The Sun.
London, England, 1830-09-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIIE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

it will be recollected that the Duke of Wellington
nod Sir Robert Peel seceded from Mr. Conning's
Administration on the ground of an attachment to
the Church of England, so pure and perfect that it
would not allow them to sit in a Cabinet with a
'Prime Minister who was disposed to grant to the
Roman Catholics a qualified emancipation. It will
be recollected that the Duke, the Pre.
on chaining
miership himself, into Which he stepped' with the
support and approbation of all those who were oppc-
Heats of the Catholic Claims, and who considered
him the unflinching champion of their cause, stul-
denly wheeled round, and, with the Assistance of Sir
Robert Peel, Mr. Goulburn, and other sealous
denouncers of the Popish politics of Mr. Cun-
ning, made larger concessions to the Roman Ca-
tholic; than Mr. Ginning would ever have ven-
tured to propose. So much for the sincerity of
their principles, and for the honourable motives
which actuated the persecution that their dos
fluent rival experienced at their hands. Why do
we advert to this subject Not for the purpose
of agitating a question which is now at rest, and
which we hope will never rise again to disturb the
peace of the community—mw with the view of
throwing any suspicion on the Duke's ettachment
to the established Church, of whose exclusive rights
and privileges he was, during the life-time of the
late Duke of York, so gallant and uncompromising
a defender. We only mean to remind hitt Grate and
others, who preferred the retention of place to the
observenceof principle, that as they nre still, no doubt,
anxious to )trove. to the Church of England the inte-
rest they take in her welfare, it will be more than
ever necessary to give all the moral advantages pos-
sible to an establishment which it now stripped of
her peculiar legal protection, We would have these
guardians of the national religion consider that, us the
external barriers are gone, she ought to be provided
with new resources of internal strength. The
Duke, and some of those persons who now hold
high appointments in his Administration, used to
prognosticate the worst calamities to both Church
and State, if ever Roman Catholics should be ads
nutted in this realm to political power. We still
give them credit for retaining Protestant sentiments,
although, under the influent e of some miraculous
illumination, they aldered their Protestant policy,
and let that power into the State in all its unre-
stricted energy, svhich they used tts tell the people
was the implacable enemy of their religious faith and
their political institutions. It is not necessary to our
view of the matter that we should either admit or
disclaim a participation in the belief of the alleged
- danger. We treat the question, in the present in-
stance, avowedly and strictly on the principle of the
argument ad hoamienz, us applicable to the Noble
Duke and his colleagues, who, by pointing out the
terrors of Popery incessantly to the public mind,
raised themselves to the political elevation which
enabled them to bring about the very event which
they had so zealously deprecated. The Duke had
opposed Catholic emancipation as dangerous to the
Church—he supported it as italispenstible to the
sanity of the State. He and Sir Robert Peel dis-
claimed any change of opinion while they advo-
cated so decided a change of policy. They did not
assume for their concessions the credit of liberality,
they described themselves as compelled by necessity
to make concessions which were evil, with the view
of averting a greater evil. They admitted that they
would have adhered to the principle of exclusion,
which protected the Chinch, bitt they dreaded a
civil war that would dein:date the country. Do not
these Statesmen also admit that, yielding to the
alleged overwhelming necessity on the one hand,
called for redoubled vigilance on the other ? Do
they not allow that, since the Church has lost her
power, it is neeessary that she should be protected
by additional purity ? As Prime Minister, his
Orace is at the heed of the Police of the Church,
he appoints the watclunen, on whose character
for vigilance and integrity her Security, under
Heaven, depends. We do not say how his Orace
has hitherto performed this duty, unr will we do
more than allude to the rumours which are afloat
as to his future intentions; but this we will say,
that, if the Premier has any regard for his own
character, and
,would not make it evident that his
professed anxiety for the interests of the Church
was a mere juggle and a cheat, he will hesbete be-
fore he selects for the honour and reTonsibility of
the mitre,
tny person whose elevation would only
prove that the low and time-serving ambition,
which degrades the man, constitutes the best quali-
fication of the Prelate. If vicious patronage sup the
foundation of the Church, pnhlic opinion will do the
rest. Priestly pomp will but ill supply the place of
the Christian virtues which ought to form its
erreaigth and ornament. Surrendered to faithless
guardians, it will be betrayed—deprived of its moral
influence, it will lose its only support, and become a
" mutiluted structure, loon to fall.—Morning Herald.
Last night we received Paris, Dutch, and I.lrus-
sels Papers. The Dutch, which are to the Ist in
stunt, speak with unqualified bitterness of the pos
pith* movements in the southern provinces of the
Netherlands, to which they apply the most initating
terms, such as " n horrible rebellion—execrable
brigandage." Let us hope, however, that this im-
Prudent language receives no countenance from the
King, though it may flatter the prejudices of his
Dutch subjects, who fully support, at this imminent
crisis, the character for political servility which they
have displayed of late years, and by which they are
as much distinguished as their ancestors were by
their unconquerable attachment to the principles of
civil and religion* liberty. The Dutch of the pre-
sent day are as unlike the Dutch of the lath soul
17th centuries as the French of our time are unlike
the French of the age of Louis XIV. They are
still the industrious, erioney.making people they
ever were, with this difference—that these two
qinilities now engross their whole souls, whilst their
14,411 is subordinete to them, or, more correctly
speaking, is become a mere matter of calculation.
We feel ourselves obliged to make these remarks,
because their conduct may mislead the English
public, and what would be worse, confirm the
King and his Dutch Ministers in their predilection
for coercive measures. Our readers will, therefore,
be able to appreciate the value of the exhibition,
mentioned in the Hogue Gazette, of the orange
cockade, which the inhabitants of that place have
resumed, "aS in 181:1;" but this fair.Vieather de-
ceretion would disappear again, were the sky to be
overcast, and we have serious misgivings as to the
infloence it may have on the coeduct of the Go-
Vernmenr,
.particularly as it is already liable to the
interpretation of harshness and obstinacy in some
points, and of grace and favour in others. Of this
doubtful character of the proceedings of the GO-
vernment the Bruseels the,
already complain
bitterly, and we think t ley are Perfectly justified
in. this, when they see fine professions sniff words
of grace accompanied by the march of troops and
other coercive demonstrations. Indeed the pre-
(demotion which the Prince of Orange, and his pros
ther Prince Frederick, who are invested by their
father with authority to settle these commotion*,
addressed to the people of Antwerp'on their arrival
in that city, is drawn up in such vague terms,
that it pledges them to nothing iu the way of re-
tirees of grievances. If ever there was an OCCii.
41U0 when explicit language and straightforward
conduct Virart, necessary, it is this; and yet the de-
'4o"Of tiv two Princes, who had arrived in the
seightiourhood of Brussels, were, up to Tuesday
ev"dulls 'involved its mystery. This mysterious con-
duct has produced the impression it was. calculated
to make on a people who have proved themselves
worthy of the liberty theyrialespirbe
vto, and who are
determined to obtain. it;
deputa-
tion to the two Princes to vote); esTyit. l
may see With their Own eyes that 0(141' Itactrit'
ings
are not en irregular mid transient toovinneirir
result Of deliberation- and conviction; hut they
signified to these Princes at the same time, that.
a soldier will be allowed to enter with there.
are anxious to know whether the invitatiou, with th,
accompanying condition, will be accepted, as upoik

it the weal or woe of the House of Orange depends.
If they accept the invitation, every thing may be
settled amicably ; but if they refuse, it will be the
first signal of a civil war, in which one of the par-
ties will fight for their file.sides, and in the presence
of their hires and wives, not to speak of other in-
citements, whilst the Dutch will have no other in•
dueement but national prejudice at best.— Morning
thraid.

It is affirmed, among other explanations of the
occurrences which have taken plate ih the
.Nether=
lands, that a deep leaven of thannfacturing jealousy
towards foreign (that principally tnglish) work-
men had entered into the general mass of turbulence
in which the commotions originated. At Ghent and
Verviera, more especially, there is stated to be a con-
sidernble exasperation against the Unglish establish=
meets in those towns) which) with other (secessions
of foreign Industry have been fostered by the King's
enlightened zeal for the public welfare, but con-
demned in the Netherlands, as foreign workmen
were at Path!, and as every approact4 to impiove-
ment through innovations having the least spark of
liberality about them, have been among the English
" operatives" themselves, for their encroachment
on the monopoly, or some other special privi-
lege of the workmen; still, this will not account
for the spirit in which the tipper classes, of
the Flemings have turned against the system'
of the Government the vantage•gained by the
armed people. It is we trust by no means to be
inferred, that because the King has ordered large
bodies of troop* to march on Brussels, he therefore
designs to carry tnatters towards his people with a
high hand, and to subjugate before he conciliates
them. There are, no doubt, among the Brussels
inatirgehts many wicked and desperate, as well as
holiest individuals,—men who might take advantage
of the absence of troops, or of any evidence of phy-
sical weakness in the Government, to stir ups daring
and iniquitous rebellion, for objects which upright
men would abhor, and whom it is therefore neceg—
miry to restrain by terror, while the several piestions
between King and people are discussed with a view
to peaceable and permanent arrangement. To yield
with dignity, the concession ought to be one which
the world will give the party credit for having power
to withhold, should he think proper. It is not a
little gratifying to be able to collect from well-in-
formed observers, that the revolutionary, or rather
we should hope, the liberal party in the Netherlands,
are adverse to any French connection.---Thres.
Since the preceding remarks were written we
have received a letter from another correspondent,
to whose Jetts', for the sake of distinction, we will
affix the initials "M. J." This writer, it will be
seen, had been at Antwerp, and did not return till
Tuesday evening. He, probably, therefore, did not
know what had been passing at Brussels in the course
of Monday and Tuesday ; but he status in his
potscript, dated nine o'clock on Tuesday night,
that the King had refused the petition of the depti•
ration sent to him from Brussels. There is thus an
apparent discrepancy between the accounts of

our two correspondents; but it must be observed
that they are speaking of different facts. The
cotrespondent G. C. alludes to a deputati, n sent
on Tuesday to the Prince of Orange, to which depu-
tation he says a favourable answer was given. Our
correspondent M. J. speaks of the deputation which
left Brussels on Sunday morning with an Address
to the King at the Hague, and which did not re-
turn to Brussels till Tuesday evening. The answer
to this deputation it is which M; J. says was un-
favourable. There rray be, therefore, perfect exac,-
nesi in both accounts: the representation of the
state of affairs at Brussels on Sunday morning may
have induced the King to give a different answer to
what he would have given had he known the dif-
ferent circumstances of Tuesday evening; and the
Prince of Orange, if invested with full powers,
may have taken upon himself to decide according to
the emergency of the moment. But we can only
offer conjecture where we have not positive
grounds to guide us. Our correspondents are
both able men; but ene is a volunteer, and each
is at present totally unknown to the other.
Having thus made a few general remarks, and
laid our private letters before our readers, we pro-
ceed to give a summary of the papers from Brussels
and other towns of the Netherlands, to the 2d in-
stant. From the various articles of intelligence they
contain we have made some selections which, taken
with the information in our private correspondence,
will serve to explain the nature of the insurrection
and the extent of the demands required of the Go.
vernment. In the first place, it will be seen that
it is not true, as has been asserted that no persons
of consequence have taken part in the revolt. From
the names which appear in public documents, it
cannot be doubted that many of the leaders, not
only at Brussels but in the other cities, are men of
rank and consideration in the country. In proof of
this fact, it might be sufficient to insert the follow-
ing
account of an ;mportant meeting at Brussels, at
which it was resolved to send a deputation to the
King:

" At six o'clock in the evening of the 28th of August a
numerous meeting of citizens, composed of the Civic
Guard, Members of the States-General and Thovineial
States, Anyway+, Merehants, and Manufacturers, as-
sembled at the ToWn-hall, in pursuance of an invitation
trom Baron d'iloogyorst, Commander of the Guard, in
order to deliberate on the beet measures to be taken for
preserving order and public security. After the number
of the persons present bad been ascertained, the meeting
proceeded to nominate a President and Secretary. Bann
de %cue, Member of the States-General, was chosen
President; and M. Sylvain Van de Weyer, advocate, Se.
era:try, unanimously. The President then called upon
Baron ileogyorst to explain the ol+ject for which the meet-
ing had,been

Baron Hoogvorst Accordingly rose, And said the first
object for the meeting to (hams was, whether, under pre-
sent circumstances, it was not necessary, nay urgent, to
send N deputation to tholi.ing, to inform him of the wishes
and the wants of the nation, and to acquaint him with the
wrongs of which the redress was required. In making
this proposition, he stated that he only obeyed the wish of
the whole Civic Guard.

6 M. de Slens enlarged on this subject with great ani..
mein', and wannth., lie was often interrupted by loud
applause.

" 111. Palmsert, sett., proposed the nomination of a
'rovisionary Administrative Commission.

" L 4. tie &cus thoug►lht that the Governor Ought to he
eAked to Ruminate that commission, and be present at the
meeting. Every thing would then, he said, proceed in
that legal order, from which none of us withal to depart.
(Mario of geneval atternt.)

,‘ The Quint do Grez and M. Palmed were requested
to communicate the desire of the meeting on this point to
the Governor, who replied that u a citizen he partook of
the wishee of the meeting, but as a Commissary of the
King, he could not be present, and aid not think it neces-
sary to nominate an administrative commission, because the
Council of Regency was then assembled and deliberating
for the good of the town,

" Ai. Jottrand thought that, as the Regency was deli-
berating at the present moment, the care of taking Deers-
sari measures fur the administration of the town should he
lett to it.

'1 A disocuavion then arose as to whether, as a consti-
tuted body, the Regency could he prevent at the meeting,
at the conclusion of which, a deputation, composed of
MM. d'Hoogvorst, Henry, Count Felix de Merode, and
Vandersatissen, was lent to the Regency, who replied
that they were far from disapproving of the idea of a de-
putation to the King, but that their regulations Inched co-
operation. The Regency also stated, that they were oe--
copied in drawing up en address to the King on the prevent
events.

M. du &nut then put the two fol!owing questions to

the Shall a deputation, on the part of the at.
membled citizen', be sent to the King ?'—(From all sides,
Yee, yes.')-..' Who shall compose that deputation?'
Van do IV,yer proposed, in order to avoid delay,
and to prevent interminable di•sensions on the numberle.e
objects which would occupy the attention of the deputa-
tion, to nominate a commission, with power to draw up a
project of address to the King, while the present meeting
continued silting.
" This proposition wee adoptexl, The following were
the persona nominated members of the commission
Count Felix de Merode,M. Sylvain Van de Weyer, Baron
Joseph d'iloogvorst (formerly Mayor of Brussels), M.
Ileum* (Wein), and M. Gendebien (Advocate), Sittings
were euspeudeil during the labours of the Committee. The
project of the Committee having been approved, therucet-