The Sun.
London, England, 1863-06-04 00:00:00

LISBURN ELECTION.

The members of this committee, appointed to try the
merits of the petition against this election, were called to
the table and sworn.

PUBLIC-HOUSES BILL.

A very large number of petitions were presented in favour
of this bill. Mr. HADFIELD presented 73, signed by 19,136,
in favour; Viscount ENFIELD two, but he begged to inti-
mate that he entirely dissented from their prayer—(hear,
hear) ; Mr. VANSITTART, with a similar disclaimer—(her.r,
hear) ; Mr. PEASE, from a place in Ireland, praying that
the bill might be extended to that country; Mr. H.
BERKELEY, two against the bill, on the ground that its
provisions would controvert the liberty of the subject—
(hear) ; Mr. Cox, several to the like effect; also by Mr.
ROEBUCK, from 24,000 to 25,000 of the male inhabitants
of Sheffield, which he looked upon as an expression of the
opinion of the town on the subject; Mr. J.B.SMITH, several
from Stockport.
Mr. SOMES then moved the second reading of the bill.
Had the bill been placed in other and better hands, greater
justice would have Leen done to the subject. He feared it
would suffer from his advocacy, He disclaimed being
actuated, in proposing this bill, by a blind and bigoted
zeal for the Sabbath; neither had he any desire to treach,
as he had been accused, upon the liberty of the
working classes. No one more sincerely desired to
promote the true interests of the industrial classes than
he did. The opening of public houses fir eight hours on
the Sabbath was a great evil, constituting a temptation and
a enare to working men on a day when they were at leisure,
and had some portion of their wages in their pockets. In
Manchester, last year, 3,373 people were taken into custody
for drunkenness, and 1,549 of these cases occurred between

10 o'clock on Saturday and Monday mornings—far more
than all the apprehensions for the rest of the week.
Several magistrates and judges gave it as their opinion,
based upon their magisterial and judicial experience,
that drunkenness was the fertile cause of all crimes.
Mr. Broughton, the magistrate of Southwark Police-court,
declared that there was more drunkennees on Sunday in
London than in all the capitals of Europe. The sight of
drunken women was very sad, and in every case it happened
that where the wife and mother drank the family went to
ruin. And a committee of that house had distinctly de-
clared that drunkenness was the sole course of the misery
and the crime in the country. Justice Coleridge said
scarcely a criminal came before him who had not been led
into evil courses by strong drink. Baron Gurney said the
source of every crime could be traced to drunkenness. Mr.
Justice Patteson, when on the bench, declared that he
should have nothing to do except for the prevalence of
drunkenness. Earl Shaftesbury said that nine-tenths of
the pauperism and woes of the industrial classes were
caused by their own pernicious habits, and especially from
the terrible evil of intoxication. (Hear, hear.) Dr. Chal-
mers entertained a like opinion, and the chief physician of
the London Hospital said that 75 out of every 100 cases
were attributable to drunkenness. The bill simply asked
the house to extend a principle already laid down that where
the welfare of the country required it special legislation
should be adopted. The bill was in consonance with the
feelings of the working classes of this country.
For instance, up to the 2d of June 4,101 petitions, with
693,255 signatures, had been presented in favour of the bill,
and 110, with 148,577 signatures against, and probably this
day petitions in favour of the bill, with 100,000 additional
signatures, had been presented—considerably over half a
million signatures altogether, and chiefly from the indus-
trial classes and their wives and daughters. (Hear, hear.)
Even the drunkards were in favour of the bill, for three pe •
titions from well known and avowed drunkards had been
sent up to him by the curate of Altringham in Cheshire,
desiring to have a restraint placed upon their weakness.
(Hear, and laughter.) The important parish of St. Pancras
had been canvassed on the subject, and the result was
that 25,051 were in favour of the bill, and 18,289 against
—giving a majority of 7,462 in favour. Many
of the publicans of Liverpool had signed petitions in fa-
vour of the bill. Ihe hon. member said he had the opinions
of between 80 and 90 magistrates and police constables in
favour of the bill. A restrictive act of the nature he sought
had been in operation in Scotland for nine years and with
the best effect, and a Royal Commission appointed to re-
port on its operations had declared their opinion that it
had worked exceedingly well. (Hear, hear.) ftestrictions
of the like nature prevailed in New York and Tasmania.
He was so satisfied that the bill would constitute a great
boon to the public, that he was prepared at any trouble
or cost to himself to extend its blessings to the indus-
trial classes, (Hear.)
Mr. PEASE seconded the motion, declaring that it
would be one of the greatest boons yet conferred upon the
industrial classes; nor would it restrict the liberty of the
subject of what the house was naturally very jealous. It
would promote religion, education, and common decency.
He pointed to the fact that the Sunday school teachers
were universally in favour of the bill, who saw much of the
evils of drunkenness in proof of its efficacy. He begged
the house to let the bill go into committee, where the bill
could be amended.
Capt. JERVIS moved that the bill be read a second time
this day three months. Drunkenness had not increased ;
but, on the contrary, had greatly diminished from year to
year, and yet they were asked to make it a penal offence.
The system of petitioning that had been adopted in favour
of the bill was of an extraordinary character ; a more care-
fully organisedsystem had never been heretofore witnessed.
(Hear, hear.) The petitions had been in the course of pre-
paration for some months, and all at once the house was
overwhelmed with, them. And then some of the petitions
had been proved to have been forged. Notwithstanding
the restrictive act in Scotland, it did not appear, from the
returns, that drunkenness had lessened, or that the con-
sumption of spirits had decreased. (Hear, hear.) He was
told that the petitions were got up by a society the members
of which paid ss, a year, but which had other objects in view
than the closing of public houses on the Sabbath—namely,
reduction of the income tax, and no examination of weights
and measures. (Laughter.) The result of the passing of
the bill would be (and in his opinion he was borne out by
the opinion of Mr Arnold, the magistrate) the illicit sale of
spirits on the Sunday. He saw no reason why excursion-
ists and others should be deprived of refreshments on tee
Sabbath. Instead of working men using public houses
under good management and proper police supervision,
drinking clubs would be established all over the country,
as was the way in Scotland. (Hear.) Cottages a little way
off the towns were advertised for, and rules drawn up for
their guidance, that the members should not split. (Laugh-
ter.) His experience in the army showed that the more
openly soldiers were permitted to drink, the less drunken-
ness was there. If a colonel shut up a canteen it usually
led to an increase of drunkenness.
Mr. K. SEYMER seconded the amendment. He de •
precated the language, such as "canting hypocrites," used
by the journals in the publichouse interest towards the
hon. member for Hull (Mr. Somes), and those who acted
with him, as he believed they were thorougly sincere in
what they were doing. Enactments of this kind would not
promote the morality of the people. Would it not be un-
just to prevent a working man, who walked for miles
through the streets, probably carrying a child, in order to
see the green fields, to have his glass of beer to refresh
himself, when they and others could go to their clubs, and
drink what they liked. (Hear, hear.) Claes legislation of
this kind would greatly irritate the people as in the past.
(Hear.) This bill might be adapted to small villages, but
could never be brought into operati .n in large towns. When
they closed the Post-office on Sunday it was supposed to be
an act in accordance with the feeling of the country, but as
soon as it was Effectuated the whole country rose against it
and it was rescinded by the house without a trial. Such
would be the case if this bill were passed, and they would
probably have a renewal of the Hyde-park riots. (Hear.)
They would find it heard to separate John Barleycorn
from the people of this country. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.)
He trusted the common sense of the house would reject the
bill ; most assuredly if it were adopted the house would be
compelled in a great hurry to rescind it. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. CLAY would do everything in his power to lessen
. .

drunkenness, but as he did not consider this bill would have
that effect he regretted he could not support the proposition
of his hon. friend and colleague. Were the bill endowed
with a permissive character, like the Health of Towns Bill,
he should be prepared to support its going into committee.
Mr. HO RSFALL supported the bill. He had obtained,
since the mover of the amendment (Captain Jervis) spo.ke,
a return of the consumption of sp
irits since the pas!lt?g
of the Forbes Mackenzie Act in Scotland, and instead of the_
consumption of spirits continuing the same as
.Pr_evm_ulin
there had been a falling off in the consumeption iii tbvelCi`si:
of no less than 75,000 gallons. And th
ut of 87 of the chief
sioners reported most favourably of th
effect of the change. Eighty-two
00f the bill. The Chief
towns in the country were in favourhe honourable and gallant
orarand social
Constable of Harwich, which the
tedp reported that
member (Captain Jervis) v
hundred
drunkenness and quiet on
Pent in the habits of the
Been barmen and barwomen of
ttho:ne,heitedpebeeieenilya great imp rote
the Sabbath. favour of the bill, so that they
might get rest n oi°Bne‘;athe-inSabbath. A very large majority of
of Liverpool were in favour of the closing
tLhi
ev ehr
op ou
so
el h
the Sabbath, and he cited t t• • • closing
a a 'sties in
of publichouseso
f this opinion. If every town a d • n rural vtl-
confirmation a
it would be found that a
Peoldters
lags were polled majority of the
sam same opinion
il. If passed in its
as the people of
Liverpool. The bill would confer a lasting blessing upon
all classes of this country. (Hear.)
inmharb.itlairu.t MARTIN° were
of
the
opposed
pre-
sent form the people would be unable to get even their din-
ner or supper beer on the Sabbath. if the bill were passed
.—if a victory over common sense were obtained—they
quickly find that they had strung the bow too tightly, feel-
ings of irritation on the
and they would have a of the people would be created,
when the house repetition of the Hyde Park riots,
occasion, have to go
would, as on that
through the undignified course of giving way to a mob •
pressure from without. People would drink actually out of
spite, and thus drunkenness would be promoted.
They will drink who never drank before,
And those who always drank will drink the more I
(Laughter.)
Mr, BAINES supported the bill. The signatures to the
petitions in favour of the bill were four-fold; those against,
which constituted a sufficint manifestation of the opinion
of the public out of doors for the house to act upon, He
was satisfied that the passing of the bill would elevate the
moral and physical condition of the people. Originally be
was opposed to this bill, not to its principle, but because
he objected to the total closing of public-houses on the Sab-
bath, being in favour of evening closing; but he gave way
to the desires of a body of respectable working men who
approved of closing public•houses on the Sabbath.
Mr. PACKE opposed the bill on account of its tyran-
nical character. 'on
Mr. LAWSON viewed the subject as a police quest' ,

considering that unless so viewed they would have no right
to interfere in any way with the liberty of the people in re-
gard to the consumption of strong drink. He cited the
opinion of the Under-Secretary of State for the Houle
Department (Mr. Bruce) in favour of the bill, though he
said he objected to interfere with the "recreations of the
people." (Hear hear.) The legislation of past years had
been attended, 'beyond all dispute, by a diminution of
drunkenness, and this being so, it would be well for the
house to take a step in the same direction, because increased
good could not fail to result from it. In order to avoid
any appearance of hardship he should be willing to support
in committee the insertion of a clause permitting public-
houses to be open for two hours per day to accommodate
travellers; but merely to accommodate London was no
reason why drunkenness on the Sabbath should per-
mitted all over the couritry. (Divide, divide.)
Sir G. GREY said he voted for the introduction of the
bill out of respect to those who promoted it, but he could
not shut his eyes to the fact that its promoters would not',
stop short of the provisions of this bill, were it adopted,
but would seek to place a prohibition on all Sunday recrea-
tions whatever. (Hear, hear.) If the bill were
passed, not a single glas3 of beer or spirits
could be legally purchased throughout the whole of
England on the Sabbath--not from II on Saturday
evening till 6 o'clock on Monday morning. (Hear, hear.)
Now, he was bound to say, if the house was so ill advised
as to pass this measure, its provisions could not be carried
out. (Hear, bear.) Everything tended to show that
drunkenness was greatly on the decrease all over the c.'un-
try, and the right hon. baronet cited figures with respect to
persons taken into custody for drunkenness in the metropo-
litan district which supported his statement. In the last
tt
rwoop
oylei
sa,r the
tehhe
taadnbd
:ng
.at
the dim diminutione o
of f ,0002
the
pi no
ptuhlea
tmi
ne
iAnnLdi
vheer
pcoooull danrde por t
other al
asrigme stimilarlyn
ai,maporiorvo
ue
asttaant eoeohf
et haitnt
tgis-
bTuhtee dr
eta, tt
oenimprovedwhich
eepd
auscsaitni
;ono af n
tdh
oh abbi swoofu
ltdh
ne
tpe ea ot
op lieu.
nthaebimtsinofdssooofttlahnedpweoeprlee
dwitiouerld be fraughteutfromtnoaewithEdnangge. The
dr;t
vbaeneroebuoft
tshpoiristasbwbaasthchwiaeflsyincoanescuemoteddan;
oaenwditan
trhigoiddesoibrseeor-f
that country. In London, at one o'clock on Sunday, they
would see crowds of young men and women respectably
dressed fetching their dinner beer. Now why should they
and many families be deprived of fresh beer, and compelled
to bottle it and place it in a secluded place for use
on Sunday. The bill would be a great injustice to excur-
sionists and others. He blamed the promoters of the bill
for seeking by acts of Parliament to improve the morals
and alter the habits of the public • by doing so they would
retard the happy progress now taking place. (Cheers.) He
asked the house to reject the bill.
Mr. H. BERKELEY referred to his committee of 18b5,
and defended its acts. As to this bill he should oppose it
as an attempt to cripple the liberty of the subject. (Divide,

divide.)
Mr. ADDERLEY rose amidst loud cries for a division.
The bill was aimed solely against drunkenness, and it
couldbe easily amended in committee so as to be adapted to
the reasonable desires of the respectable class of the com-
munity,
Sir S. M. PETO said, as one of the largest employers of
labour in the country, he was not prepared to adopt a strin-
gent measure of this kind. They must deal equally be-
tween all classes. Let the seller and recipient of fish on
the Sabbath be punished. He could support a bill for a
restriction of the hours of selling beer and spirits on the
Sabbath, but he could not do otherwise than vote against
the second reading of this bill. (Divide, divide.)
Mr. NE WDEGATE would support the second reading,
on the understanding that this bill was rendered permissive
in committee. (Divide, divide.)
Sir H. CAIRNS would support the bill, in the belief
that it would lead to a restriction of hours.
Sir J. SHELLEY opposed the bill.
Mr. HUNT was in favour of a bill restricting the hours.
Mr. H. B. SHERIDAN should vote against the bill, be-
cause it was not endowed with a permissive character.
Mr. HARDY opposed the bill, and trusted the Govern-
ment would introduce one to amend the licensing system.
The house (five o'clock) being very impatient for a divi-
sion, Mr, SoMES briefly replied, and being appealed to by
Mr. AYRTON whether he would endow the bill with a per-
missive nature, stated that he should abide by the pre-
amble.
After a few words from Lord H. VANE,
The house divided, when there appeared—
For the second reading lO3
Against it
Majority against —l7s
The announcement was received with loud cheers by the
opponents of the measure.
'The bill was consequently lost.
SHEEP AND CATTLE (SCOTLAND) BILL.

This bill was read a second time.
SALMON FISHERIES (IRELAND) BILL.
Mr. M'M &HON postponed the second reading to Wed.
nesday next.
METROPOLIS TURNPIKE ROADS ACT AMEND.

MENT BILL.
Bill recommitted pro forma.
FISHERIES (IRELAND) BILL.
On the motion of Sir R. PEEL this bill was read a se-
cond time. He should propose to make a day sitting for it
next Thursday ; he should then make a statement of the
nature of this bill.
SUPPLY.—DAY LICENCES.
On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX-
CHEQUER, a resolution was agreed to in committee of
ways and means to fix the charge for occasional licences to
sell beer, spirits, or wine at 2s. 6d. per day, such licence
not to exceed six days in all.
The other orders of the de) were then disposed of, and
the house adjourned shortly before six o'clock.

Erection of a Franciscan Monastery near

Manchester.

(From the Manchester Guardian.)

The foundation stone of a church :and convent of the
Franciscan Recollect Fathers was laid at Gorton, on Satur-
day morning, by the Rev. Canon Renoit. The commu-
nity, as it at present exists, is composed of five monks
(Belgians) and several novitiates, and for the past 18
months they have been living at Fairfield. A few days
ago they removed to a house near the Rcman Catholic
schools at Gorton, adjoining the site of their new church
and convent. The ceremony on Saturday was the laying
of the foundation stone of that building. The portion of
the structure that will be built first is the library, and
until the remainder of the edifice is erected the library
will be used for the purposes of a church. The work will
proceed gradually, as the funds permit, and the whole
will not be commenced at once. If the structure be com-
pleted according to the plans, it will be a large and very fine
edifice. It will be built of brick, largely faced with stone,
and present a frontage to Gorton-lane of 230 feet; 50 feet
will be occupied by the west façade of the church, and the
remainder by the guests' quarters of the convent. The style
will be Gothic, of a continental character, from the designs of
Pugin and Hanson. The church will be 180 feet long by 50 feet
wide; and its choir will be 50 feet long, and accommodate 60
persons. At the west front will be a tall graceful tower, which
will terminate with a high-pitched pavilion roof, peculiarly
continental in its design. The body of the building will
be provided with side aisles and clerestory. At the east end
will be transepts, spire, and chapels, At the south-east
corner there will be a portiuncul,—a feature of buildings
belonging to this Order, and associated with an interesting
episode in the life of St. Francis d'Assisi. Under the spire
will be the chapel containing the high altar, dedicated to our
Lady and St. Francis. On each side the high altar will be a
lesser altar, one to the Blessed Saviour, and the other to St.
Joseph. Behind the high altar will he a chapel dedicated to
St. Bonaventure. On the north side of the building, and
fronting the cloister which separates the church from the
convent, will be five or six confessionals. At the rear of
the Church, running northwards from St. Bonaventure's
Chapel, will be the sacristies and chapter- house ; and in
the same quarter will be the community and study. The
convent will be provided with a cloister court, measuring
85ft. by 60ft. a library near the study, a refectory 63ft.
long, a kitchen court, kitchens, larders, dining-room, and
a series of parlours for guests. The upper storeys of the
building will be devoted to sleeping apartments, and rooms
of lesser importance. The entire cost is estimated at
48,000. Though the building will thus be erected for a
comparatively small sum of money, the plan shows that it
will possess considerable architectural attracions, and
thi that
it will be surpassed by few ecclesiastical edifice that
edifices in s
neighbourhood. It may bo interesting to know
this is the second convent of the Order in England, and
that the Recollet Fathers follow strictly the rules and aus.
oisdotoenwredio,tfhervice bein
terities of St. Francis.
bsy
the
ee fatherseervicag
bandTß,ehev musical
from
Canon
Benoit Hyde, an d
preachedgbs
le
blessed.
The pineTethhoereraGeeeodrretobmynotnieoomßnaenSv.actcuaartndhosoynlicTeoosatoclmheo,eaonoiscifil
was assisted
good vocalists.
of the e.7.emd übnyiTtyha.e
sermon. At the closebt
huo
efi
building.
ihneeag service;h weather
Notwithstanding
otthwetirhtehe
swftbaatu ans
ddai annotlgeiaeorstis-stone
eso tn
con-
courseounnt eo
ofthe
clergy conventand wsacsh taken e n
childreni nt o th the
marched
ftahve°ursiteaobfloesfpsetthcatetaetnoerowsf. After the stone had been laid, the
6
Rev. Canon Benoit delivered a short address. He said that
it had given him great pleasure to take ;d in the in-.
teresting ceremony which they had that day performed.
It was an event of no ordinary character. It was not like
the building of a house which, on the death of its present
owners might pass into other hands, there was some-
thing about a monastery of a permanent character. When
the first Franciscan fathers that dwelt there should die,
others would pass into the same state of poverty, and prac-
tise the same virtues, and the place would become a per-
manent dwelling of the Order. The erection of that
monastery was an event of no ordinary character in
another respect, because it was the first link of an im-
mense chain of good works—poverty, humility, and alms-
giving of every kind. There, at midnight, while others
were refreshing their weary limbs with sleep, the Francis-
can fathers would rise to sing the praises of God. They
would practice continued prayer for mercy at the time when
others, perhaps, were doing all they could to bring the
anger of God upon the world. There, all would have
access. Those who had many trials to endure, those who
had many crosses to bear, and those who were burdened
with their sins would find in the hallowed cloister men
who would be ready to receive them with open arms,
and who would not send them away without comfort.
There, as in times of old, at the porch of the monastery
mliimehetwhfiennd
the sixty ty o Ile f
that
would be completed, and each of them
new monastery
in-
habited by one of the holy children of St. Francis. He
tb'Y might see the church reared, and raise its
niefaatnhdersthvalil
tthhaet theywea wearied
might t traveller
a vs
nee etrh e
hoped hat
towers above the buildings around, worthy of that God to
whom it was dedicated. lie trusted that the benefaction*
of Maids would assist the fathers to complete their work,
and be hoped that there might never be another Henry
et
serirgy dwelling.—This
repairedwel in g .
to—
vol. or another Cromwell, to put sacrilegious hands upon
i st e
m concludedporary
residence ceremony,of
Tthhe
partake of refreshments.

CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(Front the Times' Correspondent.)
NEW YORK, May 22.
The only free States now left in the North—the
States wherein a man can express his opinions, and
wherein, if he have committed any offence, he is
only liable to punishment after fair trial before a
judge and jury—are, the little States of New Eng-
land, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania.
All the remainder are under the operation of mar-
tial law; and the lives, the liberty, and the pro-
perty of every citizen at the mercy of dragoons, or
of truculent attorneys transformed by the Revolu-
tion,in to Brigadier and Major Generals, of whom Gen.
Butler is the type and the representative. Gen.
Butler is at Washington, soliciting employment,
with the hope, it ie. surmised, of being appointed
to the military dictatorship of New York. Gen.
Schenck rules supreme at Baltimore, and does
exactly as he pleases ; transports men, women, and
children to the South as if it were a penal settle-
ment; allows no newspaper to criticise his words or
actions under penalty of its forcible suppression;
bears treason in a melody, and punishes the vocalist
or instrumentalist by fine, imprisonment, or depor-
tation, and muses it a felony in a lady to wear a
riband of a particular blend of colour, or in a gen-
tleman to exhibit the head of liberty, cut out of an
old copper cent, as a badge upon the waistcoat.
Gen. Banks rules with less outward offensiveness
but wit has much real severity, at New Orleans, and
treats the population of Louisiana in the style in
which the Grand Duke Conutantine of Russia was
in the habit of treating the Poles ere he goaded
them into insurrection in 1831. General Scho-
field has been despatched to St. Louis on a simi-
lar errand—to rule by terror and to trample out the
right of free discussion under the heels of armed
men. How General Burnside is acting in the same
capacity at Cincinnati all the world knows by this
time, and how he is supported by a petty and almost
illiterate village lawyer of the name of Milo S. Has-
call, whom the misfortunes of his country have con
verted into a brigadier-general, was slightly
sketched in my last, and will be more fully de-
tailed in my present letter. Bad as the conduct of
Gen. Butler was at New Orleans, silly as that of Gen.
Schenck is at Baltimore, these officials, together with
Gen. Banks, who does his strong spiriting with s
gloved hand, as if he did not think it necessary to
cease being a gentleman when he became a Dictator,
had and have the qualified justification of military
necessity. But no such necessity exists in Ohio,
Illinois, and Indiana, which are not in a state of
siege, and no inch of whose territories is occupied
by a Confederate soldier. The high-handed out-
rage committed on Mr.Vallandigham by Gen. Burn-
side was a political, not a military, act; and seems to
have been inspired by Mr. Stanton with the view of
striking terror into the leaders of the Democratic
party, and perpetuating the possession of power in
the hands of the Revolutionary party, who have re-
solved to overthrow the existing constitution of the
United States, and form a strong consolidated Go-
vernment as the first step towards a centralised im-
perial despotism. At the present writing no one, ex-
cept the Government and a few officials, knows what
has become of Mr. Vallandigham. Gen. Burnside
sentenced him to imprisonment in Fort Warren, and
some reports insist that he was furtively and at dead
of night placed on board a Federal gunboat in the
Ohio river to be conveyed to W heeling en route to
Boston ; While others, equally credible, affirmed
that Mr. Lincoln, in had
grim jest, but real earnest,
modified the sentence of the Military Court to trans-
portation to the South, and that the gunboat on
hoard of which he was imprisoned was to convey
him to Memphis, and thence to some portion of the
Mississippi shore of Arkansas or Louisiana in the
occupation of the Confederates.

Does Mr. Lincoln wish to provoke a new Civil
War in the West ? It is not likely that he does.
Ile is a Western man himself, and ought to know
his people too well to incur so fearful a responsi-
bility; but if Mr. Stanton, General Halleck, and
the Abolitionist senators, who form a kind of Com-
mittee of Vigilance at Washington, and have the
President in their keeping, have not imagined the
probability of such an issue to the insane violence
which they have instructed their obedient instru-
ments to adopt, the possession of power has turned
their heads, if it have not depraved their hearts.
Can these men read the spirit of the people? Do
they understand the very rudiments of constitu-
tional liberty ? Have they eyes to see and ears to
bear ? There was but one newspaper in the
whole North that had a word of approbation to
bestow upon General Burnside—his military
spies, his obsequious court martial, and the das-
tardly judge who refused to issue the writ of
habeas corpus in Mr. Vallandigham's case, and even
that solitary pander was converted at the eleventh
hour to a purer faith, and joined its contemporaries
in denunciation of the whole scandalous and perilous
proceedings. There has not been anything like the
same unanimity of opinion displayed upon any one
subject since the war began, and yet the reckless
gamesters who control the destinies of the North re-
fuse to open their eyes, or be warned of the danger
they incur. The Western people have done more of
the fighting and less of the talking of the war than
those of the Atlantic States, and while they have
fought harder, their friends and relations who re-
mained at home to plough their fields and carry on
their business have gained less. In fact the West has
gained nothing. It has no manufacturers to be en-
riched by a protective tariff. It has not been rewarded
by fat contracts. Its magaates have not stained, or
been allowed the chance of staining, their hands
with public plunder. Its trade has not been in-
creased, like that of New York and Massachusetts,
but has been wofully diminished. It has lost its
best customer, the South, and gained no other as an
equivalent ; and because, under these circumstances,
its most popular and virtuous citizens, of whom
Mr. Vallandigham was but one, have dared to ima-
gine that their country was still free, that the con-
stitutions of their own States were living and bind-
ing realities, and that the Federal constitution was
still unrepealed, and believing this, have raised
their voices to denounce the imbecility and cor-
ruption of the Government, and to express the
honest conviction that union with the South might
possibly be restored by a cessation of hostilities, but
never could be restored by war—the Government
at Washington has appointed a military despot, to
establish a reign of terror, and act as if his sword
were the sceptre of justice, and his brutal will not,
7141 y the law but the source of law and right, and
• °TaY tenure by which men who but yesterday
vibes free could hold either life, liberty, or pro-
a 801„t.,?_t_ Mr. Vallandigham's case is not to be
tered and that the Government has en-
civiltile reduction of the
war o= which will end, either in a new
dition of a he
province., is evident from the
intelligence that wir West to the con-
and dishe -"7
his district: weho asserts that
if New York
Were Itia2Ts forth to startle
the publication ofe 31.11
for presuming to doube Ntetteh York Eve
prohibit
ment to which his august, eba.oth:ieitg xpress,
appended has
not ignoble, name was apt ent hithetto7ll:ll7 docu-
ursaforticriticising
suppressed two Indiana news 'n" foveiniaif
famous order No. IX., which sidaj
of
age
ethile Penalties
of treason against any kind
that had a " tendency" to bring him intollyttitinl
The first journal that fell under di,plett-arniPt.
the Columbia City News, to the editor of whiche
despatched the following curt epistle :--
TO THE EDITOR. OF " COLUMBIA CITY NEWS."
Head-quarters, District of Indiana, Department of
the Ohio, Indianapolis, May 8, 1963.
Sir,— A copy of your paper of May 5 has been handed
me, and my attention called to your comments on General
Order No. IX, from these headquarters. You can now take
your choice—publish an article taking back your threats of
resistance to that order, and your comments designed to
destroy its usefulness, and publish a loyal paper ; or you can
discontinue the publication of your paper until further
orders. Any violation of this order will receive prompt
attention.

Mao S. HASCALL, Brigadier-General Vols.
Commanding District.

ignant
The editor published this letter with an ind
comment, surrounded by the mourning border
which is usually employed in England on the death
of the Sovereign, the mourning in this case being, it
us to
t4posed, for the murdered freedom of the
press, if" said the editor," Gen. Hascall be higher
thall constitution, the supreme law of the land,

then he can enact such laws as he, in his superior
wisdom, may deem proper; but if he, like our own
self, owes obedience to the constitution a o e, and
that instrument is as sacred and dear to f-.'m as it to
us, then he is more than a tyrant to ex-, cise such
unwarranted authority. We claim tit we are pub-
lishing a loyal paper. What constit.ves loyalty P
If it be in favour of the constitution, as transmitted
to us, then we are loyal; but if, on the contrary,

loyalty consists in a disregard of that instrument,
we are not loyal. We honour and respect that
noble chart of liberty. It is our guide in everything,
and we know no higher authority. We have nothing
to retract. Our comments were made with an eye
to the public welfare. We await the order of Gene-
ral Hascall with pleasure. The wicked alone flee
from the wrath of an offended Deity."
General Hascall's reply to this dignified assertion
of the right of free discussion was to send a com-
pany of soldiers to close the office of the Columbia
City News, take possession of its presses, and pro-
hibit its publication. Whether he caused the
editor to be arrested and sent to the South or to
Fort Warren, to keep company with Mr. Vallan-
digharn, is not stated. The other unfortunate
journal which incurred the wrath of this egregious
potentate, who is described as having previous to
the war eked out a miserable livelihood by his
scanty earnings as a village attorney, was the South
Bend _Forum,whose editor was accused of " boasting
of an intention to violate Order No. IX." The
editor denied the boast ; and Hascall, not conde-
scend;ng to bandy words with him, suppressed, or,
in Western parlance, " squelched" his paper.
Thus the Forum died, on the funereal pyre of
American liberty, to reappear perhaps, like the
pheenix, after General Milo S. Hascall shall have
passed into the maw of that great revolutionary
Saturn, who, according to all experience, devours
his own children.

But General Hascall does not confine his atten

tion to newspapers. He has as much dislike to oral
as to written liberty of speech ; and on Wednesday
last, when a grand Democratic mass meeting was
held at Indianapolis to protest against the impri-
sonment and condemnation of Mr. Vallandigham,
he marched 500 soldiers to the spot, and under
pretence of providing against any possible disturb-
ance of the peace, stationed a military guard at
every commanding position in the city. The terror
was such that the resolutions were hurriedly passed,

—no set speeches beyond a few formal words of
introduction were made, and the meeting adjourned
sine die, in great confusion. About 50 persons were
arrested for carrying concealed weapons, although
the Federal Constitution expressly guarantees to
all citizens the right to bear arms. As many more
were taken into custody for cheering at the name
of " Jeff. Davis," which, it is alleged, was first
shouted by a spy sent into the meeting by General
Hascall for the express purpose of creating a
disturbance. Burnside and Hascall are worthy
compeers; but Burnside, being the superior officer,
is a little, though very little, in advance of his
subordinate, Hascall punished the offence com-
mitted; Barnside carries his paternal rule still fur-
ther, and takes pains to render offence impossible.
Upon the rule of the good physician, that preven-
tion is better than cure, he has given notice to the
journals of Ohio that they must send him proofs of
the leading articles and the news which they intend
to publish, in order that his imprimatur may be
attached to them. The Emperor of the French has
been accused of harshness to the press, but he is the
mildest of despots compared with Burnside.
The question that forces itself upon the minds of
the observers and students of this revolution—for it
is a revolution, if the fierce Democracy of America
have been drilled and dragooned out of their liber-
ties, or if they have been reduced to such a deplorable
emasculation of spirit as to love the shadow of the
defunct Union better than the realities of law, jus-
tice, and security for person and property—is,
whether the people are docile and patient enough
to endure that tyranny for the remainder of Mr.
Lincoln's term of office, with the hope of being able
to restore the action of the constitution by the agency
of the ballot box,and the election of a democratic and
Conservative President, such as Gen. M'Clollan or
Mr. Vallandigham ! If they are so over patient—if
they are so engrossed with a dull materialism as to
think of nothing but money—if for two years they
will quietly submit to the usurpations of military
power, and the insolent domination of a faction
that is numerically not half as strong as the oppo-
sition—they will be entitled to the credit of being
the most sordid and quiet people who ever spoke
the language of Milton and Hampden, and who re-
verence in name, if not in spirit, the laws that trace
their origin to such venerable roots as Trial by
Jury, Magna Charts, the Bill of Rights, and the
Writ of Habeas Corpus. If all these great triumphs
of their British ancestors, which aro their lawful
inheritance, are to be suspended for two years—do
the Americans think they will ever enjoy them
again unless they fight for them ? And if they are
to be fought for at some future time, would it not
be better to have a small fight of words now, last-
ing, perhaps, for Mr. Seward's famous " ninety
days," instead of having a fight of words hereafter
that might last for 20 years, and that might not,
perhaps, be concluded within the lifetime of any
man now treading the soil of this continent ?
The increase of Irish immigration to this port
within the last three months has been so large as to
excite universal remark. It is doubtful, however,
whether the influx is in all respects natural. There

is so much poverty in Ireland, and there are so
many prosperous Irishmen in America, who an-
nually send money to the land of their birth, to
pay the passage of their kindred to new homes,
that emigration will not cease, as long as Ireland
continues poor and overpeopled. Bat since the be-
ginning of the present year the arrivals have ex-
ceeded the average almost threefold. One obvious
explanation of the fact is, that the war has taken
from productive industry an immense number of

labourers, and that the inconvenience suffered
from this cause in the north and north-west is
known in Ireland—and gives an impetus
to emigration. Any man who can dig a
field or garden, drive a cart, carry a heavy load, or
perform any other piece of unskilled or useful labour,
can readily earn a dollar and a quarter, or a dollar
and a half a day. The want is so urgent that a
hundred thousand of such men would be absorbed
in the great cities and rural districts from New York
to Chicago in less than six months. This fact has
not only been made extensively known in Ireland
by private correspondence from America, but has
been systematically promulgated by order of the
Federal Government, and notably by a letter from
Mr. Seward, which has been published and com-
mented upon in most of the Irish newspapers. The
object of that letter was to stimulate emigration ;
and it has produced its effect. Whether there ware
not another object, that of procuring recruits for
the Federal armies, may be surmised, bat need not,
perhaps, be discussed. Not only have its agents or
friends in Ireland represented in glowing colours
the scarcity of labour in the field and farm, and the
golden rewards it would obtain if it could but be in-
duced to come here, but they have
known:
rate of a dollar
in Ireland that no less than,lo,ooo labourers
publicly made
were wanted on one railway in the West, the
In gera of which were willing to a wages at the
of the labourer a
it is that really
questions not day, besidestheppayssage money
from Ireland to New York. Who
the railway 113:: the passage money—whether
another name
tfoorbati:yvthe—deorariwahoevtehrenrinietnits beat
1 persons representini:attarne srZneesYthoasb
\
e"ilY answered ;bebtit that' in
some instances the
been paid by
officers
th the Irish larger
t of a railway not /1;-
1 the positive testimony' lost% some that the officers
upon
arrived emigrants, sad the hearsay °of the n v
in IreTanPdr e 'i. it; 3 thet ani
BritishaYe-
'aporbritling emi.
number. Another atimulo
has been the fear, eaciusivneti
pass aralaiNse
tematically encouraged
Government is about to
gration to the United States.
induced many hundreds, or it may apprehension eion has
thousands,
who had friends, kindred, and relatives in the North
and West, to expedite a departure on which they
had previously resolved. Possibly it may turn out
that this fear has been instilled into the minds of the
Irish peasantry by agents of the Federal Govern-
ment. Whatever the truth in this particular may be,
the emigrants are beset by the recruiting officer the