The Sun.
London, England, 1830-03-18 00:00:00

EXTRACT OF THE SPEECH OF THE MINISTER OF PUBLIC

INSTRUCTION, M. GUERNON DE RANVILLE.

" Every man who devotes himself to the management
of the atTairs of a country, should immediately consent to
submit his public life to the severest investigation. The
country has a right to scrutinize the opinions manifested
by those whom the choice of the Crown have made the de-
positaries of the dearest interests of every one. In this
case our life entirely belongs to you ; and we will never
complain of a scrutiny whose investigations we can with-
stand. We will go still farther—we will deliver up to
you our private l►ves, even the secrets of the closet.
Examine and discuss, if you please, all our actions—we are
ready to answer all the accusations which may seem to
hare any foundation in those actions. You see we give
up a vast career to our adversaries ; we accept all the con-
sequences that they can draw from our previous conduct.
Let them state what that has been ; magistrates, ad►xi-
nistrators, publicists, we are not entirely unknown. What
abuse of power—what arbitrary act—what unconstitu-
tional act can they signalize ? They name nothing, they
have nothing to name ; and to what extent does not the
blindness of our accusers go ? They reproach us even with
inaction. What do they wish ? Do they object to what
is called the inactivity of the Government ? The decisive
measures so lung talked of, so ridiculously foretold, seem
not to be required by them ; our inaction will be long upon
this point. I❑ fact, in default of facts, they pretend to go
even into our hearts—they pretend to scrutinize our
thoughts--they do not fear to attribute to us aversions
an►l distrust which never belonged to us. This is impos-
sible to tolerate.

" ' We, say they, are distrustful of the sentiments of
France. What proof can they bring in support of such
an imputation? However, we have the right to oblige
them not to accuse us without proof. No, gentlemen, we
do not feel this unjust distrust. We know what France
wishes; we know that, full of confidence in its King, the
nation remains quiet in the midst of fictitious agitation of
supposed uneasiness, with which they endeavour to frighte❑
you, in presence of the efforts that are snaking to inspire
you with doubts of the loyalty of the depositaries of the
Royal confidence; and it is not here a vain profession of
principles, unsupported by unimpeachable facts. It is a
parliamentary doctrine, that the speech of the Crown, at
the moment of the opening of the sessions, is a manifesta-
tion of the opinions of the Government. The Hon.
Members that drew up the address,—those that accuse us
of a blameable distrust of the sentiments of France,—have
they so soon forgotten this free declaration of the King,
that in case of necessity he will continue the protector of
the public liberties, and merit the just confidence of
Frenchmen, and the lore that they have always manifested
for their Kings?

" Such, Gentlemen, is our opinion of the sentiments
and reason of France—such is the homage that we render
to this loyal nation, so worthy of the liberties that she re-
ceives from the legal power, and that, under the shield of
this tutelary power, she knows how to defend herself with
equal constancy against the violences of usurpation, and
against the perfidious caresses of her false friends. Far
from us the odious imputation brought against us: we
will repel an imputation devoid of all proof, and falsified
by our acts. After having absolved us of an accusation
evidently unjust, you will decide in your impartial wis-
dom, if you can declare in the face of all France that you
will, in its name, refuse your confidence to the men whom
the most violent opposition can only reproach with haying
obtained the confidence of the Monarch.

" Whatever may be your determination, we owe you
a free and loyal declaration of our intentions.
" Called to the head of affairs by the wish of the King,
we will not abandon them but by the orders of the King;
we present ourselves amongst you, with the Charter in our
hands. Faithful to the loyal inspirations of the Father of
the country, we will invariably proceed in the Constitu-
tional course. Neither outrages nor menaces shall oblige
us to deviate from that course that our honour and duty
prescribe.—(On the right, Very well.')—df by weakness
or by error, we were so unfortunate as to propose to the
King measures subversive of the independence of the
Crown, or of the national rights, the reprobation of our
fellow-citizens, the just severity of the Chambers, would
promptly punish our criminal excesses. We accept with.
out hesitation all the responsibility.'
" His Excellency on returning to his seat received very
warm congratulations from a very great number of Mem-
bers of the right."

" Baron DE L'EnNE, a Royalist, spoke first against
:he Address.

" Gentlemen, said he, the circumstances which preceded
this Session are far from authorizing, on our part, any un-
usual forms of language towards the Crown. On the
contrary, what has passed since our last separation, im-
poses a duty upon us to seek for a measure of respect and
devotedness towards it, proportioned to the greatness of the
offences which we have to avenge for its sake. The press
has strangely abused our absence, to afflict royalty by
grave disrespect, and by a manifestation of ingratitude
which it is our duty zealously to disavow and condemn.
Happily, we are not answerable for them, and this is our
only consolation; but we might become responsible, if our
first care was not to disavow them at the foot of the Throne.
" Born to be moderators of the licence and the passions
which prevail out of doors, it is our strict duty, if not to
enchain them, at least to strike them with our severe dis-
faupnp(riaonbiaetniotani.
laAwndhasis iethnoosetnfourstiolifs,
nigaetnutrleenalegne:
athnadt
had
invested us, above all, with the:authority which is given
by years ?
" Let us hasten, then, to raise the dike of experience
and prudent firmness against the floods which menace
with so much violence the edifice of religion and the mo-
narchy. Let us hasten to prove, that if our dispersion has
not permitted us to restrain and to break them, we have
at heart the ravages which they have caused.
" Up to this moment, gentlemen, we have the happi-
ness of being alre to say to ourselves, that we have not
failed. We have still the power of choosing our course
and our position. We have still the power of joining by
our approbation in the sad errors which we deplore, or of
repelling them by our censure. We have still the power
of consecrating the faults which have been committed, and
taking our share of them, or of leaving their weight and
their consequences to those who are nut afraid of bearing
them.

" I repeat, gentlemen, this is an advantageous position
for those who can take advantage of it; for we are not
bound by any engagement which can embarrass us. As a
body of the State, we are strangers to whatever has been
done during our separation. That separation has been, if
I may so express myself, a suspension of all political life,
of which we have no account to render, and which does
not engage us in favour of the factious passions which dare
to snake use of our name.

" Nevertheless, we must say, that the license of the
press has neglected nothing to compromise the dignity
of the Chamber. After the outrages which it has com-
mitted against religion and royalty, perhaps we ought the
less to remark those which it has committed against our-
selves.

" But can we, Gentlemen, be insensible to them, when
we know that the press has gone so far as to mix us ❑p with
the intrigues and agitations out of doors—when we know
that it has gone so fur as to represent us not only as the ac-
complices, but as the principals, in certain acts stamped
with public reprobation ?
" I have not to examine, Gentlemen, if it was through
malevolence or temerity that honourable names have been
compromised in enterprises which are far from being ho-
nourable. It is not the intention which is now in ques-
tion, but the result. The result has been to create con-
fusion in thie Chamber, and to vitiate, in the eyes of the
public a part of our votes ; for the public reasons, the
public knows that it is not the usage to invoke, six months
beforehand, the judgments which conscience may be able
to dictate six months afterwards. It knows on this point
the ordinary scruples of the Magistracy, who consider it as
their bounden duty to conceal the secret of their thoughts.
It know,o in fine, in what case it has a right to refuse
Judges who have allowed their opinion to transpire other-
wise than in the sanctuary destined to receive it ; and the
latter rarely wait till the parties claim their right of refusal.
" If then, by means of its excessive license, the press
had created impressions of this kind to the prejudice of a
certain number of us, you may judge what interest we
have in defending ourselves against it.
" Among those of our colleagues whose names have
been thus invoked by factious associations, the greatest
number have felt that it would be an insult to their cha-
racter to connect them even in idea with these intrigues.

Some have had recourse to publicity to declare that they'
wish to remain strangers to them. Others have been sa•-',
tisfied with despising them, without taking the trouble of
repelling suspicion otherwise than by the dignity of their
social position. As for the rest, gentlemen, during the
interval of our Sessions, having entered into the ranks of
private citizens, we preserve no public character, and it
may be advanced that our opinions out of doors are not
connected with our opinions within. Under all these
points of view, I am permitted to repeat that we have not
been wanting to ourselves, and that this Chamber enjoys
the full liberty of commencing the Session of 1830, with-
out any reference to what has passed since the Session of.
1829 ; and it is because I look upon this point as incon.
testable, that our position appears to me as easy to fix al
if the wind of revolutionary anarchy had not blown upon,
France during the recess.
" Every thing depends, gentlemen, on establishing this
position as a starting-post—every thing depends upon our
first steps in the session of 1830--a session of hope and
glory, if we begin with the desire of strengthening the
throne and calming the just alarms spread around us—a
session of wisdom and of happiness, if we knsw how to
dedicate it to the re-establishment of order and the triumph
of salutary doctrines ; but a session of regrets and dan-
gers, if we venture to enter into the frightful paths which
eight months of license and fermentation have prepared
for us—if we undertake to satisfy the vague desire of con,
fusion which a certain number of writers endeavour to
communicake to every one that surrounds them,—in fine,
if we covetewith our responsibility the labours of anarchy
in the state in which we now find them.

" No, gentlemen, this fatal course which is proposed to
you is not that which you would choose. You will repel
the shameful part of being accomplices in the public dis-
orders, and in the agitations of this passing epoch of effer-
vescence and error. You will leave the responsibility of
faults to those who have committed them, and you will
refuse to associate yourselves with excesses to which you
are strangers, in order to confer on those who are guilty
of them the sad service of aggravating them by the autho-
rity of your example. This session, around which so many
criminal thoughts are collected, will not be begun by
afflicting the heart of the common father of his country,
by carrying to the foot of the throne an address which
breathes a❑ insulting defiance. Yes, gentlemen, you will
feel the desire of repelling those grave attacks which
Royal Majesty has received from unbridled licence. It is
to us that will be given the pleasure of healing the wounds
which have been inflicted upon the heart of our King.
" Yes, you will resist the address which has just been read
to you,—you will express the sentiments with which this
Chamber is animated by a language stamped with the mo-
narchical spirit which directs you, and which will attest
your loyalty. You will signalize your sentiments by
tracing clearly before the eyes of the monarch the line of
devotedness and fidelity which you desire to follow,-'
you will signalize them by an exposition of principles cal‘
culated to re-assure good citizens, and to disconcert the
bad,—you tvill say what you have all at heart, and that
will suffice to dissipate, to annihilate the culpable hope'
which are expressed around the Chamber.
" As for me, Gentlemen, and my Hon. Friends, we
know what declarations of principles we have to make,
what prejudices we have to care, what mad accusations
we have to repel. The press, in representing us, accord-
ing to its caprice—that is, as it suits its desire of war
and persecutions,—has so strangely disfigured us in the
eyes of the nation, that the nation might think it right
to take us for public enemies, if it was not wiser and
juster than its teachers.
" I do not believe, Gentlemen, that these absurd
charges are of a kind to do us any harm among the
judicious Members of this Chamber, from whom political
dissension or different shades of opinion may separate us.
Let us, therefore, fix our point of starting at the very
commencement of the Session. Let us begin by a frank
declaration of our principles and our sentiments.
" Yes, Gentlemen, we desire the execution of the
Charter—we desire the public liberties; nothing but the
false interpretations given to our constitutional act can
frighten us.
" So far from being led by a retrograde spirit, as has
been pretended,—so far from desiring absolute power, we
are as proud as any of our adversaries that the Throne has
thought us worthy of participating in the legislative power.
These liberties, of which we are said to be the enemies,
are so much the more more dear to us, that we can look
upon them in a point of view which renders them honour-
able and glorious; we can see in them one of those high
marks of esteem which are only given to enlightened na-
tions, on the wisdom and good spirit of which sovereigns
can repose. Thus we dread nothing so much as to see
them endangered by the abuse which an odious ingratitude
would make of them. We feel that the more favourable
Royalty has thought of us, the more is our honour engaged
to see that it shall have no cause to repent for being too
zealous in showing us its esteem.
" We believe, I say, that the means of obtaining more
is not to act in such a way as to prove that we have de-
served less.

" Among us, gentlemen, it is a settled point of doctrine
that nobody can give what he has not, and consequently
that sovereignty is not conlerred upon superiors by infe-
riors. We consider pretensions of this kind as fatal die
turbances, which tend to replange society into chaos.

" I am not bound to know the concatenation of causes
by which Heaven governs the world. It is sufficient for
me to know that if authority could only be conferred on
princes by their subjects, princes would have no authority;
and that if justice had no mission but that which it received
from those over whom it is exercised, it would have no
mission at all. In fine, I cannot imagine a paternal autho-
rity formed by the children of the family, and deriving its
origin from their consent, their suffrages, or their permis-
sion. No ; it is not thus the right of governing families
and nations can be formed : it descends from a higher
source.

" To those who make the objection that this order of
things is notso invariable as not to undergo modifications, I
shall reply, yes, Providence sometimes permits that poisu-
lar power should be substituted for legitimate power; but
then this is a punishment which it inflicts, and legitimacy
does not lose its right on that account; for the authority
which Providence displaces in his anger does not change
its nature. The usurpations of power are chastisements
on nations. Let us not, then call them down upon our-
selves by our weakness, and let us not commence that series
of misfortunes which such pretensions have once already
drawn down upon us. I see in the address which has
been submitted to you a germ of destruction to the public,
liberties, and I therefore vote against it. I vote against
it because it contains a formal attack on the right of the
King to choose his Ministers,—because it is a violation of
the Charter, which declares that the administration of the
kingdom belongs to the King; and because it would be an
overthrow of the Government under which we live, and
of which, according to the beautiful expression of the
Chamber of Peers,—' Monarchy is the foundation.'
AGIER.—“ Gentlemen, I support the draught of
the address, because it appears to me proper for accom-
plishing the imperious duty of dissipating the fears with
which the throne is beset, and the disquietudes Odell
torment the country. The security of the throne is dis-
turbed by the menace of a revolution—the tranquillity of
the country by the dread of absolute power. Bat who in
France can desire a revolution, except a few intriguers
who need convulsions to exalt themselves? Many persons
possess property, many wish to acquire it by lawful means
but to acquire as well as to possess, order and tranquillity'
are necessary. The Revolution which burst out in 17897
but which had its origin in events and in times much more
remote, has since the Restoration become an accomplished
transaction, and can be nothing else. It is art-abyss closed
by our institutions, and whoever should attempt to raise
against them a rash and sacrilegious hand would 1.-spell it,
It is therefore only a complete ignorance of facts, or a dis-
graceful want of good faith, which can induce any one to
compare the present epoch with 1789, fur all that was
then demanded is now possessed. It has been by passing
through crimes and good actions, through blood and
through glory, through anarchy and despotism, that France
has arrived in port. There she wishes to ress, and threaten
with her indignation those who would again cast her loose
amidst tempests. She wishes to retain all that she holds
from justice and the bounty of her kings. That is all she
wishes, but she wishes it earnestly. In 1789 the spirit of in-
novation might cause turbulence; in 1830 the spirit of pre-
sei vatiou produces moderation, and the spirit of preservation
never separates the benefit from the benefactors, never sepa-
rates a charter from the princes who have given it. Who
in France does not feel, does not recognise, that to over-
throw the dynasty would be to destroy our institutions%
in the same manner as to attempt the destruction of those
institutions would be to compromise the dynasty ? Thus
an enemy of the monarchy would have but one thing to
do, which would be to unite with some of its pretended
friends and instigate to despotism, in the saint way as an.
enemy to public liberty would only have to unite himself
with certain exclusive partisans of liberty in order to in-
stigate to licentiousness. Besides, does not every one ill
France know by experience, that usurpation can never be
the friend of fixed institutions or rational liberty, and
that it would therefore be insanity to give support to any
usurpation Who then wants to make a revolution ?
Are they those who wish to preserve to the country insti-
tutions by the monarchy, and the monarchy by institu-
tions ? Or are they those who wish to infringe our par-
liamentary system at the risk of seeing the monarchy it-
self dragged into the gulf formed by their violznee? Bat

1

Merit, a
Crown
constitt
allow e
to mail

of ou,
Wite f
FRis
46C„.._. 3(1
•=0,,, • 20
pies St
;
724,
k=xttha
23f. sz,,

fear o:

vents
The
HERR

incon-
fix a
3 upon

ng this
):,n our
)pe and
ng the
I us—a

how to
riumph
d dart-
; which
rep ared
of con,
rour to

•in fine,
inarchy

lobed to
11 repel

dic cis-
if eller-
,ility of
Du will
eh you
guilty
autho-
o many
;un by
oun try,
which

.ou wilt
which

snake,
isatiooe
serord-
of war
I in the
it right
er and

absurd
,ng the
)olitical
rate us•
he very
a frank

of the
but the
act cso

Ig MON
lave de-

loctrine
!gnently
by infe-
tsl dis-

f causes
ient for
Trell on
thority;
received

have no

I autho-
ring its
permia-
families
higher

order of

ations,
,t ropu-
er ; but
;itimaey
3thority
change
semente
ni our-

at series
already
rich hae
e public
against
t of the
%don of
of the
Id be an
ye, and
of the

lught of
accom-

rs with
which
Ei is tilt,-
iltity of
who ill
,triguers
person 9
means
3quillity
n 17891
eh more
nplished
is dosed
to mist?
..)pen it.
m dis-

r one to
hat was
passing
Jod and
t France
threaten
ler loose
Vie bolds
B all she

•it of ill..
t ofpre-
ervatioa
er sep"
who
to over-

itutioest
of those

Thus
hing to
•etended
y as. all
himself
to in-

one iu

►ever be
ty, and.
: to any
dution ?

y
!J,r pal.
rchy its
? But

it is said that authority is every day becoming weaker. If
that were true, who in this assembly would not deplore
it, who throughout all France would not lament it?
For France knows that a strong power is neces-
sary to protect liberty ;—all that she demands is,
that it should be a power founded in law. Again we
are told—look at the Administration ! it is without in-
fluence ! It would have been more correct to say that
it is at the present moment without any salutary influence.
But what is the cause of this want of influence in the Ad-
ministration ? Is it not to be looked for in the incapacity
and little respectability of some of its -agents. When did
this loss of influence and consideration take place ? and
when arose that irritation which at present unhappily per-
vades the public mind ? It cannot be doubted that they
commenced with the electioneering frauds. Respect cannot
attach to an Administration sonic of whose acts cannot
bear the light ; and could any other consequence than this
respect occur in an honourable and spirited nation ? We
hounds, of
complaint, of a democracy which overflows all
an insatiable ambition to which the revolution
Linn,l4s given birth. But is it not yourselves, Ministers of the
who feed and excite that ambition. Is it not you
olio encourage democracy, when you bold out the example
of rapid promotions, of sudden elevations, which exhibit
at once the character of oriental governments, in which
intrigue and favour raises the lowest to the highest places,
and of the periods of ansrchy in which popular caprice
gives its suffrage to the most incapable or the most furious ?
The chatter, indeed, has formally declared that all French-
msen are admissible to public employments, and that is one
of its benefits ; but it has not said that those employments
should be obtained without services and without just
claims. It has not said that men should arrive at superior
stations of office without passing through the inferior
hierarchies, with the exception of those rare eases in which
rewards are to be given to great services or great genius.
Every thing is in disorder, some say. Igo further, and say
that all is bit s overturned ; that nothing is respected ; that all
feeling of Propriety is forgotten ; in a word, that the laws are
without force, because they are not executed. Let us look to
what has taken place within these few months. The jour-
nals called Ministerial daily insult, accuse, calumniate the
whole of France, and the public prosecutor remains silent.
They call for the suppression of the Charter, the subver-
sion of the existing state of things, and that officer remains
inactive. They have been contradicted, indeed ; hut
feebly, and only in the eve of the conflict. One of them,
indeed, has been brought before a tribunal. The only way
to have efficaciously disarmed them would have been to
have prosecuted them all equally and at the proper time.
gain, the respectable and respected head of a high tri-
bunal is seriously insulted, and the public prosecutor re-
mains mute. That Court itself is the object of an insult
Which my situation forbids me to describe. The Judges
are attacked even in the sanctuary of their conscience, and
the public prosecutor is unmoved. The Chamber of De-
puties, one of the powers of the State, is accused, calum-
niated, insulted, and the public prosecutor allows the ac-
cusations, calumnies, and insults to circulate freely. There
his been audaciously addressed to the King's Council, and
publicly sold, and profusely distributed, a memorial, in
which it is proposed to change the form of the Govern-
ment, and the public prosecutor and the counsellors of the
Crown tranquilly witness this formal attempt to disturb
constitutional order and the public peace. Thus they
allow every thing to be brought into question. And yet,
to maintain ourselves invariably attached to monarchical
and constitutional order, it would be sufficient to recollect
the series of wonderful events through which we have
passed to obtain it. An extraordinary man, after some
years of a vigorous and enlightened administration, would
govern by his own will alone. Glory for a while veiled
usurpation and tyranny, but at length the eloquent and
courageous voice of a great citizen broke the silence of the
legislative body, and sufficed to recall France to the senti-
ments of her independence, and to shake the master in
the midst of his 800,000 bayonets. The chief of the
empire fell! not overthrown by foreign arms, but borne
down under the weight of his own absolute power, but
abandoned, conquered by public opinion, which he hail
too long disdained. Louis XVIII. made himself be pre-
ceded and known by his august brother. He felt himself
free to give to France whatever form of Government he
pleased, but enlightened by experience and by misfortune,
and well knowing that if monarchies may be founded by
force of arms, restorations are not usually accomplished
except by compromises, and cannot be consolidated with-
out good faith, he granted a Charter to his people, and the
people accepted it with enthusiasm and gratitude. Then
the contract was made. It was suspended during the
hundred days, and afterwards resumed. It finally received
the sanction of oaths at Rheims. Was there ever a con-
tract more synallagmatic, more solemn, more firmly ce-
'seated? Who then can think of breaking, of violating
that contract? It was the excess of absolute power which
restored legitimacy to us, and by the same excess it is
wished to deprive us of it. Say then who are its true
friends.—those who wish to maintain the legal system, or
those who would have a Government by ordinances? We
are entitled to say to the latter,—you wish for monarchy
with that which would separate it from law, with that
which would make it exist for a short time feeble and vacil-
lating, that is to say, with absolutism ; but we want it
with that which causes it to be loved and adored, with that
which would enable us to live vigorous, powerful, and for
ever, that is to say, with the Charter. You wish for
arbitrary power, not for the profit of the King,
but for the sake of coteries and intriguers. We
wish the constitutional regimen for the advantag-
of the monarchy and the country. You may, in-
deed, wish that the monarchy should have the advane
tage of parliamentary Governments, but you at the same
time desire that it should incur all the perils of absolute
government, while we wish to give it the advantages and
preserve it from perils. The dynasty and the Govern-
ment it has given us is the wish of what is called the third
party, and that third party is 32,000,000 of Frenchmen,
deducting a small fraction. The question then resolves
into this—to ascertain whether the 32,000,000 ought to
yield to the small fraction, or whether it ought to disap-
pear before the 32,000,000. What is now demanded has
been constantly demanded since the existence of the mo-
narchy ; for in our history there is not a Monarch, how-
ever despotic, who has not, at least once in his reign, re-
cognised the utility of intermediate powers, the ne-
cessity of the equilibrium ofpowers, and the danger
of violating it, or disregarding the constitutions of the
kingdom,th In our history no period has passed in which
.ere has not been some virtuous Magistrate ready to raise
his warning voice against danger. Not to go too far
back, I shall mention the remarkable words which the
rst President of Verdun addressed to Louis XIII., on
the maintenance of the Constitutional Laws, by which
an
intermediate authority was preserved. Sire, we
extremely regret that the necessity of your affairs creates
such an obstacle and hindrance to your goodness as to
take from your Parliament its ancient liberty of knowing
and deliberating on the edicts, which you propose by your
absolute power, before they be verified ; and the more so,
as this your omission to submit to that law which your
predecessors inviolably observed, is an argument and pre-
sage of the diminution of your authority, and of the fall-
-I:ug end decline of your royal dignity ; we, therefore,
%lioplicate divine bounty to inspire you with a perfect
Luis:ledge of the prejudice which that omission causes to
here-
after equity, that the just resentment which you may here-
alut..l:ntertain on that account may fall and rest on the
their
'a of that counsel. We engrave in our memories
secinrcoomes and qualities for the discharge of our con-
4•es towards our God and King.' And you who are
„, Counsellors of the Crown if the moderation of some
jausticef4,
ig you have not the greatest weight, if the wisdom,
taanitiebouounnty of the Monarch be turned aside by rash
among she ,)r.sels from the thought of re-establishing
sary and
sot‘ s by his prerogative a harmony so neces-
ardently desired, then we also will engrave
in our memoriesovfoteofror!'°thil: . your names and qualities for the discharge
eke:ries towards our God and our King.'—l
FRIINCR Fee Address."
:40c. :Irk% 2.,;, .„-Dl.2* Maacn lq.—Five per Cents., 1051. 20c.
.15c. 20e, ii;'*; Three per Cents., 81f. 60c. 15c. 60e. 55c. 50c.
1)117 N,ocyka,lus2r,ocn4lf. 50e. 40c. ; Bank Stock, 1,900 f. 1890 f.; Na-
c. Uoe.loc. 92t. 20c. ; ltentes d'Espagne,
% „ s nth Loan, • ltente Perpetuelle d'Espagne,
Xchain4 ; liaytian Loan,' 5111. 50c. 525 f. 520 f. 525 f 231; don--.one month, ni. loc.; three months,
I.etitentivret.

----
.. believe we may now state, without any
fear of
in
by the result, that the Government,
in order tn
effects of the 14e
.palliate in some measure, the mischievous
Ineddling with the Currency, is now
mast no
4"i°
—Y engaged iu the consideration of various
Plano for the improvement; or greater security, of the
country the
system. Indeed we happen to know that
such is the emse; and it affords us much pleasure to be
ahleto'communicate the fact to our readers because we are
c'nwit'eed, that without some such measure it will be im-
riebnitetoodzipvie„citheeoudnrtero i energies of the ragement'to trsd
--e, and didY more for the improvement of
agriculture, by affording country.
drooping
afforded great encou-
the means of effecting it, than
the whole of the landed interest; and we should, in con-
whichsequence, be glad to see any measure brought forward
had for 45 object their re•establishment, and that,
of the 'System which they c.ontrol!ed. Morning Ai.-
vertiser.--[We stated en/netball;
The Sun about a month to the same effect in
age--and 1 e
IfERRIES goeo far to eonlirm the matter.h speech of Mr. '

PRICES OF STOCKS TOTS
Rani: stock
3 per Cent. Red.
3 per Cent- C0n5.......9 211 2
3 per Cc-,t. shut
Ditto Red.
per Cent. Ann.
Ditto, 1826 shut
BAnk L. Ann.
Ditto 30 Sears
Ditto 50 years
India Stock shut
Ditto Bonds — 1—; pm.

PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS
Austrian Bonds
Brazilian Bonds
Buenos Ayres Bonds —
Chillan Bonds 27
Colombian Bonds
Ditto, 1824
Danish
Greek Bonds
Ditto, 1825 -234 40
G uatimala
Mexican Bonds .
Ditto, 1825

PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AY ONE O'CLOCK.
Paid. Per Share.
Brazilian Mining Company 5 9%
Brazilian Imp. Mm. Co. (iss. at 5/. pm.) .£2O -
Ditto National lO 21
Real del Monte Mining Co. X IGO 53 .1
United Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at 2/. pm.) £39;4 201,4
General Steam Navigation Co.

PRICES OF IRISH STOCKS, DUBLIN, MARCH 15.
Bank Stock 24414 St. Patrick Insur. (per sh.)
CcrisolE, 3 per cent.
Gov. Stock, *4 per cent. 98% National Ditto 77
Ditto, New 9314 'Patriotic Ditto
4 per Cent lolsi ;Hibernian Bank —
Gov. Deb. 3..', percent.... 9114 IProyincial Ditto —
Royal Canal StocK — Royal Irish Mine —
Grand Canal Stock lmperial Mine —
City Deb. 4 per cent. — Mining Co, of Ireland ....., 6
Ballast Office Deb. 4p. c. —iCommercial Buildings

THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT GARDEN.

MISS FANNY KEMBLE'S NIGHT.

The Public are respectfully informed, that on THURSDAY NuiT,
March 35, will be acted Shakespeare's Comedy of the

MERCHANT OF VENICE.
Duke of Venice... Mr. EVAN'S I Antonio Mr. WARDS
Sh ylock Mr. CHARLES KEMBLE
Bassanio .... Mr. ABBOTT I Gratiano Mr. FARLEY
Portia Miss FANNY KEMBLE
Her first appearance in that character.

Nerissa Mis► NELSON I Jessica ..... Miss FORDE

Amin WHICH, THE NEW FARCE OF
TEDDY THE TILER.

Lord Dunderford.. Mr. EV.V,IS j Henry Mr. DURUSET

Teddy Mulowney the Tiler ....... Mr. POWER

Lady Dividerford 3fis.WESTON I Oriel =Miss LAWRENCE

Flora.— Miss J. SCOTT
TO CONCLUDE WITH THE FARCE OF

HIGH LIFE BELOW STAIRS.
Lord Duke's Serv. Mr.BALLS I Sir Harry's Serv. Mr.FARLEY
Kitty Mrs. GIBBS.
A MOCK MINUET by Mr. BALLS and Mrs. GIBBS.

Tickets and Places to be had of Miss Fanny Kemble, No. 14,
Jamey-street, Buckingham-gate; and at the Box Office, Hart-st.

THE COLOSSEUM-REGENT'S PARK.

The whole of this Magnificent Exhibition being now corn.
pleted, and the Interior warmed, the Public are respectfully in-
formed the Admissions are as follow, viz.:— s. d.
To view the Panorama, with the original Ball, removed
from St. Paul's Cathedral—the Prospect from the sum-
mit of th• Building—and the Saloon for the Reception of
Works of Art 3 0
To view the Conservatories, Fountain, Swiss Cottage, &c 2 0
To view the Panorama only
The whole to be viewed for 5 0
N. B.—ANNUAL TICKETS of ADMISSION(One Guinea
each) are now being issued from the North Lodge.
'Ascending Room in daily use.
Open from Ten till Dusk.