The Sun.
London, England, 1830-09-22 00:00:00

• would have derived from success, might have ren-
dered a retreat impossible. The blunder committed
was in effecting, with a certain loss, what might
have been obtained without any risk.
" Suppose that you had not advanced to the attack (pur-
sues Sir Thomas), but remained under arms, after recon-
noitring at long shot distance, I am convinced that the
..nemy would have decamped in the night; and as you
could have instantly followed them, they would have been
Aliged to leave all, or most of their guns behind. If they
ventured to keep their position, which seems to me in.
credible, the result would have been equally favourable;
you might have attacked them in the course of the night ;
their artillery would have been of little use in the dark;
it:would have fallen into your hands, and their loss of
men would very likely have been greater than yours. If
they determined to attack you in the morning, so far as I
can judge from the different reports that I have heard of
the ground, I think it would have been the most desirable
event that could have happened ; for you would have had
it in your power to attack them, either in the operation
of passing the river, or after the whale had passed, but
before they were completely formed. They must, how-
ever, have known, that Stephenson was approaching, and
that he 'might probably join you in the morning; and this
circumstance alone would, I have no doubt, have induced
them to retreat in the night."
Colonel Napier, also, in his admirable History of
the Peninsular ar, while he does justice to his great
qualities, does not scruple to point out very frankly
the mistakes into which he fell—some of them
by no means trivial ones. But we have never
understnod that the Duke took these strictures amiss.
But, ready to submit his military conduct to criticism,
in politics, ii. which one would naturally suppose lie
might be a little more suspicious of his merits, he
will not brook any contradiction. This is the rock
on which he splits. Notwithstanding the formi-
dable array of names said to be hostile to Administra-
tion, notwithstanding the somewhat ostentatious
enumeration of great Aristocratic families which
withheld their confidence from him—were he able
to form a correct estimate of himself, and to under-
stand the true nature of his situation, lie might stand
his ground. He forgets that Parliament is a popular
assembly, to manage which requires experience of
business, character, talents, and the power of debat-
ing. Men who possess this experience, character,
and talents, are not likely to he insensible of their
advantages; and therefore the Duke, in demanding
from a Cabinet an implicit deference to his own
views, does not seem to have a suspicion that im-
plicit deference can only be obtained from such men
by satisfying them that be is entitled to it. The
late Mr. Huskisson, for instance, could not easily
have been brought to tuppose that all his experience
in the affairs of this Empire had not given him more
political knowledge than his Grace possessed ; and
if his Grace had been wise, instead of quarrelling
with that Statesman for his want of docility,
he would have himself been guided by his coup.
sets. The Duke must renounce the expectation
of implicit obedience from a,Cabinet, or he must re-
nounce the expectation of remaining Minister; for
it is almost impossible that in a country like this he
should find combined the self-denial which this de-
ference implies, and the power of influencing the de-
liberation of Parliament, His Grace may have good
intentions • but to give effect to his intentions he
must be able to move the machinery of our Consti-
tution, such as it is. Let him distrust those who
would persuade him of his omniscience, and cease
to believe that there is a Ministerial any more than
a Royal road to all science. His political reptita-
tion rests chiefly on his concessions to the Dis-
senters and to the Catholics. The qualities dis-
played in carrying the Catholic question were akin
to those which enable a man to gain victories in the
field—a correct estimate of the respective forces,
and coolness and firmness in the hour of trial. But
the complicated affairs of a great nation cannot be
all presented before the mind with the simplicity of
the arguments for and against Catholic Emanci-
pation. Time and application can alone give pros
ficiency in the conducting of them. Of this truth
his Grace would seem, however, not to be aware.
He must, however, reconcile himself to the bitter
truth that ho is nut an Admirable Crichton, ind
that mere plain sense will not allow a man to decide
ex-calhedra, on the most complicated political tines-
The writer of the pamphlet cites one or two
tistances to show that in his judgment he is not in.

ions.

" That he urged," he says, "the wretched Polignae to
his crimes is utterly incredible; that he helped him to his
place a year ago seems hardly to be doubted. Ills praise
of him as by far the ablest French Minister since the
restoration' cannot be retracted or explained away."
That the Duke of Wellington should have formed
such an opinion of this poor drivelling creature does
not say much for his penetration. We repeat, that
we attach little consequence to the strength of oppo-
sition with which he is threatened, if he only dii-
plays common prudence in providing himself with
the menus of properly meeting it. A Minister, with
the necessary talents and experience at his com-
mend, may, with the means at the command of
the Crown, fairly set the great families at defiance.
But however this may be, the nation must be gainer.
The writer of the pamphlet says—" Something he
must do to gain applause; and by yielding to the
wishes of the people, to disarm, for the moment,
opposition. Will he touch the tithe ?—hardly yet.

Brit, probably, he may propose some mitigated
measure of Parliamentary reform—such as giving
Members to the great manufitcruring towns. Or he
may make•the King, Ms only.friend, his victim; and
come down with his proposition for a Civil Lit, re.
duced below even the utmost wishes of the most
sanguine economists; or, perhaps, the East India
Company may be offered up a sacrifice on the altar
of popular feeling." We confess we are not afraid
of any such excessive reduction of the Civil List.
But come what may, no matter what the motive, if
the Duke 4rant advantages to the country, it would
be foolish in the country to refuse them—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

It will be recollected that some years ago Sir Ros
Bert Peel distinguished himself by a specimen of
legislation called an Alien Bill, which was to arm
the Government of a free country With arbitrary
powers against the fugitive subjects of Continental
tyrants, who sought arrisylum from the vengeance
of the " Holy Alliance" on our shores. When we
think on the spirit of that Alien Bill, and ae ob:.-
ject which it was intended to serve, Ave cannot but
feel a deep sense of the wonderful dispensations of
that eternal justice which governs the universe,
when we sue the tyrants themselves driven to solicit
a shelter in the same land of freedom, the gates of
whose hospitality that Bill was intended to have
closed against their victims. The Duke of Bruns.
wick has rapidly followed the example of the Ex-
King of France, in provoking and flying from the
just indignation of his subjects. The I'm-norm"
with which he excited the popular vengeance can
only be equalled by the celerity with which he fled
from it. We were told by those who profess to
know the intentions of Kings, that Charles X.
Would die on horseback rather titan submit to the
constitutional demands of his subjects; but when
this hardihood of assertion was put to the test of
action' • he mounted his horse, not to fight, but to
fly I So much for the chivalry of modern Princes,
who, while they would have their subjeets Wor-
ship them as gods, take pains to show how little
they are entitled to the respect of reasonable
men. For fifteen years the Continent of rati4
'rope has suffered under the iron misrule of
Sovereign's, who, at the downfall of the em-
pire of Napoleon, called themselves the deliverers
of the nations, but were, in fact, themselves deli-
vered from a mean vassalage by the energies of
their people, whom they afterwards leagued toge-
titer to enslave. Those Sovereigns, while they ar-
rogeted absolute dominion, were themselves the
slaves of crafty and dishonest Ministers, who prac-
tised, as Sejanus did upon Tiberius' by making
them fear the people, in order thereby to coniii'm
their own corrupt influence over their suspicious and
enervated minds I In almost all the Courts of Eu-
rope the administration of affairs has been entrusted
to men, not recommended by superiority of virtue
and intellect, but by the low artifices of cunning, and
the base accomplishmots of intrigue. Need we

wonder that, with such advisers, the rulers of the
Continent have sowed the wind, and shall reap the
whirlwind ?" Let us take the ablest of the class,
Mettern!ch. Does that veteran Jesuit iu policy
know how, like Themistocles, to make of a small
community a great and flourishing State ? Or is
be better qualified to make the authority of a great
empire politically base and morally despicable ? The
whole course. of his political career has shown that,
though a dexterous politician, he is no Statesman.
The former is a person rho is destitute of the trite
capacity to govern, but is conversant with the little

_ .
arts by which place is preserved, with a mind fertile
in the resources of cunning, but destitute of wisdom.
His ambition tans on the pivot of self, and his for-
tunes are exulted upon the degradation of the
country. Unshackled by principle, obdurate in
heart, and adroit in dissimulation, such a Minister
regards honourable sentiment and political in-
tegrity as the accomplishments of fools. He
banishes every virtue from the range of his debasing
influence, anti considers successful treachery and de-
ception as the criterion of political talent and the
consummation of able policy. Need any one who
has read history aright, and who has seen, in the
vicissitudes of empires, the glorious ways of an
eternal Providence, be told that such a Minister,
while he imagines he is giving stability to vicious
power, is only sowing the seeds of revolution
Such are the politicians who are answerable for the
present state of things in Europe. They have un-
ceasingly exerted themselves to make it an arricle of
political faith with Kings, that the weakness of the
people is their strength—that the debasement of the
people is their glory. Tbey have opposed know-
ledge as an enemy, and denounced truth as treason.
But the doom of this system of Government went
forth when the art of printing was invented. The
progress of moral revolution is slow, but, when it is
not met with carrespondieg changes in civil iestitu-
tions, it eventually anti inevitably leads to political
revolution. While an intriguing politician only looks
to the present moment—and sees, in the little circle
of vision which a minute sagacity commands, only
the paltry interests of selfirh ambition—the States-

man takes a large and comprehensive view of the
relations of society, and the destinies of nations. He
looks to the history of the past for that instruction
which projects its light upon the future. lie as-
certains the capabilities and the resources of the
country which he rules, and applies them to the pro-
motion of its happiness—its social strength—its po-
litical grandeur—and its moral improvement. These
are the objects of thb ambition of the true States-
man, who only rises into fame by elevating the cha-
racter and improving the condition of his country.
The great Lord Chatham was a Statesman of this
stamp. Aloof from all petty intrigues for power, he
confided in the mastery of his own genius. Inspired
with a generous ardour to serve his country, he let
the shafts of malice waste themselves against a re-
putation that was sure to be avenged by history. He
waged no paltry war upon the Press—he wielded
not the power of the State to crush freedom of
opinion—he stooped not from the attitude of bold
uncompromising virtue to explore and track the
winding crooked paths of a base expediency. Redid
not surround himself with a corps of incapables as a
foil to his own superiority—nor did he mistake for
honourable fame the sordid praise of mean syco-
phants and fawning parasites. His ambition had the
grandeur of his intellect. He called up genius,
knowledge, and public virtue around him ; for the
generous qualities of great men are someti-nes as
contagious us vices in an exalted station. From the
splendid success of his foreign policy, and his com-
manding influence over the popular mind, he has
left a name among the Statesmen of England un-
rivalled in the fascination of its glory. We wish
we could see something of the spirit of his lofty and
expansive ambition directing the councils of England
at the present day, when the Continent trembles
with the shock of revolution, the natural conse-
quence of the mindless arts of conceited, shallow,
arid immoral pretenders to political wisdom. We
deprecate the violence of democracy, as well as the
oppressiveness of tyrannical power; but it is the
profligate flatterers of tyrants that prepare the com-
bustible materials which the fierce declamation
of the demagogue ignites; and in the flames df
which it has too often happened the valuable as well
as the worthless parts of civil institutions have been
consumed. Still, whatever troubles afflict and harass
the nations of the Continent, we have cause to be
peculiarly grateful to Providence, not only for the
possession of a Constitution, whose principles are the
emanation of consummate wisdom, but for having,
at this momentous crisis, a Sovereign whose frank
and manly character, and whose affable and conci-
liating manners, have made Royalty as popular in
England as it is odious in some other parts of the
world. It speaks greatly for the good disposition
and good sense of his present Majesty, that from
the moment he ascended the throne he acted in a
manner that endeared him to the people. The last
revolution of France had not then occurred, nor
was it foresern,—cousequently William the Fourth
did not adopt the manners which inspire the people
with that enthusiastic devotion to their Monarch,
which 'would make them the most effective guards
of the Crown of England, from any thing but the
just and generous impulses of his own heart. Other
Kings may find it expedient to assume popularity of
manners;--with the King of Great Britain it is a
spontaneous and original virtue !-11/Orning

OLD BAILEY, SE .21.

THE FATAL. DUEL AT BOULOGNE.

Mr. ATAXY applied to the Court to fix a day for
the trial of this case. The Learned Gentleman,said
that Oil a former (lay the Court had been pleased to
postpone the trial until next Session, in consequence
of an expected delay in procuring the commission of
the Lord Chancellor. This commission was, how-
ever, now in the hands of the officer of the Court,
and the Learned Counsel was also provided with nn
affidavit of Captain ilelsham, the party charged
with the murder, in which be swore that two wit-
nesses, whose evidence was material on the trial,
were now in London, or its immediate neighbour-
hood. One of these witnesses was the Judge of
the " Cour de Commerce," at iloalogne-sur-Mer, in
France, and the other was a French barrister, resid-
ing at the same place. The duties of both gentle-
men would require their presence in France at the

time when the next Sessions for Middlesex would
be held. The affidavit concluded by stating that
Captain lielshron would be deprived of the benefit
of these witnesses, un!e.s his trial should take place
before the termination of the present Sessions. On
those grounds the Learned Counsel was quite sure
that the Court would great the application.
Mr. Justice BAYLEY said it would be necessary
to issue a precept both for a grand and petit jury,
and that 1.5 dap; must elapse between the date and
return of the precept.
A long desultory conversation here took place be.
tween the Learned Judges, Mr. ALLEY, Mr. C.
PHILLIPS, and Mr. CLARKSoN, when it • wall at
length arranged that the necessary precept should
be issued forthwith, and that the trial should take
place on its return.

MACIIINERL—rThe parts of the country
which have flourished most, and in which the population
tire
si
rnecartceas,teidi
ulannn st
itt
yr rap (llni
eer
yb thhaot sewere
i llia
np
core)
eistseerd,
Bolton, pretton, Blackburn, Ashton, Stockport, Levi's
'Judder-441, Medford, Nottingham, Glasgow, and Pais-
ley, previous to the applic,tiou of the mechanical powers
to the fabrication I) f cottons, woollens, stuffs, and hosiery?
.
The inventions of ARKWRIGIIT alone have given employ-
ment directly or indirectly—either in the actual fabrication
of cotton goods, the production of the raw material from
which they are formed, the conveyance of it from foreign
countries, the 641 e of it in this, or the construction of the
woman', complex, and expensive machines with which it
is fabricated,—to millions of persons. The improvements
in the woollen manufacture
the
ahpapvelichaeteionn socriemelpyrolveoet:i
portent or valuable, and
chiuery to the silk trade, promises to give us the same
superioritr in that which we possess in other branches of
industry, is spite of foreign competition, and of the mani-
fold offences of Mr. Hususstis,—Lintrpool Times.