The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

SPECTATOR.—The controversy which has been evident
in the Cabinet all the past week, which has produced four
successive Cabinet Councils on as many days, and has led
to at least one offer of resignation, has apparently ended, and
for one result England finally declines to attend a Congress
of Paris. The great scheme for assembling Europe in coun-
cil to discuss the grievances of the world and remedy them
through a tribunal armed with the power Of law, instead of
through a great faction fight, with nations for partisans and
armies for weapons, has been frustrated by English action.
Whether Russia• accedes or refuses, the great South Ger-
man Power, always jealous for her last foothold in Italy,
will eagerly grasp at the pretext, and without England or
Austria no agreement having the binding force of a Euro-
pean compact can be so much as expected. The "Con-
gress," should it meet at all, which becomes more and more
improbable, will be a mere "Conference," and Napo:eon
may find, as private litigants so often find, that personal
communication only deepens jealousy and dislike. The
country, though regretting a project which had in it some-
thing strangely attractive, will not, we think, refuse to
endorse the decision, will probably, rather from instinct than
arjument, arrive at some suchcopnecrlfuecsitonconasfidtehnicse:—ofHtande
England possessed at this moment what she only seems to
possess, a Minister enjoying the
people, yet familiar with all the springs of Continental
action ; able to threaten war with the certainty that the
country would follow his lead, yet resolved not to permit a
war except for some visibly adequate end, she might have
put her habitual distrust of Napoleon and her permanent
dread of vain speculation for once aside, and by guiding, or
checking, or doubling the immense force of France, have
secured an endurable peace for the world, As it is, the
practical difficulties are too visible, the possible advantages
too uncertain, the confidence of the country in its rulers too re-
signed, for any experiment so vast to awaken the necessary
enthusiasm. The project in England is given up, and men
turn from it uneasily to speculate. from data which grow every
moment more uncertain, upon what Napoleon will do next.
They see plainly enough that it is on him that all action
depends, that so long as he halts all Europe will halt, it
only out of wariness, that so long as he and Great Eritain
can by any possibility keep step, wars must be limited in
area, in time, and in destructive effects. But then they can-
not decide hew long he will halt, howlong he will suffer the
alliance to remain a possibility, how suddenly or in what
direction he may burst into an isolated course of activity
of which no one can see the end. It is felt rather than
known that there is war at hand, but the objects and direc-
tion of that war are still matters of feverish speculation.
Napoleon will war with Russia for Poland ; he will fight
Germany for the Rhine ; he will finish his work in Italy :
he will settle the Eastern question with Russia for an ally—
such are a few out of the speculations gravely discussed in
papers frequently well informed within this single week.
Every new accident in Europe, the death of a petty king,
the vote of a powerless Diet, even the resolutions of princes
whose very names had but yesterday been forgotten, fur-
nish new cause for alarm; and so perturbed is the public
mind, that fur the first and we trust the last time in history,
a resolve of the Saxon Duchies, whose very names politi-
cians can barely spell, has affected all European exchanges.
Men acknowledge on all sides that everything is shifting
visibly, that plans and speculations are equally futile till
we know what the ruler of France may intend to do in that
much dreaded future--the coming spring. One halt of all
this alarm is we believe untounded. That the Powers, and
especially Russia, are arming fast, is evident ; that war will
come with the spring is only too probable ; that any war,
however well justified, must at first be disastrous, is cer-
tain; but this talk about all manner of wars at once can be
productive only of unreasoning panic. The people who
accept or even consider the huge mass of rumours and sus-
picions and personal stories which the exiles and the gos-
sips are tossing by cartloads into the papers of the conti-
nent, forget the first two elements in the question—the
character of Louis Napoleon and the public opi-
nion of France. In the long run, and on external
politics, those two elements will be found, when
rightly estimated, either to be, or believe themselves
to be, en rapport, and to estimate one without counting the
other is to calculate aberrations in the solar system with
one of the planets forgotten. The moment they are consi-
dered together whole sets of vague apprehensions will at
once be laid aside. This secret Russian alliance, for
example, might, for aught arybody can tell, be possible to
Napoleon. We doubt if it is, for it would involve sooner or
later that conflict with England which, except in the last
resort, when every other prospect has failed, he does not
wish to provoke. But admit that it is on certain conditions
possible to himself, there remains the question, is it possible
to France ? Napoleon is no Oriental despot, no Caliph or
Great Mogul, to wage mighty wars iu spite of all sections
of his own people. His role is to represent France, or where
that is impossible, as in the Italian war, then the party of
progress in France—the party which, and not the rich, has
the courage to r4ake revolutions. Neither of these two
powers, neither France as a nation nor the progressive classes
of Franca, desire an alliance with Russia. The Republicans
would regard it with horror, as a final breach with the Re-
volution, as a menace to social advance through every part
of the Continent; the bourgeois would regard it with tremor
as leading to the one contingency they dread—a final rupture
with England ; the priests cannot see heretics exalted with •
out a pang of annoyance; the cultivated classes would sigh
over the hopes they have indulged for Russo-Poland, and
the army would rage at a policy which, while it abandoned
the comrades who died by their sides at Borodina, would
cut off from them finally the hope of a march on the
Rhine. For the Russian Czar, unscrupulous as he may
be, cannot abandoned the one friend who, in his extremity,
has threatened war on his behalf. The alliance with Russia
for active objects is, in the present state of French opinion,
with men's minds all ulcerated by the stories told of Gen.
Berg and decrees actually published by Mouravieff, simply
impossible, So is a direct attack on all Germany in order
to gain the Rhine. Napoleon is not a gambler who stakes
immense wealth already in hand in order to gain double or
quits, and though a blow for the Rhine might,
if unsuccessful, finally seat his dynasty, failure would as
finally unseat it. Even if he goes to war for Poland he must
move with exceeding wariness, for England might not
tolerate farther aggression, and the one object the Haps-
burgs never abandon is the hope of a German crown. They
dare not sell the Rhine, and without their consent war for
a frontier involves a contest between France unaided and
the whole Germanic people backed by the recovering Rus-
sian strength. Napoleon plays for quick and decisive wars,
and though he may, and we trust will, strike a blow for
Poland, still with Mexico on his hands, Germany sulky
and suspicious, and England ever watchful, his object will
be to limit, not to enlarge, the area and scope of his opera-
tions. War, of course, may produce any amount of unex-
pected or undeserved results; but those results are not
planned, and it is the suspicion of possible plans, of deep-
laid intrigues for aggrandizement, which produces such
perturbation. Of course, if Prussia, forgetting alike her
history and her treaties, with her people in upon conflict
with their king, and a Ministry whose best future will be
to escape the block, is mad enough to rush upon Denmark,
the Emperor of the French may have a great opportunity.
But even then annoyance of Great Britain at his aggran-
dizement, and the chance of a Eutopean coalition, which
tendw
we should
muldaknoe hire hesitate before h
twithoutguarantees helpe ngechhaimtod
a warresist ,
,w, forould
the public law" into a war of boundaries. There are rocks
enough ahead, and while Europe is subjected to the ambi-
tion of one great brain uncertainty must continue ; but it
is not by feeding imaginations fast getting morbid that men
can clear their eyes. Every sheet in the dark looks a
ghost, and Europe is in the dark—but it is at least well to
remember the vast antecedent improbability that any
ghost should be there. _ _

SATURDAY REVIEW.-1 hat strong feeling has been ex-
cited by the untoward events at Kagosima is creditable to
public morality, but indignation is generally in a hurry,
because anger is incompatible with scepticism. As the
facts of the case are only known from the reports of
Colonel Neale and Admiral Kuper, it i plausibly argued

that culprits may be fairly condemned on their
own voluntary admissions—but English law generally
requires additional proof that the criminal act was really
accomplished. It is also worth while to recollect that, instead
of consciously confessing their guilt, the Minister and the
Admiral are complacently assuring their superiors that they
have sedulously obeyed their instructions. Their own in-
terpretation of their conduct is not to be implicity accepted,
but their accusers ought to allow that apparently confident
innocence must at least admit of an intelligible explanation.
English writers who have condemned the transaction dog-
matically assert that Lord Russell's despatch afforded no
justification for the consequences which nevertheless un-
doubtedly followed from the attempt to comply with its
terms in the strictest manner. Colonel Neale, who had the
strongest motive for endeavouring to understand the mean-
ing of his superior, evidently believes that his own proceed-
ings are covered by his orders, and that it is even necessary
to apologise for his inabili y to exact complete satisfaction
from the Japanese. Admiral Kuper also, who must have
seen Lord Russell's instructions, is anxious to satisfy the
Admiralty that he has neglected no practicable method of
enforcing the policy which he attributes to his Government.
Both functionaries assume that what they have not done,
and not what they have done, can alone justify them to
censure. Hasty critics may reply that the etolidity of a
hardened conscience aggravates the guilt of uuavowed mis-
deeds, but the simultaneous presence at Kagosima of two
bloodthirsty and unprincipled Englishmen in high positions
requires some explanation, or perhaps even a suspension of
judgment, Whatever may have been the special policy of
the Home Government, the Dime of Somerset is responsible
for the appointment of Admiral Kuper, and Lord Russell
for the appointment of Colonel Neale. It has not been
suggested that the Admiral has hitherto been notorious for
cruelty of disposition, and it ought not to have been for-
gotten that Colonel Neale has been repeatedly accused, by
his countrymen :resident in Japan, of indifference to their
safety and to the protection of their property, and of undue
subservience to the native authorities. His character may have
altered, or it may have been misunderstood, but on the whole
he is entitled to a hearing before he is definitively condemned.
Lord Clarence Paget committed an error of the same kind,
in the opposite direction, when he informed his constituents
at Deal that Admiral Kuper's conduct at Kagosima was a
proof not only of gallant seamanship, but of considerate
humanity. According to this account, the destruction of
the town was caused by the unsteadiness of the English
fire when the gun-platforms were rocking up and down
with the waves under the influence of a violent gale. The
sailors of Deal are invited to confirm the statement that it is
impossible to take accurate aim in a storm, and they are
therefore expected to acquit the Admiral, who only in-
tended to silence the batteries, of intentionally setting the
town on fire. The sagacity of mere landsmen is equal to
the additional remark that a high wind has a tendency to
render a conflagration more destructive, and philanthropic
civilians might even inquire whether a battle conducted
under circumstances so anomalous might not have been
conveniently postponed until the gale subsided. It might,
indeed, be Admiral Kuper's duty to return the fire of the
batteries ; but. according to Lord Clarence Paget, he neces-
sarily missed the forts, and directed his guns on the peace-
able inhabitants of the town. If a principal in a duel were
prevented by any accidental impediment from pointing his
pistol at his adversary, the laws of honour would scarcely
require him to shoot h;s adversary's second. It is not alto-
gether clear whether Lord Clarence Paget's apology was
founded on conjectures of his own, or on unpublished in-
formation. His statement that Admiral Kuper expressed
regret for the destruction of the city is important, if it is not
to be understood as a hypothetical embellishment of an
after-dinner speech. It was commonly remarked that
Kuper might have escaped the greater part of the popular
censure which he has incurred if his report to the Admi-
ralty had contained the professions of sorrow which he is
now supposed to have uttered. If his private letters con-
tradict his public despatch, his humane feelings may be
vindicated at the expense of his consistency, and his absti-
nience from any .official utterance of regret must be ex-
plained by the supposition that he attributed to the Go-
vernment or the Admiralty a revengeful pertinacity which
for himself, in his private capacity, he disclaimed. If, as
is possible, the Secretary of the Admiralty really knows no
more of the transaction than the rest of the world, it would
perhaps have been judicious to withhold information until
he had himself received it.

THE READER.—We do not know that Earl Russell has
been particularly prolific in memorable phrases, considering
his opportunities ; but his " Rest and be thankful" of this
autumn has been a great success. It has been the phrase of
the season. Not to take account of references to it for
several weeks past in newspaper articles, it has made its
appearance this very week as a text for comment in two
such opposite quarters as Mr. Bright's speech at Rochdale
and Earl Powis's address at his mansion in Berkeley-square
on accepting the High Stewardship of the University of
Cambridge. The origin of the phrase may not be gene-
rally known. The speech in which Earl Russell made use
of it was one delivered during his recent autumn vacation
in Scotland, when he had been enjoying Highland scenery
and probably climbing a few mountains. Now there are not
a few of the fine but toilsome mountain ascents in Scot-
land, at the top of which, when you are dead-tired, you
come upon a stone-and-turf seat, or, it may be, a shieling,
on which you read painted in rude letters, the inscrip-
tion " Rest and Be Thankful," telling you that other
wayfarers have been there before you and have
felt very much as you do. You obey the injunc-
tion, and sit down for a longer or shorter
time to recover your breath and rest your limbs;
and, if you are alone, and, as usually happens, the resting-
place is so chosen that you can trace from it all the wind-
ing way by which you have come, and let your eye range
over wondrous adjacent tracts of silent solitude lying be-
neath you, the chances are that you yield to the genius of
the spot, and have a little fit of as wholesome pnilosophie
meditations as you are ever likely to have. There are, we
say, not a few of these spots in the part of Scotland which
tourists visit; and we have ourselves seen " Rest and Be
Thankful " painted on stone seats on eminences of very
easy accesss that it was plain they must have been very
very asthmatic persons indeed that had found occasion
there either for the seat or for the sentiment. But the
original "Rest and Be Thankful," from which all the
others are mean plagiarisms, is at the head of Glencroe,
through which you make your way on foot, or otherwise,
going from the top of Loch Long to the top of Loch Fyne.
That is the spot where the sighing soul of a whole district
first vented itself in a pious topographical expression of its
fatigue; that is the only "Rest and Be Thankful" to be
found marked as such on the map of Great Britain. Our
venerable Foreign Minister, here is little doubt, had been
there this autumn ; he had there probably had his brief fit
of meditation, seeing in the difficult and tacky Glencroe
beneath him—as thousands of other wayfarers have done—
an image of his life up to that moment. But, though the'
actual Glencroe might be the same to all wayfarers, how
different the spiritual Glencroe which on Earl Russell
would see imaged in it from that which more private mortals
could see I At all events, the lesson of the spot remained
with him, associated with the name of the spot. it
occurred to him that there are moments of the collec-
tive life of nations, as well as in the lives of individuals,
when they should rest satisfied with what they have at-
tained and not seek for more; and it farther occurred to
him that the present, at least in respect of home politics,
may be one of these moments in the collective life of Groat
Britain. And so he promulgated the lesson; and a phrase
picked up at the head of Glencroe has gone through all the
newspapers, and been repeated in Rochdale and in Berkeley-
square. The poet Wordsworth was also once at the head
of Glencroe. It was 32 years ago ; and he also had his
little meditation at " Rest and be Thankful," It took the
form of a sonnet, as follows :
" REST AND BE THANKFUL."
AT THE HEAD OF GLENCRAIL

Doubling and doubling with laborious walk,
Who, that has gained at length the wished for Height,
This brief, this simple wayside Call can•slight,
And rests not thankful ? Whether cheered by talk
With some loved friend, or by the unseen hawk
Whistling to clouds and sky-born streams, that shine
At the sun's outbreak, as with light divine,
Ere they descend to nourish root and stalk
Of valley flowers. Nor, while the limbs repose,
Will we forget that, as the fowl can keep
Absolute stillness, poised aloft in air,
And fishes front, unmoved, the torrent's sweep—
So may the Soul, through powers that Faith bestows,
Win rest, and ease, and peace, with bliss that Angels
share.

There is some difference, it will be peeceived, between this
spiritual rendering of the Glencroe inscription by the poet
and that by our Foreign Minister. Earl Russell's appliea.
tion of the text is that there may be times when farther
striving may be useless or unadvisable, and when the best
thing people can do is to rest satisfied with what they have
got, and be thankful that they have got so much. The poet
Wordsworth's interpretation of the text, we venture to say,
is both deeper in itself and more exact in its truth to the
circumstances.

THE LONDON REVIEW.—The aspect of the Schleswig-
Holstein dispute becomes more warlike almost every day.
Although neither Austria nor Prussia has yet wade any
sign, the smaller German powers appear to be quite carried
away by the popular enthusiasm. It is an obvious policy
for the petty dukes and king who are not oh too good terms
with their own subjects, to stave off inconvenient discus-
sions by fostering the national sympathy for the Germans in
Schleswig. Nor is it inconsistent in sticklers for the divine
right of rulers to protest against the sacrifice of the claims of
the Augustenburg family to the convenience and the peace
of Europe. But an obvious policy is not always a sound one,
and if Germany has once more to bear the brunt of a great
war, it is not likely that the people will again be content to
bear the sacrifices and resign the profit to their princes. It
is scarcely possible that the most obtuse of Teutonic sove-
reigns seriously believes that Denmark will be left to main-
tain unaided her own integrity and the provisions of the
treaty of 1852. Bat unless they can secure the acquiescence
of England, France, and Russia in their projects, the at-
tempt to sever Schleswig-Holstein from the state to which
it belongs must-entail the risk of a contest whose issues and
dimensions are quite uncertain, but which will certtais
no te to
before it closes reduce every ruler in Germany to a
istf
abject dependence upon his parliament. However,
concern of ours if kings will be imprudent and rashly dis-
turb a status quo from which they derive i
indifferent ore benefit than
t
any one else. But we cane
o remain to the
threatened disturbance of a settlement under which so

lately as 11 years ago the succession to the whole of the
Danish monarchy devolved upon Prince Christian of G lucks-
burg. There is an end to all faith in treaties if the powers
who signed the one in question are now to set it at naught or
to remain indifferent to its execution. We can hardly think
that either Austria or Prussia will avail themselves of
any flimsy pretext to evade their plain obligation to re-
cognise Christian IX. as King of Denmark, including
Schleswig-Holstein. Their signature to the treaty of
1852 was given unconditionally. It was subject to no
reservation of any right which the German Diet might pos-
sess to pronounce on the succession te the duchies. It
bound them, not to Denmark, but to Europe, in whose
interest the treaty was confessedly concluded ; sad even if
Denmark has violated other stipulations entered into at the
same time, the breach of these does not release the signa•
taries of that treaty from their mutual obligations, although
it may possibly furnish an independent ground of complaint
against the offending state. This is so clear that, in all
probability, neither Austria nor Prussia will venture to
espouse openly the cause of the Augustenburg family. The
real danger seems to be lest, while nominally respecting the
letter of the treaty, these Powers should be driven or
tempted to disregard its spirit ; lest, while recognising the
title of the new monarch, they should so far yield to the
pressure of German feeling as to push on the Federal
execution, which, under present circumstances, can only be
regarded as an indirect means of promoting, as it certainly
would promote, the dismemberment of Denmark. It is
openly avowed that the object of the professed adherents of
Prince Frederick of Augustenburg is to secure Kiel as a
German naval port; and some enthusiasts at Hamburgh
have even gone so far as to proclaim that the duchies should
be told from Denmark whether their inhabitants are willing
or the reverse. Other Powers, whether they are mainly
anxious for the preservation of the independence and
integrity of Denmark or for the limitation of the power of
Germany, will not see with indifference any steps which tend
to the accomplishment of such designs. It rests at the pre-
sent moment with Austria and Prussia either to give us
peace or war. And while we are willing to hope the best
from their sense of the consequences which must follow
from the adoption of the latter alternative, we are compelled
to fear the worst from their rivalry for the leadership of
Germany. Upon their own heads, however, must be the
consequences if they afford France a pretext for crossing the
Rhine as the ally of the Scandinavian kingdom. However
much we might regret such an event, we 'neither can nor
will assist a nation which chooses to pursue its own aggran-
disement in the teeth of European opinion and in violation
of a recent and deliberate European settlement.

THE SOCIAL SCIENCE REVlEW,—History tells much of
the high state of civilisation which prevailed in India
many ages ago, when Europe was sunk in ignorance and
barbarism. We are inclined to think that this high culture
must be considered comparatively ; if ever it were absolute,
India must have sadly fallen from her high position, to have
sanctioned the priestcraft, the superstition, and the utter
ignorance which prevail among her inhabitants at the
present day. Nor can it be hoped that the future of India
will be materially improved unless strenuous and well-
directed efforts are made to educate the people. It is almost
impossible to suppose a lower state of education than that
existing in India at this moment. Very few persons can
read : as nearly as can be ascertained, the proportion varies
from one in 300 to 10 per cent. An official inquiry recently
instituted in Mysore, gave 215 p-r cent. as the proportion
of readers. H. Woodrow, Esq., Inspector of Schools, esti-
mates that in the richest and most populous portion of the
province of Bet,gal there are about three persons in every
100 under instruction. Taking the whole of British India
into account, and including all schools which had any pre-
tensions to the name—Government, aided, and mission
schools—less than one in 400 of the population ware under
instruction. For the sake of comparison, we may remark,
that the proportion in England is about one in eight. The
proportion of the people under Christian instruction is
barely one in 1,760. 'We have not included the indigenous
schools in the foregoing statements; they are somewhat
numerous, but from the superstitious and obscene books
generally read in them, they are in many cases productive
of evil rather than of good. In some of these native
schools the life of Krishna is the principal textbook, and

its disgusting details are dwelt upon with apparent delight
by the teachers. The influence of such a book may be best
illustrated by supposing that in ancient times the life of
Venus had been prescribed for the stilly of Greek youth.
Efforts have been made by Government, and by various
religious bodies, to bring about an improvement, and some
good has been done. When, however, we remark, that,
for example, the expenditure by Government on account of
education in Bengal does not reach one half-penny per
head per annum, and whon it is remembered that the
assistance afforded by religious bodies must of necessity be
even less, it will be seen that pecuniary assistance to the
instruction of the people is at 'present administered in ex-
tremely infinitesimal doses. It may be added that there
are in India over 30 millions of children at a school-going
age. Still, Government is taking a prominent part in pro-
moting the education of the people, and its measures gene-
rally have a good effect. The rule professedly observed in
Government schools with regard to religion is perfect neu-
trality. There are perhaps obvious reasons why the teacia-
mg of religion in the existing state of India should be ex-
cluded, but grave doubts are entertained by many who see
the working of the system, whether the evils of this exclu-
sion do not more than counterbalance its advantages.
Perfect neutrality, however, is not observed—although the
use of the Bible is not allowed, even permissively, in
Government schools, a book known as " Timil Mioer
Posts," published by the Madras Direction of Public In-
struction, and extensively used in schools, contains an in-
vocation to Gausea, and advocates the worship of Vishnu
and of Liva, besides encouraging pantheism, fatalism, and
transmigration. This is not as it should be. A Govern.
ment which jealously excludes the Bible from its schools,
and which would dismiss any teacher who taught his
scholars the worship of Christ, is certainly bound by its
own rule of neutrality to see that only expurgated editions
of the native sacred classics are allowed in the schools. This
would be a great benefit to the country, for by encouraging
only such editions, in a few years even those issuing from
native presses would lose much of their obscenity and
superstitious idolatry.
Courts' JOURNAL.—There is nothing more calculated to
inflame the prejudices and wrath of a common man than to
tell him that he is crushed under the iron heel of a cor-
rupt and tyrannical aristocracy, and that he ought to rise
up and secure those privileges to which nature entitled him
and which would place him far beyond the power of the
Crown, the Lords, the Church, and the landed gentry.
These are the especial objects of Mr. Bright's hatred, and
it is his constant study to instil that hatred into the breasts
of the uneducated and ignorant artisans and labourers, who
are but too common in manufacturing towns like Rochdale
and Manchester. His speech the other day, even more
than that of Mr Cobden, was a studied attempt to excite the
populace against the political and religious institutions of
the country, to cause them to decry and distrust both Whig
and Conservative—any party, in fact, that is safe and mo-
derate—and, above all, to hold out the glorious Republic
of North America as the faultless model of a great and free
country—one far superior to his own in every respect—and
one which we shall never equal, unless we abolish the
Monarchy and the Lords, adopt universal suffrage, vote by
ballot, and an increased income tax, annihilate the Church,
or place it on a level with Dissent, destroy our fleet, make
cotton operatives of our soldiers, send back our volunteers
to the counter, the desk, or the plough, and hand over our
colonies to France and the United States, before whom we
are bound to humble ourselves on every occasion whatever.
If these are not the sentiments of Mr. Bright the reporting
system ought to be done away with, for it must have
treated him with singular injustice during the last 15 or 20
years. The modesty of these two gentlemen is scarcely
less remarkable than their moderation. Mr. Bright takes
all the honour of Reform; Mr. Cobden, according to him-
self, is the impersonification of Free-trade principles.
"Now," exclaimed Mr. Cobden, conscious of his own

greatness—" now I carry a flag wherever I go, when

I travel abroad—whether in France, America, Austria, or
Russia. 1 at once become the centre of all those who have
strong convictions and purposes with reference to free-trade
principles." How is it that this Ring—apostle of free trade
—ignores the right of the Southern States of America to
enjoy its advantages whether they become an independent
nation or remain part and parcel of the United States? Yet,
spite of this glaring inconsistency, Mr. Cobden is still
firmly convinced of the great blessings which every people
would receive by the adoption of the system, and is just as
convinced that free trade must be desirable urt.ter every cir-
cumstance as is Mr, Newdegate that free trade ho failed in
its object, and that in Ireland, more especially, it Us been
the source of innumerable evils and discontent. Both zuen,
are honest and sincere, yet it is difficult to say which hold.;
the more extreme opinions : but there is this distinction—
that whilst Mr. Newdegate's doctrines are rather safer than
brilliant, those of Mr. Cobden are more brilliant than safe.
Both Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright touched upon a variety
of topics, but with everything but " the Great Republic"
were they discontented and disgusted. Mr. Cobden very
properly expressed his horror of the English proceeding in
Japan, and the most unwarrantable and inhuman destruc-
tion of the town of Kagosima, " with its 160,000 of rich,
prosperous, commercial people," but he said nothing about
the shelling and attempted burning of Charleston, the capi-
tal of the great agricultural State of South Carolina. Mr.
Bright indulged in the "grievances of Ireland," denounced
the Irish Church as a " scandal not only to legislation, but
to Christianity," ascribed all the evils to the faulty and
venal system of English Government, and, as might have
been expected, ended by pointing out to Irishmen the inesti-
mable advantages to be derived from the citizenship of
United States, not telling them, however, of
such petty
and small-minded objections as the suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act, the continual
iveprs•oecvlteaormyt Irishman
eri
snlhi
list
tf
aonf militaryafa
ithose
dead, dying, or captive. B
r
andp law, the slaughter of half a million of men, and the enforce-
ment
of
beingwhuiteh g
added
then his starving family will
i thea
r t
ial
chanceconscription,
knowingthat
have the
maintenance satisfaction
o f a an instructed
democracy."
ventures to say " that if the United States Mr. Bright
of
to send transport ships to
woman, and Ireland,
child and to offer to carry
every Irish man, free of cost to the United
States, and to tend them to, the lands of the West, he is
notthceeretnadinotfhoant
one
eawr
to cultivateouldbe
enoughone
left in inits Ireland
atsoil."
Yes; and if at the end of three years the census of those

Irishmen were taken, we fancy that a third of those wh
went out would be found to have been killed by the sword
or disease, a third ruined, and the remainder only too glad to
return to the " old country," in spite of the rotten and effete
institutions
LAW TIMES.—A meeting of the Bar has been invited for
Wednesday evening next, to take into consideration the
Reporting question. It is the old struggle between the
Ins and the Outs. The would-be reporters who are not for-
tunate enough to procure employment on the existing reports
are very clamorous for the establishment of some nor
reports, en which they hope to be engaged. They hope to
secure handsome salaries out of the public purse, or to pre-
vail upon Parliament or the judges to create a monopoly of
reporting, and endow themselves with it. Their zeal, there-
fore, is sufficiently explained, nor can it well be blamed ; v.°
but demur to the profession of disinterested regard for the
public or for the profession with which the demand is put
forth. We object also to the coolness with which the Outs
propose to ruin the Ins. They talk with admirable calm of
ousting probably one hundred and fifty existing reporters
from their incomes, and these may bs transferred to their
own pockets. They propose to destroy properties, worth at
the very least fifty thousand pounde, probably nearly one
hundred thousand pounds, that they may build up their
own fortunes upon the ruins. With the sublime inuifferenee
of men who are dealing with the properties of other people,
they repudiate compensation to those whom they are striv."
ing to destroy, not by fair competition, but by the creation
of a monopoly. The pretences for it are wholly unsubstaw
tial. There are but three desiderata in reports—accuraei?
rapidity, cheapness. We assert confidently that all of these
are secured by the existing reports: We defy a monoP°l/
to bring them out more rapidly, or to sell them fora lest
price, than now. We assert that the monopolists would Pl9t
report so faithfully as do the existing reporters, who
therere
learned a difficult lesson by long practice. Moreover, al
is another consideration, which they have not thought of.
Suppose the reports reduced to the coveted monopoly--°3
but themselves annihilated—whence are to come the futur°
reporters ? In what school is the art of reporting to 10
learned ? Unpractised hands could not be employed 1113°9
official reporting, and there would be no minor reports, 9.5
now, to be a school in which the apprentice might learn
his profession. A monopoly of reports would do for rr
porting what a monopolyof counsel would do for the Bencll'
There would be no material for future judges. Then eg°ll
all experience proves that paid officials never work o vve
and heartily as those who are subjected to the stimulus °
rivalry; but ruin all the existing reports, and leave the
monopoly report in possession of the field, energy would soon
begin to flag, the officials, secure of their salaries, would wore
upon official principles. Surely, neither Parliament nor th
judges would sanction such a step backwards in civilisation
as the creation of a gigantic monopoly in this year of On°
1863.

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE,

NORTHERN CIRCUIT.—NEwcssTLE-ON-TYIOI

Nov. 28.
This was the commission day for holding the Wbiter
Assize at Newcastle.
The town calendar contained a list of four cases for trial'
It is not usual to sit and try prisoners on the commie'
sion day, that day being considered devoted to travelling t°
the ass'ze town and opening the commission. Mr. Justie°,,
Wightman, however, having arrived last night, caused th!'i
town grand jury to be summoned for nine o'clock 021
morning. His lordship at that hour opened the conateir
sion, and charged the grand jury immediately after. 114
lordship then proceeded to the church to hear prayer
which were over in some 30 minutes, and returned and 15e,
for the trial of prisoners at 10 o'clock. The prisoners 1
two of the cases pleaded guilty, the third man, charge"
with a forgery, was undefended, and the last prisoner,iil
the calendar, charged with manslaughter, was put on w",
trial by half-past 11. This man,
Terence Quin, aged 33, was indicted for the manslaughter
of Martin Linski, at Newcastle, on the 3d of October laest,,'t
Mr, Davison and Mr. Headlam appeared as counsel '—
the prosecution; Mr. Blackwell defended the prisoner, d
It appeared that the prisoner on the night of the 34;
October last was going home through the streets of i'l.fs
castle about 7 o'clock, with a friend, who was carrylos,
clock under his arm. The prisoner was carrying apinci
in which he had some groceries and butter, which be !e,.
been purchasing for his family. Both men were sour 4e
but the prisoner chanced to run against the deceased 133%1
Linski, whom he met, and who was accompanied by 00e -1
two other men. The prisoner said, " I beg your pardonlei
thought you were an acquaintance ;" when the deeeileo
man Linski immediately knocked him down, and Litiel`ll
companions proceeded to kick his bundle into the etral;
scattering the groceries and butter in the kennel. ."
prisoner got up and attacked Linski immediatelh
aQd
while fighting with him one of Linski's friends attaejli
0
him behind and gave him several blows on the head. The
prisoner then drew his knife, and as Linski was apparel/
about to strike him stabbed him in the neck with it. Lily
was immediately taken to a chemist's shop in the 1100
bourhood, and soon after died of his wounds.
The defence set up was that the prisoner believed that
was attacked for the purpose of being robbed, and was dric`-
,
to use his knife in self defence.
His Lordship, iu summing ap, told the jury that 00
prisoner was not justified in defending himself with 111
knife unless he was driven to the last resort, and belied"
that he had no other means of protecting himself from ill'
jury. If they thought, from the nature of the attack e:
aIL
the prisoner, that such reasonably was his belief, they
ono
to acquit him.
The jury found the prisoner not guilty.

OXFORD CIRCUIT—OXFORD, Nov. 28.
Mr. Justice Crompton opened the commission here To
day. The calendar contains the names of 25 prisoneret 110
will be disposed of in 13 cases, of which seven are areV
one forgery, one manslaughter, one concealment of birt
and the rest minor offences.

CONNTRY MARKETS.

,rot,

NORWICH—SATURDAY. a the
There was a better supply of wheat to-day, an o 0 ()-
sales made were in favour of the seller. A good s'::
barley, and late prices were fully maintained. Flour
unaltered, Other articles as before. +
White wheat. 44s to 4.6 1 Red wheat........ i°o
Malting barley 36s to 37s 1 Chevalier bar1ey...345 '26;
Distilling do 30s to 32s 1 Oats..
Flour, 29s 6d to —s Od per sack from. ..............

NOTTINGHAM—SATURDAT. 49°
White wheat, from 41s to 45s ; red wheat, 388 to 000
Barley—malting, 32s to 40s ; grinding, 28s to 31$. t
old, at 248 to 31s Od ; new, 20s to 255. Beans sold
to 43s per qr. ; new, 37s to 38s.

LEICESTER—SATURDAY. •
sal"
There was a good show of wheat to-day, with a fair 010
but no advance upon iast week's prices. Barley in
show at fully late rates. Oats held at about late prir
--New white wheat, 40s to 44s ; red, 36s to 410160 g,
stone. Old red, 39a to 41s per 36 stone. Barley, liroater
new, 33s to 38s per qr.; grinding, 29s to 32e; °" Bele
25s to 30s; new oats, 22s to 258 per 24 stone.oo
etotte,
old, 38s to 42s per 38 stone ; flour, 30s to 35s Per "

GRANTHAM—SATURDAY.
GOld white wheat, 42s to 455; red, 39s to 425-per
-
new white, 40s to 44s ; red, 37s to 408. Malting Ilst7
33s to 36s per qr ; grinding, 27s to 30s ; oats, old,
28s; new, 20s to24s; beans, 40s to 42s ; peas, 34s to

PTON—SATURDAY.
There was NORTIIAabout an average show of wheat t°:
—White wheat, 40s to 44s ; red, 35s to 42s ; Dlos.
to —s per qr. Barley, 35s to 39s—grinding, 28s toretoi
Oats, 28s to 32s per 24 stone. Beans, 38s to 428•
34s to 40s per qr,

YORK-S.

DAY

ATTIR .. •
We were supplied with a fair quantity of wheat to-,
and former rates were fully supported. t°11) I
Wheat, red
White do 36s to 39s uats.... ........ 8s 40i
.40s to 458 Beans ........... 38: t°
Barley .27s to 328 Peas ......... .........s to sos
Malt, 62s to 618 per qr.; rye, 30s per qr.; flour,
to 32s per sack.
-- .m.i.........

Horniman's Tea is choice and strong, mode rsllo'.
in price, and wholesome to use. These advantages 00
secured for this Tea a general preference. It is sold
Jackets by 2,280 Agents*.
•

Births. of
Richard Beck, of a daughter.
M.P., of a son. '9
GODDARD.—On the 25th inst., at The Lawn, SwincW, ,
BECK —On the 26th inst., at Upper Holloway, the wife..to
I,
IIowLETT.—On the 27th inst., at Brighton, Mrs,
wife of
..A L. Goddard, Esq,,
Howlett, of a daughter,
Hon,wAßD,—On the 27th inst.; at Petersham-terrace, 00,
liensington, the wife of John F. Ward, Esq., of t'
Marriages. , 1 liisry
BRIGGS—HODSON.—On the 28th inst. at at DenoY, ~g„; 0-
dCattgrhletserßriggs,
pton/
late Bu
Johnr ton- Burton-on-Trent
E. tos Maria, t'" p'
q,, o
fordshire. „fibtotti'
BRAMLY—WOODFORD.—On the 26th inst., at k—,43del
Henry Jennings Bramly, Esq., 42d Royal Sighs-,,c10 P
to Harriet Louisa, only daughter of Edward AY °",
Esq., LL,D., H.M.'s Inspector of Schools.

BROOKS.—On the 26th i
Deaths.ii.t.,
atNetherton; or 41'
Biooks, aged 84. Berl' v--.
~ tll°
FITZHERBERT.—On the 25th inst , at West Farleig'"
Dowager Lady Fitzherbert, aged.
his.Bl AroPt'
MAYREW.—On the 26th inst ,at residence 82, ,jovit
hill-place, Vassall-road, Brixton, T. Percival' •Lt"''
Esq., aged 80. 1 pioth
—O NUTT.n the 28th inst., at 1 , Strand, Mr• Dave'
2'o
aged 53. 0054
.
OGILVIE.—On the 26th inst , at Richmond-road,
bury, Fred. W. Ogilvie. , SOtlaill:
SNODGRAS.—On the 26th inst., at Millbrook, near de
ampton, Bt. Lieut.-Col. Archibald Campbell Sno
late 39th Regt. Pule°
TETLEY.—On the 27th inst., at St. John's- wood,
Remington Tetley, Esq., aged 83.
--- ANT Itol°'
London : Prin:ed and Published by WILLI/at,— I) iv-0, il:
of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TUE SUN °Mee ..2.ty CI
Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, In the CO•
Mitldlespx.—lgondaY, November 30, 18031 _

}~

I

011113
mentionE
:Point 61
mot cont
&vent
Inentionc
gatet'.B
'of 'the
'ward of I
eight]
mentions
George;
Corner,
tEntre of
mentions
street, a
Coventr
entii
mention
...in tint!: F
Irtn ttu
leve
before d
110. 1
Abbotts
Brompt
orth.
Thlltioe
T
Inentior
Ecttbed
'thin

point'
ltailwa

Nin
point 1
P~allw
Marp
at a p
of the

the
tri
El,
the

Jur
soi

ti
~~

f those wh
)y the sword
Iv too glad to
en and effete

-ON-TYNE'

g the Winter

cases for trial,
L the commis'
o travelling t(1
Mr. Justice
'ht, caused 00
.e o'cicck tli4
the conuoi.6;
ly after. 111,,
hear praYer"t
urned and 660
e prisoners in
man, c,argea
Lst prisoner to
ias put on „

manslitugliter
October Iss(to'r
as counsel

prisoner. of
It of the 34,
.reets of 180
vas carryirl:lle.
.ying a.bunr•
which he hb
bort'
en were so
so,
deceased ro
tnied by
f
your pa rdoo„d
a the deoea,:ito
a, and Line' t
nto the streeh;
kennel. Pct
nediatelh 51'j
iends attack.
he head. 1,11/°,
Lies
was apparel").
with it.
oh'
)is the rteiv

relieved tliat 11°
and was drivel'

jury that 0.4
wself with 111,1
t, and belie'le
imself from it,
the attae hl
lief, they 011,5

i'ov. 28. m,
fission he r° wo
prisoner,
ver
:yen are Or
lmen o,
t of blr

-day, `y il
o'l
511° 4.6
gOO sc.
Led. Fl°l2.

458
. 400°00
..... to.
..,
rley•••3l°
•24P t°
.....
the ralue'

r.
4., 4V'
at, 38s ..- 0,10
38 to 31s. , :39
eans sold at

sslef
with a fair oble
tolsricet
irley in
lout late Prpr 3tl
is to 41s ;jog,
3arley, mat
too
.290 - Old °
Boy
tOne'
is per 20 atone.

t. 36st.
to 42iPer pit
Maltinolga bl 0
, :
,a., oats, 348 to 420,

)AY. asf:
wheat *
to 42s ; f1ue9306,
ng, 28$ to ~e 0;
to 425.

Df wheat t 0
103
..18a t°
...... to /
to so
qr.; • flour,

to
lag, moder 3.,
dvantages 13610
It is sold

- - ' '

way, the wife of

_ .
11, Swindon''
IV
son. J,
ton, Mrs,

sollal
n-terrace; 00.
Esq., 0 t`

IVi lii Denby, °III
th° pvt'
Maria,. Lougtont

hr
at Edinbigo,
ial ilighlasofdt
ward Air°°.
)Is.

Li Berko, I'lll.'l.

st

•
, °e
fence; 80,y12 oV,
7civai

Dowd I*°l

ad-road, 001/r.

s
)ok, near ° o°'
pbell Snodg

6
oic6
I's.vroou2 t '

ADD 10
sDS VO.
if °Meeo4l
In the Co,-