The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

SATURDAY REVIEW.—It was easy to foresee that,
in addressing a meeting of Trades Unions on the
American question, Mr. Bright would continue the
task of his life by propagating social animosity and
political disaffectipn. Even demagogues must have
something to love in the midst of their habitual
hatred. Mr. Bright has his peculiar patriotism,
but it regards a country which is not his own. His
enthusiastic affection for America is only the sup-
plement or reverse of his malignant hostility to the
country and constitution which he intends to de-
scribe in his implied antithesis. In the United
Kingdom another thirty millions of men, not uni-
formly prosperous, have suffered under the tyranny
of a Queen, and have abhorred the pageant of a
Court, while a House of Lords, an Established
Church, a standing army and a navy, with their
attendant taxes and debts, have filled up themea-

sure of their wrongs. As long as republican felicity
appeared to be realised in another hemisphere, there
was some hope that the contrast might encou-
rage formidable discontent in England. But when
discord was unexpectedly introduced into the Trans-
atlantic Paradise, Mr. Bright's dream of revolution
was rudely interrupted. His band of thirty mil-
lion brothers, divided into two unelual sections,
have for two years been engaged in mutual slaughter.

They have extemporised two enormous armies; one
considerable navy, two large debts, and two sys-
tems of taxation collectively hca-rior than that
which oppresses England. Instead of Queen Vic-
toria, they have both Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Jeffer-
son Davis ; for State priests, they have the mur-
derous brawlers of the New York and Boston pul-
_ _ _ _

pits; and their nobles derive their titles, like Mr.
Cassins,Clay, from intellect, or, like Gen. Butler and
Mr. Cameron, from virtue. The best commentary
on Mr. Bright's patriotism is furnished by the ex-
ceptional eulogies on his conduct and character
which are always introduced into the most raving
American declamations against England. Even the
Irish Anti• Secession orators of New York, when

they prophesy a future secession of their native
island, add a point to their attacks on the English
name and race by reserving a tribute to " that
great and good man, John Bright," who has
fairly earned the love of every enemy
of his country. On Thursday night he provided
additional encouragement to Mr. Cassius Clay, who
is about once more to represent at a European Court
the respect of his Government for diplomatic
decency and for the rights of a friendly country.
If pirates are sent from American harbours to com-
mence an unprovoked war by preying upon English
commerce, their instigators and apologists will quote
Mr. Bright's declaration that "Privilege"—or, in
other words, England—" shuddered at the spec-
tacle of American prosperity." His oration was in-
tended equally to encourage the good-will of the
working classes to the North, and to stimulate the
already superfluone animosity of the Federal popu-
lation towards England. It may safely be asserted
that the leaders and representatives of English opi-
nion are incapable of imitating his extravagant in-
justice. The most considerable statesmen of all
parties have urged the population to acquiesce with-
out resistance in the sufferings occasioned by the
blockade of the Southern ports. Mr. Bright per-
versely throws the blame on the cotton-growers
and the Confederate Government, because the in-
habitants of an invaded country have the courage
and self-denial to destroy their property rather than
to provide resources for an enemy. It is idle to
pretend that his zealous adherence to the Northern
cause is dictated by humanity, or by any motive
except political attachment to democratical institu-
tions. As long as the Slave States remained within
the Uniot, they had no warmer friend than the
orator who now attributes to them as a crime their
resolute defence of their own independence. Some
of the audience had perhaps recently applauded
speeches in favour of another country, which is,
with less hope of success, resisting a foreign inva-
der. Mr. Bright himself may vindicate his consis-
tency by proving that, after the United States, and
even in preference to Imperial France, his cordial
esteem has always been bestowed upon Russia.
EXAMlNER.—Consistently with all the rest of
its paltry conduct, the present House of Commons
has by a large majority passed the first reading of
a bill to make water the drink of the poor and
humble classes of society from eleven o'clock on
Saturday night to six on Monday morning. For
the prohibition of the sale of beer or any other fer-
mented liquor is the compulsion to drink water, as
regards that great bulk of the community between
the conditions of want and ease and affluence. The
labourer, the mechanic, the shopman, the small
housekeeper, the millions who cannot afford wine,
and have happily yet not taken to spirits, are to
have no beer on Sunday. We do not know who this
Mr. Somes is who proposes this pharisaical piece of
legislation, but if he were in the gin trade he could
not better consult its interests. For the certain ef-
fect of it would be to turn the beer barrel into a gin
cask. The poor man would not consent to drink
water on Sunday, nor would he relish stale beer laid
in on Saturday night and flat and vapid by Sunday
morning ; so his expedient would be to provide him-
self with a dram which would keep in one sense,
but which, probably, would not keep in another
sense, for in all likelihood the temptation of the
present bottle would be too much, and the man
would get drunk with it forthwith on Saturday
night and Sunday morning. And all this would
be for the special honour of the Lord's Day, exactly
ae it is in holy Glasgow, where they go to bed with
the bottle, and lie, guzzling and beastly drunk, till
Monday morning. We observe in the bill an ex-
ception in favour of travellers. Why is this? If
it be for the good of souls that beer should not be
sold on Sundays, why should publicans be jeopar-
dised by drawing liquor for travellers more than
for any other folks ? One effect of the bill would
be to give extraordinary stimulus to Sunday travel-
ling. There is a clause giving the right of entry
to constables at any time to every house or place of
public resort for the sale of fermented or distilled
liquors, and imposing penalties on any person re-
fusing to admit or not admitting such unstable.
The Englishman's boasted castle, if it be for the
sale of drinks, may thus be invaded by the constable
at any hour of the day or night. Boniface may be
e profited
ofi ed b
knocked up at midnight to let in the constable, or
treoe e
twenty times in the course of the night for as many
constables'
tvisity h
visits, fori s
p there
ic u
s are
piece no
e mßu
by
But on
vSunday, suppose the publican and his family shall
h a
ol fi ilegislationlimits.