The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-28 00:00:00

when the Westminster authorities would conduct
the royal party to Paddington,
Mr. Reed, chief constructor of the Navy,
was called to the bar to answer for having in-
fringed the privileges of the House by sending an
improper letter to Sir F. Smith. Mr. Reed ap-
peared accordingly, and, having made an ample
apology, was directed to retire, when Sir F. Smith
moved that the apology be accepted and the matter
dropped.
On the order for going into Committee of Supply,

Mr HENNESSY moved an address to the Crown, to
the effect that the coLditions of the Treaty of
Vienna had not been fulfilled by Russia. The hon_
member made a powerful speech on the position
of the Poles and the, infraction of the treaty, and
concluded by saying that he did not wish for armed
intervention, but that the Powers of Europe who
were parties to the Treaty of Vienna, and the Su-
blime Porte, should insist on its fulfilment. One
Queen's messenger from the Foreign-office to Vienna,
St. Petersburg, or Constantinople, would be worth
100,000 foreign bayonets to the Poles. Poland was
able at the present moment to restore her indepen-
dence if they only showed their sympathy.

Sir DE LACY EVANS seconded the motion.
Mr. NEWDEGATE opposed it on the ground of in-
discretion.

Mr. BUXTON denounced the conduct of Russia,
and thought that England should not be silent.
He also condemned the conduct of the King of
Prussia. Mr. MILNES expressed his sympathy
for the Poles, and remarked that the French
people were so deeply interested that they were
ready to second their Emperor in any measure he
might take on behalf of Poland, even an appeal to
arms. He thought England should address Prussia
in the language of moderate remonstrance, and
Russia in a tone of just and manly indignation.
Mr. WALTER thought the terms of the address
should not be employed unless we meant to sup-
port them by arms. Mr. DENMAN agreed in this
view, and thought the hands of the Government
should not be tied by any resolution. Lord FER-
MOY thought the Government should act vigorously
and promptly to secure for Poland the rights gua-
ranteed to her by the treaty of Vienna. The con-
duct of Prussia was disgraceful. She was playing
the game of Russia, and " holding a candle to the
devil." If England, France, and Austria, joined
in a remonstrance to Russia, much good might be
effected.

Mr. FITZGERALD cordially supported the motion
and remarked upon the open expression of sym-
pathy with Poland on the part of the French
press as a proof of the sentiments of the Imperial
Government. Mr. STANSFELD thought the Poles
had no choice but to rise, and believed the settle-
ment of their claims indispensable to the peace of
Europe.

Lord R. CECIL remarked on the unanimity of
the House on the question, and should vote for the
motion, not only from deep sympathy with the
Poles, but from a wish to vindicate the honour of
England.
Sir H. VERNEY hoped much from a combined
effort on behalf of the Poles, and thought the Go-
vernment should take a decisive course.

Sir M. FARQUHAR, Mr. GRANT DUFF, Mr.
GRIFFITH, Mr. SEYMOUR, and Mr. MAGUIRE
warmly expressed their sympathy with the Poles,
and their indignation with the Governments of
Russia and Prussia.

Mr. WALPOLE said that there was the greatest
possible unanimity of sentiment in the House, but
considerable difference of opinion as to the course
to be pursued. He thought they should not weaken
the effect of their unanimity by anything like divi-
sion, and that if the Government were pre-
pared to echo the sentiments of the House, the mat-
ter might safely be trusted in their hands.
Lord PALMERSTON said he could raise no objec-
tion to the manner in which the matter had been
brought forward, and with regard to himself could
only say that he retracted nothing he had previously
said or written on the subject. He was in-
clined to think and to hope that the more
important parts of the convention between Russia
and Prussia would not be carried out. He believed
the Emperor of Russia to be a kind hearted man,
with good intentions towards his Polish subjects,
but the conscription was an act entirely foreign to
his general disposition. It was a most barbarous
proceeding—a cruel piece of political tyranny, and
there was no wonder that the Poles took arms to
resist it. He thought that the Emperor Alex-
ander must see that military success in the
contest against the Poles would be a signal cala-
mity. His own interest pointed to an act of
generous amnesty, and the re-establishment of
those institutions given by Alexander 1.
The Treaty of Vienna gave us a right
to interfere, but imposed on us no obligation.
He thought the best course for the interest of the
cause which they all had at heart was to content
themselves with letting the unanimous expression
of their sentiments go forth to the world, and leave to
the responsible Government of the country the dis-
cretion of advising the Crown how to act, resting
assured that the Government fully shared the sen-
timents of the House.

Mr. DISRAELI remarked upon the changes which
had taken place in Europe since the partition of
Poland, and reminded the House of Lord Castle-
reagh's wish to restore that kingdom. The
position of England, France, and Austria,
had greatly strengthened since then, while Russia
was no longer what she was. He thought England
was bound by moral obligations by the Treaty of
Vienna. He thought there !was no fault to be found
with the wording of the address, and hoped the
hon. member would not weaken its language, but
his own opinion was, that having originated a dis-
cussion which proved there was but one opinion in
the House, the chief object had been attaiued. He
could not help hoping that there was now
a chance of Lord Castlereagh's wishes being
fulfilled, for not or ly 'were the relative
positions of the great European Powers much
changed, but in Poland herself the outbreak was
not the result cf foreign emissaries or local faction.
it had all the elements of a sacred cause—the love
of country, the memory of the past, and, he hoped
and believed, the inspiration of ti triumphant
future.
After a few words from Sir R. CLIFTON and Mr.
WYLD,
Mr. HENNESSY withdrew his motion.

The debate on the second reading of the Tobacco
Dutief! Bill was resumed, but after some discussion
and two divisions, it was adjourned until Monday.
The other business being disposed of, the House
adj ourned shortly after one o'clock.

The British House of Commons gave last night
full and unanimous expression to the sentiments of
the people. It was felt that such an expression
was called for by the aspect of affairs—that it was
not enough in the present conjuncture for the
Ministry to give a brief answer to a hasty question,
or even to remonstrate with the heads of foreign
embassies on the conduct of their Governments.
It was not enough for the English press,
without one dissentient, to declare its indig-
nant sympathy with the cause of oppressed
and outraged nationality. The great assembly of
popular representatives had yet to raise its voice—
a voice that has before now shaken thrones and
remodelled empires. It will afford heartfelt satis-
faction to the great body of the public to witness
the hearty and honest expression of genuine Eng-
lish feeling which took place last evening within
the walls of Parliament. From the projector of
the motion, through every varying shade of
political creed and party, to the head of
her MAJESTY'S Government, and) the eloquent
leader of the Opposition, there might be variations
of tone, of feeling,
resentment Gll
of opinion, but the keynote was
the
same—profound
againsta t h yR
Russian
siitahn
the
tyranny Poles—
indignant
s y
and
Prussian connivance—and
an
full weight of English influence
into the scale on behalf of Polandearnest wish that the
should be flung
. Some members
even took a sterner tone, an— the ib
CZAR may learn
from hints dropped in several of the speeches that

there are members of the British Senate who contem-
plate the possibility of being driven to support their
principles with the sword. As yet, however, we may
hope that such a catastrophe as a European war
may be avoided, although as misfortune is better
than a crime, even such an alternative would be
preferable to weakly standing by while a gal-
lant people are crushed down by a ruthless despo-
tism. We have had cause to rue the criminal apathy
of former generations who tacitly countenanced the
injustice when—

t‘ Sarmatia fell, unwept without a crime."

One of the very Powers who profited by the fatal
partition expressed on the very deed a token of re-
morse. The Empress MARIA THERESA of Austria,
who had herself suffered sorely from the greed of a
neighbouring Power, and had seen one of her
fairest provinces torn from her kingdom, wrote the
testimony of her feelings regarding the partition,
which was quoted by Mr. HENNESSY last
night : "Placeat, because so many great
and learned men will have it so; but long
after I am dead and gone people will see
what will happen for breaking through every.
thing holy and just." So late as 1831 the Emperor
of AUSTRIA on his deathbed sent a message to the
Polish Envoy, expressive of his 'willingness to
restore the province of Gallicia, provided it did not
fall into the hands of Russia. The present attitude
of Austria with respect to the Poles is therefore not
so surprising as if we only regard it in comparison
with her conduct towards Hungary. The Treaty
of Vienna, bad enough in some respects, placed
the Poles in a very different position from
that which Russia has since compelled them
to occupy. After the Treaty was signed the
Emperor of RUSSIA said to the Poles, " You have
received a constitution, the preservation of the
Polish language in public enactments, the restora-
tion of public appointments to Poles, freedom of
commerce, and a national army." How many of
these pledges have been kept ? Witness the long
course of oppression on the one hand and despairing
resistance on the other. Witness the cruel
midnight conscription which so strangely ful-
filled the promise of a national army. Well might
our present Premier declare that perhaps the
greatest violation of a treaty which had ever taken
place in the history of the world was that which
took place with regard to Poland. The passage
cited from Lord PALMERSTON'S despatch written in
1831, in answer to a proposal made by the Govern-
ment of Louis PHILIPPE to interfere on behalf of
Poland, is less satisfactory. He said that the con-
duct of Russia towards England was that of a good
and faithful ally, and that, therefore, the British
Government could not interfere. Such reasoning
lost sight of those broad principles of truth
and right which are the only sure guides
for statesmen us for men of lesser degree; but either
the times or the man have changed since those days,
for Lord PALMERSTON did not hesitate last night
in his place in Parliament to express himself with
a decision and honesty befitting an English Minis-
ter, and to declare on the part of the Govern-
ment that they fully shared the senti-
ments expressed with such singular unani-
mity by all parties in the House. He
has pledged the Cabinet to action on behalf of
Poland, and will certainly have to account to an
indignant Parliament if England does not take a
prominent part in remonstrating with the SZAR.
The language of the noble lord last evening, how-
ever, leads us to hope that Poland will not bo left
altogether unfriended. It was honest and manly
and worthy of a British Minister. His denuncia-
tions of the barbarous conscription will reach the
Cabinet of St. Petersburg, and show the Ministers
of the CZAR that the leaders of the English people
feel it their duty to their country and themselves to
express their abhorrence of such acts. Lord PAL-
MERSTON showed his usual happy tact in his ready
adoption of the prevailing sentiment of the House
and the people, and so frank and decided was the
expression of his views, that we do not wonder the
members consented to leave the matter in his hands.
We trust he will prove worthy of their confidence,
and evidence his sympathy by prompt and decided
remonstrance. He is certain of support from the
French Government, for attention was drawn to the
remarkable outspokenness of the Parisian journals
on the affairs of Poland, as a proof positive of the
inclinations of the Imperial Government. It needs
little acquaintance with the system of French Go-
vernment to know that such language as that
held by the Parisian organs could never have been
entered upon had not the Imperial sentiments been
favourable to the cause. The risk, then, for Eng-
land is trifling. However decided the attitude she
may assume, there is no doubt but that France
will second her, but whatever the consequence or
the possible result, we trust no Englishman would
shrink from the responsibility of making an indig-
nant protest on behalf of the Poles at Sz. Peters
burg. The position which England occupies in
the affairs of Europe entails upon her duties
as well as powers, and if we neglect the
fulfilment of the one we have no right to count
upon the maintenance of the other.

Not less satisfactory in its tone than the speech
of the Premier was the address of the leader of the
Opposition. After commenting on the changes
which had taken place in the face of Europe since
the partition of Poland, and more especially those
changes produced by the modern ALEXANDER, he
reminded the House of the policy of a former
British Minister, who was the first to counsel the
restoration of Poland as the only security
for European peace. After declaring our moral
obligations to support the claims of Poland to the
privileges guaranteed to her by the Treaty of
Vienna, the right hon. gentleman concluded by ex-
pressing in language that could not be mistaken his
sympathy with the principles of that insurrection
which may now be called a revolution.
The eloquent words in which one of the foremost
statesmen of England expressed his conviction that
the present movement did not owe its origin to the
exertions 'of foreign emissaries, or the influence of
local faction, but to the love of country, the recol-
lection of a glorious past, and the inspiration of a
triumphant future, will find an echo in the hearts
of the Poles, and startle the evil counsellors
of the CZAR. They will learn that how-
ever parties or politics may fluctuate—how-
ever Cabinets may change or remodel, English-
men of all classes have but one creed—one sentiment
on the broad
principles of truth and justice. What-
ever change the present session may bring, whatever
the support or opposition of the Courts of Europe,
the voice of a free people will be raised to remon-
strate fearlessly with unscrupulous oppression, and
he is a rash potentate and a reckless statesman who
refuses to hear its warnings.

It is very satisfactory to notice that the ex-
tremely objectionable arrangements which had
been proposed in the plan of the Royal Procession
have been given up, and that now we may look
forward to something more in keeping with the
entrance into the metropolis of the future King of
England and his bride. The Ministers in this
instance have displayed an extraordinary want of
tact and bad taste which it will be long before
they efface from the public mind. It is
rumoured in `veil-informed circles that the highest