The Sun.
London, England, 1839-03-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAittn 27, 1829

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Tories seem more than half-frightened at the
position into which they have got by their. recent vic-
tory in the House of Lords. They turn up their hands

and eyes in innocent amazement, at the testiness of the
Ministers who can construe that vote into an expressiOn

of censure. They protest that it was meant in perfect
civility. In. the same breath they denounce the degra-
dation of the Government, and wonder at its petulance.
To theii' bewildered optics it seems at once the most

submissive of human things, and yet the most sensitive.
They are in a most amusing perplexity. What their
own leaders are about they know not, whether they
think the pear is ripe, or prefer that it should hang till
the end of the Session. Then they look at Ireland,
and think of the pretty job it would be to gOvern that
country, should the present Ministry be upset for the
fault of appointing a popular Lord Lieutenant. And

then they begin to count the cost of a general election,
and to wonder whether a majority would be worth the
expenditure of two millions sterling, or thereabouts, in
the corruption of constituencies. The nearer they ap-
proach to the golden and glittering prize, the sharper
appear the thorns by which it is environed. Sometimes
they incline towards—
" Letting I dare not' wait upon I would,'
Like the poor cat i' the adage;"
and then ano❑ they take heart o' grace, talk big and
bluster, represent our sketch of the position and duties
of Liberal politicians as a bit of Whig trickery, and
affect to sneer at that spirit of united patriotism which,
they very well know, when once it is aroused, will blast
the prospects of Toryism for evermore. Poor builders
of Babel—we leave them to their confusion of tongues,
and the mazes of their own labyrinth ! Their hopes at
present rest upon the success of a trick. They know
that the least vulnerable point in the policy of the pre-
sent Ministry is Ireland. They know that
the conciliatory system which has been so
successfully practised there has been accepted.
as an atonement for much occasion of regret
elsewhere. They feel how awkward it would be to

gain poWer on the condition of reversing that system,
and reviving a - species of _ rule of which the
correlative is insurrection.- Above all things, they-
dread the hearty combination of the different
classes of Liberals. On Irish policy, separately con-
sidered, they know that they cannot obtain a majority ;
but they may mix it up with more general views on

which dissatisfaction exists. The tactics of division
may furnish out the triumph of faction. Now, we are
not content simply with the prospect of the present Mi-
nistry repelling an attack of this description. It is at
best but a poor and petty victory. The Tories may be
defeated this day fortnight ; but in their defeat will the
Government be made strong for public good ? A
Contemporary thinks us ungenerous in not fighting for
them that. particular battle, and pleads for their uncon-
ditional support on the question of Irish policy. We
do most cordially champion their Irish policy. The
dark records of centuries enhance its brilliancy. We
doubt whether any possible Administration can show a
kindlier feeling towards Ireland than they have evinced.
We desire nothing better for that country than the
continuance of their policy, fairly carried out in its dif-
ferent bearings. But our proposition is, that they cannot
realize, to its full extent, even their own Irish policy,
and that no British Ministry can rest exclusively on its
Irish policy ; it must be British as welt as Irish. On the
question to be submitted to the House of Commons, Lord
J. Russell has-a right to expect a verdict of approval. A.
different result would place the House of Commons, like
the House of Lords, in antagonism with an entire na-
tion of the empire. For the vote on such a question,
we talk not of conditions. It belongs to a simple ques-
tion of true: and justice. But our views go farther and
deeper ; and we say that, whatever becomes of the vote
of this day fortnight—whether the Government have, as
we anticipate, an honest majority approving the good it
has done in Ireland, or whether some trick or mystifica-
tion, by splitting the Liberals, place it in a minority—
whatever the particular result, there is no hope or safety
for the empire but in those comprehensive measures
which we have ventured to suggest as the foundation of
a permanent and energetic union of all classes of Re--
formers. All else is trifling, and resolves itself into
office without governmental power, or opposition with-
out popular sympathy. Another Cotemporary opines
that, in looking at the extreme political parties,
we forget the intermediate and inert classes whom
it takes to constitute the great body of the nation. But
does not our Cotemporary forget than they are inert
classes ? Can any Ministry be upheld by a simply passive
support ? Is it not a fault in the leaders of a Reform
party that they allow a people to lapse into inertness ?
In the present circumstances of this country, it is a
fatal fault. With an organized faction over on the
alert—with the calculation ever pending of how much
private expenditure will purchase the power of public
plunder—we cannot afford the inertness of ordinary
times. We have only the alternative between retro-
cession and onward movement. The ground on which
the present Ministry attempted to_
_take its stand has

been cut away from under them. No justice to their
Irish policy can make their general policy the rallying
flag of a party: They have no banner ; and if they
will, not hoist that of popular right and security, others
miist. The absurdity has .paver yet succeeded of po-
litical chieftains resting upon'th,e.suppOrt of inert masses.
There must be a Reform pa% to struggle successfully
with the Anti-Reform party.' On what grounds can it
be combined ? We haVe suggested our own view : we
_ _

have indicated the Ballot—Household Suffrage
Triennial Parliaments—no property qualification
and proportionate representation, as the terms
of such an union. They have, at least, the re-
commendation of being decidedly unacceptable to
the Tories. It is something done for the people
to indicate that which dismays the public enemy. We
ask of liberal politicians to occupy the ground on which
union will give them strength to repel the invasions of
Toryism ; we ask of any who do or may hold office-to
accede to honourable terms, on which alonC the can
really, as well as nominally, govern the-ems rt • 'ssv--hsk
of Radicals to take ,the pra.ctila nogj,.~:wail be
brought within reach Ist:Wei-I -decided ittion:
we ask of the commerciWinterests apolitical
in addition to their defeated economical effort, before
they resign themselves to the destruction of our manu-
facturing superiority—we ask of the labouring masses
to consider whether crude theories, class isolation, and
hopeless violence can possibly do more for them than
co-operation for the large extension of their freedom,
and security for their industrial rights, which we advo-
cate—and we ask of all who would lead quiet and
peaceful lives to make one great effort for immunity
from the ceaseless convulsions of political strife, the op-
pressions of factious ascendancy, and the violent re-
actions of frequent change. If a mutual understanding
amongst all, and a sincere eo-operation, upon such
grounds as we have pointed out, will not avail for these
purposes, we can only ask, what will ? The question
will brook little delay ; and he is no true friend of his
country who indefinitely puts off the solution.—Morn-
big Chronicle.
The intelligence from North America becomes more
serious with every passing day. Yesterday morning we
received a mass of papers and letters from New York,
to the 6th instant inclusive, brought by the ship Scot-
land ; and not many hours afterwards, by the steamer
Liverpool, accounts reached town to the 10th instant,
which are of the same complexion with the former
ones—that is to say, the reverse of satisfactory or pa-
cific. We do not indeed find just cause to complain of
anything peculiarly acrimonious, or virulent, or offensive
towards Great Britain in the language employed by
the American Government, or by Mmbers of Congress,
or by the leading portions of the Republican press.
There is a tone of decency and gravity in their proceed-
ings which bespeak no rancour, and conveys no sort of
insult, and expresses no willingness, but, on the contrary,
repugnance to a national war with England. So far there
is nothing that an Englishman could wish to see altered
in the demeanour adopted by the United States, nor
anything unworthy of a race of freemen, who earned their
lib '74.- on the field of battle, contending against a
mi sense of right, and a short-sighted calcula-
siosr.:'..-ir."llcys ovbe part of their kindred antagonists.
But-
11140fflnately, all feeling of satisfaction with
ourillican-brethren must cease. It their words be
measured 'so are not their actions. The votes of Con-
gress,-tlk executive proceedings of the Cabinet, the na-
ture an3Oxtent, of the warlike armaments authorized
by Congress, uiritertaken by the Executive, eagerly cla-
moured for and accepted with rapture by the people,
denote that when t Lie‘period of real exertion shall ar-
rive, the Americans- MI not waste their breath in angry
vituperation only. The general government, while it
condemns alk::;irregular, precipitate, and unauthorized
measures by-4-e-state of Maine in furtherance of her
own pretedsiOns to the disputed territory, is by no means
less pertinacious or confident than Maine herself as to
the full validity of such pretensions, and the absolute
and indefeasable right of Maine to enforce them. A
new point of controversy has been raised by the Repu-
blicans, and on it seems to turn for the present the direct
question of peace or war. The understanding in this country,
no less than throughout the British provinces of North
America, has invariably been, that England having had
possession of the disputed territory since before the peace
of 17t33, and never having parted with that possession,
the prima facie right to retain such possession was in
her, until overturned by the recognised result of negoti-
ations, set on foot to determine amicably who should be
the legitimate owner of the territory under the treaties
of 1783 and 1815. The fact, we believe, never has
been disputed, that England has held continuous cus-
tody of the lands, and comrpo use would eay thati.
jurisdiction over them, sfs a II trespassers and
offenders, was an indidetar: fltistii-froixrdiessession.
Outrages having repe*ly -been Cominittar by those-
whom the British Giai,'ernor presuried to be common
Wrongdoers and outlaws, he exercised his habitual,
and, as we must beg leave to say, his unquestionable,
right of vindicating publi-C justice. The State af,
Maine and its Governor (Fairfield) impugn ~.thia
right alleged 15rSit. John Harvey. They set up
an adverse claim, not merely- to a joint, but an ex-
clusive jurisdiction;:. They allot 800,000 dollars in
money. to provide, means of enforcing it, and
they embody 10,01501,411itia to attack Sir John Harvey