The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 13, 1863.

add to and aggravate the distress of all. I think any one
acquainted with these districts must see from their appear-
ance that there is s mething peculiar in this respect, that so
large a proportion of the population consists of the opera-
tive class, compared with other classes. Any one passing
through these districts may see miles of dwelling houses
occupied by the working classes, and hardly any other
building but the mills. There is hardly any intermediate
class between masters and men, except some shopkeepere,
who are the tradesmen of the operatives. It becomes, there-

fore, a necessary result, that when trade is depressed an
enormous amount of people require relief, and only a small

proportion are in a condition to contribute ; so that a
district is less able to bear the burden when the burden
is greatest. This seems to me to show that it is hardly

fair to judge of the capacity of these districts to support
a very heavy charge for the poor simply because you find
the property estimated at a large amount, and that you

are not to suppose it is equally available when a heavy
burden falls upon it. It therefore seems to me that it
was a reasonable demand which was made in this house,

and was proposed and suggested by those who represented
the interests of Lancashire, that there should be some means

devised under these circumstances to make the guardians

feel quite that they would be able to collect a sum suffi-

cient for the relief of the people, and protect the rate-
payers from any undue pressure that might be put upon
them. My attention was invited to these facts with the

view to proposing such an amendment of the Poor Law Act
as would meet the exigencies of the case. There were two

suggestions made upon that occasion which seemed to me
to supply what was required. One was to give practical
effect to the old principle and policy of the Poor Law of this
country, namely, that when a township or parish becomes
burdened in excess for the support of its poor, it is en-
titled to call upon the neighbouring division of the county
for relief. This is quite as:much a part of the Poor Law as

that which casts upon a particular district the charge of its

own poor. This provision of the Poor Law has been held
sacred for three centuries, and in the great revision of the

Poor Law system in 1533 that provision in the original

Act of Elizabeth was retained. There is, therefore, no

novelty in the proposition so far as the principle is con-
cerned, and it seemed rather to meet the circumstances of
the district. But, owing to the new division of the county
into unions for the relief of the poor, there was difficulty

in giving practical effect to the original provision
in the Act. Therefore one portion of the measure

which I submitted contained a clause which carried out

that principle. It was very easy to be effected now, and
it seemed to be, inasmuch as it was consistent with the
ancient practice of this co untry, the most appropriate
remedy that could be proposed. The leading feature of
the bill was to give power in those districts that were

burdened in excess to call upon other unions of the county
to contribute in proportion to their property for their relief.

There was another proposition, which seemed more sim-
ple, and was more popular, namely, that those unions, when
they found the charge upon their property become exces-
sive, and, after it reached a certain limit, should have power,
with the sanction of the Poor Law Department, to borrow

as much money in excess as wa i needed for their purposes;
and the bill contained these two provisions, which were

meeting pretty much the requirements of the time, and what
was alleged to be required. And though it was not easy at
_ _ _

first to see what amendment could be made in the Poor Law

to meet the object in view, I believe it was almost impossible

to find two schemes or devise a bill which was more happily

suited to the purpose and condition of these districts. With
respect to the borrowing, there is no danger of the guardians
being encouraged to be lavish in their expenditure, because
it was their object never to reach the limit at which they
are entitled to borrow, and inasmuch as the guardians are

notoriously averse to borrowing when it is certain that they
must repay the money. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) There
was a clause in the bill that the money was to be repaid by
annual instalments within a given period. Considering the
wealth that existed in the counties of Lancashire and
Cheshire, and considering that it had been increased of late
years by the cotton trade, there was something like equity
and propriety in calling on those districts which, though
not engaged in the trade, were benefited by it, to contri-
bute somewhat towards the distress of the unfortunate
operatives. I believe that no person regretted the passing
of the Act, and that it found favour with the country.
I was astonished to learn that the hon. member for
Southwark had asserted the other night that the Act was
only applied in two cases, and might be considered in-
operative. He made a mistake in that respect. There are
no less than twelve distressed unions that are in a condition
to avail themselves of the act. Seven have done so a iready
five have borrowed money, and four have I.orrowed money
and called upon the county besides. There has been no
difficulty in applying the Act. I understand objections have
been made on the part of unions called to contribute in aid
of a particular union embarrassed. There are numbers who
paid their quota and made objections, but they were teehni,
cal rather than against the principle of the bill. Chester
was alleged to be a county in itself, and therefore not in the
county of Cheshire; and some other unions alleged that the
distressed union was not in Cheshire, but Lancashire. I
believe I may state that nothing has occurred which can
alarm the counties in continuing this bill with the view to
further contributions. (Hear, hear.) I think the contribu-
tions in aid for Derby is one farthing in the pound, for
Cheshire two farthings, and for Lancashire I am certain it
has not exceeded a penny in the pound. I have taken some
pains to ascertain how this act is viewed by the beards of
guardians in the distressed districts, and I find that gene-
rally they are favourably disposed towards it as a resource
to which they may refer in case of need. Those who think
the act has not operated to the extent that was expected
might be reminded that there was this very obvious reason
why it has not been so acted upon, viz., the munificent con-
tributions that have been forwarded to the distressed dish icts
from all parts of her Majesty's dominions—(hear)—which
could not have been expected when the act was passed, From
that source alone one-half of the recipients of relief have been
relieved—from voluntary contributions ; and the house, from
that fact, could judge of what benefit the act would have
been but for the munificence of the public. (Hear.) Those
contributions, which have been flowing in so constantly,
must be about to diminish ; and if that is the case, it makes
it the more necessary that a bill of this kind should pass.
Perhaps its operation is about to become more important
than it has been. The contributions that have been for-
warded to the distressed districts have been stimulated, as
was to be expected, by the admiration with which the pub-
lic have seen the patience and forbearance—l might almost
say the patriotism—with which the people have borne their
sufferings—(hear, hear)—and also by the manner in which
they have been administered. (Hear, hear.) The following
unions have made use of the powers of the act, and anenu-
meration of the figures will give the house some idea of
what will be required for the future : Preston borrowed for
the Michaelmas quarter £3,800, and Blackburn £3,500,
making a total of £7,400. During the Christmas quarter
there has been borrowed by Ashton £8,000; Blackburn,
£10,000; Glossop, £l,OOO ; Haslingden, £1,000; Preston,
£7,000 ; Rochdale, £B,OOO ; and Todmorden, £l,OOO ; mak-
ing together about £36,000. Add to this the charges on the
counties, for Ashton, £B,OOO ; Glossop, £1,700 ; Haslingden,
£2,000; Preston, £7,000; making £19,570. The tote; bor-
rowed and charged on the counties was £63,675. I am
afraid that it will be some time before we can expect any
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supported by charity. Since the act passed last session
160,000 persons have received relief more than the number
at that time, and the expense has increased to £20,000
weekly more than it was then. We have answers from
twelve of the principal unions favourable to the renewal of
the act, and the chairman of the Preston board ef guar-
dians, in a letter to the special commissioner, Mr. Far-
nall, states that, in his opinion, the provisions of the
act are most useful; for by it Preston has been able
to do with a 2s. 6d. rate, which otherwise would
have been increased to ss, in the pound. (Hear.) The only
union that has petiticned against the bill is one where the
poor are few, and which is not likely to be benefited by its
operations; and, with that exception, all the unions in Lan-
cashire and Cheshire are favourable to the renewal of the
provisions of the Act. I have put forward this measure as
the best mode of meeting the evil that exists, or at least to
prevent the evil extending, of which there was great appre-
hension, of an undue pressure on the rates. Ido not pro
pose the bill as striking at the cause of the evil. Nor is it
my province to express any opinion on the prospects of the
termination of what might be called the cause of this de-
pression. That must be the subject of discussion on a future
occasion; and all I have to do to-night is to state what I
consider reasons for renewing this bill. I trust the house
will consider them sufficient. (Hear.) The Government
is perfectly alive to the evils that exist at present. They
are also well aware of the enormous danger attending large
masses of the population remaining out of employment, and
they know what distress and sacrifice of property is daily
taking place owing to the present state of things. It is well
deserving attention, and might be tho subject of considera-
tehmioooonnunssbitehyetsrotahloteinohgnoeusr. of
extend e. Ido not wish to underrate the distress
that exists or the evils to be overcome, and, after a careful
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culties take place before that time, the Act will do noharm,
because in that case its provisions would be inoperative.
(Hear.) The right hen, gentleman concluded by asking
leave to introduce the bill.
Colonel W. PATTEN had listened with great interest
to the statement of his right hon. friend, who had no
doubt made out a case for the renewal of the Act. The
right hon. gentleman laboured under a mistake when he
said the present Act gave entire satisfaction to all the
unions. He had information of a different kind, and
would take an opportunity of communicating it to him
when the proper time arrived. The chief pleasure he
had derived from the statement just made was that it afforded
ample justification of the course pursued last session in
urging upon the Government to adopt such a measure to
meet the awful calamity it was believed then was coming
on the country. Under circumstances which he considered
slightly better, the bill had been again introduced, and he
looked upon it as conclusive that they were right in sug-
gesting it when things presented a very gloomy character,
and when they could not anticipate the enormous amount
of relief that had flowed in in such a munificent manner,
not only from the people of this country, but from every
part of the world. Last session the representatives of the
manufacturing districts were severely handled by the mem-

hers for the south of England, who stated that the north
was more favourably situated with regard to poor rates than
any other part of the country. They said the normal state
of the rate in the south was 4s 6d in the pound, and is 6d
in the manufacturing districts, and how, under such cir-
cumstances, could the north come to that house for aid ?
The members for the north of England tried to show that
such an amount was not to be compared to a rate of small
amount suddenly increased on the parties who had to pay
the rate. It had been fairly described by a friend of his.

.. .
The 4s 6d was paid by the owners of property, tut the small
rate increased on an emergency had to be paid by the occu-

pier, and not by the owner ; and the result had been that,
in more than one instance, the rates ;n Lancashire had gone

up to lls 6d, whi3h the occupier had had to pay. (Hear,
hear.) The hon. gentleman then gave a list of places where
the rate had increased. In Todmorden the rate was 7 times

what it was before ; in Stockport it was 9 times the original
rate; Rochdale, 9 times; Preston, 7i times; Oldham, 10
times; Manchester, 6 times; Ashton-under-Lyme, 19i

times; Bury, 6 time's ; Blackburn, 7} times more than the
usual amount; and there were other places which the hon.
gentleman mentioned where the rate had increased in the same
proportion. Its result was most disastrous to the occupiers
who had to pay the rates, and more especially when it came
at a time that the ratepaying class were deprived of the
means of doing so. (Hear, hear.) The consequence of such
a state of things was that it had brought destruction and
ruin on a great body of them, and he was informed that
within a fortnight 2,000 of these persons in Oldham had
changed from rate-payers to rate-receivers. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. HIBBERT-4,000. (Hear, hear.)
Col. PATTEN continued--To that body was to be added
those who were allowed time, and another large body who

were excused the rate. The house could have very little
idea of the state of the small tradesmen in the manufactur-
ing districts. They were destitute of trade, from the wages
on which they depended for their business having ceased to
the extent of eight millions sterling a year. (Hear, hear.)
These persons were now as depressed as any portion of the
community, and to them were to be added the owners of
small cottage property, and those who had invested their
savings in the different!branches ofindustry. (Hear, hear.)
They required more attention than others, yet, from their
position, the relief committees found it almost impossible to
deal with them without an abuse of the funds confided to
them for distribution. (Hear.) It had truly been said, what

would have been the case had it not been for the magni-

ficent munificence of the public, which, according toacal:

ciliation he bad made, came within the sum of £1,400,000 ?
(Hear, hear.) With poor rates, and the relief given by local
committees, the sum of £658,000 had been spent, and the
poor-law guardians had spent £260,000, making together
the sum of £OOB,OOO spent in the relief of the poor since
the passing of the act. The contributions to the relief of
the distressed had been double what had been contri-
buted with great pressure by the poor rates. The
central relief committee had taken every precaution
possible, and they found with regard to the future the
most deplorable prospect. The reports they had received
from the most sanguine gave an average of three days'
work per week for the next 12 months, whilst the less san-
guine were of opinion the average would not go beyond two
days weekly. ( dear, hear.) The central committee had
been subjected to much criticism; at one time they were
accused of being profuse, and at another of being niggardly.
He did not believe that either charge was well founded. No
doubt enormous abuses had occurred, but generally speaking
the administration of the committee had been as discreet as

possible. (Hear, hear.) On the part of the committee he
offered his warmest acknowledgments for the valuable as-
sistance afforded to them by the board over which his right
hon. friend presided. Mr. Farnall, who had been sent down
to Lancashire by the board, had been most devoted to his
duties, and without the assistance which he gave it would
have been impossible for the committee to have fulfilled
their task. Mr. Adamson and Mr. Jones, two gentlemen
also sent into the district by the board, had been most useful
in enabling the committee to check abuses. It was asked
whether it would be necessary for the public to continue
their subscriptions. All he could say in answer to that in-
quiry was, that Lancashire might still have to rely upon the
benevolence of the public. Hcwever, the committee would
publish every month a statement of the distress, and by
that report let each man judge for himself whether fur
ther subscriptions were necessary. It was impossible that
such a system of relief could be continued for such a
lengthened period without considerable detriment to the
working classes in the districts in question ; and therefore
it was that the committee were most anxiously consider-
ing how a system of labour might be enforced upon the
recipients of relief. (Hear, hear.) But do what they might,
men mus; make up their minds to the fact that great de-
moralisation must ensue from the measures necessarily
taken for the relief of distress. At the same time the
evil was not wholly unmixed. There could be no doubt
that throughout the whole of the manufacturing dis-
tricts the charity of the public was thoroughly appre-
ciated. (Hear, hear.) To one class of contributors he
was particularly desirous that the gratitude of the commit-
tee should be acknowledged—he meant the contributors
from foreign countries. (Hear, hear.) They had received
subscriptions from the United States, from Madeira, Russia,
Brazil, Gibraltar, Spain, Holland, Italy, Egypt, Turkey,
France, Germany, the Cape, China, New Brunswick, Nova
Scotia, and Australia. (Hear, hear.) From Australia.alone
they had received a sum of £46,600. (Hear, hear.) He
could as sure the subscribers one and all that their gene•
rosity would not be lost upon the working classes of the
manufacturing districts. (Hear, hear,)
Mr. ROSE (the Lord Mayor) desired to caution the
house against the possible effect of the hon. and gallant
gentleman's remarks. It was true that most munificent
contributions had been forwarded from all parts of the
world in relief of the distress; but he must warn the house
that the time was coming when those voluntary contribu-
tions could not be depended on, and that the provisions of
this bill must be brought forcibly into operation. Ho was
bound to inform the house that the collection of funds for
the relief of distress in the manufacturing districts was
operating most prejudicially on other charities; and his ex-
perience led him to believe that the time was rapidly ap-
proaching when the resources derived from voluntary sub-
scriptions would be cut off. It was, therefore, most impor-
tant that the machinery should be at once got ready to sup-
ply from reliable sources of income the want that was so
soon to be created. (Hear.)
Mr. HIBBERT said the country was bound to acknow-
ledge the nrinner in which a noble earl in another place,
and the hon. and gallant gentleman opposite (Colonel W.
Patten) had devoted themselves throughout the recess to
the work of relieving the distress. (Hear, hear.) Within
the last nine months rates to the amount of Bs. in the pound
had been levied off the ratepayer's of Oldham. The guar-
dians of Lancashire did not entirely approve of the Act
of last session, and before the second reading of the bill
many communications on the subject would be addressed
to the right hon. gentleman. There was a strong feeling
that the time for repayment ought to be extended from
ten to twenty years, and it was likewise thought that the
Exchequer Loan Commissioners might be empowered to
raise money for the guardians.
Sir B. LEIGHTON considered that upon the owners of
land in the manufacturing districts some of the burden
ought to be made to fall. The value of their land had
been enormously increased by the establishment of manu•
factories within their district. It was not fair, however,
that the landowners of South Cheshire, for example, should
be made to contribute to the relief of the landowners of the
other division of the county. He did not believe that the
credit of Lancashire was so low as that it would become
necessary to call in aid the assistance of the Exchequer
Loan Commissioners. The guardians ought to be able to
borrow money at 4 per cent. He could not see why the
principle of this bill should not be extended to other parts
of the country. In the metropolis were several parishes
paying rates to the extent of ss. in the pound; and why
should not a similar rule be applied in their case P If the
principle was not universally applied, it could not meet
with his approval.
Lord STANLEY said—l rise to offer a simple sugges-
tion, viz., whether it might not be as well for the right
hon. gentleman to continue this bill for six months, in-
stead for another twelvemonth, as he proposes. Six
months will carry us over the session ; we shall have an
opportunity of reconsidering the subject in general, and
shall be able to make such provisions for the recess as
may be required, having had the advantage of that period
for observation, to consider any modifications in this
measure. My reason is this. You are proposing to
legislate for the relief of Lancashire up to February next,
when neither the right hon. gentleman nor anyone else
would undertake to say what would be the state of Lan-
cashire distress by that time. As all are in the dark, and
no two men's conjectures agree, is it not wise to commit
ourselves as little as possible ? There are various altera-
tions which have been proposed in the bill, such as giving
power to townships to borrow, extending the time
for repayment, empowering Government to lend in certain
cases. Ido not see that any one of these ought to be enter-
tained, because they ought all to be maturely discussed, and
I am quite sure we shall all be better prepared to deal with
the question towards the close of the session than we are
now. What I should suggest is a simple continuance of
six months, and then another discussion on the subject be-
fore Parliament separates. (Hear.)
Mr. Alderman SYDNEY said the subject was one which
required the gravest consideration of the Legislature, not
only as regarded Lancashire, but as regarded the general
state of the poor laws. If the Government allowed the pre-
sent session to pass over without attempting more legisla-
tion to remedy the inequalities in the present poor laws, he
thought there would be well-founded causes of great dis-
satisfaction. They were meeting this question as though
Lancashire was quite exceptional to the general state of the
country ; while the fact that a rate of 3s. 7id. in the pound
over the whole of Lancashire would not only have furnished
the one million which was required for relief from Lady-day
1862, to Lady-day, 1863, but would have provided £400,000
in addition, which was about the average rate for poor law
relief in Lancashire. He doubted whether the distress was
greater in Lancashire than it was in Bethnal-green or in
Coventry. As a temporary measure he thought the bill a
wise one ; but he took that opportunity of expressin
withdissatisfactionhadnointention
whiochi thatheaersrhyoinugldileerawrnardlegislation on
the Govern-
ment Mr. POrrEit said it would be wise to bear in mind that
there was no reasonable expectation of there being a less
the present inequalities of the poor law.

pressure on the poor rates during one year than there had
been. There had been a loss of wages in Lancashire to the
extent of something like £8,000,000. They could not do
with less than one-third of that amount. The amount of
subscriptions had been £700,000 or £BOO,OOO, so that they
would have to supply £1,000,000 or £1,200,000 out
of the rates. They must not abstain from legislation under
any idea that a less amount would do. Unless a more cora-
prehensivemeasure therefore were brought forward, the poor
rates of Lancashire would collapse under the pressure. He
did not object to the passing of the present bill ; it would be
useful for a time, but after the next six months the rates
would be four or five times the amount of what they had

been before.
Mr. COBDEN then rose and said—lt is not my intention
to go into the question at large, but I wish to say that I
have been struck with the suggestion of the noble lord the
member for King's Lynn, and I think a word or two may
be added to his reason for considering the question only for
the shorter term. 1 think we must consider on the present
occasion that the great difficulty we have to apprehend be-
fore us will arise towards next winter, assuming the war to
go on, which probably;pay not be the case. All depends
upon whether any cotton comes from America, because all
other hopes of alleviation under this great trouble are futile
within the next two years, unless we do get cotton from
America. Assuming the present state of things to go on,
I I think the condition of the cotton districts will be much
more serious, much more difficult, next winter, than it has

been during the past. In the first place, you will not have,
I am afraid, that munificent private benevolent subscription
to rely on. Next winter will find you under the necessity of
relying entirely on the poor rates, at a time when the large
majority of the ratepayers will have become insolvent. You
will have a far greater claim upon the rates when benevo-
lence has ceased, and at a time when your rateable property
will drop out of the assessment list. This becomes more
apparent when you call to mind how much has been contri-
buted by charity and by rates in the manufacturing dis-
tricts themselves. I wont say a word in derogation of
those noble contributions and the world-wide benevolence
which has flown into Manchester; but it is ge-
nerally known that, after all, the greatest propor-
tion of this great fund has come from the cotton districts
themselves. The honorary secretary of the relief committee
says that the amount raised locally, to be dispensed by local
committees, and not remitted to the central fund in Lanca-
shire, has been £245,000, while the amount raised in thz,
cotton districts and remitted to Manchester amounts to
£350,000. Now I will givo an ootimato of what lam sure
is under the mark—of the sum which has been given by
individual millowners, manufacturers, and landowners at
their own doors, to the working people, and not published
in any subscription list at all. Individual millowners are
giving to their workpeople at the rate of £20,000 to £30,000
a year—(hear)--and I estimate that, in the whole of the
cotton districts, the amount so contributed will reach
within the twelvemonth to £250,000. The mixed contribu-
tions to the relief of the cotton districts amount to £845,000;
and, assuming that the whole of the voluntary subscrip-
tions from all parts of the world amount to a million and a
half, more than half comes from the cotton districts them-
selves. It is quite evident, therefore, that you cannot look
for such a result again, because the parties will be weakened
by the progress of the distress. I find that the poor rates
levied in the 27 distressed unions, in excess of the average
of former years, are at the rate of £600,000 a year. But that
is buc a small share indeed of the pressure which is borne
in those districts. The estimated loss of wages by the
operatives is about eight or nine minim's sterling per an-
num. Taking the loss for the year of wages, and deduct-
ing from that loss what is given to the operatives in the
shape of relief, I take the loss of the working classes to be
£6,000,000 up to Midsummer next. But that is not all,
for there is an enormous loss going on of the capital of
Lancashire. I estimate the loss of the capitalists from loss
of interest, depreciation of fixed capital, the non-payment of
rent of cottages, not including the loss of profits, to be at
the rate of five millions for the year up to next Midsummer.
That makes a loss of eleven millions of wages and capital.
The amount of subscriptions is £845,000, the amount of in-
creased rates is £600,000, giving a total of £12,445,00 ).
The whole amount of voluntary subscriptions, great and
almost unprecedented as they bad been, would therefore
hardly amount to Is. in the pound upon that which has
been contributed and lost by the manufacturers and la-
bourers of Lancashire. These facts will show how cumu-
lative the pressure and distress will be next winter, pro-
vided the cause continues. It is evident that the prostration
of this district must be much greater than it has been, and
the right hon. gentleman the President of the Poor Law
Board must take it into consideration. The wisest heads
in Lancashire are those who take the gloomiest view of the
prospect for the nest twelvemonth. All this may be miti-
gated provided the war comes to an end in the course of the
spring; but would it not be well, under all the circum-
stances, to take into consideration the suggestion of the
noble lord in recommending the passing of the measure for
only six months ? for in June or July next we shall be much
better able to know what the prospects are for the ensuing
year. (Hear.)
Mr. PULLER was of opinion that the Government had
acted wisely in proposing to renew the bill for a twelve-
month. He thought that altering the period of operation
from twelve to six months would be an error, because those
who had to carry out the provisions of the measure would
nut use the same energy over it as they would if it were for
a longer period. At the same time he could not see why the
districts where the distress existed should not maintain their
own poor by availing themselves of the borrowing powers
of the act. Another particular disadvantage was, that the
I matter was left entirely in the discretion—the caprice, he
might almost say—of the boards of guardians, which was
an arrangement generally unsatisfactory. People felt that
the liability to support the poor of the district was a broad
question, that ought to be decided by Parliament.
Mr. M LINDY thought there should be some better
method adopted for making the pressure more equal upon
the ratepayers. Glossop, for instance, was a town fifty
miles away from the scone of distress ; but because it was
within the boundary of the county it would have to pay,
while other parishes close by escaped, because they were
just outside. He thought there should be a clause to make
conterminous counties liable.
Mr. J. B. SMITH suggested that the Act should be re-
newed for six months only, and that in the meantime a
commission or committee should be appointed to obtain
further information upon the subject than that which was
now chiefly derived from boards of guardians,
Mr. VILLIERS—I have heard with resuectful attention
the suggestions which have been made by several hon. mem-
bers, and in order to give them due consideration I propose
to postpone the discussion of them for the present. We
will, therefore, take the second reading this day week.
TELEGRAPH COMPANIES' BILL.

Mr. M. GIBSON obtained leave to bring in a bill to re-
gulate the exercise of powers under special Acts tor the
construction and maintenance of telegraphs. The bill was
to consolidate into a general Act all the special clauses that
had recently been inserted in telegraph companies' acts,
and would have a future, but not retrospective, operation.
NEW WRFC.

Upon the motion of Sir S. NORTHCOTE, a new writ
was ordered for I'evizes, to elect a member in the room o:
the late Captain Gladstone.
The house adjourned at a quarter before eight.

Address of Victor Hugo to the Russian
Army.

The following spirit-stirring address to the
Russian Army from Victor Hugo has just ap-
peared :-
4‘ Soldiers of Russia, become mon again.
" That glory is now offered you; seize it.

"Whilst it still time, listen.
" If you continue this savage war ; if you, officers, who
are noble-hearted men, but whom a whim can degrade and
cast into Siberia; if you, soldiers, serfs yesterday, slaves
to-day, violently torn away from your mothers, your be-
trothed, your families, subjects of the knout, ill-treated,
badly fed, condemned for long years and an indefinite term
to military service, more severe in Russia than the hulks in
other countries ; if you, who are victims, take a part against
the victims ; if at this holy hour, when venerable Poland
rises, at this supreme hour, when the choice is given you
between Petersburg where the tyrant is and Warsaw where
liberty is ; if, in this decisive conflict, you are unmindful of
your duty, your only duty, fraternity; if you join against
the Poles, with the Czar, their executioner and yours;
being oppressed, you have learned from oppression no other
lesson than that of supporting the oppressor; if, from your
own misfortune, you work out your shame ; if you, when
armed with the sword, place your blind and deluded strength
in the service of despotism, an unwieldy and weak monster
that crushes you down, both Russians and Poles; if, in-
stead of turning round and facing the butcher of nations,
you cowardly overwhelm by the superiority of your arms
and your numbers those heroic and despairing populations,
claiming the first of all rights, the right to their country;
if, in this 19th century, you consummate the assassination
of Poland; if you do those things, know ye, men oe
Russian army, that you will fall, which appeal a impossible,
even lower than the gangs of the Southern States of Ame-
rica, and raise against you the execration of the whole civi-
lised world I Crimes committed by
might remain crimes
public horror is a penalty.
" Russian soldiers, let the Poles inspire you ; fight not
against them. What 3ou have before you in Poland is not
the enemy; it is example. " VICTOR HUGO,
" Hauteville House, February, 1863."

FLOGGING IN THE ARMY, —By a return yester-
day issued it appears that 168 persons were flogged in the
army in 1861, and none in the militia. Of 8,325 lashes
ordered, 8,204 were actually inflicted.
_ __

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