The Sun.
London, England, 1837-07-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

We wish to state as fairly as we possibly can the
result of the movements in the present election. On
Thursday we stated the gains and the losses up to that
time. This day we reproduce the statement, made up
to the latest accounts received. The gains to the Re-
formers are 35, viz. :
Bradford—Busfield for Hardy.
Bridgnorth—Tracy for Pigot.
Bridport—Jervis for Twiss.
Bristol—Berkeley for Vyvyan.
Carmarthen—Morris for Lewis.
Chatham—Byng for Beresford.
Dover—Rice for Fector.
Halifax—Protheroe for Wortley.
Harwich—Ellice for Bonham.
Haverfordwest—Phillips for Scourfield.
Honiton—Stewart for Chichester.
Knaresboroug,h—Rich for Lawson.
Knaresborough—Langdale for Richards.
Leeds—Molesworth for Beckett.
Leicester—Easthope for Gladstone.
Leicester—Duckworth for Goulburn.
Lichfield—Paget for Scott.
Ludlow—Salwev for Chariton.
Northampton—Currie for Ross.
Oldham—Johnson for Lees.
Oxford—Erle for Hughes.
Reading—Palmer for Russell.
Sandwich—Carnac for Rice.
Scarborough—Styles for Johnston.
Shrewsbury—Slaney for Pelham.
Southampton—Duncan for Hoy.
Walsall—Finch for Forster.
Westbury—Briscoe for Lopes.
Westminster—Leader for Burdett.
Winchester—Mildmay for Baring.
Windsor—Gordon for Elley.
Wigan—Standish for Kearsley.
Worcester—Davies for Robinson.
Yarmouth—Wilshire for Praed.
Yarmouth—Rumbold for Baring.
As a set-off against these, there are the following
gains to the Tories, in all 31, viz. :
Bath—Powerseourt for Palmer.
Bath—Bruges for Roebuck.
Bedford—Stuart for Crawley.
Berwick—Holmes for Donkin,
Beverley—Fox for Burton.
Bridgwater—Courtenay for Tynte.
Brighton—Dalrymple for Wigney.
Carnarvon—Hughes for Parry.
Greenwich—Attwood for Angerstein.
Guildford—Scarlett for Mangles.
Hastings—Planta for North.*
Hereford—Birr for Biddulph.
Hull—Wilberforce for Hutt.
Hull—James for Thompson.
Ipswich—Gibson for Wilson.
Kidderminster—Godson for Phillips.
Lancaster—Marton for Stewart.
Liverpool—Cresswell for Ewart.
Maidstone—D'lsraeli for Roberts.
Maldon—Round for Lennard.
Petersfield—Jolliffe for Hector.
Preston—Parker for Stanley.
Rye—Monypennv for Curteis.
Stoke-on-Trent—Copeland for Heathcote.
Sudbury—Barnes for Bagshaw.
Sudbury—Hamilton for Smith.
Wakefield—Laseelles for Gaskell.
Warwick—Douglas for King.
Wells—Bhskeniore for Lee.
Weymouth—Villiers for Buxton.
Weymouth—Hope for Burion.

But in stating the absolute gain of the Reformers at
four we have been rather unjust to them. In fairness
we might have added, Mr. Blake, for Newport, Isle of
Wight, in the room of Mr. Ord ; and Mr. Wood, for
Kendal, in the room of Mr. Barham ; as neither Mr.
Ord nor Mr. Barham attended during the greater part
of the last two Sessions, in consequence of ill-health,
and they were consequently away from nearly all the
great divisions without pairing. We cannot avoid
observing that the accounts received yesterday are in
many respects exceedingly gratifying. The Tories
counted confidently on the triumph of Sir John Beckett
in Leeds, where his family have great influence. The
return of Sir William Molesworth, a gentleman from
a remote extremity of the kingdom, and consequently
without any local influence, merely on account of his
political character and principles, proves most de-
cisively the unpopularity of Toryism, when under
such favourable circumstances it could not stand its
ground. In the metropolis, and in all the great manu-
facturing capitals, Reformers have been exclusively re-
turned. Manchester and Salford, forming together
the great manufacturing capital of the empire, have re-
turned Reformers ; Leeds, the capital of the woollen
manufacture, has returned Reformers ; the capital of
the Iron manufacture has returned Reformers. What
better proof can be afforded of the unb'assed opinion
of the nation ? If we have loet one Reform Member
in Liverpool, and two in Hull, the cause is sufficiently
obvious. In these there are the remains of the old
pauper constituency, accustomed to be bribed, and not
ashamed to receive the wages of corruption. Leeds,
Manchester, and Birmingham being new boroughs,
have none of the old paupers, and arc independent.
We have, however, gained one in Bristol, if we have
lost one in Liverpool. Edinburgh has already returned
iti two Reform Members, and Glasgow will also return
its old Representatives. The Reform Members have,
therefore, been returned by a population out of all pro-
portion greater than that which has returned the Tories.
The Reformers represent the people, and the Tories
the anti-national interests.--Morning Chronicle.
a matter of doubt as to whether M N .rth was a
Liberal, as 1:e seldom voted for that pa:ty.
Since popular elections were first held in England,
or, we ought to say, since their proceedings were first
re corded, and accurate measures thereby taken of the
state of public oi.inion, it is very certain that no
struggle has ever been maintained which made mani-
fest ao extensive, deep, and decisive a condemnation of
the existing Government by all the more respectable
classes of society as that which is now in progress.
Judging by the extent to which it has gone already,
recollect that it was one effect of the Reform Bill to
vest power in numbers, as contradistinguished from
property, to a far greater degree than had ever before
prevailed in England. We do not mean to say that
numbers not qualified by any description or amount of
property were let in to the exercise of political
power, for that would not be true ; but that larger
masses of the working population in comparison with
those citizens who constitute the portions of it which
are at once educated and independent of manual
labour, have since 1832 been possessed of the
right of electing representatives than ever exercised
such right antecedently to that period, is altogether
unquestionable. In truth, it is self-evident that the
composition of the House of Commons was by the
Reform Bill placed Jmainly in the hands of those
whom it has been the fashion to call the " industrious
classes" (as if there was no industry but that which
showed itself in the produce of coarse bodily exer-
tion) ; and there is as little doubt that if they
thought proper to combine throughout the kingdom,
they could return a House of Commons of which
nine-tenths at least would speak no sentiments but
those of electors who are in the receipt of daily pay.
That such a combination would be extremely diffi-
cult, and in the same degree improbable, we do not
mean to question ; but, at all events, a very conside7
rable power is lodged in the " industrious classes
throughout England, of returning whom they like to
Parliament. If we further recollect, that credulity,
restlessness, and the love of change, are far more pre-
valent among those men exposed to hardship, and not
stored with political knowledge or experience, than
amongst others who have much to lose, and are ca-
pable of detecting specious fallacies, it cannot surprise
us that the leaders and professors of a " political move-
ment," which holds out promises of advantage to the
poor, should have acquired some influence over those
whose passions they appeal to. When, again, it is
made apparent that an Administration exists which
has formed a monstrous alliance with that very Move-
ment—the natural enemy of all useful Government,
and which has flung the engines of official patronage
and power into the lap of revolution, thus abetting the
projects of a tyrannical democracy by the resources of
the state which it would destroy, we cannot wonder
that much should be done, and more undertaken,
through the instrumentality of these " working
classes," towards the creation of a vicious Parliament
which shall represent the errors with which their minds
have been impregnated, and the appetite for changes by
which their deceivers will not share with them the profit.
But that at which we have a right to wonder is the
vigorous, nay, indomitable resistance, which hag been

and still is, hourly opposed to the machinations of those
artful projectors who have such facilities for playing
upon the " industrious classes," and to the mean and
selfish faction falsely called a Government, which is
sensible of no higher interest or duty than that of
flattering the ignorance of the multitude, and co-opera-
ting with the knaves who excite its angry passions. It
is under this point of view that we regard the present
elections, as exhibiting a power of resistance to untried
change—that is to say, a spirit of rational Conservatism,
such as scarcely any could have looked for, even of
those who were most familiar with the tendencies of
the English mind, and who had studied with most care
the lessons with which our national history is pregnant.
That in the teeth at once of the most corrupt and
immoral Government on record, and of an organized
democratic force armed with the choicest weapons of a
constitutional monarchy, the defensive power of the
State should have stood, as it does, and please God will
stand, the onslaught of a trial like that which it
now sustains, is all but a political miracle. The
cities and boroughs of England are nearly all polled
out, and the names returned for their representatives
have been printed. There are mistakes in some of
those lists, though not to a large extent (whether wilful
or otherwise it matters little), which ought to be cor-
rected. The Radical papers of last night made the Mi-
nisterial returns, as brought up to yesterdav, 170, while
those assigned to the Conservatives were only 130. Now
the Conservatives, whose returns had reached town to
four o'clock yesterday, were 134, leaving a majority of
just 36 for the Whig-radicals on that part of the repre-
sentation where alone the Conservatives do not greatly
outnumber them. See how it will be, as we observed
in our last number, when the English and Welch Coun-
ties come into play—and when the transfers of certain
seats in Scotland, both for town and county, shall
have been brought into calculation ; we shall then have
much pleasure in laying the accounts of Mr. Daniel
O'Connell's Irish jobbery before the public of this
country, and, placing them in juxtaposition with the
history of the British elections, we shall help these
modest Ministers to reckon the profit and loss which
they have derived from that use of Queen Victoria's
name wherein they have indulged so profusely. As
for the metropolitan elections, which, according to the
returns, have gone against Conservatism, with the
sole exception of Greenwich, the issue of them costs
us more regret and surprise, all facts appertaining to
them being well considered. As for weakening the
Conservative power in Parliament, save only as re-
gards the one seat for Westminster, they do no such
thing—parties otherwise stand as before, until the
meeting of the House of Commons, when, please the
fates, we shall see what virtue yet remains in the ope-
ration of the Grenville Act. All eyes must now be
turned to Middlesex, where fraud and threat must be
encountered by skill, spirit, and energy. On the sub-
ject of that election we publish from " A Conserva-
tive" an animating letter.--Times.
Monday and Tuesday next are the days appointed
for the election of East Surrey, and not this day, as
was erroneously intimated in yesterday's Advertiser.
For the principles of the candidates we refer to their
speeches and those of their supporters, made yesterday
at the nomination. There can exist no doubt of the
side on which every honest and enlightened elector
must record his vote. Those who would support the
amelioration of our institutions and the Queen, must
vote for Messrs. King and Angerstein ; those who
wou'd uphold all abuses and abominations—the Duke
of Cumberland's policy—will of course vote for Cap-
tain Alsager and Mr. Kemble. Truly did the Hon.
Mr. King yesterday describe Tory principles, when
asking " what arc those principles ?" he said, " Why
those that were advocated by the detested King of
Hanover, the head of the Orange Lodges. He
had always desired to extinguish Reform and uphold
abuses. Look what Toryism was when it got out of
the free air of England. Only just look over the water,
and they would there see a whole nation of Hallo-
verians in slavery. He would say with the greatest
respect to those who were his opponents, that those
were the principles they professed, and those that
were entertained by their party. They wanted to
have the Reform Bill repealed. The people of Eng-
land had been-slaves, but they had not hugged their
chain. Unless the electors in every part of the coun-
try were determined to fight the good fight, he was
afraid a chain was forging for them which would not
easily be broken. Look at what the Tories were in
the best of times—look at the national debt. Look
at the pension list—vice had there been rewardid
instead of virtue. Look at the war with America,
where he rejoiced that Englishmen had got a good
thrashing. Look at the French war ; what had that
done—why it put a BoinI)on on the throne, which
more liberal principles had removed. The Tories had
put a tax on newspapers—they had placed a tax on
candles—they had put a tax on light, but they had not
yet, and would never be able, if the people did their
duty, to tax the air they breathed." If any elector
wish a repeal of the Reform Act—if any elector wish
to uphold Orange Corporations in Ireland, to fa-
vour the designs of the Duke of Cumberland and
his partisans in this country—if any elector wish
to have established a despotism in this country
as atrocious as that now existing in Hanover, let
him vote for the Tory Candidates. On the con-
trary, let every elector who is desirous of extirpating
abuses, imnrovin“ the system of Government in pro-
portion to the advancement and extension of the ge-
n-:rai intelligence, and of saving by this improvement
the country from continual excitement and the danger
of convulsion, to which the resistance given by the
Tories to the just claims of the people has so often
exposed the State, let every such elector not only vote,
but exert his whole energies and influence for the Re-
form candidates. There is one circumstance which
would render East Surrey more culpable than any other
constituency, were it not to defeat with marked oppro-
brium the present Tory candidates. The open and
insulting manner in which these candidates avow their
principles leave the electors no excuse for not spurning
them from their confidence. Mr. Kemble, we give
him credit for his frankness, implies that the despotism
of the King of Hanover is not so bad as that of the
" tyrant majority of the House of Commons ;" that
the National Debt is only proportioned to our re-
sources, and that our enormous expenditure in put-
ting down the aspirations of liberty in France was
the salvation of Great Britain. But we shall let
the gentleman speak for himself. In allusion to his
opponents deprecating the Hanoverian policy, he
observed, " they endeavoured to frighten the electors
with the name of the King of Hanover. In liberality
he would yield to no one—there was no one then pre-
sent who detested despotism more than he did, whether
in an individual or in a tyrant majority of the House
of Commons. Much had been said of the magnitude
of the debt, but look at our vast resources. He was a
firm opponent of unjust wars, and detested them as
much as any one ; but he fully believed that had it
not been for the lavish expenditure comilained of he
should not then have been addressing them as freemen
and independent Englishmen—had it not been for that
expenditure we should now have been a province of
France." Will East Surrey sanction such sentiments
-as these ? Will it assist in placing the country under
despotic authority, rather than retaining it under the re-
presentative eontroul of the House of Commons ?
Will it have the national treasures still farther drained
in support of absolutism and divine right on the Conti-
nent, and make the debt thus incurred the pretence
and instrument of riveting domestic fetters more closely
and gallingly? These are the propositions involved in
Mr. Kemble's speech. Will East Surrey be duped,
cajoled, intimidated, or bribed, into the support of such
abominable policy ? We cannot suppose its constitu-
ency so besotted or degraded.—Morning Advertiser.
The Whigs used to boast that the result of a gene-
ral election, under their own auspices as Ministers of
the Crown, would give them, at least, 60 additional
votes in the Commons, independently of elongating
O'Connell's Parliamentary " tail" by some 30 or 40
new " joints." As far as the elections have yet gone
this flattering calculation stands very little chance of
being realised. It must be admitted that our pure
and immaculate Ministers have left no means untried
to accomplish their own prediction. Never at any
period of our history were the arts of corrupt influence
and intimidation more extensively and unblushingly
exercised by a Government to debauch the " purity"
and enslave the " freedom" of election. Yet all will
not do-..there is a sterling constitutional feeling per-

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 29, 1837

wading the great mass of the British people that can-
not brook the degrading domination of the O'Connell-
ridden Ministry, who have shown themselves ready to
Eacrifice, one by one, for the favour and support of
the Irish agitator, every institution of which ail
true-hearted Englishmen are justly proud—insti-
tutions which are the pride and ornament of our
civilization, as they have been the source of the
glory, strength, and prosperity of the empire. While
Ministers are working the elections with all the
means of intimidation and corruption which they
possess, they practise on the hustings the paltry de-
ception of speaking Conservative language with the
view of entrapping the friends of the Constitution into
the support of its systematic betrayers. They disclaim
—aye, they have the cool effrontery openly to disclaim
on the hustings, as Mr. S. Rice did at Cambridge, all
connection with O'Connell, and to call themselves dis-
ciples of Fox, &c., while they are giving all the assis-
tance in their power to enable their mendicant-master
to subvert the Protestant Church in Ireland, and to es-
tablish the despotism of superstition and ignorance
upon the ruins of enlightened liberty. Even in Eng-
land this unprincipled Administration has, ever since
the notorious compact at Lichfield House, endeavoured
to afford the means and opportunity to the Irish de-
magogue of getting " the point of the wedge" into our
constitutional system, and have only been baffled in
their nefarious designs by the steads, loyalty and patri-
otic determination of the House of Lords, which, ac-
cordingly, the demagogue doomed to destruction
when he went upon what he called his Ministerial
mission to " preach down" the great bulwark
of the monarch's crown, and the people's liber-
ties. Ministers, by disclaiming their intimate connection
with this person upon the hustings, pay an involun-
tary homage to the patriotic feeling of the British
people, and impliedly admit the disgrace of the connec-
tion which they secretly cherish and openly repu-
diate. What has rendered them the theme of the
Agitator's incessant panef!vrie, instead of being, in his
eyes, objects so hideous and abominable, that even the
ferocious coarseness of his language, when painting
their characters, seemed hardly adequate to the malig-
nity of his description ? He stated the cause of that
change himself, when he told his Dublin auditory—
" The Whigs have come over to me—not I to them."
The price of the support which they purchased of him
by one of the most disgraceful compacts, which, to use
the words of Sir William Follett, ever darkened the
history of political intrigue in this country, was, in
the first place, the virtual delivery into his hands of all
the patronage of Ireland. That patronage has been
doled out among his followers—the slaves of his will
—and the tools of his ambition, with the utmost dis-
regard of every qualification or claim to Government
favour, except what arises from assisting the designs
of the demagogue, and working in the harness of his
agitation. Let the people of England look not to
the Conservative tone of the speeches made by Minis-
ters themselves to suit the political taste of this
country, which they know to be decidedly Conservative ;
but let them look to the harangues and declarations of
O'Connell himself and his followers in Ireland. Has
the agitator abated a particle of his malignity towards
Protestant principles and Protestant institutions ? Has
he mitigated in the least degree the brutal violence of
his language in attempting to control the freedom of
election by the skull-and-cross-bones system of intimi-
dation ? On the contrary, has he not indulged in more
than ordinary ferocity of expression against all who
oppose his designs upon the religion and liberties of
Englishmen, and does he not mix up his scandalous
libels upon Protestant loyalty touching the succession to
the crown, with the most fulsome praises of those whom
he used to call the " base, bloody, and brutal Whigs,"
and who had denounced him as the enemy of his country

in the speech from the throne ? If the electors of
England believe only a tenth part of what the Whigs
and O'Connell have said of each other, they must regard
the Melbourne Ministers and their Irish patron as pecu
• _