The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-16 00:00:00

tsgreseable to the House. But he would say that he
would be ready to assent to any motion for the re-
duction of taxation to the amount of 1,000,0001.—
The lion. Member then noticed several taxes, the
manner of collecting which he contended to be very
onerous to the poor, and in which he thought some
reduction might be made. The beer-tax, which
amounted to above 3,000,0001., was a very partial
tax. He objected to it also, because it was a mo-
nopoly. He was opposed to every sort of monopoly
but particularly when monopoly was made a source
of revenue. The power of licensing dealers in beer
lay with the Magistrates, who gave licences to indi-
viduals whom they favoured. This, then, was a
monopoly, and the effect was that the retail dealer
mixed water with the beer he sold. Those who
were moderate, mixed water in the proportion of
twenty per cent,; but some, lees conscientious,
mixed in the proportion of .50 per cent., and thus
defrauded the public. To prevent the loss to the
country, upon a double collection of the dety, he '
would hare the whole beer tax places; upon malt.
He was sorry that the duty on nritish spirits had
ben towered. That meattlie had been adopted for
State purposes' and though it prevented the demo-
ealization of few persons—the smugglers—it de-
moralized nearly all the labouring classes of the
community. He would not take She tessenne into
consideration on such a subject, but would double
the duty to save the people. If the duty were not
doubled, the Right Hen, Gentleman might depend
on it that the people vreuld be demoralized. It was
known to every one, that the spirit-drinker, how.
ever liberally paid for his labour, was always in dis-
tress, while persons who did not drink spirits, how-
ever love their wages, always brought up their fami-
lies in decency and credit. He would reduce the
duty on tea, se hich amounted to 3,100;0001. The
quantity of tea consumed yearly in this tOuntry he
was sure could be brought here for two millions.
For the benefit of a monepolsse that price was raised
to three millions, and three there, was a duty of 100
per cent. laid on it, making the price to the con-
sumer six millions, or making the poor man pay
6s. a pound for what ne otherwise would only have
to pay 2s. He oegged of the House also to look
at the mar:aer in which the coal duty was levied.
Coals at the greatest distance from the pit's mouth
;,std the highest. This was a partial and unjust tax.
The tax ought to be made general, and the revenue
would be as much beseentted by having a smaller
stun than at present was paid on coals laid on at the
pit's mouth. Some saving also, he thought, might
be effected in the tobacco duty. Much good would
result, be was convinced, if, instead of the Assessed
Taxes", a Property Tax was introduced. The House
vas bound, in the present state of the country, to
reduce taxation to a certain extent, and on that
account he supported the amendment.
Mr. WESTERN, looking at the motion ab-
stractedly, should be most willing to give it his
support. But he considered that the House was
already pledged to the fell extent of the Mon.
Member for Aberdeen's motion—that was, gene-
rally to reduce the expenditure, and he gave Mini-
sters credit foe en intention honestly to fulfil the
pledge. The next step to be taken was to point
out in what particular manner the reduction was to
be made. But it was his opinion that the taxation
of the country was not the cause of the -_present
unprecedented distress which pervaded all the
country ; and he defied any man to state at any
former period in the history of this country, when
there existes, such extraordinary stagnation in trade,
so overvet4lming a distress among the agricultural,
comrsisrcial, labouring, and shipping interests of the
cot' :try. There was another and a fatal cause of
the distress under which the people of this country
now suffered so severely. It was the raising of the
value of money in which the people were taxed,
and that was what now pressed upon the country.
He contended that no reduction of taxation, how-
ever extensive, not even if carried to the extent pro-
posed by the Hon. Member for Aberdeen, would
afford more than partial relief if the present cur-
rency system were maintained. It was a contrac-
tion of the currency, concurrent with an increase in
its value, that had depressed this country in
all its relations,—commercial, financial, manu-
facturing, and agricultural. Every possible re-
duction should be made in the taxation, but
that still would not cure the disease that
was preying upon the vitals of the country.
A Committee should he appointed to examine and
inquire how far the value of money had been raised
by the Act of 1819, beyond that which was con-
templated by the Legislature at the time, and howl
far the currency had been contracted, with a view
to an extension of the currency to its former amount.
That was the only remedy, he would maintain, for
the distress of the eountry. With regard to the
motion before the House, agreeing as he did with
the Hon. Member fur Aberdeen as to the necessity
of every possible reduction of taxation, he did not
think, after the pledge given by Ministers the other
evening, that such a motion was at present required,
but should the Hon. Member for Aberdeen, or the
Hon. Member behind him (Mr. Maberly), bring
forward any specific proposition for a reduction of
taxes, consistent with the maintenance of the civil
and military establishments of the country, it should
have his (Mr. Western's) cordial support.
Lord ALTHORP while he felt every confidence
in the economical disposition of Ministers, after
the pledge they had recently given, was at the same
time induced to support the motion of his Hon,
Friend the Member for Aberdeen, and upon this
ground,—that it was desirable that the Home
should express its opinion that the taxes should be
reduced in proportion to the reductions which
should take place in the public expenditure. The
Hon, Member for Essex conceived that no good
could be accomplished unless by a depreciation in
the standard of value, but he (Lord Althorp) was
happy to find that his Majesty's Ministers were de-
termined to resist such a measure.—( Hear, hear.)—
Ile would allow that the enhancement of the value
of money might be partly a cause of the prevailing
distress, but he thought that any measure for bring-
ing in a paper circulation again would only aggravate
the great and leading evil under which we suffered—
he meant, a want of confidence.—(Hear, hear.)—
It appeared to him, that a reduction of taxes, parti-
cularly of those taxes which pressed upon the
bouring classes and the productive industry of the
country, would be attended by the most beneficial
results. lie did not think it possible in the re-
duction of taxation to go to the extent proposed
by the Hon. Member for Aberdeen, but whatever
reduction was made should, he repeated, be in those
taxes that pressed principally upon the productive
industry of the country. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), had given
two reasons for opposing this motion. He ob-
jected, in the first instance, to the resolution be-
cause it contained the word " forthwith ;" but
that objection he (Lord Althorp) fancied would
not have any weight with the House. The Right
Hon. Gentleman's next objection was, that if such
a resolution were carried, he should feel himself
bound to resign. Did the Right Hon. Gentleman
mean to say, that if the House of Commons decided
that there should be a reduction made in the public
taxes, he should feel himself bound to throw up
office, and that his Majesty's Ministers could not
continue to carry on the Government of the country :
and was the House of Commons, upon such grounds,
to reject a motion of this description ? He
(Lord Althorp) had never before heard such doc-
trine, and he hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman
would not stand by it. At all events he (Lord
Althorp) felt it his duty to vote for the motion,
and he would take the consequences, be thcy what
might.—(Hear, hear.)
sir F. BURDETT agreeing fully in the prin-
ciples expressed by the Hon. Member for Essex
with regard to the currency, however generally un-
palateable such principles were in that House, felt
it incumbent upon him candidly to avow his con-
currence in the opinions so manfully declared by
that Hon. Member.. His (Sir F. Burdett's) deeded
opinion was that the contraction of the currency Tie
the cause, not of the t ole, bnt of nine parts out of

ten of the existing distress. Of course every flon.
Member must feel that to effect a reduction of tin
taxes was the duty of that House at all times, but
more especially at present ; and in reducing the
taxes, the House should always bear in mind that it
seas its duty likewise to put an end to the system of
tatronage connected with their collection, and which
vas most injurious to the best interests of the
country. lie agreed with his ion. Friend the
Member for Aberdeen, that the utmost reduction
eight to Le made in the taxes; but eVen if that re-
luct ion were carried to the extent proposed by the
lion. Member; and which no lion. Member that
followed him eppaared to consider practicable, still
it woeld go a short way towards relieving the coun-
try from the distress under which it was now suf-
fering, and it would not at all reniedy she effects
that had arisen from tle're'otraction in the currency
and the altertStion in the standard of value. At the
period when that alteration occurred, and when mea-
sures were taken to call in the paper circulation, and to
return to a gold standard, it was stated in round num-
bers that the currency of the countq amounted
to about 70)000;000., end 4nti a similar calcula-
tion, the whole Antolini of the labour, industry, and
produetiVe powers of England was stated to be
700,000,0004 Taking that calculation to be cor-
rect, the impression on his mind as to the effect of a
contraction of the currency was this,—the currency,
according to that statement, amounted to a tenth of
the whole amount of the entire productive industry
of the country, Now, if the currency were by any
means ontracted one-tenth in amount, it was clear
that a corresponding diminution of one-tenth would
take place in the Whole of the income arising out of
the entire productive powers of the country. If, for
instance, they should contract the currency to the
extent of 5,000,0004, a corresponding diminution
would follow in the income of the country to the
extent of 50,000,0004, that is, the incomes of trades-
men, manufacturers, farmers, and of all persons con-
stituting the productive industry of the country,
would undergo a diminution to the extent of
50,000,000/. Their incomes were derived from the
currency prices, and when by a contraction of the
currency the prices were lowered, their incomes fell
in proportion. Whether it would be passible to
effect a reduction of four, or of six, or of eight
millions of taxes, such a reduction would not restore
the classes he had mentioned to the flourishing con-
dition they were in before prices, upon which their
incomes depended, were lowered by the change in
the value of money. He was no advocate for break-
ing faith with the public creditor; lie should be paid,
however, out of the same money in which his ad-
vances had been made to us, and we should not at the
same time commit, as we had committed, a noto-
rious breach of faith with the farmers, the trades-
men, the manufacturing and commercial classes of
the country. By reducing the amount of the currency,
we had reduced their incomes, and we had been
thus guilty of a similar breach of faith towards
them, as we should commit in the instance of the
public creditor by lowering the interest of his money.
Indeed it would seem that the Legislature was aware
of the extent to which the evils attendant upon an
alteration of the currency would go. If their eyes
were open to the whole extent of the mischief, they
would scarcely have taken such a step ; and the
question now for Parliament to consider was,whether
they were hound to adhere to what never could have
beers the intentions of the Legislature, whether the
country was to be cast down by means of a mis-
taken legislative act which it now seemed a matter
of pride with its author not to abandon, and whet her
all the essential interests of the country were to be
almost brought to destruction in order to maintain
that mischievous enactment in its full and original
force ? But then it would be said they should not
tamper with the currency ; very true,—it might be
wrong in the first instance to tamper with the cur-
rency, but it was by tampering with the currency
that they had reduced the incomes of the farmers,
the tradesmen, the manufacturers, and the various
productive classes of the country ; and he would
maintain, .that they should never stop tampering
with the currency till therhad restored their incomes
to their original amount. Gentlemen seemed to
think that there was nothing good for the country
but a gold currency, but he (Sir F. Burdett) saw
nothing beneficial in a gold currency ; on the con-
trary, he was of opinion that a well-regulated paper
currency won't] be a much better one, and more
adapted for this country. A perseverance in the
present system was bringing destruction upon all
those classes which constituted the productive power
and industry of the country.—(Hear.)—The faith
of Parliament was as much engaged to all the pro-
ductive classes in England as it was to the public
creditor ; and if by altering the currency they had
materially reduced the incomes of the former, there
was no principle of honesty which stood in the way
of their retracing their steps in order to restore the
incomes of these classes to their original amount. He
would assert further, that the Corn Laws which the
gentlemen of England seemed to value as counter-
acting the effects of the change in the currency, were
in fact a bitter aggravation of all the evils arising
from that change.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. C. WOOD was strongly impressed with the
necessity which existed for every possible reduction
of taxation, but he sincerely hoped that no attempt
would be made to return to a paper currency.—
( Hear, hear.)—He thought it was the duty of the
House to adopt the resolution proposed by the Hon.
Member for Aberdeen.
Mr. HERRIES said, that the more the subject
should be inquired into, the more would it be found
that Ministers were desirous to carry into effect eco-
nomical reforms.—(Hear.)—When the Hon. Mem-
ber (Mr. Hume) talked of a reduction of
8,000,0001., it was to make an impression to suit
his own purposes, but he would fail in the execu-
tion. If he would concur with them (his Majesty's
Ministers) in a more sober—(A laugh)—and a more
effectual method of economy, the lion. Member
might succeed. The Hon. Member knew that a
reduction of 8,500,0004 would amount to nearly the
whole effective establishment of the army, the navy,
and the ordnance.—(Hear.)—The Hon. Member
for Abingdon (Mr. Maberly) had gone through a
review of all the taxes he would repeal, modify, or
change; but he (Mr. lierries) questioned whether the
display he made wasa fit mode of meeting the question
before the House. The motion before the House would
not only take the duty of the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer out of his hands, but it denied him the oppor-
tunity of stating his views and intentions respecting
taxation. It had been said that his Right lion.
Friend had quibbled with the terms of the motion;
but there was no man less likely to do so.—(A
laugh.)—lt was not difficult to find out, not in the
terms only, but in the nature of the motion, solid
grounds for calling on the House not to agree to it.
His Right Hon. Friend had been taunted with
delay—a delay of 10 days ; but be was not in fault
for the delay of the estimates; and this being so,
the motion, which deprived his Hon. Friend of an
opportunity to bring forward his views, became the
more objectionable. Although be (Mr. Herries)
had listened to the Hon. Baronet (Sir F. Burdett)
with all that attention which was due to one who
never addressed the House without informing it, yet
on this occasion he had gained less knowledge than
he expected when the Hon. Baronet rose; and he
was unable to understand the remedy which the
Hon. Baronet proposed for the existing distress.
The more. he (Mr. Herries) considered all the bear-
ings of the question, the more fully was he convinced
that when it was discussed it would appear that the
distress, the existence of which was so general in the
'country—(Loud cries of " hear")—would be found
to be attributable to other causes than the currency,
and to operations beyond the sphere of those as-
signed for it.,
Mr. GRANT was. ready to concur with the
Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down.—
He (Mr. Grant)• had already expressed his opinion
on the question as to the distress of the country,
and lie was resolved to follow- up that opinion.—
Yet he felt a difficulty with regard to the motion.
Government had made the strongest professions of
economy; the King's Speech had recommended it,

and the resolutions of the other night had pledged
Ministers to it ; and believing Government not
rely disposed to practise economy, but that they
had, as far as possible, carried it into practice, it was
scarcely dealing fairly with them to visit them with
so severe a measure. It was premature thus to
pronounce a sentence upon them. It would be
better to allow Government to produce their plan
to the House; and then to deal with it as the
House thought fit. With this view he felt bound
to vote against the motion. If he (Mr. Grant)
connected the motion with the speeches which
accompanied it, he saw the stronger ground for re-
sisting it. The topics introduced it was imposslde
TO discuss properly upon the present occasion. For
instance, the sinking fund : it was not two years
ago the House resolved that there should be a sinking
fund. It was fairer and more honest to the Go-
vernment to let them state their own plsns before the
House entered into a consideration of the question.
Lord 110 WICK said that it was because he was
convinced that; in epite of professions, tile Country
might be suffered to go on in its present state, till it
reached a national bankruptcy, that he supported the
motion. The times were such that it was incum•
bent upon the House, first to ease the country, and
then to lay down a plan of expenditure suited to
the reductions. He (Lord Howick ) knew what
was the effect of granting the estimates first, and
then considering a reduction of taxation. There
were always very good reasons assignable for every
item in the estimates. He would admit that the
state of the country required that the present esta-
blishment should be kept up ; but he denied
that it could be kept up. He did not think,
however, that the House could arrange the derails.
of reduction so well as Ministers could in their
offices ; but it was the duty of the House to insist
upon reductions of some kind. He was of opinion
that a modification of the existing taxes would relieve
the distress of the country : some modification or
some reduction was absolutely necessary.
Mr. PEEL, though he had tire satisfaction of vot-
ing against the motion, with the lion. Member for
Essex and the lion. Member for Westminster—
(" from Sir F. Burdett)—he thought so—
(A laugh)—he did not expect that the lion. Baro-
net's vote was to be at variance with his speech—
still Ire did riot concur with some parts of his
speech ; he could not agree that no relief was to
he expected from a remission of taxation. He
( Mr. Peel) did conceive that the remission of any
tax would relieve the country to that extent;
that the products of the country would fructify
more in the hands of individuals than in the
coffers of the State.—(Hear, hear.)—As he was
mistaken in the Lion. Baronet's intention, he sup-
posed he had intended to depreciate the motion of
the lion. Member for Aberdeen for the sake of
some plan of his own. lie (Mr. Peel) wished that
some person w 'old bring forward a motion on the
subject, and take the trouble to prepare the enact-
ments by which the standard should be depreci-
ated, and remedies should be provided for the
depreciation.—(llear, hear.)—This would be the
most convenient way of discussing the plan. When
the lion. Baronet brought forward his plan,however,
he should support it by more powerful arguments
than those he had used to-night. He (Mr. Peel)
did not understand the doctrine that a reduction of
.5,000,000/. in the circulating medium necessarily
produced a reduction of 50,000,0001. in the value of
things. If we were to add 5,000,000/, to the circulat-
ing medium, would that add 50,000,0001. to nominal
value ? And he (Mr.P.) could Dot see how the reduc-
tion of 5,000,000/.could reduce ten times the nominal
amount of the incomes of the different classes. lie
admitted that where debts were incurred in one
species of currency, and were paid in another, the
persons so situated sustained a grievance ; but those
who were not so situated could command a greater
quantity of the luxuries of life, though their nominal
incomes might be less. There were two considera-
tions which he should offer to the Hon. Baronet.
The Hon. Baronet said, " you can tamper with the
currency again, because you have tampered with it
before:l He (Mr. Peel) begged him to recollect
that the present standard had been in existence for
ten years ; and that now to attempt to alter it would
introduce a train of evils for which he provided no
remedy. Therewas another point which he would
put to the Hon. Baronet. If the House should once
determine to adopt his proposal, when it went forth
to the public that the House was about to change
the standard, those who held paper would imme-
diately demand payment in gold. If the HOTI•
Baronet could at once, with the rapidity of drought;
change the standard, every man would find next
morning that he had but 18s. or 19s. instead of
1/. But by the delay attending the deliberative
assent of the legislature, every man who held paper,
and had a thought of his personal interest, would, in
the mean dine, press for the observance of the engage-
ments made with him, and would demand pay.
ment in that medium in which he had been contracted to
be paid. He (Mr. Peel) entreated, then, the house to
pause before they indulged the dream of unsettling tire
currency. So much for the episode: now for the motion.
He conceived that it was unusual and unprecedented for
the House. before the Ministers of the Crown had brought
forward their estimates, or had an opportunity to state
their views with respect to taxation, to step in, not to
state any specific measure, but to say that they will forth-
with repeal millions of taxes. What could the House
gain by the course? The Hon. Member might, without
this motion, propose the repeal of any tax he saw fit.
The motion disposed of the Sinking Fund. It might be
right or it might be wrong to have a Sinking Fund, but
a question of this magnitude required more time for con-
sideration. The view which had been taken by Parlia-
ment was, that it was desirable to make some progress
towards the reduction of the debt in time of peace ;
but if the Honourable Member carried his motion, he
did away with the Sinking Fund at once. He (Mr.
Peel) protested against this, without the opportunity of
giving the system a graver consideration. It was impos-
sible to separate the motion from the comments which had
been made upon it, for the public would not do it. The
Hon. Member talked of reducing 8,500,0001. of taxation :
he (Mr. Peel) left it to the House to consider what would
be the effect on the public mind if it was believed that the
House was prepared to remit 8,500,000/. of taxes. The
Hon. Member proposed a resolution to remit a large pro-
portion of the taxes,—such as those on soap, can-
dles, malt, and other articles. But any Member who
wished to remit such taxes ought to bring in a Bill for the
purpose, for nothing was worse to the retail traders than
to he left in suspense as to the articles intended to be re-
duced. The consequence of uncertainty was, that there
would be no confidence,—that there would be a total stop
to dealing in the retail trade. The Hon. Member would
have actod a mere sensible part if he had brought forward
his Bill at once. The lion. Member luol said that his mo-
tion would console the country for the omission in the
King's speech. He (Mr. Peel) knew how impracticable
it was to persevere against the declarations made respect-
ing the public sufferings; but he believed that the state-
ment made in the King's Speech was nearer the truth than
the assertions of universal and unmitigated distress. The
communications which he had received since that Speech
was delivered, from persons who volunteered their infor-
mation, convinced him that the distress was not only not
universal, but that it never existed to a degree to excite
despondency.—(Hear.)—Although he admitted that the
distress in many parts was severe, and that it bad been of
long continuance, still it had not extended all over the
kingdom, nor had it been so severe as to extinguish all
hopes. lie had that confidence in the astonishing re-
sources of the country, that he was persuaded that in a
short space of time we should reach a state of compara-
tive prosperity ; but he did not think that by exaggerated
statements of the distress,
we
sui.,hoich
uid
approximatemud have the
to
effect
earesteraof
ctiroenatoinf;codnefispdeonn despondency,
to a state when we could look for-
ward to a reduction of the public burdens.
Mr. WODEHOUSE complained that it was worse
than delusion to state that the country had been ten years
in this state of despondency. He had no confidence in his
Majesty's Ministers.
l‘lr. HUME, perceiving the impatience of the Hou.e,
would not trespass on their attention. Ile had done his
duty, and he hoped the House would perform theirs.
The House then divided, and the numbers were--
For the amendment
Against it .. 184
Majority
Whilst strangers were excluded, some discussion was
carried on in the House. On entering tl.e gallery, we
found—
Mr, T. DUNCONBE addressing the liot.tta, and

dontly alluding to something which had passed whilst the
gallery was cleared. He referred in terms of censure to
the criminal prosecutions recently instituted by the Attor-
ney. General, and then adverted to the distressed state of
the country. He said that in these unexampled days of
unmitigated taxation, he felt it his duty to raise his voice
in behalf of the distressed agriculturists and the unem-
ployed manufacturers. He warned the Government not
to exult either in their numbers or power. lie would tell
them, that if they should persevere in a course of lavish ex-
penditure, they might, perhaps, find, when it was too late,
that there was a majority out of doors which would make
the majority within doors at length acknowledge the just
views of the despicable minority of this night.
Mr. PEEL said, the Hon. Member must have com-
pletely misunderstood what fell from him, if he supposed
that he expressed any feelings of triumph on account of
the division which had taken place.
On the question that the SPEAKER. do leave the chair,
The Marquis of BLANDFORD thought it wrong that
the House should proceed to dispose of the nation's money
before it had considered the nation's distress. He there-
fore moved, as an amendment, " that the further consi-
deration of this question be postponed."
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER wished to
be allowed to place the Estimates on the table in a Com-
mittee of Supply : the House would then, by comparing
them with the Estimates of last yenr, see the eat nt to
which Government proposed to reduce the expenditure.
Mr. TENNYSON thought that the laying the Esti-
mates on the table ought to be preceded by an explanatory
statement from the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Mr. ManzaLT and Mr. Hose= concurred in the opinion
expressed by the last speaker.
The House then divided. 'I he numbers were—
For the amendment
Against it 189
8 0

Majority
Vire understand that an ion. Member having intimated
his intention to divide the House again, the Chancellor of
the Exchequer did not press his motion fur the Committee.
The House then adjourned at One o'clock.

PAICES OF STOCKS 'Mfg DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Flank 'itock 218!.. 19 !South Sea Stock —
3 per Ce7it. lied. 93%1A% Old Annuities
:1 per Cent. Cons Iri! N, I New Ditto 0--<,
31,4 per Cant
Ditto lic.l. *lOOl4 li Ditto lid. 77 78 pm.
4 per Cent. Ann.... In! 2 I , Ditto 5,7051 d. '77 IR on.
Ditto, 1•20
Rink 1.. Ann.
Ditto 30 rears
Ditto 30 years' — Bank for Amount —
India Stock — India for Account .........
Ditto Bonds 77 78 pm. Cons. for Fcb. 25 (12%14 %

enicEs OF FOAKIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Austrian Bonds
• ' Bonds

Brazilian Bonds' 6)34 Peruvian
Buenos Ayres Bonds Portuguese Bonds
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Ditto, 1824
Dthish, 753 i Spanish, :821 141,4
Greek Bonds 1
Ditto, 1825 3B-;ti 7 French Rentes, sp. e. —f. —c.
Guatimala — l--- Exchange —f. —e.
Mexican Bonds - 3 per cent.
oitm, 1325 — Exchange —f. —r.

PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AY ONE O'CLOCK%
Paid. Per Share.
Brazilian Mining Company 5 51.;
Brazilian Imp. 5110. Co. oss. at 51. pm.) £2O Si
Ditto National lO 2174
Real del Monte Mining Co .£lOO 52

MAILS.
Arrived. Due. Arrived. Due.
O America
1 Brazil
O Buenos Ayres 0 0 Jamaica 0
o Carthagena 0 0 Leeward islands ... 0
I Dublin 0 0 Lisbon 0
O Flanders 0 0 Mexico
I France 0 0 Sweden
0 Guernsey &Jersey.. 0 I Waterford

ITIoII WATER ♦T LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW.
Eorning minutes after It. I Evening-16 minute* aftar

ERRATUM..--TR the Leading Article on the Revenue in
our Paper of yesterday, in the 48th and 49th lines
from the commencement, the year 1828 stands for
1829, and 1829 for 1829.

. 7'4
, 84
tfikv ("

'll3 sun ; from which it is intended that all foreigners
•heuld be excluded, even for the purposes of instruction.
The legislative labours'of the Greek Senate had, been be-
zun by the imposition of a tax on sheep, which was likely
t prove exceedingly unpopular. Mention is also made of
a paper which had been industriously circulated in the
principal towns of Greece, the object of which was, to
persuade the inhabitants to content themselves with the
Presidency of the Count Capo d'lstria ; but it appears,
that the contrivance was not likely to be attended with
much success."

If there be any one line of conduct more pe-
culiarly calculated than another to hasten the
consummation of those wilcl schemes of reTolu-

tionary reform, which the Radicals and Ultra
Tories now appear to agree in advocating, it is
the refusal of Parliament to avail itself of such
favourable occasions as the disfranchisement of
East Refold, to bestow the elective privilege
upon populous towns. There never was a more
suitable opportunity for remedying the abuses
brought by time into our representative system,
than was given by the East Retford Bill ; nor
was ever such an opportunity more shamefully
perverted, than by, .bestowing the forfeited fran-
cliiseas w.
usea.lthe Duko.,,OI:ISIEWCASTLE'S Hundred
of 3

That such towns as Manchester, Birmingham,
Leeds, and Sheffield, containing each of them
the population of a small county within itself;
and comprising so large a proportion of the
wealth and intelligence of the kingdom, shOuld
be postponed to a paltry agriculturli Hundred
in their claims for representation, is too crying an
injustice to be long lived. Nearly two-thirds of
our whole population are employed in manufac-
tures and trade ; to them we owe our importance
in the scale of nations ; and to their industry we
must always 1 ook for maintaining our rank in
the world as a first-rate power. It is therefore
insufferable that the Landed Interest should
enjoy a preponderating influence in Parliament,
to which they arc not, by reason of their
numbers, their capital, their usefulness, or their
talents, or on any other account, entitled.
And since experience has shown that the landed
aristocracy have constantly acted for their own
benefit as an order opposed to the rest of society,
it is high time that the rest of the community
should at least possess the means of self-defence,
which they can only do by having their just
share in the Legislature. It cannot, therefore,
be expected that the great towns will rest satis-
fied until the right of sending Members is
allowed them ; and it can hardly be doubted
that the time will come when, if they do not get
that right by fair means, they will by foul, just
as the Irish Catholics obtained their long de-
ferred emancipation at the eleventh hour, when
one spark might have kindled all Ireland into a
flame. Is it not, then, to be lamented that
instead of reforming themselves gradually, after
the manner of the great reformer, Time, and so
healing the wounds in their Constitution as to
prevent the ultimate necessity of the amputation
of a limb, the (louse of Commons should per-
sist in their rejection of the most moderate, pru-
dent, and well-timed measures of Reform, and
thereby add to their increasing disrepute with
the country, and strengthen the mass of discon-
tent which is, unhappily, already too largely
swollen ? _ _

The commercial towns suffer grievously for
want of representatives in their most imme-
diate interests. In a question, for instance, like
that of the East India and China Trade, what
can be of more vital importance to Manchester,
Leeds, and the other manufacturing places,
than that there should be persons in Parlia-
ment, whose especial duty bound them to look
after the welfare of those industrious districts ?
How long are we to have our Bassetlaws and our
Corfe Castles fostered by Government, whilst
the heart of the kingdom, from which circulates
the life-blood that animates it,—which diffuses
energy into its whole body,—and impels its ac-
tivity and its enterprise,—is accounted as nothing
in the legislative assembly ? But necessity has
been the cause of justice being done in other
cases, and will, sooner or later, in this also. \Ve
regret that Mr. PEEL should have spoken as he
did—that he should not, since last Session, have
become sensible that a Ministry loses both in
character and strength in proportion as it cajoles
the aristocracy, and that an enlightened Govern-
ment can never have any thing to fear from the
introduction into Parliament of representatives
from towns, which as Mr. GRANT called them,
are condensed bodies of capital and spirit. We
hope the approaching motion of Lord JOHN
RUSSELL will make up in some degree for the
disappointment of the East Retford job, and
that the subject will be pressed upon Parliament
with firmness and perseverance. It is only thus,
that the country can be preserved from the revo-
lutionary schemes of Mr. INN T and the Marquis
of BLANDFORD ; for reform must come sooner
or later, and we have only to choose between
moderation and violence—between anarchy and
freedom.