The Sun.
London, England, 1837-06-06 00:00:00

BRIGHTON RAILWAY.

Mr. CURTEIS then rose to call the attention of the
House to the petition of Mr. James Mill, pre-
sented on the 25th ultimo, and to move for a Select
Committee to inquire into the allegations contained therein,
and in the former petition, relative to the conduct of certain
parties in respect to Stephenson's line of Brighton Rell-
- and to the conduct of Government with re-
spect to that railway. The Hon. Member stated that
he was not a supporter of Mr. Mill's line, but that he
merely brought this subject forward as an act of justice
to that individual. The House would be only doing com-
mon justice towards Mr. Mill if they granted him the
Committee, and thereby gave him the opportunity of sub.
stantiati:;g the charges contained in his petition. As to
that part of his motion relating to the conduct of Govern-
ment he was unnilling to bring charges against Gentlemen to
\s`hom be had always given his cordial support ; but the
notice lie had given proceeded from a feeling of what was
due to a large body of his constituents. He had received
a latter from his constituents, censuring in very strong terms
the conduct of his Majesty's Government on a late occasion.
He (Mr. Curteis) felt most strongly the usage they had then
received, and he believed if the House had been thoroughly
in possession of the facts they would not have come to
the decision that had been come to on that night. He con-
sidered that gross injustice had been done to a large portion
of his constituents, and he never would sit quiet, and see his
constituents ill-used without raising his voice against the
injustice. With respect to the conduct of certain Hon.
Members on that occasion he should for certain reasons
keep his observations to himself.—(Hear, and a laugh.)
He would not allow his anger to get the better of his dig-
cretion.—(Laughter.) But if on some future occasion
ample and impartial justice were not done to the Commit-
tee, and if something was not done to set matters a
little more straight with regard to his constituents—(Re-
newed laughter)—he should be prepared not to mince
matters, as he considered he was doing now—(Renewed
!aughter)—but he would come 'forward and give full vent
to the feelings he now entertained. He would say
nothing more, but that the decision which bad been
come to had caused just and deep offence to the whole
of his constituency, and in the town of - Brighton
the greatest excitement prevailed on the subject. He
should feel it his duty to take the sense of the House upon
the motion for referring back the Report to the Committee
on a future occasion, and he should now content him-
self by moving for the appointment of a Select Com-
mittee to inquire into the allegations in Mr. Mill's peti-
tion, and to report the same to the House.
Captain PECHELL participated in the feelings of the
Hon. MeMber who had just sat down with respect to the
conduct of Government, but he could not believe that they
intended to identify themselves with the party who at-
tempted to. delay the measure. If he thought so he
should not hesitate to withdraw that support he
had so strenuously and cordially given to the present
Government ; but he believed that they bad been
led astray by the President of the Board of Trade. He
heard an Honourable Member below him smile.—(Much
laughter.) Delay had been the object of the party to
whom the Government had unfortunately given their.
support.—(Hear.) It had been said that this was a
novel case, but he believed that it was also most
novel to see the Members of a Government voting
against the reception of a Report agreed to in a Committee
by a large majority. The Hon. Member for Chichester
( Lord Lennox) had been very severe on the conduct of the
Hon. Member for Hrythe, for giving his vote 48 hours
after his election ; but he forgot to state that the Noble
Lord had been canvassed by the very party which the No-
ble Lord (A. Lennox) supported ; and so eager were they
for the vote, that they had an Express down at Hythe
as soon as the writ. That Noble Lord also had little to
say on the matter ; for out of 28 days which the Com-
mittee sat he was present only four days.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. C. BARCLAY opposed the motion of the Hon.
Member for Sussex. It would be highly inexpedient for
the House to appoint a Committee, for it could lead to no
result, and he did not for a moment suppose that the Hon.
Member would divide upon the question. The charge
against the Ministry he considered to be totally unfounded,
the course they had taken was one which they had a per-
fect right to do as Members of Parliament, and be
thought it was an expedient one. He wished the House
to understand that Sir John Rennie had never
once appeared in the witness box in support of the line
which went by his name. Another person was put for-
ward, and it was he who petitioned against the appointment
of a Government engineer.
Mr. WIGNEY thought the Government would have
done well in this case had they appointed an engineer in
the first outset of the business ; but now when all
.parties
had spent so much money, he thought it would have better
become them to have withheld their support ft om any party.
After a few words from Sir H. VERNEY,
Mr. CURTEIS said as he saw the re ling of the House
was against him he si ould not give it the troable of di-
'riding.—(Hear, hear.)
The motion was then withdrawn.
Mr. HUME then rose to move that all the documents
and surveys relating to Mills's line of railway to Brighton
be referred to the engineer, who should be directed to re-
port upon it in the same manner as on the other lines.
Ha said the conduct of the Government on this occasion
had been very inconsistent, for on a motion made by Sir H.
Verney for a Royal Commission to examine and report
upon all Railroads before the Bill was introduced, they

then said all Bills ought to be left to the decision of a
Committee of that House. It was said to be the cloject
in appointing an engineer officer, that the country should
have the opportunity of having the best line ; if so, then
they were bound to vote-for his motion, as it would give
him an opportunity of determining upon more lines, and of
course give him a greater variety.

Mr. -G
IL LO Nseconded the amendment.
Before he sat down he begged to ask the Right Hon. the
President of the Board of Trade, whether he intended to
take up the subject of the private business of the House,
and either by Committee or Bill to rectify and purify
the system upon which private Bills were conducted
through the House ? And he further begged to know
whether he intended to revise the tolls upon railways at any
future time?

Mr. P. THOMPSON, in reply to the two questions
put by the Hon. Member, should say, with regard to the
first, that his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Home
Department intended to move, =on Thursday next, for a
Select Committee to inquire into the mode in which the
business of the House was conducted generally, and that,
he believed, would embrace the subject of private Com-
mittees and private business. It was much easier to
find fault with the present system than to propose an
efficient remedy. He (Mr. P. Thomson) admitted the
evil of the present system, but he confined himself
to propose an efficient remedy. With respect to the
second question, he must say that when the subject was
brought forward by the Hon. Member for Ipswich last
year had met very general disapproval—(Hear, hear,
hear)—and he had no intention of bringing in any Bill upon
the subject during the present Session. With regard to the
question now under discussion, he must say that it would be
be abrogating the Standing Orders of the House altogether
if the pr: sent line was to stand in the same position as the
others, inasmuch as it had been already rejected by the
Committee for noncompliance with the Standing Orders.
He had never stated that the House was to be bound by
the decision of the Committee. On the contrary, he had
stated that that would be against the decision came to in
1835. He would appeal to the House whether Government
had not done all it could to draw the subject to their
attention, and if they had failed in doing so it was the fault
of the House, which had shown itself so little disposed
to pay attention to the subject.—( Hear, hear.) All the in-
formation he had received upon the subject was from the
documents laid on the table of the House by the Committee.
He had read the report most carefully, but be could not
find sufficient evidence of a satisfactory nature to enable
him to make up his mind. He was satisfied with what he
had done as a member of the Government, for the appoint-
ment of an engineer was the only means by which the
county would get the best line, which was the object of all
parties.
Mr. CURTEIS contended that the President of the
Board of Trade was inconsistent, for he had first spoken
against the appointment of a Government engineer, and after
the labours of the Committee, he advocated the appointment
in a particular instance. t He was that morning informed by
a civil engineer, that a military engineeer could not form
an opinion upon the capability of a Line of Railway.—(A
laugh.)
Si: G. STRICKLAND rose, and was left speaking.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Jef,vß 5.

-•-
Lard BROUGHAM sail,in continuation from our
Second Edition—

If he were asked to attend a Committee to support a par-
ticular measure he knew what answer he should give. He
represented no one ; but if he were a Member of the House
of Commons, with a constituency, they might have a right
to ask. It was true that the better doctrine was, that a
Member represented in the House of Commons not the
body of the constituents by whom he was returned, but the
country at large.—( Hear, hear.) That doctrine, however,
ought to be received with an allowance. A man might re-
present the country at large, as fir as concerned the public
weal ; but, to a certain degree, he was deputed by his con-
stituents to represent their local interests, and he was,
therefore, bound by his connection to attend to those in-
terests. He found printed upon the proceedings of the
House of Commons an account of the attendance of the
Members upon the different. Committees. Amongst the
standing orders of that House was one which made it
imperative to give a return of the attendance and votes of
each Member upon Committee. Now lie found in this in-
stance, and it was the first to which he had happened to
direct his attention, that the number who attended upon
the first day was 48, then 44, then 40, then 42, then 40,
38, 30, and 44, during the first six days of the Committee.
He was now supposing that each Member named or attended
had attended the Committee the whole day ; but it was
barely possible that only five or six really attended
out of the 40 whose names appeared. On the 7th day
the Committee did not rest, for the number suddenly rose
from 40 to 71, by the influx of about 30 other Members.
But the riddle was soon solved, for on that day a division
took place, and out of the 71 about 65 came to a division.-
Se, 42 having attended the hearing, 65 were found coming
to a decision, and out of that number he found at least
six who had not attended on any of the five former days.
Some of them had not even attended on the sixth day, and
dila had come down to the Committee for the first time to
vote. But there was another case still more remarkable.
A Committee sat 14 days ; on the 11th and three subse-
quent days there wore six divisions, and three of those divi-
sioue were decided by the casting vote, and the other three
by a majority of one. The first ten days there was no di-
vision. On the first day 17 Members attended, then 13,
then 17, then 18, then 10, and then 7. The number then j
began to rise, first to 16, then 17, 24, 2G. It then rose ra-
pidly up to 28, and on the next day a division took place.
The number present was 29, seven being rittendances for
the first time. Now those gentlemen bad heard none of
the very able and learned, and no doubt long, arguments
of counsel, nor the evidence ; and yet in the report they
make a calculation which gave 513 and seven-eighths of a
passenger.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) There was the
case of another Committee, to which he should refer.
A. Committee sat for fifty-five days last Session, and
thirty-five this Session. The attendance of Members was
at first 20, 24, 14, 10, then jumping up to 26, and on the
28th day to 53. On that day they came to a division, and
46 divided, but then, as if exhausted with the effort, they
tumbled down from 53 to 27. The number then rose to
43, and on that day there were three divisions, on which
Members voted who had never attended before. This was
done openly; notoriously, and avowedly. It was a part of
the system. The system had been long established, the
practice was inveterate, and it was the system itself and the
practice of which he complained. The same thing had been
done in that House without, perhaps, the same excuse.
This matter was brought before the House by a Noble
Baron not now in his place, and upon that occasion it was
stated that several Noble Lords had voted who had never
attended the Committee before they came down to vote.
These Noble Lords said that they had read the evidence.
No doubt they had, but there certainly was a great differ-
ence between merely reading the evidence, and hearing it,
and assisting at the investigation. He would venture to
say, without making an exception of that body of men
who were supposed to derive benefit from the system—he
meant the profession to which he had the honour to belong
—that the whole country, from one end to the other, with-
out the shadow of a shade of difference of opinion, with
one voice, and that would soon be a loud voice, joined in
reprehending and condemning the system, and in loudly and
strongly calling for a change.—(Hear, hear.) What he
now wished to do was to press upon the attention of the
House the propriety of taking some steps, with the view of
discovering whether it was possible to apply a remedy. By
one it was proposed that the period for the transaction of
private business should be confined to narrower limits. He
knew that there were certain interests for whose advantage
it was that the private business should be spread over five
or six months ; but his belief was that a very great improve-
ment would be effected by confining the private business to
a specific portion of the session, say six weeks. But this
would be coupled with an arrangement to which the House
would be exceedingly averse, namely, a compulsory atten-
dance on the private business, as there now was a com-
pulsory attendance upon an election Committee. Parlia-
ment might then meet, not in February, but in Novem-
ber, and he did not see why they should not sit in the
day instead of sitting towards the evening. This might
be considered a mere speculation, a visionary plan ; but
he was sure that it was one which would lay the axe
at the root of the present evil system. Another plan sug-
gested was, to send a Commission into the country, to re-
port on the matter of fact in the manner of a special ver-
diet, and thus to save the expense and delay of the most
operose part of the proceedings in the Committee. By
this proposition the House was to be precluded by the
Commission ; but to prevent any objection on this head,
ha would suggest that the Conunission should consist of a
small limited number, say eleven, nine, or seven ; that no
votes should be given in the absence of one Member, and
that
,no Member should vote who had not heard the whole
evidence. Another evil complained of under the present
system, was a want of uniformity in the decisions of the
Committees. This was a very great evil, no doubt, and
on this point he could not help adverting to a measure
framed by a Noble Lord about two years ago. The whole
matter was referred to a Committee, and the Bill was set
up from the other House, but was returned, the Bill being
rather postponed than rejected on the merits. The plan
was one of the greatest innovations, in affecting the ques-
tion of the privileges of Parliament, ever propounded. It
jury,
to to appoint a tribunal, consisting of a judge and a
to be selected from both 'louses of Parliament—seven Mem-
bers from the House of Commons, and five from the House
of Lords. They were to act under the direction and with
the assistance of one of the Judges, not being 4 Meril-

ber of either Houee, with an appeal to the other Judges,
end they were to find, as it were, a special verdict, upon the
facts of the case ; that verdict to preclude Parliament from
inquiring into the circumstances. The advantage of this
would be, that it would prevent the necessity of two pro-
ceedings, and would remedy much of the delay and vexa-
tion now complained of with respect to private Bills.
Their Lordships then had sanctioned so great a departure
from the ordinary practice in such matters as to be of opi-
nion that the calling into motion of legal assistance was not
inconsistent with the strict privileges of Parliament, and for
that purpose he had referred to the Bill in question ; but,
secondly, he had cited it for the purpose of inducing their
Lordships to believe that some such plan, with appropriate
modifications, would be applicable to the evil which now
existed with regard to private Bills. Various other plans
had been suggested—one proposition had been made with
a view to withdraw those matters from the jurisdiction of
Parliament, and to send them elsewhere. He would
not now make any lengthened observations on that pro-
position. There were, undoubtedly, many objections
to it ; it, was only to be thought of as a last resource ;
and he would fain think that the mischief, great as it
was, and difficult to be cured, was nor so wholly re-
mediless by other means within the ordinary powers
of Parliament as to drive them to that other expedient
of parting with their jurisdiction altogether, as they had
already done in one case—that of the Bill for the exten-
sion of patents—a measure which had worked with unpre-
cedented success, both as regarded the satisfactory nature
of the jurisdiction, and the saving of expense to the parties.
Upon the whole, then, it appeared to him not only advisa-
ble, but the imperative dety of that Holm of Parliament
s=pecially, as soon ee those things, the evils of which must
be admitted, against which every one was crying out, and a
remedy for which every one was demanding, had been once
brought to the attention of that House (and the other
House he had no doubt would join with them) as a matter
of course, not to put them aside, either from the hopeless-
ness of discovering a cure, or from the idea that other things
of greater importance required their attention. He knew
not what they were, or on the ground that, in consequence
of other business, they had not time fur this subject. That
was the last excuse which they could make. If they should
be pleased to grant the Committee which he asked, he could
not take upon himself to say that much evidence could bs.
produced of facts not already well known. However, there
were some particulars which would be advanced. If, how-
ever, in fully considering the case, and examining the
propositions which might be made in that Committee, due
diligence be employed, he would venture to say that he en-
tertained very sanguine expectations that some plan would
be devised which might form an entire and complete cure
of the evils which he had suggested, and at all events that
they would be enabled to see their way to something which
might eventually lead to their removal. He had been in-
duced to bring the matter forward by a consideration of
the general state of the business, and especially his atten-
tion had been called by circumstances in which he had him-
self been placed. On the first night of the session be had
placed on their Lordships' table four Bills, three of which
he certainly had hoped that his Majesty's Government
would have taken up ; they had, however, been suffered to
drop. The Noble Lord concluded by moving—" That a
select Committee be appointed to inquire and consider of
the state of the business before this House of Parliament."

Lord MELBOURNE felt, and lie was sure the House
and the country would feel themselves under great obliga-
tions to his Noble and Learned Friend for having brought
forward a motion of such great importance, and also for
the manner in which he had performed that task. He
thought certainly that his Noble Friend had stated sufficient
to justify their Lordships in acceding to the motion. He
had stated enough to call on that House to institute an in-
quiry into the matters which had been so ably, so clearly,
so distinctly opened by his Noble and Learned Friend ;
but at the same time he wished to guard himself from ac-
quiescing in all that he had stated, and from concurring with
him as to the magnitude of the evil and assenting to the pro-
position that that evil was of such magnitude and such import-
ance as that it necessarily and imperatively called for revi-
sion, change, and alteration in the manner of proceeding in
their Lordships' House. He agreed in the propriety of in-
quiry whether any de'Sects existed, and applying any re-
medy that might be required ; but he did not believe
that the es it had proceeded to so crying an extent as to
render it necessary, in justice to the subjects of this coun-
try, that some remedy should be applied. He would now
beg, with very great submission, to admonish their Lord-
ships that, in entering upon subjects of this nature, con-
nected with the privileges of Parliament, they were med-
dling with subjects of the last importance—of no less
importance than those strong, great, and sweeping measures
which it was now the fashion to call organic changes of
the Constitution. To change and to tamper with the
privileges of Parliament was of little less importance
than to interfere with the Constitution of Parliament itself ;
it was of little less importance (Lao that measure whit'„
had introduced extensive alterations in the Constitution
of the Reuse of Cumulous, or any uth'er measure for re-
vising and altering other bodies of the State. He had
heard many persons of very great ability and experience
corainend the proceedings of Parliament ; but he particu-
larly alluded to Sir Samuel Romilly, who was not certainly
very much disposed to applaud the Constitution and laws of
England, but who always gave his most unqualified appro-
bation to the forms of proceeding in this and the other
House of Parliament. He (Lord Melbourne) had heard
him say that, having been a witness of the violence and ex-
cesses of the French Revolution, he was convinced that
had their Upper Chamber been so well devised to check
violence, so well devised for producing moderation and
reflection, as was the House of Peers in England, that
circumstance would have gone far to prevent the evils that
arose at that period. He could not, therefore, approach
the consideration of these matters without a considerable
degree of apprehension, and without reflecting on the im-
portance which was attached to them. His Noble and
Learned Friend had not very much relied on a topic
which had given rise to a good deal of observation—which
related to the late period of the Session at which Bills
passed the other House of Parliament, and were sent up
for the consideration of their Lord-hips. That was a very
general subject of observation, and his Noble Friend op-
posite had made a complaint in reference to it in the Ses-
sion of 1834. He, however, was more patient, and had
waited till the 7th of July—(A laugh)—but the present
motion was before their Lordships on the 7th of June.
With respect to this part of the subject, he must say that
as to the measures that were sent up to their Lordships, if
they had a mind to get rid of them, if it suited the majority
to exercise that suspensive veto, to which some reformers of
the present day were disposed to confine the powers of that
House, it required little time to carry those wishes into ef-
fect ; but if any considerable part of their Lordships thought
that the questions were of a nature that it would be better
to settle, if upon the whole the party should think that they
might as well pass the measures, he had never found that
the complication of those Bilis, their length, or their difficul-
ties, stood much in their Lordships' way ; he had always
seen that the House found time enough to pass the Bills ;
and he would refer the Noble Duke to the end of the Ses-
sion of 1833, when the Bank Charter Bill, the Emancipation
Bill, and the East India Company's Charter Bill, were
passed—measures of such great importance, that the contem-
plation of them makes one's head turn. He believed those
measures had been very much considered ; they had certainly
been attended with a success which nobody expected—he was
sure he did not.—(A laugh.) He did not, then, see much in
that difficulty, which had been raised, because the real fact
was, that much time and leisure did not lead to industry, at-
tention, and thought, but was, on the contrary, calculated to
produce neglect, inattention, and delay.—(Hear.) He found
it so with regard to himself, and saw it in the conduct of
others. That which brought them really to consider mea-
sures was the existence of a necessity which called upon
them to make some speedy provision ; and, in fact, the
more time they had the more they required. What was
the reason they had dawdled so long a time about the two
Bills which had been sent up to them ? Why, because
they had nothing else to do.—(Laughter.) The fact was,
the less they had to do the less they did. It sounded very
well to talk about time for consideration and reflection, but
their Lordships knew very well that it was a necessity for
expedition that urged them to the reel and serious consi-
deration of a measure. His Noble Friend had made some
observations on the mode of transacting private business,
and it was probably liable to many of his objections ; but
he doubted much whether to relieve the House from the
private business would at all expedite the public business
of Parliament. There was a sort of division of labour in
that respect, for in neither House did the same Members
generally attend both to public and private business ;
although, if they did, the private business was calculated
to fit them for the discharge of the public business with
which Parliament might be engaged. He was very anxious to
have the subject seriously considered, but, at the same time,
he must again express his doubt whether that inquiry would
lead to the result expected. In very many of the suggestions
of his Noble and Learned Friend lie could not concur : with
regard to limiting the attention of the House to private
Bills during the early part of the Session that was a ques-
tion touching the constitutional privileges of Parliament,
which ho thought inexpedient. The early business of Par-
liament was frequently of very great importance ; there
was already some limitation respecting the time of present-
ing petitions upon Private Bills ; and if they drew the line
tighter, he believed they would speedily be obliged to relax
it. He was unable then to go into all the details which
his Noble Friend had adverted to ; there was sufficient to
justify the inquiry, but he wished to guard himself from ad-
mitting that the evil was so pressing as to render any re-
i medy necessary, or from being supposed to anticipate that
much good could result from the motion.
Lord BROUGHAM, in explanation, had not said that
one sort of business ought to exclude another. His object
was that all the business of Parliament sholid receive his

:ttention. He agreed with the Noble Viceivat,
they had little to do they dawdled over it ; but it did""t-
therefore follow that that which they did in haste was done
in the most satisfactory manner. He would remind the
Noble Viscount also, with respect to the late period of the
Session at which important measures generally reached that
House, that that circumstance afforded those who were
adverse to the measures of Government the best possible
reason for postponing them until another Session,
The Duke of WELLINGTON had seen great im-
provement in the conduct of private business within the
last five or six years ; resolutions had been formed by moll
Noble Lords, founded upon their own feelings and opinions'
not to interfere with any Bills in which they had any pri-
vate interest. He would not, however, pretend to say
that much might not still be done ; but he believed that
that improvement must depend on the feelings of Noble
Lords themselves. It did not appear to him that anY
measure was likely to result from this Committee ; but he
did not desire to oppose himself to anything which the
tha
Noble and Learned Lord might think desirable in
respect.
The Duke of RICHMOND agreed with the Noble
Duke that the private business was better managed than
it used to be. Still there was much to be remedied ; and
if the present motion had only been confined to that part
of the subject, it would have received his most cordial sap"port. It frequently happened that many Peers went down
to the Committee punctually, stayed during the whole of the,
proceedings, and heard the who! nc
of the evidee, an,n
the opening and sunning up of the Learned
.Counsel,
otbe.:7 went down on the last day, were on'
tente,l w,th reading over the evidence, and hearing the,
t
summing up.—(Hear.) That was one evil ; and he svoaln
say for himself that he could not conscientiously vote
upon a private Bill„unless be had been present during
the whole or a great part of the proceedings. Again' by
reference to the Standing Orders it would be found that an
Committees ought to meet at ten, and sit till four o'clock
whereas some of them did not meet till two, and then the
Counsel were so clever and technical that the whole of the
time was taken up by their arguments, and frequently .°4°
evidence could be heard. respect to public busine'V
he would ask, might not the House of Commons coneeue
something as regarded money clauses? There were mael
clauses which were not money clauses, but which, heals°
they referred to some rate, precluded that House from lin;
terfering with the Bill. Why, he would also ask, elo"
there be any jealousy on the part of the House of Gein•
mons as to permitting Bills sent up to that House too ,
on one Session to be commenced there in the next? le
agreed cordially in the motion of his Noble and Longo
Friend, and though it might not be possible to effect,:
that he expected, still it was calculated to produce cooelue.
rabic improvements.
Lord BROUGHAM said a few words in reply.
The motion was then carried.
A few Bills were advanced a stage, and their Lordebie
adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Juivz 5.
The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour.
WIGAN GLEBE BILL.
Mr. BROTHERTON brought up the Report of the
Committee on the Warkworth Harbour Bill ; also the It
port of the Committee on Gunning's Estate (s -
Glebe) Bill. ff
On the motion that it be read a third time, lie
HINDLEY said the object of it was to raise the ills
of the Rector of Wigan from 2,000/. to 4,000/. a-year. MO
that parish there was church accommodation for 0n1Y4„,u,;()
people, while the population of the parish amounted to 18,vyl;
This then was a good opportunity for providing further chill()
accommodation by the increased value given to the gle t
lands by the Bill, and he trusted that the House wooldral
pass it without the insertion of a clause which be
prepared, which would leave the surplus created by this PI
to be appropriated as Parliament might direct. The o°l/'
Gentleman moved that the clause be inserted in the nin•ia
Mr. PLUMPTRE without further information,loll,
most decidedly oppose the insertion of such a clause in
pril ate Bill. The House was entitled to further infornite;
tion upon the subject ; for instance the House kneor per
in whose gift the living was. There were many
points upon which the House should have information "
fore it agreed to such a clause.
Mr. HINDLEY said the living was in the gift of the
Earl of Brad:Ord. He was so satisfied that all the for,
mation which could be obtained upon the subject would
in favour of his proposition, that he bad no hesitationw
moving the adjournment of the debate till Thursday n elt;4
Mr. WILBRAHAM and Mr. KEARSLEY opPes
the clause.
Mr. W. PATTEN considered the course taken by tiles
Hon. Gentlemen exceedingly unfair. The Hon. Member
had cone down prepared for the discussion upon a private
Bill, but they had no notice of the proposition to be red-,8
by the lien. I`,lember. A more fair or libersi Comm 00
hal Lever sat than the one on this Bill, and its deeis'
had been in favour of the Bill. with
Sir G. STRICKLAND did not mean to quarrel ~t
the constitution of the Committee, but he considered
_:tuso
in the present state of the Church, and the cornplei°,,t
made of great want of Church accommodation, he tliong.mr,
the House ought not to pass this Bill without fully ing_„4,ul
in g whether it was not possible to increase that accons.,
dation by the means pointed out by the Hon. Member (Pea
Ilindley). He thought the proposition of an edictl.
debate a very fair one. h
Mr. WILKS said there was in the Bill so In"— hot
tertnixture of public principle with private application, that
it was necessary the House should properly hiltundel
what the Bill really was. It was, in his opinion, eight .r
the subject should be distinctly considered and Prae
understood.
After a few observations from Mr. HINDLEY silo
Mr. WILSON PATTEN, strangers were ordere'ebst
withdraw ; but no division took place, it being agree
the further consideration of the Bill should be postP°..
till Thursday next.

B nor
On the motion ofEXCHEQUER Mr. BARIBILLS
NG,IL theL.
Exehe'
Bills Bill was read a third time and passed.
CEMETERY BILLS. ,;(011
Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY, in presenting a Pc''inie%
with respect to Cemetery Bills, said that he was an,,,ho t
to call the attention of the House to this subject. qv)
evening there had been presented to the House a 1301, t°•scd
first reading of which the House had agreed, which contint"
powers to enable
,the Company to erect burying gtaijeo'
within any distance of the metropolis not exceeding ten 1-bpt
The petitioners had appeared before the Committee, 40
the Committee would not hear them,,inasmuch as itbeir
said the Cemetery was not to be constructed within 101
parish. However, afterwards, words were put into the bewhich authorised the Cemetery to be constructed i:3fiero
very parish from which that petition came. The petit'°ibef
now prayed the House to recommit the Bill, so that
lid
might have an opportunity of appearing against itidid
they further prayed the House would pass such StB''t 00
Orders as would compel Companies to fix on the aPP.iff
which they intended to erect their buildings, and testis
notice to every party interested, that they might barirate'
power of appearing before Parliament to protect their ugh
rests, and prevent Bills of this sort being smuggled till.° •
the House.—(Hear, hear.) bo
The SPEAKER thought the petition had hatter
referred to the Standing Orders' Committee.
Mr. HUME said this matter involved a question arty,
ther notice should be given to persons possessing 10„rie.
which property might be taken by Cemetery Cor0P1.1;.
to
Mr. G. F. YOUNG said, that if power were girodee,
these Companies to take land within ten miles of biciwithin
they should give notice to all persons holding lel'
ten
S miles of London.
ir SAMUEL WHALLEY then moved that tilesn:l
tion be reibrred to the Standing Orders Conunitteef the
gave notice that he should oppose the third reading
Bill, which was fixed for Friday next.tb
On the motion of the ATTORNEY-GENEpi'a oar"
further consideration of the petition of Messrs. I'B
and Nichols was postponed to Thursday next.
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. ,topoo'
Lord J. RUSSELL said, that finding it-would be 'notice
sible to bring on the motion of which he had given red i/
respecting Church-rates on Thursday, he had ono., Do ot,
would be better to postpone it, and the course he an
now to propose was to fix it for Monday followitt
to bring on upon Friday the second reading Of woe
Tithe Bill. If the Irish Tithe Bill was read ethe coo;
time that night, he should then be able to proPese Friel°
Noble
of the
sideration of the resolution of his
the Secretary for Ireland in a Co
fore t" the
whole House on the Friday following. There an
attnittee,e
tion of Church-rates would come on on Monday! fridai
Committee on his Noble Friend's resolutions tb
TRY'
afterwards OV
THE CURRENCY—STATE OF THE C into C°
The Order of the Day for the House bge°eilg
onredulade,ot.
oaf
s
mittee on the Poor-laws (Ireland) having
Mr. 'F. Arr WOOD rose to move an inn gorge b,
thought the House was like Nero fiddling wnld been utio,
ba
burning.—(Hear, hear, bear.) They oaanY 111°11001'
bling in all manner of small games fora tbe.50,63
while the general conflagration was ragilhi7 be be 14,10
mercial and manufacturing classes,
tu:erld:
was a state of things which he thougd
would be shortly extended to the agraill
was, be ad aOO
The question of Poor-laws for Irelan of Dela?, boo
very important ; but, in his mind, thee er_"..'nt hs woolvi.,sbot
much more deeply implicated in the arno"
of poor-1413, the
the 1- onour to propose, than any system
been t°l-to
could be there established. They was wrong __dot!
Noble Lord the other night, that it
to be ?Tod
sider the present state of things Noble .1-1°
ttyo°°)
with that of the year 1825, but the
ins lva
Dot had the experience which it Iva !tturreeql