The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-21 00:00:00

THERMOMETER.

This morning'
This day at Two o'clock 7O

Barometer-29.30.
Wind—N.-W. ; moderate, fine but cloudy.

ultc
'I3T , -I,lt °.*

LONDON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 21, 1863.

Aspiring to a loftier title than that borne in
history by Wanwicx, "The King-Maker," NAPO-
LEON III.," The Emperor-Maker," is steadily asso-
ciating with his reign a prestige of grandeur not
unbefitting the inheritor of the great name, and the
reviver of the empire, of the modern CHARLEMAGNE.
The Founder of his dynasty, it is true, was in him-
self both Emperor and King—Emperor of France
and King of Italy. To say nothing of his being
also, in his own person, Protector of the Confedera-
tion of the Rhine and Mediator of Switzerland.
Emperor himself exclusively, NAPCLEON 111., if
unable to arrogate to himself the haughty supple-
mentary title of King of Italy, seems in a manner,
in very despite, to have been resolved for that
precise reason, if for no better one, to make another
at least the claimant of the title. NAPOLEON the
Great was, in propria persona, King of Italy him-
Belt; no less actually than he was Emperor of the
French. NAPOLEON 111., if solely Emperor of the
French, if unable himself to assume, with the Impe-
rial Crown of France, the iron crown of Lom-
bardy, has won that diadem for another, has
enabled the King of SARDINIA, by the aid,
now of the statecraft of CAVOUR, now of the
adventurous sword of GARIBALDI, to absorb the chief
port of the Roman Peninsula within the boundary
of his dominions. His wonderful predecessor, the
head of his Sovereign race, delegated his son-in-
law, the Prince ELGENE, to preside over Northern
Italy, from the Lombard-Capital of Milan, by the
title of Viceroy, as his representative. NAPOLEON 1
111., having conquered that fairest province of the
peninsula, like his predecessor as a General in the
field, at the head of his army—having had his •
Marengo at Solferino—hands over Lombardy to

another, makes a present of it, an imperial gift,
indeed, to his ally and brother-in arms throughout
the war, King VICTOR. EMMANUEL. NAPOLEON
the Great haughtily accords to his only child, his
infant son, the destined heir, as the conqueror
imagined, of his imperial sceptre, the loftiest desig-
nation surely to which a helpless babe was ever
born, that of King of ROME. NAPOLEON 111., de-
barred by the situation of affairs in Europe from
doing the like, in his turn, fcr his
.only child, his
infant son, the heir, as he hopes, to
his empire, does everything he can possibly
venture to do in the same direction, in-
stead—by way (almost we might call it) of

compensation to his own pride. Unable to have

the POPE at Paris to crown him in Notre Dame, he
has preferred reigning for more than ten years
without being crowned at all. If his infant son
cannot be King of ROME, he receives at least the
title of Prince Imperial ; he has the Pontiff for his
Godfather; the Imperial soldiers of France, long be-
fore the child's birth at the Tuileries and ever since
then, guard the Eternal City. The emulation, so
far as appears to have been in any way practicable,
the distinct and carefully pains-taking emulation, in
every way, of the Founder of the Dynasty, by the
present occupant of the throne of France, is among
the most remarkable peculiarities of his most re-
markable and hitherto most successful policy.
NAPOLEON 111., as NAPOLEON TIIE FIRST did
before him, has made war:upon Russia, has made
war upon Austria. As his predecessor strove to
do, more than once, in his time, and for
one brief interval in truth, after the accom-
plishment of the Treaty of Amiens, strove not
ineffectually, the French Emperor has secured an
alliance with England. With this difference, that
the alliance once secured with England by NAPO-
LEON 111., he has remained consistently faithful to
it—without one solitary, even the briefest, interval
of interruption. Circumstances, fortunately for the
Peace of Europe, have precluded the present Nitro-
from extending, except in one comparatively
trivial instance, the frontiers of his dominions. In
this, most
unIikeNAPOLEON the GREAT, the rapid
and •
gigamio exte.:eh nsion of whose empire brought
the nor ;ve stern frontier of his dominions down
to the
Shores of the Baltic, and in the diame-
trically
oppositedirection at their south-eastern
extremity downt
the very shores of the Adriatic.
NAPOLEON the
3
self
sovereign
0f
t`EhAT, besides constituting him-
that
ha
vast dominion, appending
to his supreme title
the utighty subsidiary ones
already particularised buid
aexpanding two of
the Germanic Electorates into
buted among his relative Kingdoms, distri-
sand friends, regal or
vice-regal authority over states
411
those of llei-
.,orttance in the European system thol no less impor-
land, of Naples, of Spain, of Port an
of Wurtena-
burg, of Italy, and of a throng of minor principali-
ties. Debarred, happily, from any emulation of
th'.'c kind, NAPOLEON HI. has done
now what
NAPOLEON the Great never attempted, he has
Created an Empire, he has raised an Archduke into
an Emperor, he has carved out an imperial throne
with his sword on the other side of the Atlantic,
and haf,, with nothing lees tkan a magnificent mag,.
nanimity, caiied a brother of his Imperial ally of
Austria to ascend it.

So far as in all this be has sncceeded
in
gratifying the pride of his own people, he
has without doubt acted wisely. But it is 11°1
alone the pride of France that Las to be con-
sulted, Neither is it—what -NAPOLEON 111. has
cared for hardly less since first he assumed the reins

of authority over France—her material interests.

There is still that judicious " crowning of the edi-

lice'—that is of this imperial constitution of a Na-

poieonic Empire—established in spite of European

Coalitions, in spit© of Waterloo, in spite of St
1/414:na—that very crowning of the zclidce which the

re 71,er of this Napoleonic empire in Christendom was

himself ('vaguely at the time of its revival, but very
explicitly since then) the first to indicate. By
that phrase signifying nothing less than the gra-
dual addition to the Imperial constitution of one
liberal institution after another : until eventually,
with an Emperor still at her head, France should
be endowed, under the rule even of a NAPOLEON,
with the various social and political liberties—con-
spicuous among them the freedom of speech and the
freedom of writing—peculiar to the genius of every
truly constitutional Government. NAPOLEON 111.
has done much hitherto by the combined daring
and prudence of his Imperial policy, he has done
very much already, towards the enhancement of his
influence in Europe, and towards the encrease of
his own personal prestige as a NAPOLEON over
the imaginations of his own glory-loving people.
He may now, however, readily enough when he
pleases, surpass all that he has yet accomplished
in that direction, by his own loyal and faithful
fulfilment of his promise of advancing in ano-
ther ! Doing this by adventuring, with the like
combination of prudence and daring, not to-
wards the further enhancement of the pride of
France, not towards the gratification yet more of
her greed of glory, whether military or diplomatic,
but towards the more effectual consolidation of the
imperial edifice he has been so
ly
in building up anew from the midstsignoalithseurcuceinsssfuoil
the last Revolution! Its effectualhimcosneslofliadiraetitioany,
that is, by the very process he has
specified, by the symbolical phrase of crowning it
—in other words, by adding to the evidences of
the vigour and the glory of his rule as a Sovereign,
the accordance to France, no matter how gra-
dually, no matter how cautiously, of the inesti-
mable blessings peculiar to Constitutional Govern-
ment.

The business at Frankfort seems to have begun
in good earnest. It is satisfactory to find that so
many princes and potentates have answered the
invitation of the EMPEROR, and actually appeared
in person at the Conference. It often occurs that
there is some flaw in these affairs, however wel!-
intentioned may be the originators of the scheme,
and however anxious may be the promoters of it.
Nothing could pcssibly have been more auspicious
than the commencement of the illustrious conclave;
and it is to be hoped that its performances will
equal its promise. At the banquet given by the
Senate the EMPEROR made a short speech, which
appears to have been animated with the most libe-
ral and benevolent feelings. He observed, after
thanking those who gave the entertainment, for the
hospitable reception accorded to himself and his
brother Sovereigns, that, he thought they—the
princes of Germany—could not better express their
gratitude than " by proving that a heartfelt love
for our common fatherland is the bond of union be-
tween us." At the opening of the "Congress of
Princes" the EMPEROR made a long address, in
which he clearly explained the purport of his un-
dertaking, and endeavoured to elucidate his policy
in a straightforward manner. He commenced by
calling attention to the fact that an assembly such
as that had not occurred for centuries. Trusting in
the elevated sentiments of his fellow-princes, and
the just spirit of the people, he had brought about
that meeting. He thought it incumbent upon him
to state openly that Germany looked " forward to
a development of its constitution." He therefore
came there in person to state his views, and to declare
what he was ready to accord. He then explained
more fully his meaning, and that one point was the
periodical meeting of the German princes. In order
to increase the sphere of the Bund, the power was
to be placed in the hands of a Directory, which
should be a Federal Council. In all these arrange-
ments, as much as possible, equality should be up-
held, making allowance, of course, for the
population and political importance of the
different independent States. Furthermore,
the EMPEROR went on to explain the
chief object of the whole plan, " the single idea
that had taken complete possession of his mind."
This was, that the time had come for renewing,
according to the spirit of the times, the " Bund
which our ancestors entered into." Certainly, the
EMPEROR deserves great credit for his boldness
in thus coming forward, and he stands alone in
the glory of the idea. No one else can take from
him his due in this respect, however much they
may approve of it, or adopt it as their own by
assimilating their policy to its intentions. No
one could speak out more strongly for popular
rights than did the Austrian EMPEROR in these
words—" By allowing
in the our peoples to participate
Band, we shall give new vigour to it,
and enable it to uphold to the end of time the
honour, power, security, and welfare of Germany
as one great and inseparable whole." If this
idea is carried out in its grandeur and integrity,
the name of FRANCIS JOSEPH will be honoured
and reverenced for generations to come ! And
when the splendours of his august State have
vanished, and the brilliancy of his sovereign rule
has faded, the recollection of the public services
he shall have rendered to the nation he represents
will crown his reign with enduring lustre, and
rank his name among the honoured benefactors
of his kind !

The EMPEROR then explained the necessity that
existed for immediate improvement in the state of
things in Germany; and he very truly observed that,
allowing that his proposals might admit of altera-
tions hereafter, there would be no gain in very "pro-
longed deliberations." This was most correct, for no
good ever came from a very lengthened controversy
or long-drawn out argument. The disputants be-
come involved in elaborate ideas, and at last are
so excited and irritated by contradictions that
they dissent from everything proposed, unless some
pet project or some particular prejudice be first at-
tended to. It then followed, as a matter of course,
that allusion was made to the nation conspicuous
by its absence from that national assembly and
most illustrious Congress. The EMPEROR lamented
that Prussia was not represented. " One of my
most heartfelt wishes has not been fulfilled," he
said, in reference to that vexatious event. He ex-
plained that King WILLIAM had no other objection
to make to the proposition to hold a Congress than
that the proper preparations had not been made.
He wished for a " Conference of Ministers" to pre-
cede "an assembly of Princes." Of course everyone
knows who spoke in that remark, and whose infia-
tus
once it was that sought to be represented in that
preliminary parley that was to come before the
illustrious meeting, and virtually to undermine its
ploscse trrio and stultify
its progress. The EMPEROR
said thst he hhel told the KING that the negotia
eaftrruieitdlesosnbebfyores.econd
tions
wt waairvtaoh
ttrhae dtatihbne, r persons had always
proved
d
e
He forcibly declared to
the :KING that it Ras "reform the
Mind."
defalcation,preserveofec:ldtihhbuelettytmhtieognlh
EMPEROR ende
t most
s t
friendly t h e
entee, and exhorted his
intentionsl\Tto°
confederates to
kingdom
of Prussia that place to which she was entitled,
and thus hope that their unity may produce an
indelible impression on all Germ" hearts."
eloquent
harangue the conclusion of his long and
oquent
hararg,ue the EMPEROR observed that he
should
always feel satisfied that he had done all in his
power to "draw closer the ties which unite all
the German peoples, and to make the Butte, as

one great Power, a boon for Germany, and a
guarantee for the peace of Europe."
It is not to be wondered at that this speech
was received with every mark of approbation by
those who heard it. It would be difficult to say
how, or in what manner, it could have been im-
proved upon : and:both in the spirit of its inten-
tions, and the style of its address, it must have sur-
passed the expectations of many, while it realised
the hopes and wishes of all anxious observers. The
Ki
snhge s °off Bt
hAevAillßuis At
r iaocut
secdoansfedtehreateexs,pwonheenntheosftatthede
wi
with the opinions they had just h a e rd. He added
that it was their general opinion that they coincided
that they would take the proposition into their
"conscientious consideration," and they hoped
that no delay would occur in coming to a conclusion.
They also regretted the absence of the King of
PRUSSIA, but still trusted that when again they
assembled " that powerful link in the great chain
of the different German States would not be want-
ing." So far as it has proceeded, this important
conference has been most happily arranged, and it
is to be trusted that its auspicious inauguration may
be followed by a triumphant termination, and that
the several members of the Confederation will ratify
the propositions that have been proposed in so en-
lightened a form, and with so much right feeling
and good sense. Amid the strife and turmoil of so
many neighbouring nations it will be a source of
gratification to witness a brightening exception in
the unity that exists among the various States of
Germany. While some are striving on sanguinary
fields of war to forco their liberties with a strong
hand from the grasp of the oppressor, while others
are meekly vacillating between anarchy and deca-
dence in the political scale, the Confederate Princes
have a great and glorious mission to fulfil. It is
theirs to gain a bloodless victory, and to bestow
upon their people the richest blessings of peace, in-
stead of the painful trophies of war. They may
sow the seeds of freedom, that, germinating in a
friendly soil, will spring up a glorious harvest to
brighten and benefit a mighty nation. They may
now commence a good work that shall live when
they have themselves passed away, and associate
their names with after generations as the pioneers
of progress, and the heralds of reform. Let us trust
that the chance may not be thrown away, but that,
having put their hands to the plough, they will not
look back and disappoint the ardent hopes and
earnest longings of an expectant people.

The lessons of experience appear sometimes to be
quite thrown away, and among the subjects which
seem to be perfectly hopeless of improvement, from
their teaching, we may certainly rank the risks run
by excursion trains. In vain disaster after disaster,
catastrophe after catastrophe, have turned pleasant
holiday trips into ghastly tragedies. In vain
the public indignation has been roused, and
the public confidence shaken, until one of the
most profitable branches of railway revenue
has threatened to fall into disfavour. Nothing,
it seems, will teach the authorities. In almost
every case where an accident has occurred to
an excursion train, it has been owing to a want of
common care and ordinary precaution. The trains
have been overloaded, they have ran too close to-
gether, they have started before or after their time,
the engine has been defective, the carriages worn
out, the guards and engine-drivers exhausted from
overwork or ignorant of their business, the station-
master absent or inattentive. The shortest memory
can recall at least ono disaster from every one of
these causes, and perhaps the most common source
of misfortune is the most unpardonable. Various
reasons or excuses may be brought forward, for
many occasions of mischief, but there is no possible
defence for neg:ecting to take care that a proper an d
sufficient time intervenes between the arrival and
departure of each train. After the long experience
we have had of railway travelling and its attendant
perils, it is perfectly inexcusable to reckon that
every train will come in to the moment. And to
allow the following one to come so closely after it,
that no possible margin isallowed fora trifling delay
on the part of the first or a casual increase of
speed by the second ! Yet trains have run
into each other often enough, one would think, to
have infused a little caution into the most reckless
of officials. It might certainly have been supposed
that the terrible catastrophe at the Clayton Tunnel
would have sufficed to guard one generation at least
from a repetition of its horrors. It is certainly not
owing to public indifference on the matter, for so
well is this danger understood that it is the direc-
tion in which every passenger's thoughts instine-

, tively turn, at the first rumour of any delay or stop-
page befalling a train. It is difficult to see the rea-
son for so much carelessness as unhappily exists in
this respect, for an hour or two added to the
day's work would make all the difference between
reasonable caution and reckless risk of life. It
would be better if necessary to curtail the number
of the trains, rather than expose the passengers to
unnecessary danger. It is to be feared that the
repeated accidents from this cause tend to indiffer-
ence rather than to caution, if we may judge by
the example of the Great Eastern line. The recent
disaster was in some measure due to this cause,
since the driver asserted that he saw the obstacle
but could not stop the train, as the other was so
close behind it. Yet at the inquest held on the un-
fortunate signalman killed since that time, we learn
from the evidence of a station-master, that the old
careless system is continued. The regular and irre-
gular trains were due at almost the same time, and
he himself appeared to know very little about the
arrival of the latter. Nor is this company by any
means the sole offender. The want of caution of
which we complain appears unhappily to be part of
our railway system, and especially of the excursion
branch of traffic. A correspondent of the gimes
animadverts in strong terms on the confusion exist-
ing at the Birmingham station a week or two since,
in consequence of several excursion trains blocking
up the way and delaying the departure of the ordi-
nary trains.
seiour:
bm iSft,ho:l,ong as no accident occurs, nothing
is known of such mismanagement beyond the
sutafftre fro
ut,
temporarye
dd
the u
narrow
ro w
esoinconvenienceapes to
ot thet bo
positive catastrophe©, we shall find thatthe amount of
risk
°
ec ai
us iuotneeads
ebsyt
the his
dangersculpableof mode
railwayof proceeding
greatly
We cannot, of course, expect the railwaytramvueullaignge:
ment to be infallible, nor can the most sleepless
vigilance guard against every accident. But the
public have a right to demand that when special
provision is profess,. d to be made for their comfort
and convenience, some little regard should be had
for their lives and limbs as well as for their pockets.
It is very acceptable, no doubt, to save half-a crown
in one's holiday trip; but if that saving entails
long Tzars of enfeebled health and shattered nerves,
the economy is not quite so agreeable. The con-
stant repetition of any risk has a wonderful effect,
we all know, in diminishing its terrors. The good
half so much considered as it deserves to be. A
old proverb about the pitcher and the well is not
danger incurred regularly every week, or every day,
son becomes no danger at all theoretically,
although practically the chance of disaster
may increase with repetition. Mach more is this
the case when the risk is run not only every day
but many times in the day, and it is perhaps no
Wonder that station masters and dri7ers grow alike

reckless, and are inclined to believe that the peril
so often chanccd is never coming, and that the plan
which worked safely through one season will
carry them as safely through another. Yet
setting aside the ciaims of humanity and their
responsibilities to the public, it is a very short-
sighted and mistaken policy which prompts
the directors to such a course. The expense in-
curred by one such accident as that at the Clay-
ton Tunnel, would have paid a superior class of
officials and re-organised the whole excursion sys-
tem for many years, setting aside the heavy indi-
rect loss occasioned to the company by the shock
given to the pleasure taking public. The disasters
to excursion trains are becoming as common as the
catastrophes to emigrant ships were a few years
since; oniy as excursions are not a matter of neces-
sity or serious importance, people are less inclined
to run unnecessary risks in their passage. We
hope the railway companies will look to this matter
and see that all that proper care and watchfulness
can do is henceforth done to guard passengers
against risks of all kinds, and that they will
especially take heed that danger is not courted by
a reckless apportionment of trains, and a frantic
chase of excursion by express or stoppage of express
by excursion.