The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-07 00:00:00

double blow to the ambition of the Anglo-Ameri-
cans; it deprives them of a vast and rich inherit-
ance which they had long counted as their own ;
and it cuts them off from the still more tempting
countries which lie still further to the south. In
fact, it gives them, for the first time in their national
existence, a fixed end definite Southern boundary.
It renders their territory limited instead of un-
limited, though still enormous. It bounds their
imagination, and by that simple process wounds
their national vanity.
EXAMINER.—It was a maxim of Jonathan Wild
the Great to do no more mischief than was abso-
lutely necessary, as mischief was a thing too pre•
cious to be wasted. The American Government
seems to hold a similar opinion as to falsehood, and
in Mr. Seward's review of the war there is a sur-
prising amount of truth. The Foreign Secretary
evidently thinks that sufficient for the day past was
the flim-flam thereof, and ho therefore does not
romance about events which have passed into the
domain of history. What, indeed, would have been
the use of wasting precious falsehood upon facts
now beyond dispute ? It was all very well upon
occasions of disaster to make things pleasant by a
little concoction of invention ; but that is all gone
by, the truth too well established, and any fibbing
now would be worse than useless, absolutely detri-
mental. If the war were now described as a series
of successes, with a few exceptions having no con-
sequences, such as Bull's Run and Fredericksburg,
people would naturally say, why is it not all over?
If so much has been done, how can anything remain
to be done ? Gross, indeed, must be the mismanage-
ment which allows the war to drag on which has
been marked with a succession of triumphs. Mr.
Seward is cunning enough to see that this would
not do, so he is truthful enough in his review of the
war till he comes to the recent turn of its fortunes
in favour of the North, and then ho expends upon
it all the fine colouring he has kept in reserve.
Indeed, the dark shadows of the earlier passages
serve to set forth more brightly the present pros-
pect. According to the Foreign Secretary, the
Northerns were beaten till they could be beaten no
longer. They had exhausted defeats. They travelled
in the long lane of disaster till they came to the in-
evitable turning. For all this the American
Government will some day claim credit, showing
that all its seeming reverses were cunningly-
planned expedients for ultimate success. There
was once upon a time a charlatan who professed
drawing teeth without pain. When the credulous
patient was in his hands he would give a tug at the
grinder with his instrument, and, in reply to the
roar and angry complaint that followed, say, Now
that was merely to show you Cartwright's method,
that you should see the difference between his and
mine. Another tug, and another roar, and the ex-
planation that the pain was only to exhibit Spence's
method, and so on till the tooth hung by a thread,
when the quack said, Now you shall have a speci-
men of my method, and whipped the tooth out
without more pain. And so President Lincoln, if
he ever succeeds in extracting the tooth, will say
that Bull's Run was only to show Burnside's me-
thod; the period of inaction, M'Clellan's ; Frede-
ricksburg, Hooker's; and that his own conduct of
affairs commenced when the bunglers were all dis-
posed of. Upon the breaking out of the war we
repeatedly expressed our opinion that the North
could not keep any very large force permanently in
the field. They have succeeded in doing this to a
greater degree than we thought possible, but the
voluntary levies are now fairly exhausted, and the
Government confesses that its only remaining re-
source is conscription. How that will work we
shall soon see. But if it gives soldiers, it will give
such soldiers as will full surely revenge their forced
service by tremendously increasing the demoralisa-
tion already existing. In the memoirs of a French
veteran just published it is shown what a canker in
the armies of Napoleon was the rapine, which had
become a condition of their existence, and cause of
their dissolution. If this was the case with the
armies of France, how will it be with those of
America under a discipline so much taxer, and with
a national propensity so much stronger to insubor-
dinaticn ? To be sure, it may be said that robbery is
the order of the day in the Federal States, that every
one who can is pillaging, and that the soldier only
does on a small scale what contractors and crea-
tures of the Government are doing on a great scale ;
but when men with arms in their hands follow this
prevailing fashion they are apt to cut out more work
than is bargained for, and woe to their employers,
with the wolf by the ears, which they can neither
hold nor let go. One day the conscripts' turn may
come, and they may say to the Government, "You
made us soldiers against our will, and soldiers we
will now remain against your will, and help our-
selves to indemnities for our forced services." For
law and liberty in America sad times are too evi-
dently in store, "bad begins and worse remains
behind." One good effect has been brought about
by this war. It used to be the reproach of quiet
citizens that in their security they delighted in the
account of battles, and could hardly be satisfied
with any amount of killed and wounded. This is
certainly no longer the case. The American war has
surfeited with carnage, and the battles, one just like
another, have lost all interest. The imagination
cannot grasp or follow things on so large a scale.
The high numbers are confounding. In a word, the
American war has become a nauseous drug, and
many people have resolved to hear no more about
it till it is over, like the Irish traveller in the sacked
town, who gave his order as he took to his bed,
" Call me when it is done." But when is it to be
done ? Mr. Seward telfs all in Europe who desire
a restoration of peace, for the renewal of commer-
cial prosperity, to withdraw support and favour
from the insurgents, as if these were the only obsta-
cles to the termination of the war. Leave us to
ourselves, he says. But have the favour and support
been all on one side ? Have they not been pretty
equally divided, the South getting the largest share
of the favour, the North the largest share of the
support in the substantial shape of arms, munitions
of war, and the raw material of soldiers in many
thousands of emigrants ? There is always some
reason for not succeeding in a conflict. "If it had
not been for this or that, I should have thrashed
him,"says every foiled combatant ; and Mr. Seward's
appeal to Europe betrays the consciousnes of diffi-
culty at the bottom of all his vaunts of success.
COURT JOURNAL.—The Archduke Maximilian is very
wisely hesitating as to his acceptance of the Mexican throne,
which, however tempting it may look at a distance and in
theory, would in reality be a hotbed of troubles for any un-
fortunate Prince sufficiently bold or ambitious to accept it.
The Archduke has consulted his brother, the Emperor of
Austria, and his father-in-law, the King of the Belgians,
on the subject; and the latter Monarch, who is ever ready
to give his friendly advice and services to those of his family
who seek it, cannot fail to point out to his relative the
dangers and disagreeables which would ensue upon his ac-
ceptance of the French offer. It is very clear that, without
a lengthened occupation by French troops, the Mexicans
will never become willing subjects of a foreign Prince; but,
however undesirable this may be, the Archduke IVlaximi-
lien's rule would be the only security which Europe would
possess of the French occupation not becoming a perpetual
one. In case of the Archduke's refusal, a French Prince
will undoubtedly supply his place, and Mexico, in that case,
will be nothing better than an appanage of the Imperial
throne of France. While the Archduke Maximilian has
been thus debating a proposal so momentous both to himself
and to Europe, his brother has been actively engaged in ne •
gotiations of even greater importance, and which deeply
concern the future prospects and welfare of Germany. The
Conference at Frankfurt has been brought to a close, but not
without having been productive of a great amount of utility.
It is true that Prussia steadfastly declines to accept the
proposals of the Austrian Emperor, and that one or two
minor Princes of no influence or note whatever have fol-
lowed in the suit of the King, to whom they are tied by
personal or pecuniary interests ; but, nevertheless, the re-
mainder of the German Sovereigns have made up their
minds to adopt the Austrian programme in its chief par•
titulars ; and even if the union should be a partial one, it
will certainly be a source of greater strength to the different
elements that compose the great German nation. Nor were
the deliberations of the thirty Crowned Heads solely con-
fined to the consideration of German Unity, for, although
only a secondary object, the Polish question was duly
deliberated upon in the private interviews which the
Emperor of Austria and the Grand Duke of Saxe-Coburg
held with the remainder of the German Princes. One and
all they concurred in the policy adopted by Austria, and,
such as it is, they lend their influence to support the three
Great Powers in the measure which they have adopted
towards Russia for the benefit of the Polish nation. Russia,
friendless and unsympathised with by any other nation,
except Prussia, would not dare to press matters on to active
warfare, in which, with all her power, she would certainly
have to suc...umb to the united forces of the remainder of
Europe. But while we see every cause for congratulation
at the time adopted by the German States as regards their
own interests and those of Poland, we cannot but deplore
the policy which they seem inclined to pursue towards Den-
mark andESchleswig-Holstein. Without attempting to
plunge into the unfathomable mysteries of the eternal sub-
ject on which Scandinavia and Germany are at such coni-
nlete variance, it needs no argument to show that Denmark
is in every way justified in retaining her hold upon the
Schleswig-liolseeiu provinces. Surely, while they are still
matter of dispute, the party in possession cannot he ex,
pecpettedto deliver them up to the rival complainant, and
Desmark has done all that could be reasonably expected of
her in offering to submit the question to the consideration
of a general conference. Should Germany refuse this very
fair proposal, we cannot be surprised at the King and people
of Denmark resolving to maintain their rights vi et armis ;
and it is gratifying to observe that Sweden and Norway,
with a noble spirit of generosity and self-sacrifice which is
not often met with in the transactions of nations, have de-
termined upon lending every assistance to the Danes, who
claim the same origin as themselves, have the same re-
ligion and manners, anti whose language is only a slight
different language tram that spoken by the Swedes and Nor-