The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JAN u ARY 2, 1863.

NEW NOVEL BY DR. BREWER.
Just ready, in 3 vols.,
BEATRICE SFOR ZA.
By DR. BREWER.
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Mr. Bazley, M.P., on the Cotton Question.

In a paper in the Exchange on this subject Mr. Bazley,
M.P., says :

A great consumption of any manufactured commodity
cannot be maintained at a high price, and if the people of
this or of any other country are to be well fed and clothed
the necessaries of life must be afforded at moderate rates.
Cotton manufactured products have become the minister-
ing comforts of the great masses of mankind ; and unless
they can be offered for consumption upon easy terms,
diminishing quantities of them only can be sold and used.
Essentially the cotton trade has risen upon cheapness,
comfort, and convenience ; and from its introduction to
the times of the present American convulsion, it has con-
stantly increased upon lowering and cheaper prices—cheap-
ness always being identified with plenty, and dearness
with scarcity. To have relied upon one adverse source of
supply for the raw material of the great cotton industry
of this country is now proved to have been an almost fatal
policy ; and to have depended upon one country for this
foreign product has been as unwise as was the protection-
ist regulations which attempted to limit the supply of food
for the people of this country to the growth of their own
home fields. The vast resources of the British East
Indies and of the colonies have been comparatively un-
developed and neglected. Advantages have been offered
by land grants, and by every possible facility to induce
our ever-increasing population to emigrate to the State of
America; but difficulties in obtaining land in British pos-
sessions, and the restrictive regulations which have been
enforced, have deterred the spirited emigrant and adven-
turer from settling in English colonies. The land tenure
in India, the want of roads and of communication there,
and of a common and practical contract law, have not
allowed English energy and capital to penetrate that vast
dependency. Latterly many beneficial changes have been
effected, and hopes are now entertained that obstacles to
the advancement of our foreign possessions, and to their
offering valuable support to the commerce of the parent
country, will be removed. Of the amazing capabilities of
Australia to supply Europe abundantly with every class of
cotton there is no doubt, provided a generous system fort he
introduction of emigrants were adopted, and land grants
made on tempting terms. Queensland and New South
Wales might in a very short time be rendered capable of
supplying the American deficiency to the country. British
possessions in Africa and the' West Indies only require to
have' their advantages placed within the grasp of the
energetic and enterprising. In the dominions of Turkey
rivalal of the Emperor of the French, inducements which
those held out by Great Britain, are now offered
to
encourage the growth of cotton. Egypt has
become
to
a most extensive source of the supply of cotton
of superior q
Ali, the preseainitt
enlightened
increased cultivation in that coun-
try which cannot fail to bY ; and the successor of Mehemet
lightened Pasha, is wisely im-
parting
an impulse
e usefulouasr
swell as profitable. To
the Eastce
Indiesuss. we may direct
efforts with great pros
pest •
This dependency
ofsc
has dormant powers
which, if half developed, would supply the whole world
with most acceptable cotton. From the Dharwar district
cotton is now obtained of a quality quite equal to middling
American, and which yields satisfactory profit to its
culti-
.:vator;.aud for this boona great debt of gratitude is dos to.

Mr. Shaw, who caused the average yield of it to be quadru-
pled, and the market price per lb. to be doubled—thereby
affording an eightfold benefit to the ryots, who now declare
that their cotton cultivation is their gold gathering,
their whole crop being now about 200,000 bales. If every
part of India where cottton is grown were rendered equally
productive, the entire crop would be four times the extent
of the present yield ; and the market price of the superior
produce being' double that of the inferior, we should
have the eight-fold advantage extended over the whole
dominion; and in place isf a yearly production of four
million bales, for which the ryot has not been paid
an average of twopence per lb. giving some twelve millions
sterling forth° entire of the present crop, there would be
grown 16,000,000 bales, worth ninety-six million pounds
sterling. So much for spirited and scientific agriculture.
Tempting as is this picture in prospect, it really only repre-
sents half the advantage which would accrue from the im-
proved cultivation of cotton in India ; because any large
portion of such a crop of cotton coming to this country
would only be paid for by the extended export chiefly of
cotton manufactures. Still, merely to change the depen-
dence of this trade upon one single source of supply to
another single source would be unwise. Political convul-
sions have been suppressed; but possibly another mutiny
may succeed, and then would arise the repetition of diffi-
culties and the foreboding of further dangers. Let the trade,
therefore, emancipate itself from any chief or solo depen-
dence for its supply of cotton, especially as there are more
than 20 fields,kl immense extent, whence excellent cotton
can be obtained by exertion and cultivation. Hitherto, ex-
travagant prices for cotton have not directly or importantly
stimulated its extended cultivation; and the 20 millions
sterling already paid for the advance alone which has been
effected in its price have bin impounded by the successful
!peculators.. So. eager, fredited, have been the mere cotton
operators in the ports of India to secure the immediate bene-
fit of high prices, that the ryot has been stimulated to gather
his crop before it had attained maturity, and send it to-
market without being sufficiently cleaned and prepared.
This improvidence is further damaging the already suffi-
ciently low reputation of Indian cotton. The ryot is not
generally rewarded for the production of a high class of
cotton, and therefore it is not his interest to grow it and care-
fully clean it. If the cotton spinner and the cotton grower
could dispense with a few of the intermediates in India who
keep them asunder, the benefit to both would be palpable.
In the States of America the cotton planter has been fol-
lowed to his plantations by the agents of the European
spinners; and the stimulant of the price paid for the article,
according to its quality,- being obtained by the planter, has
promoted the growth of the best classes of cotton, and has
vastly extended their Cultivation. How gratifying would
it be to the free labourer of Britain to know that the toil of
the slave ministered not to his necessities, and that the free
only served the free. To correct an erroneous impression,
it may be well to repeat the fact that cotton, with all its
guilt has employed fewer slaves than sugar, tobacco, and
other products; 'and therefore our generous sympathy
should be extended to the many as well as to the few op-
pressed negroes. If, instead of spending a million sterling
per annum in endeavottring to capture slaves, and at the same
inflicting miseries and cruelties in the service, one third of
tllia t sum
had
I under judicious inspection,
of the ordinary products of
encouragingadbetheen
gexrnrwentdhed
slavery by free labour, then it is probable the death blow to
the inhuman traffic would have long ago been given, and
our calamities, and those of the States of America, might
have been spared. Unfortunately, attempts have been made
to divert well-directed efforts from the cultivation of cot-
ton to other costly vegetable materials to supersede cotton ;
but nothing can so easily, cheaply, harmlessly, and securely
be obtained as cotton itself; hence such efforts are injurious
and useless, terminating in repeated disappointments. Go-
vernments should remove every impediment to the employ-
ment of labour and capital in ladle and the colonies. Free
labour is more efficient than that of the slave, and is less
costly. Cotton growing, judiciously conducted, has been,
is, and will be profitable. The trade or public opinion should
enforce higher cultivation of cotton in India, and induce
the extended cultivation of the Dharwar class to compete
with American. Some of the late supplies of cotton from
India are so poor in staple, short and irregular in fibre, and
dirty in condition, that amendment is imperatively called
for to prevent the abandonment of the use of Indian cotton
when American supplies are again offered. With the evi-
dence that India can produce excellent cotton, it will be a
national disgrace if, after pleading for large supplies from
her, and when she seems to be yielding to our entreaties,
we should be compelled, by inferior, dirty, and faulty cot-
ton, to be obliged again to desert her produce. It is, indeed,
as much the interest of India to give, as it is the interest of
Great Britain to receive, good cotton. Europe, besides
this country, has to be supplied with cotton; and now
the opportunity is offered for the productions of British
foreign possessions which has never previously been, and
may never more be, presented. Inferior Indian cotton is
opposed to the true interests of the workpeople and of
their employers ; the former can only earn upon it low
and unsatisfactory wages, and the latter has the mortifica-
tion of obtaining a diminished production of yarn and
cloth which must be disposed of under great disadvantages in
the market, from their flagrant imperfections.
The economical aspect of this question will make the
discreet shudder. Labour is pining in want, and capital is
wasting, and the losses of both, added to the charitable con-
tributions of the benevolent, and to the expenditure in
increasing poor rates, will, before the termination of the
struggle, supposing it to continue to Midsummer next, in-
volve a total cost and loss of 50 million pounds sterling.
To have originated a new cotton-producing industry in
Queensland and New South Wales to an extent which would
have compensated at the present moment for the loss of the
American supply of cotton, might have been effected by the
discreet investment of five million pounds sterling I Will
the Government hold out no saving hand to rescue the en-
dangered interests of the most industrious people which
ever enriched their country ? Will the capitalist classes
neither help themselves nor those who have contributed to
their wealth, by efforts commensurate with the necessity to
procure abundant supplies of their first element of employ-
ment and of commerce ? Shall the greatest textile manu-
facture which the world has known expire of inanity ?
Shall the free recur to the support of the slave, still craving
the imperial weed, sugar, cotton, and other products? May
impending evils be averted, and the lesson of duty which
has been taught learnt equally by the rulers and ruled of
this great country

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The dangerous classes seem to be getting
the bet ter of society. We are not speaking of poli-
tical disaffection or popular discontent. From
seditious, conspiracies, rebellions, and all those an-
gry passions which involve States in revolutions,
we are happily free. We have no smouldering
animosities to fear or overt insurrections to dread.
Though a large portion of the population is plunged
in distress, that distress is patiently endured and
munificently relieved. It is with far slighter ele-
ments of danger that we have now to deal, but
they are proving too strong for us. Whether the
irreclaimably criminal class be a large class or a
small one seems to be doubted, but, whether small
or large, it defies our treatment, and comes off win-
ner in the contest between crime and law. The
plain expositions which have now been given of OAT
penal system make the whole case as clear as day.
Under the influence of philanthropical sentiments
and a hopeful policy, wo have deprived the law of
its terrors and justice of its arms. It is not enough
to say that we have ceased to hang evildoers, or to
transport them, or to-flog them. We-have so miti-
gated the operation of the only penalty left to be
inflicted—that of imprisonment, that no offender
objects to go to prison. He will have no hard he-
hour to perform, because, though he may be sen-
tenced to such work, there are no means of making
him do it. He will have no tedious period of con-
finement to go through, because by merely abstain-;
ing from gratuitous misconduct while under sen-
tence he obtains prompt liberation with his ticket-
of-leave. He will not anticipate any bad lodging
or painful condition. The days of " gaol fevers" and
such like things are over long ago. A prison is now
rather a maison de sante, where a debilitated crimi-
nal may recover the strength which indulgence has
impaired. This is no exaggerated statement or para-
doxical representation of facts. It is simple truth
that the woist- and most ferocious criminal, not being
a red-handed murderer indisputably due to the
gallows, can only be sentenced to a few short years
of detention in a comfortable abode, without the
least liability to any species of suffering. The next
punishment to that of death is "penal servitude for
life," and penal servitude for life, we are now plainly
told, means nothing more than imprisonment for 12
years at the outside, and probably a much shorter
term, with labour so very light and living so very
pleasant:that any honest peasant would jump at
such a bargain. That is the system now in opera-
tion, and the results are exactly such as might be
expected. The classei who prey upon society have
no fear of the reprisals which society can prevail
upon itself to inflict, and so they carry the day.
This is mainly an incident of administration. Our
prison authorities may not always wish to be so very
indulgent to offenders, but they cannot help them-
selves. Criminals, under the present system, are
congregated in large convict prisons, and it is ad-
mitted without reserve that these prisons could not
be governed except with a kind of consent on the
part of the convicts purchased by indulgence. If
the prisoners chose to be mutinous or troublesome,
there would be no dealing with them—unless, in-
deed, by the aid of severities at which " humanity
would- revolt." This is where our benevolence comes
in again. The convict must not be treated in any
such manner as would harden, brutalise, degrade,
or debilitate him. This leaves the officials with
very little marginal power, and, as they cannot
drive, they endeavour to lead. They succeed pretty
fairly in this attempt, but for their own advantage
only. The population of the gaol becomes orderly
and submissive, insomuch that the most inveterate
and abandoned criminal acquires an excellent pri-
son character. As a reward of merit, he is let loose
again some years before his time, and resumes his
profession at the public expense without any dread
whatever of the fresh term of probation which
will shortly be his lot. All this the dangerous
classes know perfectly well. They understand as
well as we do what the " state of public feeling "
renders impossible. They defy us to hang, flog,
starve, or transport them. They know that we
shrink from the " moral misery" engendered by
solitary confinement and the horrors incidental to a
penal settlement. They know that even the sen-
tences still at the command of a judge will not be
carried out ; that the longest term of imprisonment
will in fact be a short term, and that hard labour
will not be enforced. Of this knowledge they tike
full advantage. While at large they pursue their
trade of rapine fearlessly and ruthlessly. While
periodically in confinement they so behave them-
selves as to obtain, at the earliest possible period,
their freedom of action once more. The prison
warders know perfectly well what kind of people
they are discharging, and after what intervals they
will come back upon their hands. The police have
exactly the same appreciation of their characters,
and the judges too, but there is nothing to be done,
because society recoils from anything like cruelty,
and cruelty would be the name given to any treat-
ment productive of suffering or providing the means
of effectual coercion. So the dangerous classes beat
us. Hanging is out of the question. Transpor-
tation has been given up, and they threaten to
make our prison establishments too hot for us unless
we make them agreeable to them.

DAILY NEWS,—One of the latest numbers of the
Moniteur des Communes indicates the scrupulous
anxiety with which M. de Persigny seeks every
occasion to instil sound principles into untutored
minds. Whether that ignorant impatience of taxa-
tion, which is one of the primitive political ideas
of all civilised peoples, has lately stirred the hearts
of the millions on whose will the empire reposes,
we cannot say. That it should ever occur to the
patriotic public to whom the Moniteur des Com-
munes is addressed to compare taxation under the
empire with taxation among their neighbours over
the water, or Mr. Gladstone's financial statements
with those of M. Fould, suggests not only
a sharpness and shrewdness of inquiry,
but a habit of studious reflection which
is not always found even in the Faubourgs
of Paris, the " capital of civilisation." It must be
that under the Persigny regime political instruc-
tion has been making vast strides among the mul-
titudinous readers of the Moniteur des Communes.
The Minister of the Interior must know for what
sort of public he is providing, and what subjects
are likely to interest the readers of a broadsheet
stuck on a village wall. Some months since a de-
voted adherent of the Imperial regime, M. Latour
Dumoulin, published a careful and well written
"Essay on the Constitution of 1852," comparing it
at all points with the British constitution, to the
manifest and decided disadvantage of the latter.
Not having had the advantage of meeting with
M. Latour Dumoulin's work we cannot gauge the
depth or the accuracy of his remarks upon a con-
stitution so much older than that of the French
Empire, and therefore so much less easy to " for-
mulate" with truly French neatness and precision.
The constitution of 1852 is an "order of the day;"
and M. Latour Dumoulin, with all his ingenuity
and impartiality, could not seriously undertake to
compare the customary charter of English liberties
with a guard-room decree, though he had got the
shantdo
appear..
Magna
CDhuamrtoauannd, tlhioewßeivllero,f Rights
appears
hehaarvte de-
scended from abstract theories
and he dissects
the latest practical conclusion: ooffo e English
government
chapter
shows that
the French systems. In on
budgets,
the French and English
under the constitution of the Second Empire the
disbursement of public money is more zealously
checked, more rigorously controlled, and more eco-
nomically and efficiently administered than by the
free Parliament of England. It is this chapter of
M. Latour Dumoulin's treatise that M. de Per-
signy has ordered to be printed whole in the Moni-
tear des Communes, for the edification
of the French people. This, at least, is a fair and
legitimate appeal to public opinion, for which the

' Minister of the Interior deserves all the credit due
for good intentions. No Government can be ex-
pected to publish, free of expense, the arguments
and invectives of its adversaries. No absolute
Government can be blamed for giving the
utmost publicity to the opinions of its admirers and
supporters. And if M. De Persigny had never
done anything more hostile to public liberty than
this he might with tolerable gravity pretend that
the French press in 1862 was as free as the Eng-
lish press a hundred years ago. M. Latour Du-
moulin may have abundantly convinced himself and
his readers that the budget of an English Minister
of Finance is practically voted by the House of
Commons en bloc; that the discussion of the esti-
mates is nugatory ; that the naval and military
expenditure is enormous, wasteful, and inefficient ;
that the miscellaneous estimates when minutely
examined look like a jungle of privileged abuses ;
and that, generally speaking, England is the most
prodigally and the least logically administered
State in the world. All this, for aught we know,
M. Latour may have clearly and copiously esta-
blished, and much consolation may it afford to the
readers of the Moniteur des Communes. But it is
one thing to prove that somebody else is a victim
or a dupe, and quite another to prove that you are
yourself all the better off for the comparison. Now
on this point M. Fould's financial report, just pub-
lished (and which will doubtless appear in the
Moniteur des Communes), may serve as a correc -
tive to M. Latour's chapter on the French and Eng-
lish budgets, and it may temper the sharpness of
that writer's free and friendly criticism. The items
of M. Fould's statement are matter, no doubt, for
serious study to French taxpayers ; but it is hap-
pily no concern of ours to inquire too curiously into
the cost of assisting the Mexicans to establish a
government of their own choice ; or into the cost of
keeping the Romans subject to a Government they
abhor ; or into the cost of" glory" in Cochin China.
What we would respectfully submit to the medita-
tions of the readers of the .Moniteur des Com-
munes is the admirable elasticity of the French bud-
get. In this respect we are happy to acknowledge
the immense superiority of the imperial constitution
of 1852, even as amended at the instance of M.
Fould by the Emperor himself. It is evident that
the increased control over the national expenditure
which was accorded to the Legislative Corps by
Imperial decree in November, 1861, has not in the
slightest degree diminished the expanding powers
of an Imperial budget. The sole difference between
a budget edited by M. Fould and a budget edited
by M. Magne is that in M. Fould's statement the
Unforeseen figures under the title of Legislative
Supplementary Credits, whereas under the admi-
nistration of his predecessor it was covered by a
stroke of the Emperor's pen. M. Fould assures his
Majesty that but for extraordinary credits he would
have returned to a" completely normal" budget.
Hitherto it has happened that extraordinary credits
have been the most " completely normal" charac-
teristic of the Imperial budgets. Le necessaire
c'est le superfu. As the burden of these extraor-
dinary credits falls upon the people, it is but fair
that the prerogative of granting them should be-
long to the representatives of the people. In this
sense the Senatus Consulte of December 21, 1861,
was a liberal boon to the Legislature. M. Latour
Dumoulin will no doubt be able in a future edition
to point to the Legislative sanction of extraordi-
nary credits as a proof of the harmonious co opera-
tion of the great bodies of the State in crowning
the edifice of the Imperial constitution.

HERALD,—Judging by American standards, we
should say that the effect which the defeat of Fre-
dericksburg seems to have produced upon the
Northern mind is out of proportion to the magnitude
of the calamity. Even if, as was first reported, and
as is very possibly the case, the Federal loss has
been as high as 15,000 killed, wounded, and miss-
ing, this, in a war which has already coat the North
more than 300,000 lives, is not so terrible that it
should make a deeper impression than any previous
disaster has done. There has been no stampede like
that of Manassas. There has been no overwhelm-
ing, crushing blow like that endured on the Chick-
ahominy. There has not even been so complete an
overthrow as that of the armies of Pope and
111‘Dowell in the last battles before Washington.
And there has been no disgrace in the repulse. The
best and bravest troops in the world, in such a posi-
tion as that of General Burnside's army of recruits,
with a line of strong and well defended entrench•
ments in front and a river in their rear, might ex-
pect defeat, and be glad to mak ?, good their retreat
without loss of baggage or artillery. Nevertheless,
it appears that the result of this battle has produced
a greater effect than might have been anticipated
by those who have observed how quietly, after the
first outbreak of dismay and disgust was over, the
Northern people have borne more alarming and more
ruinous reverses. There is not a great clamour, but
there is, as it seems to us, a profound feeling of dis-
couragement. An indignation meeting, called in
New York, has been postponed to await the report
of the Senatorial committee appointed to inquire
into the circumstances which led to the disaster;
and such a postponement appears to us to indicate
that the indignation is real and earnest, and that
serious action is intended. The papers are less confi-
dent than usual after defeats, and forget their usual
practice " chanter pins fort, quand ils sont bien
battus." It is not easy for English observers to
judge correctly the meaning of the signs of popular
sentiment reported from America; but so far as we
can see, we are disposed to think that the people of
the Northern States are more disheartened and
more deeply angry on account of this reverse than
they have been at any time since the fall of Fort
Sumter. And from their point of view this dis-
couragement and anger are very natural. They
believe in Richmond as we never did, and as the
Confederates do not. In our opinion the loss of
New Orleans was as heavy a blow to the Confede-
racy as would be the loss of Richmond ; ana the fall
of Charleston would be a far heavier one. No single
blow, however tremendous, could break the spirit
or ruin the chances of the South. But the North
thinks otherwise. It has always imagined that the
capture of Richmond would " break the backbone
of the rebellion." It has never understood the de-
claration attributed to President Davis, that if
Richmond were to fall the war could be maintained
for 20 years longer. Conceiving that the South is
no more in earnest than itself', it fancies that the
loss of the Confederate capital would be accePute,
as a decisive defeat, and that the " rebels" wo I",
Now that
very route
thereupon confess themselves beaten.
the third attack has failed ; now
athfaotu,erth. tremen-
has‘boay is clearly
been tried in vain ; now theavtery
dons defeat has been sustained,
suspetnded for an in-
aware that operations musttihne
next
definite period—certain spring
Y ; and
period—certainly
have a strong suspicion that an advance on
Richmond is practically proved to be impossible.
in
No successes in Texas, North. Carolina, or on
the MississiPPl, .11 make up in Northern eyes for
the abandonment of the object for which myriads
of their best soldiers have been sent to die on the
battlefields of Virginia or in the swamps of the
James River. If the " reb els ' can keep Richmond,
what signifies it
whether
or not they lose Vicks •
burg or `Wilmington ? Unless the Republican party
can contrive to win back the confidence of the people
by some brilliant military success we think it pos-
sible that at least the active prosecution of the war
may be abandoned, and an opening for negotiation
afforded before many more months are passed.
MORNING POST.—The statistical tables just pub-
lished by the Board of Trade afford a remarkable
commentary upon the confident prediction of the
Americans that we should be engulfed in their ruin,
and that their own commercial depression must
govern the state of trade in this country. It is
cheerful to turn from this egotistical prediction to
Mr. Fonblanque's figures, and to find that rarely,
if ever, were we on the whole in 50 prosperous a