The Sun.
London, England, 1837-04-10 00:00:00

IWALTON RACES.

The Members' Plate had not a sufficient entry to admit a
race, and in consequence of it and other stakes not obtaining
nominations, the meeting is put off, probably to the latter end
of the season.

NOVEL AND EXTRAORDINARY SPORTING Wanßa.—A match
of a very singular description came off in a field at Highwood
Hill, near Barnet, on Tuesday last. Mr. W. Freeman, land-
lord of the Wheatsheaf, at Well End Green, Shenley, under-
took to leap over twelve hurdles, placed eight yards apart, on
foot, against a horse, ridden by the owner (a gentleman
weighing fifteen stone), the animal being backed to leap a like
number of hurdles, placed at the same distance from each other
in a row parallel with those to be vaulted over by Mr. Free-
man. The match is said to have been for 401., and bets were
freely laid in favour of the horse. The novelty of the affair
attracted many spectators. Previously to starting, the owner
of the horse played a number of pranks with him mounting
and dismounting several times in succession, and suddenly
riding, by way of a frolic, at full speed into the midst of the
bystanders. Fortunately no one was hurt, but the shouts of
the crowd alarmed the animal, and, after taking three of the
hurdles in good style, he bolted, and could not be brought up
again until Mr. Freeman had accomplished' his task. Mr.
Freeman had a rather severe fall, from catching the last hurdle
but one with his foot. He, however, recovered himself imme-
diately, and won with ease, to the no small chagrin of the pro..
prietor of his four-footed competitor.

Mr. W. Tooke paired off with Mr. C. Baring Wall
on Major Fancourt's Amendment to the Mutiny Bill.

LONDON,
MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 10,1837.

The third reading of the Irish Corporation Bill
comes on to-night, when we doubt not it will be
proved to the country that the representatives of the
people are determined to follow up perseveringly their
decision on Lord F. EGERTON'S motion. The majo-
rity on that occasion was signalized by some circum-
stances which materially altered the position of ;he
question. It had been given out by the opponents of
Reform, that among other achievements of theirs
during their festive campaign in the autumn of
last year, they had accomplished such a re-action
in the public mind on the subject of this Bill as
would assuredly leave it with a greatly diminished
number of supporters in the House of Commons—
so small a number, indeed, as would amply justify the
the Lords in kicking it out of their House with even
less ceremony than formerly. Well, the day of trial
came, and it proved what had often been proved be-
fore, that the Tories are bad prophets, and, if possi-
ble, still worse interpreters of public opinion. The
result showed not only a greater majority in favour of
the Bill, than had ever at that stage voted for it be-
fore ; but it exhibited the still more mortifying catas-
trophe to sanguine and prophetic minds, that the an-
ticipated conversions were all the wrong way. It
established the very extraordinary fact, that the eyes
of many Tory Members had been opened, and that
these Members could no longer, in conscience, oppose
the great and popular measure which merely gave jus-
tice to Ireland.

This unexpected result threw the party on their
backs. It completely upset all their calculations, and
rendered it necessary to recast the plan of the cam-
paign. For the House of Lords to stand out against
an increasing majority, increasing too by desertions
from the ranks of Toryism, would he dangerous policy,
and they therefore determined to compromise matters
by giving their sanction to a modified Corporation
Bill for Ireland.

It is, we believe, precisely in this state of things

that the House of Commons proceeds to-night to the)
third reading of the Irish Municipal Bill.
No Liberal Member of the House of Commons
needs to be informed what the duty is which his
constituents and his country expect him to perform
in these circumstances. No faithful Representative
of the people requires to be told, that if he do
not attend in his place and support the measure by
clenching his former vote, he endangers its ultimate
success, and must take the responsibility therefrom
ensuing. It is quite clear that the organs of Toryism
are trying to throw those who are silly enough to be-
lieve anything coming from such a quarter off their
guard, by pretending that, were an opening made for
their patrons to come into power, they would de-
cline availing themselves of it. " The pear is
not ripe yet," says one of these self-denying worthies
this morning, therefore you need not be under any
alarm. Now, let there be a considerable falling off in
the majority on the third reading of the Bill—it matters
not from what cause=and we shall soon see how ra-
pidly the pear will ripen. The Lords will not be slow
to follow up the advantage gained in the Commons.
They will give the Bill the coup de grace with hearty
good will, and point to the declining support it received
on the third reading, as at once a proof of the popular
feeling, and a justification of their own conduct.
As to the merits of the question at issue, it would
be a mere waste of time to enter into them at this
time of day. All that Ireland demands is simply
justice. She asks to be put on a footing of equality
with the other sections of that empire with which
she has been united on the terms of an incorporating
union. Those who deny her this equality as regards
the reform of her Municipal Corporations, on the
ground of danger to the Church, must, in order to
be consistent, deny her every other civil right. They
must re-enaet the severities of the penal code
against Catholicism, and repeal the Reform Bill ;
for to expect that with the power which the Ca-
tholics now possess they can be prevented from ob-
taining what they demand—namely, the right of ma-
naging their own Municipal concerns—is one of the
greatest absurdities that ever entered the mind of man.
Why then vex and exasperate the public mind of
Ireland by delaying to grant that which must soon
either be voluntarily conceded, or extorted by force ?
Above all, why introduce the Protestant Church as the
great barrier to the enjoyment of the privileges of the
British Constitution by the people of Ireland ?

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL'S Imprisonment for
Debt Bill stands on the Order Book of the House of
Commons for further discussion in Committee this
evening. We trust there will be a fuller attendance of
Hon. Members than there was on Thursday last, when
one of the most important clauses was carried without
eliciting a remark from any of the Liberal Members,
who feign to take such a lively interest in the details of
this Bill. Bad as is the present law of debtor and
creditor—and Heaven knows we were long of opinion
that worse could not be devised—we almost fear, that
in the case of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL'S Bill, the
remedy is worse than the disease. If a debtor con-
trive to owe a less sum than 1001. to each creditor, he
is perfectly secure under the proposed law both as re-
gards person and goods. Nay, if he play his cards
skilfully, he may keep his creditors at bay for three
years, despite of a host of attornies, and at last may
send them about their business 501. worse for the
annoyance they gave him. But if the debtor owe 1001.
or upwards to any single creditor, the new law places
him at once at the mercy of every creditor to whom he
may owe a sum equal to that amount. In such a case
all the creditor has to do is to ask the amount of his
debt ; if it be not paid forthwith, or sufficient
surety given, he has only to serve his creditor
with a notice to pay the debt in twenty-one
days ; and if it be not paid within that period on the
twenty-second day, he can declare his debtor a
bankrupt, and compel him under penalty of impri-
sonment, to make out a schedule of all his effects
—though he might be possessed of ten thousand times
as much property as would pay the paltry debt de-
manded. It was well observed by Mr. RICHARDS in
the Committee on Thursday, when the 12th clause
was under discussion, that an Hon. Member of that
House might, if a trader, be sued for 10,0001.,
and though in possession of property worth 30,000/.,
he might be both unable to pay such a sum or to
find sureties for so large a sum in the short space of
twenty-one days—so that with the most ample means
he could not escape insolvency, which in such a case
would amount to ruin. Sir FREDERICK POLLOCK
put the objections to which the proposed law is liable
in a still stronger light. "If a person of large pro-
perty," argued the Hon. and Learned Gentleman,
" were sued for a judgment debt, and the debt were not
paid instantly, not all his creditors, but one individual
creditor might call upon him for a schedule of all his
effects—not merely a schedule of property sufficient to
satisfy that particular judgment, but he could call
upon him to disclose all his concerns, and if the debtor
on his examination gave dissatisfaction to the Com-
missioner, he could be brought before a Judge, and
sent to prison till he should satisfy the Judge. Now,
he did not see the great advantage. of this course, and
he saw a very great disadvantage in making every cre-
ditor of the party the investigator of the debtors' con-
cerns, toties quoties, every time a judgment debt was
obtained, while the debtor every time got no discharge at
all. Constant complaints were made of the proceedings
under a commission of bankruptcy, in consequence
of their inquisitorial character, and in the Insolvent
Court the case was the same. The system of forcing
a debtor to make a complete discovery of his property
by sending him to prison if he gave dissatisfaction, and
keeping him there until the Judge was satisfied,ought at
least to be followed by some corresponding advantage to
him. He would not, as the clause stood, be in the same
position as an insolvent debtor or a bankrupt under the
present law, and after successive examinations by sepa-
rate judgment creditors, after pie had been stripped of
every farthing, he would be incapable of obtaining
fresh credit, if an Act of Parliament did not give him
relief from his liabilities. His Hon. and Learned
Friend the ATTORNEY-GENERAL might perhaps ob-
ject to a cessio bonorum, but if this clause were framed
on this principle, he for one should object to it as be-
ing exceedingly harsh and severe. It was contrary to
the principles of the law of England, and he was as-
tonished that his Hon. and Learned Friend should
think of giving a single judgment creditor the whole
power of bankruptcy and insolvency to enable him to
get his debt paid, and yet give the debtor no relief.
His Hon. and Learned Friend said he wished to abo-
lish imprisonment for debt ; but under this clause
where was the difference between the present and the
proposed law ? Was there any difference in going to
gaol on a commissioner's warrant or a sheriff's writ ?
or was there any magic in the former which would in-
fuse a greater share of candour into the breast of a
debtor ? "

Such a system of debtor and creditor law as that de-
nounced in this extract from the speech of Sir F.
POLLOCK, is unfit for the meridian of Great Britain.
It would fill the island with insolvents in a month—to
the ultimate ruin of all commercial enterprise. What
merchant would freight a vessel for Canton, or any
port out of the chops of the Channel, if he knew
that in twenty-one days some creditor who envied
his prosperity might compel him to declare him-
self a bankrupt ? What country gentleman would
contract a debt on the security of his rent-roll, if he
were confident that every Gilbert Glossin to whom he
might owe 1001. might compel him, on a twenty-one
days' notice, to make a full disclosure of the state of
his affairs ? Why, in the commercial world, such dis-
closures would assuredly, in every case, ruin the debtor.
Besides, in the name of common sense, wherefore is a
greater power given to the creditor than may be requi-
site for the recovery of his debt ? If the debtor ex-
hibit a schedule sufficient to discharge the amount of
debt demanded, every rational end of justice is satisfied.
A further exposure of the affairs of the unfortunate
creditor ought
.to be guarded against by the law ; and
the attempts of the malicious to wound the feelings of
persons on the verge of insolvency, by prying unneces-
sarily into their affairs, merit punishment—not encou-
ragement.

—lf the Bill of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL pass hi
its present form, it will do away with the evil of impri-
sonment for debt, but, on the other hand, it will fill

the emintr . with insolvents. Nos there exiqtr rnt
shadow ofja necessity for substituting one tremendous
evil for another. The power of imprisoning a man
for a debt which he has no means of paying when de-
prived of his liberty, is almost as oppressive as the
Roman law, which enabled the creditor to sell his
debtor, or keep him as a slave till the payment of the
debt ; but we question whether, in a commercial coun-
try, such a law is not exceeded in cruelty by one
which enables the creditor to declare his debtor
insolvent in three weeks, and so fling him without
property or reputation on the world. Hon. Gentle-
men should take up the subject of this Bill in quite a
different spirit from that which animated the past dis-
cussions upon it. They should bear more strongly in
mind the commercial character of this country. Unless
the Bill be greatly modified we would rather want it
altogether.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL has published a pam-
phlet, in the shape of a letter, to Lord STANLEY, on
the law of Church-rates. Nothing could be more
seasonable than this publication, and we are quite sure
that no one, with any pretension to fairness or impar-
tiality, can rise from the perusal of it without being
convinced that there is no longer any room for dispute
about the bearing of the law on this important ques-
tion. It may be recollected that during the debate in
the House of Commons, on the resolution for the abo-
lition of Church-rates, Sir WILLIAM FOLLETT,
who is very apt to merge his law in his politics when
there is a party purpose to serve, laid it down very
dogmatically, that the law could compel the pa-
rishioners to assess themselves for the repairs
of the Church, and for providing the things ne-
cessary for carrying on public worship. This
was hailed with loud acclamations by those gentle-
men who, wishing to continue the Church-rate im-
position, were very much at a loss for arguments to
support their views ; and Sir JOHN CAMPBELL, who
spoke immediately afterward in the debate, was abused
up hill and down dale by the squad of serviles,
who out of the House are ever ready to re-echo the
factious cries of those within it, because he corrected
the Learned Member for Exeter, and placed the legal
meths of the question on their true footing. Sir JOHN,
on that occasion, stated the law to be, that when the
majority of the parishioners met in vestry had laid a
Church-rate, the law would enforce the payment of
that rate, but that there was no law to compel the
parishioners to lay the rate. The most forward of the
yelpers at this statement of the legal question was
Lord STANLEY, who, with his usual diffidence, took
upon himself to contradict the opinion of his Majesty's
Attorney-General on a dry point of law. Sir JOHN
CAMPBELL has therefore very properly addressed—
we were going to say dedicated—the pamphlet, in
which he confirms his opinion by an appeal to the
highest legal authorities, to the Noble Lord, who
we hope will read, learn, and inwardly digest its con-
tents, before the next discussion on the Church-rate
question comes on in the House of Commons.

We are sorry that want of room prevents our giving
even an abstract of this learned and useful production ;
we shall, however, take an early opportunity of making
our readers acquainted with its leading features.

The French mails of Friday and Saturday have not
yet arrived. We are consequently unacquainted with
the progress which the Citizen KING has made in
the appointment of his Cabinet. And yet, when all
is done, the affair is of little consequence, as no
Minister can remain for any length of time in
office, who has not influence sufficient to change
the whole domestic policy of France. The re-
pressive system is worn out—the spy system is
worn out—the KING'S name has lost its magical in-
fluence—the whole current stock of political adventu-
rers are not worth a sous a-head in the opinion of the
people—and in fine the nation sees in Louis PHI-
TIPPE a political mountebank solely intent on making
money, wielding a despotic power, and procuring Royal
Crowns for his children. He quarrels with his Cabi-
net, and risks the peace of France in order to grasp
an apanage for his son ; and yet to deliver Spain from
a fratricidal war of three years' continuance, he feigned
a reluctance to burthen his loving subjects with tavr.a
necessary for the equipment of a foreign legion I

Brussels and German Papers have been received,
but their contents are of no political importance. A
letter from the frontier of Russia has some ingenious
observations on the probable effect of the Imperial
Ukases, making a knowledge of the Russian language
a necessary qualification for all offices within the pre-
sent limits of the empire. Some extracts from the
Brussels Papers will be found in another column.

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