The Sun.
London, England, 1837-12-02 00:00:00

time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday, the 11th
of December.
Mr. HINDLEY asked the Noble Lord whether the present Bill
retained the substance of Clauses fire to fifty-eight (as we under-
stood) of the former Bill ?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied in the affirmative.
Mr. HINDLEY then said he should give the Bill his most de-
termined opposition.
The House adjourned at a Quarter to Nine o'Clock.

DINNER TO MR. O'CONNELL

AT NORWICH.

No sooner was it known on Tuesday that Mr. O'Connell
was likely to visit this city on business, than a number of gen-
tlemen met on that evening at the Angel, and determined to
ask the Hon. Member for Dublin to dine at the Angel Inn.
The Sheriff was deputed to London the same evening, and a
favourable answer was returned on Thursday morning. Time
and space being limited, just so many tickets, at half a guinea
each, were issued as the large room at the Angel Inn would
contain. The demands for admission, however, were so large,
that a very great number of gentlemen were necessarily re-
fused. At seven o'clock the room was full, and on Mr.
O'Connell's entering he was received with a welcome that
proved how very high he stood in the estimation of the highly
respectable company assembled to do him honour. T. 0.
Springfield, Esq., presided.
" Our Sovereign Lady the Queen."

God save the Queen.
" The illustrious mother of our Queen, the Duchess of
Kent."
" Our fellow-citizen the Duke of Sussex, and the rest of
the Royal Family residing in England."—(Great cheering,
and cries of " Bravo !")
The next toast is one which I am sure will reach the bo-
soms of all. From the benefits this kingdom has received
during the time they were in power, I will with confidence
propose the health of " Her Majesty's Ministers."—(Great
cheering.)
" In rising," said the CHAIRMAN, " to suggest to you the
next toast, I shall content myself with giving you the health
of our distinguished friend and visitor Daniel O'Connell,
Esq.' " The whole room rose simultaneously, and with oft
repeated hurras reiterated their welcome to this great patriot.
After some minutes Mr. O'Coee ELL rose, and the company
became completely hushed, and exhibited the most intense
anxiety. " I do, gentlemen," said the Honourable Mem-
ber, " most unaffectedly assure you, that I never in
my life—never experienced more pleasure from this spon-
taneous and unprecedented kindness, being a casual vi-
sitor among you. If I had come upon studied design I
might perhaps have anticipated a favourable reception ;
hut this expression of your regard, coming as it does
from the heart, must ever meet with a reciprocal feeling in
the heart of the object towards whom that kindness is directed.
—( Cheers.) Perhaps lam not displeased to hear authenti-
cally, that you are not displeased with a humble but thorough
Reformer like the individual who addresses you—that you do
net despair of success from your recent defeat—and that al-
though your good ship, the Constitution, has been wrecked on
the sands of Toryism, a good portion of the crew still sur-
vives to encounter another storm, and I hope win a victory.—
(Great cheering.) The great value of such meetings as these
to us the actors of all work—(Cheers)—upon this stage, and
in the objects upon which we are engaged, is that it teaches us
never to despair, and inspires us with renewed energy—gives
us increased stimulus to struggle inveterately for the object
until it be obtained.—( Cheers.) Is it not a miserable thing
to see what a herd of Conservatives—l hate that long word—
( Great cheering)--if they had been birds of a better
feather—Norfolk Tories or Norfolk geese—(Great laughter)
.—but they arc not so harmless or so respectable a bird—their
only object to feed on the vitals of the British people.—
( Great cheering.) I have often asked in London if they were
aware what was meant by the word Tory? They did not know
that it was an Irish word, and meant a robber—( Laughter)—
and never was that word half so well applied. But there is
something melancholy in the Tory representation of this city.
I want to know, when I learn that to the Duke of Welling-
ton hundreds of thousands of the people's money has been
given, whether it was so given by them for the purchase of
the British people— whether it is to be endured that British
money is to be used for the corruption of the British consti-
tuency. What care I for monuments of brass or statues of
marble. Nothing can be so derogatory to the name and fame
of such a man, than that his eldest son should pollute his
name by its contact with bribery ; and I should like to ask
how many souls he has been the means of bringing to the
poll.—( Hear, leer, hear.) How many he has destroyed
by perjury, for the tempory title of a Representa-
tive of this city.—( Cheering.) To be sure I cannot turn
upon my Lord Abingcr and ray, that he paid towards corrup-
tion; but I would ask if it is becoming the dignity of the staid
ermine that he should send his son to assist in this corruption?
Some people would be for making me believe that this grave
Judge climbed to the Bench by similar means.—(Laughter.)
I cannot believe it, gentlemen--( Cheers.) Some people say
that we Papists believe too much; bet even if we do, in this
case, I cannot believe that he did. It would be said, if a man
sought to make a town so overflowing with money and cor-
ruption and crime, that he ought to be found in the Dock and
not on the Bench.—( Hear.) And this it is for which this
young Scarlett—Sweet Apple they call him—(Laughter)—
is sent into the House, a school-boy from school—with legis-
lative requirements about equal to a boy who has never been
to school at all—(Laughter)—or if as an administrator of the
law, he broke the law, ought he not to have received his con-
demnation? And this puts me in mind of the song in the
Beggars' Opera :
" Since laws were made for every degree,
To curb vice in ethers as well as in me,
I wonder we ha'nt better company
On Tyburn tree."—(Laughter. )
But ought not that administrator of the law to scorn to come
among people and purchase their votes by bribery for 401. or
501. Oh how wretched was it to think that those in high sta-
tions, enjoying high dignities, should suffer their characters to
be tarnished by such vile practices, in cases which I am told
shall be proved against the authors, managers, and providers of
such corruption.—( Cheers.) That part of the song, confound
your politics, frustrate your knavish tricks, puts me in mind of
the Tories. What of them ? Did they not, let me ask you,
support the Poor Law Amendment Bill—was it not supported
by the Duke of Wellington in the House of Lords and by Sir
Robert Peel in the House of Commons—was not every one of
them loud in their exertions to carry that Bill ? Yet the mo-
ment a popular cry was raised against it—whether rightly
or not 1 do not intend to discuss—did not• that very party
who had supported the Ministry in carrying it through Parlia-
ment—and even the clergy, did they not call for reform, and in-
stead of calling for protection, assault their adversaries upon a
point in which they had supported them ?—( Cheers.) Is it not
shocking to think that we live in the society of people who
are capable of thus acting only to obtain their own factious
purposes.—( Cheers.) I have excited in my own mind another
melancholy reflection. What do these Tories waist ? Do
they not want to revive the scenes of blood, of war, of desola-
tion, which were for so many years enacted in England ? Yes,
they want to find a pretext for shedding blood. They want
to get hold of the pierse to pension on you their mothers,
uncles, cousins, neices, aye and their mistresses.—Hear, hear.)
Are not the words of holy religion used by those who pre-
tend to be the promoters of religion, to support such unhal-
lowed purposes ? Sacred God I It passes beyond the power of
expression when we sec this conduct attempted to be upheld
by texts from holy writ, and under the pretext of promoting
piety and religion.__( Cheering.) They have however
now brought things to extremity. On the one hand
the ardent Reformers are taken aback by the declaration
of Lord John Russell.—( Hear, hear, hear.) That makes
me grieve, but I do not by any means complain of him.—
( Hear, hear.) Oh how much more should I indeed grieve,
did I not see that the sword no longer passes over the
face of my beloved country—that faction no longer rules, and
justice takes the seat of violence.—(Cheering.) How much
more would you lament if you saw as I have in our Courts, the
' violence of a party jury, a party Sheriff, and a factious Judge.
Oh ! how would you pity us if you saw my countrymen who,
as it were, were compelled to play with gamblers possessing
loaded dice. But let me do justice to the impartiality which
we have obtained through the Melbourne Administration.—
( Hear and cheers.) How often have I heard the Irish de-

scribed as some incarnation of restlessness—as a people who
looked out only for strife—who were anxious to find a com-
plaint in order that they might cease from being quiet. At
present we have got no amelioration. We have still tithes to
pay to clergymen, who have to be sure a flock, but only for the
purpose of fleecing them.—( Hear.) We have no Municipal
'Reform, which England and Scotland'would not have obtained
so readily had it not been for the Irish people. Though as
yet we have obtained no permanent amelioration or reform,
what has become of those who have been said to pos-
sess no quiet ? Why the instant Government showed a dispo-
sition to listen to Ireland's grievances or to redress them, the
power of the demagogue was laid aside, and they became the
foremost to agitate for the Queen's Government.—( Cheers. )
I have said we have come to a great crisis. Of the declaration
of Lord John Russell Ido not complain—l do not blame him.
Upon this point there ought to be no delusion—Englishmen
are not of a metal to be frightened like a child by a figure,
whose proportions are distorted and half hidden by a thin veil.
There ought to be no delusion, and it should therefore be re-
collected that Ministers have only a small majority in the
House of Commons, while they are in a small minority in the
Lords. The people of this country therefore know their real
situation, and knowing it they also know upon whom they must
rely, and that is themselves.—(Hear, hear.) Never were
they in a similar situation, that they did not rise above it from
the first day of their history to the present moment. Upon
themselves alone must they depend. Let them back
the House of Commons powerfully, manfully, and they
will terrify the House of Peers. How often have I re-
peated to my own countrymen, and I now do so to you,
Hereditary bondsmen, know you not
Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow !
The people must agitate—they must register; millions of pe-
titions, with millions upon millions of names, mist be presented
to the Legislature. These, however small at first, when they
increase by multitudinous repetitions, the thunder of heaven
cannot exceed in power.—( Loud cheering.) It may perhaps
be considered presumptuous in me, an alien, to offer you ad-
vice—( Cries of " No," and applause)—but although my ac-
cent and my language are foreign, I can assure
you my heart
and my judgment are entirely your own. After 700 years of
misrule, the period is come when universal Ireland is roused
in the cause of the Queen !—( Hear.) Her Government has
received the support of the people, and it only t equires both
the people of England and Ireland to be united in the bond
of equal laws, to render us irresistible to all nations upon the
face of the earth. lam at this moment making the experi-
ment, and I will not be content with less; if I ask more
despise me.—(Great cheering.) But do not despise me
so far as to think for a moment that if the experiment fails,
that I should submit to a Tory plundering faction.—( Cheer-