The Sun.
London, England, 1839-12-27 00:00:00

EVENING EDITI_ON

feelings of hatred, rancour, and malignity among men.
—(Cheers). Was it for nothing that Lord Brougham
elevated a person, known in this country as Crawley,
but who calls himself Crolly in England? This person,
whom Lord Brougham elevated, was the leader in those
sermons on the .sth of November ; was it for nothing
that the M‘Neiles, Greggs, and M'Ghees, and forgers,
were carried, preaching a crusade through England and
Scotland ?—(Hear, hear.) They have proclaimed war—
then I war to them if they do.-se(Cheers.) M'Neile, who
called the Queen Jezebel, was the preacher to the Pro-
testant Association in Sheffield ; and who was the presi-
_ dent of that Association? Why, Lord Wharncliffe, the
intimate friend of Peel and Wellington ! This Wharn-
cliffe was not, like our Lord Roden, half mad, but was
a keen, shrewd Yorkshircmau, who had no more religion
in his heart than he had in his boot. Now, the last
symptom we have had was I‘l•Neile's being introduced
by this Lord Wharncliffe.—(Hear.) Was not that a
symptom ? And was there not another in the fact
that no voice was raised for us in England ?—( Hear,
hear.) The Radicals in England had quailed before
the Chartists, and the Chartists quailed before a handful
of Irish soldiers. You must, therefore, come out, one
and all, for yourselves. Why, the Tories themselves,
with respect to Ireland, are divided into two parties—
one is for the repeal of the Catholic Emancipation Bill,
and the other say they will not repeal, but they will
nullify it. What care I whether they repeal it or not,
if they deny us the benefit of the measure ? Is it not
more insulting to withhold from us that to which we are
legally entitled ? For my part, lam determined they
shall not swindle me, nor shall they swindle the people
of Ireland, if lean help it.—(Cheers.) The people of
Ireland arc too intelligent to permit themselves to be
thus swindled—they arc shrewd and sensible, as their
whole conduct clearly proves. Look to Ireland at the
present hour. Never before was Ireland so peaceful.
Was that the case during the days of Tory domination
Why, before 1829, we invariably had the Insurrection
Act, the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, or a
Peace Preservation Act, as they used to call it. For
twenty-two out of twenty-nine years we had some one of
these Acts in full operation—a tolerable specimen of the
effects of the Union.—(Cheers.) Why, it the union did
not exist, would any man have been mad enough to have
dared, in our Irish Parliament, to vote away the liberties
of millions of his countrymen ?—(Cheers.) We shall
begin the new year well ; we must be up and stirring. I
must have every province, borough, city, and town in
Ireland met ; and declare we will have the Liberal Pro-
testants, and I am happy to see soy:Niel of them about
me here to-day.—(Hear, hear.) They will join in an
address to the Queen ; they will join us to petition Par-
liament ; but, above all things, the Catholics must act
for themselves, in a solemn declaration, which I shall
draw up for your approval.—(Hear, hear, hear.) I
trust that it will be read and signed by Pecr, Pre-
late, Priest, and People.—(Hear, hear.) I trust we
shall have six or eight millions of signatures to it, and
then we shall lay it before the Imperial Parliament of Bri-
tain. In that document I will state our just claim to
have the rights, the liberties, and franchises of the
country. I will state in that, in very few words, the
treachery and breach of faith by which the Orange faction
deprived us of our rights and liberties ; and I shall also
put forward in that same petition, the peaceful, and
loyal, and constitutional means by which we acquired
our restoration.—(Great applause.) The Tories, we
all know, are the most venomous gang on the face of
the earth ; but we care not for them—we stand in the
face of heaven their equals ; and, in the name of nature,
and nature's God, we will never surrender to them,—
(Cheers.) I will state that we are too intelligent to be
imposed on—we have too mush wealth to be put down ;
and we are, above all things, too courageous and too
numerous to be trampled on ; and that neither Tory,
or Orangeman, or Saxon of any kind, shall trample on
the people of Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) Let every
man who wishes to be a slave—let every man who
desires bondage to a state of glorious liberty, shrink
from placing his signature to our petition ; but, on the
other hand, let every loyal and brave man sign it, and, if
necessary, sign it with his blood.—(lmmense applause.)
No, I say, we must not delay or hesitate. I came here
to-day for the purpose of arousing you to this peaceful
exertion. I shall prepare our declaration ;it will be
drawn up in the true spirit of unaffected and fervent
loyalty.—(Cheers.) We will tell the Queen that the
security of her throne and the stability of her house de-
pend on the allegiance of the Irish people. (Cheers.)
We talk not or using physical force, but that which the
constitution sanctions, and the law allows, we shall adopt,
and thus be enabled to defend the throne, and secure the
peace, happiness, and prosperity of the illustrious indi-
vidual
who holds it.—(Loud cheering.) The disloyal,
the disaffected, and rebellious Orangemen we are deter-
mined to discourage in their rebellious deeds. The Irish
people shall shrink from an attempt to countenance those '
English factionists, who would fain annihilate us as they
have trampled on our rights and liberties.—(Cheers.)
In short, Ireland must remain in the majesty of her might-
iness—she must sustain her ancient character ; and we
must not submit, in the history of our native land,
which may be published hereafter, to be handed down
as being defeated by a rebellious clan, whose wai ch-
word smells of treason, and whose disloyalty to the Sove-
reign and her advisers makes them doubly detestable.—
(Great applause.) Others may adopt the war of blood-
shed it' they chose—they may smile at the slaughter—
but ours shall be a very different course. We shall
avoid all illegal contests, and the best way to do that is
by standing in readiness to support the throne.--(Hear,
hear, rod loud cheers.) What country under heaven,
I ask you, can boast of having acted more loyally than
ours? Our merits are great. Did any country ex-
hibit such fervent loyalty as Ireland has done within the
last twelve or fifteen months ? Why, there is not a
large manufacturing town in England in which a great
number of Irish labourers, operatives of various kinds,
is not to be found ; and yet it is a fact, that in Liver-
pool where there are thousands of Irishmen employed,
in Manchester, and many other towns likewise, not a
wan of them joined the Chartist insurrection.—( Loud
cheers.) I stated, some time ago, that in Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, the Irishmen there made an excep-
tion ; but I had the honour to receive a communication
from a Catholic priest, an English gentleman, in that
town, informing me that I was mistaken, and stating
that very few Irishmen had joined the Chartists ; there
was one O'Brien amongst the few, and this man styles
himself " Bronterre"—(A laugh.) It delights me to
have received such a letter from the Rev. Gentleman to
whom I have alluded.—(Hear, hear.) He states, that
so far from the Irishmen joining the insurrectionists,
they actually sought his counsel and advice on the sub-
ject ; and what is still more pleasing, they had adopted
his counsel and followed his advice : and that was, you
may depend upon it, to avoid all Chartists. Yes, yes ;
have not we a noble example in the Irishmen who are in
Cardiff, and who, to the number of a hundred, collected in
a body and offered to defend even the property and lives of
their oppressors, among whom was the Marquis of Bute ?
But look to Ireland, look through universal Ireland—was
there a single one among us who did not know, that
1 by taking advantage of the working of the Chartists,
we should have been enabled—had we agitated while
they were proceeding with such insane violence—was
there one among us who did not know that we should
have wrested from the fears of the English Ministry
that which we should not obtain from their judgment
and good sense ?—(Hear. hear.) Why, no one knew
that better than I did ; but if we had countenanced the
Chartists by a strong agitation for our constitutional
rights, ,no man knew how far they would have gone to
destroy life and property in England. But I know my
duty better—l know my countrymen better—l know
that they desire not to have anything to
do with those who counsel or who talk of violence.—
(Hear, and cheers.) No, my countrymen—we stand
in the loyal integrity of our hearts ; and though we
have suffered, and still suffer injustice—though our
rights are refused us—though they have denied us our
franchises—nut only have they denied them, but have
male them so narrow that they were an insult—though
they refuse us Corporate Reform—though they refuse us
the application of the rent-charge to public purposes,
an application on which we must continue to insist—
( Hear, hear)—we have been peaceful—we have been
loyal—we have been free from crime, while England is
immersed in turbulence, in crime, and treason—( Hear)
and am 1 to be told that we shall not have our rights
restored to us ?—( Hear.) 0, no, they cannot be de-
nied to us, for we are a peaceful, loyal, and a moral
people—aye, a moral people. Have we not all heard
of the great moral miracle which has been performed in
the South of Ireland, by my excellent friend the Rev.
Theobald Mathew.—( Hear, and cheers.) Oh, I thank
you for that cheer—it shows me that yon approve of
the great moral miracle, the spread of temperance.
Have we not daily proofs of the facility with which
the people give up their previous habits of intempe-
rance, and totally abstain from the use of intoxicating
drinks ?—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) And what is
the most remarkable feature of the proceeding is the sur-
passing fidelity with which the people keep the pledge
of abstinence they make. The enem,es of Ireland de-
rided the thought of the pledge being so uniformly kept ;
they thought it was impossible for any people to keep
such a pledge, when taken by such numbers ; and least
of all did they think it possible of the Irish to keep such
a pledge : but they mistook the character of the Irish
people.—( Hear, hear.) Fidelity to their purpose is a
strong characteristic of the Irish people. A mighty
change has come upon them—a mend revolution has
occurred, and those leisure hours which bef'ore were
spent in idleness—in useless practices—ia unuidlintx,
which is worse than either, are now spent in acquiring
useful information, and :Iddiog to their stock of know-
ledge.—(Hear, hear.) Thus, instead of indulging in
intemperance, the people are perusing newspapers and
periodicals, and attaining knowledge of the best kind.
My countrymen, my hopes are high—l have a people
superlatively faithful to assist me, aucl I ear deter-
mined to obtain them justice. Celt I he prevented
from procuring justice for my country ?—( Hear, hear.)
No, my countrymen, the people of Ireland are too
numerous, too brave to be trampled on—we want
nothing but justice, and that we roust have.—
(Hear, and cheers.) Let our cry then he for Old
Ireland—and oar demand be—justice. We are no
less determined to uphold the prerogative of the Crown,