The Sun.
London, England, 1837-11-15 00:00:00

THE AIN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, NOVEWER 15, 1831.

Bravo !") I call upon them to reduce the army, which has
been raised and maintained only to oppress the people at home,
or to rob the colonists abroad. The colonists thi.mselves do
not desire their protection. They desire to be allowed to
have the appointment of their own civil officers, that their
taxes may pass into the hands of their own countrymen, and
not into the pockets of strangers. Upcn these terms the
Colonies would be willing to defray all the expenses of their
own Government and protection. The people of Prince Ed-
ward's Island and other colonies have made formal proposals
to this effect. How, then, can our foreign possessions be any
longer held as a sufficient excuse for maintaining our
standing armaments ? But, say the aristocratic advocates
of the present Colonial system, see the streams of commerce
which flow from those Colonies to assist your merchants
and manufacturers. I speak as a manufacturer, as one of
that body by whom nearly all our exchangeable merchandize
arc produced, when I say that we desire that the trade of the
Colonies should be free—free as air—because we desire that
our own commerce should be free. We desire that the farmer

of Canada, and the planter of Jamaica, should be allowed a
free choice of the markets of the NV orld for the sale of their

tubers, coffee, and sugar, and we claim the same privilege

in the disposal of our cOitons, woollens, and hard-wares.—(Great

applause.) Think not that it is for our benefit that the commerce
of the Colonies is put under restraint ; it is a part of that system,
based upon 'violence, in which one party alone is interested. That
party is not the Colonists themselves, as I trust I have shown—not
the people of England or the manufacturers, as I call on
ycu to be my witnesses. No, the Colonial system is for
the benefit of the Aristocracy none.—(hear.) The Colonies are
the outworks of the great citadel of corruption, and before the
strong hold itself can be put down, before the army can be reduced
that outwork must be assailed. One word more upon the subject
of the army. The newspapers inform us that the Ministry are
preparing to organize a rural police uniformly throughout the
country, and I will frankly admit that I think the present police
of England, however well it might have suited our Saxon an-
cestors, requires some reforms to adapt it to our present wants.

But I warn the Ministers that if they should attempt to spread

over the country a new-fangled gendarmerie—to meet us in our

walks in the quiet lanes and footpaths—to peer into our gardens

and parks, or to dot our green fields with blue or scarlet—if they
should attempt to impose upon the people such an establishment
without having previously suppressed the barrack system, and dis-
banded the standing army—then I warn them that their doom will
be sealed in the opinion of every hearty Reformer.—( Great ap-

plause.) Mr. Cobden proceeded to argue for the necessity of
abolishing the officers of the Civil List, which are no longer useful,
and he quoted Lord John Russell's speech of May, 8, 1820, where
he said, " if such offices as Gi-oom of the Stole, and Master of the
Hawks, were to 15e upheld from respect to ancient usage without
regard to utility, the King ought still, on the same principle, to
have his fool, and be allowed straw for his bed, and litter for his
chambers." Mr. C. concluded by arguing strongly in favour

economy at the present critical juncture of our finances, and cot

eluded amid loud cheers.

The CHAIRMAN then rose, and said be never felt more
pleasure in his life than in giving.thc next toast. He would
not insult their feelings or their understandings by any re-
marks, and he was satisfied that they all responded to the
name of their talented and highly-distinguished guest, who
had conferred an honour upon their town by his presence.
He would, without further preface, give them " Daniel
O'Connell, Esq., M.P., and Justice to Ireland."—Nine
times nine, and tremendous cheering.)
Mr. O'CONNELL then rose, precisely at eleven o'clock,
amidst the most deafening cheering. After silence had
been obtained, which it was impossible to procure for
many minutes, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, said—
I do hope, amidst this crowded, popular, and truly
influential assembly, there is not one among you
that can imagine I have the presumptuous vanity to
attribute the reception I have met this morning,
and above all the manner in which you have received me
this night, to any notion that I have merits to deserve or
talents to requite your kindness. lamin my own nature
a plain and ungifted creature—(Hear, and cheering)—
and I would no more venture to present myself as
deserving of one moment of your notice, then
I would be guilty of any other act of presumption, if I did
not stand before you as the representative of a people long
oppressed, still suffering, but looking, with the eye of hope
and expectation, to England.—(Much cheering.) To the
remotest recesses of my native land the manner you have
received me this day will be heard, and' give cheering
hope to those who, while their ultimate hope is
in their own exertions, they have robed on those
exertions—and no man ever deserved the assistance
ef others who had not a proper reliance on their own—that
people will hear with cheering hope the manner in which
von have received the humble individual, myself, but who
inis the honour of representing those millione who have
been taxed, and fteeced, and tithed, and who now call on
the Pm:former; Gf England to 'join them, that. they rimy no
longer be taunted as aliens in their native land.—(
cheering.) Fellow subjects, with you we will come to
an era of great impottance. The British throne has
been filled by a succes,ion of Sovereigns that. se:...reely eon-
idered the.entire of the British people as haying the saute
claim to proteation ; who were ready enough to treat us as
subjects, but who were not equally ready to give us the be-
nefit of the allegiance they hld received at our hands.—
(Hear.) The Throne is now flied by a Princess of Ili,.
highest and the fairest hope—(Cheers)—z !Id I delight at the
outbreak of honest English allegiance that. made you cheer
till the echo repeated again the reply, " Tue health
prosperity of the young Princess."—(lmmense cheering.)
I have reason to hope she has been educated free from pre-
iudiees, and by one of the most crniale and intelligent of.
the human race---lier excellent moiller—(Cheers)—and
the country looks forward with hope that at. last all the
obstacles to the inaprovement of our institutions that existed
in the secret and back-stairs authority are about to be
done away with in her, to the liberty of the people.
What is the beauty of Reformers in both countries ? 'rho
liberty of the people. There is no principle of liberty that
can apply to the one country that does not to the other.
I Come not here is ith any prejudices against your advan-
tenes—l do not went. to pull you down to our level—all 1
want is that you will assist in pulling us up to year station.
Loud cries of " will, we will.") The consequence
of that equality will be that each of them will intpro.,-?
the condition of the ether, and what you wait will he ranr,L
readily granted, especially when you have others assist
you.—(Cheers.) I am cease among you upon an experi-
trh_nt.--(‘Cheers.) For seven centuries the Britkla Go-
vernment has lo:•cn the enerny of Ireland. Our history
has been tarnished with tears, and stained with blood.—
(Great cheering.) Tee ()ranee faction, though already
gorged, is still insatiate for blood.—(Cheere.) I come
to warn you against ever letting the Tories come again
into power.—(Cheers.) What have they done for
you—what have they done for England? Wha, they have
loaded it with 800,000,0001. of debt.—(Cheers.) They
have male every article of life twice as dear as otherwise they
would he. How often have they suspended the Habeas
Corpus Act ?—(Cheers.) How often have they spilt the
best blood of the country in vexatious wars ?—(Cheers.)
What crime is there against humanity the Tories have not
been guilty of?—(Cheers.) Will you then allow the To-
ries ever to come into power agail ?—(No, never.) After
the period they have been kept out of office, think you
not the severity which they exercised in their rule formerly
will not be exercised with tenfold tyranny towards those
who have kept them out of office.—(Cheers.) It' you per-
mit the Tories to come in under the notion that they
will never dare to exercise their power in the manner they
did when in office before, you will be deceived.—(Cheers.)
I call upon you to look at what the state of Ireland would
he if you allow the Tories to come in again. Are you pre-
pared to place her in the hands and tender mercies of
Ernest, King of Hanover ?—(Cries of " No.") If not go
along with me and resist the Tory faction, and support the
Queen's Ministry as far as possible to support them, not
encouraging any shrinking from just reform, or postponing
necessary improvements, but pressing them firmly and de-
terminedly.—(Cheers.) We have at heart the same just
cause—the cause of religious liberty all over the world.
—(Cheers.) What is feudality in Germany, the Inquisi-
tion in Spain, and tyranny in Turkey ?—lt is all the
same.—(Cheers.) But the freeman in every clime is the
same, and the brother and supporter of his fellow-
men.—(Loud cheers.) Ireland has some claim upon
you now. The pulpit there, which ought to be
the vehicle of instruction, and the tribunal from which
the word of peace ought to be poured out upon the
listening worshippers of our common God—(Cheers)—
the pulpit drum of that country is sounded, not for the
purposes of religion, but for the purposes of party.—
(Cheers.) 'That pulpit is not built up for the purpose of
preaching charity, but for sowing the seeds of dis-
cord—( Hear, hear, hear, and cheers)—anathematising one
party and eulogising another, putting the services of God
to the worst passions of men. I deny the charge of the re-
creant Chancellor.—(Cheers.) I deny that they are aliens
in blood—it is untrue. I appeal to Wellington himself
whether the Irish were aliens at Waterloo.—(Cheers.) Did
Nelson ever say that the Irish were aliens.---(" No, no.”)
If it were possible for the Irish to exceed the valour of the
English and Scotch they did so at Waterloo. In the most
sanguinary of wars in the great contest for freedom,
the Irish have always been most forward.—(Cheers.)
The Reform Bill would never have passed but for the Irish
people.—(Cheers.) The Tories have given nothing to the
country but taxation ; the highest scheme of taxation upon
the poorest man, and the lesser on the rieher.7(Cheers.)
Look at the splendid palace of a great Duke, it is taxed at
75 per cent. less than the poor man—(Cheers and cries of
shame,)—the window tax for the rich is 25 per cent. less
than for the poor. I have spoken of the assistance given
by the people of Ireland for the passing of the lhaform
Bill--what,is my authority for saying so ?—The Irish influ-
ence in carrying it.—(Cheers.) Such being the case,
.you
surely owe us something, and for that we only ask you to
equal ;
representation with yourselves. Our fran-
chise u
lseiss fact you have the 40s. one, but then you
have the unfortunate 501. clause.—(Cheers.) I call upon
you to assist me in extending the franchise, and remember

that, in assisting us, you are assisting yourselves.—(Cheers.)
I will not detain you, at this late hour, by any discussion ;
but I say, every man ought to have the franchise.—
(Cheers.) No head of a family ought to be without it.
I am the advocate of Universal Suffrage, because it is
just in principle, and because I don't see why one class in so-
ciety should have more influence than another.—(Cheers.)
I speak not of the relations of society—l speak of the pri-
vileges of self-defence, which representation is. lam also
for the shortening of Parliaments ; and if you help me to
increase the franchise in Ireland, and increase those rights
we are entitled to—oh, if you do, we will help you to
shorten Parliaments. But I cannot consent to that with-
' out the vote by Ballot. Unless the man is allowed to vote
as he chooses, it is a mockery to give him the vote at all,
and no man can vote as he chooses without the Ballot. At
least nine-tenths of the people are under influences that
must operate to take the vote from him who has it, and give
it to him who has it not. This I say is robbery, disguise it
as you may. One of the greatest impediments to this is, that
some of us radicals, for I am a thorough radical—(Great
a pplau se)---are so anxious for general Suffrage,
that they will not allow us to meet for the Ballot. If we
don't sacrifice to them, there are some of them unthinking
(1 will call it) enough not to allow us to do so without
going under the yoke of their opinions. But I for one
frankly avow that I would be afraid of Universal Suffrage
if unaccompanied by the Ballot. At present there is the
intimidation of the landed proprietors, the employers, and
the customers ; but in the other case, there might be some
man who would raise himself by playing upon the passions
of the excited people, and do just as much mischief as the
present Aristocratic ruffians. Insist upon the Ballot in
order that Universal Suffrage may be safely conceded.
What are we to do to obtain these things ? We arc to do
what I have often said in Ireland—AGlTATE—(Cheers
laughter.) That is only one word, and there are but two
more—Agitate, Agitate.—(Great cheering.) I am the pre-
sident of the Trades' Union in Dublin, because they think
me an excellent workman ; and did you ever know
a good workman to finish the job by sitting down with his
hands before him. To finish the job well—to procure good
and cheap government—Agitate, agitate, agitate.—(Bursts
of applause.) There is a fable with which you are all
perhaps familiar : the clown who was driving his waggon
along found his wheel in a rut, and the horses unable to
drag it out.. Whereupon he began to pray that the wheels
might be loosed. A fellow behind the hedge cried out to
him, " Leave off your prayers—put your shoulder to the
wheel, and whip your horses."—(Great cheering, and
laughter.) This is exactly what I say to you.—(Hear,
hear.) Let us talk a little of great lords. In my remarks
on the Ballot to-day, I declared that man who was an enemy
to the Ballot not to be a sincerely honest man. I in-
stanced Lord Ebrington, who in moral integrity has no
superior ; and I repeat, that he is not on that point politi-
cally honest. There is another Lord, Durham, who de-
clared lately that he was for Household Suffrage,
Triennial Parliaments, ;and Vote by Ballot. Long life to
his Lordship, say L—(Great laughter, and cheering.)
All the Tories abused hini for it, and some of the Radicals
also, which was quite unfair. But why did they ? Be-
cause, he added, " I won't force them on the people of
England." Why should he ? But will he give them
when they are asked for?—(Hear, hear.) You must re-
solve that question, because you cannot know it if you do
not ask him. Therefore, if you ask for them, and if he
is honest he must give them, although he will not
force you to be happy in spite of your teeth.—(A
laugh.) Let us once get the Ballot, and we shall
defy all the Tory landlords and the Tory faction—
I would defy all if we once got the opportunity of voting
honestly. What chance then would the Major have against
the gentleman who last addressed you ? They talk of re-
ligion, but is there any crime greater than that of bribing
a voter? They buy in the first place what the other ought
not to sell ; in the next they violate his conscience, and
then they bring him to take the bribery oath—and thereby
they put his soul in danger by calling on him
to bring his God to attest a falsehood. This is Toryism.
They use the highest things of religion like the money
changers in the Temple. Oh, let the spirit cf an honest
and indignant people turn out the money-brokers from. the
Temple, and obtain the protection of the honest Ballot.
Then indeed justice will triumph over the country, and all
the abuses which my talented friend has complained
of, and the poweiful good sense which your Member
has exhibited, justifying your choice, and gratify ing
you by showing not only in point of moral integrity and in-
dependence, hut in manly determination, you have procured
a man able to fight your battles—then, indeed, I repeat
good sense will triumph. I have addressed you principally
upon topics of your extension of the Suffrage, the short-
ening of Parliaments, and the protection of your votes. And
why ? Because I never thonaht it wrong to see Englishinesa
in the front of the battle.—(Loud end continued cheers.)
It is a situation they have never disgraced when they had a
roan upon that T„tone, and they would not do it now when
Viey 'show there is a litdc lady looking et them.—(Loud
cheers and laughter.) Vie want more in Ireland, we want
Municipal Corporate Aeform there.--(Cry of Poor Lass s.)
-07 11 'IA) I find you are satisfied with your own Poor Laws,
you may offer Si stout to us. •We malt Municipal
Reform, and will any man in Stockport say that
it is not a good thing ? Don't you think we could and in
Ireland to fill the highest civic offices some man whose
independent principles have marked him through life as the
enemy of injustice, persecution, and oppression ?—(Cheers.)
Ooe whw'e personal virtues have made him respected by
those who politically differ from him ? In other places as
well as Stockport such a man niay be found, instead of
having a pitiful paltry partiz in making the day
disagreeable by his political prejudices, and the
night disgusting by worse toasts—would it not be worth
while to turn out such a man, and put in such a man as
your present Mayor? You k ow little of the Irish he
if you think we would be d iplcased with such a thing.
Your Mayor needs no police; his orders are better obeyed
than if he iv r an Eastern despot. i. myself have no rank
or station in Ireland. I am only the son of a gentleman far-
mer, one of yourselves; and yet by never despairing, but
always working, pressing on the enemy, and always hitting •
lirn in the face when he directly opposed me, and hitting
him at the other end, when be turned tail—(Roars of
laughter, zn I cheers)—l have endeavoured to be always
light when I could, and never to join for party purpose s,
when my conscience, before God, did not tell me that I
was right. My influence there has been ca.iled power. No
mail was ever more ready to abdicate it than myself, and for
this reason, because it was founded upon the grievances and
oppressions of the land of my birth. My power is raised upon
the Abuse of the Government. Oh! give me the power to
abdicate, by substituting the Government for Daniel
O'Connell.—(Loud cheers.) Give the representative of
the Queen that situation which I have been compelled to
usurp, and I have the pleasure to tell you, that I have a
very excellent rival in that country, who, as the school-boy
says, is taking the gilding off my gingerbread.—(Cheers.)
• We have in Ireland a chivalrous, high-minded nobleman,
whose greatest delight is in doing good for all classes of
the people.—(Loud cheers.) He is not one of those
people who have carried their political prejudices into the
market, and bartered them for ready money.—(Cheers.)
We have not yet obtained political equality, and so help
inc Heaven if I do not feel it a greater affliction
because we have not been able on that account to assist
you as well as you deserve.—(Loud and continued cheer-
ing.) Never was known such tranquillity in Ireland as
during the last few years. The wild justice of revenge has
slumbered. The people see in the horizon the sun begin-
ning to arise which promises in its meridian splendour to
illume the green hills and vallies of my native land.—
(Cheers.) The people, sunk in the silence of expectation,
are tranquilly awaiting the beneficial results of British con-
nection. (Cheers.) If you were told that the Irish are a
fiery and agitated people—that they are discontented and
disaffected—l reply to such calumniators at once, that it is
false, and the storm is over the moment the prospect of
fair play and justice is carried out.—(Loud cheers.)
This is my mission now to England. I come here in the
name of the Reformers of Ireland, to ask the Reformers
of England to join with me. Let us have no petty
quarrelling ; let us support the present Ministry—
not that they are doing all I would wish them to do, but
because they are infinitely better than the vagabonds that
would come in if they were to go out.—(Cheers.) Some
people say they pretend to be Radicals. Oh, let the Tories
turn out the present Ministry, and then in a short time the
people will be so angry, that we shall get a Radical Ministry
into office. I don't like men of prophecy. I don't put
any great faith in those seers of events. Give me an ounce
of reality to a bushel of prophecy. You know the
old proverb is, that " a bird in the hand is worth
two in a bush." Igo farther than that, and I say that the
feather of a bird in hand is better than a goose that is quite
loose and flighty ; so that I pay no attention to what is
said, viz., " Let us be worse and then we shall be better."
There is no maxim better established in morality than that
you are not to do the least evil from the certainty of
thereby being able to do some good, and when you can-
not do evil with any certainty of doing good, is it not
absolutely absurd to say that you should be at li-
berty to do evil merely upon the proviso of being
able to do some good ?—( Hear, hear.) But then,
if the Tories were to come into power, what 'would they do ?
All
they durst, perhaps, would be your answer—(Laughter)
—but I will tell you what they would do. They would
make the franchise more difficult ; they would be sure to
make every voter vote in the presence of his task-master.
They would do more ; they would narrow the consti-
tuency in the boroughs and towns till they had again got
them into their own power. On the very first day after-
wards they would follow the example of their great master,
the King of Hanover, and pass the edict declaring the
Reform Bill was a nuisance, and that the present Constitution
should not be bound by it at all. Is there hope to be enter-
tained for the liberty of our franchise, and would you wish to

enjoy that franchise ?—( Hear.) Oh, if you concur with me
in thinking that England would be better on friendly
terms with Ireland than at animosity with her, would
not the best plan be to strengthen and cement those
friendly terms, and forward, by every possible means, the
allegiance of the people of that country.—(Cheers.) Why
what ought to be your allegiance to the Queen ? To make
Ireland as loyal as England itself.—( Loud bursts of cheer-
ing from all parts of the room.) Let me suppose now
that Ireland was as perfectly conciliated as
Yorkshire, or as the whole of Scotland, and that
there was no degrading distinction between the different
countries—what would you think of any man who said
it is a bad thing for the three countries to be at peace ?
We will be so loyal as to cause that arm, which ought to be
an assistance to England, to become paralized, and even
turned against this country in its heart.—(Loud cheers,
and cries of " Hear, hear.") Would you not think that
man a maniac—as great a maniac as the man who is now
assailing the very life of our young Queen—mad as he
is, and diabolical as a demon from hell?—(Cheering.)
Is it not well to prevent that which when established you
may not be able to cure, by giving justice to Ireland.—
(Cheers.) There are many real Reformers in England ;
but, Sir, in Ireland we sometimes fancy you have fantasti-
cal Reformers.—( Hear, hear, hear.) There was a man of
the name of Burden, that WAS a Reformer ! Was
there not ?—(Cries of Hear, hear, and immense laughter.)
Burdett was his name—was it not ?—(Renewed laughter.)
There is another old fellow of the name of Burdett now

alive—is there not ?—( Hear, and laughter.) They cannot
be the same.--(Hear, hear.) Two can never be one.—
(Laughter and cheers.) The one " was" a Reformer—the
other " is" a renegade Tory.—(Cheers.) The one was a friend
of the people, or pretended to be so ; the other is a friend of
the people, if they come not " betwixt the wind and his
nobility."—(Hear, hear, and great laughter.) He was
seditious as a young man—(Hear)—he was traitorous
as he grew older ; and actually shook the throne on a visit
to the Tower—(Roars of laughter)—and when the people
came to take him out of the Tower he shrunk back, went
out by the back stairs, and went to the other side
of the water. He is there now.—(Renewed laughter.) He
went over to the other side of the water, where be now
is, and in his old days he is a rank apostate. In the first
instance he was disreputable ; in the second he was dan-
gerous ; and in the last he is disgusting.—(lmmense
cheering and laughter.) There was one comparison
of a very profane nature which he used to mike.
He used to say over and over again, that the Con-
stitution resembled—l can hardly bring myself to
think of the awful resemblance—he used to say
that the Constitution was like the Redeemer—it
was hung between two thieves—the Whigs were the
one thief—the Tories were the other. They were, indeed,
both thieves ; but the one was a penitent thief, whereas
the other died in his impiety.—(Hear, hear.) Now
what has Burdett turned ? If the Whigs were thieves,
they have shown signs of repentance ; they have come
over to the people, and the people have granted them
mercy. The Tories arc the impenitent thieves, and
the old fellow knows they are impenitent. The old fellow
Burdett is joining those very Tories too—the worst thieves
of all.—(lmmense laughter.) Now, that's a specimen of
what the Tories call a fine old English gentleman !—( Hear.)
Oh yes, the Tories are quite right, for he is fond of quoting
Shakspeare, and I remember a quotation of King Lear, talk-
ing' of the old gentleman, in which the old fool is made to
cry out, the Prince of Darkness is a Gentleman.—(Cheers.)
Burdett—he is called " Old Glory;" so that according to
Shakspeare, it would be by a kind of incantation ; he
having been the impenitent thief, he became a gentleman
as a matter of course.—;Great laughter.) I would rather
have one honest man than a whole churchyard full of
such.—(Renewed cheers.) Ido hope some member of
the Press will tell him how we have been laughing at him to-
night—(Cheers and laughter)—and I do know that a friend
of mine (Mr. Young), who is the proprietor of The Sun
newspaper—(lmmense cheering, which lasted fur seve-
ral minutes)—has sent no less than three of his gen-
tlemen here (Renewed cheering)— and all I beg of
them is to give Burdett my compliments; and it is but an
act of justice to laugh at the old shall I call him
properly—Miscreant—it is but an act of justice to
him to do so.—(Hear, hear.) Why what did he do the
other day ? He sat down at the commencement of this
election, and wrote deliberately to the people of West-
minster, who he knew would turn him out, and
told them that his health was so impaired that he
could no longer attend to Lis Parliamentary duties ;
but he found a Tory opening in Wiltshire, and in half
an hour he is ground voting again ; and the poor old
men who was so sick, sore, and sad, that he could
not go up to Westminster, was hale, young, and vigor-
ous, and able to accept the representation of Wiltshire !
( Laughter.) I never knew before that Wiltshire was like
Morrison's pills, fit for all diseases.—( Renewed laughter.)
Welk then, be that is diseased, if he wishes to get well,
let him go to Wiltshire, and in that Tory air he will be
sure to be reAered to strength. And this is toe man who
t:-les to effect lesiest and uncompromising reforms. Alt, I
do say it is a stain to the chivalry and to the name or Eng-
land, that there should be found among its inhal rants a
creature so crawling and utterly contemptible, as to be so
diametrically opposed, in his old age, to what he pur-
ported to be throughout tl.e entire period of his former !Fe.
—( Hear, hear.) He has said he will sub: tribe to that
fund for getting up petitions to unseat the Reform Mem-
bars in every county in I: eland in which he has any pro-
perty. I doubt whether be will have,the money. I have
no doubt at all that you wig see his name to those subscrip-
tions, but you all knew there is a great difference betwixt
seeing his name there, and his paying down the bank-notes.
--(Hear, hear.) I have threatened a prosecution, and I
now tell you I will follow up that prosecution against some
of the Spottiswoode gang. The old gentleman offers liiin-
self as one who is trilling to be prosecuted. Ali ! if a pro-
secution was begun against him, the old doors of the back
stairs of the Tower would soon open, and let old Burdett
out and off again. He would be again off to the other
side of the water, though I really would be afraid that
the Thames would sweep the old man away.—(Hear,
hear.) Well, so- much for him. And why do I
speak to von about him at all. Why, because he stood
high in the ranks of Reformers—because I myself have
toasted hint among the leaders of ppular sentiment ; and
there is not a man who now hears me, who did not feel his
heart warm at one time by thinking- that in old Burdett he
had one honest English Reformer. Ah, but it is a melan-
choly thing to think of what he is now, yet that is the fate
of every miscreant ; and I won't say the sentence of death
but the sentence of utter execration throughout England
ought to fall on him. England will never be merry Eng-
land again until you put an end to such a man.
Well, then, I come back to you—having taken good
humoured!), my revenge of old Burdett. I now forgive him
—(Considerable laughter)—and come back to you. I call
upon you to recollect, that what we are here met for is the
support of the great principle—Democratic Liberty. I stand
here for that purpose.—( Hear, hear.) And what are
the great principles we have inview? Freedom of con-
science in our religious faiths. We are all amenable to one
God--leave man, therefore, to the freedom of his own con-
science. I look with indignation at that very amiable saint
(Lord Sandon), who appeared at an election meeting at
Liverpool with a Bible on the dickey of his carriage, and a
Crown above it. But what was the Crown composed of?
It was composed of nothing but a piece of pewter, with
some varnish upon it. And what was the Bible ? Why,
simply a solid piece of wood, appearing like the Holy Bible,
having the word of God upon it, but consisting of nothing but
some rotten Canadian planks, and having nothing more for
its contents.—(Hear, hear.) A wooden Bible and a
pewter Crown !—(Much laughter, and cheers.) Ali, but
Gentlemen, lam the advocate of democratic liberty. I
look to the eastern nations of the earth, and I find that the
inhabitants of those nations have been happy and prosper-
ous exactly in proportion to the degree of democratic liberty
which they have enjoyed. I need not go farther than Eng-
land, as compared with other nations on the face of the
earth. She is a small country, but has she not been
amongst the most formidable and prosperous of all the
nations of Europe ? Why has this been so? Why, be-
cause no other nation cultivated the democratic prin-
ciple to the extent she has done.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) That extent is not the extent which this
country now requires, but it has hitherto been superior
to the degree cultivated by others ; and accordingly England
has been more prosperous than the others which have been
more Tory. Toryism has, however, eclipsed for a time the
beauty of the English people. But, ah ! it is only a cloud
passing over us for a moment. Reform, with all its efful-
gence, is bursting forth, which in its strength will go on to
Show the gladdening landscape in all its beauty, and be-
neath its fostering influence England will rise again like a
rocket, and be the most splendid nation in the world.—
(Much cheering.) Take the democracy of Athens, •and
see what a history she has left behind her, and compare
with that the history of the Roman Autocrat. Take
Venice—take any place wherever the democratic principle
has prevailed, and there you will find that liberty has flou-
rished ; and though there is a black spot upon the eagle,
and her talons are covered with the blood of her fellow-
men of a different colour ; although that blood hangs upon
and stains her star-spangled banners, yet deinocratical
principle has sprung up there. She has outstripped
the aristocratic ; and though there may be a difference be-.
tween her and our currency of hank notes into which I do
not mean to enter at present, yet she has paid off the
whole of her national debt, and there is more comfort and
happiness in the families of individuals there than there is
to be found in the families of individuals in any other nation
en the face of the earth.—Well, then, Englishmen stand
by me for the democratic principle.—(Hear, hear, and
cries of bravo.) Be your exertions co-extensive with the
excellent political knowledge of my Noble Friend
(alluding to the Honourable Member), if he will per-