The Sun.
London, England, 1837-10-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS•

In the fifth volume, just published, of Mr. Leek-
hart's delightful " Life of Sir Walter Scott," a biu-
graphv which possesses the rare merit of exhiLiting,
without disg,uise or reservation, the actions, character,
and views of the subject of it, we find Sir Walter, in
a letter to Lord Montague, dated March, 1822, laying
down what may be considered as the Tory creed. " I
can nat ;" he says, " look forward to these as settled
times. In the retrenchments proposed, Government
agree tudimi,,F6 their own influence, and while they con.
tribute a comparalve trifle to the relief of the public bur-
dens, are making new (41;:cconients among th,,se w_ ho, for
interest's sake, at least, were .their natural ae4herents.
In this they are acting weakly, ar;:1 trying to OQthe
the unsatiate appetite for innovation, by :hroveing down •
more
their outworka, as if that which renders at,.`c.
secure and easy would diminish the courage of the as'
FailantA. Last year the manufacturing classes were
rlaing, this year the agricUltural interest is discontented,
and whatever temporary relief either class receives,
will, indeed, render them quiet for the moment, but
not erase from their minds the rooted belief that the
Government ar:d Constitution of this country ate in
fault for their emteerrassments." On the Tory prin-
ciple this is unanswerable. The Tories, like Bishop
Horsley, consider that the people have nothing to do
with the laws but to obey them; and the only popu-
lar Constitution they recognise is what is called vir-
tual representation—that is, the semblance of repre-
sentation, obtained by limiting the franchise to persons
in necessitous or dependent circumstances, capable of
giving no trouble to those who conduct the Govern-
ment. The Tories would allow to the people no in-
fluence on the Executive. With them Government
oight to be conducted exclusively for the benefit of the
governing classes ; and such a Government is strong
proportion to the amount of tire funds at the dis-
poeal of these classes compared with the means left
in the possession of the productive classes. Hence
the army and navy, the law, the church, the di-
plomacy, the various branches of home and colo-
nial adininistrati,e , can never be too amply pro-
vided for in the estimation of the Tories. Sir Walter
Scott saw what Lord L verpool and the Duke of Wel-
lington did not see—that a Tory Government cannot
be an economical one, as its object is not the welfare
of the people, but the welfare of the governing classes.
There is no doubt an extreme limit to taxation ; that
is, when it is carried so far as to strike at production.
An enlightened Tory would no doubt carefully guard
against what would in effect be destroying the hen that
lays the golden eggs. But he would not on the mere
principle of consulting the public welfare consent to
reduce taxes and to retrench expenditure. This is at
once admitting the right of the people to have Govern-
ment conducted for their benefit, and not for the bene-
fit of the governing classes, and every concession to
that principle weakens the latter and strengthens the
former. Hence the general dislike among the Tories
of Lord Liverpool and of the Duke of Welling-
ton. The Standard, which well understands the
principles of Toryism, has more than once dis-
claimed Lord Liverpool and the Duke of Wellington
as Tories, arid treated Sir Robert Peel as a sort of re-
negado from his first Tory principles. The Reform
Bill gave a severe blow to Toryism, for it threatened
to give the people a direct influence on Government
through their Representatives in the House of Com-
mons ; and this would in time introduce the new prin-
ciple of conducting the Government, not for the be-
nefit of the aristocratic classes, but for the benefit of
the people. The Tories, however, aware of their dan-
ger, soon saw the necessity of making great exertions
to avert it. The struggle is conducted on their part
with energy. They see that if they do not succeed
in defeating the principle of the Reform Bill, and
restoring virtual Representation, public utility will be
the test by which every act of Government will be tried.
They may he said to play for a deeper stake than the
people. The man of 20001. a year, with a large family of
sons and daughters, looks to a large public expenditure
as the means of obtaining incomes for the sons and for
husbands to his daughters. On the other hand, the
share of benefit to an individual of the productive
classes from saving is not such as immediately to appeal
to his interest. On great occasions he is influenced
by enthusiasm and elevated principles ; but on ordinary
occasions he is too apt to be apathetic. But we do
not despond. Tl-,e wave of Reform, though it may
appear to ebb, will, on some great occasion, flow once
more, and the experience of the few last years will not
be thrown away. The next effort in the way of Re-
form will go much further than the last ; and we look
confidently forward to the time when the power of the
people will be placed on so secure a basis as to deprive
Tories even of the hope of being able to defeat the
representative principle by bribery, intimidation, and
all the host of sinister means now resorted to by that
party. The Reform Bill has added prodigiously to
the difficulties of controlling the people, arid the prin-
ciple of that Bill will one day destroy Toryism.—
Morning Chronicle.

There were inserted in the Times of yesterday two
publications bearing forcibly upon the state of Ireland
and on the character of Lord Mulgrave's Govern-
ment. One was a letter from the experienced and ju-
dicious pen of Mr. Eneas iVlacdonnell ; the other a
series of observations on the late iniquitous and fright-
ful order of the Lord-Lieutenant, for putting the great
majority of the Queen's subjects out of the protection
of the civil power—a force raised and paid for no
other lawful purpose than to be a safeguard of persons
and property against illegal violence. It is justly re-
marked by Mr. Eneas Macdonnell, that the attack
upon the subscription for supporting petitions against
such Irish members as there is solid ground for be-
I;eving to have been wrongfully returned to this present
Parliament, embodies in the very essence of it a defence
of the priests, which is worse than no defence at all.
The Ministerial Papers are quite furi-ous in their de-
nial of the O'Connell tail in this House of Commons
being indebted for their transient victory over the
constitutional candidates to any interference of the
Itomish priesthood. Very well. How, then, will
the priests reconcile such an assertion with their own
repeated attempts at an apology for, or, we ought to
say, their avo;ved boasts of, the zeal and activity of
that interference, on the ground that the rights and
interests " of the people of Ireland called for it, that
" justice to Ireland" exacted it of them, that it was
the bounden duty of the spiritual pastors to enlighten
the consciences of their flocks upon the nature and
magnitude of the debt they owed to their " country ?"
&c. Here we have in a thousand instances the priests
themselves vaunting their own public services, on the
single argument of a public and overruling necessity ;
not venturing, be it observed, to deny the charge
of their seditious, overhearing, and unspiritual tur-
bulence—for indeed they could not, the fact was
and is too notorious—but exulting in it, and piquing
themselves on the success of it. Here, however,
there is a contradictory plea set up, sacrificing the
veracity of the priesthood to the alleged respectabi-
lity and independence of the new tailmen, who, we
are assured, have come into Parliament by virtue
of their own personal popularity or influence, and
with no cid whatever from the Popieli Clergy. If the
Ministerial newspapers, therefore, tell truth, and are
jusifled in declaring that the O'Connell partisans now
in the House of Commons represent the lay constitu-
ency of Ireland apart from the Priesthood, it proves
the non-existence of any such danger to the " politi-
cal interests of the people of Ireland" as that which
the Priests pleaded in their own justification, and the
gratuitous wantonness of their intermeddling spirit.
If, again, the returns were not obtained through guy
unlawful intilnidation or other malpractices by the
Priesthood, what evil can arise to them from that sub-
scription fund, against which they rail so lustily ? If
no injustice have been committed on their side, what
have they to fear from the justice of a Parliamentary
Committee ? As for the wisdom of the furnish Priests
in their notorious excitement of the multitudethroughout
Ireland during the last half century, much cannot be
said. It is manifest that they have at length overshot
their mark, and produced in the Protestant mind of
Gritain Britain that retributive sentiment now so nearly
universal, which places an impassable bar to any fur-
ther encroachments by Popery ou the rights of civil and
religious freedom, making allowance for all the help
they can borrow from a Ministry base enough to be
their slaves. Circumstances of a more personal nature
than any connected with the above statement of the ,

Irish question, prove (we lament to say) the utter
indifference of the Mulgrave Government towards
yen the shadow of decency in what regards its sub-
Connell. There has lately been much
serviency to 0'
verbiage expended by Lord Morpeth touching the in-
expediency of retaining on the bench, magistrates who
lay under the suspicion of political partiality. We
see how that fastidious doctrine acted in the ease of
Colonel Verner. Let us now see how it acted in another
somewhat conspicuous case. Lord Morpeth was a
Member of the fat-famed " Intimidation Committee,"
which sat in the summer of 1835, and of which some
(not unwholesome) use was made in the Times a few
months afterwards, Before thee Committee was
brought a respectable police magistrate, who :I.^:±lieZl
in the most solemn manner that he had heard with
his ;Iwn ears Mr. Daniel O'Connell announce to
the inhah',:ente 9f Tralee that he would have
" a Death's head ruie4 eros.bones printed on a
pt...ANL and posted on the door of ailV Catholic who
voted tor the Knight of Kerry." Lord Morpeth
was, we say, a member of the Committee before which
that evidence was given. He must have known the fact ;
it was known to the entire kingdom ; the evidence was
ordered to be printed in August, 1835 ; and in October,
1835, the very Daniel O'Connell against whom the
said ferocious barbarism stood recorded was actually
made by the very same Lord Morpeth, and for the first
time in Daniel's life, a justice ofthe peace fir Kerr!!
Oh what a circumspect, scrupulous, impartial Go-
vernment is that of Lords Mulgrave and Morpeth !
Cassidy's promotion was a joke to this. Two other
facts, bearing upon the different " justice" measured
out to Protestant loyalists and Popish rebels are men-
tioned by our intelligent correspondent. Ist. His de-
claratinn at a public dinner at Drogheda that he
" would rather sec the waters of the Boyne again
run red with Irish blood than bear to be insulted
and degraded as they (the Papists) were." Was
this, or was it not, some few degrees more savage
than a recollection of the self-defensive " battle of
the Diamond ?" It happened last December. Was
O'Connell removed on account of it from the Commis-
sion of the Peace ? Say, was he, oh, just Lord Mor-
peth ?—say, Mulgrave, the virtuous, "gravis, castus-
que vir ?" 2d. In his letter to the people of Ireland,
not a month old, Mr. Daniel O'Connell denounced the
House of Lords as an enemy " to the people !" declared
the utter hopelessness of relief from a British (that is,
the united) Parliament—that is, that to obtain relief
Ireland must look to a successful rebellion. Say again,
oh impartial, virtuous, and pure Lord Mulgrave, have
you for either or both of the foregoing atrocities written
an announcement to Mr. Daniel O'Connell that you
will recommend to my Lord Chancellor Plunket the
expunging of the name of Daniel from the Commis-
sion of the peace ? If not, what are you, my Lord
Mulgrave, but a false pretender to impartiality, and a
secret coadjutor of that conspiracy of which Mr. Jus-
tice-of-the-Peace O'Connell avows the object to be
a forcible dismemberment of the British empire ? The
second matter which we began by proposing for the
consideration of our readers was .an official order, of
which Colonel Shaw Kennedy has been outraged by
being made the vehicle, prohibiting the police from
giving aid to individuals on their premises without
being paid for it
ky the parties themselves, and then
only in cases of " urgent necessity." It follows,
therefore, that however urgent the necessity, or immi-
nent the peril to the Queen's peaceable subjects, indi-
viduals or their families who are destitute of means to
pay and subsist a portion of the constabulary force
shall receive no particle of protection from it ! ! !
Great Heaven do Englishmen live to see this day?
No protection ? Why, then, what say all writers
on civil government ? Why the answer is, then—
no allegiance. If Lord Mulgrave will not suffer
the. force paid by the people to interpose for the
preservation of the people's lives and properties,
or for the maintenance of the Queen's peaCe, what
title has Lord Mulgrave to be defended by the
people—on what plea dares he demand their alle-
giance—by what pretext will he dare to pre-
vent them from associating for their own defence—
reduced, as by his arbitrary and infamous decree—re-
duced as civil society now is—to a state of nature ?
We maintain that, for this act alone, among 500
others which call for impeachment—for this alone
Lord Mulgrave is impeachable ; and we pray that he
may he impeached. We know he will be, if there
exist a single spark of public spirit in the Imperial
House of Commons. What ! to consign every poor
Loyalist in Ireland, by one stroke of the pen, to un-
restricted massacre ? Is it not a proclamation that
every Protestant in the island, who has not wherewithal
to hire mercenaries for the garrison of his dwelling,
must make his peace with the rebel ruffians, by aban-
doning the religion of his ancestors, and turning Papist
on the spot. Numerous iniquities have been perpe-
trated under Lord Mulgrave's Government, but a
crime like this is unheard of in the annals of any civi-
lized power.— nines.
At the time when we were exerting ourselves day
after day to remove from the statute hook the penalty
of death for the crime of forgery—a penalty not more
barbarous than ineffective—the admirers and upholders
of an exterminating system of penal law, falsely called
justice, not finding themselves competent to grapple
with our arguments, had recourse to the easy and
familiar expedient of the dishonest supporters of a bad
cause, and misrepresented our motives and endeavours
-in favour of an efficient reform of that and other
branches of the criminal law by ascribing them to a
principle of -false humanity, which merged all regard
for the public interests in sympathy for the offender
whose life the law demanded. Upon ignorant and
unthinking minds, and also upon some of the better
informed, to whom the judicial destruction of human
life had. by familiar usage appeared to be an indis-
pensable part of a system of civilised justice, such
misrepresentation, often and boldly advanced, had
a certain effect. It was not without difficulty
that we dissipated the delusion thereby created
among certain classes of society, and showed, to
the conviction of all whose eyes were not wilfully
closed against the truth, that the admirers of punish-
ments of blood were, in reality, the advocates for an in-
effective system of law, while we, who wished to purify
tine statute book of this enlightened and Christian
country from the stain of their barbarism, were the
promoters of a system of penal legislation more certain
and uniform in the punishment of guilt, and conse-
quently more effective fur the protection of the public.
The penalty of death having at length been removed
from every species of forgery, to repress which it had
been practically found to be utterlv inoperative, and a
more moderate and reasonable punishment substituted,
we did expect that such punishment would be applied
to all cases of proved guilt, where there were not very
extenuating circumstances, without any relaxation what-
ever being admitted out of a feeling of favour or affec-
tion, political connection, or respect of persons. Greatly
surprised were we to observe that in a case reported in
the papers of a forger, of respectable connections, con-
victed on the clearest of all possible evidence not long
Len
since at the Old Bailey, an intimation was given from
the bench that there would probably be a commutation
of the sentence. We allude to the case of a young
spendthrift, called Williams, who led what is called
a " fashionable life"—that is, a life of luxury and
folly—for some time at Worthing, and other water-
ing-places, upon the strength of forged checks—
forged upon a wealthy uncle of his, resident in Waleg.
Whether the sentence has been commuted according
to the intimation we know not. It was, in our opi-
nion, a case in which the sentence of the law ought
to have been carried into full effect—a case for the
hard labour and degradation of a penal settlement.
We are reminded of this case now by the occurrence
of another as similar as possible, in which the mus-
tachioed and cigar-smoking swindler committed his
frauds in the same manner, and lived on the produce,
like the former culprit, dashingly at watering-places,
with his mistress and his coach...and-four. Is this
case, like the former, also to be con6iderell one for
merciful mitigation of the legal punishment ? If ,:313#
we need not wonder if imitators of the crime are mul-
tiplied.—Morning Herald.
The Ministerial journals insist that nothing can
the justify the subscription in aid of Irish election peti-
lions but the conviction that h
bourne majority, as it appears upon Ot
h'eCro:t
returns
IVlir
Demi -
Ireland, is a packed and fraudulent majority. VV
entirely dissent from this opinion of our Ministerial

ciun that a considerable proportion of the Irish 0-
Contemporaries. There are strong grounds for suspi-
t2rial niajor:ty in the present House 0f,C0r,..
_
been falsely and fraudulently ram-
mons have
.
cion, we contend, is quite en,- ied. This suspi-
-
but to demand the to-- ,ugh not merely to justify
„lost efforts of honest and con-
cpro
herert: v d a
bs u
h satisfactoryabsolute
o ceaion investigationisu ch of
in order to secure the most
stitutional
acatshe
entire conviction which efotrrutitlhat.
more naturally follows a tudi-
mvestigation of facts than precedes it. 'r •
Ins
doctrine is evidently
advanced from the strong desire
to check inquiry— scarcely a desire which will
obtain
credit for disinterestedness, and the expression of
which aught to produce, and in all probability will
produce, an effect precisely the reverse of what is
iutended. We can very well afford, however, to con-
cede this point, although it be a gratuitous concession
to the O'Connell party. The full conviction which
is required as the condition of justifiable interfe.
rEnce ought generally to follow rather than precede
investigation ; but the rule, though general, is not
universal. There are cases, and that of the Irish
elections we take to be one of them, in which the
fullest conviction of iniquity and falsehood may arise
without a regular investigation, from notorious circum-
stances, and the well•known character, means, and
purposes of the parties concerned. It is probable that
a very general conviction exists in Great Britain with
respect to the true character of the Irish returns, and
we should he quite content that the amount of the
subscription far securing " justice to Ireland," in a
matter so important as the genuineness of her repre-
sentation, should be only in proportion to the diffusion
and strength of this conviction. We acquiesce, with-
out hesitation in the precept conveyed by the O'Con-
nell journal, that those who really doubt the fact of a
considerable number of the Irish returns having been
fraudu!ently and illegally obtained, should withhold
their subscriptions until they are convinced of the fact,
but, in compensation we say, (and this compensation
will be as ample as it is reasonable and just) let all
those who have no doubt remaining upon the subject
subscribe liberal!). now. Nothing better than this
need be desired by those who are most anxious to
swell the amount of the subscription.—Morning Post.
Stronger and more definite in language than the ad-
dress a few days since published, as that of the As-
sembly of Lower Canada, is the document really ap-
proved by that body, in reply to the speech of Lord
Gosford on opening the Canadian Parliament. The
address already published was proposed, but after a
long .discussion rejected by a majority of 48 to 32 in
favour of that which we this day lay before our readers.
If the first or proposed address confirmed the anticipa-
tions which we entertained of the probable conduct of
the House of Assembly, that which subsequently re-
ceived its sanction carries out these anticipations to a
still further extent. It evinces still greater indignation
and repugnance against the course of policy indicated
by the resolutions passed by the British Legislature ;
and, in fact, expresses as forcibly as diplomatic or
senatorial languagelcan express, a determination to
oppose, a l'outrance, the meditated assault against the
rights and liberties of the Colonies. In the calm, de-
termined, and dignified language addressed to the Go-
vernor-General, we recognise a striking resemblance to
those temperate, but immovably resolute remonstrances
made by the States of the present American Union, at
the time of the dissensions which ultimately dissevered
them from the central Government ; we trust that it is
not precursory to a similar catastrophe, but that a just
and conciliatory policy on the part of Great Britain
will, in affording scope to the development of the nascent
liberties of the Colonies, render the consummation of
their freedom not only consonant with, but accessary to
the advancement of British interests. First expressing
their desire to discharge their duties to the people, the
Canadian representatives address the Governor-General
as follows :

" We are, then, bound by our duty frankly to declare to
your Excellency, under the solemn circumstances in which
we are placed, and after full and calm deliberation, that since
the time when we were last called to meet in provincial
Parliament, we have seen in the conduct and proceedings
of the metropolitan government and of the colonial admi-
nistration towards this country, nothing which could re-
establish in the people the confidence and affection which
the long and fatal experience of the past has almost de-
stroyed ; but that, on the contrary, every recent event has
tended to efface what remained of these feelings, and to
consolidate, in opposition to the liberties, interests, and
wishes of the people, the colonial oligarchy factiously com-
bined against them, and the hitherto unbridled and uncon-
trolled sway of the Colonial Ministers in Downing-street."
Such language as this, sustained by such truths,
needs no commentary. Again, in reference to the Re-
port of the Royal Commissioners it is observed :
" We are bound especially to notice in the reports in
question, as far as they have comae to our know.
ledge, one essential and paramount contradiction which
pervades every part of them, and forms their es-
sence. It is, that while they admit the reality of the
greater portion of the abuses and grievances of which we
have complained, the Commissioners do not recommend their
removal and the destruction of the causes which had pro-
duced them, but an act of aggression against this House,
which has denounced them, and the absolute destruction of
the Representative Government in this province by the
illegal and violent spoliation of the public moneys of the
people, by the Ministers or by the Parliament ; whereas
it was the duty of the Commission and of the Mother
Country to assist this House in the entire removal of these
evils, and in rendering their recurrence impossible, by re-
constituting the second branch of the Legislature by means
of the elective principle, by repealing all laws and privi-
leges unjustly obtained, and by ensuring the exercise of
the powers and legitimate controul of this House over the
internal affairs of the province, and over all matters rela-
tive to its territory, and the wants of its inhabitants, and
more especially over the public revenue raised in it."
But the most important part of the address is to
come. It is that wherein, after commenting upon the
tendency of the resolutions of the British Senate, as
subversive of all legitimate and constitutional controul
over their executive government by the colonists, and
establishing corruption, intrigue, and pillage on the
ruins of their liberties, the Assembly states—
" It is our duty, therefore, to tell the mother country,
that if she carries the spirit of these resolutions into effect
in the Government of British America, and of this province
in particular, her supremacy therein will no longer depend
upon the feelings of affection, of duty, and of mutual in-
terest which would best secure it, but on ph)sieal and ma-
terial force, an element dangerous to the governing party,
at the same time that it subjects the governed to a degree
of uncertainty as to their future existence and their dearest
interests, which is scarcely to be found under the most ab-
solute Governments of civilised Europe."

To pers!rere in resolutions in defiance of opinions go
energetically expressed, and based on principles so uni-
versally supported by the more enlightened portion of
civilized man, would be an act of despotism and folly
completely at variance with the general character of
the present Administration. We therefore confidently
state our conviction that in the approaching Session a
policy will be pursued differing from that of the past,
and in proportion to that difference more calculated to
allay discontent in the colonies, to cement and conso-
lidate their connection with the parent state, and pro-
mote the interests of both countries—Morn. Advertiser.

LORD HADDO.—The Aberdeen Constitutional, a
Tory print, records at great length, and with sufficient
pomp, some festivities which took place at Haddo House,
on Thursday last. It appears that Lord Haddo came of
age on that day, and that his father, the Earl of Aberdeen,
took that opportunity to entertain at dinner the whole of
the tenantry of his extensive estates.

The German men of science during their visit to
Prague have been treated to7"ix concert, at which an English
Lady, Miss Adelaide Kemble, is represented to have p.ir-
ticula+ly distinguished herself.
RAILROADS.-It is not generally known that by
the acts of Parliamot, giving the Companies the right to
form railroads, a rig, has been preserved to the public to
use the railroad on the payment of certain tolls fixed by the
Company. Under these circumstances any private indivi-
dual, or Company, may set up trains and locomotive engines
for the accommodation of the public, on the payment of tolls
to the railroad Companies.—Worcoster Journal.

The Moniteur Beige contains a Itoval Ordinance,
by which his Majesty, ccnsidering that it is just and useful
to recognize the generous devotedness of persoa who have
exposed their lives to zaps that of their fellow-creatures,
order; medals of silver, or silver gilt, of the value of 25,
30, 40, 4;0,50 francs, and two of gold of log francs, to be
given to about 60 individuals, who have rescued persons
from imminent danger of drowning, Thu Minister of the
Interior is authorised to give the persons in question either
the nieci,7.l ,or the value in money, or a smaller medal and
the remainder in inoupi, as they may prefer,

-ACES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS,
ASSURANCE COMPANIES,&c. &c. &c.

LONDON, TUESDAY, OCT. 3.
Number Dividend Priee
of per CANAIS, per
ibsres. Annum. Paid. Share
1,766 7 per cent. Ashton and Oldham....Average 97/. 18s. eh. 1:15
1.142 41. Ashby-de-le-'Louth Average 113/, eh. 65
(,2011 Basingstoke lool.lh. 5
005 5/, Brecknock and Abergavenny 150. oh. 100
1,000 1.165 h. 91.64, Ilirmingham, 1.16 th share 41. & 711. 220
4,000 Ditto and Liverpool Juncts.,l2sl Eh. 100 pd 26
(309 , , Bridgewater and Taunton ...MN, oh. all pd 64
400 4t, Chcliner and Black water ....., ....... ~100/. eh, 102
500 481. Coventry "10/.Bh, 700
4,545 1 .....“, Croydon Average 311.28.10 d. oh. l
2064 41. 06, Dudley lOO/. sh. 8*
600 71. Derby I lOO4 sh. IFS
20,000
3,575; 3/. Ellesmere and Cheater Average 1331.5ta. 79
231- 401. Erewaah 'OOl. tn. 700
1,297 281. worth and Clyde Average 4q3/.1 n.. sh. 610
11,900 12/, Grand Juncr- lull. sh. 200
g,e494 14 Grand Union„ . 1001.01. 25
1,500 ..... ... Grand Surrey
10,1100/. 44. percent. Ditto (optional) Loan lOOl. 70
d,r190 Grand Wetiern
600 13/.125. 941. Glaranrgansltire. Avenge Exist 172/. !dr. 4d. P3O
749 404. Grantham
P,138 Ct. os. Illlddersiit-10 Average 571. roi.. rd. ah, :47
I; wl ......... Ken 4itztozi . 10,) ,h all pd. 10
25,32; 11: as. Kennet i nil Avon, Avenge 30/. 113 s. 100. sh. 241
20978 2t/. Leeds and Liverpool 100/. sib. 510
5451 131. L,icestcr l4Ol. sh. 225
1.897 41. 104. Leicester and Northampton... Aver '4l/. us. 88
2,400 Ili/. Monmouthshire lllO/.sh. 193
150 10/, Melton Alowbray 100/. sti. 200
f. 130 25/. Mersey and Irweil
3,048 11. 10s. Macclesticl ' lOOl. sh all pd. 52
217 17/. ' Neath
1,750 30/. Oxford lON. sh. 52.5
2, ino 5/. Peak Forest A vel.ge about 7SI. sh. 104
1,111 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 331. 16s. FA. s.h. l:..1
5,6419 61. per cent. r.ochdale tverage BW. sh. 1 0
5(10 81. Shropshire 1'251. sh. 13/
800 9/. tOs. Somerset Coal l5O/. sh. 150
3,600/. 44 percent. Ditto lock Fund Stock l2l. 10s. sh. 11/
700 40/. Stafford and Worcester l4Ol. sh. 710
500 91. Shrewsbury 125/. oh. 243
300 91. Stourbridge
3,647 2/.1.5. Stratford-on. A volt ...Average 701. 9s. t4l. sh. 50
533 12/. Swansea 100/. sh. 231
3,7t;2 11. 154. Severn and Wye anal Itailway ...Ar 35/. sh. !61
2,601 at,, 32/. 10s. Treat and Nlersey, 4 share lllOl. sh. 560
8,119 ... ...... Thames .n,l Medway... Aver. 191.55. 9d. sh. 2
1,0005h.1 ~, Warwick a.lO Birmingham . 100/. sh 265
1,000111,. j ''''
943 I 1 ~ Warwick and Napton lOO/. ah. 185
6,000 4/.os. Worcest 1 ants Birmingham...A v. 781.85. sh. 1-41
5,000 255. Wilts art Berko .. Average 671. 10s. Eld. sh. 22
800 31. Wyrley and Essington 1251. sh 75
126 ....... Visbeach .,.1051. sh. 45
905 1/. Wey and Arm, llOl. sh, 2'4
DOCKS.
2'6" ?3p. c. Commercial 100/. sh. 55
1,06.-ilsh j
E 1.1.1,0570/. 0 per et. East India Stock 1104
3,23:1,310g 565. p.ct. London
Ditto Bonds 99

1,380000/. 41/. p. et. West India
'2.209 W. 19s. 11ristll
41,1,314/. 5/. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts .... ll3
1,352,751 41 per cent. St. Katharine Stock 92f
500,00:1 4; per cent. Ditto Bonds
200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds fur 10 years 99
Shoreham 11:,i Lour
2.500 ease •••• Deptford Pim 2Ol. sh. 3/.

BRIDGES.
1,600 l 's. Ilammerstu.ti 5O/. sh, 221
7, '231 Southwark, Old Av. ('dl. 2s. Sit. sh. 2
1,701) 11. 15s. Ditto, New, 01'71 per cent. ...... ....50/. sh. 141
5,000 Waterloo
5,000 18s. 3d, Ditto, Old Annuities of V/. 6Ol. pd 19
5,000 16a. 4d. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 40/. pd 161
60,000/. 51. per cent. Ditto 13011tii llB
5,11145 14a Vauxhall A v,rage 701. 10s. 3d. sh. 17