The Sun.
London, England, 1830-09-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBIC JOURNALS.

The Paris Papers of Friday, which we received,
ism night, contain the Report of the Commission'
qn the impeachment of the late French Ministers,
which we received by express on Saturday, but
vhich came too late for publication on that day, ex
•ept in a very abridged form and in a second edi-
,ion. The document itself is now given entire, and
we make no apology for the following remarks on
;ts contents, as these papers contain no other news.
!t is evident, upon the slightest inspection of this
paper, that the greater part of it has no more rela-
tion to the late Cabinet than to any of the numerous
Cabinets which have followed each other in rapid
succession for the last IS years. Much of the his-
tory which it contains of the attempts mad. upon
the Charter by the framer of the'Charter him elf,
Louis XVIII., and by his infatuated brother
Charles X. has as much reference to the present
Minister of France, Baron Louis, who held the
mine post under Louis XVIII., or to M. de Villele,
who was Prime Minister under both brother; as to
the weak and wicked traitors who are now on their
trial. If the long narrative, therefore, has any ten-
dency at all, its tendency is in fevour of the ac-
cused, who become the more excumeable in submit-

ting to the criminal commands, or in executing the
guilty projects of their master, that they had seen
repeated inroads made on the Constituticia by for-
mer servants of the two Bourbons, without resist-
ance from the nation, and with the concurrence of

the Legislature. Had the Monarch himself been put
on his trial instead of the fatal Cabinet by whose
crimes and folly he lost his Crown, the following
paragraph would have applied better than to Po-
lignac and his wretched ministerial fraternity :
" The old age of Louis XVIII. submitted to the sad
influence of those (Ultra Royal at) councils; under his
reign began that Ministry of six years, the mission of
which seems to have been to accomplish the connter-re•
volution ; under his reign, and in spite of him, Spain saw
a French army smother her aspirations after liberty, and
the celebrated ordinance annulled de facto at the moment
of its publication.
" At the death of that Monarch, the projects sketched
under his reign began to be metaled. The new King
hastened to satisfy the clergy by means of the law ou as.
crilege, the emigrants by means of the law of Indemnity :
he tried to abolish the liberty of the Press by means of a
projet de lot, which raised against the Ministry which was
the author of it such just outcries ; he endeavoured to en-
slave that profession which is the most useful to mankind
by another projet de loi on the medic rl juries and the
schools of medicine ; he tried to prepare the minds of
men for the suppression of the jury in proposing that sap-
pression for the crimes of barratry and piracy."
Another thing that must strike the reader who
discovers with us the most unequivocal evidence of
high treason in the subversive ordinances them-
selves, and in the enforcement of there by military
violence, is the introduction of such irrelevant topics
us the Algerine expedition and the fires in Nor-
mandy as snake-weights in the charge. On the lat-
ter topic the commission avow that they had ob.
mined no proof, and profess that they have formed
no opinion. They have, therefore, probably aided
the cause of the prisoners (if that were possible) by
such vague speculations as the following, on the
commission of crimes, which the liberal journals at
the time ascribed to the Royalists, and the Royalist
journals to the Liberals, though they were probably
committed, like similar atrocities in England, at the
instigation of no political faction, and with no poli-
tical motive:—

" France had already been alarmed with the spectacle
which several of the departments at ancient Norma*
had presentjd. The dames had there devoured indiscri-
minately the cabins of the poor and the mansions of the
wealthy,—frightful conflagrations, whose true author had
escaped the inquiries of justioe, forced the citizens to arm
themselves to watch over their properties, and their minds
were given up to the highest exasperation.
" It was scarcely natural to ascribe these crimes to
private malevolence: the cause of them was "ought in a
political combination, r.nd suspicious arose to implicate the
Government itself. Your Commission have caused ex-
tracts of the numerous proceedings on the subjret of these
crimes to he laid before them. They have perused the
voluminous correspondence to which the inquiry has given
rise, and have found in it so much obscurity that it will
be difficult to arrive at just conclusions. It is certain,
however, that the conflagrations of Normandy were not

private crimes, nor can they he ascribed to Waled or %tn.
confederated individuals., it Is also certain that a kind of
Gnaticiont was there at work. Various facts, and espe-
cially the obstinate silence of individuate, in the cut of

perpetrating these crimes, seem to prove it."
The disclosures—new to the public—which are
made in this document, though not so numerous as
its length would indicate, are important and inte-
resting. It seems fully established that the Ex.
king (the father of the exiled Court of Lu!worth),
weak and bigotted as he is, was, during the last
year of his reign, his own Minister, having been so
unlucky us to find a man to place at the head of his
councils weaker and more bigotted than himself; that
the Dauphin exerted his influence for the downfall
of the dynasty as much us lay in his power ; and
that all the Ministers, except Polignac, signed the
Ordinances with considerable terror, and after long
resistance. Poor M. Chantelauze, who came from
a provincial tribunal to occupy a place in the Ca*.
binet on the mere recommendation of a foolish
speech in the Chamber, struggled long against the
proffered honours of office and the anticipated mar•
tyrdem of Royalism. Even the King's son, the
heir apparent, had to go to Grenoble to seduce him •
to his ruin. M. de Chantelauze having refused to
join the Ministry, or at least having declined till
Peyronnet had accepted, in a letter which was laid
before his Majesty, the Report thus gives the cow
elusion of his negociation, and expresses the terrors
of the unwilling Minister :
" This letter, it appears, was immediately laid before
Charles X., and the refusal which it expressed painfully
interpreted by this monarch, for a letter from his Majesty
to M. de Polignac, also seised at the Tuileries, and dated
St. Cloud, May 14, said—' I send you my dear Jules, the
long letter of M. de Chantelause—that of my son says
every thing' (that Prinee had arrived from Grenoble,
where it would seem be bed been drawn, on his return
from the provinces, in order to have an laterview with M.
tie Chantelauze),'except the last word, which is, that he
is afraid of losing a pleas as once agreeable and not liable
to removal, to take one unfortunately too liable to removal.
Moreover, I change nothing of my project, and If things
happen as I expect, we shall execute our project through
the means of N. de Peyronnet.' lbs. Chantelarse then
received the order to repair to Paris, where they suceeeded
in overcoming his previous repugnance. The Commission
should also mention a document which has been united to
the process. It is a letter addressed on the 18th of May
to his brother, the couusellor at Montbrison, in which he,
says, 'We have long kept silence to each other. lam
new the first to break it, as I'do not wish that yes should
learn by the Afoniteur, and at the same time with the
public, the mast important, and, I believe, the most stn..
fortunate event of my life : it is my mooduation as Keeper
of the Seals. For these last two months I have steadily
resisted the proposal for my going into the Council. lam
no longer left to possession of my own free will, tail the
orders which are given to me permits to the no were than
obedience. 1 ens willing to he the victim.'
A similar reluctance to invade the Constitution,
with a similar imbecility in yielding to the wishes of
the king, sects to have characterised all the other
Ministers except Polignac. The project of the ordi-
nances met with two opponents on their first die.
cussion,in M. do Pity rennet and M. G tumor% Raneille,
who were esteemed the most reckless politicians,
rxto.fstahuevSoetsolsasemicietatlhietisortlina emotion,n ordinances and the most audacious Ultras of the Cabinet; and
over their ronteots, it
the following picture drawn by the Editor of the
tailtrindaesr,idregellohtileniint:tgali:idelya receipt for then,. 11n_
fabling sufficiently paints the state of M. de
Menthol's feelings :
e
Kit:feel:
Monthel observed it, and expressed himself'"
with some up-
fSittlis iVI:T°I 11
tatinn......4 Well,' the worthy Editor replied, itt few
but ex.
pressive words, n
Monseigneur,
tar Gad save the hint;,
may Cod save Prance !' A long silence
which M. de Moutbel, wishing
m.
tosa‘.l;jelnsuedi and after
self, said again, 'Well, Sir.' SMIV repeated WTI;
same words, and was about to withdraw,'' whenea then
Montbel, hastily iisiug, held him, and most anxiously
urged him ; saying, 'bleak.'_' _ Gentlemen,'-
said. M.
Salm, in returning, 11 am fifty-woven years of rip

lava seen all the days of the revoke-ion, and I leave yen,
with a great terror of new completions.' The door was
then closed upon him."
The Commission assigns to the different members
of the Cabinet their respective shares in the manu-
facture of some of the ordinances, and of the report
by which they were introduced. M. de Peyronnet
drew up the electoral decrees, and M. de Charite-
lanze concocted the report. None of the prisoners
claim the honour or admit the guilt of preparing the
ordinances for suspending the freedom of the Press,
and for dissolving the Chamber of Deputies before
it had met, Another of the disclosures of the Com-
mission relates to the intended erection of Prevotal
Courts, to try the rebels, bed the Ministry unfortu-
nately, by being the strongest, been able to convert
legal resistance into rebellion. This fact has often
before been stated,but never on authentic evidence.
The history of the glorious " three days" will be
read with great interest, though it contains only two
statements that have any appearance of novelty—
namely, that which mentions the authority whence
Marmont received his orders, and that which relates
to the distribution of money among the soldiers. M.
de Polignae, as the Minister of War, directed the
firing on the people.
" he ordinance," ram the report, " which sintions
this terrible measure is countersigned only by the Prince
de Polignac : the three Ex-Ministers, his fellow. prisoners,
have affirmed that they had no knowledge of it; it was
not even deliberated in Council.
" At the same time the President of the Council wrote
to the Marshal You would do well to direct N

to way, that the King will give money to the artisans who
are without food, if they will quit the insurrections, and
let him proclaim it every where; and, on the other hand,
a Council of War will try the guilty."
If it was enough to establish the highest degree
of criminality for a Minister of the Crown to have
commanded the troops to fire on their fellow-citizens,
with what abhorrence must we regard an attempt to
bribe them to continued murder and massacre by
pecuniary largesses ? Yet this fact, often stated
and often denied, is now fully established.
" This is the place to mention," says the Commission,
that the sums which were distributed to the troops on
those days of mourning, amount, according to the state-
ment furnished by the Minister of Finance, to the sum of
974,271 franca. The Minister of War, Marshal Gerard,
in a note sent to the Commission, has called attention to
the irregular form employed by the Minister of Finance,
M. Montbel, for the issu►ng of this sum : he has declared
that he was neither able to recognise it, nor to put it to
the account of the War Office; and has thrown upon M.
Montbel all the responsibility of this illegal step."
The Commission describe in strong language the
caution and alarm with which the Keeper of the
Seals and M. de Menthe! communicated to the
Editor of the Monitenr the fatal ordinances which
were destined in a few hours to deluge the streets of
Pads with blood, and to overturn an ancient dy•
nasty of Kings. It is a curious fact, to which they
do not allude, but on the authenticity of which our
readers may rely, that the seven madmen who signed
the ordinances, in order to keep their own secret,
had employed neither clerk nor secretary to make
copies of them or of the report. They had copied
them with their own hands, and nobody beyond
their own conclave had seen a word of them till they
were delivered to the Editor of the Moniteur,
about eleven o'clock on Sunday night, the 25th of
July. Poligoac himself stated this hid on Monday,
the 2tith, to one of the Ambassadors at the Court
of the Tuileries, as an evidence that if his Excel-
lency was kept in the dark with respect to the in-
tended Coup d'elat, he at least was not worse treated
than the rest of the world. The Commission men-
tions as a reason for the disappearance of certain
state papers, that " in the Chancery every thing
was destroyed." The fatal ordinances were, from
the cause above stated, not probably registered offi-
cially in the offices of Government, when, both they
and' their authors had disappeared before the just
vengeance of an outraged and insulted people.. The
following is the .50th article' of the old Charter
which is referred to in the report of the Commission,
and on which the impeachment of the ex-Ministers
is grounded :—" The Ministers can only be
im-
peached for treason or embezzlement. Particular
laws shall specify this kiwi of oirenees, and deter-
mine their prosecution." It is needless to remark,
that this article rather promises a law of impeach-
ment than makes one.—Times.

We present 'tilts day the report of die Commis
sion appointed for the accusation of the Ministers
Charles X. The document, extends to Ove of our
columns. .The deep interest which Pervades the
whole subject, and the, temper and manlipess with
which it has been treated in the original report, will
well repay the reader's trouble in perusing It. Thu
narrative or recital is carried back to the epoch of
the first restoration. It characterises the reign of
Louis u a constant though seldom victori-
ous struggle, against the measures preparatory tests
counter-revolution, which were unceasingly planned,
and forced upon the declining spirit of the Monarch
by his weak and unprincipled successor. It ter-
minates with the history of the last acts and crimes
of the reign of Charles X.; and in the common-
teries of °the Commission on • the proceedings of
the Ministers and their agents, it consigns, at least
,tame of them, to that species and degree of fame
to escape from .which the very meanest of their
number would now, no doubt, implore the moun-
tains to cover him.. It appears that Guernon de
Renville did actually protest beforehand against
coup d'etai, as unsuitable to the. King and Govern.
ment—as an act "of the most extreme violence—
the most manifest violation of the;lsth article of the
Charter—and the violation of sworn faith ;" yet this
unfortunate mien a few months afterwards signed the
dreadful ordinances l The weight of guilt, as de-
scribed by-the Commission, -presses-heavily on Po-
lienac, and on the wretched King himself. The
report concludes with declaring the national cry to
be for justice, not vengeance. We too, trust; for
the future welfare of France,that justice will not be
eluded, and, for her honour, that no spirit of need-
less vengeance will be indulged,!—Tirees.
We would earnestly caution the middling and
working classes of the community how they are
led away, either by well-meaning or designing per-
sons, to Join in measures,the real and avowed object
of which are not the same. A- meeting is to be
held this, day, on Kenningtotocommor,4 of the work-
iug classes of the ,metropolis, for the purpose, it is
said, at congvatulatingthe wosking classes of Paris
on the fruits of their late exertions; and also fur
the purpose of addressing the King. We believe
the object, at least of some of the principal pro.
alarm of the meeting, to be very different, and that
the meeting, as far as they are concerned, laintended to feed their own vanity on tlin one hand,
and their love of mischief on the other. Paw
pe„pfr, have now to learn that the flaming patriot is
not the man who loves his country the best, or that
the noisy demagogue is ono who cares only for hiM-
self, and generally contrives to sail so near the wind
as to screen himself from the danger which be
drags others into. We have not Moo to learn that
such persons are not unfrequently the very tools
and instruments of the persons against whom they
preface to set themselves in array, whose object is
to sea the people involved in.excesses which may
bstirY new means of coercion. We are far front
being unfriendly to meetings of the people when
there is just oemsiont but we know too that the
people throw away their strength when they use it
unnecessarily or unwisely. 'Having all along tuivo.
euted the, geese of the people and atrenuenalY
pointed out both their grievances and the remedies
which were called for, we shell not be accused of
abandoning that cause, when we wish only to deter
th" People from embarking in prrtjreets whieb can
only dieitfieleet
is come, wen firmly
()bet it mabfriendic
wrongs of the people must and tea t 7 elle
the
they do not themselves mar the torat:Vve4b9:lLir
coming the blind, or too ready followerse anti;
artful leaders. Many of those who have pert foorr
ward this project of addressing and congratulating
the people of France„ really care no more foe tine
people of France than for those of China. Nor do
the great Mask of the people of France, let us add,
vaue their congratulations a rush. We have a new

3land patriot King on the throne, anxious, it is clear,
ito 'possess the attachment of his people, and we
have a Parliament just elected, and- as yet untried,
;which has been •purged of much, at least, of that
leaven of evil which disgraced the last. Thus
situated, a few short weeks, probably, will only
elapse before the country will see itself relieved,by
legitiMSte means, from a great part, at least, of thi.
evil with which it is oppressed. But let the demon
Of mischief only stir up a spirit of commotion, and
the cup will be dashed from the lip just parching
for and expecting the draught. What we Say, then,
to the people is—" Wait. You have waited so long,
that to wait a little longer can be no great aggra-
;vation of your distresses." And should Parliament
fail to apply a remedy to the national wants and
"distresses as far as lies in its power, then we would
'as strongly recommend that the voice of the people,
"working classes and all, should approach both the
iLegislature and the Throne in terms _of firm and
jrresistible remonstrance. Of the meeting of to-day
we would unequivocally say that its avowed object
iis useless-,-its real one mischievous.---21' orn.Heralth

The Belgians, according to the accounts in the
Paris Papers, seem determined to brave the King of
the Netherlands. A Provisional Government has
been formed consisting of MM. de Potter; Felix de
Merode ; d'Ooltremont de Liege ; Gendebien ;. de
Stour', Member of the Suites-General ; and Van
de Weyer. The citizens of Liege have taken by
escalatle, the fort and arsenal. of la Chartreuse, which
"was but weakly garrisoned. In Brussels the Burgher
'Guard has been disarmed by the populace; a part
has joined' the people. The troops and inhabitants
have already come to blows. There would thus
'seem to be every prospect of a most determined re-
' sistance on the part of the people ; while we very
much question • whether the troops will in general
act. The Belgian part of the tinny will, we should
suppose, to a man, go over to the people. And
the anny is for the far greater part Belgian. The
turn which things have taken proves how very diffi-
cult it is for people of one country to form a correct
'Opinion of the affairs of another. To an English-
man, the recent accounts from the Netherlands indi-
cated the termination of the revolution by submis-
sion to the .Government. The opposition of the
middle to the lower classes led to the inference,
that the Government, availing itself of the differ-
ences, would be enabled to overpower both. It
would appear, however, that the middle classes have
been as nothing to the others. A few days have
thus wrought a wonderful change in the position of
affairs. In the forthcoming number of the West-
iniioler Review, there is on article on the revolution
of 1830, in which the writer observes :---
" Belgium is a , sore point ; but it will all he well a
twelvemonth hence. If the population of Belgium should
be obliged to succumb for the present, any attempt of the
victors to go. beyond the moderation of the victorious party
in Paris would be the signal for free Europe to present it-
self within the Belgian frontiers. The Dutchmen
Will not be „too officious. They have money bags
that will be bed for their not doing any thing it would
be unpleasant to remember, if there should be a good
skating-season in the winter that approaches. If they
hurt a single Belgian, he shall be charged in the bill
when the time •comee. The world is looking out
for somebody to read a moral lesson on ; and the

unfortunate Dutchmen will be ground to powder, if
they put themselves in the way of the great ma-
chine. If they trust to English agents.—was there
ever any body that trusted ~to English agents, anti was
not deceived ? The English Minister is on th• point of
being driven to take refuge in the popular ranks if he
,means to preserve his Ministerial existence ;- and be will
not ask the English people to go to war, for the sake of
keeping his Aides-de-Camp on Thrones. Any apprehen-
siott or interference from the English Tories is irrational.

They have no way of interfering, but by despatching a
force; and they will take advice before they determine
upon that. It would, perhaps, be in the end one of the
happiest events that they should try ; for the soldiery
would return with their heads full of Belgian girls and
Belgian principles, and the last state of those Tories would
he worse than the first."

We are not apprehensive of any interference on
the part of foreigners with Belgium. The people
of that country have fallen on happy times,: and if
they can stand their ground against the King of the
Netherlands, they have nothing to fear from their
eig hbours.—Alornim Chronicle.

DIFFUSION OF INFORMATION.

At the annual meeting of the Leeds Mechanics'

natitation, held on Mon-day at the Court-house a

that town, the following piquant observations were
made by Mr. Brougham in reference to the diffusion
of information generally, and the reported observa-
tions of the Earl of Wilton at the Manchester dinner
in particular:—
Thtimausu rose, amidst loud cheers. He
said he could hot help ogrcuing entirely with the
worthy.Cliairman, that it was a peculierly,,gratifying
circumstance that they were met together on an oc
mien) which, from the vary nature of this institu-
tion and the character of those who patronise it, ne-
cestarily excluded all questions of a political or
party nature. Men of all principles and political
opinions—Men of every shade of religious persua-
sion—might consistently and did act without any
sacritice of any principle, civil or religious,and joined
hand in band to support and encourage institutions
like this, The doctrine that the more a, man knows

the happier lie
learning he imbibee.,the more virtuous it will make
himi was, so. perfectly trite, that before a very few
days ago he should have thought he was doing one
of the most ridiculous things imaginable to say any
thing in support of it. In the year lti3o, in the
middle of the nineteenth century, to have got up
!and made a long speech to show that knowledge was
useful—that the improvement of the body of the
community, was consistent ,with the advantage of
the whole community—that the .more the ninety
nine kneW the more the hundred were likely to be
happy, and the more intellectual the million were,
the better it was for the community which con-
slated of a million. and perhaps two or three—to
have proved those truisms, and that the body of a
community being civilized, and becoming rational,
and more and more removed from the state of brutes,
by becoming higher .and higher in intellect and mo-
rals, was better for the community at large, and
tended more to the peace of the state, and the sta-
bility of its institutions, and of those who call them-
selves the upper classes of society, he should have
thought before a few days ago was as foolish as an
attempt to prove that two and two make four, for
both of these propositions were equally evident.
Hu was grieved to think thuf it was necessary now
to preach that, dealing which he thought every
person at least a quarter of a century ago was ready
to admit ; but he found, to his utter astonishment, i
he would not say to his utter confusion, that a
noble friend of his—Lord Wilton—he named him.,
that no person else might be bUpposea to be
alluded to—a person from whom he should least
have expected :such a thing, (because the two
noble fernlike to which _he was allied, the Gross
.venom' and the Stanleys, were amongst the beet
Caton es in this country, and were disposed to make
greater sacrifices than others to promote the national
welfare,)---,he was sorry to find was under an alarm
as to the progress of knowledge in this country, and
that he had taken upon himself to sound that alarm
in thepresence of a distinguished personuge,a general
officer, tow at the head of his Majesty's Govern-
nient-,(Leughter)—and he (Mr. Broughum) was
grieved to find that he (the Duke of Wellington)
did not cuter his protest against that declaration,
for by virtue of his office he was bound to look
after the peace.—(Leughter.)—Yet he hoped that
he (the Duke) did not labour under the alarm which
his Noble Friend . had propounded. lie (the Earl
of Wilton) had said, ,o Clod forbid that the people
should not be educated," but then he said that he
was afraid there was a great tendency to turn the
current of knewledge against the source from whence
it sprung. .Now he, (Mr. Drougharn) really believed
that he had not said any such thing ;. that he had
been misrepresented ; that it Willi. 4 misrepresentation
which naturally arose from the mistakes of those
who delivered to the press those speeches which
were made after dinner. Now they might depend

ipon it that all persons, whether in the'conspicueus
•ank of his Noble Friend, or noted for large posses-
dons, splendid titles, illustrious ancestry, great po-
litica privileges, or extensive civil rights, greatly
mistook the matter if they thought they were less
likely to be secure in those rights, whether of title,
pf privilege, or of property, by the bulk of the corn-
inunity at the head of whom they were placed being
better informed, or if they thought that it was now
in their power to stop the progress of improvement
amongst the bulk of the community.—(Cheers.)—
He (Lord Wilton) was also greatly mistaken 'if 'he
thought that the bulk of the community derived
;heir education from the kindness of the upper
orders. He (Mr. B.) thought he must also have
been misrepresented on this point also, for the as.
tiertion imputed to him was directly contrary to the
fact. Lord Wilton said that the lower orders lose
their gratitude and their respect for their superiors,
but he was greatly mistaken ; the bulk were not
taught by the upper classes, but he (Mr. Brougham)
rather thought that the upper classes were taught
by the bulk. He thought he might state that with-
out fear of mistake. Therefore he (Mr. Brougham)
entirely differed from Lord Wilton, either in believ-
eng that the upper classes had educated the lower
iclasses, or that they would be overwhelmed by their
superior instruction, or that it was in their power to
prevent the progress of knowledge from spreading
over the community, whether they liked it or not.
If overwhelmed meant eclipsed, he (Mr. Brougham)
Was very sure that his Noble Friend was too ac-
complished ever to be eclipsed by the poor man who
spared one evening in a week, to read the books
which he might have purchased by the savings of
R penny or twopence a week, or the books which
might find in the library of a Mechanics' Insthu-
tion. If they did not choose to relax their efforts, there
was no fear of the upper classes being overwhelmed
in this country, where they had a free Government
and a rational aristocracy. Ile trusted they would
never let that day dawn upon themselves or upon
the people. Having taken that opportunity of en-
tering his early protest against a speech which he
doubted was ever delivered, having said so much
Upon this heresy, us he should term it, he would
proceed to other topics. And first of all be must
be allowed to say that he regretted to find that in
the great and enlightened town of Leeds, the capi-
tal of Yorkshire, in point of wealth, businessi•end
mercantile importance, he did regret to find, and he
was not a little surprised to, find, that the Mechanics'
Institution had not thriven and made that progress
which it had made in similar places; one place he
would mention, for the purpose of shaming the
,Leeds Institution. In the little town of Kendal,
in Westmorland, which contuined nine or ten thou-
sand people, there was a Mechanics' Institution,
which, he believed, had more members than the
one in Leeds, where there were 80 or 90,000 in-
habitants. What could that be owing to ? It was
not to the prejudices against learning, because they
did not exist in Leeds. Was it owing to the regu-
lations? No; for he had examined them, and
found they were based upon u good model—the
Edinburgh School of Arts—and that the founders
of this Institution had taken care that every member
should be capable of taking part in them. Could it
be the amount of the annual subscription ? No--
that was only lOs. But nt the London Mechanics'

Institution, and at the School of Arts in Edinburgh,
it WWI 20s. In other places it was 12e. or 145., and
he had only known it 81. in:one place, and that was
only an apprentices' library, and they had no lee-
tures. Ile never knew it less than 10s. where there
was a library arid lectures. Now 3d. a 'week
amounted to more than 1 Oa. or 12s. a year, nay,
2id. a week was more than 10s. ti year, and that
sum, if subscribed to a Mechanics' Institution,
would secure a man the use of a library and lec-
tures, and give him a right of access to the wealthy
intelligent individuals who were the patrons of the
institution; and it really appeared to him that 21d.
a- week was the best bestowed money whieh a work-
ing man, if he could spare it, could lay out, and
would afford him a most useful and profitable re-
creation. Several books had already been pub-
lished by the Society for the Diffusion of Know-
ledge, and many more were forthcoming►; one of
which was for the purpose of saving the money and
promoting the practical comfort of the working
classes; showing how by the construction of u new
invented stove they may get mote heat and better
cookery at .a cost of 10s. in fuel, than they can have
with the present old grates by the expenditure of 21.
or 3/. And thus the members of the London Me-
chunics' Institution say that they get back their
twenty shillings two or three times a year, for when-
ever a new iuventi,on is introduced at the Institu-

ion, the President, Dr.. Birkbeck, (a Yorkshire

man by the by, for hecame from Settle, where his
brother still lives,), is there ready to explain it, and
thus. a person is immediately acquainted with Alis
utility of un instrument which without such a plan
he might be ten years in finding out. This
being the case, be (Mr. Brougham) was asto-
nished to find that a thing so obviously
useful as these institutions, and amongst a
People who require ittformation so much as
the people of Leeds do, Amid have languishd
more to Leeds than in any part , of England he was
acquainted with.. Mr. B. then proceeded to trace
the rise and progress of these institutions, which he
dated from the increase of elementary schools on
the principles of Dr. Bell and Mr. Lancaster, that
took place about thirty years ago. In 1816 a Com-
mittee, of which he (Mr. Brougham) was Chair-
man, was appointed by the House of Commons,' for
the purpose of inquiring into the abuses of endowed
schools. They got a return, of the number of Rebook
endowed and unendowed, of the °umber of scholars
in each. These'rettims were printed, together with
the statutes of the large schools, in three groat folio
volunies. The Committee sat during the Sessions
of 1816, 17, and 18 ; but in consequence of various
prejudices having been listened to by the then Go-
vernment, the Committee was not re-appointed on
the assembling of the new ParliaMent in 1819,
Finding it quite hopeless to 'obtain assistance, hi
(Mr. Brougham) proceeded alone, and he brought
into the House of Commons two Bills, one for the,.
institution of parish schools, and the other for the
better appropriation of endowed. funds, and for pre-
venting the abuse of charities. All the members of
the Church professed themselves favourable to the
Education till; but his excellent friends, the Dis-
senters, made some conscientious scruples, which he
thought himself bound to attend to ; and in deference
to them hi withdrew the Bill. His friends informed
him that their scruples were occasioned by that illi-
beral
law the Test and Corporation Act; but eight
years afterwards that Act was repeeled, as was com-
monly said, by the Duke of Wellington. Whether
it was repealed by him or not he did not mean to
say. Ile knew who did repeal it, and he meant to
say that it was repealed in spite' of the Duke of
Wellington.--(Laughter.)--Lord jolin Russell
brought in the Bill, and he (Mr. B.) closed the de-
bate; he never fought harder than he did that night,
and after a hard struggle they beat the Government
by 40, and then they gave up, after being steel!
beaten, And thut they called repealing the Bill !
In the course of his inquiries he found there were
1,600 or 2,000 parishes in which there was no
schools at all, and that of this 'Amber there were
about 400 or 500 which positively required some
assistance in planting schools. That was the result
of his inquiry, and as he had not had an opportunity
of making it known before, he thought' he could not
do it better than there.—(Cheet.s.)---'rhe Learned
Gentleman adverted more immediately to the esta-
blishment of Mechanics' Institutions on the principle
of the one established et Glasgow in 1801; and he
concluded his address amidst float applause.

THE WATER New Tale of the
Sea, from the pen of Mr. Cooren, Author of " The fled
Rover," " The Prairie," " The Borderers," kn. under
the above strange title, is announced for early publication.
There is some talk of pulling down the Tui-
Jerks, which are hi a state of ruin, to rebuild a, phase for
the wsu of the three Princes. Tice estimate is eight mil-
lions of tranec —Le Voleur.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION.HOUSE.

On. Saturday, a young man, named 'Frederick
Taylor, was charged with robbing an old man of the
name of Griffith of the sum of 2/. DN. 3d.
The complainant stated thi4 they went together
into a public-house to have some beer, when the pri-
soner put his hand into his waistcoat pocket, and
took out the money in question.
The LORD MAYOR said that the complainant ought
to have left the money with his wife, and was sur-
prised that he should have entered a public-house
with a stranger.
The complainant could not tell the reason of his
drinking with the prisoner, and added, that if he had
left the money with his wife, he should never have
Seen it again.—(Laughter.)
In answer to questions put by his Lordship, the
complainant also stated that he was not drunk at the
time, but that he had just come from the Class,
where he had been hearing the word of God.
" And did your minister advise you to go to a
public-house after you left him ?"—" It was not a
he," replied the complainant, " but a she what edified
us, and she did not say any thing about a ginnagun'
(public-house), but she went along with us."
Mr. Hobler said he supposed the preacher was
Nes. Cheshire, who had lately been discharged from
I3ridewell, where she had been locked up for getting

drunk anti breaking windows.
" That was all a mistake," said the complainant;
" Mrs. Cheshire was no mote drunk than your Lord-
ship on that occasion."
The LORD MAYOR observed that in this, as in
all other cases in which the prejudices of ignorant
people are worked upon, the punishment inflicted
upon an impostor was considered as part of the mar-
tyrdom.
The prisoner admitted he had the money, and
gave it up on being charged with the robbery ' • and
it being proved that the complainant had acknow-
ledged he had given the money to the young man
to keep in safety for him, the prisoner was dis-

_ . t!harged, and the complainant received his money,
on a protnise never to go to a " ginnagan" any
more, although he hoped he might be allowed a
little occasional devotional intercourse with Mrs.
Cheshire.