The Sun.
London, England, 1830-11-10 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS.

DEBATE of the CHAMBER of DEPUTIES on the

LIBERTY of the I'RESS.—Nov. 7.

The Order of the Day was the discussion of the propo-
sition of M. Bayou' re►ative to the newspapers and pe-
riodieal publications.
M. Audrey de Puyrateau spoke in favour it the pro-
position, but so indhlinetly that we were unable to
hear him.

AL de Laborae—The liberty of the Press has lately been
extended to very wide limits by the laws; but is still
shackled by the duty which, being of Itself a law, has
_given rise to the proposition of my honourable friend M.
Bavoux. We must, therefore, first examine if this dimi-
'teflon of the duty, or rather this extension of liberty,
may give birth to any political objection, and also if it
coincides with our ideas of justice and equity when consi-
dered under a financial point of view.
It is certaitily, not going too fir to say that the unlimited
libetty of the press offers the remedy close to the danger—
the antidote with the poison. But in order that such may
be really the case, the means of procuring information must
be purchases! at so cheap a price, that every one may be
able to distinguish error from truth, and investigate the
true situation of the country. Thus, supl•osing a news-
paper which now costs SO francs a-year to cost only the
half of that sum, we may be certain that the same man who
expended 80 francs will not discontinue to do so, for he
will subscribe to two papers instead of one, finding in this
very freedom of the press the best and shortest means of
guarding against its licence and ascertaining truth. But
if this extension offers such great advantages in conse-
quences of the contest arising from differences of opinion,
what far Beater advantages should we reap from the mani-
festations of useful and wholesome truths, and from the
unlimited scope given to the numerous brsocbes of know-
ledge and science which tend to produce ameliorations in
every kind of industry, and, above all, to restore the public
confidences and security, by representing the situation of
the country as it really exists ?
And indeed, gentlemen, in what moment do we wish to
put a restraint on this extension of the liberty of the
Press? At the very moment when it would be so truly
useful to let every hamlet, every cottage, know our real
situation ; when it is so important that the Prince who
governs us should become known to all ; 'when, in fine,
there are such cogent reasons to publish the acts of the pre-
sent Ministry, who have mule no kind of condition what-
soever in taking charge of the public affairs ; for the only
condition of devoteduess to the Prince and to the country
is the consciousness of being useful to both.
In regard to the financial side of the question, the only
thing to be considered is, whether the duty is to be sup-
ported by the publishers or the readers ; fur it is evident
that hitherto the latter, and not the former, have been
obliged to pay the tax. Those who deal in this article of
commerce, as I may say, sell it dearer because it costs
them dear. But they would diminish their prices if the
first did not, as it were, suck theii best blood; and in-
deed, were they disposed to refuse, ficessity would force
them to it, for soothes piper of the same opinion, perhaps
better written, and above all much cheaper, would rise
against them.

Such was not the ease before the enactment of the last
law, for at that period the number of the newspapers was
limited, and thus • formed a kind of privilege to which
every one was obliged to submit, and which created a
downright coalition, delivering into the hands of eight or
ten journals the monopoly of public opinion, and the free.
dom of thought. •
I shall say the same thing of the cautionntment, which,
forming a kind of continual restraint, obliges the journalist
to sell his paper dearer. The cautionnement has been
looked upon as a measure of coercion, whilst it ought
really to have been inertly a guarantee, and even that not
amounting to more than the most heavy fine imposed by
the tribunal.

It is therefore evident that the duty on this branch of
industry is applied improperly. Such is not, however,
the opinion of the honourable reporter of the conunisaion,
who wishes to see a preference shown to sonic other
branches of industry, its if the first of all was not the one
whose sole aim and end is to render all others as perfect as
possible.
The honourable reporter thinks it much better to fatten
the cattle.—(Laughter)--and to guard them against the
dangers of the epitlemy.—(Cheere.)—lndeed, I am very
far from wishing that the cattle should not be fattened—
(General laughter).—but I think it wrong ti, shackle the
liberty of the Press, and that an enormous duty should he
laid on the most important of all branches of commerce-
the importation of intellect.—(Cheers.) I vote foCtbst•
proposition of AL Bavoux, wMimindmasaffilar4,ll
make known hereafter. a •
M. de Lameth—Gentlemen, during the last two months
we have constantly seen the moat seditious and insolent
placards put up against the walls of the city, and I um
greatly astonished that such excesses have not yet been re.
pressed. Before the revolution of July the newspapers
rendered immense services to France and to the cause of
liberty, and yet we should expose those same papers to ruin,
were we to allow other publications, intended to overthrow
the whole edifice of society, to contend with them. It is
said that the good sense of the public will disavow every
thing exaggerated and false, but such an answer is none for
me, as I know many persons, very enlightened and endowed
with great information, who are utterly destitute of com-
mon sense.—(Laughter.)
The newspapers in question are continually appealing to
the sovereignty of the people. It is indispensible to ascer-
tain the true sense of the word. Yes, undoubtedly the
people is sovereign, when it names its deputies, but
then it abdicates its power immediately after, fir
thirty-two millions of men cannot altogether give in
their votes relative to a law, and when the journals
speak of the sovereignty of the people in any other
sense, they render all kind of government utterly imps-
sible. According to toy opinion the sovereignty of the
people is nothing else but the proclamation of the rights of
men who ought not to have any at all.--(Murmurs from
the left.)---Such are the excesses which I deem it indis-
pensable to repress, and in order to do so, I think that the
Ministry ought first of all to make use of the sovereignty
of the law against those who publish any thing whatever
without conforming themselves to the provisions of the
law. I myself arrested one of the public criers who was
selling in the streets different proclamations, pretended
extracts of the Monileur, and announcing a declaration of
war with Austria. It is thus that news and rumours of
the most chinning nature are circulated in the public.—
No, it is impossible to conceal that there exists an ultras
democratical tendency ; the republican party bee already
made many efforts to attain its end, and I shall only quote
one single fact in support of my amnions. The very day
that we were assembled here to deliberate On the meaaures'
to be adopted in the then existing circumstances, a Mem-
ber whom I did not know entered the Chamber, seated
himself at the extreme left, where lie is at this very inn-
went--I mean M. %mad. He soon ruse and said,
whilst we are deliberating the people is acting, the republic
is to be proclaimed at five u'elock,—(Every eye was
turned to M. Bernard.)—This piece of news put nn end
to our deliberations ; we immediately proceeded to the
l'alais Royal, and the Lieutenant-General was proclaimed
King. I therefore exhort the Ministry to pursue without
mercy all those petty journals who make a ts sac of tumult
and disorder ; I entreat the Ministry to put an end to
those illegal publications, whose influence is so fatal to the
public ciedit. Paris seems no more to be the capital of a
vast kingdom ; foreigners fly from a country where the
very ground trembles under their feet ; the rich retire
to the country ; and all these ealzunities are the comic-
(plenty of the licence of the press. I vote against a pro-
position which tends to overthrow the last barrier which
remains to keep it within some bounds.

M. Bernard—Gentlemen, 1 did not intend to speak on
the subject at present, but I think myself bound to relate
a fact of some importance, which hits been misAaated. The
Nun. Gentleman who has just spoken is in the wrong, and
his memory has failed him. When I entered the Chamber,
a very small number of Deputies were deliberating on the
gravity of the events I spoke of the danger of the mo-
ment, of the disorders that were to be prevented, of the
measures that ought to be adopted ; I said that the people
was desirous of offering the Crown to the man most
worthy of it, and whose nu ne was re, echoed by every
one—(Cheers)—but never, no, never did I say, that at
such an hour, and at a certain signal, the Republic was to
be proclaimed. I said that we ought to hasten OUT deli-
berations, in order to be the first to make the offer. Such
are the explrnitions I had to give.
M. de Luneth maintained that he had positively heard
the above words.

At. Witte, Minister of the Finances—I had the honour
of being 'President of the Assembly in quemion, and I de-
clare that I did not hear the wordsattributeiltoM. Bernard.
M. Benjamin Constant then pronouneq4lA very eloquent
speech in favour of the prop- sition of Alt Thismix. In
speaking of the partiaana of a IlepubEct he terminated au
follows :

44 In the beginning of August, Wore the nation had
come to any determination, the opiniona might he different,
the Republic might find zealous partiaaua, for a Republik;
has in itself aumething very attractive for men of noble and
01CM/1d minds, and then they wept, entitled to make
known their wishea, hut. nobody can infer from what took
place then that the Republic ie 6tiii regrotted. During

Ale last thirteen years I have never tented to maintain that
the moral, political, military, commercial, and geographical
situation of France eeuld not admit of a Republic. At
preseut no one wishes for any better Republic than that
Merned by a ConstitAtional Monarch, who respects and
enliarges,our liberties.
~flyP therefore,, mat. be frightened bt'S mere plian-
vi 4emagogy ; but particular attention ought to be
pn tta.those men who now make an appeal to demago-
gical excesses with the same pen which served them on the
23d and 24th.of July, to call down despotism on the de-
voted heads of the friends of liberty. I remember having
read in an English historian, that, after the death of
Charles I. the cavaliers suddenly affected to support the
most exaggerated principles of the republic. When
Charles 11. returned, they as suddenly abjured the above
pridciples ; and on being asked why they has! thus changed,
they answered,—as long as the legitimate sovereign was
not on the throne, we pushed these principles to an ex-
treme, in order to make the nation disgusted with them ;
but now such policy would be useless, and we therefore
give it up.
" I entreat you, therefore, not to trust those men who
attack the basis of our institutions with so much exagge-
ration ; no, never trust them ; hut if, instead of arguing,
they were to attempt to act, I imagine that Government
would soon put down their efforts, remembering that
Louis-Phillippe is henceforward our only anchor of hope."
—(Bravo, brava
M. Sehastiani, Minister of the Marine—(Profound
silence)—Gentlemen, the proposition submitted to your
investigation contains two questions : one of them is a
question of finance, and is not without some degree of im-
portance at a moment when the public revenues are dimi-
nished by the refusal of certain departments to pay a tax
legally imposed by the Chambers. You cannot give up
the most trifling portion of those revenues without injuring
the public credit. The financial resources of France are
immense, but they must be made use of with discretion
and even `parsimony, and you cannot abandon any portion
of those resources without doing serious damage to society
Ut large. •
The question of the ectutionnemeni has not yet been po-
sitively determined by the Government. In this grand
question of the liberty of the pleas, the Government
is far from disacknowledging the immense services it has
rendered to the country. We know that the press had the
principal share iu the glorious struggle which you accom-
plished. The Editors of the Journals, after having dis-
played the greatest talent, signed a protestation which ex-
posed their heads to the block. After this protestation
they ran to arms, and fought for liberty and for truth, for
the maintenance of our institutions. We now have that
liberty so dearly bought, let us think of preserving it for
ever. The courage of the noble population of Paris was
only equalled by its generosity after victory.
Gentlemen,—We declare that no measure of coercion
shall be proposed by the Government, nor even tolerated
by it against the liberty of the press ; but the laws now in
vigour shall be fully enforced ; without that no society can
exist. It is thus that we understand the question. We
do not wish to compromise the liberty of the press, whose
services we highly proclaim.—(Whispering at the left,
marks of disapprobation.)
I have here one of the printed papers profusely eircu-
!atm! this morning in Paris. (Hear, hear.) They were
spoken of a few minutes ego. Certainly nothing can be
more culpable than the proclamation in question; it con-
tains nothing but falsities: for instance, it announces a de-
claration of war with Prussia, and a levy of five hundred
thousand men. Nothing of the kind has taken place.
On the contrary, the Cabinet of Berlin evinces the most
amicable and peaceful disposition ; it was one of the Int
to acknowledge in the new Government of France a gua-
rantee of security for all Europe. No, Gentlemen, the
King of the French is far Iran thinking of a levy of five
hundred thousand men, and the only measures adopted to
that intent are to complete the number of acldiers rosin-
tabled in time of peace.
In consequence of the discussion, I am led to speak of
the political system of the government.—(Attention. )
Peace abroad, peace at home. As for the interior, we
intend to secure all that heklatain promised by the charter,
to enforce the execution of the present legislation, to pro-
pose ameliorations, and to enlarge all our liberties. In
regard to our external relations, lam again obliged to
mention them. Yesterday the Government was called
upon to make known its line of conduct in a most strange
and unexpected manner. An important question was
tondo, and a Royal docutnent was spoken of. Well,
gentlemen, the document in question is known by all. It
proves evidently that the British cabinet wishes nothing
but peace. A 3 for the comments which might possibly be
made on this document, you may find them in the dis-
cussiora of the two English Houses of Parliament, and in
the speech of the head of the &With cabinet to the House
of Lords. He has said in the most formal and explicit
manner that the English Government was against all kind
of armed interference in the affairs of Belgium. France
on her aide is willing to execute punctually all her prece-
dent engagements, and all stipulations existing already.
The negociatione will be all of a pacific nature, and we
do not think that any armed interference will be ever ne-
cessary. France, solely engrossed with her internal pros-
perity, will never think of war, but in came of an invasion or
of an attache made against her national honour.---(Bravos.)
The House then adjourned till Monday.-- Constitutionnel.

(Extr-act from the Pati.iote.)
The Kings of old Europe are still the earner—nothing
can correct them ; their ideas upon the interior policy of
their states, their principles of diplomacy, even their pre.
poaterous pretensions, are what they were five or six cen-
turies ago, in spite of the progress of- public intelligence.
Indeed, if hereditary power be good in itself, as conducive
to the tranquillity of nations, let us allow that it is at-
tended with one evil,—it perpetuates in reigning dynasties
vices of government which are quite contrary to the ideas
of philanthropy and to the principles of the liberty of na.
tions. The speech of the King of England is each year
a new proof of its. truth, and that which William IV.
pronounced on the 2d of November is perhaps still more
characteristic than tyise of hie predecessor and royal col-
leagues; With an appearance of simplicity, it is not less
vague," less deceptive, less absolute. There is no doubt
that the French revolution of July last is the most memo-
rable event of the present year ; it holds, in consequence,
the lust rank in the English speech ; but one remarks
with surprise, that it is only named as if in remembrance
of Its taking place, and to announce, what every body
knows, that amicable and diplomatic relations with the
court of France have not been interrupted. But what
cannot escape the observation of any one is, that this re-
volution is stated to be merely the substitution of the
younger branch of the House of Bourbon in the place of
the elder branch, and not a word is uttered with regard
to the events which have caused the admission of
the principle of national sovereignty. The nation in
all this is nothing,—kings are all things. " Our rela-
tions," Kays the speech, ." continue with the Court of
France." What a pity ! It is not thus that we consider
our revolution. We doubtless love and esteem our preirent
King, hut our feelings towards his person relate to his per-
sonal qualities alone ; it is not as regards a change of
sovereign that the importance of our revolution strikes us.
Itia the regeneration of the political system and of social
order that interest us principally. Englend, free and con-
stitutional as sits seems to be, is in great. want of a peli-
ties! scouring : Lord Wellington knows it, but, lie drew's
it—and it is tot for nothing that he puts into the mouth
of his King the language with which we reproach him.
The paragraph relating to the kingdom of the Netherlands
is rernarlothle : after all that has taken place, can one he
thus far,blind to truth, or attack more openly the opinion
of Europe, the laws of justice and humanity ? " The
administration of the King of this country was en-
lightened, his measures were wise and prudent, his people
arc rebel,. . . ." This is incomprehensible. The. Mas-
sacres of &wads, the war in Belgium, the treachery at
Arena, and the destruction of that great city, are not to
be taken into censideration—tbe people are to be treated
as rebels, the King as a wile, prudent, and enlightened
men. Can one forget the injuries inflicted by Hol-
land upon wretched Brabant the Belgians, who only
understood French, obliged to plead and to contract
in Dutch, to pay the debts of Holland and to support her
antes, to submit to the decrees of Judges dependent on
the will of the Prince, to bear the oppressions of the
functionaries of all kinds named by the Dutch without the
power of petitioning or of writing ? And this is what
William the Fourth terms the administration of a wise,
prudent, and enlightened King? We shall see what will
result from the plans of the King of England and his
Allies for. the welfare of the Netherlands and for the
security of other Suite, ; but as the Speech does not deign
to say a word of heroic Belgium, nor of the infamous acts
committed against her, we fear greatly that all that is pre-
paring for the security of other States is a. general and
terrible war from one end of Europe to the other. Haat
be the measure to which we are to be led by these elligust
negotiators, we wilt make an appeal to the liberty of all
nr.tiene, we will cry.--" To arms to arms !"and we shall
see to whom the victory will remain. The affairs of the
other States of Europe that have manifested any feelin
g.
of liberty, are not .treated in is leas cavalier or less
am-
biguous owner, which is very een,,nistory for oppressed
nations- The queation of Portugal carries the scandalous
policy of this document to its highest pitch, A traitor,
perjured usurp", has taken POlseiiiliou of the crown,
voted with the authority of hie brother, he has violated b-
force and deception the trust confided to him. Thye

robber of the throne of his niece has pillaged the people,
annihilated public credit and commerce, anal has sacri-
ficed as many victims as Robespierre. The per-
Humes English Government will deceive no one;
and Since- it persists in its treacherous principles, we
will unmask it to the eyes of the world. We will not
follow William through the other parts of his speech,
which are less interesting to foreigners, but we will ask if
it be in the 19th century, in 1830, after the revolution
that has taken place in France, and which threatens all
despotic Governments, that a King should allow himself
to say, in speaking of the nation by which be is gorged
with honours and riches, "My people," " my subjects,"
" my dominions," " my possessions," " my Parliament."
These expressions, which would be ill chosen were they
not insulting, are no longer adapted to the times, reason
condemns them, and the language of Kings must take a
more moderate tone. A King should respect the people
as the president of an assembly should respect the public
present at its sittings; and in future Monarchs will obtain
no respect but that which they deserve. We who raise
our voices against their pretensions, we shall be the first
to give the example of respect and submission to a Kint
who, comprehending the real greatness of his high mission,
knows how to render himself worthy of it. All the poli-
tical questions, connected with William's Speech, cannot
find a place in a single article. We propose to consider,
in order of succession, different points of English diplo-
macy; it is, perhaps, the greatest service we can render,
as writers, to France, who has always been the victim of
her treacherous neighbours.

POSTPONEMENT OF THE ROYAL VISIT

TO THE CITY.

The lateness of the hour, and the press of Parliamentary
matter, having prevented us yesterday from giving a full
accouct of the proceedings towards the conclusion of the
discussion in the Court of Common Council, we consider
it fitting to report the observations of the other members
of the Court who spoke upon the important ociaisioa.
In Mr. PransoN's speech, that gentleman, when ex-
plaining hie motives for having written a letter to the Duke
of Wellington, alluded to, and distinctly mentioned the as-
sembling of the people at the Rotunda, on the Surrey side
of Blackfriars-bridge, where, he said, the crowd were ad-
vised to arm themselves for the purpose of accomplishing
a revolution, " Now, he asked, with a knowledge of all
the facts which lie had enumerated, had not he done right
in making a representation to the Duke, not only for the
safety of his Grace, but to save the numerous starving in-
dividuals from the calamities which, in a period of tumult
or excitement, might betel them ?—(Cries of ' No, no,'
and hear.)—He felt quite satisfied himself of the propriety
of the course he had pursued ; anti, as he never did any
thing in secret, he had informed the Chairman of the
Royal Committee of what he had done."—(Disapproba-
tion, and cries of hear.)
Mr. THORNHILL denied that the advice of the Mini-
sters resulted from the letter of the Lord Mayor. It had
been publicly stated that other communications had been
made, and the Court ought to have the whole, and not a
mere part of the facts.—(Hear.)—After the statement of
the Lord Mayor elect, no one could think of pressing haul
upon him, but it was important to state that the alarm so
strangely excited had nothing to rest upon. It had been
said In the letter that anonymous communications were
received, doubting the safety of the Duke, and upon that
ground the Duke doubted the safety of the King.—
, (Laughter. )—To such a mode of reasoning could the
Court think a moment of agreeing. The King would in-
' deed have been received with enthusiasm and warm affec-
tion. The respect for him, if there were no other cause,
would have secured a protection for his Ministere, and the
city would have become a scene of rejoicing instead of
being one of horror and confusion.—(Hear, hear.)---A
worthy Member had thought proper to speak of the Ro-
tunda, near Illackfriars-bridge, as a place stocked with all
the dreadful ingredients of tumult and sedition. If the
visitors to that place were ever to have power to do se-
rious mischief, it must be in consequence of the dastardly
conduct of those who considered them dangerous. Rome
had been saved by the cackling of geese; perhaps Eng-
land was to be lost now by the noise of the same sort of
animal.—(Loud laughter and deers. )—ln fact, the dread
of danger was a mere dream, the shadow of a shade,—
(Cries at " Hear, hear," and " No, no.")
Mr. ROUTH then made some observations, which bad a
very great and palpable effect upon the Court. A great
deal too much stress had, he said, been laid upon the
Lord Mayor elect's letter to the Duke, which had been by
no means so improperly, as was argued, transmitted to
his Grace. He should state another conviction upon his
mind—neithei of the letters alluded to in that Court had
produced the result which was so greatly deplored. The
communication of his Lordship had no doubt some effect ;
but his Majesty's Ministers had been urged by more
weighty considerations—by the knowledge of facts—which
would, no doubt, soon be divulged, and which abundantly
satisfied theta as a justification. He hoped the Court
would go as far as a declaration of loyalty could go, in
their resolutions ; but he trusted that censure would not
pass when it was not deserved. Although nothing could
remove all responsibility from the Lord Mayor elect, as re-
garded the letter, it was far, very far from being the sole
cause of the decision of the Cabinet.—(Hear, hear.)—
Mr. Routh concluded by proposing his amendment, which
averted all !Amite from the Lord Mayor.
Mr. lionise said he nevertheless thought the Court
ought to express itself strongly on the occasion, and he
should therefore persevere in his moving the resolution,
Mr. TICKNIN said the information before the Court
was not sufficient to furnish them with the means of al-
laying the apprehensions of the public, excited by the mea-
sure recommended by his Majesty's Ministers. He wished
fora select Special Committee.

Mr. STMCNO ridiculed the idea that the Royal Com•
mittre wag poaseased of any extraordinary knowledge upon
that or any other subject.

The ainendment was carried by a large majority.
The Counr then discussed a variety of propositions on
the question of the disappointment, but there was so much
strong uncoutroullable feeling amongst the members, aria-
ing from the severs blow so recently dealt upon them,
that the more steady and reflecting portion laboured till
ten o'clock before they could make an impression on
the rest.

It happened that, in the course of the evening an Even-
ing Paper was introduced, which contained the speech of
Mr. Peel, on the all-absorbing subject of the disappointment.
Some of the most exasperated members of the Court
immediately seized upon this statement of the Right Hon.
Gentleman, which threw the onus of the disappointment
upon the shoulders of the Lord Mayor Elect, as a justifi-
cation of the most harsh measures. It was immediately
urged by those who relied implicitly on the Speech, that
the• Lord Mayor Elect was unfit to fill the Chair of the
city, and a movement was apparent in the Court for the
exclusion of his Lordship.

Mr. Lenora rose to declare that he considered the Lord
Mayor Elect to be wholly incompetent to fill the important
situation of Chief Magistrate, particularly at a period of
apprehended danger. Ili, Majesty's Ministers had, it was
now evident, acted upon the letter which had been so pro-
perly the subject of animadversion, and it would no longer
be prudent to delay the expression of the sentiment of the
Court. Ile made some further observations upon the
necessity of inflicting upon the Lord Mayor Elect the
mild penalty of exclusion from the Mayoralty.
For this sentence there were some advocates in the
Court, but the opposition was overwhelming.
Ur. TICKNEE, expressed a great deal of indignation at
the proposition just made. The speech that had been made
by the lion. Secretary had made an impression very dif-
ferent indeed from that which had been testified in the ob-
servations of the worthy Gentleman who had just sat
Mown. He thought it rather extraordinary that the Mi-
nister should thrust forward the letter of the Lord Mayor
Elect—privately communicated as a caution to the Duke
of Wellington himself—as a ground for recommending the
King not to visit his loyal subjects, and thus raising alarm,
fur which there did not appear to be the most remote oc-
casion.—(lfear, hear.) He considered that the Lord
Mayor Elect bed been made the scape-goat of the Cabinet,
That nothing could more effectually demonstrate the weak-
ness of the Government than the eagerness with which the
Minister seized upon this really unimportant communica-
tion. In fact, he considered that the Duke of Wellington,
aware that he would not be received with caresses, and not
wishing to let other nations know that he required a body-
guard to conduct him into the city, was glad to get hold or
an excuse for not entering the gates, resolved to advise that
which might serve to make his Majesty participate in the
unpopularity.--(llear, hear.)
After some stormy discussion, Mr. Tickner's motion of
adjournment was carried ; but not before the Recorder was
called upon to give his opinion whether it was absolutely
necessary that the Lord Mayor Elect should be sworn in
according to the usual forms that night.
To this question the Reconven replied, that it was im-
perative upon the Court of Aldermen to swear in the
Lord Mayor elect.
In cooformity with this opinion, the Locum Tenet's,
the Members of the Court of Aldermen, the Court of
Common Council, and the City Law Authorities and
Officers, repaired to the Guildhall, and the Lord Mayor
elect was regularly sworn in at about half-pest ten o'c:oek.
Yesterday morning the Royal Committee assembled and
there were current, amongst these in the Hall, reported a

I

very agreeable nature. The strongest tefigulr.4ollcli
upon the disposition of the King towards,the2,ol)ll‘,,,_
London ; and, indeed, it has been declared bt 10#11..„.t
are constantly about the person of hit Majattl. 411
postponement will nut be of long duration. _
tions of the Hall remain as they were on Sun
It should have been stated, in our notice o: .
flop
101(
place in the Court of Aldermen relative to the
to the Locum Tenene to call a Cqurt of CommonWel'
immediately, that Alderman Firebrother was one ot thcat
•
who advocated the affirmative.
It is also nece.sary to state that, in the course OA"
cession in the Common Council, Sir C. S. Huntetilfno
quently alluded to as the experienced person to Otos the
Lord Mayor elect was indebted for the adVice to OA W
the Duke of Weilington.

',