The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-25 00:00:00

Tllt' 'gON, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 25, 1868.

by deprecating any forcible action in connection with the
Polish question, for which he said there was no justifica-
tion, either on the ground of friendly associations between
England and Poland, or of financial or commercial inte-
rests. If this country joined in a war with France on ac-
count of Poland their interests would be at variance, and it
would end as other wars had ended during the last six or
eight years, in giving France some material advantage.
Earl GRANVILLE said it was rot desirable for mem-
bers of the Government to go deeply into arguments on
this question at a time when they were giving the gravest
consideration as to the course to be adopted, But he de-
sired to say, in reference to the noble earl's speech, that the
policy he had suggested was incomprehensible. At first he
had deprecated any interference, even diplomatically ; and
afterwards he had suggested a course which might have
been adopted—the alternative of the non-acceptance of
which, on the part of Russia, was to have been the with-
drawalsitbßatheaueepinsrsthiconsistent
conjunctional
aaooonwfru anyou r ambassador.whwhich
her
Majesty's Th a t w
Governmenta s a ten times
had
ad stronger
taken.
He denied that there had been any departure from the prin-
ed
re
ciple of no
a ought
non-intervention. ioint n
tot
fle
owruwitvneiai etntkt
hnhee toe. it
u:ohhutbweea.t
Not
gteei
dignity
course
oeaiohruttnyrallpsvitaeroaenejw:aed,etsohyrt
done
which,
hisosg:ohi GovernmentEntwsuotauhr u;ddpirenooaptpi
interna-
tionalnhph opinion,
prestige of this coun-
try, which the noble earl was so anxious to preserve. To
have withdrawn our Ambassador and ceased diplomatic re-
lations with the Court of Russia would have been to inter-
vene in a much more important way, and would have been
much more sure to lead to the disastrous results which he
trusted might yet be averted, than the course pursued by
her Majesty's Government.

After a few words in reply from the Marquis of CLANRI-
CARDE, the motion was withdrawn and the subject dropped.
ATTACHING INDEPENDENT VOLUNTEER
CORPS TO ADMINISTRATIVE BATTALIONS.

The Earl of MALMESBURY moved for a copy of the
letters written to the Lord-Lieutenants of counties by the
Secretary of State for War, on the subject of attaching in-
dependent corps of volunteers to administrative battalions.
He understood that it was to be permissive, and that Lord-
Lieutenants were to give the corps the opportunity of de-
ciding for themselves whether they would be so attached ;
but he had ascertained that in some cases this had not been
done, and that independent corps had been so attached by
the Lord-Lieu enants without having been consulted.
Earl DE GREY, in reply, said that there would be no
objection to lay a copy of that letter on the table. It was de-
sirable that independent corps should be connected with
administrative battalions to receive the services of an adju-
tant as acting paymaster in connection with the distribution
of the capitation grant, and to give the Government the
security necessary as to the efficiency of •he members of the
corps. The letter had 13,en sent on the supposition that in-
dependent corps should not be so attached without their
free consent. Although it was very desirable that the corps
should be united into administrative battalions, to receive
the instruction of the adjutant and the paymmt of the Go-
vernment rant, yet in places where any local difficulties
existed, the Lord Lieutenant would be empowered to make
such arrangements as would be most acceptable to the corps.
Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to 8 o'clock.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Yesterday.
The SPEAKER took the chair at half-past 12 o'clock.
RUM DUTY BILL.
This bill was read a third time.
AUGMENTATION OF BENEFICES BILL.

This bill was read a third time.
ALTERATION OF JUDGES' CIRCUITS BILL.

This bill was read a third time.
BRITISH COLUMBIA BOUNDARIES BILL.

This bill, as amended, was considered and agreed to, and
read a third time and passed.
CLERGYMEN (COLONIES) BILL.

This bill was read a third time.
EAST INDIA REVENUE ACCOUNTS.

The report on the resolutions agreed to last night was
brought up and received.

STATUTE LAW REVISION BILL.

On the motion that this bill be read a third time,

Mr. HENNESSY repeated several of his objections to
this bill, which he said would repeal some enactments
which ought not to be repealed, and leave untouched others
which were virtually of no use on the statute-book. The
Lill, which consisted of 198 clauses, was full of anomalies,
and ought not to be hurriedly passed at the fag end of the
session. Some old acts would be mutilated, such as Magna
Charter, and for all practical purposes the bill would be in-
operative. In conclusion, he moved, as an amendment,
that it be read a third time this day week.
Mr. L YGON seconded the motion.

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL replied—The bill had
been carefully prepared by eminent gentlemen of the greatest
legal experience, who had devoted years to its compilation.
All the objections raised by the hon. and learned gentlemen
were utterly baseless. The hon. and learned gentleman had
evidently employed his leisure in dipping into some legal
books, and the result was his picking up a smattering of
information of the most superficial nature, which he had
abundantly displayed in his opposition to the bill.
He had raised no real objection to the bill, which,
in the opinion of lawyers on both sides of the house,
would constitute a great boon to the professors of the law
and the general public. In truth, the hon. and learned
gentleman evinced no knowledge on the subjects with which
he had dealt, and yet asked the house to withdraw its confi-
dence from those who possessed great knowledge on the
matter, as abundantly evinced in the laborious preparation
of this measure, which had been in preparation since 1859.
Mr, HENNESSY withdrew his motion, and the bill was
read a third time, and passed.

which was necessary for the effective prosecution of the
purposes of the institution, including, above all, its religious
purposes, and at the same time make every practical con-
cession to those who were without.

LYGON expressed his opinion that subscription
was amongst the most effectual means of preventing reli-
gious animosities, and reminded the house that although
the petition was signed by 106 persons, 73 of the number
were laymen. The document could not, therefore, be taken
as expressing the views of any important section of the
clergy.

Mr. G. DUFF said that the petition represented the
views of the elite of the blue blood of the university, and
that, although many distinguished members had not signed
it, the spread of liberal sentiments was so great since the
secession of Dr. Newman that a very strong feeling existed
in favour of the abolition of tests:

Mr. NEWDEGATE hoped the house would not, with-
out mature reflection, give any countenance to a proposi-
tion to open to persons holding different religious opinions
the only university now limited to members of the Church
of England.
Mr. B U XTON thought the question was not whether
we should abolish tests, but whether those particular tests
complained of were not cumbersome and unnecessary.
Moreover, Parliament had already, in the case of the Uni-
versity of Cambridge, condemned those tests.
The subject then dropped.
THE lONIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. C. BENTINCK directed attention to the proposed
cession of the lonian Islands to Greece, and charged the
Government with an altered policy on the question,arguing
that in the present state of Greece the mere placing of a
young and inexperienced prince on the throne constituted
no guarantee for the settlement and tranquillity of that
country,
MONUMENTS IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY.
Mr. M. MILNES referred to the refusal by the Dean
and Chapter of Westminster to allow monuments to be
erected in the Abbey to Lord Macaulay, Mr. Hallam, and
Earl Canning, and to the demand of exorbitant fees for
permission to place a bust of the late Sir G. C. Lewis
there. The conduct of the capitular body in this respect
demanded, he thought, the intervention of Parliament,
with the view of placing the matter under the charge of
some deportment of the Government.
Mr. F. POWELL condemned the appropriation of the
Abbey to monuments many of which were scarcely of a
Christian character. ho far from admitting more, he
thought many of those already there ought to be removed

INFANTICIDE,
Mr, Cox and Mr. HUNT noticed the increase of infanti-
Acide in England and Wales, and urged the pressing ne-
cessity which existed for legislation on the subject.
Mr. MONSE LL asked whether there was any r.bjection
to produce the corre pondeuce which took place in 1825
and 1826 between the Government of this country and that
of Russia with reference to the affairs sf Greece.
:sir G. GREY referring first to the observations of Mr.
Ayrton, said the grievances of the compound householders
arose from the provisions of local enactments, and that it
was his intention to consider the subject with a view to
future legislation. With regard to the crime of infanticide,
there could be no doubt that it existed to a great degree,
but he was not sure that it was on the increase, regard
being had to the increased ratio of population. No sug-
gestion of a remedy had yet been made, and his own opi•
nion was that the real check to the crime was to be looked
for in the improved education and morality of the people.
On the subject of monuments in Westminster Abbey, the
house had already been informed that the Government had
no control in the matter, and that the charge for liberty to
place:busts in the sacred building was regulated by a desire
on the part of the authorities to prevent any undue in-
fringement upon the space intended for worshippers.

POLAND.
Mr. KINGLAKE, returning to the subject of Po-
land, said that the tone of the reply of Russia to
the six points was most extraordinary, and calculated to
irritate the European Powers. He hoped that England
would give a plain and categorical answer to that sarcastic
despatch, and that she would act in all respects in concert
with France. The hon. gentleman eulogised the conduct of
Austria in refusing to be drawn into another holy alliance at
the bidding of Russia, and observed with satisfaction that
she had now taken that place in the councils of Europe
which her position as a first-rate Power entitled her to
assume. _ _ _ _

Some observations were also made on this subject by
Mr. Hennessy, Mr. Somerset Beaumont, and Lord Rayn-
ham. _ _ _

Lord ELCHO asked what were the intentions of the Go-
vernment in reference to the land they had lately acquired
at South Kensington ?
Lord PAL MERSTON, having stated that he understood
that the contractors for the Exhibition building of 1862 had
sold that curious structure for £20,000 more than the sum
for which it had been offered to the public, said that the
Government would, between now and next session, consider
the proper disposition of the land lately purchased. With
regard to the cession of the lonian Islands to Greece, it was
intended, with the concurrence of the protecting Powers, to
give them the option of union if they pleased, but not to
force it upon them. His right hon. friend the member for
Limerick had asked whether they were willing to lay before
Parliament the correspondence which had taken place in
the years 1825 and 1826 between this Government and
Russia with regard to the interference which took place in
Greece, and which resulted in the independence of that
kingdom. His right hon. friend had certainly established
a very strong resemblance, in some points, between that
transaction and the affairs which were now under discussion
with regard to Poland. There was an insurrection which
went on for some time without interference from the
other Powers, but at last the sacrifice of human life,
and the atrocities which were committed, attracted the
attention of Europe, and interference was the result, first
friendly and then of a more forcible nature. The ultimate
cause of the interference was the intention avowed by
Ibrahim Pacha of removing the whole population of the
Mores and replacing them by Fellahs from Egypt, That
led to an immediate decision on the part of the three Powers
to interfere to prevent such an outrage. But he had not
heard of anything like that having as yet taken place in
Poland. (Hear, hear.) Still there was no disgui-ing the
fact that the present state of things in Poland was most
lamentable—(hear)—and not only the condition of Poland,
but of Lithuania—(hear, hear)—for, whilst on the one hand
the Russian Government stated that if the proprietors did
not actually assist the government, they would be subject
to every sort of penalty that could be inflicted on them, on
the other hand, the revolutionary government at Warsaw
threatened that if they did not assist in the insurrection they
would be subject to all the penalties it was in their power to
inflict. (Hear.) So that between these two their condition
was most pitiable. (Hear, hear.) With regard•to the
correspondence, which was very voluminous, he would un-
dertake that it should be looked into with a view of select-
ing those parts which were appropriate to the present occa-
sion, and as to such parts of it as had any interesting bear-
ing on the present question there would be no difficulty as
to their production. (Hear, hear-) So far as the cases had
any resemblance, the principles that would be found to
have been maintained by Russia with regard to Greece
might possibly have a certain effect upon the grounds to be
taken by the other Powers with regard to Poland. With
regard to the Polish question itself, the house would not
expect him to enter into any discussion. (Hear.) But he
would say one word as to the Russian despatch. In the
former correspondence on the subject of Poland the ground
taken by the Russian Government had always been that the
quelling of the insurrection in 1831 and 1832 emancipated
Russia from all the obligations of the treaty of Vienna, and
that she at that time held the country as a conquered pro-
vince, to do with it as she pleased, as part of the Russian
empire; and hence she denied the right of any of the
parties to the treaty of Vienna to question her treatment of
Poland. But in this despatch a great step had been
gained, for Russia now admitted that the parties that con-
curred in the treaty of Vienna were entitled to discuss with
her the state of Poland within the limits of the treaty.
(Hear, hear.) With regard to what course her Majesty's
Government intend to take in these matters, it was far too
important a matter to be the subject of an off-hand answer
in that house. (Hear, hear.) All that it was compatible
with his (Lord Palmerston's) duty to state was this—that
her Majesty's Government would continue to act with
France and Austria in these matters, upon which they were
under an engagement to act in consort with those two
powers. (Hear, hear.)
Sir J. FERGUSSON said he thought the course of the
debate showed the great inconvenience of discussing these
matters in any other than a regular way. He would only
observe that one result of an occasion when the three powers,
Russia, France, and England, were in alliance, was
the oc-
currence of an "outward event" of which they had all heard.
He affirmed that Great Britain had never undertaken a war
except where her own individual interests were concerned
(Oh, oh.) The Crimean was undertaken to prevent the
overthrow of a balance of war in the Mediterranean. Bat
as
Poland was not sufficiently bound up with our interestslof a
that we should be parties for her sake to the renewa f a
great European struggle. A man would be unworthy o
seat in the house if he did not sympathise with the Poles
to be
their present struggle, but it was another
thing
anxious for this country to go to war for a cause which
in
in
neither its interest nor its honour were concerned.
_ of
Sir J. SHELLEY could only excuse the observations
the hon. gentleman from the fact, thathe had not read the
speeches delivered at the meeting to which those observa-
tions had reference. He denied that there had been reckless
speeches, or speeches unworthy of a member ofdthatnt house
made there, and all that he had said as presi o the
meeting he was prepared to repeat in his place in Parha-

ment.
The motion for adjournment till Monday was then with-
drawn.
The Lords' amendments to tho Alkali‘Works Regulation
Bill were agreed to.
The house then adjourned.

THE CUCKOO CUCKOO is in appearance about the size of
a small pigeon, from the quantity of feathers with
which it is covered. If robbed of these, it is not nearly so
large. It has handsome plumage, its head, breast, neck,
and back being bluish grey. the thighs and under-tail
foathers greyish-white, marked with black bars, tail black
-spotted with white, legs and feet pale yellow, the irids and
tip of the beak rich orange,.

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

PosT.—Whatever may have been the intention
of the Legislature in passing the Foreign Enlist
ment Act, it seems tolerably clear that it was not
with the view of protecting friendly States which
happened to be at war with each other. The sale
of munitions of sear iS toot prohibited, nor is any
restriction imposed upon export trade. British
subjects are forbidden to furnish, arts, or etadip ves-
sels of war with the intent that they shall be used
against a friendly State, but they are in nowise
prevented from doing the tame acts for the sake of
the profits to be realised on the sale of such ships
when completed. It was an error to suppose that
the departure of the Alabama from these shores was
an infringemert of the Foreign Enlistment Act.
For many reasons there was in her case no violation
of the law. She was neither furnished, armed, nor
(quipped when she left the port of Liverpool ; and
as, from what subsequently occurred, it is evident
that it was never the intention of her builders that
she should have been equipped in an English port,
her seizure by the Government would have been
unjustifiable. The Messrs. Laird, of Birkenhead,
built and sold, as they had a perfect rigbt to do, a
vessel which, when duly armed, became a ship of
war. The transformation, however, the " furnish-
ing, arming, and equipping," which are alone pro-
hibited by the Foreign Enlistment Act, if done
with the inters that hostilities should be carried
on against a friendly Power, took place out of
her Majesty's dominions. The Alabama received
her armament at Terceira, and in that port
for the first time became invested with the cheese •
ter of a ship of war. In the case of the Alexandra
the ship had nearly reached that stage of construc-
tion when seized in which the Alabama was when
she left the Mersey, and, assuming that she was
equally intended for the use of the Southern Confe-
deracy, would, if unmolested, have taken her equip-
ment on board, like the Alabama, in a foreign port,
or possibly, like the Japan, in the English Channel.
If, then, the interpretation put by the Lord Chief
Baron on the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment.
Act be correct, and although exceptions have been
taken to it by the law officers of the Crown, there
seems no reason to doubt that it will be sustained ;
the obstacles in the way of supplying a belligerent
either with armed ships, or vessels easily convertible
into ships of war, are purely nominal. Under such
circumstances it was not surprising that those who
still hope to see the American Union restored
should have protested egainst a condition of the law
which permit red the S hern States with blockaded
ports to create a navy at a distant part of the world.
Hence sprang the memorial which certain ship-
owners at Liverpool a short time since presented to
the Government, praying for a revision of the
Foreign Enlistment Act, and hence the speech of
Mr. Cobden in the House of Commons, on Thursday
evening, in which that gentleman supported the
e
views of the Liverpool shipowners. It was scarcely
relevant for the member for Rochdale to refer to the
injury inflicted on American trade by the Alabama
and other vessels which the Southern Confederacy
have been enabled to purchase and equip in Euro-
pean waters. No one doubts that the shipowners
of the North are great sufferers. But their suffer-
ings prove nothing. Great injury has been inflicted
on the Southern population by means of artillery
and rifles and gunpowder purchased in this coun-
try, but that fact would not justify the friends of
the South in demanding from the Government an
alteration in the law which would have the effect
of checking the exportation of munitions of war.
Mr. Cobden says there is a distinction between
supplying a belligerent with armed ships, which
him
with only be applied to one use, and furnishing
with gunpowder which may be employed for blast-
ing or sporting purposes. But to what use, let us
ask the member for Rochdale, can some thousands
of Minie rifles and some hundreds of Armstrong or
Whitworth guns, which have been exported from
e
England, be turned, and does he pretend to b
ignorant of the manner in which they have
actually employed ? If the sufferings of them been
rial
respec-
tive belligerents, occasioned through wa
supplied from these shores, were to be takenrate
into
account, the claims of the South for redress would
be infinitely greater than those of the North. But
as Mr. Cobden candidly confesses that he does not
believe in the future existence of two nde endent
Federations in North America, he appeals) to our
sense of fear, by conjuring up the consequences
of
exciting the enmity of the Federal Government.
The North will ultimately triumph, the Union will
be restored, and then the day of retributionr.Cobden
will
come. It may not be generally known m
told his hearers that the American Government
estimate the value of every, vessel destroyed by
Confederate privateers, and make formal claims for
reparation on her Majesty's Government, which
soon as the b
claims are disallowed.
is crushed, we are left toßsautpapaose that the re ellion
Govern-
ment of the then United States will not only again
advance those claims, but will. enforce compliance
yet time, therefore,
with them. Whilst there
Mr. Cobden implores us to_ miteobd,if our law to pro-
aynl thus to appease
tect the commerce of the North,
the just wrath of the Amerie.hcreanGovernment.
TIMES.—The debate inp the House of Lords last
will do lit tle to allay
night on the subject of
.ol
osseseion of the public
the anxiety which is taking
mind. We look to that assemePibnlytbfoermwidisa
et
oa fr pd ams soi do
en
rate counsels, for temperdan.mc
artial wisdom. We are
for calm, far-sighted, an
sorry to say that in the pbrieeasvePyntiamotbmeenvteosursoninaisbtailnitcye
we look in vain. How
pthopenpiraerspenastsminon:
which devolves on any one
.wahaomaet
ment says a single word
already too much ea-
gle to in
or to irritate susceptibilitiesthink, have been considered
cited, can hardly,
voer taanndt
by those who t ave ttwrbeeewm
subject as a fitting e ed f tobr es
tgi nr ga vi
ne ga iendv ei t
oint of eloquence, scarcely
high-sounding deo a.nmation. Lord Elienborough,
admirable as usual 1
mPent.
He dwelt upon the
condescended to aragul m
ouravieff, and observed how
enormities of
impossible it wGeaesefror the Poles to be content when
so much cruelty since
they had been treateedetwiyith
true, but justice is due
1831. This is pert..
we
may not unreasonably ask
even to Russia ; d
aided nationality of Poland would
whether the Vir
have been contented even had the Government of
Russia been the best and most humane in the world.
Lord Ellenborough thinks that there is an end of
diplomacy
; the Polish question—that it would be
and even degrading, to
vain,pursue it further, and
teing left for us but to act. Lord
that there is
Malmesbury had no difficulty in exposing the ex-
travagant languagbe, and unreasonable inferences of
but he concluded by a propo-
sition Ellenborodg
udicious and the most dangerous
sition
that cotuhledulbaearctolanejmeeived. He wishes that we should
ambassador from St. Petersburg !
withdraw out r
our own part, that, such a step once
We confess,
shouldfor
have little hope indeed of escap-
ingtaken,
we an war. Let us once admit that our
an
anrtelie affairs of Poland is strong enough to
interestEi
oblige us to go beyond the mere language of ex-
postulation and remonstrance, and something more
than a diplomatic rupture becomes inevitable. The
opinion which we ourselves should have created
would end by forcing us along with it, and many
who had no desire to involve themselves in the
quarrel would feel that our honour would not per-
, mit us to withdraw. In the absence, then, of that
• wise
counsel for which we had a • rig ht to look
under circumstances of so much danger and diffi-
culty, we will endeavour to set before the country
real nature of our position with regard to the
question. The Treaty of Vienna did, no
the
polish
doubt, stipulate that Poland should be a constitu-
tional kingdom under the government of the Empes
nor of Russia. The power of the Emperor over that
.
kingdom was not the result of the Treaty of
Vienna, but of that great crime,' the partition of
1772, consummated in 1794. The treaty gave us a
right to call upon Russia to constitute the kingdom
of Poland, and to make war upon her in case
she destroyed it. The case provided for in the
Treaty was not long in arising. In 1831 the con-
stitutional Monarchy cf Poland was destroyed, and
Poland itself was incorporated with the dominions
of the Empire of Russia. We did not see fit to avail
ourselves of the rights which the Treaty of 1815
gave us. Again, in 1846, the Republic of Cracow
was destroyed, and we did not see fit to draw the
sword for its preservation. In 1856 we made peace
w;th Russia after the close of the Crimean War.
Then, if ever, was the time for us to come to a defie
nite understanding with regard to Poland, but we
passed the question over in silence, and concluded a
treaty of peace with Russia in which not a single
word is to be found bearing on this double violation
of the Treaty of Vienna. Seven years after the con-
elusion of this 'reaty, when we had by our silence
and acquiescence of two-and-twenty years effectu-
. ally waived our right to take a stand on the Treaty
of Vienna, we see fit to recur to an instrument which
we have so long treated as obsolete, and to propose
to Russia that she should grant an armistice, and
entertain six propositions based on the Tieaty of
Vienna, and not in the least calculated to restore
confidence to Poland or to give security to Russia.
We cannot expect that if Poland received through
the agency of the Western Powers a constitutional
Government, a native Ministry, the use of her own
laws and language, that she would not immediately
employ all these advantages for the purpose of doing
to Russia all the evil in her power. We ask Russia to
place arms in the hands of her adversary. This,is
our recommendation. It has been refused. The Rtes.
sian Government will grant no armistice while the
Poles are in open insurrection against her, and
declines to submit to foreign Powers the regulation
of her relations with her revolted subjects. Is this
a case of war ? We do not believe that even techni-
cally it is so, for it appears to us that by long and
distinct acquiescence we have waived any right to
interfere under the Treaty of 1815, Bet whether

we possess this right or no, sure we are that it is
inexpedient to use it. Ac far as Poland is concerned,
she will be satisfied with nothing short of absolute
independence ; as far as Russia is concerned, she
will bre content with nothing short of absolute con-
quest. Neither party will hear of any intermsdiate
position between the two, and even were such a
position established it would only serve as a breath-
ing place between the two, where each might draw
together his forces for the last encounter. Let us
look a little further. We have undertaken this joint
diplomatic action with France; are the interests of
France and England absolutely identical ? It is
the interest of France to humble, and even to
destroy a power which forms in the present dis
tracted state of the Continent of Europe the only
efficient counterpoise to her aggrandisement. Has
not France the boundary of the Rhine to re-
conauer ? Has she not the memory of the later
days of the Empire to obAterate ? Can we go hand
in hand in such undertakings unless we are satisfied
that prance is too weak and Russia too strong ? Is
not our policy now, as always, to maintain Euro
pean equilibrium, instead of to seek by every means
in our power to overthrow it ? And, finally, what
is more important than all the rest, the people of
this country are well aware that our arm is not
long enough to reach the present scene of action.
There is one result front such a war that we
regard as certain—the ruin of the Ministry that
declares it and the discredit of the political party
that supports it.

HERALD.-" What shall be done with the Royal
Academy," might be the publishing title of the
report which hasjust been given in by the commis-
sioners who were appointed at the beginning of the
year "to inquire into its present position." We
may differ still as to what we should do with the
institution, but we are left in no further doubt as to
what we are dealing with. If it was impossible
from the beginning to complain of the selection of
the gentlemen charged with the inquiry, it is
equally impossible now to accuse them of any want
of zeal or diligence in carrying it out. A better
written report, with more carefully considered
conclusions on the data brought before them, was
not to be expected ; and if they have not suggested
the true remedies " the position's which they
describe calls for, it must be admitted that the
mistake has originated in an almost inevitable
acceptance of a very current illusion as to the true
aims and uses of such institutions. They have con-
sidered in detail the constitution of the Academy—
its machinery as a school—its service to art in irs
exhibitions—and its requirements of local accomo-
dation. Under each heading the Academy is found
at fault, and an accumulation of suggestions are
offered which, if adopted, would amount to a little
revolution in its working. The commissioners pro-
pose to transfer the functions of government under
a charter to a general assembly, which is to be com-
posed of some 60 academicians, lay and professional,
and of an equal number of associates, who are to
enjoy the power of filling up their own vacancies.
The president, who is recommended for a "very
much augmented salary," is to hold office subject
to an annual election, and to be assisted by a
council of ten academicians, who are to be chosen
from that body exclusively, but to be approved by
the general assembly, and to vacate office under a
yearly system of rotation. Suggestions are added
that engravers and art workmen might be made
eligible on equal terms as academicians or associates,
and that a class of honorary members might be
created in favour of foreigners. The constitution
being thus remodelled, it is thus proposed that the
coa.mittees—three in number—appointed to arrange
works for the annual exhibition should be chosen
by the council and general assembly, and that the
council should alone have power to make the selec-
tion of the works. A limitation of the number of
works which academicians and associates have now
the power of exhibiting as of right, and some sug-
gestions as to the immixture of sculpture, the height
at which works are to be hung, the mode in which
the name of the artist and subject of his work
should be made known, and the admission of the
public under different arrangements, complete all that
the commissioners have to propose on the exhibi-
tion, except so far to they recommend the more 1
spacious buildings made indispensable by the
double needs of the Academ: and National Gallery.
With the latter advantage attained, a considera-
awbhleichdetvheelyoppmroepnotse to
isreewoimthmdw fro,'' ernadet2for the school,
charge of the visitors and t transfer
h
sptertue
entto
rDs . i r eTc
he
t or
students,General
o
undergo test examinations on admission pay fees,
and be rewarded by travelling studgentt,h admission by merit to a school, to be established on
the French model at Rome. To provide for the
extended uses thus proposed for the exhibition and
school it is thought that the rooms of the National
Gallery should be handed over to the Academy, or
that the Academy should move elsewhere, and the
whole building in Trafalgar-square, with additions,
be used for the Gallery. The proposition of the
commissioners, in short, is at once to amplify and
complicate the government of the Academy, and es-
tablish it on some such footing as that maintained
toy the College of Surgeons in reference to its ten or
twenty thousand members. Now, we will enter
into no question about the worth of the precedent,
simply because whatever that may be we fail to see
the analogy which would justify imitation. The
public asks no guarantee for the qualification of a
painter or sculptor beyond its own taste, and we can
hardly understand the principle of the interference
by which the Academy would undertake to provide
tor the instruction and training of the body of
British artists unless we are to have government for
government rake. It is the distinction of the arts
that they may be learnt, but cannot be taught; and
the best uses of the Academy as an educational in-
stitution must, in our opinion, be confined to offer-
ing the means, not to be found elsewhere, by which
artists may instruct and train themselves. "Lec-
tures," " periodical examinations," " travelling
studentships," and salaried "residence at Rome in
an • English academy of art"—are very attractive
agencies, so far as they furnish matter for an ad-
ministrative dolce far niente, and may supply food
to the ever-increasing appetite for official patron.
apt
hg ; r
eoe
Bhpbiegu r
het
uers we deny
aprht,a h
oser
phases of
he
ftt
they
yy a i
,h,arviene theeivtes
rnpteercnaecdstesi necessities
practice.
to
os e oTI
elicit
great want in the education of artists ever since
the Caracci school system began, has been the
inability of students to run alone, to think for
themselves, to produce the effects of nature, not
after certain artificial and misunderstood rules of
teachers, but under the guidance of experience,
, assisted by the inspiration furnished by their own
use of it. To do work well we must see what we
want to do with our own eyes, not others'. There
is nothing so misleading to young art as the sup-
posed possession of the technical secrets for pro-
ducing results that belong but to its highest deve-
lopment, and academies will be found probably to
. be most useful to the genius that connects itself with
, them, as they happen to limit their help to letting
, it freely help itself. Beyond this assistance, which
supposes the rather large accommodations of space
and models than any very distinguished demonstra-
tion of the metaphysics of the art, the profession
, has no need of assuming a corporate form,except to
make the public and artists mutually acquainted.
True art will never be wanting when it has the
fair stage with no favour that belongs to an effec-
tive exhibition. The rivalries, the petty ambitions,
the caballing intrigues, the embarrassments of ad-
ministrative responsibility, are no elements of a
prosperous art ; and all the good to art that has
arisen from the academical distinctions and official
advantages that belong to the present system, or
the more complicated substitute the commissioners
recommend for it,- would not outworth the loss
which would accrue by withdrawing a Reynolds, a
Gainsborough, or a Landseer a single month from
their ateliers. The true place for an artist is made
by his works, not his titles or the social position
acquired for him by his place in an academy; and
the greatest aid such institutions can offer art is to
provide it with what we have never yet had in this
country, am exhibition which fully and worthily re-
presents it. At present we show the works of
academicians and associates as a matter of right,
and of a few of their friends, as so many prizes
drawn out of a lottery; but for artists generally the
only acquaintance we give them of their exhibition
is under its annual characteristic of " a delusion,
a mockery, end a snare." It is thus that art has
no such curse as the very aid which should most
assist it. In the limitation of space and necessary
exclusion of nine-tenths of our works of merit the
unfortunate artist, who knows that the exhibition
offers his only road to fortune, paints, not as his
own taste suggests, but to suit some supposed
tastes, the committee of selection, and in proportion
as he has incurred risks and sacrifices to gain his
1 objact, he becomes in his succ,ss, but still more in
his failure, much less serviceable to a high ideal of
his art, to himself, and to society.

A SATAGE RACEHORSE.—Bedouin, the property
of Mr. Ten Broeck, whilst being conveyed to Stam •
ford, bit off the finger of the boy in charge of him, and
kicked so violently in the box as to wrench two shoes off.—
Stamlord Mercury.
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