The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-18 00:00:00

nent part she has taken in framing international
laws, would naturally be supposed to be correctly
informed as to the rights of belligerents and neu-
trals. Such, however, is not the case. The legis-
lature is completely at fault in the matter, while
American spies are suffered to pry into the private
yards of our ship-builders, and through the agency
of a few infatuated, or more probably interested,
individuals, to niemoralise the Foreign Secretary
in order to stop the building of certain ships of
who. e ulterior destination they entertain suspicions.
Earl RUSSELL properly replied to an application of
this sort that the Executive could not act upon
suspicions, and for the moment the matter dropped.
We refer to the two iron-clad steamers nearly com-
pleted in the yard of Messrs. LAIRD and Co., at
Birkenhead. The destination of these vessels is not
manifest. They are simply being built according
to an order which the builders consider they have a
perfect right to carry out. It appears. however,
that orders have been issued to detain the vessels
until a searching investigation has taken place con-
cerning them. Had any hint been thrown out that
a commercial fraud was intended, or any evasion of
customs duties designed, the case would be plain
enough, but no such charge is brought forward.
The avowed object of this detention is that it is
suspected that these ships are intended directly or
indirectly for the service of the Confederate States.
A similar charge was brought against the Alex-
andra, and although the verdict was given in her
favour in the Court of Exchequer, yet by the tedi-
ous procrastination almost inseparable from law-
suits in this country, the verdict has proved, pro
tem. at least, against her ; for she remains
in durance vile until a reference can be
made to the court of appeal. By this
shipbuilders may sustain
mode of proceeding
heavy losses by failing to complete and deliver ves-
sels according to contract. Our laws ought surely
to be so constructed that they can be understood by
the simplest individual, and should not necessitate
a costly action to decipher their meaning every time
it is thought necessary to bring exceptional cases
into operation. The inconvenience to which the
trade of this country has been put in various ways
for more than two years, by the fratricidal war in
America, is in a great measure attributable to the
vacillating and pusillanimous conduct of our Minis-
ters. They have acted throughout, with one me-
morable exception, as if they wished to do right,
but were more afraid to do wrong, i.e., offend the
Northern States. Let us act according to law by
all means, only let the lew be distinctly laid down
that we may conform strictly to the letter of it. It
it be rated that neutrals may only supply one Of
the belligerents with munitions of war, let it be so
proclaimed, no matter how absurd or unjust such a
regulation may seem. Though we should certainly
be laughed at by the world, we should be acting a
more dignified part than we are now doing. We
profess an impartial neutrality, and virtually by the
acts of our Legislature we ignore as far as possible
the rights of the Southern Confederacy while we
minister to the requirements of the tyrannical
North. Were we really neutral both sides would
fare alike. On these terms we might, at the request
of the North, decline to forward supplies to the
Southerners; but, at the same time, in justice to the
Confederates, we ought to veto the exportation of
contraband of war to the Northern States. This
would be strict neutrality ; but we do not think
that such a rigid practice of our professions
would please either side, any more than it
would satisfy our merchants at home. The
French Government is not tied down by
red tapism like our own, and the ruling power in
that country has taken a bolder and more straight-
forward course. The Florida has been for some
time lying in the Government harbour at Brest,
undergoing such repairs as she requires, and it is
officially stated in the .11-oniteur that she is not to
be considered as a privateer, but as an ordinary
vessel of war belonging to the military marine of
the Confederate States. No doubt the prospect of
this recognition had something to do with Brest
being preferred by the commander of the Florida
to Southampton, where, before now, Confederate
cruisers, although unacknowledged, have met with
every courtesy and protection. This recognition of
a solitary cruiser, though of but little moment in
itself, is of vast importance asiforeshadowing what
is to follow—it is the advanced guard of the French
recognition of Southern independence. That the
attitude likely to be essumed by France has for
some time been well understood by the Americans,
is manifested by the bitter invectives hurled against
her by the Northern press. That the greater inde-
pendence and decision of her Government is also
appreciated by the South, is likely to be shown to
the cost of our shipbuilders by the transfer to
French dockyards of orders that would otherwise
have been given on this side of the Channel. Toere
are at present several steamships of war now build-
ing in France under similar conditions to those at
Birkenhead. Two now in course of construction in
a private yard at Nantes are designed, it is said,
for 22 guns each, with engines of 600. horse power,
while their speed is proposed to reach the extent
of 14 knots an hour. A condition of the contract
for these vessels is said to be, that they shall be de-
livered to theovvners 20 miles out at sea. The rumour
of such a stipulation in our part of the world would
at once have aroused minister, ambassador, agent,
fudge, inspector, and Manchester men. Very cer-
tainly the news that the ships were to be made over
to their owners at sea would have prevented them
from ever leaving the docks, since by the ingenious
and subtle logic which distinguish oar authorities,
it is the height of impropriety to consign a war
vessel to the Confederates, while Sheffield, Bir-
mingham, and the black country may despatch
unlimited shiploads of arms and ammunition to the
Northern States, without in the least outstepping
the bounds of constitutional law and right. It is
a pity that some of the more eminent of our peace-
at-any-price men are not large shipbuilders, when
we should have the satisfaction of seeing their con-
victions and consistency put to a severer test than

at present ! The part which England is playing in
this matter is certainly not much to her credit or

profit. Consistency always commands respect, and
so does fearless independence of opinion and action ;
bat a timorous, time-serving of a Power, which it

seems we are afraid to provoke, is neither likely to
conciliate nor to impress. But let France take the
glory of being the first to do tardy justice to the
efforts of a brave and struggling people, and Eng-
land will humbly follow is her footsteps. The
Yankees will certainly not hate England lees, but
they will respect France the more.

It is a common practice when any institution,
custom, or practice has served the purpose of cer-
tain individuals, to discard it when it is no lonaev
available fur their particular advantage. This is
more especially the case if the continuance cf the
practice tends to the benefit of others with whom
their own interests clash, or whom they fear as
future rivals in any prufession, trade, or enterprise.
This feeling is shown in a very marked degree by
the colonists of New South Wales, Victoria and
South Australia, Tasmania and New Zealand, in
regard to the importation of convict labour into
Western Australia. The question has been so often
before the public that we will not weary our read9rs