The Sun.
London, England, 1839-03-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

1 On this day, which is held by all Christendom as a
day of high solemnity and great humiliation, we think it
right to forbear from the sharpness of political contro-
versy, however provoked to it by a manifesto of our po-
i lit'Neal adversaries which now lies before us. Our busi-
-1 ness, then, upon the present occasion, shall be to an-
I saver, but not to retort. We shall leave vituperation to
l die of the poison of its own malignity, and abusiveness
1, to wither where it has been flung. For this • day we
touch neither the one nor the other, but shall endeavour,
i ass!Tsently as we may, to set right what has been per-
, versed in the article upon which we are about to offer
seine remarks. Our readers may remember that two or
) three days ago, when alludins, to the objections now
I brought against the Reform 7'la by its former friends,
1 we stated it as our opinion, that the real objection had
been emitted—namely, that the Reform Act had been
found inadequate to secure the present Ministers in
the possession of official advantages, and in the di-
rection of political affairs. The Ministerialists, in
-ir further attacks upon the working of the Re-
Act, have, more fully than we could have
expected, confirmed our view. They now say—
" In the universal excitement by which the Reform
Bill was carried, the nation delivered its emphatic
niginest agninst the Tory policy to which, for so long
seriod of years, it was subjected. It welcomed the
form Bill as the means of breaking down that domi-
'on : and now, after seven short years, we are await-
dii ision of the Howe of Commons on the most
-is. ionable point of Whig Ministerial policy, the
neat of Ireland, in which a few votes, some
or thereabouts, hold the power of deciding for
;ainst the return of Toryism to office. The fact
ough. In such a result there is a damning
of of failure in the machinery by which it has
en produced. We do not believe that under
lc old system, the present Government would have
wen in any such predicament, nor the fate of
Ireland have been thus trembling in the balance."
\ccording to this view of the Reform Bill it was merely
ty rnoesure—a measure for overthrowing the power
of the Tories. This is asserted directly, and inferen-
tially it is a=serted that the object of the Bill was to es-
tabli,ll the Whigs in that estate of power of which the
Tories %vere supposed to be deprived ; for it is said that
the now existing risk of the ejection of the Whigs from
---r, and of the defeat of Whig policy in Ireland,
is a " proof of failure" in the Reform Bill. Now,
,prrd to the public whether this account of the Be-
e ii:l is not quite the opposite of that which was
;:r by those who so loudly promoted its enactment ?
sw P declared that it was not, nor was intended to be, a
ar measure. They maintained that it was essentially
i 'ar measure. They affirmed that it contemplated
P :tier the overthrow of the Tories, nor the upraising
he Whigs, but simply the doing justice to the pee-
.e. They published to the nation that this Bill being
once made law, the people would thenceforward
have an adequate voice in matters of legislation and
government, by means of a true and effectual re-
pre,sentation in the Ilcuse of Commons. If this was
hot the view taken by the present Ministers who pro-
moted the Reform Bill, they greatly deceived those
who listened to them. If this was their view, with
what sort of honesty and consistency is it that such a
view as we have above extracted should now be given
by the friends and advocates of Ministers ? If the fail-
ure of the Whig Administration is a proof of the failure
of the Reform Bill—if the success of the Tory Opposi-
tion is a proof that the Reform Bill has not succeeded
—then it would seem to follow, by necessary inference,
that the Reform Bill was no better than a Whig stra-
tagem for the retention of power, and a stratagem so ill-
contrived that, notwithstanding the applause and tri-
umph which it achieved for a short time, a few years
baser worn out all its virtue, and made it worse than
nothing, even for the Whigs themselves. Is this really
the view which Ministerialists desire that the public
thould, now take of the Reform Bill ? Behold now
miter objection to the working of the Reform Act :
When has there ever been such an exhibition as that
.arded by the last division on the Corn-laws? Every
,rnher of the Cabinet in the House of Commons—

firm

or a

Pr

a

of

of 0

y, every individual in that House connected with the
)1 ernment (except one) voted in the minority for going
o Committee. And yet the minority is so small,
d the majority so constituted, as to render the ques
n hopeless. The former consisted of less than one-
rd of the representation, and the mighty barriers of
ss interest oppose themselves to any prospect of its
rease. And this happens on a question involving
e commercial prosperity of the empire, the labourer's
food, the manufacturer's market, the profit to sti-
mulate industry, and the ability to bear taxation."
It is quite true that the Corn-law question " in-
volved" all that is above stated, but we do not see
how the decision upon it is any argument against
the existing state of the representation. The repre-
sentati:es of the people, seeing that the question
involved all the above important considerations, de-
cided that the Corn-laws should not be altered, and
they did so in order (to the best of their judgment)
to secure commercial prosperity, the labourer's food,
the manufacturer's market, the profit to stimulate in-
dustry, and the ability to bear taxation. The Mi-
nisters certainly were in the minority, but that is no
evidence that the minority were in the right. If the
Reform Act is to be regarded as a failure because the
majority of those elected to Parliament under its pro-
lisions voted one way, and the Whig Ministers voted
another, then it becomes more and more certain that
the Reform Act is held by those who thus argue as a
kind of charter to Whig placemen, which has been vio-
lated, and not by any means (what it was once called)
a charter to the people of Great Britain. Our opinion
is that the Whig Ministers arc not infallible, but very
much the contrary ; and we therefore think that the
majority of the House of Commons may have given,
and did give, a sound vote upon popular principles in
the Corn-law question, although that vote was opposed
by all the Ministers. Let us bring forward one other
instmice of very considerable mistake in the Whig ma-
nifesto :—" Our right is questioned to find fault with the
working of that measure (the Reform Act), became we
were amongst its zealous advocates. With quite as much
reason might we deny the right of now championing it to
those who pronounced it an entire subversion of the Con-
stitution. Our ground of complaint is their ground of satis-
faction—viz., that it is a failure. Because it is so, they
are content to pledge themselves against its repeal ; and
because it is so, we demand that it be strengthened by
--Mitional measures, and so enabled to realize its pur-
"To realise its purposes! What were its pur-
poses? Were they to make the majorities of the House
of Commons always agree with the opinions and propo-
sitions of Whig Ministers, no matter of what talents or
success? From what has been already said it will be
observed that this seems to be the view of the writer
who complains as above that the Reform Act has not
realised its purposes. It is a mistake, or a contradic-
tion of the truth, to state that the parties in the country
nho opposed the enactment of the Reform Bill, as
the enactment of revolution, are now in any contra-
dictory sense its champions. They opposed the
Reform 13W, but they did not oppose the Reform
Act. It is a part of their political belief, that, how-
ever the proposition of a revolutionary law may
be resisted, it becomes entitled to their forbearance
and respect when it is made law. We are Conser-
Natives of the established Constitution. For that rea
son we opposed a violent change of the Constitution so
long as it had not taken 'place ; but when it did take
place, and in the regular form, by consent of Commons,
Lords, and King, then our relations towards it were
changed. The Constitution of the Legislature had, in-
deed, undergone a revolution which we would rather
hare hindered, but, such as it was, we were bound by
our principles to uphoid it, and to resist further change.
The Conservstives have no desire to prolong " agita.
tion," or to spend their political lives—
Inter spem, curamque, timores inter, et iras."
Rather would they strive to extract even from the re•
sults of revolution the elements of peace and of security
They know that

poses.

" Grata superveniet, qum non sperabitur Nora."
With respect to the Reform Act, they have returned
good for evil, and when they might have rolled back the
tide of popular commotion upon the heads of those who
directed it. against them they have wisely refrained. In
this they are consistent. If the present objectors to
the Reform Act avow that their principle is that of
perpetual change, then in like manner, their present ob-
jections would be consistent with their principles. But
this they do not avow. They say they desire perma-
nency and tranquillity in public institutions, and yet at
one time we find them violently agitatingfor the Reform
Biil, and at another trying to agitate, as violently,
against the Reform Act ! We need say no more.—
Morning Post.

(No inconsiderable portion of the popular support
given to the Reform Bill was afforded on religious and
moral principles. We speak of religion and morality in
that exclusive sense which is most common in this coin-
try, and which classes even the terms " political ethics"
amongst our importations. Good and devout men, not
usually mixing in the conflicts of party, had been dis-
gusted by the gross immoralities that had grown up
under the borough-mongering system ; and they united
in the cry for some check upon corruption so intolerably
offensive. A fraction of their desire has been accom-
plished by the disfranchisement of non-resident voters,
and the abridgment of the duration of the poll.
With this exception, and it is no unimportant one,
the Reform Bill is not more entitled to the attribute
of finality for its moral than for its political conse-
quences. In this, as in most other aspects, there is
a degree and extent of failure that requires speedy
amendment. The scenes of infamy that occurred at the
last election have been much too easily forgotten.
llose at Norwich were probably unparalleled even in
electioneering annals. Many a poor family has bitter
1 reason for remembering them, in the degradation of
c‘llaraeter, which :-,
passes not away with the departure of
the triumphant tempter to iniquity. In a moral view,
electioneering is the power of a wealthy aristocracy, and I
its unscrupulous agents, to debase the morals of the
ilext'lls.
tTsrho. intoxication, the bribe, and the false vote, I
7._
en_ifw. Atm,
ent taintnilatietrwithadequate spreads over the being.
certainty be
_ .

brought to bear upon the crime of the temptation. The
only reasonable course is prevention. It is superfluous
to say that the means of prevention are not to be found
in the Reform Bill. Want of political knowledge, want
of political integrity, want of independence—these are
vices deeply inherent in society. They infect the exist-
ing constituencies to a fearful extent. They give its
prevailing character to our representative system,
and determine the sort of men who are returned to
Parliament, and the means which are frequently and
successfully employed for the attainment of their object
by candidates. It is certain enough that no laws can
annihilate ignorance, senility, an unprincipledness.
But there is no occasion to cherish these diseases of the
social system ; and they are cherished to a rank maturity,
by some abuses which the Reform Act left unredressed,
and by others which it has generated. They are espe-
cially generated by open voting. Full play is given to
every foul influence. Every form of dependence is made
to bias the action, and separate it from the dictates of
individual opinion. Even the principles of morality
are perverted, to raise into sacredness that promise
which the canvasser has no right to require, and
justify the violation of that holier promise which,
by implication, every citizen is under to his country
and his conscience. The secret vote may be ig-
norant and erring, but it is ln Lust and independent.
Bet the immorality of the system is much more
enormous in those who influence than in those
who are influenced. Open voting demoralizes the aris-
tocracy. It seduces them into the employment of base
and corrupting means. It tempts them to become
tempters, and sends them forth as missionaries of vice.
According to the cant of the day their personal honour
is unaffected ; and what is the personal honour of a man
who makes drunkards, who makes liars, who makes
citizens untrue to their duties through their fears or
interests, and expands the agencies of moral corruption
over whole districts ? He is personally tainted, worse
infinitely than his victims, a plague-spot in society,
loathsome and abhorrent, and not the less so for
the unmeaning distinction of private and political
character that enables him to sneak behind a
pitiful conventionalism. For his own sake the
means of mischief should be taken from him.
The ignorance which his flimsy pretensions would de-
, wive should have its retreat in the Ballot. The un-
p-incipledness to which his inducements appeal, should
have the opportunity of honesty in the secrecy of the
Ballot—the servility on which he is low-minded enough
to operate, should be raised towards independence by
the Ballot—and thus deprived of the existing facilities
of acting upon weaknesses and vices, he may himself be
rendered a less noxious member of society by the Bal-
lot. The most efficient antagonism of all to ignorance,
servility, and unprincipledness, would be an enlight-
ened system of national education. That would strike
at the root of the evil. It would carry the Reform
into individual character. But education itself is an
ill-understood subject. The prevailing notions con-
cerning it are crude, narrow, and sectarian. It is
beset by the blindest prejudices and the fiercest bigotries.
And were any efficient and comprehensive scheme pro-
pounded, where is the power to realise it ? No such
power does or can exist, till we possess a vigorous Go-
vernment, balked by the determined voice of a popular
representation. Till then, Utopia may be educated, but
not England. No voluntary efforts of the philanthropic
or religious can produce more than a slight mitigation
of the evil. We must wait. The intellectual and
moral good of the nation must abide the strife of
parties ; the best purposes of patriotism and benevo-
lence must remain in abeyance ; the broken down
machinery of the Reform Bill stops the way. Those
who desiderate an instructed community must com-
bine to remove the impediment of a defective re-
presentation. Popular confidence in the Legislature and
the Government is essential to any rational prospect of
the establishment of national education. It is a previ-
ous condition of practicability. A philosophical moralist
tells us always to do the duty that is nearest. Such a
Reform of the Representation as shall give it moral
power is between us and national education ; and that
step implies the cordial co-operation of all classes of ho-
nest and earnest Reformers. There is the nearest duty ;
the nearest alike of those who are the most deeply in-
terested in the collision between Reform and Toryism
as the watchword of party warfare, and of those who,
comparatively alien from political strife, are only intent
upon the intellectual and moral improvement of their
fellow-creatures.—Morning Chronicle.
It was predicted by Sir Robert Peel some years ago,
that those who were most clamorous and vehement in
support of the Reform Bill would, ere long, prove them-
selves the most dissatisfied with its operation. Respect-
ing some among the advocates of that measuse, the an-
ticipation of the Right Hon. Gentleman has proved
strictly true. Those, for instance, who looked upon the
Reform Bill as a convenient wedge, by driving which an
entrance might be gained into our monarchical consti-
tution for the vast mass of outlying democracy, now find
that the Bill has not answered that unholy purpose, that
rabble government has not yet invaded the sanctuary of
the Constitution, and that its ingress must be forced by
some more violent means. That class of," Reformers,"
being indeed revolutionists, allege that the Reform Bill
is an arrant failure, and that the popular, that is the re-
publican interest, has been in no degree promoted by it,
more than by the ancient boroughmongering constitution.
Does this throw no light upon the real merits of experi-
mental change ? Does it effect nothing towards an ex-
posure of those who would remodel the institutions of a
State for the sake, not of general, but of partial objects?
The murmurers against the Reform Bill because it bas
not "done enough," are not they who wished to super-
sede the old borough system, as being merely an unjust
monopoly, but because it had aggrandized a different
description of monopolists from those whom the present
discontented parties would have preferred. The old
monopoly was enjoyed by a limited numberof individuals,
for the most part men of a certain rank and fortune,
though with a large adulteration of low and lucky adven-
turers, to the exclusion not only of the middleand work-
ing classes, but of the great majority of proprietors
throughout theland. Now, there were two sections of En-
glishmen calling themselves Reformers who desired the
overthrow of that irregular and unnatural monopoly. The
first of these sections were anxious for such a change as
should disperse more equally amongst the educated and
proprietary classes the constitutional rights of the
elective franchise, and consequent influence upon the
Legislature. To that section we ourselves claim
to have belonged, and though in the details of
the Reform Bill we undoubtedly perceive some not
trifling or insignificant defects, it appears to us, as a
whole, to have operated powerfully towards a production
of the benefits most essential in any electoral reform,
for it has greatly undermined the principles of monopoly,
extending much, and apportioning more equitably, the
political attributes of those of our fellow-subjects
throughout the realm who are best fitted to exercise
them for the public good. Such men, generally
speaking, however they may lament that the early
action of the Reform Bill, from peculiar circum-
stances and front a gross and monstrous abuse of con-
stitutional powers, has not in Ireland afforded to the
world a creditable specimen of a reformed Parlia.
event—such bona fide friends to the principle of Reform
we say, are not seriously dissatisfied with the Bill as

regards our English representative system, or at all
hopeless of seeing a gradual and irresistible amendment
in the course of its future operation. But it is not so
with the ultra-Liberal or anti-Monarchical Reformers.
They had no wish to annihilate political monopoly, but
to transfer it to other hands. It was not the fair distri-
bution of power for which they agitated, but its concen-
tration in the mob. The Reform Bill did not effect
this one purpose, therefore it is to be condemned and
set aside as unproductive of any. The Reform Bill
destroyed nomination boroughs. It extended the elec-
tive rights, hitherto vested exclusively in freehold, to
property in copyhold, leasehold, household. All, or
nearly all, Englishmen qualified to think and act
with discrimination upon questions requiring a know-
ledge either of political principles or of public cha-
racters have gained by the passing of the Reform Bill.
But those who now clamour for widening indefi-
nitely the provisions of that Bill forget their own
former sentiments with regard to it. When the cry
was " the Bill and nothing but the Bill," it promised no-
thing which it has not since performed. It abolished as
many close boroughs as its first prospectus threatened
with extinction. It opened the franchise to as many ci-
tizens as it had ever invited to expect the right of voting
—nay, the qualification was eventually reduced below
its original level. In what, therefore, has it failed ?
Simply it has not accomplished that which it was pro-
mised. It has not inflicted upon us Annual Parliaments,
nor Universal Suffrage, nor the base and degrading
Ballot. But who among the honest advocates of the
Reform Bill, before the Reform Bill passed into a law,
ever dreamed of its exhibiting any such metamorphoses
in the British monarchy ? Why, then, is it now cried
out against, for not breaking faith with the friends of
constitutional monarchy, and for not abolishing those
institutions which it only professed to reform ? The
reason is this—that the present race of agitators for
Universal Suffrage, Ballot, Annual Parliaments, &c.,
who call themselves the " movement," because they
know no rest, were not sincere, or true, or honest in
their support of the Reform Bill. They did not press
for it bona fide as an improvement of the monarchy,
but as an " instalment" of these further and unacknow-
ledged changes through which a fierce democracy was
to be established, and the whole essence of constitutional
monarchy was to be destroyed. These men rail against
the finality of the Reform Bill, as they would at any other
check to the infinite mobility of indefatigable change, pro-
ceeding by the law of unavoidable succession to the supre-
macy of numbers, the conflict of numbers to the anarchy
of reciprocal and unrelenting persecution, all merging in
the sharp-edged despotism of some one surviving tyrant.
This is the remote end of all democratic yearnings.
It is the immediate end of all triumphant violence,
where a democracy tramples on old and naturalized in-
stitutions. It is what our " movement" blindly plunges
after, and what stupid Whiggery smiles upon rather
than forfeit a single week of office. But the ga
charge of all against the Reform Bill is, that it hasran not
reformed human nature itself. " Corruption," forsooth,
is carried on in spite of it—votes, even reformed votes
arc gained by money—" tricks" and " rascality" have

not been banished from the world by it, nor the Corn-
law repealed, nor simple honest men enabled to cope
with shrewd and experienced rogues. Nor is " Liver-
pool purified" nor the perpetual expulsion of the Tories
from power secured by it, nor the Whigs enabled to
misgovern and disgrace the kingdom without a Parlia-
mentary majority made another 41fagnaCliarta.—Times.

PRICES OF CANAL, DOCK, ASSUR.
ANCE COMPANY SHARES, &c. &c. &c.

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 23.
Number Dividend Price
of per CANALS. per
Shares. Annum. Paid. Share
1,766 7 per cent. Ashtcn ancl Oidharn.. Average 97/. lBs.sh. 132
..082 4!. Ashby. -e-lc-Zouch Average 11:1/.8h.
1,210 Basir,,stoke lool,h,
1,1195 5/. Brecknock and Ahergavrnny 150% sh.
9,0001.-ICah. 91 6s. Birmingham, 1-16th sharp ......Fil. & 711.
i 000 Ditto and Liverpool Junetl9l!/. sh. 100 pd
600 3/. Bridgewater and Taunton .100/. sh. all pd
400 4!. Chelmer and 131ackwater KN. sh.
500 48/. C3ventry .10/.sh.
4,545 Croydon , Average 31/.28.10d. sh.
2,064 41. Os. Dudley lOO/.sh.
600 14i. Derby ICOLsh.
20,000 4 per cent, Oanune and M.tyne
3,574 31. Ellesmere and Chester... Average 133/.sh.
231 62!. Erewash 100/.sh.
1,297 28/. Forth and Clyde ....Average 4.001.165. oh.
1,600 12/, Grand Junction 100/.3h.
4,649; 1/. Grand Union 1001. sh
11,500 Grand Surrey lnez sh.
0,000/ 4/. percent. Ditto (optional) Loan lOOl.
3 #196 ...... ... Grand Western
600 131.125. Bd. Glzmorganshire, Aver. cast 172/. 1:,.. Id.
749 10t. Grantham 150/. sh.
6,238 21. Os. Huddersfield Average 57/. 6s. Ed. sh.
100 Kensington 100 sh all pd.
5.328 11. ss. Kennet ind Avon, Aver. 391. 18s. ice. sh,
2,897/ 30!, Leeds and Liverpool ' ON. sh.
54.51 131. Leicester l4O/.Bh.
1,897 61. Os. Leicester an,i Nort,:lampton Aver 13/. lirs.
2.400 16/. Monmouthshire 100/ .sh.
130 10/, Melton Mowbray 100/.Bh.
500 251. Mersey and Irwell lOW. sh.
3.060 11. ICs. Macclesfield 1001. sh. all pd.
24r1 171. Neath
2,400 51. Peak Forest "tver"gc. about 79/. oh.
1,418 128. Regent's (or London) Av. 331. 16s. Sri. sh.
5,669 61. per cent. Rochdale Average 5.5/. sh.
500 81. Shropshire 1'251. sh.
800 9!. 103. Somerset Coal 150/. sh.
3,600/. 4i percent Ditto Lock Fund Stock l2l. 10s. sh.
700 401. Stafford and Worcester l4Ol. sh.
500 91. Shrewsbury 125/. oh.
300 92, Stourbridge
3,647 21. Os. Stratford-on-Avon Average 791.95. Out. sh.
533 151. Swansea 100/. oh.
3,762 U. IS.. Severn and Wye and Railway Av. 35!. sh.
.60 lan. 321. 10s. Trent and Mersey, i share 100/. shn
8,149 Thames and Medway Aver.l9/. ss. Sd. sh.
1,0005h.1 ~,,
Warwick aad Birmingham lOO/.sh
1,000.,i5h. i '..
950 150. Warwick and Napton lOOl. sh.
:1,000 4/.os. Worcester and Birmingham A v. 761.85. sh.
5,000 255. Wilts and Perks Average 071. 10s. Sd. sh,
SOO 31, Vii yrley and Essington 125/. sh
I`6 ...... Wishcaeli lO5/. sh.
905 11, Wey anl Arun IIO/. sh.
- -
"0°8') 3 C lnal 1,06515 h p. C.
.9 :rove.
East and West India
3.233,310-1/. 555. p.ct. London Stock
Ditto Bonds
2.209 2/. 19s. Bristol
68,324/. 51. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts
1.352,752 5 percent. St. Katharine Stock
500,000 41 per cent. Ditto Bonds
200.000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds for 10 years
2.500 Deptford Pier .Ol. sh. 201. pd

DOCKS.

BRIDGES.
1,600 Irs. flammersmAl! 50/. sh,
7,231 Southwark, Ohl
1,700 11. 15s. Ditto, New, of 7; r: cent. `Fish.
5,000 Waterloo lOOl. sh.
5,000 18s. Bd. Ditto, Old Annuities of 81. (RM. pd
5,000 ICs. 4d, Ditto, New Ditto of 71 40/. pd
10,0001 51. per cent. lMtto Bonds
5,948 171 Vauxhall ~ ~Avlrage 701. 10s. 3d. eh.
ASSURANCE' t7OMPA.NIES.
Albion 5OO/. sh. 501. pet

3/10g

- -
50,000 Eslneic, i 5;., } Alliance Britisn & Foreign 100/. sh. 10 1. pd
50,000 0 per cent. Ditto, Marin: lOOl. sh. si. pd
24,000 f 1 per sh. AC^, 50/. sh. 51. pd
1,20013 h. 51. Birmingham 1 ire .50/. sh. 551. pd
20,000 41 percent. British Fire 2501. sh. 501. pd
12,000 01. per cent. tritirii: Conini,re‘al 5O/, sh. 51. pd
5,000 5/. percent. Cleri'cal & Me,1i...t1 Life, lea eh. 2/10s pd
-1,000 21 lOs County 1001. sh. 10/. pd
20,000 _ ss. _ Eagle

,-,
00 SS per cent l Economic; Lite
1000!. sh. 250!. pd 575.
- Land 301 hs. S
2,271 225. per cent. European Lii • OOl. oh. all pd 22
50,000 2s. Ditto, Ncw "0/. oh. V/. pd 11
1,000,000/. 71. per ct Globe Stock 145-
20,000 Sl• Guardian lOO/. sh. 2701 pd 40
40,000 6s. Cd. Hope 501. sh. 51. pd 51
2,400 51. 7s. NI. Imperial fire 5001 sh. 50/. pd 1377,
7,500 9s. Imperial Lite . 1001. sh. 10/. pd 101
13,458 4/. per ceva. Indemnity :Marine 1(0/. oh. 8/.1,1 25
2,020 3/ lOs Kent Fire 50!. sh. all pd 82
Si. Ditto Life 79
10100 16s. Law Life 100/. sh. 10!. pd 231
5 tiro 10s. London, Fir.• '251 sh. 12/. 10s. pd 1:1
3,900 10s. London, Ship "51 sh. 191. 10s. pd 18
1,1)00,0001. ... ..... Minerva Life 100/. sh.
500,000/, National Lean FuLd 91. ss.:pd 21
30,000 51. per cent. Palladium Lilo 50/. sh. '2l. pd 2194
50,000 41. per cent. Protector Fite 2O/. sh. 2/. pd 16.0 d
2,500 1/. Provident Luc lOO/. sh. 104 pd 20
00,000 ss. Rock Life 201. sh. I/. pd 7
89,220/ 51. percept. Royal Exchange Stork... 229
6,000 5 per cent. University Lila TOOL sh. 5/. IA 51
50,000 4 per cent. United Kingdom Life 1001. sh. 5/. pd 71

JOINT STOCK BANKS.
25,000 8 percent. Agrie and Com. of Ireland 251. sh. 10/. pd
5,000 ......... Australe-ia 4O/. oh. 40/. pd 1
10,4)0 10 per cent. Bank of Birmingham 5(l. sh. 10/. pd
19,000 10 per cent. Birmingham Bank .. 5Ol. sh. 5/. pd
31,000 5 percent. London and Westminsterloo/ sh. 201. pd !
60,000 Si. London Joint Stock 50/. sh. 10/. pd 1
.3,000 4 per cent. Lancaster 1001. sh. 204 pd
25,000 Liverpool 1001 sh. 10/. pd !
100,000 71 per cent Manchester and Liver-1 501.8 h. 15/ pd
pool Distrizt
20,000 7 per teat. Manchester. 100/. sh. 25/ pd
20,000 Provincial Bank of Irelandlool. sh. 25/. psi ,
50,000 National Bank of Ireland 501. sh. 171/. pd
10,000 5 per cent. National Provincial Eng. 100/. sh. 3.6/. pd
1(1,008 ...... .. Ditto New lO/. sh. 10/. pa
19,000 Gloucestershire 5O/ sh. 10/. pd
6.000 10 per cent. Hampshire 501. sh. 5/. pd
GAS LIG'HT AND COKE COMPANIES.
2.500 110 s Od Bath .201. sh. 101. p 4
5,000 British 4O/. sh. 161. pd
5,000 riaglegen6l-3 Ditto Provincial 201. sh. 19 pd
928 5110 s Birmingham 5O/. sh.
1,250 2/ Os Bristol 2o'. sh.
2,250 3/ 10s Brighton 2Ol. sh.
750 31 les Ditto, New 201. sh. IS/. pd
2,471 41 per cent. Brighton General 201. sh. all pd
4,000 51. 10s. Continental Consolidated 75/. (521/. pd 1
1,000 101. City of London lOO/. sh. all pd 1!
1,000 61. Ditto, New
1,000 41.105. Equitable 5O/. pd
10,000 2i per cent. Imperial
800 5/. per cent. Isle nf Thanet `,51. sh 2Ol. pd 5'
2,350 61. per cont. Independent .30/. sh. all pd 4
9,000 4/. per cent. Phcenix 50/. sh. 39/. pd 5
1,000 4/. per cent. ltatcliff 100/. sh. 801. pd 5
4,000 South M'stropolitan 5O/. sh. 19/. pd 1
8,200 4/. per cent. United General 5O/. sh. 401. pd 2
210 5/. per cent. Warwick 501. sh. 5
400 51. per cent Wakefield
L 2,000 3/. Westminster Chartered
6,000 12s. Ditto New . 511. ch 10/. pd 1
730 5/. per cent. Yarmouth 201. sh. 184 pd
WATER WORKS.
1,800 9s. Birmingham 25/. sh. 251. pd 2
4,434 61. East London lOO/. sh. 17
5,500 21 106 Grand Junction Average 41/. 13s. 4d. sh. 6
2,000 2/. Kent 100 .sh. 4
372 10/. Liverpool Bootle 2201. sh. 32
1,500 21100 New River London Bridge Water Ann 6
6,486 1/ 15s Manchester and Salford lOO/. sh. 5.
1,000 4 per cant. South London 1004 sh. 10
8,294 4/. West Middlesex Average 631. 12s. 9d. sh. 10
1.360 11 14s York Building Co. Lessee Prop 100/. sh. 3
IRON RAILWAYS.
6,300 ..... .... Birmingham and Derby COL pd 4
9,500 Birmingham and Gloucester
15,000 Bristol and Exeter 100/. sh. 20:pd
660 Calcutta and Saugur 501. sh. !l. pd i
7,500 Cheltenham and G. Western 100/. sh. 204
3,000 Clarence lOO/. sh. 100/ pd 31
12,000
8,000 ... ...... Dublin and Kilkenny 1001. sh. 5/. pd
60,000 Eastern Counties 25/. sh. 134 pd 1
Grand Junction 1001. oh. 95/. pd 20;
Great North of England 30/, pd li
5,609 Great Western lllO/. oh. 65/, pd 61
2,000 Hartlepool 100/. all. 1001. pd 10
8,000 Hull and Selby 501. eh. 25; pd I,
10,000 Leeds and Manchester 1001. sh. 5/. pd
2,100 31. per cent. Leeds and Seiby 100 ah. 6
1,500 11.55. Leicester and Swannington .501. sh. all pd 7
5,100 10 per cent. Liverpool and Manchesterlo(3.sh. 1001. pal 20
10 per cent. Ditto Quarter Shares 25/. pd 6
36,000 ... ...... London and Brighton 5O/. sh. 171 pd
12,000 London and Blackwell 5O/ sh. 31. pd i
20,000 3 per cent. London and Greenwich ....9.01. sh. 20/. pd 11
25,000 London and Birmingham 100/. sh. 99/. pd 14
Ditto Quarter Shares 5/. pd 2
31,090 London and Seuthampton Av. 38/,175. fd. 4!
14,000
6,000 Ditto New Scrip.... '7l. pd 1
12,000 London Grand Junction 101. sh. 5/.
pd I
13,000 Manchester and Leeds ...1001. sh. 501. pd 6
10,000 Manchester and Birmingham 70/.sh 15/. It
l/itto Extension 71. pd .1
North Midland 1004 sh. 551. pd 4!
Northern and Eastern 1001. sh. 15/. pd 1
2,600 ... ...... Preston and Wyre 50/. sh. 30/. pd 3f
28,000 South Eastern and Dover 9/. pd 1
1,000 10/. per cent. Stockton and Darlington 100/. sh. 24(
9,000 ......... Thaoles Haven 5O/. sh 21. 10s. pd C
1,400
AN:Dbetsiitotmtnoicnsogutpber.,r and Greenwlchj.s/. s. psi C
6.000
MINES.
'll'A IL ss. Alten ... . ..... f.err..i.p.t. .. ...... ...151. sill..ls2Sl*. :31411: pd.
1120
10,000 .... Anglo Mexican, iss. 5/. pm.loo/. sh. a 1 'd. 1
1
251. 1.1 9
sDBili ri:taletazaoni
..
il :be:a
st. i
Jlaombenpo.
cii
its siissßll/
e.
United
imt
e.
d. . .2,3105551.1. .sss
ihr... ‘21):011/1:.
ppiPldl 3714492.
10,00020
11.111.
6,600
11,000
10,000 Bolivar Copper Company...2o/. sh. 204 pd 5
10,000 ..•....-.. Ditto Scrip 10/. sh. 101. p 4 10
20,000 British Iron 5O/. sh. 501 pd 8
6,000 British Copper 5l. sh. 41/. pd 1
Cate Branca 6i/. id 8
Candonga 714 Pd 5
10,000 11 Copiapo 201. sh 13/. pd 10
8,500 ..- Columbian, ins. 51. pm.... 551. ah. 55/. pd 3
2,850 Si. English
20,000
6,155 Mexican Company 1001. sh. 554/. pd 4
3,008 Polberou Consols 101. sh. 8/. pd 4
11,500 Real del Monte, Unregistered .... ......... ... 9
pd
Ditto Loan Notes 1504
pd 100
30,000 United Mexican, iss. 2pm .40/. sh. all 11
Mtn. Scrip
2
Ditto New Scrip
51 Pd 4
West Cork 50/. sh. 50/. pd 38
LITERARY INSTITUTIONS.

',OM London, with Bronze Ticket 75gs, sh. is
L,500 .... ..... London University 1004 eh. all pd 23
WO
King' College 1004 pd ,26
MISCELLANEOUS.

10,000
6,000 41. peirssient. BArui tsitsrhalAiamn
eAr
igerai
nc uLI tat tnrda 1 .ClOOO./.p
as
ih, .y 224. p
d 46,
Pd
10,000 6/ per cent. Canada Company 100/. sh. 304 pd 23
200,000 51. per cent. Upper Cana,l.a Loan 9l
Cit Bonds, 4
20,000 it. 6s. General Steam Navigation 13/. sh. 14/. pd 25
101. per cent. Hudson's Bay Stock 225
2,000 11. London Corn. Sale Rooms Av. 751. sh. 19
8,000 Caoutchouc Company: 124/. Pd 12
New Brunswick Land Compa•oy/...::0/ Pd
2,754 5/. per cant. Reversionary Int. 50c....1001. sh. 1001. pd 139
2,033 51. per cent. Ditto New 10v1. sh. 75/. pd 108
4,000
10,000 Cs. Van Dte.ner.'s Land......,.. 1001. sh. 171. pd 0

LIST OF SCOTTISH COMPANIES' PRICES,
MARC 11 16, 1839.
1,500,00 BANKS.
N. 6/. p. ct. Bank ot Scotland -831. 6s. Bd. sh all pd 118/.
2,000,0X1. p. ct. R. yal of Scotland 100/ sh. all pd 1631,
500,0.10/. Bp. ct. British Linen Company I 00/. sh. pd ‘37/.
3,000,0001. p. ct. Commercial 5OOl. sh. 1001. pd 175/.
5.J00,000/.. sn. ct. National lOO4 sh. 10/. pd 16!.
2,000,000/. 61. p. ct. Glasgow Union 250/ sh. 501. pd 831.
4,000,00/. 4p. ct. Western of Scotland - 2001. sh 401. pd 571.
INSURANCE COMPANIES.
250.0005 h. 6i p. ct. Scottish Union 90/. sh. 1/. pd 225.
,500 6p. ct. Hercules 1001. sh. 101. pd 16!.
100,000 sp. ct. Insurance Co. of Scotland .10/. sh. all pd 0/. 17s.
50,000 6p. ct. North British .200/. ah. 101. pd 201.
1,000 sp. ct. Caledonian Fire 1001. sh. 101. pd 191. 105
5,000 Bp. ct, Edinburgh Lite 1001. sh. 10/. pal 14/10s
100,000 31 . et. West of Scotland lO/. pd 71 03
MISCELLANEOUS.
4,810 .•• 00000 Edin. and Glas. Un. Canalso/. sh. all pd 10/.
Ditto Allocated 911/. sh. all pd 471.
5,400 5 per cent. Edinb. Joint Stock Watcr 25/. sh. all pd 381
Carron Iron Company ...250/. sh. all pd 441,
2,0005 h 15 per cent. Shotts Iron Foundcry 50/. sh 481. pd 521.
10,000 3 per cent. Edinburgh & Leith Ghss.2o/. sh. 10/. pd 81
4,500 10 per cent. Edinburgh Coal Gas 251. sh. all pd 001
4,150 10 per cent. Glasgow Gas ')5/. sh. all pd 56/.
750 7,4 poi' cent. Leith Coal Gas 20/. sh. all pd 50/.
1,200 Edinburgh and Dalkeith Itarwayso/. sh 361.
3,010 5 Per cant. Equitable Loan Company ...5/.sh.pd Sl.. Pit