The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-09 00:00:00

DUKE and DUCHESS of ORLEANS
• -

(From Galignani's Messenger.)
The Royal Family are expected at St. Clr.tid on the
21st inst., and the Duke of Orleans will se:t out, it is said,
on the 24th, for the Camp at Compiet-ac. We have re-
ceived a letter from Havre, containing- some details of the
visit paid by the Duke and Dutl:aeis of Orleans to the
New York packet, the Vilk de Lyon, which will not be
read without interest ;—""•121te French and American
flags floated at the mast Idead, and above them that of
Meeklenburgh, which, the moment of the Roy al party
coming on board, ";as lowered and raised three times in
honour of the Duchess, amidst the hearty cheers of the
crew, who were on the yards and in their holiday trim. The
Duke and Duchess then visited this magnificent vessel in
all its parts, the Captain accompanying them, explaining
every object, and paying the most profound respect to the
Duchess. On descending to the grand cabin, they partook
of a sumptuous dejeuner prepared by. the Captain for the
-Occasion, during which the Duke took occasion to say, in a
tone ofgreat earnestness, I thank you, Captain Stoddard,
for your reception of us, and I drink this glass of wine
with a sincere wish that peace may always exist between the
United State; and France.' The scene in the cabin was at
this moment very striking ; the Duke had stationed him-
self behind the Duchess, who had taken her seat at the
head of the table, where were also seated the Grand
Di o ass of Me Adenburg, and a galaxy of Ff, rich and A n;lo-
Ainer-can beauty. Near his Royal Highness were the
Captain, the United States Consul, Mr. Livingstone, the
Mayer, and other authorities of Havre, with all of whom
he entered into familiar conversation upon commercial to-
pics. The off-hand manner in which the Duke gave ex-. pression to his feelings and opinions, seemed to diffuse qui-
versa! pleasure. He appears to possess an almost perfect
knowledge of the English language ; and the straightfor-
ward, indeed, sailor-like openness of his mind gave a certain
zest to all his remarks. It would have given me great
pleasure, Captain, to have written to my brother an account
of our visit to your ship, but he is now at sea--indeed, by
this time he must be off Madeira ; however, he intends pay-
ing a visit to your country, and very probably you will see
him there.' I give this verbatim ;it conveys a good speci-
men of the Duke's general manner of expressing himself,
the characteristics of which are great simplicity and frank-
ness. The dimensions and fittings of the cabin seemed
much to surprise the Royal visitants, particularly the Duke,
who, on reaching the bottom of the staircase, and finding
' himself in a room wainscotted with finely polished maho-
gany, satin, and rose woods, instantly exclaimed,' c'est au-
; perbe, superbe r Then advancing a few steps, and per-
ceiving the ceiling a couple of feet above his head,
tout ceci est hie:l super be!" Then resuming bit English,
" Captain, you have got a superb ship ; I never saw such a
cabin before." The Duchess was more reserv'A, owing, per-
haps, to her timidity in speaking English,'lrat from the lively
interest she seemed to take in every thing, her pleasure and
astonishment were evidently very great. She has a very
prepossessing countenance, eminently intellectual, with all
that sweetness of expression which distinguishes the fair
haired, blue-eyed maidens of the North': During the
whole visit of the Duke and Duchess, the worthy Captain
displayed the most assiduous and delicate attention to his
Royal guests. The Duchess honoured him with her arm,
and under his guidance paced' with evident delight the broad
white decks of his splendid ship. Immediately on ascend-
ing from the cabin, the Duke and Duchess turned round
to thank the band of the National Guard stationed on the
poop, the Duchess adding with infinite grace, Jc vois que
ces lifessieu: s sort amateurs de niasi7ne: One or two
things struck us es very fine ; the splendid appearance of
the ship streaming with the colours of every nation, the
yard-arms manned, the loud hurrah from the toni, as the
state-barge passed with the Royal' party, the band of the
National Guard striking up the Marseillaise,' and, lastly,
tl.e deafening acclamations from the thousands collected on
the quays. On leaving., the Royal Duke shook the Car_
tain most cordially by the hand, a bank-nate of 500 francs
was then presented to him, through the medium of an officer
of the suite, for the tars,' who instantly displayed their
sense of this liberal donation by three times three,' given
in grand style."

The clerk of a watchmaker in the Palais Royal,
availing himself of his master's known respectability, lately
went to the shop of a neighbour to whom he was known, and
11,rrowed in the name of his master a Bank note for 500 f.,
with which he immediately entered a gambling-house, and lost
it at play. Astounded at the position in which he had thus
placed himself, lie fled from Paris and wandered he scarcely
knew where, till he found himself at Bonniors, eighteen leagues
off, hungry, exhausted, and without a sous.lie pawned his
coat to buy a meal, and then returned home in despair to aid).
mit himself to justice. He made his appearance on Saturday
before the Correctional Police. His crime was confessed with
every appearance of bitter repentance, which circumstance,
with the eloquent appeal of his counsel, M. Rousset, and a
declaration of his intention to go to sea, induced the Court
to let him off with the mild sentence of only six days' impri-.
sonment.—Galignani.
Between the hours of three and four o'clock on Sa-
turday morning, as the gravedigger of Shoreditch chArch was
at work in the yard, preparing for the Sunday's infrdrments, he
observed a voluro:?. of smoke, accompanied by a strong smell of
fire, issue from between the grating of one of th-_, vaults under-
neath the principal aisle of the church , he instantly ran into
the street& and with the assistance of police constable Johat
Scot, No. 221, of the G. Divis..on, gave an alarm. The keys
of the church were procured as quickly as possible from the
churchwarden, and on entering it, the whole body of the
Wilding was found to be filled with smoke. On descending to
the vault in question, which has not been opened since
the
year 1804, eleven of the coffins were found to bet on fire, and
the outer parts so much consumed that the leaden cases inside
were teiy melted. The fse was then extinguished,
without doing further inisury. The origin of the fire is *.tot
known, but it is concluded that some combustible matter in a
state of ignitiun must hate been thrown into the vault t:nrough
the grating. A strict investigation into the matter w4ll be in.
aiituted the parochial authorities,

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The Reformers by yesterday's returns gained—
In Orkney . . . Dundas- for Balfour.
Belfast . . . Earl of Bethlst for J. E. Tennent
Gibson for Dunbar.

And loAt—
In Antrim County .
North Wilts .

Earl of B lf. t fur Irvine.
Nhthuen for Burdett.

But we may already congratulate ourselves on the
return of Major Aglionby and Mr. James for Eest
Cumberland by a great majority. Sir James Graham
was on Monday 556 below Mr. James, and 720
below Major Aglionby. It is absolutely impossible
for Sir James Graham to succeed, as nearly half of the
whole electors on the register have already recorded
their votes for the Reform candidates. We confess we
derive great gratification from this punishment of
Sir James Graham. The success of the poor
old dotard Burdett in North Wilts is a circum-
stance more to be regretted than wondered at,
for the resignation of Mr. Methuen, on account
of his heavy misfortune, paved the way for Sir
Francis ; and when Mr. Methuen made his aps
pearance at the twelfth hour, to rescue Wilts from
the danger of being r •presented by a renegade, pledges
had been given, and it was too late. But in Cumber-
land we see the triumph of Reform principles, and the
sense of the honest and independent yeomen strongly
manifested against political bad faith. Sir James
Graham was more than a Radical ; he proposed to
break faith with the public creditors. From one ex-
treme in politics he wheeled round to the other, and
during the last two sessions he has been the most ran-
corous and malignant enemy of his former colleagues.
In Cumberland an election expresses the real senti-
ments of the people, for the statesmen do no man's
bidding—they are not to be bullied nor bribed. They
express their own opinions, which the unfortunate
tenancy at will cannot do. It would be a silly attempt
were we to deny that the Tories have been successful
in several of the contests in counties, from causes
which are sufficiently obvious. Faggot voters have
been abundantly made, and intimidation to an al-
most inconceivable extent has been resorted to.
But, after all, when the balance is struck, it will be
found that Ministers are still in possession of a consi-
derable majority. We have no doubt, too, that, be-
sides the number of their certain supporters, not a few
Members.whose opinions are not yet positively known,
will support Ministers. It will not be in the power
of the Tories to embarrass the Government by any
factious attempts. If the success of the Tories were
the result of any re-action in their favour, it would
have been manifested in the large towns. The returns
in counties afford little indication of public opinion ;
they in general express the proportions in which the
land is owned by the Tories, Whigs, and Radicals.
In towns of a certain size alone public ouinion dare
manifest itself. In all the great towns the Reform
Candidates have been triumphant, with some slight
exceptions, where the " money power" has been
brought to bear on necessitous freemen. So far, in-
deed, from there having been any re-action in favour
of the Tories, the principal charge against Ministers
every where was, that they were too indulgent towards
the Tories. And that leads us to the subject
of patronage. Ministers have been much blamed
for not exercising their patronage with a more de-
cided view to the protection of Reformers. It
is but too true, that in many Counties the
Tories monopolise the Magistracy to the exclu-
sion of many worthy Reformers equally, if not better,
qualified to discharge its duties. This tells in an
election ; and, exept in times of great excitement,
men will not vote in opposition to the side taken by
those who have the power of injuring them in so
many ways. When
,we yesterday alluded to patro-
nage we meant fair exercise of the powers of the Exe-
cutive, and not certainly an imitation of the bad practices
of the Tories. 'Why, for instance, will the promotion
of men like Dr. Musgrave to the Episcopal Bench
strengthen Ministers ? Because Dr. Musgrave is pro-
moted for the qualities which a Christian Bishop
ought to possess, and because his support and influ-
ence may be confidently counted on, on all occasions
when measures are proposed calculated to benefit the
people and really strengthen the Church. Every
appointment of this nature strengthens the Go-
vernment, because it adds another supporter to
the good cause, and places additional power
in hands that will make a good use of it.
This is not corruption. Ministers have now the
command of all the powers of the Executive,
and every year they remain in power they
will, by the judicious and proper exercise of that
power, strengthen the Reform ranks, and weaken pro-
portionably the ranks of the Tories. Were they, in-
deed, to create offices not required for the public ser-
vice—were they to ~vaste the public money in buying
over men to counteract the majority of the nation—
were their object the plunder of the country, and not
the reformation of abuses and good government, this
would he patronage in the bad sense of the word. But
in the sense in which we use die word they must pos-
sess strangely-constituted minds who can object to it.
We see nothing, then, in the present state of things
which can afford cause for gratulation to the Tories,
or lead Reformers to take•desponding views of the fu-
ture.—Morning Chronicle.
From all quarters proofs come pouring in upon us
of the want of skill and activity of the Reformers in
the proceedings preparatory to the present election.
At the declaration on Monday last Mr. Hume, ad-
dressing himself to the Reformers, said, " Do they
think, that having gained the Reform Bill, it is
enough, and they may sit down quietly and allow its
enactments to be carried out or counteracted by those
who denounced it as the destruction of the Constitu-
tion ? . . . My defeat is owing- to the arts and
activity of the Tories. They have during the last two
years made 4,000 faggot voters, many of them living
in other counties, expressly to swamp the resident elec-
tors.' The register of voters in 1835 contained 8,005
electors, and the register of 183 G contains 12,817. I
may have lost some supporters, but I have gained
many more, as I have polled 1,300 or 1,400 more voters
at this election than I did at the last. The majo-
rity against me are not residents in Middlesex, but
men put on the register to answer the purpose the
Tories had in view of possessing themselves of the
two seats for this county." In confirmation of this
statement of Mr. Hume, we received yesterday a letter
from Devizes, dated on Monday, in which there is
the following passage :—" Since the last general
election upwards of forty Wiltshire Tories have
purchased, or apparently purchased, small tene-
ments in the county of Middlesex, purposely to
oust Mr. flume whenever another general elec-
tion should take place ; of course, the Tories of
Wilts do not stand alone in thus undermining the
Constitution. If no check be put to this nefarious
system, in the. course of a few years England will be
one vast Rotten Borough." We must take a leaf out of
the book of the Tories. There is no use in ascribing our
defeat in Middlesex and other places similarly circum-
stanced to other than the true causes. The Reformers
neglent the registers, while the Tories from. the first
saw the importance of attending to them. Sir Robert
Peel at his Tamworth dinner on Monday last observed,
" The advice which had been given to some persons
was Agitate, agitate, agitate.' The advice which he
would give to them would be this, Register, register,
register.' Let them be always prepared for an election."'
Let the Reformers, too, be always prepared for an
election ; and, above all, lot them avoid the folly of
despising their adversaries. While the Reformers
have been boasting and passing their time in a foal's
paradise tie Tories have been attending to business.
Let us profit by past mistakes.— Morning Chronicle.
From the disiance between the places of polling in
joeeeness-shire the accounts yet received are very par-
tial. The majority in favour of Glenmorriston at In-
verness was 14 at four o'clock on the first day. At
Kingussie the majority in favour of the Chisholm was
12. The state of the polls at Grantoun, Fortwil-
ham, and Broadford (Isle of Sky) had not been re-
ceived. At Fortwilliam Glemnorriston will have a
majority in his favour ; but, on the other hand, the
Chisholm would have a majority in his favour at
Broadford in the Isle of Sky. Colonel Grant, the
Lord-Lieutenant, has, as usual, taken a most violent
part in favour of the Tory candidate in this election,
and it remains to be seen how far the polling at
arantoun may has; been influenced by his partizan-

ship. The intimidation attempted by the lairds and
the ministers in Inverness-shire almost exceeds
belief. In one village in the Kin,Tinssie district
there are some forty voters, ail Liberals, and more
than half of these have been abeointely obliged to
break their solernn pledges and poll against the Re-
form candidate. One instance deserves to be more
particularly noticed. An honest voter of the name of
Macdonald, a small shopkeeper, told a gendeman who
waited on him on Thursday last that he found that
he could not vote for the Reform candidate (Glen-
' morriston), as he should lose all his custom if he
did, but that he was determined to remain neutral.
In the evening of that day he went to a gentle-
man who talees an active part in the Liberal in-
terest, and said that to prevent his being troubled
any more by either side he solemnly pledged himself
not to vote for either candidate. That man was,
however, forced up to the poll late on Friday, when
they were running it close, by the Rev. Mr. Shepherd,
minister of Kine,russie, who look him up, and stood by
him while he broke his pledge. It is to be observed
that the lairds had all failed in their intimidating
threats, and they-set the minister on the poor man, to
induce him to palter with his conscience by violating
his pledge, and the wicked one prevailed. Mr. Shep-
herd passes for a very religious man in that part of
the country, and this is the way that he shows his
sense of religious obligation. If Mr. Shepherd had
been a Roman Catholic priest, the Tories would have
made a tremendous outcry on account of the interfe-
rence ; but he is a Presbyterian minister, and all means
are fair in the eyes of the Tories, if they only further
their ends.—Morning Chronicle.
We have to congratulate the friends of the Consti-
tution on the triumphant success of Sir Francis Bur-
dett in North Wiltshire. A majority of 475 over the
Whig candidate, Mr. Methuen, is a noble proof of the
sound principles of the gentry and yeomanry of that
county. The Ministers, who made the defeated can-
didate stand the expense of a hopeless contest, are, it
is said, about to console their smarting champion with
the present of a coronet. A truly constitutional ex-
ercise of the power of the Crown ! Him whom the
people have rejected with disdain the Queen is advised
to honour. Is not this insulting Majesty and dragging
the Royal prerogative through the mire ? Cornwall,
we see, is likely to follow the example of North Wilt-
shire, and to reject the vacillating Hussar who has
played such fantastic tricks to gain her faiour. It is
true that Cumberland appears disposed to reject Sir J.
Graham ; but our belief is that his thick-and-thin
support of that odious measure, the New Poor Law,
will have been the main, if not the sole, cause of his
defeat.—Times.

We expressed our conviction yesterday that, with
all their assumption of victory, the Ministerialists are
by this time pretty well awake to the sorry state of
their elections. At first, they probably were as confi-
dent as they appeared to be. They were cheered with
the hope, not only that they should increase the num-
bers of the aggregate force available for their divisions,
but that, in a good many instances, they should sub-
stitute Whigs proper for those very inconvenient con-
federates who goad them from the Radical benches.
Thus, there was something which, as Rochefoucault
has it, did not altogether displease then), in the mis-
fortunes of their good friends Messrs. Ewart, Roebuck,
Bowling, and other like patriots, whose constituents
have declined to re-engage them. The smaller men of
office were even beginning to indulge in a little indis-
cretion, and talk about the expediency of preserving our
institutions, the necessity of:stopping 4omewhere,and the
danger of going too fast or too far; in short, they were
beginning to resume that tone which they were wont to
hold, with so full a chorus, in the golden days of their
first reformed Parliament, when the Whigs were
strong enough to fight the Conservatives with one
hand, and the Radicals with the other, and beat them
both. But this pleasing vision was of short duration
the dreamers were awakened with a shake even rougher
than that by which King William pitched them from
their places at the end of 1834. For it was discovered,
by the middle of last week, that the town constituen-
cies of this island had diminished, instead of increasing,
the total number of city and borough Members in the
Ministerial interest ; and the counties, where the main
resources of the Conservatives were known to lie, had
their harvest still to yield. As these unwelcome truths
came flashing on the reluctant optic,-, of the Whig-
Radicals, they winked, and shrank, and scuffled, like
rats whose hole has been laid open to the light. The
Ministerial writers now opened a new strain. The
rivalry amongst them was no longer who should most
loudly vaunt their newly-acquired strength, but who
should most ingeniously disguise their newly-discovered
weakness. To let out the secret of the loss on the elec-

tions that were past would have been to damp the elec-
tions that were to come. No matter that the devices em-
ployed to conceal the truth were too thin to hide it from
the searching eyes of their adversaries, their great ob-
ject was to keep the fatal secret from their own friends,
who, eager to believe what they wished, would look
less narrowly into matters of calculation. We will
give a sample or two of the way in which the work is
managed. Suppose that from the column of the new
returns to Parliament a list is to be made of the Con-
servative gains and losses on the one hand, and the
Whig-Radical gains and losses on the other. In run-
ning down the columns, the Whig-Radical calculator
happens, for instance, to stumble upon the return for
the cit) of Worcester, and perceives that Colonel
Davies is returned, to the exclusion of Mr. Robinson.
How does he deal with that fact ? Why, he claims,

in the most complacent manner possible, credit for
Colonel Davies, a Ministerialist, as having di.placed
Mr. Robinson, a Conservative ! He sets out, in the
first place, by taking it for granted that Colonel Davies
will vote with the O'Connell Administration. It
may be so, though, recollecting what we do of
Colonel Davies's former career in Parliament, and

inferring from those recollections that the gallant
officer is a Wh:, of the English, rather than
of the Irish, school, we are not disposed, ni
common fairness, to make so unfavourable a pre-
sumption against him as to put him down before-
hand for a supporter of the O'Connell Ministry. But
suppose, for the argument's sake, that he were a Mi-
nisterialist of the very first chop, how is the other part
of the case to be made out, that the Member he has
displaced is a Conservative ? On eleven questions out
of every dozen Mr. Robinson, the displaced Member
was the supporter of the Government—an unconnected
supporter, no doubt, but still a supporter ; not seek-
ing, indeed, to he included in the division of the spoil,
but almost always ready to be counted in the array of
the battle ; hardly ever concurring with the Conserva-
tives, except when the Conservatives themselves were
upholding the Whig Cabinet against its own allies.
But because there was .now and then some special
case in which the late Member for Worcester would
not go the length of voting black what was demonstra-
tively he had one such little spot of
white about him, they wash him white all over, and
boast that the blacks have gained a victory by his ex-
clusion. If there is any precedent for this kind of de•
scription, it must be found in the story of the Irish
horse-dealer, who being asked by a lady for a white horse,
to match in a phaeton-race on the Curragh of Kildare,
harnessed for her a brown horse with white' feet, and
assured her that, by the custom of the trade, this sort
of horse was always reckoned as a white one. This
is one specimen of the way in which unscrupulous
people deal with specific instances, and, of course,
where there is more vagueness there is still greater
scope for the fallacy which is proverbially inherent in
generalities. Thus, a Ministerial paper of last week
assures its readers that one or two of those who have
been returned as Conservatives wil! support Ministers.
This is a cautious statement. Our Contemporary
abstains from condescending upon particulars. That
may be a very judicious reserve, but, until he shall
specify the names of those one or two gentlemen
who, having been elected as Conservatives, will sup-
port the Ministers, we are sure he will pardon us
if we take leaVe to doubt his prediction. Now we, in
taking our turn, will be a little more specific. We
will ask our antagonist whether he is not aware that
there
mentionedar
more
btuha name,n
one or two members, who can
be
and who, though generally
disposed to favour the Ministers
and the Movement,
make some important exceptions from the sweep
of their enthusiasm, and refuse to follow out political
theories to the destruction of religious institutions.
Did he never bear that Mr. Hayte; the new Minis-

terial Member for Wells is a conscientious Conserva-'
tive upon quegions that regard the Church ? Did
he never meet with a pamphlet by Mr. Phillpotts, the
new Ministerial Member for Gloucester, in which the
Lenrned Gentleman, radically as he is disposed, yet
firmly deftnds the rights of the Church, and protests
against the alienation of its property ? Has he never
been told that Mr. Mildmay, the new Ministerial
Member for :Vinche:ster, is a staunch Conservative of
the Church, and of her temporal as well as spiritual
interests ? Ail these arc things which, if they arc
not knosA n already, cannot be known too soon ; and
the result is, that, even for the town elections—the
great source from which the Melbourne party calcu-
lated to make good the losses which they knew they
must sustain in the counties—even for their town elec-
tons, the balance stands on that side of the leaf
where they have no disposition to read it. Since that
account was closed, a new one has been opened—
that of the county returns. Substantially and deci-
sively have the English yeomen done their work.
This was no combination of master-manufacturers, no
cabal of aristocratic landlords; it was the old English
feeling, which rihalds may deride or deny as they list,
but which will yet prove all too strong for the utilita-
rians and the economists, and make good the cheerful
atving, that England is still sound at the core.—
;
m

There are three things to which the present Mi-
nisters, but especially the three Secretaries of State,
have a great objection. The first is Conservative po-
licy, the second is Radical policy, but the last—that
to which their objection is by far the most intense and
unconquerahle—is any policy at all of which they are
not the paid directors. Any course of policy which
would not enable them to touch the public money once
a quarter, is abomination in their sight. As for the
three principal Secretaries, to whom one other Cabi-
net Minister might be added, they cannot afford to be
without place. . This is a very serious matter to them
and to us. This it is which binds them to the O'Con-
nell yoke, and which, but for the House of Lords,
had for the last two years left the British nation at the
mercy of a shocking, shameless coalition, a conspi-
racy of the Ministers of the Crown with the ene-
mies of that Established Church, of which the
Crown i► the head, and ought to be the defender.
So far as we can judge of election results,' this
state of peril is likely to be become worse and worse,
unless something very decided be done by the British
people in addition to what they have done at the elec-
tions. They have at the elections acted nobly, and
with reason they may have thought that they were
doing enough ; but they did not take into account the
kind of enemy with which they have to deal in the
O'Connell connection of her IVlajesty's Ministers.
They did not think that when they drove fools and
blasphemers from the field of candidates, and rejoiced
that the British House of Commons would no more
be polluted by their presence, they were merely send-
ing them to the O'Connell smithy, where they are to
be forged into links of the infernal chain wherewith the
Irish Romanists bind down certain Ministers of the
British Crown to their service. In vain are virtue
and honesty to triumph in England—in vain are
English electors to free the conductors of British Go-
vernment from the pressure of the Calibans of the po-
litical world—

" - Abhorred slaves,
Which any print of goodness will not take,
Being capable of all ill."
The Irish Itomanists are at hand, to place these mon-
sters of political vice in that-legislative assembly from
which the indignation of honest men had driven them.
The O'Connell seats,

" —The villains' general home—"
are held open for their reception. This is the kind of
enemy with which British principle has to contend—
this is the foe whom British Secretaries of State must
caress, not, certainly, for love of him, but fot fear of
the loss of place, which they cannot afford to do with-
out. We are well aware that Ministers, like all other
human beings that ever were in the power of Mr.
O'Connell, hate him with the gnawing hatred which
all slaves owe to the. tyrant who oppresses while he
,feeds them. Gladly would they see him in his
coffin if there were but with him the keys of
office, with which they might lock out the Conser-
vatives, and keep possession. We believe they have
as little affection for Mr. O'Connell's policy as ad-
miration of his manners ; but they love their places
much more than they dislike him, or anything
else which a virtuous mind abhors, and they see
no way of "going on" but with his assistance.
It is evident that, while Mr. O'Connell's Parlia-

m6ntary influence continues the same, or in-
creases, as that of the Ministerial party in Great
Br:tain declines, the danger of the coalition, and
the necessity of it to Ministers (unless they
adopt a Conservative line of policy) becomes more
and more imminent. If Ministers find themselves by
the English elections in a worse condition by twenty
votes than they were in during the last Parliament,
and Mr. O'Connell's tail is as strong or even stronger
than it was before, his importance as a part of the Go-
vernment is, of course, increased. His power will be
greater in proportion, if not positively greater, and he
is not a man to abate one jot of his price. He will
exact to the uttermost what he knows his assistance to
be worth ; and if he engrossed only the whole Go-
vernment and patronage of Ireland before, he will now
take care to make his bargain for a slice of that of
England also. Behold, then, the danger if this coa-
lition be not broken up. See how necessary it is that
some national movement should take place—that the
Protestant people of England should speak out, and
insist that whatever Government we have, it shall
be a British Government—that it shall be free from

the O'Connell taint. There is no hope of this hap-
pening through any feelings of compunction on
the part of the Ministers in the House of Commons,
or any sentiment of disgust at the servitude to which
the O'Connell connection subjects them. Mr. Spring
Rice is a man of no very elevated sentiment, or nice
sense of Ministerial propriety, vet he is the only one
of tLe Ministers in the House of Commons whom we
cannot conceive, and very readily conceive, capable of
descending to the very lowest submission to Mr.
O'Connell's views, provided by so doing, and not
otherwise, they might retain their places. Lord John
Russell said at Stroud that at present he saw no cause
for altering the ancient Constitution of the country.
We have no doubt, however, that if he saw his official
emoluments in danger he would then see plenty of
cause for altering the ancient Constitution, or doing
anything else which should seem at the time most
likely to keep them in his possession. We can have no
confidence in his Lordship's temporary ant occasional
respect for the ancient Constitution. His first love was
Old SArum: perhaps his last will be a Supreme Council
of Irish Romanist Bishops, to manage, after the manner
of Whig Commissioners, the secular affairs connected
with religion in the United Kingdom. We exhort

the Protestant people to believe that, deeply thankful
as we are to them fur their exertions at the elections,
they must not think that their good work is accom-
plished. These are extraordinary times, and the evils
which exist require more than ordinary remedies.
Never since Great Britain was a State has it been
threatened with a tyranny so anomalous, so degrading,
and so wre7ched in its ultimate consequences as that
which may arise from the continued holding of the
effectual power of the House of Commons by the
Irish faction. The cunning of that faction is great—
its depravity boundless. If the Conservatives be
strong enough in the House of Commons to outnumber
the union of that faction with the blind and the base,
who, in stupidity or in sin, yield themselves to its pur-
poses, thcii all is well. But if that be not so—if we
have only gained as much as will weaken without de-
stroying the coalition monster—then it will be neces-
sary that every lawful means should be taken to save
our religion—our constitutional Government--our
rightful possessions, and our dear-bought liberties,
from the fangs of the viper which has coiled itself
within the sacred precincts of British Government.—
Morning Post.

Amongst the interesting accounts of the progress of
the elections which we this day lay before our readers,
the sentence pronounced by East Cumberland on its
late recreant representative affords subject of paramount
exultation. The traitorous " Knight of Netherby" is
receiving, at the hands of an abused constituency, the
penalty of his apostacy. Sir James Graham is in pro-
cess of being degraded from senatorial honours, and
East Cumberland of achieving for itself a fair refre-