The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-14 00:00:00

(From the Morning Chronicle.)
Subjoined will be found a very able and seasonable
communication on certain " points in the operation of the
Reform Bill requiring investigation." It is no doubt true
that the Reformers got something more than the Bill whorl
the freemen and the tenantry-at-will were forced upon them.
We arc always unwilling to dwell on the faults of friends ;
hut we confess there is something in the want of sagacity
,lisplaved by the Reformers when they fell into Lord
Chandos's fifty-pound-tenantry trap, which we cannot se-
lect on with any degree of patience. That most disastrous
clause *as warmly supported by such men as Lord Western,
Mr. Hodges, Mr. Benett, and our Correspondent informs
as that Mr. Hume also was weak enough to assist in open-
ing this door to boundless intimidation. Lord Althorp,
with his usual sagacity, exposed the clap-trap non-
sense uttered about the respectability of farmers.

" No man (said his Lordship) was better aware than he
was of the respectability of the farmers. Few men knew
more about filen), or had a higher opinion of their intelli-
zence and integrity. But the question was, were they in
such a situation as would ensure the same independence as
to their votes as might be expected from freeholders.
It was urged on the part of the occu-
pier of land that he was a man of some capital, that it
often happened that the occupier of land paying a rent
of 501. a year had embarked a capital of .5001. or 6001.
on that land, though without any lease, and only a tenant
at will. That might be, and he had no doubt it was so
in a great many instances ; but see how this operated be-
tween him and his landlord. If a man thus circumstanced
should vote contrary to the wish of his landlord, and he was
turned out for it, he would lose all the capital he had em-
barked in the land. He would not, of course, lase his stock
or his crops, but he would lose all that he had expended in
its improvement ; and all who were acquainted with the na-
ture of land, and the employment of capital upon it, must
be aware of the inconvenience and loss which a tenant must
be put to if obliged to quit at a short notice, when he had cal-
culated upon a longer possession. Now, all these circum-
stances were so many motives which must make such a
tenant dependent on the will of his landlord, and which
must, in the same degree, detract from his independence as
an elector."

It is sally astonishing that after this demonstration of
the mischievousness of the clause it was, notwithstanding,
supported by 232 to 148.
Our correspondent observes, that " Mr. Hume and a
few other Reformers owe a very heavy debt to their coun-
try, for the ruin their unfortunate support of this clause
(which enabled it to be carried) has inflicted upon it." We
believe that many of the Reformers have personally had
cause to lament their votes on that occasion. Some of
them no doubt thought that though the new class of voters
would be dependent., yet that evil would necessarily lead to
the ballot as a cure : but this is only another instance of
the danger of Machiavelian policy. The giving the vote
to men incapable of independently exercising it was a cer-
tain evil, while it was not so certain that the evil would
ever be remedied. The Reformers who supported this
clause, with the best intentions we are willing to allow,
have, notwithstanding, inflicted a greater injury on Reform
than any of' the Tories who directly opposed the Bill. As
our correspondent truly observes, the Bill has failed of its
effect, through the additions to it which several of the Re-
formers themselves were silly enough to adopt.

POINTS IN THE OPERATION OF THE REFORM
BILL REQUIRING INVESTIGATION.
TO TIDE EDITOR OF Tar, MORNING CHRONICLE.
Stn,—There are two or three points on which it seems to
me to have become absolutely necessary to obtain correct
information, as to their operation on the representation.
'File Reformers are sometimes taunted and told, " You
called for the bill, the whole bill, awl nothinp, but Me
you have got it, and you are the movers for alteration, not
the Tories."

Now, in at least two most important particulars the Re-
formers, it is known, did not so succeed ; and they seem to
me of such vital importance as to be likely wholly to defeat
the views of those concerned in passing the bill. If this be
so, we shall surely have a right to consider whether we should
not take active steps to get one full measure, which we arc
told we have got, and ought to be bound by.
In an evil hour the force of die freemen defeated that
pact of the Bill which d:sfranchised them. And, equally
fatally, we get something " more than the Bill" in the la-
mentable introduction of the 50/. tenants-at-will, moved for
by Lord Chandos. Mr. Hume and a few other Reformers
owe a very heavy
debt to their country for the ruin their
nnlin.tunate support of this douse (which enabled it to be
carried) has inflicted upon it. I verily believe that this
clause is the occasion of all the late and present difficulties
sasdm ei.iriotsc;h
chance
o ou
ft
siute
cSeisrs. lati.oPoefe Peso
uartstee
mpt
wouldaTlemhabsa;errlai
increased and increasing destruction which now shows itself
in all the old county Liberal constituencies would have
been spared. The Liberals would now have probably two-
thirds (certainly, in my judgment, even now one•half) of
the counts, representation. And the provision is so emi-
nently adapted to fraud and abuse, that there is no chance
of the evil
cnooutngtry in
going
itsn influence.,andabsorbing, I believe, nearly
the whole
What I, therefore, propose is, that active steps should
be taken, wherever possible, to get a return or the best es-
timate, as regards this and last election, of the polls, as
they would have stood-
1. In boroughs, without the freemen.
9. In counties, without the tenants-at-will.
As to the freemen, the case has been too much discussed
to need further remark from me ; except that the diminu-
tion of numbers among them rather, in most places, aggra-
vates than abates the evil ; as they become more compact
and useable for corrupt purposes.
As to the tenants-at-will, the case is very peculiar. The
influence exercised over them is not one to be avoided or
restrained ; and it has this particular difficulty about it,
that even tne Ballot would scarcely reach it to avy import-
ant extent. The absolute power of the landlord to net,
even on the barest suspicion, will shake the nerves of men
however disposed to resist : the inquisition that may, with
ease, be brought to bear will render it very difficult to es-
cape detection. Tenants may, at all events, with care, be
selected who can he relied on. And it should be recol-
lected, that if polling-places are as numerous as they must
be, to destroy the expense, treating, &c., on journeys to the
poll, then it will not unfrequently happen that whole dis-
tricts are occupied by the serfs of one landlord, who must,
therefore, at least learn the fact that a certain number of
rebels are in his camp. Lastly, there is no prevention which
can be applied, as the law stands, to the landlord requiring
doubtful men to stop at home.
This leads me to the suggestion whether the friends of
the Ballot have sufficiently considered the enormous ex-
tent to which this preventive influence would be systemati-
cally resorted to in the case of Ballot elections. It is even
now much and increasingly used by those who pretend to
some sort of conscience, is very plausible, and exceedingly
embarrassing to the subject.
The Ballot must, therefore, I conceive, be certainly
accompanied by a blow at this practice ; and if one can
be devised which would embarrass influence in that case, it
would also reach other sorts ; and why should we not try
it, while the public are screwing themselves to ballot-pitch,
and objectors say, " Let us try every thing else first," but,
in fact,
ted aeat dti
oeno,non,aeoanf
ftd(leiivigcni
tcouef
o remedy
courseem
application
iy b
through
catut i
o n to d
(except
ti) declare
pressae
personally
a lal
and
canvassing,
a
meetings)—all solicitation,
tine's )—all interfering in any way to obtain a yobptyteib,tiloli the
get it withheld—all conveyances to the poll—all interrup-
tion, in short, with a man's sacred drily of proceeding freely
and conscientiously to give his vote at the nearest place
(for which purpose such places shotild be greatly multi-
plied), penally and morally illegal and criminal, as it would
be to canvass a juryman, subjecting every person, who so
committed himself to summary conviction in a reasonable
penalty (say 10/.), on the evidence of the party attached or
any competent witness. In the same way, of course, all
letters should be declared illegal (except these of the can-
didate, arguments through the press, and public circu-
lars or advertisements); and my plan would involve the
destruction of what are called committees fur conducting
elections, by soliciting or bringing up voters, or paying any
travelling or other expenses, which should be totally prohi-
bited. It would also be an enormous relief and protection
to dependent voters if the browbeating system, now so pre-
valent, of influential persons crowding the hustings, to
watch and intimidate the voters by their presence, were
utterly abolished. The poll should be taken in freedom,
by the officer and his assistants, and no one else ; except
the necessary checks or clerks of the candidates, discharg-
ing their duties.
I know no sight more insolent and brutal than that of
overgrownjustices and parsons ranged over against every
voter who comes up, cowing him by their looks and gestures,
and watching him as they would watch a thief, who is as
important a person there as any of them, and very likely
ten times more honest viers and actions.
At all events, let us try whether the statistic informa-
tion above mentioned can be got. If it give§ what I ex-