The Sun.
London, England, 1837-02-15 00:00:00

DIVIDENDS.

At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street.
S. Harris, timber merchant, Wardour-street, Soho, March 9, at
twelve—S. Roberts, shoemaker, Hastings, March 9, at eleven—T.
Whitall, cabinet maker, Upper-street, Islington, March 8, at eleven
—l. Martin, linen draper, Croydon, March 8, at two—J. Hayl-
more, currier, Abchurch-lane, March 9, at twelve—J. T. Tidd and
J. Mallandaine, candle manufacturers, Marlborough-road, Chelsea,
March 9, at eleven.

In the Country.
F. Iveson, dealer, Beverley, Yorkshire, March 23, at twelve, at
the Beverley Arms Inn, Beverley—W. Wright, horse dealer,
Rougham, Norfolk, March 10, at eight, at the Norfolk Hotel, Nor-
wich—l. J. Weatherly, merchant, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, March
3, at eleven, at the Bankrupt Commission-room, Newcastle-upon-
Tyne—S. Cook, timber merchant, Salford, Lancashire, March 9, at
eleven, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester—G. Combos,
commonbrewer, Chichester, March 10, at ten, at the Anchor Inn,
Chichester—W. R. Allen, tanner, Clapton, Somersetshire, March
9, at two, at the Bull Inn, 13ridport—E. Bevan and M. Yates,
merchants, Bristol, March 18, at two, at the Commercial Rooms,
Bristol—G. Cowell, Manchester, and J. Acton, jun., Wigan, cot-
ton spinners, Wigan, Lancashire, March 24, at eleven, at the Com-
missioners' Rooms, Manchester —J. E. Rose, linen draper, Bath,
March 15, at two, at the White Lion Inn, Bath—J. Chorley, mer-
chant, Liverpool, March 15, at two, at the office of Leigh and San-
ders, Liverpool—M. C. Grafton, tanner, Alcester, Warwickshire,
March 10, at two, at the Red Horse Inn, Stratford-upon-Avon.

CERTIFICATES.—MARcH 7.

T. Burrow, grocer, Hanley, Stoke-upon-Trent, Staffordshire—
T. Hughes, paper-manufacturer, Creams, Little Lever, Lancashire
—W. Williams, timber-dealer, Liverpool—F. Cooke, carpet-ma-
nufacturer, Kidderminster—T. and G. Holcroft, mill-wrights,
Salford, Lancashire—S. Pontin, builder, Tottenham-court-road—
P. J. Bedford, music-seller, Percy-street, Bedford-square—R.
Child, upholsterer, Berners-street, Oxford-street—G. I'. Ferrers,
bedding manufacturer, Great Pulteney-street, Golden-square—W.
H. Phipson, coffee-house-keeper, Birmingham.
PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.
J. Jones, T. Hodson, T. Moorcroft, and E. Jones, hrass-fourt
ders, Liverpool—W. Coker and H. Vane, riggers and shit:.-chatitl-
lers, Narrow-street, Ratcliff—Mary Bell and LP.2abeth Nelson,
ladies' boarding-school-keepws, Nottiiighare-2W. Wilson and S.
H. Copperthwaite, common brewers, Nlw and Old Mahon, York-
shire—W. Kerr and W. J. Bewlay, gilt to makers, Birmingham—
J. Hardy, R. Turner, and W. Walhington, bankers, Grantham,
Lincolnshire (as far as regaola Turner)—J. Kewney, W. G.
Richardson, and C. G, Kewney, manufacturers of hosiery, Notting-
ham—J. and 1), W Nharp, worsted-spinners, Bingley, Yorkshire—
R. Y. Manson, R, Oregson, and W. Ritterskamp, tailors, Liver-
pool—N. C. Hilliard and W. W. Hastings, attorneys, Raymond-
buildings, Gray's-Inn—D. Croome and W. Gaisford, attorneys,
Berkeley and Lydney, Gloucestershire—D. Gales and S. Parker,
general shop-keepers, Aele, Norfolk—J. T. James, T. Lewis, and
B. Lewis, merchants, Queen-street, Cbeapside--C. Allen and J.
Rigby, brass-founders, Manettriner---,E. Malden and B. Malden,
son., millers, BedfordE, Malden and B. Malden, jun., bakers,
Bedford—W, Worts and A. G. Walker, surgeons, Colchester—W.
Barras and J. Swithenbank, joiners, Huddersfield, Yorkshire—J.
J, Smith and J, Davey, grocers, Goxhill, Lincolnshire—C. Wood,
.1, Parker, and G. Riley, stonemasons, Bradford, Yorkshire—J.
Tooley and W. London, coach-builders, Great Yarmouth—J.,
J.,
and T. Dean, merchants, Bolton-le-Moors, Lanca,hire.
SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS.
PATTERSON and DRYSI)ALE, grocers, Alloa, Feb. 10 and
25, at twelve, at the Tontine Inn, Alloa.
BURTON and CO.' grocers, Canongate, Edinburgh, Feb. 14
and March 2, at one, at Ferguson's Ship Tavern, Edinburgh.
A. CUNNINGHAM, grocer, Glasgow, Feb. 17 and March 3,
at two, at the Royal Exchange Sale Room, Glasgow.

PICCIOL A.—The translation of this work, which
has been exciting such an extraordinary sensation in Paris, and
has run through four editions in a few weeks, will be published
by Mr. Colburn, on Tuesday next, " Picciola" is the
" Tremaine" of Freitch 14Iteraturc—the history of the conver-
sion of a kiatlated man of the world, by natural means.
Mr. SULIVA N'S "FL ITTINGS OF FANCY.
" There is one great charm about these volumes,. namely,
that of youth. They belong to that period which Goethe so
well describes, when he makes his poet exclaim, Give me
back again those times, when a fountain of crowded lays sprang
freshly and unbrokenly forth; when mists veiled my world—
the bud still promised miracles, when I gathered the thousand
flowers that profusely tilled all the dales, I had nothing, and
yet enough—the intuitive longing after truth, and the plea-
sure in delusion I Give me back those impulses named, the
deep pain-fraught happiness, the energy of hatred, the might
of love I Give me back UV youth e mr. *divan's writings
!we easp*lolY the rogrniogthore is tho dew yet undried
op his Ackiverib a 134 the Isotiseve sksrkht4 with earl z skultkiike."
11:45449 40401414 i

The law imposing a property qualification on Members
of the House of Commons has always been eluded, and is,
indeed, so easily evaded as to be almost altogether inope-
rative. It was generally, therefore, understood, that the
motion, of which notice was given by Sir William Moles-
worth, for leave to bring in a Bill "for amendiug the laws
with regard to the property qualiticatiun of Members of
Parliament," would not be objected to by any but out-and.
out Tories. It is to be regretted that Sir William departed
front his notice, by moving for the Repeal of the Statutes
of the 9th of Anne, c. 5, and the 33d George 11., c. 20,
which refer to the qualification of Members of Parliament.
Till the reign of Queen Anne there was no property
fication, and the object of the Tories, the authors of the
innovation, was to give a monopoly of the representation
to the country gentlemen, who were inclined to favour the
House of Stuart, while the moneyed interest were attached
to the House of Hanover. It is amusing to read the enu-
meration by Swift, quoted by Mr. Leader, of the henefiti
which the nation was to derive from this qualification
" As the present House of Commons is the best represen-
tative of the nation that has ever been summoned in our me.
mories, so they have taken care in their frst session, by that
noble Bill of qualification, that future Parliaments- should be
composed of landed men, and our properties be no more at
the mercy of those who have none themselves, or at least .ghat
is only transient or imaginary. If there to an grazitude
in
posterity the memory of this assembly will bey always 'cele-
brated.' However, property in the funds, leas;?s, an] shippi,,g
may have been then considered, they are certainly not now
looked urn
as 'transient and imaginary.' The proph:_stic
powers of so far seeing a man as Dean Swift are here proved
i
to be but small; for posterity, nstead of being grateful for
this 'noble partly evades it and partly wishes to abolish
it entirely. Again, in the 45th N amber, Juno, 1711, he saj.s:
The Qualification Bill, incapacitating, all men to serer in
Parliainent who have not some estate in land either in rosses-
sion or certain reversion, is perhaps the greatest security that
ever was contrived for preserving the Constitution, which
otherwise might in a little time be wholly at the mercy of the
oneyed interest.'"
It was happily observed of Swift by Hume, that he is a
striking instance that a man may be very witty and clever
without being wise; and this prophecy affords a fresh illus-
tration of the truth of the remark. Daniel De Foe, whom
it was so much the fashion of the TorieS of that day to run
down, had ten times more sagacity than the whcile of them
put together. It did not, indeed, require much sagacity to
be able to forctel that money would find its way into Lho
House of Commons in spite of all obstacles ; and the
scheme for confining the representation to property in land
was about as wise as that for preventing the exportation ef
gold, which Locke calls "hedging in the cuckoo." In fact,
the only result of the qualification has bean to subject indi-
viduals to inconvenience and expense, and to make business
for conveyancers. Lord John Russell said, "he had
certainly come down to the House prepared to support the
motion of the Hon. Baronet, and he was ready to vote with him
if he would consent to let his motion stand in the terms in which,
it appeared in the Order Book. He thought, hov, ever, it was
much better to amend the law as to qualification! than to
abolish it altogether ; not that he apprc,.eenilt any great
evils from an entire abolition of it, for ne believed that the
good sense and discretion of the country might be safely
trusted in the selection of Members." Lord Ebrington,
too, though he declared he shoe.ld certainly vote for the
motion as it stood, if the Bon. Baronet pressed it to a
division, and though Ile instance the Scotch Members,
who had no propert? qualification as being among the best
qoahheil for their Parliamentary duties of any in the House,
yet recommended the Hon. Baronet to shape his motion as
bad been suggested. It was thought by sonic Hon. Mem•
hers that the House could not, with consistency, impose a
qualification on electors, and yet require, none from Repre-
sentatives. But the property qualification in the case of
electors is taken, in the absence of any certain test of fitness,
as affording a presumption of it ; whereas the sense of the
electors is conclusive as to the representative, who, if he
he without money, must possess very distinguished qua-
lities to obtain for him a seat in Parliament in a country
in which, as the Rev. Sydney Smith says, " poverty is
infamous." According to strictness of principle, a pro-
perty qualification is an impertinent interference between
the electors and the object of their choice. But Sir Wil-
liam Molesworth would have gained every practical advan-
at ago of which he was desirous by complying with the sug-
gestion of Lord John Russell. On a division, the motion
was lost by 133 to 10-1. No inconvenience will, however,
result from the rejection of the motion, as Mr. Warburton
gave notice, that on Wednesday the 22d instant he would
move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the laws relat-
ing to the property qualification of Members. This mo-
tion will, of course, be carried, though the details of the
measure will be subject to discussion and consideration.—
Morning Chronicle.

The journals of Downing-street are manifestly at their
wit's end. Not knowing how to palliate the grossness of
the misdemeanours brought home to the Irish Government
by the Conservatives in the House of Commons, and taken
for the text of our leading articles in,the five or six last
numbers of the Times, the papers ttinjfir Treasury influence
now attempt to deny the truth of:fiecusations for which
they dare not apologize, and to asSert.,Which they must do,
or be altogether dumb, that the charges against Lord Mul-
grave arc " unfounded 1" It is, then, we are to understand,
a falsehood, that any general gaol del:very of convicted
culprits was executed by the Lord-Lieutenant full gal-
lop, like a knight in tournament running at a ring,
without consulting ono of those official functionaries
who, by the spirit and practice of the Constitution, had
always hitherto been called upon to authorize the per-
formance of such acts of mercy. If that be false, then it
must be true that Lord Mulgrave did invariably take the
opinion of the judge or assistant-barrister who had taiedt
each case, before he ventured to impugn either the dis-
crimination of the jury or the humanity of the judge, by
withdrawing convicts from the operation of their legal
sentence. It must be utterly false that the rabble-ridden
Lord-Lieutenant, superseded by the intervention of his
private Secretary (a mere gentleman domestic), the formali
communications of Lord Morpeth, the King's official Se-
cretary, responsible to Parliament, and ahatin a committee
of gaolers and local inspectors of prison discipline, he found
a substitute worthy of his confidence for the suspended
functions of the judges ! If the charges against Lord.
Mulgrave be -untenable, then it must be false that thee
rebel roisterer Mr. Convict Cassidy was appointed by the
Lord Lieutenant a justice of the peace, or that the first
act of his virgin magistracy was an extortion vi et arnea,
from the Protestant clergy—a largess at their exprAse to
the funds of an insurrectionary association, and. .a vocife-
rous triumph over the impotency of the We will
not degrade a Roman conspirator by trar.Sferring from hia.
to Mr. Cassidy the phrase " Lar9it'or rapti." If, agair
we be accused of slandering Lei Mulgrave by the asser-
tion that he or his subaltern authorities have packed the
bench of registering barristers who have " created ficti-
tious votes," our adversaries, the friends of the Noble. Lord.
must maintain that Mr. Moody was never removed from
the county of Carlow to make way for the more evadable ser•
vices of Mr. Hudson ; that the latter gentleman never
replaced in the elective franchise a lone; list of voters who
had been put on record as disqualied—lst, by the Eke-
t:on Committee of the House of Commons ; 2d, by Mr.
Robinson ; 3d, by Mr. y;
'rnmitte
from the adj and that the Liberal, or
O Connell Co
P_ of Carlow, reserved no claims to vote
and Romar:-1107:iion of Mr. Corballis, himself a Radical
i.'.;atholic, acting as locum tenens for 1111- Re-
gister;;,ir Barrister Hudson, because the former gentleman
-was rich or rash enough to keep that cumbersome commo-
dity, a judicial conscience ! If, lastly, the heads of •Pro-
testant accusation against the O'Connell tool, Lord Mul-
grave, must be given up as groundless, then did there never
live such a personage as Mr. Pigott. Who is Mr. Pigott?
We will now explain. Mr. Pigott is, by the admission of
Viscount Morpeth, chief, confidential, authoritative, yet,
strictly speaking, irresponsible adviser of the Irish
Secretary of State—that is, of Lord Morpeth him-
self, in his Lordship's absence—the director of his
deputy, Lieutenant Drummond, and at all times the
counsellor in the last resort of that scourer of the gaols, the
noble Earl, his Majesty's Viceroy. A grand appointment
this—one of the highest trust—one of paramount ado&
nistrative power. Let us see what it is that depends upon
the will of Mr. Pigott in the modes operandi of the Irish
Government. " L. is through his department," says Ser-
geant Jackson,• who spoke or Mr. Pigott individually with
regard and esteem=--" it is through his department that the
' entire of the correspondence passes Which is held between
the Government and the magistracy of Ireland. It is to
this legal officer that every qUestion which arises With
ference to magisterial and police proceedings is submit-
ted. It is this individual whose opinions are taken" (and
' mutt be acted on) " by the county may,istrates, and the in-
spectors and other officers of police, with respect to every
difficulty which arises in the discharge of their duties. If
collisions take place on the subject of tithes, and a call he
made for the intervention of the constabulary—if military
,aid be demanded—who is consulted as to the propriety of
consenting to the armed interference ? Who, but this very
individual ' This is all matter of extreme importance. and
doubly so when we couple it with the ;inquiry of WHAT is
Mr. Pigott ? What are his politics-7the polities of .him
who constitutes so splendid an illustration of the.boasted
principle of Lord Mulgrave*Government—viz., that of
" carrying into every department of the State the spirit;
of impartial justice ?" Well, then, does Lord Mulgravo
carry this impartial spirit into the choice of his law ad-
risers ? Let us see. To the question, " What is Mr..
Pigott ?" a House of Commons, three-fourths of which are
composed of Englishmen, heard with other feelings besides
amazement that Mr. Pigott, the great director of the in-
ternal policy of Ireland—the- grand dispenser of',Lnpartiall
justice"—is a conspicuous and effective member of the rebel
rent association. Nay, he is O'Cortuell's ebosr.eandfavourite
ward—he is the Euryalus of the Kerry Nistw. When atiackg`l

in the Association, it was ntiniel in person who defendedhim.
Theo look how this appointment works. In the case of
any legal process for -tithe—of collisions between those
who ought to be tithe-payers, aid arc in law, though un-
fortnuately not in fact, tithe receivers—of required military
or police intervention—who is it• that determines whether
the intervention shall be granted or not ?—whether the
collision shall be tranquillized or not ?—whether the law
shall be enforced or not ? Why,- none else lint his rebel
associator, Mr. Pigott—a party himself against the Church
—against the tithe—against the application of the law—
a man who has signed the cardinal resolutions of the re•
bet-renters, declaratory of eternal war against tithe, and
against the existence of peace in Ireland until tithe
shall be absolutely abolished, the Protestant Establish-
ment swept away, and the voluntary principle substituted
in the place of tt. Here is " equal justice " for you!
Here is " impartial government !" Was such a thing ever
heard of in a civilized State before ? Well may Lord
Melbourne exclaim against the abuse of the Government
patronage, and at the impossibility he is under, in the face
of such practices, to support the sincerity of his own dis-
approval of the Rebel-rent Association. Again, we ask, is
this appointment true or false? Is this flagrant example of
partizan government,, on the plea of "liberality," real, or
only imagined? Impeachable! To be sure it is impeach-
able. But will not the majority of this House of gammons
outvote a Conservative motion for impeachment ! The
sneer of Lord John Russell, therefore, was unmanly and
disreputable. Thus are the Protestant grievances estab-
lished—thus are the Protestant resolutions sustained—thus
are faction, jobbery, hypocrisy, and falsehood brought
wholesale to the door of the Mulgrave and O'Connell
Government.—Tunes.

The introduction of a system of Poor-laws into Ireland
was so obvious a duty of humanity, that we can take no
credit to ourselves for having so long and perseveringly ad-
vocated it. We only performed a public duty, which it
would have been criminal to have omitted, in contributing
our assistance towards enlightening the mind of the people
of this country upon one of the great sources of the cala-
mitous state of Ireland, and compelling a reluctant Govern-
ment to adopt some measure for the mitigation of the
dreadful state of destitution which prevails in that part of
the King's dominions. To perform this duty more effectually,
we did not rely upon Irish statements, or Government
reports ; but sent a correspondent to that country, about
three years ago, for the express purpose of visiting the
populous towns, as well as rural districts, of Ireland,
and giving to the public, through our columns, from his
own actual observation on the spot, the real condition of
the poor. Our readers cannot have forgotten the gra-
phic, but too faithful, accounts from that gentleman's
pen, of the almost incredible misery of multitudes of our
fellow-creatures in the east, west, and south of Ireland,
which were calculated, not merely to awaken the generous
sympathies of Englishmen, but might have touched barba-
rians with the sentiment of pity. That gentleman did not
limit his observations to the cursory views with which tra-
vellers are usually satisfied upon disagreeable subjects. He
visited the abodes of wretchedness and disease. He ex-
plored that region of Dublin called " the Liberty," and the
poorest portions of Limerick and other towns. There ho
saw masses huddled together in sickness, nakedness, and
famine, whose only means of existence was the scanty pit-
tance which the hand of casual charity supplied. He also
visited the interior of the mendicity institutions—the ema-
nations of voluntary charity. - He examined and described
the operation and arrangements of this sort of charity—
and depicted with painful accuracy the state of the thou-
sands of lazaroni who scrambled for a sort of sustenance that
would digust any human beings not reduced to the last stage
of famine. All this time the professors of systematic agi-
tation were driving a profitable trade in Ireland. They
talked loudly of Irish wrongs and grievances ; but they
raised not the curtain to display these scenes of misery to
the English eye. The sufferings of nearly three millions of
human souls inspired not their eloquence with any of its
fervent or florid out-pourings of patriotic sentiment—these
sufferings were not in the catalogue of grievances for which
they demanded " justice to Ireland !" The hypocrisy of
Irish agitation now stands bare and revealed, in all its sor-
did hideousness, to the public gaze and to the public scorn.
Even the Government that first denounced, then fostered,
and latterly crouched, to that agitation, is compelled to
make a show at least of rendering that sort of " justice to
Ireland" which the great agitator not only did not ask for
his countrymen, but which he has, by every means in his
power, endeavoured to prevent, and which he would have
prevented for years to come, if the independent and re-
spectable portion of the Press of England had not pro-
duced such an irresistible conviction on the public mind,
of the absolute necessity of Poor-laws for Ireland,
that the demand for that act of social reform and
Christian duty could no longer be safely resisted. Far, in-
deed, are we from being satisfied with the measure which
Ministers have proposed for the relief of the Irish poor,
and which has evidently been concocted with a trembling
anxiety not to excite the alarm of the agitators, by propos-
ing a plan liberal and efficient enough to spoil their trade in
agitation. That the law now submitted to Parliament by
the Whigs will never do we admit ; but there is a triumph
gained, in forcing government to the practical recognition
of the principle. That cannot be done away. It is not
our purpose, at present, to examine the details of the pro-
posed measure. There will be abundant opportunity for
that. As to the complacency with which it was received
by the House of Commons, we make nothing of that. The
Malthusian Poor-law Act, with its arbitrary and unconsti-
tutional system, and many gross errors of legislation, worse
than those which it pretended to cure, was received by the
reformed House of Commons with acclamation. What
the Whigs proposed, many Tories and Radicals joined in
praising. The rights of the poor have met with more
protection out of that House than in it. In regard to the
Irish Poor-law measure, indeed, there was no acclamation ;
but there was that sort of acquiescence which was incon-
sistent with any searching examination of the merits or de-
merits of so important a measure. But when did any of
the principal speakers, who bestowed a sort of " faint
praise" on the Ministerial project, display any very anxious
interest on the question of a Poor-law for Ireland ? As to
the Irish Members, on both sides of the House, they are
certainly innocent of urging this subject on the public atten-
tion. To the independent press of England the Irish poor
are indebted for the tardy and reluctant attention to their
claims which they have at length received. As to the
partial nature of the " experiment," we consider it a de-
cided objection. Where nearly three millions of destitute
beings demand relief (of course we place employment
to the able-bodied under that head) can any satisfactory re-
sult follow from affording that relief to a,small fraction ofthe
great mass of human misery ? While the hundreds arc snatched
from death, are the perishing myriads to be left to their fate ?
Has not the work-house system of relief been in a state of ex-
penmen! in England for a considerable time? Why is it, then,
to be tried as a novelty in Ireland ? Why is it, also, that
the English poor have a legal right to relief, while that is
denied to the Irish poor—denied by the very Ministers that
would have pulled down the House of Lords some time
ago, because they did not admit to the full extent the pro-
priety of legislating for Ireland in political matters, exactly
as if it were in every respect—moral and social—in the same
circumstances as England ? Why, also is Ireland not
thought worthy of having its own central board, as well
as its own Municipal Corporations ? Why do the Whig
Ministers make those and other distinctions between
two countries in regard to a simple measure of humanity—
a provision for the poor We hare not yet learned whe-
ther man and wife, parent and child, are to be separated
from each other in the Irish work-houses, or whether the
privilege of going to their respective places of worship on
the Sabbath, is to be refused to the Irish poor. We wait
for further information.—Allerniny He' ald.

The vote of the House of Commons on Monday night,
to issue a writ for the election of a Member for the borough
of Stafford, is perfectly consonant to reason and to justice.
It had already been decided by the Legislature that the
evidence of the corruption of Stafford is not sufficient, or
not sufficiently recent, to justify disfranchisement. We
say this had been decided by the Legislature ; for where a
concurrent vote of the two Houses of Parliament is ne-
cessary to affirm a criwinatory proposition, and to impose
upon the parties accused the proper consequences of that
proposition, the refusal of either House to concur must
he taken as a full acquittal, just as in a criminal trial, in a
Court of Law, the refusal of part of the Jury to
agree to a verdict of guilty effects the complete re-
lease of the prisoner. The borough of Stafford,
however, notwithstanding its acquittal of the charge
of corruption by the tribunal legally and constitutionally
competent to decide the question of it. innocence or guilt,
has, fora considerable period, been in part disfranchised by
the mere will of the House of Commons. There was,
perhaps, some pretence for suspending the writ so long as
it remained doubtful whether the Legislature, upon the
evidence which had been or could be offered against the
borough, would consent to a Bill of disfranchisement. But
from the moment that the expectation of this was at an end
the refusal of the House of Commons to do the merely formal
and ministerial act necessary to the completion of the repre-
sentation
of the borough in Parliament would have been a
stretch of undisguised tyranny, a manifest abuse of the
powers entrusted by the Constitution to that assembly, a
plain usurpation of the right of solitary and independent
Legislation, an audacious aggression upon the other two
branches of the Legislature, and a naked robbery of the
indisputable franchise of the electors. That the House of
Commons escaped the commission of' these enormities on
Monday we sincerely rejoice. And, however we may la-
malt, we cannot wonder that the escape was so narrow,
when we recollect of what materials the confederated
parties tre composed Liho, on ordinary occasions, are able
with
diffiej;lty to make up a bare majority of that as-
senably ; and bow important it is to them that the oppo-
ual their combined array should

not receive the accession even of that single vote which
rescued and grateful Stafford will not fail to give.—Morn-
;Jig l'ust.

CHURCH-RATES.

(FROM OCR OWN CORRESPONDENT.
NORTHAMPTON, MONDAY.
The Tories of this Lprough have thin evening suffered another
of a series of galling defeats. The Town Council met again,
from an adjourned meeting held last Monday, and, among
other mood things, the Lihorals moved anti carded a Frope.si-
I ion for the town seal to he affixed to two petitions to Parlia-
ment, praying the abolition of Church-rates.

Mr. Aldor-man COTTJN proposed the ad.ption of tho peti.
Lions, and Mr. Councillor EDEN 4 seconded the motion.

Mr. CIIARLES iVIARKIIAM, one of the Tory Councillors, said
he felt rather awkward in opposing the proposition, as there
were so few of those friends with whom he usually acted pre-
sent, and a very large number of the other side who would sup-
port the motion. He thought this a subject of very great im-
portance, particularly to those who had been in the habit of
attending the Church of England. He, for one, had always
been brought up to the principles of that Cnurch, and he felt
that the Church should be supported and maintained, which
could only be done by contributions from the public obtained in
a legal way. He should, therefore, object to any petition for
the abolition of Church-rates being adopted.
Mr. HALLAM and Mr. GRUNDY supported the proposition.
A question arising whether the Dissenters did not act in
opposition to the declaration required by the Act of Parliament,
Mr. Alderman COTTON had read the declaration, and he felt
no hesitation in saying that the course they were now adcpting
was benefitting the Church rather than otherwise—making it
more respected and respectable ; for it cculd not be respectable
of them, where they were dipping their fingers into the pockets
of their neighbours, for the purpose of applying the money to
their own uses. Let the Church people do as they (tbe Dis
senters) were doing, and he thought it would confer a great
benefit on the Church.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. SHARP had at first some doubts whether they, as Dis-
senters, could venture upon the agreeing to such petitions,
but, since he had read the terms of the declaration, he was of
opinion that any Councillor might with consistency support
the motion then before them—( Hear, hear)--and he thought
it was not a matter of pounds, shillings, and pence—not whe-
ther it was one pound or ten pounds—but a matter of principle.
The amount was of no moment. The question was, ought
they to oppose Church-rates upon principle or not? He did
oppose them upon principle, and' he thought it would be a great
relief to the Church people themselves to have Church-rates
abolished. Why could not the Church people, who said them-
selves that they were the most wealthy, the most learned, and
the most talented part of the community, support their own
places of worship, without coming to those who were Dissenters
to help them ?—( Hear, hear.) Let them look at the people
coming out of All Saints' Church every Sunday, who were
very respectable as to property, and then let them consider
what would be the amount of a Church-rate for that parish ;
it would be only about 1501. per annum, and a subscription
of ss. a year from each of the attendants at Church would raise
as much.—( Hear, hear.) He did not know what was the
measure which Ministers were going to bring forward on this
subject ; but he was led to believe that it would be perfectly_
satisfactory, and if the rates were entirely abolished, it would
do the Church good instead of injury—it would, as Mr. Cotton
had said, make them more respected and respectable, for they
were the only sect that went to another sect to obtain assistance
for the support of their religion; and if they did not value their
own religion enough to put their hands in their own pockets
instead of his, he would say that their religion was not worth
much. He would vote for the adoption of the petition.
After a short discussion the Liberals carried their motion by
a majority of five. The Tories then tried their strength in an
endeavour to prevent the borough soal being used on the occa-
sion, but on this they were also defeated. It was then moved
and carried that the petition to the House of Lords be pre-
sented by Earl Spencer, and that to the Commons by Mr. R.
Vernon Smith. The petitions are strongly worded, and pray
for entire abolition.

The Council last week came to the determination, after a
violent opposition for twelve months on the part of the Tories,
to throw their chamber open to the reporters and the public.

DUBLIN-MONDAY.

" There is no qualification for Government but virtue and
wisdom, actual or presumptive."—Bt elm
Your expresses of the last week have been sought for and
read here with a curiosity proportioned to the intense anxiety
with which they were expected. The people of Ireland felt
that the debates on Lord John Russell's motion involved the
whole question of the future good or mal-administration of
their country. And we are rejoiced to find, notwithstanding
the absence of some of our most efficient supporters, that our
cause was triumphant in the hands of able and honest English
statesmen. Never has that line of policy, so long called for,
so frequently denied, and still so peremptorily requisite for the
tranquillity and happiness of a nation, been more explicitly
expounded than in the speeches of the two Secretaries, for
Ireland and the United Empire. The issue to be tried be-
tween the conflicting parties in the State is now manifest to
the most humble capacity ; and it is gratifying to know that
the weight of English sympathy and intellect is in favour of
Ireland. In such a state of things, and at such a jtincture, it
may be well to contribute every mite of information, that may
in the slightest degree illustrate the progress of public senti-
ment and opinion in this country.'
The discussion of the first evening did not create any visible
sensation of hope or fear to the different partisans in this city.
Lord John's speech, of course, gave satisfaction to the Libe-
rals, and served as a guarantee, that the present Government
would be faithful to the principles upon which they took office.
On the other hand, Sergeant Jackson's flimsy catalogue of
false facts and fictitious grievances inspired the Conservatives
with the hope of his pi educing. some effect favourable to them,
in the event of its remaining uncontradicted. And the Liberals
feared that in the absence of Sheil and the Attorney-General
( Mr. Woulfe), a sufficiently detailed and lucid refutation could
not be given to the Learned Sergeant's " collections and lucu-
brations during his last autumnal recreations !" But Lord Mor-
peth's brilliant argument on Wednesday evening has dissipated
all the suspense and conjecture in which both parties were
more or less suspended till its arrival. It has had an electric
effect on every one in this city, no matter what his politics,
who has read it. Reformers are elated and Tories are dis-
mayed, at the bold and manly system of Government, which
his Lordship prescribes for Ireland. No future Cabinet can
attempt to digress from the course here pointed out. When
Mr. Fox, forty years ago, disclosed a system of policy to-
wards this country equally liberal and equally just, he excited
the admiration and gratitude of those who could appreciate
the value of his theory ; but no one then deemed it practicable,
because the great bulk of the inhabitants of the nation were
not yet roused from the long night of darkness and bondage
in which they had been so long enthralled—and could not
obey the dictates of virtue and of justice enjoining to them the
acquisition of equal rights. The case is now totally different.
The Roman Catholics enjoy their natural share of all the
power and privileges of freemen, though they have not yet
received public emolument proportionate to their support of
the State; and they are joined by a great number of their
Protestant fellow-countrymen in the firm determination of
seeking by every legal and constitutional means that full
measure of justice granted to their fellow-subjects of Eng-
land and Scotland. In this position themselves, they find
the enlightened Governments of England and Ireland, sup-
ported by the majority of the people of both countries, declaring
to them that the time is come, when they ought and shall have
equal laws, privileges, and institutions. Is it .possible, under
such circumstances, for the Tory party to dream of reassuming
that power and authority, which have so long been struggling
to oppose and prevent the existence of such a state of things
throughout the United Kingdom? Sir Robert Peel himself
seems to have abandoned all designs of the kind, if we may
judge from his last exhibition, the most despondent and dis-
heartening, to his party, of any made by him for many years
past. He has, in fact, disappointed both friends and foes—for
both expected something more vigorous, pointed, or effective
against his opponents, than he has given utterance to. He has
not shown, that the " General Association" ought or can be put
down. It would be difficult for hint to do so, who did not attempt
suppressing the anti- Tory Association of 1834 and 1835, which
did his Government such damage. The empty and vapid de-
clamation of his party against this "spawn of their own
wrongs," will only unite Irishmen more firmly in the prosecution
of their rights. Not one single act of that body is unconstitu-
tional, much less illegal. They are guided in all their pro-
ceedings by twice as much intelligence, twice as much obe-
dience to the laws, and love of order, as can be found among
that faction in this country, which Sir Robert has forfeited
much of his own fame and character in supporting. The re-
fusal of Corporate Reform last year has generated such a dis-
taste and horror of Toryism, as it will take some time to
eradicate. What ?—deprive eight millions of people of those
institutions of local and self-government, which in the dark
ages were devised, and served as the most efficient means of

" •
controlling tyranny and diffusing civilization. In order to
understand the Tory malignity that could suggest, or the
Boeotian stupidity that would yield, to the extinction of Cor-
porate governme.it, one need only look into Robertson's His-
tory of Charles the Fifth. He will there discover why it was
Corporations were first formed, and what were the happy
effects of such institutions in putting an end to the evils of
feudalism, and diffusing moral light and knowledge over the
gloom of the middle ages. And here it may be proper to tell
a Reforming and enlightened Government, that if the measure
of this Session be not more liberal than that of the last, in
which they yielded so much to Tory prejudices, they will snake
but small progress in satisfying the people of Ireland. No-
thing can be more absurd than the Tory assumption, that where
Catholicism prevails the civil rights and legitimate influence
of Protestants, as individual members and component parts of
the community, will not be regarded. This doctrine emanates
from that faction which judges of other men by themselves,
and which, on all occasions, are ready to exterminate their
Roman Catholic countrymen. Intelligence reached town yes-
terday strongly corroborative of this doctrine of Orange policy.
It appears that a regular band of Orangemen, in the county of
Cavan, had, on the 4th instant, attempted to prove the nature
of their ascendancy, by waylaying and assaulting their Catholic
neighbours on their return from the fair of Ballyjamesduff.
One man has been killed, four dangerously wounded, and fifty
more or less injured by the attack of these ruffians, who are
supposed to be spirited up to this bloody enterprise by some
politician, for purposes not yet discovered. There will no doubt
he a full investigation.

The Marquis of Douro has arrived at Apsley
House from Hurstbounie Manor, where his Lordship closed
the partridge shooting season.
Baron Waltzahn, who made extensive purchases
last year of horses for the King of Prussia's stud, is daily
expected at Mivart's Hotel from Berlin.