The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TlMES.—Diplomacy, with its precise and stilted
diction, proceeds with the entanglement of the
Polish question. The Russian Ministers, both in
Vienna and Paris, have been addressed by that
great master of the high style, Prince Gortschakoff,
and it is now for the world to study his despatches
and draw from them what meaning it can. They
are intended for general reading, it is evident, for
that sent to Paris has been published in the Journal
de St. Petersbourg almost before it was possible that
M. de Budberg could leave a copy of it with M.
Drouyn de Lhuys. Prince Gortschakoff writes for
his own countrymen, and for the French, English,
anti German publics, as well as for the Cabinets of
the two Emperors. But it is not everyone that can
ascertain the meaning of such documents as these.
Their style is as technical, as artificial, and as tradi-
tional as that of the law itself. They are not in•
tended so much to have a definite meaning as to
make an impression on those who can appreciate
them. They are to convey an idea of a Govern-
ment's final intentions, to allow the reader to per-
ceive the drift and tendency of its policy, rather
than to say " Yes" or " No" to specific propositions.
We can, therefore, only speak of them as they seem
to indicate the temper of the Russian Emperor and
his advisers. There is not much that would pre-
vent the Emperor Alexander from changing his
mind, whichever way it may be made up at present ;
for despatches are never so unpolitely and impru-
dently worded as to refuse anything rudely and for
ever. But on reading these two documents, and in-
terpreting them by what has gone before in the
correspondence and by the present state of opinion
in Russia and France, we regret that we cannot see
in them signs of a conciliatory policy. It appears
that both Count Rechberg and M. Drouyn de
Lhuys were so impatient to reply to Prince Gorts-
chakoff's answer to their respective notes that they
could not wait for joint action; and Prince Gorts-
chakoff has been equally prompt, for not only has
he given his second answer without delay, but he
has made known to the world both documents by
means of the press. The answer to Austria is that
of a man who will not use his opponent too hardly,
because he thinks he may one day become his friend.
Russian statecraft perceives that whatever liberalism
an Austrian Emperor may assume, however much
he may be drawn by interest or sympathy into
communion with the Western Powers, he is, after
all, bound to the Russian alliance by a chain which
he must have strength indeed to break. Though
there pierces through the Russian despatch an in-
definable bitterness and disappointment, yet this is
seemingly repressed by a sort of confidence that the
interests of a joint possession cf Poland wiil prevent
the Austrian Court from breaking completely with
St' Petersburg, Prince Gortschakoff expresses his
surprise that Count Rechberg was not prepared for
It"' rejection of a conference of the eight
lowers, seeing that the Count in his despatch actu-
ally reserved his own assent to such a scheme until
that of Russia had been given. Thus was Russia
eincouraged to propose instead a conference of the
perterioning Powers, and she did so under the be-
lief thaf " there is a necessary solidarity between
the interests of the three neighbouring Courts and
their respective Polish possessions." The offer was
not, as Count Rech6erg suspects, to make an assimi-
lation between Galician and Russian Poland. If
there was to be assitnilatioti, it would be, Prince
Gortschakoff says, by making the Russian terri-
tory more like the Austrian. He desired to " being
about the necessary harmony between the institu-
tions which it would be a question of introducing in
the Kingdom of Poland and those which exist in the
Polish possessions of the neighbouring States." " It
was a friendly idea, conformable to the relations of
the two Imperial Courts and their mutual interests.
But these friendly offers have bean rejected, and
Russia can only regret the adhesion of Austria to
the policy of the Western Powers. Such is in
substance the dispatch sent to Vienna, and it ex•
hibits the anger of a proud Sovereign who has un-
expectedly found his confidential advances rejected;
who, if the worst comes, has quite the will to inflict
a deadly wound on his former ally, but who does not
despair of bringing him back, however, unwillingly,
to the principles he has abandoned. The despatch
to M. Budberg, at Paris, is very different. Here the
Czar has not to deal with his own familiar friend, a
brother spoliator, a brother partitionist, who must
have the same hopes and fears, and may be swayed
by the same motives, as himself. He is virtually
addressing a Sovereign who has already been his
enemy, and who, if report speaks truly, inclines to
another war. Prince Gortschakoff has, no doubt,
been kept well informed of what passes in France,
and he knows of the military preparations, of the
expectations of the army, of the popularity of
another campaign with all but the moneyed classes.
He knows of the war articles which have conti-
nually appeared in the French papers, of the
pamphlet which is supposed to express Imperial
ideas. Hence there is a marked exhibition of re-
solve mingled wiih the caution of the diplomatist.
The Russian Government does not, of course,
depart from those peaceful professions which
always abound at such a crisis as this, but
it makes known that it has looked at the contin-
gency of war, that, it has considered the danger,
counted the cost, and does not shrink from the con-
test. This confidence may, of course, be affected, as
in discussions of this sort it is often the most pru-
dent policy to put on the appearance of boldness,
and proclaim oneself ready for the attack which an
antagonist threatens. We trust that under the
half-defiant language of Prince Gortschakoff there
lingers a little discretion, and that at last the Czar
will make the concessions which justice and hu-
manity, as well as the voice of the Western Powers,
require of him. But of this there is in the present
despatch no trace. Indeed, the reasoning and tone
of it are more discordant from the opinions of France
elan was the first reply of Prince Gortschakoff. As
if forgetting the military government that has been
normai for the past three years, and the conscrip-
tion which was the immediate cause of the outbreak,
Prince Gortschakoff has nothing to say but that
Poland has been excellently ruled, that liberal in-
stitutions were possessed by the people and rejected
through the persuasions of agitators who wished to
obtain the complete independence of the country.
The argument of the despatch, like that of the former
one, is that the Six points need not be yielded to
the instances of the three Powers, because they
have been already granted by his own free will
by the Czar. " the measures indicated in the
Six Points had been granted, but, far from
pacifying the Kingdom of Poland, they were
the starting point of the insurrection." "Foreign
intervention" has been the bane of this happy
land ; excited by it, the malcontents " could not
appear satisfied with the liberal institutions,
the bases of which were being carried out by the
Government." A minority, encouraged by" a per-
manent conspiracy in a foreign territory," urged on
by intrigues that come from Paris as " one of their
principal foci," have kept Poland in disquiet. They
do not take up arms for liberal institutions, nor
confine their schemes to the Polish Kingdom of
1815; their exclusive object is the reconstitution of
the Poland of 1772, and they lock to foreign inter.
ventien to crown their enterprise. After such lan-
guage as this it need not be said that Russia refuses
to depart from the sense of the late reply. Disclaim-
ing irony or provocation, but admitting that "a
feeling of wounded dignity may have manifested
itself," Prince Gortschakoff concludes with a signi-
cant intimation that the Russian people are pre-
pared for any extremity. If the reply was unpala-
table, it was because "in face of the insults lavished
on us, it was impossible for us to disregard the force
of the energetic sentiment of our nation." In most
remarkable language, evidently intended to affect
opinion throughout Russia, as well as the French
Emperor's counsels, Prince Gortschakoff intimates
that the Russian people are violently excited, and
that the Czar's Cabinet cannot fford to yield. "Our
task would be difficult should France misunderstand
the necessities imposed upon us by the sentiments. ofl
our nation, which cling to the traditions and vie
interests of the country."r o this language the decla-
mations of the Invalide Russo gives still further
sig-
nificance, as:it is not likely that they are
t published
without Imperial sanction. It now remains tobe
seen what answer France, as the Power which is
most earnest in the matter, will make to this extraor-
dinary despatch. It is said that the Three Powers
have agreed to send a common Note to ,Russia, to
be accompanied by separate despatches from each
of them to their respective representatives; and
that, unless Russia makes some sign of yielding, a
impending
in rupture will be announced as
in the common Note. But, whatever course the
mere forms of negotiation may take, the reality
consists of a growing and now very threatening
antagonism between France and Russia, which may
possibly engage Austria in the quarrel, but which

will leave England a neutral, though not an
un-
sympathetic spectator.
POST.—The most important portion of the intel
ligence which has reached us by the overland mail
relates to Japan. If a war with the Japanese be
inevitable, then the sooner it is commenced the
better it will be for ns ; but as, up to the time
when the last advices left, hostilities had not actu-
ally commenced, we would fain conclude that the
pending negotiations may terminate in a satisfac-
tory manner, and render an appeal to arms unne-
cessary. To the demand made in the beginning of
April by the British Admiral for reparation for
the outrages committed on British subjects, the
Japanese Government replied by asking time for
reflection. A period of twenty days was accord-
ingly granted by the British charge d'ayaires,
within which time a categorical reply was expected
from the Japanese authorities. The twenty days,
however, passed away without any decision being
arrived at by the Japanese Government, and at the
termination of that period a further extension of
fifteen days was prayed for by the latter, and ac-
corded by the British Minister. The additional
time thus granted also elapsed without any definite
course being taken by the Japanese, and in the mean-
while a further delay was asked for, and again the
charge da' ffaires complied with the request. When
the mail lett, the Japanese Government were to all
appearances deliberating on the course to be pur-
sued, and the British Minister was patiently await-
ing the reply, which was either to satisfy the re-
quirements of his Government or to render hostili-
ties unavoidable. If there were good reason to be-
lieve that the Japanese were sincerely desirous of
arriving at an amicable arrangement, no fault could
be found with our Minister for affording them every
opportunity for doing so. This country, it is needless
to say, has no motive for provoking a war with a
semi-barbarous nation at the opposite side of the
globe. We have entered into a commercial treaty
with the Japanese with a view to the mutual benefit
of both nations,and;we are simply desirous of secur-
ing for our own merchants resident in Japan that
protection and that respect to which all residents in
a foreign State are justly eetitled. The Japanese
have, after a long delay, consented to allow foreign
merchants to live amongst them, and having done
so, they are bound to afford to them the protection
of their laws. But although every facility should
be afforded to the Japanese authorities in order to
enable them to arrive at an arrangement which
would prove equally satisfactory to themselves and
to us, still care should be taken lest an attempt
should be made to gain time for the sole purpose of
subsequently placing us at a disadvantage. The
antecedents of the Japanese are not such as to in-
spire confidence, and we should be justified in re-
garding with distrust the repeated demands which
have been made by them for extensions of time in
order to arrive at a decision of a very simple affair.
In the present instance, however, our grounds for
distrust are still farther increased by the manner in
which they employ the time which has been osten-
sibly extended tor the purposes of friendly negotia-
tions. Everywhere preparations are being made
for immediate war. From the town of Yeddo all
the population, with the exception of such as are
in a position to bear arms, have taken their depar-
ture. Soldiers now almost exclusively occupy the
capital, and immense supplies of arms and of chain
armour are daily despatched into the town from the
various arsenals in different districts of the empire.
The Japanese Government speak of peace, but they
evidently mean war; and the principal apprehen-
sion we entertain is lest Col. Neale, the British re-
presentative, may have been unwisely indulgent in
granting to the Japanese the delays they demanded,
instead of at once proceeding to enforce the repara-
kion which was sought as soon as the period which
in the first instance had been granted to the Japan-
ese for consideration bad expired. In a society so
organised and so regulated as that of Japan it is not
easy to discover the particular bent of public opi-
nion. Japan has two Sovereigns—one spiritual, and
the other temporal; the latter of whom is second-
ary, if not absolutely subservient to, the former.
The Government is almost purely aristocratic. A
larger number of Daimios, or native princes—some
of whom possess their own armies, and even their
own fleets—virtually represent the nation and com-
pel either of the sovereigns to pursue the policy
which they prefer. When the sovereigns are at issue
a civil war not unfrequently supervenes, in which
the Dainties, who respectively support the two sove-
reigns, are found, together with retainers, on oppo-
site sides. The immense power and influence exer-
cised by these native princes may be estimated from
the large numbers of their followers. Thus the
DAIMIO of Satsuma, who caused the murder of Mr.
Richardson, is able to bring into the field an
army of close on eighty thousand men. Of the
Daimios there are two classes, One being much
superior to the other in wealth and power. Of the
former there are 18 membera, and the course taken
by the majority of these almost invariably deter-
mines the policy of the Government. At the pre-
sent moment the Mikado, or spiritual Emperor, is
believed to be opposed to the maintenance of com-
mercial relations with foreign States, and would
doubtless refuse to make to the British Government
the reparation they require. The Tycoon, or tem-
poral King, on the other hand, is supposed to be
favourably inclined towards us, and would, if he
could secure the approval of the Mikado and of the
pincipal Daimois, observe faithfully the treaties
which have been entered into by his Government.
The Mikado is, however, supreme; and, as he com-
mands the allegiance of the Daimois of the first
class, can in general give to the course of public
affairs the direction which to him seems best. In
the event of a refusal by the Japanese Government
to comply with our demands, the fleet under the
command of the British admiral would no doubt
commence hostilities pending the arrival of land
forces. The Japanese have been actively employed
for some time past in erecting batteries at points
where they would prove most effective. From the
towns which are exposed to the risk of bombard-
ment the native Government haversemmoivgehdt every-
thingof value. In respect to land operations, it
pisosceedrtatoinatnhautndailstchiponlignhed army,
otietroop
they
would meet
a most numerous one. In fact, the Japanese
army, though composed exclusively of the re-
tainers of the several Daimois, would number
some hundreds of thousands of tolerably well-armed
men. However regarded, a war with Japan, if
forced upon us, will be much to be regretted, We
can gain but little, whereas it may cost us much.
But although we would not be great gainers, the
Japanese would be considerable losers; and, as how-
ever obstinate they may be, they cannot be indiffe-
rent to the dictates of self-interest, we still hope
that they
will perceive and admit the folly of pro-
veking the hostility of one of the most powerful
nations of the Western world.

THE ISLINGTON CHILD MURDER.—The adjourned
inquest on the remains of Elizabeth Hunter was
held yesterday afternoon before Dr. Lankester, the coroner
for Central Middlesex, at the Florence Tavern, Islington.
The coroner said that, although at the last sitting a number
of witnesses had been examined, they had not been able to
come to a verdict ; they had therefore adjourned for a fort-
night to see if any additional evidence could be adduced
which might fix the guilt of the murder on the prisoner
Clarke. Since then the prisoner had been examined at the
Clerkenwell Police-court, but the Treasury had abandoned
the charge of murder against him. It would be now the
object of the jury to consider whether they could bring in a
verdict that would have the effect of sending Clarke before
a superior court on the capital charge, or whether they
would record an open verdict. With respect to the charges
of indecent conduct with certain children with which the
prisoner was now charged, they would have the effect of
showing what the man's character really was. In one of
these cases it was proved that Clarke had introduced a child
into the identical greenhouse in which the remains were
found, and had covered her mouth over with a handkerchief
to prevent her screaming. It was only toe probable that
this was the precise way in which the poor child Elizabeth
Hunter had met with her death. They would now consider
whether they would return a verdict or adjourn again. He
would, however, remind them that if they did adjourn it
must be to a fixed day, and not sine die. He did not think
that any more evidence would be brought before them, as
the only important witness who had not been examined was
the boy who found the head, and he was in Canada, but
could not be found. The foraman then requested that the
evidence of Miss Jennings, the landlady of the house in
which Roe and Clarke lodged, might be read over, which
having been done, the room was cleared of strangers. The
jury, having conferred
.together for about a quarter of an
hour, returned a verdict to the effect " that Elizabeth
Hunter came by her death by violent means, the nature of
which there was no evidence to show; and, further, that
the said Elizabeth Hunter was maliciously murdered by
some person or persons unknown."

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How Nicholas Grasped the Russian Sceptre.
The events which followed Alexander's death remain to
this day strangely unintelligible, writes a Saturday Re-
viewer. According to the account drawn up by Baron
Korff, a generous contest took place between the Grand
Duke Constantine and his younger brother Nicholas, each
desiring to induce the other to ascend the throne. Nothing
can be more touching than the picture of fraternal love de-
picted by "his Imperial Majesty's Secretary of State."
The only fault with which his heroes can bo charged is a
Homeric partiality for tears. They appear to have been
in the habit of giving way to their feelings on the slightest
provocation, and the book resounds with their Grand
ducal sobbings ; but perhaps the baron is not entirely to be
depended upon. An air of mystery still hangs about the
events which followed the death of Aleiander. Constan-
tine took the oath of allegiance to 1\ icholas at Warsaw.
Nicholas, at St. Petersburg, swore fealty to Constantine.
The Grand Due Michael posted up and down betweenthe
cities in a state of distraction, and allowed several days to
pass without swearing allegiance to either. As to the
troops, they swore at random by platoons, following the
lead of their commanding officers, some of whom had their
own interests to servo by the operation. The interregnum
had lasted more than a tortnignt, when one morning, be _•
fore daybreak, an officer insisted on seeing Nicholas, and
delivered to him a packet addressed to the Emperor. "Re-
flecting," says Korff, "that the duty of a subject is to sac-
rifice himself," Nicholas opened it, and, on reading its con-
tents, was "struck with so unspeakable horror" that a
cloud of asterisks has been found necessary to cover his
emotions. The packet contained letters giving a full ac-
count of the impending insurrection; and Nicholas, seeing
the necessity of immediate action, determined to coquet with
the Crown no longer. In the Baron's words, "He silenced
in his heart, before the sacred debt of his country, the
voice of self-preservation and self-interest ; with a sou
overflowing with the most pious confidence in
Almighty wisdom ho yielded to its decree. The next
morning, his son, the present Emperor, then a boy of seven
years of age, was informed of his father's accession to the
throne, and " cried a good deal when he heard of it." The
new Empress also wept, and said that she ought to be con-
doled with, not congratulated. And, indeed, although that
day passed away quietly, all felt that a great storm was
approaching. On the following morning, the troops were
summoned to take the oath, and the dreaded insurrection
broke out. The leading members of the Secret
Societies, knowing that the Emperor was acquainted
with their plans, and perceiving that it was no
longer a time for cautious measures, attempted to
strike the blow which they had been so long preparing. It
is difficult to understand how they could have entertained
any hope of a permanent success. By circulating a false
report that Constantine had been forcibly deprived of the
crown by Nicholas, they induced a part of the army to
mutiny; hilt even the men whom they misled had not the
slightest sympathy with their constitutional or republican
tendencies. It is unnecesary to dwell upon the events which
followed the outbreak. Every one knows what courage and
firmness Nicholas displayed, and how the insurgents were
either convinced by his arguments or annihilated by his artil-
lery. By half-past six in the evening the mutiny was at an
end, and having got rid of his scruples and a considerable •
number of troublesome subjects, the new Emperor was at
liberty to attend to his dinner and his devotions. The day
had been one of trial for him; for his family the terror and
the suspense must have been almost unbearable. Early
that morning, the youthful Czarevich had been interrupted
in his task of colouring a print representing the passage
of the Granicus by Alexander the Great—a picture which
is still preserved by his Majesty the Emperor in the same
state as it then was—and carried off for greater security to
the Winter Palace. There the ladies and children of the
Imperial family were assembled, and there throughout that
long day they retrained, anxiously awaiting the result of
the disturbance. Vague rumours reached them at intervals
from without, and with the evening came the roar of artil-
lery. The Dowager Empress, "struck by a touching thought,
besought Demidoff to take her late husband's portrait and
show it to the insurgents. The sight of his features, she
thought, would recall them to their duty." The Empress
fell on her knees at the first sound of the cannon, and "re-
mained in that attitude in fervent prayer till the arrival of
Adlerberg with intelligence that all was over." At length
Nicholas arrived in triumph. His victory was complete.