The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—Manyhave been the Chinese debates in
the British Parliament, and many more may we fore-
see in the years that are to come, each resembling
that which has gone before it in the scope of its
arguments. "Justice," " humanity," economy," one
party will exclaim, as they urge a rigid abstinence
from all political intermeddling ; " necessity," the
other will answer, as they proceed to show that with
out arms in onr hands and the will to use them we
can neither trade, nor travel, nor even live within
the borders of the Chinese Empire. When the evil
time shall pass away none can dare to predict, but
at present it seems as if weakness and anarchy and
the call for European interference were not likely
soon to cease out of the land. The hour of doom
has sounded for the old fabric of Chinese govern-
ment and society. The cloud which in the early
days of this generation began to form has become
blacker, until now it covers with a thick darkness
that ancient civilization. Weaknessbegets violence,
violence promotes the enmity of foreigners, whose
chastisements in turn tend to raise up rebels and
Pretenders against the humiliated Government.
The blows struck by England twenty years ago, by
breaking the spell of Imperial invincibility, had not
a little to do with the rise of the Taepings, who since

1850 have been constantly busy at their work of de-
struction in the empire. The natural insolence and
cruelty of the Chinese nature, increased by civil
wars, has broken out again and again within the last
few years, leading to fresh hostilities with the
Christian nations, and further weakening the influ-
ence of a Government already beset by gigantic rebel-
lion. While thus the Chinese political system seems
approaching its end, the European element is
plainly acquiring increased importance. Things
have gone so far that the House of Commons is now
appealed to, and asked to discountenance the for-
mation of permanent military bodies for service
within the Empire. At Shanghai a force is en-
rolled for the defence of the place and the surround-
ing districts ; and Captain SherardOsborn will soon
be in Chinese waters ready to carry on active hos-
tilities against the rebels, and support the authority
of Prince Kung throughout such parts of his Re-
gency as a British seaman can reach. It is this
swerving from the paths of peaceful commerce that
Lord Naas last night desired to condemn. With
great elaboration he laboured to show that it was
neither our duty nor our policy to interfere in be-
half of the regular Government. TO the usual
arguments in favour of neutrality Lord Naas added
others less commonplace, though hardly more con-
vincing. A man of peace will treat the question as
one which general and abstract principles are
sufficient to decide. Like Mr. Cobden, he will con-
_

tent himself with saying that the Chinese have
governed themselves for several thousand years,
and need no interference from us now. He will
consider that whether there be peace or war within
their borders we have nothing to do with the mat-
ter, our business being confined to buying tea and
silk from whomsoever will bring it down to us,
whether he be Imperialist or Taeping. We may
regret war and destruction, as we regret the flood,
the drought, or the blight, but we should no
more think of increasing our commerce by the in-
vasion of a neighbour's soil to compel political
tranquillity than to enforce the sunshine or
the rain. Lord Naas, however, is not content
with this course of argument. He suggests
that the rebellion is not an abnormal phase of
Chinese history. - Resistance to misused authority
has always been a doctrine of the philosophical
Whigs of that empire. The right of rebellion had
always been recognised by the great Chinese writers,
and the people had been consistent in reducing the
doctrine to practice. Years had often passed in
such rebellions, and the country after their success-
ful close recovered and went on as prosperously as
ever. Why, then, may not the Taepings be now
working out a great and salutary change in Chinese
politics ? There are the usual elements. One or
more Pretenders, a long and bloodthirsty warfare
of many years, desolating whole regions, and bring-
ing what in other countries would be thought
irremediable evils on the Empire; a weak Govern-
ment, unable to rescue some of its largest cities
from the grasp of its enemies ; these are what have
been found in China for ages past, and they
are now seen once more. True, the Taepings
are unable to overthrow the Government they have
risen against. They are strong enough to overrun
and to hold permanently certain regions, but they
are not strong enough to change the dynasty. Yet,
if we do not misapprehend Lord Naas's argument,
their rebellion is nothing so extraordinary in the
annals of China as to call for any action on our part.
Whether the Government was victorious or van-
quished, or whether, as is more likely, the rebellion
smouldered on for years, it would be merely a
healthy and natural process that was going on,
and we should impede recovery by attempting
to stop the progress of an inevitable malady. Our
own opinion is that these arguments, whether
philosophical, or economical, or political, in favour
of doing nothing and of seeing a vast wealth-pro-
ducing region: ruined by marauding savages, are
founded in error. As to Captain bherard Osborn
and his companions, we are not under the neces-
sity of defending them, It has always been held
that foreigners may enter the service of a legitimate
Govt rnMent, and, leaving aside the
periodical Chinese revolutions are
is no service more praiseworthy than
quueecsettsihosaantrwyohitebpro-
tecting the most flourishing cities of Eastern Asia
of insurgent armies which destroy
vdl i
thateet nstpwltt
eioahnt
shhoi
Teo! whom
:I_ln
ua
ps
come. The British Government,
and the banks of the greatest rivers frwombetrheveeartttabcekys
however, is quite
independent of these officers, and not responsible for
their acts, although it has authorised them to enter
the service of a friendly State. All that this country
is doing is to carry out honourably and cordially
the principles on which the last reconciliation with
China was effected. We have been placed by the
Chinese Government—thanks to the courage of our
soldiers and sailors—in the same position that Russia
so long occupied alone. We have a Minister at
Pekin, we have the opportunity of representing our
views and wishes, and it is stated that the Chinese
ruler is ready to attend to our advice. It may be that
it is impossible to prevent the decay of Chinese
society, but it is possible and for the benefit of both
native and European that peace and order should
prevail, and that the industry of the people should
resume its wonted course. The Government of
Pekin asks our assistance in effecting this; and
those who know the country think that much may
be done by the support of a Power like England,
and the use of a small naval force. Considering the.
.magnitude of the British interests involved, it is
impossible, as it seems to us, for the Government
to hesitate.
ithrrteeisoainttyast:e. Unbounded resources, untold wealth,
etbxist in a region traversed by bands of robbers,
.rotfhe brigands of Naples are saintly and
gentle. To those regions we are freely admitted
wt andreaping
es only
an
mrl ye i t
gbtnhheo et
wyfull state
called
population,
advantages
ofdv a
unt
pth aoegn sta countryonedf
guidei
formern
con-
junction hne
e
collapse of its ancient systems may do as
junction with other European nations to take care
epnomssiebnldeatyo
next, it
Parliamentary report, the Houisatenwodfi to us.
debate is resumed, there is a poignt connected
iSnt aatlel s. l lb be
Commons seen by y
willou our
mrm
pbesrctea probabilityenerneeodetirenhei
vgseeusl
pm
athehaitvnmhekeoi debatemore
upon -
buc k ' s motion for the recognition of the Southern
of that debate
can permit any
attention than has
decision on the question whetherbeenemy t devoted
which e takentsolemn
al
t twh- placeenhebeeanaHl
lenevodnwi whenever
ris
teethht seri-
oushaoiattf
of its members to .
coursewtoh icith.
toCo mbemtohnes bearers of communicationsbsic from
the
foreign
Queen. In opening sn
took upon himself to Say
Sovereign to Parliament in oPP
the
nn
by the Emperor to make
Minis-
ters of the
e motion Mr.
thatßoe-
buckhe was autho-
risedst.otatteemenstothe House of Commons. In best days of the
House of Commons the utteringb such words would
take
them been instantly followed
them down. The statements ofywahi cmb Mr. motion to ta
Roebucke
thus professed himself the bearer
related
to matters
which were the subject of State communication be-
tween the French Emperor and the Queen. Nay,
more, they involved
a complaint of the manner in
which the Queen bad treated the diplomatic commu-
nications of the French Sovereign. Mr. Roebuck
had the presumption to say that he had been desired
by the French Emperor to make a complaint in his
name to the House of Commons of the 4.landuct of
the Foreign-office, and also to tell the House of Com-
mons the Emperor's sentiments upon the question
which had been the subject of official correspondence
with the Government of the Queen. The official
organ of the French Government has formally dis-
avowed the part which Mr. Roebuck in his mar-
vellous statement attributed to the Emperor of tne
French. So far as his Majesty is concerned, the
explanation is very simple and complete. Two
members of of the British Parliament sought an ste
_l to_
view with him, which the Moniteur rather ether
cantly observes he had no reason to refuse.
another
he would so easily be induced to grant them
the
the Moniteur does not say. In that interview
were
Emperor freely expressed his opinions, which