The Sun.
London, England, 1839-03-14 00:00:00

had incurred in consequence of keeping the corn for a long pe-
riod 'II the warehuuses ; he had caused a statement to be pre-
pared, showed the number of quarters of corn in the bonded
warehouses for each half-year from the month of April 1833, it
also showed the quantity left in bond at the end of each half-year,
the quantity taken out of bond, and the quantity entered for
home consumption. His object in doing this was to endeavour
to ascertain the average period that this corn remained in bond,
and in doing this it mattered not whether he took the actual,
period that each particular quantity of foreign corn had re-
mained in bond, or assumed that the parcel of corn which had
been the earliest imported, had also been the earliest taken out
of bond. In calculating the average it amounted to precisely
the same thing. On the sth of April, 1833, there were
517,000 quarters of corn in bond, the importation up to June,
1837, amounted to 611,000 quarters, thus the total quantity of
wheat that had been warehoused amounted to 1,129,000 quar-
ters.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He begged to state that t
this related to foreign wheat only, as he had excluded Co-
lonial wheat from the calculation. Of this quantity only 6,000
quarters had been taken out for home consumption up to July,
1837: he therefore found that the average period during which
this corn had remained in warehouse amounted to forty-seven
months and a half : a considerable portion of it was re-export d
or got rid of. The return moved for by the Hon. Member for
Leeds had shown that some of it had been thrown into the
Thames. Now what must the loss occasioned to those con-
cerned in the trade previous to the, re-exportation of this fo-
reign corn during the years 1833 and 1837 be ? He did not here
mean •to state the entire loss incurred, but only
the loss incurred in consequence of the expense
of warehousing this corn, excluding all the costs •f re-exporta-
tion. It had been calculated that the expense incurred in
warehousing this foreign corn amoutitesl to 6s. a quarter—some
ealculitions went as high as Bs., and others reduced it to 55.,
but he believed that they might take 6s. without any fear of
its being an exaggeration ; he found the expense incurred in
merely warehousing amounted to 64,0001., but this was not all ;
there remained of the 1,129,000 quarters 585,470 quarters in
bond at that time ; a portion of this was taken out at the high
duties, thus entailing a considerable loss on the importer, and
the great bulk was taken out when the p.rts were open
last year ; he had calculated that the further expense of ware-
honse-reore inenrred was • such, that the total dead loss to the

• I found on referring to Adam Smith, that the price of wheat in
• ' the 13th and 14th centuries, fluctuated in this extraor-
dinary manner. In 1244, the price of, wheat was 6s. a
t quarter, in 1246 it was 485. a quarter, in 1270 it was ac-
, tually sixteen guineas a quarter, and he need not state
that at that time it was an actual prohibition. In 1885 it fell
to 3s. a quarter, but in another part of that year it rose to Bs.
a quarter. In 1289 it was 1/. 16s. a quarter, it fell in the same
year to 16s. a quarter, and it rose again before the close of the
year to 31. a quarter. He had instances of other years, but
would not trouble the House by quoting them, but he main-
tained that this extravagant price of wheat was attributable, and
only attributable, to the want of trade and commerce in this
country at that period.—( Hear, hear.) In modern days we
had experienced no fluctuations which could for a moment be
compared to those he had described. Even in that calamitous
period the commencem ant of this century, when
after productive seasons we had seasons of almost unexampled
severity, the effect of which was aggravated by the misfortune of
a large mass of the civilized world being engaged-in war--even
in that calamitous period we witnessed no fluctuation of prices
which could for a moment be compared to those to which he
had just alluded, and he need not say how severely those fluctu-
ations must have pressed on all classes of the community. To
what then was our eraemption attributable--te what was it that
we owed the inestimable blessing we enjoyed of a cmnpapatively
steady price of corn? Simply to the dealings of traders—
to those dealings which they had discouraged by their artificial
Legislation. lie thought the manner in which commerce
operated in producing these beneficial results was one
of the greatest discoveries of modern times. Although, perhaps,
the trader in purchasing corn in seasons of plenty, merely had in
view his future profit and advantage, yet he was rendering
a most important service to the country.. he was preventing that
ruin from the depression of prices which must, but for his
intervention, take place, and he was at the same time providing
a store against future deficiencies of crops, not only by bringing
out his reserve into market, but by causing a rise of price as
soon as the deficiency was known, by thus enforcing a due and
wise economy during the year, and preventing a famine. The
Noble Lord opposite (the Earl of Darlington) had given the
most conclusive evidence of the truth of what he stated, be-
cause, in arguing that the rise of wages followed the rise of
price in corn, and was equal to it, he had instanced the
present year, and had told the House that, whereas, during the
last fire or six years, the average rate of wages was
about 12s. a week; this year they hail risen to 15s. a week for
able-bodied labourers. Would the Noble Lord tell the House
what proportion that rise in the price of wages—which rise he
(Lord Howick) was afraid had only taken place in some parts
of the country—(Cheers)--bore to the rise that had taken
place in the price of wheat? The price of wheat had risen
100 per cent. as compared with the price in 1835 ; and wages
even in those favoured districts mentioned by the Noble Lord,
upon his own showing, had not risen 100 p, r cent., which they
ought to have done in order that the labourer might be able to
Command that purchase of food.—(No, no, from the Opposi-
tion, and cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He did not
say that the price of wages ought to have risen 100 per cent.
because wheat had risen 100 per cent. ; but he did say this,
that they ought to have risen at the very least 75 per cent.
He contended that no rise in wages would make up for the in-
crease in the price of corn, induced by a scarcity or a deficiency
in the harvest. They might congratulate themselves that the
laws had been so innocuous—( Cheers)—it was admirable te all
that even one perverse legislation was capable of producing so
little mischief as it had done.—(Cheers.) Still, in his opi-
nion, great mischief had been done, and as might have been
expected, it had fallen heavily upon the heads of that class

importer of foreign corn upon the amount imported in six years,
amounted to 1,066,0001. ; but he wished to ascertained what
charge was thrown on the consumer in consequence of our
present exclusive system, and he found, by adding the amount
of duty paid during this period on the whole of the foreign corn
entered for heme consumption, that the additional charge
amounted to 1,940,0001. ( Such we understood to be the sub-
stance of what W 44 stated by the Noble Lord, but the noise was so
great, that is was impossible to distinguish accurately what
his Lordship's statements were). The charges to the con-
sumer, therefore, amounted to not less than 15s. a quarter. It
might be stated, he was aware, that there would, be a charge
for warehousing even if the corn were imported under a system
pf fixed duty, but it would not be contended, that under such a
gygtem fb corn would remain in the warehouse for so long a
peried-,besides? they might fairly take iato account the loss
incurred by the re-exportatiqn pf corn from this country,
and also the loss incurred on corn warehoused in
foreign ports, lie would not trouble the House with
the statement, but he knew that in many of those ports
large stoeke were held en account of British capitalists.
In arguing upon the total fallacy of the relief afforded to the
consumer in times of scarcity from the gradual reduction of the
duty, and the gradual rise of the averages--,in arguing that
point there was another mode of calculating the amount of
charge which the present system entailed. The House was
au are that during the last five or six months the average price
was considerably over 71)s. per quarter, and at some periods was
81,. Would any Hen. Gentleman contend that with a fixed
rate of duty or with a free trade such a price could for any
such time be maintained?—( Cheers.) Let Hon. Gentlemen
consider what was the average tax imposed upon the commu-
nity by every shilling by which the price of corn during that
period had been unnaturally raised. The consumption of that
country had been variously stated at from twelve to-fourteen
millions of wheat per annum ; and supposing the price had been
raised only ss. per qr. for the last 1Q menthe the tax levied upon the
country had been not less than 3,5110,000/.—( Hear, hear. )
The conclusion to which he came from that calculation was, that
the fancied relief to the consumer in seasons of scarcity from the
system of duty at present in operation, was altogether fallacious
and imaginary. It had been asserted that they ought not to lay
a revenue on the food of the people. He perfectly understood
that argument, and there was some truth in it, but surely, if
the burden was imposed upon the people, there could be no ob-
jection to receiving the revenue, This did not get rid of the
objection by throwing away the money the tax would produce,
and yet the large sums which might be obtained in aid ..f the
revenue of the country had been entirely thrown away by
the operation of the Corn-laws. ( The noise in the body
and galleries of the House here became again so loud
that the Noble Lord was obliged to pause in his address,
Loud cries of "Bar, bar," and " order, ' followed, but ap-
parently with but little effect.) The Noble Lord said he must
make one more appeal to the House, because he felt that he
was very unequal to the task amidst the interruptions he had so
repeatedly met with. He intreated Hon. Gentlemen con-
nected with the landed interest to listen to the arguments by
which he would endeavour to show that during the agricultural

rim: whose benefit the laws were enacted. lie had evidence

of that fact. Those Hon. Members who were on the Commit-
tees of 1833 and 1836 would remember that evidence was

given that farmers were incapable of paying their rent,
and that in consequence the laudlarda were reduced
to deep distress because of th• non-payment of their rents, and
their calculations having been formed upon the apparent pros-
perity of 1831 and 1832. He had the authority of a large
landed proprietor in Northamptonshire, in his evidence given
before dm Committee of 1836, to the effect that then farming
NIS not a safe pursuit, but formerly, that it had been sn. In
1815 the farming interest had had a law framed according to
their own desires, and it turned out to be.the most fatal boon

which could have been granted—it was admitted upon all hands
that tilt la•w was a total failure, and accordingly, in 182$,
another law was passed with the same object, but still
it was called for by the advocates of the exclusive
system ; they still thought that they would be
entirely ruined, unless foreign corn was entirely excluded from
this country, and what had been the result? He had shown
that in ten Tears half of the time of Parliament had been oc-

cupied in hearing what certainly were the just complaints of
agricultural distress. They were now told that the landed in-
terest was just beginning to recover. What a state of things
must that be when they were told that the landed interest was
just recovering from what had hitherto been regarded as one
of the severest visitations with which Providence could visit a
country—when the country was just recovering from a short
harvest. That, then, was the result of 24 years' experience.
His Right Hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade
had last night gone fully into the woollen question ; but he
could not help addressing a few observations to the House on
that subject. In 1828 the Hon. Member for Wilts stated the
great distress of the farmers in that county, and that they
would be entirely ruined unless a stop was put to the importa-
tion of foreign wool. (Here Sir Robert Peel left the House,
followed close by Sir George Clerk, and more than half of the
Members who had lately filled the Tory benches, amidst the
loud cheers of the Ministerial benches.) He was thankful to
the Hon. Members who had just left the House ; had they
taken the same course earlier it might have been more

distress that prevailed for the last few years the very-low price
of wheat which then prevailed was in a great degree attri-
butable to the present system of Corn-laws. During the first
five years of the existing 1....ws foreign importation was pre-
vented, and the rise of price and delusive hopes held out to the
farmers operated as a stimulus to them to cultivate wheat
to a greater extent. It was impossible that the
high range of prices and the delusive expectations held
out by these laws previous to 1833 should fail to pro-
duce these effects. He was aware that the Committee of 1833
had reported a very different opinion—they stated that the pro-
duction of wheat had actually gone back. He was unwilling to
set up his own authority against that of the Committee, but the
evidence was far beyond that of the Committee or himself? and
it proved that there was a very great increase in the production
of wheat. It was proved upon the clearest evidence that after
that period, owing to the lowness of price, a large quantity of
corn had been employed in feeding sheep and horses, and
malting, and yet for all that increase of consumption, their
national growth had sufficed.—(" Hear" and Opposition cheers.)
He was glad to find that Hon. Gentleman agreed with him in
the proposition that the very large growth accounted for the
great fall in prices. Was not that large growth stimulated by
the expectation of high prices ?—( Hear, hear,:and cries of "No
no.") He would demonstrate that it was bye and by. —(Cries
of " Oh, oh," and great confusion.) He (Lord Howick) could
assure Honourable Members that he was determined to dis-
charge his duty, and the more he was interrupted the more he
would
persevere.—( Cries of " Oh, oh.") Was it decent upon
a subject like the present, so interesting to the greater part
of the population of the eountry—( Hear, hear)—was it Accent
in the British House of Commons to pursue the course that
was now being pursued towards him.—( Cries of "oh, oh.")
Mr. HUME and several other Members here called out
" Adjourn, Adjourn."
Lord HOWICK then attempted again to proceed, but
scarcely a word of what he said reached the gallery, in con-
sequence of the noise and confusion that prevailed, in the midst
of which the Noble Lord said he must appeal to the Hon. and
Gallant Member for Wenlock (Captain Forrester) whether or
not he would give him a hearing for a few moments longer.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Captain FORRESTER begged to inform the Noble Lord
as he had been so personally appealed to by him, that lie had been
making no disturbance whatever.—( Hear, hear.) He thought
that the Noble Lord ought to be certain that his suppositions
were well founded before he made such accusations against
Members of that House.—( Great cheering. )
Lord HOWICK said he was quite aware that the Hon.
Member did not intend to make any disturbance in the House.
He was convinced that he was a person o f too high and gentle-
man-like a feeling to do that. It was very far from his (Lord
H.'s) intention to impute it to him, but the present
was a very dry subject, and the Hon. and Gallant Member had
been engaged, no doubt, in a far more interesting conversation,
but that conversation had been carried on in so loud a tone that
he certainly had heard the voice of the Hon. and Gallant
Member. If conversations were to be carried on, he (Lord

.—..
convenient both for themselves and him.—(Loud
What was the price given for wool in the county which he had
the honour to represent. (Northumberland.) That county pro-
duced a considerable quantity, Ind he had a statement of the
actual prices given in different years for a long period. In
1828, at the time the complaints were made, the average
prices of Leicester wool in the North of England was laid. to
per lb. On the average of the last six years he found
it to be 17id. to 180. During the time the high price was
charged on wool, the price of this description was 13d. to
13id., so that the increase of the last six years, as compared
with the six years of the high duty, was no less than 33i per
cent. With respect to Teviot wool, the increase in the last six
years, as compared with six of the high duty, was 17 per cent.
The increase in South Down had been much less. While the im-
provement in price had taken place the im porta' ion had increased
from 30,000,0001b5. to 60,000,0001bs.—( Hear, hear.)
thought this was an exceedingly strong case, but there was an-
other much stronger.—(" Oh, oh, from the Tories.) He al-
luded to that mentioned by ene of the witnesses before the
Agricultural Committee. In 1836 more than half a million 01
quarters were imported, and it was stated that there was a con-
siderable quantity of land on the Continent which might be ap-
propriated to its growth, rape-seed at that time being sold in
England from fiOs. to 645. per quarter. In that case there was
a protecting duty of 20s. but it was reduced to is., but there
had been no fall in the price of the article.—( Hear, hear.)
Looking to that, as if the question were put to him " will
you consent to maintain the existing Corn-laws, or will you
consent to a total repeal of all duties on corn," he would
unhesitatingly say, if he were to regard this subject as merely
a landowner's question, that he should give his vote in favour
of .a total repeal—(Cheers)—but that was not the question
now before the House. Ho did not vote for going into a
Committee of the whole House with any view t• a total
repeal of the duty—(Cries of " Hear, hear")—but he thought
the right and proper course to pursue was to esta-
blish a fixed and moderate duty on corn—(Hear, hear )—a
Committee of the whole House was a necessary preliminary
to any alteration of the law. The vote they were about to
give etas imply this—were they or not in favour of the ex-
isting system of Corn-laws—were they prepared to maintain a
fluctuating duty—were they prepared in spite of fatal
experience to persist in a system that had done so
much mischief ? and let it be remembered that the
Hon. Member for Lincolnshire avowed this was the issue to
which he wished the question to be brought. He also wished
Hon. Members to remember that if they got into Committee
there was little danger of their being out-voted on the subject
of vital repeal. He did not think the temper of this House
was much adverse to the landed interest ; he had no fear of
the Honourable Member for Wolverhampton carrying his
motion for total repeal, even if they went into Committee.
He therefore trusted that all who were in favour of an altera-

Howick) though the Lobby by far the better place.
Capt. FORRESTER would appeal to lion. Members near
him whether the accusation of the Noble Lord was just or not.
—( Hear, hear.)
Lord HOWICK was lorry that he had been called upon
to make observations of the nature he had done. He had never
done so before, but the present subject was one of such im-
portance that he felt it absolutely necessary that he
should state, not only his own views, but those of
his constituents on the subject. He was, therefore, compelled
to trespass longer on the attention of the House. The law as
it at present existed had given great discouragement to specu-
tion in British corn, because it had rendered the duties so
fluctuating. Now, that that was the case, was clear from the
evidence that had been given before the Committee in 1833.—
(Hear, heat.) He would not trouble the House by reading
that evidence—( Hear, hear)—but he had the evidence both of
the advocates and opposers of the Corn-laws, clearly showing
that the speculation in British corn in 1833 and 1836 was ex-
extremely small, and it was that want of speculation which pro-
duced the depression in price. That was proved by the
evidence of Mr. Sturge, Mr. Lowe, and several other persons.
In 1828 it was said that the benefit of the Corn-laws would be
to direct capital rather to the trade in British than in foreign
corn. The House would see how this prediction among others
hadbeen realised.—(Hear:) But he wished to draw the at-
tention of the House to a very important fact stated in the evi-
dence to which he had referred, the great diminution of the stock
in corn, habitually in hand at the period of harvest. The evi-
dence upon this point was strong and conclusive. In the re-
port of the Committee of 1833, it was stated that where, as for-
merly it was, the practice to have against harvest a stock in hand
equal to six months' consumption, that of late years under
the operation of the Corn-laws the stock in hand seldom ex-
ceeded one fortnight's consumption. He need not remind the
House that the Report of the Committee of 1833 was drawn
up by the Right Hon Bart. the Member for Pembroke, the
most able, perhaps, of the advocates of the Corn-laws, and one
who was not likely to make any statement incorrectly which
would operate against the Cern-laws. Yet the Right Hon.
Bart. had adopted the conclusion—supported by testimony
so weighty, that the stock of corn in hand at the period
of harvest had diminished from six months' consumption to a
fortnight's consumption. That fact proved, in the first place,
the absence of that wholesome speculation in British corn which
would have prevented the ruinous depression of prices, by which
the grower was so greatly affected, and the consumer had been
considerably injured by the absence of that wholesome specula-
tion. It had been stated that a deficiency by one-fourth in a
harvest was a very large deficiency—indeed he heard from some
Hon. Member it would amount to a famine—while under our
present system the fortnight's stock would amount, not
merely almost to a famine but quite to a famine.
In 1816 there was a harvest deficient by one-fourth. Now
suppose, under our system of a fortnight's stock as a re-
source, a similar deficiency were to take place there
would be a total famine, But, with a six-months' stock,
the deficiency could be borne for two years, with scarcely the
Ask a a famine. But, even under that state of things, a crop
deficient by of -North must occasion great pressure. But how
much less than if them were only a fortnight's stock ! You
me.si have, in the one case, a supply of 6,000,000 of quarters
from abrpod, to afford the accustomed allwaPee, whereas, in
tha other case? awe would be no importation required from
abroad far one or two yeara.—( Hear, hear.) He would press
this particularly upon those Hon, Members who urged so
strongly the evil of dependence upon foreign countries.—
(Hear, hear.) The effect of that was admitted by the
Corn-law advocates themselves—the diminution of the stock of
corn at harvest—that was one cause of the present high price
of corn. There was clear evidence before the Committee of
1836, that the low prices of corn had diminished the growth.
—( Hear, hear.) 'The effect of the present system had been
to produce uncertainty in the prices of British corn, and had
aggravated the evils arising from such fluctuations.—
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Such was the only result
that could be expected, calculated as the provisions of the
eitioting laws were to harass and to depress the trade in
British woo, which, left to itself, would go on as the instru-
ment appointed by providence for regulating the supply of
corn in various seasons, aid for preventing, as far as possible,
those alternations of price which the variations in the seasons
tended mop or less to produce.—(Hear, hear. f To judge of
the great importance of the trade in corn in this respect, it must
be ,considered what was the vital interest which society had in
the unchecked and nnfettered operatlon of free interchange of
ce'fin"ditieg iP guarding against the alternatiop of Kiev,—
rtrade had been able to
_
( Hear.) And the Haase ouAlat look to what tookplape f,l-4gse
conditions of society in which do C
to exert its beneficial influence, in w ten hem allowed to
that useful office for which it was intended, to present
e fealpi9,lo pstilations in the price of human food. He

tion in tee law would vote with him in support of the present
motion. He attributed the deepest importance to the. votes of
gentlemen connected with the landed interest on this subject
He considered that it would have the greatest effect on those
who looked up to them, and who were disposed to follow' their
opinions. By giving this vote they would be telling the farm-
ers of England they had nothing to fear from the exaggerated
apprehensions which were entertained of foreign competitio
that they were not to rely on a delusive system, which hadn
;
hitherto been productive of nothing but disappointment—( Hear,
hear)—but on their own energy, their own intelligence, their
own activity, their own enterprise.—(Cheers.) They were
not the true friends of the farmers, however fend they were of
arrogating to themselves exclusively that title, who en-
deavoured to inculcate upon them that they. should
rely upon the artificial regulation of an Act of Parli an t
in order to ensure agricultural prosperity ; and it was not
little remarkable, that the loudest complaints of agricultural
distress—that the greatest clamour had been made by those
districts which were the most behind in cultivation. What was
falsely called a protective duty, was most injurious to all classes.
—(Cheers.) He should wish to see a change in the practice
and policy of this country, by which no duty was levied upon any
article, except for the purposes of revenue, but though he may
strongly entertain this opinion,he must say in the present condition
comparatively little clamour of agricultural distress had been
heard from the northern counties from the year 1833 to 1836.
It was from the midland and southern counties that they chiefly
came. He thought this would be explained by corn having
the relative systems of cultivation in those districts. The far-
mers who had been induced to sign petitions complaining of
agricultural distress were a race of men who pursued the anti-
quated system of cultivation. They pursued the old routine of
crops—ploughing with four horses, so as to realize almost the
description they had read in the Georgics. How could those
men compete with the active, intelligent farmers of the north,
who worked with improved implements of husbandry, who
used a light plough drawn by two horses, and at a reduced ex-
pense improved the soil—did twice as much work in one day as
those who ploughed with four horses could do in two days?
He would remind those Hon. Gentlemen of the admirable re-
buke administered by Lord Tweedale at a late agricultural
dinner. He said—" If the farmers will exert themselves,
and sow two ears of grain where they have hitherto
sown one,
they will themselves practically repeal the Corn-laws. —(
Hear. )
He (Lord Howick) found that Messrs. Hope, Horden, Bell, and
Crowther, who rented more than 2,000 acres in Leicesterihir
Ellis aid other intelligent farmers, who had effected great im-
provements—all were unanimously against the present fluctu-
ating system, though all did not concur with him or with each
as to what alteration should be substituted. The result
was, however, that the active, intelligent, and enterprising
farmers did not think that they derived any benefit from the
preent sytem of Corn-lavrs. The House ought to reflect on
thes cour,es it should pursue while it was yet time to avert greater
evils, which if once permitted to operate, who could say what
would be the result? If after what they had heard of the high
price) of the present year—if after the stimulus that had been
given to the increased cultivation of wheat—i f after this we
re sult
should have two successive good harvests, the table of the
House would groan with petitions complaining
id h
inwinougof agricultural
distress. But if the contrary should occur—if we should
who could say wain
have a deficient harvest, e the ?
We had now consumed the stock of corn on hand in the foreign
markets. Another deficient year would throw us on the
domestic supplies of the foreign countries. Might they not do
then as France had this year done—
_namely, close their ports
against the exportation of corn?—(H hear.) If the pre-
sent high prices had arisen before the car _
American markets had
recovered themselves, would there not have been a Political coin
motion? But there was st'll time by the establishmen
tof rea-
sonable fixed duty to provide against 211
apprehended
evils, and restore trade to its national influence, and, as
he firmly believed, to promote the lasting benefit of both the
agricultural and manufacturing interests. But if they were to
neglect this opportunity—if they were to leave anything to
hazard, and abide the issue heedlessly and recklessly, who
could
say what danger they would have to suffer and to answer for
( Hear, hear. )
Lord WORSLEY now moved that
PETH, the House do adjourn
On the motion of Lord MOR the Tithes Composition
Ireland Bill was read a second time. n
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at a Quarter past One.

Lord fortesoe will hold llts first levee as Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, at the Castle, during the
lilaster
Ills Lordship is now in Devonshire, on a visit
to his 6eneraOie f4er, ,Thence he will retwn in 4 few days.

THE SUN, LONDON. THURSDAY, MARCH 14, 1839

THE DEVIL'S LAWS.

The Devil one day having nothing to do,
Except just to roast a Bishop or two,
And aware, besides, that as war was over
John Bull very soon would be living in clover,
And of course become in his quiet stall,
A moral and useful animal—
Resolved to hatch some new schemes that might
Put John's prosperity to flight,
Curse him with poverty's damning blight,
Confound his notions of wrong and right,
Harden his heart, in short, and so
Fit him to dwell in the regions below—
Nick's darling object, for sure you know
That his one grand aim, ever since creation,
Has been to increase his population !
Having settled his plans, Nick took his flight
To his own dear Downing-street one night,
( For whenever he's minded to quit his Hell,
'Tis here he puts up, by way of hotel)
And catching the Tories in full divan,
He boldly revealed his notable plan,
Knowing well the whole squad was his, to a man—
Yes, Nick, and the Tories, like brother and brother,
Are bound by the strongest ties to each other,
And let one hatch some new mischief, be sure
The others will call it a capital cure
For every ill, be it small or great,
That can ever afflict Church, People, or State !

Nick's schemes were these—in his craftiest mood
He proposed instanter a tax on food,
As the surest way to maintain the glories
Of his favourite, tax.inventing Tories;
'Twas their:3, he said, to oppress the poor,
And close against them contentment's door 1
What Heaven had sent as the staff of life,
To make a mere crutch—a cause of strife—
To starve the Many, enrich the Few,
Just as they'd always been used to do,
And having, by such malign intent,
Raised loud and general discontent,
To demand fresh powers from Parliament,
That so they might crush that clamorous race,
The Poor, and preserve themselves in place.

These Corn-law schemes, as a matter of course,
The Tories instantly put in force ;
Being Nick's own prompting, that's the cause
Why they've since been called the• Devil's Laws I