The Sun.
London, England, 1837-03-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TilE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

liVelJare no hesitation in eNpressing the feeling of
rleer mortification with which we read the telegraphic
dispatch of 17th froth Bayonne, announcing the
retreat of Saersfi.dd bcfore—a snow-storm ! The
cause committed to such hands can came to no good.
Fronn week to week—then from day to 4ay— under one
pretext or other, did we find this dishonour to his pro-
fes• ion postponing his move upon the broken forces of
the netcnder. It is but justice, however, to say that
he was not without a rival in guilt ; nor is he very
likely to want one while Espartero is in command. At
1en.1.11, however, according even to his own admission,
he o as amply provided with funds, rations, and clothing ;
;mil he did consent to advance in concert with General
Evan:. The latter forced the Carlist positions, and
was within a march of Ernani. He rested on the
heights of Am.ozagana, waiting only for the co-opera-
tion of his '' most excellent" allies. And the news
now reaches us that at this most critical moment, after
haying succeeded in concentrating, the entireCarlist force
upon Evans's position, General Saarsfield has aban-
doned him to what seems their overwhelming num-
bers ! We confess our inabiFty to read these
dispatches and bulletins Of military movements
otherwise than as mere civilians. It is, perhaps, be-
cause we are unskilled in the strategy of war, that we are
fearful that General Evans has been first betrayed into
a situation of the most imminent danger, and then
abandoned. If this be so, he has but one course—
to fall back upon the lines of St. Sebastian, and throw
the war back into precisely the same position in which
it was before he advanced. We have before us authen-
tic information, from which we learn that, on the 12th,
Saarsfield had met with no opposition—that he had
beaten the Carlists at Erice—that he was crossing the
defiles of Lus dos Hermanos, the most difficult in
Navarre, and that the Carlists were in retreat before
him. Then, as we are informed by the telegraph of
the 17th, the snow-storm comes to his relief, and he
is enabled to leave Evans unsupported in front of the
whole body of the Pretender's troops. As to Espartero,
he had achieved the mighty task of marching four
leagues east of Durango. So that support from him
the British Legion cannot expect. Had the capture
of Irun or Fontarabia been the object of the move-
ment, Evans could have accomplished it unaided ;
but it was not. Both Espartero and Saarsfield
knew that Ernani was the point of attack, and, as in
them lay, we apprehend they have succeeded in de-
feating it. Should any additional delay, still less any
disaster, result from this conduct,- our private accounts
lead us to apprehend the very worst consequences in
Madrid. The impatience and irritation of the people
is represented as extreme. Mendizabal is menaced
with popular vengeance, the inactivity of • the army
being attributed to him. Instead of retiring before
the storm, however, he seems anxious to brave it in
the most prominent position. The increased illness
of Calatrava having at length rendered it necessary to
have a Minister ad interim in his place, M. Mendi-
zabal pretended to it. The Queen, however, preferred
Count Almodovar. Affairs remain in suspense. Such,
however, was the state of public excitement, that any
adverse intelligence from Navarre, indeed even the delay
of good news, is calculated to produce the most de-
plorable results. Alaix, we learn, has at length given
up his command, and has gone to Burgos to stand his
trial.—Morning Chronicle.
We have rarely met with so many words to so little
purpose as in the debate on Friday night concerning
the capture of the Vixen. But this is precisely the
sort of discussion for which nature has qualified Lord
Palmerston. " A great cry, but little wool," would
be the most appropriate motto for his Lordship's
Parliamentary banner. But, to do the Foreign Secre-
tary justice, the case of the Vixen is one as to which
he may reasonably have thought that the less said
would be the sooner mended ; such at least is our
opinion, for, from the best consideration we can give
to the subject, it seems that one party alone is to
blame in the whole transaction, and that party is Lord
Palmerston. Let it not be supposed that we are in-
sensible to the cunning, grasping, and dangerous na-
ture of Russian policy. It is the strong conviction
of this that has on so many occasions caused as to
re:Tret that the interests of great Britain should be com-
mitted to the care of a person every way unequal to
cope with Russian diplomacy—one who, as Mr.
Roebuck truly remarked, appears to adopt the pria-
eiple of interfering where he ought not interfere,
and of not interfering where he ought to inter-
fere. Another Honourable Member, Sir E. Cod-
rington, told Lord Palmerston that the great evil
of our foreign policy was the want of decision. It
is so. Had a vigorous hand been at the helm—had
not daily proofs been furnished to the Russians of the
purely contemptible nature of the English Minister
with whom they had to deal, it is out of the question
that she should have seized so very slight an opportu-
nity as they furnished by the Vixen for flouting the
British flag before all Europe. Lord Palmerston
himself states that the case is one " involving, by pos-
sibility, the question of peace or war between this coun-
try and Russia." We may, therefore, be assured that
Russia proceeded with a due regard to consequences
e. with a just disregard of Lord Palmerston. Let
us, then, examine what are the real merits of the
case. In 1781, by the treaty of Constantinople,
Russia ceded to Turkey the portion of the Circassian
coast as far as Kuban. By the treaty of Adrianople
this territory was restored to Russia, under protest
from Lord Aberdeen, then Foreigv, m Secretary, to
whom the several clauses of time treaty were sub-
mitted. That the Government of the Duke of
Wellington should have so protested was but na-
tural, Russia having, as stated by Lord Palmerston,
volontarlv bound herself to all Europe that she would
not look for an extension of territory from the war with
Turkey. However, the treaty so protested against
was ratified, and by the provisions of that treaty
Russia has an indisputable right to the part of the
coast where she has asserted her sovereignty. Lord
Palmerston, in his Album of Saturday, denies the pos-
session of this sw.ereignty by Russia, and rJers to the
manifesto of thu Circassian Chiefs in proof of their in-
dependence. This is contemp:ible shuffling. The
question for us is, simply, whether by the treaty of
AdrinnoCte the coast was, or was not, ceded to Russia
by Tinker. The Circassians may rebel, and that sue-
cer,,fulle, against Russian domination, but it Would be
a rare precedent were a treaty to be annulled by the
hare fact of such rebellion on the part of those sub-
ject to its provisions. The Album tells us, " that it
may net make much practical difference whether we
formd our national policy on the hitherto recognized
cr on direct rce;rd to our own interests."
For ourselves, we must say that this country has
ah-eade suiFered quite enough by a departure from
recognized principles under the present Government ;
and in no respect has this tren more mischievously
shown than in time foreign fooleries of Lord Palmer-
ston. But to the point. It is clear that Russia has a
right, under a solemn treaty, to the line of coast claimed
by her. The existence of this right must have been
known to the Foreign Secretary, and, with ail respect
for Dr. Lushingtoe's opinion, we must declare that
Lord Pahnerston's answer to the inquiries of Mr. Bell
was not such as a British merchant is entitled to ex-
pect from a British Minister. We will give his Lord-
ship's own account of this part of the case, which we
take to be the part it; which his Lordship is inextri-
cably comprotr.;sed. Be himself says—
" ActinK according to what I conceived to be my duty,
d^elinedko give to Mr. Bell any connountation as to what
the bearing of the municipal regulations established by
Russia on tae eastern coast of the Black Sea might be upon
the particular voyage he was about to undertake : but I re-
ferred him to the Gazette, where he would find that no
blockade hail been communicated to this country. There-
fore, when the Hon. and Learned Member (Mr. Roebuck)
sass that the voyage of the Vixen was encouraged—that
the was allowed to go out by the Government as a sort of
reeler, to try a particular question of international law, 1
think, frora the correspondence I have read, the House will
sec that all the replies were of a discouraging, rather than
cdria encouraging, nature."

What Lord Palmerston may conceive to he his duty,
and what really is his duty, are two very different
things. A British merchant applies at the Foreign-
Office for information as to whether there exist any
international obstacles or not to hi 3 embarking his ca-
pital in traffic to a particular coast. The replies,
which in such a case should be clear and distinct, are
admitted by the Foreign Minister to be "rather of a

discouraging than of an encouraging nature and this
Minister furthermore conceived it be his duty not to
apprise Mr. Bell of the regulations established on the
eastern coast of the Black Sea. in this view his
Lordship,was supported by Dr. Lnshington. But
is that Learned Civilian aware that Russia had for-
mally intimated to Lord Ponsonhy, our Anillassador
at Constantinople, that she inteudeti to adopt fiscal and
sanatory regulationstt.lng the coast where the Vixen
was seized? 1 This intimation must have been transmitted
to die Foreign-office, and can any man doubt that in a
great commercial country like this such an intimation
should have been communicated by the Foreign Mi-
nister to a merchant in the situation of Mr. Beil ?
Yet all that Lord Pahnerston himself says he did was
rather to discourage than encourage the mercantile en-
terprise of that gentleman ! Does his Lordship mean
to deny that every member of the Cabinet to whom the
existence of the line of coast in question was known
was equally aware of the existence of Russian rights
under the treaty of Adrianople ? Will he tell us that
he did not receive from our Ambassador at Constanti-
nople a hint, not to be mistaken, as to the determina-
tion of Russia to enforce those rights ? Then we ask
how, in the face of these facts, Lord Palmerston can
presume to justify a course which, by his own admis-
sion, has led to so grave a compromise of British inte-
rests as to involve the possibility of a war between this
country and Russia ? The whole question resolves it-
self into the point of Lord Palmerston's fitness for the
office which he holds ; and, strong as must have been
the conviction in the public mind on this point long
ago, we think that this last specimen of his folly must
decide his removal from even the Melbourne Ministry,
were it not that the incapables composing it are about
to be turned out in a body.—Times.

While the interest of England is condensed almost
upon one question—the battle which the Episcopal
Bench is madly resolved to fight against the settled
opinion of the country—the political horizon both in
France and Spain is assuming a character of stormy
and excited interest, which attracts and deserves the un-
intermitted attention of the politician and the statesman.
Light is breaking through the clouds of the long gloom
with which the Carlist insurrection has inflicted upon
the popular cause in Spain ; the combined contingents
of three Powers of the Quadruple Alliance are now
effectively in the field, and the fourth Power, France,
will have the mortification of seeing herself excluded
from the exertions and the triumphs of a battle, on the
result of which, in all probability, is suspended the
'fate or the subversion of free institutions in her own
country. The Conservatives throughout Europe, who
have fed the Carlist till now with supplies, may be
justly considered as fighting a battle in behalf of ab-
solute authority and passive obedience on the soil of Spain.
The banners of Reform and of popular institutions wave
over the ranks of the Christinos and their allies. Re-
formers of all grades are interested in the conflict, inas-
much as the political dogmas incorporated with the
Spanish Constitution are such as one day will give
the law to this country, to France, and perhaps to the
world. Its war-cry is the original War-cry of the Bar-
ricades in 1830—" No privileged abuses or castes in
Church or State ! No misappropriated Church funds !
No House of Peers !" So much for the great cause
of the people in every part of the world ! In France
the prospects of the same great cause are equally
cheering. It may appear problematical to say so ;
but we say so deliberately and from conviction. There
is a homely but sensible proverb that says—" When
things are at the worst they are the most likely to be
mended." Of any great abuse it may be justly pre-
dicated, that the more atrocious and intolerable it be-
comes,-the better it is eventually for its temporary vic-
tims. On this principle, before the abolition of the
slave trade, we rejoiced to hear of some outrageous
enormity practised by the dealers in human flesh. We
should like to have atrocious examples of flogging in
the army brought forcibly before the public eye, on
the same principle. The bow snaps with being
overstrained ; the gorge of public indignation re-
volts against the outrage ! and by a single fiat
of its will extinguishes it for ever. So we look at
the proceedings of the infatuated men who are
now with headlong infatuation of whip, rein, and
spur, impelling the Government of France to the re-
tribution of a sure and early destruction. It is not a
prison of Ham which ought to be got ready at the
present moment for these truculent and unteachable
madmen ; but a Bedlam of an especial construction
ought to be built for the ultimate enshrinement of a
madness unparalleled in political history. Will it be
believed that even now—with the Chamber of Depu-
ties declaring against them—with the Juries of France
declaring against them—with the army against them---,-
and with public opinion in the electoral colleges so
pronouncedly against the present Government, that it
dare not attempt to remould the Chamber to its pur-
poses by a new election ;—that they still persevere in
the course which has caused all their danger—which
expelled Charles X., and which will expel his cou-
sin ;—namely, by accumulating actions and seizures
against the press, and by persisting in their en-
deavour to suffocate public opinion ? Since we
last noticed their proceedings three actions have
been brought by them; the result of which will
be equally baneful to themselves. The Editor
of the Quotidienne, for an excellent and ad-
monitory article to which we have referred has been
subjected by a majority of one to a fine of 2000 francs
and two months imprisonment ; but the short-sighted
triumph of the Ministry on this account has received
a check by, the acquittal of the Journal de Peuple,
for an article of the same unpliant character. The ac-
quittal of the Charivari will be the 4' unkindest cut of
all in the eyes of the present residents at the chateau,
since it will put a stop to the project c f fleecing the
French people by the noted scheme of appanage for
the junior members of the Orleans family. The very
contemplation of a provision of a distant future by the
present governing powers of France in the present eto-
mentarilv unsettled state of things. would be ridicit-
lolls, if it did not exhibit the contemptible feature of
an insatiate avarice which sticks at nothing to scrape
money together, whether by an undue use of the earli-
est telegraphic communication On 'Change, or by
it-leanly examining the sordid details of the cuisine.
One fancies one sees a second edition of that Didius
who purchased a temporary possession of the Roman
sovereignty by his money, till the people got tired of his
ignoble meannee_ts, and tossed him with a contemptuous
latigh4q es tie to make room for a successor better quails
fled to b.sar the imperial purple. In reality the French
people treat their present oppressors in nearly the same
manner. They laugh at while they hate them. They" use
them fur their mirth ; yea, for their laughter." While
they express the feeling of dislike by the acquittal of
thirty two individuals, accused of belonging to the
secret Chrb of the Socij4 de Famille—and by that
nteans infer that the sovereignty of the Clubs is at
least as legitimate as the apostate sovereignty of the
Barricades—they make a public laughing-stock of the
authority, whose right they deny. Two pregnant ins
stances of this feeling will occur to the reader ; one the
hoax practised on the Minister of Police by two wags,
in
tentions;
and agreed to accuse each other of regicidal
and who gave us a reason on their trial, that they
thought the Ministers such fools that they would be-
lieve any thing ; and next the hoax, which is now
playing upon Persil, the Minister of Public Instruc-
tion, by making use of some abstracted official signa-
tures from his office ; praising one magistrate, cashier-
ing another, asking a third to breakfast, and sending a
fourth upon his travels. These things show the con-
temptinto which a Government falls, which is felt to
be on the verge of an ignoble death. The cannon
which will announce, at Madrid, the triumph of the
quadruple alliance at Fontarabia, will. echo back to
Paris, and announce the death-bed and burial of the
Government of the Barricades.—Morning Advertiser.
To the majority of the Members of Lord Mel-
bourne's Cabinet and of their more immediate sup-
porters, •" the emoluments of office are of conse-
quence." 'So said Sir William Molesworth in the
Westminster Review last January ; and that he spoke
the truth, the state of the public business at the end
of March abundantly testifies. Three great questions
are at issue between the Conservatives and the Go-
vernment -- The Irish Corporation. question, the
Church-rate question, the Appropriation question.
Each of them Li, or ought to be, as Lord John Rus-
sell happily expresses it, " vital to the present Atl-
i ministration." All of them are, therefore, let alone

just at the point where it becomes dangerous to handle
them ; and the gentlemen to whom the " emoluments
of office are of consequence" will be enabled by their
pru lent forbearance; to enjoy those ertioluinents till
after the fillstet keeen. ii first, there is the Irish Cor-
poration question. Upon this the Ministers were sure
c,f a sufficient majority in the Lower House. The di-
visions of last year had effectually committed strength
against reason, and numbers against facts. The Irish
Corporation Bill was, therefore, introduced without
d fficulty and without delay. A contest took place
noon its principle in an early stage of its progress.
The victory was with its promoters ; and as little
further dispute was anticipated upon its details, they
nl!eht have passed it through the House of Commons
with Railroad celerity. But there is a House of Lords.
The defeat of the Bill in the Upper House seems as
certain as its triumph in the Lower. It would be very
uncomfortable to be beaten on the first vital question,
More the holidays. The Bill, therefore, slumbers
undisturbed through Mr. Clay's didactics on the Corn
Laws, and Mr. Grote's metaphysics on the Ballot ; and
the normal schools for agitation will not venture to ap-
ply to the Peers for a license fill after the Easier re-
cess. Next, there is the Church-rate
question. Upon
a resolution embodying the views of the Government
upon this matter, the Ministers anticipated a very
large majority—and, after a 'decisive discomfiture in
the debate—they obtained a very small one. Still
their way was open before them—they had leave to
bring in their Bill. But many who had supported
them thus far had announced their intention of sup-
porting them no further ; many who had long held out
with them unfired were " halting now for breath.
The destruction of the Bill which was to be intro-
duced appeared as indisputable as the success of
the resolution which had been carried. It would be

ruinous to be repulsed on the second vital question
before the holidays. The Report of the Committee is
therefore to be brought up on Wednesday next ; and,
whatever mischief may be meditated by Mr. Benett
and Mr. Cayley—whatever indignation may be felt by
Mr. Harland and Mr. Lambton—those gentlemen will
have no opportunity of recording their hatred of injus-
tice and their honor of spoliation till after the Easter
recess. Thirdly, there is the, appropriation question.
It is the corner-stone on which Lord Melbourne's
power is built—the charter by which his Cabinet is
incorporated. If he resign the appropriation question,
on the same day, for very shame, he must resign the
seals of office. In two Sessions this very Parliament
has adopted the policy pursued upon this subject by
his Cabinet, and sanctioned by majorities with which
he professed himself satisfieda principle whose ratifi-
cation, n caon, he declared, could not, consistentlyf with the
public safety, be withheld or postponed. What, then, I
is become of the Appropriation Bill ? the
atmo-
sphere of the Upper House is ungenial to the con-
sideration of it, why is it not, at least, suffered to
exhibit its beauties in the more favourable climate
of the Lower ? It must be remembered that the
Popish Parliament in Dublin has bound itself
by a formal resolution to be satisfied with nothing
short of the total extinction of the Protestant Esta-
blishment=that many members of that Popish Par-
liament, being Members also of the British House of
Commons, are preparing to maintain in the one capa-
city the purposes they have asserted in the other ;
that the prospective and contingent theft of some
thousands many years hence is little likely, therefore,
to be tolerated either by the honest minority or the
dishonest majority of the House of Common. It
would never do to be routed on the third vital question
before the holidays. We arc told, accordingly, by Lord
J. Russell, that there are numerous difficulties in the
way ;. and we shall hear no, more of the appropriation
`question till after the Easter recess. To Lord Mel-
bourne, then, and his friends belong, for the holidays,
the pay and the patronage of office. Happy be their
enjoyment of this brief period of salaried tranquillity
and if indeed the Conservative Peers are to destroy the
Irish Corporations, the Church lessees to strangle the
Church-rate Bill, and the Popish Radicals to kill with
coldness the appropriation scheme—may no evil dream
present to their imagination these misfortunes till tyter
the Easter recess.—Morning Post.
The persons who pretend 'that they are friendly to
the Church Establishment and to its connection with
the State, and who at the same time support the Mi-
nisterial resolutions for the abolition of Church-rate,
are unworthy of being reasoned with. For the most
part it must be a false pretence. The quality of
dullness is, indeed, sufficiently abundant among Li-
beral Members of the House of Commons, but it is
incredible that more than a few can be so hopelessly
obtuse as not to perceive that these resolutions are
quite destructive in their tendency. If property be
an element of strength, the taking away of property
must have the effect of weakening. If yielding to
a determined enemy up to a certain point, emboldens
that enemy to persevere, the danger from without
to the Church is increased at the very moment
that, by taking. away its. property, it is rendered,
as an Establishment, weaker within. All this is so
plain that none but the stupidest of mankind can
fail to see it. The persons professing friendship
to the Establishment, and at the same time support-
ing the Government, are either so dishonest that no
argument will have any weight with them, or so dull
that no argument will be understood by them. We
leave them to their hypocrisy and their st'tipidity respec-
tively. They who,support die Government resolutions
with a clear understanding that they are .pro Canto
an overthrow of the Establishment, may be divided
into two general classes. Of these classes, one de-
sires the overthrow of the Establishment from mere
depravity—from a hatred of good, and a resolution to
destroy every instrument of good. " Evil, be thou
my good," is the principle of each individual of this
class, awl upon that they act. TI • prince whom they
practically worship will, no doubt, take care of his sown
in the end—for the present they must Intvo thcit fling.
The other class is well affected to morality, and not
averse perhaps from religion, so as they ate allowed to
have all the arrangement of it themselves. They op.
the Establishment because, according to their
views, it does not do good to the cause of true religion
or good government To these we would appeal, upon
time ground of the gross imaiorality from which these
Government resolutions appear to spring, dila the low
vices of factious resentment and base cupidity
which they appear to encourage: Why do the
Ministers propose Snell resolutions P I it td
serve the cause of religion, or of party ? Is it to
promote the welfare of the popl2 in matters of the very
highest moment, or their own welfare as the holders of
place, through the influence of a party ? If it be the
latter, then to contribute to their success is to encoutagg
the grossest of all wrong ; it is to encourage the indul-
gence of the basest selfishness, at the expense of reli-
gion ! Now there is good reason to believe that it is
the. fact. They know, because they have themselves
stated the facts to the public, as members of the Church
Commiseion) that the trieatis of the Chuiteh ate dd-
piorabiv inadequate to the spiritual instruction of the
people. They have told the public that the Established
Church is crippled, and circumscribed by the want of
Churches and ministers in the large towns and portions
district,' of the kingdom, The growth of the ptiptildildil
has been so rapid as to outrun the mea»s of the establish-
ment, and the result has been, that a vast proportion
of the people are left destitute of the opportunities of
public worship and Christian instruction, even when
every allowance is made for the exertions of those
religious bodies, which are not in connection with the
Established Church. These are not our statements,
but those of his Majesty's official servants. They have-
sa'd also that in four London parishes, containing
166,000 persons, there is Church room for only a
twentieth of the whole ; that in 21 other parishes, con-
taining 739,000 persons, there is not Church-room for
quite a tenth of the whole, and not as much as one
clergyman to every 16,400 persons. These, and many
more facts of the same kind, his Majesty's presents M-
inisters have published to the world. Now if, knowing
all this, they suddenly discovered means by which the
possessions of the Church might he made toe
yield a very much larger sum than hitherto they
have yielded, and if they were actuated by a
desire to contribute to the religious knowledge and
morallculture of the people, is it credible that they
would not have sought to apply the money in remedy
of the evils which they have themselves stated and la-
mented ? Is it at all credible that they would prefer
applying it as a substitute for a tax which has existed

from time immemorial, and for the removal of which
none but the Dissenters (if even they) have anything
like a colourable claim ? Is it not, in short, quite
obVious that, stippOSiqg 'them sincere in their belief
that so much more may be obtained from Church lands
than hitherto has been obtained, they have preferred to
apply it to the gratification of a political party rather
than to the promotion of the worship of God, to the re-
lief of the religious destitution of the people which they
themselves acknowledge ? If from this bad' preference
the resolutions have sprung, to support the Govern-
m: rt which proposes them is manifestly to encourage the
most flagrant immorality. Again, these resolutions
are evidently addressed to the cupidity of the nation.
To gratify a certain Ministerial party, it is necessary
to do a great injury to the Established Church, and
an attempt is made to bribe the people into an acquies-
cence in the injury, because the same act which de-
spoils the Church will relieve the people from an im-
post. If, then, the resolutions clearly spring from an
immoral motive, it is no less clear that they arc in-
tended to have an immoral effect—to corrupt the
people by tempting them to desert the Church, upon
the wretched consideration of relieving themselves from
a small money payment. We trust these considera-
tions may have some effect upon men who, whatever
their opinions of the Established Church may be,
would scorn to countenance immorality, whether in
the people's governors, or the people themselves.—
Morning. Herald.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Mutes 18.
ROYAL ASSENT.

The LORD CHANCELLOR, the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, and
Lord DUNCANNON sat at Four o'Clock, as Lords Commis-
sioners, to give the Royal Assent to the Post-office Contracts
Bill ; Charities Commission Bill ; Sedition (Scotland) Bill I
Leicester Corporation Estates Bill ; Hayle Causeway Road
Bill ; Carlton and Lofthouse ( York) Inclosure Bill; Cranfield
(Beds) Inclosure Bill ; Mochnant (Denbigh) Inclosure Bill ;
Alepson's Naturalization Bill; Castelli's (Michael) Naturali-
zation Bill ; Castelli's (Frank) Naturalization Bill ; and Sa-
lami's Naturalization Bill. The Bills on the table were then
forwarded a stage.
A Message from the House of Commons, by Mr. BERNAL
and Others, brought up the Transfer in Aids Bill, the Gran-
ton Pier Bill, and another Private Bill, all of which were read
a first time and ordered to be read a second time on Monday.
The House then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, MAACIf 18.

The House met at Four o'Clock.

Sir AVGUSTUR CLIFFORD, the Usher of the Black Rod,
summoned the Speaker of the House to attend the bar of the
House of Lords, there to hear the Royal Assent given to
several Bills, for which see Lords' report.
The SPEAKER on his return informed the House that the
Royal Assent had been given to several Bills.
CARLOW ELECTION.

The SPEAKER informed the House that he had received
a letter from Mr. N. A. Vigors, stating that a petition having
been presented against his return for the County of Carlow, it
was not his intention to defend his election.
TRANSFER OF AIDS BILL.

On the motion of Mr. BARING, the Transfer of Aids Bill
was read a third time, and passed.

SUPPLY.

Mr. BERNAL brought up the Report of the Committee of
Supply on the Navy Estimate 9.
ANTI-DRY-ROT COMPANY.

Mr. HUGHES HUGHES brought in the Anti-Dry-rot
Company Bill, which was read a first time.
RAILWAYS.

Mr. Alderman WOOD presented a petition from an indi-
vidual against certain parts of the Manchester and Leeds
Railway Bill.
Mr. WALLACE presented a petition from Kilmarnock,
against the Kilmarnock and Ayr Railway Bill.
Mr. LOWTHER presented a petition from York against
the Great North of England Railway Bill,
Sir G. SINCLAIR brought in the Caithness Road Bill,
which was read a first time.

Mr. R. STUART presented two petitions against th•
Glasgow and Ayr Railroad Bill.
Mr. R. POTTER presented a petition from a number of
small freeholders in the county of York against the North Mid-
land Railroad. They were too poor to employ counsel, but
they prayed the House to interfere, as the Railroad would keep
their cows in a constant state of alarm.—( Laughter.)