The Sun.
London, England, 1837-09-08 00:00:00

MR. O'CONNELL.

tate, she certainly approved, places beyond demonstration
her wise and benevolent intentions twards Ireland.
When I come to suggest the couorse I should advise, I
beg of the Irish people to recollect these two facts :
First—That never yet until the present day was there
one English Sovereign who did not hate or despise, or en-
tertain both sentiments conjointly, towards the Irish peo-
ple. It should not be disguised, and it would be vain to
deny it.
Secondly—That we have at length, blessed be God, a
Sovereign on the throne free from passions and prejudices
against us, and determined to treat us precisely es her Eng-
lish and Scotch subjects are treated. It is all we ask or

TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND.
Darrynane Abbey, Sept. 2, 1837.
The elections arc ended. The friends of the Queen and
of Ireland have gained the victory. Never was there one
More honourable to the Irish nation.
Once again do the British people owe to the honesty and
ratriotinn of Ireland the means of insuring the peaceable
ittosiress of political amelioration and improvement ; once
1041 the sacred cause of civil and religious liberty stands
deeply indAted to the exertions of the Irish.
The Irish carried the Bill to emarcipate the Protestant
Dissenters of England ; the Irish carried the Bill to email-
tiptite the Catholics of both countries ; The Irish carried
‘the English Parliamentary Reform Bill ; the Irish carried
ths: Scotch Parliamentary Reform Bill ; the Irish carried
the English Municipal Reform Bill ; the Lich carried the
Scotet. Municipal Reform Bill ; and now the overwhelm-
ing maturity of Irish Reformers gibe to the Queen's Go-
vernment the opportunity to carry through the House of
Commons every other measure tending to increase the
liberties and -franchises, and to lessen the burdens of the
.British people ; and, at the same time, to render the throne
secure from the-vile plottings of the interested bigots and
peculators, who, under their new name of Conservatives,
but with more than the ancient rancour and depravity of
Toryism, seek to place the Queen and the nation under the
}oke of worse than Hanoverian despotism.
Hurrah, then, for the loyal Irish—Hurrah !
Let me not be mistaken—'l do not say that the Irish
alone won the battle, nor do I inziouste that the cause of
freedom had not numerous and efficie:it friends in En"..;-
land, and, above all, in Scotland ; but I do as:.trtp without
.exaggerationv that it was the Irish who turned the 4cale
of victory, decided the triumphant result, and brought the
cause cf Reform to its present prominent and promising

desire.
Having thus placed the Queen at the head of the com-
bination favourable to Ireland, I next gratefully rank her

Majesty's Ministers in the same category.
It is impossible to doubt the sincerity of the teal of Lord
Nlulgrave to conduct the administration of public affiirs in
Ireland with the strictest impartiality and justice. If the
administrative were the only function of government, we
should be content as we are ; but however practically use-
ful, it cannot be permanently so unless legislative ameliora-
tions are added to administrative usefulness.
As to these, can we for a moment doubt the intentions of
the Melbourne Administration ? We may, indeed, doubt
their power to afford us legislative relief, because the House
of Lords stands in the way of every measure in any degree
useful to Ireland ; but it is not, I think, possible for human
folly, even were human folly accompanied by that which
renders it at one and the same time most mischievous, as
well as ludicrous—that ►s, " GOOD INTENTIONS"—it is Dot
possible, I say, for the worst possible species of human folly
to go the length of doubting the purity and sincerity of the
desire and determination of the present Ministers to (19 411
the good they can for Ireland.
indeed if any doubt could arise as to the participation of
the Queen in the hitior of fiord John Russell to Lord Mul-
grave, there can be none that such latfor was written with
the full approbation of the entire cabinet. It was; at all
events, a Ministerial Act, accompanying the re•appointment
of the Lord Lieutenant, and detdaratory of the principles on
which that re-appointment was made. if ever there was a
distinct Ministerial pledge it is to be found i►; that iPtter.
Let every honest Irishman say whether it be possible for the
most flippant caviller to find OPP single pretence to doubt
the anxiety to serve Ireland, and to pleas her on a perfect
equality with England and Scotland which pervaded the
minds of the Ministry who issued that letter as a declara-
tion of their sentiments.
Besides, Ireland has been, and is, useful to the Ministry.
It is their interest, as well as their sacred duty, to he useful
to Ireland.
Being thus clearly entitled to place the Queen at the
head of the friends of justice and of Ireland, we are equally
bound to place the Queen's Ministers the next in order
amongst these friends.
Let it be remembered that we never before saw a Mi-
nistry who were not disposed rather to join our enemies
than to assist us. Nay, every prior Adtnnistration was in
fact or in intention the de.i led enemy of the Irish people.
The worst of all, perhaps, was the Grey Government, as
administered by that weak and silly man, the unfortunate
Anglesey, and by that irascible and besotted being, Stanley,
They made their appointments to office from the worst of
our enemies, and they annihilated the Constitution by enact-
ing the Coercion Bill.
We never before had a friendly .Administration.
Next to the Queen and the Ministry, but second to none
in reliance, are to be placed the Irish nation.
Let this be understood—let it be distinctly understood—
I say that we have now in our moral, virtuous, and open
combination, the entire Irish nation. In seeking for Catho-
lic Emancipation we bad with us nine-tenths of the Catholic
people at the utmost, and we had a highly respectable and
purely patriotic, but not very numerous, portion of our Pro-
testant fellow-countrymen.
But at present the Irish Protestants, in great and in-
creasing numbers, have joined the patriotic cry of justice to
Ireland. We have at present twenty, probably one hun-
dred, Protestants in the ranks of the friends of Ireland, for
one who joined us before Emancipation—and we have the
universal Catholic people, who recollect my old cry of
peaceful agitation—
Hereditary bondsmen ! know ye not,
Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ?

position.
Hurrah, then, for the loyal Irish—Hurrah!
Oh, Ireland! Oh, my country! Why should I not re-
joice at the splendid exhibitions of practical patriotism and
publin virtue which you have displayed to the admiring
world ? Why,, when I contemplate the mighty workings
of that gigantic yet peaceable spirit of love of liberty and
of country which I may in my vanity bring myself to be•
Bove I contributed something to animate and arouse, why
Pay I not console myself with the pleasurable sensations
which 'thoughts such as these create, loathe vituperation
and calumny poured upon me by the pretended friends and
sincere enemies of Ireland.
But, alasl ought not every thought of self sink into
contemptuous oblivion when the contrast obtrudes on us
between the merits and services of 11-eland on the one hand,
and the atrocious and insulting injustice inflicted on her
upon the other ?
The face of the globe does not present a country which
has given such proofs of the highest order of virtues as Ire-
-laa(l7 or which has suffered such continuous injustice and
.sanguinary oppression, and been the victim of such atro-
cious and unrelenting calumny.
Ireland, during the dark ages, when the hordes of barba-
rians had, throughout Europe, extinguished, in the blood of
the former inhabitants, almost all the appearances of an-
cient civilization and science—and had, in most places, obli-
terated Christianity even to the name ; during that dark
and dismal period Ireland shone a glorious light of litera-
tura and religion—educated the youths of Britain and of
the Continent—and whilst she preserved at home the
sacred deposit of Christian truth, sent abroad through uni-
"sersal Europe the missionaries by whose piety and labours
. the people were converted, the churches and monasteries
were rebuilt, and learning and religion restored amongst the
"Uations, The gratitude of the new converts readily recog-
uised the saintly ,virtues of their Irish apostles, and their
• :pauses amongst the saints and patrons of numerous towns
anddioceses throughout continental Europe preserve the
'• :raeollection of their Irish origin and apostolic virtues.
The most famous Universities were established by Irish-
men. The long-renowned Padua, as well as Paris and
Oxford, are indebted for their foundation to Irishmen.
The fidelity with which, in latter periods, the Irish
People, in despite of the most cruel and continued persecu-
lions ever inflicted by Christian or Pagan, adhered to "the
, faith their fathers held to God," deserves, for its firmness
and consistency, the admiration, if not the applause, even
of those who differ from us in belief. It was an exhibition
of Christian fortitude and perseverance, against every mo-
tive of worldly interest and human terror—not exceeded,
say, I believe not equalled, by any other people on earth.
But this unconquerable attachment of the Irish to their
owl, faith would be.of little estimation had it been accom-
panied, or in any way mixed up, with the persecution of
others. Since the Protestant religion was made the reli-
gion of the Sate in Ireland the Catholics have been three
times restored to power. But what was their conduct to-
wards the Protestants? Let me answer in the words of a
Protestant historian still living—the author of " The His-
. story of the Civil Wars of Ireland." Speaking of the
, reign of Mary' being the first restoration to power of the
• ' Catholics, he says—here are his very words—" The re:to-
fatiow of the old religion was effected without violence ;
No PERSECUTION OF THE PROTESTANTS WAS ATTEMPTED,
and several tf the English wholled from the furious zeal
if Mary's iwiuisitors FOUND A SAFE RETREAT AMONGST
TUE CATHOLICS OF IRELAND. It is but justice to this
mak-pied body to add, that on the three occasions (If their
obtaining the upper hand, they never injured A SINGLE
rEesoN in life or limb for ptojessiny a religion different
f um their own."
Why do 1 dwell with melancholy pleasure on these bye-
; • gone periods of our history ? Because I desire to have it
understood that the great political and religious virtues are
inherent in the Irish mind ; and that any individual, or
even any class that arrogated to itself being the instigator
. . of the recent exhibition by the Irish people, of devotion to
• religion and liberty, would deserve only scorn and contempt.
. I wish, too, to show forth, in the presence of the Wm-
bitaots of Europe, who have their eyes fixed, end their
hopes dependent on the state of British politics, the atro-
cious an,l unspeakable iniquity of that faction in England,
. • • which, led on, alas, by their clergy, clamorously refuse to
recognise our services and virtues, or to admit our title to
• an equality of civil rights and privileges.
The struggle of the vile Tory-Conservative faction in
England to continue the reign of partiality and inequality
of rights in Ireland—fo re-establish a corrupt and unjust
• administration of the laws—to devote once more the Irish
people to the emaciating cruelty of a malignant and bigot-
. • ted party, already loaded with crime, and stained with
.. blood—the struggle which the Tery-Conservative faction
in England, with ten thousand clergymen swelling their
train, and instigating their worst passions, are snaking to
trample Ireland once again in the dust, and to restore
every iniquity, however sanguinary, every injustice, how-
ever revolting—this struggle is to the last degree disgust-
ing to every man possessing one single particle of integrity
or common honesty.
Tile English parsons, and lordlings, and landed proprio-
t
ors are in immense multitudes banded together, in order
to perpetuate and to aggravate all the sufferings and oppres-
sions of the Irish people. The spirit of national hostility
and contempt mixes congenially with the paltry malignity
Of religious bigotry, and all those foul passions combined
',together have acquired in England a strength and a vio-
lence which can be resisted and subdued only by a combi-
nation of all the friends of civil and religious liberty in both
countries and especially by conducting that combination
. with the utmost discretion, prudence and wisdom.
In order then to discover what it is that discretion de-
tnatals, prudence requires, and wisdom dictates, let us first
understand the details of our position, and estimate accu-
rately the nature and the power of the combination favour-
. able to Ireland.
s At the head of that combination duty es well as respect-
. tal inclination Lids me place the Queen.
In the first place, she belongs, in the maternal line, to a
Tilliy remarkable for good sense. The conduct of her
Illustrious mother, during the trying period which has
"lapsed since the Princess Victoria became presumptive
• to the Crown, proves her powerful intellect. The
. Duchess of Kent will never get sufficient credit for the tact
antif sound discretion with which, whilst she never shrunk
• iron observing, unobtrusively, the line of politics adopted
i
Ins lifetime by her lamented husband the Duke of Kent,
, pie still preserved herself and her daughter perfectly free
stlie workings of any party whatsoever, and from the
!l o*t• inevitable tendency of Courts to countenance anti-
PoPular and despotic principles. Her brother, also, the
uncle
aur of the Queen, displayed similar good sense, as well
became
the lifetime of the Princess Charlotte as since he
• .ten'alse King of Belgium. He is, I believe, the most pope-
otnonarch on the Continent of Europe ; "sad his true
ie refusing to allow a most slanderous press to be
s cuted by law, and determining that it should be met
b
Thy few, Y argument, places him high indeed in the scale of
truly wise who have governed the earth. Thus,
ibrefre, we have a right to expect that the Queen, be-
utiersgtatnodsuticihata family'
will
have the natural intellect to
si rei. she can have no interest in the oppression
her thia"(l, but that, on the contrary, good sense will show
her reignhe highest interests of the prosperity and glory of
ssarse require that there should not be a different and a
dominions.
tiastilli_„7tiiisticim of laws in Ireland than ill other portions of
econd place, the education the Queen has received
• ou
have
to believe that she must desire that Ireland
• net 11 Ye equal justice with England and Scotland. She
Is dld;eeclitte alii
prejudices against her Irish subjects. It
whleirtleCr time that such prejudices were abandoned every
there
gu.etiodlet:sellt:h_oymnirfecdtenhireetsaritnrlyeall,talsv.e at present no existence um)
(m.unate n all the acts of the Queen since she at
ascended
.the throne, bespeak, trumpet-,
(-lone her conviction that justice—equal justice—stiouits
Lord liutoi Ireland.
grave, the yalr'il_se; letter of Lord John Pausstll to
terms of whiels, if eve did pot die-
_

Yes, we have now—
st—The Queen.
2d—The Queen's Ministers.
3d—The great and good Irish nation.
But this is not all! We have a mighty accession of
strength in Scotland. The honest and true Reformers of
Scotland are with us to a man. There are amongst that
shrewd and intelligent people none of those pyebald po-
liticians whom 1 have so well denominated Tory-Ra-
dicals. I deserve, I think, a laurel leaf for inventing
that name. In England also, we have many and many
friends amongst intelligent and just Englishmen. There
are, especially in the great towns and cities, many of the
English who have overcome their nursery prejudices
against the Irish, and who look with scorn at the bigotry
which, powerless in argument, is strong only in invective
and calumny. is true that the great majority of the agri-
cultural electors are our enemies, influenced as they arc by
their clergy, who feel, almost without perceiving the im-
pulse, that they need the legal proscription and the bloody
bayonet to sustain that cause which, if it were " the truth
of God," ought to be able to sustain itself.
To me it is delightful to contemplate a Protestant parson
making more than a tacit confession of the conscious inse-
curity of his religious opinions, when he declares that he
fears their overthrow unless injustice shall be continued to
be dealt out to Ireland—thus making that iniquity the
shield and strength of his faith 1. Yet such is the scene
which in one thousand parishes in England was unblush-
ingly exhibited during the late elections.
The English Protestant Clergy do not perceive what a
triumph their conduct affords to the Catholics, or how much
that conduct tends to accelerate the progress of _that con-
tinually increasing accession to the Catholic faith which is
now so remarkably conspicuous in England. They are
also blind to the inevitable consequences of their conduct in
augmenting the number of Protestant Dissenters.
But to return to our present prospects. I have shown
what our resources are, and what are our prospects of as-

-

My reply is ready. It is my deliberate and long-con-
sidered advice to support the Queen's Government upon
all possible occasions, and by all pissible means, and to
place the most implicit confidence in the intentions and de-
termination of the Queen.
Our duty to Ireland is to rally round the present Mi-
nisters of the Queen. Our duty to Ireland is to di to o
strate our respectful confidence in the first really friendly
Sovereign the Irish have ever seen on the British Throne
I may be asked whether I advise that the Ministry should
be supported at the expense of a dereliction of principle,
or of an abandonment of me .sures necessary for the peace
and prosperity of Ireland
Quite the reverse, I deemit iny3ssible that the Irish
Representatives should ever violate principle. For exam-
ple—should the Ministry in the iteat Session persevere in
their unconstitutional measures against the people of Ca-
nada, I, for one, will upon every dlvision vote against them,
as I did in the last Parliament.
But short of a violation of principle the M:nistry ought
to have our decided support. They will not be able, per-
haps, to achieve all they desire f.)r Ireland, or may b totally
prevented by the House of Lords from doing us any justice
—yet as there can be no doubt that they will do all they
possibly can to serve Ireland, we mtist not blame them for
any failure which may be mised by the pwveF pf their
enemies as well as ours.

This is, indeed, quite clear, that our enemies cannot pre-
vent the Ministry from doing much practical good to Ire-
land whilst they remain in office. rhey will continii!!
give us learned and, above all, impartial Judges and Assist-
ant-Barristers. They will fcii'ot.4 4 pp-
tective, from being a 'bigoted and partizan power. They
will check and controul some of the tyranny of the magis-
tracy 11.0 when Iff)rq c2ll*lti, 410 y %OP Otiiliill4ll
pie pu!RiorF pf 41903 vtho qu lit not 41 hp in the commission
of the peace, They will ing;e4l§P the Rai-am and cnlarge
jiirisdietion of dispassionate and intelligent stipen,ilaty
magistrates. They will continue to discountenance party
spirit, 401 to ro4'oo }44Y Or4tlo 4s4as-
-10145 will not repaat. thew wripr,d4y
Murders, nor the Orange
magistrates be longer able to screen delinquents and cri•
minals belonging to their faction. All the offices of tho

state will be; as the law intends the, should he, equally
opens to all, without any other diAtinction but that; of fitness
and capacity. 'Vurbufence will continue to be restrained,

and legal redress for injuries will be substituted for the
" wild justice of revenge."
But, above all, and before all, lot the services of the pre-
sent Ministry in the cause of the fair and honest education
of the people be properly estimated, if it can. I pity the
man who thinks he can adequately describe the services
upon this subject of the present Ministry to Ireland.
Let any man look at what Lord Mulgrave's Government
has already achieved in Ireland. The Orangemen of the

north are restrained ; few outrages are now committed ty
thorn, The Whiteboys of the south arc extinguished or
tranquillized. The criminal calendars are nearly blanks,
and the gaols are nearly empty. 'nu outrages and crimes
of agrarian disturbers, which, with little interruption, for
a century disfigured and disgraced Ireland, are no more
heard of than if they never existed, or are heard -of only

the calumnious fictions 2nd inventions of the Orange

Tory-press. All Ireland is being tranquillized and con-
ciliated i and so much of peace and harmony as now exist
have been unknown since the first introduction of British
domination.

.....
There is no difficulty in seeing that it is the first duty
of every honest Irishman to give every possible support to
such an administration, even should they be prevented by
the Tory faction from carrying into effect the legal ame-
liorations which we desire and insist upon as our undoubted
right.
Look at the other side of the picture, and see in what
state we should be if the Orange Tories were once more

In power.
In the first place, we shcluld get from them no legis-
lative measures of relief—not one. They would bring in
no bill to abolish tithes—no bill to reform our corporations

—no bill to extend the right to vote, or to disembarrass
that right from its present vexatious and oppressive restric-
tions ; but they would bring in bills to aggravate every
existing evil.
The Orange Tory faction, if in power once again, would
restore their arms to the Orangemen, and allow them again
to bathe them will impunity in Catholic blood—would ap-
point to the Magistracy every fiery partizan who is not at
present in the commission—would RE-ORGANISE the police,
and stimulate that force to more bloodshed—would encou-
rage faction, and discountenance every man guilty of any
approach to the semblance of liberality. But, above all,
would select for the bench (miscalled that of justice) every
impetuous, audacious, and brazen-faced partisan, who, at
the bar or in Parliament, may distinguish himself by calum-
nious invecti%a and bigotted hostility to the Catholic people
of Ireland.

Let us only reflect bit would be the state of security
to property or to life if the Orange party had it in their
power to nominate a majority of the twelve judges
Need I add, that it is the duty of every honest Irish-
man to abandon selfish cavil, and to use every exertion in

his power to prey w the e ,o,luous evil of displacing the
present Ministry, and the still grouter and unendurable
misery of consigning Ireland to the cruelty and oppres-
sion—to the partial adMinistration of the law, and the bi-
gotted regulation of education of the Orange Tory file_
tion reeking with the blood of the people, and once again
proclaiming, as their organs have so often proclaimed, xx-
TERMINATION.

Our first duty at rresent is to sustain the Ministry—our
second duty is to do all we can to obtain Legislative relief
—justice for Ireland.
Justice to Ireland demands principally these four

things :
First—An extension of the county constituency to a fie e
pound franchise at the utmost—a strict definition of the
value of that franchise, and the utmost Laity in rejster-

in, the franchise.
bSecond—To disembarrass the town franchise from all the
rate-paying clauses, and to render the registry effectual for
the }ear notwithstanding a change of domicile.
11,ird—A complete Corporate Reform emended to all

towns of sufficient population or property.
Ton: th —The total abolition of the tithe system, and tl.e
throwing on the St.lte the providing for the vested ii.terests
of the existing Pr-west:int clergy.
These are the primary measures to which IrelAnd is en-
titled, and to the attainment of which, duty to her requires
every possible exertion of her representatives.
But the Irish representatives are also bound by duty anti
inclination to aid the Reform( rs of England and of Scotland.
It is now manifest that the Reform Bill has not gone far
enough in England or in Scotland. In the first place, take
England. The Reform Biil excludes an enormous number
of the people of England from the franchise. Can the ex-
cluded think this right or j•ist ? I should despise them if
they bore it patiently. Let them not waste their energies
in abusing the Whigs or aidiog the Tories ; but let the mis-
represented English rally and meet, and form Reform Asso-
ciations, and signify to Parliament, by their petitions, their
demand of the franchise. It seems to me that all the

sistance.
It is now my duty to point out the obstacles which im.
pede the honest views and just intentions of the Court
and Ministry towards Ireland.
In the first place, there is a body of active virulent
bigotry exietin. in England,.. rendered more truculent and
more powerful by national antipathy toe the Irish. These
feelings combine against us a great majority of the agricul-
tural population, and many of the inhabitants of the towns.
Tile second obstacle to the cause of justice to Ireland is
to be found in the strength of the Tory minority in the
house of Commons—a minority so large and so hos-
tile as very much to embarrass the progress of every measure
calculated to be useful to the Irish people. There is another
paint of view in which this minority is formidah!e. It is
this—that if the Tories of the present Parliament be of
the same stamp with those of the last, it would•be quite
vain for any Irish Reformer to expect justice from a Tory
Committee. I may be told that the Committees are sworn,
and that they will respect the sanctity of an oath ; to which
my reply is that it will be well if Tory Committees in
future respect their oaths—but I have known many instances
in which former Tory Committees totally disregarded that
solemn obligation, and worked the greatest iniquity, without
the slightest qualm of conscience. Heaven protect us from
Tory Committees !
The third and greatast obstacle to obtaining any one
measure useful to Ireland, is the House of Lords. That
1-louse closed its insults to Ireland in the last session by re-
fusing to sanction an act of common justice, which had the
jnanimous assent of the House of Commons—namely, the
giving en opportunity to the electors of our great towns to
poll out their entire number within the five days limited by
law—merely to allow our town electors to poll, that was all
—yet that simple plain act of common honesty was refused
to the Irish people by the House of Lords. Indeed I assert
without the hazard of contradiction, that the more useful
and the more satisfactory to the people of Ireland any Bill
could be proved to be, the more certain would the rejection
of that Bill be by the House of Lords.
Yet this is called an union of the two countries !!! But
this is a subject which remains for subsequent considera-
tion. Our present business is other, and different.
Our present bitsiness is to ascertain the course by which
the representatives of the Irish people, aided by the people
themselves, may best achieve those political ameliorations
by which wsi may be elevated, in the first place, to an equa-
lity with the people of England and of Scotland, and may,
in the next place, best aid the Scotch and English in se-
curing the benefits already attained, and turning these he•
nefits to further and permanent advantage.
The forces at both sides are these—We have for " Jus-
tice to Ireland"—
The Court.
The Ministers.
The Irish nation.
The majority of the Scotch constituency.
The majority of the Engh town constituency.
A numerous portion of the county constituency ; being,
however, a minority of the whole in the counties.
There aro ranged against doing " Justice to Ireland,"
The Lords.
large number, being yet a minority, of the Um.; 0
Commons. ••
The majority of the Established Clergy—" Plesbytt.
rip"---in Scotland.
The overwlielmipg majority of the Dtablisi ed
Episcopalians'—in ling end,
The majority of the county constituency in England.
What, under such circumstances, is ti:e course which tie
people of lridarKl ehnqhl ptirsnc ? Wh.t ought to be the
conduct of their ltepresentatives

people of England may, with the greatest safety, be em-
powered to vote for representatives. I deetn it plinth!y
unjust to call upon any man to pay any tax. either directly,
or as part of the price of any necessary article, unless that
man has a right to vote in the choice of the taxing repro-

sentative.
When I see one class of Englishot,m coming out of the
hands of nature superior in frame and in intellect to any
other class, I will then, and not till then, admit that there
ought to be a superior or MASTER class, and an inferior or
SLAVE class in England, and that the first should be exclu-
sively entitled to participate in inking the laws, an I that
the second should have nothing to do with the laws but to
obey them.
But this SLAVE class does exist-in England. More s':ame
for the English.
Our duty will be to vote for every extension of suffrage
to the English people.
We owe a similar duty to the people of Scotland.
The shortening of the duration of Parlia-nent to, at the
utmost, three years, will be another duty.
But the greatest of all is the Ballot. I must confess,
that after the experience of the late elections---4he intimi-
dation, the bribery, the profl;gacy of the Tories at the late
elections, rendering the Reform Bill, in many instances,
worse than the old system of direct nomination—after the
failure of the Reform Bill, it seem; to me to be scarcely
credible that any honest and conscientious man can be an
enemy to the Ballot. For my part, I candidly confess' I
cannot understand how a man can honestly desire to see
the voters freely exercise their right of voting, and yet op-
pose the Ballot, which, at all events, would leave them
quite free to vote as they pleased. It may be said that in
enormously large town constituencies the Ballot is not ne-
cessary ; yet even there -it could do no harm, and would
necessarily protect many. It may be said that in very small
constituenies—such, for example, as Hartvich—it would
not prevent wholesale bribery. But this is a stroll; arse'
latent against small oonititnetwies, and nut agalost the Bal-
lot ; because, is there any doubt that, without the Ballot,
bribery prevails in Harwich ? And even then the Ballot
would render i •
br, her, more difficult to he effected, and more
easy to be pros ad,
In large constituencies the Ballot would renter bribery
almost impossible, and render intimidation quite impossible.l
do therefore not hesitate to tell the people of Ireland to
put but little faith in any man who 42e1 ncdt ycte fgr! the
Ballot.
It is a speei.3s of melancholy cansol.ation to know that the
same obstacle which prevents "justice to Ireland"
equally
prevents that "justice to England," which consists in the
the extension the suffrage, it} the shortening. of Parlia-
ment, and'the voting freely by4allot—,l mean the house
of Lords. There is to be found the impassible imped:ment
to every political improvement in gnghttid 4114 Scotland, as
wvil as in irelon4, (once tovrified into graniing the Re-

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, i 83,.