The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-21 00:00:00

Prince Napoleon's Speech on the Polish

Question.

(From the Times' Corresponient.)

In the debate in the Senate on the Polish ques-
tion, Prince Napoleon well sustained his reputation
as the moat effective speaker in the Assembly of
which he is a member. Power of language, skill in
reasoning, knowledge of his subject, are all at his
command, and are marked by a spirit and fire
which arrest the attention and extort the praise
even of those who most dissent from him. The way
in which ho demolished the elaborate apology set
up for Russia by the Marquis de la Rochejaquelein,
shows the accomplished debater, never at a loss to
meet successfully the arguments of his adversary.
He may not have inherited the military genius
of his made, but in reading his speeches we must
admit that he would have taken a distinguishet:
place by the side of the great orators of the first
French revolution. The Prince's aim was that
France should intervene in behalf of Poland, not
merely by means of negotiation or remonstrance,
but with arms, The contrast between his bold
harangue and the cautious language of the Minister
is remarkable. Yet it may be more apparent than
real, and there are people who believe that tho
Emperor is willing to see the effect produced out of
doors by his cousin's fervid appeal—to feel, as it
were, the pulse of the public before committing
himself to any more decisive policy—to see, in fact,
how far the French people, who sympathize to a
man with Poland, would approve another war with
Russia, and who also believe that the speech which
every one has read, was known and not disap-
proved in the highest quarter before it was de.
livered. I have reason to think that those persons
are correct, and though some of his Majesty's Minis-
ters seriously contemplated for a moment prevent-
ing:its publication in the Moniteur, they concluded,
rightly that its suppression would not be well
viewed in the highest quarter. This was not the
only step to be taken ; for, to avoid the impression
that might be produced by a debate on Poland, the
draught of a Senatus-consultnm was prepared
with a view to limit the right of petition to French
citizens.

The Prince spoke in the course of his speech
about England, and he did so in allusion to some
unfriendly remarks made by Senator Bonjean the
day before. lie had heard it stated, he observed,
that the policy of England was selfish. He admitted
it was so, but he turned the argument against his
own Government. If the policy of England was
selfish, it was selfish with respect to acts. The
French Government had nothing to fear from Eng-
land when action was once determined upon ; and
English policy would cease to be adverse the moment
the conduct of the French Government was of a
nature not to offend public opinion. The very
qualities that distinguished England made her
as a Power often timid, and slow to act,
even in cases where her own greatest in-
terests were concerned. The English were a
commercial and manufacturing people ; they
set their interests above everything ; and if they
had the defects of such a people, they had also the
good qualities. He cited in proof of his assertion
the manner of proceeding in the affairs of the East.
England had a greater desire and a greater necessity
than France to act; and yet when the English fleet
quitted Salamis for Constantinople, it was after the
orders given by the French Government to its own
fleet to proceed thither. The English Government,
though it had more momentous interests than
France to defend in those parts, yet from its re-
served habits, its reticence, its unwillingness to en-
gage itself in great affairs, remained in inaction,
and it was the French Government which drew it
on. This was an undoubted fact. There was nothing,
therefore, to be apprehended from that quarter. He
neither praised nor blamed, he merely stated facts
with impartiality. No, there was nothing to be
apprehended from England. England would never
be against France on such a question. Public opi-
nion would prevent it ; and the defects which made
England cold and slow in assuming an active policy
were precisely those which would have the effect of
preventing her from acting against France.
The sentiments thus expressed by Prince Napo-
leon as to the probable attitude of England in the
event of more decisive steps on the part of France
are shared by the Emperor, and, from all I can
gather of their opinion, by the French people,
whose feeling towards the Polish insurgents is un-
mistakeable. The French Ministers do not appear
to be agreed on what they should state to the
public. M. Billault's position does not correspond
with his sentiments. He was, in times not far gone
by, one of the most fervid denouncers of the policy
of acquiescence on the subject of Poland; and if he
appear in another character now, he does so from
his obligations as standing orator for the Govern-
ment. But he is not—and I think he knows it—
le interpreter of the Imperial will, nor the deposi-
tary of his secret. He says no more than what is
set down for him in his instructions. Every one has
remarked the notable difference between his lan-
guage in the Legislative Body and that of his col-
league M. Walewski in the Senate, who spoke so as
to merit the thanks of Prince Napoleon.