The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-12 00:00:00

HEYWOOD.

(Abridged from the Manchester Guardian of Wednesday.)
About August last one of the so-called operative Con-
servative Associations was formed in this flourishing manu-
facturing village, which, for the information of our distant
readers we may state is about eight miles north of Man-
chester, and is equi-distant three miles from Rochdale,
Bury and Middleton. So long as this little club—origi-
nated, we believe, by the Rochdale Tories—remained quiet
and kept its doings secret, it was unnoticed, or laughed at
by the inhabitants ; but a short time ago the walls of the
town were placarded with bills printed in blue letters, set-
ting forth that the Operative Conservatives would have a
grand dinner on Monday the 9th instant ; James Fenton,
Esq., of Rochdale, in the Chair. This awakened the spirit
of the inhabitants generally, and they speedily determined
to have a reform dinner on the same day, and invited John
Fenton, Esq., late the member for Rochdale (and brother
to the gentleman fixed upon by the Tories for their Chair-
man) to preside on the occasion. Stimulated by this sort
of emulation, great was the exertion made by both parties
to make a muster which should show their strength in the
place ; and we believe that both sides determined to have a
procession through the streets. Bands of music, ribbons of
the opposite colours, light blue and crimson, flags, banners,
&c., were had in requisition, and preparations were made
for giving the greatest eclat to the proceedings.
Monday last, the day of the dinners, was a general holi-
day in the village ; the streets were thronged with men,
women, and children, in their Sunday attire ; and all was
gay. During the day several coaches arrived from Roch-
dale laden with passengers, to the dinners. About 2 o'clock
the reform procession, including the Lodge of the Union
Odd Fellows, and the operatives generally, wearing red
rosettes, formed at the Brunswick Arms Inn, and thence
paraded up and down the village, again and again forming
in the Market Place, precisely opposite the Queen Anne,
where the Tory dinner was to be eaten, their band playing
" Hail, smiling morn," and other airs. But no Tory pro-
cession made its appearance ; not a blue ribbon was to be
seen in the streets, and outwardly there was no appearance
of a single Tory being .in the place. Doubtless this was
the result of a prudence which foresaw that the compa,
rative number the Tories could muster would be so ridi-
culously small, that they would have met with nothing but
derision on what they meant to be a day of triumph.
The building in which the really great Reform Dinner
was held, is one in every way admirably suited to the pur-
pose. It is a large loom-shop, attached to the mill of Mr.
John Hilton Kay, manufacturer, near the centre of the
village. The area of this vast apartment comprises nearly
two thousand square yards ; its dimensions being 54 yards
by 36 yards. In the room provision was made for the con-
venient accommodation of twelve hundred guests, there being
about 200 plates at the large, and about 80 at each of the 13
smaller tables. But the plates were so wide asunder that
many late corners found seats between those who occupied
the assigned number ; and we should think that there
could not have been fewer than from 1,250 to 1,500 per-
sons present at the dinner. At four the procession arrived
at the floor and were admitted, the Rochdale visitors being
seated at the principal table, to the Chairman's left, and
those from Bury at his right hand. About that time Mr.
Richard Shuttleworth, of Rochdale, took the chair, and
baying said grace, upwards of 1,200 knives and forks were
in an instant in rapid action. The cloth was drawn about
six o'clock, and at this time the following gentlemen were
seated near the Chairman :—At his right, Richard Walker,
Esq., M.P. for Bury ; C. J. S. Walker, Esq., of Longford ;
Edmund Grundy, Esq., banker, Bury ; John Brooks, Esq.,
of Ardwick ; Thomas Potter, Esq., of Buile Hill ; Mr.
J. S. Ornerod, of Manchester, &c. On his left were
Richard Potter, Esq., M.P. for Wigan ; John Hilton Kay,
Esq., of Heywood ; Mr. W. Fitton, of Royton ; Mr.
Edward Taylor, manufacturer, Heywood ; Mr. Edmund
Grundy, of Parkhills, near Bury ; Mr. Alfred Grundy, of
Bury, &c. Non nobis Donline having been sung by the
glee singers—
The CHAIRMAN rose and gave " The King," which was
drunk with three times three hearty cheers, that might have
been heard half a mile off. Then followed " The Queen,"
" The Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria," " The
Duke of Sussex, and the rest cf the Royal Family," and
" The People, the only source of legitimate power." In ac-
knowledging the last toast,
Mr. WILLIAM FITTON, of Royton, adverted to the
" Operative Conservative Association" in Heywood, formed
by the very men who, a few years ago, would have trampled
the working classes in the dust, as a striking proof that the
power of that party was on the wane, and, finding them-
selves falling, they called around them for support the same
creatures who awhile ago they had abused as " ragged ras-
cals," and .poken of as " the dirty swinish multitude."--
(Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Fitton then adverted to the
singular position of the United States, with about 50 mil-
lions of dollars in its treasury, as contrasted with the state
of Great Britain with its heavy taxation. He alluded to
the forthcoming election, which would probably occur in
March or April, when it was very likely that a gentleman
in their own neighbourhood (Mr. Fenton) would be a can-
didate for the adjoining borough of Rochdale ; and when
a demonstration by the people of Heywood in his favour
might do much to rescue the representation of Rochdale
from its present degradation. The Tories would doubtless
make a desperate effort in the forthcoming struggle, for to
them it was a mortal one ; and if they could not prevail,
their endeavour would be to prevent their downward course
being a rapid one ; they would clutch at any power that
was left to them, and only let it go inch by inch ; but if
Reformers did not quarrel upon trifling differences, Reform
-was as sure to be as triumphant, and that speedily, as it was
in its nature good. In fact, it could only be retarded by
differences and dissensions amongst the Reformers them-
selves.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN next gave " An extension of the suf-
frage, shortening the duration of Parliaments, and vote by
ballot," which sentiment was responded to at some length
by Mr. James Taylor, of Spotland Bridge. He stated that
(as we understood) in Rochdale household suffrage to uni-
versal suffrage was in the proportion of ten to twelve.
The next toast was, " The Liberal Magistrates of the
county."
THOMAS POTTER, Esq., in returning thanks on behalf of
the body of functionaries included in the toast, said he was
probably the oldest Reformer in the room, and he had at all
times espoused the cause of his humbler brethren of the
working classes. If the freeholders of this division of
the county were only united, he would tell them they could
turn out both the Tories who now misrepresented them in
Parliament.—(Cheers.)
The next toast was " The Liberal Members of both
Houses of Parliament."
RICHARD WALKER, Esq., M.P. for Bury, rose amidst
load cheers, and after acknowledging the toast, said
that the Liberal Members in both Houses certainly
needed encouragement ; and it was to him an ani-
mating sight to behold more than a thousand individuals
assembled in Heywood to celebrate Liberal principles.
The principle of the Reform Act had been agitated for 25
years, and such measures had been thrown out by immense
majorities till the Duke of Wellington fortunately said, the
People should have no reform. And here he would observe
that he thought the observation of Lord Lyndhurst, that
the people of Ireland were aliens in religion, in country, in
language and feelings, would have a similarly fortunate
result. It had been said that Lord Lyndhurst did not use
such words. He (Mr. Walker) heard him use them. He
was at the bar of the House of Lords, by the side of Mr.
O'Connell, at the time, and when they were uttered Mr.
liConnell turned to him and said, Do you hear that ?"
e ea
rt itPtlied,
"(Yes I do hear it ; and I think Paddy will
fortuna,_ Cheers.) But the Duke of Wellington's
effeetetio expression raised the whole country and
form heParliamentary reform. And how had this re-
fitted " used
? The county of Lancaster had
nipro-
county in Ore by
the Reform Bill than any other
England, her representatives being increased
frhiom 14 to 26. What had been the result? Why, that
ts great
.of. it county had not a single vote in the state, thirteen
WhenmFtnbers voting one way and thirteen the other.
formers be Reform Bill passed they brought in two Re-
the tritiscial7 immense majority ; and why not again? Let
Lord Francis on once be roused, and they might be assured
the course Egerton I.egerton and Mr. Wilbraham would walk off
vidual abstract rtl the electors throw aside their own indi-
must result from
tZions, and work together, and great good
that all the battleseir co-operation. It was on Irish ground
On English measuroef reform must be fought in Parliament.
in degree ; but si the Tories differed from Reformers
principle. He was aris..ll questions the difference was of
religion, but most
wuefeihiurchnsan, and not ashamed of his
apY ashamed of the way in which the
church revenues were propriated. He wanted the drones
to have a little less and the bee .
the least doubt that the lisruhis).a little more. He had not
work for less than 15,0001. a y, ISII°P
of Canterbury would
; and he should very much
like to see a curate have bettearr
be thou
Y than 80/. or
(Cheers.) He did not repudiatePa
Parliaments ; he had always voset,ll7 principle of short
the Septennial Act ; but for, the repeal of
Le a much greater public good than gant triennial would
Aa to himself, his constituents had ineestiseer l Parliaments.
which he thought he should best dischargahu? with a trusth
most cordial and uncompromising support to ythgivh7inogyetirnrici
e
should l
meat of Lord Melbourne.—(Cheers.) It was in his
the most liberal government we could have under present
circumstances circumstances ; if we tried to go further, we
fare worse : and he hoped we should never try again toungyo
backward.—(Laughter.) It was necessary that minor
differences should be merged in support of this government,
by Whigs and Radicals, and Reform members of every
shade ; and he trusted they would see that the best
government they could have for the people, was the present.
Ireland was satisfied with the present government, and

that he considered a matter of great importance. Mr.
O'Connell was satisfied with it ; and that too was import-
ant. It was the fashion :in some aristocratic circles to cry
down Mr. O'Connell ; but there he was and would be ;
and whilst the wrongs of Ireland were unredressed, there
he ought to be.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Walker) was always
an advocate of a poor law for Ireland, of what kind he
did not pretend to know ; for with 2,500,000 paupers it
was not eay to find money to support them. He believed
Mr. O'Connell was much of the same opinion ; he was
not against poor laws, but against the introduction of that
kind of poor law which we had in England, which, in the
present anomalous state of Ireland, he agreed with Mr.
O'Connell in thinking not likely to be very efficient. The
only plan he thought would be to administer relief to those
who could not keep themselves, and to trust to the good
feeling of society in Ireland to try to work out an improve-
ment in the labouring classes. The House of Lords had
interposed, he thought most unwisely, in stopping those
reforms which Lord Melbourne's Government had thought
fit to apply to Ireland. He thought the Peers did not
know the position in which they stood. He thought that,
if a good House of Commons were returned, and if the
British lion were thoroughly roused, the Peers would
grumble a little as they did on a previous occasion ; but
they would give way and think themselves very silly people.
He did not like the pressing of abstract questions, which
divided the Reformers, and really placed larger power in
the hands of the Tories.—(Hear.) The next toast was
" The health of Richard Potter, Esq., Member for Wigan."
Mr. POTTER said the present time was one which re-
quired the union of all classes of reformers ; and he was
grieved to see some gentlemen of very considerable talents,
and influence, who, because they could not get all they
wished, were endeavouring to run down the present Mi-
nisters. He was one that regretted that Ministers did not
go further ; but because they did not come up to his mark,
was he to turn round and stop the progress of all reform ?
He regretted their opposition to the ballot, because he
thought it would be a most important concession to the
people, and would stop the undue influence of wealth on
the one hand, and of physical force on the other. It had
been asserted that since the present ministry came into
power, little had been effected ; but they had reduced the
taxes by more than 8,000,0001., and there was now a surplus
revenue of nearly 3,000,000/., which would enable them in
the ensuing session to take off more taxes. He hoped the
cotton tax would be one, and the duty on soap another ;
but there was one tax, which he would have them to petition
against and never rest till it was altered, he meant the bread
tax.—(Cheers.) The battle must be fought in the House
of Commons, and much depended upon the next election.
The next toast was " His Majesty's Ministers," which
was drunk with great cheering.
Mr. WALKER spoke to the toast, expressing his opinion
that the people would attain the end of good government
by retaining in power the present Ministers, who depended
entirely on popular support.
EDMUND GRUNDY, Esq., banker, of Bury, rose to pro-
pose a toast, " John Fenton, Esq."—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. FENTON, who had entered the room about half an
hour after the cloth was drawn, returned thanks. He would
propose as a toast, " The Reformers of Heywood." After
adverting to the Church-rates, which he hoped the men of
Heywood would labour to get abolished, he stated that be
had written to Mr. O'Connell to be present at a dinner in.
Rochdale, but he had not received his reply, owing to his
movements making it uncertain where a letter would find him.
Mr. W. S. BOOTH, Secretary to the Dinner Committee,
returned thanks on behalf of the Reformers of Heywood.
The toast of " Total Abolition of the Church-rates," was
acknowledged by Mr. JOHN BROOKS.
The principal guests departed about ten o'clock, and the
greater portion of the assembly soon afterwards separated ;
some, however, remaining to a later hour.

IRELAND.

TO R. L. SHELL, ESQ., M.P.

SlR,—Your conduct in regard to the poor-law question,
which I had the honour to bring before the General Asso-
ciation', appears to me so equivocal, that I feel myself called
on, in justice to my own consistency and firmness of pur-
pose, to make a few public comments upon it.
Yesterday fortnight you came down to the Association,
in the absence of the hon. and learned mover of the amend-
ment, and told us in poetic phrase, and with a rhetorical
artifice, that you did not come to throw a " wet blanket"
upon the discussion. You did, however, proceed to wet
your blanket as copiously as you could with a plentiful
outpouring of your most liquid notes ; aye, and no scanty
sprinkling of the foam of a grand histrionic passion. For
you did pretend to be angry with the " infatuated Quixot-
ists" who had taken part in the discussion ; the last of the
Quixotists being the Noble Lord whose truly eloquent and
convincing speech you had just heard, but to which you
found it much easier to give a transect than an answer.
You were angry with them for wasting the public time upon
" abstract questions." Good God, Sir, do you call the
question of how best to relieve the bitter distress of
2,300,000 human beings—for as a believer in what you
termed " Mr. Blake's report," that is your estimate—do
you call that an abstraction ? I have heard something of
the poet's eye in a fine frenzy rolling from earth to
heaven ;" but your's must have been very unwontedly fixed
heavenwards only, thus coolly to overlook the contemptible
interests of these poor starvlings of earth ! Men whom you
have yet to establish your right to lecture upon political
wisdom were gravely debating the rights of the poor, when
you break in upon them, and tell them they are but dreamers,
and bid them look after the registries ! Do you mean, Sir,
to degrade the General Association of Ireland into a mere
registry office ? Of what value are the registries but to
enable the people to send honest servants to Parliament ?
And where could they better determine what services they
expect from them than in the rooms of the Association,
where the public sense of the country is gathered ? Will the
honest frize-coats come up to the hustings the less boldly,

if you give them a law that will protect them, at all events
from that utter destitution into which their angry tyrants
have often enough driven them ? Oh ! how long are we
to witness the sickening spectacle—sickening to the heart
of every pure and generous patriot—the spectacle of men
of strong ambition and loose principles, stepping into Par-
liament upon the shoulders of those poor brave fellows, and
kicking them off as they get in !
You talk to us, Sir, of the Tories—you are talkirig of
them eternally—you seem not to be able to expand your-
self to anything rational—the personal and the party theme
seem to be as much as your mind can grasp ; they are, at
least, those you are fondest of playing with. You bid us
look to the Tories, and tell us that the poor-law is just now
the game they are playing. Well, Sir, and suppose it ;
and what then is the soundest and manliest policy by which
to defeat it ? It is to take the game out of their hands—
to make their pretence our purpose. It is you, Sir, and
not I, that are playing into the hands of the Tories. You,
Sir, and thcse that act with you, by contributing only a
" wet blanket" to that great question of questions, upon
which both parties in England are agreed, at one and the
same time, give a clear opening to the Tories to attack us,
and obviously embarrass the Whigs, by obliging them to
defend us. You give a triumph to the one, and throw
scandal on the other.

You talk of us who call for a poor-law embarrassing the
present Government. Why, Sir, it is you yourself are
doing the mischief you so idly attribute to us. This truly
honest and paternal government, not satisfied like you, with
the petty and pettish game of mere party politics, is
pledged to lay the foundation of good government in this
country by a good poor-law. It *must clearly be of use to
them to be sustained in carrying that pledge into effect by
popular opinion ; and yet you, a popular Member of Par-
liament, are seeking to stifle the expression of that opinion ;
and still you call yourself a friend of that Government !
You moved the adjournment of the poor-law question—you
were bound by Parliamentary etiquette to resume it at the
time agreed on ; and now, instead of doing so, you give
notice of a motion to supersede it altogether. You evaded
the question the first time by taking refuge behind the regis-
tries ; we cared as much for the registries as you did, and
we respected that plea. You want to evade it now by
some motion, we know not what, about some continaenti
futuro meeting of half-a-dozen miserable lordlings. Who
but you cares about these lords? 'Without any following
in the country, what are they but so many units at the
wrong side of the ciphers ? If the Association is wise it
will beware of giving them any importance by condescend-
ing to notice them, and regard them and their proceedings
with silent contempt. But how can your prophetic mo-
tion affect them ? Are you in their confidence, and do you
know what they are to resolve upon ? Would there not
be a little common sense in waiting to see what they are
• about ? Could you not fish up in the wide sea of your
poetic fancy any better pretext than this to cover an ob-
viously insidious purpose? But there is another : we are
to have a vote of thanks to the gallant electors of Long-
ford. Sir, you arc mainly indebted to the priests of Long-
ford for that most opportune victory ; and as one of their
order (and I write it proudly), I can tell you they will
cheerfully dispense with your barren vote of thanks, and
would prefer in payment of your gratitude your vote for a

poor-law.
" But, you are not opposed to a poor law." Oh ! no,
not at all ; and yet you have taken a very odd course to
convince us of that. If you are in Avour of it, why don't
you come forward, and shed some fragrance upon the dis-
cussion of it by the flowers of your oratory. Or, if you are
against it, and must have a lord to attack, why don't you
try a lance with Lord Miltown ? There may be some pru-
dence in the course you take certainly, but very little dig-
nity or valour. To tell us this is not the time to discuss
such a question—a question actually impending over us—is
absolutely puerile. I trust the arriere pease is not some-
thing worse than puerile. Can it be your wish, Sir, to keep
the country silent now, that you may draw an argument

from that silence by-and-bye against the measure of the go-
vernment ? You put forward as a bug-bear, to turn us
away from our purpose, half-a-dozen Conservative Lords—
do you mean, by this manoeuvre, virtually to effect a com-
bination of Conservative and Liberal (?) landlords against
an efficient poor law ?
I am very sorry, Sir, to be compelled by a stern sense of
duty to address you in this fashion. I appreciate duly your
talents and services, but am not to be blinded by them. I
would not have presumed to bring this great question be-
fore the General Association, were I not conscious that I
was not likely to be moved from my purpose by any man.
The dignity and gravity of the General Association shall
suffer no outrage in my person with my accord. I shall
insist in the adjourned debate on the resolutions I had the
honour to propose taking precedence of any other, after
the ordinary business is transacted. I shall divide the house
upon it if necessary, and bow only to the clearly expressed
sense of the majority. If there be anything unpleasant in
this proceeding, you, Sir, not I, must bear the blame. If
you arc impatient to vent your " splendid bile" upon those
unfortunate Lords, why not call an early extra-meeting, as
Mr. Grattan suggests, and favour us then with your myste-
rious communication? I do not grudge you your lords and
your lordly motions, since you prefer them. Then, pray,
do not interfere with me in my paltry motion i❑ favour of
the pitiful millions ! . _

I have the honour to be, &c.
THADDIEUS O'MALLEY.
79, Marlborough-street, Jan. 6, 1837.

DUBLIN, JAN. 10.

THE REGISTRIES.—Nothing can be more favourable to
the cause of Reform than the returns of the registries.
The Dublin Evening Post says that Carlow and the
Queen's County will change their representatives at the
next general election—that Cavan will be rescued in part
—that- even Sligo will be shaken, Colonel Perceval, not-
withstanding—and Donegal will get rid of one-half of its
incubus. As to the county of Dublin, there will—there
can—he no contest.

DISTRESS.—The distress under which the• poor are
labouring is excessive, and is confined to no particular
locality, but extends throughout the breadth and length of
Ireland. A considerable portion of the population are
literally dying of want. No less than one hundred and
forty famishing paupers applied for admission to the House
of Industry, Cork, on Wednesday, but were rejected, as
there is no more accommodation in the house, which is
crowded, and the funds are exhausted. In Dublin, as
elsewhere, the prevalent and wide-spreading distress is
dreadful. In such a state of human suffering shall we
suffer sophists to stave off a legal provision for the destitute
poor of Ireland.
THE BATII REFORM MEETING.--The proceedings at the
recent meeting, wherein Colonel Napier and Mr. Roebuck
gave expression to their opinions on the present administra-
tion, and Mr. O'Connell's support of it, are commented
upon with some severity by the Irish journalists. Accord-
ing to them the reason why justice has not yet been done
to Ireland, is to be found in the alleged lukewarmness of
the English constituencies, and that no blame ought to be
attached either to the Government or to Mr. O'Connell
for the small amount of practical benefit received bylreland
at the hands of his Majesty's Ministers.
MEETINGS.—The 24th inst. is the day fixed on for "the
great big" Protestant (Orange) gathering in Dublin. It is
understood that those ardent lovers of truth and free dis-
cussion will exclude the Press—in fact, that the meeting
will be tiled, like any other Orange Lodge. On the pre-
ceding day, however, there will be another meeting in the
British metropolis, where the Press of all shades will be
afforded an opportunity of recording what actually occurs,
not what Conspirators—like the Irish Orangemen—chose
to publish.—Dublin Evening Post.
Mr. O'Connell has accepted the invitation to a public
dinner in the town of Sligo.
PROTESTANT RENT.—At the eleventh hour Randy
Plunkett is making a most piteous appeal to the lieges to
get up a Protestant Rent ; and he calls upon his fellow-
Protestants in England to aid and assist him. It w.ll not
do, Randy, we tell you. The English Conservatives will
have enough to do to support their own cause. The
Standard, indeed, says that a million ought to be expended
on the Irish Registries. But, at present, the Irish Regis-
tries are altogether hopeless. The thing cannot be. As
to the Protestant Rent, it's a bane.—Dublin Evening Post.

DESTRUCTION OF TUE MINISTERS.—The 7 Cork
Stamford is a wag in his way. He utters the strangest.
possible things with a gravity that renders him particularly
amusing. To clay our contemporary treats us with the
following morceau which we think almost equal to any
thing in Tom Thumb :—" The rope of sand," aye, the
rope of sand, proclaimeth the Corkcutter, " which hitherto
held together the heterogeneous band of Papists, Dissenters,
and Infidels, who bolstered up the cabinet of Incapables, is
fast dissolving. The incongruous and motley crew, are
breaking up in all quarters, and taking different and oppos-
ing stations. The Whigs with O'Connell and his tail, have
been abandoned by the whole force of the ultra-Radicals,
who, call themselves the Independent Reformers. The
journals of this out and outer party predict the certain
downfall of the Melbourne Ministry, and, that the Tories
know well the precise moment when the present Go-
vernment shall have attained its acme of unpopularity, and
are ready at the proper opportunity to put an end to the
convulsive struggles with which they strive to retain their
places, by giving them the coup de grace. The tenacity
with which O'Connell's proteges cling to office, can only be
compared to the gripe of a drowning man ; but,: vain are
their efforts ; they grasp only at straws. The disarray and
confusion now pervading the ministerial ranks may well be
imagined, every thing indicates an approaching break-up.
The honest part of the Reformers openly state in their ac-
credited organs, that the Ministry, by having had the fa-
tuity of not acceding to the Radicals' demand of advancing
the movement, will lose the benefit of their support, and
therefore their destruction must ensue, and the return of
the Tories to office for a time' be inevitable."

The return of the Tories to office inevitable! Well,
this is, in truth, a discovery—a great discovery. The re-
gistries, we suppose, led to it, and Longford has, perhaps,
lately lent its light also to our sagacious Contemporary.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

FRANCE.

CHAMBER OF PEERS.-SITTING OF MONDAY, JAN. 9.

( Baron Pasquier President.)
The proceedings commenced at a quarter-past two
o'clock, by the President's reading a communication inti-
mating the appointment of the President, Vice-Presidents,
and Secretaries of the Chamber of Deputies.
The order of the day was the reading of the proposed
address in answer to the King's speech.
Count Bastard, in the absence (from illness) of M.
Barthe, reporter of the committee, read the propoSed ad-
dress, of which the following is the substance :
" At a moment when the interests of France seemed to
acquire that degree of stability and prosperity which it was
the intention of the Government to give them, a new at-
tempt threatened your Majesty's life and the tranquillity of
France. It was with sincere satisfaction that the com-
mittee congratulated your Majesty on your fortunate escape
from that atrocious act which was directed against your sa-
cred person. The repetition of such criminal projects de-
monstrated the necessity of making every effort for extend-
ing the benefits of a religious and moral education through-
out France. They were gratified to hear from your Majesty
that the friendly relations with foreign states were fully
maintained ; that the differences with America and Swit-
zerland had been happily and satisfactorily arranged, and
the intercourse with these countries had resumed its former
pacific character. It was painful to reflect upon the situa-
tion of the Peninsula, where efforts were still made to shake
the institutions of that country, and prolong the reign of
insurrection ; the Frenel'i Government continued to act up
to the spirit of the quadruple alliance, and did every thing
that was consistent with the promises made to Spain and
with the true interests of France. An armed intervention
would have been not only injurious to those interests, but
contrary to the spirit of the above treaty. Should, howe-
ver, the honour of this country require a direCt intervention,
they had no doubt but the Government would not hesitate
to take those prompt and necessary steps which a sound
policy dictated. The Committee fully participated in the
regret which your Majesty*felt at the unfortunate result of
the expedition against Constantine, and they entirely ap-
proved of the determination of your Majesty's Government
to take immediate steps for repairing that check and se-
curing the success of the French arms in Africa. A sense-
less attempt had been made to excite an insurrection in a
large and populous city of France ; but they had no doubt
that a strict execution of the laws would have the effect of
preventing a repetition of such criminal efforts. The state
of the finances was a source of congratulation, and proved
the increasing prosperity of the country. It was also most
satisfactory td.-bbserve, that various measures intimately
connected with the interests of France were to be sub-
mitted to the Chambers, particularly these questions re-
lating to the progress ofindustry and agriculture,and which
would tend to secure the prosperity of the country."
In reply to the President,
The Chamber decided that the discussion on the ensemble
of the address should be commenced forthwith, instead of
examining it paragraph by paragraph.
The Duke of Dreux Breze first spoke in opposition to
the address, and began by saying that the dissolution of the
late Ministry demanded explanation on the part of the pre-
sent Cabinet. The last Ministry was overturned because it
sought to intervene to support a revolution in Spain. , Did
the present Ministry differ from this ? The object of Eng-
land in Spain was merely to reconquer the commercial in-
fluence which she had lost in 1823. The treaty of the Qua-
druple Alliance, which aided England in doing this, was
contrary to the interests of France. And why did England
interfere in Spain ? Was it to support or forward the cause

of liberty in Europe ? The best answer to this is to observe
what is the conduct of England with respect to Hanover,
where she has full power, and where her King reigns. But
in Hanover England shows itself absolutist and despotic.
How can the same Government show itself liberal in Spain ?
It is merely because the Liberal cause in the Peninsula is
favourable to her commercial interests. Look at her con-
duct in Portugal, where all this is clearer still. The effect
of the Quadruple Alliance (exclaimed the orator) will be
no other than to give England another Gibraltar in San
Sebastian ! The Duke de Dreux Breze continued in this
tone to fulminate against England, an alliance between
which country and France was owing merely to an accident,
viz., the revolution of July. The true ally of France was
not England, but Spain. England cared not what form of
government she supported in foreign countries, provided a
friendship with it suited their interests.
The orator then passed to the late events in Portugal,
and to the combined efforts, as be called them, to effect a
counter-revolution. After saying nothing new on this sub-
ject, he returned again to Spain, and declared that the
question was, not between intervention and non-interreti-
tion, but between the Quadruple Alliance and its aban-
donment.

Passing to Algiers, the orator accused the Ministry of
not having sent sufficient force against Constantine, out of
obsequiousness to England, which was opposed to it. Thus,
according to the orator, the Quadruple Alliance was the
cause of the defeat of the French before Constantine,
which was moreover defended by the artillery and the
money of England. The orator terminated by asking the
President of the Council several questions, viz. :—What
was the cause of the change of Ministry ? Would the
Ministry persevere in the policy of the Quadruple Alli-
ance ? Had it demanded of England an explanution of
the fortifications of San Sebastian and Passages ? What
were the conduct and orders of Admiral Hugon at Lisbon ?
M. Mole rose to answer, but not to every point
touched on. The present Ministry declared that it
would not change, but continue the policy of former
Cabinets, and of that of the 11th of October. The
Quadruple Treaty should not be abandoned. With
what aim bad this treaty been concluded ? You will
see in the preamble to that treaty. The orator here read
this preamble. The aim was to re-establish peace in
the Peninsula, in order to preserve the peCe of Europe.
The Minister then read article 4, and the articles of the
additional treaty. France shrunk from any further co-
operation, because it feared that it would not be able to
stop at the point it liked. The English Government held
a contrary opinion, no doubt. The Ministry of the 11th
October had consulted England above intervention, which
England then refused. But during the last Ministry the
English Government came forward and proposed a co-
operation on the part of France, which no Spanish Minis-
ter demanded. It offered France to occupy San Sebas-
tian and Passages. The French Government recoiled
from the offer, not being able to stop and limit its co-ope-
ration, as England, employing a naval force, can. The last
French Ministry,- however, changed its mind, sent a mis-
sion to Madrid, and made offer of a more extensive co-ope-
ration. This is not the opinion of the present Cabinet, for
it would be nothing else than to take upon France the re-
sponsibility of governing and managing Spain. The pre-
sent Government will not do this. It cannot send armies to
Africa and to Spain. But, nevertheless, the English alliance
is the basis of French policy ; and to abandon it would be
fatal..As to San Sebastian and Passages, England offered
to France to occupy it frankly beforehand. Lately, when
the English formed some fortification at Passages, explana-
tions were asked. Now the British Government gave
these explanations in the most frank and loyal manner pos-
sible. There might also be recrimination between the two
countries on commercial grounds. The merchants of both
France and England naturally profited by the weakness of
the Spanish Custom-house to pour in goods. The Minis-
ter then mentioned some particulars about Malaga.
Passing to Lisbon, Count Mole denied that the French
fleet was there for any aim of counter-revolution. The
English Ministry desired merely to secure the safety of the
Queen of Portugal. And Admiral Hugon's orders were
precisely in the same spirit.
M. Boissy d'Anglas then occupied the tribune, and spoke
some time.

M. Cousin rose and said that the debate being concen-
trated on the question of Spain, he begged to suggest to
the President of the Council a doubt that the Ministry
of the 6th September was, as M. Mole said, a continuation
of the Ministry of 11th of October and that of 22d of
February. He (M. Cousin) would be in time establish
this difference at the tribune, unless some members of the
Cabinet of October 11, and February 22, would rise in the
interval and anticipate what he had to say.
.

The Duke of Noailles then rose to state, and in-
sisted, that intervention in Spain was not the interest of
France. He entered at large into the Spanish question,
and blamed the conduct of the Government in sanctioning
the repeal of the Salk law. He carried his criticism down
to the present day.
The Duke of Broglie replied to the Duke of Noailles,
and defended the French Government from the accusation
of allowine. the Salic law to be abolished in Spain. But
the Salic law bad never existed in Spain. From time imme-
morial to 1812 the law of succession in Spain was the
same as it is now. The exclusion of females from the
throne never existed, even under the pragmatique of
Philip the Fifth, which, indeed, preferred males to females;
but in default of male children allows females to suc-
ceed. In 1789 the pragmatiquc of Philip V. was secretly
annulled by M. Florida Bianca, and a statute contrary to
it prepared. It was this statute that Ferdinand repro-
duced in 1830. Of the three personages interested,
Charles X., Don Carlos, and the King of Naples, none
protested at the time. The Act was promulgated by Fer-
dinand, and sanctioned by the extraordinary Cortes. Was
ever law more regular or more constitutional ? France had
all along an enemy in Don Carlos, the chief or the instru-
ment of a bigotted, sanguinary fastion. Don Carlos
had been the despair of his brother, the, despair of the
French Government itself in 18:23. To have taken his part
would have been for the French Government not only an im-
moral act, but the act of a dupe. There are two modes,
said the Duke, of considering the Quadruple Alliance.
One, that it means nothing ; and leaves the signing powers
free to do or retract what they please. Another, that it
binds both countries up in the same destiny, and obliges
both to make every effort necessary for the object of the
alliance. Both are wrong. The countries are to work to
the same end, but in different proportions, according as each
may be most interested. But France ought never to be
placed in a state of dependence in the affairs of the Pe-
ninsula, and responsible for all that may take place there.
France and Spain are like great vessels at sea ; but he
would be sorry to see their hulks linked together, for one
would be sure to fall foul of and damage its neighbour, and
both, perhaps, be destined to founder together.
M. Cousin then rose, and said that the subject of dispute
had been mistaken. The Spanish Government had succes-
sively demanded intervention, the intervention which the
Duc de Broglie wisely deprecated, and that this intervention
had been refused. But what the last Cabinet wanted to do
was, to co-operate, not to intervene ; to allow French sol-
diers to enter Spain to support the cause of liberty under
Spanish colours, ay, and shed French blood for Spain.
This was nothing new. What was the grant of the
Foreign Legion ? The last Cabinet had done just
that the previous one had done, viz., refused interven-
tion and granted co-operation. This co-operation was to
consist of 12,000 men in addition to the Foreign Legion.
The present Minister gives plenty of vows and good wishes,
and at so cheap a price it hopes to retain the English al-
liance. But he should say, less words and more deeds.
The policy of the present Cabinet is to leave everything to
events. For instance, had Bilboa fallen, and Don Carlos
reached Madrid, what would you have done? You don't
know. Your plan is to take no resolve, but to watch events,
which, if they permit you to live and offer up vows, you
are thankful. Such policy is neither wise, nor honourable,
nor manly, nor French.
Count Mole here rose to protest against his Ministry
being considered one of mere vows and hopes. He would
not dispute about words, but he would say that France
could not co-operate without intervening., nor intervene
without co-operation. France had ceded the French Le-
gion to Spain. The Government had dissolved that Legion,
and merely allowed its soldiers and officers to take service
'n Spain if they like. I repeat that I look in Spain merely
`,,a the French question, and to French interests. My policy
Ls concentrated in that.
[Here the debate was adjourned.]