The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-24 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST 24, 1863.

owes everything, even its territory, and to reduce
that " Mother of Nations" to the rank of a third-
rate Power. British America, on the one side, if
wisely fostered in its growth by the Home Govern-
ment, and Mexico on the other, may perhaps be the
agencies which, if they do not humble the pride of
the Yankee Government, whether Republican or
Imperial, may at all events teach it to know its
proper place in the world, and keep to it without
offence to its neighbours.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

SPECTATOR.—The Austrian Emperor's address is not by
any means a bad speech, or unworthy either of the rank of
the great Sovereign by whom it was read, or of the ability
of the statesmen by whom it may be supposed to have been
prepared. There is a trace in every line of an honest desire
to bind Germany closer together, and the reference to the
grand obstacle, the attitude taken by Prussia—the most
delicate point in the speech—is at once straightforward and
manly. The Emperor frankly regrets the absence of his
great colleague, but there is no mistaking the meaning im-
plied in the advice, " Let us preserve for mighty Prussia the
place to which she is entitled, and let us hope that our
unity will produce an indelible impression upon all German
hearts." The statement, too, that "the peoples:must parti-
cipate in the Bund, in order to give it new vigour," will
gratify a- growing German sentiment, while the distinct
utterance, " I see no prospect of finding a firm basis in the
question relative to the future of Germany by means of pro-
longed deliberations," shows that one member, at least, of
the Federation is weary of endless talk. But the speech
must be read by the light of the proposal which it was in •
tended to introduce, and so read it will for the majority of
Germans and all the rest of Europe resolve itself into words.
The grand coach is put forward, but the Emperor really rides
in a cab. The grand project of reform, so loudly proclaimed,
so splendidly dressed, resolves itself into a cumbrous scheme
for the increase of Austrian influence within a still dis-
united Confederacy. It sweeps away the Diet, which has
never yet accomplished an act, to replace it by an organise
tion which can, indeed, accomplish many, but none of the
kind for which the heart of Germany craves. The
whole pith of the plan lies in the scheme for securing a
strong executive power. The legislative arrangements are
evidently of very minor importance, and if Germany is
to remain a mere congeries of Sovereign States, we do
not know that they have been very unskilfully devised.
They do, not, indeed, secure the smallest power of internal
improvement, but they do partially transfer the power of
resisting change from the Kings to the people. The power
of legislation is to be entrusted to a very Conservative and
excessively cumbrous, but still united Parliament, composed
of two houses, with widely different powers. The Lower,
or popular House, styled the House of Delegates, will be
composed of 300 representatives elected by all the German
Diets, two-thirds being named by the Commons and one-
third by the Peers. The proportions will be Austria, 75;
Pru.sia, 75; Bavaria, 27;
Saxony, Hanover, and Wurtem-
burg, 15 each ; and the minor principlities and cities from
twelve to one, an arrangement which gives Austria and
Prussia united a fair half of the House, but also ensures to
the Catholic States a clear working majority. The Dele-
gates will vote by majorities, and will have power to
pass resolutions on questions connected with alterations in
the Bund, on the budget of the Bund. on matters connected
with the press, on the right of association, on the right of
narrow range of subjects, h
domicile, and on other minor questions. Even upon this
offer wishes, fcr on the close of their sittings the Assembly
of Princes ,4
will
take
intocoownesvideerr,atthioendaenledgfianteasllycadnisopnolsye
of the propositions made by" the Chamber; in other words,
the Princes will be even more absolute for resistance than
at present, because relieved of the check of local discontent,
Nobody will even know which of the Princes has resisted
each proposition, and the dissatisfaction of any one German
State will break itself to pieces against collective German
royalty. Take, for instance, as the example most easily
understood, the general law of the press. In order to ob-
tain uniformity, the one or two States in which thorough
liberty
is enjoyed must be resisted, in order to meet the
views of States like Austria, where editors are still impri-
soned ; or Prussia, where six newspapers have been sup-
pressed in one day. Otherwise, the Princes will reject the
law, and uniformity will be as far off as ever. On the other
hand, supposing the Princes ever to yield a liberal law, the
press would be beyond the caprices of individual Princes;
for, as the initiative rests with the delegates, and the majo-
rity of the delegates are appointed by the Commons, they
have only to refuse to bring new bills to keep the old free
system inviolate from any legal attack. That is an enor-
mous gain—one so great as to almost compensate for the
excessive power assigned to the Princes. The pith of the
plan is, however, the new executive power. There is to be a
Directory of Five, to be formed of the Emperor, the Austria,
the King of Prussia, the King of Bavaria, and two other
members elected by the small principalities, all sitting under
the presidency of the first and voting by majorities. To this
Directory enormous powers are conceded, the management
of all foreign affairs, the appointment of all ambassadors, the
control of the army, the suppression of internal disturb-
ances, the expenditure of the Federal budget, and the con-
vocation and prorogation of the House of Delegates. It can
even declare peace and war, with the consent of the Federal
Council, a body of 21 Counsellors in practice nominated by
itself, the majority in the Directory having also a majority
in the advising body. In other words, the Directory would
be for most German purposes, and all foreign purposes, a
most effective executive, one which,could it but be accepted
and work harmoniously, might be an irresistible political
power. But then what chance is there of acceptance or
harmonious working ? The first glance at the scheme shows
that it is one for the permanent nullification of Prussia.
There are five votes in the Directory, three of which—his
own, that of Bavaria, and that of the smaller pro-Austrian
States—will invariably belong to the Emperor. Austria
would, in fact, be advanced to the political sovereignty of
Germany, and this, without securing to Germany in her
turn the slightest prospect of fusion.
LONDON REVIEW. It is rather whimsical to think of
his Caesarean Royal Apostolic Majesty going to meet the
assembled sovereign princes of Germany in the free impe-
rial city of Frankfort, to propose for their discussion a Ger-
manic Federation reform bill. There are four Kings (but
the King of Prussia stands aloof) and five Grand Dukes,
with as many Dukes who do not style themselves Grani,
half a dozen
burgomasters,Re-
publican
who have met in conclave to hear
the Emperor of Austria propound his scheme of a new Con-
stitution for the German Union. What will they make
of it ? Let us first see what sort of thing it is. The
Federal Executive is to consist, as we have seen, in its
active part, of a Directory, or Cabinet, being the three
Sovereigns of Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria, which are the
only German Powers, together with two Princes from
among the minor German States. This league of monarchs,
supported rather than controlled by a Federal Council of
deputies from most of the State Governments—Austria and
Prussia having each three votes while other States have but
one--is to provide for the defence of Germany against all
foreign foes, and likewise to suppress all internal disturb-
ances. Diplomacy and military operations will belong to
the Directory of five monarchs; but they must obtain the
consent of two-thirds of the votes in the Federal Council
before declaring war. There can be no doubt that Ger-
many, with this organization, could more readily exert
her whole strengih in self-defence if she were menaced by
Russia or invaded by France. The vague desire for a
closer national union, which has been fermenting in Ger-
man minds for many years past, arises mainly from an un-
easy consciousness of the fact that Germany lies at the
mercy of the two compact and powerful empires on her
eastern and her western frontiers. At the same time,
it is to be
feared that, with a Federal constitu-
tion,twoorthreeleading States might practically
, in whichdetermine, by their agreement, the question of peace or war,
Germany would be liable to be dragged into many disputes
foreign to the real interests of the German people, and re-
lating more especially to the non-German dominions of the
Austrian empire. There are two members of the Confedera-
-1 tion, Austria and Prussia, which rank among the Great
Powers of Europe. These have their own ambitions, their
own allies and enemies, their own policy to serve. It would
scarcely tend to secure the happiness and tranquillity of the
smaller German States if they were to be compelled, at the
bidding of a majority of votes in the Federal Council, under
Austrian dictation, to engage in a war with France and
Italy upon the question of Venetia, or with Russia upon
Polish and Eastern questions. Another function of the Di-
rectory, as we perceive, is to put down all internal disturb-
ances in Germany. Now it is probable that this interference
of the Federal Power would only be called for in the case
of a revolution breaking out in one of the German States,
and of the failure of its prince to subdue the revolution.
We should then see the new Government of this State, a
Government de facto, and entitled to general recognition,
assailed and overthrown by the whole military force of the
Confederation. The Directory of five German Sovereigns
might even choose to regard the most orderly and legiti-
mate exercise of political freedom, in any German State, as
a crime against the Federal peace and order. We do not
imagine that the domestic liberties of Germany would be
much advanced by their practical interpretation of this rule.
If we look, also, to the list of those subjects of legislation,
upon which the Chamber of Delegates is to be allowed to
debate, we find that they include " matters connected with
the public press, the right of association, the right of domi-
cile, and sundry other matters of inferior importance." No
resolution, however, of the Parliamentary Delegates will
have the force of law, unless it be adopted by the Assembly
of Princes ; while, for aught we can see, the Assembly of
Princes may pass laws of their own, quite independent of
any proposition from the Chamber of Delegates, who will
not have a veto on this Royal legislation. Whether or not,
as a whole, the Austrian scheme of Federal Reform will
commend itself to the sovereigns now assembled at Frank-
fort, we are not yet able to say. But since the members of
the Liberal and Constitutional party, from all the German
States, held their meeting, curiously enough, this very
week, and in the same city, we may expect very soon to
learn what is their opinion of the Austrian scheme. Mean-
time, the once constitutional kingdom of Prussia abides in
her sulky isolation, and lets judgment against her go by
default.

EXAMINER —ln the Diet at Frankfort, and in the Coun-
cil of Princes, such ashas just been called, Austria presides,
not merely by virtue of her having so long held by inherit.,
ance the Imerial Crown of Charlemagne, but by virtue of
the superior numbers of her population and armies. But
Prussia contains a greater number of Germans, and is by
nature, if no longer in fact, the undoubted head of North
Germany, a region which far exceeds the South, and
especially Austria, in wealth, development, intelligence,
and population in proportion to the soil. With
such conflicting claims the pretensions of Austria and
of Prussia are irreconcilable, and the minor States
are, though numerous and populous, so divided, that
no joint action can be established amongst them, so as to
enable them to counterbalance or arbitrate between the two

great monarchies. Neither side displays moderation, or
shows any real wish for a compromise. As to Prussia, her
policy has been to form a lesser or new Confederation, leav-
ing Austria and her adherents out ; whilst Austria makes
proposals which treat Prussia as a small State, of at least
no more importance than Bavaria. As long as the two great
Powers of Germany put forward such irreconcilable claims,
anything like common action, agreement, or result is impos-
sible. Let us, for instance, examine the proposal just made
at Frankfort by Austria. It reduces Prussia to a level with
Bavaria, and gives the one as much influence and as many
votes in the Federal Executive as the other. Austria con-
sents certainly for herself to take no more than either. But
Austria and Bavaria together have more votes than Prussia
and the rest of Germany together ! In making such a pro-
position the Emperor of Austria and his ministers must
have known that Prussia, whether, under sane or unsane
Government, could never consent to it. The loss of a battle
of Jena would, indeed, scarcely induce Prussia to stoop so
low. And if Prussia did consent, Northern and Pro-
testant Germany would refuse to be thus placed in the
hands of the Catholic Powers of the South. It is needless
to discuss the other portions of the Austrian Constitution
for Germany,—a princely House of Lords to begin with,
that is, the Executive puffed out into a Legislative
Body ; and, moreover, this Princely Chamber giving the
power to nominate one-third of the representatives of
the people in the Lower Chamber ! Was ever anything so
preposterous and absurd ? Whatever may be the possible
amendments in the Constitution of Austria, most certainly
that which has been concocted and offered to Germany is the
most ludicrous abortion that ever came from the constitution
monger. We must confess to having thought the Austrian
Court cleverer. It would have been easy to put the King
of Prussia as much in the wrong with respect to Germany
as ha unfortunately is with regard to his own dominions.
And had the insulting offer of putting Prussia on a par with
Bavaria been accompanied by any real and liberal concession
to the German people, the Prussians might then have been
hooted down as the great obstacles to Reform. But as it is,
Prussia can easily come forward to point out that the Aus-
trian proposal is a mere tub thrown to the whale, a play-
thing set before the Princes, a scheme not capable of being
realised, and utterly worthless if it were. Here, too, we find
an advantage of diversity over unity. If unity at present
prevailed in Germany, as it does in France, that unity would
be despotism. And such a scheme as that propounded by
the Emperor Francis Joseph might defy the criticisms of
the press, because it would be in the fetters of a universe 1
censorship. But now the Prussian press is free, when it
will, to expose the futility of Austrian legislation ; as the
Austrian press has liberty to discuss the shortcomings of
the Prussian monarch. There, again, is the National Union,
a patriotic association of German Liberals. If the Govern-
ment were one, it would be soon put down. Whereas now
it contrives always to find a refuge and a place of meeting ;
if nowhere else, at least in the dominions of the Duke of
Baden, or the Duke of Saxe-Coburg, two potentates who are
stainch Liberals and Constitutionalists. We should, there-
fore, recommend the Germans to go in quest of liberty first,
and secure it, ere they insist too strongly on unity. This
was the loudest cry of the French in 1792. So they have
got unity as one of the results of the revolution; but it is
unity with a vengeance—unity that leaves no possibility of
stirring, or of thinking, much less of writing. Heaven de-
lend Germany from the unity that her neighbours have
won, and are contented to enjoy
COURT JOURNAL.--The following is a complete list of
the Princes, &c., now in Frankfort for the purpose of
taking part in the Congress : The Emperor of
Austria, the Kings of Bavaria, Saxony, and Hanover,
the Crown Prince of Wurtemburg, Grand Duke of
Baden, Elector of Hesse, Grand Duke of Hesse, Prince
Alexander of Hesse, Prince Henry of Holland, the Duke
of Brunswick, Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin,
Duke of Nassau, Grand Duke of Saxe, Duke of Saxe-
Mdningen, Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Grand Duke of
Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Grand Duke of Oldenburg, the
Hereditary Prince of Anhault-Dessau, the Prince of
Schwartzburg-Sonderhausen, the Prince of Schwartzburg-
Rudolstadt, Prince of Lichtenstein, Prince of Waldeck,
Prince of Reuss (younger branch) ; the Burgomaster of
Lubeck (Herr Bremer), the Burgomaster of Frankfort (Dr.
Muller), the Burgomaster of Bremen (Dr. Ducknitz), the
Burgomaster of Hamburg (Dr. Haller), making altogether
21 Princes and four representatives of free towns. The
Kings of Prussia and Denmark, the Princes of Anhault-
Bernburg, Saxe-Altenburg, Reuss (elder branch), Hesse-
Homburg, Lippe, and Schanenburg-Lippe, who constitute
the remaining members of the German Confederation, are
neither present themselves nor represented by deputy. As
yet the Emperor, Kings, and Dukes at Frankfort have only
dined, but there was a ghost at their banquet ; it sat in the
empty seat of the King of Prussia, for whom a cover was
laid; how will it mar the digestion and the spirit of the after
proceedings ? The speech of the Emperor of Austria was
simple and sensible. It spoke of general unity, banished all
thoughts of aggrandisement and robbing one another, which
was genteel, at least, and such as we are accustomed to in good
society in England. 'What is the object of unity if there is
to be no robbery ? Why, to act against a common outward
foe, we presume, and to act for the best internal interests of
the land. The liberal character of the Emperor of Austria
will secure the people their share of advantages in their in
ternal arrangements ; and the outward foe, whoever he
may be—and who can he be ?—must feel himself consider•
ably smaller by the Frankfort dining out of the Emperor,
Kings, and Dukes of Germany.