The Sun.
London, England, 1839-11-09 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION.

represent value as well as gold; if gold wer
employed it would not be used, it would only reprel
sent the value of something else ; if bank notes will
serve that purpose why should they not be employed in
the place of gold ? Besides, Mr. Pitt saw clearly that
the time had arrived when it was a matter of necessity
for him to choose between two courses ; either to make
Use of the expansive currency of paper which had the
power of adapting itself to the wants of the community,
or of arbitrarily restricting the operntions of pro-
duction and trade to the limited amount by which they
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t time until the peace of 1815, a period of eighteen
years, of unprecedented expense, of unparalleled politi-
cal difficulty, with the opposition of the whole Continent
of Europe arrayed against us, the state of the country
was one of unexampled prosperity. Between 1797 and
1815, a period when paper was the currency of the
country, unrestricted and unembarrassed by the attempt
to represent it by gold, there was no money crisis. It
was not until the plan was formed of returning to what
was called " a wholesome state of circulation." that a
money crisis re-appeared. From 1816 to 1821 this
plan of returning to cash payments, or, in other
words, of attempting to represent by gold a circu-
lation which had outstripped the amount of all the
gold that could be procured from the face of the
earth, was steadily persevered in ; and with correspond-
ing steadiness the money difficulties of the country in-
creased up to 1821, when that memorable state of things
occurred which induced Lord Castlereagh to pestpone
the actual return to cash payments till 1825. What
was the effect of this postponement ? Immediately the
country began to recover itself ; confidence was restored';
trade revived ; the prosperity of the country returned ;
and Mr. Robinson, the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
was so boastful of the happy state of things, that he
gained for himself the unlucky sobriquet of " Pros-
perity Robinson," in which coOromen he delighted
for a brief period—till when ? Till 1825, when
the attempt to return to bullion payment; or
in other words, the attempt to represent the
trade and the money operations of the country in gold
which did not exist in sufficient amount to represent it,
or even partially to represent it, produced the same result
as in 1797, and as in 1821.' The next " money crisis"
was in 1837. And in this, as before, the same cause
produced the same effects. By an ingenious fiction,
the six or seven millions of gold in the Bank cel-
lars was supposed to be sufficient at any time to pay
its eighteen millions of notes, and provide also for
a country circulation of notes to the amount of
about twelve millions more. And so it was suffi-
cient, as long as the gold was not asked for ; but
when a demand for gold took place, the Bank quickly
discovered, and the public as quickly took the alarm,
that seven millions of gold were not sufficient to repre-
sent
thirty millions of paper circulation ; and then the
usual confusion began. The amount of real wealth in
the country remained as before ; but, the Bank having
reduced the amount of it's notes, and the amount of
the circulating medium being thereby reduced, there
were not adequate means of representing the transfers
of that wealth in ordinary operation. Lastly, in the
present year of 1839, the same evil principle existing,
the same evil consequence ensues.

(From the Globe.)
The riots at Birmingham and Bolton are only just
put down, and the masses in various parts of the king-
dom, where the Anti-Poor-law and Chartist agitators
had succeeded in exciting disturbance, awed into sub-
mission by the presence of a large military force. Is
this the only remedy—the only protection against re-
newed attempts at disturbance? Are we to wait for na-
tional tranquillity and "security until we have consented to
adopt the Chartist dogmas ? until we have a Parliament
elected by universal suffrage, imposing upon us laws
for establishing a minimum of wages and a maximum
of prices, dealing with the national credit on Mr,
Attwood's plan—sponging out the national debt, re-
ducing the defensive force of the country so as to
leave us at the mercy of our humblest rivals, and bring-
ing to bear on the foreign policy of this vast empire the
wisdom of legislators who, up to the period of their
election, have been employed behind a shop-counter, re-
tailing tape and calico, or weighing up ounces of tea and
pennyworths of tobacco, and after the day's dealings
dispensing Chartist wisdom to admiring artisans ? We
trust there is another alternative—an alternative, the
efficacy and practicability of which we have invariably
insisted on, and the adoption of which is not only desir-
able, but has become absolutely essential to the safety
of the country. We believe it is possible to render the
people of this country contented, even under the fluctu-
ations in their physical condition inseparable from the
changes to which a commercial people are exposed, by
raising their moral condition, and by teaching them how
inseparably the interests of the poorest arc interwoven
with every other class. IV*
would
that education
founded on the basis of religion teach the labour-
ing classes subordination to " the powers that be."
(From the Standard.)

Accnrdin to the latest accounts from Monmouth-
shire, the insurrection in that neighbourhood may he
considered as thoroughly suppressed. The organi-
zation of the insurgents, which was more perfect
than might be supposed, has been completely de-
ranged by the arrest of Mr. Justice Frost,
and the sample of resistance which his fol-
lowers received at Newport is not calculated
to encourage then to renew an attempt against the
authorities, now warned of danger and prepared to stand
on their guard. It is one of the happy securities for
public order, that as an unorganized insurrection is always
feeble, one more elaborately contrived is sure to sink be-
fore the first vigorous and successful blow struck at it
It is now pretty plain that the Chartists bare deceived
themselves by that array of force originally prepared
to deceive and intimidate the public. Frost and his
local accomplices, calculating upon their assumed
million of signatures to the People's Charter, expected
that their success at Newport and Monmouth would
serve as a signal for a general rising ; there is no reason,
however, to suppose that the event would answer these
expectations, for there is no account of preparations
elsewhere. Fortunately, however, the experiment
was not t:ied, and whatever might have been the
effect of the success of the rebels in the first in-
stance, the gallant inhabitants and troops at
Newport have taught a lesson which cannot fail to
work beneficially upon the disaffected everywhere. The
Chartists may, now know, what they appear not to have
known before, that though sometimes wayward and
sometimes passive, or sullen through disgust and resent-
ment—as they were in 1830—the great mass of the
British nation will never be themselves rebels against the
law or permit rebellion by others.

REPRESENTATIVE PEERAGE.—There arc
now no fewer than five candidates in the field for the
Representative Peerage—all " good men and true ;"
—namely, Lords Crofton, Muskerry, Lucan, Caledon,
and Blaney. Of course there will be no contest, for,
on a comparison of the respective strength of the par-
ties, the weaker will retire. Our wish shall be couched
in the language of Tom Crib's celebrated toast—" May
the best man win." We would respectfully suggest, that
it would simplify these elections very much, and prevent
all feeling of annoyance, if a standing Committee were
elected from amongst the Peers themselves, before which
not only the intentions of Noble Lords to seek the repre-
sentation should be laid, but the claims and pretensions
of the parties be also submitted ; and then the nomina-
tion and eiection would he tantamount ; and the trouble
and inconvenience of five or more (as is at present
the case) proceeding in a canvass at the same time, and
with a constituency not exceeding one hundred and fifty,
would be altogether spared.—Dublin Evening Mail.
AN OUT-DOOR PATIENT.— This morning,
about half-past eleven o'clock, a great number of persons
were assembled round the Charing-cross Hospital under
the following circumstances. It appears a horse that
had been driven by a drayman belonging to the Union
Ale Brewery of Lambeth had been very severely injured
in the nose by a cab driving against it A person who
witnessed the circumstance gravely advised the dray-
man to take his horse instantly to the Charing-cross
Hospital, where it would have instant attendance and
relief The drayenan, putting his hand to his hat and
thanking the gentleman, proceeded to the hospital forth-
with. On his arrival he pushed through the throng,
and, having gained admittance, he asked for the house
surgeon, who, on ascertaining the purport of the dray-
o
mthroughraud
atlemtuajollky ees",b.uetd but, nevertheless,
wentan's v
outside the door up the wound
(a large out across the nose) to the infinite amusement
of the by-standers.
saw
THE PARAPHERNALIA OF THE NEW MAY-
ORALTY.—The carriage of Sir Chapman Marshall, the
new Lord Mayor, is painted a rich dark lake colour,
relieved white and ornamented with gold ; the pannels
are adorned with heraldic decorations, executed in
a masterly style, with his arms in the centre, with
the City Armsand those of his Company(the Innholders)
on the quarters, with their supporters, crests, mottoes,
Sze. ; the inside is lined with rich white figured silk, the
seat cloth is of plum-coloured cloth and velvet, orna-
mented with fringe and lace, and a profusion of rich
hangers. The carriage, which is extremely handsome,
is the workmanship o Mr. Joall, of Tottenham-court-
road. The state liveries of his Lordship are of claret-
coloured cloth lined with white, and most tastefully
em-
broidered, and do credit to the skill of Mr. Crooks, of
Throgmorton-strect.
TACITURNITY OF GENIUS.—In conversation
Dante was taciturn or satirical ; Butler was silent or
caustic ; Gray and Alfieri seldom talked or smiled.
Descartes, whose avocations formed him for meditation
and solitude, was silent. Rousseau was remarkably
trite in conversation—not a word of fancy or eloquence
warmed him. Milton W 35 unsocial, and even irritable
when much pressed by the talk of others. Addison and
Moliere were only observers in society ; and Dryden
old us—"
has very honestly t My conversation is dull
and slow, my humour saturnine and reserved ; in short,
1 I am none of those who en,deavour to break jests in
company, or make repartees.