The Sun.
London, England, 1839-11-19 00:00:00

and their pet-politician in petticoats, Maclaine
Roland, who, with moderation, justice, and philan-
thropy on their lips, could yet wink at the massacres
on the tenth of August, and the still more atrocious
slaughters in the prisons, and even appoint their
originator, Danton, Minister of Justice, in order
that, by the aid of this daring denifigogue, whom
they abhorred, they might keep their own places ;
M. Dumas, we say, professes his aversion to these
time-serving jugglers ; but this is nearly all he tells
us about them, with the exception of one or two
passing observations on Vergniaud, Petion, and
Brissot. On the subject of the Directory and its
proceedings our author is more explicit; and when
he comes to treat of the Consulate and the Empire,
then his statements are animated and circumstantial,
for Napoleon was a prime favourite with him, and he
held an honourable post in the service of this warrior
King. Still, even here, we feel the want of cha-

. _
racteristic portraits. We have none of those racy
personal sketches which lend such a charm to the
souvenirs of Bourrienne, Segur, and the Duchess
d'Abrantes, and which are so abundant in the
French Memoirs—the most delightful works of the
sort, always excepting Horace Walpole's, in any
language. Count Dumas is at best but an indif-
ferent gossip. He wants vigour—liveliness—sus-
ceptibility ; and when we look for the free and easy
conversational narrative of the memoir writer, he
puts us off with the staid gravity of the historian.
Some of our readers may perhaps desire to know
who Count Mathieu Dumas was ? We will tell
them. He was a man who, like Ulysses, "mores
hominum multorum vidit, et urbes," but, unlike
the Ithacan, turned his knowledge to but poor ac-
count. His family was respectable, and he himself
was destined for the military profession from his
childhood. In 1773 he was a Sub-Lieutenant,
and at the breaking out of the American ilevolu-

tion, accompanied—Marshal Rochatnbeau to New
York, when he shared with Lafayette and other
Frenchmen in the honours and fatigues of that
campaign, which ended in the surrender of Corn-
wallis and his army. Returning to France, he
found the Revolution just about to break out, and
took his post instantly by the side of his old friend
Lafayette. As a Member of the Constituent As-
sembly, he was distinguished by his moderation,
and thereby rendered himself obnoxious to the Gi-
rondins, who were then struggling for political su-
premacy. During the Reign of Terror he retired
to England, and ultimately to Switzerland, where
he amused himself by scribbling dramas, and perpe-
trating other small literary indiscretions. But, on the
death of Robespierre, and the establishment of the
Directory, he was elected into the Council of An-
cients, and as before, rendered himself conspicuous
by his moderation. Under the Consulate he was
made General of Division ; and rose still higher in
station under the Empire ; he accompanied Napoleon
in his German campaigns, fought also with him in

Russia, and indeed up to the close of the war
which terminated in the occupation of Paris by
the Allies. On the restoration of the Bourbons,
he held office under them as Director-Ge-
neral ; was almost the last man to shake
hands with the Count d'Artois (afterwards Charles
the Tenth) on his abrupt flight from the Tuileries ;
and among the foremost to present himself at the
Levee of Napoleon during the memorable Hundred
Days! Again he was installed in office ; but the
battle of Waterloo cut short all his prospects, and,
after a fruitless effort to renew his connection with
the Bourbons, he retired into private life. The
revolution of 1830 called him once more to active
duty, and he was made a member of the Council of
State, and shortly afterwards raised by Louis
Philippe to the Chamber of Peers. He died at an
advanced age last year, we believe, leaving behind
him many friends, who, notwithstanding his
Protean versatility as a politician, are sincerely
attached to his memory. The opportunities of
such a man to furnish us with valuable informa-
tion on many obscure points in the Revolution,
the Empire, and the Restoration, must have been
unusually favourable ; but, after a diligent perusal
of his volumes, we are compelled to state that they
add little to the stock of knowledge we already
possess on these subjects.

KEIGHTLEY'S HISTORY OF EA GLAND.
3 VoLs. Inittaker, London, 1839.
This is a useful, unpretending history, written
in a temperate and impartial tone, by one who is
well versed in his theme, and has no strong political
prejudices to lead him astray from the right track.
We are glad to find Mr. Keightley paying more at-
tention to the earlier periods of his history
than Hume condescended to do ; and rectifying
some of the partial statements of Dr. Lingard—
whose work, nevertheless, ranks among the fore-
most of its class—in terse and pertinent foot-notes.
As a well-digested record of facts, these volumes
have strong claims on public attention, but they
would have been more readable, had the style been
somewhat less precise and unimpassioned. How-
ever, they will suit the purposes of schloomasters,
for the senior classes of their pupils cannot fail to
derive considerable instruction from their perusal.

A LETTER TO THE 41UEEN.
BY A COUNCILLOR OF THE CROWN.
London, Wild.

A pamphlet written in a plain and popular
style. The author of which condemns the Tory
attack on the Court concerning Lady Flora Hast-
ings, condemns the principle of refusing to dis-
miss the Ladies of the Court when Sir Robert
Peel asked it, and advises her Majesty to throw her-
self on her people for support. We will copy the con-
cluding recommendations, remarking merely that
the Ministry by the new hands which they have
recently taken into the Cabinet, appear inclined
to forerun this writer, and to throw themselves
on public opinion for support :

Now, therefore, Madam, bear with me yet a little,
while I point out the only alternative which you have,
the only middle course, between dismissing your pre-
sent servants, in other words, receiving the Conserva-
tives into your favour, Cabinet, Household and all, and
suffering the standard of Radical Reform to be raised,
with a call on the body of the people to rally around
you, and a Ministry composed of their chiefs, with per-
haps a few of the men already known to office. You
cannot change the constitution of the present Parlia-
ment : dissolve it you cannot, without ensuring a large
Conservative majority ; then, assuming that you are not
prepared to give up the present Ministry if you can help
it, and yet less to summon a Radical Cabinet to your
assistance, even supposing such a thing possible, your
only course must be to give a more liberal, a more re-
forming, a more popular tone to the existing Govern-
ment, and thus to amend the temper of the House of
Commons, and to regain the confidence of the Reform
party among the people.
I have assumed your reluctance to part with the pre-
sent Ministers. I belied lam justified in the suppo-
sition I make ; I believe your Majesty is justified in the
reluctance you feel. I speak not of others ; but the
First Minister has a great many qualities eminently cal-
culated to win your favour, and above all to secure
your confidence. Open, plain-dealing, plain-spoken,
simple-minded, and single-hearted, he never will mix
himself in plots, and his strong manly understanding
and practical good sense will render it as bard for
others to make him the victim of their intrigues, as his
honest nature will prevent him from joining in them.
Faults, and, for a Minister, most serious ones, he has :
that is undeniable ; but the cardinal political virtues
I have named, with his accomplishments, and his agree-
able natural manner, are sufficient to perpetuate the
favour which the accident of his having been your first
adviser and guide in public life, very naturally, it may
be said, unavoidably, gained him. But from his guid-
ance your Majesty's course must be severed, and with
the chiefs of the opposite party must your councils be
united, unless means can be found of winning back the
Parliament and the country to your Government.
How is this to be effected? By considering how the
confidence and affection of both have been estranged.
Ever since your Majesty's accession, when the Court
for the first time these hundred years became de-
voted to the Ministry, the Ministers have more and
more withdrawn from the people. They early deter-
mined that no change should be made in the Reform
Bill, beyond some adjustment of petty details. They
have suffered year atter year to pass away without en-
deavouring to carry any wholesome measure of improve-
ment. They have contented themselves with balancing
between conflicting interests, and after doing some
things and giving up others to pacify those adversaries
they never could win, they have deemed it quite enough
for their own credit, if they could set off against their
sins of commission and omission, an exuberant show of
favour to the Irish Members, and a lavish grant of
patronage to their adherents, for the purpose of retain-
ing Parliamentary votes. Had they thrown themselves
upon the English people in honest and hearty sincerity,
they could well have afforded to dispense with the alli-
ance in the whole world the most offensive to this
country, the most injurious to their own credit with the
reputable portion even of their ownsupporters, and
I will venture to suspect the most irksome to your
Majesty's feelings. In answer to all this, which is in
all men's mouths, what have they to say, but that they
have reformed the Post Office! They reform the Post
Office ! I question if any man in all Downing-street
and Whitehall would venture in private to say this to