The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-10 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, FEB. 10, 1863.

In the House of Lords, yesterday, Lord WROT-
TESLEY askEd whether the Government proposed
to introduce any measure for carrying out the re-
commendations of the Education Commissioners as
to Charitable Endowments.

Lord GRANVILLE replied that, with regard to the
rec3mmendation of the commission, and especial'y
the principal one for transferring the business of
the Charity Commissioners to the Educational De-
partment of the Privy Council, he doubted whether
Parliament would consent to the principle involved.
The whole was under the consideration of the Go-
vernment.

Their Lordships adjourned at a quarter to six.
In the Commons Mr. LAYARD said, in answer to
Colcnel SYKES, that no permission had been given
to British offieers or subjects to accept commissions
in the service of the Taeping Emperor, similar to
the permission which had been granted to accept
service ander the Emperor of China.
In answer to Mr. GREGORY,

Lord PALMERSTON said that a communication
had been made to the Galway Royal Mail Steam
Packet Company, to the effect that if the Admi-
ralty should give a favourable report of the compe-
tence of the company the Government would
recommend the renewal of the contract. The noble
lord also observed in answer to Mr. Seymour, that
the official communication concerning the election
of Prince Alfred to the throne of Greece had only
been communicated to Earl Russell on Saturday.
The Prince of Saxe-Coburg had been sounded
privately, but had declined to be put in nomination.
Mr. HENNESSY gave notice that he would here-
after call attention to the violation by Russia of
the treaty engagements with the European Powers
in respect to Poland, and to move an address to the
Crown on the subject.
Sir G. GREY moved for leave to bring in a bill to
amend the law relating to corrupt practices at
elections.

After a short discussion leave was granted.
Sir R. PEEL obtained leave to bring in a bill to
register births and deaths in Ireland, according to
the English system.

The house adjourned at a quarter to eight.

If ever a nation of freemen could be deemed jus-
tified in constituting themselves into a Republic it
must certainly be allowed that the Greeks are that
community. Prince after Prince has shrunk from
the allurement of their vueant:throne. The Royal
Crown of Greece would really seem to be a cap
that fits nobody. Whether it is that OTIIo has
so associated the 'dignity of BASILEUS with the
idea of failure that the two have came in a man-
ner to be identified in the estimation of the Euro-
pean dynasties—whatever the secret source of the
reluctance manifested by royal highness after
royal highness may be—quite certain is it that
no owd as yet has manifested the smallest inclina-
tion to assume that diadem. It must be allowed,
of course, that the Greeks themselves have from
th e very commencement until now looked solely,
and consistently in one only direction.
Solicitous above all things to secure the
blessings of a truly constitutional Government,
as the one grand result of their last Resolution—
spontaneously—unprompted, save by their own
finer instincts as vigilant and most discerning ob-
servers of all the various Powers-that-Be through-
out Christendom—the Greeks Pronounced,
Es
we
know, with enthusiasm, and we might really almost
venture to say, with unanimity in favour of his
Royal Highness the Prince ALFRED as their own
chosen Sovereign. It was not, remember, a mo-
mentary outburst of enthusiasm, or in any way a
questionable display of unanimity. The enthu-
siasm of the Greeks was maintained through very
many weeks. Their unanimity was intimated
on every possible opportunity. It assumed to
itself at last, as the world will well recol-
lect, all requisite substance and consistency—this
predilection of the Greek people in favour of H.R. H.
the Prince ALFRED—when, by the plebiscite autho-
rised by the Provisional Government, a
a million of the male population of the kingdom, or
at any rate of the would-be kingdom, voted for
ALFRED the First, King of Greece. Nay, the pre-

ferules of the Greek multitude has survived the re-
peated rejections of their more than complimentary
offer of a crown to the QUEEN, to the Prince, to the
Nation, to the Government. For this unsoli-
cited, this wholly uudrecmt-of tribute of
homage from the:Hellenic people is really and truly
of this quadruple character.
It is a tribute of respect and admiration for Her
Majesty Queen VICTORIA as the most beloved
and the most purely constitutional of all living
sovereigns. It is a tribute of respect and admi-
ration also in another way for the fair and
stainless, and auspicious dawning of the reputa-
tion of the young Prince, Her Majesty's second
son, whom the more conspicuous among the
Greek people remember themselves to have seen
and welcomed at the Piraeus and in Athens a
very few years since, when H.R.H• was feted at
the British Legation there as the Royal guest of
his Excellency the late Right Hon. Sir THOMAS
WYSE, for so many years Her Britannic
MAJ VITT'S Ambassador to the Court of Greece. A
tribute, also, of its kind quite unparalleled—this
offer of the Crown of Greece to li.R.H. Prince
ALFRED—has been in an especial manner to the
English people and to the English Government.
Never did a foreign nation more signally evidence
their appreciation of all the nobler attributes of
a remote community, than the Greeks have in this
way manifested towards the freeborn population of
these islands. Never has any race, with quite diffe-
rent antecedents, speaking a different language,
members of a different religion, shown forth in so re-
markable a manner their sense of the grandeur and
beneficence of the principles upon which have been
based for centuries (more an I more broadly and
securely with the advance of time) the vast and
solid foundations of a far off Government. And all
this while the nation that was preparing
this spontaneous tribute to our institutions
has been growing up, as it were, under
the immediate shadow of the upas of the great
Russian Autocracy ! It speaks well for the capa-
bilities of the Greeks for better things politically,
that with so many baneful proclivities—here
towards Russia, hero to wards that particular por-
tion of Central Germany known as Bavaria—the
people, uninfluenced by the insidious tendencies of
the ex-Queen AMELIA especially, and of her
Germano•Muscovite entourage, should have all the
while been cherishing in their hearts a secret fond-
ness for the free institutions of England, a respect-
ful homage fox the character of our reigning SOVE-
REIGN, a lively personal interest in the second of
her MAJESTY'S youthful sons, an implicit confidence
in the integrity and goodwill of our constitutional
Government—a Government, moreover, which the
Greek people have thus glaringly manifested their
inclination if possible to imitate, if not to emulate.
Beyond all which, is it not quite apparent, from the
very nature of this instant declaration of the Greeks
in favour of England and of our English institutions
—is it not quite apparent, from this extraordinary
manifestation of public feeling in Greece so seen as
the Greek population could once more really speak
out upon the clearing of the political atmosphere
around them by the storm of another Revolution—
is it not strangely and startlingly manifested
through their declaration in favour of Prince
ALFRED, how admirably well the late
Sir THOMAS NYSE had, for many years
past, up to the very date of his recent
death, represented therelat Athens her Britannic
Majesty and her Britannic Majesty's Government,
So well, in truth, had his Excellency presided over
the affairs of the British Legation there at Athens,
that scarcely had death removed him from the scene
when the Greek People at their earliest opportunity
proffered to England this noble tribute of sympathy
and admiration.

In one instance alone since Onto was de-
/
throned have the Greeks declared themselves
in favour of any Prince as their future Sovereign.
H.R.H. Prince ALFRED is the only Prince that
Grease has in this way selected and demanded as
her ruler. Three other Princes have been spoken
of as the possible Monarch, in lieu of H.R.H. ; but
those three have been proposed by others than
the Greeks themselves. Each of them in turn
has respectfully declined the honour suggested for
his acceptance—it may be from
.the very circum-
stance of its not having been one directly proposed to
them by the Greek population. The ex-King Con-
sort of Portugal, Dom FERDINAND, the widower of
Queen MARIA DE GLORIA—the Prince of LEINEN-
GEN, half nephew of Queen VICTORIA—the reigning
Duke of SAYE-COBURG, elder brother of his late
Royal Highness ALBERT, Prince Consort of Eng-
land! The last of these distinct and deliberate re-
fusals of the Crown of Greece may in some respects
be said to have been reiterated. For the offer had
been suggested to the consideration of the Duke of
SAXE-COBURG at some earlier stage of these nego-
tiations, and had been passed on by his Serene
Highness to the consideration of the young Prince of
LEININGEN. It was only very recently, on its
reverting to the Duke of SASE-COBURG, that his
Highness definitively decided upon declining it.
IHardly, however, upon reflection, can these
refusals of the throne of Greece be in any way
wondered at. The acceptance of that throne,
under the circumstances, could scarcely be
regarded as other than an indiscretion. For among
all the Princes who have been asked to ascend it,
none of them, with the solitary exception of
11.R.H. Prince ALFRED, have been besought to
do so by the Greek nation, by the National
Assembly, or even by the Provisional Government.
The suggestion has come to their Royal or Serene
Highnesses indirectly, and therefore not very per-
suasively. Probably, now that Greece has been
made aware by the second paragraph of the Speech
from the Throne inaugurating the present session
of our Parliament that the occupation of the Crown
of Greece by his Royal Highness Prince ALFRED is
deemed impracticable by the British SOVEREIGN
and the British Government—probably now
that the Greeks have been made distinctly
and unmistakably aware of this fact thus authori-
tatively, they, the Greeks, will upon a calm recon-
sideration of the situation, resolve upon a new
selection for themselves.

As we anticipated at the outset, the suppression
of the Polish insurrection has not proved so easy a
matter as the Russian authorities would have led us
to suppose. It was easy to treat the affair lightly,
to announce fresh conquests over the insurgents in
every successive telegram, lo repeat continually that
Warsaw was quiet, and that the disaffection was
confined to the lower orders. The fact remains that
notwithstanding the reported victories of the Rus-
sian troops, the insurgents are not discouraged ;
that instead of their forces dispersed, they are in-
creasing; that, far from the outbreak being re-
stricted to the ignorant peasantry, the great landed
proprietors are assisting the movement with horses
and provisions. The wide-spread and secret orga-
nision which is revealed by this simultaneous rising
in so many parts of the
country is a sufficient
proof of the insurmountable difficulty which the
Russians will experience in subjugatinc, such a
determined and unanimous people. That part of
Poland which fell to the share of Prussia, in that
disgraceful partition which is a blot upon modern
statesmanship, is beginning to feel the influence

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8 of troops,
of th
Prussiae ,
which, learnod the other day, he Wag
lag frontier, for the stone haS,
o toluopnv.
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a►nd who can tell how far
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been forward
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circlesh the INNat e/a 7 e a
Deutsche Zeitung, of last evating, tells us that
news of an alarming character has been received
from the Polish provinces—that the agitation,
which had not hitherto crossed the frontier, now
prevails in several districts, chiefly in that of Kultn,
among the Polish landed proprietors. It adds
that it is believed that serious interven-
tion on the part of the Government will
be necessary. So that there will be in Prussian
Poland a repetition of the miserable scenes further
north—a renewal of the old attempt to crush out
nationalities with the iron heel of despotism.
FRANCIS JOSEPII evidently feels himself in an
awkward position between his two allies and neigh-
bours. It is supposed that the order for the pro.
rogation of the Galician Diet, which was published
yesterday, was owing to the intention of Prince
SAPIEHA to propose that the Diet should vote an
address to the Emperor of AUSTRIA, requesting his
diplomatic intercession with the CZAR in favour of
Poland. FRANCIS JOSEPH is not perhaps the best
qualified mediator. The ruler who tyrannised over
Italy and trampled on the brave Magyars, might
possibly meet with the old retort of to quoque if he
attempted remonstrance in favour of oppressed na-
tionalities. The great Western Powers, however,
are differently situated. There is no reason why
England and France should not try the effect of
diplomatic intervention if they shrink from taking
arms. With all tact and courtesy, the message
might be worded, but it might convey to the CZAR
in sufficiently distinct language the feeling of
Western Europe with regard to the treatment of
the Poles, and impress upon him the hopelessness of
his father's system of ruling their unhappy country.
We are glad to see that Mr. HENNESSY gave notice
last night in the Commons of his intention to call
attention to the violation by Russia of her treaty
engagements with respect to Poland, and to move an
address to the Crown on the subject. If no practi-
cal results follow from this motion, it will at least
enable the British Parliament to express the feel-
ings of the nation, and as ALEXANDER 11. has not
always shown himself indifferent to the opinion of
Europe, or regardless of the claims of humanity, we
may hope that it may even produce its influence in
the Cabinet of the CZAR.

While we write fresh intelligence has just
arrived from Warsaw, which is unfavourable to the
insurgents. The band which occupied the forest
of Skiernewic has been dispersed, with the loss of
50 killed and 40 captured.
Another telegram from Wilna tells of a still
greater disaster near Somiatiezy, where General
MATJRIAICINE has completely defeated an insurrec-
tionary band, the village being burnt. The loss of
the insurgents is said to be 1000, while that of the
Russians was only 12 killed, of whom six were
officers. These numbers, we apprehend, are by
no means to be depended on. A band of such
considerable numbers must have apparently stood
still to be slaughtered, if they could give no better
account of their foes, while the discrepancy between
the numbers of the officers and men must strike
even the most casual observer. Either the men
must have left the fighting to their leaders, or the
official journal of Warsaw has found it convenient
to mistake the figures. But the struggle is not
yet over, and we can hardly hope that either the
extension of the insurrectionary movement to
Prussian Poland, or this defeat at Sennatiezy will
bring the antagonists to terms. We can, indeed,
hardly wish that the Poles would too readily lay
down their arms without some substantial guarantee,
knowing as they must do that the knout and
Siberia are the too probable rewards of their
valiant chiefs. Still it is impossible to do other-
wise than lament the wasting of the best blood of
an heroic people in this incessant striving against
the chain. It is impossible not to feel for the fate of
the prisoners who have probably said their last
farewell to their countrymen and fellow-soldiers.
Surely the voice of civilised Europa has some power
even in the autocratic chambers of the CZAR, surely
the indignant protest of the nations who have ap•
plauded the emancipation of the serfs, and given the
EMPEROR the moral support of Europe in his self-
imposed and perilous assault upon the old estab-
lished customs and privileges of his haughty no-
nobility, should have some weight in his
councils. Russia will never emerge from
her state of semi-barbarism so long as
he energies of her rulers and the swords of
her army are turned against a valiant and united
people. The amelioration of the condition of
Poland would react upon Russia, by leaving
arms and government and finances free to protect
her own interests, and not engrossed in pursuing a
cruel and purposeless war, which the generous and
enlightened of all nations combine to reprobate—in
which eventual failure is certain, and in which a
temporary triumph is less honourable than de-
feat.

Dr. BRADY is entitled to the thanks of the com-
munity for his praiseworthy efforts of last night,
with a view to the better regulation of street con-
veyances. He asked the Home Secretary " whether
his attention had been directed to the evils result-
ing from persons labouring under infectious diseases
being carried to hospitals in public conveyances;
and also, if it was his intention to introduce any
measure this session with a view to remedy the
same." Surely there can be but one opinion on the
merits of such a case. Nothing can be more detri-
mental to the health of a metropolis than to have
the same vehicles employed for the transit of those
afflicted with the most deadly diseases flesh is heir
to, and also for the conveyance of those in health
who are pursuing their customary avocations, or
engaged in pleasure excursions. The plan that is
now so presalent is sowing the seeds of disease
broadcast over tho population at large, and doing
all that man can do to further the spread of conta-
gious disorders. Of what avail is it thsf.4 persons
shrink from incurring unnecessary risk n going to
the houses of those who are known to suffer from
a deadly disease, and taking all due precautions
when compelled to visit the sick, if at any time
they may be placed in a position which almost
ensures their incurring the evil they have sought so
assiduously to avoid. It is a great point in guard-
ing the health of a large city to stop at once the
spread of disease ; but how can that be done if the
very buildings that are erected fur the benefit of
the distressed sons of humanity in their hour of
sickness are the indirect means of propagating the
evil it is their object to stay. Sir GEORGE
GREY'S reply to the hon. member was
not very satisfactory on tke whole, as it
amounted to nothing in the end ; although
perforce he was obliged to agree to the validity of
Dr. BRADY'S remarks in theory, he did not suggest
of the evil. He said he
any practical rectifying
admitted the importance of the question, but it was
a very difficult matter to legislate upon. Really
the soundness of this argument may be questioned:
Of what use are Secretaries of State if they cannot
meet difficulties and overcome obstacles. All that
the right hon. baronet allowed was, that parochial
held that the,:
authorities had sometimes assigned conveyances
specially for this purpose, and ho