The Sun.
London, England, 1837-04-29 00:00:00

chosen to them ; seeing that this Act and its necessary conse-
quences must tend to break in upon the monopoly and power
which the Protestants of Ireland have hitherto enjoyed, 1 al-
ways knew and felt that it could not be carried into full
operation without causing for a time considerable mortifica-
tion and discontent on the one hand, and a certain degree
of perhaps undue triumph and exultation on the other. I
am ready, therefore, to make every allowance for the feel-
ings under which the Protestants of Ireland are likely to be
labouring at the present moment. Ido not think that those
feelings of opposition originated altogether in interested mo-
tives, or from considerations of the immediate pecuniary loss
to members of their own party in such offices and appoint-
ments. I believe what they most suffer is from the wounded
feelings at the loss of superiority and influence which they
formerly possessed; and therefore it is that I say again I
am ready to make just allowance for any expressions of
exasperation and bitterness which are natural to human
feelings, and which we have a right to expect on such ec-
casions.—(Hear, hear.) With all this disposition to make
all fair allowances, however, I must say that I consider
the manner in which these resolutions have been brought
forward at the meeting in question has been such as
to far exceed all the latitude, all the freedom of observation,
which the circumstances entitled the framers of them to claim.
The parties who have subscribed to these resolutions have
touched upon matters of the highest importance to the State
and to the country with a roughness of handling, a violence of
manner, and a latitude of expression, which I consider quite
unwarrantable. These resolutions, my Lords, draw a picture
from which it would appear that the country was in a state: al-
most bordering on anarchy—that there was no security in it for
life or property ; that the Protestants were in a worse condition
than ever the Catholics were in the worst days of the penal
code ; that, in fact, there was no parallel to be found for the
present state of things in the days of Charles I. and the Irish
Massacre, or of the Revolution, when James 11. was master of
Ireland. With respect to any fancied analogies of this kind it
will be impossible for me to enter upon any such discussion, but
if I were inclined to draw a picture of the state of Ireland, I
think I might draw a very different one from that comprised in
these resolutions, but perhaps one quite as near the truth. All I
can at present pretend to do is to go into those points in these
resolutions which really state anything like a charge against
the general government of the empire, or of particular mat-
ters in its administration. The first point of this character is
that condemning the existence in Dublin of a body called
the General Association. With respect to that Association,
and the prudence of establishing it, I have already on a
former occasion expressed my opinion, and from that opinion
I now see no reason to depart. I beg leave to say, however,
that under existing circumstances I do not think it would
be altogether prudent, admitting the inexpediency of that
Association, to exert any active means for its suppression :
and the Noble Duke opposite has himself, if I recollect
rightly, expressed himself to the same effect. However
this may be, I know very well that the Association is not
in itself illegal, although there are some persons ih„the
country who have declared it was so. I must say I have
heard with surprise that a very distinguished member of the
Irish bar has stated as his opinion that this Association is
contrary to the common last of the land. If that be indeed
the case, it appears to ins that the Legislature has been
doing what was very unnecessary in passing Acts, which it
did on former occasions, against the Catholic Association.—
( Hear.) It was very unnecessary, in my opinion, to pass
laws for the abolition of Catholic Associations if this Asso-
ciation is contrary to the law of the land. So far from this,
however, I have always understood it to be the general
notion that neither the Catholic Associations, nor any associa-
tion of this kind, could be met by the common law of this em-
pire. There have been various measures passed, from time to
time, for the repression of seditious meetings. I have never
hesitated to vote for such measures, when I thought them ne-
cessary. Whether it is expedient or not, in general, to resort
to such measures, I will not pretend to argue ; but I do nut
believe that any Minister would ever lend himself to break in
upon the natural liberties of the Constitution with ambitious or
designing views. It certainly has always been a matter of
doubt with me whether such measures ever add power to a
Government for the maintenance of the law; whether, on the
other hand, the clamour and discontents which they give rise to
du not rather tend to weaken than to strengthen the administra-
tion of the Government. With respect to the course pursued
i
towards the Association now in question, I agree and concur n
it, and I think that the meeting at which these resolutions were
adopted had no reason to complain of the Government of
Ireland on that account. There are one or two of the reso-
lutions which so nearly concern the administration of justice
in that country, the well-being of society, and the credit of
the Government, that I cannot refrain from making a few
observations upon them. One of these resolutions states,
" That in the administration of justice the bias of an un-
friendly government is evident, by the setting aside of the fit
and competent gentlemen nominated for the office of High
Sheriff. in the constitutional and legal mode by the Lord
Chancellor and judges of the land, and the arbitrary substitu-
tion of others in their stead, Opposed to be more favourable
to the objects of the democratic party, and More pliant to the
will of the Irish Executive." I beg to say that as to the im-
putation contained in the latter part of this resolution I utterly
and entirely deny it. I deny that the Sheriffs have been en-
listed on account of their supposed democratic predispositions,
or because they were supposed to be pliantly inclined towards
the views of Government. With respect to passing' over
names in the lists presented by the Judges, 1 believe it is no
unusual thing to pass over a whole list in Ireland, where much
more latitude of discretion is required in this matter than in
England. 1 will not go through all the cases which have been
referred to, but will merely state that I have received infor-
mation upon the subject of them which has been perfectly satis-
factory to Me, and which I believe would prove equally sat isfactory
to your Lordships if you were to go through them. The three
persons who have been particularly referred to it became neces-
sary to pass over on account of the death of Baron Smith,
who hid presented them, and the impossibility of obtaining
any traces as to the inquiries upon which he had founded LiS
recen:mcr.tiation. In Louth the Chief Baron departed from
the course which Judges always pursue on these occasions, and
did not a•k the sheriff anythieg on the subject, but made out a
list of his own, which list, on account of its not being found, d
upon local information, was found to be very defective, and it
accordingly became imperative upon the Government to sup-
ply its defects. I again deny that sheriffs have in any case
been selected upon political grounds, or in a manner not sus-
ceptible of the most complete and satisfactory defence. And
now, my Lords, I cannot help thinking that this resolution,
throwing discredit as it does upon the very fount of justice, has
been very hastily adopted, and that some better information
should have been obtained on the subject before it was framed.
But the next resolution goes beyond everything in violent,
rash, intemp7rate, hazardous, and dangerous expressions :
" That the patronage of the Irish Government, and its prero-
gative of mercy, have been abused to the furtherance of
purposes injurious to the peace of the country, the admi-
nistration of its laws, and the stability of British connec-
tion ; that partizans have been placed in office as assist-
ant barristers, as magistrates, as officers in the con-
stabulary and police, whose recommendation in some in-
stances has been their unscrupulous attachment to a faction ;
and that appointments made in this spirit have been subsidiary
to the creation of fictitious votes, and have greatly prejudiced
in public opinion the administration of justice." Now, in the
first place, as to the allegation that the Government of Ire-
land places partizans in office, I put that altogether out of
consideration. This is an accusation to which every Govern-
ment has been equally open, and it has and must ever be
the practice that Government should not put men in high
offices of state whom they suppose to hold political opinions
not in unison with their own. But when this resolution
comes to cast a slur on a gentleman in the execution of his
public duties, accuses him of placing fictitious votes upon the
register, I do say that the framers of this resolution ought to
have some real foundations upon which to rest such a charge
before they venture to bring it forward.—( Cries of " Hear,
hear." With respect to the prerogative of mercy, any alle-
gations against the fairness of, its administration cannot but
excite the strongest feelings of alarm and terror in all who
hear it. Under this feeling Parliament has always been ex-
tremely tender in touching upon this matter, and I must say
that I cannot conceive anything more dangerous to the public
peace and safety than bringing the exercise of the Royal pre-
rogative of mercy under constant discussion, either in this or
the other House of Parliament. If it is really supposed by
any persons that Government has lent itself to administer
this prerogative for the advancement of its own interested
motives, then I say it is the duty of those who hold .such an
opinion to do their utmost to remove that Government from
power. There is no other remedy ; and without this I think
I am entitled to style this a most unjustifiable, rash, and
imprudent resolution.—( Hear, hear, hear.) I know that
many objections have been raised against the manner in
which my Noble Friend the Lord Lieutenant, has pardoned
certain individuals in the course of certain journeys through
the country. lam sure that my Noble Friend is himself per-
suaded that such is not the course which should be generally
pursued in such matters; but at the same time I consider
tat in the peculiar state of the country at the time a bene-
ficial effect might be produced at the moment by such a
proceeding ; and I can assure your Lordship that on none of
these occasions has mercy been extended without the fullest
consideration of the cases of the prisoners. With respect to
the general state of the country, we are led to believe from
these resolutions that it is in a most dreadful state of anarchy,
that life and property are alike unsafe, and that such a
state of things prevails as to call loudly upon your Lordships
and the Government for the interposition of their authority.
Upon this subject I beg your Lordships' attention to the con-
tents of a letter from a gentleman for whom I entertain consi-
derable respect, and who, I believe is held in much regard and
esteem by some
,of your Lordships who belong to the county
in which he is assistant barrister, I mean the county Tipperary.
Every body knows that this is a county in which, if any where
breaches of the law are very apt to prevail, and therefore we
may not unreasonably infer that when things are going on
well here, that an average degree of peace and good order pre-
vails throughout the country.—(The Noble Viscount here read
a letter from Mr. Howley, as we understood the name to be,
but in a manner so indistinct and hurried that not a single
word of it reached the Gallery.) Now, my Lords, this gen-
tleman also sends a letter from the under-sheriff, giving some
gratifying information respecting the execution of writs in that
county, but more particularly those in that most critical
matter, Tithes.—(The, Noble Viscount here read a shorter
communication, which was as inaudible as the last.) Now,
my Lords, I think it will be admitted that these are gen-
tlemen who must know something of the real state of the
country in their particular districts, and unless we are
to suppose that they wilfully sat down to write merely what
would be agreeable to the Government, I am at a loss to con-
ceive how we can discredit their statements, thjit the condition
of the country in the place they write is at present, compara-
tively speaking, very satisfactory. Ido not wish to hold out
too sanguine an expectation on this subject, however, because
I know that periods of the greatest tranquillity are sometimes

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 29, 1837

immediately succeeded by outbreakings of discontent and mis-
rule. I take these statements merely for as far as they go,
and I say that they are a complete answer to this petition and
the resolutions now under your Lordships' notice.--(Hear,
hear.) Amidst one or two general topics, which I sincerely
wish had not been introduced, there is an bservation upon a
point which has sometimes been referred to in this House,
namely, the perjury which the Roman Catholic Members were
supposed to have committed in voting for the Bills which have
been introduced on the subject of the Church of Ireland.
Now, I cannot allow that to be a just charge of accusation
against these Members, because I cannot condemn any of the
Hon. Gentlemen who voted for that measure without at the
same time condemning myself. I, my Lords, have not taken
that oath, but I am bound to its intention the same as if I
had.--(Hear, hear, hear.) My desire is for the maintenance
of the Church, and if I believed that that measure tended to
weaken or endanger that Church, I should be guilty, not of
the crime of perjury, but of a still greater crime, that of ac-
ting against my own principles and feelings.—(Loud cheers.)
Saying this, I cannot by any possibility condemn these gentle-
men, because, if I did, I should be condemning myself also.
Ido not approve of that oath. I wish it had never been in-
troduced into the Act. We all know how it got in ; it was
because we could not get the Bill without it.—( A laugh, and
" Hear, hear.") The opponents of the measure called for
securities before they could be brought to accede to it ; but on
considering the matter, they found that there were no securi-
ties which could be given them ; so they took this oatln'which
they considered as something in the nature of a security. 1
must repeat, however, that I consider that oath to be in itself
highly objectionable. In my opinion Members of Parliament
ought to come to their duties unshackled and unprejudiced
upon any subject whatever; they should come entirely free to
act according to their judgment ; and any such an oath as this
is very much in the nature of that which I object to very
much upon the hustings, namely, pledges, which are equally
contrary to the spirit and wording of the writ, which directs
that persons shall be sent to Parliament with sufficient power
to consent to such measures as may be introduced before Parlia-
ment. Now, I will suppose that such an oath had been adminis-
tered to Parliament before the period of the Reformation—it
would have been argued, doubtless, by the Roman Catholics of
that time that this oath prevented Members voting for the Re-
formation. But Ido not think so. And if I had lived in
those days, and had to take such an an oath, I would still have
voted for the Reformation.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Not to en-
ter into more detail, I must say that there are many more of
these resolutions the tone of which I cannot approve of, and
that I am extremely sorry to see them signed by persons of
any weight and character in the country. Is it possible, my
Lords, that you can ever expect peace or tranquillity in Ire-
land whilst you continue to attack the religion of so large a ma-
jority of its population?—( Hear, hear.) It would be no
light matter to declare war against even a small religious
sect ; how much more serious the undertaking to make war
against the religion of a whole population ?—( Hear.) If .Gen-
tlemen should take it into their heads to persuade persons to
give up the supposed errors of their creed, that was a proceed-
ince. which I could not pretend to prevent; but atthe same time
those entrusted with the safety and councils of the nation
shoUld think a little before they assault with invective the re-
ligion of so large a portion of the population.—( Hear, hear. )
1 have trespassed upon you Lordship's attention with these ob-
servations upon some of these resolutions because, from the
manner in which they have been brought forward, and the
names which are subscribed to them, I considered that they
called for particular obsetvation.—( Cheers. )
The Earl of RODEN said that the Noble Viscount bad
read the requisition signed by the Peers who called the meet-
ing. The words contained in that rcquision were most con-
stitutional in their nature, and most defined in their charac-
ter ; that the single purpose of calling that meeting was that
they might approach that and the other House of Parliament,
and bring before them those grievances under which they had
suffered. The protest referred to by the Noble Viscount ap-
peared in Dublin for the first time on the morning of the meet-
ing, and was signed certainly by some most respectable Peers,
and by some other individuals of the highest respectability.
For some of those Peers he entertained the greatest respect,
for many of them the greatest regard, but he must beg leave
to say that they took a little too much upon themselves when
they put their names to that document. What was the lan-
guage of this protest ? The protest objected to the meeting-
calling itself exclusively a meeting of the Protestants of Ire-
land. So far it might he correct. But when they stated
that the object and intention of those eight Peers who
signed the requisition was for a particular purpose, he
bogged leave to say that they bad right whatever to
state what the intentions of other individuals were, unless
they had grounds of knowing what those intentions were.—
( Hear, hear.) When he saw the names of the Duke of De-
vonshire, the Duke of Leinster, and of many other noblemen
who signed that protest, he was satisfied that many of them
were acquainted e ith the circumstances of the country, but
many of them put their names to the document as members of
a party.--( Hear, hear.) It was totally impossible for them,
from their absence from the country, to be acquainted with the
real state of the country, and whether there was tranquillity or
not. The noble individuals who signed the protest stated
that they believed that the measures which it was the object of
the meeting to frustrate were necessary for the promotion of
the national interests. That might be so or not. But those
Noble Lords stated that they believed that tite meeting was
calculated to interrupt the tranquillity of Ireland, and this
tranquillity the Noble Viscount referred to. It was with asto-
nishment that he heard a Minister of the Crown, who ought to
be acquainted with the real situation of his Majesty's subjects
in Ireland—it- was-with astonishment that he heard the Noble
Viscount re-echo this language about the state of tranquillity
of ,Irelaud. lie thought that some of the Noble Lords who
signed the protest must hove been dreaming of the tranquillity
of Devonshire-house, or of their comfortable residences in
Yorkshire.--( A laugh.) They could never have known
the situation in e blob the Protestant clergymen of Ireland
ware placed at this moment.—(Hear, hear.) The tran-
quillity of death it was that reigned in Ireland. It was this
tranquillity ; and be would prove it by a reference to the
documents presented by the Government itself—by the
proclamations of the Lord-Lieutenant for the last twelve
months ; and then lie would ask whether it was a token of tran-
quillity when he informed their Lordship, that for the last
twelve months there had been 290 proclamations in the Go-
vernment Gazette ; and of these 71 were for actual murder.—
( Hear, hear. ) But let their Lordships remark how this tran-
quillity had increased. From the 7th of February to the 23d
—being only sixteen days—the proclamations for actual mur-
der had been 11.— ( Hear, hear.) Where, then, was the tran-
quillity referred to by the Noble Viseount ?—( Cheers.) He
could refer to other instances to show what grounds there were
for speaking of this tranquillity. He would trouble their
Lordships with an application from the Rev. Francis Killaire,
of Waterford, to the Asylum Fire and Life Insurance Office
in Dublin, who, in answer to the application, said that they
were willing to effect an insurance on his life, but They must
except in the policy, cases of death from popular violence or
assassination—exceptions which were now always introduced
into policies upon the lives of Protestant clergymen in Ire-
land.--( Hear, hear.) The folio sing was a letter that was re-
ceived in answer to a similar application :
" Albion Life Insurance Office, Dublin, March 3, 1837.
" Dear Sir—ln reference to the insurance proposed by you
to the Albion Company, on your own life, and submitted to
the Directors in London, the 28th ult., I regret to acquaint
you that, under the present aspect and state of some parts of
Ireland, the Directors very reluctantly decline your proposi-
tion. Inclosed, therefore, I beg to hand you a Bank of Ire.
land post-bill for 28/. 17s. 6d., being the amount left with me
in the event of the Directors accepting the insurance on your
life, the receipt of which please acknowledge. .
" I am, dear Sir, your obedient servant,
" Rev. Wm. T. Homan." " JOHN H. JAMES.
These examples went t 6 show, at all events, how ill founded
was the declaration of the Noble Viscount. Those of their
Lordships' House who were in the habit of knowing any thing
of the proceedings of what was called the National Association
of Ireland would remember that, on the first announcement of
this legal and Constitutional meeting, the National Associa-
tion, or whatever it was called, met, and entered into certain
resolutions, feeling indignant that Protestants should presume
to call a meeting for the purposes set forth. On that day one
of the Members of the Association moved that a Committee
should be appointed for the purpose of taking means to pre-
vent this Protestant meeting.—( Hear, hear.) And what were
the means proposed ? That one hundred thousand men
should be marched into Dublin to overawe their proceedings.
These men in buckram, however, had never appeared. But
it was also stated by a Learned Gentleman, a Member of the
Association, and one whom the Association acknowledged to
be their owner—for he remembered that when an individual
resisted an attempt on the part of that Learned Gentleman to
put him down, some person in the meeting called out, " Is it
not your own Association, Mr. O'Connell ?"—that Learned
Gentleman, referring to another-Protestant meeting that had
been held in the county of Down, stated that if that (the late
meeting) should have the effect which the Protestant meeting
at Down had had—namely, the effect of producing a change
in the administration of the country—the consequence must
and should be a bloody and brutal rebellion in Ireland. Such
was the language used. 'lt was like telling a crowd not by any
means to nail the unfortunate victim's ears to4he pump.—(A
laugh.) The people were warned, indeed, not to raise a rebel-
lion, but they were told to be ready in case of such a circum-
stance by the great mover and director of his Majesty's Ad-
ministration.—( Hear, hear.) There were other proofs of the
tranquil state of Ireland. When their Lordships found such
expressions as he should read made use of openly, anct,avowed
at a meeting in Dublin, it was a proof, indeed, of the tran-
quillity of the country.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The lan-
guage was used at a meeting at Carlow, at a dinner given
there. The Noble Lord then read the following pas-
sage :—" Men of Carlow, are you ready ?—( Ay, ay.) lam the
last man to recommend the shedding of one drop of blood ; but
we have tried every means of attaining our just rights, and
they have failed. We have no course left us now but that
which I have hitherto always deprecated—the shedding of
blood. Blood must be shed.—(Uproar, and Hurrah.) My
reason for now saying that blood must be shed is to prevent
the shedding of blood, for if your enemies again get into
power they will shed your blood." He was anxious to ascer-
tain, when he found this language denied, who were the per-
sons that attended the dinner. He found that the following
persons were present :—The stipendiary Magistrate, Captain
Vignolles, Lieut. Torrens, of the Fusileers, and the Chief
Commissioner of Police. He begged to ask if Captain Vig-
nolles had made any statement to his Majesty's Government
with respect to the words used at the dinner ?—( Hear, hear.)
If Capt. Vignolles were present and heard there seditious.
words, which were calculated to raise his Majesty's subjects
into rebellion, and did not make any mention of them or re-
port them to the Government, he was totally unfit for the re-
sponsible station he filled, and ought -at once to be 'dismiised.
—(Hear, hear.) He would call their Lordships' attention to
another paragraph, which appeared the other day in a paper
well known to belong to the party of which the Noble Vie.

count was the head, and he would only ask the Noble
Viscount had the Attorney-General for Ireland been
directed to prosecute the individual who had been
guilty of putting such words upon record ? The words
were these :—" The day that would give a Tory Mi-
nistry to the empire would summons a million of Irishmen
to arms. There would be a fearful rising—a simultaneous
outbreak—a terrible struggle. A rebellion in one county in
Ireland cost England eighteen thousand men, and twelve mil-
lions of additional debt. A prmdial disturbance in another
took six months in harassing service to 35,000 men before it
was even partially suppressed. What would it cost were all
Ireland in arms ? A people with nothing to lose, and every-
thing to hope—once committed to a conflict—our natural ad-
vantages of position—every valley a ravine—every hill a for-
tress—every fence a bastion—a hardy people, and the ap-
proaching season when they could bivouac in the fields—all
the smelly military and police stations absorbed by the popu-
lation—union—the courage of right and of despair animating
us within, and the sympathies of the world without. Let
England pause before she will let loose Toryism in Ireland
with this its inevitable result, for, whatever may be the result of
such a struggle, England would come out of it, even at the best,
a third-rate nation !" He need hardly call for any other proof
of this boasted tranquillity than the complete dead letter in
which the law lay with respect to the recovery of property by
Protestant clergymen.—(Hear.) Some cases connected with
the administration of justice, to which he would refer, would
afford an additional proof of the security of life and property,
of the efficacy of the law, and of the manifestation of tran-
quillity. The Noble Earl here referred to several cases, in
which, he said, notwithstanding the clearest evidence of guilt,
the criminals were acquitted in consequence of a preponde-
rance of Roman Catholics on the juries. They had beard
that those assembled at the meeting in Dublin, who had
agreed to those resolutions, and signed the petition, the great
majority of whom resided in Ireland—they had heard, it said,
and that by a Minister of the Crown, that they were a miser-
able monopolising minority. He would ask, was such lan-
guagelbecoming in a Minister of the Crown when he spoke of
as respectable, as loyal, as important a part of the community,
as any in the British dominions ?—( Loud cheers.) He would
say this, that if such language were used, it neither proved the
great sagacity, nor the great temper, nor the great judgment of
the individual who had used it.---(Loud cheers.) That they
were a minority he confessed, but not in the sense in which
that term had been applied in another place. if they were
miserable, he was forced to confess that their misery arose
from their loyalty.—(Loud cheers.) It was stated that the
Protestant meeting was an exclusive one. That it was im-
possible for them otherwise to express their opinions ex-
perience already proved. A meeting was held some time
since in the Coburg-garden in Dublin. At that meeting the
Protestant citizens of Dublin, the loyal Protestant gentlemen,
attended, for the purpose of delivering their opinions against
the resolutions about to be brought forward, and the proposal
made with respect to the conduct of the Hon. and Learned
Member for the University of Dublin.—( Hear, hear.) What
was the consequence? A most violent assault was made upon
them. At the head of the persons who committed the assault
there was a person of the name of Reynolds. He was tried,
and found guilty of an aggravated assault and of a riot, and
was sentenced to nine months' imprisonment, and also to pay a
fine to the King. But what was the result? After one
month's confinement Mr. Reynolds was liberated without
any reference to the judges who tried him. Was such a
proceeding as this calculated to produce respect for the
law or for the administrators of the law ? He begged to
call attention to a letter that had been written to him by a
gentleman who described himself as a Conservative Whig, and
who had been at one time an active supporter of the Noble
Viscount's Administration ---[His Lordship then read the
letter]. Mr. Thomas Reynolds was a leader, and the na-
ture and efficacy of his guidance in the field of battle formed
one of the principal subjects for the consideration of the
jury on the trial. That trial was had before a jury whose re-
spectability none has affected to doubt, except so far as dis-
qualification for discharging the duty of a juror may be inferred
from the fact of being Protestant 1 The jury certainly
have been disparaged in that respect by their creed ; for it
is said, triumphantly, that the majority were Protestant. It
is not, however, alleged that any of them was Orange, or
marked as party men. Such as they were, however, they
found Mr. Reynolds guilty, after a very long and patient
investigation of the case by the court and jury, and after the
ablest defence which very able counsel—Catholic counsel, too
—court make for the patriotic culprit. The verdict met with
the fu'l approbation of the two presiding judges—one the
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, the other a very learned,
very discriminating, and most merciful judge, Baron Smith.
Their sense of the verdict, and their estimate of the quality
of the offence, is, perhaps, best ascertained by the sentence
they pronounced—an imprisonment for nine months—greatly
aggravated, probably, in the opinion of the convict, by also
binding him to give security to keep the peace. Mr. Reynolds
was committed to prison in execution of this sentence. As
a matter of course in Ireland at present, the liberal press im-
puted the conviction to the jury—the Protestant jury !—as if
they were men utterly unfit, in their opinion, to sit in judgment
on the trial of a Liberal Reformer, even under the direction
of judges to instruct and charge them in matters of law,
though the riot arose from a Catholic populace sitting to
try—no, not to try, but after condemnation without trial—
to pronounce sentence on a privy councillor and a legislator,
absent, unheard, and undefended I It was also matter of
popular complaint that the judge had misconducted himself
in his charge, and that both his judges had been guilty of
injustice, by pronouncing a sentence unwarranted in its
sea erity by the facts, even if the verdict of guilty were not it-
self an unjust one. He would now make an observation or tiro
respecting the National Association in Ireland, which had
been adverted to by the Noble Viscount. The complaint
made by himself and friends was that persons had been se-
lected for official and highly responsible situations from the
National Association, who had been engaged in a way that
was detrimental to the interests of the nation, and who had
been parties to the passing of resolutions subversive of the
Protestant religion—resolutions which declared that nothing
but the voluntary principle would satisfy them. The,appoint-
ment of those individuals was complained of on that ground,
and not because they professed the Roman Catholic religion.
He had the pleasure of being acquainted with many Roman
Catholics, for whom he entertained very great respect. He
certainly did most cordially abhor and detest the doctrines of
the Church of Rome ; he believed them, as he he had sworn
he did when he first took his scat in their Lordships'
House, to be idolatrous and superstitious ; but he nevertheless
entertained the greatest respect for the persons professing
them, and he was anxious to promote the interests of those
persons, conceiving that their religion ought to make no dif-
ference in that respect.—( Hear, hear.) He rebutted thee the
observations of the Noble Viscount, and would say that he
did not participate in the statements on which the Noble
Viscount had animadverted. He must say, also, that he was
not influenced by party feeling. It made no difference to
him who sat on this or that side of the House. He would de-
rive no advantage from any particular party being in power:
he had no political ambition to,gratify. He could only be
benefited by the formation of a Conservative Administration,
as every man would be who had property to lose 'and a cha-
racter to maintain. That for which he contended was the
great principle of civil and religious liberty in its true sense ;
he contended for the toleration of the Protestant religion
in Ireland ; he contended foil protection to those poor Ro-
man Catholics who were convinced of the error of their
faith, and were anxious to come over to the Protestant
religion, but who were prevented by the Power exer-
cised over them from obeying the dictates of their con-
science. There existed a party in Ireland which kept that
country in chains, and as long as such a state of things
continued he would vote against the measures which he thought
likely to strengthen that party, and would oppose them by
every means in his power. The Noble Viscount had acknow-
ledged what had been the effect of these measures—he said
they had proved a great discouragement to and had inflicted
a severe blow upon the Protestant religion. That such an ad-
mission had come from a Protestant he much lamented. He
felt that he was bound to stand up against these measures, and
though we lived in degenerate days, when the spirit of " li-
beralism," as it was called, but he- would term it infidelity, had
nearly swamped the land, yet he believed there was still to be
found, not only in their Lordships' House, but in the great mass
of the middle class of society, a spirit of pure Protestantism,
which would spring up and show itself possessed of such
power as would convince Parliament that Protestantism
could not be destroyed. He considered the country to be on
the verge of a great crisis ; he was of opinion that the time was
not far distant when the question to be decided would be, whe-
ther they must respect the Legislative Union or the Act of
1829.—( Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, the Noble Lord
had objected to the protest which he and others had signed.
He admitted that when they spoke of tranquillity they used
the term in its comparative sense, and, taking that view of it,
he must contend that it was used most justifiably. The Noble
Earl, to show that the word as employed in the protest was
not warranted by the facts, had referred to letters dated in
March, and which referred to what took place at the last as-
sizes, which were at a period subsequent to the signing of
the protest; for when he signed this paper he instituted in
his mind a comparison bntween the then state of the country
and what it was in former periods. The Noble Earl found
fault with the practice of the Government with respect to the
selection of juries, but in doing so he misrepresented the
facts. He said ' the Crown had given up the. practice of
setting by jurors, but he should have gone further : lie
should have said that they had abandoned the practice of
setting by jurors on account of their religion.—(Hear.)
There was a material difference between the two statements.
The Noble Earl had also referred to certain trials, in which
he stated that - the men were acquitted, though they
were proved to be guilty. He must remark, that when a man
had been acquitted by a trial by jury, it was a strong assertion
to say that he was guilty. Formerly men were put aside be-
cause they were Roman Catholics, and the consequence was,
that the people had not what it was most essential that they
should have-,-confidence in the juries. But the Noble Earl
said that the consequence of the present system was, that men
came to be tried by those who were accomplices. In making
this charge instances ought to have been quoted. It did so
happen that in one case which had been alluded to elsewhere
an accomplice was on the jury. The mats had been convicted
three years before of a riot. But if they were disposed to
carry out the principle that every man who bad been convicted
of a riot, whether before magistrates summarily, or before
them at quarter sessions, was thereby disqualified to act
either as judge or juror, he would ask them did they con-
template carrying it into their own House ? (Cries of
" Hear, hear.") With reference to the liberation of Mr.
Reynolds, why was not that mentioned last year when his
Noble Friend, the Viceroy of Ireland, was in his place for
the purpose of meeting any ease that might be brought against
his Government ? The fact in this instance was, that the Lord
Lieutenant applied to the judge for his notes of the trial, and
having laid them before the law officers of the Crown, they re-

ported that the conviction was contrary to law.—( Hear.) Tl.e
Noble Earl complained that this protest imputed motives to
those by whom the resolutions were passed at the Dublin meet-
ing. The resolutions were signed by eight Peers of Parlia-
ment, at the head of whom was the Noble Lord. He called
the Noble Lord the head, because he looked on him as the
chief mover in all these proceedings, because he had lately
performed the character of an agitator on that side of the way.
He was, in fact, the great anti- O'Connell agitator.—( Hear,
and a laugh.) What could that meeting have been held for by
those eight Peers? It could not be to petition Parliament, be-
cause in their places they might address Parliament, if they had
any complaints to make ; it could not be to address the Crown,
because they were privileged as Peers to have an audience of
the Crown. What other motive, then, could exist than that which
those who signed the protest thought was the motive of the
meeting ? He recollected that last Session a meeting took place
at which the Noble Earl played the part of the great agitator,
and he knows what took place afterwards. He had seen the
speech made by the Noble Lord in Dublin, and he had
heard how the sentiments in that speech had been received.
They had seen it stated that there were to be a change in
the Government. They had beheld the. northern light which
shoee conspicuously and brilliantly at Glasgow. They had heard
it proclaimed aloud by the party of the Noble Lord, " We
shall triumph, and Protestantism will be in the ascendant
again." That was the note which ran through the country ;
and when the Noble Lords came forward at that time,
it did appear as if some human feeling was operatieg upon
them—it did seem as if they were anxious to push themselves
forward into a good place, when they thought the victory
was nearly achieved. If it had been possible for the Noble
Earl and the Noble Marquis to make out a good case for
their resolutions, it was their duty, as Peers of Parliament,
not to stop there.—(Cheers.) These were the resolutions ;
arid he would say that, to the common apprehension of any
man, they charged the Irish Government, one with at-
tempting seriously to affect the liberties and privileges of
the people, and the other with conniving at treason.—
( Hear, hear.) The words were " seditious organization
which waS connived at by the Irish Government." That
was an opinion 'which ought not to be lightly entertain -d,
and still less ought it to be highly expressed. It went some-
thing beyond legitimate party warfare. It was an allegation
which ought to be made, if not a matter of impeachment, at
least the subject of a motion here and elsewhere.—( Cheers.)
He could not think that either the Noble Marquis or the Noble
Earl was sincere in the imputation ; and if they were not—if
they had used those words without intending that a very pre-
cise construction should be put upon them—he thought there
ought to be some retractation on their part. He would recal
to the minds of Noble Lords what was the course which a
former Government pursued towards the late Lord Fitzwilliam
—what were the sentiments of Lord Castlereagh when the
conduct of Lord Fitzwillinm was under discussion. He said
that " the Noble Earl, in imputing to Ministers the crime of
sheltering the Manchester Magistrates, had shown such dis-
trust of the Government that it would have rendered them
liable to the imputation of weakness to continue him in his
office. It was essential to the due administration of a popu-
lar office, and to the dignity of the Crown, that none of its
servants should hold opinions derogatory to its honour and
character. Lord Fitzwilliam, when he went to the meeting,
at York, virtually resigned his office." Was there any
thing in the conduct of Lord Fitzwilliam at all to be com-
pared with the conduct of the Noble Lords at the Dublin
meeting?—( Hear, hear.) The resolution proposed at York
only prayed for an inquiry into the conduct of the Magis-
trates ; it did not say that they were guilty, still less that the
Ministers of the Crown had been guilty of any misconduct—
( Cheers.) The course pursued by Mr. O'Connell had been
much censured by some of the Noble Lords opposite, but his
Noble Friend on the second bench (the Earl of Donoughmore)
had, he believed, attended a meeting at Tipperary, when a vote
of thanks was carried to Mr. O'Connell. It was said to be the
Noble Lord by whom that vote of thanks was moved ; at all
events, the motion was carried with acclamation.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) He had a great dislike of political associa-
tions. He never did connect himself with any, and though
not much given to prophesying, he would say he thought
he never should. He, however, did not think it becoming in
an Irishman to mention associations with disrespect. What
carried the first free trade in Ireland? What carried the
independence of the Irish Parliament? He would ask, also,
what caused the Catholic Emancipation Bill? He did not
li e political associations, beealse h thought they always be-
tokened a distempered state of society ; but he must also say
that open associations were at all times the least objectionable.
Doubtless their Lordships would recollect what, on the rejec-
tion of certain measures, occurred last year.--( Hear, hear.)
Remembering the feelings which were excited at that time, he
thought there was as much excuse for the founders and mem-
bers of the National Association as ever there was for men con-
nected with any Association that ever was formed. That As-
sociation he did not belong to, but lie must say he was strongly
tempted to belong to it at the close of last session.—( Cheers.)
The reason why he did not, was because lie knew it sometimes
happened that though such bodies set out on sound and good
principles, they had not always wise heads and sound hearts
to direct them, and resolutions were passed which it would be
bad to pass over in silence, and it would be unbecoming and
inconvenient to be at constant variance. He should be sorry
to-see any attempt made by the Government to put the Asso-
ciation down ; that was nut an object to be effected in any
way but one, which was to satisfy the reasonable part of the
nation that there were no grounds' that there were no suffi-
cient reasons, for maintaining it. He was more satisfied that.
his name stood on the protest than if it were attached to
those resolutions which had been so strongly worded, which
were so triumphantly carried at that tumultuous meeting, the
subject of their deliberation, but which were not acted on.
These resolutions were voted on the 24th of January, and here
they were now, on the 28th of April, this being the first time
their Lordships had said one word on the subject.—( Hear,
hear.) The numbers of sonic of the divisions might have
worked some little change in the state of mind in which the
Noble Lords were in Ireland. He would advise the Noble
Lords not again to sign resolutions, unless in their places in
Parliament they were disposed and able to defend them in a
way becoming the grave manner in which they ought to be
passed.
The Earl of DONO ITGHM ORE said he had had certain
misgivings in his mind as to the' quantity of power which
would satisfy the Roman Catholics. Different members of
his family had been the strenuous, the zealous, and the un-
compromising advocates of the Catholics of Ireland; but it
was on the clear and perfect understanding that any poli-
tical power with which they were entrusted would not hie used
to the injury of the Protestant establishment. Now, since the
passing of the Catholic Relief Bill of 1829, all the engage-
ments which were entered into with the Protestant subjects of
Great Britain and Ireland had not been faithfully kept. It was
not necessary for him, at this time of day, to repeat to their
Lordships in what way they had been violated ; but let him
ask their Lordships if they recollected the evidence taken be-
fore the Committees of this House and the other House of
Parliament ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Was it not stated that
the Protestant subjects of Ireland would be secured if tha't
relief measure passed.? He did his utmost to get the Bill
adopted ; he voted for it ; and what was the consequence
of the passing of that Bill of 1829 ? Would they refer for an
answer to the raging war which had been going on in Ire-
land? 'The other day, in Tipperary, a Protestant minister
was starved to death. Were such circumstances to make
no impression on his mind ? He was ready now, and he always
should be, to admit the Catholics to a full participation in all
the blessings of the British Constitution, but at the same
time he was determined to maintain the Protestant Institutions
in Church and State. These were some of the reasons for
which he signed the resolutions ; but another reason was the
attempt to pass the Municipal Corporation Bill, which he
thought would tend to destroy the Protestant religion. For
three years he had done nothing,. because he did not believe
his Majesty's Government would leave the Protestants of
Ireland in the state in which they found themselves. With
respect to the statements of the Noble Viscount respecting the
tranquillity of Ireland, it was evident that they proceeded
from misinformation. From the accounts in his (Lord D.'s)
possession, it appeared that in the space of only three years
and a half, no fewer than six hundred and forty-one human
beings had in that country been deprived of life. He asked
if, under such circumstances, the country was in such a state
as to justify the Lord Lieutenant in liberating from gaol in
that country ninety-six persons ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) He
trusted that he was no enemy to the extension o f
mercy in any quarter to which mercy ought to be ex-
tended ; but, recollecting the difficulty of getting evidence
and obtaining convictions, what must be the consequence of the
Lord-Lieutenant's coming the day after and letting out of
prison almost all who had been-convicted ? Was such a cout se
as that calculated to assist the local magistrate in securing
peace. No other feeling but that the Judges were tyrannical
and the Juries in error could justify the Lord Lieutenant in
this kind of wholesale liberation. The Noble Viscount oppo-
site had declared that he was quite sure the Noble Earl at the
head of the Government of Ireland would not have interposed
so freely with the Royal prerogative without the fullest pre-
vious consideration. Now, what was the extent of that con-
sideration ? One morning his Excellency goes to the gaol
of Clonmel, and, without any communication with a single
county gentleman, discarges fifty-seven persons. And that
was called the fullest previous consideration.—( Hear, hear,
hear.) After a while his Lordship sent to the Governor of
the gaol to order their discharge ; when the answer to this
superfluous requisition was, that they had been already dis-
charged many hours before. Among the prisoners who were
thus let out, were two men of the names of James and
Thomas Milbourne, whose crime was shooting at with intent to
murder, Thomas Cleary and son. Without any previous in.
quiry these men were liberated from prison. Another person,
of the name of Bryan, had been convicted of a most grievous
and wanton assault, amounting almost to a deprivation of life.
He had been ordered to be imprisoned twelve months, and to
find securities for his good behaviour for five years. What
followed ? That on the 22d of January this man was
turned out of gaol without giving any security whatever.
Now the course thus pursued was most detrimental to all
good government. It was most painful to him (Lord Do-
noughmore) to make these statements. He had been
charged with a want of consistency in politics. The charge
was unfounded. He (Lord Donoughmore)had been charged
with proposing a vote of thanks to Mr. O'Connell, in the
county of Tipperary. He had done so, and he felt perfectly
justified in having done so. After the Reform Bill had been
thrown out in the House of Lords it had been thought neces-
sary to get up petitions on that subject in Ireland. For his
conduct on that occasion he had proposed a vote of thanks to
Mr. O'Connell; and if that Hon. and Learned Gentleman's
conduct had been as praiseworthy down to the present day, he
(Lord Donoughmore) should have been happy to repeat the
proposition. _
The Earl of GLENGALL wished the Roman Catholic
Peers of Ireland would take pattern by the Roman Catholic
Peers of England. The Protestants of Ireland had been
called " a miserable monopolizing minority." Undoubtedly

they were the great monopolizers of the land. In Tipperary'
there were 550.000 acres, cf which not more than 30,000 be-
longed to the Roman Catholics. In Galway the proporti
proportion in the possession of Catholics was much grTiteled
of land in the possession of Protestants compared with
rester.
-
Surely the Protestants possessing this property
tthe
t oh
e Nobleprotection.
v
scolunn t Howley,.ro
hose,cver, t
m
assistant-barrister of Tipperary. It seemed,
orderhad retoadshaolNevathere
ftrroamriquAillrli..twyeOfe
earned.
the charge of Judge Foster at Clonmel, that that
Judge totally differed upon the subject :from Mr. J-I?,se,d._
ley. In the last year more murders were committee l
ts
Tipperary than had been committed during several year*
before. In the last five years there bad been 9`28
commitments for murders in Tipperary ; in the lasts
three years the number had been 573. During the
last year 1,567 persons had been committed to gaol in
L
the county of Tipperary. After referring to a circular letter
addressed by Mr. ‘Drummond to the governors of the ale'
rent gaols in Ireland, desiring information with respect to the
character and conduct, the state of health, &c., of the pri-
soners, and whom he would recommend for libereion,
m tha
Noble Earl proceeded to show the evil results of such is
taken lenity. Several of the Tipperary magistrates bad bard
eett
murdered, and others had been fired at. It was really
I upon the magistrates if, after having faithfully discharged the
painful part of their duty in committing prisoners, they vnre
not allowed to partake in the grace of extending clement:Vs
The petition did not impute the liberation of these criminals:
any political feelings on the part of the Lord-Lieutenant ;
but it was undoubtedly the case that many liberations had
taken place which were wholly unjustified by the eircemstances
of the case. [The Noble Earl here described several instances
of the kind.] In the nomination of sheriffs the most efficient
persons had been passed over, and others appointed.—(Hear,
h
hear, hear.) It was well known that a Member of the
National Association had been appointed an assistant bar-
rister fur the county of Longford. He must say that the
system of appointing partisan assistant barristers, such
as Mr. Tighe—( Hear, hear)—was calculated to defeat the
ends of justice. That gentleman, when adverting to the
names of certain electors, said the House of Commons had
no right on earth to strike electors off the list. Mr. Hudson,
another assistant barrister, and two others well known, bad
acted on a similar way—had replaced on the registry names
rejected by the Carlow Election Committee, and one of those
very names had been struck off that day by the Committee
now sitting, and the rest probably would be treated in the
same way. Now it ought to be remembered that dad assistant'
barristers were bound by their oaths to administer the law
faithfully and impartially, yet some of them were members of
the General Association, consequently bound by another
pledge to obstruct the law relative to the collection of Tithes.
Their Lordships also would recollect that a Bill was brought
in last year for placing the constabulary force in Ireland or, a
new footing; and he had been told by Members of both
Houses that it was distinctly understood during the discussion
on the Bill that the officers who had served in the former
constabulary force should have the preference in the new ap-
pointments. Colonel Shaw Kennedy had been placed at
the head of the new constabulary body—that appointment met
with unanimous approbation, and might be said to have
been adopted by acclamation in both Houses. Now, whit
was the course which was pursued when the new Act
came into operation ? Twenty-three new officers were
appointed at an expense to the county of 12,0001. a year, and
that, too, at a time when, according to the representation of
his Majesty's Ministers, the country was in a state of tranquil-
lity. He doubted the tranquillity of the country, and though
an increased force might be required, he did not think to that
extent ; but certainly he must regret the appointment of Mr-
Lawrence Crewe Smith to the office of stipendiary Magistrates
who was a member of the Association, and who must necessa-
rily, on that account, obstruct justice in the execution of the
law. With regard to sub-inspectors, twenty-five had been al"
pointed, and seven of these had never been in the police be'
fore, and there were also 150 who had been in the
old police, and were left without appointments. Thene were
eighteen paymasters, only two of whom had been in the Falk*
before. An Act was passed last Session for appointing
certain number of Crown solicitors with a salary of 2001. *
year, and four of these gentlemen were members of the, Asse-
ciation. These were the Crown solicitors for Tipperary, We
meath, and Sligo (another county was mentioned by the ,roble
Earl, but we did not catch the name). These gentlemen haa,
important business at the Quarter Sessions. A vast numb
of tithe cases were decided at these Sessions, and the Cro
solicitors were bound by their oath to carry the law ittt°
effect, while, by their connection with the Association, thtl
were pledged to a contrary course. He Might mention an iii.;l‘
stance to show how the law was administered. Much IA",
been said about the system of appointing pacificators,
an
great stress had been laid on that by a Noble Lord opposite,
Now, be believed most of these pacificators were dram-sellers
and shopkeepers in towns ; he believed, at least as far as re--*
garded Tipperary, all the bona fide Roman Catholic gentrl
had invariably kept aloof from every Association of that sort-
In Tipperary there were no Orangemen ; but certain partieor
to suit their purposes, made all Protestants Orangemen. Tb,e
Nob!c Earl concluded by sayinr, that he would not trolllo.
their Lordships further, and thanked them for the attenfjolt
with which they had listened to his remarks.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had declined to sign the ,
protest, though he concurred entirely in the sentiment§
whch it contained. He concurred in the sentiments Watts!
ihe thought it was proper to call the Protestants of Ireland
to a sense of the impropriety of their conduct, and divell
them from a course so inconsistent with• their former coll."
duct, and so dangerous to the peace of the country.—( Heel.
hear ) He could not help remarking the inconsistency °1-
the Noble Earl who spoke last but one; that Noble Earl sal%
the resolutions met with his entire concurrence ; and whY!
leeceuse he had apprehensions that a Bill would be brough''_
into Parliament by his Majesty's Ministers for reforming Of
Municipal Corporations of Ireland; and in the same slice°.
the Noble Earl told the House that he had supported the
.11,°'
man Catholic Emancipation Bill in the full desire that his Ma'
jcsty's Roman Catholic subjects might enjoy all the privilege° v
of his other subjects—no, not all the privileges—he knew privilege}
could nut enjoy all the privileges—he knew that witho
a reform in the Municipal Corporations they could not ell
them ; and notwithstanding that, he tells the House thsa
he quarrelled, with a Bill which was to be introduced, a°
charged the Government with all mariner of offences, even Wit,.ls
treasonable practices, because he apprehended his Majcs,tl
Ministers were about to introduce a Bill for Corporation I'4:
form, by which they might carry out those very principles e;
which he supported Catholic emancipation.—( Loud cheers:tit,
The petition had been got up because Noble Lords oppose.'
considered their lives and property insecure, and they IT,
no hope but in the House of Lords. Why the petition did
agreed to three months ago, and yet the Noble Marquis "14
notwithstanding
not think it worth while, all the alarm 111 b
anxiety under which he laboured, he did not think it to
while to come to the House the first day of the Session
apply for relief, but had for three months allowed the
and property of his Majesty's subjects to remain in insectirli
—(Cheers.) However, after two months had elapsed fr°o
the commencement of the Session, the Noble Marquis gsed,
notice of a motion, and moved that the House be surneaoato
Well, he was anxious to see what was the object of the 14°0
Marquis's motion ; but the Noble Marquis did not present 4
petition—no, he postponed his motion, and left to the lee of
of the Catholics the lives and property of the Protestaetsere
Ireland for two weeks longer. And as to the powers to be ell)/
cised by their Lordships, the Noble Marquis seemed tolait
indifferent on that point ; for after 'having allowed the le° 40
to hang over so long, when he does bring it on, he el le,
the Lord Lieutenant with something likd treasonable used
and when he is asked if he bad any motion to propose,
answer was no, he had not even a notice of motion te g
of
--(Loud cheers.) Yet he had allowed persons to trulelloo.
statements trom newspapers in any quarter, which the.best
vernment had no means of contradicting; and wbe.te
statements are embodied in the petition, the Noble lvia.r3,ei
moved that the petition be read, and he read actor table
himself, and concludes by moving that it do lie on the 115,.,
_(Cheers and laughter)—and was that all the Noble ;jai
quis and the Noble Lords who 'signed the petition ietloetl,
to do for the purpose of quelling disturbances in Ire to?
and enabling the landed proprietors to collect their re de'
But Noble Lords opposite had gone into some minuet de'
tails; they had adduced some trifling cases, which thelera
C
flounced as irregular and contrary to Constitutional 0° fact*
ment, but they had not given any general data, or arl had
to which his Majesty's Ministers could reply. True thejae
impugned the general government of Ireland, "5 re
ought to be remembered that they impugned it onlYBopee,
garded the exercise of two constitutional functions-e-ti'ductel
rogativo of mercy exercised by the Crown, and the coughs hi
jurymen—( Hear, hear)—and these charges were br toe
persons who arrogated to themselves the name of C°olltesp of
tionalist—who used the word Constitution at every
_OOO
their proceedings ; the word was constantly in their le ee.,
as if it were their peculiar property.—( Hear, bea%tiolleo
Now he would tell them that he regarded the Const.t-bst
highly as they did, and could inform them also that "effe"':,
Lord-Lieutenant did, he did after due consideration.--2ade te
hear.) He would state the result of the applicationsl;oo.;
the Lord-Lieutenant for remission of punishments. fr`00,?.,,
return which he held in his hand, it appeared tha,to oenllTo
12th of May. 1835, to the 31st of March, 1837, tuouigrio
lof cases reported unfavourably and favourably to Lord with be
were as follow :—There were reported unfavourably'.e to i''„
reference to the judges, 588 cases, and after referece_urted!:;
judges, 546, making altogether 1,134 ; of cases r re., 95,
vourably there were 259 ; after reference to the inuge toads'
'after reference to the magistrates, 77 ; on refereeforel,
medical officers, 108; and 108, 162, and 285, on reel, nisKi
riso
tion respectively from the solicitor of the revenue, roallao
trates anti inspectors, and the governors of pn' therelit"s/
with some other cases altogether 2,338. He ,WasboOs 7/
entitled to ask if the Lord-Lieutenant had :wee",
want of consideration after the cases he had ad 01311/00
O
( Hear.) But other matters had been introduced, f thellotO
had been made on the exercise of the prerogative
not e pi
respecting the appointment of sheriffs. He woulu_ Night to
all the cases adverted to, but he was prepared it:a 110'sjje
fact, and it was undoubtedly fortunate that he " acte hiniet;
confute one of the most prominent statements isithe aPY'e
Noble Lord who spoke last. That referred to Noble der
ment of a sheriff for the county of Louth. The i':ls
said the Lord Lieutenant had been guilty of 00" i, 0000
ence and undue exercise of the Royal prerogati!,e_owiuKA
pointment. He happened to have the means of reien67,lll!
really did occur. Three gentlemen were ree
meat'
the Chief Baron. The first was Mr Fortescue, 11.0,
ilw
ye
cation being made to him he declined the appoint
bet d,
Noble Earl imputed blame. say t
The Earl of G LENG ALL was understood to
_table ,
Earl always believed Mr. Fortescuo to be a most reaPe"
vidual.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—The noble 0° 00?
mitted he was most respectable, and there be gfe
imputed in that instance. The next gentleman "