The Sun.
London, England, 1839-05-31 00:00:00

ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN.

COMMON COUNCIL.--( YESTERDAY))
A Court of Cognition Council was held ye's'rert4V for the
dispatch of bu?,iness. The proceediitt -attracted unusual
attention and interest, from its l_ttt`ring been announced that
the Tory party would mttsttt in strong force te tp•po-se the
resolution for an Address to her Majesty for her conduct
on a late trying occasion. Th.. Wenches on both sides of
the Hall were completely e,•tammed, and the space appro-
priated to strangers ‘',-as also filled long before the hour
appointed for commencing the proceedings.
At twelve o'clock, the Lou, NIA von having taken his
seat, the minutes of the previous Court were read over.
Mr. PF.NtnEwrox was proceeding to address some ob-
servations to the Court relative to certain accounts sent
in by the Lord Chamberlain and other civic officers, when
he was called to order, on the ground that the requisition
took precedence of all other business. Mr. Pemberton
said he would give notice of a motion on the subject for a
future day.
ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN.

The Cork then proceeded to read the requisitions ad.
dressed to the Lord Mayor to convene the present Court.
When he had concluded there were loud cries of " Read
the names."

Sir PETER LAURIE hoped the names only of those gen-
tlemen who had signed the requisition themselves would be
read. 7.7( Hear, hear.)

A :MENDIER said that every one of the eighty-two gentle-
men had signed the requisition with their own bands.
The LORD MAYOR said the requisition ?;ad been al-
dressed to hien, containing the same words, and some
parties had signed all four of the requisitions.—( Hear,
hear.) He supposed the best way would be to read all
four, with the names attached to each. —( }leer, bear.)
The Clerk then read the four requisitions with the names.
Mr. ASHURST rose and said he was surprised at the
course that had been taken by some members on the pre-
sent occasion. His Lordship knew what the ordinary
practice with respect to these requisitions was, and it had
not bsen deviated from in the present instance—namely,
4hat some parties did not like to put their names down in
the first instance until they had seen the names of others
who would undertake the duty of bringing forward the ques-
tion in the Court.—( Hear, hear.) in order that the Lord
Mayor might not be misled, an alphabetical list of the
names had been made out, and the signatures reckoned, no
name being counted twice, and it was then signified
to his Lordsnip, as was the fact, that there were
eighty-two sign%tures to the requisition.—(Cheers.) He
perfectly well understood the nature of the cheers
with which the reading of the names had been received,
and it was attempted to be insinuated that the requisi-
tionists would practise upon the Lord Mayor ',hat which
he was confident no man who had attached his name to the
requisielon would do, an imposition as to the number of the
signatures.—( Cheers.) There was one other point which
he wished to refer to, namely, that Mr. Pe seeress
had obtained in writing the authority of two gentlemen
to affix their signatures to the requisition.—( Hear, hear.)
Having stated these facts, he now rose to move that a loyal
. and dutiful address be presented to her Majesty, on the
recent trying circumstances in which her Majesty was
placed. It had been insinuated that those who had signed the
requisition had attempted something like an evasion of the
principles embodied in the Address. In order that the
Court might see that there was no such intention on their
part he should read the resolutions which it was intended
to submit, and which in fact embodied the substance of the
Address to her Majesty.
Mr. Ashurst then read the resolutions as follows :
" That we cannot, however, refrain from expressing
our desire that the responsible advisers of her Majesty will
in future, by a steady and progressive course of rational
Reform, command the support of such a majority of her
people and of the House of Commons, as will effectually
prevent the recurrence of a crisis similar to that ‘n which
ber Majesty and the country has been recently placed."—
( Hear, hear.)
" That we would also with profound respect express to
her Majesty our ardent hope that such measures may be
introduced into Parliament, and be earnestly advocated
by her Majesty's Ministers, as will extend and confirm the
liberties and franchises of her people, recognize equal
civil rights without distimstion of sect or party, improve
the condition of the working classes, and promote the
cause of universal educatien, and which, by purifying and
reforming our institutions wherever abuses exist, may se-
cure to the Throne the only safe and permanent basis for a
Constitutional Monarchy, the sincere affection and support
of a free'and. contented people."—(Cheers.)
" That tier Majesty's conduct, in the trying circum-
stances in which she has been recently placed, has elicited
our warmest sympathy and admiration."
" That from the constancy and amiable feeling mani-
fested by her Majesty in relation to her private 'and do-
mestic friendships, and the calm determination with which
she has sustained the just prerogative of the Crown, we
infer, with confident satisfaction, that her Majesty will, on
all occasions, evince the same firmness and steadfastness in
maintaining the rights and liberties, and in promoting the
welfare and happiness of her people."—( Hear, and cheers )
He would now offer a few observations to the Court as to
the peculiar situation in which her Majesty was placed.
The object of the resolution was not to promote the cause
of either section of the Aristocracy which had had the Go-
vernment of the country in its hands, but to show that they
appreciated the firmness manifested by her Majesty in the
trying circumstances in which she was placed. They had
a mixed Constitution, and it was their business not to spe-
enlate upon what ought to be, but what was. Looking at
the political position of the two parties who had had thc
Government of the country in their hands for so long a
period—seeing that the Tories, as in the instance of the
Reform Bill, had shown that they did not possess
1 the confidence of the people—that notwithstanding'
the length of time they had been in power, and notwith-
standing the strength of their influence they had been ex-
i pelled from that power by the people, and the Reform Bill
adopted, it was clear that they did not possess the confi-
dence of the people of England. Now with regard to
! the Whigs, they came into power urging the people
1 against the other party, and telling them that they would
bring forward certain measures which would much con-
duce to the welfare of the people. They certainly made
promises such as no other party had ever made before—
(Hear, hear)—and yet they had placed themselves in such
1 a position before that people, that although they came into
power in their confidence six or eight years ago, they were
obliged to resign that power, leaving the country in such a
state that one portion of it was armed against the other.—
(Hear, hear from Alderman Brown.) He was glad to
hear that cheer, because it showed him that the worthy
1
Alderman felt the truth of what he was stating with regard
to that party, and it showed him also that he must come
to the conclusion, that the result of their Government had
I placed the Crown in a position of extreme difficulty. He
I would now call the attention of the court to the peculiar
circumstances in which the Queen was placed. Sir
Robert Peel was called upon by her Majesty
to form an Administration, and he stated, before the as-
sembled Commons of England, with reference to the con-
duct of her Majesty---." I must say that it is utterly impos-
sible that any one could express feelings of regret more
natural and more becoming, in parting from her servants,
than her Majesty had done on this occasion, nor prin.
ciples more strictly constitutional with respect to the
formation of a new Government." Now let them
remember that that was the statement of Sir Robert
Peel himself, after all the circumstances had occurred,
and after he had made up his mind as to what
statement lie should make to the House of Commons. He
would now show, by Sir Robert Peel's own letter, the
course taken by the Queen was the most proven that could
have been adopted by her, Sir Robert Peel said, that
" having been a party to the vote and proceedings of
the House of Commons which led to the present
difficulty, nothing should prevent me from tender-
ing to her Majesty every assistance in my power. I
11
thought a paramount obligation was imposed on me to
take that course."—( Hear, hear.) Her Majesty had then
given to Sir R. Peel all the power he could desire, and
i
on Wednesday -night he met the whole of those who were
, to form his Privy Council. They discussed the matter,
and came to a determination that all the Household Ladies,
and all, should be required to give up their offices.—(" No,
.? no," " Yes," and uproar.") Her Majesty conceded what
l could be wished or expected with respect to that part of
the Household which is filled by noblemen or gentlemen
holding seats in the House. The difficulty arose with
respect to certain portions of the establishment which is
filled by the Ladies of the Household. Her Majesty then
}levity, expressed her personal feelings with reference to
1 the Ladies of the Household, he who created the difficulty
at the very moment she expressed that feeling went home and
resigned the Commission with which he had been intrusted
into her Majesty's hands, and in the conclusion of the letter
he prayed that her Majesty's wishes might be realised, and
her personal feelings consulted. He would now read that
part of the Right lion. Baronet's letter, and contrast it
with his refusal to form an Administration.
A MEMPER asked what paper he was reading from?
r, Mr. ASDHURST Tice Spectator.— (Loud cries of
" read the Times," and. much confusion.) He was
quite easy when he found such small objections taken, be
cause it was then evident that their opponents felt the
great principles involved in the question were against
them. —( Loud cheers.) They were never in the habit of
making trifling objectimea when they had good grounds for
opposing a question, Sir Robert Peel expressed an anxious
desire to cods,S'it the feelings of her .slajesty—he went
home and wrote the letter which they were all aware of,
and if the Worthy Alderma i concurred in the concluding
erayer of that letter, he would vote for the resolution now
Before the Court.—(A laugh.) " He trusts he may be
permitted at the same timalto express to your Majesty his
1 grateful acknowledgments for the distinction which your
I Majesty conferred upon him by requiring his advice and
' assistance in the attempt to form an Administration, and his
earnest prayer is, that whatever arrangements your Majesty
may be enabled to make for that purpose may be most
conducive to your Majesty's personal comfort and happi.
ne555".......( Cheers.) Here, then, was a Gentleman who
reis'ueed to consult her-Majesty's comfort.
, Mr. LAMBERT JONES begged that the whole might be
I read.—(Hoer, hear.)
l Mr. ASITURST had yet to learn that when a gentleman
was conducting an argument he was to read matters which
had no reference to the point he was maintaining.—
( Hear, hear.) It would be the business of those who fol-
lowed him, if he omitted any thing having reference to the
matter, to supply the deficiency. Look at the constitu.
tutionel feelings and sentiments by which Sir R. Peel was
influenced on that occasion. The aristocracy in the reign
of George the Third set on foot the false cry that the in-
fluence of the Crown has increased, is increasing, and
ought to be diminished. The object of that was to direct
the attention of the people from the increasing influence of
the aristocracy themselves.—( Hear, hear.) He denied
that the influence of the Crown bad increased--
it was from the aristocracy that the danger was to
be apprehended. He would now show them how near the
i people of that country had been to that danger, from
which they had been rescued by their Queen. —( Loud
cheers.) Sir
R. Peel stated as his reason for not ac-
cepting office that the Commons of England were against
him, that the people of England were against him, and
that he dare not go to a dissolution.—( Loud cries of
glint
b,"cathe 0
~Inlut,eli confusion. if No, n()," and
Gentlemen interrupted
the force of Mist he was stating. I

(Cheers.) The ini`Les were always famous for their love
of order, and nothing affected their feelings so much as
wnen they thought themselves likelz to 1-.TOp
He would prove from Sfrandse'rt, 1'44:1.'22 t Via words,
that
he did not Ties'eis confidence of the people of Eng-
land,Eng-
land,and that he dared not dissolve the ri2arita-
Went. He said —" I should begin the Govern-
ment in a minority. I could not overlook
important fact, that in the ttotite I
I should not comment ecititnAntibg a majority." There
he evidently tithe-Med that with reference to his own
principles the House of Commons was against him.
—( Hear, hear.) And with reference to a dissol'Atiek4..
he said, " After the frequent tnat had
taken place, and th'e bakadeatk kli•A',,e of parties, it was
my deep conviction that it was my duty to make every
effort in the first c'estance to conduct public affairs through
the intervention of the present Parliament. Would those
Gentlemen who denied his statements now contradict hint
Hear, hear.) Under such circumstances what were the
conditions the Tory party wished to impose upon her Ma-
jesty? They said to her —" You shall not have your will
-.-you shall hand over all authority to us, and we will under._
take to conduct the tiovernment of the counters despite of
the opinions of the people as eepressed through their
representatives." Such was the position in which her
Majesty was placed by the two sections of the aristocracy.
The Whigs had incited the people against the Tories until
i they themselves bad lost the confidence of the people ;
l 'while the Tories, notwithstanding the power and influence
they had so long retained possession of, were in 1834 obliged
to yield to the voice of the people, and the Reform Bill was
carried. Had her Majesty submitted to the demands of
the Tory party they would have gone on despite the wishes
of the people—they should have had a monarchy in name
hut an oligarchy in truth and in fact.—( Heat, hear. )
From. that position her Majesty had. rescued the country
by her firmness and independence, and the address
which he now proposed merely acknowledged /the
gratitude of the people for their deliverance, while
it tendered to her their affectionate regards.—( Cheers )
They said nothing about who they may be. Loud cheers.)
As to the Whigs, he most sincerely said that he
wished most heartily that they had acted with more
sincerity than to have recommended her Majesty to entrust
the interests and privileges of the people to the care and
tender mercies of the Tories. For that act they hail
entirely lost his confidence.—(Loud cheering.) There
was a sentiment in which the worthy Alderman must
heartily join ; it was just suited for him, inasmuch as some
few years ago these were the very wet'ds which they heard
so frequently from his own lips.—(Laughter.) " Ra-
tional Reform" might almost be fathered upon the worthy
Alderman. He (Mr. Ashurst) would be glad if the
worthy Alderman would take up the resolution—take
it up part by part, as he had done, and show
the grounds upon which he objected to it.--( Cheers. )
He asked if these were opinions that ought not to be ex-
pressed to the Sovereign? Let those who object to them
tell the Court what portions they objected to or disapproved
of—let them give their reasons for objecting to principles
so clear, and then they would have a plain and clear expo.
sition of the doctrines of Toryism.—( Cheers and laugh.
ter.) If they did not want to have an equality of civil
rights, for God's sake let them show the advantages of
the inequality.—( Cheers.) If they did not wish for uni-
versal education they would probably tell the Court where
the immense advantages lay of the education of the people
being confined to one sect.--( Loud cheers.) It would
really be matter of instruction to him to find out any
advantages in an inequality of civil rights, and the
confiding the education of a whole people to any one
sect. Perhaps the Worthy Alderman would state why in
his opinion the condition of the people should not be im-
proved—it was well known that those classes were now
nearly in a state of open rebellion—it was as well known
that they never cried out unless they were hungry—he
would be glad therefore to know why their condition should
not be improved, and why they should not be educated
except by the Church.—( Cheers.) He submitted the re-
solution to the Court, and he hoped those who followed in
the debate would stick as close to the text as he had done,
and tell the Court upon what grounds they would negative
the resolution.—( Cheers. )
Mr. NORRIS was very glad to seize the first opportunity
of subscribing to every sentiment contained in the resolu-
tion so ably proposed by his Learned Friend, and which he
felt proud to second. He agreed in all that had fallen
from his Learned Friend, and would take up the time of
the Court but for a very short time, while he at-

tempted to explain why he stood in that position. It
peculiarly became that Corporation to express their
hope that her Majesty would surround herself with
men whose whole aim would be the happiness of the people.
Were they not to do so, they would neglect a great public
duty, and abandon a great public principle.—( Cheers.)
He hoped that Court would not attempt to stultify it-
self, by abandoning those principles for which they
had so long contended. He hoped that no member
of the Court would attempt to make it do so, for the
paltry object of a party triumph. He should tell the Court
to approach the Sovereign and ask her to identify herself
only with such men as would bring forward measures to

produce those results which were enumerated in the reso

lution. He could not conceive that there could be any
opposition to the motion—if opposition came at all it must
come from that party who, during the reign of four Kings,
had had exclusive possession of power—( Loud cheers)—
yet had done nothing for the people. He called in aid
the evidence of the great leader of that party, Sir Robert
Peel himself, in order to show that the conduct of her

Majesty was deserving of the thanks and gratitude of the
people. He said that nothing could be more natural or more
becoming than her Majesty's conduct, nor was it was possible
to have been more constitutional with respect to the for-
mation of a new Administration.—( Cheers.) These were
the words of Sir R. Peel, and he therefore called upon all
those who identified themselves with him to support the
resolution, which thanked her Majesty for conduct
so highly praised. No opposition could be raised that
did not make shipwreck of all the former doings of the
Court ; no opposition could be offered to the resolution
but from those who were alike the enemies of monarchy
and the rights of the people.—( Loud cheers.) Let them
present an Address to the Crown, containing those senti-
ments of " civil rights without distinction of sect or party,"
and calling for an amelioration of the condition of the
working classes, and then they would have put in a prac-
tical shape the speeches which had been so loudly cheered
at the wardmote elections.—(Loud cheers.) With re-
spect to the last and most important feature of
the resolution, he would mention with feelings of
proud exultation one fact which was conclusive
in favour of the resolution. If there was any one feature

in the conduct of the Corporation of London, it was the
splendid example she had set for the equality of rights,
but more particularly for her exertions for the diffusion of
universal education.—(Cheers.) Within the last fifty

years the Corporation' had awarded sums of money
amounting to upwards of 70,000/. for the benefit of insti-
tutions for the poorer classes, and for the spreading of
universal education.—( Loud cheers.) He was desirous
that the Executive Government should have that
splendid example set before them through the medium
of her Majesty, whom they would supplicate to have that
example so far carried out that no Ministry should be
allowed near the throne who would not extend it to the
nation. He hoped that no opposition would be raised—he
trusted that the resolution would be passed unanimously.—
( Loud cheers and laughter.) He was sincere in that
hope—he would not disgrace any gentleman in the Court
by supposing gratuitously that he would stultify himself
by casting such a slur upon his loyalty. If such a gentle-
man was to be found, let him, or the party to which he
belonged, no longer assume a virtue while they
had it not.—(Loud cheers.) Let them no longer
arrogate to themselves the title of the best friends of the
country—( Loud cheers)—nor impute to those who were
the real friends of the peace and welfare of the people all
sorts of wishes for destruction. Thanking them for the
courtesy with which he had been heard, he should conclude
by cordially seconding the resolution of his Learned
Friend.—( Cheers.)
Mr. ANDERTON of Bridge-street, regretted that he felt
bound in, justice to his own opinions, to move the previous
question.—( Cheering.) He thought he should be able to
show that the course which his friends, who had moved and
seconded the address, bad thought proper to adopt, was a
cause not calculated to increase the character or the respec-
tability of that Court, or to promote the interests of those
whom they represented. Some gentlemen might endeavour
to forget the way in which that Court was treated on a
very recent occasion. He did not forget it.—( Hear, hear.)
Neither did he forget that the persons who who were her
Majesty's Ministers then, were her Majesty's Ministers
now, and that the persons who dictated the answer of her
Majesty on that occasion were the same persons who would
dictate the answer of her Majesty on the present occasion.
—( Hear, hear.) His friend who had moved the Address
had stated that he was not a friend of the Whig Govern-
ment. Then why interfere ?—( Hear, hear.) He
( Mr. Anderton) contended that this was a question
which might well be left to the Ladies themselves.—( Hear,
hear.) Whenever any mischief was going on a woman was
al ways at the bottom of ii.—( Laughter. ) Speaking for
himself, he could say that he had never got into any mis-
chief int where it might be attributed to a woman. Sup-
pose the Tories, instead of the Whigs, had been in office
for the last five or six years, and that the Whigs, on taking
office, found Lady Lyndhurst, instead of the Marchioness
of Normanby the companion of the Queen—would not
Lord Melbourne, with all his knowledge of the female sex
—( Cheers, laughter, and cries of " Order, order")—would
not Lord Melbourne, he would ask, have wished to have
removed Lady Lyndhurst ?—( Hear, hear.) And what
would have been the opinion of his Liberal friends had her
Majesty shown the same firmness in such a case as she had
shown now.—( Hear.) He admired firmness in a female
as much as he did in any person, but sometimes what was
called firmness was obstinacy.—( Cheers.) What was the
firmness of her Majesty's grandfather, whose statue was
at present behind the chair of the Lord Mayor? It was
nothing more nor less than obstinacy which lost this country
America, and threw us into an expensive war, the effects
of which we still felt.—( Cheers.) He was one of those
who thought persons had better be guided by the opinion
of others than by the opinion of themselves—( Hear, hear)
and, perhaps, some of his friends might think that observa-
tion was very applicable to himself.—( Laughter.) He
thought it would be impolitic and injudicious to
send up such an address, and the only way of
getting rid of it was to move the previous question.
Then, as to what had been said about the Ministerial
plan of education : he was as firm an advocate for
general and universal education as any one ; he was
an advocate for reform in Church and State—an ad-
vocate for shortening the duration of Parliaments—in
fact he was in favour of all reforms ; but he had
asked himself whether he could conscientiously support
this address, and he had come to the conclusion
that he could not. He had long been of opinion that that
Court dealt too much in politics, and if they only attended
to their own affairs—performed their duties to those who
sent them there, and attended less to politics, it would be
much better for themselves and the citizens of London.—

( Hear ) Their business was municipal and not political.
With regard to education every man must admit the more that
was diffused the better, and he hoped the time would come
when every man would be able to read the Bible—
( Cheers) —for without religion education was futile.—
(Cheers.) IL,ll,gion was the basis of education, and the
man who was not religiously educated, in his opinion had

much better not be educated at all.—(Cheers.) In con-
clrsion be wneicl observe `concis'tent that Court
t:-, Send up an address to her Majesty, praying her to
remove her Ministers, as the people, and more especially,
the citizens of London, had been disappointed in their ex-
pectations of them.—(Cheers.)
Sir PETER LAURIE rre to record 10 amgndrnent. He
vi.oeSitlerb.`d less than an attempt
Ito strengthen the hands of the Ministers. He would not
dwell on *what had taken place in the P.aalace. That was
rather a delicate itihject—(Latighterl—and he would
rather, (Note of others, than make any state-
ments of his own. Lord Melbourne had stated that
" the formation of a Conservative Government had
been impeded only by an erroneous impression."—
( Hear, hear.) His relation the Member for Hertford
had stated that Sir ltobert Peel's Government was upset
by t*o Ladies of the Bedchamber. Sir R. Peel had not
asked for the removal of all the Ladies, but only of a few ;
and it was his duty to endeavour to make the Court as
pure as possible.—(" Hear, hear)'' and " Oh, oh.") But
was the business br this great country to be stopped and
re.:alysed on account of two Ladies ?—( Hear, hear.) He
thought it would be very inexpedient to go to the Crown
with any such Address. He thought the Address was in-
tended by the mover and seconder as a censure, for
surely a more severe censure could not be passed than to
say they had not the confidence of the mover nor the confi-
dence of the country. Was there any party who had con-
fidence in the Government? Had the Conservatives?
None.--( Cheers and laughter.) Had the Radicals?
None.—( Cheers. As to the Whigs they were defunct.
The Whigs have betome Conservative.—( Cries of " To.
ries,") Tories if they liked—the \Vhigs would be proud
of the name of Tories. Three-fourths had become To-
ries, one miserable fourth had become Radicals. That
was admitted by all. Conservatism was gaining strength
every day ; and so strong had it already become, that Lord
John Russell and Lord Melbourne stated they had not the
confidence of the House of Commons, and therefore they
resigned.—( Cheers.) Whst had the Whigs done for the
country ?—( Cries of " Nothing.") In eight years they
had created 82 peers, and there wore now more hereditary-
legislators than there were representatives of the people.
—( Hear, hear.) His friend, who had moved the address,
said they wanted an extension of the suffrage. Let hire
read Lord John Russell's Letter to the Electors of Stroud,
A pamphlet to which he (Sir Peter) Conservative as he
was, would be proud to attach his name.—(Laughter.)
Therefore the gentlemen who wanted an exten
sion of the suff-age had no friend in Lord John
Russell.--( Hear, hear.) Well, the Whigs had been called
back to office, and they had patronage; but had they
power? They had the Court favour, but they had not the
confidence of the country; and the question was, whether
Court favour or the confidence of the country would keep
them in office ?—( Cheers.) There never was a Govern-
ment that did less business. They brought measures into
the House, but they never carried them. There was but
one net which they completed, and that was to give a re-
ceipt for a quarter's salary.—( Laughter.) The Conserva-
tives said nothing against the Queen, but they did hope
the Queen would have a pure Court, and that Sir Robert
Peel would shortly have the management of the affairs of
the country. He would then form a Government in which
the country would have confidence, and trade and com-
merce would again prosper. He cordially seconded the
motion for the previous question.—( Cheers.)
Mr. STEVENS did not consider this was a party
question at all, otherwise he would not have signed the
requisition ; and if the address or resolutions contained any
thing by way of buffeting the Government he would have
joined his friends in supporting the previous question. He
considered the Address was nothing more than a manifes-
tation of the respect of that Court to her Majesty fur the
feelings she had expressed, and the conduct she had pur-
sued in the support of those principles which, if acted on,
must tend to the salvation of the country.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. Alderman BROWN could not help remarking how
very anxious certain gentlemen were that this should not
be considered a party question, but he thought
the tendency of the Address, and the intention
of its supporters was to bolster up the present Administra-
tion—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no,")—and to
give them an opportunity of keeping their places at the
expense of their consistency, and to afford Lord J. Russell
an excuse for swallowing his letter to the electors of Stroud.
No one need be afraid that Lord Melbourne and the other
Ministers would desert their Royal Mistress till they were
absolutely compelled.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Her
Majesty, owing to the advice she had received, had done
more to injure the monarchy in the estimation of the un
thinking.—( Cheers, and cries of " No, no," and uproar.)
The country had the misfortune to he governed by a
Ministry, that had lost the public confidence and esteem,
who never possessed the confidence of the House of Lords
—( Laughter)—but who by the assistance of the Irish
tail, and other persons whom he would not more particu-
larly advert to, had been able to command a majority in
the House of Commons. The privileges of the citizens
of London which had been respected by every Govern-
ment hitherto, a Radical Administration had sought
to cut up, arid the citizens were met with a super-
cilious grin, when they ventured to tell the Sovereign
of the inconsistency between the promises and the prac-
tices of Ministers.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) As to
what has lately taken place elsewhere, he would maintain,
notwitstanding all that had been said about the desire of
Sir Robert Peel to remove from her Majesty the com-
panions of her youth, and notwithstanding all that had
been said about misapprehension, that in truth no mis-
apprehension existed, and that whatever in point of form
might have been the requisition 'of Sir Robert Peel,
it was in deed and in truth, understood between
his Illustrious Mistress and himself. that the only
question between them was the Ladies of the Bedchamber.
—(Cries of •• N0...n0." and cheers.) Instead. therefore,
of sending up this address, they ought te condole with her
Majesty on the evil counsel she had received from her
Ministers, and pray of her to dismiss them from her pre-
sence.—(Cheers.) With respect to the Government
plan of national education it appeared that it was reserved
for the Government of the present day in a Protestant
country to propose that Roman Catholics should be
allowed, with the aid of the nation's money, to instruct
youth, and to read to them their version of the Scriptures.
—( Hear, hear.) When it was recollected how Popery was
increasing, and that some of the leading members of that
religion had lately said it would soon become the established
religion of the country, a proposition might be made
to introduce Den's Theology into those national schools.—
(Cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh.") After some further
observations on the same subject, the Worthy Alderman
sat down, declaring that he cordially supported the
motion for the previous question.
Deputy CORNET said that signatures had been obtained
to the requisition by misrepresentation.—( Cheers, and
cries of " Order, order," and great confusion.)

A MaMBER stood up and said—l am one of the requisi-
tionists, and I deny that statement in the most positive
terms that language can furnish.—(Order, order, and
Hear, hear. )
Deputy CORNIY contended that it was a party matter,
and that would be seen from the names attached to the re-
quisition.—( Cries of " Order," and " Shame.") It was
attempted to jeopardise the monarchy, and alienate the
affections of its best supporters, by trying to bolster up
what he considered to be a most impolitic measure. He
had no hesitation in saying that her Majesty, in taking
such a course, was not benefiting the country over whose
destinies she was called to preside. He regretted that her
Majesty had not for her advisers the men who lived 2,000
years ago.—( Roars of laughter.) He asked them, was
advancing the Roman Catholic Religion the way to pro-
mote the best interests of the country, or to give stability
to the Crown of these realms ? Were they not, by such a
course, supporting a Ministry who could not live a
single day without the support of the men who
were pledged to promote the cause of that religion ?
( Hear and laughter.) Let them recollect that the race
of the Stuarts lost their heads and their crown by promoting
and encouraging that religion. Ile trusted the time would
never come when the Roman Catholic religion would ob-
tain the ascendancy in that country. Even the Dissenters
would admit that the Church of England had ever been a
most lenient mistress, and had admitted of toleration in the
most extended sense. The present question had nothing
to do with their corporate rights. There was no threat-
ened invasion of them, and therefore they had nothing to
do with it. Let them recollect the reception that had
been given to the Corporation of London on a recent
occasion, and the manner in which they had been
sneered at and taunted by a Minister of the Crown
while standing at the very foot of the throne.
Whatever others might think, he for one, was firmly re-
solved never to put himself in such a position again.—
( Hear, hear.)
Alderman Wit= was glad the question before the
Court had been put upon a proper footing. There could
be now no mistake.--(Cheers.) He had originally de-
cided not take any part in the discussion, because he
thought that Court had too frequently lent itself to do the
dirty work of the Ministry. They had too often lent
themselves to promote mere factious objects of contending
parties in the State. They had done the cause of reform
great mischief, and they were helping on the system of
plunder which had been partaken of by both parties.
It appeared to him that Sir Robert Peel had attempted to
inflict a vital stab upon the monarchy. Was not the
whole affair a lamentable proof of the object of those in
power to continue the system of back-stairs and under-
hand influence, by removing from about the person of her
Majesty all who were obnoxious to them. The wildest
Republican could not have done more harm than Sir R.
Peel had attempted, for the doctrine, if he had succeeded,
would have been that the Soverign was nothing, and the
oligarchy everything. The Worthy Alderman then quoted
the authority of one, whom he said he considered the
greatest man of his day, for the purpose of showing that
the object of the aristocracy had always been to render the
Monarch merely a State cypher, while they retained all
the power in their own hands, and concluded by supporting
the resolution.
Mr. BAYLIS said that the Whigs had treated the Cor-
poration of London most unjustly and contemptuously.
With respect to the Police Bill, they had been beaten by
the Whigs with whips, but if the Tories came in they
would be beaten with scorpions. One of their leaders,
when breathing the atmosphere of turtle and venison at
the Mansion-house, had talked largely about the rights
and liberties of the Corporation of London. They had
seen him again when he was on the very threshold of
office, only two nights afterwards, sneering with the most
bitter sarcasms at the citizens of London. There was dis-
ingenuousness in every word that had been uttered by the
Right Hon. Baronet on that occasion. He regretted very
much the course taken by Mr. Anderton on the present
occasion, and he hoped, if he remained attached
to the party he had lately taken refuge with,
that he would take a lesson from them and
learn that they did not allow themselves to be se•
parated by any minor differences of opinion that might
arise. He would vote in favour of the Address, and he
trusted that there would be few opponents of it, were it
only to separate themselves from the violent, the unmanly,
and indecent course taken by the organs of the Tory party.
They might talk of the Chartists and the Radicals, but
there never was any thing so vile or indecent as the man-
ner in which these organs had abused tho Liberty of the
Press, and assailed the Sovereign and the Ladies of her
Court..—(Hear, hear, a lid cheers.) He would coil-

THE SUN, LONDON,FRIDAY, MAY 31, 1839.

fess that ie would tiot wish to make the Monarch
a cypher—(Cheero—end fio ,was convinced that the
rights of tic pcoplr: we:.c nc'er SQ ,53 when, the .just
prerogatives of the Crown were rapt'ck:—:;Che%ls.l It
was a narrow view to take of the conduct of Sir ik. nit?

,n state tha he merely demanded the dismissB,l of two La:

dies of the 3edchamber. A groat deal of sophistry had
been made tw of On this subject, but he would turn to the
honest declaeition elf the Duke of Wellington, and it was
quite refreshng to eiqiglitfortiterd steeliest
after the myeircation f'ad teßers, plalc,e,6'n thie
stYb-
ject in the 'Luse of Commons. Sir etobert Peet Egye ttiat
he only required the dismissal of two Ladies of the ged-
chamber—the Duke of Wellington said that it was neces-
sary that any cne who took charge of her Majesty's Go-
vernment should have absolute control over the Household.
The Duke toes oti to illustrate Iris position by stating
that the Queen might hold political conversations with the
Ladies of he- Household, and Beet on to say that ano-
malous influence had been excited by means sit &inverse-
tion. But had the Queen no personal friends .% \t as
she to be denied all social intercourse ? And yet, if the in,
terpretation of the Duke of Wellington be correct, he
would ask the Court whether there was not as much danger
of anomalous influence
ekefted threstgh the medium of
conversation
bthei
personal
being
friends of the Queen 83 by
the Ladies of the Bedchamber. If the Duke of Welling-
ton's position be correct, the Queen must be shut out from
all social intercourse whatsoever.—(Cheers.) If anything
was more gratifying than another, under the present cir-
cumstances, it was that both sections of the aristocracy
had declared in the anise of Commons that they did
not possess the confidence of the people. The Queen
had placed things in such a position that the party in power
could not exist vtethoutobtaining the confidence of the people.
The House of Commons had too long been the scene
of a merely party struggle, and the question on which the
Government was upset was proof of this. Was it to be
believed that men who had on various occasions exhibited
no qualm 3 of conscience at suspending the British Consti-
tution should conscientiously feel objection to altering
the Jamaica Constitution. Was it to be believed they
really imagined that a Constitution which was suited to 300
planters, was also suited to three or four hundred thousand
tree men.—(Cries of " Hear.") If any thing were
wanting to show the necessity of pursuing a straight-
forward course, it would be the interpretation which
had been that day given by the worthy Alderman of Tory
opinions. He had stated how many stings yet remained
in the Tory tail, wherewith they could sting the people if
they should ever again come into power.—( Cheers, and
cries of " No, no.) There was no mistake about it, and
there should be no mistake.—(Cheers.)
Mr. R. TAYLOR would endeavour to confine himself to
the question, and not to follow the example of discussion
which had been set him. tic had not heard any valid ob-
jection urged against the address. A charge of disingenu-
ousness had been urged against those who had brought
this address forward, He could only answer for himself,
and he would ask the worthy Alderman if be meant to
charge him with disingenuousness.
Mr. Alderman Beovrea had before stated that he meant
nothing personal in what het had stated.
Mr. R. TAYLOR would vote for the Address, without
any view as to the political effects it might produce. He
confined his attention to the act of one individual of tender
years, who bad been placed by the Constitution of the
country in a situation of great responsibility, and laying
aside all constitutional subtilties about the Sovereign
doing no wrong, he would say that &ten a Sovereign was
placed in a situation to act on her own responsibility.
The Queen was so situated when she was clo-
seted with Sir Robert Peel, without advisers ; for,
constitutionally speaking, if she acted under the advice
of any one Sir Robert Peel was her adviser. She had
told Sir Robert Peel that his proposition was repugnant to
her feelings, and he would say that those feelings were of
the most amiable and most virtuous kind.—(Cheers.) It
had been said that Sovereigns should make a sacrifice of
their feelings, and the instance of her predecessor had been
mentioned. He had given up Ministers of the Crown to
whom he was attached, and the Queen had done the same,
but the principle had its limits—he had never been called
upon to give up his private friends, which the Queen had
been called on to do. —(Cries of " No, no.") If the
principle insisted on was worth anything., it went to
that extent.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Sir Ro-
bert Peel had borne testimony to the virtues and the moral
excellence of the Ladies in question, and the Queen
was to be deprived of their society solely because their re-
latives were attached to the rights of our brethren in Ire-
land—( Loud cheers, mingled with cries of " They were
wives of the Ministers,") Was Lady Burlington, one of the
the prosecuted Ladies, the wife of a Minister? Had
Lord Burlington ever held office under the Crown ?
No, but he was attached to the rights of Ireland. That
constituted the offence. Her Majesty had said that she
never held political conversations with the Ladies of her
Bedchamber ; and, had she consented to their dismissal
she would have been guilty of disloyalty to her people,
because she would thereby have acknowledged that they
had exercised an influence over her in politics. The con-
duct of Sir Robert Peel was reprobated in the higher
Tory circles.—( Cries of " Order," mingled with cheers.)
It was now the fashion of the Tories to sneer at the
Constitution, because it allowed a young female
to occupy the throne.—(Cheers.) He was surprised at
the ribaldry connected with the sex of the Sovereign
which the mover of the amendment had introduced.—
(Cheers, and cries of "No I") He considered that inge-
nuousness and attachment, of friends formed one great or-
nament of the female character, and he was surprised to
bear the Worthy Alderman state that those concerned in
this transaction should be held up to public execration.
Let the Worthy Alderman remember that it was the per-
sonal conduct of the Sovereign of which he was speaking
—conduct which ought, in his opinion, to be held up to
public honour, and which would in future years be held up
to the credit of the young lady who now reigned over us.
The resolution was not brought forward with any
party views, and it only besought her Majesty to
call to her councils those who would carry out
the principles of Reform. lie felt it was their
duty as citizens not to neglect to address the Crown when
called on to give their opinion as to the conduct of their
Sovereign, and he should support the original motion.—
( Cheers. )
A Hon. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, said
that it appeared to him that Ladies interfering in politics
were like bulls in china shops.—( Cries of " Question.")
Mr. BOWMAN said he considered it impossible to con-
sider this question other than a political one. He felt
great regret at being obliged to allude to any of his
friends in terms of reprobation, but he belived that
this affair had been got up solely with a view to
bolster up the Melbourne Administration.—( Cries of "No,"
and cheers.) It had been said the Queen had expressed
leer regret at parting with her Ministers, he could readily
believe it, because they possessed those courtly manners
which were more acceptable to the young Queen
than the sterner virtues. It was not for him to say
whether, as fathers, they should like to see their children
surrounded by such persons as the present Prime Minister,
supported as he was by a Noble Marquis, who had
appeared in our Law Courts, and by another
Noble Marquis, who might yet be called on
to account for his manner of administering the
affairs of Ireland—( Cries of " Order")—but he chiefly
objected to the present Ministry that they held place and
power at the beck and power of one to characterize whom
he was at a loss for an expression of reprobation sufficiently
strong. They were dependent upon O'Connell and his
gang.—(Loud cries of " Order," mingled with cheers. )
_ _

An HON. MEMBER rose to order, and said he himself
was
A lad Pe
rrme caunr sso
r,
W.
h.d
Ht
E ye rGeA
TE weresa
iseveral
ePs
or
ieuctu:
or sno rvis leas y verb
r-
r.y
cbaerresfoufllythderaCwonmmuponfoCr
catchingotubnecpilu.----rpo(sCehoefers.)
those gen-
tlemen who held different shades of opinion. He did not
complain of that, for it was the proper mode of party war-
fare to take every advantage they possibly could. The
question under discussion was one of great delicacy—it
was not upon every slight occasion that the Corporation
of London ought at once to fly to one of their greatest
privileges ; a frequent going up with addresses would tend
to bring addresses into contempt.—( Cheers.) What had
her Majesty done ? Not one word would come out
of his mouth disrespectful to her Majesty, but he would
again ask what bad she done ? On the recent occasion
she had taken no step of decided importance. She had
made no sacrifice which called for any expression of feel.
ing upon the part of the country.—( Cheers.) The pre-
sent Ministers had stated publicly to the Parliament, that
having lost the confidence of the House of Commons—
they never had that of the House of Lords—(Cheers)—
that having lost the confidence of the people, they
could no longer carry on the government of
the country, nor dared they appeal to the
constituencies.—(Cheers.) In such a situation they did not
advise her Majesty to send for the Radicals—no, they
were afraid that by so doing they would lose the support
of from 40 to b 0 of the Old Whig party.—(Cheers.)
They therefore advised her Majesty to send for the Duke
of Wellington and Sir R. Peel, and they must have sup-
posed that they were the best fitted to govern the country
in its present circumstances. Her Majesty sent for Sir R.
Peel, and she fancies or supposes some erroneous impres-
sion--(Loud cheers.) She supposed that he (Sir R.
tPeeres,l)awnid they adshedto remove the whole of the Household, while
in fact he wished to remove only a few.— ( Cheers.) In
the mean time her Majesty consults with her old Minis-
v advise
done, e thatoe a,and immediately
letter
be
a Cabinet
written
Majesty. That was
Council was held of the old Ministers—(Laughter)—and
they very naturally pronounced the letter as perfect in its
every part.—( Laughter.) The letter was sent, and they
all knew the result. Now in all that what bad her Ma-
jesty done—what sacrifice had she made ? The Courier
said she had said in a very emphatic manner, " She could
not and would not part with the friends of her youth." Now
what was the fact ? that she was not introduced to any
one of the Ladies whom it was intended to dismiss until
the year 1837.—(Hear," hear, and cheers.) She had
formerly been intrusted to the care and attendance of the
Duchess of Northumberland—whether that Noble and
good Lady had been dismissed on not ho did not know,
but certainly she was the earliest friend the Queen ever
had. He cared not whether there were precedents for the
demand of Sir R. Peel or not—times—a change of times
rendered the making of a precedent necessary, and cer-
tainly the present times fully justified the course taken.
The Ladies proposed to be removed were not the wives of
Noblemen independent in politics. No, they were the
wives of Ministers who had just been displaced, and one of
them was the wife of a Nobleman whose conduct in Ireland
was even row under a course of inquiry before a Commit.
the of the House of Lords. —( Cheers.) It was rather to()
much that now when the nation WAS threatened from abroad,
and when rebellion was almost on the eve of breaking out
at home, that we should have been deprived of a firm and
strong Government—that we were to lose the benefit of a
firm and strong Government—one which had been advised
by the Government going out, and all for two or three
Ladies of the Bedchamber.—( Cheers and laughter.) He
thought no case had been made out which should induce
the Court to adopt the Resolution, or take it up in the
shape of an address to the foot of the throne.—( Hear,
hear.) It had been said and often repeated that
had these Ladies been removed her Majesty would have
been deprived of the consolations of friendship. He had
already shown how long those ties of friendship had lasted ;

fait vtaa not e'rery one present convinced of ',the utter
falsehood of tile rropoeition Was it not a noted fact
that every Sovereign had ihe'it own private friends, while
those the Household were often Lid d'il'agreable that they
end' the Stsvereign seldom exchanged word?. The reso-
lution wid Clai:Oly intended to bolster up the present Go-
vernment.—( No, nd.,9 1114 Wanted progressive Reform.
Was it in the shape of more ttaiWn'Asions—of a force of
spies, under the name of a Rural Polit',l/ Was it in a
Metropolitan Police Bill, or a system of Poplall VAuca-
tion ?—.( hoed cheers.) The present Ministers, it
was conplained, ?tali done nothing—that was true—and it
flicky7—tireir tinte wee so much taken up in in-
trigues, tdr ptyrioS-ei of keeping place, that no time was
left them for pertoril;!::,1!! the bats-mess of their offices.—
( Cheers.) It was now propeed Ofaa there should be a
penny postage throughout the countey, Maw that seemed
to him to be no more than a plan for taking ono million from
the ptiblto revenue which the public must make up in the
shape of some net! say. This was one of the plans for
keeping in office an unstable', en incapable, and a useless
Gcaternment.—( Cheers.) He hoped the result of that
discussion sa...eald be that they would net go up with an
address to the Cl'dtin'a flattering and fulsome address—
but that they would lend Meir support to the formation of
a Government which would mainteia the sovereignty- of the
country both at home and abroad.--( Cheers. )
Mr. LAWRANCE rose amidst loud cries of " Divide" and
much confusion. He said he was not at all surprised at
the reception he had met with, as it had been the tactics
of the party during the whole discussion—even so early as
when the Resolutions were proposed the mover was hooted
and hissed with the evident intention of putting him down.
The worthy Alderman ( Browne) who had made so foul an
attack upon all classes of Dissenters—(Order)—had
stated that he was now almost reconciled to the Church,
but he had forgot to state what the difference yet was, or
what sect in the Church he had joined--whether the Pusey-
ites or any of the other" ites" into: which the Church itself
was split. The worthy Alderman who had vituperated every
sect—
Mr. Alderman BROWNE rose to order. He was in the
recollection of the Court, and he denied that he had vitu-
perated any body or class. He was told by some one
behind him that he had no occasion to take any notice of
the observations of Mr. Lawrance, for no person vsould.pay
attention to or believe them.—( Uproar. )
Mr. LanKANCE, would give the lie to any person who
dared to say that his word was not believed, and he charged
the Alderman with knowingly uttering a falsehood.—
(Cries of " Order, order.")
The Loan MAYOR said that such language was not jus-
tifiable in that Court.
Mr. Laweasce was quite aware that he was out of
order, but such a gross and unfounded, such a false state-
ment having been made in that Court respecting him, that
was the only place where he could meet it. He was
perfectly willing to meet the Alderman before any tri-
bunal he pleased, and put his character, either for probity,
honour, or honesty, in competition with that of the Alder-
man.—( Cheers.) It was denied by some that that was
a political question, but such a question could not be dis-
cussed without being made political. He did not like the
present Ministers, but he did like them much better than
the Tories—(Cheers)—but the resolution said nothing of
any Ministry that were not in favour of progressive reform.
That discussion would do great good, for the speeches
made that day would show that Toryism was now, notwith-
standing the pretended paring of its claws, still the same as
it ever was—( Loud cheers)—as violent and virulent as
before. When they thought they had an opportunity of
obtaining power they commenced by attempting to bind the
Sovereign hand and foot.--( Loud cheers, and cries of
No, no.") It was so, so far that they wanted to oblige
her to tuna away from her presence all those who were on
terms of intimate friendship with her Majesty.—( Cheers.)
He did not, however, believe that that was the
.reason
why Sir Robert Peel gave up the formation of a
Government. Ho did not think Sir Robert had dealt
ingenuously in his explanation respecting the difficulties
he had to encounter. lie (Mr. Lawrance) did not believe
that it was the Chamber women that stood in the way, but
that the Right Hon. Baronet found he could not carry on
the Government without appealing to the country, and he
perfectly knew that if a Tory Government were enthroned
in office, all classes of Reformers would join heartily, and
the consequence of a general election with a Tory Govern-
ment, would be the loss of fifty of his present minority.—
( Laughter.) Sir Robert knew that well enough, for ho
had not dared to try the experiment when the power was
in his bands.—( Cheers.) He would give his candid sup.
port to the resolution.
Mr. Alderman HttowNa, had not intended to hurt the
feelings of any one. He was certainly being greatly mis-
represented by the Gentleman when he interfered, and
might have spoken hastily.—( Cheers.)
Mr. DE JERSEY rose to address the Court, amidst bond
cries of " Question, and divide." He insisted upon his
right to speak for a considerable time, but the Court ap.
peared determined not to hear him.
This scene of confusion lasted some time, but not a word
which fell from the Hon. Gentleman was heard, so that
whether he was in favour of the resolution or amendment
we could not hear.
During the confusion several motions for an adjourn-
ment were made and withdrawn.
At last Alderman WIIITE formally moved an adjonrn-
ment of the debate, which was seconded, but only about a
dozen of hands were held up in its favour.
Mr. Ds JERSEY again attempted to address the Court,
but was obliged to give way to
Mr. Alderman T. Wool), who was also received with
disapprobation, but at length obtained a hearing. He said
he rose in consequence of what had fallen from the worthy
Alderman (Browne), respecting education. That worthy
Alderman had read some very strong remarks upon the
subject of education, and as he did not disclaim them, they
west be taken tu be lots own. tie bad, however, made
some exceptions in favour of one or two sects, he ( Alder-
man T. Wood) supposed for the purpose of satisfying an
itching conscience.—( Cheers, laughter, and cries of " Di-
vide.") If the Court meant that upon such an im-
portant question one party only was to be heard—if it
decided so, then he would be contented, and would
leave the Court, because as all who supported an
universal education without respect to creeds, had
been denounced as infidels, and every other term of re-
proach had been heaped upon them ; and as he, in com-
mon with a number of very enlightened and pious men,
supported such a plan, unless he were allowed to say a few
words justice would not be done. He was the more de-
termined upon the matter, because only a short time ago,
in his official capacity, he had seen the baneful working
of the exclusive system in one of the public hospitals, the
Governor of which had come to the Court for the sanction
of his conduct in refusing the benefits of the charity to two
children because they could not produce a certificate of
baptism having been performed upon them by a clergyman
of the Established Church.—( Hear, hear.) The previous
question had been moved, which, if carried, would negative
the whole of the resolution.—(Cries of " No, no.") It
would read so to-morrow, and if gentlemen would take the
trouble to think, they would find that such would infallibly
be the result of the amendment being carried.—(Cheers.)
He would give his hearty support to the resolution, because
he was anxious to give his support to the Crown—
those opposing it were, in fact, denouncing the Crown.—
(Cries of "No, no.") Their position was tenable upon none
but party grounds, they lauded Sir Robert Peel as a
man of sound principle, sound sense, firmness, activity, &c.
but most certainly he was not a brave man, or he never
would have been afraid of the rustling of a few silk gowns.
—( Cheers.) The real reasons for his flight from office
were not known. Either he would not or he could not
serve the Sovereign, and therefore whichever of the posi-
tions were the proper one, he took up a position respect-
ing the Bedchamber Women, upon which to escape.—
( Cheers.) The Tories had always boasted that they were
the only friends of good government and order, but now
in proposing to negative the resolution which had been
proposed, they were acting as the supporters of the present
state of anarchy,—they came out in their true colours,
as the champions of disorder and confusion.—( This gave
rise to much confusion). It was impossible that they
could shut their eyes to the fact that there was now a very
great demand for education : without the interference of any
sect or party, he hoped it would be granted, and though he
trusted it would always be founded upon the great truths of
religion, he hoped no sect would have any power over it.—
( Cheers.) The opposers of the present resolution declared
that they would adhere to the old sectarian plan.—(No,
no.) Undoubtedly their conduct showed that, and that
they were deserting their duty as Englishmen, who ought
to rally round and secure it in the affections of the people.
—( Cheers. )
Sir M. Wool) said he was informed that in his absence
it had been said of him that he was sent down to the city
by the Ministers to rouse it, and attempt to regain their
lost popularity. He wished to know from the worthy De-
puty whether he had made use of such words ?
Mr. Deputy CORNEY said he certainly had mentioned
them as a rumour which was very generally whispered
around that place. Many members had heard it besides
himself.--(0h, oh.) It was the common topic of conver-
sation.
Sir M. WOOD was perfectly aware that it had been most
industriously whispered round, and he knew that the first
whisperer of the calumny was the worthy Knight near him
( Sir P. Laurie). He assured the Court in the most in-
dignant language that the rumour was totally false—that
it never had any foundation except in the heated imagina-
tion of the worthy Knight, that he had never seen Lord
Melbourne upon any subject, and always communicated
with the Ministry on behalf of any of his constituents by
letter, and that the idea of the Court was first suggested
to him by others in the Hall of that building. He trusted
that that would prove a lesson to the worthy Knight and
the worthy Deputy, and that in future they would not
whisper without foundation.
Mr. Alderman COPELAND could bear testimony to the
feeling which the worthy Baronet entertained towards the
Government, for it was not many nights since he heard
him tell them that they had been guilty of a gross breach
of faiths towards himself. As he was upon his legs, he
would say that if this Address were carried up it would be
a deep disgrace to the Corporation. Had they already
forgot the reception they had received on a late occasion ?
He must say that he felt ashamed of the whole discussion.
Mr. OLD supported the amendment.
Mr. HEPPELL again moved an adjournment of the be-
bate, but it was again lost.
Mr. WIRE then rose amidst much interruption. He
said he would not detain them long if he were
listened to with patience, nor would he have addressed the
Court at all had it not been for the observations of the
worthy Alderman, who had professedly got up for the
purpose of confirming the Hon. Baronet who spoke before
him. He, however, said it would be a disgrace to send
up the address, and in that he was joined by the worthy
Alderman for Billingsgate.—( Loud laughter.) He was
about to show that all those who professed Tory principles,
as well as those who professed Liberal principles, might
consistently vote for the resolution, because there could be
no disgrace attached to it. The Hon. Alderman for
Billingsgate had relieved him from saying a word upon the
first part of the address, because he admitted that upon
the late accession the Queen had been placed in a situa-
tion of much delicacy and difficulty—that was all the re-
solution affirmed. Then, what party were opposed to
have a firm Government?—(Cheers.) Could any one
be firm that was not pledged to the measures named in the

resolution ? not unless the Tories were enabled to stop the
great march of improvement. The human mind must go
for ward —it was now impossible to check its
advance, and the institutions of the country must also pro-
gress, and they could not do so better than by a rational
Reform. After enumerating the ♦arious topics cited in
the resoluticn, he remarksi some said that we had now civil
liberty ; but was that the fact ? Not many years ago the
Livery of London had elected a gentleman to a high and
respectable office in the Corporation—he performed the
duties of that high office with honour to himself, with ad-
vantage to the City, and in such a manner as to call forth
the unanimous thanks of the Liverymen ; yet when that
same gentleman was elected by his fellow-citizens to fill
the same office as the worthy Alderman for Billingsgate,
where was the civil equality ?—(Cheers. ) Their opponents
pretended to be afraid of the present Chartist agitation ;
if so, let them agree to the Address—let them get a
Government to act upon its principles, and in six months
that agitation would have passed away.—( Cheers, and loud
cries of " Divide.")
Mr. ASIIURST said he had only waited till the debate
was over for a reply. Everything had been so well stated
by his friend who had just sat down, that he would waive
that right.—(Cheers.)
The show of hands was then taken, and declared by the
Lord Mayor to be in favour of the amendment. A divi-
sion was called for.
The Court divided, when there appeared—
For the previous question... 13 Aldermen.
106 Common Councilmen.
2 Tellers.

121
For the Address 4 Aldermen.
69 Common Councilmen.
2 Tellers.

75
Majority against the Address, 46.
The announcement was reccivel with great cheering
from the Tories.