The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-23 00:00:00

it does not give the people their just influence. Most
small boroughs have become the property of those who
have estates in their neiehhom Iwo(' ; and by them,
consequently, the members returned are nominated.
Individuals, such for example, as the Johnsiones
of Weymouth, the Smiths of Midhurat, the But-
lers of Luce, (not to name the few individuals in the Isle
of Wight, who return six Members to Parliament, and at
this meeting of 500 persons not one of them is known to
any of us.) I say individuals are thus, from the mere
situation of not very extrusive properties, able to send two
or three Members to Parliament, white others, with ten
times their fortunes, and others, fifty times their numbers,

are in a great Immure destitute of Parliamentary influence.
The Members of such places, with some rare and honour-
able exceptions, give their vote to every Minister, liberal
or illiberal, on the understood condition of their getting
themselves or their relations appointed to situations of
influence and emoluments. Offices are every day filled
by the most incompetent individuals, merely because they
hipper' to be the sons, brothers, nephews, or nominees of
such and such borough-holders. This is a scandalous
abuse, and it disgusts alike the rich and the poor. Is it
to he borne, Gentlemen, in the nineteenth century, that
Peers of the realm (to say nothing of their wealth, and
the sources of some of it) with an ample seat for them-
velvet' in the upper House, shed], by nominating Mem-
bers for the lower House, exclude the representative of the
people, and Occupy by proxy those seats themselves.
small boroughs with less than 400 or 500 voters, pos-
sessed of property in land, houses, or money, worth 40/.
or 50/. a-year, ought to ha unconditionally deprived of
the power of returning Members, and the election of Mem-
bers to supply their places should be given to the popu-
lous towns at present unrepresented. Gentlemen, people
are not made for Kings, (as the old Popish and some of
the old Protestant Divines once thought, or said they
thought), hut Kings are chosen by the people, to give sta-
bility to law, and dignity to the administration of their
national mums. And there ie no instance in which
the people have shown a disregard for constituted autho-
rides, or a want of reverence for the higher ranks in the
State, except when the latter, in the wantonness of power,
have endeavoured to trample upon the institutions which
they were deputed to preserve. But to close, look at the
neighbouring countries, what was it caused the disturb-
ances that lately agitated them? It all originated in op-
pression; I do not care from what quarter it comes, whe-
ther from an absolute Monarch, or mistaken views of the
Ministers. It arises solely front our taxation, or odious
and oppressive penal laws, and it was oppression, and that
only, that produced revolution. In conclusion, therefore,
for the love I bear to my King, and the reverence I have
for the Constitution, I call on you, Gentlemen, and en the
p •ople from one end of the island to the other, yea, from
all parts of the kingdom, to come forward and state your
grievances, and I do hot despair but some efficient relief
will be a-hieved." Mr. E. then moved the next resolu-
tion.—(Cheerc )
Mr. LA NKESTZIL congratulate you on the meeting
which we have held in the borough of Newport, for the
accomplishment of an object, which no arbitrary power
can now present; and I think it right to state to you as
reformers, that when a man comes forward and acknow-
ledges be has acted wrong, you ought to give him credit.
Gentlemen, I am one of those who reigned the milk-and-
water petition ; in sonic respects I am glad I have done
so, hut in other respects I am sorry ; and I will tell you
why I did it. The petition was brought to me, and I
said it is good as far as it goes, but it goes a very little
way. I asked why it was brought forward, and 1 found
it was became they were afraid that our friends and
neighbours should conic together and look us face to face;
but bad they known !lbw peaceably and quietly this meet-
ing would have been conducted, they would, I ant sure,
have jiiinedus.--(Hisses and groans.)--I repeat, there
could he no ether reason why such a petition was got up,
than that they were afraid a general meeting would he
dangerous, but when they found it was otherwise they
were sorry.—(Why don't they come forward then ? have
they not had time to repent yet ?)—I said, if I sign your
petition, will you sign the other? Yes, was the answer,
if it contains a different prayer. And where is the hum ?
If there were a hundred petitions got up I would sign
them all. Let us therefore look upon the other petition as
a twin-sister. —( Hisses and symptoms of discontent.)
Mr. Pnwo —Was not the other petition got up fur the
express purpose ofpreventing this meeting ? I say yes it was.
They ought not therefore to go hand in hand. Let us be
independent of them.
Mr. WILK N s—The resolutions having been carried
unanimously, I beg to propose that a petition founded on
them be presented to the House of Lord; by Lord King,
who is a tried friend to his country, and that to the House
of Commons, by Mr. ilume.—(Cheers.)
Mr. H. DAY—Why is it necessary to go abroad when
we have such a man in the island us Lord Yarborough.—
I beg to propose that the petition to the House of Lords
be presented by Lord Yarborough. An irregular conver-
sation hereupon ensued on the comparative merits of Lord
King and Lord Yarborough, which was interrupted by
the Chairman putting the amendment, when not a singe
hand was held up for it. The original proposition was
then carried unanimously amidst loud cheers.
A vote of thanks having been proposed by Mr. C.
WoeseLev, and seconded by the whole meeting to Mr.
C. Day, fur his able, zealous, and impartial conduct in the ,
chair,

The CHAIaMAN, in returning thanks observed, that he
was exceedingly gratified at the very flattering mariner in
which his inadequate services had been appreciated; he
confessed he felt not a little proud at having presided over
such a highly respectable and independent meeting more
particularly as this was the first public meeting on R.!.
form which had ever been held in this island. He
was happy to he able to add, that the proceedings
had been conducted throughout with a moderation,
fairness, and candour greatly to be commended; indeed so
much so, that he ardently desired the whole magistracy oldie
island had been present to bear witness to the propriety
and good sense with which every sentiment bad been
conveyed ; be had only note to request that as they had
commenced and conduced the bulimia of the day so ere•
ditebly to themselves, they would separate in the same
spirit, and with the same feelings of cordiality and pro-
priety which had been conspicuous in the proceedings ;
and be expressed his hope that if any enemy to the course
they had pursued existed previous to the meeting, he
would no longer be so, but become a convert and
warns supporter of the good cause. A round of cheers
having then been given for • the Ch.►irm in and the cause
of Reform, the meeting separated in perfect good order.
[The room contained about hOO people. The lace
manufacturers marched in procession to the place of meet-
ing, accompanied by their band of music. After the
business of the day was closed, about 300 of the friends of
Reform assembled in the same room, and the everrin, was
palmed in the utmost harmony and conviviality, Air. J.
Pring presided, and Mr. E. Wilkins was Vice-Presi&nt.
Amongst a variety of toasts and sentiments, " The King
and his Majeety'a Ministers," was given with the most
rapturous applause. " Independent Reformers of the
towns of Cowes, Hyde, and Wading," drew forth sonic
excellent speeches front the different gentlemen residing in
those places, the band enlivening the scene at intervals
during the evening with several popular airs. Four hun-
dred and eight. signatures were obtained to the petitions
before ten o'clock in the evening.]

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Dzc. 22.
APPEALS.

On taking his place, the LORD CHANCELLOR tab.
served that a very gross misrepresentation, affecting the
character of certain Learned Judges, had been made with
respect to the mode in which Scotch appeals had been dis-
posed of since he came to the Seals. It was nulled that
to nearly all the Scotch appeals heard by their Lordships
since the period in question, the decisions of the Courts
below hail been reverued. Now, he thought it right to
say that this was the direct contrary of the truth
Thirteen appeal cares had been heard since he had the
honour to advise their Lordships urn judicial business.
Of those, eleven had been decided; seven, by affirming,
end foor by reversing the decrees appealed against. Of
the eleven decisions, nine were in Scotch cases, and in
seven instances out of the nine the original decree was
confirmed; in two it was reversed. The other two re-
versals occurred upon Irish appeals. lle should state
that in the two Scotch cases, in which reversals Lark
place, it was upon points of English law; and he might
add, that if the matter at issue had referred to Scotch
law, in all probability thc result would have been alit-.
Brent. It was no more than an act of justice to the
Scotch Court•i, front which an allegation snob as he had
alb;ded to was calcu'a!ed to take away all authority and
respect—it was only an act of justice to coutradict a state.
merit so unfounded.
STATE 01+ THE COUNTRY.

Earl GREY baying moved the sulpension of the stmt.
-ing orders 26 and 15G, for the purpose of passing the Coo-
sololsted Fund Bill previously is the recess,
Lord FARNUAM said, as this was probably the last
time their Lordships would met in any numbers aryl for
the despatch of business previously to the recess, lie availed
himself of the opportunity to express his regret that the
Noble Lord at the heed of the Government should have
thought it necessary to render the int,ervel between the

adjournment and nett meeting to long uWu Intended ;
at the same time be admitted it was not unreasonable that
Ministers, so recently called to the public service, should de-
sire as much time as possible to mature the measures
which they had announced. He wished that whatever
measures his Majesty's Ministers had in contemplation for
the relief of the distress of the country (nut of which the
recent insubordination had, at least in putt, grown) should
follow as quickly as possible upon there necessary ex.
ampler, in order that the country might see, that as Go-
vernment was prepared to put down acts of violence and
insubordination, so also was it ready to follow up the re-
quisite course of vigorous resistance to lawless outrage with
such measures as might tend to relieve distress, and
remove the pretext for acts cf disorder in future. So
touch with respect to this country ; but he also re-
gretted the length of the adjournment, when he looked
at the state of Ireland, to which he considered it neces-
sary briefly to call their Lordships' attention. In the exist-
ing state of Ireland, it would have been advisable that, if
possible, some measures calculated to impart confidence to
the country, and remedy pressing evils, should have been
originated previous tar adjourning for a period of seven or
eight weeks. He thought it not improbable that those
seven or eight weeks might be of great importance in that
country ; but he would not attempt to divine the future.
He did not wish to renew the discussions that had taken
place there and elsewhere, relative to the late appointments
in Ireland ; he should only say that no man would rejoice
more than he, if the fears expressed in consequence of
those appointments should turn out to be perfectly un-
founded and erroneous. As no measures of improvement
had yet been brought forward by Ministers with respect to
Ireland, be thought it desirable that the Noble Earl at the
bead of the Cabinet should make some statement on the
subject of the measures he contemplated. He was not
so unreasonable. as to expect the Noble Lord to enter into
any minute details on the subject of those measures, but
thought it would be advisable, if the Noble Lord could
hold out any expectations calculated to cairn the agitated
feelings with which that country was disturbed, that he
should now make a statement to that effect. He did
not think that the Noble Earl could have a better fitunda-
tion for his measures than was afforded by a paper for
which he (Lord Farnham) had moved—he meant the:
report of the Committee appointed by the House of
Commons to inquire into the state of the poor of Ireland.
He regretted that the length of that report, and of the evi-
dence en which it was founded, was so great that it had
not been as yet laid upon their Lotdsh:ps' tube, but he
hoped that it soon would, and he strongly recommended
his Majesty's Ministers, and Noble Lords generally, to
avail themselves of the npportuuity afforded by the ap-
proaching holydays to pay attention to that valuable Re-
port, and the en dons and instructive evidence which con-
stituted its foundation. He offered this recommendation
because he thought that a great number of their Lordship.
must be, at least in same degree, ignorant of the true state
of Inland, and also because he thought that the body of
evidence of persons of various classes and descriptions,
which was attached to the Report, could not fail to afford
the Legislature considerable light, when upon its re-assem-
bling it should be called on to consider the measures to be
brought forward on the subject. Having referred to the
Report, he might observe that the Committee had recom-
mended the adoption of 19 measures with a view to bene-
fit and improve the condition of Ireland. All those mea-
sures were referable to some six or seven subjects, the first
of which embraced a consolidation of all the laws relating
to charitable institutions, in six of the proposed measures.
The second point dealt with by the Committee was the local
taxation by the grand juries, amounting to a million and a
half sterling, of which above half a million went for the
repair of raids, public buildings, &c. He offered no opinion
as to tl.e propriety of continuing or discontinuing the sys-
tem of grand jury taxation, but regretted that the public
objects in (location had not been pursued upon scientific
principles. He thought it desirable, assueng that grand
jury taxation was to be continued, that the expenditure of
the public money for such objects (which was also in-

trusted to the Grand Juries) should be put under sorae
scientific controul, in order to ensure the public money not
being wasted, as he believed it had frequently been under
the existing system. The next object suggested by the
Committee was one of great importance : it involved a
question as to the expediency of affording public aid, with
a view to advance certain works in Ireland, to be under-
taken fur the ultimate benefit of the country, and to enable
the population to obtain the means of subsistence. He
wag aware that the doctrine of the political economists
was against a forced application of capital in such a way
as this, hut (without undertaking to decide the question)
he might be permitted to doubt the invariable correctness
of the dogma. The Committee referred t,► the advantage
to be derived from enabling parties to undertake the
drainage of some of the waste lands of Ireland (of which
there were thousands and thousands—be might say mil-
lions of acres.) Such a project was certainly opposed to the
principle of the economists, who, among other arguments
against the prosecution of undertakings in the way referred
to, objected tint a forced employment of labour for a time
had the effect of producing aggravated distress at its termi-
nation among the very cl its which was relieved by it for
the moment—a distress greater than that which previously
existed, in proportion to the new hands brought into the
market and now left without employment, But this ob-
jection did not apply to the relief afforded by drainage,
which would le permanent, inasmuch us the.new land thus
created would continue to employ in its cultivation the la-
bourers originally employed, and called into the market by
the process of reclaiming it. He was aware it was the

10hion to say, first produce tranquillity in Ireland, and
capital will flow in ; but he was for introducing capital
with a view to the productioa of tranquillity. To keep
men eta of mischief, it was necessary to employ them. Ile
was glad to see held out in the report the principle of giving
employment to the Irish poor, because he thought the
adoption of it calculated to promote the cause of good
order. The report adverted to amendments of the Sub.
letting and Vestry Acts, and te an amendment in the ad-
ministration of the law generally ; but to those objects he
should not now direct the attention of the House. With
regard to the subject of education in Ireland (a subj,et
rather touched on than dwelt upon in the report), he re-
gretted to be obliged to difT r in opinion from the com-
mittee, but he slicd,' not now go into the question.
Having thus glanced et the principal points of the report,
the Noble Lord proceeded to allude to the Bill prohibiting
the cultivation of tobacco in Ireland, which he censured
in strong terms, as highly injurious to the interests of that
country. If their Lordships knew the benefit conferred upon
the poor where tobacco was cultivated,—its cultivation af-
fording employment to persons of different ages, front chil-
dren of five years old, up to individuate far advancei in
life,—they would ire that the Bill in question was um:
which materially affected the interests of Ireton!. Al to
the idea, that because the growth of tobacco was prohibited
in England, it must also be prohibited in Ireland, he
scouted it altogether,—the facts of the case afforded
short answer to the a.sumption. By the 12th Charles 11.
the growth of tobacco was prohibited in England and
Ireland, fur the purpose of promoting the prosperity of the
American colonies ; but these had long since pasted from
the Crown of Great Britain, so that the motive of the
prohibition no longer existed. In the 19th of George 111.
an Act was passed exempting Ireland from the prohibition
on the ground of affording encouragement to the trade
and commerce of that country, that efore Ireland had been
upwards of b 0 years in possession of the privilege of grow-
ing tobacco, of which it was now meant to deprive her.
He was aware that the Bill prohibiting the cultivation of
tobacco lied been originated by the late Ministry ; but be
would tell the Noble Earl that he did net like it a hit the
better fin that.. In conclusion, he thought the Noble Earl
would do well to consider whether it was worth while to
persevere in this Bill of prohibition. He thought the
article, Wallowed to be cultivated, would bear a moderate
duty. The difficulty of collecting it might lie considered
an objection, but he did not see how the collection would
be more difficult than the c lloction of the duty on hops;
and when it was 4onsidered how beneficial the growth of
tobacco might he rendered to Ireland, he trusted the Bill
would he abandoned.

Earl GREY would not complain of the Noble Lord for
having taken this opportunity to. state his opinion upon
such questions us be pleased, simply contenting himself
with the observation, that perhaps it would not have ex-
ceeded the usual courtesy adopted towards Ministers in
'that House, if the Noble Lord had given hint some pre-
vious notice of his intention to introduce upon this (m-
-ention so many different sulijects, in reference to which lie
should then, perhaps, have been better prepared to return
an answer.—(ll )_First, with respect to Vie recess,
of the duration of whirl the Noble Lord bad complained,
all he hail to say at present way that the precise length of
the adjournment was decided upon by Isis Majesty's Go-
vernment after a very mature consideration of the state of
public affairs; end be felt assured that the reenlist would
fly justifyi propriety of thet adjournment, tie hoped
thatil i(it only th
wouldis no inconvenience be experienced' in
consequence of the lengli of the recess, but that its effect
would be, by enabling Ministers to prepare and properly
mature their measures, greatly to expedite the transaction
of business, and that eventuady the country would derive
very considerable advaistag.: from it. It could not Ehu ex-
pected he should follow the Noble Lord tbrough all the
topics of his speech : still less that lie. should attempt to de-
velop met, urea which it would regime time and considera-
tion to mature. In reference to Ireland he might observe, in
passing, that be should be et an times Willing and anxious

o receive advice from A Noble Lord so conversant And well
acquainted with the affairs of that country. The Noble Lord
had referred in considerable detail to the report made by
a committee of the House of Commons on the state of the
labouring classes in Ireland, but not having had as yet an
opportunity of looking attentively into that report, the
Noble Lord could not expect him to go into a discussion of
it, even if the present were the proper opportunity for
doing so. He was aware, however, that the report con-
tained much valuable information, and believed it referred
to many measures connected with Ireland, which might
be found useful hereafter, when the subject came regularly,
under consideration. But as to particular measures con-
templated by his Majesty's Government, of which the
Noble Lord desired an outline, it was impossible for bins to
say more at present, than that it was his anxious wish to
adopt all measures which, on examination, might appear
calculated to promote the prosperity of Ireland and of
England, and this with as little delay as possible. At the
same time it was fair to inform the Noble Lord, that the re-
lief to which he looked for an alleviation of the distress
more or less prevalent in both countries, was grounded in
the expectation of a natural return of prosperity, to be
introduced by the adoption of a good system of govern-
mew, rather than in anything else.—(Hear.) The Noble
Lord bad alluded to a great variety of topics in the course
of his address : among other points, following the report
on the state of the Irish poor, lie adverted to the
system of charitable institutions in Ireland, which was,
no doubt, well deserving of attention, and it might be
of modification, at a future period. The Noble Lord
also mentioned the local taxation and application of the
public funds exercised by grand juried—a system parts of
which had been long complained of, and he hesitated not
to say also requiring attention, and perhsps correction and
improvement. The report as stated by the Noble Lord
embraced the subject of education,.—a matter which also
required consideration, and to be taken up with a view to
the adoption of such a system as should prevent the rise of
all further animosities between individuals of different per-
suasions on occount of religion—a consummation, than
which nothing could conduce in a higher or more impor-
tant degree to mutual good will between man and man, to
tranquillity, good order, and prosperity.—(llear.)—As to
other general measures recommended in the report,—such
as advances of public money with a view to the improve-
ment of the country and the employment of the labouring
classes,—to this, as a general principle, the Noble Lord
admitted that there existed considerable objections, at the
same time lie (Earl Grey) did not say there might not be
exceptions to those objections, whether the instance re-
ferred to by the Noble Lord constituted one of the ex-
ceptions, and if so, how far it might be expedient to
ad upon the recommendation of the Noble Lord : all
this wes well deserving of consideration. But more
than this it was not necessary for hint to say at pre-
sent. The Noble Lord had alluded to some recent
appointments in Ireland, and in doing so the Noble
Lord bad stated his anxious hope that the fears
entertained by some individuals on the subject might turn
out to be unfounded, and that theappointments would be
found to produce those effects which his Majesty's Minis-
ters anticipated. Now, his anxious hope, and he might
add confident belief, was, that each of the persona holding
the appointments in question would (as was the duty of
all in their respective spheres) assiduously labour to put an
end to the dissensions which operated to pervert the peace
and prosperity of Ireland. He thought all persons pos-
sessing influence, of whatever kind, ought to endeavour (as
was their bounden duty) to contribute to the accomplish-
ment of that good work, by avoiding and discountenancing i
all attempts at inflaming passions, which, if allowed to I
continue and augment, would, eventually be found dange-
rous to the pence, if not to the very existence of the
country.—lle did not think it necessary to add any thing
further in relation to the subjects intro 'ucell by the Noble I
Lord. The measures which his Majesty'. Government bad I
to propose would probably come under consideration when
they should be introduced into that and the other House
of Parliament.

The question having been put on the Noble Earl's mr-
tion, the standing orders were dispensed with, and the
Consolidated Fund Bill, which had been previously for-
warded a stage, was read a third time.

Lord DURHAM presented a petition from Stockton,
for an amendment of the criminal hsv.

The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from
Stockton-on-Tees, fur the abolition of the duty on sea-
borne mt..

SLAVERY.

Thirteen petitions against negro slavery were presented
by Earl GREY; also a petition to the same effect by the
Earl of EssEx.

Lord ST. VINCENT presented a petition from mem-
bers of the West India body resident in the metropolis,
praying for protection and compensation ; a petition was
also presented by Lord FARNHAM from inhlbitants of Bel-
fast, in favour Of the planters.—Adjourned.

TRIAL OF THE EX-MINISTERS.

EXPRESS FROM PARIS.

COURT OF PEERS, TUESDAY, Dec. 21.
SEVENTH DAY•

The Court recommenced at half-past ten. The ex-
tern ►I appearance of M. de Pulignac bore the impression of
great mental sufferings; the public attributed it to the
cries which he probably heard last night from-the mob in
the street,.

M. Modier de Montjau, one of the Commissioners of the
Chamber of Deputies, opened the debate by replying to the
defenders, in support of the accusation. He maintained
that, by the most in►prudent zeal for the accused, the de-
fenders bad been drawn into a downright panegyric of the
Ide administration. But ought it not to be remembered,

that if fallen majesty and misfortunes were surrounded
with a kind of sanctity, that the honour and the rights of
a great nation were no less sacred, and perhaps called still
lender for the vindivation of those rights, when violated
by the most signal acts of perjury? Acknowledging the
itntnense ascendancy of the genius who had defended the
accused, the honourable Deputy was of opinion that France
ought not to be amnia' ited in order to justify those who
had fallen victims to their imprudent pretensions, and
there ore lie thought it his duty to justify his country,
and prove that if the nation had expelled the Ihurbons
it was because they always showed themselves the inve-
t; rate enemies of ',betty. Yet, notwithstanding their
rights, the people had respected the person of the Prince ;
they bad not taken vengeance upon his perjury, but then
justice required that his criminaliadvisers should become
answerable fur the blood which they had spilt. As the
defender had attacked all the efforts of the people to sup-
port their rights under the restoration, the orator endea-
voured to show that far from being criminal their acts
were authorised by the laws, and that was an advantage
which the lute Goverment could not boast of. Their cir-
culars, their measures, all proved that they made use of
the whole extent of their power to exert an illegitimate
influence ever the elections. M. 'Metier de Montjau
justified the Coniiti Directeur, and maintained that it

had rendered the greatest service" to the country by op-
le.tolnynf:gttili jid..l:ieertftroidierssiehltvfilf:". The
ministeriall:,i n g
the
intrigues
responsibility, of
f the
w Administration.
'6171 have ilactlri:eatarit:leyi: .
3cp proved, In
rdre,gocau.rrttnistoti'..)
uvne:reiliigontel,.
ovtit.iell:md thatwireairst'iht nto attackainvetrte tiefauassgiinamigritls:r mi
sfo rtthronetui
ei itself, and
tbe
heads of our future monarchs. If the late King Lad pe-
rished at St. Cloud, or at Rambouillet, would not the
responsible
epifroterzseehnniuts
tel:i fiebiee.asnhtelTdi.tlletle.irettrese
their responsibility ceased
Ministtrs have been
coawairiettithszterhdailyte,h,
ene:byti lloro:ittitn)l
wet, signed by the Ministers, and on that signature alone
they may he condemned. Fur it is no importance
to know that the ordinances were the result
of a pre-
vious knowled4e of the elections, or that they were
the consequence of the principles which created the Mi-
nistryof the Bth of August The Commissioner, in his
reply, wade use of the same arguments as in the act of ac-
ssufficie of
sufficient
thetu
ntry
ou
gosaiion, especially doing his utmost to demonstrate the evi-
ceagwaihnielth institutionstahleonewa
&meg oLan
cciorvitusititiir; tte
prove that the ex-Ministere had readily entered into that
conspiracy. M. Medier added, that when the ordinances
c
were published, the Ministers had redly met and delibe-
rated in council on the declaration of siege, and had signed
that ordinance without the slightest mark of hesitation or
regret. It was therefore useless to maintain that the
Council had not assembled, and all the Ministers were
equally culpable as having had an equal share in the de-
liberations. After making a few observations relative to
the events of the I its revolution, and the cruelty of thole
who caused it, the orator terminated as follows:—" A
men, no lees distinguished by the generosity of his heart
than by the meat eminent talent, has addressed in words,
imploring your clemency; were those noble events the
expressions of the feelings of our glorious revolution, or
were they merely the result of delusion ? Noble Peers,
you will decide. It is not merely your position which
places you above ell other magistrature,..-.it is also by
your wisdom and by your political experience that you
are celled opt)* to decide whether you will fulfil the wishes
eximsseti by another Chatnber, Thus, gentlemen, what-
ever may be your sentence, we shall remain convinced
and respectful, and we shall with pleasure offer you the
homage of that conadenee, which is for us a sufficient

guarantee that you will Inow how to observe your right•
kind duties."

M. Martignac, defender of M. tie Pulignac, then rose to
reply to the accuser. After informing the Court that be
would not trespass long on their attention, he refuted the
accusation relative to an illegitimate influence exerted by
the Ministers over the elections. The orator read the
artic!e of the Chat ter concerning the above transgression,
and which only 'peaks of a violent and surreptitious kind
of influence. Now it was evident that the Ministers had
never thought of any illegal influence, and the depositions
of the witnesses, as well as the letters of the ex-Ministers,
could leave no doubt as to their innocence on that point.
The second point to which the .accusers have referred,
added M de Martignac, is the resistance opposed by M.
de Polignac to the solicitations of Al. de Semonville, but
M. de Polignac was on the point of setting out for St.
Cloud when the latter arrived at the Tuilleries, but he
arrived with M. de Sernonville though he left Paris after
hint, and in one single instant he settled every difficulty,
but he had already given in his resignation. Why should
the accusers insist on this point ? Why should they speak
of a delay of six hours, without which it is said, that per-
haps we should not now have another sentence to pro-
nounce, as well as that of the Ministers. Ah ! Gentle-
men ! this is, indeed, too much ! too painful ! The real
responsibility is already a burden sufficiently weighty,
without adding to it another moral responsibility ; I en-
treat you not to add this new misfortune, to those which
are already accumulated on one devoted head ; for, indeed,
such a blow would be fatal ; nature could not support it!
—The orator then exposed with great energy, that the
authors of the ordinance could never have intended to ex-
cite a civil war in the country. They may certainly have
been deceived in their views relative to the good of the
country, but never, no never, can it be supposed that
Charles X. and his advisers had formed a scheme to bring
down destruction on the nation, whom they still love, and
ever loved, sincerely. And who would ever maintain that
a man can be condemned for a crime he never intended to
commit ? Would the Court of Peers of France pronounce
such an unjust sentence? No, never. The orator entered
into a long explanation of the I•i'th article of the charter,
and of Ministerial responsibility, maintaining above all, that
the Crown, as well as the King, was inviolable according
to the true principles of a represeutative government, and
the Crown having once fallen front the head of the King.
his Ministers are no more responsible; the people refused
the ex-Ministers for victims—they aimed at more illus-
trious hecatombs to sacrifice on the altar of liberty.
Three generations of kings could alone satisfy their ven-
geance ; and this sacrifice, once accomplished, would it be
just, would it be noble—to spill the blood of inferior vic-
tims? M. de Martignac terminated his speech in the
following terms:—Noble Peers, there is something at
the bottom of your hearts which will tell you that
the present trial is not just—that it cannot be; for
there are nu laws to justify the sentence, and this is ac-
knowledged by the accusers themselves. Now, 1 have
accomplished my task, and I hope to have done it like a
friend, and also like a man of hunour. Yours is now to
begin, and it is a noble—a great duty you will accomplish
—it is worthy of your high wisdom, and certainly, no
external influence will have any power over your decision.
Let those who pretend that you will be biassed by any
kind of apprehension—let them count the Peers of Eng-
land in the trial of Stafford—let them also count the
Peers who are in this Assembly, and they must remain con-
vinced that their criminal attempts would prove abortive. "
The other defenders made a few observations of minor
importance, and the Court then retired into another room,
to appoint the hour of their deliberation.
The audience adjourned at half-past one, when the pri-
soners were removed, and the Court cleared for the Peers
to deliberate upon their sentence. Every thing of the
trial was this day evidently hurried• on so as to get rid of
this melancholy source of so much public excitement with
urgent despatch.

The sentence was not passed when our express left
Paris. A courier was, however, in attendance to bring
us that intelligence.

(From the Times.)

We hey. received by express the Gazette de France,
Messager des Chanthres of yesterdty, the Moniteur,
Galignani's Messenger, end the other French Pipets 01
Tuesday.
CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—Dec. 20.
STATE OF THE CAPITAL.

M. Keratry having inquired what cause had given rile
, to the proclamations posted up in Paris,
Lafitte replied—We were led to expect that the
disquietude which prevails to-day in the capital would
tpheenesturba
subject
itnwtooutiis Chamber,
ll,ibeasked n
of
us. We
twhaet
heaxrpelarrti
eicaeioyneds uponom
the King and from you a difficult and sacred task—that of
enforcing respect to the laws. We have employed our
efforts to fulfil it. Amidst the crave circumstances in
which we are placed lively apprehensions have been ex-
pressed, fears fur the King, for the Chambers, for jartice,
—that is to lay, for France, for all these things are con-
nected, and at prrsent form but one. These apprehensions
we declare aloud, are exaggerated. The Government,
however, has nevertheless felt the necessity of acting; and
in order not to take upon itself the responsibility of a de-
plorable error, if it should happen to deceiveltself by too
f much confidence, acts as though these fears were well
t founded ; it takes precautions as though they had for
L their object certain and incontestable tact.. Pethaps
there is a conspiracy against the public tranquillity; the
Government arts as though it was certain of it.—(Hear,
hear.)—lt will not be taken by surprise, nor will
you. Force will remain with the law, or every one
will have been wanting to his duty, which is impossible.
t The Government is certain that every one will do his duty,
because it will do its duty to the utmost extent. Who are
those enemies secretly coalesced against the public tran-
, quality? It would not be impossible to point them out.
On the one hood, the partisans of that which exists no
longer, of that which cannot exist, of the Government
dashed to pieces in July, treacherous partisans who assume
all kinds of masks ; on the other baud, impatient and
misled minds, men of deceived atnbition:—in a word,
anarchists. These are the enemies who combine to
threaten the public tranquillity. They have laid hold of a
pretext. Yes, Gentlemen, a pant—the trial of the
ex•Ministera, and would avail themselves of this pre-
text to violate the laws, and give themselves up to ex-
cesses, the termination of which is unknown. The Go-
vernment, as you may well believe, has given them no
reason to suppose that it wished to contribute to a denial
of justice. The Government had no opinion to express
upon this trial. It expressed but one sentiment, and the
only one that became it—namely, the desire that justice
should pronounce with liberty of conscience. It has not
encouraged either to pardon or to punish, because it had
no encouragement of any kind to give, but said merely—
" I will cause the laws to be observed." It said so, be-
cause every Government exists but to cruse the laws to be
observed ; because a Government that does not do so rails in
its most essential duties, and betrays the country. Men who
are little uneasy about the fate of the four accused Mini-
sters, but who cannot endure order, have said on their side
that the laws should not be observed They have said so, and
this is what they wish. It comers little to them whether
th's or that individual falls beneath the severity of Justice.
What is of importance to them is to attack the existing
state of things. Here is the secret of the premeditated
disturbances, if they are real. Gentlemen, the brave po-
pulation of Paris must know that it is not against the re-
nitence of the ex-Miektera that they direct their effirts,
bat against order. Now you may reckon, gentlemen, upoa
the Government protecting order, because it is its duty.
It has not to occupy itself with the issue of the trial of
the authors of the criminal ordinances ; this is not its
mission : it will defend the laws, the security of the
citizens, and property. The Government, gentlemen,
reckon upon the brave and magnanimous population of
Paris, who have never been wanting to their duty, and
who will rise together if it he necessary, to repress the
attit 'tors ; it reckons upon the illustrieue General and the
National Guards; it reckons upon the army, and upon all
France; in short, who would not aid it in saving social
order, wlen an attempt would compromise, not only
Paris, but throughout the whole world ? We believe,
gentlemen, that the disquietude spread in the capital is
exaggerated, but whether well founded or not no matter;
we 10141 it for well founded, and have combined all the
means necessary to dissipate it. Every one will do his
duty—the citizens and King, and force will remain with
the law.--(Cheers.)
Dupin said, although the Government has not
affirmed the reality of the grounds, for the apprehensions
of which it has spoken, it must be admitted that there is
something serious and positive. Means have been pro-
vided, and we will not suffer ourselves to be alarmed. As
to the Chamber, which now forms a court of justice?
would it not be the most abominable crime to snatch vio-
lently from the place of its sittings men accused before it,
ends who might to exercise the sacred right of defence, or
It is contemplated t° attemptc by threats
ttso dtoila,o
influence
e revolutionthe decisions ofs
justice.c
the capital, the eternal city ! Another danger would
threaten the second Chamber I And what tight have men
calling themselves Frenchmen to come and impose their
will on the representatives of France ? Robbers, gentle-
men, and anarchists alone could in this city threaten the
high powers of the State. The third project in the con-
'piracy would be to attack the authority of the King—of

i

that popular King, *lsom we have torn from prink
all the delights of which he has, by a generous whim
abandoned to devote his life to the public good—te ,the
safety of France. Nothing is so easy as to begin a revile.
tion, and nothing so difficult as to finish it. Illißel-
gium finished her's? We have done every thing that could
bring us to it. Let us take care to preserve it. The
agitators seek the public ill ; if once we yield, we melt al-
ways yield. No, gentlemen, we will resist, The King
wilt place himself at our head ; for ourselves, we will re*
resin at our sea's, and, calm, amidst the tempests will
do our duty.
M Odillon Barrot enumerated the titles of the King to
the national confidence, and the criminal wishes of those
who seek to serve themselves of the people for their on
profit—a people whom they have left wtthout instructien.
and who, nevertheless, have shown themselves great sad
heroic, and who will listen to our voice, which never flat-
tered any one. "We must," said the Hon. Deputy, 'se-
pirate the people from those who would use them as an la-
strument. It belongs to us to tell them, that they would
compromise the country by using violence; they would
compromise its internal safety, and bring back the reign of
terror and the attacks of foreign powers."
Guizot thanked the Government for the frank WO-
nor in which it had explained itself, and added*" It"
by publicity that we overcame the Government debates
X., and escaped from the plots that were formed spied
oar liberties • it will still be by publicity, and comitle te
freedom of ;he tribunal, that we shall defeat our Walks)
and cause all their plats to miscarry."
The Minister for Foreign Affairs said that it wse
duty of the Government to make known to the Chsolter
and all France the troubles that manifest thenweletYlt
this moment, and the imposing force it had to disilq'
Men who had formed secret associations bad sought is
ceive those generous youths to whom the country "s; ,
debted fur the triumph of the great week ; they la
sought to mislead those simple and courageous men leh°
earned their bread by labour, and who knewthat disetder
was a mortal enemy to industry. The Govveettlenttoliirbe
ever, had its eye upon them, and, when the time elt° it
come, would smite those wire wished to emit* WI;
large. Ile day of danger would not comes 110(11,he
tional Guards, who never fai'ed in their sharer 45 icy
peril, ought to give confidence to the eltinsbans Kra°
and to Europe.

semTbhiede Tienmptsheof
vthiciisnmityoronfintgh,erefLeurrziaemg
bourgto tint eriesoirtedrda all:
soya—if"tilief
coannasrechieinccael
o demonstrationsjudgescoiwere totrZedtillu;
threatening clamours reaching even to the Courts threllin
the rate Courtmtpart ofthteo National Guards Gitsuardiisaiinniser,mbecas sad in
wish
we should be the first, in the interest of justice WA -„t°
notwe will not say, acquit with esfety,"bet try With
honour.
Thus, then, the agitators would prova e that the
trial of the exeMini.ters was only a pretext. lio 11
lion
1
would seek to render the judement and the condemns
even impossible, by violence ! since they would force
dges the
sentence to be adjourned until the day when the Ju
should recover their independencee—that is to NO Napesip,
until the re-estahliihment of peace within and tel"lrsi' '
since they would condemn themselves to alit still looker
for !he victims, of whom they appear so gieedir l'lSfer
whose destruction, after all, they ate st bottom mo."
anxious thin for that of the Charter an il our iostittitire'
These are the real victims condemned in their hearts' ...1,,,
We learn that forty individuals were arrested yota."l
in the act of exciting to riot. A man was taken into ale-
Cody in the Place du Chatelet, when bribing wer.,aleli„„r
the offer of one franc per day; and another, la 111,'-,
form of the old army, in the act of distributiog welt
proclamations. The King, on being informed.°,l r.
symptoms of disturbance, expressed, it is said' of
,tlel. rijl4'
mination of mounting hie horse at the first signal °
and putting himself, with his son, at the head a t,b• oP
tional Guards and all well disposed citizen.. . . „.,',:i
The National sar—" We learn that some yetteSTs',
in the uniform of the Polytechnic School, Wore Ileelibe
faubourga yesterday,. exciting the groups. zieve"".„; to.
pupil, have requested us to state that none of Wilts
rades have been guilty of such acts; that not ooset.iliiid
was absent from the institution at the time suentiontcl,
that, if uniforms were seen, they were worn by
'!"'
duals who did not belong to the school." ....m.
.
Letters horn Rouen announce, that in coo ni an
disturbances at Paris, 6,000 of the National 04,...119'. 1
that town are ready to march to join their conljutnr`
g
arms in the capital. ,
.„1,
A large quantity of flour and corn, for the agile
Toulon and Marseilles, has just been brought gib, W''
of the Minister of War. 6OO
The garrisons of Corsica have been increased to ..L
men; 3 000 con,cripts have been sera thither to con"-
the number. • AO
The Grenoble Journal, of the 16th instant' so ,
the following :—Letters from La Tour du Pin and Pe!
de Beauvuisin, of the 12th and 13tb instant stat, SLIT
Charnbery every thing is quiet. The conductor ufothOt
henert Ronafoux, has just brought fresh and esti 641.'3
intelligence on the tranquillity of the countries ieer,
from Savoy by the Alps, which are now tots' With
snow. A few Austrians guard the banks of the Y.Li,"'
the territory of Lombardy, but it is rather 00%4
station than a real camp, and nothing iudica•es that
~.7.0,
troops are destined to cross the frontiers to enteerto;‘,
Travellers who have rased tbITUP Genoa Sad toss
moot, and who left Turin en the 10th instent, A at
of
the meet perfect tranquillity prevailed ins
eeeel,P;ool
that part of Europe, and that the Austrians had u
here au' ~".'a
from their cantonments in Italy. These details ",
transmitted to us by the Piefeet of the Isere." ISe
The following intelligence is dated Arse. Deene*fro lu i
hi
" Every thing is quirt here. The cannontak
arsenal by the insurgents were restored on the 11_,Alli'erg,
life of Al. Hunzinger, President of the 310°70011
was endangered on the 9th. An individual e'.ostieg
him in the street with the design of ae11i.,51,,,0t,
him, but fortunately the a.sasein failed in hie, "",;(the
and is now in prison." Letters from 1:1°e'; bers
Bth instant, state, that " the necessary ifiesur to
been taken to drive back the peasants who threstelloaA
tot'w be ethe town.
themselves in readiness to repair to their poete:°ll;t breed
signal. The town gates are open only wheo it
',„11 Oast
day. light, and shut before it is dark. The town elie
All cur militia have received ortienuti;",
put into a state capable of supporting & sierid ad
ramparts are being repaired. the "'ilea cleancsatt•
widened, and openings are making in the company for ijo,
The arsenal is placed under the guard of a; 04
fantry and a detachment of artillery. The C°llll,a with
arsenal is defended by several pieces of colon, lw, 0 tot
case shot" From the canton of Thurgem we 44,„,000i
order is restored there, and the public mind 01"
wore moderate and calm. 0 h) l"1"
The Brussels papers of the 19th Oita 2-t, toile Yea
reached es in due course this morning. The riv, Van
are the only paragraphs worth extracting l•-**. dewed
by weyer, whose departure fur P3riS bid beenoiej by
by particular causes, set out last evening, W" nolta6
M. Grodebien, a member of the Prneisional aover-h„,,,,
It is believed that the object of their mission is Or Roo.
diate recognition of our Government hy• that
et
raying
The Dutch are at this moment oecupled in '°' in the
Brealtells Oaslburgh, Ysendyk, and Schondyhet f
saGarewb
Ghent
at
asurpenudtbeuirtia:hrl
yeeqduunai Mostifnti,tuioin.inind.eidni:c
gai.inlGed
eoinnfers:oltmdse"tpenmlatcipeeseTkil,h:elphboootraatistmea.sapnlpoidavilaaebtednDoutreer4venf.heeth'il,
..e .„isolicir'st
Yet. The accounts that had reached us of disunite"
ent relative to the or nece 91'.1"
The following intelligence is dated Warsmos - of
vernm of tbe
cioof
Safety in the stnall towns and villages. The the jell'
State, President of Masoria, has called upon 1-- owl:
hitants of that Palatinate to pay their taus ligd p
The districts of Cracow, Kalish, Lublin, Pleek' 111000
!aside, have sent to the Provisional Goetlitnent 44'et°1
in i which they strongly reproldite the clubs of de.tt!
nisiliN
Diver measures have been adopted by the Prey isioloi ‘,Ol-i.
vernment to ameliorate the situation of the ileill
loners at 'Warsaw." the lb
Letters frum Vienne of the 12th inst. rondo id
of Count Joseph Metternich, brother of the Frifilt
ter. Bank actions were at 1,002. YO
(From the Gazette de France date! Tools „tog
danbelecoPfkast
v,Kdit.ithosstoss,:Denboude.tecer.Tdec2hta
jOiiso.n—fcilirlsViop:ne have received the °la-
letter
Theedatd Warsaw, Dee. 9:—. 'estit ee
Rus.ian troops which have already artl,oo,ooo
s(a4rse:hoolotr,tkh, e point of arriving, may be ettiirated et '
ganviuotfonthea°Pviest;rio°oosl.l,ljl trot
Rosen,l:
wTimnhileoleenst
e:ct Lithuania,ohoirenfpacdsil:uaogdnfuienaegrrtsra)a,
ar
e
tc command?`)
,mi
ya,nt do
ce
kg I , heYori!ini,e:tode
or:41(
" 2. General Pohlen, who commands 400- t itie
hat
c due
fi
alread at Wilms with some regiments, and the res.
corps tohlow close behind. ffor IsPil
"B. H:s brother, who commands a corps 0-, i„, ,
force, must have arrived in the government of Alt•
10r
" 4. The corps of General Ruth, ecininV fr°"-
davia, has arrived in Podolia.
divisionenaontdclt:gerdr dibliyuv isrontweroct:ii-roffel till:
&leis°
" In the corps of General Rosen almost all tbe, nmste...
of Infantry are Poles. In the mass of officers antariAll*,
the tws nations are nearly equal in number. Orr'