The Sun.
London, England, 1837-07-13 00:00:00

WESTMINSTER ELECTION.

Another meeting of the constituency took place last
night at the Committee-room of the Reform candidates in
Hungerford Market, for the purpose of affording Colonel
Evans and Mr. Leader an opportunity of explaining their
sentiments. Mr. Gosbee in the chair. The first resolu-
tion was about to be put to the meeting, to the effect that
Colonel Evans and Mr. Leader were fit and proper persons
to represent the city of Westminster in Parliament, when
Colonel Evans rose and said that he. could not allow the
resolution to pass, however satisfied his friends might be
with his conduct, without giving an answer to some of the
charges so lavishly heaped upon him by the Tories. When
he started for Spain they called him a traitor to his consti-
tuents ; when at the command of his constituents he had
returned, they exclaimed " Coward ! to desert his com-
rades." There was no pleasing them.—(A laugh.) They
declared that he bad paid himself, and left the men to shift
for themselves. What was the fact ? Why, that the
men had been paid up every penny, and that he himself
was some months more in arrear than any of the officers.
Because he had the military chest in his possession the
Tories argped that he was well paid—they judged of
him by themselves.—(A laugh.) It was said that he had
starved the troops, but he affirmed that the troops were fed
better, far better he was sorry to say, than four-fifths of
the working poor of England. They had daily a pound of
good beef, a pint of wine, and a pound and a half of bread.
It was true they had met with hardships at Vittoria, but
what troops in the field escaped them ? As to the subject
of flogging, he had, together with Colonel Thompson and
Mr. Hume, allyays advocated the repeal of that portion of
the Mutiny Act which had reference to corporeal punish-
ment. His practice had been in strict accordance with his
theory. In every case of general court martial, the only
court over which lie had control, he had mitigated and
changed the mode of punishment. The Gallant Colonel
then proceeded to read some documents, which gave com-
plete satisfaction. He concluded his observations amid
general cheers.
Mr. LEADER then rose to address the meeting, and com-
menced by alluding to the charge of being a Destructive,
and afterwards went into a detailed exposition of his opi-
nions. The meeting concluded in an expression of general
good feeling to the Reform candidates.

REPRESENTATION of the BOROUGH

of LAMBETH.

Yesterday evening a numerous and respectable meeting
of the inhabitant householders of Lambeth was held at the
Horns Tavern, Kennington, for the purpose of securing the
return of two efficient Reformers as Members for that im-
portant borough at the approaching election. Messrs. Hawes
and D'Eyncourt were present.
SAMUEL PALMER, Esq., was unanimously called to the
chair, and briefly stated the object of the meeting.
Mr. HARDY, in rising to move the first resolution, im-
pressed upon all genuine Reformers the absolute necessity
of union, and that they had two other candidates in the
field.—( Name !)—Mr. Baldwin, a Conservative, and a Mr.
Welford, who professed himself to be a Radical Reformer.
—(" He'll not do 1") He thought that the people of Lam-
beth could not have more respectable Members than Mr.
Hawes and Mr. Tennyson D'Eyncourt, and would move as
a resolution that it is the opinion of this meeting that it is
necessary to secure two efficient Reformers as the repre-
sentatives for the borough of Lambeth, and that this meet-
ing consider the present Members to be in every way eligible
to be chosen as their representatives.
Mr. FALL seconded the motion.

Several individuals, said to be Radical Reformers, put a
variety of questions to the two candidates, especially as to
their opinions on the ballot, shortening the duration of Par-
liament, the New Poor-law Act, &c.
Mr. T. D'Evricouter, who was received with great ap-
plause, proceeded to answer the questions put to him, and
said that he was in favour of the Vote by Ballot, Universal
Suffrage, Triennial Parliaments, and the total repeal of the
New Poor-law Act. .

- _
Mr. HAwEs addressed the meeting, and was received
with continued cheering. He was not in favour of Uni-
versal Suffrage, nor would he repeal the Poor-law Act, al-
though he would consent to modify some of its provisions.
As to the pension list, the demise of the late lamented
Sovereign now left it an open question, and no doubt it
would be fully discussed in the approaching session.
The resolution was then agreed to, as were several others
of a similar purport.
Mr. Cheesman, Mr. Goldsmith, and other gentlemen ad,
dressed the meeting ; after which thanks were voted to the
Chairman, and the meeting separated—having given three
hearty cheers for Reform.

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, JULY 13, 1837.

them.—(Laughter.) So you perceive that they are dead
beaten." After some remarks upon the necessity of exer-
tion to keep out "ugly" West, Mr. O'Connell said," Now I
don't think I can stand for Dublin.—(You must.) Ab,
don't press me. The corporators appear to forget what
the Duke of Wellington sari a few days ago. The Orange
faction will go home defeated and despised by united and
strenuous exertion. It is not by applause, but by working
that this is to be done. Every one c.:4) influence some-
body ; by active exertions we have the game in our hands,
and we will leave our enemies the Knave of Clubs. Now,
my friends, I have to tell you that I am pledged to the
deople of Kilkenny to stand for that city. I hope to be
returned for Kilkenny, for it will have this good result—
.when the Orange faction see they cannot keep me out of
Parliament, they have no longer a motive to harass me
with petitions against my return. They may show their
teeth, but they can't bite. I would prefer that some other
person stood with me for Dublin, and I think there is every
prospect of getting a good candidate. We ought to make
every preparation for the election, although Hamilton his too
nuch wisdom, and West too little money to come forward to
oppose us. And now my friends, let me conjure you to refrain
from the use of ardent spirits during the ensuing election. The
Temperance Societies are, I ilia, a bit of humbug ; but still
I like them. Let us have a Temperance Society in Dublin
luring the election. At the Clare election, under a burn-
ing- sun, a hundred thousand men came for nine consecutive
lays, and during that time nothing met their lips but water.
—(" Hear," and cheers.) What was the consequence ?
By that glorious victory we beat Wellington and Peel, and
there remains but one battle more for the Queen and Ire-
iand.—(Great cheering.) I ask you all, as Irishmen, is
there a man among you who would not do anything he was
~sked in honour of the Queen ?—(Hear.) Now, in her
tame, I ask you to drink nothing but water, and we shall beat
them in temperance as well as at the poll!ng. I repeat, we
-ire making an experiment. Let it be heard from the hustings,
we are for Repeal if justice be not done to Ireland.—(Loud
cheering.) I pledge myself that if justice is not done,
and my own opinion is, that there is a faction in Eng-
land too strong to let us obtain all we want, but let not
the blame be ours ; let us act candidly, openly ; let there
be no chicanery or double-dealing on our side.—(Cheering.)
When I was looking for emancipation they called me an
agitator with ulterior views ; I stamped and said I was an
agitator with ulterior views.—(Cheers.) Emancipation
alone would never answer me—it was only a means to an
end. So I say, now, lam a Repealer.—(Cheers.) But
though I am, I am ready, especially under the government
of our young Queen, to try again if justice can be done to
Ireland by an United Parliament.--(Hear.) If so I shall,
on my own part and that of the Union, give up Repeal ;
but if not, I declare in the presence of my congregated
countrymen—l will not profane the sacred name of God
by appealing to him, who knows the secrets of all hearts—
but even in his awful presence I proclaim that I will not
be deceived. I will not take half measures when we are
entitled to twenty shillings in the pound.—( Hear, hear.)
My countrymen, I will not take less ; and if we do not get
it, why then, Hurrah for old Ireland!' "—(Loud and long-
continued cheering.)

CITY ADDRESSES to HER MAJESTY

THE QUEEN.

Ye3terday the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, City Officers,
and Members of the Common Council, proceeded in state
from Guildhall to St. James's, to present the Addresses
agreed to by the Court of Aldermen and Court of Com-
mon Council upon her Majesty's accession.
They were respectively introduced, when the following
Address from the Court of Aldermen was read by Mr. Re-
corder :

" MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,
" We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the
Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, most
humbly approach your Majesty for the purpose of giving ex-
pression to our feelings on occasion of the demise of our late
most gracious Sovereign, and of the accession of your Majesty
to the Throne.

" Long and justly as the House of Brunswick has been en-
deared to this nation, we deem it a privilege to be permitted
to sympathize in your affections; and we most sincerely con-
dole with your Majesty, the widowed Queen, and the Royal
Tinnily, under the bereavement, by which an all-wise Provi-
dence has been pleased to remove from this transitory state a
Sovereign who lived and reigned in the affections-of his family
and people.
" While with feelings of the deepest and most affectionate
interest, we contemplate your Majesty, thus early called to
wield the sceptre of this mighty empire, we rejoice that your
Majesty is no stranger to your people nor to their institu-
tions. Born and bred a Briton,' your Majesty has been
trained to venerate our glorious Constitution in Church and
State; while your Majesty's former associations with those who
are now your Majesty's loyal subjects, must have convinced
your Majesty of their devoted loyalty to your Majesty's Illus-
trious House, and their no leis devoted attachment to the in
stitutions of the country, both sacred and civil.
" We pray your Majesty to be assured that our supplica-
tions will ascend to that Gracious Being by whom Kings
reign and Princes decree justice,' that wisdom profitable to
direct may be imparted to your Majesty in the performance of
the dutiei of your exalted station. That your Majesty's reign
may be long and prosperous; that it may be eminently dis-
tinguished by a zealous defence on the part of your Majesty,
of that Reformed Church of which your Majesty is, under
God, the Head, and by the continuance of all classes and de-
nominations of your Majesty's subjects of that protection in
the rights of conscience, which has so long snd so happily
prevailed in this highly favoured land; and further, that a
wise, a just, and municipal administration .by your Majesty of
the laws may be met by affectionate and loyal obedience on the
part of a free, a happy, and a grateful people.
" Stgued by order of Court,
" HENRY WOODTHORPE."
To which her Majesty was pleased to make the follow-
ing most gracious answer
I receive with much satisfaction this loyal and dutiful Ad-
dress. I partake in the sorrow which you feel for the loss
the nation has sustained by the death of his late Majesty. In
the congratulation which you offer to me upon my accession
you estimate justly my love for my people and my reverence
for the institutions of my country. I fervently join in the
prayer which you offer up for the prosperity of my reign, and
for the welfare of my subjects ; and you may securely rely
upon my determination to maintain the Reformed Church, to
protect the rights of conscience, and to administer the law in
justica and in mercy."
The Address of the Common Council was then pre-
sented in the following terms :

"TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.

" The dutiful and loyal Address of the Lord Mayor, Alder-
men, and Commons of the City of London, in Common
Council assembled.
" MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,

We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the
Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of Lon-
don, in Common Council assembled, approach your Majesty
with feelings of the deepest grief and sympathy upon the oc-
casion of the loss your Majesty and the nation have sustained
in the death of his late Majesty King William the Fourth, a
Prince whose warm attachment to the liberties and privileges
of a free and loyal people, and whose constant solicitude to
improve the institutions of his country, and to advance the in-
terests and happiness of all classes of his subjects secured to
him while living, and will attach to his memory for future ages;
the respect, the gratitude, and the affections of a great nation.
While we bow with resignation to the inscrutable dispensations
of Providence, we acknowledge its mercy in prolonging the
life of our late beloved Monarch, to a period when your Ma-
jesty, under the maternal care of your illustrious Parent,
became qualified to fill the Throne of this great Empire.
" We hail with heartfelt gratification your Majesty's auspi-
cious accession to the Throne, and have received with the
liveliest satisfaction your Majesty's most gracious declaration
and assurance that it will be your Majesty's unceasing study
to maintain the reformed religion as by law established, se-
curing at the same time to all the full enjoyment of religious
liberty ; arid that your Majesty will steadily protect the rights,
and promote to the utmost of your Majesty's power the happi-
ne►s and welfare of all classes of your subjects ; and we ear-
nestly pray that your Majesty's life may be long spared to
realise the just expectations of a free, loyal, and devoted
people. " Signed, by order of the Court,
" HENRY WOODTHORPE."
To which her Majesty was likewise pleased to make tile
following most gracious answer :
" It gives me great pleasure to receive this loyal Address
fro::; the Common Council of the City of London.
" The ;lief which you express for the loss of his late Ma-
jesty, and the just tribute which you pay to his virtues, are
alike in accordance with my opinion, and congenial to my
fco b
•

" I receive your congratulations with the most lively satis-
fiction, and you may rely upon my adherence to the declara-
tion with which I commenced my reign, and upon my deter-
mination to maintain the reformed religion as by 13w esta-
blislicmi, and at the same time to secure to all the full enjoy-
ment of religious liberty.
" I trust that I may be permitted by Divine Providence to
promote the happiness of all- classes of my subjects, and to
fulfil the expectations of a free and loyal people."

The rumour of its being the intention of the Queen
to create a number of m.'w Peers is not correct. A creation of
Peers gonerallv accompani6•s a coronation, and the coronation
J
of her Majesty will not take place till next spring.
-

TOURNA VENT AT WINDSOR.—The privileges of
knighthood are being claimed on every side. Not only the
young and the unmarried amongst our nobility are eager to
distinguish themselves at the expected tournament (the cu-
rious account of which was given in the Court Journal of last
Saturday), but even those who might plead an exemption from
chivalrous exercises on the score of age or wedded life, are
preparing to enter the lists to contend for the royal prize.
One thing is quite certain, that when the Period fur her Ma-
j..sty's coronation sh ll be fixed, there will be no lack of cham-
pions should the hereditary one be absent. We understand
that the Court .I,urnal of next Saturday will contain some
more very interesting particulars on this subject.
Lord Banger: has had an attack of paralysis, of so
serious a nature as to cause some alarm since his arrival at
Castle Ward. The Noble Viscount is, however, pronounced
out of dunger.—BeVast .News Letter,

NEWSPAPER PRESS BENEVOLENT

ASSOCIATION.

The first General Meeting of this Association took place
yesterday, at the Freemasons' Tavern, for the purpose of
receiving the Report of a Provisional Committee appointed
to frame rules and regulations for its government. The
meeting was numerously attended. Several proprietors and
editors of metropolitan newspapers, and a large number of
gentlemen who have been long connected with the literary
department of the public press were present.
Mr. ANDERSON, having been called to the chair, briefly
stated the object of the meeting, which he said would be
best understood from reading the Prospectus and the 'deport
drawn up by the Committee.
The SECRETARY then read the Prospectus, as follo•.vs :
" England is honourably distinguished from other nations
by the number and the liberality of its benevolent institu-
tions ; and much of our social happiness may be ascribed to
the various public Endowments and private Associations
which, in this country, extend to the sick and the destitute..
that succour which elsewhere they arc condemned to seek
from the precarious resource of casual bounty. Besides
those munificent charitable foundations which administer to the
necessities of the humble poor, experience of the evil conse-
quences of that improvidence which is habitual to mankind has
given rise to Friendly and Mutual Aid Societies amongst the
labouring classes; and even those of a higher grade in so.
ciety, who are engaged in professions, trades, and public
offices, have perceived the prudence of raising fu ids by
joint contributions, with a view of securing a provision for
such of their members as, through unavoidable calamity or ne-
glect of due precaution, may sink into indigence. The duty
of providing against the unforeseen contingencies of life, espe-
cially where other individuals, and helpless ones, are depen-
dent upon us, is sufficiently apparent; but a duty which is not
urgent—which may be deferred without present inconvewence,
and which we are always tempted and sometimes fercA to
postpone—is too frequently neglected altogether.
" If there be any class in the respectable grades of society,
for which, more than for any other, an Institution of this kind
is required, it is the large and increasing body of persons con-
nected with the literary departments of the Newspaper Press
of this country,—_a body whose functions, though not distinctly
and formally acknowledged, or visibly exercised, like those of
the learned professions, exert a great and beneficial influence
upon our social system ; and to whose welfare, therefore, the
public, which derives an advantage from their labours, may be
supposed, by analogy with other cases, to be far from indiffe-
rent. A slight description of tho constitution and character of
Reporters for the Newspaper Press, who constitute the largest
proportion of its paid contributors, will show at once the ne-
cessity of such an Institution, and the peculiar nature of the
one required.

" The Parliamentary Reporters, who have annual or ses-
sional engagements with the London Press, comprise gentle-
men who have entered, or are entering, the legal profession,
or who have chosen literature as a profitable pursuit. It is an
error to suppose that the reports of the proceedings in the two
Houses of Parliament, in the Courts of Law, and at impor-
tant public meetings, can be prepared and presented to the
world in the concentrated and intelligible shape in which they
appear, by persons who are merely rapid writers ; other and
higher qualifications must be superadded. It is superfluous,
and would be in bad taste, to dwell upon this point further
than is necessary to show the position, intellectual and social,
of this class of persons ; and this may, perhaps, be most com-
pendiously done by stating, that Membcrs of the Senate, some
of the ornaments of the English Bar, conspicuous literary
characters, and most of the conductors of our Periodical Press,
have been Reporters.
" As the office, however, does not demand, like the profes-
sions, a special course of education or of study, or confer upon
its possessor any rank or status, it is at the command of any
competent individual who can obtain employment in that ca-
pacity ; and as it is but seldom regarded as an ultimate and
exclusive object, the corps of Reporters is incessantly fluctuat-
ing, individuals being continually detached from it who enter
upon higher functions, or diverge into other branches of pro-
fessional or literary occupation ; and it is recruited with others
of a similar character, and with similar views' The office, I
in
short, supplies a convenient stipend in a respectable employ-
ment to those who have no sufficient patrimonial resources.
" This description will apply mutatis mutandis to the other
literary contributors to the Newspaper Press of the country ;
and it is obvious, that in a class so constituted, dependant prin-
cipally upon literary exertions—the most precarious of all—
the individuals composing which, whilst they are obnoxious,
like others, to the ills of life, are not likely to perceive the ne-
cessity, or always to possess the means, of making a provision
against them. An Institution which shall perform that impor-
tant duty for them, is highly desirable.
" It is, moreover, equally apparent, that in framing an In-
stitution for that object, these facts must be considered,
namely, the fluctuating nature of the body, which renders it
impracticable to construct it on the ordinary principles of a
Mutual Assurance Society ' • and the character of the indivi-
duals
and their families, which is such that they might feel a
natural repugnance at subsisting upon mere eleemosynary aid.
Those who have paid any attention- to the subject, well know
that the claims to charitable succour which are obtruded upon
us in the public streets are not the strongest; they must be
sought in recesses where they shrink from observation, and
the individuals are often to be soothed and reconciled to the
acceptance of that relief, for want of which they are almost
perishing. This sensitive delicacy, which the vulgar stigma-
tise as pride, is, however, a mixed sentiment, in which the
virtuous and honourable principles greatly preponderate.
" The plan of an Institution has, consequently, been de-
vised for the end in view, under the title of The Newspaper
Press Benevolent Association,' in which it has been attempted
to combine two apparently incongruous objects ; that is, the
Fund is intended to be raised partly from annual contributions
amongst the Members, and partly by donations from their own
body and from others; for it is not attempted to be concealed,
but on the contrary, it is distinctly avowed, that as the body is
too small, too fluctuating, and too imperfectly cemented, to
afford any ground for expecting that a sufficient fund can be
raised by their own subscriptions and donations, a considerable
reliance is placed on the hope of assistance from the public,
founded upon the considerations already referred to ; namely,
that the community derive material benefit from the labours of
the persons who arc the objects of the Institution, and that, in
such cases their generous sympathy is never withheld. The
basis of the Institution is essentially that of a Benevolent Fund;
but by requiring that all who are to partake of its benefits,
either for themselves or their families, shall have subscribed to
its support, so much of the mutual aid principle is imported
into it as will divest the relief afforded by the Association of
an eleemosynary character, whilst its resources will be fos-
tered, without imposing too heavy a tax upon those who do
not subscribe with any view to their own ultimate benefit.
" The object of the Association is defined in its rules to be,
'to raise, by subscription from the members thereof, and by
voluntary donations and bequests, from members and others, a
stock or fund, for making such benevolent provision for decayed
or distressed members, and for the widows and children, and
nominees, of members, as shall hereinafter be set forth.'
" It is proposed that the Association shall be managed by
twenty-one Directors (the majority to consist of Reporters) •
that the persons eligible to be Members shall be all Editors of,
all Reporters for, and all paid Contributors to, any stamped
Newspaper, published in the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland; including the Mirror of Parliament, Hansard's
Parliamentary Debates, and any other publication containing
original reports of proceedings in Parliament, though not
stamped Newspapers.
" That the property of the Association shall be vested in five
Trustees, who shall invest it under the provisions of the Statute,
10 Geo. IV. cap. 56.
" That the affairs of the Association shall be under the con •
trout of the Members at General Meetings, to be called every
year, or oftener, if required.
" That the annual subscription of Members be four guineas,
to be paid in advance, quarterly.
" That one-third of the annual income of the Association
shall form the accumulation fund ; and that two-thirds of the
amount of the annual subscriptions of Members, and all the
interest of the accumulated fund, be the available income of
the Association, for effecting the objects for which it is esta-
blished.

" That when the sum of twenty thousand pounds sterling
shall be accumulated, such sum shall become and remain the
permanent fund of the Association, and shall be invested by
the trustees in the purchase of Government funds or stock,
or otherwise, in the names of the trustees, on behalf of the
Society.

" That all sums accumulated beyond the permanent fund,
shall be appropriated in such manner as may be decided by a
General Meeting."
The report was next read, which entered into a detail
of the machinery and mode of management proposed for
the Society, one of the rules being—" That no subject of
a political or polemical character shall, under any circum-
stances whatever, be introduced for discussion at any meet-
ing of the Association." The report was signed by all the
members of the Provisional Committee, including represen-
tatives of all the morning and evening Papers and most o f
the weekly Journals of the metropolis.
After a short discussion the Rules were agreed to, sub-
ject to such alterations as might be considered necessary at
the first General Meeting after the election of Directors
and Officers, which election was fixed fur Saturday, the
22a inst.

In the course of a conversation it was stated that the
Society was not intended to be restricted to the metropolis,
but would extend to the editors, reporter, and other paid
contributors to all the journals in the United Kingdom.
In reference to the election of Directors and Officers, the
meeting resolved, that no candidate is eligible, and that no
person can nominate an officer of the Society unlets each
shall have respectively paid up his admission fee of one
guinea, and that no candidate can be nominated after'
Thursday, the 20th inst. The entrance fees were directed
to be received by Mr. Dodd, the Treasurer, No. 13, Pa-
lace-road, Lambeth ; Mr. Knox, Secretary, No. 10, Ken-
nington-green ; and also by Mr. Young, at The Sun Office,
Strand. Messrs. Twining, of the Strand, were appointed
Bankers of the Association, and were also uuthorized to re-
ceive dom,tions and subscriptions.
Among the donations announced was one of 50 guineas
from Mr. Clements, proprietor of tie Observer newspaper,
as well as others from gentlemen formerly connected with
newspaper establishments.

We learn with great satisfaction that her Majesty
has been pleased to name the Countess of Mulgrave as one of
the Ladies of her Bedchamber. The Irish people %will no
doubt feel much gratified at this mark of favour shown to the
wife of their popular and esteemed Viceroy.

Madras
Colonel of the 52d Re-

giment

laide.

Pension

1,000
434

Maid of Honour to Queen Ade-

SPIRIT OF TI-:E PUBLIC JOURNALS

The tactics of the Tories are of a curious fashion,
and have little resemblance to their ancient demeanour
an.l practice. The corruptionists of a past day are the
eco tomists of the present, pure and undefiled. In
Tuesday's number of their organ, the Times, we find a
long " List of the emoluments, &e., of the family and
connections of the Earl of Minto." This list is eked
out by bringing together all manner of persons in any
way connected with that. Nobleman, for the purpose of
raising the presumption that all of them owe their po-
sition and advantages' to his phtronage. But in the
blindness.of its zeal it has overlooked the fact, that the
larger part of the list derives its existence from the
Tories—that many of the persons recounted in it began
their career almost before the present Lord Minto was
born. The Adams, for instance, owe nothing to
Lord Minto ; but because Sir Charles Adam mar-
ried a sister of Lord Minto, the pension of Com-
missioner Adam, an octogencrian, is set against
his account ; and Mr. Frankland Lewis, who mar-
ried a cousin, is also debited to the Earl ; and
for that the father is connected, Mr. Cornwall
Lewis, the son (whose admirable paper on the Irish
Poor-law is before Parliament, and who has written
other most statesman-like docuiterits that distinguish
him as highly fit for his present post), must have his
preferment from the same source. „Everybody know:,
how Lord Brougham attained his eminent position in
the country ; arid his brother's promotion may surely
be more safely attributed to the affection of a bro-
ther than to that of a second cousin. Colonel
Drinkwater, too, married not a cousin of Lord MintO,
but a cousin of Lord Minto's wife, and was in office
long before. The truth is, nothing is so easy as to
get up a. list of this kind. The Aristocracy and
official people marry and intermarry with each other,
and are thrown together both in social and official
intercourse : their merits in consequence become
known to one another, and family and party in-
terest of course has its share in giving advan-
tage to them. But it would be very unfair to
set down all the good things which all the con-
nections near and remote may obtain to the influence of
any single eminent person. If that were so, there
are some among the Peers, and other distinguished
persons whose connections are very extensive, who
must father all the welfare of half the connections of
the rest of the Peerage. Nor is it less absurd to attri-
bute to the head of a family the successes of all per-
sons of the same name. If that were done, a Scotch-
man might bear the odium of providing for all the
persons of his own clan whose good fortune has
placed them in any department of the ptiblic service,
army, navy, or elsewhere. Again, it is equally ab-
surd to put together all those who are in the army,
or the navy, or the Church ; especially the first,
where the commissions are bought, and the last,
where the preferments are obtained from the gift
of some living in the family ; for so long as
the aristocracy seek professional livelihood in
these services, it will follow that all the less-
favoured members of an aristocratic family will be
found there. It will be easy then to make out a list
much more numerous than this, on the same plan, of
one half of the Peers, Whig and Tory ; but the latter
had better look to it. They would not fare so fa-
vourably sin the 'comparison. We have not had the
opportunity of examining this list either in regard to
the correctness of the amount assigned to each person
in it, or to that of the alleged connection with the
Earl of Minto which is assigned to them. But we
have said enough to show the dishonest malignity of
the writer, and we give the list below as the best il-
lustration of our remarks. The names which are
printed in italics are of persons who clearly owe no-
thina. to Lord Mint°, and we doubt not that the num-
ber of them might be increased t

ig We submit for the amusement and wonder of our readers
the following list of the emoluments, &c., of the family and
connections of the Earl of Minto fur one year : .
Earl of Miuto, Admiralty, First Lord £4,500
Pension on Civil List 924
-•- Pension for late Earl
lion. Admiral George Elliot, brother of the Earl of
Minto, Admiralty, Junior Lord
General of Mint in Scotland ... 300
George Elliot, son Of last, a young Lieutenant em-
ployed over the head of his seniors.
lion. Charles Elliot, son of; the Earl of ;into, Lieu-
tenant, ditto ditto. _ _ _

Sir Charles Adam, brother-in-law to the Earl of
11:into, Admiralty, Junior Lord
Witham Adam, brother of the last, Accountant-Ge-
neral of Court of Chancery
Sir Fredericlz Adam, brother of the last, Governor of

-13,434
N. B. He has been succeeded by Lord Elphin-
stone, a connection of the Minto family.
Right Hon. "William Adam, father of all these
Adamses, a retired Judge of the Jury Court,
pension . 4,000
Captain William Elliot, cousin of. the Earl of Minto,
commanding Revenge, 78, Malta •••••• 598
Commander Russell Elliot, cousin of Lord Minto,
commanding Fly, 18, South America 276
Lord Auckland, cousin to the Earl of Mint°, Gover-
nor- General of India 25,000
Pension 7OO
Lord Henley, nephew to last Lord Auckland, who
married sister to second Earl of Minto, Master in
Chancery
A. Eden, Assistant-Controller in Exchequer l,OOO
lion. Miss Eden, cousin to the Earl of Minto, Pen
sion on Civil List .

200

Hon. W. Osborne, cousin of the Earl of Minto, and
nephew of Lord Auckland, private Secretary to the
Governor-General, said to be worth 5,000
Sir Rufane Donkin, brother-in-law of Lord Minto,
Ordnance Surveyor-General
Edward Elliot, Esq., Ordnance Clerk under Master

Ge-neral
Philip Elliot, Esq., Senior Clerk under Clerk of Ord-
nance

Right Hon. Frankland Lewis, married the first cousin
of the Earl of Minta, head of Poor-law Commission 2,000
George Cornwall Lewis, son of last, commander at
Malta, with allowance of 3/. per day
Hon. John Elliot, brother of the Earl of Minto, said to
he still Postmaster-General of India, but now in

England 5,000
Rev. Gilbert Elliot, first cousin sand brother-in-law of

the Earl of Minto, author of pamphlets against
Church-rates, rector of Kirbythore, and has no ob-
jection to be made a Bishop
T. Frederick Elliot, brother of the last, Colonial-office,
put over heads of others 9OO
Captain Plumridge, brother-in-law of the last, com-
manding Falmouth packets, put over heads of 417

captains•
Earl of Malmesbury, first cousin of the Earl of Minto,
Governor of the Isle of Wight
Lord Brougham, second cousin of the Earl of Minto,
ex-Chaucellor of Gent Britain . 5,000
William Brougham, brother of last, Master in
Chancery
Colonel Dri4water, married first cousin of late Earl

of k
Minto, ,ontroller of Army Accounts
1,500
J. Elliot Drinhatater Bethune, son of last, married
second son of the Earl of Minto, Comm:ssioncr on
Boundary., Factory, Scots Law Commissions, Re-
‘ising Barrister, 'Draughtsman of Acts of Parlia-
ment circa 1,600
Captain Drinktvater, son of Colonel Drinkwatcr, COM.
mantling Contrail, 28, East Indies
E. Drinkwater, son of Colonel Drinkwater, Admiralty

Clerk, ad class
Henry Elliott, Secretary to Board of Generals, query 1,000
We have had hard work to track our Contempo-
rary's course. lie goeth about seeking whom he may
devour. Following the paper we have just noticed is
another,, in which the most absurd statements are made
respecting the emoluments of the Assistant Poor-law
Commissioners as a ground of attack on the economical
conduct of Mr. Hume and on the Poor-law measure
itself. We have in the next article examined the
principle on which the Government have acted iii
issuing Commissions, and shown the advantages de-
rived by the public from them. We have also, we
trust, succeeded in exposing the absurdity of the ob-
jection to the rate of remuneration to the Commis-
sioners and Assistant Commissioners. We may here,
however, observe that the ' Times skilfully suggests a
falsehood, which it must have known to be one.
Thus, it states the emoluments and expenses of these
gentlemen to be about 2,0001. a year ; and then, de-
ducting certain assumed payments, it pretends that
their net emoluments arc some 1,2001. or 1,400/. a
-year. But let the honest gentleman speak for himself :
~ We uselerstand their receipts to be something like the fol-
luwing :—Salary, 7001. ; allowance for expenses of board and
lodging, a guinea a day; salary of a clerk, 1001., though we
believe that some of them take the salary, but do without the
clerk ; charge for a private room, 11. to 21. per week ; expense
of travelling past, though by taking the coach or riding On

horseback they put from three-fourths to four-fifths of this very
heavy charge into their pockets. Without half Joseph's lore of
figures, these items will be found to make (the charge of post-
ing being calculated for the distance which we understand the
Assistant Commissioners usually have to travel) a total of about
or near 2,0001. a year for each ; out -of which, after allowing,
not according to Joseph's cheese-paring fashion, bat in a rea-
sonable manner, for all proper and necessary expenses, each of
the twenty-one Assistant Commissioners must derive emolu-
ments to the very snug amount of from 1,2001. to 1,4001. a
year. Now, what would 'honest' Joe have said if such a remu-
neration had been proposed by a Conservative Ministry ?'
The first trick here is to raise the gross amount of
each Assistant Commissioner's expenses and emolu-
ments to two thousand pounds a-year, by treating such
of the former as are occasional as constant. Thus
the Clerk's salary is, we understand, allowed only
when a Clerk is allowed, which is not the rule, and
only the actual expenses for travelling are paid. It
follows, then, that when the Assistant Commissioners
are stopping at a place, or appear before the Board in
London, these expenses are not admitted. The scale of
allowance is such as the nature of the service requires.
No man would take the onerous post if he were not
allowed his expences in addition to a moderate salary.
We need not say how that would be consumed if it
were subject to inn charges and the casualties of
travelling. If the Times will consult its mercantile
friends in the City, he will be informed that this rate
of remuneration is not unreasonable. They frequently
employ men at a salary not far short of that amount,
with allowances for necessary expenses in addition ;
and we doubt not that they would not refuse to intelli-
gent and active persons of the rank in life to which
these Assistant-Commissioners must belong, and who
must now and then be hustled and " Oasticred" by
the agitations provoked by the Times, or such as the
Times, a remuneration adequate to the duties of their
responsible and invidious office.—Morning Chronicle.
The Tories of the City of London, who rallied in
great force at the Conservative dinner some time ago,
seem by no means disposed to display much alacrity in
support of Mr. Horsley Palmer. A meeting called
by advertisement was held yesterday at the City of
London Tavern, to consider the steps that ought to
be taken to secure that gentleman's election. At one
o'clock, the hour for which the meeting was called,
there were about twenty persons present. When the
Committee entered, and the chair was taken, the
number present was just thirty-one, and at no time
were there more than fifty persons in the room. No won- 1.
der that Mr. Shears, a gentleman who " rejoiced in the
prospect of having even one Representative of the city of
• London whom they might call Conservative," at the
same tire "regretted the room was so thinly occupied."
The days of Toryism are over in the city. The same
gentleman also told them that " Mr. Lyall had with-
drawn to the regret, he would venture to say, of every
Member of that Association ; " but he did not add,
to the great joy of his own family, and the satisfaction
of every man who had any real regard for him. Mr.
Horsley Palmer was recommended to the electors as
a thick and thin Tory, and, to do him justice, he
seemed anxious that three shou:d be no mistake in
that respect. " The great object," said Mr. Palmer
to the meeting, " was to bring before the city of Lon-
don a true and fair registration of that class of electors
who maintained the principle of upholding Church and
gate." In plain English, Mr. Horsley Palmer is one
of those who would maintain all the abuses cf the
Church in order to prevent the reform of any abuses
in the State. In the present day, there are we trust,
many members of the Church who conceive that they ,
better manifest their regard for it by relieving their
Dissenting brethren from an obnoxious impost, than
by maintaining what must be a perpetual source of
irritation between members of different creeds. There
are many sincere members of the Church of England
who also conceive that they better show their regard
for it by removing the impediments to the efficiency of
the Clergy, than by obstinately clinging to the' secu-
larity which alienates so many from the Establishment.
But your Church-and-State Tory has very different
notions as to these matters. We can only say that we
really think Mr. Horsley Palmer has made a very false
estimate of the principles of the City constituency ;
and he will be wise if he take warning from the
ominous meeting of yesterday.—[Morning Chronicle.
It used to be said of Lord Melbourne, that he ne-
ver wrote a letter which did not require another letter
to explain its meaning. The letter of Lord Durham,
which will be found in another column, seems in like
manner to require an interpreter in one or two places.
As his Lordship usually expresses himself with suffi-
cient perspicuity, his somewhat oracular mystery must,
we think, be assumed ; 'but then the motive of his
mystery is also mysterious. It is said he has quar-
relled with the Ministers ; if so, his phrase of " not
wishing to make new institutions, but to preserve and
strengthen the old," may be intended to be what in
fact it is—a severe sarcasm launched at the heads of
tire Whig Cabinet. At any rate, it is a good and pa-
triotic sentiment, and will be cordially acquiesced in
by all sound Conservatives. Then, at whom does he
aim the following sneer ? " Others," he says,
" would annihilate these institutions, for the pur-
pose of forming new ones on fanciful and un-
tried principles." This, we imagine, is intended
for the edification of Messrs. Hume, Roebuck, Grote,
and Co. Let Joseph of Middlesex, to use his own
Elegant phrase, " take his change out of that." Cer-
tainly, looking at these two striking rebukes of the
Ministers and their Radical and Papist cliques, we may
almost claim Lord Durham as one of the Conserva-
tives. There are, indeed, other passages in the letter
not quite so intelligible. But perhaps it is only rea-
sonable to infer from those sentences which are per-
fectly plain, the scope and object of others which are
involved in a more diplomatic diction. Assuming this
mode of interpretation to be correct, the whole address
becomes a model of Conservative wisdom. If, however,
the meaning of the less perspicuous passages be different
from that of the sentences about which there can be
no mistake, we beg Lord Durham to favour us with
a supplementary letter of explanation. Meantime, we
confidently hope that our view is correct, and join
him most cordially in his " wish to rally as large a
portion of the British people as possible around the
existing institutions of the country, the Throne, Lords,
Commons, and the Established Church." Yes, we
repeat, "Let the nation rally round the Throne, Lords,
Commons, and the Established Church. We shall
then discard for ever from power and influence the de-
mocrat who wishes to substitute a republic for our mo-
narchy--the leveller who would abolish the House of
Peers and reduce the representatives of the people to be
the mouthpieces of a mere faction—and the fanatical
and savage horde of Papists, who would destroy every
vestige of the Protestant Reformation, and bind the
minds of free Englishmen in the fetters of a degrading,
brutalizing, and tyrannical superstition.—Times.
With a pleasure emanating not more from personal
feelings than from the advantage which must accrue to
the public from elevating the character of the Press,
and giving adhesion and solidity to its at present dis-
juncted members, and thereby promoting the indepen-
dent exercise of thought amongst that class who exer-
cise the greatest influence on public opinion, we direct
the general attention of our readers to the proceedings
and prospectus of the first general meeting of the
" Newspaper Press Benevolent Association." The
best mode of securing the advancement of correct
opinions amongst society, is to place those who—as
the gentlemen of the public Press—are intrusted to a
great extent with the direction of public sentiment in
a fixed, responsible, and at the same time safe and
secure position, so that they may be less subject to
undue influence, and more freely communicate to the
public that independence of thought and feeling which
operate in themselves ; amid to effect this object no
better means could be devised than the establishment
of the Association to which we refer. Therefore
time public, no less than the gentlemen of the Press, are
interested in the support of an Institution which, by
placing those connected with the Press in a position of
independence and security, affords the best guarantee
for the impartial exercise of that omnipotent engine—
the Press. The movers of this mighty engine are in
Great Britain regarded with less respect than they are
in any country in Europe, even in those where they
I\' vel allowed less freedom of action, and where the opi-
""e2eergitnced are for the most part emanations of
4 < jst or of despotic dictation. This can be
•••
-- • account. /or only by the absence of union amongst
4e4".-.:'(:,
:I.:•teel4nleelees-• a want which the present Association is
:47ii4iia;rifitly calculated to supply. The advantages

to be derived from the Society, independent of its spe-
cific benevolent purpose, are so numerous and obvious,
that it would be endless, as it is unnecessary, to dilate
upon them. It is, we are confident, sufficient to an-
nounce the establishment of such an Institution, to
obtain the general support not only of the Provincial
Press, but of the public at large.—Morn. Advertiser.
The report of the Poor Law Commission has just
been made to Parliament ; and it is one of the best
illustrations of the mountain in labour which has ever
been produced, even by a reformed House of Com-
mons. Without pretending to the spirit of prophecy,
we stated at the very outset that such would be the
case, as it was only intended by the ministers to be a
mock-inquiry. What are the facts ? A motion was
made for a Committee to investigate the principle of
an Act called " The Poor Laws Amendment Act."
This motion was met by the Home Secretary with an
amendment, that the Committee should be appointed
by the Secretary for the Home Department, but that
it should not have power to meddle with the principle
of the Bill, but merely to inquire into its practical ope-
rations and details. This his Lordship carried, and,
by so doing, virtually defeated the object intended ;
for we all know that when persons get involved in the
details of a complicated subject, the great object,
"the principle" is necesssarily lost sight of, and no pos-
sible good can result to the question by getting in-
volved in details which would occupy many years
at the rate of working which this Committee
has adopted, and the principle, if a bad one,
would be doing, perhaps, very serious mischief
all the while. In proof of the slow movement in this
mode of proceeding, and, consequently, of its utter
inutility for any useful purpose, we need only refer to
" the report," from which we find that, out of several
hundred Unions, not more than three have had their
workings investigated by 20 Members of Parliament
in three months ! This is at the rate of six Unions
in a whole session of Parliament, or about 60 in 10
years, or COO in 100 years, so that we suppose we
need hardly go on with the argument to show the
utter fallacy which we at the time warned the public
was intended by the Reform Ministry with respect to
this Malthusian law ; for, should this mode of investi-
gating be continued for the longest period mentioned,
Lord John Russell's sen, if he should ever have the
honour of such a relation, may have become a grand-
father ! and the poor peasantry of England, once their
country's pride, may have become utterly reckless and
wretched before the Parliamentary Commissioners can
have completed their report. As to the details of this
unchristian law, can folly and imposture be carried
further ?—Morning Herald.

Our observations of Monday, on the projected bar-
ter of an Irish Marquisate or an English Barony for
the nomination at the next election of the Member
for an Irish borough, have, we believe not only proved
fatal to that particular transaction, but have essen-
tially damaged the general chances of Whig-Radical
elevations to the Peerege, having produced, as is ra-
tional and riit, au impression in the highest quar-
ter that, whenever such promotions or creations are
suggested, there is corruption and ignominy in the back
~round. We bear of another overture, tending to the
barter of a seat in the House of Lords for elec-
tioneering influence. To how low and despicable a
plight must the party be reduced which is driven to
such shifts? In the latter instance of huxtering
the Peerage the eldest son of a Duke, who inherits,
in viitue of the splendid military achievements of
an ancestor, a princely national domain, was the per-
son to be bought. He was supposed to be impatient
for the Peer) tie, to be destitute of principle, and to be
a tit ally of the present Government. The snpposi-
tions were insults, and as insults were felt and treated.
This negociation, of course, did not proceed far.
The father, however, is said, and we fear truly, to
have been more tractable than the son. He has
consented (under what inducement is yet a secret—
it cannot have been the promise of a Peerage, since
he already occupies the highest rank) to employ his
influence in a certain borough for the ejection of one
of his sons and the introduction of another more
favourably disposed to the present Administration.
The bargain—a corrupt one, no doubt—will fail
however, and fail completely and disgracefully, for the
honest electors of the borough in question will show
by their conduct at the approaching election that they
are not mere chattels to be made the subject of this
injurious and insulting traffic. Recent interviews at
Kensington arc understood to have been sought for
the purpose of obviating the impression which dis-
closures of this nature are calculated to make. 'We
cannot, of course, know the effect of these conferences.
But, as we do know that the facts could not be met by
an explicit denial, we naturally conjecture that the re-
sult of the evasions and palliattons which must neces-
sarily have been resorted to in the circumstances, was
only an increased degree of disgust and contempt.—
Morning Post.