The Sun.
London, England, 1830-03-11 00:00:00

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leen had
I foroavil

iof hi" All his acts had been in conformity, and
"Y hig paper blockades, and his gratuitous recognition
of the title of Regent, Le had done all in his power '
to favour the cause of tyranny, That celebrated negocia-
tor, • who,at Chatillon, 'could not prevail upon himself
to pronounce the very name of the French Emperor,
with whom he was actually negotiating, and whom it was an
object to conciliate, went out of his way to recognize a
nsurper with whom he had actualy broken off all connection
on account of his treason. And what was the pitiful apo-
logy of the two Right Hon. Gent. for this wretched course of
policy? Fear of war ! With whom ? With the magnani-
'noose mouse in all her panoply. But even had this been the
alternative, which he denied, he would ask the military
members of the Government, and who knew the country,
Whether either of them would have hesitated to march from
one end of the country to the other, at the head of the
two brigades of English troops then at Lisbon ? But
it neither was, is, nor ever was, the question in this
'at The only thing at first required (and this he
would beg to impress uaon those who measure all na-
tional honour by a scale of pounds, shillings, and
Peaee) was to retain our troops till the Emperor of
T,
'""ail'a pleasure should be known—a term of three
months, and at an outlay of a very few thousand pounds,
and all that was since wanted, was a bond fide interfer-
ence on the cause of freedom, to as great an extent as we
had hitherto interfered against her. He called on the
House of Commons, to bear in mind its ancient cha-
racter u the shield and advocate of foreign liberty, and
to attend more than it had of late done to the na
tional honour, compromised, as it had lately been, by
onr foreign policy. He desired Gentlemen to hear in
mind that the same men were now in office who had

connived at or approved the Austrian seizure of
l‘laPles, and the French invasion of Spain. The Se-
cretary of State had justified the former outrage, on the
ground that a nation was justified in suppressing a conti-
guous; nuisance. He viewed the free institutions of Italy
Its a sort of steam-engine or gas-work, which its virtuous
neighbour was justified in suppressing, lest the pestilential
tftluvil should infect its pure atmosphere. But if this
"(I't-fallen nation had no feeling or strength to justify
foreign sympathies, he trusted the Ministers would them-
"rives want the courage to affix on their own name's and
on that of their country, the indelible disgrace of any
farther recognition of the tyrant.
Sir F. BURDETT, after complimenting the Noble
Lord (Palmerston) upon the eloquent and argumentative
manner in which he had introduced this motion, to the
House, proceeded to say that he felt that this was a
enbject in which the character of this country was at
stake, and for that reason he wished, as an Englishman
deeply concerned for the national honour of his country, to
declare his opinions upon the question. The national
character of this country, he knew from experience, ova sat
present at a very low estimate amongst the people on the
continent of Europe, and that was entirely attributable to
the foreign policy which had been latterly pursued by our
government. The motion of the Noble Lord, if acceded
t'°' was calculated in some degree to raise our character
amongst foreign Rations, and to prove in the face of
amongst
that the llonse of Commons at least was not in-
different to the Rational honour. All the most important
Portions of the documents bearing upon this question were
still withheld by Government, and it was absolutely ne-
cessary that documents called for by the Noble Lord should
be laid before the House, before it could possibly pro-
nounce its 'opinion as to the transactions to which those
documents had reference. It was absolutely necessary, he
would repeat, that all those papers should be laid before
the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman, who had at-
tempted to answer the able speech of the Noble Lord, had
offered a most flimsy pretence for refusing to give those
documents, and the information which the Noble Lord
required. The Right Honourable Gentleman said that
that would be interfering with pending negotiations.
Why, a mere reference to the dates of those papers
svould show that there was not one of them, or
at most, not above one of them, the production of
which mild possibly interfere with any pending negocia-
tions.—(Hear, hear.) In the result of that negotiation the
character of this country was deeply involved : it was
plain that Ministers were not very cisary as to the mainte,
menet of that character ; indeed, it was impossible to con-
fide in them in that respect, after what hail already oc-
curred, and limier such circumstances; he conceived that
that that House should insist upon the production of every
species of information with regard to the manner in which
those negociatione had been conducted. It used to be the
characteristic policy of England throughout Europe to aid
the cause of liberty and independence—to cherish the
feelings of patriotism and love of freedom—to restrain
the strong—to assist the weak—to resist the encroach-
ments of despotism—and to afford a refuge to the destitute
and oppressed. But the present character of her system
of foreign policy was quite the reverse.—(Hear, bean).—
He did not know but the time would soon come when
many persons would speak of that calumniated personage,
Don Miguel. lie was far from knowing how long it
might be before such language might be used in reference
to Don Miguel by his best friend, Lord Aberdeen—(A
laugh, and cries of " Hem-, hear")—who had so lately
and so justly depicted him to the people of Europe,
a, cruel," " base," " cowardly," " false," and
"treacherous." He (Sir F. Burdett) did not know how
long that Noble Lord would continue to say that Don
Miguel deserved the application of such terms, and he was
not sure but that person might well say—
" -- nom si ego slignus hac contumelia
Sum mazume, at to indignus qui fames tamen."
(Cheers.)—He was of opinion that the whole of these trans-
actions should be fully detailed to the House and the country.
Don Miguel was first confirmed by England in the possession
of power in Portugal; and then, when there, he acted a part
so different from that which we bad sanctioned, and to
which ke hal bound himself, when here, to perform—and
for the performance of which this country was in some
measure a guarantee--that his conduct was a disgrace and
insult to the Crown of this country.—(Hear.)—lle (Sir
Burdett) was convinced that, but for the death of Mr.
Canning,part.
11eaDoin, Miguel would never have played such a
hear.)—He would have known, if Mr.
binning were living, that lie could not enact such a part
h impunity, and he would not have had the countenance
or supposed good understanding of the English Govern-
ment to support him in his doings in Portugal.—(Hear.)
7-To what extent or amount that countenance went, and
how far it was tnaintained by the correspondence of Lord
Ileresford, it Wag not possible to say, unless the House had
tie whole of the documents before it. If a different line
of Policy, if the policy of Mr. Canning had been pursued,
in reference to Portugal, it would have prevented all those
difficulties in which we now found ourselves placed. He
should say nothing as to the propriety of what had been
done at Vienna, nor should he say whether it devolved
upon an English Ambassador to return from Brazil with a
Constitution in his pocket for Portugal; bat he was sure
that Mr. Canning, seeing the necessity of some once,inter-
te thought it wise and prudent to give our support to
1 establishment of the Constitution in that country, in
order to secure the good will of the party there attached
to the Constitution of England. Mr. Canning, at the
fairly thought, that if the Constitution were este-
Od with the aid of England, the gratitude of that party
attachedetvv to it for our exertions would render the connexion
tneoeue: the two countries still more intimate and advan-
tageous. 13wells countenance then afforded to the Consti-
their nduced them to come forward and risk
now byes and fortunes in support of the Constitution ; and
the the Policy which we since adopted, we delivered
de"l up to . I, massacred_ by Don Miguel, or punished and
vise rn _ -
any way that his malice and cruelty could de-
in th . (ileac, hear. )—We abandoned them to be sacrificed
qasen. ow„ . .
what
hoar " country, or to be driven out of it ; and
*Pecks of refuge we afforded them here ?—(Hear,
htielaer.),\-But upon that point he should not dwell now, as
itight Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Grant) was
P salmi t
bring all the transactions relating to Terceira
before :House. Ile would only say, that one mind ap-
-Ist to to Pervade all these transactions.—( Hear, hear.)—
inatilei.set
tWraansenantadstiBkoetndhi?hwelisrvicy, suspect the conduct of England
,rrpanecitbiltLin
Who
fresh,
ices fast by, a butcher with an axl;,
(Clleerec )„,:ill"Peet
'twas he that made the slaughter ?"
let ms know
`tothre were not grounds for suspicion, why not
(Loud cries tief,y thing relating to these transactions ?
word. e (Sir F.
Peace," " peace," was now the
H
not so fallen in F. Burdett) trusted that this country was
war. The
Minister who e.ondition and in energy as to be afraid of
thirst not would declare that this country
honour and chto ar
stetwar; did not show any respect for the
erns <m of the country which were here so
deeply conc
silence all argument
and if the mere word " war" were to
Burdett) would s uPon the subject, then lie (Sir F.
done
heay that in that case the nation was nn-
(Flears
".)—Though greatly distressed at pre-
ateunrto,
ptleris_c_ousnetry, when compared with other countries in
its 1,0,447
_stied always sufficient resources to maintain
maintain its7torYnothis
but if
ne'et„. War undoubtedly should be a last resource,
country was as capable as ever to
7s-if an I:irii:nd put forth its powers.—(Cheers.)
for the defenactetl'oifm
uotronons and sa„,
that
should get up in the House of
go to. war s
itcsohunont7urwaansdncoltthirnacatesrta, state to
brought to the
he (Sir P. Burdett)
block.wo(uld say that some heads should be
memory he respected's-sr-Tear, hear.) A great man, whose
could he a greater and admired, and than whom no inn
Foxes-had saidesn7embZtto War--he meant the late Mr.
the
cues in which war might

be disputable, were those which included a war for aggran-
dizement, which was dishonest ; a war of ambition, which
was indefensible ; and a war of interest, which was dis-
graceful ; but he added, that whenever our honour was
concerned, we should he always ready to stand forward in
its defence, and that unl, ss we did so, we would bend longer
flit to hold, and we could not hold, our station in the eyes
of the world.—(Cheers.)—Was a dread of war to induce
us to recognize that despot Don Miguel—
" Monstrum nulla yirtute redemptum."
Was it come to this, that the least resistance being exhi-

bited on his part, we should submit at once, and all be-
cause, as the Right lion. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Cal-
craft) bad asserted, that we were unable to go to war, ?
( Hear, hear.)—That was the surest way to involve us in
war ; and if we were not prepared at all times for war,we
could have nothing but a disgraceful, miserable, and un-
profitable peace.—(Cheers )—He could not believe that
we were unable to go to war, after whit had been said
by the Noble Duke at the head of the Government in
another place. Indeed the present Administration seemed
to be composed of Ministers, who, like the fabled monster
with two months, spoke one way in one place, and ano-
ther was' in another place.—(A laugh.)—Peace was now
the word.' England, it appeared, no longer dared to raise
her standard of glory aloft before the world, and to bear
her streamers against the driving thunder-storm, and all
the winds of heaven; no, she must now yield to every wind.
that blows, and even to the blast of Don Miguel ; and
must she be content to put her honour in her pocket be-
cause the Minister of War declares that she could not go
to war?—(Cheers.)—Mr. Canning was not the man who
would have adopted such policy, or have brought this
country to such a pass. If we are not able to go to war,
why, in the name of common sense, should we retain
our present immense military establishments ?—Why not
at once

" Doff the lion's hide
And hang a calfskin on those recreant limbs ?"
(Cheers. )—lf the heart was gone—and in truth the held
seemed not able to direct the heart or hands to any noble

enterprise—if that were the case, the sooner we got rid of
our enormous establishinentS the better. The Right

Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Calcraft) had argued the question
as one of pounds, shillings, and p ence. If that were the
proper view of it, what did we want with missionaries?
and u•hy keep up an army of soldiers and diplomatiogs ?
(ficar.)—lf we were only to mind our own shop, and not
have any thing to do with the affairs of our neighbours,
we should st least get a chance of saving our money.
He was sure that the people of this country would sup-
port Ministers in any wise course of measures for the sup-
port of the national honour. The Noble Lord had made
out a complete case for the production of these papers,
and he (Sir F. Bardett) did not see how they could be
refused.

Mr. CALCRAFT explained. He never meant to say,
according to the extravagant misrepresentation of the mem-
ber fur Westminster, that this country was not able to go
to war.—(Hear, hear.)—He never conceived a doubt on
that point, where there were good grounds and just cause
for our going to war, but he contended, and would still
contend, that no such grounds existed here.
Mr. PEEL could not but regret that it had been deemed
advisable by the Noble Lord, no doubt for good reasons,
though he (Mr. Peel) could not divine their nature, to
submit a motion of this important description to the
House, upon a day usually devoted to relaxation, and upon
which there was a distinct arrangement and underst.nding
among men of all parties that no public business what-
ever of any consequence should ever he brought forward.
--(Loud and general cheers.)—His (Mr. Peel's) time had
been so mock and so incessantly occupied, in consequence
of the lateness of the debates during the last two days in
this House, that he really conceived be had some claim
upon the Noble Lord's forbearance, and that he had some
right to expect that such a motion as this would not have
been brought forward upo❑ this day, which was a sort of
parliamentary dies non.—(Loud cries of" Hear, hear.") He
(Mr. Peel) had been detained in the House, by public bu-
siness, till four o'clock this morning.—(Hear, hear.)—He
was afterwards obliged to devote a considerable portion of
the day to the transaction of public business connected with
the office in which he presided, and which could not be
postponed ; and he felt, therefore, that he entered under
great disadvantages upon the discussion of this question.—
( Hear, hear.)---He laboured under this great disadvantage,
that while his Noble Friend had an opportunity to select
his points of attack, without considering it necessary to
communicate previously to Government the points which
should be made the object of his attack, he (Mr. Peel)
was called upon, on the part of his Majesty's Government,
to enter upon an explanation of transactions spread over a
wide extent of surface, which embraced a considerable
period of time, and which did not particularly relate to.
the peculiar department over which he (Mr. Peel) pre-
sided. Notwithstanding these disadvantages, however,
he trusted he should be able to give a satisfactory answer
to the charges and insinuations of his Noble Friend.
And here he could not avoid declaring, that in the whole
course of Lis public life he had never found his private
feelings clash se much with those public considerations

from which he could not, consistently with his views of
the public interest, depart, on this occasion. If he could
refer to all the papers connected with those transactions,
they would furnish a most triumphant answer to his Noble
Friend—they would afford a full explanation of the whole
case, and they would show why his Noble Friend had
selected sonic of those transactions for animadversion, and
why he had prudently abstained from referring to others.
He (Mr. Peel) was confident that even without those
documents, he should be able to give a satisfactory vindi-
cation of the conduct of his Majesty's Government, and of
the course which, as a Minister of the Crown, he thought it
most proper to pursue in reference to the interests of that
country with the administration of the affairs of which he
was charged. The Hon. Baronet, the Member for West-
minster, had made a speech that could easily be made, for
he not only spoke for himself but against himself.—(A
laugh. )—lt was easy to make charges against his Majesty's
Ministers, and then call upon them to answer them, when
the expressions to which they had reference were never
used on this side of the House.—(Hear, hear.)—His
Right Hon. Friend, the Paymaster of the Forces, had
sufficiently answered for himself on that head. It was
never asserted on this side of the House, that this country
would be unable to sustain a war, whenever a war would
be necessary and just.--(Hear, hear.)—He conceived that
of all the just causes of war, the vindication of the
honour of a cou'utry was that which was most just.
He concurred most cordially with Mr. Fox, that the best
vindication which a country could plead for embarking in
war was, that it was necessary to the vindication of the
national honour ; but making a concession of all these
points to the Hon. Baronet, he still thought that it was
matter fur legitimate inquiry, whether, when we were in-
vited to enter into a war, there was any engagement ex-
pressed or implied made by the country, any formal or
moral obligation, any consideration of interest which re-

„ - -
quired it to involve itself in that war, or to hold that me-
nacing language, which, if it were disregarded, left us no
alternative but the commencement of war.—(Near.)—Ho
did not expect that either his Noble Friend or the lion.
Baronet would conceive him to be arguing the question
unfairly, if, after making these admissions, he proceeded
to contend that it was our interest not to involve ourselves
in war, except for some great and paramount consideration.
He thought that his Noble Friend would not consider him
as stating his argument unfairly, when he assumed it to be
this ;—that his Noble Friend was of opinion, first, that
there were certain engagements in existence which com-
pelled this estuary to pursue a different course from that
which it actually had pursued. His Noble Friend did not
state himself to be an advocite for war—his Noble Friend
had better tact—and therefore he would merely say on that
subject, that if war were necessary, let us have war ; but if
it were not necessary, let us not conjure up such a phantom
to deter men from following the dictates of reason. His
Noble Friend, he repeated, claimed not that we should go
to war—he claimed that we should do something different
from that, though he did not state what that something
different should be : he said that we should have assumed
a different tone in the language which we addressed to
the Government of Portugal, and that we should. have
enforced certain rights which we possessed by treaty,
and which we had failed to enforce. His Noble Friend
had likewise said, for he had taken down his words—
', We basely slunk from the engagements into which we
entered, and we have legal claims on Don Miguel which
we have failed to enforce.” Now, if be was not much
mistaken, he should be able to show that if we had basely
slunk from our engagements, his Majesty's present advisers
were not the only persons who ought to bear the disgrace
of such misconduct,—that if we had failed to enforce our
legal claims on Don Miguel, the Noble Lord and his friends
were equally implicated in such failure; for the period
when the execution of such engagements, if such engage-
ments there were, could have been most effectually com-
pelled was when his Noble Friend himself held office
under the Crown—(Great cheering)—and at that time he
had never beard from his Noble Friend any of those re-
monstrances which he had made so vehemently that night.
._.(lmmense cheering.)—He would admit to his Noble
Friend, that even supposing that there were no express en-
gagements, there might be moral obligations on the (-win-
try which ought to have the same flirce. He would i❑
the course of his speech consider that question fully, and
would inquire whether there were any engagements ex-
pressed or implied requiring our interference with the
government of Portugal, or whether there were any moral
obligatio❑ ramming the force of a formal contract. He

must here stop to vindicate the memory of his late Bight
Hon. Friend, Mr. Canning, front tlw bnputations which
had been thrown on it that night, if the assertions of th-
llon. Bart. opposite were well founded. He must con-
tend that the whole of Mr. Canning's language in that
House, and the whole of his written communications will
foreign Ministers, which were on record, contradicted the
assertion that there was any thing either in the mode in
which the Portuguese charter was granted, or in the mode
in which it was conveyed to Lisbon, imposing any obli-
gation upon England to maintain it in full and undi-
minished integrity.—(Hear, hear.)—lf our troops were,
as it was contended, sent to Portugal to interfere with the

internal institutions of that country—
Mr. E DAVENPORT (we believe)—Nobody said that.
Mr. PEEL understood the Noble Lord and the Hon.
Baronet to have both said, that the circumstances under
which the Charter had been c&rried to Portugal ex-

cited expectations there which we were hound to realize.
If that were so, how was it to be reconciled with the lan-
guage of Mr. Canning? Mr. Canning had not disap-
prioved of Sir Charles Stuart's conduct in bringing the
Charter from the Brazils to Portugal ; as to the granting
of that charter, England could pot be responsible for it,
and he would therefore leave it out of consideration ; but

because Mr. Canning had not disapproved of Sir Charles
Stuart's conduct, his Noble Friend argued, that expect t_
were raised in Portugal which we were bound in
h wour to fulfil, Now that was not the view taken by

Mr Canning of the consequences which were likely to
arise from the Charter's haring been conveyed to Lisbon
by a Portuguese agent, who happened to he a British
subject. The directions which Mr. Canning sent to Sir
C. Stuart were, that he having left the Charter at Lisbon

with the parties who were eonunissioned to receive it,
should return itnmcdiately home to prevent any such im-
pression from being made either upon the Portuguese peo
ph, or upon other nations. That was evident frem the
language of Mr. Canning's despatch to Sir W. A'Court.
On the 22(1 of July, 1826, he wrote thus to Sir W.
A'Court:—" It is the anxious wish of Isis Majesty's Go-

vernMent that nothing may be done by Sir Charles Stuart,
whether under the commission of the Emperor Don Pedro,

or at the solicitation of the Portuguese authorities, which
can be liable, either in Portugal, or throughout Europe,

to he misconstrued a■ an antilmitative interference in the

internal concerns of Portugal. Should any thing of that

sort unluckily hive occurred, his Majesty's Government
relies confidently on your Excellency for doing away the
impression which it would be calculated to create, by a
discreet use of the explanations and declarations, contained
in my despatches to your Excellency, and in those of which

I have transmitted copies for your information." Again,

on the same day, Mr. Canning wrote thus to Sir C.

Stuart :—" It is the desire and -determination of his Ala-

jesty's Government to avoid, as far as possible, the appear-
ance of any direct interference of British agency in the
establishment of the new order of things in Portugal." He
d d not suppose that any gentleman would contend, that
b?cause Mr. Canning enjoined Sir C. Stuart to avoid the
appeatance of British interference, he intended to autho-
rise him to carry on that interference in a secret manner ;

by no means. Mr. Canning intended to deny the exist-
ence of any desire on the part of the British Government
to interfere in the establishment of the new order of things
in Portugal. Mr. Canning expressly said, that he founded
his approbation of the Charter on tie implied assent of tee
people of Portugal to it; and in a despatch, dated the
17th of July, 1826, and addressed to Sir W. A'Court, he
says—" It appears to us, upon the whole, that the best
chance of a safe and tranquil issue to the present extraor-
dinary crisis in Portugal will be to be found in an accept-
ance (as immediate as may be suitable with the importance
of the measure) of the Charter of I)on Pedro, coupled
as it is with his abdication of the throne. Any ether
course must, as it appears to us, be full of danger." But
what did Mr. Canning say afterwards ?—" But if, never-
theless, another course shall be pursued, we shall not be
the lets anxious for its peaceable and happy issue, than if it
were one which we had ourselves advised." He thought
that be had now satisfactorily sliewn that Mr. Canning
had never admitted that he was responsible for the esta-
blishment of the Charter in Portugal; and that the bring-
ing it to Lisbon by Sir C. Stuart, who, though a British
subject, was a Portugese agent, was no claim upon Eng-
land to support that Constitution against the wishes of thel
majority of the Portuguese nation.—(Hear, hear, hear.)— •
Ths next point which he had to notice in the speech of
his Noble Friend, referred to the protocol of Vienna.
His Noble Friend, and after him the Hon. Baronet,
had both argued that because the signature of a British
Minister was attached to the protocol, we had contracted
an engagement to see that the engagements into which
Don Miguel had entered were faithfully observed.—
As the House had been told that this motion had
been made not so much with a view of obtaining
any new documents, as with a view of casting a censure
upon his Majesty's Government, he hoped that the House
would, although it was an unprecedented night for debate
—(Hear, hear)—listen to him with patience while he en-
tered at some length on the defence of Government.—
(Hear, hear.)—The circumstances under which we be-
c ime parties to the protocol of Vienna were very fully ex-
plained in a despatch sent by Prince Metternich to Prince
Eaterhazy, the Austrian Ambassador to this country, and
by him communicated to this Government. Hon. Mesn•
hers would find it at page 29 of these papers. He could
assure the House that no instructions 1001 been given to
Lord Cowley, the British Ambassador at Vienna, to be
present at the conference between Don Miguel and Prince
Esterhazy. The intention of Don Pedro to constitute
Don Miguel his Lieutenant in Portugal was known at
Vienna, and was communicated by Prince Metternich to
Don Miguel. In consequence of the excitation which
then unfortunately prevailed on the minds of the people o
Portugal, it was thought necessary that Don Miguel should
go forthwith from Vienna to that country. Prince Met-
ternich proposed to him to go thither by way of Paris and
London. To this plan Don Miguel expressed great reluc-
tance ; and this was the manner in which Prince Metter-
nich explained the matters on which he invited the British
Ambassador to a conference.—See p. 32. " Seeing our-
selves thus arrested in oar progress by the unexpected re-
sistance we had met with from this young Prince, I de-
termined at once, confidentially, and in the fullest detail,
to make the British Ambassador (whom I had previously
informed of the object and end of my conferences with
the Portuguese Plenipotentiaries) acquainted with all that
had passed between them and me, and between his Ma-
jesty and the Infant. I afterwards invited Sir Henry
Wellesley to meet those gentlemen and me, to take together
into consideration the means which we could yet adopt,
in order to overcome the resistance of the Infant, and,
in the event of our not succeeding, to concert such
measures, as, with the consent of his Government,
from which we were quite determined not to sepa-
rate ourselves in this affair, it might be necessary
to adopt, without delay, in order not to prolong such
a dangerous state of things in Portugal." Such were
the circumstances, he repeated, under which Lord Cowley
had become a party to that protocol. But Lord Cowley
never engaged to see that Don Miguel should perform the
engagements into which he had entered towards his brother
and towards his countrymen. He was no guarantee for
the execution of those engagements.—(llear, hear.)—He
was nothing more than a witness to their having been
made—(Hear, hear)—and thus he thought that there
was an end to the assertion that Lord Cowley, and through
him the British Government, was a party to the arrange-
ments which Don Miguel formally made with his brother
and with his people.—(Hear, bear.)—His Noble Friend
had likewise stated, that there was a protocol in London
signed by Don Miguel previous to his departure for Lisbon,
and that such protocol must have been fixed on before Don
Miguel's arrival here, as it was alluded to in a despatch
written about the same time from Lisbon, by Sir F.
Lamb. He did not feel himself at liberty to state to the
House the contents of that protocol ; for in arguing on
official documents, of which he had determined to refuse
the production, he did not think it right to describe their
contents. Whenever these transactions should he brought
to a final issue, that protocol should be published, and then
his Noble Friend would see that th:•re was no engagement,
either express or implied, compelling us to prevent Don
Miguel from acting as he had done.—(Hear, hear.)—
Much stress had been laid, in the course of the debate, on
the appearance of the British troops in Portugal when
Don Miguel first landed at Lisbon, and afterwards when
he commenced his violation of the right of his brother,
or at any rate of his brother's daughter. He be-
lieved this to be the most importaut part of his
Noble Friend's speech, and he knew that it was that
which had created the greatest impression on the House.
Ilis Noble Friend had stated that the appearance of
our troops in Portugal was a direct interference in its in-
ternal affairs. " It mattered not whether it was intentional
or not," he said, " but a direct interference it certainly
was." It was true that the British troops were at Lisbon
when Don Miguel arrived. It was true that instructions
were given to our commanders to avoid interfering in the
internal dissensions of Portugal, with this proviso, that
in case of necessity, they were to grant protection to the
members of the royal family. Said the Hon. Gent. op-
posite, " Nothing could have been more easy than for us
to have retained possession of the forts on the Tagus," and
on that point he agreed with the Hon. Gent. that if we
were right to go to war with Portugal to support the Con-
stitution, or to controul Don Miguel, the time for going
to war, or for using those menaces, which, if disregarded,
left no alternative but war, was when Lisbon was oectipied

by our force,. C,,n1:1 there be any question upon that
point ? The periml during which we had 4,000 or 5,000
efficient troops in I),,rttigal, was the period when it would
have been most eNpedient for us to interfere; but when

we omitted th,t opportunity, and directed our troops to
,vithdraw entirely from Portugal, we abandoned all right
of interference for the future. It was only right that

he should state to the House that the British Minister
had withheld the order for the withdrawal of the

troops, contrary to his just! uctions, but in conformity

with what lie considered the interests of his country.
The British Government, in the instructions which
they had given him, had maintained the position lair!

down by Mr. Canning,—that the troops were not sent
to take any put in the internal dissensions of Porttwal ;
and thus they were allowed to stay at Lisbon when
Don Miguel arrived, and also when he assumed the
royal signature and uiurped the throne of his brother.
The British Minister from good motives disregarded his

instructions, acting therein with such perfect propriety as

to 'receive for it the approbation of the Government at

Dome.—(Hear, hear.) His reason for disregarding them
was his desire to ascertain whether there was any engage-
ment binding us to correct the extraordinary conduct of
Don Miguel, or whether the interest of the country re-
.

quired that a menacing tone, or even war, should bv
adopted towards him and his intrdsive Government. All
this took place, he omisrlit to observe, after several appear•
ances of an intention, on the part of Don Miguel, to aa-

sume the royal authority, and to place himself upon the
throne. The decree for convening the Cortes at last
came out, hiving the royal signature, instead of the signa-
ture of the King's Lieutenant attached to it. The ques •
tion, whether it should interfere or not, then came regu-

laey before the British Government, and yet, though such
was the question brought before it, the oiler that every
. . . . .

British soldier in Portugal should be withdrawn was re-
peated, and if he was not inktaken, the letter which con-

twined that order bole the signature of William Huskisson.
—(lmmense cheering.) Thus, if the King's Government
had basely slunk from the performance of its engagements,
it was at the very time that it could have interfered with
the greatest effect ; and if it were base to slink from the
performance of such engagements, the King's present

advisers were not the only persons obnoxious to that im-
putation.—(Great cheering.) There was another cir-

cummtance, to which it way paii.ful even to allude, but
to which he undoubtedly must allude, becalmc it formed

one of the combination of circumstances which led

Noble Friend to suppose that we were under engage-
ment to make Don Miguel perform his con•ract to-
wards his brother and his people, and that was the

oath which Don Miguel bad taken bef9re the Emperor
of Austria, the King of England, and the British Go-
vernment, to stand faithfully by the Constitution.—(Hear,
hear.)—He admitted that such a promise was given in the

most solemn, and that it had been violated in the most
shameful manner. God forbid that he should sad• one

word in vindication of Don Miguel's conduct on that head.
—( Hear, hear.)—Hewas well aware of the alliance which
his Noble Friend was sure to form with the sympathies of
all who heard him, when he had to deal with the engage-
ments of a person upon whose character such reflections
could be cast, and east with justice. He was also well
aware that his Noble Friend had arailed himself largely of
that natural sympathy which he was certain to excite
when he pleaded iii behalf of that young person whom we
admitted to he the legitimate Queen of Portugal. He
(Mr. Peel) was bound, as a Minister, to consult the great
interests committed to his charge, and to decide on the
merits of the question, not by listening to appeals to his
feelings, but by pursuing the dictates of reason and ex-
pediency. It was true, then, Out Don Miguel had dis-
regarded the oath which he had sworn to his brother.
What were the circumstances under which that oath was
disregarded,—how far the violation of it was in compliance
with the prevailing feeling of Portugal,—were points into
which he declined to inquire, for he was not prepared to
vindicate them.—(Cheers.)—He had, however, heard it
whispered that the same circumstances had happened be-
fore in the same family, and they might therefore entitle
him to have sonic allowance made, though he (Mr. Peel)
admitted that they could not palliate his oblivion of the most
sacred engagements. Honourable Members could not have
forgotten that the Brazils had been separated from Portugal
some years ago in nearly the same manner as Portugal had
recently been separated from the Brazils. He was afraid
that it somehow or ether had happened that Don Pedro
had contacted towards his father engagements similar to
those which Don Miguel had contracted towards Don
Pedro. He was afraid that it likewise had happened that
Don Pedro, relying on the support of the people, had
violated his engagements towards his father as decidedly
as Don Miguel had since violated them towards Don
Pedro. He (Mr. Peel) had some reason to believe that
when Don Pedro was administering the Government of
the Brazils in the name of his father, he took the follow-
ing oath.—( Here Mr. Peel read a long extract from a let-
ter of Don Pedro to his father, Don John, King of Por-
tugal, in which he protested to his Majesty that he never
would be a perjurer. That if the people of the Brazils
were toad enough to think of electing him Emperor, the
election should not be• until he and all the Portuguese
in the Brazils were cut to pieces, and that he swore all
this faithfully to his Majesty, writing in his own blood, to
give it greater efficacy, his oath to he faithful to the
King, the Portuguese nation, and the Constitution.)—
(Loud cries of " Hear.")—Circumstances arose shortly
afterwards, which proved the value which Don Pedro set
upon this oath. The prevailing feeling of the Brazils was
so strong in favour of erecting the Brazils into an inde-
pendent state, and of separating them from Portugal, that
Don Pedro felt that he had no alternative but to yield
to that feeling and to declare himself Emperor, if he
wished to preserve any amicable relations with Portu-
gal.--(Hear, hear.)—lt was true that the cases of Don
Pedro and Don Miguel were not analogous; for in the
case of Don Pedro there was not even the shadow of an
obligation made with England ; still there was enough of
resemblance between them to show that they ought not
altogether to disregard the way in which these engage-
ments had been violated by another member of the Royal
Family of Bragsnza.—(Hear.)—There was another mo-
ment of his Noble Friend, which might appear to possess
some importance—" You repudiate," said his Noble Friend,
" all interference now, though I have shown that all your
former course has been a course of interference. I claim
your adherence, not to your exception, but to your rule.
You have interfered often before in the affairs of Portugal,
all I ask of you is to interfere again now. Now this, he
begged leave to say, was a fallacious argument. He ad-
mitted that England had often interfered with the affairs
of Portugal. The relations of England to Portugal were
so peculiar, that it was impossible for England not to in-
terfere in them. We had guaranteed in repeated treaties
the independence of Portugal ; and that guarantee gave us
a right to interfere in the management of her affairs. His
Noble Friend had said, " You interfered at Vienna about
the separation of the Brazils from Portugal, and also about
the appointment of Don 'Miguel t be Lieutenant of that
kingdom why do you not interfere for the restoration of
the charter ?" He (Mr. Peel) could tell his Noble Friend
shortly why. We interfered in the case of the Brazils,
because under on: mediation a negociation had been
entered into for separating the Brazils from Portugal, and
for placing the two crowns on different heads. When
Don Pedro, by the death of his father, united the two crowns
on his own head, we were compelled by the treaty, signed
under our mediation, to interfere in order to compel hint to
make his election of the crown which he would prefer to wear.
The treaty of 1825 rendeted it necessary for us to call on
Don Pedro to fulfil his obligations under it, and to sepa-
rate Portugal and the Brazils for ever. Such interference
as this might possibly be found by his Noble Friend in nu-
merous caees; but where could his Noble Ft iend find any
interference on our part with the internal regulations of
the Government of Portugal?--(Hear, hear.)—We had
been related to Portugal for upwards of four centuries, and
in that time many changes had occurred in the form of
government of both countries. There were treaties formed
with Portugal in the reign of Charles 1., and also in the
time of the Common-wealth, and by those treaties we were
bound to nothing more than to maintain her independence
against all assailants. When the Cortes met in 1822, and
claimed our interference in their behalf, what was the an-
swer given to their application by Mr. Canning? It was
this—" We have undertaken to guarantee, and are ready
at all hazards to guarantee, the independence ttf. Portugal
from foreign powers, but we have nothing to do with,
and we decline to interfere in, its internal regulations.—
(Hear.)—He therefore said that there was no moral obli-
gation, having the force of a formal obligation, arising
from our past interference in the affairs of Portugal, which
called upon us to interfere at present for the restoration of
the charter.—(Hear, hear.)—But then came another
question,—did any considerations of interest compel us to
interfere otherwise than we hitherto had interfered? He
really did not understand the course which his Noble
Friend 'visited the Government to pursue. We had taken
every other alternative but war, or the menace of war.
We had withdrawn our Minister front Portugal some time
ago, and he was withdrawn still. The English Govern-
ment had, as was generally known, become the gurantee
for the payment of a loan made in this country to Don
Miguel. The money was sent off to Lisbon, but as
soon as Don Miguel refused to take the oath of fidelity
to his brother and to the Charter, the British Minister
sent back the first instalment of the loan, which had al-
' ready arrived in the port of Lisbon. On the affairs of Ter-
ceira he did not intend to speak, for it appeared that they

were to form the subject of another motioi. Tie knew
not to what acts, save those which he had mentioned, Eng-
land could have resorted, short of war, or the application
of such menaces as, if disregarded, would render war
natural consequence. Now, • was it for the interest of
Eurland, he would re k, to go to war for the purpose of
compelling Don Miguel to perform his engagements, or of
enforcing on a relue ant people a constitution for which
they hail no predilection ?—(llear.)—Under what circum-
stances, he would ask, was that constitution granted? The
House had been told that it was the duty of England to
range herself on the side of free constitution., and against
despotic governments ; and that she ought, upon that
principle, to throw her sword into the balance of parties
which were now dividing Portugal. In plain English, the

argument of the Hon. 13'tronet,-.lnd of his N.thrt. Friend,

when stripped of its dazzling rhetoric, was nothing more
than this —" We ought to go to war fur the Portuguese

constitution."--(Hear.)—Now, whatever the feelings of
the people of England might be at present regarding the

praprit•ty of such a war, he would venture to predict that

two months would not elapse from its commencemekt,
before the supplies fur prosecuting it would be withheld.
Was, then, that constitution granted with such deliberation

and consideration of eiretunNtances as ought to precede the

grant of a form of government? It wa? trt6.i that that
constitution emanated from a legitimate source. But under
what circumstances? Don Pedro r2ceived intelligence of

the heath of Don John on the 26th of April. On the 30th

of April he had a❑ interview with S Charles Stuart,
when mention was first made of the Portuguese eonstitu-

don. Sir C. Stuart, in his despatch to the 13ritilla Go—
vernment on the subject, said, he produced the pro-

ject of a Clnstitution for Portugal, to the compilation
of which he had devoted the greater part"---of what
would the House suppose? Of his life? No ; Sir Charles
Stuart added, '' of a week."—(Hear.)—This was the
manner in which Dou Pedro had framed a constitution by

which a country 2,000 or 3,000 miles from the Brazils
was to be governed. Before this country resolved to go to
war, in support of this constitution, it would at least be
material to ascertain how far the affections of the people
of Portugal were enlisted in its I,vour. On the Ist of
li rch, 1828, Sir Frederick Lamb wrote, in a despatch
to the British Government—" Don Miguel is constantly
assailed with entreaties to mike himself King." In the

course of the same month Sir F. Lamb stated in another

despatch•—" No party here of any consequence attaches
the least value to the charter."—•(Hear.)—These facts being
perfectly undeniable, he implored the House to reflect upon

the consequences of forcing upon a reluctant people a con-
stitution, however good in itself. It ►hould not be for-

gotten that an effort had been m ide in Portugal to oppose
the assumption of power by Don Miguel. The army aided
that attempt,—all the disciplined force of the country was
in its favour, and yet the attempt signally failed. The
failure of this attempt to dispossess Don Miguel of his
usurped authority, warranted the assumption that we should
meet with no cordial support from the people of Portugal,
if we entered upon a war in support of the constitution.
It was said that Brazil hail proposed to us to enter into a
treaty, the object of which was to dispossess Don Miguel
of his power and re-establish the constitution ; but it was
quite evident that this would be merely a nominal treaty on
the part of Br..zil, and that the whole burden of the war,
if it were undertaken, would WI upon us. Besides, there
were good reasons for supposing that even if the Govern-
ment of Brazil were inclined to defray its share of the
undertaking, the people of that country would not con-
sent to such a sacrifice in favour of Portuguese interests
exclusively. On the ground that there was nothing which
called upon this country in vindication of its honour to go
to war, or to pursue any other course than that which had
been pursued—on the ground that the interests of the
country, apart from the considerations of honour, were
opposed to war, he would resist the !notion, the object of
which was, to express an opinion in favour of another line
of policy. Ile wished on his own account personally, and
as connected with the Administration, that the papers
moved for could be produced ; hut in the present state of
our relations with Portugal, he was bound to state his opi-
nion, that it would not be for the interest of England—it
would not he for the interest of Portugal—it would not be
for the interest of that party with whom the sympathies of
his Noble Friend were so justly and so honourab'y engaged.
On these grounds he was bound to state, on his responsi-
bility as a Minister of the Crown, that it would not be
wise to produce the documents at the present moment.
The Noble Lord had stated that the papers already pro-
duced on the subject were garbled extracts. Ile denied
that most distinctly. —(Hear, hear.)—He trusted that the
l louse would not be imposed upon by whatever they might
_ .

have heard with respect to the predilections of his Majesty's
Government for arbitrary power and despotic institutions,
and of its indifference to free institutions, and to the fate
of those who had been engaged in maintaining them—he
hoped, he repeated, that the House would not allow itself
t) be led away by vague accusations, that Government was
insensible to the painful situation of those persons who had
involved themselves it. difficulties from their adherence to
the free institutions of Portugal. He could state with
truth tlsat Alinieters were at the present moment labouring
earnestly and solicitously for the protectiou of their inte-
rests, and he could assure the Ilouse that one of his main
grounds for withholding his assent from the motion before
them, was his deliberate conviction that the unreserved
communication of documents would not promote the in-
terests of those unfortunate persons.—(Hear.)—An at-
tempt had been made to raise a prejudice against Govern-
ment by asserting that Ministers hail insisted that Don
Pedro should give his daughter in marriage to Don Mi-
guel. He could only meet that positive assertion by as
positive a denial.—(Hear, hear.)—The British Govern-
ment had never attempted to press the marriage upon Don
Pedro since he declared his insuperable and very natural
repugnance to the union.—(Hear.)—lndeed, all commu-
nications with Don Pedro on that subject had been made
rather with the view of ascertaining his sentiments than
any other object. After the explanation he had off-red,
he was sure the House would bear him out in the assertion
that the British Government had done nothing to disgrace
the honour of England.—(Hear.)—The Government pro-
fessed no friendship fur arbitrary power,—it expressed no
approbation of the conduct which Don Miguel had pur-
sued. He claimed permission to share in the sympathy
felt for those individuals who were suffering on account of
their attachment to free institutions, and their adherence
to the cause of Don Pedro, whom they considered their
legitimate monarch ; but he trusted it was possible to re-
concile that feeling with judgment. He thought it was
the true policy of England to maintain peace as long as it
could be maintained consistently with honour, and not for
one hour longer than it could be so maintained. In the
present instance he was of opinion that the maintenance of
peace was perfectly consistent with the hono ,r and inter, s a
of England ; and let the judgment of the House be what
it might, he, for one, never would be a party to a vote,
which would have the effect of contravening the policy
which the Government had hitherto pursued, and of which
he believed the Heuse would, at no remote period, have
cause to repent.—(Cheers.)
Mr. HUSKISSON next addressed the House. Some
of his observations at the commencement were inaudib'e.
When we could hear him he was expressing an opinion
that our foreign policy had altered for the worse since the
death of Mr. Canning. The policy of Mr. Canning was
equally opposed to the two extreme parties,—those who
wished every thing to retrograde to the position in which
it stood prior to the French revolution, and those who de-
sired to revive the spirit of that revolution. The Right
Hon. Gent. then contended, that from the moment the
British troops were sent to Portugal the country was di-
vided into two parties, one called the English and Consti-
tutional party, and the other the Spanish and despotic
party. From that moment, too, England was, in the
minds of the people of Portugal, identified with the sup-
port of the Constitution. His Right Hon. Friend argued
with perlect security on many points of this case ; and
why, because he had refused to grant the papers which
they had deemed it necessary to call for. His Right Hon.
Friend had stated that Sir Henry Wellesley had no autho-
rity from this Government to interfere. He (Mr. Hus-
kisson), though he stood there as one who had been in
the service of the Crown, did not mean to refer to any
communication which he might have had in the course of
hie official duties, and which his Right Hon. Friend might
wish to conceal from the House ; but he knew from an-
other source—from a source which had been made public—
from information given to the Portuguese people, and
which information had found its way here—that his Right
Hon. Friend had not narrated the exact facts of the case.
--(Hear, hear.)—He could assert, without fear af
contradiction, that Sir Beery Wellesley was apprized
that the great object of this country eves to effect
peace and reconciliation between the Princes of the house
t e,t Portugal
the ;
President ail
of the surprised of Braganza, and to maintain inviolate the constitu-
tion of Por
was at the time in his Majesty's councils, should have
said that this Government endeavoured to bring about a
compromise ; for he was perfectly convinced from all the
teas
Board o that
Trade,his Righte rho
iiioon. Frini
information which he had received on the subject, that
so far as England was concerned her object was the main-
tenance ofthbeegPgeodrmtoguireesceitiCl Constitution. When :Frliteitiroseit
leiv,}aio
made s
asserted that Sir H. Wellesley acted as a mute on this
occasion,he
this statement to the other parties who were em-
ployed in the business. Cure he eves, that it was nut
probable that Sir H. 'Wellesley or Prince Metternich, both
s ef_whona were favourable to the Portuguese Cuustitutioo,

would, at the instance of Don Miguel's fri nd-, consent fn
compromise it. He found besides that the protocol of the
"23d of October began in these words—" The last protocol
having been agreed to and signed, the Ambassador of Eng-
land immediately afterwards stated that he had a most int-
portant communication to snake to the Congress." Note,
what was that communication ? Why, that individuals
then congregated in Spain, and most improperly supported
by other persons in Paris, were about to interpose for the
purpose of overturning the Portuguese Government, and

. .
t!,at therefore it wouldle necessary to call on Don Miguel
let firmly in support of tLe Constitution. In this

point of view, therefore, be contended that this country
did, to a peat extent, lead the liberal party in Portugal

. .
k) suppose that, in connecting thernselve4 With the Cnsti-
tution, than mi;ht he as,ur 11 of the support of England—

that they might rest satisfied that Englund would uphold
their interests under any adverse eircummt ances that might
Lrise.—(Hear, he3r.)---Afterwards Don Miguel wrote a
letter to his brother, the Etnrror of Brazil, in which he

T-ledlzed hirwelfto govern according to the constitution

he also wrote a letter of the same purport to his sigter ; and
I.e also gave similar assuraneer to the people of I)..rtuznl,

Lnd to the King of England. Now, it wa's quite evi(Cnt,

that the letter addressed to the King of England was
written in conformity with what the King of England had
aire:dy settled and agreed to, with respect to the consti-
tution of Portugal. All Europe was led to place confi-
de ice in Don Miguel, in consequence of the intervention of
England, and the communication which he had Lad with
that power. He would not add to these circumstances a:I
the personal honours which Don Miguel received in conse—
quence of the apparent firmness of his conduct, and which
farther proved the feelings of this country with reference to
the Portuguese constitution. The protocol of the 12th of

Jantrtry clearly showed that there Was a negociation going
on with Don Miguel, in which England and Austria
were evidently parties, their object being the support of
the Portuguese constitution, Miguel then proceeded

['rom this country, with a British squadron, and at-
._ . . . .

tended by the British Ambassador. He arrived at
Lisbon ; and mix or seven days afterwards—at a time

when he (Mr. Huskisson) could not doubt but that ho
had, in conjunction with his mother and other persons,
planned the overthrow of the constitution, as if to show
how little binding he considered the most solemn obliga-
tions—as if to show how easily ).s could play sad trifle
with those who placed confidence in him—he thought fit,
gratuitously and unnecessarily, to take - the oath by
which he pledged himself to maintain and support the
constitution. His conduct very soon showed that it was
impossible to place any, much less implicit reliance, on his
honour or his engagements. Remonstrance after remon-
strance followed, but Ministers would not produce those
remonstrances—they were refused to those who called for

them. Now, he must say, that in order to form a proper
judgment on the CAW, the House ought to be put in pos-
s,!ssion of those remonstrances. They ought to be apprised
of the instructions scut to Sir• Frederick Lamb on that
occasion. If that were done, they would be enabled to
see with what spirit, feeling, and view, the British Go-
vernment acted with reference to Don Miguel. Let thn
instructions on which these remonstrances were founded
be produced, and he would prove to the House, that el e t
then the maintenance of the Portuguese Constitutiois was

tie great object of the British Government. When his
Right Hon. Friend endeavoured to implicate him and his
Hon. Friend in some of the proceedings which were
complained of, he would say to his Right Hon. Friend,
" Give us the paperv,"—(Hear, hear.)—" give us the
papers, and thee we can defend ourselves." Ile admitted
that the despatch which occasioned the troops to be sent
back did bear his name. It was signed before Govern-
ment was informed that Don Miguel had assumed the title
and authority of king. Now, he really thought that his
Right Hon. Friend had not had time to have looked at
the documents which had already been produced on this
subject ; became, if be had, he would have found that the
information ri lative to Don Miguel's conduct had alien-
lutely arrired in England after he wall out of office. He
admitted that the order for. the embarkation of the troops
was signed by himself, after Don Miguel had given
cause of uneasiness; but them circumstances of un-
easiness led the Government to make serious re-
monstrances ; and he again wished that those remon-
strances were placed on the table of the Houses and it
would be then seen in what point of view the conduct
of Don Miguel was contemplated. The re.ult of the dee-
patch received on the 22d Julie was, that Sir Frederick
`..amb suspended his functions at Lisbon until further
orders, and that the other Powers all followed the ex-
ample of England. On the 13th of July his Majesty's
Ministers received a very laconic letter from Sir F. Lamb,
in which he said—" I enclose the proclamation of Don
Miguel, in which he claims to be recognised as King."
Thus, it appeared, that on the 13th of July his Majesty's
Ministers received the notification sof his having usurped
the throne of Portugal, long after he (Mr. Huskisson)
had any thing to do with the Government. On the 13th
of July Ministers received this information, and he would
remind the House, that only three days after the receipt
of that despatch, when one would suppose that the Go.,
verninent would be filled with indignation at the imposi-
tion which had been practised towards his Majesty—when
one would imagine that the deceit of Don Miguel would
meet with their strongest reprobation—only three days
after the arrival of that infortnation,the Secretary of State for
the Foreign Department declared—his regretat the usurpa-
tion? or his sorrow for the fate of the persons whose lives and
properties were sacrificed by the usurper ? No such thing;
he declared that the friends of Don Miguel spoke the
sentiments of the Portuguese people. Thus did it go forth
to the world, that the moral influence of Great Britain h id
expired ; thus did it appear that oar friendship and as-
sistance were mere shadows. Well might the Portuguese
say, when an English Minister again proffered them as-
sistance, noseitur d sociis—heaven defend us from such
friends. He looked with astonishment at the character
of Don Miguel. It was Ruining that so young a matt
could have accomplished so much wickedness in so short
a time ; for at the early age of 26, this man—this Don
Miguel —had perpetrated every crime, and displayed every
vice,which historical truth or historical fiction hail attributed
to the most sanguinary monsters that ever waded through
the blood of innocent people in pursuit of their ambitious
objects.—(Hear.)—lt was to he hoped that he would
finish a life of infamy by a death of violence. But could
they talk of this individual abstractedly, and without refe-
rence to the engagements into which he had catered ?
Could they forget the pledge which he had given to the
King of England? Could they overlook the indignity
with which his subsequent conduct visited the Monarch
of this country? To use a military metaphor, a gallant
body of British troops, including a portion of his Ma-
jesty's household forces, had been sent out as a covering
party, to facilitate the assaults and attacks which Don
Miguel was about to make en that Constitution which
he had sworn to maintain--they were sent out to look on
his brutal violence, and to view, unmoved, the judicial
murders which he was committing. Was it for the
honour of this country that there should be now some
50,000 or 40,000 Portuguese wandering all over Ecrope?
He could assure his Right Hon. Friend, whatever he
Might think, that the impression throughout the world
was, that the constitutional party in Portugal had suf-
fered deeply for their strict adhesion to this country. Ilia
Right Hon. Friend had argued that Ministers were jus-
tified in the course which they had adopted, and that they
would have acted improperly if they had, under the exist-
ing circumstances, interfered. Why, the history of Por-
tugal, for the last 30 years, was nothing but the history of
English interference; awl it ocelot cot be otherwise,
in consequence of the engagement.' whisk hound this
country to that limited and feeble State. Alli must
know the reason of the engagements which bound
us to defend Portugal from any aggression, come from
what quarter it might. sow, it was evident, where there
was any engagement so binding and yet so inconvenient
to this country, that there must be some leading and para-
e
mount interest which called for it. That leading and
paramount interest was to prevent Portugal from failing
into the hands of any of those greet powers which adjoined
that State, and which this *wintry was accustomed to view
with jealousy. Besides, the situation of Portugal was such
as would enable this country the more easily to repel any
design which the Spaniards might meditate with respect
to Gibraltar. Portugal ought, therefore, to claim as a
haanenrdta
right a paramount interest in our councils. What had
been the history of our connection with Portugal for the
o
ot,,ph,.olee,rntnsiaurastgt,
yadi
enafsnetdn
dGnrhaeveayrt
atßo rr
oi teualris neo. representationpwsphilti uhu tatoi heroun
did Portugal make to this country ? She said, that either
unjust and improper requisition of Spain. This
that she must comply with
country then entered on the defence of Portugal, with a
most unbounded profusion of men, of money, of military,
of naval, and of every other description of succour. Did
we not train up in that country a well-appointed force ?
Did we not give strength to her Government, and inspire
her whole population with a spirit warmly devoted to the
preservation of her rights? All this was done, and in
what situation stands that country now ? All that we
did has been overturned, and general corruption, folly,
feebleness, and immorality prevailed. Portugal was now
in a state of absolute inability to make any defence against
foreign aggression. She was 'as inefficient to defend
herself in 1827, as she was whets she called for our
assistance in 1790. Wow ha onktqfkil tislA rt Vas th©'

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