The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—Sir Roderick Murehison's address to the
British Association describing the progress of geo-
graphical discovery is almost too triumphant. There
will be very soon little left to discover. The im-
mense area of Australia has been cut across by two
great diverging lines of discovery, from Adelaide to
Van Diemen's land, and from Adelaide to the Gulf
of Carpentaria; and when Stuart and M'Kinlay
had thus opened a view through this vast continent
in the north-east and north-west respectively, the
angle of search turned round again under Lands-
borough, and bent southward from the Gulf of
Carpentaria to Victoria. The two Gregories
have actually surveyed and mapped large portions
of Northern, Eastern, and Western Australia. We
have discovered the watershed of North Australia ;
we have found vast regions of fine pasture land
in what was till lately a terra incognita, and the
interior of this new world promises boundless
agricultural wealth. The grazing grounds
of the colony of Queensland alone cover a space
twice as large as Great Britain, and large tracts,
under the active encouragement of Sir George
Bowen, promise excellent cotton. We turn to the
Old World, and to the most ancient site of empire
and civilization there. The source of the Nile
has been discovered. Can anything remain un-
discovered after the Nile has been disclosed ?
Captains Spoke and Grant reversed the line of
search, and instead of going up the Nile to
source cut right across from Zanzibar to it. They
found themselves on the margin of a great lake, and
proved its parental relation to the great river by
getting into the Nile out of it. Solvitur ambulando,
or rather navt:qando ; they first found the source,
and then obtained the evidence of it by the result ;
they let it prove itself by conducting them to a wide
stream, which took them past Karuac and landed
them at Cairo. It was what logicians call proof
by deduction, as distinguished from analysis—the
discovery of the source of the Nile by descending it
instead of ascending it. What is so remarkable, and
so. calls for our sef-congratulation, is the race of
new travellers that has sprung up of late and is
springing up every day. The new names are almost
driving out the old ones. The Mitchel's, the Eyrcs,
the Stuarts, and the Leichardts, of Australian geo-
graphical renown, have been succeeded by tleose
whom we mentioned above. Even the groat African
Barth has now his successor in Baron C. von der
Decker), who has ascended the lofty snow clad moun-
tain of Kilimandjaro,
the monarch of Eastern tropi-
cal Africa. The master is not jealous, but proud of his
disciple, upon whom his mantle has descended, and
is translating his book. The great Island of Formosa,
upon the coast of China, till late'y an unknown
inhabitant of the ocean, has had its geography
laid bare by Mr. Svvinhoe, who has made us ac•
quainted with the rich natural productions of the
island—its camphor forests, the habits, costumes,
and peculiarities of its Chinese occupants, as well
as those of thb mountaineer aborigines, the Malays.
Capt.Biakiston has charted the course of the mighty
Yaug-tze-Kiang for 1,000 miles beyond the highest
point previously reached. Mr. Osbert Salvin has ex-
amined the physical geography of Guatemala—its
virgin forests, volcanoes, lakes, and Indian remains.
And what shall we say to the Great Central &rgen-
tine Railroad of Mr. Wheelwright, which cuts
across from Buenos Ayres on the Atlantic to the
port of Caldera on the Pacific—a railroad, which
having reached Cordova and raised itself 1,300 ft.
above the river, plants itself at the foot of the
Cordilleras, at a height of more than 5,000 ft.
above the Pacific, then ascends the eastern side
of the Andes, till it reaches a height of 16,000 ft.
mounting for 136 miles 80ft. per mile, from which
height, by a descent cf 246 miles, it reaches the
shore of the Pacific ? With the exception of one
inclined plane of five or six miles this whole ascent
and descent is to be accomplished by locomotive
power. We are describing what is in prospect and
is not yet actually achieved, but Mr. Wheelwright's
railway from the Valley of Copiapo to the mineral
district of Charmacelle is now working at an ascent
of more than 200 ft. per mile, and runs its trains at
12 miles an hour. It might have been thought
beforehand that the civilisation, comforts, and re-
finements of the age would have unfitted men for a
rough and venturous life. But the heroic virtues
evidently flourish now as much as ever, as much
as they did in the age of Columbus, or even fur-
ther back in the Ihrodotean age of geography.
War is embraced as a field of action now as
ardently as ever; discovery is as great a passion as
ever. Our Captain Cooks have not ,left us ; they
rise up so thickly that we begin to tremble for
the existence of "the unknown"—that solace of
remenee and mystery ; for the continuance of any
undisclosedninvisitedo nd secluded spots in the world
which may serve fur the domain of imagination, to
picture according to her will and people with her
owu creation. Tho Nile is no longer a mystery and a
grand obscurity; no dark supernatural mist gathers
round it as it approaches its suz.iree, no cloud en-
velopes us, no dream frightens us, arsal no invisible
anger of Heaven involves our path in in!ssirkleY "
we go presumptuously to violate the sanctuary e'sr
its birth ; the Ni le is now an ordinary river like
the Thames—it riees in Lake "Nyanza, and it runs
into the sea at Al evnadria and Damietta, Human

nature, then, we say, is the same as ever; there is as
much adventurous blood as ever; there is as much
thirst as ever for uncurtaining the mysteries of geo-
graphy, and new travellers are rising up every day.
But what is to be done when no more mysteries of
geography remain for disclosure, and when the no-
ble appetite for discovery in the present generation
has left no food or material for the same passion in
its successor ? Present discovery is cutting the
throat of future, or rather starving it out by with-
drawing its subject-matter. Yet human nature will
be the same then that it is now. What shape will
the passion then assume, when it has no longer the
wide and solid earth for its domain ? There will
always be material to gratify the principal of
curiosity, the appetite for finding out a secret,
because there will always be secrets to be dis-
covered. There will be secrets of physics, secrets
of metaphysics; the former to reward research,
and the latter to baffle it. But these will give a
poor substitute for the present rough out-of-doors
employment. Even now we begin to feel this earth
rather too small, to feel ourselves too near each
other. When distance is destroyed we begin to
feel the absence of it. We are cloyed with miracles
of speed and triumphs over time and space. We
meet our friend who dined with us the other day—
a few weeks ago, we should say, at a first guess—
and find that he has been to Hongkong and back
again. The remotest skirts of earth are brought close
to our side, and a man is living with savages at the
Antipodes and in London society at once. His savage
only lends a certain charm to his fashionable life,
and the fine gentleman gains by the heighten-
ing effect of the contrast. But we need not in-
dulge in barren prophecy or gratuitous apprehen-
sions, for the world is sure when the time
comes to meet its own wants in its own way ;
and in the meantime there is something more to
do, and something yet undiscovered here and there
on the earth's surface. There are new rivers and
lakes, and gulfs and creeks, and harbours, still left.
Let us do our work in our own day, and let us con-
gratulate the scientific world that there is so much
adventurous and daring spirit which still survives
the civilisation of centuries, and that we have not
lost with all our new light the best and most valuable
characteristics of old times.

DAILY NEWS.—It is evident that nothing now
can come of the Congress of Princes at Frankfurt.
The Emperor of Austria's spirited attempt to carry
by storm a new Confederation, with himself at the
head, has failed. For the idea of forming a Ger-
man Confederation without Prussia, placing all
Germany in the hands of the two Southern Catho-
lic Monarchies, is too great an absurdity to be
thought of seriously. To constitute a German Con-
federation with Prussia at its head, and putting
Austria into the second rank, would prove equally
impracticable. The attempt, pushed to an extreme
by either monarchy, would soon overstep the limits
of diplomatic controversy, and end in an appeal to
the sword. The two contending parties would pro-
bably not demur to this kind of decision, but the
Germans would not permit it. They have no idea
of allowing themselves to b 3 offered up as a holo-
caust to the pretensions of two rival families. But
though the Germans are strong and unanimous
enough to forbid a civil war, they are not yet
strong, united, and clear-sighted enough to stand
up as a third party on a par with the contending
Sovereigns, and with power to make them submit
and agree. That time is fast coming. And the Con-
gress of Frankfort has made a great stride towards
it by awakening the German people, and display-
ing the two great German monarchs in attitudes
which neither of them would have chosen had not
circumstances forced their position upon each. The
Emperor of Austria has come forward as the cham-
pion of unity and reform, to be achieved in a conser-
vative sense, by the Princes, and by the aristocracy
of the country dominating in the local Chambers.
That such a reform will not satisfy the German
people every one knows. But still it is a great thing
to have the most conservative sovereigns in Germany
—conservative from their position and antecedents
—committed to the necessity of reform, to the expe-
diency of a German Parliament, and of a represen-
tative system for the whole Fatherland, however
restricted and at second-hand this representaticn
may be. If the Austrian Emperor has been forced
to this degree of Conservative Liberalism, a stronger
degree of coercion has been applied to the stubborn
necks of William I. of Prussia and his Minister, M.
de Bismark. Here are two choice spirits who
have been not only professing the doctrines cf
Divine Right, but practising them, setting their
Chambers at defiance, declaring they will have the
number of soldiers which pleases them, nay, will
make war, if it suits them, without caring what the
national Parliament may think or vote. These stuffed
specimens of royal and feudal insolence have been
obliged to come forward and profess the sentiments
of German patriots, and actually to entrench them-
selves against the attacks of Austria behind the
popular claims and principles of the national party-
For this the Prussian Liberals owe a deep debt of
gratitude to the Emperor of Austria, who seized
the moment when his rival had placed himself in
a false and weak position by his unconstitutional
conduct to strike a b'ow which the lesser Sove-
reigns would have been glad to see taking
effect. They hesitated, however, to support it ' • and
the King of Prussia, escaping the momentary dan-
ger, is warned how vulnerable he is if separated
from his people, and how invulnerable he is with
them rallying to his side. No other sentiment than
this caused the summons of the Prince Royal to
Gastein. But whatever the effect of these events
upon the domestic affairs of Prussia, the Government
of that kingdom, in despite of its present colour or
tendency, has been obliged to look to the German
Liberal party for support. No other, in fact, can
defend it against Austrian pretensions. And if the
House of Hohenzollern chooses to persist in a retro-
grade policy, the House of Hohenzollern goes to the
wall. The King of Prussia has, indeed, no time to
lose. We need not criticise too closely the earnest-
ness with which the Austrian Emperor has flung
himself into constitutional ways and plans for Ger-
many. A genuine Representative Assembly for
Germany would reduce Austrian influence to very
small dimensions. But Count Rechberg and his
master might allow themselves to be carried so far
in their present diplomatic campaign against Prussia
as to sanction the calling of a German Parliament
without Prussia. Although a reform reorganisation
of the Band without Prussia is impossible, still a
Frankfort Parliament without Prussia is possible,
and its existence would prove a serious obstruction
in Prussia's way. It would sorely interfere with any
efforts to reconstitute the Zollverein. It would in a
manner supersede the Diet, and by taking into its
hands the conduct of the military proceedings of the
Confederation, it would sensibly add to the present
humiliation of Prussia. Against such antagonism
Prussia can find no efficient support save in its own
Parliament and people. And this support is only to
be had either by the monarch retracing his own
steps, or abdicating, and allowing his son to do ao
in his place. A new King in accord with his
Parliament might at once become the champion of
liberal opinion in Germany in a way far different
from the shuffling and forced liberalism of a Bis-
mark. And such an appeal would be answered,
not by Prussia only, but by the majority of Ger-
mans. If Austria should go so far as to hold a Ger-
man Parliament of Delegates without the adhesion
of Prussia or sanction of the Bund, it would be open
to Prussia to call a Parliament, not of Delegates of
Chambers, but of deputies of the German people, to
meet anywhere, say at Erfurt. This would be a
serious move, no doubt, but one quite warranted by
serious provocation. And should it come to that,
we should have the great German revolution accom-
plished by the rivalry cf the great Princes, without
the people doing more than lending a willing hand,
and rising at their call. With such events as these
in prospect, such contingencies possible, the contest
going on in Germany assumes paramount import-
ance. The Sovereigns of that country have well
nigh exhausted the patience and long-suffering of
their subjects. They have now some compunctions,
and begin to show some wisdom. Let it be hoped
that when monarchies fall out honest nations will
come by their own.
HERALD.—The important business of reforming
the Federal constitution of Germany has certainly
been advanced a stage by the proceedings of the
august Conference of Princes at Frankfort: It is
something to find that the potentates, whose inte-
rests must be so various, are able to arrive at an
agreement on the many complicated matters that
have been presented for their consideration during
the last few days. Each article of the proposed
reform has been discussed and put to the vote
among them. In some instances there were many
dissentient voices, but these were overruled by the
majority, and bit by bit the details of the scheme
were accepted. Only one modification of importance
seems to have been made, and that concerns the con-
stitution of the chief governing body. It was deter-
mined, we are told, that the Directory should con-
sist of biz instead of five members. This would give
greater influence to the minor States. Three places
being filled by Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria, the
fourth would be for the Kings of Saxony, Hano-
ver, and Wurteniburg, the fifth for the Grand
Dukes, the sixth for the Dukes and Free
Towns. The important proviso in the Imperial
has also been
scheme—that Austria should preside in the Direc-
tory The Emperor of Aus-
and in the Federal Council—
accepted by the Conference.
tria represents the head of the old German Empire,
and the Act of Confederation provides already that
Austria is to preside in the Federal Assembly. But
we must not lose sight or the fact that this proposed
plan is essentially an Austrian scheme, drawn up
-Austrian statesmen, and brought for ward by au
skustrian Emperor. It is mainly by the personal
mu'oence of Francis Joseph, backed by his eloquent
persuoeivenese and conciliatory manners, that the

plan has been recommended to the Princes at
Frankfort. It is in this, however, that its weak-
ness consists. It is rejected by the democrats, cen-
sured by the professors, and found unpalatable by
Young Germany generally on account of its aristo-
cratic features. The Princes in person are to rule
in the Confederation. The Federal Council is only
an adjunct to the Directory of six. The Assembly
of Popular Delegates is to be simply a deliberative,
not a legislative body ; it is to be chosen by the
Diets, and not by direct election from the people ;
it is only to meet once in three years, and its reso-
lutions must pass through the ordeal of an Assembly
of Princes, To give the chief power to such an
assembly would be to place the German people over
the German Sovereigns, a proceeding in every way
inexpedient, and one which those Sovereigns aro
certainly not inclined to sanction. The great objec-
tion to this plan of reform is its onesidedness, its
being an Austrian scheme, and giving greater influ-
ence to the South than to the North of Germany.
The rivalry between Austria and Prussia is now
more pronounced than ever, and so long as Prussia
refuses her adhesion to it, it is difficult to understand
how any ouch alteration of the constitution of the
German Bund can pass into law, and be accepted by
Germany. If all the states but Prussia should agree
to it it would be tantamount to a splitting:of Germany
into two halves, instead of promoting anything like
political unity. All the voting and all the resolu-
tions at Frankfort are null and void in presence
of the stubborn fact that the King of Prussia,
although twice invited to the Conference, refuses to
attend it, or to have anything at all to do with its
deliberations. The memorial presented on the 3d
of August by the Emperor of Austria to the King
of Prussia at Gastein, after urging with much force
the necessity for a federal reform, admits that the
will of Prussia may legally and in fact prevent it.
But the other Princes, it is maintained, may cause
such a reform to be accepted in their states, an d
may " give the most extended application to the
right of free union." If by this it is meant that
the smaller states may become confederate with
Austria to the exclusion of Prussia, then clearly
this reform would involve the disruption instead of
the reconstruction of the present Confederation.
Nor can we believe that, even if the Princes had
been argued over into the belief that it was advis-
able for them to bind themselves together under the
leadership of the Southern power their diets or peo-
ples would ever be induced to take that view of
their interests. Such a confederation might suit
Bavaria and Wurtemburg, it would never be ac-
ceded to by any state in Northern Gernany.

Legacy to Queen Victoria—Singular Legal

Proceedings.

A singular case has just been brought before the Tribunal
of the Seine. It appears that a lady, a native of London,
who was married first to a rich English gentleman, was
married a second time to a French nobleman, Count de Silly,
She died in October last, and in her will, which contained
numerous legacies, was the following bequest :—" I bequeath
to her Majesty the Queen of England a sum of 100,000 fr.,
to be employed for the benefit of the London poor." The
several legatees and the executors wrote to the English am-
bassador to acquaint him with the fact, information of which
was in due time transmitted to her Majesty, who decided to
accept the legacy. One of the legatees then insinuated that
her Majesty should let the relatives have the money. The
English legal authorities were consulted, and they gave the
opinion that the relatives had no right to the money of
which the Queen was the sovereign dispenser, unless they
came under the category of the poor. The general legatees
then required the royal signature legally affixed to a formal
document, and they proceeded to summon the Queen to ap-
pear on the 2d of July, either in person or by procuration.
The summons was sent on the 22d June. The case then
came;before the Tribunal of the Seine, the plaintiff applying
that an order should be made for the payment of the legacy
to her Majesty's ambassador. The legal representatives of
her Majesty proceed to contend that the money should be
paid over to the ambassador, who was recognised by all legal
authorities, many of whom were quoted, as representing in
everything the person of his sovereign. A precedent was
cited, in which a legacy to the Pope of an estate had been
given over to the Nuncio after some dispute. The ques-
tion, the advocate for the Queen contended, was not one
of private law, but of international law. The advocate
on the other side maintained that the legacy was made
to the Queen as a private individual, and the intentions of
the testatrix would not be carried out unless her Ma-
jesty became personally the almoner of the sum left at
her disposal. The ambassador represented his govern-
ment, that is, the Chambers of his country, the ministry,
and the royal person ; but he could not represent one of
those parties separately from the rest. The French law
knew neither sovereigns nor ambassadors. The Queen
ought to submit to the requirements of that law, and to put
her signature at the foot of a special and authentic procura-
tion. That was the only guarantee which the legatees
could have that the sum lett had passed into the august
hands for which the testatrix had destined it.

The President of the Tribunal, M. Benoist, decided in
favour of her Majesty, saying that an ambassador repre-
sented his sovereign in a supreme degree, and that all he
said and did was substantially said and dono by his
sovereigns