The Sun.
London, England, 1837-09-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 1837

just, honest, and liberal in the empire, cannot safely
be kept excluded from their rights by the resistance
of a faction. He might, perhapS, appropriately re-
mind her Majesty that the same faction who array
themselves in opposition to the claims of the people of
' Ireland, not long since conspired against her own
succession, and that whatever be their present profes-
sions or intentions, the almost inevitable result of their
policy would be to expose the empire to dismember-
ment, and Ireland to, the chances of becoming a se-
parate kingdom under sonic native or foreign adven-
turer. King Leopold must be aware, and aecord:ngly
may be expected to assure her Majesty of the rooted
and growing aversion of all intelligent people to tax. the
%%hole of a community for the maintenance of the re-
ligion of a part ; and, here again, the country of which
he is Sovereign will afford him an admirable illustra-
tion for exposing the absurdity
,of the charges made
against the Roman Catholics. He may point to
Catholic Belgium choosing a Protestant for its So-
verei, n, a d n a national provision for the
religions ministry of its Protestant citizens, and ask
her Majesty what credence can be attached to the as-
sertions of those who would persuade her that the
Calhol cs of Ireland arc incendiaries and rebels, and
tliat if they be admitted to equality of rights with
their Protestant brethren they will immediately at-
tempt a Popish ascendancy ? Though her Majesty's
o.vn good sense must have already acquainted her with
all these circumstances, and the deductions to be made

from them, it might not be amiss to cal her attentio
to the fact, that a Sovereign of England has and ca
have no firmer basis for the throne than the affections
of the"people. History, and especially recent history,
might be conveniently referred to to show, that tl-,e
of the Sovereign, while in unison with that of the
people, can accomplish every thing, while in opposi-
tion nothing. Nor should it be omitted to refer to the
danger of choosing councillors whose sentiments are
known to be obnoxious to the public ; or, of retaining
councillors after having violated or betrayed the trust
reposed in them by the Sovereign and the people. The
fate of the Polignac Ministry in France, and of the
Peel Ministry in this country, may he judic:cusly
quoted in elucidation of this topic. Thus, Leopold
may furnish some judicious advice for her Majesty's
guidance ; but in this we see no ground for Tory ex-
ultation.—Morning Advertiser.
Whoever shall be Ministers during the next session
of Parliament, they will have a trust of more then ordi-
nary importance, even in the affairs of Government,
to discharge. Their responsibility will be of the very
highest character. They will have to mark out the
beginning of the political course which the youthful
Sovereign is to take. They will have to-lay founda-
tions upon which the political prosperity or adversity of
this country for a long time to curie will, problbly, be
built. It is, therefore, impossil le to cherae'trise in
terms too strong for the occasion the vital importance
of having Ministers, during the first Parliament of the
new reign, in whose sagacity, integrity, good faith,
and sound national spirit, the Sovereign may safely
rely, and the people may without feverish anxiety con-
fide. The question which every loyal and considerate
sultject of the Queen should ask himself at the pre-
sent juncture is, whether the existing Administration
is a safe Administration for such a period, and, if it
be not, what steps should be taken to prevent the
opening of the new reign from being tainted by dis•
honourable, or overcast by disastrous policy ? It is
certinly in no spirit of party that we declare our
decided conviction that the existing Administration
is eot such a one as loyal and constitutional subjects
of the Crown could wish to establish the character and
regulate the political tendencies of the new reign. We
do not find in the present Government either the prin-
ciples, the talents, or the steadiness which are neces-
sary for upholding the national character of Great
Britain under ordinary circumstances, and much less
can we look upon it as one fitted to guide the vessel
of the State at a moment when the utmost skill and
the extremest circumspection are demanded. When
we are in an established current, and no danger is to
be apprehended from impelling storms or opposing
breakers, even feeble hands, and hearts of no stouter
materials than the world ordinarily affords, may be
thought sufficient to secure us from danger; but, in
such national circumstances as at present surround us,
we cannot and we ought not to be so easily satisfied.
Are the present Ministers the ablest and the lionestest
men for the direction of pubic affairs whom the Sove-
reign and the people can find in the two Houses of
Parliament ? If they are, then there is no more to be
said. There is no use in repining at what we cannot
help. But if they are not so, as most assuredly we think
they are not, then the public should not stand still, hoping
merely that the best men may by good luck fall into the
offices of Government; but they should consider the great
importance of securing the best possible Government for
the young Queen at the opening of her political career,
and rouse themselves to the necessary exertion for ac-
complishing that end. With regard to the principles
of government, it is absolutely impossible to say what
the present Administration approves, or what it does
not. We shall not then contend about matters which
are doubtful, and which are perhaps kept in doubt, in
rd:r that any objection founded upon that which from
t.me to time appears to be the principle of government
fray be met by denying that any such principle exists.
But this e may maintain, without fear of contradic-
tioe, that the Administration is not independent—that
it is not strong enough to carry on the Government
without the assistance of politicians who profess to
have different objects in view from those of the Minis-
ters whom they support—and that there is a continual
uncertainty hanging over the affairs of Government,
and a continual apprehension existing regarding the
permanence of our most vital institutions, which must
hinder the nation from taking that lofty position, and
the people from having that sense of peace and
st curtty, which are essential to the glory and the
happiness of the country. To those who are in
tl c habit of reading Parliamentary debates, it may
seem almost ludiciously superfluous to urge that
the present Ministers do not take the lead
among public men as men of talent. Nothing
is more conspicuous than the humiliating deficiency of
eloquence, of knowledge of affairs, of energy, and of
manly spirit, which appears on the treasury bench of
either House of Parliament, when compared with
those on the opposite side. If there be any men of
commanding talent on the Ministerial side, they' are
not Ministers, but persons of more violent politics,
who support the Government on account of the revo-
lutionary tendency of its measures. It would be the
height of folly and injustice to suppose that Great Bri-
tain does not afford materials for a more respectable
and trustworthy Government than the present. It is
certainly true, that at the political opening of the new
reign, the Queen ought to have the advantage of the
ablest assistance and the safest guidance which the
country will afford. 'Whoever will put these two pro-
positions together, may deduce the consequence which
we wish at present to press upon the public conside-
ration—namely, the urgent necessity of adopting. con-
stitutional. means for freeing her Majesty the Queen
from the tncumbrance of the present Administration,
and leaving her Majesty at liberty to provide herself
ith Ministers of greater ability and more assured in-
dependence.—Morning Herald.
If the Examiner be, as we are ourselves persuaded
it is, by far the most metaphorical and facetious of our
Whig-Radical or Radical C mtemporaries, the Spec-
tator is unquestionably the most matter of-fectish and
argumentative. One is often amused by the Examiner,
and the atnusement is not the less that one involun-
t trily assumes the existence of an arriere pensee on
Cie part of the writer. In the Spectator the quantum
of amusement is less, but that of argument is greater,
and one is never tempted for a moment to doubt the
sincerity of the writer. He is obviously a shameless,
fearless, out-and out Radical, who, having drawn the
sword, throws away the scabbard ; and without regard
for, or reference to, the powers that be, or the sanc-
tions, religious and political, by which existing institu-
tions arc worded, advocates and aspires to another
syslem of civil existence, in which the institutions
and the sanctions would be of a wholly different cha-
racter, and in which the British Monarchy would
be, a second time, temporarily merged in the vortex
oofr'outor
of aim ephemeral
hlitcehp
tuibl i e
v eSit actioc:hbiln'aotriioenss,
under the fiefosm liill have rendered
puseol
political system
more popular, and which is,cideollit pe?earhap
sincere
on
e,
coltihe whole,sen,a tives
mote

an 1 Church of England Christians, we conscientiously
disagree with and protest against both. Maugre the
perennial pleasantries of the one, which of an argu-
ment make a joke, and of a joke an argument—in de-
fiance of the barefaced Republican dialectics of the
o.her—we must denounce the temporizing Whiggery
of the former not less than the plain-spoken, unblush-
ing Radicalism of the latter. In reading the Exa-
miner our political hostility softens into a smile. In
perusing the less attractive pages of the Spectator our
constitutional placidity of countenance darkens into a
frown. Thor.e" emulous fellow labourers in a great
bad cause, the subversion of the British Monarchy
and the overthrow of the British Church, have
experienced a sort of solution of continuity in the
moral and mental tie which naturally arose out of the
community of their political objects. Whether the
source of this fratricidal hostility partake of the
nature of mercantile jealousy, or arise from causes of a
more recondite nature, we will not undertake to say.
But certain it is, that the hebdomadal belligerents,
both of whom advocate the great cause, one and indi-
visible of politico-religious liberalism, appear to regard
each other with most intense and edifying aversion. A
Liberal, attached to persons whom he considers mos'.
likely to forward the purposes of a party, and a Liberal
wedded to principles, and comparatively indifferent to
the persons by whom they are to be realised, are placed
in different circumstances, and regard the same objects
under very different aspects. The able and well-con-
trasted partisans alluded to have accordingly espoused
opposite sides in reference to the Ministerial' policy
during the last Parliamentary campaign, as well a), in
regard to the inferences to be drawn from the results
of late general election. In the conduct of their
amicable warfare the Whig-Radical. Examiner seems
to us more ingenious and entertaining than his

manly Radical opponent ; who, on the other hand,
strikes us as a more dauntless and uncompromising
champion of certain principles of civil and religious o-
vermnent, which he believes, or professes to believe,
essential to the well-being of the country. The noun-
substantiveness of the Spectator, his ruthless expo-
sure of the sordid and selfish policy of the Melbourne
Whigs, his reckless disregard of persons, his sturdy
adherence to principles, and his consistent scorn of all
time-serving shifts and equivocal expedients, have ex-
posed him to some not very amicable animadversions
on the part of some of his political allies, whose more
courtly and more calculating system would veil the
ignominy of their late defeats, and continue the impo-
tent agency of the present Ministers. In his number
of yesterday our " fine, boldfaced " Contemporary,
disdaining concealment or equivocation, and following
his facts and his figures to their legitimate conse-
quences, arrives, by an elaborate process of docu-
mentary and arithmetical argumentation, at the follow-
ing most comfortable conclusion :
" That nearly half of the population of Great Britain
has, within the last two years and a half, abandoned Libe-
, rat opinions for Toryism."
This conclusion our Contemporary candidly admits
is " arithmetically demonstrated :" but he con-
soles himself and his readers bv the flattering
unction that it Is " morally impossible." Now " a
moral impossible," as Mrs. Slipslop calls it, is
but an indifferent counterpoise to an arithmetical
demonstration. Our intrepid and ingenious Contem-
porary, therefore, attempts to neutralise the appalling
inference by establishing a distinction so Jesuitico-
Jacobinical as to be perfectly astounding between
the population and the constituency of England.
The great mass of the people does not elect the
Members of the House of Commons, and is there-
fore not represented by them, or is by them mis-
represented. This is the sublime of Jacobinism.
It is " refreshing" to meet with such an eulogy
from such a quarter on the merits of " the Bill,
the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill." The
representative system, the direct result of that
Whig-begotten measure which enraptured and in-
toxicated the illuminated Radicals of England, has
already become in their own estimation " little better
than a farce." To remedy the evil, to escape the
overwhelming alternative, " that the people are going
over to the Tories at the .rate of three millions and
a quarter per annum," there is but one Radical nos-
trum ; to reader the population and the constituency
oanvertible terms. This and the Ballot might swamp
the Tories, subvert the Throne, and overthrow the
Church. Few but genuine Radicals, indeed, would
fancy such a purchase at such a price. For the pre-
sent we must rest satisfied with the conviction that the
constituency created by the Reform Bill has returned
a majority of Tories, and that nearly one-half the
population of England has, within the short period
which has elapsed since that Bill became law, aban-
doned the abominations of Liberalisita, and embraced
the wholesome faith of old English Toryis r.—Morn-
ing Post.

LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, Szrr. 2.
Our market has been less freely supplied with Cotton this week
than previously, and the demand continuing, prices have advanced
4d. per lb. in American descriptions generally. Brazils have been
in good demand, and may be quoted 'Ad. higher, except Alaran-
hams, which merely maintain previous quotations. Egyptian con-
tinues to participate fully in the demand, and most qualities are 140.
higher. Sea Islands have also improved, being 1,40. per lb. higher.
Surat is in good demand at advance. 3,000 Americans and
500 Surat hare been taken on speculation, and 600 American and
350 Surat for export

d. d.
260 Sea Islauds l2 to 18
50 Stained ditto 74 —ll
6,850 Uplands si
3,910 Mobile, Sce.
9,600 New Orleans 4 9
1,350 Egyptians 8 —l3
1,170 Pernams, 7 91
610 8

Demerara! 0 to 0
Peruvians 0 0
300 Laguayras si
,3,240 Surats .....
70 Bengals
Cartliagcnaa
Manilla 0 0

[,530 Nlaran hams 8- 9
Sawginncd
The sales to-day are 5,000 bag:
o the trade.

50 Vest lndia 6l 0
Ylarbadotts
10 Smyrna GI 0
I, at very full rates, and nearly al

Bales.
Taken on speculation this year
Same in 1836
Forwtrded to the country unsold this year
Same in 1836

Increase of import this year compared with the
same date last year
Increase of stock
Decrease of quantity taken for consumption 16,600
Decrease of quantity taken for export .. 16,335

Comparative View of the Imports and Exports of Cotton into and
from the whole Kingdom, from the Ist of January to the 26th
ult., and of the Imports and Exports for the same period last
year :

Into the Kingdom this year.

_
American
South American

Bars.
711,706
86,298

West Indies, Demerara, &c. ..
East Indiei •
Egypt, &C.

~ 3,878
108,193
21,936

Total of all descriptions
Same period last year.
Bags.
American ... 648,295
South American ... 98,453
West Indies, Demerara, &e. ... 3,865
East Indies
Egypt, &c.

Increase of Imports as compared with same
period last year
Exports in 1827.
American, 39,725; Brazil, 2,665 ; East India, 47,902 ;
West India, —; Othor kinds, —.

Total in 1837
Same period last year
Stock.

Sept. 1, 1837
Same time, 1536 ......

297,500
267,300

John Reeve is now considered by his medical at-
tendants to be in a perfect state of convalescence, and is at
present enjoying the salubrious breezes from the sea, and
partaking of the benefits of the saline baths at Hastings.
A frightful murder was committed lately in': the de-
partment of Senlis. The victim was a girl of 18, and the
assassin a ruffian named Guiltet, her owe brother. The
nature of the wounds displayed a degree of violence and
atrocity almost incredible. The corpse was disfigured.
by not less than 24 gashes, in each of which the-murderous
knife had been buried to the hilt in the person of the
wretched girl. The features, which are described us hav-
ing been remarkably comely, are said to be scarcely recogni-
zable, the ruffian having plunged the weapon into her face
at the nose with such brutal force that it pierced the palate
and perforated the back of the neck. A mad incestuous
passion urged the villain to this hideous crime, which ap-
pears to have been deliberately perpetrated on the poor
girl's repelling his loathsome advances. He fled to the
fields after the murder, but was speedily apprehended.
The Paris print La France announces in the most
positive terms, that the marriage of Prince Alexander of
Wurtemburg with Princess Mary of Orleans is finally de-
cided upon. Louis Philippe is stated to have secured to
his daughter 200,000 francs a-year until his death, when
she wijl comp in f?rber share of the immense roTert:( of
the D Orleans "fattidil