The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-23 00:00:00

SA.AVYR'S FAMOUS LONDON DINNER
FOR TIIIS DAY,
At ,s (d. each Verscm.
SOUPS.

Ox Tail.

FISH.
Soles Maitre D'Hotel. Fried Fillets of Brill.

ENTREES.
Turkey a la Cheva.... re_ Lobster Rissoles.
JOINTS.
Sirloins of Beef. Saddles of Mutton.
SWEETS.
Sir Watkin Puddings. Mince Pies.
Cheese and Satad.
THE LONDON,
19 , ii'LEET-STREET.

MR. AYRTON AND HIS CONSTITUENTS.

Last night Mr. Ayrton, one of the members for
Tower Ili;mietS, addressed a crowded meeting
of his constituents at the Beaumont Institution,
Mile-end, on the leading politics of the day.
Mr. W. NEWTON was ,Aiimously called to the
chair, and at once introduced. _ _ .

Mr. AYRTON, who was received with loud cheer-
ing, and cries of " Where'e Butler ?" The hon.
member said he, had delayed coming to them
to account for -his Parliamettary conduct and to
consider the proceedings of the last session, and
look at them as a link between the past and the
future. He thought it mischievous to leave the
House of Commons to discuss matters without
interfering on behalf of those who were not in
the house. He bad been asked to become a
vice-president of a society for the repeal of the
hop duty, and of hops he could only say that it was
" the best enemy to those that loved it most." (Loud
laughter.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer had
repealed the hop duties despite the exertions and
opposition of one who might be almost called " the
member for bitter beer." (Lend laughter.) He (Mr.
Ayrton) represented nearly one-fortieth of the
electors of the United Kingdom, and had only one
colleague, while he ought to have three or four—an
injustice that ought to be remedied. He would pro-
ceed to the first local question of importance, and,
referring to the Metropolitan Board, he thought
that the members ought to come regularly before
the ratepayers and ask the honour of re-election ;
bat the vestries did not think it advisable, and Par-
liament did not therefore interfere. Great powers
had been delegated to them, and amongst others he
feared that the Thames embankment would be as
ugly in architectural design as it would be costly in
its erection. He thought that the recommendation
of the committee of the House of Commons on the
protection of property from Ere would give more
power to that autocrat ot the metropolis, the Chief
Commissioner of Police, but he (Mr. Ayrton) ob-
jected to policing the people any further, and there
was no reason why the power of regulating fire-
engines in each district should not be vested as well
in the parish vestries asiu a Knight Commander of
the Bath at Scotland-yard. (Laughter.) He (Mr.
Ayrton) feared that the Metropolitan Board of
Works did not look sufficiently after the money
which ought to be applied to the development of
their powers, and getting everything that ought to
be applied to their proper purposes. Time, however,
would work a change, it was to be hoped, ere long.
He could not advert to any topics without bestowing
a passing word upon the loss the borough had re-
cently sustained in one who lived amongst his work.
men and dispensed with a ready hand his charity and
good feeling. He (the speaker) thought it behoved his
constituents to watch narrowly the Merchandise
Marks Act, which would come into operation on the
Ist of January next. He found that on one great
question there were two grt at parties who took
opposite sides, and while one side would give oppor-
tunity to men to indulge in an unlimited use of
vicious drinks, on the other hand it was held that
they should avoid it altogether. The intelli-
gence of the country would resolve the question.
Passing on to the expenditure of the nation be found
that the sum of 70 millions a year was annually col-
lected, and those who came in with the cry of re-
trenchment and reform find that the annual expen-
diture of the country has been doubled, and this was
in fact accounted for by a largely increased number
of stipendiary highly paid officers of the Crown;
and the landed proprietors of the country not doing
their duty had led to all these appointments. They
ought to apply themselves more sedulously to ful-
filling their duties each in their several spheres, and
that matter would be remedied. The excess of 10
millions in increase of expenditure for defensive
purposes would teach at least that we ought to
have a navy sufficient to protect our shores, which
at present the country had not, and the Admiralty
were even now discussingsabout batteries; and then,
again, they said that it was necessary to have for-
tifications in case there was not a navy, and an
enormous standing army in case the fortifications
were not strong enough. (Laughter.) He (Mr.
Ayrston) could not see the necessity for this army ;
and though the number of volunteers in the City of
London and its suburbs did not numerically muster
more at the present time than when the population
of the city was only 150,000, yet if the volunteers
were ever called out for duty, they would do their
duty as they did at Newbury in past times in de-
fence of the land. While this country interfered
so much by agitation abroad, it made legislation
well nigh impossible; and in the case of Italy, as
the Pope of Rome claimed to be the head of the
great Roman Catholic republic of the world, our
interference gave the Emperor of the French a
good ground for the present course he pursued.
(Cheers.) With regard to the American ques-
tion, there was a great diversity ot opinion
among all people in England—one large section
of the working classes advocating the North
and the other the South. He (the speaker)
thought the difference was to be found in
the idea that while the North professed to be
fighting for the emancipation of the slaves, many
questioned really whether that was their object.
(Cries of " Yes, yes," " No, no," and great excite-
ment.) With regard to the North, it was an ugly
fact that the black had not the common privilege of
voting in the North, and he feared the North
wanted dominion rather than emancipation. (Hear,
hear and no, no.) It could not be answered by cries
of " yes " and " no ;" but, when the political career
of the North was exercised, it would be found that
the last thing ever the working men cared for was
the welfare of the slave. They had in their power
before this war 1,000,000 of enslaved blacks, and
they offered to give their guarantee to continue that
slavery if the South entered the Union. The ques-
tion really turned out to be a question of territory
and aggrandisement, and, in his opinion, the North
had charged their cannon with the heads of African
blacks and fired them at the South. (Loud cheers,
and cries of " No, no.") The fact was, that consider-
ing the entire question, he had no sympathy with
either. Their own misconduct brought their suffer-
ings upon themselves, and he did not wish the Go-
vernment to interfere in any manner whatever, un-
less there was some chance of peace. That period,
he believed, had not as yet arrived. And as to the
distress unhappily existing in Lancashire, it was
well to find that ample means were at hand to
relieve it. (Hear, hear.) He was afraid that the
war would end when the forces of the North were
exhausted. When the Germans and Irish were all
used up, and people were dragged from their
homes, then there might be some chance of peace.
He would ask, were these poor people to linger on
in the meantime in poverty and destitution, to
gratify some political quacks both in and out of
Parliament ? The fact was, the maxim of the poor
being allowed to die out would continue nutil the
people were properly represented in Parliament He
which he feared would be a long auto hence,,