The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TO ESDAY Ev MNINGI, MAY 12, 1863.

VANSIT TART, the amendment was negatived without a
On the motion that the clause as amended stand part of
the bill,
Sir A. A GNE %V moved that the clause be omitted.
The committee divided—
For the clause
Against it
Majority
--95
The clause was then agreed to.
Clause 4 was agreed to.
On clause 5,
Mr. HIBBERT moved, as an amendment, that when a
minister of any other denomination than the Established
Church discontinued his visits for 14 days, then the present
law should again come into operation.
After some discussion, in which Sir L, Palk, Sir B.
Laytcn, and Sir G. Grey took part,
Mr HUNT said that by this bill, when a prisoner said he
was of no religious persuasion, he need not receive any re-
ligious instruction at all.
Sir G. GREY said he believed that the Church of Eng-
land took credit for those prisoners. (Hear and laughter.)
Mr. HUNT said he believed those prisoners claimed to
be exempted from attending the religious services of the
Church.
Sir L. PALK said the bill would prevent the Church of
England from taking charge of those prisoners who repre-
sented themselves as belonging to no religions denomina-
tion. The bill would destroy all prison discipline, and
would subvert and destroy the principle they had been
endeavouring to maintain and assert for years past.
Sir G. GREY proposed the addition of certain words
that would meet the objection.
After some further discussion,
The clause as amended was agreed to.
The remaining clauses were then agreed to, and the bill
was reported to the house.
CUSTOMS AND INLAND REVENUE (RE-COM-
MITTED) BILL.
The house then went into committee on this bill, and
clause 1 was agreed to.
On clause 2,
Mr. BLACKBURN moved the rejection of certain sec-
tions, the effect of which would have been to place railway
companies in the matter of assessment for income tax on the
same footing as other companies. After some conversation
between the hon. member and the right hon. gentleman the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, the amendment was with
drawn.

Sir J. FERGUSON called attention to what he consi-
dered a grievance of the local assessors of the income tax in
the suspension of yearly re-assessments under Schedule A,
urging that the plan adopted of only paying those officers
when their services were required would probably have the
effect of depriving the Government of their services. He
hoped, when re-assessments were made, local assessors
would be employed.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER defended
the course which had been adopted in regard to assessing
and to local assessors, and said that, if any change in the
mode of assessing was adopted, ample notice would be given
of it.

Clause 2 was then agreed to.
Lord R. CECIL then rose to move the adoption of a new
clause, the effect of which was to give to persons with in-
comes under £l5O power to appeal for surcharge to the com-
missioners for special purposes, upon due notice being
given to the inspector or surveyor within the time of giving
notice of appeal. He did so, he said, on the ground that he
had been appealed to by small tradesmen, and had pre-
sented numerous petitions complaining of the present
mode of hearing appeals before local commissioners,
and asking to be placed on the same footing as persons
over £l5O a year, and to be permitted to lay any
case of surcharge before the special commissioners in
writing; when, if not satisfied, it would be for the special
commissionets to go to them, instead of, as at present,
their going long distances to go before local commissioners.
These small tradesmen and othere, assessed to the income
tax under £l5O a year, claimed to have the same privilege
which was granted to other persons assessed under schedule
A, on the ground that they were as much interested in keep-
ing their affairs to themselves, and as liable to suffer from
the dangers resulting from the inquisitorial nature of the
income tax, as their superiors in position. He could not sit
down without expressing his opinion that there was a great
deal of hardship in the way in which the income tax was
assessed. He had heard from many quarters complaints
of the severity with which the surveyors carried on the
business of surcharging, and be could not help thinking
that those complaints made no impression at the time, or
were treated with some contempt at the Inland Revenue
Office—a state of things which would produce so deep a
feeling of discontent in regard to the tax, that the
Government would not be able to resist, The only way of
meeting this difficulty would be by a more gentle adminis
tration of the law.
Mr. W. WILLIAMS had heard the same complaints of
persons having to go many miles to get their appeals at-
tended to. He hoped the right hon. gentleman would con-
sent to admit the clause.
Mr. HUNT said there were two reasons why small trades-
men were anxious to have the clause introduced. First,
because they would be able to send their case to a special
commissioner instead of exposing their affairs to their nearest
neighbours; and secondly, because they would be able to
send their appeal on paper instead of having to travel them
selves, often many miles, to the courts of a local commis
sioner.

Mr, COLLINS, as an income tax commissioner, thought
he introduction of the mortgage column in the assess •
went paper very desirable, so that assessors might put
the question whether the property was or was not mort-
gaged, and thus do away with bringing people 10 or 15
miles to prove that their property was not mortgaged.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
he had always stated that any one who had a complaint to
make of the conduct of the revenue officers in levying taxes
ought to make his complaint kn,,wn so as to give an oppor-
tunity of its being inquired into. He had come to a different
conclusion with regard to the conduct of these officers to
that which had been expressed. The process of extracting
money by direct taxation was like that of extracting teeth--
it never could be made agreeable to the patient. There
must be vigilance on the part of the officers if taxes of this
kind were to be collected at all, because all the world were
against them. Finding complaints against these officers
exceeding rare, he had come to the conclusion that the diffi-
culty lay in the soreness and fretting against the collection
of the income tax itself. It had always been the endeavour
of the Government and the heads of the Revenue Depart-
ment that the officers should act with prudence and mode-
ration , and he would not be doing his duty if he did not
state that the oficers acted in the spirit of moderation as
well as vigilance, and that the difficulties which the tax-
payers complained of were inherent in the case. He did not
know whether or not he understood the noble lord's mean-
ing ; but he might state that the phrase " £l5O a year" was
fallacious, and the case did not not apply to persons having
under £l5O a year, but persons having an income under£loo.
When the Act of 1845 passed, the income of £l5O a year
was the limit below which exemption could be claimed;
but since the limit was cut down to £lOO, it was only per-
sons un Jer £lOO a-year who could claim exemption ; per-
sons over £l5O had no concern in the discussion that was
going on. (Hear.) He had some difficulty in deal
ing with the matter introduced by the noble lord--not
that he blamed the noble lord for it, but because the
parties complaining of grievances had not laid them before
him specifically, so that he might discuss them with the
heads of the Inland Revenue department. But he sup.
posed the noble lord did not mean to press too suddenly
for a decision, and that he would give the Executive Go-
vernment time for considering what steps could be. taken.
With regard to the trouble and hardship to which persons
were put who had to appear before the commissioners, he
did not think that the appeal to special commissioners would
mitigate the evil. They could not undertake to send spe-
cial commissioners to the door of every person. There would
bo always a cir..uit ; and he believed that the special com-
missioners cauld not be brought nearer to individuals than
the local commissioners. There was another point men-
th ned by the noble lord, namely, that persons were anxLus
there should be secresy with regard to the state of their
affairs It was true that secresy was a matter of greater
importance to some persons than to others, but he could not
see how there could be secrecy with regard to persons hav-
ing incomes under £ .00 a year, for the neighbours of those
persons, seeing the collector did not call upon them, con-
cluded that their incomes were under £lOO a year. All that
the income tax commissioners inquired was, whether the
income was under or over £lOO.

Lord R. CECIL had not the slightest intention of press.
ing the right hon. gentleman for a decision in the present
year.

The amendment was then withdrawn, the schedule agreed
to, and the house resumed.
INLAND REVENUE BILL.
The house went into committee on this bill.
Clause 1 (Club Licences) was expunged.
Clauses 2 to 8 were agreed to.
Upon cruse 9,
Mr. AYR lON moved that the tax proposed to be placed
upon the public carriages mentioned in the clause
should be •‘ one farthing," instead of " one halfpenny" per
mile. What ground, ho asked, was there for main •
taining a difference, whilst Chancellors of the Exchequer
and statesmen bad admitted the injustice of the inequa
lily. Tne only answer given to the grievance was that
railway companies used roads of their own making,
whereas stage carriages used public roads. That was, in fact,
no answer to the question, their duty being upon the gross
earnings, representing the number of passengers carried,
and not the mode of their transit. Exemption from duty
was allowed the railways where passengers were carried for
lees than ld. per mile, Omnibuses did the same, and yet
they were compelled to pay 10 per cent. on their earnings.
If it was just to exempt one, it was just to exempt others
from the tax. He hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer
would see the necessity of adopting his proposition in dis-
criminating between the large omnibuses used in towns,
and the smUall ones used in the country. en. BCKLEY advocated relief to. stage coach pro-
prietors, and hoped a remission of taxation would be given.
He gave an instance of the oppressive orking of the tax in
his own neighbourhood.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that
for the purposes of locomotion it would be highly otitis-

factory if 'hero were no taxes. He could not acquiesce
in the motion, as it would deprive him of X 70,000 per
annum, and because it only dealt with one portion of the
tax. He spoke of the injustice the remission of the tax
in favour of omnibus proprietors would bo towards
ha- cney carriages plying in London. The latter had their
fares fixed at a reduced rate by Parliament, whilst there
was no parliamentary limit to omnibus fares. The
proposed change would act equally unjust to-
wards others connected with the trade in the country dis-
tricts. When the tax could be parted with he should be
happy to do so.
After some further conversation the committee divided—
For the amendment
Against it
Majority... —lG
The clause was then agreed to, as were the clauses to 20
inclusive.

On clause 20,
Mr. AYRTON asked for an explanation of the necessity
for the alterations which had taken place in clauses 21
and 22,
The CHANCELLOR of the EX‘'HEQUER said that
the committee would recollect that on the last oeca,ion of
the introduction of the bill the clause granting occasional
licences had been put in generally, That, however, had
caused much jealousy, of which the hon. gentleman him-
self had been the principal organ. The consequence was
that the clause had been made too restrictive. Clause 21 re-
moved the restriction as to selling liquors only between sun-
rise and sunset, on such occasions as public dinners and
balls, when such limitations would be harsh. Clause 22 was
intended to remedy an error into which they had been led
by over-confidence in the hon. member's suggestions. Be-
fore the act was passed last year, the law permitted publicans
to sell liquors at public fairs and races without a licence.
The hon. member had unwittingly taken away this privi-
lege, which clause 22 was intended to restore.
Mr. AYRTON said that those who took interest in the
matter thought that the alterations had adjusted the ques-
tion of revenue and public morality in a satisfactory manner,
and they looked upon the change now suggested by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer as a retrograde proceeding.
It would be very satisfactory if these occasional licences
were given as in Scotland ; and that it should be devolved
upon the bench of justices to lay down general rules for the
granting of them instead of leaving it to individual justices
to grant them at their pleasure.

Mr. HUNT expressed the conviction that the proposed
relaxation in the occaional license system would give great
satisfaction.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, admitting
the inconvenience of forcing publicans in quest of an
occasional licence to travel all over the country in search of
two magistrates who were acting for the same petty sessions
district, said he was willing, in case any hon. member
would move to restrict the application to one magistrate, to
support such a proposal.
The cause was then agreed to, as were the remaining
clauses, and the bill passed through committee.
REGISTRATION OF ASSURANCES (IRELAND)

BILL.
On the order of the day for going into committee on this
bill,

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that in consequence
of the opposition which the Irish Law Society had offered
to the bill, and the small support which it received in that
house, it was not the intention of the Government to perse-
vere with the bill, and therefore he should move that the
order for going into committee be discharged.
After some remarks from Mr. Whiteside, Mr. Hassard,
and Colonel French,
The motion was agreed to.

CHURCH BUILDING AND NEW PARISHES ACTS

AMENDMENT BILL,
This bill was read a second time and referred to a select
committee.

SALE OF MILL SITES, &c. (IRELAND), BILL.
This bill was read a second time.
_ _

DRAINAGE AND IMPROVEMENT OF LAND
(IRELAND) BILL.
This bill was read a second time.
POOR REMOVAL (No. 2) BILL.
This bill wag read a second time.

MARRIAGES REGISTRATION (IRELAND) BILL,
This bill was recommitted pro forma for the purpose of
its being reprinted.
The house adjourned at 12 o'clock.

respondent of which announced, with the customary
fanfares of that journal, the advance of the flotilla,
and all that it was about to accomplish, will record
its disastrous discomfiture and headlong retreat.
The canal or cut-off in the immediate neighbour-
hood of Vicksburg is more than ever considered
what it appeared to me an entire failure. Of a third
attempt--the perforation of a route through Lake
Provi..ence, on the right bank of the Mississippi,
by which an entrance into the Red River has been
sought to be effected, but little information has
reached us, but the impression is that the Federals
have abandoned this enterprise. At Port Hudson
two Federal steamers—the Hartford, the flag-ship
of Admiral Farragut, and the Monongahela. have
succeeded in getting past the batteries, leaving be-
hind them one of the finest of the Federal frigates,
the Mississippi, sunk in the stream. - The two ves-
sels in question have possession of the river between
Vicksburg and Port Hudson, but it is not pro-
bable that they will be long unmolested. It is
understood that they attacked a Confederate bat-
tery at Warrenton, eight miles below Vicksburg,
and after wasting their fire for several hours were
compelled to haul off without having killed one of
their adversaries. But let it never be forgotten in
England that the uninterrupted navigation of the
Mississippi from New Orleans to St. Louis, even if
ever it could be gained by the Federals, would be
of indescribably little advantage beyond the gratifi-
cation of Federal vanity. It is a never ceasing ne-
cessity for the Federal press to stimulate hopeful-
ness, and to point to certain definite and not unat-
tainable advantages as likely to put a period to an
otherwise interminable war. An amusing narrative
might be written of the variety of expedients which
in two years have been suggested as destined to bring
an indomitable and hopelessly exasperated people
'o terms. Pressure of starvation with which the
Confederacy was at first loudly threatened is again
feebly heard of in the Northern press; but, above all
things, the capture of Charleston and Richmond, and
the demolition of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, have
been promised to New York end Boston. Of those
places not one has yet fallen, and if reason had not
utterly abandoned every Federal brain it might be
as clearly demonstrated that the capture of all four
could make no difference, in regard to beating down
the Southern resistance anet breaking the Southern
heart, as that the earth goes round the sun. But
for a correspondent addressing an English audience
fr 3m Richmond at this moment there seems to be
occasion for little else than a stereotyped and em-
phatic contradiction of the statements which are
carried to Europe on the wings of the New York
press. lam wearied of again and again repeating
that in such statements as the following, with which
every Northern journal on which my eyes fall is
constantly teeming, there is not one grain of truth,
not even a grain of probability. The New York
Herald lifts the hearts of its readers by the follow-
ing story :
" Secretary Stanton is confident, from information in the
War Department, that the rebels are about to fall back from
Virginia to some point in the interior of the Confederacy.
He says they are removing their foundries and machinery
for manufacturing arms from Richmond, with a view to the
concentration of their forces and material in a position less
likely to be cut off by the operations of our army and navy."
If Mr. Stanton has, contrary to all probability,
indulged in such speculations, it is a pity that he
cannot avail himself of the permission which, if he
sought it, would doubtless be extended to him by
the Confederate Government. One day in Richmond
and its vicinity, one visit to the Tredegar-works
and its small-arms factories, would satisfy him that
from small beginnings Richmond has gradually
grown into a mighty arsenal, defended on every
side by works far too formidable for such soldiers
as the Federals to be ever induced to attack them,
and never likely to be evacuated until the crack of
doom. If ever it were conceivable that want of pro-
visions might make it necessary to drive out from
Richmond the non-fighting population, how much
nearer to the attainment of their object would the
Yankees be? It is strange that there is one fact
which no Federalist or Unionist seems ever able to
discern. Death has claimed for his own since this
war commenced nearly half a million Federals, and
at least 200,000 of their opponents. Because in the
Northern States there is no more heed of their dead
than of autumnal leaves on a New England hill-
side it is forgotten that the Confederacy mourns her
fallen sons like Rachel weeping for her children. A
reconciliation with the Yankee possible! The bones
of tens of thousands of men would arise from their
graves and denounce the craven hearts which threa-
tened by such a policy to make of none effect the
costly sacrifice of their hecatombs of lives.
If Vicksburg can be turned, or in some manner
negatived, there remain hundreds of other points
round which the Confederate batteries wculd imme-
diately cluster. Such a point is Warrenton, where
the Hartford has recently been beaten off; such a
point is Natchez, where the bluffs are said to be
more favourable for defence than those at Vicks-
burg. It is not to Vicksburg, or generally to the
Mississippi River that the eyes of the Confederates
are anxiously turned, but rather to Charleston,
where the long-delayed blow must inevitably fall
shortly or never, and to Tullahoma and the army of
General Johnston. My own impression still is that
want of sagacity has been shown by the Confede-
rate Government in not strengthening the army of
General Johnston by such reinforcements as would
make the issue of the impending battle " beyond a
peradventure." It is to an ordinary spectator in-
comprehensible how on both sides the policy of a
Napoleonic concentration of troops has been neg-
lected and overlooked. It is known that many of
the wisest heads in the Confederacy, and among
them General Joseph E. Johnston, have warmly ad-
vocated the concentration of all available troops in
Southern Tennessee, even though Texas and
Arkansas should be left destitute of tr.en, and the
defenders of Vicksburg should be reduced one•half,
Non ita Dis placuit. For some inscrutable reason
the strength of the Confederacy is frittered away by
squandering troops in insignificant numbers over
vast areas of territory, and by provoking such at-
tacks as recently led to the surrender of more than
4,000 Confederates at a place called Arkansas Post.
The consequence is that war languishes on without
any victory being gained by the Confederates in the
West of such magnitude as confound the mendacity
of Northern journalists, or to strengthen the hands of
that large and growing party in the North-western
States who see that out of the vast ocean of blood
which irreconcileabiy divides the two sections it is
not possible that peace and conciliation should have
a chance of arising.

If ever these words should meet the eye of the
English public they will be read at a moment when
for more than two full years the whole strength of
the Free States of the old Union will have been
lavishly exerted to beat down the resistance of the
Slave States, and will have been exerted in vain.
Isolated from all direct communication with the ex-
ternal world, misrepresented and traduced by the
ingenious sophistries of Mr. Seward, admitted to no
intercourse with the Foreign-office of Great Britain,
bitterly reviled and execrated by Mr. Bright and all
the organs which echo the clamour of Exeter-hall,
the Confederate States have, nevertheless, won for
themselves the respect of all who hold matchless
valour in honour, and thrill with electric sympathy
at the thought that the stubborn energy of their
resistance stamps them as what they claim to be—
blood of England's blood and bone of her bone. The
confident and minatory language of the Northern
press and statesmen has dwindled into a treble ex-
pression of hope that starvation will accomplish
what force of arms has attempted in vain, while
from the whole of united Europe ascends a voice
proclaiming that the subjugation of the Confederate
States is an idle dream. Still recognition of their
independence, or such moral intervention of diplo-
macy as cou'd not fail to command attention at
Washington, and to stop an effusion of blood which
scandalizes civilization and outrages humanity, is
stubbornly denied to them, and the whole strength
of the North continues to be hopelessly exerted to
attain an object which Europe, by hor silence, en-
courages them to believe that she deems them not
incapable of attaining. It is not in the vain ex-
pectation that any words of mine will assist in
moving England from her attitude of passiveness
that I now write; but in the belief that the very
pride and vanity of the North forbid her taking the
initiative in recognising the South,l venture to ask
whether England has maturely weighed the conse-

In mercy to the reader I forbear further quota-
,ons from the speech in question, and from another
o favour of Greek independence, delivered by Mr.
Clay in 1824. Every line of these speeches, every
sentiment that they breathe, prove that the tradi-
tional policy of the American Union has been to
held out a hand swiftly to all struggling nationali-
ties, and to do upon very slight grounds of justifi-
cation that which they so deprecate Europe's doing
when justice, humanity, and reason call for her in-
terference in trumpet tones. Can it be pretended
that stability and order have not been maintained
in the Confederacy since its secession ? In a resi-
dence of six months, in journeys throughout the
length and breadth of the Southern States, I have
encountered but two Unionists, Mr. Pettigrew, of
Charleston (who was sorely shaken in his faith be-
fore his death a few weeks ago), and Mr. John
Minor Botts, of Virginia, who is unmolested and
left at liberty, though utterly disloyal to the Con-
federacy. Again, can it be pretended that this war
has been so conducted by the Federals as to win the
sympathy of England to their cause ? The tale of
its atrocities will some day be told, and if anywhere
during the last 100 years so black a page of plun-
der and cupidity, and ravage, and outrage of de-
fenceless women can be shown, it has not yet been
my fortune to light upon it. These things are told
to prosperous and thoughtless England, and pro-
duce as little impression as did the narrative of
Sepoy outrages in this once happy country. But
here on the spot, face to face with persons who re-
peat to you incidents far too horrible and shocking
for publication, and bring such evidence of the
truth of their report as to extort belief from the
most incredulous, it would be strange if the lowest
depths of a man's nature were not stirred with "a
certain fearful looking for of judgment and fiery
indignation."
The growing frequency and boldness of the skir-
mishes which the enterprise of Confederate cavalry
officers in the West has lately brought on, gives
indication of the approach of that desperate battle
in the West which nothing but the tenacity of the
mud in Tennessee has so long deferred. It will pro-
bably have transpired, in spite of the distorting haze
through which the truth has to percolate, that
recently General Van Dorn pounced down upon a
Federal post at Franklin in Tennessee, and carried
away with him 2,200 prisoners. On the 26th inst,
General Forrest attacked a Federal garrison at
Brentwood, nine miles south of Nashville, destroyed
the railroad which connects Nashville with Colum-
bia, and walked away with 800 prisoners and 35
officers, and a large supply of stores. Brentwood
lies thirty miles to the rear of General Roseerans'
advanced pickets, and that able general takes no
pains to conceal his mortification at these raids of
the enemy within his lines. It is probable that
the advance which he seems desirous of undertak-
ing by the route of Columbia will be delayed by
General Forrest's handiwork. It is strange that
i❑ the exchang3 of prisoners the balance should, as
regards rink and file, be largely in favour of the
Confederates; as regards officers, slightly in favour
of the Federals. The Confederates have taken
nearly 15,000 more privates than they have lost ;
the Federals have an excess of about 150
officers in their favour. I know not whether the
explanation which is here commonly given of this
fact is the correct one; but it is asserted that with
Federal officers it is the fashion to say to their
men, " Go on ;" with Confederate officers it is
the fashion to say, " Come on !" Be this as it
may, there is in the Confederacy a growing dig-
satisfaction at the want of straightforwardness
and integrity in the policy of the Washington
Government and their representative, Mr. Com-

the North of rebel prisoners for whom Federal
missioner Ludlow, with regard to the transfer
soners have already been given in payment.
Cher circumstance, which does no:, seem to
suggested itself to Mr. Charles Sumner, is li
hereafter greatly to embarrass the negotiation
an amicable exchange of prisoners. Recently,
for the first time in this war, two negro sold
dressed in uniform, were taken prisoners in N
Carolina and sent to Petersburg. The abject to
of the unhappy wretches, their urgent entreats'
be allowed to go to work on a Southern plantar
their bitter penitence for having been induced
the Federals to take up arms, would have see
ludicrous had they not been pitiable. It is prob
that Mr. Sumner and his associates will striv
insist that negro prisoners shall be regard°
white prisoners, and exchanged for white men.
this it is my impression that the South will el
consent. But it is irn2ossible to resist the COn
tion that every day of continued strife increases
probability of the abandonment of all usages efc
lised warfare ; that the utter want of faith in F'
ral honour is inducing many calm and tetoPel
men to advocate the most desperate and bloodY
of warfare as the true policy of the South ; and!,
in addition to all the frightful miseries which
Sumner and his fellows have brought upon this c
tinent, it is but too probable that they will neeel
tate such measures as the indiscriminate alaugh,
of all combatants, or, in other words, the refusal
take any prisoners.
There will, of course, be a howl of indignation
England at the mere suggestion of such a possibili
The South will be called barbarians, brutalised
slavery, lost to all sense of shame or of Christian
at the bare notion that they should deliberati
adopt so obsolete a policy. It is not necessary
stop and inquire whether, in the event of Bog
beinginvaded by theFrench,there would not baby
dreds of voices heard in favour neither of giving!
asking quarter, and to Virginians the old Domini
is at least as dear as his own beloved island to an n
lishman. But in justice to the South it may he ask 4
what are they to do ? Two Confederate prisooei
both of them officers, are confined together in B°..
,
Federal prison in the same room, and are si°3;
taneously exchanged in the place of two Fedoei
prisoners, who are at once sent to the North. ,
of the Confederate prisoners comes to Ricbraosulf e
asked after his companion, and answers that be
him, say in Camp Chase, in Ohio. A complailiti
k
at once addressed to Mr. Ludlow, who answers tPt
he will inquire. In a few days he reports
there is no such officer in Camp Chase. Some wee
after, haply the missing officer arrives and rePrt
that he has been in five or six prisons, that be be
0
been marched, to inflame the rage of the Federbi
mob, through city after city, that all that cosh',
done to break his spirit has been unsparingly e
b 0
,
ployed, that he has been told that he is never t°
exchanged. The Southerner is sensitive and higo
strung, and in many cases his heart, impervioll;bi
craven fear on the battlefield, sinks under
pressure of hatred and of captivity. In thiE.,. Wet
Federal vengeance is constantly gratified. iietbsl
not be said by some flippant Northern writer '
there is no truth in these aspersions. Facts, n°°lo
dates, and fullest particulars of a dozen such e,11,0
have been laid before me; if necessary, they !m-
-all be communicated to the English public. vey
Meantime, in Secessia still more than in Yang et
dom, the rapid and incessant manufacture of Palle
promises to pay continues to depreciate theeif
lle rency from day to day, and it is idly fancied in
iisti
York that no nation which is giving 5 dole. se."
for coffee and 75 dols. a barrel for flour (its P,ric-00
Mobile) can long protract its resistance. D.
effect are the Yankees told that never was a defier,
mined nation checked by depreciation of its Pisir
Board in the hotels, which six months ago 11„0.
dols. a day, has risen to 8 dols. ; the scarcity 0' "dif
plies, and still worse their uncertainty make it har
.
possible for hotelkeepers and owners of board forla,
houses to furnish food for their guests. Bat pat '
moment let it be thought that scarcity will :poi
ascend to famine, that a nation which is more the
equal to its enemy in the field will yield t°
gaunt dictates of a monitor who, if necessity 91."0,,
would be resisted as Massena resisted him at Gen
and the indomitable Protestants of Ireland foog
him at Londonderry. Everywhere evideseee,
offered to prove that no such necessity can aril' I,d
orit' everywhere it is admitted that three short 133
will carry us over the pinch. Desperate inu Q
must be the cause which req frog
to be bolstered
by any other hopes than those resulting i
honest fighting. I have confidence that in the deaths
grapple now imminent between the two ascotsi
success will still attend the efforts of a higiver
to
race, which adds to superior fighting qualitieSoigh
inestimable advantage of fighting on the def.° the
but which may possibly be compelled to carrYf its
menace of the arms into the rich provinces of
neighbour before this sorely stricken and distil
land shall again know rest.