The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-03 00:00:00

which has now grown into a fixed principle in sup-
port of our military system.. Gentlemen, the Prime
Warden and this company have this day e eme a
great honour. You have selected me to become an
honorary member of this ancient an important
civic company. It is a compliment ghly value,
first as a compliment paid to myselfpe? onally, next
as a compliment to the royal family to which I be-
long, and thirdly, to the service with which I am
more immediately connected. Although I can well
believe the first two reasons must have operated in
your mind in doing me this honour, I cannot but
feel the compliment is really more due to the cir-
cumstance of my being connected with the army
than to any other, for I feel that it is to the army I
owe everything as regards my present position. I
have from early life been associated with the service.
I have invariably found among its members the
greatest support and the kindest feeling towards
myself; and it is my pleasure and pride, after serv-
ing in the lower grades, to find myself at the head
of this noble profession. It is a profession of which
I am sure the country has a right to be proud, and
which will at all times do its duty, in whatever po
sition it may be placed. As you are well aware, the
army of this country has often been placed in diffi-
culties and dangers, but these have been overcome,
and the result is that England possesses an army
which it delights to honour. On this occasion you
have honoured the army by drinking the toast
which you have been pleased to associate with my
name, and you have also honoured me as the head
of the army by electing me a member of this ancient
and honourable company. I feelthahtthe paidis is m
thee
greatest compliment which you could have
and them, and I beg to thank you in the name of
the army for the honour you have done it in my
person. (Cheers.)
The PRIME WARDEN then gave the toast of
" Her Majesty's Ministers," remarking as he did so
that it mattered little which political party was in
power provided the Government for the time being
was composed of men earnestly desirous under Pro-
vidence of promoting the welfare of this great em-
pire, and its just position among nations, the pro.
sperity of its people, and the peace of the world.
The company would probably concur with him in
thinking that the country was never in a more sa-
tisfactory condition, on the whole, than at present.
He coupled with the toast the name of the Right
Hon. Robert Lowe, a member of her Majesty's
Government.

Mr. LOWE said there was always some delicacy
in returning thanks for a toast like that, which
seemed to trench on the confines of party politics;
but, happily, at no period was that delicacy ever
less than at present, for it was the rare felicity of
the present Government to see the old distinctions
of party almost wholly obliterated. (Hear, hear.)
That was not the time nor the place to go deeply
into the causes of that most happy state of things.
It had arisen from the settlement, in an amicable
spirit of compromise, of a vast number of questions
which had divided the statesmen and politicians of
the country into hostile camps, and was due also in
a great measure to the high personal character, the
great attainments, and the conspicuous place in the
public eye of that remarkable man who had out-
lived a generation of statesmen—(cheers)—and who
led, with almost unexampled power, popularity,
and authority, the deliberations of the House of
Commons, of which he was the ornament and thu
trusty head and adviser. (Cheers.) He would
only say on behalf of the Government that as a body
they were gentlemen sincerely anxious to do
their duty, and to discharge conscientiously towards
the public the functions devolving upon them. It
was not for him to say that they had been the
cause of the present happy state of things ; but he
believed the second Government of Lord Palmerston
would in future times be regarded as one of the
most glorious in the national history. We were
happy at home, our empire was extending, and he
believed we were never more respected by foreign
countries. These advantages had been secured by
the practical wisdom of the people and by the con-
cord of our public men, and long might such estate
of things continue. (Cheers.)
The toast of " The House of Lords" followed, the
PRIME WARDEN associating with it the name of
Lord CRANWORTH, who briefly acknowledged the
compliment, dwelling on the important part which
that assembly played in the Constitution of the
country, its deep-rooted seat in the feelings of the
community, and on the public advantages which
result from the admission into its ranks from time
to time of men who had fought their way in life
and gained a seat in it, not from ancestral con-
nections, but from merit, citing the names of Carys-
fort, Ashburton, and Overstone as worthy of men •
tion in a company, for the most part, engaged in
the pursuits of commerce.

To the toast of " The House of Commons," Mr.
R. W. CRAWFORD replied, stating that at no time
did that assembly more fitly represent the opinions
of the country at large than at present, and that
there was no well-matured opinion which did not
find a ready expression in it.

The Duke of CAMBRIDGE said he had a duty to
perform most agreeable to himself, and which he
was sure would afford equal satisfaction to all
whom he addressed. He had the honour of sitting
next to Mr. Cubitt, the respected Prime Warden of
this ancient corporation, and the very fact of his
having in two successive years filled the office
of chief magistrate of this great and important
city was the best proof that he was honoured and
respected by his fellow-citizens. (Cheers.) With
their and his permission he would propose his
health, coupling with that toast " Prosperity to the
Fishmongers' Company," of which he had that day
become a member. He had at times heard it said
that these great companies had seen their day, and
that it would be better that they should cease to
exist. He did not share that feeling ; on the con-
trary, he believed, and that was an opinion he had
long held, that those companies had very useful and
important public duties to perform, and that they
discharged them with the highest credit to the body
corporate and with a great amount of general good.
For himself he should always entertain a grateful
recollection of the hospitality and kindness with
which he had been received on this occasion; he
believed in that respect he might also speak for the
rest of the guests ; and he hoped this great and
ancient corporation might " flourish for ever, root
and branch." (Cheers.)
The toast was drunk with acclamation.

Lord Justice KNIGHT BRUCE, whose name had
been connected with the toast of "The Bench and
the Bar," said, speaking
part of their
of the Judges,
lives
tews was their
didis-
satisfying destiny to pass a great
satisfying and displeasing half the litigants who
came before them, unless, indeed, at times when
they succeeded in disappointing both sides.
(Laughter.) Nor, he said, ought they to expect or
wish to be popular, but it was impossible not to feel
sensible of the good opinion of men at once upright,
intelligent, and independent. They did so feel, and
they gratefully acknowledged it on this occasion.
Mr. BOVILL responded to the toast on behalf of
the Bar.

The PRIME WARDEN then gave in succession
"The Corporation of London and the City Com-
panies" (for which the Master of the Drapers' Com-
pany spoke) and the" Royal Hospitals," associating
the name of Mr. Foster White, treasurer of St. Bar-
tholomew's.

The company separate.' shortly after 10 o'clock.
In the course of the entertainment the bargemaster
presented to his Royal Highness and the Prime
Warden the six young watermen who had that day
rowed in the race on the Thames for the livery and
badge given by Mr. Thomas Dogget, deceased, a
famous comedian of his time, in commemoration of
the happy accession to the throne of the family of
her present Majesty. The winner was Thomas
Young, of Prince's-stairs, Rotherhithe. They were
accompanied by about half a dozen watermen who
had gained this distinction in former years, one, of
whom, named Campbell, bearing several medals on
his breast, was recognised by the Duke of Cam-
bridge as having served in the flagship Britannia
during the Crimean war. The
competitors in the
race, according to custom, received each a couple of
bottles of wine from the hands of the prime War.
den, and the former winners of the coat and badge
one bottle each, with some kindly hints as to the
containing the record of Xhe
pruodnetnhteugseolodf icit;ket,

freedom presented to the Duke, are several bas-
relicfs—copies of some of those on Trojan's column
at Rome, recording his victories o'e the Dacians
and Samaritans, or inhabitants of part of the Danu-
bian provinces !and Russia.

A selection of vocal music, under the direction
or Mr. Henry Buckland, was sung by Madame
Ruderedorff, Mr. Baiter, Mr. A. Austin, Mr. W.
ummings, Mr. Lewis Thomas, and others in the
CI
c urse of the evening. Mr. Harker acted as toast-
Master. The company provided suitable entertain-
ment for the Volunteer guard of honour from the
London Rifle Brigade, who had received the Com-
mander-in-Chief on his arrival.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

V
itstn
commencement,vs .—The party history
there w
eorfethe
indications session
is
SATURDAYsooy
told.
R A:
that the Opposition contemplated a grand assault. The
cession of the lonian Islands was a measure which seemed
to furnish a fair battle-cry, and it was generally calculated
that, with the help of the discontented Irishmen, the Oppo-
sition leaders could command a majority, assuming that
they might count the votes of all their nominal adherents.
But the project was either never entertained,or was speedily
given up. Three or four of the members who were pro-
minent in the extinct Protectionist party expressed on the
first night of the session- their feeling that Lord Palmer-
merston represented their views as closely as any Minister
for whom they could hope, and avowed their determination
to hinder any immediate change of Government. This
mutinous demonstration had the effect of proclaiming an
armistice for the session. Party action on the part of the
Opposition became hopeless as far as regarded any substan-
tial result, and damaging as an unnecessary advertisement
of disunion. Mr. Disraeli appears to have accepted the
situation with philosophy, and has retired for the time
from all political contests, except those in which Church
questions are involved. On two occasions only have the
Opposition attempted a distinctly party move against
the Government—in one of which they were successful,
while they failed in the other. Both of them
were provoked by Mr. Gladstone. At a moment when
everything was smooth before him, and the reductions in
taxation which the Government were enabled to make had
almost buried in oblivion the past eccentricities of his
finance, he made a proposal devised apparently for no other
purpose than to remind the world that he was unchanged.
The tax upon charities was recommended by no other con-
sideration than that it was a pedantic exaggeration of prin-
ciple which was likely to irritate the greatest number of
persons for the smallest possible gain. After the measure
was defeated, Lord Palmerston, with characteristic gene-
rosity, asserted that it had been brought forward with the
full approval of all the Ministers. But it is difficult to be-
lieve that it was ever formally submitted to the Cabinet.
The most unobservent student of English opinion upon the
subject of charitable endowments would have been able to
predict the result of such a proposal. Mr. Gladstone ap-
peared to have an inkling of its fate himself ; for he made
a strenuous effort to carry it by a coup de main, before the
aggrieved bodies, whose movements were sure to be slow,
could be roused to action. Foiled in this manceuvre he made
no effort to save it. He delivered a speech in its behalf which
was one of the finest of his efforts; but it was evidently
composed not for the purpose of convincing his opponents,
which he abandoned as a useless labour, but in order to vent
upon all charitable persons—past, present, and to come—
his irrepressible anger at being driven to retreat. He was
unable, however, to procure the advocacy of one single in-
dependent member, and was forced to withdraw the
project after a very brief debate. Upon the second
occasion on which the Opposition forces were mustered
against him, he was more successful. The subject of de-
bate was one of those personal questions which keenly ex-
cite the House of Commons, but are profoundly indifferent
to the country. It was the proposal to cancel Mr. Church-
ward's contract, in punishment of his electioneering sins in
1859. Though the details of the case were much disputed,
there was little question as to its main feature. The largest
charity could not doubt that Mr. Churchward had timed
his application with a view to the impending Dover election,
and had relied much upon his political merits for its suc-
cess. On the other hand, whatever his sins might have
been, it was an awkward precedent for the Queen's Govern-
ment to set, to ask the House of Commons to cancel a con-
tract that had been made by a former Government in her
name'. It was a case of which the merits were sufficiently
balanced to enable men to vote according to their partisan
allegiance. A slight desertion in the ranks of the Opposi-
tion resulted in a majority of eight in favour of the Govern-
ment. A subsequent attempt on the part of the Con-
servatives to reverse the decision was foiled by an ignomi-
nious rivalry of a pigeon-match ; and Mr. Churchward's
contract was finally quashed by a majority of 14.
SPECTATOR.—The Ministry has lost heavily, as well by
the death of Sir C. Lewis—who was judgment to that col-
lective mind, as Lord Palmerston is force and Mr. Glad-
stone conscience and imagination—as by the shortcomings
of those who survive, The Premier has made no blunder,
but he is visibly older, and though time has not impaired
his audacity or visibly diminished his tact, it is slowly but
imperceptibly sapping that almost physical energy of
thought which, and not insight or foresight, is his intellec-
tual claim to reign. He is coachman, and will be; but the
observer does not feel quite so certain that he will always
turn the corners so sharply without ever touching the kerb.
It is becoming possible to conceive of Lord Palmerston mak-
ing a blunder, not from want of sympathy, as in 1858, but
from want of nervous force, which has hitherto been incon-
ceivable. Earl Russell, too, has not gained in public estima-
tion either by the Brazilian or Polish despatches. He may
be, and probably is, in both cases in the right, but there are
traces in the former dispute of an irritation which deprives
diplomacy of its one merit—freedom from personal or na-
tional passion, and in the latter of something not widely
distinguished from political feebleness, The Six Points in-
tensely irritate Russia without exciting either among Poles
or Englishmen any corresponding enthusiasm. On the
American question the old Whig chief—for Lord Palmerston
is no more a Whig than he is a radical—has almost alone
among the aristocracy stood firmly to his great principles,but
the rigid justice, the honest preference for freedom displayed
by the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, have been-devoid of a
trace of that warmth which might have bound a great people
to us for ever. He has been judge, not politician, and plain-
tiff and defendant alike quit his tribunal with cheeks red
whit an irritation which does not quite subdue respect.
Throughout that discussion and all others this session
"languid Johnny," as Bulwer sang or chanted—for the
verse is very like the kind most popular in the streets—has
not once "growled to glorious John." Nor has Mr. Glad,
stone advanced. His budget, it is true, was successful, and
his speech on defence of his tax on charities raised for ever
the appreciation of educated men of his magnificent intel-
lectual power. There has not been such. a speech since
Macaulay in half an hour smashed Lord Hotham's success-
ful bill forbidding the Master of the Rolls to sit in the House I
of Commons. It actually changed votes on the spot, men
pledged to their constituencies murmering that it was im-
possible to resist. But, nevertheless, Mr. Gladstone has not
advanced. The death of Sir Cornewall Lewis has left him
heir apparent to the Liberal leadership, and as accidental
leader he has on one or two occasions failed. He managed
the vote of the Kensington purchase like a clever attorney
—Mr. Ayrton would have done it as well—and showed a
temper which, if he wants Liberal votes as well as the ad-
miration of Liberals, he must restrain. A sort of hard
rather than fiery temper, a disposition to snub severely, is
very general among our governing men, and by no means
without excuse, It is almost the only social defence against
the pitless pressure, intrusion, and impertinence to which
they are of necessity subjected. Peel showed it always, and
so did Lord Grey, and Lord Granville is probably the only
politician of standing in whom it is totally absent. But this
attitude is not the less consistent with so much of self-re-
straint as leaves all faculties unimpaired, gives mere baiters
no hope of success, and spreads through a party that glow of
confidence which soldiers feel when they watch the grave
serenity of their leader. Tact and temper do not count in
a competitive examination, but they are indispensable in
governing men, and there was no tact in telling the house
that as it had been led on so far it must pass the next vote ;
no temper in the disdain with which the Chancellor satirised
men who had voted the purchase of ground, but refused to
pay for the sheds which lumbered it. The scene annoyed
all cool heads; for Mr. Gladstone it our chief, be it as leader
or conqueror, and to make a great one he must be rid of this.
There is no drawback save one, which in England has always
been insurmountable. We have had vicious Ministers of the
first class, many Ministers who could not talk, two men
whose word was worthless, at least one who drunk hard,
and one a recognised coward ; but Parliament has not, since
Clarendon's day, borne a Premier with a thin skin. Sir G.
Grey failed in his single bill for amalgamating the London
Police, and adhered during the session to a condemned
system of penal discipline with the obstinacy which, to men
of the world, suggests a conscious feebleness of will. The
Duke of Newcastle has been prominent only in the removal
of judges two
made
in on charges very possibly true, but at all events
the dark; and in the rash and doubtful measure
which ended in the transference of a vast section of a conti-
nent by a sale with secret conditions. As for the smaller
fry, Sir Charles Wood is what he always was, a block out
of which a peer may be hacked, but of little other value;
and Lord Granville is, as ever, the suavest representative of
an extinct school of gentlemanly politicians. The single
exception is the Duke of Somerset, whose opinion as well
as his action daily inclines politicians to try once more the
experiment of placing the Naval Department under one
man's control. For the rest, the Cabinet, though still
strong, has, on the whole, lost ground in the opinion of
those it rules.

EXAMINER.—As far as party action or legislative result
can be deemed true tests of healthful vitality, the session
just closed must be regarded as the idlest and most inane
which the present generation can remember. Nothing has
been attempted by those who would, and nothing has been
accomplished by those who could, repair or amend our
domestic institutions. On neither side of the table that
divides the Haves from the Have-nots is it actually alleged
that nothing requires to be done. That was the old creed of
Conservatism ; but like other old-fashioned phases of faith,
the bottom has fallen out of it, and it is only by dint of con-
tinual soldering and tinkering that it is made to hold to-
gether at all. All your finest young Toriesyratu for a com-