The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-07 00:00:00

administration in violation of the Constitution, and
without the Budget being voted, and states that the I
acts of the Ministry have been done with his sanc-
tion, because he considered them constitutional.
Surely the King of PRUSSIA cannot be
so ignorant as he pretends to be of the
fundamental principles on which constitutional
States are formed. Nothing that is done against
the consent of Parliament is right or orthodox in
England, the model of constitutional States. How,
then, can the contrary doctrine hold good in 1
Prussia ? Small hope exists for the political free-
dom or public welfare of a State where the monarch
instigates and suffers his Ministers to defy the repre-
sentatives of the people, either by open contradic•
tion or by covertly ignoring their decision. Then
the KING adverts to the Budget, And states that it
could not be executed as voted last year, " that the
law requires the budget to be agreed to by the three
constitutional bodies of the State." If so, why pro-
pose so objectionable a measure that the sense of the
Chamber could not agree to it ? His MAJESTY as-
serts that the complaints relative to the abuses of
the Administration are unfounded. This is a mere
assertion on his part, which the general feeling of
those he addresses will at once refute, from their
knowledge of existing circumstances, and from their
remembrance of the antecedents of the KING and his
Ministers. We cannot credit the sincerity of the
next remark, and we doubt if the Chamber can
either. " His MAJESTY further depletes the con-
flict of opinions, but states that he will not sacrifice
the rights of the Crown and of the Upper House to
the claims of the Chamber of Deputies." Now, this
is a contradiction in terms, and carries a denial in its
utterance, because if the KING really regretted the
unhappy differences, common sense tells us that he
should seek to remove them. If he could not, or
would not, concede the point entirely, be might, at
least, mitigate the evil, by modifying his measures.
Those who refuse to propose terms exeept those they
know cannot and will not be accepted by the oppo-
site party, and refuse to meet any overtures in the
right spirit of conciliation and go half-way to meet
the capitulating foe, cannot lay claim to any con-
ciliation on the ground of their feelings being hurt
by the strife and discord that prevail. The con-
cluding sentence is almost insulting to men who
are doing their best to maintain their own
independence, and uphold the rights of the
countrymen they represent and the country they
serve under circumstances peculiarly embarrassing
and painful. The KING says, "that, having thus
given a proof that he wishes a reconciliation, he
expects that the house will meet his views." Really
if the subject were not so serious, we should be in-
clined to think that his MAJESTY of Prussia was
making a joke of the affair, or, at all events, had
put in an ambiguous phrase to throw doubt on the
truth of the preceding statements. It will be as
much to his credit to suppose this, as to take him
au pied de la lettre, and consider his remark with
gravity becoming the message of a Sovereign
to an important section of his people. Nor are
they to read this otherwise than as a threat.
If you do not agree implicitly to my wishes without
compromise or surrender, there can be no solution of
this perplexed affair, and no peace can be expected
in the conduct of public affairs. Surely it is a
matter of grievous significance, it is a cause of pro-
found regret that, in this enlightened age, a country
so prominent as Prussia should be thrown back in
the march of progress, and stultified in her political
independence. Many great actions, much public
good effected, will not efface this stain from the
memory of the monarch who stands charged with
such an offence before the face of the civilised world
What advantage can be gained by these petty
manoeuvres for power ? What happiness can he
enjoy in 'such an atmosphere of strife and conten-
tion ? Is he tuv vld or too obstinate to learn thy
lesson which all Royal personages should acquire in
their youth, that no Sovereign is so strong, so influ-
ential, or so prosperous as he who reigns in his
people's hearts. Let them see that he respects their
rights, and he need never fear for the security of
his rule. It is to be trusted that some influences
will yet be brought to bear on the KING, and that
Prussia may, during this year, see the happy ter-
mination of so much disastrous controversy, and that
this strife may be an episode of the present, and
not a forerunner of future policy. So that on the
page of history where the actions of kings are sub-
jected to the severest scrutiny, and handed down
from generation to generation to a remote posterity,
this mistaken and mischievous conduct may appear
as a blot on the glory of WILLIAM the FIRST, and
not as the ruling spirit of his entire reign. If, when
summing up the epitome of his career, such should
not be the case, unhappy will, be the people, and
unfortunate the country of Prussia, while the
name of their Monarch will be a by word and reproach
in the memory of all who judge between him and
the subjects that have been committed to his care.

The news just brought from the New World by
the screw steamer Damascus does not augur
well for the hopes of the North. General
BURNSIDE, as we have already learned, has
resigned the command of the army of the
Potomac, thus anticipating the dismissal which
is usually the fate of Federal Generals, and
which has just befallen two Generals of lesser posi-
tion. Impatient of their ill success, the Federals,
people and Government, combine to lay the blame
on the unfortunate Generals, and seem to hope from
their frequent ehanges that they will at last get a
" Stonewall JACKSON," or a STEWART, to take the
head of their army. A very brief experience of
his new dignity
seems to have satisfied General
BURNSIDE. He probably felt that unless
he accomplished some brilliant feat of arms
and retrieved the Federal fortunes his tenure of
authority would be but brief. He says in his letter
of resignation that the army 'would under more
favourable circumstances have accomplished great
Ac
results. This is a very convenient and comprehen-
sive apology which could always be me by
N the
Is
losing side. VILLENEUVE at Trafalgar, a
FRANCIS
at Austerlitz, or FREDERICK WILLIAM at Jena,
might have comforted themselves with the reflec-
tion that under happier circumstances they might
have remained victors of the day. The Federals have
need of some consolation, for day by day their chance
of sovereignty grows less, and the dispirited tone
of the news before us is the more remarkable when
we remember that it comes from New York.
The most important piece of intelligence is the
sinking of the Federal gunboat Hatteras by a
Confederate steamer, supposed to be either the
Alabama, Orvieto, or Harriet Lane. If it be
the latter, the Confederates have turned their
new prize to good account. A sharp engage-
mentreported
to
catastrophe.
have tak A
taken placenotoff Galveston,
resulting is
sng inthis ler Gnaayaelstdoins.,
dis-
aster has evidently occurred at Bayouche,
Louisiana, where the commander of the Federal
gunboats was killed, and even the Northern account
is obliged to admit that no Confederates were taken.
On land the Federals have been no more fortunate.
in North Carolina the army under General FOSTER
appears to have shrunk from an engagement, hav-
ing made no forward movement. However, a colli-
sion occurred between some forces sent towards the
railroad, and 1,300 Confederates, whom they en-
countered at Pollocksville, resulting, we are told, in
the dispersion of the latter, However, as the best