The Sun.
London, England, 1863-06-10 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 10, 1863.

After all the rhodomontade of the Federals
about victory upon victory having been won by
GRANT over PEMBERTON it now turns out (as usual)
that, according to the very latest accounts received
from the beleagured city of Vicksburg, that place
still, up to that date, held out! Th 3 Confederates
who are defending Vicksburg are said to numbf:r
about 15,000. The Federals who are assailing it

ara spoken of as numbering altogether 60,000
Yet every onslaught up to the latest of these
despatches yet brought to us, per the City of Bal-
timore, had been one after another repulsed.
They had been repulsed so resolutely by the
Confederates, and with such slaughter to the
Federals that the latter—pausing for a
while apparently to recruit their energies—had
actually begun entrenching themselves. Under
ut e h circumstances as these, we cannot for one in-
ant wander when we find a thoroughly outspoken
critic of events like MANHATTAN blurting the fright-
ful troth right out at last, where he says, under
date New York, the 26,h ult.--t, We cannot forget
that every overwhelming
and terrible defeat that
we have sustained v;
Government anuotaieesoftrefaced by the solemn
that we had won
a great victory. It Was
,he adds (de-
scending to the melancholy pasroatiaeutars), ,s in the
case of Bull Run—the seven
Richmond--the slaughter uncle:
hinfPeasastaFerreedaet-
°PE—the
butchery at Antietam—the waste of •
ricksburg—and the last catastrophe under VT ooxER
upon the Rappahannock." He might have ap-
pendA to this, point blank, It is so, now, in reference
to this reported succession of triumphs won over
the Confederates upon the banks of the Mississippi !
already remarked, virtually, as
much in the preceding sentence of this very same

Nay, 1

he not.

communication, from which the foregoing commen-
u taken, has he not already remarked
--and we would here especially call attention to
the two words he has interpolated in parenthesis in
the subjoined passage, words that we have ventured
yet further to emphasise bylitalicising—" We navy
been so often,"writes MANHATTAN at the very outset
of his letter pened on the 26th—" We have been so
often bitten by thy good 'news that our forces had
whon a great victory, and afterwards had to weep
was not true, that many people are shy and
auspicious of the flood of victories that has poured

taries have bee

in upon us since Saturday lust, cuiminaticg in the
Let. of Erne)—' Our flag now floats over the blood-
staintd Walls of Vickk,barg.'" 'Observe !—"

true !" the victories turn out to have been—every one
of them—repulses. The Confederate flag still waves
(not the Federal flag) "over the bloodstained walls
of Vicksburg." What says MANHATTAN a little later
on in his uncompromising way ? Surely hometruths
were never so bluntly spoken right out before ! Corns
were never trodden upon more ponderously ! " There
are many," quoth this rough and ready Junius of
the Yankees, " Who do not believe Vicksburg is
taken. I for one." There is a touch of ROEBUCK
to his style. It is very dramatic, thoroughly
honest, indiscreet (according to the official
view of indiscretion), but always manly,
and always comprehensible. " Why'' asks MAN-
HATT AN, with a keen eye to the reductio ad
absurdum, " should 20,000 or even 10,000 men in
that city (i.e., Vicksburg) surrender without firing
a gun ? It is not the usual rebel praetice. The
name of every man in Vicksbur g would be con
signed to infamy if it was so. Yet, to have this
news true, the immense force must have run away
as if (hey were frightened sheep. Ido not believe
they did. Consequently Ido not think Vicksbui g
is ours just now. It may be by-and-bye. Again,
I will believe that we have gained a great success
when I hear what has become of General JOHN-
STONE and his army, He is the best general in
the rebel service. [MANHATTAN should have saia
what he probably here meant—Now that STONE-
WALL JACKSON is no more.] As yet, we have
no accounts of him, and he is a man that must
be reckoned as of some account in a fight before
we claim a decided victory. We are all up in
the air now. All inflated with this great
victory. GOD grant it may prove true, if it will
bring this cruel and unnatural civil war to
an end one hour sooner. Defeat has no effect
upon our spirits. It depresses us for a moment, but
like old topers, we drink up the next morning our
dead liquor, and get more excited than ever. To-
day or to-morrow may come the news VicksbUrg
is not taken. JOHNSTONE and the other Gene-
rals have combined—a battle has been fought—
and our poor fellows have been slaughtered
to the extent of 15,000 or 20,000. GRANT and
his army are prisoners.' " All which—though
put by MANHATTAN only hypothically—is in the
highest degree probable, The facts still being that
Vicksburg, when these last advices left, yet held
out, and that since Jackson fell into the hands of
the Federals nothing whatever has been heard or
seen by them of General JOHNSTONE—that General
being notoriously engaged in gathering reinforce-
ments together at Canton or thereabouts with a
view (if he can only contrive to do it in time) to
raise the siege of Vicksburg !

Last night the " Security from Violence Bill"
was read a second time in the House of Lords.
Lord CARNARTON moved the second reading. This
noble lord has before distinguished himself on the
subject of prison discipline, and through his exer-
tions has brought the case before the public very
fully. He explained the purport of his measure as
very simple and very short. He proceeded briefly
to answer the objections which he knew many per-
sons entertained to the proposal. in the first place,
it was said that to award a particular punishment
for a particular offence, was special legislation.
Now, he argued that it might be desirable to put a
number of offences in one category, but that it was
seldom practicable. On the contrary, said his
lordship, it has been very much the genius of Eng-
lish legislation to deal with each particular case and
suggest the most suitable remedy. It was a uni-
versally acknowledged fact that crime had increased
during the last few years, especially had offences
augmented in attacks on the person which were
known as " garotting." Last autumn this crime was
committed to a frightful extent, and though some said
there was exaggeration in these statements, yet the
great number of convictions proved that there was
good ground for alarm. It was true that there was
a large decrease now, but that might be mainly
attributable to the summer season, which did not

offer such facilities for the commission of the offence.
Finally, Lord CARNARVON said that he objected
to what might be termed "panic legislation."
But it was precisely to prevent that undesirable
result that he wished their lordships now to
dispose of the affair. There was great force in this
suggestion of Lard CARNARYON'S, for if nothing is
done this session, in all probability there will be a
renewal of the disgraceful scenes of last autumn,
and then there will be so much indignation felt in
some quarters, and so much terror exhibited in
others, that it will end in a panic requiring
the Legislature at last to interfere. In
pursuance of the nature of this offence his
lordship said that it was well known that
the perpetrators of the crime of " garotting "
were generally those who had often before been con-
victed, and he added these appropriate remarks on
the perversion of justice that has so often taken
place of late years. "And where such violence has
been used as is calculated to result iu murder we
must not draw too nice a distinction if an intent
to murder has been frustrated by some Provi-
dential interposition or some fortunate accident. I
must say that Parliament has to thank itself in a
great degree for this state of things. Unfortunately
it has been for some years the study of Parliament
to mitigate every rigour of the law, to cut down
punishments, to abate the severity of sentences, and
even when they are pronounced, to modify them
very considerably. I think this course of legis-
lation has contributed materially to give rise to a
special case; and as we have such a case to deal with

we ought not to hesitate to apply a special remedy."
This was a well-deserved reproof to those who are
scandalised at the idea of exercising severity to-
wards prisoners, but who at the same time persist in
frustrating the objects of all old established forms
of punishment. They deprecate the introduction
of new measures, while they virtually annul the
effect of the old ones. In support of the proposal
for the infliction of corporal punishment Lord CAR-
NARVON alluded to the efficacy of the system in
putting a stop to the attempts at violence OR the
person of her MAJESTY. It had also been proved to
be effectual in preventing the recurrence of acts of
destruction against works of art. Lord CRANWORTH
moved an amendment, however, that the bill be read
a second time that day six months. He gave as
his reason that it was rot possible to prevent par-
tinter crimes by special acts. His lordship also

said that he looked upon the principle of the mea-
sure as objectionable. Fortunately, however, the
House did not appear to coincide with this view of
the question, for the amendment was negatived
without a division. Lord GRANVILLE was
apparently anxious t,) prevent the mea-
sure from passing, and yet was wise enough
to know that he would sustain defeat in
doing so. Under the circumstances he had better
have had the grace to keep quiet, for the state
of things as regards the "garotters" reflects great
discredit on the Ministers, and, in fact, upon all
in authority. They follow their own pet schemes
with great eagerness, and are always ready to ad-
vocate their own views; but the safety of the public
It is ail very well for
IL'solaruditGeita:NovthiLe:
En uaEnsdtiohnis.
friends to laugh at chi-
merical fears and to denounce panic 1, gist:awn, buf.

if their own fnuiliies were is a differunt grade of
society they would ❑ot like them to run the risk of
each attacks. For the rak of keeling up the re-

prehensible custom that now prevails of condoning
crime, they are willing to make their arguments
subservient to the cause of protecting felons. It is no-
torious that the present system in our convict prisons
is a mockery, and that the gaols are not much
better as regards discipline, though things do not
rest on the same indulgences. All who understand
this class of offenders will recognise the importance
of attaching disgrace to such outbreaks. The man
who comes out of prison under this sentence
cannot be a hero to his associates. It

is most satisfactory that the measure is in
a manner settled ; and the b3st proof that it
was needed consists in the fact that none of its
opponents could suggest a better remedy. They
did not even attempt to find one, so that whatever
good results may ensue from this plan the public
will not have to tbank the Government. They
have been most supine in the ease, and apparently
consider it of very little consequence, one way or
the other, regarding the whole aff.ir as a panic•
Those who consider that it is always most undesir-
able to allow such scandalous proceedings to pass
unchecked, will appreciate the efforts that have been
made in both houses to hold out a threat to such
offenders : and all who suffered last year
from the prevalence of this nefarious practice will
rejoice to know that some effort has been made to
check the progress of the evil, if not to prevent its
recurrence.

It is necessary for the Metropolitan Boards to
watch narrowly the proceedings of the owners of
land in the neighbourhood of the few open spaces
which our ever-growing streets and squares have
left us. It is not long since general excitement
prevailed on the southern side of the Taames, in
consequence of attempts being made to convert the
pleasant commons of that locality into rows of
bricks and mortar. While that question still re-
mains pending, the enemy make a fresh assault in
another quarter, though we can hardly call it a
new attack, inasmuch as Hampstead-heath has
been often the object of aggression before now. It
certainly appears strange that the wishes of the
public should be so often disregarded in this matter,
and that these continual endeavours should be
made to trench on the public privileges. If these
gentlemen had their will, the busy classes who in-
habit our crowded thoroughfares, with but little
variation during the round of the year, would lose a
very wholesome and innocent recreation. Gentle-
men who are owners of lands or gardens of their
own, when wearied with the sights and sounds
of the metropolis, can refresh themselves after
the fulfilment of their Parliamentary or social
duties, by a residence in the country or a conti-
nental tour. The class they would shut out from
the heaths and commons of the metropolis, has no
such opportunities. A Sunday excursion to Hamp-
stead, or Tooting, doubtless appears to these gentle-
men a contemptible enjoyment, which is more hon.
cured in the breach than the observance, and one that
deserves little consideration at the hands of cultivated
and rational mortals. It is our English custom to
respect the rights of classes, of whatever degree,
and to endeavour at least to look on such matters
as they appear to the interested parties. If the
gentlemen who look with such scorn on the pleasures
of a suburban stroll in the company of donkey boys
and ginger beer sellers were, by some extraordinary
transformation, to be compelled to spend their days
in one unvarying round in a dark shop or close
office, we apprehend that even such a view of blue
sky and green fields would be welcome. While such
throngs continue to resort to these places it is evident
they supply a popular want which it would be difficult
to meet without them. Where would the crowds
who now resort to the heaths and commons spend
their holiday afternoons if those places were enclosed?
The parks are not elastic, and if they were, there is
more formality and restriction about them. It is
the professed object of the present day to foster
every kindly feeling between classes, and to en-
courage every healthy influence, while our sanitary
reformers and men of science talk much about the
care of the public health. Why then should these
repeated attempts, which contravene every one of
these professions, be suffered to continue. Cannot
some means be devised by which all such questions
may be set satisfactorily at rest. Iv, is time that
some general principle were acted upon for th
protection of these public rights, which are other-
wise likely to suffer from some unsuspected bill
passing through a careless or empty House. It
might have been supposed that the metropolitan
members would be the first to stand up for the
rights of their constituents, but such is not the
fact. At a recent meeting of the St. Pancras Re-
presentative Council, Captain CAMERON called at-
tention to another 1 which had been intro-
duced into Parliament by two metropolitan
members—Mr. Cox and Sir MORTON PETO

—which Bill had for its ostensible object an
amendment of the Leases and Sales of
Settled Estates Act, but its real object was to
enable Sir T. M. WILSON to build in the immediate
vicinity of Hampstead-heath. A bill on the same
subject has also been introduced in the Lords under the
auspices of the Lord Chancellor, so that there is really
ground for uneasiness. Captain CAMERON remarked
as a proof of the character of the bill that part of

it went to repeal the 21st section of the Leases and
Sales of Settled Estates Act of 1856, which pro-
hibited Sir T. M. WILSON from building on the
ground adjacent to, and which would effect the
enclosure of, Hampstead-heath. The section which
it was proposed to repeal by the present bill was,
the prohibition to any person who had been before
the House of Lords with a private bill for enclosing
public places, which had been reported against by
the judges, from obtaining any public act to enable
him to do so. The justice and reasonableness of
this clause is evident, and it is difficult to see what
can be the object of proposing to expunge it unless
some fresh enclosure is meditated. We trust that
the ♦arious Metropolitan Boards will not relax
their vigilance, and that the members of both
Houses will examine narrowly the clauses of any
bill of this nature which may be brought before
them. It is easier to withhold permission than to
withdraw, less difficult to forbid the building of
houses than to pull them down when built, and the
members of our Legislature may he sure that in
countenancing any such infringement of the public
rights and privileges they will be committing a
most impolitic and unpopular act, and, will be
occasioning great and lasting regret.

THE PRINCESS INIARY'S CONCERT.—The grand
military concert which is to take place on Satur-
day next in the Exhibition Building, on behalf of the
Princess Mary of Cambridge's fund for providing nurses for
the aged and invalid inmates of the Cambridge Asylum for
Soldiers' Widows, promises to be a great success. All the
bands of the various regiments of the Household Brigade
are engaged to perform, and from the number of tickets
already sold it is believed that from 1.5,000 to 20,000 persons
andou of doing
will avail themselves of the opportunity at once of seeing
all the beauty and fashion of London, of listening to the
grandest military music of the day, of spending a very plea..
thrartbb public
sent afternoon amid the familiar aisles of the Exhibition,
y goontheir
eoneen of .
THE CONFED the most deserving of
e_charities. it is more than probable, we hear,
Casseterides, fro:1"T E STEAMER GEORGIA.—The
Prince and Princess os f Wales will promote the
good work b
Confederayte 5,
gracious P
ce
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in let. 4 N , long. 30 \V., by a
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to take passengers, but declined.
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