The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-20 00:00:00

/ice ~~

PRICE .4d.
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ising our manufactures and commerce. The port of
London and the port of Liverpool are affected by
the same destroying agents which aro gradually
shutting up the mills of Lancashire and Cheshire,
and changing their industry. The ruin of
in the
Ame-
rican States, Confederate and Federal, isitself
loss to the whole human family. It is so much
riches and power taken from the civilised world. It
is so much progress cut off from the commonwealth
of nations. Ages will not repair the mischief done.
Centuries will not restore the thtivance and happi-
ness ruthlessly abandoned. Is this a case, then, tor
neutrality? Or is not the policy heic cold-blooded,
savage, and stupid ? There is no appearance of the
end. Grant that Gen. Hooker were successful, and
Richmond in ruins ; that Lee and his army were an-
nihilated. Another Lee and another army would
spring from their gory remains. Girls and women
would fill the voided ranks, and take the place of
the youth slain. But conquest here is not subjuga-
tion. There is a vast area of territory, and there is
a scattered population. There is fierce hate. There
is black wrong. There is undying resolution. Here
there can be no victory. For the enemy will still
hold the field, only shifting its position. Mutual
extermination is all that can be expected. Is this
butchery to be permitted by the Powers of Europe?
Are crimes and atrocities which cast us back to
the days of early barbarism to be perpetrated al-
most before our eyes and amongst our kinsmen ?
If neutrality be wisdom here, then it is the wisdom
of the fiends. It is the cold Mephistophelian gaze
on the slaughter of brethren. It can effect nothing
for good ; it must be productive of evil, Let it not
be said that Europe has no power to stop this
quarrel. We assert that she has—a peaceful au-
thority, too, which need only speak and not draw
the sword. The Federals would listen to the voice
of united Christendom. Such an issue has been
sought by some, at least, of their chiefs, and would
have answered. But, admit that they were obstinate,
nothing but the refusal would be incurred. This
France has already experienced. But is France
worse off now for her interposition ? Are Paris and
Washington in less close alliance ? Has England
gained by cautiously standing aloof ? Ask our mer-
chants, interrogate our shipowners, question our
travellers, read the public dispatches, and the dia-
tribes of the Northern newspapers, to learn what
Great Britain has gained by her determined spirit
of non-intervention. The attempt at mediation in
any event would be humane and honourable. It
would draw the Powers of Europe into alliance on
a matter which concerns all nations in some degree,
less or more. England, France, Russia, Austria,
Prussia, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Belgium, Holland,
Sweden, and Denmark, all combined in one pacific
and Christian request, would carry with them the
highest sanction. Here would be the vox poptdi in-
deed. That would be a bola and strong nation, or
fragment of a nation, which could successfully resist
such an appeal. A rejection might well be followed
by the recognition of the South, on the supposition
that it had accepted the mediation. Something of
this kind must be done at last. There can be no other
solution of the difficulty —no other tetraination
of the war. This is not like hostilities between
foreign nations. Here it is a veritable contest
of kinsman against kinsman, of brother against
brother, of citizen against citizen. Only some for-
cible and persuasive external power can drag them
asunder, Let there be an armistice—an armistice

will lead to peace. We know that while we write
the sudden success of either of the foes—an unex-
expected victory on one side, a Signal defeat on the
other—might assure the conquerors. But the de-
struction of whole armies, the capture of an entire
commissariat, the utter rout of grand divisions, will
bring the enemies no nearer to final triumph or
final submission. To the victor proud and vaunt-
ing here, the crushed and defeated foe there will
utter defiance to his last breath, and wreak his
vengeance with shattered limbs and broken wea-
pons. Again, we repeat, there can be no subjuga-
tion—and even, if possible, its inevitable conse-
quence, a military government, would be impossible.
The most shocking problem of the age is the apos-
tacy of the Peace party during this war. The
Friends have become bellicose and ready to battle
with fisticuffs. There is no mission to Washington
now. No mediatory addresses. No Exeter Hall
gatherings. No denunciations in Parliament.
Broadbrim is mute. His love for the negro has

made him obdurate to the woes of his master.—Union
and Secesh may cut their throats, if Sambo can
wriggle off his shackles. This is not only hypocrisy,
it is latu:ty. The extinction of negrc shivery is not
advanced by a savage struggle—or, if it is, the do-
mestic treason and butchery stimulated are evils too
dark for comparison with the worst phase of servi-
tude. If these mouthing peacemongers, these osten-
tatious zealots for abolition, had only dor.e their
plain duty this abominable contention would have
been ended long ago. The Peace party, as it is
called, is not powerful, but it has its influence.
This arises from the demonstrative turn of its
leaders. Their exertions in the cause of tran-
quillity would have found large support in this
country and elsewhere. It is Lot too late now. The
spring campaign has only just commenced. The
wrath, which had somewhat subsided for a time, has
not yet been entirely rekindled. Many weapons
are still in their sheaths. It is for this reason that
we ourselves attempt to renew the cry for mediation
—a cry which has been ours from the beginning.
There are cases where neutrality becomes callous
indifference, or coarse and brutal sanction and en-
couragement. The present issue is of this descrip-

ion. vWe cannot lie neutral and civilised and
Christian here. And withal, our policy is narrow-
sighted and disappointing. For whenever the end
does come it will come by mediation, and not be-
fore. The present Government is doggedly sullen on
this subject; it has been said—God forbid the sus
picion—with the diabolical intention of witnessing
the wreck and utter extinction of that great republic
which threatened the future of the old monarchies
of Europe. If this be the Machiavellian design of
Ministers, nothing can be more repugnant to the
sympathies and ingenuousness of the entire British
population—nothing more suicidal and destructive
to English interests, and nothing more hostile to
the progress of the whole human race ; for this is
not a question of policy, but of humanity, Chris-
tianity, and civilisation.
POST.—To-day the great annual holiday of the
Londoner returns,and the metropolis and its suburbs
will be almost depopulated in order to cover with
their thousands the downs of Epsom. At an early
hour all will be astir. Every species of " trap," from
the four-horse drag down to the costermonger's
donkey-cart, will be put in requisition in order to
supply the necessary quota of vehicles which will
stretch in an unbroken line from Clapham-common
to the Derby race-course. Special acts are certainly
not passed by the Legislature to anticipate by a day
bills falling due on the great Wednesday in the
racing calendar, but in every other respect unmis-
takable evidences are afforded of the hasty and ear-
nest intention of the denizens of the greatest com-
mercial city in the world to discard the cares and
anxieties and obligations of business during the
hours devoted to ascertaining to what horse in par-
ticular for the current year ought to be awarded the
blue riband of the turf. On these occasions the
House of Commons invariably suspends its sittings.tae
I No matter how grave may be the interest aht.eB
no matter how important the debate whini
still
unconcluded on the eve of the Derby Day,
interests must still pend, and 0.
Ir'hnisterialists and
thosemust.
remain unfinished until both
Opposition have paid their annuenel3valisditethou
Downs. Some five years thete on Epsomt
which involved the
Government of India,
sta-
bility of the then Administration
ch
to
the
surprisein thiskoifngadom
was thus cut short,
(lb
rh i al
Ipi al) le) nt
levd-
oa tf
the i m
dis-
tinguished Frenchman unwo ipoo rattiotnh
onta ena ert
pampbletßuwthi.ch M.dre M 1 b
written y marks
foreobrlm of go-
shortly afterwards
ngchp
aurbtlt
the distinguishi
h
than that in w lc he comments on the
vernment
; tar interruption of a great party cont '
singular contest i-
• the fate of a
volvingGovernment and the
future
destinies of a mighty and distant empire, by pp
rently so simple and so common an incidenta a-
as a
horse-race in the vicinity of the
metropolis,
yet that incident testified (and
rightly so) more strongly than the most minute examination
institutions could have done to the heartfelt
l of
our
deuce placed by the English people in that
lcionfi -
p
system by which they have elected to be o tical
g
The fortunes of Adtnicistrations may at r
any)v
e r
tnim
e d .
be in the scale, but, it is known that whichever way
e
the beam turns, those who happen to be in the as-
cendant will conscientiously study to advance the
true interests of the nation. The English, happily
for themselves, watch contests in the political
arena of St. Stephen's much as they will do the
race on the Downs to-day. They may have particu-
lar likings and partialities (and no one is free from
them), but as a class the pervading sentiment of all,
in the one case as in the other, might be fully ex-
pressed in the sportsman's wish—" May the best
horse win." Regarded as illustrative of the estima-
tion in which a particular species of amusement is
held by the English of the 19th century, the vast
concourse of people which annually congregate
Epsom will for many years to come attract the at
at-
tention of the commentator on our national cus-

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