The Sun.
London, England, 1839-02-07 00:00:00

THE ADDRESS.

The report upon the Address was brought up by Mr.
d Mr. Wood, and was read by the Clerk at the

Buller
table.

Upon the paragraph being read relating to Belgium,
Mr. HUME wished to ask the Noble Lord whether it
was the intention of Ministers to lay the whole of the
corresinndence respecting the treaty between Belgium
and Holland upon the table of the House ? At present
they were called upon to concur in a measure of which
they knew absolutely nothing. They had already had
upwards of 700 protocols ; and he wished to know how
many more they were likely to have?
Lord PALMERSTON—The whole of the papers up
to the present time would be laid upon the table as soon

as possible.
Mr. lILLMI

by air

—Would the Noble Lord tell him whether,
to this paragraph, the House was pledged
ression against the Belgiums unless they

sanction ag

Lad l'A ERSTON—There was no such an ex-
pressien in the treaty. The House by agreeing to that
paragraph would be pledged to nothing except general ap.
probation of the measure.
Mr. O'CONN ELL believed this was the proper time
~r a; a few remarks on the situation of 8e1....,
...., and the manner in which it had been introduced ice()
the Speech. If he had undci stood the Noble Lord right
he stated that Luxemburg and Limburg properly belonged
to Holland, and was nut an integral part of the Belgic
province. He presumed the Noble Lord was mistaken, for
since the period ofCharles V. they had belonged to Belgium
and not to Holland.—( Hear, hear.) They were first
dissevered, if he might use the phrase, when they
were turned into a department of the French Republic,
and on the defeat of Napoleon they would naturally belong
to the same State which possessed them before. If he
understood the Noble Lord right, the Noble Lord would
therefore be historically wrong. He understood him that
the King of Belgium had assented to the transfer of this
province to Holland. Now that was not accurate in sti,3-
stance, because the Noble Lord must have alluded to the
21 articles agreed to on the 15th October 1831, and
turned into a treaty on the 15th November in the same
year. The Congress of the five Powers certainly came to
a definite agreement on that occasion, and it was true the
Kin,: of Belgium assented to it; but the question was
whether that assent was binding on Luxemburg and Lim-
burg ; for the treaty of Nov. 15, 1831, was expressly to be
ratified within two months or to be void. The King of
Belgium had signed it and was ready to ratify it, but the
King of Holland refused and never ratified it at all. His
signature was never given to any document until that of
which they had heard in the Speech from the Throne. It
was to be executory from the Ist of January 1832, and so
far from the King of Holland having assented to it, on the
14th December, 1831, he protested against it, and refused
to bo bound by it. It was not fair to say that the King of
Belgium was bound by the treaty which he was ready to
carry into effect, but to which the other party had refused
to assent. But he would say more, for in the year 1832, tee
Congress of the five Powers having guaranteed the execu-
tion of the treaty, and declared that they would maintain it
by force, the King of the Belgians appealed to the five
Powers so to execute it. France and England said they
'were bound to execute it, and agreed ; but Austria, Prussia
and Russia refused to do so ; and that was the occasion, on
the 2nd October, 1832, of the dissolution of the Congress.
ilov is Belgium bound under these circumstance); by the
treaty ? The avowed object of the treaty was to avoid the
expenses of a war establishment in Belgium, to be ready
to meet the attacks of Holland, but Belgium has incurred
all the war expenses, and the King of Holland now finds
ho has an interest in conceding, so he does accede to the
treaty ; but ilk° time is gone by ; he did not sign it within
two months ; he protested against it ; and would it not be
the greatest cruelty for the Allied Powers now to interfere,
and endeavour to compel Belgium to conform to the treaty ?
The Noble Lord seemed to throw out that Limburg and
Luxemberg were not averse to be transferred to Holland.
Why to believe that wo must shut our eyes to all the facts
in the Newspapers, which show plainly that those provinces
are most Anxious to avoid connection with Holland, and
that th`.l inhabitants have called for arms, and declared
they sie ready ;to die sooner than be transferred to Hol-
'an°' Ycu liberated eight millions of slaves in the
Vest Indies, and will you persist in transferring five mil
along of slaves to Holland, a country, the Sovereign of
which they hold in the utmost detestation, and justly so,
for the way in which they were formerly governed? I
anxiously hope that the Belgians will not submit to it. I
think that you will not, by pursuing such a course, avoid
war; but that you will, on the contrary, go the way to
Plunge the country into war. Disaffection is spreading
along the Rhino. The conduct of the King of Prussia
towards his Catholic subjects, is a most atrocious violation
of Inman liberty.—( Cries of " Oh, oh 1" from the Oppo-
!Won.) Do you consider it just that an Archbishop should
Ise tent to prison without any law, at the mere will of a
•despot ? I hope such an outrage will never be perpetrated
on a Protestant Archbishop. And when we look to the
situation of France, who can prophecy that anarchy will net
prevail there in a very few days ? And is, ere not every
temptation to the French armies to endeliour to sup-
port Limburg and Luxemburg against Holland ?—( Hear,
bear.) I have done with that part of the Speech.
There is another part in the Address, that relating to Ire-
land. I think I heard one of the very well-dressed and
ornamented gentlemen—(Laughter)—who instructed the
House last night say that Ireland wanted nothing but
Corporate Reform.—(The Learned Member alluded to
Mr. Wood, who seconded the Address.) Whatever calcu-
lations that Hon. Member may have made as to cottons
he is not well acquainted with Ireland. Corporate Reform
is not the panacea for all the wrongs of Ireland. In sober
melancholy sadness I ask what connexion Corporate Re-
orm can have with the agrarian disturbances which have
unfortunately terminated too often in assassination, and
above all to that most lamentable murder of Lord Nor-
bury—with regard to which it was stated distinctly in a
Dublin Paper, that the foot-prints of the assassin were not
.thoae marked with the shoe of the peasant, but were
imprinted by boots or shoes with light heels, and one of
the Newspapers had stated that a special reporter had
taken a sketch of the foot-prints, and the account was
uncontradieted down to the 24th or 25th of January, and
the statement was then contradicted by a London Paper,
and not by an Irish Paper,; but when it had been centre-
,uicted in the London Papers, the Dublin Evening Mail
look it up and said that both statements were inaccurate,
101 that one of the foot-prints was the impression of
a peasant's shoe, and the other that of a gentleman's boot;
but the gentlemen who speak of the boots should recollect
that the Jesuits may have lent such a boot to the as-
sassin. It has been represented that I suggested that
the present Lord Norbury was the perpetrator of this
horrible outrage. Such an idea never crossed my mind.
I am now reading a report of a speech of my own, and
hope lam not out of order. I was correcting an error of
the press. The next thing I have to remark on is the
Evening Mail—the atrocious lying Evening Mail. It has
told 5,000 lies, but never one so atrocious and ridiculous
as the lie which Lisa now appeared. This has been made
the folindation, by a judicial and grave personage, of pro-
nouncing judgment by executing sentences after having
beard one side. This person must have been the worst
Judge that ever sat on the bench, and must have combined
in himself the most ludicrous mixture, the character of Court
jester with judicial gravity. He was not deprived of his
seat on the bench by an adverse party, because he was so to-
tally disqualified that his own friends were obliged to remove
him : and at least he became such an incumbrance to
them, that they were obliged to go round a great way to
get any body to fill it. Fortunately they found a most
excellent person. Such a man must have been the ridi-
cule of the bar and the terror of clients--one who would
mistake rapidity for the administration of justice, and
whose decrees would serve, not as examples to the un-
initiated, but as landmarks to be avoided by all future
Chancellors.—( Loud cries of " Order" from the Oppo-
sition benches.)

time for in

The SPEAKER said he must really throw himself, to
a certain degree, on the good sense of the House. The
Learned Gentleman must see that he could not suffer him
to carry on war between the two Houses; although:he had
put the case auppositiously, every body must see to whom
hia observations applied, and although it was desirable he
should state whatever was conducive to the clearing of his
own character, yet, he was sure tho Hon. Member would
admit, that he 'ought to show a good example.
afac tho
Mr. O'CONNELL said, he would bow to the decision
tSpeaker. He could" hear with perfect quiet, the
ks of an object whom he despised. He had dis-
played his malignity, which had not hurt him. He had
diminished its force throughout the country ; he had de-
monstrated its falsity, and he contemned the man and was
contented with the manner in which he had been allowed
to defend himself. The slander of the wretch who could
not even avoid an opportunity of slandering even our
tlaiden Monarch was to be despised. He despised the
ander which came from so foul and polluted a source.
8 might be " a friend of the people," but he did not
envy Cheers
and laughter.)
ti_Lord PALMERSTQN rose to reply to the observa-
813 hf the Hon. and Learned Gentleman with respect to
deerium• The Hon. and Learned Member had misun-
aPoltood what had fallen from his Noble Friend last night
jt that subject. His Noble Friend had not relied upon
ient history, but upon the actual state of the law of
Europe at present. The state of the case was simply this
ti:y.the treaty of Vienna were added
now formed
gdora of Belgium were added to K-::„M, and then

formed the kingdom of the Netherlands. The Duchy of
Luxemburg, although held by the King of the Netherlands,
was separated from Holland, and was held by him under a
different title, and would be transmitted in a different line.
The King of the Netherlands, as King of the Nether-
lands, was not a member of the German Confederation, ho
sat in that confederation as Duke of Limburg and Lux•
emburg. The insurrection which broke out in Belgium
extended itself throughout those Duchies, and the King
of the Netherlands, finding his own means insufficient to
maiataia his authority in these Duchies, appealed to the
fire Powers who at the Treaty of Vienna had entered into
engagements and seated him on the throne of the Nether-
lands. rep Ave Powers were averse to use aggressive means,
and therefore by another trcaty,to which all were consenting
parties, he erected the provinces which had formerly consti.
tuted Belgium again into the kingdom of Belgium. The
five Power, did not think themselves empowered to deal
with the Duchies of Luxemburg and Limburg. The
German Confederation might employ force to restore the
rights of the Grand Dukes if they pleased. The Con-
ference ceuld only deal with the question as between the
King of the Netherlands and his subjects within the limits
of the Netherlands; and accordingly they entered into a
treaty which constituted the provinces forming Holland.
In 1792 again the kingdom of Holland, and the other
provinces not included in the two Duchies, formed the king-
dom of Belgium. It was one of the fundamental rules of
the German Cenfederation that no Duchy within the Con-
federation could be given away to any but a Member of the
Confederation, without the full consent of the Diet. The
Conference had no objection whatever to the arrangement
wished for by Belgium, and they said " Get the consent
of all the parties, whose consent by law i 3 necessary, and
we will not object." The Belgium Government consented
to the terms proposed by the Conference, by which part of
Luxemburg was to be added to Holland, and in order to
make amends that part of Limburg should be added to
Luxemburg. Those terms formed part of the,24 Articles.
The Belgian Go‘ernment accepted these articles in
October, and in the November foliowing they
were formed into a Treaty, which was concluded
between the King of Hotbed and the five Powers, and
from that moment it became a solemn treaty binding upon
Belgium and the five Powers. The Learned Gentleman
said that the five Powers had not carried out the treaty
in its full force. Ile ( Lord Palmerston) might say that
the five' Powers were divided on the subject; the other
three Powers taking a different view of the subject from
that taken by France and England. The Belgian Govern-
molt, however, had at various periods invoked that treaty
as the charter of their rights, and the covenant on which
they claimed fair end full compensation; therefore it would
be unjust that the Belgian Government, who for eight years
had been asking for the protection of the treaty, should be
allowed, when it suited their own purpose, to break
through it. The Conference had token into consi-
deration the great war expenses, and had awarded that
a sum of 68,000,000 of florina, nearly 5,000 0001. sterling,
should be struck off the debt due front Belgium to Hole
land. By these Articles by which Belgium was bound,
,lie was precluded front interfering with any part beyond
her own limits, and if she attempted such interference,
it would be as much an act of aggression as if the army of
one power were to cross the frontiers of its neighbour.
So far from its being any injustice to refuse to add Luxem-
berg to the kingdom of Belgium, it would be an act of
the grossest injustice to attempt to do so, and it would be
a violent porters-ton of right to make it appear there was
any right to add it. It was far from the wish of the
Conference to assume a power to hand over 300,000
people to a Sovereign whom they had no Vio 1,11 to be placed
under. All the Conference does is to leave them where
they are planed, and to acknowledge the principle so
well laid down before. The Hon. and Learned Gentle•
men stated what did not ;Tidy to what the Conference
had done, but to what they had refused to do. In regard
to the inhabitants of those provinces, that was a matter
which neither he nor the Learned Gentleman could state
front any authority. He did not believe the inhabitants
of those districts felt very strongly on the subject ; but all
t bat Great Britain said was, it was not proper for her to join in
any act of violence. The Hon, and Learned Gentleman
lied made the same remark on the conduct of the Prussian
Government. The conduct of that Government had been
one of liberality, and therefore it was to be inferred that
the case must be one of great peculiarity which could in•
duce that power to deviate from those principles.
Mr. SHAW here rose, and stated that it was his wish
to avoid every appearance of misrepresentation in regard
to what had been stated in respect to the appearances at
the spot where Lord Norbury had been assassinated. That
spot, it seemed, had bet n visited immediately after the act
by many members of his own family. One of them was a
young boy who stood in a certain position, in order (as we
understood the Hon. and Learned Gentleman) that a draw-
ing might be taken, and the print of this young gentle-
man's boot remained impressed in the soil.—( Hear, hear).
That was the simple fact. The Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man ( Mr. O'Connell) might not have mentioned the name
of the present Lord Norbury in connection with the murder,
but he seemed to wish the fact to go forth to the ccuntry that
the murder was done by a member of the family, when ho
stated that the impression on the soil was that of the boot
of his younger brother. That certainly was the impression
that was made on his (Mr. Shaw's) mind, that it was the
wish to convey a feeling that the murder was committed
by a member of that family. Mr. Shaw proceeded to say,
that recently, when a Protestant clergyman had been fired
at, two persons had been seen who had thrown off their
coats. On their attempting to make their escape, the
crowd assembled, opened, and received them, and threw off
their coats, and by that means effectually concealed them.
Having been brought to speak on the subject of Ireland,
he must say that it was not unnatural for the seconder of
the Address—as an e:sglish gentleman—to make the mis-
take he did ; but, n tne present state of Ireland, he would
contend there was no >ecurity for either person or pro-
perty, when it was evident the law could not be en-
forced in that country, when in one year there 242
attempts at .nurser had been recorded, and when there
had been 20 such cases between one Assize and another
—and for ad this state of things the only remedy proposed
by her Majesty's Ministers was the introduction of Muni-
cipal Reform. This reform was considered all that was
essential to the interests of that country. Nothing more
was recommonded by the Speech. if the Noble Lord
whom he now saw In the House had no measure to propose
for the good of thaecountry—if no measure was to be in-
troduced either into this or the other House, in conse-
quence of this lamentable state of things, he (Mr. Shaw),
should feel it to be his duty to propose some measure him-
self to the House on that subject. He should, however,
wish to hear from the Noble Lord if he bad any intention
to bring forward any measure.
Mr. O'CONNELL said the Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman had certainly given a very satisfactory explanation
of the fact that the mark of the boot of a well dressed
person had been impressed in the soil where the murder of
Lord Norbury was perpetrated; but it was very extraor-
dinary that he heard it now for the first time ; and it was
also very singular that it had never found its way into any
of the Newspapers. The story of the Protestant clergy-
man who the Learned Gentleman said had been fixed at, was
told now for the first time. He should like to know his name.
(Mr. Shaw mentioned a name, which we could not catch.)
Mr. O'Connell said, Oh, that occurred some time time ago.
The Evening Mail stated that " the assassin wore a
fashionable boot," and that was a very different story
from that of the Hon. and Learned Member. That
Learned Gentleman had also spoken of the immense
number of murders and assassinations that had taken place
in Ireland. Now he (Mr. O'Connell) believed if the two
were compared, there would be found to have been seven
to one more in England.
Mr. PLUMPTRE could not but express his deep
regret that her Majesty's Ministers had not thought fit to
take any further notice of the disastrous state in which
Ireland was placed, than the allusion made in one of the
paragraphs in her Majesty's Speech with respect to the
reform in the Municipal Corporations in that county. He
felt deeply the fearful situation in which that country was
at present placed. It had become a land in which the
proprietors of the soil themselves were prevented Irons re-
siding, in consequence of the outrages that were continually
taking place. Such being the state of the country he
thought that her Majesty's Ministers ought to have made
a more prominent allusion to it in the Speech from the
Throne, and ho trusted that it would not be the fault o

the Members on that side of the House if the subject was
not more inquired into.—( Hear, hear.) They had been
told again and again that this measure and that measure
was necessary to the pacification of Ireland. Concessions
had been made, and what was the result ? Why, those
concessions had been made the parent to fresh demands,

but had never been attended with any prospect of last-
ing peace. They were now told that they must make
larger concessions to the Roman Catholics. In answer to
that ho would only say that he should prefer greatly
a deliverance from the cruel bondage of priestcraft.
—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. O'Connell.) He called
upon the House to give the people of Ireland, if they
could, freedom from selfish demagogues ; let the people
of Ireland have the free use of the sacred Scriptures, of
which they had been deprived by the most unwarrantable
means.—(Hear, hear.) Ho could not agree with the
mover of the Address that there was matter of congratu-
lation in the state of Ireland, because he considered that
the circumstances in which that country was placed, were
of a far more painful than congratulating nature, The
Hon. Mover of the Address had stated that he should find
comfort in looking to the wisdom of Parliament. He
could not agree with him in that observation ; in fact,
looking at the whole of the Speech from the Throne, the
only part of it which he approved of was the
last sentence, where her Majesty implored the
assistance of the Almighty to aid Parliament in its councils,
firmly believing as he did that the only sure refuge and
strength of nations was the Supreme Being. With re-
gard to the amendment moved last night he knew not
whether the circumstances they were obliged to consider
were attributable to the Reform Bill or not, but if they
were ho for one would not be a finality man, because he con-
sidered that the Reform Bill needed reformation.—( Hear,
hear.) At the present moment there were large numbers
of persons meeting in the metropolis who called them-
selves Delegates. What the purposes were for which
they met he would not pretend to say, but ho
considered such assemblies dangerous and unconsti-
tutional.—( Heir, bear.) He was the last man to deny
to the people the most extended rights, but when they
were anxious to obtain those rights they must adopt con-
stitutional means. That House was always open to them,
and their proper course was to petition it for a redress of
their grievances.—( Hear, hear.) He could not but think
that the meeting to which be had adverted was for the
purpose, if possible, of terrifying.—( Hear, hear.) With
respect to the alteration of the Corn. laws, which had been
adverted to, ho would only say that there was only ono
feeling in the county which he represented, which was,
that the present Corn-laws should not bo altered. He
considered that a fixed duty upon foreign corn was in-
expedient, and that the landowners ought not to be con-
sidered selfish because they eished to maintain the exist-
ing laws with respect to corn ; it being his firm belief that
they desired their continuance because they believed them
to be for the advantage, not only of the agriculturist, but
the community at large.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. LANGDALE said, that as long as he should hare
the honour of a scat in that House, he could not allow an

opportunity, such as had been presenta&tol7n;WtTle
speech of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, to

THE SUN, LO

pass without strenuously contradicting the statement that
the Scriptures were a panacea for the evils of the country.
The county which that Gentleman now represents, has
very lately exhibited scenes which would induce us to be-
lieve that the unlimited reading; of the Scripture, would
lead to every thing that was bad and disgraceful. It sur-
prised him to hear that Gentleman so zealous for the in-
discriminate reading of the Scriptures when they produced
such bad effects in his neighbourhood.—( Hear, hear, and
cheers from the Irish Members. )
Mr. HUME said that with regard to the statement of
the Noble Lord on the Belgian Treaty, he was
not fully in possession of so much knowledge as
would give him to understand at what period the
conference was renewed. He has not told us how soon
after the taking of Antwerp the Conference was desired,
or at what period after that event it was renewed. lam
chiefly induced to put this question to the Noble Lord for
the purpose of knowing, was it intended that the original
treaty should be carried out ? After the refusal of the
three great Powers of Europe to carry out that treaty, I
want to know what excuse they can conscientiously offer,
as the eyes of all Europe arc directed to them on this oc-
casion. Does the Noble Lord mean to carry that treaty
out, according to the laws of Europe ? Do they ever in-
tend to give to Poland that constitution out of which she
has been cheated. He wished to know, particularly, how
they could answer for their conduct to the people of this
country. He assured them that a partial corning out of
this question would give great dissatisfaction. If the Noble
Lord has not carried out that treaty with regard to Hol-
land, he has failed, or the Government of that country
would have the power of altering the laws of Europe.
They should endeavour not to have those laws changed.
Did the Five Great Powers interfere against Holland ?
Has that country been told that if she do m t comply, no
compulsion will be used, but that the treaty will be car-
ried into effect?
Lord PALMERSTON, in answer, said that at present
the Belgians disowned the Conference. Early in 1832, the
Conference was adjourned, but in July of that year Franco
proposed to renew it again, partly on the condition that if
Belgium should refuse their interference, hostilities should
commence on the pert of Holland. The Conference was
not renewed until March 1538. Holland or Belgium did
not renew the request until that time. About that time
Belgium said she was ready to renew the communications.
Sir ROBERT PEEL wished to put a question
as to the course to bc pursued by her Majesty's Go-
vernment with reference to the measures which had
been adopted by the Governor-General of India.
Her Majesty's Speech referred to engagements the
fulfilment of which might render military operations
necessary, and he wished to know whether it was their
intention to lay upon the table of the House papers con-
taining a full exposition of the general position of the
British interests in India. He believed he had not been
distinctly heard. Iler Majesty's Speech made mention of
certain engagements, the fulfilment of which might render
military operations necessary, and he wished to know
whether Knisters intended to lay before the House any
papers containing an explanation of the nature of those
engagements, and the position of British nifeirs in the
North West of India ?
Lord PALMERSTON said it was certainly his inten-
tion to lay all papers relating to the subject upon the table
of the House. Any explanation that might be required,
or any further papers that might be called for, lie should
feel most happy to furnish.
Sir ROBERT PEEL had another question to put re-
lative to the affairs of Canada. Her Majesty
bad recommended that House to take the state
of these provinces into its serious consideretion. He
wi bed to know what course her Majesty's Ministers in-
tended to pursue, and what despatches relative to the
subject had been laid upon the table of the House ? It
was stated that some despatches would be laid before them,
and he presumed that these despatches would state the
present condition of Canada, and also information respect-
ing the other provinces of North America. When these
papers were laid upon the table was it intended that her
Majesty's Government should submit to the serious con-
sideration of Parliament measures relating to the consti-
tution and government of the North American Pro-
vinces ?

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that there were two
kinds of papers which it was intended to lay before
Parliament respecting the affairs of Canada. One consisted
of the despatches that had passed since Parliament had
last assembled, and which related likewise to the events
which bad taken place in the other, colonies. These
papers would be ready to-morrow or Friday, when they
would be laid upon the table of the House. There was
another paper which had been received very recently, in-
deed only within the last three days ; it was the report that
Lord Durham had made as Commissioner of her Majesty's
province of Lower Canada. He did not mean the com-
munications made by him as Governor, or while executing
the duties of the government of that province, hut the re-
port which he had made as Commissioner with respect to
tile Constitution, and the whole social and political
state of Upper and Lower Canada, and which, indeed,
likewise alluded to the state of the other North Ame-
rican colonies. That being a report of very consi-
derable length, and drawing their attention in a most
comprehensive manner to all the subjects to which it
related, it was impossible for him (and he hoped the
Right Hon. Gentleman would not expect it) to say
decidedly what course her Majesty's Ministers would pnr-
sue upon the subject, until it had been fully considered.
If, as he hoped, that report should be considered to be a
proper foundation for the measures to be brought before,
Parliament, the report would then be immediately laid be-
fore both Houses of Parliament, and her Majesty's Govern-
ment would consider it their duty to introduce a measure
upon the subject. At all events, be hoped that the paper
would in some measure decide the course which the Go-
vernment would pursue; and trusted that the Right Hon.
Gentleman would not expect him, not having received the
report more than a very few days, to state more decidedly
when it would be laid upon the table.
Sir ROBERT PEEL was not pressing the Noble
Lord or her Majesty's Government to state any particular
day fur laying more papers upon the table, nor did he wish
to precipitate any motion which her Majesty's Government
might contemplate. But as they were called upon to as-
sure her Majesty that they would take the state of these
provinces into their serious consideration, and as her Ma-
jesty relied upon them to support her firm determination
to maintain the authority of her Crown, and that their wis-
dom would adopt such measures as would secure to these
parts of the empire the benefits of internal tranquillity,
and the full advantages of their own great natural re-
sources, he (Sir Robert Peel) inferred that her Majesty's
Government, in the course of the present Session, would
submit some measure upon the subject to Parliament. He
was not pressing the Noble Lord, but he took for granted
that it was intended to submit some measure relating to the
Government of Canada.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL had no hesitation in saying
that her Majesty's Government would submit some mea-
sure in the course of the present Session. He only
wished that the papers to be laid upon the table of the
House should not be confined to the despatches to which
be had already alluded.
Mr. LEADER--Surely the Noble Lord, under any
circumstances, does not mean to withhold the Earl of
Durham's report?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I said no such thing.
Colonel SIBTIIORP hoped that some means would bo
taken to submit to the consideration of the House a return
of all the expenses connected with the unfortunate com-
mission of Lord Durham. He thought that the outfit of Lord
Durham and his suite, and all the other things connected
with that measure, should be laid before the House, the
public ought to be satisfied with respect to all the expenses
that had been incurred. They were enormous.—(A
laugh.) A measure more unsatisfactory, or a more dis-
graceful, a more subtle or crafty appointment had never
taken place than that of the Noble Earl.—(Cheers and
laughter.) He had ascertained from certain quarters that
there was a disposition on the part of her Majesty's Go-
vernment (and no man had a worse opinion of them than
himself) to withhold that return of what might be
called miscellaneous estimates.—( Hear, hear.) The
Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin cheered him
he did not know whether that Hon. Gentleman's acute
mind could understand the matter, but not a cork had been
drawn which should not be fairly laid before the House.
(Great laughter.) Ho believed that advances, as well as
promises, had been made on the the faith of that com-
mission. Oh, it was a disgraceful, a shocking proceeding.
(Roars of laughter.) It was one of the last commissions
which he would have accompanied—he hoped the outlay
for fur cloaki would also be stated, as it would form a
very large item in the expenses. It was the duty
of her Majesty's Government to lay all these pa-
pers before the House, otherwise it would be totally im-
possible for them to give a satisfactory vote on
this measure. With regard to the Speech from the
Throne, no man was more loyal than himself ; bat he had
always understood those Speeches to be a sort of cover
for the faults of Ministers, and to hold out promises, none
of which had ever yet been performed. lie now gave
notice that he would submit a motion on the subject on
the 19th inst., and that he would take the sense of the
House upon it.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said,
Lord Durham had received no salary during the time he
was abroad, that the expenses of his mission had been paid
in the same manner and subject to the same regulations as
all other special missions, and the same infor-
mation would be given to the House with re-
gard to the expenses on this mission as were given
on all other similar occasions. The peculiar feeling of
the Honurable Gentleman with regard to commissions
led him into this line of argument, whenever the obnoxious
word was mentioned; but he (the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer) did not imagine that the House would suffer its
judgment to be swayed even by references to the supposed
cases so ingeniously put by the Honourable Gentleman,
of fur cloaks, corks, and champagne, and whenever the
question was brought before the House, it would be dis-
cussed upon principles totally opposite to those laid down
by the Honourable Gentleman.
Colonel PE RCE VAL wished to draw the attention of
the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland, to the assertion
made by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, which
tended to cast a doubt on the veracity of a near relative of
his (Colonel Perceval's). The lion. and Learned Mem-
ber had cast an imputation on the Rev. Mr. Perceval, by
insinuating a doubt as to his having been fired. The
Noble Lord ought to have given immediate and distinct
denial to this assertion, as from the documents laid before
him in his official capacity and the rewards offered for
the apprehension of the perpetrator of this outrage, l►e
(the Noble Lord) must have been satisfied on this subject.
If the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin doubts that
that Rev. Gentleman, my relative, has been fired at,
he is the only individual in all Ireland who entertains a
doubt en the subject. It is undoubtedly also a fact, as as-
serted by his friend—(the Hon. and Learned Member for
the University of Dublin)—that previously to the perpe-
tration of this outrage, the people of the chapel put off
their coats to prevent their being recognized. He could not
but express his surprise that her Majesty had not ad% erred
in her speech to the state in which her loyal subjects in
Ireland were placed, by the combinations and excitements
to outrage and murder—combinations and excitements de-
riving their origin from those to whom her Majesty's Go-
vernment were indebted for the support of this House.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—The Hon. and Learned