The Sun.
London, England, 1837-04-15 00:00:00

Sir 0. MOSLEY presented petitions from Stafford against
the abolition of Church-rates.
Mr. GREENE presented a petition from Whittington, in
Lancashire, against the Ministerial plan.
Mr. BAINES presented four petitions from places in York-
shire in favour of the Ministerial plan.
Mr. DIVETT presented a similar petition from Exeter,
signed by 2,000 persons ; also, another petition to the same
effect, and from the same place, signed by 265 rate-payers.
Petitions against the Ministerial measure for the abolition
of Church-rates were presented by Mr. Miles, Mr. Palmer,
Mr. C. Pelham, and other Hon. Members ; and by Mr.
Potter, Mr. Handley, Colonel Parry, and others in favour of
the measure.
SUPERANNUATION PENSIONS.
Mr. TOOKE presented a petition from Benjamin Hill,
thirty years tax-collector of St. Pancras, complaining of the
small sum allotted to him as a Superannuation Pension.
Mr. BAINES presented a petition from Leeds, praying
for a repeal of the duty on Wool.
Mr. HANDLEY presented a petition praying that the
Shipping Gazette might be sent by mail postage free.
Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented a petition from
Island Magee, and Grange of Nalteen, county Antrim, pray-
ing for the total extinction of Tithes and Regium Donurn, and
all compulsory assessments for the purposes of religion ; from
Derryloran, county Tyrone, praying for the total extinction
of Tithes ; and from Magheracoolmoney, county Ferma-
nagh, praying for total extinction of Tithes and ministers money ;
also from M. and A. Rievan, extensive corn merchants and
millers of Dundalk, praying that the millers of Great Bri-
tain and Ireland may be permitted to grind flour from foreign
wheat for exportation, in the same way as sugar refiners are
permitted to manufacture foreign sugar for countries abroad.
Mr. BROCKLE UR ST presented petitions from Mac-
clesfield, in favour of the abolition of Church-rates. It was
most numerously signed.
Sir E. CODRINGTON presented a petition from Ports-
mouth, praying that millers might be allowed to grind corn
under restrictions fur exportation.
Mr. W. PATTEN presented a petition from Lancashire
against the Church-rate Bill.
Mr. WILSON presented two petitions, praying that no
alteration may be made in the Poor Laws Bill.
BELFAST HARBOUR BILL.
Mr. KIRK presented a petition from the merchants, ship-
owners, and traders of Carrickfergus, in favour of the 13111
which adopts an open channel in Belfast Harbour.
The Hos. MEMBER moved that the Committee on the An-
trim, Coleraine, Belfast, and Lisburn Roads Bills have the
usual power to send fur persons, papers, and records.—
Agreed to.
Mr. WILK S presented petitions from Hardstown, in
Norfolk, from Kingsland and Mile-end, in favour of the
Ministerial plan for the abolition of Church-rates.
Lord G. SOMERSET presented twenty petitions from
different parts of Wales against the abolition of Church-rates.
Mr. SHAW and Lord LO WTHER presented petitions
to a similar effect.
TWOPENNY-POST CARRIERS.
Captain I'OLIIILL presented a petition from the two-
penny-post carriers of the metropolis, soliciting the attention
of the House to the painful situation in which they were
placed, in consequence of the inadequate remuneration they
received, when compared with the arduous and fatiguing duties
they had to perform, and the responsibility they incurred.
The Hon. and Gallant Member was proceeding to state the
grounds upon which the petitioners made their appeal to the
House, when he %vas interrupted by
The SPEAKER, who suggested that the proper course for
him to pursue would be to bring up the petition, and give
notice of a specific motion upon the subject of it.
Captain POLHILL then gave notice that he would, on
Tuesday next, move the appointment of a Select Committee
to inquire into the prayer of the petition.
CHURCH-RATES.
Mr. HODG ES presented petitions from Kent, in favour of
the Ministerial plan for the abolition of Church-rates.
Sir S. WHALLEY presented a petition to the same effect
from the vestry of Marylehone.
HOUSEHOLD SUFFRAGE.
Mr. V. SMIIII ',resented a petition from 500 inhabitants
of Southampton, praying for Household Suffrage.
EDUCATION (IRELAND.)
Sir R. BATESON presented a petition from the Bishop
and Clergy of the diocese of Derry arid Raphoe, against tee
national system of education in Ireland; and praying that
all creeds, catechisms, and forms of prayer be done
away with, except the Lord's Prayer; also a petition from
the Bishop and ninety-eight clergymen of the diocese of
Down and Connor, to the same effect. The Honourable
Baronet then presented a petition from Mr. Ellice, who
had been for upwards of 30 years clerk to a Court of Conscience
in the city of Londonderry, praying, that in the event of the
Irish Municipal Bill being passed, some compensation wou.d
be awarded him.
BIRMINGHAM AND DERBY RAILWAY.
Mr. CH ET WYND moved that the order for the second
reading of the Birmingham and Derby Railway be discharged,
and the Bill be referred back to the Standing Order Com-
mittee.
Sir E. WILMOT said the Gallant Member was labouring
under a mistake. The present Bill was merely for the pur-
pose of remedying a clerical error, which had crept into the
Bill when being engrossed last year.
Mr. S. LEFEV RE said, as he was Chairman of the Com-
mittee before whom the Bill would be sent if the motion were
agreel to, be hoped the House would permit him to state
that the Bill being for the mere purpose of remedying a cleri-
cal error, there was no Standing Order which applied to it.
The motion was negatived without a division.
Oa the motion of Mr. WILBRAHAM the Clarence
Railway Bill. was read a third time and passed.
SOUTH UNION RAILWAY.
Sir R. PEEL presented a petition from Tamworth in favour
of the South Union Railway.
CHURCH-RATES.
Mr. PE ASE presented a petition from Bishop Walton,
most nusnerouely signed, praying for the abolition of Church-
rates.
Mr. E. J. STANLEY presented two petitions from places
in Chester, in favour of the Ministerial plan for the abolition
of Church rates.
POST-OFFICE REFORMS.
Mr. LABOUCHERE had on a former occasion postponed
the Committee oe the Post-office Bills, for the purpose of
making some alterations in the form in which they had been
drawn up. These alterations having been made, he hoped
the House would now allow him to go into Committee pro
forma, in order that the Bills might be printed in their
amended shape.
The House then went into Committee on the Post-office
Management Bill; the Post-office Acts' Repeal Bill, the
Post-office Offences Bill, and the Franking Bill. The Bills
were severally ordered to be printed in their amended form,
and recommitted that day week.
Sir R. BATE SON seeing the Noble Lord the Secretary
for Ireland, in his place, wished to ask him a question relative
to Mr. Gore Jones, who some time since was Stipendiary Ma-
gistrate of Derry, but who, in consequence of being convicted
in the penalty ofsoo/. for illegal imprisonment, was dismissed
from that office. He wished to know from the Noble Lord
whether he had been re-appointed to the office of Magistrate
in any part of Ireland, and where.
Lord MORPETH said that he had been appointed a ma-
gistrate in another county, but he could not at the present
moment state what county that was.
THE VIXEN.
Mr. MACLEAN wished to ask the Noble Lord the Secre-
tary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether the negociations
with respect to the Viren had come to an end; and if not,
when they were likely to do so.
7.,,,;L0rd PALMERSTON said that he had no official infor-
mation on the subject.
Mr. LABOUCHERE presented a petition in favour of the
Ministerial plan for the abolition of Church-rates, signed by
800 inhabitants of Taunton.
NEW WRIT.
On the motion of Mr. E. J. STANLEY, a new writ was
issued for Lewes, in the room of Mr. T. R. Kemp,
who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds.
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose, and said, that before
he moved the Order of the Day for the further consideration
of the Canada question, he wished to state the course he
meant to pursue with respect to the business of the House.
With respect to a Bill of very great importance alluded to the
other night, namely, a Bill for the establishment of Poor
Laws in Ireland, it had been his wish to have brought
on the second reading of that Bill before Easter ; but
he was then told by various parties, and among others, parti-
cularly by the Hon. and Learned Member for Bandon
(Mr. Sergeant Jackson), that it would not be convenient
to Irish Members that the Bill should be read a se-
cond time before Easter. With a view to their convenience,
and not at all for the convenience of the Government, he had
fixed the second reading of that Bill for the earliest day he
could, and that day was Monday, the 17th of April. The Right
Honourable Baronet opposite (Sir Henry Hardinge) had
since given notice of a motion for Monday next
relative to the affairs of Spain. He did not with
at all to have that motion postponed, but only to state,
that the postponement which had hitherto taken place,
and the postponement which would take place, of the
Irish Poor-law Bill, was not in consequence of any desire of
his to postpone the discussion of that question.—( Hear.) He
would therefore postpone that Bill to the next earliest day on
which he could bring it forward, namely, the Friday following.
It was his intention to move the Order of the Day for a Com-
mittee of Supply on Monday, and that the Ordnance esti-
mates be referred to that Committee, and then the motion of
the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite would very properly arise
according to the ancient practice of that House.
Sir H. HARDINGE was not aware when he made his
proposition that the notice for the Irish Poor Law Bill stood
for the 17th, nor had it been intimated to him by the Noble
Lord. As, however, he, as well as the Noble Lord, was
impressed with the importance of the subject, he should
bring it forward on that day.
Sir R. PEEL—The Church-rates Bill stands at present
for Friday, and that, I suppose, will be postponed ?
Lord J. RUSSELL—Yes.
Mr. WALLACE had a notice on the paper regarding a
matter of very great importance to Scotland, and although
the Lord Advocate had done his best to get the Scotch business
forward, he found that the affairs of that country were put to
the wall. He did not wish to interpose his motion be-
tween the business of that evening, but unless an assurance
was given him that an early day would be fixed for bringing it
forward, he should certainly feel it his duty to persevere in
his motion. If a Committee was appointed he would be satis-
fied ; but, at all events, he hoped the Noble Lord would give
him an assurance that the Scotch business would be brought on
on Friday next.
Lord J. RUSSELL was most anxious that the Scotch

business should come on, but he would rather defer till
Monday any assurance that the Scotch Bills would be
brought forward on Friday, as he would then have ascer-
tained what the business of that evening was likely to be.
Sir R. PEEL believed the time was fast approaching when
the House, by a general movement of all parties, would make
some great improvement in the manner of conducting the pub-
lic business. Discussions had proceeded to such a length, and
they had got into a habit of adjourned debates, which was
quite unprecedented.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was easy
for an Honourable Member to bring on his Bill, but it
was not so easy to force the House to come to a satisfactory
conclusion on it.—(Laughter.) It would give much satis-
faction to the country if all parties were to unite, and settle
what was the most important business ; they would then select
two or three Bills which were most important and pressing,
and perfect them before proceeding with any other. Such
a course would be much more satisfactory to all concerned
than the present manner in which the business was done.
Mr. ROEBUCK said if the leading Members of the parties
in that House were to make their speeches before 10 o'clock it
would be felt to have a beneficial effect. At present the House
was nearly emptied from soon after five o'clock till that hour,
as it was well understood that no great gun would go off be-
fore 10 o'clock.—( Laughter.) If it were understood that all
the artillery of a debate would be discharged somewhat
before that hour, the House would not be so deserted,
or its time so much wasted.—(Continued laughter.)
Sir ROBERT PEEL was quite sure that all those who
were expected to take up a subject, after every argument had
been exhausted, would heartily join in the suggestion of the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman. It was a most harassing duty
for any one to get up after a three nights' debate, and reply to
the vat ious arguments which had been put forward.
AFFAIRS OF CANADA.

Lord J. RUSSELL then moved that the House resolve
itself into a Committee on the resolutions relating to Canada.
Mr. WALLACE would not interpose with his motion, in
the hope that the Scotch business would be brought on and
disposed of.
Mr. BERNAL then took the Chair, and

Mr. ROEBUCK said, that he had a proposition to lay be-
fore the Committee, which he desired to draw to their atten-
tion before the debate became •xarm, and the ordinary aspe-
rity resulting from that warmth took place. He had to pro-
pose a plan for the pacification of the Canadas, and he trusted
the House would give him its attention while he stated
what that plan was. If the present opportunity
were suffered to pass, he believed it would be the last that that
House would have to adjust the affairs of Canada. If the House
allowed the Resolutions to proceed, it was his firm conviction
that all hopes of reconciliation had gone for ever. In pro-
posing the present plan, he; did so in the discharge of
what he considered a most solemn duty. It must be
evident to every one who knew anything of Colonial
policy, that a time must arrive—when it would arrive he
would not say—but arrive it must—when the Colonies would be
separated from Great Britain ; and he was desirous to so
rule the Colonies that they would always look to the mother
country with kindness, and not for one moment think of re_
quiring assistance from other powers. ( Hear.) What
he had to do was to propose, if possible, a plan
which should adjust the dispute arising between the
mother country and the colonies, in which it must be ad-
mitted there existed peculiar differences. He had to propose
a plan so extensive that it w ould satisfy the demands of the
Canadian people, and at the same time not offend the pecu-
liar prejudices of the English. He had to steer between
those two alternatives.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") What
he wished to prevent was the people of Canada flying to the
people of America. He wished to prevent their assuming
the standard of revolt against the English, and appealing to
the people of America for support. He wished to put an end
to the democratic feeling that existed in America.—( Hear. )
The Governments of this country had not endeavoured to con-
ciliate the democratic feeling of Canada, but had yielded to
the aristocratic feeling of Europe. The plan he would
lay before the House, which he had great difficulty
in stating, it being a matter of detail, and very little
attention being paid to such matters by the House,
referred to the following psrth ulars—first, to the Legislative
Council ; secondly, to the Executive Council ; and thirdly to
what had already been hinted at in the resolutions of His Ma-
jesties' Ministers—namely, a General Assembly. So far the
alterations which were proposed affected the Constitution not
merely of Lower Canada, but of Upper Canada, Nova Scotia,
New Brunswick, and Prince Edward's Island. He should
also include in his p:an the finances of Lower Canada,
the Land Tenure Act, the Land Company, and that which
was also hinted at in the resolutions of his Majesty's Ministers,
an alteration in the boundaries of Lower Canada.—( Hear. )
He wished to make the Legislative Council responsible
to themselves. There had been a great talk that the Legis-
lative Counsel ought to be made independent—that was a great
mistake. It should be responsible to somebody—not indepen-
dent. What he wanted was to see if he could fashion a
plan to make it responsible immediately to the people of
Canada—to make it responsible directly to the Governor--
indirectly to the people of Canada. Hu first proposed to abo-
lish the 'Legislative Council. Every person who had spoken
of that Council had condemned it. In the year 1828 a Com-
mittee of that House had condemned it.—( Hear, hear.)
The resolution passed by that House the other night had
condemned it, and the Commissioners appointed by his
his Majesty's Government had condemned it —[The Hon.
Member here read an extract from the report of the Com-
missioners to that effect and proceeded]. Was he not then at
liberty to say that it had been condemned by all parties ?
Something, then, must be done to render that Council ac-
ceptable to the people.—( Hear, hear.) Why should the
people of Canada be required to retain a body of persons
who were at present irresponsible ? What he proposed
was to create an Executive Council to be called the Governors
in Council, and to be composed of Attorney and Solicitor-
Generals and ten Councillors, to be chosen by the Go-
vernor. They should have the power, wl.en a Bill was
passed by the House of Assembly ; to revise that measure
and suggest amendments, and then send it back to
the House of Assembly ; but they were to have no
power of rejection. The Bill was to be afterwards
sent to the Governor himself, who might either give
or withhold his assent. The reason he ( Mr. Roebuck)
desired that was, that he wished as much as possible to con-
centrate the responsibility on the Governor—to get some
known established person to whom he could point and say,
" That is the man who has done this."—( Hear, hear.)
In the long run both the Governor and the Imperial Govern-
ment must yield here, and compromise there, for the purpose of
ruling according to the will of the House of Assembly, in the
same manner as the Ministry in this country must
govern according to the will of that House.—( Hear,
hear.) According to his plan, the Council would be directly
responsible to the Governor and indirectly to the House of
Assembly: He did not want to have a Council like the pre-
sent one, which was responsible to no one. It was said, and
might be said again, that, in the present temper of the people
of this country, it was impossible for them to abolish the Le-
gislative Council at present. He would ask, why not ? The
Commissioners had reported that the existence of the Council
was not at all necessary fur the happiness of the people of Lower
Canada, neither was his plan a startling new Constitution.
He proposed such a Constitution as existed in every colony
of Great Britain, except Lower Canada. His plan was
identical with the Constitutions which at present existed
in New Brunswick, Jamaica, and many other of the
colonies. Was it possible that the friends of the
House of Lords in this country could for a mo-
ment suppose that there was any analogy between the
House of Lords and the Legislative Council of Lower
Canada—( Hear, hear)—that there could be any analogy
between an ancient nobility, intimately connected with the
wealth and prosperity of the country, and a clique who were
possessed of neither property, station, or wealth in the country ?
If they believed there was any analogy between the two bodies,
and that it were true, did they suppose he would be there moving
the abolition of the Legislative Council of Lower Canada ?
No.—( Hear.) He would be then moving the abolition of
the House of Lords in this country.—( Hear, hear.)
It required a very strong feeling and judgment to get
rid in a man's mind of those immediate associations
which he had gathered in his cradle.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
There were millions of associations that endeared some
men's minds to the House of Lords ; but that was not the
case with respect to the Legislative Council of Canada, which
was composed of a clique of hungry officials, and who had
the hatred of the people of Canada. He proposed there-
fore, the abolition of the Legislative Council, and that the
Governor in Council should perform their functions.--.
( Hear, hear.) When he had done this, had he done all
that was required ? By no means, there was much yet
behind, and he had a thorny path to tread. One of the
great feats that had been performed with respect to
Canada was the administration of justice. In an evil hour
the Government of this country had demanded a perma-
nent Civil List to pay the Judges.--(Hear, hear.) That
was not called for by any conduct on the part of the people
of Canada or their representatives. It was a most remarkable
fact, and he begged to !press it on the attention of his Majesty's
Ministers, that the permanent salary of the Judges was the
first thing that caused the dispute, which ended in the separa-
tion of the thirteen provinces. It was said that the Judges
were responsible to nobody—that there was not a sufficient
power of control over them---that they behaved ill, and
that t large number of them did not possess the confidence
of the country ; therefore it was that the House of Assembly
had said they would never grant a permanent salary: to the
Judges until they had means of trying them for
any offences that they might commit. His peat object
was to have a General Assembly over all the Canadas.
What he therefore proposed was, that the House of Assembly
of each Province should each choose five delegates, and that
they should constitute a General Assembly.—( Hear, hear.)
Then came the question what their functions were
to be. He proposed that they should be two-fold,
first, Judicial, arid secondly, Legislative. The first would
give them the power of impeaching the Judges.—( Hear.)
He should propose also that this body should choose
one Judge, who should sit as a Court of Appeal ; performing
the functions which were at present performed by the Privy
Council of England. It. would be difficult to describe accu-
rately the precise extent of these judicial powers, and the
manner in which they were to be exercised. A law of
peachment would be required, together with a code of pro-
cedure. But no difficulties of any moment would here obstruct
the path of the legislator. If this tribunal were created for
the trial of the delinquent Judges, no difficulty would arise in
granting them a salary for a term of years. This tribunal
could decide upon all questions of provincial difference, such
as those relating to rivers, canals, and the Post-office depart-
ment. This might be said to be a chi:nera ; but all the diffi-
culties attendant upon it had been overcome in the United
States. He would now take occasion to remark that the lan-
guage so prevalent when Hon. Gentlemen spoke of the dis-
putes now existing between Upper and Lower Canada led to
very erroneous conceptions. People fancied that the two pro-

c:rl= wcro quarrelling. with each other, and that Lower
Canada was endeavouring to impose upon the Upper province.
This was by no means the case. It could only be for mis-
chievous purposes that certain persons talked of disputes,
and endeavoured to create ill will where none now existed.
He could, however, easily understand that causes of differ-
ences might arise between Upper and Lower Canada which
could only be settled by such a tribunal as he proposed.
The Noble Lord was fond at times of indulging in homely, nay
(he must pardon him for the saying), even in vulgar illustra-
tions. These sometimes added significance to a sentence which
a more polished phrase would not have conveyed. In the pre-
sent instance the Noble Lord accomplished this feat with a
very sinister dexterity. " You," said he, addressing the Mi-
nisters of the Crown, " you show your teeth, but dare not
bite." What would the Canadian people conclude from this?
Why, that the Noble Lord, having shown his teeth, would use
them on the first favourable opportunity, and indulge his snar-
ling disposition by snapping at and worrying the Canadian
people. He might soon have the opportunity afforded to him.
The Canadians knew this, and they therefore would naturally
accord to the Noble Lord's address a greater weight than it
deserved from any intrinsic merit of its own. But that which
he now aimed at was to persuade the Noble Lord to " sprinkle
cool patience upon the heat of his distemper ;" to lay aside, on
so critical an occasion as the present, the personal vanities of
debate, and approach the question before them in a spirit of
calm deliberation, of conciliation, and of kindness. He had
done but too much mischief already by the unhappy petulance
of his uncontrolled temper. Let him even at this hour endea-
vour to repair the evil. Turning from the Noble Lord to his
Majesty's Ministers, he would at their hands endeavour to ob-
tain a deliberate consideration for the project which he had
laid before them. Their strength, if they had any, laid in the
belief that some men had of their being the apostles of ge-
nerous and liberal principles of government. Deprive their
supporters of this belief, let the people of England and the
world at large think that that was a mere delusion, and the
fabric of their present greatness crumbled at once? Did
not the Noble Lord who proposed the resolutions plainly per-
ceive that he was a tool in the hands of others ? Let him be
known in one hemisphere and in the other as the asserter of
liberal principles of Government—not as the lover of freedom
in Europe, but a district in America. Before the House
decided upon this momentous question, he would entreat
them to contemplate for a moment with him some of the con-
sequences that might result from their determinations. In the
plan that he had presumed to lay before them, he had endea-
voured to provide for the future as well as the present. The
time must come when the whole of their American possessions
should become independent States ; and there were peculiar
combinations that might occur when that happened ; one
fraught with danger to England, aye, to Europe ; the other
carrying with it protection to the world at large. If any cir-
cumstances should lead the English colonies of America to join
themselves with the United States, and thus confer upon that
already powerful people an unbroken line of coast from the
Gulf of Mexico to the North Pole ; and also a territory stretch-
ing from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean—if such an event
should happen, a very few years would be required to make
that American Republic as formidable to all the nations of the
earth as was ancient Rome in her days of greatness. Let
them, then, not so anger and thwart these Colonies, while under
their dominion, as to make them turn to the United States for
sympathy and support : but let them teach them to act toge-
ther, to look also to them for kindness and assistance ; so that
when the time of separation did occur, they still be close
friends, aiding each other, and protecting and reciprocally for-
warding the interests of both nations. Let the House, then.
hesitate ere they refuse the means now offered to them of
establishing peace and content in the long-disturbed and ill-
governed colony of Canada.
The question being put,
Lord STANLEY and Lord J. RUSSELL rose, but the
latter gave way, when Lord Stanley said that he thought per-
haps his Noble Friend would excuse him if he ventured then
to address the House, particularly as the lion. Member who
had just sat down had directed some of his observations to him
in a very pointed manner. He could assure, however, that
lion. Member, that whatever might be the uncontrollable
temper upon which he had been complimented by him as pos-
sessing, it was never less likely to be disturbed than on the
present occasion. It was not his intention at present to enter
into the general question with respect to Canada. His wish
was only to explain, and by that explanation to save dos, time
of the House, and have the debate unfettered by any thin;;
like misrepresentation. Some injustice, he readily admitted,
had been inadvertently done by him to the House of Assembly,
and also to that House, by the statement he had made. He
did not wish to explain any thing that he had said with respect
to the effects of the policy that had been, and in his opinion
ought to be, maintained by the Mother country towards the
Colonies. With respect to that lie entertained precisely the
same opinions as formerly. But with respect to the House of
Assembly he might have expressed himself stronger than upon
a further investigation of the papers could be fairly borne out.
lie had stated on the former occasion alluded to that at the
time his Noble Friend, Lord Goderich, brought forward his
proposition lie did it under a specific pledge from the House
of Assembly that they would pass any ineaeure that the
Gouernment of this country should require. In the Spring
—he believed in February, 1831, he wished to state this clearly
and satisfactorily to the House, and to the Hon. Member for
13eth, so that they might see the difference between his present
and his former statement—a Bill was brought forward under
the superintendence of his Noble Friend the Colonial Secre-
tary ( Lord Ripon), and his Noble Friend (Lord tiowick) the
Under Colonial Secretary. In bringing forward this measure
his Noble Friend ( Lord Howick) on the 18th of February,
1831, used the following language :—" I am willing to admit
that these persons (the Judges and the Governor) should not
be dependent for their salary upon an annual vote of the As-
sembly. The Assembly have recognised that principle, and
therefore his Majesty's Government think they are perfectly
justified in relying upon the good feelisig of that Assembly for
a proper provision for conducting the civil government of
the colony. In that confidence we shall leave the whole of the
revenues at the disposal of the House of Assembly." He
must observe, in passing, that this Bill excepted the casual and
territorial revenues arising from the sale of waste lands. He
would now read the expressions of the Hon. Member for Mid-
dlesex on the same occasion, and on the same subject. They
were as follows :—" It is well known that the Canadian peo-
ple were determined never to give up that point on which
they conceived their whole liberty to rest. They, however,
have been in advance of us ; and have come to resolutions which
will be found in the very report which has been alluded to. They
have offered to provide for the Civil List, on condition that
you give them that command of their revenues which you are
now about to do. I quite agree with the Noble Lord that it
is better to trust to the liberal feelings of the Canadians than
to assert your authority with vigour." It was due to the Hon.
Member for Middlesex to say, that he did not at that time
mix up the subjects relative to Canada as he had since done.
" The present measure," continued the Hon. Member, " will
remove one great cause of dissatisfaction ; but I am convinced,
from communications I have had from both the Canadas, that
they will not be satisfied till they have the election of both the
Councils." But the two questions have been kept altogether
apart, and a Bill was introduced in 1831 previously to the dis-
solution which followed on the discussion of the Reform Bill,
and after the dissolution, in the September of 1831, the same
Bill was brought forward which the Hon. Member for Middle-
sex asked if it were the same, and was passed through both
Houses with little observation, until it came to the third
reading in the House of Lords. The Lower Assembly re-
jected that measure, and the Upper Assembly received it.
Now Hon. Gentlemen would be able to perceive how far he
had formerly made a mis-statement, and how far he was borne
out. In opposition to the sentiments of the Hon. Member for
Middlesex, he would refer to resolutions of the House of As-
sembly of Lower Canada, who, it would appear, were at that
time satisfied with the resolutions of 1828. They were as follow :
" That, under no circumstances, and upon no consideration
whatsoever, ought this House to abandon or in any way com-
promise its inherent and constitutional right as a branch of the
provincial Parliament, representing his Majesty's subjects in
this colony, to superintend and controul the receipt and ex-
penditure of the whole public revenue arising within this pro-
vince." " That on the permanent settlement before men-
tioned being effected, with the consent of this House, it will
be expedient to render the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor,
or persons administering the government for the time being,
and the Judges and Executive Councillors, independent of the
annual vote of the House, to the extent of their present sa-
laries." Now, in the account transmitted to this country,
these resolutions were studiously excluded. Lord Aylmer,
in his despatch to Lord Ripon, after this had occurred, an-
nounced that the House of Assembly had abandoned those
two resolutions, altering the Constitution of the Legislative
Council. Lord Aylmer in that communication to Lord Ripon,
said that the Civil List was not rejected, but postponed for
the present, and that it was intended to withhold it while cer-
tain particular grievances remained unredressed. The cha-
racter and Constitution of the Legislative Council was not one
of the grievances named. [The Noble Lord then read an
extract from the speech of Lord Aylmer in the House of
Lords, on September 6, 1831, explanatory of the misunder-
standing that had taken place, and declaratory of the inten-
tion of the Government to include Lower Canada in the pro-
visions of the Bill which he (Lord Stanley) had previously
alluded to.l He wished to state what he had done, and that
only. So far from there having been a breach of faith with
the House of Assembly, that House had itself got rid of the
obligation. His mind was not altered the slightest in its po-
litical bearing with respect to the case, but any alteration was
grounded on the bearings given to the question by the con-
duct of the people of Lower Canada.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that, in the view which the Go-
vernment took of the matter it did not appear to them desi-
rable, as long as any chance remained of an amicable ar-
rangement, that they should come to the serious and sorrowful
conclusion, that the Act of 1791, which gave a Constitution
to the Canadas, could not be executed, and that they should,
consequently, either he obliged to yield to the demands of the
[louse of Assembly of Lower Canada—demands, he would
say, quite inconsistent with the relation of a colony to a mo-
ther country, or to put an end at once to the system of Repre-
sentative Government there, and suspend the Constitution of
1791, by abrogating the Act under which it was granted.
These were the two courses pointed out as adequate only to
the occasion. If by the Resolutions the House of Commons
was called on to make a decided and definite disposition of the
question, it was in a position, Ist., that the demands of the
Assembly were such that they could not be conceded consis-
tently with the relation of a colony to the mother country ;
and, 2dly, it was not in a position to propose carrying on
the Government of the Colony without the intervention of
the House of Assembly. Neither of these courses were
the Government prepared to take, because, in a matter of
that serious kind, it should be considered that those with
whom they were at issue were the Representatives of the
people of Canada, declared to be such by his Majesty's Com-
missioners to that colony, and contending with them as such,
the Government were not willing, so long as they could avoid

it, to come to a final and decisive breach witlt the Peuse nl
Assembly, and surrender ultogether their hopes of carrying
on the colonial government of that country on the general prin-
ciples laid down in the Act of 1791. But he (Lord John Rus-
sell) was mistaken if the proposition which the Noble Lord op-
posite seemed so inclined to favour, and which was the same
he supported when in office, that if the local Government
found the House of Assembly would not assent to its proposals,
the Crown should be enabled to continue it for any indefinite
period it chose without their consent. The Act of the Ist
and 2d of Wm. IV., commonly called Lord Ripon's Act,
contained excellent reasons why the Act of 1791 should not be
suspended, or any power derived from it by the House of As-
sembly: abrogated. That Act was one not so much at issue
with the propositions before the House as with the allegations
of the Noble Lord. A large question was before the House
—a great matter was at stake, but this country, in its conten-
tion with Canada, was contending with a Power very minor
to it indeed. It was not therefore a subject to make a quarrel
out of between both, one way or other; or that there were jus-
tifiable grounds to say to the House of Assembly, " As you have
not fulfilled your promises and kept your part with us, we shall
now impose on you, whether you will or no, such or such a pe-
nalty." That would be a course he should not recommend to the
House to adopt ; for it was one, in his opinion, more likely
than any other he knew of to exasperate. The Act alluded to
by the Noble Lord, the Act of the Ist and 2,1 of the King,
was undoubtedly founded on the expectation by Lord Gode-
rich that a Civil List would be granted subsequently to its
passing by the colony of Lower Canada ; but then it should
be also said that there was nothing of that nature specifically
stated in its provisions. It stated broadly, and without any
exception, that, for the future, certain funds, heretofore ad-
ministered by the representatives of the Crown, should be
appropriated by the representatives of the people in
the Assemblies of the province ; but there was not
a word of a Civil List to be thenceforward substituted in
their stead. He (Lord John Russell) believed, indeed he
knew, that the advice of Sir James Kempt to Lord Gode-
rich at the time was, that the conditions by which a civil
list might be secured should be made with the House of As-
sembly before the passing of the Act ; but Lord Goderich
rejected that advice, and the Parliament and Legislature
agreed with him in giving the controul of these funds to the
Canadians, unconditionally. What stood now on the statute
book of this country in relation to it was a free and uncon-
ditional acknowledgment of the power of the House of As-
sembly of that colony to dispose of the revenues in question
as they thought most conducive for its good government. To
suspend, therefore, or repeal an Act of that nature now, on
such grounds as implied want of faith on the part of the Ca-
nadian people, was a proceeding more likely than any other,
in his opinion, to produce ill-feeling between the colony and
the mother country. Believing that nothing should be done,
which could be avoided, to hurt the feeaegs of the people in
that colony, he (Lord John Russell) as the organ of the Go-
vernment, had put the case on these broad general grounds,
and kept entirely aloof from anything which could touch per-
sonal feelings. The Hon. Member for Bath had stated with
the utmost ability the case for the House of Assembly, and
explained his own views on the subject. But he (Lord J.
Russell) felt bound to apply to the Hon. Member's statements
the reflection that, although the Legislature should accede to
the Hon. Member's proposition, as on the part of the House
of Assembly, that body might still deny the power of the
Hon. Member to make conditions for them. After so long a
discussion in the Assembly of Lower Canada he (Lord J.
Russell) was of opinion that it would neither be prudent, dig-
nified, nor safe of the British Parliament to accept the repre-
sentation of the Hon. Gentlemon as the distinct representa-
tion of the conditions by which that body would be content
to abide.—(Hear, hear.) Commissioners had been sent by
his Majesty from this country to Canada, as ascertain the
grounds of dispute on the spot, and to suggest a remedy
for the grievances they might discover ; yet the House
of Assembly of Lower Canada spoke of them from the
first moment of their arrival to the last time of their meeting
as wholly unauthorised persons, strangers, who had no right
and no legal power to interfere in the affairs of the province.
He (Lord J. Russell) should read to the House the %fords
they made use of in their address ; and they would be per-
ceived at once to be anything but decorous to the dignity of
the mother country, the power of the British Parliament, and
the honour of the British Crown.—[The Noble Lord then
read several passages to the effect that " the province was
pestered by certain recently constituted authorities," " stran-
gers to the country, whose vague and subordinate mission could
not be acknowledged by the Constitution of the Canadas."
If that was the manner in which the Assembly of Lower
Canada spoke of the King's Commission, and after their
peremptory refusal to make them acquainted with their views,
were the Lords and Commons of England to be called on to
believe that the Honourable Gentleman was authorised to re-
present the wishes and wants of the complainants ? Ably and
skilfully as the Hon. Gentleman had stated his propositions,
he (Lord J. Russell) could not avoid the conviction that if
the resolutions of the Government were to be altered and
varied to meet the principle he laid down, the House of
Assembly might turn round and say to them, " We
told you that you should look to us alone—the Assembly
of Lower Canada—and we, therefore, repudiate and disavow
every word which the Hon. Member for Bath, or any other
Hon. Member of your House, has uttered as for us. We call
on you now, as we did before, for an elective Legislative
Council, to be removable at the will of the representatives of
that people, and to nothing else will we consent." Such
might, and such, in all probability, would, be the answer of the
House of Assembly if Parliament thought fit to adopt the pro-
position of the Hon. Gentleman. It seemed to him that the
best manner of proceeding would be for the House to agree to
the resolutions which lie had proposed, because they did not
look merely to supplying the immediate wants of the Judges
and other official persons in the colony, as the Hon. Member for
Bath would fain have made the House believe, but went
straight on to embrace those points on which the House of As-
sembly had taken issue with the local Government. They de-
clared decidedly the opinions of the House of Commons of
Great Britain on these points ; and, he trusted, would also de-
clare those of the Legislature at large. The Hon. Gentle-
man had said that if their demands were denied the House of
Assembly, or rather the people, of Lower Canada might raise
the standard of revolt against Great Britain, and place them-
selves under the protection of the United States of America.
Now his ( Lord J. Russell's) conviction was, that they knew
too well what was their own interest to think for a moment
of such a proceeding. Besides that, in his (Lord J. Russell's)
opinion the United States would not at all be anxious to pro-
voke a quarrel with Great Britain upce such unprofitable as
well as untenable grounds. His further opinion was, that, if
those resolutions were carried, the House of Assembly would
soon see fit to consider the advantage they derived from living
under such a free Government as that of this country, with
such light taxes as were imposed on them, while they enjoyed
the disposal of all their own revenues for local purposes ; and
seeing in this consideration how little of real practical griev-
ance they had to complain of, they would be induced before
long to abandon their propositions, or otherwise to state their
wants and wishes in a manner with which the country could
agree. With respect to one of the points on which the Hon.
Gentleman had touched—that the Legislative Council of
Lower Canada had not altogether answered the object of its
creation—he (Lord J. Russell) was quite of the same opinion
with him.—( Hear, hear.) But, to show the cause why it had
not done so, it was sufficient to refer to that part of the Con-
stitution of the colony which created it. By that reference
the animus with which it was framed would be at one per-
ceived. The part he alluded to, was that by which his Ma-
jesty was empowered to grant titles of honour and hereditary
seats in the Legislative Council of the Canadas. At the pe-
riod that Constitution was granted the opinion of Parliament
ran as much in favour of aristocracy as an omnipotent instru-
ment of national Government as those of many Hon. Members
on his side of the House ran on the opposite to it. That was
the pervading feature of the time ; and it was not to be won-
dered at all that it formed part of the Act which conferred a
Constitution on Canada. He (Lord J. Russell) did not think
that there were any persons in the province so distinguished as
to entitle himself on the voice of the people to a scat in the
Legislative Council. It was not on the fitness of the Leeds-
lative Council that the objection to it was founded. The Pro-
position made by the House of Assembly was, that the Legis•
lative Council should be elective ; and it added that " the
opposition which they gave would not be put an end to until
the Constitution should be so altered and amended as to
meet it." The contrary was certainly the opinion of his Ma-
jesty's Government—they would not accede to that demand.—
(Hear, hear.) With respect, however, to the suggestion
of the Honourable Gentleman, that in place of making
it entirely independent, the Legislative Council should
be more closely connected with the Crown, he (Lord
J. Russell) thought it worthy of the utmost consideration.—
(Hear.) It would be well worthy of observation to see in
how far the Constitution of Lower Canada was superior to
those of the other colonies in North America and the West
Indies, or whether superior at all. The Canada Committee
of 1828 took the same view as the Hon. Member, that the
Legislative Council should be made independent also. He
(Lord J. Russell) had always doubted the wisdom of that re-
solution, because he was not at all convinced of the advantage
of having au independent Council where the Members were
not more properly qualified or pointed out beyond their fellow-
citizens by any superior merit or distinction. The Hon.
Member had spoken of the Judges of the colony. He (Lord
J. Russell) should read presently the proposition which he
intended to submit to the House on that subject, but be-
fore doing so, he should refer to the conduct of ;the
House of Assembly to those official persons. The Crown
of England declared its willingness that the Judges
should in the future hold their offices during good be-
haviour, and not during its pleasure, as they had been pre-
viously held. The House of Assembly accepted that boon,
but what did it do besides ? By appending a resolution of
their own to the resolution declaratory of the intentions of the
Crown, they voted their salaries year by year, instead of
making them a permanent charge on the revenue of the
country. From the spirit which actuated the Assembly on
that occasion it was not difficult to foresee the present result.
Now the Judges were independent only of the Crown ; they
were dependent year after year on the Assembly so long as
their salaries should be voted by that body. The proposition
which he proposed making to the House on the subject of the
Judges' salaries was connected with the question of the joint
Committee also proposed by him ; and,he would take leave to
read to the House the various matters which that Committee
would embrace. The joint Committee was to consist of 24
members, and their duty was to be—(The Noble Lord then
went on to read the duties of the joint Committee ; but he (IA
so in such an inaudible voice that we could only catch the
purport of a few. The general duty cf the Committee was
to originate laws ; but the particular portions of that duty
were—the import and exports of the province, the control of
the Court of Appropriation, the creation of a Court for the
trial of impeachment ; and others, twelve in number in all.)
The last of these were the subject of some observations by the
Hon. Member. He (Lord John Russell) would next pro-

coed to the ether Feint c:,the Ho,l G..;ntleman !lap
spoken, namely, the land revenues of the colony. The Hon.
Gentleman, in treating that subject, had laid down certain
propositions relative to the revenues of the King of England
which he (Lord John Russell) did not expect to hear advanced
by such an ard. t lover of liberty as he professed to be. He had
said that the land revenues of tha Crown were the private pro-
perty of the Sovereign, arid as such could be disposed of or
alienated the same as any other private property. Such was not
the doctrine of the Constitution of the country. If it were James
11. would have as legally held them after his abdication as he
did before it ; and Parliament could not settle them on his
successor William without doing injtutice to private property.
These revenues were not the property of the King but of the
Crown ; to the Crown they alone belonged. The Crown was
unable to provide sufficiently for the services of the household,
the army and the navy ; and thence arose the arrangement by
which these revenues were relinquished to the State during the
lifetime of the Sovereign, in lieu of a civil list which it was
bound by the compact to supply him with. The revenues of
Canada, and the other provinces held as land revenues, were
the same; and it was a pretension never before put forward
that the Assembly should say the Act of 1791 deprived the
Crown of them, and took away all controul over their distri-
bution. He ( Lord J. Russell) could never assent to that
doctrine ; and he believed that all the lawyers of Great Bri-
tain would be found on his side in the view he had taken of
it. But he did not think, after all, that, as a matter of prac-
tical grievance, there would be found any great difference
between the House of Assembly and the Government appro-
priation of these revenues by the King.—( Hear, hear.)
The House of Assembly desired the management of the land
revenues. That, they said, was a matter of public concern,
and one in which they ought to possess a proper controul over
the receipts and disbursements. Now, with respect to this
matter, lie did not think, other differences being arranged, that
any dispute would exist between them and his Majesty's Go-
vernment.—( Hear, hear.) It was, he believed, the intention
of the Earl of Ripon, and also the Earl of Aberdeen, and Lord
Glenelg had since stated it as his opinion, that all the colo-
nial revenues should be subjected to the general controul of
the House of Assembly, provided they would consent to agree
to a certain Civil List, to be submitted to them for settlement.
While he said this there was one noint respecting which it was
right no misunderstanding should exist between the Hon.
Member for Bath and himself. When he said that a Civil
List should be settled by the House of Assembly he meant
that the House of Assembly should agree to a Civil List, to
continue until the demise of the King, or for a term of years,
and that at the expiration of such settlement the casual and
territorial revenues should again revert back to the Crown.
This proposition had been met by some parties in this way :
They expressed their readiness to settle a Civil List for ten
years, provided the interest of the Crown in the casual and
territorial revenues of the Colonies was then to cease. Now
that was not his understanding with respect to the pro
posed arrangement for settling a Civil List. His under-
standing was, and he thought it would be the honourable
and sate understanding, that if at the period fixed for
its expiration a new Civil List was not agreed to,
the casual and territorial revenues should, as a matter
of course, revert hack to the Crown.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Upon this point the different Governments in this country had
long been agreed. In fact, the Colonial Secretaries who had
held office during the last five or six years entertained no dif-
ference of opinion whatever on the subject. That was a point
on which the) were all willing to concede largely, but upou
the understanding and conformably to the terms which he had
stated. He thought that upon these various points, and as
regarded the statement between the Hon. Gentleman and him-
self, there did not seem to be any very wide difference of opi.
nion ; but, even if these questions were settled, the terms pro-
posed being finally adopted, and that difficulties not applicable to
the general opinion should arise, he would arrive at the same
result. He was most anxious for the final, speedy, and satis-
factory settlement of the matters in difference; but he was at
the same time not at all disposed to delay or abandon the
present resolutions.—( Hear.) He did not wish on the other
hand, to ado: any course which would have the effect of
keeping the Government of Lower Canada and the House of'
Assembly in a state of perpetual hostility for the next twenty
or thirty years. He had stated one argument with respect to
the repeal of Lord Ripon's Act, and he should now refer to
the last despatch of Lord Gosford. In this dispatch Lord
Gosford stated that the duties under the Imperial Act 14
George 111., c. 88, amounted in 1835 to 47,6021., and in 1836
to only 28,4321., leaving a deficiency of 19,1701. in the latter
as compared with the former year. For this falling off Lord
Gosford accounted by stating that—" The principal decrease
last year, as your Lordship will observe, occurs under the
head of importations from the West Indies, upon which the
diminution is 43.4721. This arises chiefly from the quantity
of spirits distilled in the two Canadas, which, being mixed
with West India rum in the proportion of about one-third of
the latter, is now generally consumed by the inhabitants, in.
stead of the genuine rum hitherto used. From the great
cheapness of the home manufacture, which is untaxed, it is to
be expected that the importation of spirits from the West
Indies will continue annually to decrease until it reaches the
minimum quantity required to flavour the produce of the
native distilleries." That was a statement which solely re-
garded the finances of the colony ; but let them contemplate
its influence in a political point of view, if the contest were
to continue. Already had the consumption of an article pay-
ing duty diminished one-half; and might not the House of
Assembly say, " We will not oppose you by arms or revolu-
tion, but as far as abstinence or non-consumption goes we
will oppose you, and prevent you from carrying on the
Government ?"_( Hear, hear.) This was an impolitic
and degrading way for a country like this to carry on a
contest, and, therefore, for the sake of their own reputa-
tion they ought not to adopt measures which might oblige
them to say, " We feel it necessary to carry on the Go-
vernment of the colonies totally independent of the House of
Assembly." It might happen that when the House of Assem-
bly received the determination of the Parliament of the mother
country they would not be averse to a compromise, and it
might also happen that they would insist upon their original
demand, and refuse to support the Government. If, however,
they should take the latter course, the consequence would be,
that they would put an end to the Constitutional Act by which
the Canadas were governed. He saw, if they took that
course, no blame could be imputed to them, if they, being
driven to it, endeavoured to carry on the Government by other
means than by that Act ; but until he was thoroughly con-
vinced on the subject he should use every possible means to
avert the evil, by stating why he could not concur in the de-
mand made upon them. He still, however, hoped that some
accommodation would ultimately be effected. With respect
to the present, the 4th Resolution, it referred to a demand
which it was impossible to grant. This demand was, that the
Executive Council should be a responsible body, like the
House of Assembly, and removable, as Ministers in this coml.-
, try were removable, when they lost the confidence of the
people. Now, it would be impossible to comply with such a
demand, or place a local Government on the same footing as
the Imperial Government. The Governor, it should be re-
collected, acted under the orders of the King, and therefore
it would be absurd to say that the Council, who were his re-
sponsible advisers, should be chosen only under the directions
of the House of Assembly. In proposing these resolutions,
he was not going further than he deemed necessary to pre-
serve the connection between the colonies and the mother
country.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord STANLEY wished to put a question to the Noble
Lord, which he thought it important to have answered before
they proceeded further. These resolutions, it would be ob-
served, involved a great variety of questions, and what he
wished to know was, whether any and what steps were to be
taken, either by the introduction and passing of Bills or other-
wise, for carrying them into effect ? The Noble Lord had said
nothing as to the course to be adopted in case the resolutions
were not fu::Aed. It was clear that no measure could be
adopted on the fifth resolution, which said, "that, while it is
expedient to improve the composition of the Executive Council
in Lower Canada, it is unadvisable to submit it to the respon-
sibility demanded by the House of Assembly of that province."
But still, if it were the Noble Lord's intention to follow up the
other resolutions by Bills, he for one would not object to give
them a general acquiescence. If, however, no Bills were to
be introduced, he must decline to pledge himself in any way to
those resolutions, because, if no Bills were to be brought in,
they would be nothing more than so much waste paper.
Mr. ROEBUCK observed that the Noble Lord who now
declined to pledge himself had acted upon a very different
principle when lie brought his resolutions concerning Canada
forward.

Lord STANLEY said that he merely followed the recom-
mendations of the Committee of 1828, and distinctly declared
that the composition of the Council of Lower Canada required
no enactment but that of the Executive.

Mr. ROEBUCK was understood to deny that the Noble
Lord had adopted the recommendations of the Committee of
1828.

Lord J. RUSSELL said, in reply to the question which
had been put to him by the Noble Lord, that it was his inten-
tion to bring in Bills on all the subjects embraced in the reso-
lutions requiring an Act of Parliament, but that it was not
then necessary to notice the parts which would not require that
course to be taken. It was intended that the Judges should
be excluded from sitting in the Legislative Council.
Mr. WARD regretted that he was unable to concur in the
conclusions at which the Noble Lord had arrived. He differed
from the view taken by his Hon. Friend the Member for Bath
with respect to the waste lands, because he entertained this
opinion, that those lands did rightfully belong to the Crown.
—( Hear, hear.) He admitted that, by the Charter of 1791*
the Canadians claimed the lands which they had won from the
forest or desert, but he must say that they could have no claim
whatever to land which was as yet unoccupied. The HOn•
Gentleman claimed those lands for the Canadians, but he
( Mr. Ward) claimed them for the Parliament of Great
Britain.—( Hear, hear.) He now came to the resolutions, and
although they had been considered separately he looked upon.
them as constituting one whole system for the Government Ut
the Canadas. To that system he objected, because he regar-
ded it as a direct violation of the Constitution given to them
in 1791—as an abrogation of that Constitution, and he conten-
ded that they had no right whatever to adopt any such course•
The eighth resolution removed the only check which the Ca-
nadians had upon the Executive, that of stopping the supplies;
and as they had no other it was only fair that they should have
this. The question was, were the Canadian people to have a
responsible Government or not? They were more interested
in that question, than those who lived on this side of the At"'
]antic, and for his part he could see nothing at all inconsistent
in local responsibility. By the course they were pursuing they
would only exasperate the House of Assembly, and yet they
ie
must, it was evident, depend upon that body for carrying the
resolutions into effect. What security could they have that they
s
would nut, three years hence, be called on as arbitrarily as
now now ? He hoped the Government would pause a little in order
to see whether some terms might nut be proposed to adjust the
differences
differences satisfactorily. They could afford to treat, as there
0.
were no petty national considerations to prevent it. He had