The Sun.
London, England, 1830-09-08 00:00:00

has thought fit to communicate to me his objections
and his grievances.
I have the honour to be, &c.
CHARLES DUPIN.

My dear Fellow-citizen,--I return you my thank,
for the proof of confidence you have conferred upon
me by informing me of your grievances with regard
to the new mechanical presses, which for several
years past have been introduced into the printing-
dices of Paris.
You say with truth, in your letter, that it was
not self-interest which made you take up arms in
the'great and glorious week of July—it was the love
and honour of liberty.
You all displayed in those immortal days your
strict integrity. That is an eulogium which we feel
to be your due, and which we have in consequence
paid, in congratulating ourselves upon being the
follow-countrymen of citizens so disinterested in vic-
tory, and so courageous in battle.
in your justifiable pride you refuse the aid of sub.
scription, which you consider as alms in disguise—
you ask only for employment.
You ask for employment as the reward of your
victory ; and you think yourselves repaid for all the
labour of battle by the labour of any species of em-
ployment which will give you the means of existence.
A part of you, however, is in want of employment.
There are machines of recent invention, which do as
much work with live men as can be done by the or.
dinary presses with I.s.pressmen. You find it in-
human, ungrateful, unjust that the labour of these
machines should be preferred to yours. You call,
therefore, for their destruction, or at least for their
being given up, as the fair reward of the heroic ser-
vices which you have just rendered to the cause of
rill Fretrchmen.
You see, my dear fellow-citizen, that I do not
seek to diminish either the force or the number of
your arguments or your motives.
Suppose, now, that these individuals who are most
friendly to your wellbeing and to your liberty, a
Lafayette, a Tracy, a Labbey de Pompierre, should
examine your claims with that love of the people
which you so much admire in them, in order to do
in your behalf all that good order and the general
welfare will permit them to perform.
" Our brave workmen have fought for the preser-
vation of liberty—they have preserved it," these
celebrated citizens will say, "we must then do for
them all that liberty will permit. They demand em-
ployment, we must give them all the employment
which we can without injuring the liberty of others.
They demand that the proprietors of all printing-
machines shall give up the profits which they derive
from the employment of such presses. But to effect
that object, we must violate the property of others :
consequently we must destroy the liberty of industry
and the liberty of labour."
The courage of the working classes has rendered
France free—we are proud to acknowledge it.
But in a free country no citizen submits to com-
pulsion, except under the laws. A law is then ne-
cessary to prohibit, without distinction, the use of
the new printing-presses.
Besides, the law ought to be equal for all, in
order that there may not be tyranny for one class,
and oppression over another. Consequently there
must be a law to prohibit, not merely the new print-
ing-presses, but new machinery in every art and in
every trade.

Ten years have elapsed since these new printing-
machines were first introduced into France. We
must then declare that the law prohibits the em-
ployment of the new machinery which has been in.
traduced into every branch of trade and commerce
in the last ten years.

This declaration alone would be sufficient to ruin
live-sixths of the proprietors of steam-boats, hy-
draulic presses, hydraulic wheels, corn-mills, oil-
mills, tan-pits, &c.
It would also render equally useless all the now
machinery employed to spin, to weave, to shear, to
Wash linen, cotton, wool, silk, &c.
It would also annihilate in all works of art, with-
Out exception, the value of an innumerable quantity
of mechanical inventions, of which the object is to
diminish the manual labour, which is required for
every species of improved workmanship.
And now, my dear fellow•citizen, I ask of you
what would become of the industrious classes in
France were we to adopt a law, which should forbid
the use of so much machinery ? There would re-
sult from it, first of all, the immediate ruin of three-
fourths of the proprietors of these machines; there
would result from it, in the next place, the ruin of
all the manufactories in which are employed work-
men in wood, iron, copper, casts, turning, cart-
making, &c., in which these numerous and im-
proved machines are used.
But what would become of the new workmen
accustomed to work these improved machines, and
who, for the last 10 years, have gained their sub-
sistence by it ? They would be left without an
occupation, and without employment.
Thus, the law which it would be necessary to
pass, in order to fulfil the wishes of the journey-
men printers, to say nothing of the injuring the
strict equality of all the working classes, would
sacrifice the properly of a numerous body of master-
manufacturers and shopkeepers; it would put an end
to the employment of a large number of workmen
engaged upon new machines, in order to give you
more constant employment.

At present I ask you this question, is it justice to
sacrifice one class to satisfy another ? Is it equality
to t►►ke employment from one portion of the corn.
rnunity to give ►t to another ? Is it liberty, accord-
ing to our notions of liberty, to violate a man's pro-
perty, and to prevent him from making use of it?
Let us take courage and speak out. No, it is not
jnstice, it is not eqoality, it is not liberty. I appeal
for the truth of toy observations to those illustrious
citizens whose names I have mentioned to you, and
who inspire you justly with so much confidence.
If, then, we wish to create a government in which
every man shall be free to employ honestly the
labours of his hands,-of his mind, and of his reason,
we must leave to the simple workman the right of
employing his tools, not merely according to the
custom of those who used them before him, but
also according to the more ingenious use which he
may be able to discover of them, in their present
form, or in a more perfect form, which will produce
better ►work in less time.

If you leave the simple workman the right of im-
proving his smallest tools, you must leave to the
masters of shops and manufactories the right of im-
proving their machines, which are the real tools em-
ployed in their shops and manufactories.
Up to this point I have confined my argument
entirely to the question of liberty, justice, and
equality. In my second letter I shall discuss the
interests of the country in general, and of the work-
men in particular.—l have the honour, &c.

ell Altl4:S DUNN.

(From the Conslitutionnel.)

ORDER OF TICE DAY TO TICE NATIONAL
GUARDS OF THE KINGDOM, Szn. 1, 1830.
The General Commander-in-Chief of the Na-

tionat Guard of the Kingdom, called by the con&
denee of the people to the head of the public force
in the glorious days bf our last revolution, has
thought it his duty, notwithstanding his refusal in

1796, to accept in our new circumstances the im-
mense command which has been conferred upon him
by the confidence of a patriot King, exalted himself
by the desire of his fellow-citizens to the constitu-
tional throne of the King of the French.
But to meet the importance and multiplicity of

his functions, the Commander-in-Chief must neces-
sarily rely, us be happily is certain that he can rely,
upon the patriotism, the zeal, and he permits him-
self to add, the personal affection of his brethren in
arms in the vast extent of our valorous and free
country of France.

After 40 years of memorable vicisaltudes, the
old tri-cultured flag of 1789, the flag of the sove-
reignty of the nation, of liberty, and of public order,
halt jaiit, been glatiouslyogenerously, and for ever re•
144441 Around that nag has tallied with qne