The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-07 00:00:00

F. 1.6.••••••.•
THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

( 11. tom the Times' Correspondent.)
NEW YGRK, Aug. 21.
The procluunation of Governor Seymour to the
people of Ne w York was not published until the
moraine' of VVednesday, a few hours before the com-
mencement ,of the draught. It is a judicious and
carefully-pre pared document, and has been received
with a howl. of rage by the "shoddy" contractors,
the Aboliti anists, the " exterminators," the "war
Christians,'" and all who desire the abrogation of
State right e, the effacement of State lines, and the
esta'olishme nut of a military despotism. Governor
Seymour is ;not disposed to further any of the views
of these geretlemen. Knowing that they would be
glad of a riot in New York, as a pretext for placing
the city and. State under martial law, he warns the
people in emphatic language to keep the peace, and
at the same time notifies the Government of the
danger it will incise if it overstep the limits of the
Constitution. He draws a broad line between ques-
tions of Stale right and Federal assumption of
powers not yet granted, and while reiterating his
opinion that it would have been wise as well as
humane on the part of Mr. Lincoln to have procured
a competent judicial decision on the conscription
before proceeding to enforce it, he asserts for the
guidance of the conscripts that the law must be
obeyed until the courts shall have declared it to be
unconstitutional. Denouncing the doctrine which
once found favour in the eyes of Mr. Seward, Mr.
Charles Sumner, and other leaders of the Republican
party, when objecting to the Fugitive Slave Act,and
goading the South into secession, that any man or
body of men may violently resist laws which are or
seem to be opposed to their private notions of right
or duty, be declares that a disregard of the sacred-
ness of the Constitution, the majesty of the law, and
the decisions of the judiciary is the greatest danger
which threaten American liberty. It is his opinion
that not only the Constitution and statutes of the
nation, but of the several States or commonwealths
of the Union, "contain ample remedies for all wrongs
that may be committed either by rulers or citi-
zens. Those," he adds, " who wish to preserve their
rights or to punish offenders, whether in public or
in private life, should themselves carefully perform
their duty, abstain from all illegal acts, generously
support the Government, and then calmly and res
solutely claim their rights." He concludes by
stating that he will allow of no opposition to the
conscription, except by appeal to the Courts—the
decisions of which must be respected by rulers and
people alike. In all this the purpose is clear. The
rebuke administered to the Government is well de-
served, and the warning public and insignificant.
By this proclamation—as by every other act of this
gentleman since be entered upon the duties of his
office—he takes front rank in, if he do not assume
the leadership of, the Conservative party ; and
places himself—and the great State of which he is
the chief magistrate—as barriers against the revo-
lutionary designs of the Federal Administration.
Though in favour of a vigorous prosecution of the
war, Mr. Seymour's real position is far higher than
that of a war demagogue. He wishes to see the
Union restored, but, whether it be restored or not,
he is determined, in so far as his functions, his cha-
racter, and his duty extend, that it shall not be re-
stored at the cost of the constitutional rights and
liberties of the people, or be replaced by a military
dictatorship. Meantime, the great revolution is
rolling on, and may perhaps roll over Governor
Seymour and all who support or agree with him,
The will for that purpose is not wanting at Wash-
ington, and the military instruments are not only
ready, but eager for the fray.
Meanwhile, the combatants are ranging them-
selves on either side, seeming as if they had agreed
to make the draught the test question which is to
settle whether the Constitution be a living document
or a dead letter. It is well under sucheircumstances
that some attention should be bestowed in Europe
on the composition of the contending forces. On
the Conservative side are arranged all the educated
Americans, comparatively few in number, who
think the Federal and the State Constitution suffi-
cient for the maintenance ot popular liberty and a
it:publican form of Government, and who are op-
posed to ail and every change, and especially' to in-
terference with Southern slavery,which they hold to
be in every respect a local and not a Federal or na-
tional question. Along with them go the vast mass
of the working classes, who, under the ancient system,
possessed the privilege of a vote and ail the rights
and immunities of citizenship. These included free-
dom from taxation and conscription—one the worst
evil of insular, and the other of continental Europe,
which they or their forefathers had fled to America
to escape. Up to the outbreak of the Civil War
these classes were accustomed, each individually, to
look upon, himself as the equal, if not the superior, of
the Presiclen t—a paid functionary,who was the mere
creature cif their votes, and the servant of their will.
Of the same opinions as the working classes are the
struggling traders and professional people of all de-
grees,
who see in the war the ruin of their prospects.
To these have to be added thehigher class of lawyers,
educated in respect for the law, and too independent
in the exercise of their profession to accept minor
judgeships or other spoils of office at the hands of
the Administration. These diverse, but sympathetic,
bodies of earnest men form a strong phalanx, and,
having the advantage of the past history and tradi-
tions and the existing law and Constitution of the
Republic ortneir side, ought to in
be able
days of danger to meet every revolutionary
of r pro-
ject with the formidable oppos both
son and of numbers. On the other side are
rity, who are in actual possession
ranged the mino
of office—a minority of preachers, theorist?, doc-
trinaires, strong-minded women, hangers on of the
conventicle, emancipationists (of the slaves of other
people), and all the rich, who thick that no man
Should have a vote unless he be American born and
possess a large amount of property. The latter
class of people have as strong an objection to uni-
versal suffrage and as intense a hatred of its real
oros ' anticipated, results as was ever entertained by the
most narrow-minded opponent of the Reform Bill
in "
lal'and- No aristocrat of the Faubourg St.
Germain
the days of Louis X.V. ever looked down
with mere
upon
- contempt a vilain or a roturzer than
these new rich
men of America look down upon the
labouring classes,t especially if they be Irishmen,
Germans, 0,
by
the-groes, Their nature have become
despoticpossession of wealth, the only posses-
sion that is respected in
no honour and a country where office con-
ferswohia.:o no social rank exists, they
sy rep athise with desp
Tat home and abroad. They
would use the Irish and
Would employ
to fight the battles
of Federalism; they
employ the negroes for
the same purpose, but theyhwould deny all three the
exercise of political rights,
and place between the
newly arrived immigrant and
cook Without
a aime vote not only the
possession of a certain
annual
wout much
resi-
dence of at least 21 years. They lo
fear or any' disfavour on the possibilityof convert-
ing the South into a Poland or a .
nett% to be
held at the cannons mouth by means of ai
arge stand-
ing army ; and are so passionately determined that
the North shall be a nation—one, homogeneous,
and
indivisible—strong enough to insult the minor and
keep the superior kingdoms of Europe in awe
of its
displeasure, and more especia,ly to assume that
place in the trade and politics of the world which is
occupied by Great Britain, and they would cheer-
fully sacrifice their liberty to achieve the desired
end, and bend their necks to the yoke of an iron-
handed captain who would do them the favour to
seize upon authority. Unlike the revolutions ot
Europe—which broke out in resiallos fury for the
e
sake of popular liberty—the revolution that
commenced in America is guided in the interest 01
arbitrary power. Governor Seymour and the Demo-
crats are Conservatives. Mr. Lincoln and the Re-
publicans are innovators and destructives. The one
party prizes liberty for the white man ; the other
party only prizes it for the black man, with this fatal
restriction of the benefit to be conferred, that the
black 111310 is only to be freed in order to be expa
triated.

During the three days of the draught, which
commenced on Wednesday and proceeded yesterday
and to-day, the most profound tranquillity has pre-
vailed in the city. Not the slightest attempt at
disturbance has anywhere been witnessed ; on the
contrary, the turning of the wheels of fortune by
blind men has in the presence of vast crowds of

spectators, has given rise to much good humoured
banter, and the display of that somewhat rough
and rollicking fun which is characteristic of the
rowdy American. The Republican journals, which
persist in insulting the only class of men from amid
whom their sorely needed soldiers are to be ob-
tained, take care to inform their readers that it is
solely owing to the stern measures of precaution
taken by the Government—the presence of 20,000
armed troops in different districts of the city, and

of half a score of gunboats in the north and east
rivers—that the crowd is so peaceable. A few
Ministerial journals not quite so violent insist that
the public feeling on the subject of the draught
has undergone a change, and that the working
classes are not only resigned to it as a
national necessity, but are of opinion that,
all things considered, it is fair and equit-
able. The value of bath of these assertions
will soon be tested. Let but the Corporation of New
York, either by the opposing action of Mr.Opdyke,
the Mayor, or from any other circumstance, refuse
or neglect to vote the promised sum of 3,000,000
dole. to purchase substitutes for the poor conscripts
who decline to serve, and there will be a commotion
in New York which will fully employ all the mili-
tary skill of Gen. Dix and all the bravery of his
20,000 men to bring to any other than a disastrous
close. The conscripts of the labouring class believe
that this money will be paid, and for this reason,
and for no other, whatever the Republicans may
allege to the contrary, they keep their tempers
cool, and go about their ordinary business as
thing had happened. It they be disappointed in
this expectation, the seizure of the first conscript by
military force will be the signal for an outbreak.
It is impossible for any one who wishes to open his
eyes to the facts to ignore the indications of peril.
The temper of the women of the labouring classes
is represented by those who have been among them
as particularly violent; and it will not surprise
the police, however much it may surprise the doc-
trinaires and black philanthropists who have Mr.
Lincoln in their keeping, if there should be an in-
surrection of furious women rather than suffer
their sons or husbands to be carried into mili-
tary slavery to fight for a cause in which they
have long ceased to feel the slightest interest.
There are not wanting cynics who affirm that even
for this contingency the Government is prepared ;
that it not only does not fear, but would be glad of
its occurrence, because it would afford the dearly
coveted excuse for declaring martial law, deposing
or incarcerating Governor Seymour, and making
an end once and for ever of the local rights of the
most powerful, and, as the Government regards it,
the most troublesome State in the 'Union. There is
little danger, however, if the three million dollars
can avert the catastrophe, that the money will not
be forthcoming. The Mayor may veto the appro-
priation, but he can only postpone, not prevent, the
passing of the measure, if the Aldermen and
Common Council are resolute in their purpose to
preserve the peace of the city by this means. His
veto becomes inoperative, if, being debated after
an interval of ten days, it is overruled by a two-
thirds' majority. And, as the two Civic Courts are
said to be all but unanimous on the subject, the
opposition of the Mayor can cause no worse mischief
than delay, while personally it will entitle him to
the gratitude of the Administration for having done
his best to meet their wishes,—a gratitude which
may or may not show itself by the award of a
new contract for the supply of army clothing,
such as has already fallen to the lot of this fortu-
nate politician.

The Extraordinary Discovery in White-
chapel Church.

FURTHER DISCOVERIES.

On Saturday forenoon, at 10 o'clock, a search in a part o
the church hitherto overlooked was instituted by order o.
Mr. Churchwarden N. J. Powell, and with the most unem
pact ed results.
In the belfry, behind a sort of wooden chamber or box
containing one of the huge clock-weights, a child's coffin
was found standing on end, Upon proceeding upstairs into
the clock chamber, the men employed in the examination
found a child in a shroud, and no fen er than 11 skulls.
There was also in another part of the chamber a coffin con-
taining a quantity of sawdust, which, upon being removed,
disclosed to view the skeleton of a child, with a cap en the
skull. These and other remains had been placed behind
some beams or joists parallel to the wall, at a height of 18
feet above the floor of the chamber. To reach the spot
where the remains were found it is slated that two persons
at least must have been engaged, for the only access to it
was by means of a narrow ledge of timber, eight feet from
the ground, and the coffins must have been handed up to the
person above by an accomplice. The place to catch hold of
was very narrow, and if the person clinging on had made
, the slightest slip, he would infallibly have been killed by
falling into the iron machinery of the church bells.
A builder, Mr. Hicks, of Whitechapel, has been engaged
to carry on this further search. A carpenter, John Roche,
employed under him. states that from the appearance of the
wood of the coffins, some at least of them must have been
placed where they were found within the last two years.
Fragments of others present the appearance of being thirty
years old.
The searches previously made being thus found to be
incomplete, Mr. Hicks has been directed to re-examine the
roof and take up the flooring of the pews over the gas-pipes.
The boards of the flooring have been accordingly removed,
but nothing further has been discovered, and the re-exami-
nation of the roof has likewise yielded a negative result. The
carpenters have now been set to work to view the boards in
the galleries, but, as far as they have get gone, no more re-
mains have been found. The roof itself is made of oak, and
of course could not be removed without enormous expense ;
consequently it will not be removed, as has been stated in a
morning paper, and it is not supposed that anything further
is
concealed
in it. The total number of remains found by
this new search is three bodies of children, eleven skulls, and
a quantity of fragments of bodies, besides coffins complete
and broken up.
arb le slab i n the
It is extraordinary that these remains were not discovered
bell-chamberf
th
o states
emarriage
c )t
the
bellsbe for
before,
earse a
thoroughlymrepaired in honour
the Prince of Wales, on the 10th of March .last.

double blow to the ambition of the Anglo-Ameri-
cans; it deprives them of a vast and rich inherit-
ance which they had long counted as their own;
and it cuts them off from the still more tempting
countries which lie still further to the south. In
fact, it gives them, for the first time in their national
existence, a fixed and definite Southern boundary.
It renders their territory limited instead of un-
limited, though still enormous. It bounds their
imagination, and by that simple process wounds
their national vanity.
EXAMINEIL—It was a maxim of Jonathan Wild
the Great to do no more mischief than was abso-
lutely necessary, as mischief was a thing too pre•
cious to be wasted. The American Government
seems to hold a similar opinion as to falsehood, and
in Mr. Seward's review of the war there is a sur-
prising amount of truth. The Foreign Secretary
evidently thinks that sufficient for the day past was
the flim.flam thereof, and he therefore does not
romance about events which have passed into the
domain of history. What, indeed, would have been
the use cf wasting precious falsehood upon facts
now beyond dispute? It was all very well upon
occasions of disaster to make things pleasant by a
little concoction of invention ; but that is all gone
by, the truth too well established, and any fibbing
now would he worse than useless, absolutely detri-
mental. If the war were now described as a series
of successes, with a few exceptions having no con-
sequences, such as Bull's Run and Fredericksburg,
people would naturally say, why is it not all over?
If so much has been done, how can anything remain
to be done ? Gross, indeed, must be the mismanage•
ment which allows the war to dreg on which has
been marked with a succession of triumphs. Mr.
Seward is cunning enough to see that this would
not do, so he is truthful enough in his review of the
war till he comes to the recent turn of its fortunes
in favour of the North, and then he expends upon
it all the fine colouring he has kept in reserve.
Indeed, the dark shadows of the earlier passages
serve to set forth more brightly the present pros-
pect. According to the Foreign Secretary, the
Northerns were beaten till they could be beaten no
longer. They had exhausted defeats. They travelled
in the long lane of disaster till they came to the in-
evitable turning. For all this the American
Government will some day claim credit, showing
that all its seeming reverses wcro cunningly-
planned expedients for ultimate success. There
was once upon a time a charlatan wno professed
drawing teeth without pain. When the credulous
patient was in his hands he would give a tug at the
grinder with his instrument, and, in reply to the
roar and angry complaint that followed, say, Now
that was merely to show you Cartwright's method,
that you should see the difference between his and
mine. Another tug, and another roar, and the ex-
planation that the pain was only to exhibit Spence's
method, and so on till the tooth hung by a thread,
when the quack fetid, Now you shall have a speci-
men of my method, and whipped the tooth out
without more pain. And so President Lincoln, if
he ever succeeds in extracting the tooth, will say
that Bull's Run was only to show Burnside's me-
thod ; the period of inaction, M'Clellan's ; Frede-
ricksburg, Hooker's; and that his own conduct of
affairs commenced when the bunglers were all dis-
posed of. Upon the breaking out of the war we
repeatedly expressed our opinion that the North
could not keep any very large force permanently in
the field. They have succeeded in doing this to a
greater degree than we thought possible, but the
voluntary levies are now fairly exhausted, and the
Government confesses that its only remaining re-
source is conscription. How that will work we
shall soon see. But if it gives soldiers, it will give
such soldiers as will full surely revenge their forced
service by tremendously increasing the demoralisa-
tion already existing. In the memoirs of a French
veteran just published it is shown what a canker in
the armies of Napoleon was the rapine, which had
become a condition of their existence, and cause of
their dissolution. If this was the case with the
armies of France, how will it be with those of
America under a discipline so much taxer, and with
a national propensity so much stronger to insubor-
din atic n ? To be sure, it may be said that robbery is
the order of the day in the Feceral States, that every
one who can is pillaging, and that the soldier only
does on a small scale what contractors and crea-
tures of the Government are doing on a great scale;
but when men with arms in their hands follow this
prevailing fashion they are apt to cut out more work
than is bargained for, and woe to their employers,
with the wolf by the ears, which they can neither
hold nor let go. One day the conscripts' turn may
come, and they may say to the Government, "You
made us soldiers against our will, and soldiers we
will now remain against your will, and help our-
selves to indemnities for our forced services." For
law and liberty in America sad times are too evi-
dently in store, " bad begins and worse remains
behind." One good effect has been brought about
by this war. It used to be the reproach of quiet
citizens that in their security they delighted in the
account of battles, and could hardly be satisfied
with any amount of liil!ed and wounded. This is
certainly no longer the case. The American war has
surfeited with carnage, and the battles, one just like
another, have lost all interest. '['he imagination
cannot grasp or follow things on so large a scale.
The high numbers are confounding. In a word, the
American war has become a nauseous drug, and
many people have resolved to hear no more about
it till it is over, like the Irish traveller in the sacked
town, who gave his order as he took to his bed,
" Call me when it is done." But when is it to be
done ? Mr. Seward tells all in Europe who desire
a restoration of peace, for the renewal of commer-
cial prosperity, to withdraw support and favour
from the insurgents, as if these were the only obsta-
cles to the termination of the war. Leave us to
ourselves, he says. But have the favour and support
been all on one side ? Have they not been pretty
equally divided, the South getting the largest share
of the favour, the North the largest share of the
support in the substantial shape of arms, munitions
of war, and the raw material of soldiers in many
thousands of emigrants ? There is always some
reason for not succeeding in a conflict. "If it had
not been for this or that, I should have thrashed
aten,"says every foiled combatant ; and Mr. Seward's
appeal to Europe betrays the consciousnes of diffi-
culty at the bottom of all his vaunts of success.
COURT Joynxtee.—The Archduke Maximilian is very
wisely hesitating as to his acceptance of the Mexican throne,
which, however tempting it may look at a distance and in
theory, would in reality be a hotbed of troubles for any un-
fortunate Prince sufficiently bold or ambitious to accept it.
The Archduke has consulted his brother, the Emperor of
Austria, and his father-in-law, the King of the Belgians,
on the subject; and the latter Monarch, who is ever ready
to give his friendly advice and services to those of his family
who seek it, cannot fail to point out to his relative the
dangers and disagreeables which would ensue upon his ac-
ceptance of the French offer. It is very clear that, without
a lengthened occupation by French troops, the Mexicans
will never become willing subjects of a foreign Prince; but,
however undesirable this may be, the Archduke Maximi-
lian's rule would be the only security which Europe would
possess of the French occupation not becoming a perpetual
one. In case of the Archduke's refusal, a French Prince
will undoubtedly supply his place, and Mexico, in that case,
will be nothing better than an appanage of the Imperial
throne of France. While the Archduke Maximilian has
been thus debating a proposal so momentous both to himself
and to Europe, his brother has been actively engaged in ne •
gotiations of even greater importance, and which deeply
concern the future prospects and welfare of Germany. The
Conference at Frankfort has been brought to a close, but not
without having been productive of a great amount of utility.
It is true that Prussia steadfastly declines to accept the
proposals of the Austrian Emperor, and that one or two
minor Princes of no influence or note whatever have fol-
lowed in the suit of the King, to whom they are tied by
personal or pecuniary interests ; but, nevertheless, the re-
mainder of the German Sovereigns have made up their
minds to adopt the Austrian programme in its chief par•
titulars ; and even if the union should be a partial one, it,
will certainly be a source of greater strength to the different
elements that compose the great German nation. Nor were
the deliberations of the thirty Crowned Heads solely con-.
fined to the consideration of German Unity, for, although
only a secondary object, the Polish question was duly
deliberated upon in the private interviews which the
Emperor of Austria and the Grand Duke of Saxe-Coburg
held with the remainder of the German Princes. One and
all they concurred in the policy adopted by Austria, and,
such as it is, they lend their influence t© support the three
Great Powers in the measure which they have adopted
towards Russia for the benefit of the Polish nation. Russia,
friendless and unsympathised with by any other nation,
except Prussia, would not dare to press matters on to active
warfare, in which, with all her power, she would certainly
have to succumb to the united forces of the remainder of
Europe. But while we see every cause for congratulation
at the time adopted by the German States as regards their
own interests and those of Poland, we cannot but deplore
the policy wt, ich they seem inclined to pursue towards Den-
mark andi:Schlesa ig-Holstein. Without attempting to
plunge into the unfathomable mysteries of the eternal sub-
ject on which Scandinavia and Germany are at such com-
plete variance, it needs no argument to show that Denmark
is in every way justified in retaining her hold upon the
Schleswig-Holstein provinces. Surely, while they are still
matter of dispute, the party in possession cannot be ex-
pected to deliver them up to the rival complainant, and
Denmark has done all that could be reasonably expected of
her in offering to submit the question to the consideration
of a general conference. Should Germany refuse this very
fair proposal, we cannot be surprised at the King and people
of Denmark resolving to maintain their rights vi et arms;
and it is gratifying to observe that Sweden and Norway,
with a noble spirit of generosity and self-sacrifice which is
not often met with in the transactions of nations, have de-
termined upon assistancelendinigneayslemelves, Lave to thee the Dan
samees, whore
_
m
clilgaiintahned seorig
manners, and whose language is only a slight
different lenguege trout that spoken by the Swedes and Ner-

wegians. In the deplorable event of war between Germany
and the Scandinavian Powers the duty of England would
undoubtedly be one of strict neutrality, but there can be no
question as to which side our sympathies would incline.
ilialgre a certain awkward Danish despatch, which has now
become matter of European notoriety, our Government
would know this, and no Minister, whether Liberal or Con-
servative, would dare lend the slightest assistance to the
enemies of Denmark, Nevertheless, wo trust that the good
sense of the Austrian Emperor will avert this threatened
calamity, and that he will endeavour to keep intact that
admiration and sympathy which he has excited in ►this
country by his bold attitude in Polish affairs, and his un-
flinching determination to grant his subjects a liberal and
truly constitutional system of government.

WILLS AND BEQUESTS,

(From the Illustrated London News.)
The will of Mrs. Margaret Scancomb, of Trow-,
bridge, Wilts, was proved in the London Court by
her son, Mr. Wm. Stancomb, the surviving execu-
tor. The personal estate was sworn under £120,000.
The testatrix died in April last, and was the relict
of the late Mr. Wm. Scancomb. The will bears
date 1845, and a cadicil 1852, and another 1860.
Her property she directs to be divided into six equal
parts, leaving to her son and five daughters a share
each. A legacy is left to the Sunday-school con-
nected with the Baptist chapel at Trowbridge, at
which the testatrix attended, and a sum is to be
expended in clothing and other gifts for poor mem-
bers of the congregation. Legacies and annuities
are also left to her servants. The will of Major-
General Sir Joshua Jebb, K.C.8., of The Elms,
Fulham, was proved in London by the executors,
Mr. Samuel Henry Jebb, the testator's brother, and
the Rev. Charles Campbell, the testator's brother-
in-law. The personal property was sworn under
£30,000. Sir Joshua entered the Royal Engineers
in 1812, became colonel in 1855, major-general in
1860, had served in America in 1812-13, and retired
on full-pay. Sir Joshua held the offices of Sur-
veyor-General of Prisons, Inspector-General of
Military Prisons, and Chairman of the Directors of
Convict Prisons. Sir Joshua, who was in his 70th
year, died in June last. His will bears date, 1854,
and there are two codicils, dated 1858 and 1860.
To his wife, Lady Amelia (who is the daughter of
the second Earl of Chichester), he leaves a liberal
annuity and a portion of the furniture, wines, &c.
To his son, Mr. Joshua Gladwyn Jebb, he has de-
' vised his real estate, and after leaving a pecuniary
legacy to each of his three daughters, directs the
! residue of the personal estate to be divided between
t them and his son.