The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-03 00:00:00

dangers of a speculative and excessive banking sys-
tem. With a surplus in the national coffers of at least
10,000,0001. sterling, which every day is likely to in-
crease, an Englishman might be apt to conceive that
the wildest dreams of a financial Utopia had been
realised, and that nought but the luxury of repose and
enjoyment was left to be experienced by these happy,
debtless republicans. But no such thing. There
seems to be no less formidable difficulty in reducing a
revenue to the sober level of an economical expendi-
ture, than in raising one to meet the emergencies of
wantonness and profusion. It would not surprise us,
however, from a sentence of the Message, where the
President limits his own view of the just measure of
any system of taxation to the absolute wants of the
public service, if the whole machinery of protecting
duties were ere long to be altogether given up, and the
revenue of the United States were to spring exclusively
from the sale of unappropriated territory. This would
cease of course in time, but not until after a consider-
able interval. On the banking question we can only
see that the President is a stern reprover and represser
of the monstrous vices of an excessive paper currency ;
and for the sake of the great country which he governs,
we trust that his predilection for the precious metals
will be shared by the majority of the people. The
President takes leave of his fellow-citizens in a pas-
sage which conveys some apprehension that he may
not live to repeat his valediction on proroguing Con-
gress. The message is less interesting to foreign
Powers than others which have gone before it ; but
its tone is temperate, and its reasoning on some diffi-
cult questions of finance and currency are those of an
able and searching mind.—Times.
These Glasgow " boys will be the death of us."
They have infected the Conservative operatives of Lan-
cashire with the itch of exhibiting similar vagaries in
honour of " old Tom" or " old Cognac." At a din-
ner given on a cheap scale at Wigan, on Wednesday,
to Mr. John Hudson Kearsley, M.P., their health,
proposed by one Mr. Elias Chadwick, was coupled
with a eulogy on the " consistent followers of that
prince of Scotchmeu, John Knox," by the Rev. Mr.
M'Kenzie, of the Scotch Kirk. A more ridiculous
affair than this cheap feed was never got up by the
hungry students themselves—and, certainly, their appe-
tite, while anticipating a succession of dinners, appears
to be as little troubled with qualms of digestion as their
political conscience. We are informed by the reporter
of the Conservative print which records the great
doings at Wigan on Wednesday, that a great num-
ber of distinguished Members of Parliament were
invited to eat " leg of mutton and trimmings" at the
above cheap dinner ; but it appears that they had
no stomachs for those unctions dainties, and one
and all in succession declined the advantage of
cramming the ear and body at the same time.
A Mr. J. Hamwell and a Mr. Richard Hall, both
affecting to be operatives, made themselves as ridicu-
lous as could be well desired by any Conservative
booby in existence. One proposed Church and State,
the other J. H. Kearsley, Esq., as their champion,—
the band very appropriately playing the tune of " Jack's
the Lad." We should be glad to ask the above two
operatives whether the smile of Toryism, even if it be
attended with more substantial profits than it usually
is, will be sufficient to remunerate or repay them for
the necessity under which they consider themselves
to be placed of stultifying themselves in the eyes of
all the industrious classes to which they pretend to
belong, but which we cannot abstain from thinking
they have for some convenient object, best known to
themselves, deserted ? What interest can any of the
working classes have in the immoral scandal of that
scarlet harlot a State-church, or in the inordinate
expense which the impure wedding saddles upon the
country ? Do they mean to argue it is for the
benefit of the operatives to have their pockets
picked of the hard earnings of labour for such a pur-
pose of religious and political prostitution ? Do they
mean to argue it is for the moral benefit of themselves
and families that the progeny of that State Church
should be maintained and propagated ? What is its
progeny ? Simony and jobbing—episcopal nepotism
and episcopal intrigue—military and political church-
men—racing, sporting, and wenching parsons. It will
require great talent to prove that any part of the in-
dustrious population of this country are interested in
keeping up such a costly abomination as this. Per-
haps, of all the unmixed relics of Paganism, there is no
other that can be pointed out so purely and demon-
strably Pagan as a State Church. The Reverend Mr.
M'Kenzie could have told the mock converts John
Knox's opinion on this head. Do Messrs. Ham-
well and Hall, in their supreme wisdom, think to
operate on the common sense of the nation to such
a ddgree as to delude it into a belief, that Pa-
ganism and religion are the same thing, and that
Christianity stands in need of anti-Christianity for
support ? They must form no very modest estimate of
their pretensions to eloquence if they imagine they
can do this. It is a task that would tax the eloquence
of the most eloquent of men —it would tax the elo-
quence of Belial himself, although his " tongue
dropped manna"—and notwithstanding his power to
make the " worse appear a better reason." We admit
that there are men of great and even of consummate
eloquence among the operatives and mechanics. But
all genuine talent and real genius is modest ; and they
would shrink from such a gigantic task. But these
shallow simpletons, misled by small vanity, or other
motives—perhaps by the cunning calculation that any
oratorical rubbish would be greedily seized, and
printed by the Conservative prints at the present time,
—like fools
" Rush in where angels fear to tread."
More pitiable exhibitions of silly and vulgar nonsense
we never read than the two speeches of these two ope-
rative converts to divine right, passive obedience, and
high church. And they forsooth, with helpless imbe-
cility or brazen effrontery—we know not which—have
the modesty to advocate that " bge-word "—" that
" antiquity "—Church and State. We congratulate the
Tories on the valuable acquisition they have made of
these arcades arnbo—these cousins Simple and Shal-
low of the stanch reforming borough of Wigan. No
wonder the gentlemen to whom we have referred were
not willing to have their names mixed up with such a
flimsy imposture, as the pretence that the operatives of
England are becoming converts to the absolute dogmas
of Church and State Toryism. We do not wonder
that Mr. C. Wilkins, to whom we have before paid
our respects, should favour the company with the coun-
tenance of his itinerant eloquence. His rhetoric was
quite in character with theirs, though of a different
texture. His fustian and bombastic nonsense formed a
very appropriate pendant to the helpless imbecility of
their scatter-brained jabber. We shall believe the con-
version affected to be demonstrated by these got-up
meetings, when birds swim and fishes fly—when peti-
tions are presented from the army for the better encou-
ragement of flogging among the soldiers—and when
the emancipated negroes get up resolutions throughout
the colonies for a restoration of the ancient benefits of
the branding iron, the spiked collar, and the Barbadoes
whip.—Morning Advertiser.
There seems to be a ridiculous notion prevalent
among some Whig-Radicals, that the Conservatives,
and especially such of them as happen to be .Mem-
bers of the House of Lords, have an interest in pre-
venting public inquiry into the foundation of political
power in this country. Such a notion as this is the
result of extreme arrogance, acting upon extreme igno-
rance. These people are so overweeningly confident
in themselves and their crude judgments, and so little
acquainted with the facts and the feelings which sup-
port and encompass the hereditary legislation of the
kingdom, that they assume it to be a something that
will not bear the open daylight, into which it must be
brought in order to be examined. It is perfectly lu-
dicrous to read their advice, couched in the form of
compassionate caution, which they are so considerate
as to bestow upon the Conservatives. They tell the
Peers that, if they continue to oppose the Govern-
ment—that is, if they do not (like the disinterested
worthies of Lichfield House), bow their necks to
the O'Connell yoke, and agree to inflict " heavy
blows, and great discouragement upon Protestant:ism," they will bring into serious discussion their rig
to the power of legislation—the people will begin to
ask " Why are they troubled with a House of Peers ?"
Can there be any thing more mean in thought, or
more absurd in ignorance, than the idea that such a
threat as this is likely to have any effect upon the
Peers, or upon the political party which looks to that

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUARY 3, 183

House with deference and confidence ? Can the
persons who make this threat really believe that the
Peers of Great Britain are afraid of fair inquiry, or
wish to hold their power and maintain their position
in the country by stealth ? This is indeed a prepos-
terous. conceit. The more intelligent and out-spoken
of the Radicals incline to no such folly ; but it is
the Ministerialists, those trimming servile politicians,
who know their own ways to be such as cannot bear
honest examination—it is they, whose threats betray
their fears, and who think that others will shun inquiry
as dangerous, because they know it would be death to
themselves. The Peers have no fears of the kind.
They know the duties which belong to their part in
the legislative Constitution, and these duties they will
not be deterred from by threats of inquiry, which, if
honestly conducted, must only make more and more
clear what those duties are. We are very certain that
no honest inquiry can bring any man, or body of
men, to the conclusion that it belongs to the duties of
the British Peerage, to inflict a heavy blow and a
great discouragement upon Protestantism. The present
Prime Minister says, indeed, that he considers it expe-
dient to do this, and, of course, Lord Melbourne can-
not consider anything expedient which he does not also
consider conformable
_with his duty as a Member of
the House of Peers ; but his Lordship, although
Prime Minister, is not, we venture to think, a first-
rate authority in points of duty ; he is a much better
judge of what is (to himself) convenient. But let us
mark the exquisite morality of those political sages who
would have the Lords whisper their assent to the
O'Connell policy, and make as little noise as possible,
lest their right to sit as Legislators should attract no-
tice. What does their advice amount to this—" If
you will be heedless of your oaths as Privy Council-
lors, and neglectful of your honour as Peers—if you
will consent to be, in fact, the mere registers or com-
plimentary reviewers of the acts of the Com-
mons, then you shall be allowed to remain in form
the Legislators for this realm ; but if, on the other
hand, you insist upon the exercise of your inde-
pendent judgment, as Noble and Hon. Lords, then
look to yourselves, for an inquiry very dangerous
to You will be set on foot by the people ?" Such
is the morality and 'the high-mindedness with which
the Peers are assailed, and the persons who thus assail
them are the very same who make a continual outcry
about corruption and want of public virtue. Would it
not be better if they would inquire into the foundation
of their own political advice than threaten others with
inquiry ? There does seem to be " something rotten"
in their state, which they should lose no time in en-
deavouring to remedy. Is there not some reason to
believe that they who recommend cowardly desertion of
duty to others, are not very much to be depended upon
themselves ? The matter, when rightly considered,
comes to this :—A man may honestly, though, we
think, very erroneously, contend that the House of
Lords is not a useful institution, and that it would be
better to abolish it ; but he who contends that the
Lords should abandon their own sense of duty in order
to preserve the institution of which they are members,
must be a dishonest or a stupid politician, and de-
serves, accordingly, to be marked out for detestation,
or passed by with contempt.—Morning Herald.
The address of the American President to Congress
has, we perceive, afforded to some of our Radical
Contemporaries the opportunity of expressing their
unbounded admiration and intimating their decided
preference of republican institutions. They seem to
think that an irresistible argument in favour of the
republican form and principles of government may be
founded upon the facts that the general and State Go-
vernments of the American Union are republican, and
that the general Government, after having discharged
every debt due by the federation, has a large surplus
of revenue over expenditure, and an actual accumu-
lation, the disposal of which is a question of some dif-
ficulty and embarrassment. We have no inclination,
and indeed no inducement, to deny that Republican
institutions are well suited to the peculiar situa-
tion of the United States. Expesience we may
admit proves sufficiently that they are so. But
unless it be taken for granted that the same
kind of Government can he established with ad-
vantage in all nations, without exception, what-
ever may be the dissimilarity of their position, cir-
cumstances, and character, a proposition which has
never been maintained or even advanced, the more
natural and reasonable inference from the fitness and
excellence of Republican Government, as shown in
America would be, not that this description of Go-
vernment must be good and suitable everwhere else,
but that it can be suitable and good nowhere else.
It would seem idle to enumerate circumstances so ob-
vious as those which distinguish the American from
every other nation on earth, circumstances not derived
from, but antecedent to, and independent of, the
character of the Government, and which absolve the
Government from the necessity so imperious every-
where else, of cultivating and exercising the quali-
ties of energy and activity in the application of
the national force. One or two of the chief of
these circumstances it is not, however, improper to
recal to the recollection of those who, in the ar-
dour of their republican predilections, are disposed
to overlook them. The people of the United States
may be said to possess a Continent to themselves.
Hence they are without a rival or a foe among the other
nations of the world, at such a geographical distance
from their boundaries as to threaten either danger or
annoyances, and thus they are exempt from the neces-
sity of imparting to their executive Government the
same degree of power that is freely conceded by other
nations, in the conviction that less would be incompa-
tible with the cultivation or display of activity, promp-
titude, and vigour. Exempt from all the natural causes
of quarrel among nations, and from the apprehension
of all that is really formidable in foreign hostility,
the Americans can have no motives to desire that
their Government should be either active or power-
ful, unless these qualities were required in order to
restrain and subdue some refractory and dangerous
portion of their own countrymen. But the situation
of the American people relieves them as effectually
from the latter apprehension as from the former.
Having yet at their disposal boundless tracts of pro-
ductive and unoccupied land, both labour and capi-
tal find an easy and abundant return ; an invitation
to profitable employment is constantly open to the
whole people ; large masses of the population can
never be subjected to painful privations ; there can
be no inconvenient pressure, or irritating friction,
upon any considerable portion of the community.
The irregular and wayward spirits among them,
who revolt against the restraints and obligations
of society, have a ready refuge in the unreclaimed
portion of their territory, where each individual
may, if it so please him, be King, President, Con-
gress, subject, everything to himself. In such cir-
cumstances as these, it is more wonderful that the
Americans should have discovered the necessity of
any Government at all, than that the necessity of a
vigorous and active Government should still remain
unknown to them. These are circumstances which may
last long, but which cannot last for ever ; and, whenever
they cease it requires but little sagacity to foresee that
the Republican institutions of America will cease with
them. There is evidence enough, indeed, in the
speech of General Jackson to show how incompetent a
Government like that of the United States would be to
conduct the war and the diplomacy of any of the more
considerable European States, or to cope with the
intense conflicts of interests, the fiery passions, the rest-
less activity, the reckless enterprises, and the political
and social crimes which are necessarily engendered
among a dense population, pent in by barriers which
it cannot overleap. The President informs us that
the United States Bank has been permitted for a
considerable period to set the authority of the Govern-
ment and the law at defiance, without appearing to be
conscious that indecision, uncertainty, and weakness
on the part of the Executive are implied in the com-
plaint. The charter of this Bank has expired. The
law has ordained that the Executive Government
should withdraw the money deposited in its hands on
account of the State. Repeated applications have
been made for the payment of this money. But the
Bank, which holds it, refuses to let go, gets a new
charter from the Legislature of one of the other
State of the Union, carries on its banking business
as usual, thwarts the financial objects of the Go-
vernment as much as possible, and virtually prolaims
its determination to keep the money of the Union,

in order that it may be enabled to do so with
better effect. We apprehend that the Executive
Government of England, with the law on its
side, would not have endured this with the exem-
plary patience manifested by that of America. Some-
thing, certainly, would have been done more to
the purpose than putting a complaint like that of the
American President into the King's Speech. But
General Jackson, who, as a man, cannot be suspected
of wanting energy and decision of character, lets the
contempt be prolonged, and the mischief proceed,
without rebuke or interruption, for the purpose of
complaining to Congress of injuries which, by his own
showing, the executive and judicial powers were per-
fectly adequate to redress. We adduce this instance
as an illustration of the languid and feeble character of
the American Government, and as a proof that, how-
ever that Government may be suited to the present
' condition of the American people, it is not such as
' would be very likely to succeed in Europe.—Morning
• Post.

CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

OLD COURT.
Edward Green, an elderly person, of respectable ap-
pearance, who surrendered to his bail, pleaded guilty to an
indictment preferred against him for a misdemeanor.
Mr. CLARKSON was instructed by the defendant to pray
the mercy of the Court. As his Lordship was aware, the
indictment contained a variety of counts varying the offence
which charged the defendant with selling light bread by
means of there being attached to the scale in which the
bread was placed a piece of lead of the weight of one
ounce. In praying the mercy of the Court, he trusted that
he might be allowed to call witnesses respecting the previous
character of the defendant for honest and correct conduct as
a tradesman. •
Mr. Simmons, a clerk in the Bank of England, and Mr.
Corry, a surgeon, gave the prisoner a character for irre-
proachable honesty.
Mr. GURNEY, the City Pleader, on behalf of the prose.
cution (which was instituted by the city of London) trusted
that the Court would not permit the defendant to escape
with a slight punishment, for the offence had been carried
on in a very poor and densely populated neighbourhood.
The RECORDER said the Court would take time to con-
sider its sentence, and in the mean time the defendant must
stand committed.
Robert Hogg, aged 50, was indicted for stealing five
gold chains and other articles, of the value of forty pounds,
the property of his masters, Messrs. Frodsham, of Grace
church-street.
The Jury found the prisoner Guilty.

MANSIONV-HOUSE.
James King, a waiter at the King's Head public-house
is Fenchureh-street, was brought before the LORD MAYOR,
charged with having struck a man named William King
with a poker on the head. The wounded man had been
sleeping in the tap-room on Tuesday last, after having
drank too much, and two or three of the customers, as a
Christmas joke, covered his mouth and eyes with potatoe
skins, and introduced a snow-ball between his skin and his
shirt. The prisoner expostulated with them on the trick
they were playing, and began to remove the snow-ball.
The drunken man then started up, and, evidently under
the impression that the person who was befriending him was
acting with hostility, struck the prisoner most violently.
The prisoner fell back apparently dead, but was recovered
in a few minutes, when he made to the fire-place, seized the
poker, and struck his assailant on the left side of the head.
A medical certificate was produced, which stated that the
wound was dangerous, and the waiter was repanded.
The fondness which the injured man had got for gin was
very unequivocally shown by the succeeding statement.
He had, some witnesses declared, been drunk for three
clear days, and even the blow on the head, and the alarm-
ing description given of it by the surgeons, had not the effect
of checking his propensity. The prisoner having expressed
much regret at having in the agony of the assault committed
upon him used so deadly an instrument as a poker, and
having given to the man he had so assailed a half-crown
and a shilling, and a glass of wine and water on the two
days following, the unfortunate fellow, instead of going
home or to the hospital, spent the money in gin, and the
wound, of course, grew worse.
His wife stated that she took him to the London Infir-
mary on Saturday, but he objected to stay, and was told
there that if he choose to go he might go to the Devil ; so
he returned, and became delirious. Afterwards an attempt
was made to take him by force to the hospital, but she,
knowing the dislike he had to the trouble of being cured
in a place of the kind, refused to allow him to be removed.
The LORD MAYOR said it was seldom that the attach-
ment to gin showed itself in so extraordinary a manner.
The man had aggravated a wound which would, if proper
care had been taken by him, have been much improved ;
and although it was now dangerous, bail should be taken
for the appearance of the prisoner, who, although wrong in
using such an instrument as a poker, had acted with hu-
manity afterwards to the person he had assailed.
The master of the prisoner immediately consented to

bail him.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent transmitted
to the Lord Mayor 201. as her donation in aid of the As-
sociation for the Relief of the Poor at this dreadfully severe
season, by the distribution of coals and potatoes in the City
of London and its vicity. A lady, who would not allow
her name to be mentioned, handed yesterday to the Lord
Mayor two sovereigns for the same benevolent purposes.
The Lord Mayor observed that, at this moment, a great
deal of benefit might be accomplished by a small fund at
his disposal.

GUILDHALL.
Mr. Langdon, of Newgate-street, stationer, attended to
give information of a fraudulent trick which was being prac-
tised daily at the west end of the town. Some trash was
made up into a parcel, with an invoice made out in appli-
cant's name, and a boy about fourteen years of age who de-
livered it required the payment of twelve or fourteen
shillings, pretending the goods had been ordered by the
master or mistress. If they happened to be at home
and disengaged, and it was discovered that no stationery
had been ordered of him, the parcel was returned as a
mistake. But in other cases the servant paid the sum
mentioned in the invoice. At Mr. Thomas Duncombe's,
the Member of Parliament, the servant had not silver
enough, and entrusted the boy with a sovereign to get
change. He of course did not return. At Sir Peter
Pole's the trick succeeded, and the servant was hoaxed
besides _by being told to deliver the parcel that night at
the Earl of Winterton's to the lady who was going
away next morning. On Saturday last the trick was
played off at Lady Dover's and at another house. He
enumerated the names of several persons who had been
duped, and hoped the press would afford the means of guard-
ing against the imposition, and perhaps of catching the rogues.
Mr. Alderman PIRIE said the information, if it reached
the public, would no doubt put an end to the fraud.
Mr. Langdon thanked the Magistrate, and retired.

---
MARLBOROUGH-STREET.
Three young men of fashion, whose names in the police
sheet were written down James Makombe, and Henry and
George Simpson, were yesterday put to the bar, before
Mr. CHAMBERS and Mr. CoNANT, charged, the first with
an assault, and the two last with having acted in a disorderly

manner.
The bench fined Malcombe for the assault 5/., and the
other two 1/. each. To raise the needful one of the defen-
dants had to make interest with his " father's brother."

HA---TTON-GARDEN.
John Wishart was again brought up, charged by Miss
Jane Abbot with bigamy. A solicitor stated that since the
last examination they had traced the prisoner to have
married other women, and that he bad been twice married
at the same church.
John Chipperton, in 1832, was present when the pri-
soner married Sarah Collins. She herself married at
the time of her marriage with the prisoner. She and her
first husband were now living.
Mr. LAING said they were a pretty race altogether. If
evidence of two marriages could be produced he would send
the prisoner before a Jury. He inquired whether the evi-
dence of his first marriage at Glasgow could be brought
forward ? The solicitor replied in the negative.
The prisoner denied the charge, saying they were all
false, and he would be able to rebut them.
He was again remanded.

LAMBETH-STREET.
Yesterday among the numerous night charges brought to
this office was a middle-aged man, dressed in the garb of a
mechanic, named George Fenton, who, as appeared by the
police-sheet, was given into custody on Saturday night for
being drunk and creating a considerable uproar in the Mari-
time Chapel in Wellclose-square.
Police-constable Wm. Parry, H 71, about half-past
eleven o'clock on Saturday night, while on duty in Weil-
close-square, heard loud cries of " Police" proceed from
the church, and on going thither the prisoner was pointed
out to him as a person who had created a considerable
disturbance among the congregation there assembled, and
by the violence of his expressions and manners had dis-
turbed the religious ceremony. Perceiving that the pri-
soner was rather far gone, and that even his (Parry's)
appearance did not restrain him from his apparent fervour,
he took him into custody, and conveyed him to the station-
house.
It further appeared that the congregation was composed
of the members of a temperance society, whose practice is
to meet at the church in question e night of the 31st
of December, to see the old year out a thnd the new one in.
The prisoner, who appeared very penitent, had been for
some time a member of the society, but admitted that he
was more than " three sheets in the wind on Saturday
night, or he should not have conducted himself as had been
stated.
Mr. Halswell, the sitting Magistrate, told him he should
discharge him on one condition, and tortureas that he (the
prisoner) should take the earliest oppty of reporting
to the society generally the fact of his being drunk, and
his disgraceful conduct while he was so, and making an
ample apology to that society for what had happened.
This the prisoner willingly consented to do, and he was
discharged.

WORSHIP-STREET.
Yesterday the police-sheet, which, of a Monday morn-
ing, generally contains the names of between 30 and 40
delinquents, charged with the various offences of inebriety,
robbery, assault, &c., had only six prisoners brought before
Mr. BROUGHTON.

UNION-BALL.
Yesterday John Robloon, mate of the ship Reformation,