The Sun.
London, England, 1839-10-18 00:00:00

'the Suit newgPap'ci fife next daY the Obdrst he had
taken. , But knowing the rton. Baronet's' political inte-
grity,. I said. audi altcranz parlern, If,, indeed, I could
for one MoTent
.imagine ithat
.the Hon. Batbtet meant
to pander or a Moment to the prejudices of the party
with whom on that oceasicfc he, was found to act—if I L
could suppose that the Hon. iVrAft meant to frown
upon the modes of faith and forms of religioit ;17ot his
owa—if > 66014/ contrary to every other act of his life,
believe that he inferid&l Vaosq the liberal principle
upon which this grant was founded-='till', eb9ve all, if by
that cdnise ihe Hon. Member bad paltered from "hecr
trifling with the inifirists of his constituents and the
country at large, and by iindcifing one vote against
the other, try which was the toughett of the two.
then I would be the first to withdraw my confidence;
to proclaim to the world that I had been deceived. But
the case la tick Sn--the political integrity of the Hon.
Baronet is above suspicion and I receive the clear and
honest explanation be has now given as fiertectly satisfac-
tory. There are other topics blended with tills toast
on which I might dwell if the time allowed. We hear
much from certain parties of the doctrine of finality.
Finality indeed; Why there is nothing final till after
the Resurrection, " then cometh the end." The doc-
trine of finality is a most awful doctrine: Am Ito be
told that the Reform Bill is final? Can it be so ? It
was a great and glorious measure, and the Calflitty was
thankful for its passing, but there are many of its pro-
visions that require great correction. There is the Re-
gistration Court, for instance # why it is nothing less
than an annual nuisance, the source of all manner of
bickerings, heartburnings, and every other evil against
the peace and good neigbourhood of society ; arid then
the decisions, so contradictory and so uncertain. I feel
deeply upon this point, because I belong to a class of
her Majesty's subjects that never come out of these
courts with their political life—put there by the kind-
ness of some Tory objector, there they are all immo-
lated. I refer to Protestant Dissenting Ministers. It
was never the intention of the framers of the Reform
Bill to take away the franchise from these gentlemen ;
but now through the annual visits of the gentlemen
learned in the law, it is most generally done. When
indeed a liberal barrister comes along—a kind of rara
avis in terra—we escape with our life for another year ;
but these mercies are sure to be withdrawn by his suc-
cessor. I impute motives to no one—" Brutus is an
honourable man —so they are all—all honourable men"
—but Julius Caesar is ambitious, and be must die!

These devout upholders of the British throne—these
labourers in the field of moral culture—these promoters
of the rights and liberties of her Majesty's subjects
—these are men ambitious of retaining the votes
they held before, the passing of the Reform, Bill,
and they must politically die. I impute motives
to no one. " Brutus is an honourable man"—but the
Prote‘stant Dissenting Minister escapes not alive from
the Registration Courts of those revising gentlemen,
Can such a state of things continue ? Ought it to do
so ?. If the Administration—than to whom it is under
no greater obligations for its support than to the Dis-
senting Ministers—shall refuse to do them justice in
this matter, then the pressure from without may open
their eyes and show them its necessity. On this
point I speak strongly. We have no mitred heads
nor lawn sleeves to uphold our rights in the Peers ;
we must be content v ithout them ; but we must have
justice. Finality, indeed ! Why the franchise
must be extended far beyond its present li-
mits, before we can entertain such a notion.
—(Hear, hear.) Look at the unrepresented towns
and parishes in our land. There are gentlemen of sub-
stantial family, of considerable incomes, of educated
minds, of benevolent and religious character, the pa-
trons of science, the promoters of all good works, who
have a tear for sorrow, and a smile for joy, and a sove-
reign for charity ;* and yet, with
.all these recom-
mendations, have no voice in the election of their Re-
presentatives in Parliament, unless they encumber
themselves with a forty-shilling freehold, or descend to
the servile trick of being a faggot voter, to give it at the
bidding of some Lord. And yet the honest, laborious,
and worthy farmer, who, with all his good qualities, is,
notwithstanding, dependent on the will of his superior,
enjoys the privilege of the franchise. I complain not of
this. The man who pays 501. a-year ought to have a
vote in the election e f Members of Parliament, but
to withhold it from those who are by circum-
stances infinite:y better instructed and qualified
to exercise it, however this may suit the
Chandos school, is a state of things that cannot be
final. I will not tresspass upon the time of the meeting
—another remark and I have done. From my appear-
ing here to-night I shall be complimented as a political
Dissenter. If a gentleman of my station and profession
shall once in seven years meet his friends to discuss
points of vital importance to his religious privileges, then
he is at once charged with the tremendous crime of
being political. Ido most distinctly, yet courteously,
return the compliment. Why there is not a public oc-
casion, from that of the triennial visitation of the Dioce-
san to the preaching of a club sermon in the obscure
village—not a meeting of the gentry of a certain class
of politics—whether it be a ploughing-match—or meet-
ing to improve the breed of horned cattle—but the
poor unfortunate Dissenters come in for share of at-
tack and misrepresentation. To defend themselves,
is, however, a crime. " Being defamed, we intreat."
There are exceptions—noble exceptions—among their
political opponents-,-and many both among the clergy
and laity in this neighbourhood—who would dis-
dain such ungenerous attacks—but defamation and
reproach, I regret to say, is most mournfully the
rule. And what is our offence? It hath this
extent and no more—we happen, if political at
all—to be political on the wrong aide. If we could
forego our principles and desert the standard of non-
conformity, we may be political to 'our hearts' content
—the more the better. That which is now the most
enormous sin would then become the most commend-
able virtue. But now, alas ! it is a crime to whis-
per even our loyalty to the throne, and our support of
her Majesty's Ministers. Be it so. If to adhere to
the principles of our ancestors, who built their chapels
without Parliamentary grants, and who support them
without parochial and compulsory rates ; if to tread in
the steps of those noble-minded men, who brought
Charles the Second from abroad, and put
the crown upon that Monarch's head after its
had been held in abeyance during the Commonwealth ;
men who welcomed George I. to this country and es-
tablish the Brunswick dynasty in these realms ; if to
offer congratulations and fervent prayers in behalf of our
virtuous and beloved Queen—to uphold her Majesty's
Ministers and join in the warns reception of the Right
Honourable the Chancellor of the Exchequer as long as
he continues the liberal representative of liberal mea-
sures ;—if this be an offence, then I fear, in the face of
all the solemn remonstrances and admonitions of our
disinterested opponents—in the face of all the compli-
ments paid to our political nature, we shall continue
serious offenders still.—(The speech was applauded
throughout.)