The Sun.
London, England, 1839-05-07 00:00:00

JAMAICA.

Mr. GODSON explained that, as he had formerly
stated the petition which he had presented against the
Jamaica Assembly Suspension Bill, was signed by 500
planters and merchants connected with the island, and
as the Hon. Baronet (Sir G. Grey) had represented
hat the petition was s only by 278, he now
wiked to inform the Holtat be Eked inspected the
list of signatures, and found them amounting to 543.

Sir G. GREY said his statement was taken from
the report of the Public Petitions Committee.
The Order of the Day for the adjourned debate upon
the Bill was then read, on which,
Mr. MACLEAN rose, but for some time was in-
audible in consequence of the noise made by Members
leaving the House. He would recal to their recollec-
tion the conduct of the Ministry with respect to Ca-
nada. There had been a forbearing until it was carried
to an almost criminal extent. They came down
with resolutions condemnatory of the conduct
of the Legislature of that Province before they
proceeded to any harsher measure, and it was not
till every other means had failed that coercion by that
House was asked for. But what was the course they
took with respect to Jamaica. There were no condem-
natory resolutions—no attempt at conciliation—but the
very first proceeding was a proposition to suspend
the Constitution of Jamaica—(Hear, hear)—and
upon such grounds as he would very shortly
show to be utterly frivolous. The personal character of
the Hon. Gent. who introduced the Bill would lead
many to support it, because, knowing the unwillingness
with which he would bring forward such a propposition,
they would instantly conceive that it would not have
been done unless he had been convinced of its absolute
necessity. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Judge Advo-
cate (Sir G. Grey), had not answered although he at.-
tempted to do so, one of the constitutional assertions made
by the Hon. Member for Kilkenny (Mr. Hume). The
Hon. Member for Liskeard, although he was going to vote
in favour of the Bill,yet the views with which he terminated
that speech furnished an entire condemnation of the
course pursued by the Under Secretary for the Colonies.
It appeared to him remarkable that no perkon charged
with the Bill had stated how it was that such a dis-
tinction had been drawn between Canada and Jamaica.
The Assembly of Jamaica had not suspended the sup-
plies ; they were not in a state of rebellion, they had
not appointed Judges of their own as the Canadian As-
sembly had done when it. was thought proper to suspend
their Constitution. It was not his wish to be thought
to sanction 'the proceedings of the House of Assembly,
but he thought the treatment they were to receive from
this Bill was too harsh. He could see no necessity for
he measure, because the Government had the power at
home to refuse giving its sanction to any law that the
House of Assembly might pass. Hethought it most unjust
to take the powerof legislation out of the House of Assem-
bly and place it. in the hands of an irresponsible Council.
There had been not less than 52,0001. voted for the
purposes of education by the Government. When
once a Legislature was suspended, it was hard to say
whether it would ever be restored again. He denied
that the measure would dive satisfaction to the white
inhabitants, to the mulattos, or even to -the blacks,
inasmuch as it went to deprive them of the franchise
that had been so lately conferred upon them. Now,
with respect to the alleged obstinacy of the House of
Assembly he would merely remind the House that in
March, 1837, the House of Assembly sent a message to
Sir Lionel Smith, stating that, if any thing wrong
in the conduct or descipline of the prisons could be
pointed out, they would be most ready to correct them.
He regretted that the Noble Lord had not adopted the
suggestion of the Right Hon. Baronet, to concede a
little, instead of proceeding to outrage the feelings of
the proprietary of Jamaica. After what they had heard
at the bar of that House from the agent for the colony,
they might rest assured that concession on their
parts would be met in a similar spirit. Whether, ac-
cording to a prophecy which he had lately heard, the
days of the Noble Lord's Administration were num-
bered or not—whether he had lost the confidence of
the people of England, and that be wished to superadd
to it the loss of the confidence of their colonial pos-
sessions, he knew not, but he trusted he would pause
before he called upon the House to assent to the pre-
sent proposition. With India and Canada in arms, and
France trampling upon the British standard, did the
Noble Lord think that the course he was pursuing was
calculated to promote the honour or the interests of
England ?

Sir E. WILMOT thought the Honourable Mem-
ber who had just sat down had used the arguments
rather of au advocate than a legislator. Having taken
a deep interest in the question of the Slave Emanci-
pation Act, he hoped he would be allowed to state the
reasons which influenced him in voting for the measure

of the Noble Lord. Having emancipated the a;;;;
would they still continue to keep them in slavery ? From
the time the Slave Emancipation Bill was introduced,
up to the time the apprenticeship was abolished, the
Assembly of Jamaica had not merely not assisted,
but in everyinstance opposed and rendered nugatory every
measure calculated to promote the comfort of the slaves.
The question was, then, would they give them the
power to annihilate the blessings of the Emancipation
Act ? He for one would not ; and it was because he
thought the Government intended to give freer institu-
tions to the island that he supported their proposition.
Had it been a party measure, he would have voted the
other way ; for he thought it the duty of every one,
thinking as he did, to do all in his power to effect a
change in the Ministry : but when he found the Right
Hon. Baronet say that it was no party question, he felt
bound to vote for the Bill.
Mr. GROTE bad voted for the emancipation of the
slave—he had voted for the abolition of the apprentice-
ship—yet he could not vote for the Bill before the
House ; for so far from thinking that it was a measure
for the protection of the blacks, he thought that it was
a measure of undeserved punishment on the whites.—
(Hear.) A representative government ought not to
lightly abolished. Nor could he accept the reasons for
the Bill given by the Government. He thought it was
our bounden duty to infuse into the minds of every
class in Jamaica a forgetfulness of the past, and that
was, in his mind, a weighty reason against the Bill. It
was not long since the whites had been deprived of a rlght
they had long exercised ; he thought they had been pro-
perly deprived of that privilege, but still he thought it
was going too far to deprive them of their liberty and of
their citizenship. The House of Assembly was called
an oligarchy—if it did not represent the feeling of
the island let them increase the constituency till it-
does so, and he would support the proposition, but
do not abolish a virtual representation and establish an
oligarchy in its place even for so short a time as was
proposed. It was said this was only a suspension of the
Constitution for two years, he would ventuye a predic-
tion,
that if it once passed away there were very few in
that House who would ever see its revival.—( Hear,
hear.) The passing of that Bill must convoy a feeling
of injustice to the minds of all the white population of
Jamaica—the 'very preamble of the Bill was an insult to
them. Looking at the conduct of the House of Com-
mons upon the Prisons Bill, he did not think that they
had so acted as to entitle them to cast the first stone.
He did not deny the right of Parliament to put an
end to the whole Constitution of Jamaica, but they
must prove a case of necessity, which to his mind had
not yet been done. Believing the Bill to be a harsh
and despotic measure towards the Colonial Legislature,
he should give it his most determined opposition. The
Bill, as it seemed to him, would only tend to aggravate
and embitter the discontent and irritation of the white
population.—( Hear, hear.) It neither would tranquil-
lize the island nor secure good representation dui ing the
suspension of the House of Assembly.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. CLAY had listened to the speech of his Hon.
.
Friend with that attention which any observations W-
ine- from him deserved, but he had also listened to it
with some degree of surprise and regret. He (Mr.
Clay) could not agree with his Hon. Friend that this
Bill was an invasion of popular privileges.—(Hear,
hear.) He thought they were only taking away from
a small portion of the inhabitants of Jamaica the power
to oppress the remainder.—( Hear, hear.) But as he
wished to prevent a small portion of the whites legis-
lating for the whole of the blacks, so did be wish to

EVENING EDITION.

prevent those who might be exasperated from the I.
oppression to which they had formerly been subjected, I
being admitted too suddenly to enjoy legislative powers
and privileges. There was. but one chance of convert-
ing the emancipated negroes into a free, industrial's,
and contended population, and that was by subjecting
then: as speedily as possible to wise, just, and benefi-
cent laws, and to convince them that those laws were
justly and equitably administered. That task, be (Mr.
Clay) believed could be better accomplished by the Im-
perial Parliament than by the House of Assembly of ,
Jamaica. He should be sorry to be thought to enter-
tain -any unfriendly feeling towards the proprietary po-
pulation ; but he thought the best service he could
render the proprietors was to adopt such a course of
legislature as would teach them at the earliest possible
period to look on those who were formerly their slaves
henceforth es their fellow-citizens.—( Hear, bear.)
Mr. WARBURTON conceived that the Govern-
ment was not only justified in interfering, but was called
upon to interfere, for the purpose of securing justice to
the people of Jamaica. Believing that the Government
of this country had incurred the responsibility of seeing
to the entire administration of justice in that country,
and not seeing the smallest prospect or the remotest
chance that these objects would be secured by leaving,.
to the representative body of that country the power 01.
making laws, he was of opinion that the Bill ought to
pass.
Mr. GALLY KNIGHT said he was much surprised
at the conduct of the Hon. Member opposite, in sue:,
porting this Bill, for he was generally considered one of
the most liberal Members in the House.—( Hear, hear.)
He felt bound to oppose the Bill, because he thought it,
was not justified by the neeassity of the case. He wished. '
to see the Emancipation Act properly carried out, but
it could not be brought to a proper issue unless the
whites and blacks could be brought to live harmoni-
ously together, and his complaint was, that the spirit
which prevailed here was not likely to hying about that
result. If such a Bill were passed it would only tend
to widen the breach which now existed.
Mr. GOULBURN said it was singular that every_
individual who had supported the Bill had supported
it on very different grounds from those on which it bad
been proposed.—(Hear, hear.) He felt disposed to
give it his decided opposition, because he kneveieenthing
that would be more dangerous for the general interests?
of humanity than to represent the emancipation 01
slavery as inconsistent with the maintenance of free in-
stitutions in the Colony.—(Hear, hear.) Suppose the'
measure was carried for the suspension of the Constt
tution, what-would be the state of feeling in the Colony
It would be that the Colonial Legislature was no longer`
fit to legislate for the Colony, when the period for its
restoration should arrive.—(Hear, hear.) He would
put it to the Noble Lord whether it was not more
prudent—if a suspension of the Assembly of Jamaica cos
at some period to be resorted. to—that this suspensi°
should take.place with such a degree of authority us
would discourage all opposition, and whether therefore
it would not be advisable to wait for a short time, and
thus endeavour to obtain the sanction of a unanimous
decision.—( Hear, hear.) If it were true, as bad' beenl
stated, that a Legisleture which had been accustomed
to govern slaves could never legislate fairly, for free
negroes, why was not this suspension measure
extended to other of the West Indian islands 2—(Hear')
The Right Hon. Judge Advocate (Sir G. Grey) bad
indeed endeavoured to make out a better case for
Barbadoee, but surely he could never have read the
papers which were before the House upon the suha.
lest for the Legislature of that Colony had expresso
an opposition equally strong with that of the Jamate.,
~"
Assembly to the Prisons Bill.—(Hear, hear.) irh
Barbadoes, St. -Vincent's, St. Kitt's, Grenada, and
others, had all passed Acts to regulate the relations he-
tween master and servant. All those Acts, however'
had been disallowed by the Queen's Council.—(Hear'
hear.) St. Lucie, Trinidad, Demerara, end other Co-
lonies, possessing Councils, had passed Orders in Coal'
cif for the same object, but they had been repealed by
Orders of the Council at home.—(Hear, hear,;)
GO.'
What therefore was the ground upon which the
vernment could select Jamaica for this suspension meal
sure ?—(Hear, hear.) Was it unreasonable, at all
events, under these circumstances, to ask, hat one
more trial should be made of the willingness of the
Assembly to pass measures, which, being local in
their nature, would much better be passed by the
local legislature.—(Hear, bear.) He was far from coo.
sidering the dissolution of the first Assembly as a reesen
for passing this measure, he considered that dissolutiea
as a most disastrous measure. They were non'
dis-
cussing, not the rights of the Assembly, but of the eeni
stituency of Jamaica. He considered the conduct
the Assembly as the not unnatural result of the co?cei
duct which had been pursued towards them. He
al
dot deny their right to subdue the Island of Jamaica"
but they had duties towards that Island
as well as
rights, and their duty was to preserve the Constitution.
The best result would follow from this, and the negr°,
f
would gradually be absorbed into the constituency, and
irehe would thus have the means of enacting laws - _
self. Jamaica was the only colony which, since
pation Act in
-
self.
of the Emanci, had lowered the
franchise so as to place it in the power ofthe negro to
become one of the` constituency.—( Hear, hear, frogs
Mr. Godson). He beseeched the House to pauses
and give time to the Assembly before adopting a
despotism which would 'not work beneficially for tbe
Colony, and to give the Assembly an opportunity,
apologising for the insult they had offered to the mother
country.
Mr. O'CONNELL would say that the H"'
tleman opposite ought to have been the last Person
the world to circe.ate such calumnies against the 1331:7
tist Ministers as to represent them as the deceivers en
the negro population ; because, from his conneetie f
with the Colonists, he must have had opportunitie! et
knowing that he was committing a gross injustice agamus
..
a most excellent body of men. It came with a Peie d
liarly ill grace from that Hon. Gentliopaa, but he °a
shortly after unconsciously vindicated them by contra:
dieting himself ; for while in one sentence he represent.eg.
the negro population as being deceived by the Botts),
Ministers, in the next he stated the negroes teibeto
race so very acute that it was impossible for anYbe.gifht
deceive them.—(Cheers and laughter.) The wbgj
Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had Wear"
that night in the new character of an advocate for Pea.
pular rights.—(Cheers.) He should not be stuTrisenf
to hear of his having joined the Chartists.—(Cries
answers
" Oh, oh," from the Opposition benches, atis'f--e.)
1,",c1
by cheers from the Ministerial side of the 11°`1
He was not fortunate in the illustration which he her
brought forward, showing that numberless Acts of etbli-t
legislatures besides JaMaica, had been disallowed, d
of all their acts that had been thus disallow_ et,'
he had. not ventured to point out one, the (Itao
lowance of which was improper.—(Cheers.) Now wo
did this prove? why, surely the incompetency Cheers
legislature to legislate for the:negro population.—(at.
from the Opposition.) It might be said that if they
stoyed the Constitution of Jamaica, they should destr
the other legislatures--( Renewed chsering)---nut the, s,
was this obvious distinction ; although the other lead,
latures had passed Acts which had been disalle'lge;
not one of them had abdicated their functions,
--(Cheers.) Jamaica alone had done so, while tol'
others had gone on legislating under the correctierlen
u/e
the Government at home.—(Cheers.) So much had bbeile
said wide of the question, that it would be worth ;
the
to see what the question really was, what parts 0' the
question on both sides were agreed on, and where t it
differences commenced, and he- apprehended th be,
would be discovered that no great difference existed the
tween them. It was agreed, on all hands, that tbe
Prisons Bill was a proper Bill to pass ; there oligripu.
one or two who disputed this point, but the Right
...jo
en
Baronet, and the great majority of Hon. Gentles
opposite were agreed as to the propriety of inaiotfipg.„o-
that Bill. That Bill had been passed without a u'—tice,
tient voice, hut it had not been passed without lepso-
because Mr. Burge, the'Agent for Jarimica, hauGeo-
tested against it, but he was unable to get any flan. }ion
denten in that House to oppose the Bill which had Paae
under the protest of Mr. Burge, without any ol'ifsitoocar3
even from the Hon. Gentleman opposite, who h 8,7;• bartP
forward this night as the advocate for constitutional frolo
the meaning of which, be supposed, be had learnt The
his friend Don Carlos.—(Cheers and laughter.!, even
propriety of maintaining that Bill was not impeach taws
now. Now what had been the first Act of the Je artbat
Legislature when: they had met after the passing k
Bill ? Why they had protested that they would not,
that
late at all, but would give up their functions toile
Op-
Bill were repealed.—( Cries of 'd Oh, oh," from the _bould
position.) That was a little too bad. Gentlemen ",t was
read the protest before they denied his statement.. 1r but
true they offered to legislate for the public credito
refused to perform every other legislative function. , 'tor
were prorogued to give them time ; they mere calleeioate,
ther a second time, and again they refused to legito apo-
and they were dissolved. The Right Hon. GentlemLearviug
site said that the Governor had acted. ill; because !thee'
quarrelled with the Hause of Assembly, he seni' the
back to their constituencies, and this he ca led treating had
constituencies at large ill. Now, if the Governmesuitthot
come down to legislate against that AssemblY `b. con-
having previously appealed to the constituency, OF 600
duct would have been liable to much stronger °14,-„eocutle-
than those which had fallen from the Right Hon- ,":;flojea,
man. But they did appeal to the constituency Hof
th the
and that constituency had embodied themselves wive AP
Legislature—they had returned a second Ltgijallitions.
sembly, which had again refused to perform its tln to be
What now was to be done,--was the Prisons Burleys it
given up? The Assembly will not legislate etoP-
is given 'up,. end now the Right lion. Bar" then
nnsite eppeeled to the House to give why
another opportunity to consider the sulaject.ani
it had already been tried three times, "art "f
result of each trial bad been a total refused on thenop_ rola
the House of Assembly to legislate.
to try again, and he snould like to know whoat.ernede. boa,
pen in the interval; how Jamaica was to be t: over '
the husi•
the negro population was to be protected ; o Act, and
ness was to be done ? He would say. pess tu,r
Icins
you
They wers:o. ban,
send it out there, if they then consentitdtiourh!er frroo;abe
can soon repeal the Bid.—
lierewed cbrering
Opposition)—and if not, it
the duties of the negro population.-
lerrible scenes, s
and laughter.) Did they' forget the
brineing in 01
din Jamaica prior to the e hal
which had passe brines (wCallseyeorusradetv-(Cheers lees for
the Prisons Bill. Did the Jamaica Assembly cr

he,.
iti-
-9
Y
:er

Ild
ire
vaS

lad
for
he

Orn
jier
r A
the

the Prophecies of those who had foretold that they would
mitigate tho ho-roes of sheers ?In 1 523 Mr. Ginning: its
• irri it aoyarcl his areeivi mein to tin ie.,: me. ef :dr. ituaton,
ieei , ei_,,;,.. e,, i„
;,„,he!,;,,, 1,,, T 04: j -tilt :C.: : Lee:else:re
would mitigate tee horrors of s!avere. iL ass deceived.
I In 1824 he recommended the chartered colonies to enact
the details of the Order in Council. Not one cf them had
( dune so. In 1828 the resolution was again brought before
the House in consequence of the neglect of the Colonial
Legislatures to mitigate the horrors of slavery. Mr. Can-
ning has distinctly said that he considered that the test of
colonial legislatures, and did not anticipate any further re-
sistance from them. They had again resisted. In 182 S,
Sir George Murray issued his circular in vain; and, in
1830, a second Order in Council was treated with cot,-
t"mpt by the Colonial Legislature. What probability was
there then that the Jamaica Legi,lature would
retrace their steps when they recollected that, in
1832. twenty millions had been voted as soon as
the Colonial Legislature should satisfy this country that
wt hraotn tat
(
they
would carry out the details of the Emancipation Act
country had confides? in them, in which they were
Cheers)—and that the Jamaica Legislature had
punctually deceived them. But bad there ever been any-
thing so horrible as the cruelty that had been committed?
The), had been paid a high price on the express condition
that
women should not be flogged; statements were re-
ceived in this country that the flogging of women was still
continued, these statements were asserted to be calumnies.
and it might have remained doubtful whether this were the
fact or no if Joseph Sturge had not gore to Jamaica,
and witnessed with his own eyes these horrible cruelties.
The description of the treadmill in St. Anne's-bay, stated
that the wheel was so contrived that if the apprentice
!hissed but one step he was obliged to hang by the arm
'Tern an upper shaft while his body was battered by the
machinery to such a degree that the sand on the floor was
thickly sprinkled with blood. He (Mr. O'C.) asked
Would they encourage cruelties such as these, at which
from the Journal of the Visitors stated that at six in the
Morning the time at which the punishment of the tread- '
mill is inflicted—they found two mixed gangs of men and
pwomen, and that many of the women were indecently ex-
p?sed from want of covering. The labour and pu-
nishment were so severe that almost all the pri-
soners weresu exhausted in fifteen minutes, and their
were so great that not only was the floor
Sprinkled but also the steps and the frame of the mill
were spattered with blood. Was it for this, he asked, that
have paid our 20,000,000/,—(Cheers.) The evidence
of the black man who was bought out and sent to this
country was confirmed by the report of the Cmnmissioners,
Pecially in one part in which he gave an account of
twenty-Oned women from Hyattia-fields being flogged most
reacifully. Captain Pringle's report stated that the men
'a l women were chained separate
and obliged to wear col-
', and that so badly mere they classified that a convict
tor lie,
en might be se linked with a boy who had com-
mit
esd his first offence. Captain Pringle would not be
Permitted to examine the prisoners in the gaol of Jamaica.
th,.e were the doings of the Jamaica legislature, and as
Y would not pass a law for the protection of the
ncgrces we should do it for them, and should
that would render it impossible for them to continue such
cruelties, Sir Lionel Smith, in his defpatch of the 10th of
ptember, 1838, stated that the planter; were still pre-
Pdring fre-h mischief and further tyranny for the
-eg'°es- In short, all the evidence went to show the no-
cessitr for such a Bill as the present; but if an account
should go out to Jamaica that this Bill were to be refused.
"bat could we ereect the conduct of ti e planters to the
thtlriuegnr7
hchv
s would, he W• hen they were render ed insolent by their
r the English House of Cemmon, ?—( Hear,
~.55,T.) The
.gentlemen opposite talked of constitutional
''grais but they were only valuable when they were titter.
c'''"l —( Ile r, hear.) Vifteen mentlas must elapse between
the time for the registration of freeholders and the tune for
ing, and if this Bill were sent out it would expose
"ingest before this re, iod should arrive. If the negroms
were ,-equiring the franchise as rapidly as hail been stated,
hwaZid 1:0: 31r Burge, the active agent fu. the Assembly,
' Produced lists to prove that statement. They might
talk as they would of the acquisition of property by
negroes, and consequently of fret-holds, but the vigitent
'iris:tit:racy who own the land would take care to prevent
them from becoming freeholders. All they had to do was
to make their leases to them through trustees, which was
Pe "f the most obvious things in tne world. Lord Sligo'suiphlet Oio•t•ed that several if the landlords burned the
h'''-groes' crop; out of spite. This was a thing that
would''''t be ventured upon in England; but it would at any
,rate help to show what the feeling of the planters
euwaids the negroes was. It was a prevalent system now
to let a house only for three months to a negro, so that it'
he attempted even to register, he was at once thrown out.
There were now 17 laws expiring or about to expire.—
Now, if the Legislature were to refuse to pass this Act,
What was to be done ? Would the Legislature retract ?
Would the House of Commons refuse the Prison Bill—or
would the Assembly of Jamaica retract ? No—certainly not,
in either of these cases. Nothing could be more paltry, and
miserable than the pretext brought forward to show the
necessity for Postponing this Bill. He called on the House
to give the Governmentmtehiep to carryowaedrofprotecting the, ne-
groes, and thus enable
out that measure for
which so much British them
conduct of the Jamaica Assembly,yh in been
epra i
}ld .a y i
nTgo
pe a
spsaesdt
one beneficial measure for the negroes, proved that they
ought to be trusted no longer. Why did not the
Right Honourable Baronet make an objection to
the Prisons Bill, when it was passing through the House?
The whole question of the negro emancipation would stand
Upon the decision of the House to-night—lf the Jamaica
Assembly were allowed to obtain a victory over the House
° Commons the consequence might be dreadful, and a
concession to the interests of the planters now would en-
e9urage them to make greater demands, at another time.
For all these reasons he would vote for the Bill.
t Mr. GLADSTONE said it was a matter of surprise
Zo him, that the Noble Lord itad not supported the motion
t4e Right Hon. Bart. As a measure for practical pur-
of s' this Bill, however important it might be in point
h principle had already been thrown aside.—Hear,
rtehae.etoccoaulldaloidnly
hear
hear.) He was of opinion that the people of Ja-
be ruled by a cordial union between
th House Imperial Governments. The opinion of
e; e ssouse was so much divided already, upon the ques-
etriiiZvehrat it was doubtful if the Bill would go through
tau stage—a-tear, hear)--and as the Noble Lord
it knovv that it could have no practical effect, why
*force it
were de-
em to a division, unless indeed that he vi
'rei;reined to interpret a majority from the self-denominated
iiiiheral party as the criterion of security to his government.
P .„.pill, might be viewed in two aspects, either as a
Ce, "'II or a Bill on the grounds of general policy.
Agile the
it as a Penal 13,11, the Hon. and Learned
hde thefoo
the
rthDerublin had said that it was called for because,
Colo' nies continued to use their legislative
bad functions, Jamaica Assembly had abdicated theirs, and
refused to resume, unless the Government would re-
peal the Prisons Bill. He thought that that asssertion
n
vioat,snitro
t nt
thought ma have abemisinterpretation of language ; but however
th at gs'oruidindeeent the language of the Assembly
en respecting the Emancipation Act, he
stating that the be no reason for this House to suspend
forh functions of the Assembly.He could see no authority
the Prisons Bill
evidence to shore Assembly had re fused tolegislate unles.s
Were withdrawn, nor had he any stronger
that the supplies were refused by them.
As for the phrase of keeping faith with the public creditor,
tt arose front lariguge used by Sir Lionel Smith himself,
In his address to the House of Asse ',ably. The As-
sembly had been determined to abstain from their functions
nntil they should know whether her Majesty thought that
that portion of her subjects were to legislate for themselves.
The House of Assembly from Parliament demanded
nothing, but they had demanded something from the Go-
' vernment.._( Hear, hear.) It was to be regretted that
the assurances which they demanded were not granted ;
for it would have been extremely easy for Sir Lionel
Smith to have stated that it was the desire of the mother
country to give to the black population that liberty which
she had bought at so high a price for her, and that it was
equally her desire to see them live in amity with the
whites.—i, Hear, hear.) It might be said that it was
absurd on the part of the House of Assembly to demand
this guarantee from the Government, but it must be recol-
lected that the House of Assembly was not altogether
without ground of complaint. It was absurd to suppose
that there was nothin in the Prisons 811 that was calcu-
lated to create angry feelings, for, while he was prepared
to admit that in suhsanrecetvh features of it which rendered
e Prisons Bill was right, there
m Were, hemust confess
it most objectionable ;los
ok an
an Act of Parliament. He would
entreat the House to
at the manner in which it had
been hurried forward. Th
been Governmentee
When the question mighthave
_.,
fairly laid hbaedf before thet th
cH
timeouse
of Assembly, and then the Bill was passede ntiinreglyredeatphaarstteed.
b
The Government in the Prisons Act a
from all tire principles that bad hitherto been adopted in
all Acts for Colonial Legislation. It was supposed that
P
there was nothing in the Ii
amended Abolition Act. while
Act different from the
the contrary was
Nest in
the fact.
What was the form of the Prisons Actfor the v
dies? d in the same terms as if it had
Why
'icon for the 'countyitwaspassed i the same terms as if it had
for the co of Middlesex. It set forth nothing with
respect to the House of Assemhly,,vatshe,slawybeesr,eoars,thite
iWs
ecxs.t
elaclitt planters. All that it said)
'
prisons' in the colonies."
tdient to make provisions for t
it:tilgohnt
orit not therefore be said— eyou think nothing of the
nothing of the black popu-
!ln.use of Assembly, you thin
the slave owners, and
therefore
been
ithere
stve want
clelsnation ; and if that explanation had given,
_.ll. One
17441 have been no necessity for the present Bill.
Pr,'" great anomalies of the Bill was, that it stated that
formtla were required in Jamaica, but no
Power was given
building them. He denied the House of Assembly had '
ncen intern • t in its language.
t wes the
G__
er intemperate
' Ite know whether 1. . .
•uv nor wee twit they wishct , . What they said to the
entitled really
were
interst'" of Parliament to deprive them
ative functions or whether they
riot
of their legis-
and bona fide' to exercise them—that they could
..
ante
the I upon matters demanding their attentionl until
TY knew whether they retained LI ,
at. not
a mie while the !-libstance was given to others.
t to
13°ssible for the promoters of the Bill to contendttl; the
Pr''eeedioos of the Leeislature of Jamaica with respect t°
the Pi icons Act,' would be held as a justification, of the pe-,
e,t "urse adapted towards them ; ho denied that the
)11-UBl3 of Assembly ha,l dernairled the Reseal of the Pie
"5 Actcontnded that they had merely dem stolcd
i4° ;he
explaaatiori • and if that were so, it was not too much to
i assert that the g' 'rounds 011 which the present measure as
Pa!" mcasurea was' brought ferward Were removed. He
"icl now turn from the Prisons Act to the more general
atil,himi achiticed in the course of debate. It had been
-,'"l by some . persons tleit the continuous misconduct of
i the Lee,slat'eme of Jamaica effarded ample ground for the
ti)eas'i''g of tile present 1210. re. Now, he would refer to
--e sPeech of the Right Hen. Bart. the Member for.Tam-
worth fee
-- da ^niw r so far as regarded that continuous
. roiseonduct.—(..lietti• hear, bear. ) The Right Honoor-
able Barenet had ',. ,a that not only Governors, but
I,B,,ccreiaries of had roved
individuals as had been alleged
-.7 the Learned .Jwlge' Advocate, tint orgars of the
cerement G-
ov expressing opiniona of Perlinment tied of the
oAr3--be had shown that, their lalq,u,g, to the lioti,e
btti,--4,s'inbiy was riot ,itegetto.c of an utimixcd
,character.
that it contained quite ;is much of commendation as o
_

censure, and totally incompatible with the belief that
those who used it could have contemplated such a proceed-
ing t-,,,ards that body.—(Hear, hear.) Sir Lionel Smith
congi ;Itul.ited the Ebtl.?C of Asi;,nibly on the Bills they had
pissed, and he congratulated them on the good fiteling
which they had evinced, while at the same time it was con-
templated to take away their Constitution ; if that were so,
he did not hesitate to say that they involved themselves in

the charge of bad faith, such as they made against the
Jamaica Legislature. If the Government had really any
intention of depriving the House of its privileges, for its
conduot during these two yeare—if he were asked whether
their conduct had been altogether justified, he would say
that they had not legislated as English or impartial men.
—(Hear, hear.) But be would ask, who in that House
was totally tree from prejudice? Had they not
heard the advocates of emancipation in that House most
properly allege that the effects of slavery on the
habits of the mind and character were malt injurious, and
that they could not expect from such pencil's total freedom
from bias. It was not, therefore, to be expected that they
would have fulfilled the expectations of the people of Euge
land. The question was this, had their conduct been
such as to justify the charge of bad faith ?—if so, why
not make-that charge, and if not, why allege the conduct
they then pursued as a justification for the present Bill.—
( Hear, hear.) If, up to 1337, there was xo ground for
such an imputation, he would venture to say, that in 1838
there was less ground than in any former period. So far
as regarded their lanp,ruage he did not want to justify them,
but as regarded their, legislative conduct it was perfectly
justifiable. They were called together in the month of
February, and it was charged against them that they had
not legislated on the Prisons Act, but in that month the
report of Captain Pringle had not been laid before them ;
that, therefore, could not be made matter of accusation
against them. Again, in June the only subject they
were told to legislate on was the Abolition Act,
and they met again in October, when these
unfortunate circumstances took place. He defied
the most ingenious person to extract anything
from that conduct which could justify the present proceed-
ing. Ile contended therefore, that there were no penal
grounds for justifying the present measure. Would any
Hon. Gentleman point out a precedent for such proceed-
ing? What was the case in Canada? In Canada the
supplies were stopped for four years together, mad then they
had not ventured to suspend the Assembly ; and that step
had not been taken until the Colony was in a state of open
rebellion. Having given the legislature no notice, he
denied that they wore in a position to proceed with
the Bill. It was irreconcileable with common or political
honesty to allow men to proceed in a certain course, which
course was to inflict upon them the severest punishment
that could be inflicted upon a legislative Assembly. The
Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had alleged that
that the Jamaica . House of Assembly had refused to
legislate at all, and if that were so their ease would be .
widely different, but be denied that such was the case.
Now that the negro man was a freeman, the master was
placed in a very different situation from the masters in
England, because whereas labour was more plentiful than
the demand in this country, in Jamaica the demand for
labour was infinitely greater than the supply. His Right.
Hon. Friend the Judge- Advocate lied shown, he was
sorry to say it of one so lately connected with the Co-
lonial Office, but he had shown flinch greater ignorance of
the Militia Law. Ha said the Governor had ne authority
to prevent the meeting of the militia, and that from such
meetings much commotion might be expected. Now the
Governor was the Captain-General of the militia, and
in that capacity could prohibit their meeting except
at such time and piece as he pleased—that right had
been often enforced by the Duke of Manchester. Then
with respect to the Vagrancy Laws, it seemed to be for-
gotten that the laws of vagrancy were in Jamaica in the
tame state of disuetude that they were in Englaud ; in

fact, that they very much re-embled them. The planters
wire the parties mot anxious to have them ehangad, and
the Executive might rely upon the assistance of the As-
sembly towards their alteration. The next point was as to
the LUX of Contracts. There was no one clt,s suffered
so mudi from the want cf such a law as the planer; nu
one so much wished for a well regulated Law of Contract
as the master. Then came the Law of Ejectment ; that
was a mAter of charge against the proprietor, whereas
the fact was that he was perfectly at the mercy of the
tenant. It was quite proper that no one should re-
quire an extravagant rent; a moderate rent ought to
be laid and ought to be paid : but it was not,
and the proprietor had no power of summary ek!et-
ment, and the consequcoca was that since the first
of August there had wet been 501. paid fur rent in Jamaica.
—( Hear.) The next point was the law of unoccupied lands.
The Hun. and Learned Member for Dublin had said that
the planters would not allow the negroes to become free-

holders. New, that merely showed that he spoke totally
unacquainted with the subject, for during the apprentice.
ship great quantities of land were broken up and sold to
the negroes. Then esme the heavisst charge of all, the
law of the franchise. Now the fact Wks, that even before
the Bill could go out there would be hundreds of the negro
population in the possession of the franchise. The period
required was twelve months, which ran from the Ist
August last. So much was that the case, that even the
Government itself, as shown in the despatches of Lord
Glenelg, were of opinion that the franchise was too wide,
and that the negro would acquire it before he had become
qualified for using it. So far as the enfranchisement of
the negro bad gone, the effect had not been to sow.
distrust, but to amalgamate the two classes. How could
those who spoke of training men to civilization by the po-
litical franchise, support such a Bill, as its effect must be
to postpone the enfranchisement of the negro for an inde-
finite period? Upon the grou id of expediency they ought
not to pass the Bill, because under the present laws the
negro population were gradually acquiring the franchise ;
if the Bill passed they would be at once let into the enjoy-
ment of it, and the consequence must be objectionable, be-
cause the black influence would be all at once thrown into
the scale against the white. By being gradual it would
be safe.—( Hear, hear.) If that Bill were passed the
negro would be acquiring land in the meantime, and at
the expiration of the term they would be thrown at once
into the scale, and the influence of the black population
would be preponderating. In order to promote the
success of the great measure of emancipation, the
Bill ought not to be passed.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
The Governor had refused the Assembly the opportunity
of voting the supplies. Jamaica had offered supplies,
and was it credible that the supplies had been actually re-
fused, in order that a new tribunal might be erected?—
( Hear, hear.) At this period—in that Parliament—in a
Reformed House of Commons, and emanating from a
Liberal Government—(Cheers)—a Bill was proposed
which refused the tender of supplies from their fellow
subjects in Jamaica, made in a constitutional mode, and
which proposed, under the pretence of necessity, to erect
a new unconstitutional supply, and a new unconstitutional
tribunal by which those supplies would be regulated. It
was because this was a penal Bill—because no charge of
misconduct nag made out by the Government—bacsuse,
on general grounds of policy, this measure was most in-
consistent—on grounds of prudence, most unexpected, and
tending to perpetuate the separation between the different
classes of the community, that he hoped a majority of that
House would not sanction it, confident as he was that if
they did, such an Act could only tend to bring the sove-
reign power of Parliamentary legislation into general dis-
credit, and to destroy the confidence of our fellow subjects
throughout the Colonial Empire.—( Loud cheers.)
Sir S. LUSHINGTON would state the reaanns which
induced him to support the I::uscrit Bill. He supported it
on the ground of imperious necessity, and for the purpose
of ensuring justice and protection to 320,000 British sub-
jects.—(Cheers.) He supported the Bill, because in his
conscience he believed that the continuance of the present
state, he would not say of law, but of misrule and dis-
order, in the island of Jamaica, was as destructive to the
great commercial and agricultural interests embarked in
that island, as he knew it to be ruinous to the peace, the
happiness, and the comfort of the mass of the community.
—( Hear, hear.) What he wanted for Jamaica was jest
and equal laws, affording to every class of her Majesty's
subjects protection to property, encouragement to industry,
and ensuring au effectual mode of obtaining payment of
wages that were earned. But as Jamaica now stood, there
was every possible discouragement to honest industry.
Before he came to .consider some of the points stated in
the debate, he owed it in justice and candour to the House
doctrine, island.
trilisntgi tuotri exel
to declare his opinion, relative to the Constitution of that
Hean Illasaohnitelliwnehdo
ought
tdtooctkrinnoew,
as
ian ec
law, that the British
Parliament had never
Por tacted directl
or indirectly with the power of legislatingf y
of Jamaica. Looking to the reign ftieothe es,
c aorudid
what was the first Act to be foundrr A British
Act of Parliament enacting that all the property
in the island of Jamaica, real and personal, shouldbe the
assets for paying the debts of all British subjects. He
would ask whether that was not an act of legislation for
the internal concerns of Jamaica. An Act afterwards passed
prohibiting the Assembly by name from passing any reso-
lution whatever, to raise money or bills of credit, of any
species or kind. Then there was the Act as to the credi-
bility of witnesses, which was also extended to Jamaica.
Certainly after this there came the disputes with the
Colonies in America. And it had been said that by the
IS Geo. 3, the Imperial Parliament renounced the right of
legislating for the Colonies. But the true construction of
that Act was, that it renouncedithe right of levying taxes to
raise money on the Colonies.—( Hear, hear.) He denied
that the British Parliament could with a just regard for
the Constitution of this country have deprived itself of
that which might be called its teenseendentel power of le-
gislating for the protection of any of their subjects in any
part of the empire.--( Hear, hear.) At the same time he
allowed that it was safer if possible to leave to the Legisla-
tote of the Colonies the management of their own affairs,
and he admitted that if he supported a measure to interfere
with that management, the onus lay upon him of proving its
necessity.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Now, Ise for one, would
support the Bill upon the preamble.—( Hear, hear.)
But because he did so was he therefore to discard all other
circumstances from his consideration?—( Hear, hew )
Was he to disregard the experience of past times—was
to shut his eyes to the extreorslioary combination of cir-
cumstances in the situation of 300,000 human beings just
liberated from slivery ?—( Hear, hear. ) But the pre-
amble stood upon necessity ; and he maintained that the
tiouse of Assembly had totally abdicated their functions
in a season of the greatest emergency —et a period e hen
they themselves had significantly exprese:d their know.
ledge of the necessity for immediate legislation.__( Hear,
hear.) They bad time given to them to consider their re-
solutiens—they again affirmed them—the House of As-
serebly. was dissolved—they had ample time afforded
•
them tolook •
to the comittionf the island, and to
ad upon them as legislators_
resume the duties imposed
the; aeain soleinrly sanctioned t ear abdication.—( Ulcer.)
had been ingeniously ar-
eed that they
0 at condition ? Why, it
g
demand the repeal of the Prisons del not eemae
B Certainly they did not in terms—but what was the
construction universally put ui'" their resolution? That
they they would not resume their functions till
Parlia-
mentßritish had abandoned a British Act. —( Hear, hear • ) They
had made a demand which neither parliament nor Govern
merit could comply with without degradation to both.
( Cheers. ) Alternatives had been spoken of. \‘:
hat al-
ternatives? Hew would the Right Hon. Baronet • • (Sir
I R. Peel) word his conciliator} frieedly :e-

solution ?—(Hear, hear.) The Assembly said, " then
suspend their legislative functions till her Most Gracious
Majesty's pleasure be made known whether her subjects in
Jamaica, now all bappdy in a state of freedom,are henceforth
to be treated as subjects, by having the power of making
laws as hitherto for their own government, or whether they
are to be treated as a conquered colony, and governed by
Parliamentary resolutions and Orders in Council, such as
the late amended Abolition Act."—( Hear, hear.) Was
the Imperial Parliament then to have a resolution inform-
ing the Assembly of Jamaica that they were not to be
governed by Parliamentary Legislation ? Were they to
repudiate the right of passing such Acts as the Amend-
ment Abolition Act, which was admitted by the Advocate
of the Colonies to be clearly in furtherance of the compact?
—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet
(Sir Robert Peel) remarkable as he was for the ex-
cess of his caution in that House, had faintly shadowed
out Ws scheme, but had forborne to specify distinctly.—
( Hear, hear.) One thing was quite plain, that although
it might be carried out by the Right Hon. Bart., it could
not by Her Majesty's Ministers.— ( Opposition cheers).
The Right Hon. Bart. had carefully endeavoured so to
frame his opposition to this measure as while receiving the
votes of his own party, to tempt those of some lion.
Members on the Liberal side of the House, who, deceived
by the character of the measure, were led away by the
delusion that it would damage the liberties of the people.
—( Hear, hear.) Now as to the previous conduct of the

Assembly, several quotations had been made to
show that the Home Government had approved of
the conduct of the Assembly. But how was it that the
amended Abolition Act passed, if not upon the ground
that the Jamaica Legislature had neglected to perform
their duty ?—( Hear.) Lord Sligo, addressing the As-
sembly, had said " the whipping of females, you were in-
formed by me officially, was practised ; and I call upon
you to make enactments to put an end to conduct so re-
pugnant to humanity, and so contrary to law. So far
from passing an Act to prevent the recurrence of such
cruelty, you have in no way expressed your disapprobation
of it."—( Hear.) Similar censure had -peen utte,ed upon
other points, and Sir Lionel Smith had characterised the
law of Jamaica as the worst of all slave colonies.—( Hear.)
The whole conduct of the Assembly, in fact, from 1634,
had tended to defeat the wishes, to destroy the hopes of the
people of England.—( Hear, hear.) Was there ever a
period in which protection to the negro had been secured in
which humanity and justice had prevailed in that colony?
--( Hear, hear.) Could he ever forget the horrors which
had been perpetrated in that Island of men sentenced to
be starved and burnt to death and all without one word
of disapprobation?-- ( Hear, hear.) Was this to be borne ?
How long were the English people to wait ? If this
measure were rejected what might be the results
before the House could he induced to perform their
duty ?—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) What was
the state of the militia ? Was the Governor to call out
the militia on the footing in which it was at present consti-
tuted, or with all the emancipated negroes? And let it
be recollected that the peace of Jamaica now depended
upon about 1,300 regular troops.—( Hear, hear.) Then
as to the law of the contracts, the injustice done by that at
present was such that even English emigrants declined to
cultivate the land.—( Hear, hear.) The state of the pri-
sons, too, imperatively called for legislation, but upon none
of these subjects would the Assembly exercise t heir functions.
—( Hear, hear.). It had been said that the Higlie of As-
sembly had consented to abolish the apprenticeship, either
from fear or generosity, and that therefore some allowance
ought to be made for them ; but the feet was that they bad
abolished the apprenticeship because they hid determined

that the anieui'leil Abolith;ri Act should not come into
ratioie_( Hear, hear.) The Assembly had distinctly
expressed their disobedience to the Imperial Legislature,
declaring the previous Act to be illegal and unconstitu-
them:l, and, by pnbbshing this declaration, bad endeavoured
to excite their fellow-subjects in the Colonies to rebellion
against the Imperial Parliament. But was the
Imperial Parliewirne in deference to their threats,
to degr'rde itself by taking a retrograde course,
which must be attended with nationaldisgraee?—(Cheers.)
It was unjust, and, as he believed, unfounded, to incul-
pate the Baptist Missionaries—he did not believe one
word of the charges which had been brought against the
Baptist Missionaries of that island.--( Cheers.) The
Baptist Missionaries had challenged their calumniators to
the proof and had there been any one specific act of im-
proper interference on their part which had been proved
to have taken place? He thought not. Many of the
negroes were still, comparatively speaking heathens, sod
what weuld they not have been had it not been for the
exertions of these Missionaries, who lied at one time been
positively forbidden the
.estates? Why, they would hare
had a whole population of heathens.—(Cheers.) Oae
Hon. Gentleman opposite had spoken of the white popu-
lation alone as consisting of 140,000; to this was to be
added the brown population, as constituting the persons of
property of the colony; and yet, notwithstanding every
person who paid taxes hsd a right to vote, the whole
constituency only amounted to 2,200 votes. He enter-
tained a serious objection to anything like a permanen
deposition of the Legislature of Jamaica, and it was with
great regret that he had heard the Right Hon. Baronet,
the Member for Tam worth, say that the great recom-
mendation of this Bill in the eyes of some of its supporters
was, that it might be of permanent duration. Connected
as he was with the Anti-Slavery body in this country he
could state that their original objection was to the mea-
sure continuing for five years.--(Cheers.( That they
were unfted as one man in an anxious with to see this
Bill passed, but for as short a period as would be consis-
tent with legislative protection to the negro.—(Loud
cheering.) He deeply regretted that the Right floe.
Gentleman should have deemed it his duty in his public
capacity to have pursued the line of conduct which he had
done.—(Cheers.) If the Government should fall in con-
sequence of this proceeding, they would fall in an attempt
to administer justice to the great body of the people.—
( Cheers.) They would fall in an endeavour to uphold
the success of that great experiment, the value and im-
portance of which to the great interests of humanity no
man could calculate.—( Cheers.) They would fail in re-
deeming the pledge of the British Pariiameot —they 1,01.11114
fall in fulfilling the wishes of the British people—(Loud
cheers)--and how would they fall, by a junction as
unnatural as it was unexpected, a junction with Hon.
Gentlemen opposite, with those Hon. Friends of his below
him, who through their love of the shadow had dropped
the substence—who forgot in lover of a Constitutional
Government that the form of Government is nothing to
the enjoyment of great rights, and that no Government
can be just in which the laws are not for the benefit of
the great bulk of the people. But if the result should
be contrary to the expectations of the Fight Hon. Gent.
what would be the state of the Island then? He felt
that the Bill was imperatively called for by the state of
society in Jamaica. He thought that it was calculated
to promote good to all parties in the Island, and should
give it his cordial support.—( Cheers.) The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheering, which
continued fee some time.)
Lord STANLEY should feel that he laboured under a
great disadvantage if in following the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman who had just sat down he were called
upon to cope with him in the discussion of abstract ques:-
tions of law, or of a question in which abstract ai:id consti-
tutional law were combined ; but much as he respected and
admired that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, nay the more
he respected and admired him, the more was ho gt ieved to
see him making use of his talents as a great constitutioral
lawyer in the British House of Parliament—(Cheers)—in
the ungracious and he trustee hopeiess task of supporting
a measure of the most arbitrary character—(Cheers)—on
denten had taken the Bill in his hand, but fearful of dis-
ttihvaet
iss;chei
ec
shs
iwtya.s_p r(rcry
he
er be theT
hpelefaloonr.tialendtYrenstr—neidr"Jerne--
cussing it on the grounds on which it had been bought
frwites6earindg—(aChßeiclilreo)r_piamitosdaitsicdusps
ground of State policy. This Bill was a Bill of Painsttnigi al tiiteso,nbutlr riftchliet'ndteoref
and Penalties. If it were not art :Act of Pains and Penal-
ties had they admitted Counsel to be heard at the bar ?
They were told they were not bound by their preamble—if
they were not bound by the preamble, why had they called
Counsel to defend the Colonists against the charges in the
preamble ?—(Cheers.) His Hon. Friend, the Judge
Advocate, had said it wee not necessary to insert all the
grounds of the Bill. He knew that in certain instances
the preamble stated, " Whereas it is expedient to alter
certain laws," but in this instance the preamble
steted it was necessary to suspend the Con-
stitution of Jamaica. He felt that this was a
Bill of indictment, which bed been doubtless
framed under the counsel, and by the ad.
vice and assistance of his Hon. and Learned Friend._
(Cheers. ) No," from Sir S. Lushington.) Did his
Hon. and Learned Friend, who was known to take such
an interest in this matter, mean to say that he bad never
been applied to for his advice or assistance in drawing up
this Bill?—("' No," from Sir S. Lushington.) Then that
argued a degree of rashness on the part of her Majesty's
Government which he could not have believed ; that with
his Hon. Friend's great legal knowledge aad constitutional
judgment, ke should not have bean consulted.—( Laughter
from the Ministerial benches responded to by cheers from
the Opposition.) He was sorry that his Hon. and LePrned
Friend should have supported this Bill on the ground he
had done. They proposed a Bill affecting the
rights of persons who knew nothing of the
feet of such a Bill being introduced, but they gave
them an opportunity of being heard by proxy before this
invasion of their constitutional rights. Therefore it was
necessary, if they msant to pass this 1311, to pass it on the
preamble, in order to let the professional adviser of absent
parties know what the charges were against which he ha.:l
to defend them. —( Cheers.) And by the preamble they
had meant to stand—by that his Hon. Friend had said the,
would stand—(Cheers)—but the preamble broke down
under them---( Loud checric,g)—and now they bad recourse
to something else.--( Continued cheering.) Tha Hon.
Member for Liskeard had said, that if the Bill stood upon
the preamble he could not give it his support.
Because the House
.of Assembly refused to take certain
steps, on account of the real or supposed bad treatment
they had received from the Imperial Government, the
House of Commons now declared that the functions of the
Assembly should be suspended for two tears. But was
that the reason the Hon. Member far L.isL,aril alleged '›
Oh, nu; he said " I am net prepared to support the Bill
bee.iuse it purposes to ste,pend the Assembly, but because
the Assembly is an oligarchical body, and I detest all
bodies of that kind. Compare the Assembly with a
number of English gentlemen, composing a Governor and
Council, and see the difference. In fact, es I never lee
ae opportunity for the overthrow of en oligarchy, I must
now upset this; and I say that at the time of the Eaten-
cipation Act rot only the Government of Jamaica, but
those of all the other colonies should have been upset,
because they are oligarchical." He (Lord Stanley) un-
derstood those grounds—he comprehended the argument
when it stated tint the safety of future Governments could
not be relied upon if the present Gevernments were
permitted to remain in their existing. position. He
had often heard Honourable Gentlemen opposite
boast that they were supporters of the Government when,
the Act for Negro Emancipation tans passed. But while
they denied that the least credit wes due to the Minister
who brought that measure in, they were read) to charge
on him, not only the defects of its first introduetion, but
els° its defects since.—(Cheers.) Ile fully concurred
with the lieu. and Learned Gentleman when he said the