The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-28 00:00:00

THE SUN. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 28, 1863.

THE PROPOSED EUROPEAN CONGRESS,

OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE.

The following correspondence which has passed
between her Majesty's Government and that of the
Emperor of the French is published in last night's
Gazette :

FROM HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OP THE FRENCH TO
HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN.
Madam, my Sister,—ln face of the events which daily
arise and press themselves on attention, I deem it indis-
pensable to impart my whole thought to the sovereigns to
whom the destiny of nations is confided. On all occasions
when great convulsions have shaken the foundations, and
deranged the limits of States, solemn compacts have fol-
lowed to reduce to order the new elements, and to recognise,
while revising them, the changes that have been effected,
Such was the object of the Treaty of Westphalia in the 17th
century, and of the Negotiations of Vienna in 1815. It is
on this last foundation that the political edifice of Europe
now rests; and nevertheless, your Majesty is not ignorant,
it is crumbling to pieces on all sides. If one considers atten-
tively the situation of the different countries, it is impossible
not to admit that on almost all points the treaties of Vienna
are destroyed, modified, disregarded, or menaced. Hence
there are duties without rule, rights without title, preten-
sions without restraint. A peril the more formidable, since
the improvements produced by civilisation, which has
united peoples together by an identity of material interests,
would render war still more destructive. This is a matter
for serious reflection. Let us 'not delay taking a decision
until sudden and irresistible events disturb our judgment,
and draw us, in spite of ourselves, in opposite directions. I
now, therefore, propose co your Majesty to regulate the
present, and to secure the future, by means of a congress,
Summoned to the throne by Providence and the will of the
French people, but brought up in the school of adversity,
it is perhaps less allowable for me than for others to ignore
the rights of sovereigns and the legitimate aspirations of
peoples. Thus lam ready, without any preconceived sys-
tem, to bring to an international council a spirit of mode-
ration and justice, the ordinary portion of those who have
undergone so many different trials, if I take the ini
tiative in such an overture, I do not yield to an impulse
of vanity, but because I am thi3 sovereign to whom am-
bitious projects have mostly been attributed. I have it at
heart to prove, by this frank and loyal overture, that my
sole object is to arrive, without convulsion, at the pacifica-
tion of Europe. If this proposal be agreed to, I beg your
Majesty to accept Paris as the place of meeting. If the
princes, allies, and friends of France should think fit to
enhance by their presence the authority of the deliberations,
I shall be proud to offer them cordial hospitality. Europe
will, perhaps, see some advantage in the capital, whence
the signal of confusion has so often arisen, becoming the
seat of conferences destined to lay the basis of a general
pacification.

I take this opportunity of renewing to you the assurances
of the high esteem and inviolable friendbhip with which I
am, Madam, my sister, yuur Majesty's good brother,
(Signed) NAPOLEON.
Paris, November 4th, 1863,

Amongst the modifications which have taken place, some
have been consecrated by the sanction of all the Creat
Powers, and at present constitute a part of international ,
law; others, on the contrary, carried into execution, have
not been recognised as law by all the Cabinets. As regards
the first, we cannot help calling attention to the irresistible
power with which they have forced themselves on the ac- ,
ceptance of the Governments. The eagerness of England
herself to give to them her adhesion proves how little the
former combinations answered, according to the expression
of Lord Russell, the requirements of the lapse of time, the
progress of opinion, the shifting policy of Governments, and
the varying exigencies of nations; on the other hand, are
not we authorised in believing that changes so important
have diminished to some extent the harmony and equili-
brium of the whole? We admit, with Lend Russell, that
it is absolutely necessary to give to these changes a more
general and more solemn sanction; but we consider it would
be an advantage to clear away the ruins, and re-unite in a
single body all the living members. As regards the modi-
fications to which the powers have not given an unanimous
assent, they constitute so many causes of dispute which at
any moment may divide Europe into two camps. Instead
of leaving the decision of these to violence and chance,
would it not be better to pursue their equitable solution to a
common agreement, and sanction these changes by revising
them ? The third category comprises these parts of the
treaty of Vienna which are menaced. "Upon those por-
tions," says his Excellency the Principal Secretary of State,
"the most important questions of all arise. What is the na-
ture of tho proposals to be made on this subject by the Em-
peror Napoleon ? In what direction would they tend, and
above all, are they, if agreed to by a majority of the powers,
to be enforced by arms ?" The Emperor, while he pointed
out to Europe the dangers of a situation in deep commotion,
indicated the method of averting the dire calamities which
he foresees, and at which he, less than others, would have
reason to take alarm, for the questions out of which at the
present time war may arise interest France but indirectly,
and it would depend on herself alone whether she would
take part in the struggle or stand aloof from it. This he
did by addressing all the Sovereigns in full confidence and
simultaneously, without previous understanding with any
of them, in order the better to satisfy his sincere imparti-
ality, and to enter upon, free of every engagement, the im-
portant deliberations to which he invites them. Himself the
youngest of Sovereigns, he considers he has no right to
assume the part of an arbiter, and to fix beforehand for the
other Courts the programme of the Congress which he pro-
poses, this is the motive of the
,reserve which he has imposed
upon himself. It is, moreover, so difficult to enumerate the
questions, not yet solved, which may disturb Europe.
A deplorable struggle is bathing Poland in blood, is agi-,
tating the neighbouring states, and threatening the world
with the most serious disturbances. Three Powers, with
a view of putting a stop to it, invoke in vain the treaties of
Vienna, wnich supply the two sides with contradictory argu-
ments. Is this struggle to last for ever ? Pretensions, op-
posed to one another, are exciting a quarrel between Den-
mark and Germany. The preservation of peace in the north
is at the mercy of an accident. The cabinets have already,
by their negotiations, become parties to the dispute. Are
they now become indifferent to it ? Shall anarchy continue
to prevail on the Lower Danube, and shall it be able at any
moment to open anew a bloody arena for the dispute of the
Eastern question ? Shall Austria and Italy remain in pre-
sence of each other in a hostile attitude, ever ready to break
the truce which prevents their animosities exploding ? Shall
the occupation of Rome by the French troops be prolonged
for an indefinite period ? Lastly, must we renounce, without
fresh attempts at conciliation, the hope of lightening the
burthen imposed on the nations by the disproportionate
armaments occasioned by mutual distrust ? Such are, sir,
in our opinion, the principal questions which the Powers
would doubtless judge it useful to examine and decide.
Lord Russell surely does not expect us to specify here the
mode of solution applicable to each of these problems, nor
the kind of sanction which might be given by the decisions
of the Congress. To the powers there represented would
pertain the right of pronouncing upon these various points,
We will only add, that it would be in our eyes illusory to
pursue their solution through the labyrinth of diplomatic
correspondence and separate negotiation, and that the way
now proposed, so far from ending in war, is the only one
which can lead to a durable pacification.
At one of the last meetings of the congress of Paris, the
Earl of Clarendon, invoking a stipulation of the Treaty of
Peace which had just been signed, and which recommended
recourse to the mediation of a friendly state before resort-
ing to force, in the event of dissensions arising between the
Porte and others of the signatory powers, expressed the
opinion " that this happy innovation might receive a more
general application, and thus become a barrier against con-
flicts which frequently only break forth because it is not
always possible to enter into explanation, and to come to
an understanding." The plenipotentiaries of all the courts
concurred unanimously in the intention of their colleague,
and did not hesitate to express in the name of their govern-
ments the wish that states between which any serious mis-
understanding may arise should have recourse to friendly
mediation before appealing to arms. The solicitude of the
Emperor goes further; it does not wait for dissensions to
break out in order to recommend an application to the actual
circumstances of the salutary principle engraven on the
latest monument of the public law of Europe, and his.Ma-
je,sty now invites his allies "to enter into explanations, and
to come to an understanding."—Accept, &c.,
(Signed) DROUYN DE LIIUYS.

shall have been put down, recourse will be had to clemency
and conciliation. Would there be any advantage in re-
peating in the name of a Congress representations already
made with so little effect ?

Is it probable that a Congress would be able to secure
better terms for Poland unless by a combined employment
of force ? _

Considerable progress has been made by the military pre-
ponderance, and by the unsparing severity of Russia, in
subduing the insurgents.
Is it likely that Russia will grant in the pride of her
strength what she refused in the early days of her dis-
couragement ?
Would she create an independent Poland at the mere re-
quest of a Congress ?
But if she would not, the prospect becomes one of humi-
liation for Europe, or of war against Russia; and those
Powers who are not ready to incur the cost and hazard of
war, may well desire to avoid the other alternative.
It may be truly saia, moreover, that the present period is
one of transition. If the insurrection shall be subdued, it
will then be seen whether the promises of the Emperor of
Russia are to be fulfilled. If the insurrection shall not be
subdued, or if, in order to subdue it, the Polish population
is treated with fresh, and if that be possible, with aggravated
rigour, other questions will arise which may require further
consideration, but which would hardly receive a solution from
a large assemblyof representatives of all the powers of Europe.
Indeed, it is to be apprehended that questions arising from
day to day, coloured by the varying events of the hour,
would give occasion rather for useless debate than for prat •
tical and useful deliberation in a Congress of 20 or 30 repre-
sentatives, not acknowledging any smeme authority, and
not guided by any fixed rules of proceeding.
Passing to the question of Italy, fresh difficulties occur.
In the first:place, is it intended to sanction by a new treaty
the present state of possession in Italy ? The Pope, and the
Sovereigns related to the dispossessed Princes, might, on
the one side, object to give a title they have hitherto re-
fused, to the King of Italy; and the King of Italy, on the
other, would probably object to a settlement which would
appear to exclude him, by inference, at least, from the ac-
quisition of Rome and Venetia.
But is it intended to ask Austria, in Congress, to re-
nounce the possession of Venetia ? Her Majesty's Govern-
ment have good grounds to believe that no Austrian Repre-
sentative would attend a Congress where such a proposi
tion was to be discussed. They are informed that if such
an intention were announced beforehand, Austria would
decline to attend the Congress, and that if the question was.
introduced without notice, the Austrian Minister would
quit the Assembly. Here, again, therefore, the delibera-
tions of the Congress would soon be brought in sight of the
alternative of nullity or war.
But is it possible to assemble a Congress and to summon
an Italian representative to sit in it without discussing the
State of Venetia? The Emperor of the French would be
the first person to feel, and to admit that such a course
would not be possible.
With regard to Germany and Denmark, it is true that
several of the Powers of Europe have interested themselves
in that question, but the addition of Spain, Portugal, Italy,
and Turkey to the deliberation would scarcely improve the
prospect of a satisfactory solution. And if, with regard to
Poland and Italy, no beneficial result is likely to ba attained,
is it expedient to call together a general Congress of all the
States of Europe to find a remedy for the anarchy of Moldo-
Wallachia ?

Were all these questions, those of Poland, Italy, Den-
mark, and the Danubian Provinces, to be decided by the
mere utterance of opinions, the views of her Majesty's Go-
vernment upon most of them might, perhaps, be found not
materially to differ from those of the Emperor of the
French.

But if the mere expression of opinions and wishes would
accomplish no positive results, it appears certain that the
deliberations of a Congress would consist of demands and
pretensions put forward by some and resisted by others;
and, there being no supreme authority in such an assembly
to enforce the decisions of the majority, the Congress would
probably separate, leaving many of its members on worse
terms with each other than they had been when they
met., But if this would be the probable result, it fol-
lows that no decrease of armament is likely to be
effected by the proposed Congress. M. Drouyn de
L'Huys refers to a proposal made by Lord Clarendon in
one of the last sittings of the Congress of Paris. But
her Majesty's Government understand that proposal to
have reference to a dispute between two Powers to be re-
ferred to the good offices of a friendly Power, but in no
way to the assembling of a General Congress.
Not, being able, therefore, to discern the likelihood of
those beneficial consequences which the Emperor of the
French promised himself when proposing a Congress, her
Majesty's Goveinment, following their own strong convic-
tions, after mature deliberation, feel themselves unable to
accept his Imperial Majesty's invitation.
You are instructed to give a copy of this despatch to M.
Drouyn de L'Huys.—l am, &c.,
(Signed) Russznn.