The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

THE ADDRESS.

Tho SPEAKER having read the Queen's Speech,
Mr, CALTHORPE (who wore the insignia of a deputy
lieutenant) then rose to move that a gracious addresa

presented to her Majesty in reply to the Speech delivered
this day by commission in the House of Lords. The mar-
riage of the Prince of Wales could not fail to give the ut-
most satisfaction to all classes of her Majesty's subjects.
A marriage of mutual affection like this could hardly La
to bring much happiness. The constitutional
farm of Government which prevailed in this country
led other nations to look to us as an example of the bcA
kind of Governnment. This it was that had led to the
offer of the Throne of Greece to Prince Alfred. Probably
when Greece had selected and obtained a constitutional
king that country would become happy and prosperous.
After the expression of feeling on the part of the lonian
Islands, no doubt the Government would deem it well to
cede these islands to Greece. (Hear, hear.) The unhappy
distress that had prevailed had been fully met and
assuaged by all classes of the people. (Hear, hear.)
It was a pleasing thing to know that .a ship was on its way
to this country front America loaded with feed for Lanca-
shire. (Cheers.) This testified unmistakably the good
feeling of flp, people ofAmerica towards this country, though
the
.press of the North tried hard to set the one people
saugeahmsatielnhgetotitflaici2t,r.l That there should be a surplus during
period of distrm,—with half a million of
people out of work, and rnany'of them ou the verge of star-
vation—testified that the monetary affairs of the country had
been well managed. He hoped a modification of the in-
come-tax would result from the surplus. (gear, hear.) It
was satisfactory to find that the French treaty had worked
well ; and he had high hopes of the result of the new treaty
with Belgium. He feared that the proclamation of Mt.
Lincoln would result in much outrage upon the negraes
and not lead to the results professed. It was, indeed,
difficult not to entertain some feelings of contempt for the
Federal Government. Freedom of the press and of speech
had been sadly outraged. Corruption and extravagance
existed to a ruinous and shameful extent. At the outeot of
the war General Scott had counselled a peaceful separation.
It was to be regretted that independent Americans had not
been found to endeavour to stem the torrent of popular
frenzy. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, the, South bad
shown great. courage and excellent strategy, and managed
their affairs in a noble and excellent manner. (Cheers.)
Yet, though this country had paid £20,000,030 to abolish
slavery, we had driven our free trade notion so far that we
had virtually fostered the slave trade. For instance,
we admitted slave-grown sugar at the same rate
as free. (Opposition cheers.) It was not the fault of the
South that they had engaged in this unhappy war, which
could only have one result--complete and entire separation.
(near, hear.) The end, however, of the war would result,
he believed, in the thorough abolition of slavery, but the
proclamation would assuredly not have the effect proposed
to be intended ; neither was it heartfelt and honest, and the
Democrats, when they again came into power, would com-
pletely nullify its provisions.
Mr. BAZ LEY (who likewise wore the uniform of a de-
puty-lieutenant) rose to second the address. The hon.
member, wlio was much cheered, expressed his satisfaction
at the Speech from the Throne. Ho hoped the peace ad-
verted to would long continue. (Hear, hear.) The Royal
marriage promised to be not only a very happy
one, but would give the utmost satisfaction
to the country. The Prince was the worthy
son of a worthy sire. (Hear, hear.) In common with his
fellow-countrymerrhe deeply deplored the distress in Lan-
cashire, and he feared it would continue yet for some time
to come. But that distress was borne with the utmost
heroism. (Hear.) They had, too, now to look for other
markets for their goods, as one of the chief was closed to
them. He read some recent figures from Mr. M'Clure, the
Secretary to the Relief Fund, showing the recent amount
of relief awarded. Altogether, the enormous sum of
£760,696 had been spontaneously subscribed for the relief of
the distress in the cotton districts. (Hear, hear.) He
regretted that the distress was on the increase, as people
were now seeking relief who up to a recent period had been
able to maintain themselves. He trusted the Government
would do their boat to get cotton from Australia and India.
The fact that the probable supply of cotton would most
probably not enable the manufacturers to give more than a
quarter of a week's work, if that, this year, would, he hoped,
stimulate the Government to do their best to promote the
production of good cotton in our colonies and elsewhere.
(Hear, hear.) The exports last year of cotton amounted to
£36,000,000, against£s6,ooo,ooo in 1861, testifying how the
trade had fallen off. He congratulated the Government on
the recent commercial treaty with Belgium, and trusted the
principles on which it was based would be extended to other
countries. The French treaty, to some extent, compensated
for the loss of the American trade. They were touch indebted
to the hon. member for Rochdale (Mr. Cobden) for the care
with which that treaty was matured. (Hear, hear.) Sae-
Mg that they were at peace with all the world, he Impel
the national expenditure would be reduced as much as possi-
ble. The surplus of the revenue would, he hoped, be applied
to the reduction of taxation on articles of general use. He
was not, too, without hope that the time was at hand when
there would be a large extension of the franchise, for it
was justified by the spread of education and the good de-
meanour of the people. (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
The SPEAKER then read the Address.

Ur. DISRAELI rose and said—Mr. Speaker, I am aura
that there is no passage in the speech of the Lords Com-
missioners which will be read with more complete and more
cordial sympathy by this house than the persuasion which
is in that speech expressed by the command of her Majesty
that this house will sympathise .with the sentiments which
her Majesty feels in so interesting an event as the marriage
of the heir apparent of these realms. (Hear, hear.) Sir,
othfveroeil\t vicaisanaßt,inie when /Loyal marriages were the perplexity
and it was supposed that by the adroit nego-
ciations of such transactions you might even change,!und
certainly that you might affect in some degr- .. .n the
balance of power. These times happily are , . . passed
away. (Hear, hear.) But it would be, I ; l'' 4e, a great
error to believe that in a country like England, where
happily domestic affections are cherished end venerated,
Royal, marriages may not conduce directly to the
power and influence of a Prince. (Hear.) We have seen
in ore time and in this country what may be the effect in
this respect, of a Royal marriage. His sovereign parent
offers to his Royal Highness the Prince of iVales an exam-
ple which, if followed, will, I am sure, endear him to the
hearts of,all Englishmen. (Hear.) And lam equally con-
fident, that, at this moment, he will not forget that other
parent, whose loss a year ago in this house we had to mourn
—(hear)—who built up a Roj al house upon the principle
of household love, and who yet, by his refined and profound
intelligence, elevated it above the majesty of thrones.
(Hear.) Sir, there is also another topic in the Speech in
which this house must deeply sympathise—with the com-
munication which has been made this day by command of
her Majesty from the throne—that is, with regard to the
feelings of sympathy which we must all share with that 7or-
tion of our fellow-countrymen who have been subjected of
late to so great a vicissitude in their fortunes. (Hoar.) But
when we remember the fortitude with which they have en-
countered that great visitation—when we remember the
spirit-with which our suffering fellow-subjects have been
sustained—l think that there is, if I may so express it,
some moral compensation arising to the country for their
material losses; and if so, it may prove, as I hope and trust
it will prove, that ultimately these trials may conduce to
the sounder and more permanent prosperity of that commu-
nity. I hope we may be justified in treating this great
visitation rather as a misfortune than as a calamity. (Hear.)
Sir, I will not stop to panygeriso the conduct of any parti-
cular class, I will not offer now a needless though perhaps
it might be a wholesome tribute of admiration and approval
to any particular body of her Majesty's subjects, but in this
perilous trial there has been a good cheer for England, and
that in my opinion is a convincing proof furnished us of that
mutual trust and that entire affection which subsists among
all classes of her Majesty's subjects, and which indicates,
whatever may be the form of our Government, the existence
of a real commonwealth. Sir, if even that question had nos
been touched upon in the Speech of the Royal Commissioin,aerrf
to-day, it would be impossible, on the re-assemblingatof
liameut, after such events, to avoid the inquiry, what
__.
pros-
pect there is of the cessation of these gtvaitnak,;effferitni7ets
to
Her Majesty has not felt herself justified
termination of the causes
Parliament any prospect of
any
;erral know that there is
of
nothingthes more
v(Hetnhetaasor, ,
to ascertain the precise charac-
terthough all persons will admit
of contemepaorakr:owe
ledge more valuable to statesmen and
that there is
politicians. (Hear.)
For my own part, I am bound to say,
Ifrom the first—and all that has subsequently occurred has
only confirmed me in my conviction—l have always looked
upon that which is occurring in America in the light of a
revolution—and of a great revolution. (Hear.) Great re-
volutions, whatever may be the alleged causes of them, are
not likely to commence or conclude with precipitation. Be-
fore the civil war commenced the United States of America
.were colonies; and we should not forget that such commu-
nities do not cease to be colonies because they are indepen-
dent. They were not only colonies but they were colo-
nising, and they existed under all conditions of colonial life
except that of mere political dependence. But for several
years I think that all unimpassioned observers must have
been conscious that in that community there were smoul-
dering elements which indicated the possibility of a change,
and, perhaps, of a violent change. The immense increase of
population—the still greater increase, perhaps, of wealth,
the introduction of foreign races in large numbers as
holitoih-
zens, not brought up under the laws and customs
rwfeoti7
were, perhaps, adapted to a more limited and.
ca al
cPoenstitu-
homogeneous race—the character of that
tion which, in its practice, in consequetnheotrri:flitthl
tiou, because almost impractideaabh.
d—educated intellects of
theory of ambition to the ria,itionde absence ithis
i a torfo dauncy-
the public morality, and, a
dictaetret
the country, which detcriorbovethaelnlr
the
ee sipnierrietaasnidnglowinefireud.
danthesemofoEreatrh°a"ne
once
—theseo f them,cx.Unitedeau
circumstances States
in politicalthwe.hieh
ht suddenly and viol
possibility that the mere colonial character of these cora-
ently be subverted, and
munitics nt,g ,
those political characteristics appear which seem to be the
destiny of man. (Hear, hear.) I cannot conceal from my-
self the conviction that when those who in this house may
be young enough to live to witness the ultimate conclu-
sion and consequences of this civil war—l cannot but
believe that the America which they will then recognise
when the waters have subsided will be a different
or
America to that which was known to our forefatilf ,
even to this generation, of which we have had so much
of
ex-
perience. (Hear, hear.) It will, I believe, b
tirmiee; it will be an America of diplomacy; an
iit will be an