The Sun.
London, England, 1837-10-30 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 30, 1837.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Contrary to the intention we yesterday expressed, of
not again reverting to the recent speech of Lord Dur-
ham, we have deemed it advisable, because conducive
tb the interests of the popular cause, to make one or
two additional observations on that address. The staE
tion off Lord Durham, as a member of the Upper
House of Parliament,
but especially the popularity he
has hitherto enjoyed among Reformers,impart an un-
usual importance to anything .which comes from him.
The people of thiS country have often had cause of
bitter complaint with regard to the conduct pursued
by some of those who affected the greatest zeaLfor their
interests. The popular cause, in other words, has
much more frequently and niore seriously suffered in
the house of pretended friends, than it has from the
hostility of avowed enemies. But of alr the thrusts
ever purposely or not we stop not now
toi made--whethernqire—atthat sacred cause, the speech of Lord
Durham, to whieh we again invite the attention of the
country, must, if not neutralized by the application of
a timely antidote, have been productive of the greatest
mischief. With some men it may be a question
whether Lord Durham meant that, his speech should
be attended with 'these disastrous results to 'the pro-
gress and eventual triumph of Reform principles, which,
if not promptly counteracted, it was so_ well ealetdateci
to produce. We care not whether such were or were
not his intentions. Practically the thing is the same,
which ever view of the case be adopted. If he did
mean to damage .the popular cause, by his anti-reform
speech, then we say, let him, as his reward, en-
counter the indignation of a betrayed and insulted
country.' If he did not mean to 'aim a deadly
thrust at the great principles, for the triumph of
which Reformers have so long and so earnestly la-
boured, then, we say, that his judgment is so
deplorably at fault that no further • confidence can
be reposed in him.. Lord Durham must—for
there is no alternative—make his choice between
treachery to the people of England, and so utter
and deplorable a want of discretion as to do the
work of the Tories infinitely more effectually than
they could do it for them Selves. We trust that no one
will goraway with the impression, that in the mis-
chievous rubbish which the Noble Earl talked about,
not pressing his opinions on the nation, cramming
liberal measures down the throats of the people, and
so forth, he was expressing the sentiments of the Mi-
nistry. A more unfounded notion could not be en-
tertained. Lord Melbourne is a man of too much
sense, and is far
.too honest and consistent in his
capacity as a Minister of the Crown, to hold any sen-
timent of the. kind, or to sanction it in the Members
of his Administration. On this point we are not left to
mere speculation. Lord Melbourne's entire career as
Prime Minister has been at direct variance with the
principles inculcatedsby Lord Durham in time speech in
question. He has on all fitting occasions impressed on
Reformers the propriety and necessity of pressing their
grievances on the Legislature and the country. We do
not speak without book when we say that it has been
repeatedly the source of much regret ter the head of her
Majesty's Government that the people have not agitated
and petitioned more, or, as Lord Durham would say,
adopted the cramming system to a greater extent in
favour of those great principles of Reform which the
exigencies of the country and the spirit of the age de-
mand. Had there been more of the " pressing prin-
ciple" than there has been; that would have strength-
ened the hands of the Melbourne Administration,
and enabled its head to carry many measures of im-
portance which have only been introduced into Par-
liament to meet with certain defeat. Lord Mel-
bourne is a man who understands his own position
and the genius of the English people too well to'con-
cur in anything so childish and unstatesman like as the
absurdities and masked Toryism to which Lord Dur--
ham gave utterance on the late occasion. Nor is Lord
Melbourneb peculiar in this respect among the mem-
bers of his Government. We will not answer for all
of them—that would be undt rtaking too much for any
body of men ; but we -do most confidently say, on
behalf of a large majority, that they utterly repudiate
the non-cramming notions of Lord Durham. Hear
what Mr. Poulett Thomson said the other day, in his
speech at Manchester. He manfully and openly de-
clared that it was folly to talk to him of final mea-
sures. " Final Measures," exclaimed the Right Hon.
Gentleman, " I know of no such Airings as final
measures so long as any improvement remains to be
made in the institutions of the country." And he
spoke in the spirit of true liberty, and in the language
of an enlightened statesman. We cannot conceive of
a system of government so Facet as not to be sus-
ceptible of further improvement, and so long as our
national institutions admit of amelioration, so long
must we laugh to scorn the notion of final measures.
The Tories are perfectly consistent when they talk of
the Reform Bill being a final measure, and of not cram-
ming more liberal principles down the throats of the
it iesaprgesrosisesnantod
sgulaarliniageoruoamerea,lyerfotor
IRtoeld-
fpoeromp people
s;
e but
give
x such sentiments. The very term Reform ° implies that
abuses remain to be corrected and improvements to be
made. But, perhaps, we may he told that though Lord
Durham has declared his hostility to the " cramming"
system, he nevertheless avows his attachment to cer-
tain important principles which are not yet carried, and
therefore is to be still ranked among Reformer's. We
hold a directly opposite 'opinion. The distinction in
question is purely theoretical ;it is not practical. If
he keeps his opinions to himself, where is the differ-
ence practically, between that and his having no opi-
nions at all ? How does he suppose are the great
principles he professes to hold to be carried into effect
if they are to be shut up in his own breast ? Why, if
all Reformers were to adopt his views, and not press
their principles on the adoption of the country, they
might as well step over the ranks of the Tories at once
A complete extinguisher would, in the supposed case,,
be put on all further reforms. The Fogless of poli-
tical improvement would be at once and for ever ar-
rested. Lord Durham's Household Suffrage, _Trien-
nial Parliaments, and Vote by Ballot, would be
doomed to live anti die in his own breast, and Toryism
would reign rampant and unmolested till the crack of
doom.---Morning Advertiser of Saturday.

If the Church in Ireland has not furthered the
worship of Christ, it would appear, upon the authority
of one of the Rev. brawlers at a late Tory dinner in
Ireland, that it has been pretty successful in propagat-
ing that of Mammon. Gold is, indeed, an eloquent
apostle—a greater orator than St. Paul himself—and
we hear without wonder that it has made millions of
proselytes in a country so poor as Ireland, where the
glittering dirt must needs be most attractive. The
Holy man to
Cho
to whose speech
:_
peech we allude, thus speaks of
the Roman

" They consider not the splendour or the power of the
religion ; but they are fascinated by the temporalities.—
(Hear, hear.) Money they seek—money is the subject of
their contest.—(Hear, hear.) Mammon leads them on—
Mammon, the least erected spirit that fell
From Heaven ; for oven in Heaven his looks and thoughts
Were always downward bent, admiring more
The riches of Heaven's pavement, trodden gold,
Than aught divine or holy else enjoyed
In vision beatific.'
(Cheers. And it is to have the friendship of those fol-
lowers of Manimun that our Establishments are to be laid
prostrate in the dust ?—( Hear, hear.)"
How wondrous it is that where the gold is so un-
obtrusive and the godliness so prominent, the gold
should have made converts and the godliness have been
utterly uns.uccetsfol. It appears that the Irish Church
has not been altogether ineffective ; there is one God,
at least, whose honour and glory it has advanced. The
vile Catholics I to be " fascinated by the temporali-
ties I" With the examples of the Protestant bishops
and rectors before their eyes, to be " fascinated by the
temporalities !" With Christianity itstlf before their eyes
personified in Mr. Murtach &Mulligan, what actual
muck-worms must not the Irish people be, to think of

such things as gold and silver ! We suspect the gold
I lies so thick over the godliness, that it is rather hard to
discern the heavenly through the earthly. The fate of
Irish Protestantism is not unlike that of Tarpeia in
the Ronian story, the victim of her own cupidity,
crushed under the weight of the treasures on which she
fixed her foOlish heart. It requires no small stock of
Job's virtue to hear, unmoved, an Irish Parson talk in
the abOve strain, and quote Milton against Mammon.
Pray what is this but blasphemy—flat blasphemy ?
Who is the god of these Tory Priests but this very
Mammon? What other Deity have they ever served
if it be not Moloch ? Is it because
t,.:the King's
daughter is all glorious within" that they have loved
her ? No, no !---" her clothing; is
bo;
_vt,broeugdhotetproi:::
have eclipsed
" fzzii.:aeitlelcprobrayulthwes
The Catholics are
probabilities, therefore, are that
Have .they ever been fascinated
the doctrines
it ap
artsuitltihaet
diminishing the pelf we should augment the piety--
that a poorer Clergy would make a larger congre-
gation. The apostles and primitive fathers of the
Church were never heard to complain that their
wealth and splendour dazzled the Gentile world,
and blinded it to the contemplation a holy truth.
Those who heheld .Pan) tent-making, Peter an-
pr even Matthew at the receipt of .custom,
were little likely to he " fascinated by the temporali-
ties." It was riot iu the house of St. John, or.even
of Polyearp, or Ignatius (a degree further from the
god of money worshipped. In-those
fountain of Christian purity), that money was apt to
be sought, or the
days the followers anti preachers. of the Redeemer
dwelt not in palaces, or even in glebe-houses. One
of them alone carried
.a purse—he was the traitor;
one of them alone possessed a landed property.,--that
property was • Aceldama. Mammon is upon their
tongues, for Mammon is in their hearts, and out of
the heart's abundance the mouth speaketh. " We
know you fear," says Milton (the scourge of the
Orange clergy of his .time)—" we know you fear,
and are in an' agony at this present, lest you should
lose that supoyudy of riches and honour which you
usurp. Whosoever covets: and so earnestly labours
to keep such an encumbering surcharge of earthly
things cannot but have an earthquake still in his
bones. You are not. armed, nor any of your
baud ; you are not dieted, nor your loins girt for spi-
ritual valour and Christian warfare : the luggage is
too great that follows your camp ; your heart is
there I you march heavily How shall we think that
you have not carnal fears while we see you so subject
to carnal desires ?" It is "money they seek," says• •
this incarnation 'of crangelie grace and purity. Truly,
if they seek money they coud scarcely seek it where'
it is more likely to be found. It is no journey to
the goat's house in quest of wool to repair to the
church in Ireland for money. Where else should one
look for -treasure, unless in Golconda or Peru ? But
what is it that the. people of Ireland seek ? The
wealth of Dives ? No, merely the crumbs that fell to
Lazarus. The golden bed of Pactolus ? No, only
the overflowings of the splendid tide. They' ask no-
thing but that " superfluity" "'incumbering surcharge
of earthly things" which makes " an earthquake" in
the parson's bones, and so mightily hinders the march
of truth.—Morning Chronicle.
The friends of Ministers predict for them a very easy
course • in the ensuing Session of Parliament, and
doubtless the course would be a very easy one if Mt- ,
nisters were allowed to have their own way. But will
they be allowed to adopt the policy of.avoiding all " vital
questions," because, in 'the present state of the House
of Commons, the discussion of them might be &tiger-
ous.to the existence of the Administration ? We think
there is very godd reason to doubt this. They will not
find it quite so easy as they imagine to impress the whole
body upon whose support they rely for official exist-
ence with the notion that to keep them in office is the
one grand object of Reformers' policy, to which all
others should be subservient. This, however, seems
to be at present the hope which they entertain—a
hope which, certainly, has not the grace of modesty to
recommend it to the sympathies of. the. people. It is
expected that Lord Melbourne in one House, and
Lord John Russell in the other, will play off the old
game of candid imbecility, by which the Legislature
has been induced to tolerate these Ministers during
almost three years of uncertain and unsatisfactory go-
essmnint. They will, it is supposed, make some such
coMmunication as the following to those upon whose
votes they must count in every important division :
" We are, gentlemen, as liberal as ever your hearts
could wish in our desires ; but, unfortunately, circum-
stances are not so favourable for us as we could wish,
and you must excuse us from putting our liberal de-
sires into the form of Parliamentary measures. We
have not, indeed, the difficulty which formerly we
hinted to you, of the Court being against us; but by
some means or another the elections have been unfa-
vourable for us, and do not indicate a state of the
public mind which would render the proposition of
very liberal measures quite safe. We do not mean-
' to offend you, or to offer any slight to yobr revolu-
tionary views, by not bringing them forward : we mean
to say only that this is not the time. It would do
you no good, and it would be very dangerous for us.
At the same time, however, we do not pretend to dic-
tate to you. On the contrary, you may dictate to us
if you are detertnined upon it. If you insist upon
our bringing for ward' the measures upon which you
have set your hearts, we shall do so, oven against our
own better judgment ; but remember the probable con-
sequences.
\ Bear in mind that if we do, we shall pro- •
bably suffer a defeat, which must be followed by, our
loss of office, and the acquisition of power by your
enemies and ours. Consider, then, within yourselves
whether it is not better to have friends in office, even
though we do not bring forward your favourite mea-
sures, than to have adversaries in office, who certainly
would afford you neither present encouragement, nor
hope of it in future." Such a supplication as this, de-
livered with all the pathos which an agony of appre-
hension supplies, may be, to some degree, effectual in
the ensuing Session, as it has been in those which
have gone before. But it is obvious that those who
have not the sweets of
.place to sooth them, while
waiting for the convenient period which the liberal
or anti-constitutional Ministers have so frequently
found it necessary to postpone, will not be so ready
to see the reasonableness of the appeal as those who
are thus comfortably provided for. It is quite marvel-
lous what an effect in the supply of patience is pro-
duced upon even the most ardent of destructives by the
possession of a place. " Not poppy, nor mandragora,.
nor all the drowsy syrups of the, world," could impart
so mild and tranquil an effect to the nerves of ballotites
and "voluntary system" men—to the advocates of
household suffrage, and the enemies of the house of
Lords, as a good secretaryship, or a good commis-
sionership, with the vulgar yet convenient accompani-
ment of a good salary. It is, therefore, very probable
that the reasonableness of patience and acquiescence
in.the state of things as they are, which is so apparent
to Ministers; anti may be made so to a great many of
their friends, will not be perceived by all. Nay, there
may he a good many of the Radical party who will re-
fuse to believe that (being unplaced) they are better off
with a Ministry that holds them back, than with a Mi-
nistry which they might have the satisfaction of conti-
nually attacking, while they made themselves notorious.
These Radicals may very naturally say, "We wish to
derive something from our position as public men ; it is
.easy for you to counsel moderation, who have pay and
patronage to console.you ; but we who have not, will,
at least, have our own way in politics so far as public
display goes. We will not suffer our projects to go to
sleep, because it is not convenient for our present Mi-
nisters that they should be awake and lively." The
tendency of the public mind • in England towards Con,.
servative principles, and the distrust of revolutionary
projectors, whether in the Ministry or out of it, can no

longer be disputed.: Nor is this hidden from the sight
of the ulna. Radicals.' It does not belong to the mo•
desty of that class of persons to attribute such thing,:
to any defect in their_ political view-4, or in themselves.
They mill naturally impute this tend.m.cy and this dis-
tr:st to the weak and fearful policy of Ministerd, who,
fa their own sakes, have not ventured to give open
countenance to ultra-Radicalism. Apprehensive of
the increase of these symptoms, and ashamed to rely,
as the Governmcnt does, upon Irish revolutionary „;.:3
it is, at least, probable that the Radical. --""
through their hitherto-profitless tk•
for themselves. If the"'
sadly be_ set d—

alit break
cantotn, and set up
the Ministry must neees-

Herald.

Between the voluntary- system and the voluntary
principle, as we interpret them, there is this important
distinction—that whereas the former is an- organized
Scheme for the destmetion of national religion, the
latter, as involving simply the exercise Of spontaneous
liberality,•is not only compatible with a State-supported
Church, but may be made a highly efficient auxiliary
in maintaining and extending its usefulness. The one
declares its determination to subvert our Ecclesiastical
-Establishment ; the other, while steadily affirming the
duty of Government to uphold them, is available as a
supplementary resource for increasing the accredited
means of religious instruction in circumstances of
urgency, which cannot otherwise be provided for.
Every advocate of the voluntary system is necessarily
an enemy to Church Establishments : but, on the other
hand, every friend of such Establishments is just as
necessarily a patron of spentaneons private munifi-
cence ; and !rimed the undeniable factottatstlie.--meta.
hers of the Established Churches, although stretiti.•
ouslysontending for the. moral obligation of the State
to provide Christian 'instruction for all classes of the
community, have always been the most liberal volun-
tary contributors in emergencies, where Exchequer
supplies have either ban too slow or too small to meet
the demands of the moment. Of this legitimate and
laudable exercise of the voluntary principle, the Esta-
blished Churches of 13r-itain have immemorially been
a Txustomed to avail themselves. Within these three years
upwards of -150,000/. have been subscribed for new.
Churches in Scotland by members of the northern Es-
tablishment. Our own metropolitan subscription for the
same object, under the auspices of the Bishop of Lon-
don, has also been supported with a liberality which,
though far from adequately meeting the exigen-
cies of the case, is highly creditable both to the Church
and t 9 the contributors ; nor have the instances been
unfrequent- of late in which places of worship have
been built and partially endowed by the bounty of an
individual benefactor; - Of' the necessity and value of
these sacred undertakings, no man acquainted with
the moral condition of this country, or capable of
appreciating the influence of Christian instruction
upon the habitudes of the people, can permit himself
to doubt. And just as little can it be tlenied,.that
notwithstanding •the .combined 'operation of national
and voluntary efforts for the extension of religious prin-
ciple, the concentrated immorality of crowded commu-
nities is such, that the , ordinary ecclesiastical staff
of densely-peopled parishes is found Wholly insufficient
to cope with the existing ignorance and wickedness.
In these circumstmices, it gives us much pleasure to
call the attention of our readers to a recently-esta-
blished fund (patronised by her Majesty the Queen)
" for contributing to the maintenance' of additional
Clergymen in those parishes within the several dioceses
of England and Wales_ wliere their services are most
required." In the circular put forth by its originators,
which will be found in our advertising- columns, after
alluding to the rapid growth of the population in many
of the great towns and manufacturing districts without
any corresponding increase in the means of religious
instruction, it is well said, that " the readiness with
whiCh, in different parts of the country, a call for con-
tributions towards additional churches has been answered,
justifies a hope that a society for promoting the employ-
ment of additional Clergymen will not appeal in vain to
any member of the Church who possesses the means of
extending its usefulness." In this hope we need
scarcely say we cordially concur, especially as the an-
ticipated liberality of the subscription is intended not
to supersede the obligations of Government, but rather,
by giving a demonstration of public feeling on the
subject, to induce Ministers " to take the work into
their own hands." The appeal, it will be seen, is ad-
dressed more especially to the laity, but we notice with
infinite pleasure that the clergy generally, as appears
from their munificent subscriptions, , have set a noble
example in this work of Christian beneficence. By
far the larger proportion of the sums contributed pro-
cecd from those reverend persons, whose opportunities
of knowing the extent of the destitution are only sur-
passed by their disinterested anxiety to relieve it.
That the fund, besides being patronized by her Ma-
jesty, the constitutional head of the Church, has been
liberally subscribed to by no fewer than 17 Bishops
on different sides of politics, is a sufficient proof that
it carries with it tl.e sanction of the highest autho-
rities in the Church ; and therefore, considering the
importance of the proposed object, the constitutional
principle upon which it proceeds, the high character
of its provisional managers, and the sound regulations
under which it is to be prosecuted, we would earnestly
claim for it the confidence and support of our country-
men. Nor shall we do so in vain. The Church of
England has many opulent members who can assist in
providing for the desolate poor ; and if " the blessing
of multitudes who are ready to perish" be an object
worthy of a good man's aim, we cannot doubt that
this call will be responded to from every quarter of the
island with such a demonstration in favour of the
Church as, while seasonably extending her efficiency
and usefulness, will strike her enemies with dismay.—
Times.

TILE NF.w PUBLIC:AI lONS.—We- are requested
to state that Mr. Colburn has this day published the fol-
lowing new works :-1.., The Bench and the Bar." By
the author of " Random Recollections of the Lords and
Commons," " The Great Metropolis," &c., olp. post Bvo.
—2. " The Naval Keepsake," containing a new Life of
Nelson, revised and illustrated, with original anecdotes, &c.
By the Old Sailor, with seven engravings, bound with gilt
edges, only 7s. 6(1.-3. Miss Landon's new novel, " Ethel
Churchill ; or, The Two Brides," a story of the reign of
George 11., 3 vols., pOst Bvo.-4. " Pascal Bruno." A
Sicilian story. Edited by 'llcodore Hook, Esq., 1 vol.,
post. Bvo. Agents for Scotland, Messrs. Bell and Brad-
fate, Edinburgh ; for Ireland, Mr. John Cumming, Dublin.
Orders received by all Booksellers.

A very excellent plan has just been adopted on part
of the Foundling estate, to enable strangers to distinguish
the names of the streets after dusk. Underneath the public
lamps there is fixed a kind of transparent plate, on which
is inscribed the name of the street, in such a manner that
the reflection of the gas renders the writing perfectly dist-
tine!. In some cases the name of the street is also painted
on one of the squares of the lantern. This mode is very
generally adopted in the towns of Holland, and saves a
vast deal of trouble in inquiring the name of the dii-
trict when one happens to be unacquainted with its where-
abouts.

HORRIBLE CIRCUMSTANCE.--On Monday last
Mr. 'tabbing, of Guinnear, and h:s wife, went to the fc.
neral of their nephew, leaving their child, an infant of 13
months old, in the care of a servant girl. The house b, ing
infested with rats they had a ferret, which was kept in a
small tub ; the girl went out for a few minutes, and left
the child playing on the ground, when the ferret (which had
escaped from its confinement) fixed on the infant, and be-
fore the servant's rcturn had eaten bo:h its eyes and its
nose completely away. A medical man was called in, but
the little sufferer breathed its last before the return of its
parents.— West Brilon.
John Davis stole a hcrse on Friday night, in Buck-
inghamshire ; at three o'clock on Saturday afternoon he was'
taken into custody at Coventry, 45 miles from the pace
where she committed the offence. The next morning,
Monday. (Sunday being no day in law), z.t Hinz! o'clock, he
was fully committed to take his trial ; at twelve the grand
jury had found a true bill against him ; at one o'clock `he
was arraigned and instantly tried, found guilty, and received
sentence of transportation beyond the seas for ten years,—
Coventry Gazette.

COURT OF BANKRUPTCY, Ocr. 28.
WARWICK AND CLAGGET'S BANKRUPTCY.
Mr. Commissioner PANE gave judgment in the case of a
claim made against the separate estate of Warwick, one of
the partners of the firm of Warwick and Claggett, wha
were extensively engaged in the American trade, and whe
suspended payment during the late crisis. The claim w
for nearly ten thousand pounds, and it was opposed by Ow
separate creditors, who submitted that the proof must b
against the joint estate, The Learned Commissioner, on
former days, has heard the case argued, and the princit4
points at issue are stated in the decision.
The Learned Commissioner said the question in this cola
was, whether Mr. Hagan (of Liverpool and New Ort.'esaa)
was entitled to prove for 9,2261. 19s. 6d. ag4/o",frt the so
parate estate of Mr. Warwick. Ha (thy ,nomminionor) thou .ht that Mr. Hagan had ostahliaw",
I
his -i'r.ght tosignet,
prove,
eerttainly as regards the ten tbo•-
'lnd dollars which re.
mained with Overcnd and s
with regard to 540 4":,:ty ,
thousand dollars 04, and certainly not less so
again pled . 'redeemed and
estata-
• .. Ihe proof, therefore, against the separate
of Mr. Warwick (which is expected to pay in full)
was allowed.