The Sun.
London, England, 1806-02-04 00:00:00

illicit trade between :The. Cetenies and the parent
countries of the enemies of Great Britain ; then it
becomes necessary, both in regard to our charaaers
and interests, to inquire, whether the new reghla--
tions establish a more definite criterion for the dis-
covery of truth ?
We repel with indignation the suggestion, that
the trans-shipment of property for a_ foreign market,
by the original importer, is evidence of fraud or chi-
cane ; or that, unsupported by other circumstances,
it can justify a suspicion that it is other than neutral...
In our opinion, any discrimination between the
rights of an importing merchant, and a vendee in
-the United "States, is manifestly fallacious, as it vir-
tually asserts, that the former can exercise only an.
imperfea dominion over property lawfully acquired,
and possessed in this country, while, at the same
time, he can convey to the latter a title to a privi-
ledge not enjoyed by himself :ell short, that..a trade
unlawful, when the advanrage-is to result. to one
person, bit
.may be rendered lawful by being parti-
eipated with another. _
If the new doctrine is executed in the mildest
form, its operation Must be highly injurious, by orie
zinating new questions for litigation, and, of course,
sobjeCting all our commerce to new hazards of in-
terruption. We presume not, however, to compre-
hend to what extent, or in what manner, the prin-
ciple will be applied : we perceive, that the antient
land-mark has been removed, but we seek'in vain
for a beacoh to direct our course : If we inquire whe=
thee a twin fide sale and delivery of merchandize,
by an importer, being a citizen of the United States,
for a valuable consideration, will,. in ordinary
cases, be" conclusive evidence.of a transfer of pro-
perty, and the answer is affirmative ; than we com-
plain that our ships have been detained, the rates of
insurance enhanced, and our 'property confiscated,
for the establishment of a rule, which, when once
understood, will become nugatory, and cease to pro-
duce any commercial or political effe6t. If, on the
other hand, this evidence not to be deemed con=
elusive, we profess ourselves to be utterly at a loss
to discover what proofs of ownership, and neutrality
of property, can with.safety• be relied on.
Bat these embairassments, though perplexing and
vexatious, 'are not those which principally
_occasion
'our solicitude. ,We are compelled to consider the,
-late decisions of the British Tribunals as preliminary:
steps towards a system tor controliug the importer-
tioni and exportations of colonialsproduttions, and
thereby annihilating the most lueeativo brahches of
our fOreign commerce.
If we owed this trade solely to the favour of
Great Britain, still :we might what urgent mo--
tive, what imperious necessity., required that the ta.
vour should be resumed, at a period when our com-
merce was spread over the ,ocean, and when a
change so essential might dekroy its secUrity, and
subjett us to incalculable losses
We deny,' however, that the rights of commerce,
tss. claimed by us, are to be_deemed favours on the
contrary, if the law of nations is.other than a tem,
porary rule, prescribed by an arbitrary will, and en-
. forced by power, hen We appeal, to its most-univer-
sal and invielsible principle in our defence. This
principle is " That the goods of a Neutrul, •edasist-
in:; of articles not contrabandof war, in a neutral
vessel, employed in a dire&-trade between neutral
countries,' and pnitsof a belligerent country not in-
'vested or blockaded, are protected."
Iretbe controversies which have, existed at
dif-
ferent times lisr extending the privileges of neutral.
vessels, and limiting the-grounds of capture, we take
no part ; we appeal to the ell law. If neutral rights
can be reduced within more confined limits than this
law prescribes, we perceive not how, amidst -the
collisions of national interests, any -neutral com-
merce can exists even in our native produdiens..
If it be intimated, that Neutrals should be confined
to a commerce with such places, and in Such- articles
only as were allowed in- peace, by the municipal re 7
gulattens of the countries engaged in war, the doe-.
trine may be repelled by stlie notorious fait that no
such principle has governed, the ConduCt of nations
during any wars in which:they have been engaged;
all-were free to vary, and ail have varied their
commercial systems.. Whatever theoretical opinions,
may therefore have been advanced, there has existed
no such praCtical ruse; and to set up snob a. rule,
• under the unparalleled circumstances, of the present
war, must infallibly destroy the commerce Of this'
country.
It is a well known fat, -that the people of the
United States export 'to-foreign countries a greater
proportion of the aggregate annual value of the pro-
duas of thaheindustry than any other people of the
globe; they are consequently most deeply interested
in'the securityemdfreedonief their trade. In short,
being ahnost exclusively an agricultural, are More
intinelately interested, than any ether, as they aree
in a greateaedegree. dependent foreigd supplies,
• and couevently. :mcit liable to be affeCted by anye
yibrations of the commercial system.
- As our Manufactures do not flourish in proportion
to the progress of Our pepulation,svealth,and luxury,
the necessity of extending Our commerce is ettn-
&tautly increasing:
The basis of all our trade is. the aggregate value of
out native productions exceeding wl; at are consum-
ed in the United States; these are exported to ve:i-
ouS countries, from which we receive supplies for
domestic use, or other articles for exportation. A
very.grest proportion of all the results of our cern--
merce with the 'world centre in the dominions of
Great _Britain, and we_ receive almost exclusively'
from that country our clothing, and other necessary
manufaCturess . •
By the events of the late and present War, many
• countries wilt whieh, we prosecuted an increasing •
trade have bi en either diverted frommanufa6turing
, pursultS, or have been greatly imppveriallee,er con-
quered and subjected to the colonial system Of Great
Britain. -
With these. preliminary fitEts in view,„We tereeest
permisS-ion to detail some of the. Most important
consequences of the assumed rule that .i.e.utra.ls May
be restrained in. time of Wale to their accustomed
trate in time of Peace. The injustice of such a title,
in relation to the United States, will besnore mani-
fest ; the individuals employed in commerce would.
not alone be alSetted ; all the internal relations et
ou Cote t.s would be disturbed ; the
.intcr,L•sts
those dish id; which are most remote from our el i..-
c ,ports would,. in proportion to their uep‹ii-

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