The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-24 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST 24, 1863.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

SPECTATOR.—The Austrian Emperor's address is not by
manly.
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any means a bad speech, or unworthy either of the rank of
the great Sovereign by whom it was read, or of the ability
of the statesmen by whom it may be supposed to have been
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delicate point in the speech—is at once straightforward and
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gratify a growing German sentiment, while the distinct
utterance, " I see no prospect of finding a firm basis in the
question relative to the future of Germany by means of pro-
longed deliberations," shows that one member, at least, of
the Federation is weary of endless talk. But the speech
must bo read by the light of the proposal which it was in •
tended to introduce, and so read it will for the majority of
Germans and all the rent of Europe resolve itself into words.
The, grand coach is put forward, butthe Emperor really rides
in a cab. The grand project of reform, so loudly proclaimed,
so splendidly dressed, resolves itself into a cumbrous scheme
for the increase of Austrian influence within a still dis-
united Confederacy. It sweeps away the Diet, which has
never yet accomplished an act, to replace it by an organise-
tion which can, indeed, accomplish many, but none of the
kind for which the heart of Germany craves. The
whole pith of the plan lies in the scheme for securing a
strong executive power. The legislative arrangements are
evidently of very minor importance, and if Germany is
to remain a mere congeries of Sovereign States, we do
not know that they have been very unskilfully devised.
They do, not, indeed, secure the smallest power of internal
improvement, but they do partially transfer the power of
resisting change from the Kings to the people. The power
of legislation is to be entrusted to a very Conservative and
excessively cumbrous, but still united Parliament, composed
of two houses, with widely different powers. The Lower,
or popular House, styled the House of Delegates, will be
composed of 300 representatives elected by all the German
Diets, two-thirds being named by the Commons and one-
third by the Peers. The proportions will be Austria, 75 ;
Pru sia, 75; Bavaria, 27; Saxony, Hanover, and Wurtem-
burg, 15 each ; and the minor principlities and cities from
twelve to one, an arrangement which gives Austria and
Prussia united a fair half of the House, but also ensures to
the Catholic States a clear working majority. The Dele-
gates will vote by majorities, and will have power to
pass resolutions on questions connected with alterations in
the Bund, on the budget of the Bund. on matters connected
with the press, on the right of association, on the right of
domicile, and on other minor questions. Even upon this
narrow range of subjects, however, the delegates can only
offer wishes, ter on the close of their sittings the Assembly
of Princes " will take into consideration and finally dispose
of the propositions made by" the Chamber; in other words,
the Princes will be even more absolute for resistance than
at present, because relieved of the check of local discontent,
rNobodyoyal
ty. Take, fo
will even know
each proposition, and the dissatisfaction of any one German
rinstance which of the Princes has resisted
,
State will break itself to pieces against collective German
understood, the general law of athsethpe m e mostreesmsa. order
toeasily
ob-
tain uniformity, the one or two States in which thorough
liberty is enjoyed must be resisted, in order to meet the
views of States like Austria, where editors are still impri-
soned; or Prussia, where six newspapers have been sup-
pressed in one day. Otherwise, the Princes will reject the
law, and uniformity will be as far off as ever. On the other
hand, supposing the Princes ever to yield a liberal law, the
press would be beyond the caprices of individual Princes;
for, as the initiative rests with the delegates, and the majo-
rity of the delegates are appointed by the Commons, they
have only to refuse to bring new bills to keep the old free
system inviolate from any legal attack. That is an enor-
mous gain—one so great as to almost compensate for the
excessive power assigned to the Princes. The pith of the
plan is, however, the new executive power. There is to be a
Directory of Five, to be formed of the Emperor, the Austria,
the
ee
peiKreingdeonfePy
of rustshiea,firtshteanKd ettinvgoufgßavaria, and two other
members elected by the small principalities, all sitting under
h
by majorities. To this
Directory enormous powers are conceded, the management
of all foreign affairs, the appointment of all ambassadors, the
control of the army, the suppression of internal disturb-
ances, the expenditure of the Federal budget, and the con-
vocation and prorogation of the House of Delegates.. It can
even declare peace and war, with the consent of the Federal
Council, a. body of 21 Counsellors in practice nominated by
itself, the majority in the Directory hsving also a majority
in the advising body. In other words, the Directory would
be for most German purposes, and all foreign purposes, a
most effective executive, one which,could it bat be accepted
and work harmoniously, might be an irresistible political
power. But then what chance is there of acceptance or
harmonious working ? The first glance at the scheme shows
that it is one for the permanent nullification of Prussia.
There are five votes in the Directory, three of which—his
own, that of Bavaria, and that of the smaller pro-Austrian
States—will invariably belong to the Emperor. Austria
would, in fact, be advanced to the political sovereignty of
Germany, and this, without securing to Germany in her
turn the slightest prospect of fusion.
LONDON ItEvrEw.—lt is rather whimsical to think of
his Cmsarean Royal Apostolic, Majesty going to meet the
assembled sovereign
princes of Germany in the free impe-
rial city of Frankfort, to propose for their discussion a Ger-
manic Federationlreform bill. There are four Kings (but
the King of 4Prussia stands aloof) and five Grand Dukes,
with as many Dukes who do themselvesnotstylgeoar cGie rani
half a dozen reigning Princes, and a tea of iv
Re-
publican burgomasters, who have met in conclave to hear
the Emperor of Austria propound his scheme of a new Con-
stitution for the German Union, What will they make
of it ? Let us first see what sort of thing it 18. The
Federal Executive is to consist, as we have seen, in its
active part, of a Directory, or Cabinet, being the three
Sovereigns of Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria, which are the
only German Powers, together with two Princes from
among the minor German States. This league of monarchs,
supported rather than controlled by a Federal Council of
deputies from most of the State Governments—Austria and
Prussia having each three votes while other States have but
one--is to provide for the defence of Germany against all
foreign foes, and likewise to suppress all internal disturb-
ances. Diplomacy and military operations will belong to
the Directory of five monarchs; but they must obtain the
consent of two-thirds of the votes in the Federal Council
before declaring war. There can be no doubt that Ger-
many, with this organization,. could more readily exert
her whole strength in self-defence if she were menaced by
Russia cr invaded by France. The vague desire for a
closer national union, which has been fermenting in Ger-
man minds for many years past, arises mainly from an un-
easy consciousness of the tact that Germany lies at the
mercy of the two compact and powerful empires on her
eastern and her western frontiers. At the same time,
it is to be feared that, with a Federal constitu-
tion, in which two or three leading States might practically
determine, by their agreement, the question of peace or war,
Germany would be liable to be dragged into many disputes
foreign to the real interests of the German people, and re-
lating more especially to the non-German dominions of the
Austrian empire. There are two members of the Confedera-
tion, Austria and Prussia, which rank among the Great
Powers of Europe. These have their own ambitions, their
own allies and enemies, their own policy to serve. It would
scarcely tend to secure the happiness and tranquillity of the
smaller German States if they were to be compelled, at the
bidding of a majority of votes in. the Federal Council, under
Austrian dictation, to engage in a war with France and
Italy upon the question of Venetia, or with Russia upon
Polish and Eastern questions. Another function of the Di-
rectory, as we perceive, is to put down all internal disturb-
ances in Germany. Now it is probable that this interference
of tho Federal Power would only be called for in the case
of a revolution breaking out in one of the German States,
and of the failure of its prince to subdue the revolution.
We should then see the new Government of this State, a
Government de facto, and entitled to general recognition,
assailed and overthrown by the whole military force of the
Confederation. The Direciory of five German Sovereigns
might even choose to regard the most orderly and legiti-
mate exercise of political freedom, in any German State, as
a crime against the Federal peace and order. We do not
imagine that the domestic liberties of Germany would be
much advanced by their practical interpretation of this rule.
If we look, also, to the list of those subjects of legislation,
upon which the Chamber of Delegates is to bo allowed to
debate, we find that they include " matters connected with
the public press, the right of association, the right of domi-
cile, and sundry other matters of inferior importance." No
resolution, however, of the Parliamentary Delegates will
have the force of law, unless it be adopted by the Assembly
of Princes ; while, for aught we can see, the Assembly of
Princes may pass laws of their own, quite independent of
any proposition from the Chamber of Delegates, who will
not have a veto on this Royal legislation. Whether or not,
as a whole, the Austrian scheme of Federal Reform will
commend itself to the sovereigns now assembled at Frank-
fort, we are not yet able to say. But since the members of
the Liberal and Constitutional party, from all the German
States, held their meeting, curiously enough, this very
week, and in the saute city, we may expect very soon to
learn what is their opinion of the Austrian scheme. Mean--
time, the once constitutional kingdom of Prussia abides in
her sulky isolation, and lets judgment against her go by
default.

EXAMINER —ln the Diet at Frankfort, and in the Coun-
cil of Princes, such ashes just been called, Austria presides,
not merely by virtue of her having so long held by inherit..
ante the Imerial Crown of Charlemagne, but by virtue of
the superior numbers of her population and armies. But
Prussia contains a greater number of Germans, and is by
nature, if no longer in fact, the undoubted head of North
Germany, a region which far exceeds the South, and
especially Austria, in wealth, development, intelligence,
and population in proportion to the soil. With
such conflicting claims the pretensions of Austria and
of Prussia are irreconcilable, and the minor States
are, though numerous and populous, so divided, that
no joint action can be established amongst them, so as to
enable thew to couaterbAlauce or arbitrate botweo, the two