The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-25 00:00:00

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hope of escape from punishment. He urged instant
action the sirnple ground of duty, for great Powers
were jealous cf each other, and delays were danger-
ons, The French treaty &c.,bad done much, but he
almost despaired of seeing the two countries unite.
I Moreover, if England led the way, France and
Austria would be sure to follow. France had in her
proposal left it to England to name the means and
their amount, and he thuught that the English Go-
Verisreent had neglected a most favourable oppor-
tunity. He repeated, let England move first, and
_she wr s sure to have France with her. The French
people bad said, " our governor will not make US
go to Poland we will make him. ge." (hear.) Eng-
land was in these moral matters mistress of the
world, and if she moved other nations would follow,
mid the result would be the salvation of his coun-
try. (Ilear.) The posi:ion of Galicia and her Geo-
graphical necessities wouid compel AnatriA to join
with France and England. Austria could do no
-more than look left std right and keep sacc. Stn
could not fight three Power 6. There were also
Sweden, Turkey, aid Circassia burning to be
avenged on Russia. The freedom of the Black Sea
was guaranteed by the Po wers of Europe, hut Russia
had blockaded the coasts of Circassia. If England,
Vranee, Austria, Sweden, and Turkey all united"—
not for war with Russia, but for unity in speech
1. the freedom of Poland would be secured. The Cir-
' cassians were a noble people, and had defended
their independence for 80 years against the mighty
power of Russia—mighty it was, but it was mighty
no more, thank God. (Cheers.) The Circassians
bad lately received an offer from Russia, but they
scornfully rejected it, having no faith in her pro-
mises. He therefore hoped that in raising funds to
aid Poland, Ciro:maid, would not be forgotten, for she
was their sister nation', (Hear.) He concluded by
calling upon them to press the English Government
to give a verdict against Russia, both in justice to
Poland, and that England might thus be enabled to
redeem the fault she had committed. (Cheers.)
An addition was made to the resolution of the
words " recognise the belligerent rights of Poland,"
and it then passed unanimously.
On the motion of Alderman GOADSBY, seconded
by Mr. H. COOPER, a resolution was passed, calling
upon the meeting to give effect to the preceding re-
solution. The following memorial was then adopted:
"To THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF THE UNITED
KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND LN PAR-
LIAMENT ASSEMBLED.

rrtION,
STAMPEb

done ? All that the British nation eoeld do was to
strengthen the hands of the Government, atid that
could be done efficiently. The public opinion of
Europe had pronounced on the question ; in France
all parties were united in Austria there was the
same devotion to the cause of Poland; and if Eng-
land, France, and Austria were united, TY guld Rus-
sia be able to oppose them with success ? (Oaten.)
The petitions from the French people had produced
a most remarkable debate in their Smates Prince
Napoleon had spoken in favour of the Pules, and
boldly counselled war. He (Mr. Hennessy) thought
there a'ao another ellernative. T. C senator who
officially represented the F ench Emperor raid that
the policy of former Governments with reference to
Poland was a policy of many words alidlittle ection,
and that that would not be the •policy
of Nepoleon
111. (Cheers.) The same Minister-spoke of the
continge'cy of a European congress.. That serious
word congress would hardly have been mentioned
unless the senator knew the Emperor would make
that proposal to the other. powers of Europe.. He
(Mr. Hennessy) believed it would be-made, and that
was the alternative. .If England, France, Austria,
Spain, Italy, Sweden, and all the parties to the
Treaty of Vienna (and he would include some who
were not, because this was a European question)
met in congress and pronounced what was the pub-
lic opinion of the world, Russia must yield. It was
as a friend of peace that he counselled our Govern-
ment to unite with France and Austria on this oc-
casion. He did not complain of Lord Palmerston
for telling him in the House of Commons that he
did not think the time was yet come for stating there
what was the policy of England. In one respect that
was an advantage, because the people were enabled
to express their opinions without any party feeling
as to what the conduct of the Government ought to
be. The debates in the French Chambers led to
the belief that the French Government had
asked ours for joint action with Austria. He
was strongly in favour of that joint action.
(Cheers.) He believed that any other action would
be a total failure. All that Russia wanted now was
to divide the Powers of Europe. Any shuffling, un-
meaning, isolated policy would be most dangerous
to the peace of Europe, for he felt convinced, if we
allowed France to go unaided into the negotiations,
war was certain. The people would not allow the
Emperor to draw back; he was himself said to be
anxious to get rid of a disagreeable undertaking the
other side of the Atlantic, and now for the first time
he found the whole of France united. War was in-
evitable, unless Russia knew she was opposed by a
too powerful force. He could not believe that Lord
Palmerston would refuse this joint action, and this
was really all that we could do. Upon the nation
devolved the responsibility of strengthening the
hands of the Government in that course. He had
never counselled any other action for England than
diplomatic action in concert with the other Powers,
but diplomatic action would be idle if we went out
of our way to say that under no circumstances war
would arise. He offered no opinion on that con-
tingency. It was our duty to leave to the Govern-
ment the mode of action ; let us express our opi-
nions. (The hon. • member sat down amid great
applause.)
The resolution was passed unanimously.
The Rev. Mr. STREET moved, and Mr. BISHOP
seconded—" That it is the duty of every English-
man to labour to obtain the cessation of all diplo-
matic intercourse with Russia until such a state of
things (the state of things indicated in the first re-
solution) is put an end to."
The MAYOR, in calling upon Count Zamoyski to
support the resolution, saidhe.Would introduce him
not as an nxile, but as n Englis'pman, jhq Count
having been presented with the freedom at the city
of Edinburgh. (Cheers.)
Count ZAMOYSKI, on rising, was warmly cheered.
He was glad to have the opportunity of expressing
his belief that Gen. Langiewicz had not retreated
from the field because ho had shrank from the
extremity of his duty, but in an endeavour to
repeat his former manoeuvre of suddenly re-
appearing at another point. This had been
frustrated by some Austrian official perplexed
by contradictory orders. He (Count Z imoyski) as
a Pole, declared that he would rather see his coun-
try submit 20 years longer to Russian rule than be
assisted by foreign military force. (Cheers.) His
strong conviction was that his country was nume-
rous, powerful, honest, devoted, and, he would say,
virtuous enough to gain the victory by her own
strength, humanly speaking. (Hear, hear.) Poland
would triumph over Russia either now or hereafter.
(Cheers.) After 30 years of silence like death, she
now showed more life than ever before. In the jus-
tice of her cause, Poland was certain to triumph
over her enemies. What had she done in 1831 ? With
40,000 men they fought several battles, and gained
complete victories over the enemy, securing 20,000
prisoners, while the allied armies never had 3,000
prisoners. The reason was that one-fourth of the
Russian soldiers were Poles. (Hear, hear.) He com-
plained that after their success in 1831, they re-
ceived no word of encouragement from the Govern-
ments of Europe. (Hear, hear.) Tnis statement,
when made by Mr. Hennessy, startled the house,
and it was hardly understood, but it was what he
(the speaker) had been saying to the British Minis-
ters for years; and they were not very courteous in
saying that they could not send ships to Warsaw.
He answered no, he did not expect that, for he was
not mad; but if they were to send to the Polish
National Government a messenger of the Foreign-
office in his official dress, with an official despatch,
saying that we acknowledged them, this would be
worth more to the Poles than a hundred thousand
bayonets. (Cheers.) The resolution asserted that
Russia had forfeited all claim on the dominion of
Poland. (Hear.) This sentence implied the recog-
nition of such rights as the Poles could establish by
their own efforts, and such a security would be the
foundation of certainty for the resurrection of Poland.
However much he might applaud the cessation of
diplomatic intercourse with Russia, it would not be
nearly so effective as the proposed recognition ; the
former would be a satisfaction to England
by washing our hands of the offender, bat
it implied no consequences—it was not open-
ing diplomatic relations with Poland. He
hoped this recognition of rights would be in-
sisted on by the meeting, and that every English-
man would feel it a point of honour that there
should be a cessation of intercourse with Russia.
(Hear.) He entreated the people of England to press
upon the Government that it ought to withdraw the
sanction it gave in 1815 to the domination over
Poland. He proceeded to show what would be the
effect of this on the other nations of Europe. France
had proposed joint action. What for? To pass a
verdict in the trial of " Russia v. Poland." That
verdict must be that the sanction to this wrong
hitherto granted must be withdrawn. Russia must
be treated as the felon had been who was presented
at the late levee, and whom the Duke of Wellington
would kick out of doors if he again showed his face.
(Hear.) The speaker contended that there WAS no !
advantege in concerted action, but there would be
the certain evil of delay. Why wait for concert in
doing our duty ? The partition of Poland was ac-
knowledged to be " the crime of the age ;" there was
not a man in Russia who did not acknowledge that
it was a crime ; and it was hardly less a crime in
those who remained the passive witnesses. (Cheers.)
Prince Talleyrand admitted that the partition of
Poland was the prelude to the many subsequent
crimes, and partly their excuse ; the crimes of the
kings led to the crimes of a maddened people in
France, and to many revolutions. This participa-
tion by England remained a crime so long as it was
not atoned for and restitution made. If Poland
were dead there would hardly be a means of
atone-
ment, or of freeing the national conscience. The
religious people of England admitted that crime
was generally punished in this world.
He
ed life for his country in order
punished,
thereforec claimed
and
m
that England might be enabled to free herself from

f‘ The humble petition of the undersigned sheweth,—That
the Poles, after having long exhibited, tinder circumstances
of the most cruel provocation, a calm and dignified demea-
nour in the firm but peaceable vindication of their rights',
which entitled them to the respect and admiration of all
civilised nations, have been forced into their present insur-
rection by acts of continued and intolerable oppression and
insult on the part of Russia, and by the absolute necessity
of taking up arms in self-defence, and in order to preserve
their national existence from being exterminated, and their
own lives barbarously sacrified in the forced and ignomi-
nious service of their oppressor. That for the last century
it has been the constant aim of the Russian Government to
denationalise the people of Poland, to degrade her
nobility, and to efface the remembrance of her former
greatness and freedom, and this nefarious .policy hag
been pursued by means of constant confiscations, exiles,
and massacres, wholly without a parallel in the history
of any other country, Mahommedan or Christian. That
the anarchy which this system has naturally produced in.
Poland is dangerous as well as disgraceful to the civilised
States of Europe and an insult to the majesty of interna-
tional law, on a gross violation of which the dominion of
Russia in Poland was founded. That the Prussian Govern-
ment is bound by the Treaty of Vienna to cherish and pro-
tect the nationality of Poland, and that by permitting Rus-
sian troops to pursue Polish insurgents on her territory, and
by giving them up to the Russian Government, she has not
only become an accessory after the fact to its tyrannical and
atrocious proscription, but has released the other contracting
Powers to the Treaty of Vienna from the stipulations con-
tained in that treaty in her own favour, and that the Prus-
sian people, if they acquiesce in this base-and disgraceful
conduct of their Government, will be considered by the
;rest of Europe as occupying the last instead of the first
place, among the people of Uermany. That England, in.
order to purchase the adhesion of Russia to the 14 first articles
in the Treoty of Vienna in favour of Poland, agreed to pay
till Russian Government the sum of 17,000,000 sterling—
a payment which was spread over the space of a century,
with the express view of rendering it the interest of Russia
continually to observe the treaty; that the treaty hiving
been, as staled by the Prime Miniater of England in his
place in Parliament, systematically violated by Russia, to
continue the paym py longer is simply to render tribute
to Russia ; and thi 1, foi e, it affects as well the honour as
the interests of Engltp.l to put an end at once to our present
relations with that ef,tattly. We, therefore, entreat your
honourable house will be pleased to present a humble ad-
dress
to her Majesty, praying her to take, either alone or in
n
her
nEctuiroonpweainthpowsuch
allythe
Emperormeasures
of
as s theh eFrench
may
wisdom think most suitable for securing the national and
political rights of the Poles, and thereby establishing the
conjunction
peace and welfare of Eastern Europe. And your petitioners
will ever pray."

The meeting closed with thanks to the Mayor, on the
motion of Mr. Hennessy, seconded by Mr. N. F. Zaba, sb
Pole.

HEALTH OF LONDON.

(From the Realitrar general's Report.)

The mortality in London was high in the second
week of the current month ; it rose still higher in
the third week (that ended last Saturday) when the
deaths numbered 1,624. The average number of
deaths in the weeka of ten years 1853-62, corres-
ponding with last week is, with a correction for
increasing population, 1,416. The public health
has been so unfavourably affected, that the deaths
were more numerous by 208 than they would have
been if the average rate of mortality had ruled. In
the last three weeks the deaths were successively
1,370, 1,561, and 1,624. The mean temperature of
the air in the same periods was 47.3 deg., 381 deg.,
and 41.0 deg.

The return of the previous week exhibited an in-
crease in the deaths of young persons (under 20
years), and also of the old (60 years and upwards).
The return of last week shows no further increase
in the deaths of the young, but a further increase
of considerable amount in the deaths of the
old. In the last three weeks the deaths of young
persons were 702, 806, 793; those of the old were
275, 305, and 351. The increase has arisen chiefly
from pulmonary complaints. The deaths at all
ages from phthisis were in the three weeks 149,
191, and 180 ; those from bronchitis 141, 170, 204 ;
those from pneumonia 88, 114, 102 ; those from
heart disease 56, 50, and 72.

The deaths from pulmonary complaints last week
were 366, against a corrected average of 315.
There were 45 deaths from smallpox.
Seven nonagenarians died in the week, the oldest
of whom was a widow, aged 97 years.
Six women are returned as having died on the
10th inst.—four at Ludgate-hilt and two at the
Poultry—from suffocation in the crowds attracted
to witness the illumination, or from heart disease
accelerated by the great pressure and excitement on
that occasion. A woman died on the 13th inst. from
disease of the heart accelerated by the pressure in a
crowd on the 7th inst.

Last week the births of 1,129 boys and 1,102 girls,
lin all 2,231 children, were registered in London.
In the 10 corresponding weeks of the years ,853.62
the average number (corrected) was 1,980.
At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean
height of the barometer in the week was 29•7741 n.
The reading fell to 29.08 in on Sunday; it rose to
30.06 in on 'fuesday ; and after various flaetuations
was 3n'o7in r t the end of the week. The mean
temperature of the air in the week was 41 'deg,
which is 0.8 deg below the average of the same week
in 43 years (as determined by Mr. Glaisher). The
mean daily temperas ore was below the average till
Frid:.y. The night tempera t ore was t vvice—viz,,
on Wednesday and Thursday—helow the fr(ezing
paint of water; the lowest was 28.1 deg on the
former day. The highest day tunnerature was
57 9 deg 01) Friday. The range of temperature in
the week was ti,erejere 29-8 deg. The mean daily
range was 15.4 deg. The mean of the highest
temperatures of the Thames was 45.7 deg ; the
mean of the lowest was 42-7. The difference
between the mean dew-point temperature and air
temperature was 6.9 deg. The mean degree of
humidity of the air was 77, compete saturation
being represented by 100. The prevailing direction
of ihe wind was north east. The amount of rain,
was o•23in, almost all of which fell on Sunday.

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