The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-24 00:00:00

the present moment. All I maintain is, that it is our duly
at present to stand still, and not to proceed to an act so
definite, so positive—and an act so unfriendly to the United
States as that of the recognition of the South. (Hear.) My
noble fi iend spoke of various topics--of danger of Canada
being attacked by the Northern Republic, and of the West
Indies being attacked by the Southern. My lords, I cannot
follow my noble friend into these suppositions. Ido not
venture to say what may be the future course of events. I
confine myself to that which I think to be our duty now
—(hear, hear)—which I think is right, and if that be so we
must be content in future days to meet with future dangers,
and it will not enfeeble our arms if we have it in our power
to reflect that we have never failed in our obligations to
those which have been great States in peace and amity with
us, and that it has not been through any fault of ours that
a'great affliction has fallen on them. (Cheers.) Well, my
lords, I know not that there is anything in what my noble
friend has said to-night which would make it necessary for
me to go much further into this question, but at the same
time there were parts of his speech in which he referred to
former occasions and former instances of it, terference on our
part, as if my noble friend and some of those who looked
forward to his motion to -night expected that there should
be some interference on our part in this war. Now, I wish to
say only a few words upon that which we have done infor-
mer days by way of intervention. We, too, like other
States, have at times taken upon us to intervene. We inter-
fered in the case of Holland to save her from the religious
tyranny and political despotism of Philip 11. That contest
was hallowed by the blood of Sir Philip Sydney, and by the
part we took we contributed to her independence. In an-
other case—the case of Portugal—we interfered. Charles 1.,
Cromwell, Charles 11., all agreed in that interference. We
declared ourselves ready to send 10,000 men to the aid of the
new Government of Portugal, and we helped the Portu-
guese to relieve themselves from the Spanish tyranny under
which they groaned, and to establish the independence of
their State. In more recent times, when Greece endea-
voured to establish her independence, we aided her in her
contest with Turkey; we rescued her from the destruction
which threatened her, and helped her to found a free and in-
dependent monarchy. Take the case of Belgium again.
When the Belgians declared that they were unable to re-
main under the Government of Holland, in accordance
with the Treaty of Vienna, we interfered by force, in con-
junction with France, and the wise and happy arrange-
ment was made by which the freedom of Belgium was se-
cured. Now, my lords, in all these instances, whether the
intervention was carried on by our ancestors or in our own
times, there is nothing of which an Englishman need be
ashamed. (Hear, hear.) If we have taken part in inlerven•
tions, it has been in behalf of the independence, freedom,
and welfare of a great portion of mankind. I should be sorry
indeed if there should be any intervention on the part of
this country which could bear another character. (Cheers.)
I trust that this will not be the case, and that no interests,
deeply as they may affect us—interests which imply the
wellbeing of a great portion of our people, but interests
which may affect also the freedom and happiness of other
parts of the globe—will induce us to set an example different
from that of our ancestors, but that when we are bound to
interfere it will be an interference in the cause of liberty and
to promote the freedom of mankind, as we have hitherto
done in such cases. (Hear.) It is with this conviction that
I have addressed these few remarks as to what has been
done by this country in former days, and I trust that, with
regard to this civil war in America, we may be able to con-
tinue our impartial and neutral course. Depend upon it,
my lords, that if that war is to cease, it is far better it should
cease by a conviction, both on the part of the North and the
South, that they can never live again happily as one com-
munity and one republic, and that the termination of hosti-
lities can never be brought about by the advice, the media-
tion, or the interference of any European Power. (Cheers.)
I repeat I have spoken only of the duty of the Government
at the present time, and I trust that there will now be no
further debate on this subject. (Loud cheers.)
After a few words from Lord STRATHEDEN the subject
dropped.