The Sun.
London, England, 1837-07-12 00:00:00

Much praise has often been bestowed on the Duke
of WELLINGTON for straightforward conduct and a
want of every thing like chicanery and crooked policy
as a Statesman. Now, considering the position he
holds in society--the great name he has acquired by
his public services abroad—and the reverence he is
looked up to by a vast number of his countrymen—and,
consequently, the motives he has for preserving the
strictest integrity of character, perhaps there are few
political men who have so little to boast of in that
respect. His singular conduct in the House of Lord s
within the last ten days cannot fail to remind the pub-
lic of proceedings towards the close of CANNING'S
life, and during the crisis of the Reform Bill, but little
calculated to raise him in public estimation. He re-
fused to join CANNING'S Administration, because
CANNING supported the Catholic claims ; yet within
a year afterwards, if not at the very moment
when that Statesman was brought to an untimely grave,
by the base desertion and cruel hostility of his former
colleagues, he had made up his mind to grant more
than CANNING ever proposed. He resisted Reform in
Parliament, and declared that the measure introduced
by the GREY Administration would render it impos-
sible for any Ministry to conduct the affairs of the
country, and lead to the destruction of its institutions,
yet was ready to adopt that very measure, or a more
liberal measure, according to Lord ELLENBOROUGH,
on being allowed to resume the reins of Government.
For the last two years he has denounced in similar
terms the Irish Municipal Bill and the Irish Tithe
Bill ; yet within these few days, and on the eve of a
general election, he turns round, and avows himself
ready to join with Lord MELBOURNE in settling these
questions, and in giving the Irish all the rights and
privileges of Municipal government, its in England,
through the means of popular election. We will
not say what was his object, but such a
statement affords to all the waverers an ex-
cuse for joining the Tories, and it will enable that
party at the election to tell the people that WEL-
L INGTON will carry out safe Reform even to a greater
extent than MELBOURNE. Now let the public only
reflect on what has occurred in the House of Lords
since that declaration was made. Every measure that

had for its object the improvement of the Parliamentary
or the Municipal Reform Acts has been rejected.
Last night, at a late hour, even the slight amendments
made by the Commons to the Municipal Act Amend-
ment Bill were negatived without a division, and from
what fill from WELLINGTON in a former part of the
evening, we may rest satisfied that the same fate
awaits the Parliamentary Elections Bill on Thurs-
day. The Tories profess to give their adhesion to the
Reform Bill, yet, though proved beyond a doubt that
in some ruts of Ireland it is impossible to poll all
the electors within the time specified by the Reform
Act, and, that without some remedy, great numbers
would be disfranchised, the Duke of WELLINGTON
would not consent even to an additional polling place.
Such, Irishmen, is the species of Reform you may
expect from a Tory Government, and such arc speci-
mens of the straightforward, ingenuous conduct of the
Duke of WELLINGTON.

We are delighted to learn that the " National Loan
Fund Life Assurance Society," projected by Mr.
LA MIE MURRAY—to the general importance of which
we recently took occasion to direct public attention—
is in a fair way of being established under the most
favourable auspices. No institution could be devised
better calculated to confer a solid advantage upon the
provident among the middle and productive classes of
the community ; and the names of all the gentlemen
connected with it are so many sure guarantees for the
safe, honourable, and judicious management of the
funds of the shareholders. As the objects of this
Society are detailed at considerable length in the
prospectus, which appears in our advertising columns,
it is not necessary for us here to do more than express an
entire and cordial approbation of the principles upon
whicli it is proposed to conduct its operations. Of
these that which makes the advantage to the assured
contingent on misfortune during lifetime is of the ut-

most moment. Not one individual in forty of those whose
industry constitutes the wealth and power of this coun-
try possess an income which would justify themselves or
their families in assuring their lives, subject to a forfei-
ture of the assurance, in the event of their failing at
any time to pay the annual premium. The income of
such persons, whatever it may be, is for the most
part contingent upon constant personal exertion ; and
as the most regular in their lives and industrious
in their habits cannot tell the moment when either of
these may fail, it would betray presumption rather
than parental solicitude and foresight to stipulate for
any advantage, on the faith of the payment of a sum
to be made annually during life. Benefit and Benevo-
lent Societies are unquestionably productive of great
advantages to the poorer among the working classes ;
but they hold out no inducement to the more thriving
class of tradesmen to join them. What is wanted is
an institution based and conducted on principles
enabling the Directors to extend to a numerous, res-
pectable, and unobtrusive class of society a part of the
advantages of their own provident economy in early
life, without subjecting them to the mortification of
exposing their poverty to the insulting gaze of all who
may have known or heard of them under more pros-
perous circumstances. There are thousands of trades-
men tottering on the verge of ruin to whom a few
hundreds of pounds—suddenly and secretly obtained
—would be social salvation. The same may be said
of commercial clerks, of gentlemen depending upon
their literary exertions for their support, and of all
those persons, the limitation of whose means confine
them within that nondescript circle which separates
the wealthy middling class from the industrious
poor. The majority of those moving in this circle
are by education, habits, tastes, and feelings, opposed
to any parade of their privations—sometimes to the
bare acknowledgment of their poverty. They can
never make sure of being always in a condition to pay
the annual premium upon a life policy : on the con-
trary, they are often reduced to the greatest straits for
a temporary supply of money to meet unforeseen exi-
gencies ; and they are frequently lost when the smallest
assistance, timely administered, would have saved
them. Another improvement—and a most valuable
one it is--upon the present Life Assurance system, is,
the specification of the sum which can be borrowed
upon each policy. By giving security to a trifling
amount, a sum equal to two-thirds of the entire pay-
ments made may be borrowed, without forfeiture of
any advantage derivable from the policy. Now, under
the present system, no specific sum can be raised upon
any policy. Borrown:g con policy is not inaue
to
depend upon the sum paid, but upon the sum assured