The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 17, 1863,

1 4 PERSONS SEEKING LANDED
ESTATES, TOWN AND COUNTRY RESIDENCES,
FREEHOLD AND LEASEHOLD INVESTMENTS, AND
PROPER 11 ES GENERALLY—
To BE HAD GRATIS, at the pr,ncipal Railway Bookstalls
throughout the kingdom, or at the Auction and Estate Offices,
No. 67, Chancery-lane, London, Messrs. E. and H. Lumley's
"FREE PROPERTY REGISTER," containing a varied selection
of landed and house properties now in the market, from
the nobleman's mansion, with its manorial domain, to the
cottage with its few acres.
GSVNERS OF PROPERTIES wishing to Sell or Let can em-
brace the opportunity that the medium of this Regis, er
affords, by sending the particulars of their properties to the
Estate Offices, e 7, Chancery-lane, London, as the Messrs.
Lumley can in most cases introduce immediate customers,
where the property is of an eligible chara ter, thereby avoid-
ing the disaavantages of delay and its attenaant incon-
veniences.
THERE IS NO CHARGE incurred, unless a tenant or pur-
chaser is introduced through Messrs. Lumley's Agency,
and then only the usual moderate commission.
Auction and Land Offices, 67, Chancery-lane, London.

Immediately, in imperial Bvo., with many beautiful Coloured
Lithographs, 215.,

CONSTANTINOPLE DURING THE
CRIMEAN WAR

By LADY lIORNBY.
Richard Bentley, Publisher in Ordinary to her Majesty.

122, FLEET-STREET, LONDON.
MESSRS. JOHN MAXWELL AND CO. beg to
announce that the undermentioned new Works may be
now had at every Circulating Library. Subscribers to those
useful Institutions should not experience any delay in ob-
taining copies, as adequate editions have been printed, and
the type is kept standing, to meet every demand as quickly
as it arises :--
1. SACKVILLE CHASE. 3 vole.

2. STRONGHAND. By G. AIMARD. 2 vols.
3. BREAKFAST IN BED. By GEORGE
AUGUSTUS SALA. Second Edition. 1 vol.

4. THE REV. ALFRED HOBLUSH AND
HIS CURACIES. 1 vol.

5. SECRETS OF MY OFFICE. 1 vol.

6. CROSS OF HONOUR. 1 vol. [This day.
London : John Maxwell and Co.. 122, Fleet-street.

COMPLETION OF DR. TRAVERS TWISS'S WORK ON

THE LAW OF NATIONS.
On Tuesday next will be published, in Bvo., price 18s. cloth,
riINE RIGHTS and DUTIES of NATIONS in
TIME of WAR : Being the Second and ( oncluding
Volume of "The Law of Natons considered as Independent
Political Communities."

By TRAVERS Twiss, D.C.L., Regius Professor of Civil Law
in the University of Oxford, and one of her Majesty's
Counsel.

The First Volume, on the Rights and Duties of Nations in
Time of Peace, may also be had, price 12s.
Oxford: At the Univerilty Press. London: Longman,
Green, and Co., Paternoster-row.

Fcap. Bvo., 280 pp., cloth, lettered, 3s. free by post,
THEPRINCIPLES and PRACTICE of
VEGETARIAN COOKERY,

Founded on Chemical Analysis, and embracing the most
approved Methods of the Art.
By the Author of " Fruits and Farinacea the Proper Food

of Man."
London : F. Pitman, 20, Paternoster-row, E.C.

IIHE OXFOR D,
6, OXFORD STREET, W.

THIS EVENING, will be performed Operatic Selections
from Sir Henry R. Bishop's THE SLAVE, CLARA, the
MAID of MILAN, and Bellini's SONN A MBULA.

Principal Artistes —Miss Russell, Miss Ellison, Messrs.
Green, Bernardi, Huish, &c., with full band and chorus.

Conductor, Mr. F. Jonghmans.
Flute Solos by Drew Dean, &c.

Comic, by UNSWORTH (" or any ()Crier man "), Eugene,
W. Randall, George Hodson, and those marvellous French
Clowns, Messrs. ARTHUR and BERTRAND.
Also, a Pei formance by Herr SCHAL RENBACH on his
wonderful instrument, the PIANO ORCHESTRE, contain-
ing a full baud of 40 instruments.
The HALL has just been newly Decorated and Ventilated,
and is one of the most Beautiful in the Metropolis.
Open at 8 o'clock. Admission, 6d.; stalls and balcony, is. ;
private boxes, 10s. 6d.

CANTERBURY HALL " GHOST."—In order
to gratify the curiosity of nightly-increasing crowds,
Mr. C. MORTON has transferred the representation of Pro-
fessor Pepper and HenryDircks, Esq.'s, world-famed spectral
Illusion, "THE GHOST," to 'the Concert Hall, where a
new and elegant stage le erected, affording a more ample
view of the Illusion from Stalls, Balcony, and bady of the
Ball. He has also arranged for Mr. A. Silvester to give
(with all that gentleman's latest improvements and effects),
REPRESENTATIONS EACH EVENING, at half-past
Nine o'clock.

All the other Musical and Pictorial attractions as usual,
including Operatic Selections, &c. ; Comedy by Unsworth
(the modern Demosthenes), Eugene, George Hodson, E.
Marshall, and the marvellous Arthur and Bertrand.

ROYAL ALHAMBRA PALACE. The
GHOST ! new ♦ersion—The FAIRY FOUNTAIN—
Grand Divertissement—Favourite Opera Selections—NlCO-
SlA, the eminent Violinist—RAPHAEL DE SOLLA, the
Infant Tenor—LANGLOIS, the Great Juggler. Every
Evening.
Doors open at 7—commence at half-past 7.

ROYAL ALHAMBRA PALACE. Great
Musical Attraction —lmmense success of SIGNOR
NICOSIA, the eminem Violinist, who will appear Every
Evening.

ARGYLL ROOMS, Windmill-street, Piccadilly.
Th, se elegant Rooms are NOW OPEN for the Winter
Season. They have been entirely redecorated.
Musical Director and Conductor, Mons. L. JULLTEN.
Great Success of his new Quadrille, " The Prince of Wales,"
nightly encored.
The band is selected from the Italian Operas and the
Household Troops.
Doors open at 8 o'clock.
Admission, Is.
Manager—M. GRENET.

LUXURIANT WHISKERS or
MOUSTACHES. -My formula forces them to grow
heavily in six weeks upon the smoothest face, without injury
to the skin, and a sure remedy for bal mess. 13 stamps.—
Mr. FOX, Macclesfield. Fox's celebrated Hair wash Formula,
for removing scurf and curling the hair, even stamps,

TEA.—MOORE BROTHERS respectfully inti-
mate that their New Prospectus is now ready. They
especially recommend their improved Family Tea, reduced
to 3s. 2d. ; Souchong' reduced to 3s. 6d. ; mixed Assam, re-
duced to 3s. Bd. ; and the finest Assam, reduced from 4s. 4d.
to 3s. 11d. per lb.

RUPTURES.—BY ROYAL LETTERS 'PATENT.
WHITE'S MOC-M AIN LEVER TRUSS
(PERFECTED AND EXHIBITED IN THE GREAT
ExHIBITIONB OF 1851 AND 1862), is allowed by upwards of
Two Hundred Medical Gentlemen to be the most effective
invention in the curative treatment of HERN I A.
The use of a steel spring, so often hurtful in its effects,
is here avoided—a soft bandage being worn round the
body, while the requisite resisting power is supplied by the
Roe-Main Pad and Patent Lever, fitting with so much ease
ind closeness that it cannot be detected, and may be worn
during sleep. A descriptive circular may he had, and the
truss, which cannot fail to fit, forwarded by post, on the cir-
cumference of the body, two inches below the hips, being
sent to the manufacturer,

Mr. WHITE, 228, Piccadilly.
A Single Truss, 165., 218., 265. 6d., and 31s. 6d. Postage, Is.
A Double Truss, 31s. 6d., 425., and 525. Bd. Postage, ls Bd.
An Umbilical Truss, 425. and 525. 6d. Postage, ls. lud.
Post-office Orders to be made payable to John White, Post-
office, Piccadilly.
NEW PATENT
ELASTIC STOCKINGS,
KNEE-CAPS, &c., for Varicose Veins and all cases of
Weakness and Swelling of the Legs, Sprains, &c. They are
porous, light in texture, and inexpensive, and are drawn on
Ire an ordinary stocking. Price 4s. 6d., 78. 6d., 10s., to 168.
eadh. Postage 6d.

Mr. Beresford Hope at the Liverpool

Southern Club.

Yesterday afternoon there was a numerous meeting of the
members of the Southern Club at Liverpool, at which there
were also present a large number of merchants on 'Change,
and several ladies, to receive and hear an address from Mr,'
Beresford Hope, Mr. Victor Poutz, the president of the
club, occupied the Chair.

The CHAIRMAN, in intrs clueing Mr Beresford Hope, as a
Southern American thanked him for the noble efforts he
had made to obtain from the British Government that re-
cognition which the South had a right to expect. Un-
fortunately ha had not succeeded ; at the same time, they
felt that they were deeply indebted to Mr. Hope, and they
would always gratefully remember the services which he
had rendered to the Southern cause. (Cheers,)
Mr. BERESFORD HOPE, who was received with enthu-
siastic applause, said he felt the very high and unmerited
compliment paid him by the chairman in the presence of
those who were his friends before they had become his ac-
quaintances. As a favour, he asked only that while he spoke
his mind in a sort of cross between a lecture and a speech—a
drawingroom conversation—intended for the Confederate
car, delivered in an English town and partly to a Confede-
rate auditory, they would express their approval or dissent
from his observations—the results of three years' intense
study of the national pulse, and his impression of what
Englishmen thought upon the matter of his discourse, in
order that it might tend to maintain the entente cordiale
between the two people. He was the more moved to take
this line from what he read in the papers the other day
of the grave misstatements of fact from the mouth of
the noble Earl who presided over the Foreign-office, who
said that the majority of the English people sympathised
with the United States in this conflict. (A voice, "True I"
Cries of "No, no," and cheers.) A voice said " True." He
differed from that gentleman, and he would convince him
so that they should agree. His experience proved the change
which had almost universally come over the English mind
in sympathy with the Southern cause, where before, in con-
sequence of the dissemination of Northern publications, it
had had -an opposite tendency. The sympathy of the ma-
jority of Englishmen was now decidedly with the South.
(Loud cheers.) He stood to that point, and he left to those
who denied it to perform the most difficult of all logical
operations, the proving of a negative. (Laughter.) There
was much to unlearn as well as to learn respecting the last
three years. The British Government did not when it could
dash in and put an end to the war. The South had bitterly
complained of England not recognising its independence.
The Southern press had also complained of our non-inter-
vention. After all, there had been a great deal to forgive
and to forget on both sides. Englishmen had been misin-
formed of the South by Northern writers, and as to the
South, Englishmen must make great allowances, because
they could not be expected to be particularly good-humoured
when they found an enemy burning their houses, outraging
their families, and devastating their country. (Applause.)
It was, however, astounding to remember the way in which
the prejudices against the South in England had been swept
away. The death of Stonewall Jackson had excited almost
as much regret, and his life as much admiration, as that of
our own Havelock. (Hear, hear.) Let them look again at
the manner in which the whole of the English press had
done justice to the statesmanship of President Davis. (Ap-
plause.) Had there been no rude or uncivil word said or
thing written in any English newspaper of any Southern
statesman or general? (Hear, hear.) The sympathies of
England were unmistakeably with the Southern States of
America, in the face of Lord Russell. (Loud cheers, and a
cry of " Never.") Let them hear that gentleman. (Laugh-
ter.) Earl Russell was in the House of Lords. Had he
been in the Ilouse of Commons he would have heard his
political chief, Lord Palmerston, brand the acts of Butler
as infamous. (Great cheering.) He supposed that was
about the strongest word that had been ever used in the
Legislature by a Prime Minister of England against the
chosen general of an ally with whom we had not quarrelled.
More than that, the echo of that brand of infamy re-
sounded through both Houses of Parliament. (Loud cheers.)
Then how did Lord Russell prove that the sympathies of the
majority of the people of England were with the North ? He
had once heard the story of a gentleman who belonged to
one of the three kingdoms that was not on this side of St.
George's Channel—(cheers)—whose friend was accused of
drunkenness, or rather of having been intoxicated-- (laugh-
ter)—and being a man of a kind of statesmanlike mind—
such a man as should preside at the British Foreign-office—
(roars of laughter)—he said, for his part, he as as unwilling
to consider any gentleman intoxicated until ho saw that
gentleman attempting to light his pipe at the pump. (Great
laughter.) Now, itseemed to him that Lord Russell required
equal stringency of proof before he would understand that
the sympathies of this nation were with the Confederate
States. (Laughter.) Now he, for one, claimed all those
who were not against the South as being for the South.
There were some in that room; there were many more on
the Exchange flags below, and there were others who had
not considered the question politically at all in reference to
States' right. The man who cheered General Lee because he
was at once a soldier and a gentleman but had not studied
State rights, he would not put down as a gentleman who
had "tried to light his pipe at the pump"—(hear)—and
therefore that man was a Southern sympathiser. Then there
were those who cared little for either side. The intellectual
market of England had been " rigged" by Northern political
writers. Still the man who did not care for either side was
just the man who seven or eight years ago would have
thought Fremont the right candidate for the Presidential
chair. Next there came the ticklish question of the black
population of the States. As to the foundation of that
population, he had Confederate friends present who might
differ from him. But taking it for granted that they agreed,
he congratulated them that the question of the practical
working of the system of that population was better under-
stood in England now than it was some years ago. (Ap-
plause.) If they looked at all the newspapers of the day
they would find that, apart from the question of whether
the system of black labour was or was not justifiable, it was
admitted that the black peasant of the Southern States of
America was as well clothed, as well fed, as well sent to
church, as any peasant in the world. (Cheers.) That ad-
mission, however, did not preclude them from saying that
they wished to see the condition of those peasants improved.
Far from it, England 25 years ago, at a cost of 20 millions,
had emancipated her slaves ; and, therefore, the question
of the amelioration of the condition of the blacks in the
Southern States should not be regarded as a question of
honour, but one for fair discussion. Let them discuss the
question amicably. It was very like a question that had
been agitated in some of the counties of England, as between
the lessees and tenants at will. That being the case, and be-
lieving, as he did, that the growth of public opinion and the
increased intercommunication between England,Europe, and
the Confederate States would lead to a modification of the
present system, he did say that the South should be satis-
fied with what they saw in England, whose intellectual
channels had pronounced the fact that, whether the system
of slavery was or was not defensible in itself, there was no
blame to the actual inheritors of the system; and that those
inheritors of that system, taken all round, were men who
generally did work on that system in a spirit of philanthropy
and of wisdom. (Hear.) He would tell the South plainly
and broadly that that was the feeling of England now ; and
that, considering how a certain business section here had
traded on the question, it was a great proof of the growth of
national justice and of national candour—which was the
boat foundation hereafter for international friendship. (Loud
cheers.) Upon the address of the Episcopal Bishops in the
South the Duke of Argyle had hung a speech—upon which
he hoped to make capital—that would have been a great
success 10 or 12 years ago. That speech had been, how-
ever, only the subject of leading articles for 21 hours, and
then it died out. (Appian:le.) Its existence had been no
doubt forgotten by this time. (Laughter.) He might tell
them that he was talking the other day with a Southerner,
and said to him, " We don't like the word' slave' in Eng-
land—why don't you get rid of it." His friend replied,
" Well, we don't use is in the Southern States. We call
them servants' or people.' " Then he asked his friend,
"'Why don't you get rid of it ?" (Laughter.) Having said
this much he would leave his words to fructify in the minds
of Englishmen and Confederates alike in the room. The
system as it at present existed was not a system which they
could ever expect England to go with. England had given
up the system. She had abandoned it at great sacrifices, and
would never take it up again. Without going deeply into
the matter, it was in this as in many other matters, the
theoretical differences were greater than the practical—
and, if he might prophesy, in 100, 50, or 30 years, the
question of black labour in the Confederate States would
become there just what the great questions of the
repeal of the Test and Corporations Act, the
Free Trade Bill and Catholic Emancipation were in
England. (Applause.) The effect of such an agita-
tion there would be not less than the agitation on the
questions he had referred to caused in England ; and yet
Eng:and, having disposed of those questions, was happy and
prosperous. (Hear, hear,) He would leave the question of
slavery, by simply asking that that question should be dis-
cussed between England and America, not in the spirit of
its being a bone of contention, or a matter for alienating two
cognate people, but in a spirit of kindness. (Applause.) He
had dwelt more lengthily with this question, because he saw
b
in that day'staper a speech by a gentleman of high posi-
tion, who was also a friend of his own—the Attorney-Gene-
ral—a man of eminent abilities, of spotless fame, and a man
who was destined to occupy a higher position than that he
e Attorney-General was charac-
now filled. The speech of th
t eristic of the man, and it was only a proof of how far South-
ern influences had pervaded the tone of English society.
(Hear.) Both the Attorney-General and the Chancellor of
the Exchequer were two of the greatest doctrinaires of the
land, but the Attorney-General was the greater of the two;
but under the rough surface of the Gladatonian logic burned

the lava which occasionally burst out. The volcano did not
run under Sir Roundell Palmer. (Laughter.) The Attor-
ner-General was one who a few years ago would have been
essentially a Bostonian statesman, in the pure and true
sense of the word which the political shuffiers of the intel-
lectual city of Boston put forward. (Loud cheers.) He pro-
tested against his friend the Attorney .General, with all his
knowledge and all his philosophy, talking upon such a hol-
low basis, and using the word free in reference to the slaves
and the North, as if there was not a slavery worse than
that of black slavery—the slavery of the North, in putting
down, or rather abolishing the liberty of the subject, liberty
of the press, liberty of speech, liberty of commercial action,
in order that they might wage a war of extermination.
(Loud cheers.) How could Sir Roundell Palmer talk of
England's sympathies with the North, and how could he
tell that those States would be free when the war was over?
How could he guarantee a three years' peace when the war
was over ? (Hear, hear.) How could he guarantee
that lowa and Ohio would sit in the same council chamber
with Massachusetts and Connecticut ? (Applause.) He had
run on at great length, but there was one other subject to
which he must allude. Some how or other there had been
certain questions about certain very magnificent ships that
were building, it was said for a French house. Ho knew no
more of those rams than this—that he had read of them in
the usual channels of public information—the press. He
had read that they were for a French firm, and had very
Mahomedan appellations. (Cheers.) That was all he knew
of them; and that was all anybody knew of them. (Roars
of laughter.) These ships with Mahomedan names were
supposed by some as likely to lead to a change in the sys-
tem of out international law. There were rumours afloat
that there was a possibility of something like fresh powers
being asked in the next session of Parliament. It was im- i
possible that such could be the case—(cheers)—and he could
give them the very best authority for saying that such could
not be the case. (Cheers.) He would give them the ex-
position not only of the English law but of English feel-
mg in the matter from the mouth of that man whose
it G 0 there," and " Come here," would be absolute—abso-
lute until the greater omnipotence of Parliament sat in jury
upon him. Such a change in our law could not enter into
the wildest imagination of any man. (Cheers.) He would
read a few sentences, and then tell them whose were the
words. "I have been, I confess, a good deal shocked by
some of the declarations made in the course of this debate,
by which it seemed that the favour of a foreign Power
wa of more value to England than the maintenance of
her ancient prestige." And again, "It is easy to ask for a
mill measure at first to satisfy a foreign Power. At the
same time, even any demand of this kind naturally rouses
the jealousy and susceptibility of the British people. . .
If I were to vote for the introduction of this bill I should
feel shame and humiliation in giving that vote. Let those
who will support the Bill of the Government. In that
shame and humiliation I am determined not to share. (Loud
cheers.) These were the words on the 9th of February,
Bill of the foreign Colonels—the Conspiracy to Murder
1858, of Lord John Russell (hear, hear, and cheers), on
the
Bill. (Cheers.) In a memorable debate, terminating in a
memorable division, in which 99 voted, of which 99 Lord
John Russell was one, and he was another among the 99
who voted against the introduction of the Conspiracy to
Murder Bill, which 99 in ten days became 299 (cheers) when
Mr. Milner Gibson and Mr. Bright joined in that majority
which brought Lord Derby into power again, rather than
England should share in the shame and humiliation of
her ancient fame and prestige to the favour of a
Power. (Loud cheers.) And he told them (A voice
hetwweascehouisd
and reiterated cheers.)
...._(‘ What has that to do with rams ?") that England
would brook contempt, from Seward, Sumner, and Lincoln,
the Northern States still less than brook it from that
and
France whom she had often hated, but whom in the battle-
fields a Europe she had never ceased to respect. (Cheers.)
e in that room. if any such truckling to the Northern
Thos
cause were in contemplation, would never cease din-
ning Lord John Russell's ears his own con-
demnation into .
in whathe uttered when he turned Lord
Palmerston out of office rather than submit to the shame
foreignt hat
abandoningr
lle had detained them long, but he felt that he
and humiliation of truckling to any foreign Power. (Loud
occupied them fruitlessly if he had contributed one
cheers.)not
kindlyb
ef feeling ing
dearestand a
nt hde
eldest
do
eosdt
children, understanding
Vir-
ginia
h pi
between
Englandhohope
anadnpd r thosea ye
prayer,—the
—mt ho
set con-
solidation
an-
cient
mr. srENcE, in moving a vote of thanks to Mr.Beresford
expreosed an opinion that after three years of the sad
Hope, - "
for independence. in America our Government
struggle
should no longer shirk tho duty of arriving at a decision on
momentous a question. It was the duty of a Christian
so
iota tto
nt that
the
hgoerbo.i
Carolinas.ewcnt wu
Government to make a Christian effort to bring this for-
midable struggle to a close. (Cheers.)
After Mr. BEREsFonD lIorE had acknowledged the cora-
t which had been accorded to him amid unanimous
plimen
acclamations the proceedings terminated.
w h which
hB badr British ti os
hf thecolonies,

A Southern Statesman at a Farmer's
Meeting,

CHERTSEY, Friday.
The annual dinner of the Chertsey Agricultural
Society took place to-day in this town ; Mr. Lind-
say, ALEet in the chair. The hon. gentleman was
by Mr. Briscoe,M.P.,
supported Mr. Caird, M.P.,
Colonel a member of Congress and
Lapaar, formerly
leader of a Southern division at Bull Run, and by
of the gentry
a large body and farmers of the
district.
After the usual loyal and patriotic toasts had been
given,
Mr. Liewsa-
,proposing in "Success to the As-
sociation," referred to the subject of agricultural
statistics,
and pointed out the fact that in conse-
quence of the want of them we were exporting
wheat in 1846 and 1847 at 60s. per quarter, which
we subsequently had to import at 102 s. the quarter.
He also expressed an opinion
that good substantial
labourers cottages might be built by the landlords,
and made a profitable investment of.
The o Health of the County Members" was then
given, and acknowledged by Mr. Briscoe and Mr.
Cubitt, who were both most cordially received.
The CHAIRMAN next proposed the health of Mr.
Caird, M.P., in connexion with the toast of the
visitors.
Mr. LAIRD, MX., responded.
The CHAIRMAN then introduced to the notice of
the meeting the health of a distinguished gentle-
man, who, he
said, had come from an oppressed
and down-trodden people. He proposed to them to
drink “The Health of his friend, Colonel Lamar,"
in his own country as a statesman,
distinguished
and also as a brave soldier in the Confederate army.
The health of the gallant colonel having been
cordially drunk,
Col. LAMAR, who on rising was received with
loud cheers, after thanking the company for the
enthusiastic manner in which his name had been
i
received, said—Gentlemen, it is the more gratifying
to me to be received in such a manner at a farmer's
meeting, because 1 belong to a country which is a
nation of farmers—not, as you have been told, a
country of indolent, wealthy, and dissolute planters,
and poor white trash and degraded slaves—not that,
gentlemen, but a country of independent intelligent
freemen, men who, to the extent of two-thirds out
of 8,000,000, earn their subsistence by the sweat of
their brow, one-half owning the land which they
cultivate, and nearly all seeing in the upturned
sod of their fallow ground that which is more pre-
cious to them than the gold of California, the
sparkle of independence and personal liberty.
Many of the qualities which the people have ex-
hibited during the last two years which have
elapsed, and which have elicited the complimen-
tary allusions and the kind notice of this meeting,
are, in my opinion, due to the fact that they are a
nation of farmers. I believe that the culture of the
soil, the drawing of the sustenance from the mot her
earth—l mean no disparagement to any other pur •
suit—draws with it a certain moral nutriment, a
certain richness of a sentiment, a capacity, a de-
votion, and a self-sacrifice, which keep the heart
fresh and pure, and the nature of 'Lan simple and
upright. (Cheers.) It has been represented to
you, gentlemen, and to the English people gene-
rally, that the great conflict, the bloody war which
is being waged, and is now going on, by the Go-
vernment of the North, is a war on behalf of civil
liberty, and on behalf of constitution IA government,
against a band cf lawless conspirators, who seek to
trample down that liberty and to overthrow that
august structure of constitutional government. Gen-
tlemen, fortunately for the South, their appeal to
the moral sympathy and support of the British
people comes before a tribunal competent to decide
their pretensions. The English—and, gentlemen,
I congratulate you upon the fact—have a practical
knowledge of civil liberty. They have the thing in
subetance..they know it by certain broad practical

PR1CE.........4d.
STAMPED ....sd.

effects, and cannot be misled by subtle refinements
and vague theories. When you speak of civil liberty
to an Englishman, visions of certain great guarane
tees, great historical institutions, rise up to his
mind, such as the habeas corpus, trial by jury, the
supremacy of the law, the subordination of the mili-
tary to the civil power—these constitute in the Eng-
lish mind the true exponent of civil liberty—(cheers)
—and their history teaches them that wherever a
despot or a tyrant under any disguise seeks to pros-
trate the liberties of the people, and to trample
down their rights, these great guarantees are the
first object of attack. (Hear, hear.) I repeat, that
when a despot seeks to oppress a free people he finds
in these great bulwarks the first impediment, and
seeks to hew them from his path. Now, test the
contest in America by that. I say we are contend-
ing for civil liberty and constitutional government.
Cast your eyes over the Northern States. Do you
see the great bulwarks of Anglican liberty existing
there ? Why, the chief of the Cabinet, the Secretary
of State, is said to have boasted to the representatie e
of your Government, as his own evidence of his
strength, that sitting in his private chamber he
could touch a bell to his left which would consign
to prison a citizen of the far distant State of Michi-
gan, and that by touching th© bell to his right he
could imprison another in the distant States of
klaine or New Hampshire. Why is it that the citi-
zens of that great country are not exempt from ille-
gal arrest ? Why is it that the houses of Americans
are not, like the houses of Englishmen, their castles,
but are subject to illegal and unwarrantable
searches ? I will tell you that Government is not
seeking to establish civil liberty; bat cruel despotism
glooms over the land, and liberty stands naked and
defenceless before it. Spies, police officers, provost
marshals, dog the heels of the purest and the wisest
statesmen, and report every chance word they may
utter. The legislators of sovereign States broken
up by armed men, together with judges, are dragged
from the bench and imprisoned. Men are arrested
without the warrant of law, and undergo a long and
in fact indefinite imprisonment without the slightest
examination into their case. Conscripts are march-
ing through the streets menacled together, and shot
before the armies ; and all this is done in the name
of constitutional liberty and free government. If
you look to the other side of the Potomac—a plain
invaded by a million of armed men at different
times—you will not see that spectacle. You will
see in the Confederate States a constitution in peace-
ful operation, safe in the affections of the people.
You will see the majesty of the law unimpaired and
operating with undiminished vigour. You w'll see
the courts of law everywhere, except where hostile
armies stand confronting each other, open to every
citizen, the judges deciding in many cases against
the Government and its officers, and all bowing to the
justice of decrees. When, gentlemen, the
Southern States by a spontaneous vote of their peo-
ple, too spontaneous to have been the result of pre-
concert or conspiracy, by a vote that leapt from the
nation as freely as the water from the fountains of
the earth, withdrew the powers which they dele-
legated to a common Government which was using
those powers to its destruction, there was not a
break in the social institutions of the country, nor
even a pause in the internal administration of the
Government--not a cord of civil society loosened,
but everything went on precisely as if there had
been no change in our political relations. Why was
that ? It was because it was a movement inaugu-
rated in the interests of order and for the conserva-
tism of liberty and law, and the supremacy of the
Constitution ; for even while the question stood in
abeyance before the convention was made at Mont-
gomery which formed the new Government, the
people obeyed the law, although they held in a
nerveless hand, with power to enforce it, a sceptre
of sovereignty over the hearts of a people mightier
than that which an Emperor now waves over his
subjects. Thus stands the issue between these two
peoples. lam willing for you, gentlemen, as Eng-
lishmen, to decide who are the representatives in
America of intelligent liberty and constitutional
government. They have made sacrifices for that in
dependence—sacrifices of everything but their civil
liberties. They have preserved them unimpaired
under trials which might have caused a less Con-
servative people not to stand by their Government
and their laws. The two armies have o ten met in
conflict, and the result of that conflict it does not
become me to describe. Englishmen have formed
their own opinion on that point, and the South has
had the good fortune to fight battles and let her ene-
mies write an account of them. My friends spoke of
his hospitality to those who come from a down-
trodden and oppressed nationality. I thank him
for his kindness and hospitality to the Southerners ;
but they are not downtrodden and oppressed, and,
by the blessing of God, they never will be. (Hear,
hear.) No ; liberty may sometimes be crushed
under the armed heels of despots; but if you will
go to that Southern country, and sea men,
old and young, standing up with hearts pure,
their bayonets glistening in the sun, unstained
.
by anything but the blood of the enemy—might
going side by side with right. But, gentlemen, it
is well to know this fact—that the South, se much
abused, pallid and bleeding, her life-blood almost
drained from her, is this day contending not alone
for her own liberties, but for the liberty of the
very people who are sending armed millions to sub-
ject her by rapine,
by murder,
i and by civil in-
surrection. More than that, she s striking a blow
for freedom everywhere, and seeking to rid the
world of the most intolerant, aggressive, and
overwhelming Power that ever disturbed the
repose of Europe or the peace of the civilised
world—a Power which stands as the embodiment
of brute force, which will yet, if it stands on its
defence, be a fireship among the nations, and even
now, in anticipation of its triumphs, laughs to scorn
the faith of treaties, the obligations of humanity,
and the laws of civilised warfare. (Hear.)
It
has been said by those whose interest it is to mis-
represent the South, that although she may be en-
gaged in defending her own independence, her great
object is to perpetuate the degradation of another
race whom she has enslaved. I have no desire to
comment upon any of the social institutions of the
South to Englishmen. Ido not stand here to de-
fendof her institutions. Withall any your opi-
nions made up and pronounced upon the subject of
some of those institutions, I believe that you are
fair men, that you are willing to hear the truth ;
and I can assure you that the truth has not been
told to England on this subject. With the full and
distinct understanding, that between you and me
there exists adversity of opinion on the subject, not
asking you to take my view, I do assert in the face
of this intelligent audience, and before the world,
that that statement is a calumny on the South, and
that the white race of the South has been the guar-
dian, the protector of the black man there, that he
has elevated him in the scale of rational existence,
and that he has Christianised him to an extent that
he has never attained to through any other pro-
cess of education to which he has been subjected.
1. have uu objection
to dissent on the part of
others to these statements, for I alwaysi feel in
the ring of honest ;dissent that there is a true
heart. But I do ask you to listen, not to opinie"',"
misrepresentations, to exaggerations, but to facts.
Since the American continent was di'e°
occupied by the European race, it has c,rne io con-
verel and
the noble
tact with two savage races. One was
Indian race, which it found already occupying
the
continent, and which was the highest type of severe
me nhood—e race noble, free, bald, impetuous ;gains,
into history, as it would go, as the
poetic emhodi-
meat of the savage man-
But it has come into con-
tact with another race, a race which was brought
agency of ours, but by an agency
which not by any
present discuss. That race
not at vas
will
which land one which all historians the African race, lans and
hers have pronounced to 'be the lowest
type philosop
the natural man in his native co
type of country—a
no; God, who had De • race who knew rational idea