The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-25 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 25, 1863.

KINAHAN'S
MUNDY.
WHISKY v. COGNAC
This celebrated Old IRISH WIIISKY rivals the finest
FRENCH 1311 Linny,
It i 4 P11:',1:„, Mild, Mellow, Delicious, and very Wholesome.
sola in Bottles, 3s. Bd., at the Retail Houses in London ; by
'-:1k; Agents in the principal towns in England ; or wholesale
at

8, GREAT WINDMILL-STREET, W.
Observe the Red Seal, Pink Label, and Cork branded
" Kinahan's LL Whisky."

TEA.—MOORE BROTHERS respectfully intl-
mate that their New Prospectus is now ready. They
especially recommend their improved Family Tea, reduced
to 38. 2d. ; Souohong, reduced to 3s. 6d. ; mixed Assam, re-
duced to 3s. Bd. ; and the finest Assam, reduced from 4s. 4d.
to 3s. lid. per lb.
MOORE BROTHERS, 35, London-bridge, City, E.C.

ALGERIAN ONYX MARBLE. Messrs.
HOWELL, JAMES, and CO., respectfully solicit an
inspecti,in of their Onyx Salon, which contains upwards of
1,00 i! objects, consisting of Clock Candelabra, Lamps,Vases,
Jardinieres, Inkstands, Pen-trays, and a variety of smaller
articles of taste, at moderate prices.

This beautiful marble is perfectly translucent, bears a very
fine polish, presents a diversity of pleasing tints, and can be
turned or chiselled into any form necessary for utility or
ornament. —5, 7,9, Regent-street, Pall-mall.

NOTHING} IMPOSSIBLE.—The greatest and
most useful invention of the day, AGUA AMARELLA.
Messrs. JOHN GOSNELL and CO., 3, King-codrt, Lombard-
street, London, Perfumers to her Majesty, respectfully offer
to the public this truly marvellous fluid, which gradually
restores the human hair to its pristine hue—no matter at
what age. The Agua Amarella has none of the properties of
dyes ; it, on the contrary, is beneficial to the system, and
when the hair is once restored one application per month
will keep it in perfect colour. Price one guinea per bottle, or
In half bottles, 10s. 6d. Testimonials from artistes of the
highest order, and from individuals of undoubted respecta-
bility, may be seen on application. Messrs. John Gosuell
and Co. have been appointed Perfumers to her Royal High-
ness the Princess of Wales.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS•

TIMER.--In course of time we may possibly arrive
at, something like general principles upon which we
may all agree to judge the spontaneous and unex-
pected acts of our army and navy on the other side
of the world. Such acts there must inevitably be, so
long as we retain the wide and spreading dominion
of commerce and arms which we inherit from our
fathers. Even with the electric telegraph it is evi-
dent that a British Admiral in the Japanese or
Australian seas will frequently have to act on his
own responsibility, and determine the precise mo-
ment when a tedious negotiation is to result in
the last appeal. We only hear when the deed has
been done and is a matter of history. Under such
circumstances there is a great and very natural
temptation to take a sentimental view of the affair,
and to blow either the trumpet of triumph and
praise, or the hardly less sonorous, though not
equally musical note of the philanthropic or saintly
objector. Everybody would read with pleasure
Lord Clarence Paget,a very handsome professional
advocacy of Admiral Kuper. His Lordship is a good
fellow, and so, no doubt, is the Admiral, and it would
be very shabby if they did not stand by one another.
The Admiral, says Lord Clire,nee, went to Kago-
sima on an errand of mercy and peace ; while dis-
charging it as quietly and civilly as he could, the affair
was precipitated by the violence of the Daimio, and
when the crews rose from dinner to point their guns
on the batteries blazing upon them, the sudden storm
and swell of the sea sent the shot and shell flying
in all directions among the rows of bamboo huts
before which the Daimio had imprudently built his
forts. So far as the Admiral was concerned, the col-

lision was inevitable, and met with the utmost consi-
deration. All this sounds very proper, and no doubt
it is the decision which the British public will have
to accept. For our part, we feel that we have to deal
with such an operation as a whole, and that cer-
tainly at the distance of many weeks and twelve
thousand miles we must be content to leave the smaller

,ncidents to the critics who deal with trifles. If we

send out the best men we can for the purpose, and

find them acting to the best of their ability, we are
bound to continue our confidence in them till we see

the plainest ground for withdrawing it. We must
pronounce a favourable judgment, if only because
we have no means of pronouncing unfavourably, and

are aware that the situation is always one of the

greatest difficulty. In this case, a Murder having
been committed, the murderers having been pro-
tected, the protector having defied both us and his
own Government, his Sovereign having been at last
reluctantly obliged to confess his inability to enforce
the law, and every stage of negotiation having been
gone through, an armed expedition is sent to ob•
tain satisfaction. The squadron finds immense pre-
parations made to deteat it, the natural difficulties
considerable, and these difficulties suddenly aggra-
vated by a storm. The question really was whether
the squadron should accomplish its task as well as it
could, or retreat if it could without striking a blow,
leaving the rebellious harbourer of the murderers to
proclaim a victory, to double his preparations, and
wait for more chances in his favour. The Admiral

took possession of the steamships prepared agains
us, and after that had no alternative but to proceed
vigorously by the rules of war in such cases. Being
attacked, he had to defend himself, and did no more
than destroy his prizes and silence the hostile bat-
teries—if, indeed, he did not silence them entirely,
for that is denied by the enemy. It seems to us
frivolous to divide such a work into so many sue•
cessive stages and particular incidents for the pur-
pose of showing either that the work was done as
well as possible or not so well. No course of action
in the world will stand that test. Nobody charged
with a difficult responsibility ought to be required
to defend every particular step in a complicated
operation, for in a succession of difficulties it is in-
human to expect that every difficulty has been met
with infallible wisdom. Jurisprudence, legislation,
and:government have all their difficulties and draw-
backs, even though they have days, weeks, years,
generations at their command,—even though men
may sleep over them, take them up and lay them
down
sons. anAdftertakaell them up again, live through
them,
and hand them down to sons and sons'
of civil life are done with perfect wisdom and entire
success We cannot apply a more stringent criticism
to the actions of
men whow h cano, in saa t
an entirely
h t thesenew affairs
situa-
tionat the other end of the world, find themselves
pitted for life and death with unknown swarms of a
strange enemy, and have to negotiate, to fight, to
conquer, to perish, or to fly, all in the space of two
or three hours. A minute or two is all the time
which the exigency will allow for the most momentous
deliberation, and it is on a rising sea, in blinding
rain and wind, and under a shower of missiles„ the
commander of the little squadron has to make deci-
sions which Mr. Cobden pulls
to pieces over a lib-
rary table, and others wilt undertake to prove the
perfection of wisdom, if not matter of positive congra-
tulation. The truth is we have only just arrived at
the substance of this shadowy realm which has so
long mocked all the efforts of curiosity and commerce.
Our treaty with the supposed Central Government
turns out to be worth very little, that Government
being incompetent and illusory. Its engagements
have only led to a further collision with the real
heart and core of the Empire, the feudal chiefs who
appear to possess the country with an overgrown
pomp and an utter selfishness worthy of an irrespon-
sible and rebellious aristocracy. The Central Govern-
ment by Tycoons, of which we have heard so much
from our childhood, turns out a political fiction for
the apparent responsibility of duties which the real
possessors of the country only discharge as they
please. What we had brought to terms previous to
this affair is as much a sham as the paper walls of
Chinese warfare. We are now face to face with the
reality
of government and power. No wonder that
the collision has been serious. But we may and must
protest
n
againstsanunfortunate theoollisio
Collision
resultbeing o
treated
noepacterdanl
saa
indis-
cretion, national arrogance, and professional mereover-
zeal. accident,-
zeal. It was certain to come some time or other, as
asby ws
sailing
lei
nreg
overto r etahceh
sthhoealst etrhr
aat
firma
m uolfa tae
cneorntnati
rny
before its harbours. In the case of Japan there
azditstbilelinisg, the disposition
inferred that ourposition to exclude
aandlw always w
insultas
n
presence will be dangerous to the pret • ensions of
men who stand by brute power and act accordingly.
The Japanese Princes rule a nation of clever in-
genious, and useful slaves. They know well their
own fate if these slaves should be infected with the
leaven of European civilisation. Their fears are not
without reason, but it is too late to exclude us.
They must now be held to the treaty made in their
behalf for the admission of the rest of mankind to
the ordinary privileges of humanity.
POST.—Whatever may be the decision that Aus-
tria and Prussia may take with reference to the
personal claims of Prince Frederic of Augusten-
burg, it cannot be too strongly pointed out that they
form but one out of many elements of which the
complex Holstein question is composed. On this
head there appears to be a remarkable confusion in
the public mind. There was a Holstein question
before the claims of Prince Frederic were put for-
ward, and there still would be a Holstein question
if his pretensions were to be now universally repu-
diated. Peace or war between Germany and Den-
mark depends, therefore, not so much on any deci-
sion which the two great German Powers may take
with reference to this pretender to the throne of
the three Duchies, but on the spirit of moderation
or violence -which may mark their counsels on

the whole question. For example, Austria and
Prussia being already committed to the Treaty of
1852, it would be extremely difficult, at the least,
for those Powers to commence hostilities with
Denmark on the avowed ground of supporting the
House of Augustenburg ; although the intelli-
gence of our correspondent at Paris, as will be seen
in another column, is that they have actually
adopted the pretensions of Prince Frederic. But
there would still remain the question of the alleged
infraction of her engagements by
Denmark in hol-
stein and Lauenburg ; and the new question started
only a week ago, of the incorporation of Schleswig
into the Danish monarchy, by virtue of the common
constitution granted on the 18th inst. to Denmark
and Schleswig. It is difficult to suppose that a
Federal invasion, to which Austria and Prussia
should be parties, would openly bear the character
of an act designed to violate the Treaty of
1852 ; but it is not so difficult to entertain the
contingency of an invasion, under a specious as-
sumption of Federal prerogative, which should
at last have the result of enforcing the claims
of the present pretender or some other play-
thing in the hands of the Frankfort Diet.
Thus we learn that the Courts of Vienna and
Berlin have already delivered a protest to this
Federal body against the common constitution just
granted to Denmark and Schleswig. This act of
Christian IX. they resent as a violation of German
rights, inasmuch as they claim Schleswig as an ap-
panage of Holstein, and disavow its constitutional
connection with Denmark. Independently, more-
over, of this new grievance, there were, as we all
know, anterior grounds of complaint on which a
Federal execution in Holstein, and not improbably
aninvasion of Schleswig also, was designed before
the recent death of Frederic VII. If, therefore, the
Germans now resolve to invade Denmark in earnest,
it is with them rather a case of an embarrass de
rzehesse as to which pretexA they shall adopt, than
one in which they are absolutely driven upon an
outward adoption of that eapat mortuum the Prince
of Augustenburg. King Christian himself, although
acting with rectitude and boldness, appears to have
felt the full force of the danger he was incurring at
the hands of Germany in adopting the new consti-
tution ; and, whatever may be the ultimate accep-
tance or rejection of the claims of Prince Frederic,
isit
already apparent that Austria and Prussia per-
ceive that this new grievance affords them the ad-
vantage of a pretext on which they have in no way
committed themselves. Meanwhile, there is too
much reason to apprehend that the temper of the
Germ an and Holstein people will urge them to acts
of vioience, unless this movement is repressed by an
administrative rigour of which, in Germany at least,
there is at present no indication ; but, unfortunately,
altogether the reverse. In Holstein there is already
a civil mutiny. Nearly all the officials have de-
clared against King Christian ; and the deputies,
dislodged from their treasonable meeting at Kiel,
have already gone to breathe a freer air at Frank-
fort. On the German side of the frontier a branch
of the National Vercin has already declared the
necessity of dethroning the Danish Monarch in the
three Duchies claimed by the Prince of Angus-
tenburg ; and the number of German Grand
Dukes who are thronging to his standard is in-
creasing. Public meetings are everywhere foment-
ing this agitation; and it bids fair to become a
serious question with the German Sovereigns
whether they will not be incurring greater danger
from their own subjects in restraining themselves
from an invasion than from the foreign Powers
who might present themselvea as the allies of Den-
mark. There appears to be little doubt that King
Christian will be obliged to maintain his rights
against the Holstsiners by vigorous measures, as
well as against the Germans. Impelled by revolu-
tionary influences from the left bank of the Elbe,
the Holateiners appear as though nothing but mili-
tary force would restrain them from open rebellion.
If we consider what the force of the enthusiasm in
behalf of an invasion of the Danish dominions
already is throughout Germany, we may well ima-
gine how it will be intensified by the not improbable
spectacle of an active conflict between the King of
Denmark and his Holstein subjects. If the German
Governments shall then pretend that they are led
on by the force of the public will to actual warfare,
that plea, far from being entertained as any defence
of the fatal course they may then have assumed, will
reflect upon them the severest moral censure for
having failed to restrain the enthusiasm of the
public while it was yet possible to do so. But
whether Austria and Prussia shall openly adopt

. _
the pretensions of the Prince of Augustenburg, or
whether they shall fall back upon other pretexts
for an invasion of Holstein—which, whether it ex-
tend to Schleswig or not, can now be nothing less
than a war with Denmark both at sea and by land
—they may be certain that the Western Powers
will stand by the Convention of 1852, and they
will feel equally bound in honour and by policy to
defend Denmark in the trying situation in which
she will then be placed. It is therefore for the
Germans to bear in mind that the danger as well as
the responsibility, of the situation rests with them-
selves rather than with the Danes.

THE SCILLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION,

The protest of Denmark against the motion of the
Envoy of Baden :
" The Envoy is obliged to energetically protest,
in the name of his Government, against all the pre-
tensions of the members of the ducal line of Augus-
tenburg to the succession in the Duchies of Holstein
and Lauenburg, these pretensions being utterly -de-
void of foundation. The Envoy hastens to add—
with the view of meeting, once for all, any eventual
pretensions of this kind—that Duke Christian
Augustus of Augustenburg, by an act of the 30th of
December, 1852, has given to the royal Government
the assurances set forth as follows in Articles 2 and
3 :--

wish
hollitoaojueursetogyfu
", 2. Further, we not only engage ourselves by
this present in so far as concerns our person and
our family to establish henceforth our domicile
without the limits of the kingdom and country of
course understood, we
a ,3. We solemnly
your royal a country in which, it is of
iaredaunkya,rfeoarl
ueastaanted;
obuurt
family,
declareand
and
p descendantspromise,
i.ae,
,oneithern o
u r
disturb or etwotionrudnnodarenrwdtake nothing which may
oppose im-
peril
taken,
ao
kf e n ,
the kingdom and country
alsotheordlner ofno
succession manner
it.
no
of your Majesty, and .
or to be taken, by your
royal Majesty relative to
the countries actually united under your sceptre, or
the eventual organisation of the Danish monarchy.'
" The Envoy may further refer to the treaty
passed in London, May 8, 1852, between all the
great Powers, with the intention of preservi •
ng the
peace and integrity of the Danish monarchy, which
treaty regulates the order of succession -
in this
monarchy. The two great German Powers took
part in the conclusion of this treaty, which is the
result of the most conscientious examination of all
the questions implicated in the order of succession.
Several German Governments have adhered to this
treaty, and if others have had scruples in antici-
pating the decision of the Germanic Confederation;
almost all of those which have declared themselves
on this subject have expressly recognised the legi-
timacy and opportuneness of the conclusion of this
treaty for the purpose of maintaining the peace and
equilibrium of Europe, and they are satisfied with
the execution of the treaty.
"The Envoy, in protecting in the most formal
manner the rights thus originating, and all the
other rights of his very august Sovereign, reserves
himself the right of making ulterior declarations in
the name of his Government."
The protest of Denmark against the motion of
Oldenburg, Anhalt, and Schwarzburg is as follows ;
" DENMARK FOR. HOLSTEIN AND LAUENEURG.
"The Envoy, while referring again to his decla-
rations, protests, and reserves made during this
session, sees himself obliged to bring up specially
the circumstance that the motion submitted to the
High Assembly has been presented by the repre-
sentative of a Government which has expressly
adhered to the treaty of London of May 8, 1852,
and Whose Sovereign by an act emanating from him
directly, datedgareh 28,1854, clearly and with ev ay
requisite informality r,:quounced his eventual rights
—rights, moreover, which were always denied by
Denmark—to the succession in the Dachy of Hol-
stein, and that in favour of I,..`ie actual reigning
cendan to
marriage King Christian IX., and of his le des
m
issuing in direct line from his .4" '*li Queen
iage wt..
Louise."

The protest of Denmark against the acceptance I Mar.,

by the Envoy of Baden of the part of Plenipoten-
tiary of the Duke of Augustenburg :

"DENMARK FOR HOLSTEIN AND LAUENBURG.

" The Envoy is obliged to protest solemnly here,
and now in the name of his most high Government,
agait.st the acceptance of the plenipotentiary of a
prince whose claims to the succession in the Duchies
of Holstein and Lauenburg are completely void of
foundation. While doing this the Envoy expressly
refers to the declarations to be afterwards formu-
lated in the course of to-day's session."

Protest of Denmark relative to the declaration
of the grand-ducal and ducal houses of Saxony,
especially of Saxe-Coburg :
" DENMARK FOR .HOLSTEIN AND LAUENBURG.

" The Envoy, referring to the declarations and
reserves which he made on the subject of the motion
of the grandolucal Envoy of Baden, takes the
liberty of calling the attention of the Germanic
Diet to the disastrous consequences which might
result from the non-admission to this high assem-
bly of the representative of his Majesty the King of
Denmark, as a member of the Germanic Confede-
ration, after the King of Denmark has assumed the
reins of Government in his countries which are
part of the Germanic Confederation. Conse-
quently the Envoy is obliged to protest solemnly
against the proposed exclusion."
The Cologne Gazette says :—" The question of
Lauenburg offers certain difficulties. This duchy,
which formed part of Hanover since 1689, was
ceded by Hanover to Prussia in virtue of a treaty
of May 29, 1815, and by another treaty of June 4
in the same year Prussia ceded the duchy to Den-
mark in exchange for Swedish Pomerania and the
Island of Rugen. In all these acts all the rights
and privileges were reserved to the country
as well as the male succession founded on the ancient
German right. At present, it is true, the male line
reigns in Denmark in virtue of the protocol of Lon-
don ; but if this document did not exist the throne
would have been inherited by the female line, a line
which could not succeed in Lauenburg, because in
all cases the rights of more ancient branches, and
especially those of the Augustenburg branch, should
be asserted."

New Zealand Despatches.

(From the Gazette of last night,)
WAR-OFFICE, NOV. 2L

The Secretary of State for War has received
despatches from Lieutenant-General Cameron,
C,8., commanding the troops in New Zealand, of
which the following are copies:—
Head-quarters, Queen's Redoubt,
Aug. 31, 1863.
My Lord,—l have the honour to report that I
have not been able to undertake any operation of
importance since the date of my last despatch.
Having received intelligence that a body of in-

surgents had collected at the villages of Paparoa
and Pttparata, about 14 miles to the east of our
position on the Koheroa, I marched a force of about
700 men there on the night of the Ist August, with
the intention of surprising them ; but on reaching
the villages we found them deserted, the natives
having retired into the dense bush behind them,
which is of such vast extent that it would have been
useless to have followed them into it.
I herewith inclose a report which I made of this
movement to his Excellency Sir George Grey.
On the 14th August I advanced the head-quarters
ofothheerolalit to Regiment from our first position on the
K e one about four miles up the Waikato,
close to the Whangamarino, a small tributary of the

former river.
About two miles higher up the -Waikato, and on
the same bank, at a place called Meri-meri, the
Waikato tribes and their allies are assembled in
considerable numbers, under William Thompr
one of their principal chiefs, and have posted them-
selves on a height commanding the river, which
they have fortified with much skill and care.
This position is one of great natural strength, as a
force attacking it by land must advance along a
narrow strip of scrub and bush, until it reaches the
foot of the position; or, if the attack be made by
water, the force must be landed out of boats imme-
diately under the fire of several lines of rifle pits.
There is no point on the bank of the river from
which the position can be shelled with effect.
I consider it would not be prudent to attack
under these disadvantages without the aid of artil-
lery, and I have therefore ordered four cargo boats
to be fitted to carry an Armstrong gun in each ; and
I intend to defer the attack until they are ready.
when I hope the iron steamer will also have arrived
from Sydney.
Working parties of civilians and soldiers have
been employed for some time past, at the expense
of the Colonial Government, in clearing the bush
on each side of our line of communication, in order
that our convoys may pass with greater safety.
When finished I hope to reduce the strength of the
escorts and of the posts along the road, which entail
very severe duties upon the troops, and diminish
the force available for active operations.
On the 26th inst. one of these working parties
which, contrary to orders, had no covering party
for its protection, was surprised by a large body of
natives, and lost two men killed and 21 stand of
arms, five of which were afterwards found in the
bush. The report of this occurrence, which I for-
warded to his Excellency Sir George Grey, is
enclosed.
Nothing of consequence has taken place in the
other provinces of the Northern Island.--I have, &c.,
(Signed) D. A. CAMERON, Lieut.-General.
The Right Hon. the Secretary of State for
War, &c., London.

Headquarters, Queen's Redoubt, Aug. 3, 1863.
Sir,—I have the honour to inform your excel-
lency that on the night of the Ist inst. I left the
Queen's Redoubt with a force of 700 men, including
a party of seamen and marines of her Majesty's
steamer Harrier, for the purpose of reconnoitring
the villages of Paparoa and Paparata, where I had
reason to believe that a large body of rebels had
collected; Captain Sullivan, commanding her Ma-
jesty's ship Harrier, accompanied the force.
After a fatiguing night march, the last mile of
which was through very high and thick scrub, we
reached Paparoa at daybreak, and found it entirely
deserted, though it had evidently been recently l
oc-
cupied, and I have little doubt that the natives he
received some notice of our movements.
After searching this village, we proceeded along
a bush track, which I was afterwards inferined led
ata.
to Hanrake, having missed the track to P.aPa on
Some natives, concealed so far within tho bush r
Lied fire on
our right as to be perfectly invisible, °Pe
idier of the 12th
the leading files, and wounded a o°‘
Regiment. We replied to their fire for some time,
bush and scrub
but as, from the character of the
within reach of
near it, it was impossible t° gitet
advisable to lose
them, and I did not con%
I withdrew the force
time in searching for a track,
on the part of the
leisurely, without any attempt t
natives to follow us.
When we had reached the open ground a large
body of natives came down from the ranges, and,
joining the party
in thebush, tommenced a rapid
and continuous fire of musketry in the most absurd
manner, as though they had been closely engaged
with an enemy, although at that time
we must have
been fully a mile and a half from them.
The troops returned to the Queen's Redoubt about
three o'clock in the afternoon, having been under
arms since half-past seven the previous evening, and
having marched nearly 30 miles.

I have every reason to be satisfied with the cheer-
ful manner in which this arduous duty was per-
formed by the troops, and with the conduct of all
the officers and men composing the force, puticu-
larly of the detachment of the 12th Regiment, under
Miller, for the bold and intelligent manner