The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 21, 1863.

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(3, OXFORD STREET, W.

THIS EVENING, will be performed Operatic Selections
from Sir Henry R. Bishop's THE SLAVE, CLA.RA, the
MAID of MILAN, and Bellini's SONN A MBULA.
Principal Artistes—Miss Russell, Miss Ellison, Messrs.
Green, Bernardi, Huish, &c., with full band and chorus.
Conductor, Mr. F. Jonghmans.
Flute Solos by Drew Dean, dcc.

Comic, by UNSWORTII (" or any °Crier man "I, Eugene,
W. Randall, George Hodson, and those marvellous French
Clowns, Messrs. ARTHUR and BERTRAND.
Also, a Performance by Herr SCIIALKENBACH on his
wonderful instrument, the PIANO ORCHESTRE, contain-
ing a full baud of 40 instruments.
The HALL has just been newly Decorated and Ventilated,
and is one of the most Beautiful in the Metropolis.
Open at 8 o'clock. Admission, 6d. ; stalls and balcony, ls. ;
private boxes, 7 Os. 6d.

CANTERBURY HALL " GHOST."—In order
to gratify the curiosity of nightly-increasing crowds,
Mr. C. MORTON has transferred the representation of Pro-
fessor Pc pper and Henryllircks, Esq.'s, world-famed spectral
Illusion, "THE GHOST," to the Concert Hall, where a
new and elegant stage is erected, affording a more ample
view of the Illusion from Stalls, Balcony, and body of the
Hall. He has also arranged for Mr. A. Silvester to give
(with all that gentleman's latest improvements and effects),
REPRESENTATIONS EACH EVENING, at half-past
Nine o'clock.

All the other Musical and Pictorial attractions as usual,
including' Operatic Selections, etc. ; Comedy by Unsworth
(the modern Demosthenes), Eugene, George Hodson, E.
Marshall, and the marvellous Arthur and Bertrand.

ROYAL ALHAMBRA PALACE. The
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Doors open at 7—commence at half-past 7.

ROYAL ALHAMBRA PALACE. Great
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ARGYLL ROOMS, Windmill-street, Piccadilly.
These elegant Rooms are NOW OPEN for the Winter
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Musical Director and Conductor, Mons. L. JULLIEN.
Great Success of his new Quadrille, " The Prince of Wales,"
nightly encored.
The band is selected from the Italian Operas and the
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Doors open at 8 o'clock.
Admission, Is.
Manager—M. GRENET.

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allowed to go farther the law and Constitution would be
openly and flagrantly violated. Now he would read to them
an unconscious corroboration of what he had been stating
from a speech made in Georgia by Mr. Stephens, the present
vice-president of the Confederate States, addressed to his
constituents. And with regard t this gentleman he was
bound to say that until his State went over no man was
more opposed to secession and more anxious for the Union.
Ile pointed out clearly and distinctly the dangers and disas-
ters of a secession, and he was right :—" He was bound
to say that the Northern States had always acted most
liberally towards them. When they demanded that slaves
should be brought from Africa to cultivate cotton, it was
granted ; and Louisiana, Florida, and Texas—out of which
eight States could be made—were permitted to have slaves.
In point of fact, they in the South had always the control
of the general government of the country, and the majority
of the Presidents were chosen from among them. Out of
60, the North had only 24 ; of the judges, 18 were from the
South and 11 from the North ; Speakers in the House of
Representatives, 23 from the South and 12 from the North;
of the Attorney-Generals, 14 from the South and 5 from the
North; foreign ministers, 86 to 54 ; and at least three-
fourths of the diplomatic agents abroad, and the principal
embassies, so as to secure the markets of the world for their
cotton and other produce." Was there ever such an indict-
ment unconsciously made by a speaker against any people ?
Mr. Stephens, speaking to the people of Georgia, not know-
ing that he would be reported, and that his speech would
come North, that it would come to him (Mr. Beecher), and
be read by him to an English audience in Exeter-hall,
carved at once into the very heart of the policy of the South,
and told what were the plans and what the part the South
had played for the last 50 years. (Hear, hear.) The real
consistent policy of the South during all that time was, in
addition to the control of the territories, to control the Go-
vernment, and to use both for the establishment of slave
influence throughout North America. Now take notice
that the North, hating slavery as slavery, and longing for
its extinction, was unable till this war to touch slavery di-
rectly. They could only touch the slave policy—not slavery
independently—because slavery was established by a State
law, and subject only to State jurisdiction. Any direct at-
tempt on the part of the North to attack slavery would have
been revolutionary and unconstitutional, (Hear, hear.) It
would have destroyed the Constitution, because it would
have been a violation of the principle of state independence.
That Constitution, in fact, only took an English idea on a
larger scale. We borrowed it from you. Many might
not understand how there could be a State independence
under a national Government. He was not very well
posted in English affairs, but he understood that there be-
longed to the city of London certain private rights that the
parliament could not meddle with—(cheers)—and that there
then e,iyf
they understood were other elements in which Parliament was as supreme in
of London as in any other city within the realm.
Nw
understood that principle here they would un-
derstand principle of the American Government, by
which certain matters belonged to local jurisdiction and
certain other matters belonged to the general Government.
In this country every man's house was his castle, and once
inside it the householder, so long as he conformed to the
law, could regulate his domestic concerns uncontrolled and
without molestation. In like manner the American States
were domestic households, and so long as the Constitution
was kept up, in other respects no other State had a right to
interfere with their domestic institutions. But in addition
to these internal and domestic questions, the United States
came together for common purposes and created a general
Government, to which they gave supreme authority on all
questions affecting war and peace, the negotiation of treaties
and all similar questions of general policy. The power to
meddle with or interfere with the domestic economy of the
separate States never was given to the general Government,
and it could not be given. They would ask him, then,
e flew is it you are doing so now ?" He had shown that
it was only with the national policy as it went out of the
States with which the national Government could deal ;
that they were bound by the Constitution to abstain from
internal interference, and in honour, loyalty, good faith,
and patriotism, they did abstain from such interference.
It was only when the question was raised whether the na-
tional policy should be a slave or a free-soil policy
whether their national Policy should be free or slave, that
the national Government was entitled and bound to in-
terfere. lee called them all to witness to the forbearance
but they
and honesty with which the North bad acted in the matter.
forbearancein i
quality, honesty was not a
h
evoewrye fundamental virtues, and for
SO years the North had stood faithful to her word, and re-
s
spected the local rights of States, even when those local rights
were opposed to moral rights—(hear)—and he thought that
g Quality,
b not t
a showy
honest adherence to State rights and forbearance on the part
of the North was one of those things of which they might
be justly proud. (Oh, laughter, and cheers.) It was a pro-
duct of principle, proof of liberty, le a •
berty, an inspiration of that
Christian faith which is the mother both of principle and
liberty; and he was proud to say that there had been a re-
cognition of that fidelity and forbearance on the part of the
North, even in respect to her worst enemies. That was the
reason why the North did not in the first instance go to war
for emancipation. Sho went to war to save the national in-
stitutions,
to save the territories, to save those laws which, if
allowed to operate throughout a series of years, would first
circumscribe, then suffocate, and finally destroy slavery.
(Loud
cheers.) That was the reason why that most true,
honest, just, and conscientious magistrate, Mr. Lincoln—
(Here the audience, both on the platform and in the hall,
rose gave repeated cheers, amidst the
w feet and
to their
waving
of hats and handkerchiefs, which lasted some time.)
How was it that the conflict changed its character from a
war upon policy to a direct attack upon slavery itself ? It
was
because the South was go ill-advised as to beleaguer the
national Government with slavery, and thus obliged the
President of the national Government to decide between the
safety of the national institutions and the slavery by which
they were
beleaguered. (Cheers.) A man attacked on the
highway by a robber obeyed the first law of nature in
knocking his assailant down, and so when a nation was as-
sailed fu its most vital interests by a local interest inimical
to its welfare, it was the right of that nation to destroy its
enemy, which, if not destroy ed, would destroy it. So long
as the South allowed the issue to be one of policy, the
North did not attempt to shift the ground ; but when
they said slavery shall be the issue, the North could
do no other but accept the challenge. As the police
had no right to enter your house so long as you obey the
law, but had a right to do so when the law was broken, so,
when a State defied a national Government, and violated the
Constitution, the national Government had a right to enter
and protect the national rights. But it was said the Presi-
dent issued his proclamation for the sake of political effect,
and not for humanity. (Cheers, and Oh, oh.) Ilrby, the
right of issuing the proclamation was political, but the dis-
position to do 80 was not. Mr. Lincoln, as an officer in the
Presidential chair, had no more right to consult his private
feelings than a judge on the bench; but when a judge saw
that in the rigid execution of the law primitive justice went
with right the judge was all the more pleased. So, in the
se
the United States. In the time of peace
slaverycase of slavery in
was a local institution which they could not touch.
Now they did so because, since the war, slavery had been
shoved out of its place as a local institution, had become a
national enemy, and must be dealt with as such. (Hear.)
H© promised to make that clear. Had he done so ? (Loud
cheers.) But it was said, " Why not let the South go, since
they want to be at peace with you
(Hear, hear.) Because
they would not ; because they would be less peaceable sepa-
rate than together. Oh I if the South would go I But they
were determined to stay. The North would gladly furnish
a free passage for every mother's son of them if they would
only go. (Loud cheers and laughter.) He wanted, how-
ever, to ask that meeting to stand in the place of Americans,
and to test this question thoroughly. The war was com-
menced by `he South under circumstances that compelled
the North to join issue, and as the South meant to stay, the
North said, " The territories are ours, we will not give
them up.'
' The South wished to cut the flag in two which
covered both sections of the Union with glory and
badprotection. The South had the key of the country in their
possession,
They robbed the country of its treasures,
its arsenals, and stores—they had possession of the best
ted
officers in the army and navy—they had long anticipat
and prepared for the conflict, and when it commenced
er
North knew not whom to trust. (Hear, and cheers.)_aAr ithe
what occurred, and when the gage was thrown,
North to lie down as a spaniel would have marked them f to
all eternity as cravens and cowards. (Cheers.) Then again'
of fen. ithe honour and safety of the Government and
tak
The
tutions demanded that such a step should be taken.
violation of
course pursued by the South was a flagitious that, when a
the Constitution, and laid down the principle
itted to say) ors f
minority was beaten they should be
permitted
war." (Che)
you don't let us have our way we will go to
ne.) Then
he
Would England permit it ? (Cries of N
etrated 3,000 miles
was glad to say that the act being.peoarrP) Besides, if this
away made no difference. (Hear, it should stop as
principle were allowed, he did not
set
why
regarded States, and nott
be
a applicable
pplicable to countries also.
(Hear.) If it were million of won in a State to
righsed from the control of the general
secede when they
government, then it was e e,ually right for half, or a quarter
as he said, it was held lawful for a
of a million; and when, for a
held equally socountry, and even for
State, it must be
a city, wear, bear.) The fact was that slavery was at the
it all, and as
they had always been fighting with
bthoatttodm o
devil, they knew the system better than the people of
this country. (Hear.) The question of this sovereignty of
independent States was discussed at the first convocation of
delegates held in 1787, and a discussion arose as to whether
the separated colonies should be called a confederacy, or a
nation composed of several independent States. A resolu-
tion was proposed to form a confederacy, instead of a na-
tion. but when the draught was sent to the committee of
revision, with the words " We, the people of the United
States," for the purpose of forming a nation, the words were
-reed so as to have a confederacy, and thus the Conatitu-

STAMPED

tion remained until it was galvanised by the secession, in
order to justify that proceeding. (Hear, hear.) He should
like to know what the feelings of an Englishman would be,
if he saw in the newspapers one fine morning that the
country from which his (Mr. Beecher's) ancestors came
from had proclaimed itself an independent State--(a laugh)
—and was followed by other countries on the southern
coast proclaiining themselves an independent kingdom.
(Laughter.) They might probably say that circumstances
altered cases ; but he would ask, was it not as necessary to
maintain national territory and national laws in America as
it was in this country ? (Hear, hear.) But then it was said
a great concesaion had been made because the Southern
States offered the Northerns the free use of the Mississippi.
What condescension I Why, it might as well be said, that
if a parcel of gipsies took possession of their houses it would
be an act of grace to allow them to enter them. (A laugh )
It was impossible that the two States could live on one con-
tinent as independent nations, and therefore a truce with
them would be merely a cloud to produce a thunderstorm
at any moment, whenever the Southerners found the means
and the oppertunity to take possession of the entire conti-
nent in the name of the devil and of slavery. (Cheers.)
But it was said, why not let this contest end and allow the
South to go ? Because the Americans did not wish to be-
come a military people. (Cheers.) A great many people
said that America was becoming too strong—that she was
dangerous to the peace of the world; but he would say that
if this division was permitted the South would become a
military nation,and the North 'Auld be compelled to become
military also. With 1,500 miles of lines and forts to defend,
the North would require a standing army of 250,000 men;
and when a nation had a large standing army she was in
great danger. Before this war the legal force of the United
States army was 25,000; the actual number was 18,000 ; and
was all they wanted; indeed, the Tribune and other papers
had written it down as too large; but let this division take
place, and an army of 250,000 men would be required by
the North, and one of not less than 150,000 or 200,000 for
the South ; and when America was compelled to have
armies like these, like a boy with a knife, she will always
be wanting to whittle with them. (Laughter and cheers.)
It was the interest, then, of the world that the American
nation should be united and under the control of that part
of the nation that had always been for peace, and that the
government should be wrested from that section of it that
had always been for annexations, filibustering, and snub •
bing nations. (Cheers.) But on religious grounds
there was a higher, more solemn, and national
trust; and the Americans felt, as he did, that he and those
whom he addressed had a solemn moral responsibility for
that country and for the other portions of the globe. But
how much more was that the case when it applied to their
own nation and the Church in America that in their vast
territories there was a glorious sphere to build up a Church
that would make the hearts of all good men everywhere
glad ? (Great applause.) They could not help slavery in
the States before the war, but now that it had become a
declared public enemy it was their duty as Christians to see
that slavery should never again be in a position to blight
this fair Western territory. (Cheers.) When he stood and
looked out upon that immense territory—(great interruption,
and cries of "Put him out")—when he looked at that vast
territory he felt bound, as an individual man, as a citizen,
as a Christian minister, to ask, Will you permit this terri-
tory to be darkened by this storm cloud ? Will you permit
the acres which lie between the Pacific and the Atlantic to
groan with unrequitted toil when it is in your power to pre-
vent it ? (Cheers.) The Americans were sending mission-
aries to all parts of the world to aid in its civilisation and
evangelisation, and yet there were men amongst them who
counselled them to give up Aneerica to the devil, and not do
another thing. (Cheers.) He said, apart from all ques-
tions of finance or commerce, it was their duty as Christians
to save that vast continent from the blast and blight of
slavery. And yet how many were those whose voices were
sounding up and down all over England " Let slavery go ?"
A story was told of that great man, Sir Fowell Buxton,
that when a large favourite dog of his was seized with
hydrophobia, and was dashing hither and thither and up
and down the streets to the danger of all passers by, he
seized it by the neck, and, notwithstanding its immense
strength, he held it until help came to him to enable him to
chain it up. What would an Englishman of the type of
the Times said had he been there? "Let him go—lethim
go." (Cheers.) Was there a man there who did not feel
the nobleness of the man who restrained that mad
dog from going about biting women and children?
and were they to let this hell dog of slavery madly go biting
millions in the future ? No, we will peril life and limb first.
(Loud cheers.) These facts were not magnified but mini-
mised in his statement of the case. No man could under-
stand these arguments and feelings unless he had been in
the midst of American society and was impressed with the
sentiments of the North—deeper than the sea, firmer than
the hills, serener than the eky over their heads where God
dwells. But it had been said what a ruthless war this war
is I and he had seen it stated that a pestilential reverend
fellow had come over from America to preach the Gospel,
and it was said he was in favour of the war to extermina-
tion. (Hear, hear.) Well, if he said so, he'll stick to it.
(Hisses, answered by cheers.) Yes, he repeated it. (Hisses
and cheers.) Bat when his words were quoted on that point
he asked them to take the explanation, not from his enemies,
but from himself. He believed this war was the test of
their American institutions, that it was a life and death
struggle between liberty and slavery, and that it was the
cause of the common people. He believed that all free people
would be stronger if they suppressed this oligarchyof slave-
holders, and that every oppressed people would be weaker
if the North was pushed to the wall. (Hear, hear.) The
Americans believing this—that the war was a test of their
Constitution, their laws, their liberties, and their future
destiny, and standing before the great responsibility thus cast
upon them—were prepared to place them all upon the altar,
and he said that the North would perish rather than this
Western civilisation should be destroyed (Cheers.) If
the people of the North were willing to make these sacrifices
in their own homes and families, was it to be expected they
should stop the war for the sake of the South ? Should they
be expected to do for them what they would not do for them-
selves? No—standing by his own hearth—standing on the
altar of the Church—in all places—and in presence of thed
names and memories of the illustrious dead—he deelarbee,
they would sacrifice in 10 or 20 years, as the casei m y
p (aHear,
everything they bad in the world but
and some hisses.) If the love of public Plithienre.tiy- n.t.3 dead in
Great Britain they would not understand halms'we
bllutaisf
of
lived as it did in the time of their ancestors,
oibie determination
his, they would guess the firm and iavint
all hazards, and at
of the North to fight the war through°
astrong marks of dis-
every cost. (Loud cheers,
with regretted to say that some
approbation.) On this point
country
try had deliberately and
of the public organs in this e
knowingly suppressed the truth. (Loud cries of "the
limes, the Times," and considerablehthe North had no sincerity
hisses and groans.) It
pia
was said, in the first
that
in carrying on this cep- flin:t: that the blacks were treated
they ever had been or were now in
there much worse than
That was a monstrous lie. (Loud
the Southern sta..
*again that the proclamation for eraan-
cheers.) It was sa
mere political trick, and that the war
cipating them was a
was an unprinciPledsquabble among men who
nowgone
d ragingad with national vanity. Oh I what a pity that
writers
should not feel in their apostacy the
efforts
ley them in early days for the liberty of the
wade like those
slave! k
,liou a cheers.) But even if all these monstrous
lies were true, it would not alter the fact, that the North in
its struggle was only promoting the sacred cause of liberty.
(Cheers.) When their army fought at Waterloo, the
soldiers
eetgaged in that conflict did not know the tremen-
dous moral consequences that were to follow and depended
on that battle. It was not what the British soldier felt or
thought, but the interests of the British empire ; and so it
was at present. The war was no doubt looked upon in this
country with horror, and as something very wonderful ;
but he would ask them what land or shore the prowess of
their own ships had not seen and conquered ? what land
was there on the habitable globe that their soldiers had not
conquered ? Why, the great trumpet of the resurrection,
when it sounded at the last day, would find, at the great
muster to be made, British soldiers from every place under
heaven. (Cheers.) Then, as to the allegation that they
were fighting against their own blood. Had not England,
on a late occasion, poured troops into Canada, and made the
most formidable preparations against their own blood,metely
because two men were taken from on board the Trent.
(Cheers, and cries of Oh, oh.) Old England ashamed of a
war I Why she planted her standards and national ensigns
in fields of blood in all parts of the earth. (Cheers.) The
American people imitated their pluck, and they would fight
to the last. Next to this came England giving her moral
sympathy to the South. (No, no.) Well, he, like most of
themselves, did not believe all he read in the Times—(cheers,
and three groans for the limes)—but he, also, like them,
read the Times, and lee generally found that the last argu-
ment used by those he talked with was the last argument
of the limes. (Laughter.) It untortunately happened that
those who sympathised with the North shot with bows and
arrows that could not reach 3,000 miles across the A tlaourat:i
but those who supported the South shot with the en
arrows of slander, calumny, and misrepresentaatAi
ericans
reached the whole distance. If they thought
tslider a Part of
had been tenderly sensitive, they must ctoi: ovonvet:ehich
wereha d
that feeling was caused by the representaw_ nes
been made of the feelings of this country
(A. Voice—.Elow
n wthheiynh
struggling against slavery for freedom.
nee to the Russians
little coquetting there,
in New York, there bad
a lady thought her
(Laughter.) They all knew ere
about the it ?) Well, with r:f
heheeatintvwe:The took a new beau,
suitor was not sufficiently atteu
of her suitor. In like man_
and flirted with bite to
sitting face
with Russia, but she had her
ner New York was
eye upon England 'the
Owe. (Laughter.) But it was
attentions to Russiawhile she was oppress-
said that suchunworthy of such a country as America,
well, he thought so too—(cheers)—
ing Poland were.
(A Voice—Se it ls.)