The Sun.
London, England, 1837-09-02 00:00:00

TIIE SUN, LONDON', SATURDAV, SEPTEMBER 2, 1537.

vehicle, and set the world on fire. Were circemistance, •
to place the destieics (.). this country mlte' the con
troul of the rejected of Deudalle he wtleld heat fie to
a iepetition ref tha aarasit-ophe in the case of the poli-
ticni teoeld. He is of the impracticable stiool ill po-
litics, and ivhet, is Mae; he heads the first class in that
sehoOl: Gi.ee hitt.t his own way of it for one little month,
and affairs would indeed, be brought to a pretty
pass. The burden of his letter, which consumes two mortal
newspaper co!innue, ie—that O'Connell is be-
traying his eotintey because lie Stith ports the Mel-
bourne Miniettyl I#f tefaittord must be a rare lo-
giciati. tie admits that the present Administration
is not only the best, but the only good one, in so far as
Ireland is concerned, which rbe Have O'er had And
yet hr. etateibice with Mr. O'Connell, and abuses him
in what a sportsman would call capital syle, from the
commencement to the close of a eotiple of breviet co-
lumns, beeetire be extends his support to this Adad-
oistration ! Had O'Connell supported the worst
Ministry for Ireland which ever exeaed, the ex-Mem-
ber for Dundalk might, with juetice, have accused him
of betraying his country ; or had Mr. O'Connell even
supported a Ministry which was, as compared with all
others, good, though inferior in excellence to that of
Lord Melbourne's, there might have been somerround
for the imputation. But to make it the foundation
of a charee against the Member for Dublin that he
gives his support to the best Government for Ireland
according to Mr. Crawford's own admission, ever
existed, is one of those anomalies in the exercise of the in- -
t!:llectual faculties which at once surprise and confound
us. The inditer of this epistle endeavours to make out
his case against O'Connell by an elaborate efFort to
prove that the present Ministry does not conic up in
their practices to the principles formerly professed by
that gentleman. Mr. Crawford might have spared
• himself the great labour he has been at in proving this
fact ; for it is one which O'Connell himself admits
every day in the year. But what then ? Of what ad-
vantage is the admission to Mr. Crawford's case ?
I Are we to be seriously told that Mr. O'Connell is to
Isupport no Ministry until he gets one which is in en-
I tire accordance with his own views? In that case the
first Administration which that gentleman could be
expected to tie seen supporting would be one formed
by himself; no other is ever likely to be precisely and
in all things what he could wish. If Mr. Crawford
has imbibed the notion that Mr. O'Connell, by with-
drawing his countenance and support from the Admi-
nistration of Lord Melbourne, would be forth with
summoned into the presence of his youthful Sovc-
reian, for the purpose of receiving her commands to
construct a Ministry on his own principles—if
Mr. Crawford has been seized with any phantasy
of this kind, then his present abuse of O'Con-
nell would be intelligible, however mistaken. If
he could at the same time prove that Mr. O'Con-
nell entertains the . same notion himself, then we
would at once concur with him in denouncing that
gentleman as a traitor to his country. But as there is
no immediate probability, so far as we can penetrate
into futurity, of Mr. O'Connell being called on by
Queen Victoria to displace Lord Melbourne, and as
the Administration of the latter is confessed as much
better than any previous one, Mr. O'Connell would
clearly subject himself to the charge of betraying his
country if he did not give to it all the assistance and
support in his power. Mr. O'Connell, by his support
of the present-Ministry, compromises no one principle
of his past life. He still holds, and on all proper
occasions boldly avows, his undiminished attachment
to his former principles ; but, unlike the impracticables
of Mr. Crawford's school, he has the wisdom to give
the preference to that system of government which
approximates the nearest to his own views. The
diffeience between Mr. O'Connell and the rejected
of Dundalk is simply this : the former lends all the
aid in his power to an Administration which is on the
high road to the goal which he is striving to reach;
the latter declares it to be the best thing the country
could do—and this, be it observed, while entertaining
the same principles as O'Connell—to crush the pre-
sent Cabinet, in order to make way for a faction who
boldly tell him to his face that,•so far from moving one
step farther on the road of Reform, they think we have
gone much too far already, and that were they in power
to-morrow they would retrograde instead of advancing.
Query—Whether is Mr. 'Connell or Mr. Sharman
Crawford the wiser man of the two ? We are not the
apologists of O'Connell : we never were : we never
will be. On repeated occasions we have fearlessly de-
nounced his views and condemned his measures. We
shall not shrink from doing so again should we ever
deem that a necessity exists for such a course. But
in the present case we maintain that he is acting in the
spirit of enlightened patriotism ; and that a contrary
line of conduct would necessarily restore the Tories to
that power for which they are paining with a burning
thirst, and which, were it again in their possession,
would entail calamities on this country, as well as Ire-
land, of the most frightful magnitude.—Morning Ad-
vertiser.

The unblushing impudence with which the Whig
journals contend that, because the Melbourne Ministry
have been mean and base enough to submit to be go-
verned by O'Connell and his tail, therefore the British
people ought tamely to stoop their necks to the same
degrading domination, is a proof that a certain brazen
intrepidity of face and assertion, supposed to be pe-
culiar to the banks of the Shannon, and to derive its
virtue from its waters, may, by proper culture anl
training, flourish as rigorously on the banks of the
Thames. It is certain the sturdy mendicant and
great boronghmonger of Ireland has no more pro-
mising disciples anywhere, not even in the most
benighted and priest-ridden portion of that un-
hapdy conetry, that the Ministerial scribes, who
have discovered a nine of wisdom and virtue in the
dennyoeue since the compact at Lichfield House,
though cbefore that " auspicious event" they were so
profoundly ignorant of the excellency of his patriotism,
and manifold beauties of his character, that they used
to describe him as a heartless, turbu!ent, and sordid
adventurer—the enemy of the peace and prosperity of
his country. In so describing him the Whig joutnalists
only echoed the sentiments and language of those
who had marked him out to public indignation in the
speech from the throne. Has O'Coenell, since that
time, become less the enemy of the English name ?
Has he become less a hater of the institutions which
have made Enelani the greatest protector of the Pro-
testant religion, which has made her the freest and most
civilised of the nations, thae he was when Wliig Mi-
nisters branded him in the face of the assembled Parlia-
ment as a public enemy, and Whig Journalists be-
gr:med with unsavoury invective him whom they now
bedaub with untempered praise ? O'Connell dis-
claims the " soft impeachment" of having at all miti-
gated his ferocious intolerance towards the " Saxon,"
his religion, or his institutions. It was only at the
Dublin election, the other day, that he declared himself
as good a Repealer as ever he was; ay, et the very mo-
ment when he was calling for support for those Whigs
who formerly, by the mouth of their then Chan-
cellor of. the Exchequer, Lord Althorp, answered
his cry for " Repeal" by declaring that, sooner than
the union should be . dissolved, they were prepared
to encounter the bloodshed and horrors of a civil war 1
The man, then, whose great political object is more
to be dreaded and avoided than the bloodshed and
horrors of a civil war—the man who openly aims at
the dismemberment of the empire, who solemnly de-
clared that he only sought Catholic Emancipation as a
means to the repeal of the Union—the man who fla-
gitiously designated the preservation of national credit
by the honest discharge of national obligations, as
" the cant of national faith"—the man who, when
the Whig Ministers had not yet become his tools,
poured upon them every term of abuse that the foul
exuberance of his nasty vocabulary could supply—this
is the man whom the same Whig Ministers, and their
obsequious scribes, call upon the English people to
fall down and worship, not forgetting to do due reve-
rence to that portentous " tail," by which they are
content to cling to power, under such humiliating cir-
cumstances as never defiled, to such a depth of sordid
degradation, any British Ministry before. When
O'Connell exultingly exclaimed, after the compact at
Lichfield House—" The Whigs have come over to
rise, not Ito them," lie for once spoke the truth ; but
he shall never have it in his power to say—" The
people
land have come over to me, not I to
them ;"of England have come over to roe, not i to
them ;" kr, the more the people of England. know the

rim %vim has heed:ire the Whig idol, the more they
is ,the and clespifi 11,jrrilrf;
It is au old observatioo, tir t t 7
ools may piopOtind
questions which it would puzzle wise men to answer."
It mey lie rilidWriblii id go firthei• than
.this, and say,
that the greatest blockheads will sometimes elirdiCii to
say things which it is worth the while of wise men to
attend to. We are led to this remark in consequence
of having 9bserved in the Courier Newspaper of a few
evenings back some hints, upon NOICA St's' thirds it
Would be Well ttir the Conservative leaders to act: to
the midst a a raiiibliog fWiittfole df it=,oofrOce the
most gross, and impudence the most WldtrisiCrit, Vire
find it (very fairly, as it occurs to tri) sug[2,-ested that
the Tories have been remiss in ;lot bringing forward
those measures of practical iitiif::,4rcrelt!ot which. the
country requires, and which the wretched crcainies tf
Ministers are wholly incapable of devising or carrying
through. Our party haVe beer', perhaps, too ready
to help these ridiculous Ministers out or their ridi-
culous scrapes with their Radical allies, and too
backward to take upon themselves that leading part
in the direction of the legislation of the country which
their intelligence, and their influence, entitle
them to take. Hitherto the Tories have contented
themselves with being opponents of the Radicalism
which the Ministers have been forced to adopt, and
guardians of the Ministers against the further Radi-
calism which they have not yet consented to adopt.
But it is full time for them to treat these Ministers
with the contempt of which alone such despicable
functionaries are worthy. If these functionaries are re-
solved to stay in, through the support of an Irish
faction, and in despite of the British people, let it be
the business of that party which is supported by a
majority of British representatives to bring forward
such measures as are needful in the judicious con-
duct of British policy, and let the Ministers and the
Irish faction attempt to stop them if they dare. Any
consideration for the present Government is thrown
away—they deserve no forbearance. Again and
again we say, let every Conservative bear in mind
that, as this Government is utterly contemptible, it
ought to be treated with contempt, and then, being
left to itself, it will soon find its proper level.—
Morning Post.

CIRC ULAR.

Horse Guards, Aug. 31.

MEmonAtioum.—The cipher W. R., now borne upon
the buttons and appointments of the different branches of
the army, is to be changed to V. R., as exhibited in a
sketch which has been deposited at the Office of Military
Boards for future information and guidance.
By command of the Right Hon. General Lord Hill,
Commanding-in- Chief,
JOHN MACDONALD, Adj.-Gen.