm that the condition of the people may be materially
improved by any retrenchment of expenditure that it is possible
to adopt, so long as faith is kept with the public creditor, are
either deceived themselves, or tire endeavouring, for no guest
purpose to deceive others. Upon what are the great retrench.
ments, of which we hear so much, to be made? Of fifty millions
of revenue, idwaind.twenty millions go to pay the interest of
the debt ; and this must be paid till Revolution and not Reform
is at work ; till the title de of Netherby, and the bonds of Mr.
Rothschild are involved in one common blaze. The talk that one
hears about pensions is absolutely ludicious • not that we think
that one-third of these pensions should ever have been granted,
or that the systedi which admitted of such a misapplication 01
the public money should not be utterly abolished ; but supposing
that all pensions and useless places were forthwith put down,
and taxes repealed to the amount of 741001. or POO,OOOl. a year
expended upon them, it would not make a diftrence of one
shilling a year to each individual in the country,'.. • •
Is it important, we ask, to keep down the agricultural
labourers, who have lately broken out? Who doubts it?
What if it can be shown that these pensions are a cause of
the burning*
.and outrages 't The connection, however,
we suspect, is snore close than that between Tenterden
Steeple and Goodwin Sands. In an excellent :pamphlet
just put into our, hand., retitled " Observations on the
Duty on Seaborne Coal, and on the peculiar Duties and
Charges on Coal in the Port of London," we find it stated,
that for this very sum of 800,0001. a year, a great section
of the kingdom is plunged in great distress.
" Is it to be endured," says the writer, " that the whole
southern countjee should be subjected to a most oppressive tax
on an indispensable necessary of life, from which those in the
north are. perfectly free—that manufactures should not merely
be checked, but actually driven trent very extensive districts—
that thousands of workmen should be thrown out of employ.
meat, and severe privations inflicted upon those that aro em-
ployed, for the sake of the paltry etim of SOO,OOO/. a year I"
The able author toucher; on this very subject of the dis-
tress of the Southern Counties, on the causes of which
this 800,000/. Is of snore importance than the advocate of
pensions .seems to allow.
Whatever dittbrence of opinion may exist as to other mat.
tees, everyone ucquainted with the condition of the poor seems'
to be impressed with this conviction, that unless something be
done to relieve their necessities, the most disastrous come.
miences may be expected to ensue, It would be inconsistent
alike with our objects and limits, to enter upon any lengthened
inquiries as to the causes that have led to suchdeplorable results
—that have depressed the labourers of the southern countiett so
far below those of the north. Perhaps a good deal of dial:ooe
may be traced to the pernicious practice, so long prevalent in
the south, of mixing wages anti Input-rates together. But this is
not the wily cause of degradation that has been at work Isere.
A great deal of the peculiar poverty and misery to be met with
amongst the labouring classes of Kent, Hampshire, Sutlblk, eke.,
is undoubtedly ascribable to the operation at the coal, ditty. and
of the various regulations under which the trade is conducted,
Were there a heavy tax on the the beef, or bread, used in the
southern counties, which did not extend to the north, does any
one doubt that it would have a most injurious mem the
individuals subjected to its operation ? Fuel, however, is quite
as indispensable its either of the article's referred to ;and being
so, must not a tax on it equally effect t hose on whom it falls, and
depress their condition, compared with those who are exempted
front such an impost ? It is not, however, by is direct etlbcts
only that the coaLtex is injurious ; it is so 'nth iectly, by depriv.
nig those subjected to it of wane of employment that would
otherwise be at their disposal. At present one has only to take
up a map of England, distniguishing the coal districts,; to learn
at a tglance the seats of manufacture and employment But
such Is not the natured order of things. Were the duty and the
regulations that grow out of it abolished; the expence of convey.
ing coal by tea would be so ninth reduced, that many branches
of industry which cannot, at present, be curried on except in
the vicinity of the mines, might be carried on at a distance;
while many that arc now carried on in counties remote (him the
Wiles, though with difficulty, would be carried on with comp*.
reties: facility and success," .

_ „ _ - •
We may observe that the redundant populatien alluded
to, which led to the payment of wages out of rates, .rnsy
always be traced to the expulsion, of manufactures from the'
neighbourhood.—Morning Chronicle.
The plan of making small allotments of land to the la
-
bothers in husbandry, as a meant' of restoring them to the
comfort, independence, and honeetand orderly habits, which
pauperise), and its degrading dtfiteequences, have so seri-
ously impaired, we had often_ i,recommended, and Ave are
,
glad to find that in several part* of the kingdom it has
been adopted. There is no doubt that its general applica-
tion will be attended with the moat beneficial results, al-
though it is direct'y in opposition to the principles of a
certain clots of political quacks, who, while they declaim
in layette of free trade, end against all commercial mono-
polies, are evermore insisting upon the national advantages
of, monopolies in Imtl. The principle; of free trade, we
admit, are in themselves good, hut the stoner to carry
them into effect under the particular circu,:tptrar:i in which
this country is placed has been most mischievous. The
weight of taxation which cramps and, the pen•
ductive industry of
,England, and which raises the cost of
production, beyond what it is in any other country, made
it impossible hue her to enter with any chance of *times
into free competition in trade with other nations, taxed so,
lightly as to be always able to undersell her even in the
home markets. Under.a system of free trade, with tax-
, ation as high as it is at present, Our menufactureri could not
afford to pay even scanty wages for labour, but were Obliged
to have rettouree to the cheaper agency of
meettanteal powers
which, while it removed one evil, created a still greater one
machineryicountryna lightened
o adentsheo costPnu ftlrod production, g, ndle
general use
!'gave the English manufacturer some chance of compet-
ing with his foreign rival, but it threw vast number; of
imiustrious artixans,upon the poor-retes. Thu, what the
country gained with 000 hand h threw away with the
machines, unknown to the
theta of- England, into
ohtalipeprier Tthheouginhtrolooductplorneteonfolg.
agriculture, in consequence of high rents, high tithes, and
high toittios, exposed to
.similar suffering atid wretched-
ness the labourers—or the greater part of the labourers...
in husbandry. Here the consequences of machine-14)one
and low wages would not have been so bad, if labourers,
as in former timee, ~.bad those small Allotments of . land,
which would beveenebled them to subtiat themselves and
families without. having recourse to parochial relief. But
that fatal and atrocious war to restore the Bourbon* to rt

tti. ,
ttloe Which they bad mither the virtue to deserve nor
theeontitge to defend, and which war raised the national
debt to that enormoes magnitude which rentirre4 nearly
oiety mil*. to pa,' the lateral, prodticed, besides other
devaataling effecti, those Moral ravages which have
!dripped. its a great measure, of their national virtues the
'most industrious, manly, honest, and orderly population
.00 the face of the earth, and deeply tainted them with
the vices of servility, turbulence, and reckleesnesi of
eharacter, which spring Uut of abiect weetehednees and
constions degradation: We are Meant that Conseitieneera
so injurious to society canna Lie sillogelher got rid of while
the etairmails debt; which is the price of military glory,
drains the resoukes; and presses 1 ike an incubus on the ener-
gies, of the empire. But much may be done to alleviate such
a state of things by judicious and comprehensive policy—
that policy which acts upon intelligible principles, capable
of general application; and not that miserable pateliWork
of State quackery known by the Mine of " expediency,"
which; like ignarint superficial treatment in medicine,
seems, for the moment, to effect a cure only by driving
the disease in upon the nobler parts, to prey on the very
sources of vitality. It was during the war that the cot-
tager@ of England were chiefly deprived of their little
pieces of land and gardens, and made solely dependent for
their subsistence on the wages of their daily labour, or
the poor-rates. Lund, and the produce of It, had become
so valuable, that the labourer was envied the occupation
of the smallest piece of ground which he possessed, and
even " the bare-worn common" was denied. The waste
and poor grounds were monopolised by the owner of vast
acres and nob domains ; and the cupidity of the lords of
the soil, whose avarice the heartless tenets of the " poli-
tical economists" justified and encouraged, gradually
effected the destitution of the cottage population of Eng-
land. The evil consequences of this were not mach felt
while the demand for men which existed during the war,
and a currency enlarged by vast paper issues, made the
prices of produce and of labour high ; but when peace
came, and a redundant population was no longer taken off
to fill up the places of the victims which war commuted—
when, moreover, the currency was reduced to the
standard of peace, while the greater quantity sif the war
taxation still remained..—then the evil of taking away from
the labouring classes the portions of land which could al-
ways supply them with food, when out of regular employ-
ment, became snore apparent. Still, so callous or un-
reflecting had a great proportion of the wealthy pro-
prietors of this country become, that they resisted all
warnings of future consequences, and even the demonstra-
tion of their senses as to the progressive decline and degrada-
tion of the people, rather than abandon the notion of ad-
vancing their own sordid interests by only letting their
lands in large and overgrown farms, and excluding the
labouring poor from all occupation in the soil. Hence a
general spirit of insubordination and outrage which now
disgraces the agricultural districts—hence the demolition
of those machines which supersede human labour—
hence the unnatural antipathy, the fierce contentions be-
tween the owners and the cultivators of the soil—hence
the separation of interests and affections between the
rich and poor, and all the bitter hatred and revolting
circumstances of a servile war? Military force and Special
Commissions may restore something like tranquillity for
a time, but they cannot cure such a state of things. Above
the philosophy of the school of modern theorists, who lay
down rules for " grinding the faces of the poor," is the
philosophy of Holy Writ, which says the " labourer is
worthy of his hire." But in England the labourer must
starve upon the wages of his industry, unless he submits
to the alms and the degradation of the pauper! We hope
that the present troubles of the country, which look like
a visitation of !leaven upon the cupidity of man, will not
have been sent in vain, but that the owners of the soil
will derive wisdom from experience, and act as if they
felt that the comfort of the labouring poor was the beat
foundation of their own security.—Morning Herald.
The new Ministry, notwithstanding the attempts of its
enemies to cast odium on its composition, and doubts on
its sincerity and good intentions, is daily reaping golden
opinions from all quarters. The abolition which it has
already effected of several useless, but expensive, places, is
en earnest of its desire to follow up etionorny in all the
departments of the public service--'he speech of the Lord
Chancellor on law reform is a pledge that abuses will not be
tokrated under it--and that of Earl Grey on Friday hart;
in reference to Parliamentary Reform, a proof that it has
professed nothing which it does not mean to carry into
effect, end tlatt it comprehends distinctly, not only the
difficulties with which it has to struggle, but the only mode
in which they can be safely dealt with. His Grace of New-
castle would, no doubt, haVe been delighted had his
prayer for delaying a Reform in Parliament been listened to
by Earl Grey ; for, in the first place, he would have
saved his, boroughs patronage, and, in the second, he would
have succeeded in rendering his Majesty's advisers as
odious and unpopular as they are now respected and po-
pular; but Earl Grey saw through the whole matter, and
answered hie Grace in a manner which must satisfy the
country not only of his sincerity and good faith, but of the
wholesome manner in which the question of Parliamentary
Reform is to he finally disposed of.—" His opinions on the
subject," lie observed, " had bee; long known—they were
now confirmed by experience; and what he hail said in the
preceding Session, was se far front being altered by
what had takeu place since, that he was more convinced
than ever that the question could not be delayed. He was
convinced that it must be solemnly and fairly disposed of;
for, if it were delayed, he feared that it would he forced
upon them in a manner that would curry destruction with
it."—This is the true way of stating the question, as well
AN the true state of the question itself ; and we shall be
much surprised, indeed, if these few words uttered by Lord
Grey have not carried more conviction into the " strong
holds of the borouglanongers," than a whole volume of
argument OP the reasonablenete, of the people's demands.
Tire settlement of the questions can, in fact, be no longer
delayed, without risking a revolution, and the over-
throw of every thing in the Constitution which expe-
rience has proved to be useful, and time rendered in it
'romper .sacred ; but in order that it may be settled Baths.
factorily, the hands of his Majesty's Ministers must be
strengthened by petitions from all trades and professions--
from all classes—and front ell quarters of the country in
favour of it. It is one thing for them to will Reforn--
it is another to overcome ice opponents ; and Its iso way
can they be overcome but by the unanimous support of the
people. Scotland has already bestirred itself nobly in the
canse—in this country also something hie been done ; but
we do not yet witness that activity which we consider ne-
cessary to en effectual Reform. Not a day ought so be
lost ; for in less titan two months the Scheme of Reform
will be submitted to the House of Commons, and if net
powerfully supported must be defeated...--. Morn. Advertiser.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

SECONDARIES' OFFICE, Dtc. 4.
SMYTH V. CIIIXVIt.

This was a writ of inquiry before Mr. Potran, for
the assessment of damages for criminal conversation with
the plaintiff's wife, the defendant having allowed judgment
to go by default, The damages were laid at 6001.
The plaintiff was a respectable man, and had married
the
mere
wasiadywsthreongthof affection. the subject
Fureoetof the
souse pre
imsetnteact couple
nfrom
the
lived as man and wife ought to live—but, somehow or
other, the 'lady began to fancy ardent liquors, and took
su
te crned rihoefuu
rmade housekeeping a matter of coast-
d
Itiie as
ty. Whenever the husband returned home
a
or after the fatigues of the day, it was
n; doses
e o
two to one that the wife was labouring under the demon
of drink, and, of course, he Was obliged to look else-
where for the support of nature. He had no alteinative
hut to live by himself, and to look out for some respec-
table family under whose care to place the' unfortueate
woman. He accordingly advertised in the newspapers,
stating the nature of the exigency, and an answer
Was sent to him by the defendant, an elderly gentleman, of
exceedingly sober detueanour, and strong religious propen-
cities, mentioning that bi resided on a smell farm with
his daughter and her husband, and that the greatest atten-
tion should be paid to the lady, who required seclusion and
o;bontry sir, To the asylum of this venerable person the
lady was sent, after due care being taken to ascertain the
character of theinmates,'on the /tit of November, IS2O.
The old guardian was to receive pay for the lady's diet and
wog by the month, 44e1 the gentleman appointed to pay
the demand made bitn acqUainted with the, lady's appetite
,fur liquor, when he called • for the drat month's money.
The
ttrrnte, determined
arit'howevers
to take advantage
instead
deofendes"oufriint for endeavouring
He commenced a regular systematic attack
pun h virtne,.sini in the mnjnent of her greatest
prteveecorati"ekntee as.e vi
lady
s,wlsten she was. under the influence of the fatal
beverage, he succeeded in'seduchtt her. In the June fol.
fussing
the
defendant
e;mlie4yebtlradn Ilebtiseti psaoyimarprtoei.p;el:l;ithins;
hf"irentraul ghlilmterthwaotul‘ldirsn'ot allow her to remain any longer in
the house, there being other ladies at the time under the
same roof. • " Why r " said the gentleman, "what hes she
done ? You knew her infirmity, and ought to hoe taken
care not to let her drink that cursed gin." ".Oh I beg
your pardon, said the defendant, "it wasn't the ow,
strong drink?" " Ne such thing," observed the old gen-
.. well, the wine, then, ur the brandy, or some other
" it WV) neither more nor less then a lump of a
laughter. )...The astonishment'