The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Whom does the Morning, Post suppose it can in-
fluence by the ribaldry it yesterday directed against
Lord Durham and this journal ? In introducing the
Russian Tariff to our readers, we gave it for what it
was, not as a regulation free from objection, but as a
great improvement on the previous slate of thing,.
The Morning Post has the assurance to say—
We have submitted to the trade—namely, to tbr_.
Russian merchants of the city of London—the document
so pompously put forth for the purpose of ascertaining the
opinion which they have formed of it ; and the answer we
li.ve received, without one single exception, is—. it is all
humbug—sheer humbug: If the Morning Chronicle does
not agree with us, we only request that it will turn its atten-
tion from the classic shades of Downing-street to the more
simple but honest retreats of the Russian walk in the Royal
Exchange, and if it can find a single merchant there. ex-
cept those connected with the Board. of Trade, who does
not pronounce the word humbug after reading over the
Tariff, we will admit that we know nothing of these matters,
so important to the real interests of Great Britain."
The admission of the Post, that it knows nothing
of these matters, may well be' -deemed superfluous,
after the proof it has afforded. Wc have only to say,
that the Post cannot adduce a single house engaged
in the Russian trade, which will hesitate to state that
the prospects of British commerce are materially un-
proved by the new tariff. In many cases, no doubt,
the high ditty will act prejudicially ; but little do they
know of the superiority of the British manufacturer
in the means of facilitating production, who maintain
that in many instances in which a protecting duty has
been substituted for absolute prohibition, a consider-
able importation will not take place. The assertion of
the Post has no countenance from traders with Russia.
But, then, we are told that—
" England has had, for a series of years, a real or pre-
tended quarrel with the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh. There
is the Treaty of Constantinople—the blockade of the Cir-
cassian coast—the quarantine at the mouth of the Danube
—we will not argue whether justly or unjustly set forth as
accusation against the Emperor. The Whig Ministers
were prepared to quarrel for all or for any one of them ; but
no sooner does Lord Durham inhale the flattery of the Im-
perial Court, than all the prepared remonstrances with
which he was charged, are forgotten, and he zands home,
. in lieu of the abandonment of .the Treaty of Unkiar Ske-
lessi, the long column of figures which he calls a new Ta-
riff, and which will be a Tariff to the day of judgment with-
out any advantage to the British trade."
The Whig Ministers have not, like the Tory Minis-
ters, suffered Russia to make a prey of Turkey. They
found that the Duke of Wellington had been duped by
the Czar, and that the British Government under him
had been wanting in its duty to Turkey at a most
important crisis. It has been the business of the
Whigs to repair-d-as far as they could—the blunders
of their predecessors. The Treaties into which the
Turks were forced by Tory blunders, .and their
own necessities, could not be unmade by the
Whigs—but they have taken care that British
interests should not suffer from these treaties. They
will not remain passive should these interests be endan-
gered, but neither will they rashly involve their coun-
try in the calamities of war. Silistria has been eva-
cuated at the intercession of Lord Durham. The
toll at the mouth of the Danube has been disclaimed,
and the complaints of the English merchants in that
quarter redressed. Whenever an English merchant has
complained of wrongs at the mouth of the Danube,
Cronstadt, or Archangel,- Lord Durham has instantly
demanded and obtained reparation. There is but one
opinion with all who have commercial dealings with
Russia, or countries with which Russia comes into
contact, that their interests never were so well attended
to as during the period of Lord Durham's embassy at
St. Petersburgh. The Post had better not provoke
comparisons on this subject. The Duke of Welling-
ton will not thank it. The war between Russia and
Turkey is, to speak as mildly as possible, a blot on
the reputation of his Grace. It is well for him that
his laurels reaped in other fields form a set-off against
the disgrace reaped in this.—Morning Chronicle.

We lave else-where inserted an excellent letter under
the signature of " }Elian," on the subject of some re-
marks in the Times on the recent elevation of Mr.
Fraser, of Lovat, to the Peerage. We will not enter
into the question of the validity of that gentleman's
claims to the Scottish title (though we ourselves have
no doubt on the subject), because the manifestation of
his Majesty's pleasure in Mr. Fraser's elevation to a
British Peerage renders it no longer necessary to
discuss the prior claim. As the possessor of a large
estate, and a gentleman highly esteemed wherever
he is known, Mr. Fraser was worthy of his Ma-
jesty's favour ; and, whatever the Tories may think
it is quite clear that the Sovereign does not think that
his Roman Catholic subjects ought, on account of
their creed, to be excluded from offices or honours.
The Bill of 1829 put an end to Catholic disqualifica-
tion, and though the Tories and their organs may
wish that the law should remain a dead letter, and
that the King should confine his favours to a faction,
it is evident that his Majesty does not forget that he is
the Sovereign of all his subjects of every creed and
denomination. As a manifestation of the spirit in
which the Government ought to be conducted, the
elevation of a Roman Catholic gentleman of ancient
family and good estate to the Peerage will be produc-
tive of the very best results.—Morning Chronicle.
The Melbourne rump have too many irons in the
fire. As their dangers multiply, so do their devices;
and each expedient, as it is more imbecile and absurd
than the preceding one, betrays more palpably the na-
ture of the apprehended evil, its overpowering magni-
tude, and its swift approach. One among the tricks of
an insolvent tradesman is to deluge the press with
puffs of his damaged and unsaleable commodities ;
and the advertisements thicken as the fatal -gazette
draws near. A Ministerial adventurer, aware of his
coming bankruptcy, and desperately resolved to make
his exit in a flourish, acts with just the same dignity
as any small shopkeeper in a country town, who, with
mock precision, describes the amount and value of his
" extensive stock of novelties for the ensuing season,"
a season which he is conscious that he will never sur-
vive ; reasserts those boastings of " superiority over all
competitors," the gross failure of which has already
compelled his old customers, one by one, to abandon
him ; and promises most largely when he is most in-
capable of fulfilling even the slightest of his manifold
obligations. The Melbourne Ministers, finding the battle
of their daily and periodical press run wofully against
them, have revived an ancient, but not now-a-days very
hopeful, experiment of writing pamphlets to turn, for-
sooth, the torrent of public opinion to their side. It is
pretty clear that for the last 2.0 years the main and most
powerful lever of opinion, where it has to be moved and
lifted, and its most efficient director, where the purpose
aimed at were to impel it in a given course, is just what
the French call " journalism." Upon the skill and
force of that incessant stimulus which can be admi-
nistered by a daily press, and by that alone, depends
in a great measure the depth and vividness, we do not
say the nature, of the sentiment by which the mind of
this country is unlaced. But the skill must be that
of observation and reflection, and the force must be
derived from truth. Mere shallowness will be soon de-
tected by a nation like the English, where the educated
classes reason so accurately, and mere violence is only
laughed at by a people amongst whom each indi-
vidual respects his own independence, and is so
fearless in the defence of acknowledged or even ima-
gined right. Newspapers, of late years, have been
nourished and invigorated by the extended growth of
education among the people, which supplies the neces-
sary pabulum for an increased outlay of capital and
accession of talent. Hence the abilities and constant
efforts of a class of men, not known to the " jour-
nalism" of even the last generation, have contributed
to raise the periodical Press of Great Britain, and have
been proportionably withdrawn from the field of occa-
sional or pamphleteering warfare. In that conflict of
political intelligence and principle we are satisfied to
let the public judge how the day, as between the pre-
sent nondescript Government, has been already deci-
ded. What the unfortunate placemen themselves think
of it, is plain enough from the wretched shifts they
have recourse to in getting hashed up, by artists of a
description which the poorest establishment of the
daily Press (Whig-Radical or Conservative), would
spurn from the humblest of its offices, the fallacies,
mistakes, and falsehoods, which during the last twelve
months of the Rump Administration had been tried
and dismissed, as unserviceable. The form assu-
med by the above collection of rubbish, is that of

Pamphlet, and the title given to it is the appro-
priate one of " What next ?" The execution is wor-
thy of the cause and purpose—it is elaborately
feeble, and impudently false. We had at the first
glance imputed it to one of those perennial underlings,
the ad.xripti gleime of the public departments, whom,
igiginally admitted by chance, or pushed in by petty
jobbery, no new Administration deems it worth while
to remove : but there is, upon viewing it as a whole,
more ground fur suspecting it to be the work of some
weekly occupant of an official garret. And such a
creature comes as a reserve of the rump, -to rally the
broken squadrons of daily mercenaries baffled and de-
feated in its service I If we were to tell our readers
that there is one word of novelty in this manifesto, we
should imitate time example of its author, and utter a
downright untruth. There is not so much as a ins-
take or an inconsistency which has not long been
threadbare. It records, among the achievements of
the rump Ministry, the putting down of the Orange
Association. We never have been. Orangemen, but
let that body have been ever so inconvenient, at least
they were loyal subjects of the Crown of England, and
devoted members of the Reformed Church. The
pamphlet does nut say what were the attributes, or
what has been the fate, of the " rebel association,"
which has grown up under the auspices of these Mini-
sters, and which has yet displayed neither loyalty to
the Crown of England, nor devotion—no, not tolera-
tion, towards the Protestant Church, nor endurance of
any sway but that of despotic Popery, wearing the garb
of " popular institutions." The Irish Constabulary
Force Bill, with a flagrant contempt for decency and
for the understanding of the people of England, is
recalled to their remembrance by the " doer" of this
pamphlet, who seems . as unconscious as any animal
devoid of all moral sense, that had not the House of

Lords interposed, and by a sweeping abolition of
between 40 and 50 offices, with salaries of 5001. per
annum each, proposed by the bill, it would have stood
upon the statute book the most audacious and atro-
CioiaS-nionument of shameless corruption that ever dis-
graced the most heedlessi'arliainent, or the most pro-
fligate Minister ; and yet this bill passed our reformed
House of Commons, by connivance between a repub-
lican majority and a " no-patronage" Administration !
After a laborious enumeration and praise of sundry
measures passed through Parliament with the assent
of the Lords, this wholesale dealer in false reasonings
and quack nostrums proceeds to show that the same
House of Lords ought to be cashiered for their incur-
able obstinacy in resisting all good measures ! He
insinuates that the Peers are resolved to invoke a
" tangible restraint" upon their independence, " for
they may rest assured the nation has no intention of
allowing the Crown and the Commons to become
mere ciphers in the hands of a compact and per-
manent majority of the Lords." Why, what will they
whom this pamphleteer calls the " nation" do ? They
are neither more nor less than, a clique of partisans
who support the present Ministers for what they can
get, either individually or in the gross. And.does the
man flatter himself that the House of Lords, the " old
oaks of England," have no friends in the " nation ?"
The same degree of independence which the Lords
now possess, they have enjoyed since England was an
organized and civilized realm. If the Lords he now
the exercisers of a " Venetian tyranny," then has Eng-
land, for 700 yearn, been even more oppressed than she
now is by a " Venetian tyranny," for the Lords in past
centuries had incomparably more than their present
power. And even during the last century and a half,
the Lords may be said to have possessed the entire autho-
rity and management of the State, inasmuch as they go-
verned the majority of the House of Commons, subject
to no definite responsibility but that which they owed to
God and to public opinion. We did not, and have proved
that we did not, wish to exclude all but those purely
moral sanctions : yet we have a right to ask, was Eng-
land ruined, or disgraced, or barbarized under that no-
minal supremacy of her Peerage ? Did she under it
sink to the bottom in the scale of nations, or was she
exalted to the pinnacle of hUnsan fame and greatness ?
Let impartial posterity answer those trying questions
It will render justice to an illustrious race of men. We
hope the democracy, should it succeed them in power,
may prove their emulators in the national esteem, and
in manly and honourable reputation. We shall not
take the trouble of following this penny-trumpeter of
the rump and slanderer of the Peers, both individually
and as a body, through all his machinations for the
overthrow of the aristocracy, or through his programme
of the schemes of Ministers for the ensuing session.
His machinations and the schemes of his mas-
ters will have precisely the result which ought to
attend them both, ludicrous as they are and futile.
It would be provoking enough, were it less con-
temptible, to hear this blockhead sputtering about Ire-
land, being driven to rebellion, the union being re-
pealed, and the Protestant church destroyed by a
Conservative Administration It might be equally
provoking to Lord Wharncliffe, were it worth the no-
tice of that clear-headed and well-intentioned Peer,
that he should be accused of a design to take an army
and " reconquer Ireland" ? Who ever heard such
folly from Lord Wharncliffe ; or in either of the satis-
factory and useful speeches which were delivered by
his Lordship in the course of last autumn, what ex-
pression dropped from his lips that could hear any
such ill-judged and odious construction ? The sen-
timent which perhaps made a stronger impression upon
his hearers than any other was his declared preference
for the establishment even of Popery in Ireland than
of no religion at all. But we have not time to pursue the
" puff preliminary" of the rump to its conclusion, nor
taste for it. The whole performance is redolent of
despair.--Times. •

It must have struck the most superficial reader of
the Tory journals, that for the last fortnight or three
weeks they have preserved a silence on the subject of
the approaching Session of Parliament, which strangely
contrasts with the bluster and blarney in which they
had indulged so liberally on that subject for some time
previously. There ars reasons for everything : there
are reasons for this also. The truth is, as we told the
Conservatives at the time, that they lost the only little
sense they ever had by their " pottle deep potations"
at the late provincial feeds. They could not—the To-
ries never could—eat and drink like other people, in
moderation ! They must needs fill their stomachs—
commodious as their stomachs proverbially are—to over-
flowing with the solids and liquids before them. What
wonder, then, if the latter operated on them to such a❑
extent as to fill their imaginations with visions of sig-
nal triumphs ever the Liberal party ? The Conserva-
tives can dream when awake, especially when inspired
by the good Port of some country Boldface, as well as
when asleep. They possess the singular faculty of
dreaming in the day as well as in the night ; and, what
is worthy of observation, their day dreams have usually
much more of the fanciful and preposterous in them,
than those which date their origin from their nocturnal
slumbers. By some unaccountable sympathy which

they had with-each other during the laic dinner mania,
they all at the same time pictured out in vivid colours,
in their own imaginations, the overthrow of the Mel-
bourne Ministry, and their own return to power on
the meeting of Parliament. As that eventful period
arrives, however, their visions seem to vanish, just as
with the ‘i dawn of Aurora," as a poet would express
it, dreams disappear in the moral world. The poor
Tories have at length awoke from their political
sleep, and behold, all they had said and sung about
the ejection of Lord Melbourne from office turns
out to have been but a dream ! All they now do

is but to rub their eyes, and express their regret
that the reality is sadly at variance with the fancies
with which they had amused themselves. To
speak in still plainer language, the Tories now see
that the game is all up with them. They have no
hope, not even the faintest, of again enjoying the
sweets and pocketing the prqfits of office. They have
nothing before them but the melancholy prospect of
continuing to perform the functions of his Majesty's
Opposition ! And with the utter certainty of defeat
staring them in the face in any conflict with the peo-
ple and the Government, those of them in the Com-
mons have, if we are not misinformed, lost even the
disposition to show fight. Their pugnacious propen-
sities no longer exist. We have reason to believe,
that so far from pressing the House to a division on
the answer to the King's speech, they will not even
move an amendment to that answer. If we are not
arieviously mistaken, the same remark holds true even
of the Lords. And this, too, though the royal oration

will assert principles and promise measures which will
cause the ears of the faction to tingle. We shall see
before many mouths elapse the poor Conservatives in
a yet more melancholy and helpless plight than they
even now are, thus illustrating the well-known obser-
vation, that " in the lowest deep there is a lower still."
—Morning Advertiser.
The party of the Nrovement, incontestably inferior
_ _ .

to the party of the Opposition in numbers, in talents,
in respectability, is as incontestably superior to the
party of the Government in all. We rate their nume-
rical strength at about 150 ; but in a comparison of
forces we ought to remember that to this actual
muster, in itself large,: much moral weight accrues
from the avowed sympathy with them in sentiment
of many who are wholly at variance with them in
conduct. Thus the Movement has with it the os-
tentatious declamations of the Irish RadicalS in
Dublin, although in London the same Irish Radicals
are busied day by day in postponing, or averting, or
avoiding every debate by which the Government
may be embarrassed. Thus many Junior Lords and
Under Secretaries, though in the house they must
still be with the aves in the new lobby, or with the
noes in the old loloby, according to the suggestion
of Mr. Stanley, make frequent confession of the
Radical faith at public meetings and in private
coteries—moved now by time necessity of satisfying
some influential cobbler or eminent J slopseller, and
now by 'personal jealousy and vindictive hate of the
Conservatives, whose speedy triumph they fearfully
foresee. With these elements of strength,, and with
the advantages which the assailant alwayS, has over
. .

the assailed, the pursuer over the pursued, it is not to
be doubted that the movement would in the first month
of the session beat the Government from Downing-
street, but for the conscientious intervention of a third
party, whose upright policy is at once. the foundation
of the Government's most sanguine reliance, and the
object of the Government's most virulent abuse. Of
the abilities of the men of the Movement we have
yet, perhaps, scarcely the means of judging. Yet
we think we need not qualify our opinion that, in point
of talent, they are better entitled to keep the Trea-
sury than those by whom it is at present occupied.
We are no great admirers of the pedantic mono-
tony of Mr. Grote's oratory ; but we imagine all
Lombard-street would cry " libel" if we should sus-
pect his acquaintance with banking affairs, and
the operations of our monetary system to be as
superficial as that of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
We never listen with much pleasure to the petulant
personalities of Sir William Molesworth, but he is
undoubtedly more fluent, more clear, and more lively,
than the not less petulant Lord who leads the House
of Commons. Mr. Roebuck could hardly fling deeper
darkness on our colonial policy than that in which Sir
George Grey from time to time envelopes it ; and Mr.
Bulwer may rest upon his novels a much better claim
to the Irish Secretaryship than Lord Morpeth can
ground upon his hexameters. Of the political morals
of this party it is the fashion to speak very contemptu-
ously. And undoubtedly among other causes which
contribute to diminish its hold on the attention of the•
people the notorious profligacy, mendacity, and im-
piety of many of its chief men have no small influence.
Still, we repeat, the Movement is superior to the Go-
vernment in respectability. Its leaders have not yet ob-
truded upon the public censure those shameless ter-
giversations which when impartial history shall
write of these times will win for Lord Melbourne's
Cabinet an indelible brand of condemnation and
contempt. It is bold indeed to talk of the respectabi-
lity of a party which numbers Mr. Wakley among
its most noisy, and Mr. Harvey among its most acconi-
plished advocates ; but Westminster Hall, where the
names of these gentlemen are familiarly known, knows
nothing of them from which we can anticipate so out-
rageous a neglect of honourable principle as that which
has signalized the career of Lords Palmerston and
and Glenelg. Nevertheless, thus above their compe-
titors, as we confess we consider them, in numbers, in
talents, and in character, the Radicals have hitherto
made little impression on the debates of the House.
Sir Wm. Molesworth, in the paper we have before
cited, on the " terms of alliance between Radicals and
Whigs," attribUtes their failure to " the want of orea-
nization, and of energetic leaders." The deficiency is
deeper. They have not the qualities which are ne-
cessary for organization, nor the stuff of which ener-
getic leaders are made. Giants, when compared with
their rivals in the Government, the' directors of the
Movement sink into dvarfs when measured in their
own insignificance. We believe no possible contin-
gency will elevate a Roebuck into a Danton ; and we
are convinced that no magic, short of that which can
turn black into white, will tranform a Hume into a
Mirabeau. Again, if there were vigour in the captains
it would be long before there would be discipline in
the soldiers. An English demagogue detests an Eng
lish demagogue with a fervent detestation. In no
trade is there half so much of envy, hatred, and ma-
lice. Sir W. Molesworth half discloses this truth
when he tells us, " So little unity of purpose is there
among them that it rarely happens that one member of
the Radical party knows what another is about." Per-
haps it is from the knowledge of this antipathy to in-
tellectual precedence among his coadjutors that Sir
William seems inclined to lift into the lead of the
movement a very facetious, but not very forchle,
gentleman, the Member for Liskeard. When it he-
came necessary to re-establish the union of Whigs
and Radicals, which " had been dissolved," says the
Cornish Baronet, "by the feeble and discreditable
policy of the Grey Administration, some of the most
energetic of the Liberals in the metropolis, among
whom Mr. C. Buller took the lead, exerted themselves
successfully." And again, when, after passing, not
unexamined, but unopposed, through its previous
stages, the English Church Bill was to be read a third
time, " the Radicals, Mr. C. Bailer at the head of
them, thought the farce had gone a little too far.'
This young gentleman, we conclude, is to organise the
Movement, and to be its energetic leader. Without
organization, and without leaders, it seems hard to con-
jecture the policy of the party of the Movement. This
is, however, certain. Many of its most stirring mem-
bers are sick of supporting Government unpaid for
their support. They see Mr. O'Connell and his
thirty or forty servants well paid for the less valuable
aid they bring, in the transfer to them of a mass of Irish
patronage, and the adoption from them of a course of
Irish policy. Themselves they find expected to work
without hire, nightly mounting guard behind the Trea-
sury benches, but earning neither places for their sons
nor a good word for their theories. They think,thereis
no cause why they, too, -should not hive a treaty at
Lichfield House, and, instead of forcing upon the
Government the distant abstraction of a few thousand
pounds of Church property, they prepare to force upon
the Government the immediate adoption of Ballot, and

Triennial Parliaments, and Peerage Reform. There
are, incleetil already the 'usual differences and dissen-
sions among their ranks, to which the Spectator of
last Sunday ominously alludes. The Spectator "is
not ignorant of what has been going on with respect
to the Middlesex dinner,"—" prefers silence this week"
—" will not aid in fanning the flames of dissension"
but hereafter it " will not shrink from the duty of un-
sparing dissection and exposure." Let our contem-
porary be merciful. There is but an apparent discord
between his honest friends. Their ends arc the same,
though the paths to them may be different. The
party of the Movement, which we should indeed
count formidable, if we did not know that its strength
within the walls of Parliament affords a most exagge-
rated idea of its strength without them, has no par-
tisans who do not cherish the same hostility to our
Established Church, and to our mixed Constitution.
They will go as far as they think they
Morning Post.

No stronger proof can be afforded of the unprinci-
pled nature of that party zeal which Whig-Radicals
exhibit than the gross contradictions into Which they
fall, whenever tempted to do so, by what seems to be
their interest. We have now before us an essay by a
Ministerialist of great pretension, whose most distin-
g buishing characteristic as a party writer is hostility to
the hereditary Peerage. He admits the value of a
second House of Legislature, but is never weary of
railing and sneering against the hereditary House. He
would have men elevated to the Upper House of
Legislature for their merits, of which the people or the
King should judge but by no means should they be

members on account of their birth, or brinling up.
But the spirit of party requires that this writer should
not only be hostile to the temporal Peers, who sit in
Parliament by right hereditary, but to the Spiritual
Peers also, who arc placed there upon his own plan—
namely, on account of their merit in their profession,
and the choice of the Sovereign, or his Minister.
And now let us see how, in order to vent his spleen
against the Bishops, he can quite forget the principle
on which he is hostile to the temporal Peers. He
goes eve❑ so far as to dilate upon the evils which flow
from raising men to life Peerages on account of their
merit ; he shows the bad effect it has upon the charac-
ter even of learned and studious men. He says—
" Here we come to the question we have often raised.
How arc we to account for the overbearing, domineering,
grasping, en 1 worldly character of the generality of Bishops?
We know that the men raised to the Leach must, with
rare exceptions, be at least as meritorious as the great body
of the parochial clergy, and consequently we must attri-
bute the change for the worse in the favoured individuals to
the corrupting effects of the pomp, the wealth, and the
power of the mitre."

After quoting a passage from the pamphlet of Mr.
Sydney Smith, in corroboration of his theory, the
writer proceeds as follows :
" The high station of the Bishops generates other fail-
ings. Their families are abruptly lifted to a footing with
th aristocracy, but as upon the death of him on whom all
their consequence hangs, they would drop -down to their
original level, there is the greatest anxiety to prop and strut
them up with wealth or appointments, so that they may re-
tain the station in society to which they have been raised
per station. Hence grasping, and making the most of all
opportunities of getting money or money's•worth, and im-
proving aristocratic connection, seem to be a parental duty.
The same impolitic exaltation which produces this effect,
accompanied with insecurity of position, accounts for the
inordinate pride of Bishops' families, which is quite prover-
bial, for the people most tenacious of consequence are
always those least sure of having or preserving it."
We believe what is given as fact in the above, pur-
porting to be the effect of elevating clergymen to the
Episcopal Bench, is nothing but malignant misrepre-
sentation ; but still we have a right to use the argu-
ment which it contains against other arguments of the
same writer. Now, what can be more cogent against
the election or nomination of temporal Peers for life,
or even for a shorter period, than the statements in the
above extract ? If these statements are to be taken as
general truths, anti as such they are put forward, would
we not have just the same complaints to make against
the " impolitic exaltation " of lawyers, or squires,
or nondescript " political philosophers," as this
writer now makes against the exaltation of the
clergy ? Would not the abrupt lifting up of their
families to a level with the aristocracy have upon them
an ill effect ? And as, upon the death of him upon
whom all their consequence would hang, they should
drop down to their original level, would not the tempo-
ral and temporary Lord be as anxious to prop his
family up with wealth or appointments, as an Spiritual
Lord now is with respect to his family ? Would not
the insecurity of the position of the temporal and tem-
porary Lord be likely to produce as much inordinate
pride,,aa is now contended to be the result of the posi-
tion of Bishops' families ? It is, in short, very plain
that this violent opponent of hereditary Peerage has
'unconsciously lent himself to the other side of the
argument, and it is also plain that he can argue either
way, according to the sort of persons whom he wishes
to spatter with his malignant foam. Principle has
nothing at all to do with the matter, and it is very
likely that his next lucubration, being directed against
the hereditary Peers, he will find as much to say in
favour of raising men per saltum and without here-
ditary privilege, to the Upper House of Parliament, as
he now has to say against that very practice.—Morn-
ing Herald.

The trial of Meunier, we are given to understand,
will not last more than one day ; he alone will be arraigned
before the Court of Peers. The other prisoners now in
custody will be brought either before the Court of Assizes
or the Tribunal of Correctional Police, according to the
nature of the offence imputed to them.

A lady of Falaise has just left a legacy of 3001. per
annum to Mlle. do Morell, who acquired so much notoriety
in consequence of the late trial of of Lieut. de la Ronciere.
The gift was the result of the warm interest inspired by the
young lady in the breast of the donor.—Galignani.
DON CARLOS.—The following proves pretty
clearly the opinion entertained by the friends of Don Carlos
here of the prospects of his cause. A well-known Carlist
house in Coleman-street, had ordered 8,000 shoes for the

us,-! of the Pretender's army, of an eminent manufacturer in
Hatton-garden, who has, however, within the last few days,
been instructed to sell them fir anything they will fetch."
SILK TRADE, WEDNESDAY.-The return as made
up of the delivery of this article during:the past week amounts
to 9,5501 b. of the different descriptions. The market still
continues in a depressed state consequent upon the two last
heavy failures, and the business transacting is but limited.
BooK s ELL' NG.—The trade of bookselling seems
to have been established at Paris, and at Bologna, in the
12th century ; the lawyers and universities called it into
life. It is very improbable that it existed in what we pro-
perly call the dark ages. Peter of Blois mentions a book
which he bad bought of a public dealer (a guodant public°
mangone librorum). But we do not find, I believe, many
distinct accounts of them till the next age. These dealers
were denominated " stationarii ;" perhaps from. the open
stalls at which they carried on their business ; though static)
is a general word for a shop in low Latin. They appear,
by the old statutes of the University of Paris, and by those
of Bologna, to have sold books upon commission ; and are
sometimes, though not uniformly, distinguished from the
lihrarii—a word which, having originally been confined to
to the copyists of books, was afterwards applied to those
who traded in them. They sold parchment, and other ma-
terials of writing (which, with us, though, as far as I know,
no where else, have retained the name of stationery), and
naturally exercised the kindred occupations of binding and
decorating. They probably employed transcribers ; we find,
at least, that there was a profession of copyists in the univer-
sities and in'large cities ; and by means of these, before the
invention of printing, the necessary books of grammar, law,
and theology, were multiplied to a great extent, for the use
of students ; but with much incorrectness, and far more ex-
pense than afterwards. That invention put a sudden stop
to their honest occupation. But, whatever hatred they
might feel towards the new art, it was in vain to oppose its
reception ; no party could be raised in the public against so
manifest and unalloyed a benefit ; and the copyists, grown
by habit fond of books, frequently employed themselves in
the somewhat kindred labour of pressmen. The first printers
were always booksellers, and sold their own impressions.
These occupations were not divided till the early part of the
16th century. But the risks of sale, at a time when
learning was by no means general, combined with the great
cost of production (paper and other materials being very
dear) rendered this a hazardous trade.—lfillant's Litera-
ture ofEm.ope. . _

•
Cecile Jazot, a young unmarried woman of the vil-
lage of Sigloy, near Orleans, now scarcely '2l years of
age, two years ago gave birth to a child, of which her
grandmother took kindly charge. Lately the young wo-
man again became pregnant, upon which she was re•
proached by her father-in-law (her mother's second hus-
band) for thus burthening her family with illegitimate
children. Cecile then decided on becoming an imate of
the hospital at Orleans, and on leaving her child after her
accouchement in the Foundling Asylum of the department.
The period of her delivery being at hand she set out, but,
on her way, she was seized with the pains of labour, which
compelled her to withdraw from the road into a wood, to
rest herself, till in a state to resume her painful journey. A
thick fog came on, and she remained for two days in her
place of concealment, subsisting on a piece of dry bread she
had taken with her. She then returned home, relieved of
her burthen, and told her mother she had been delivered at
a village in the way, and had sent her child to the asylum
at Orleans, by a mendicant. This tale, however, not satis-
lying the magistrates of the district, she was arrested on a
charge of infanticide ; and to the gendarme who took her
into custody, she confessed that she had thrown her child
into the Loire. On being brought to trial, she related, with
every appearance of truth, that, being rendered senseless

by her pains, she fell from the spot where she lay to the
bank of the river, the current of which, during her insensi-
bility, carried away her new-born infant, and would have
terminated her own existence and misery, but for a small
heap of stones, against which she had rolled. She jury,
however, found her guilty of infanticide from imprudence,
and the Court sentenced her to imprisonment for twelve
months.—Frearh Paper.
Tuesday a Commission of Lunacy sat at the King's
Arms Hotel, Palace-yard, to inquire into the state of mind
of Peter Campbell, Esq., lute of Fitzwilliarn-street,
Dul-
lin, and now of New Strand. Mr. Thessiger, in addressing
the Commisioners, said circumstances rendered an adjourn-
ment fur a short time necessary ; Counsel on the other side
had agreed to this course. A gentleman stated to the Com-
missioners that a compromise was expected. It was agreed
to apply to the Lord Chancellor on the subject. Counsel
retired, and shortly after returned, bringing his Lordship's
assent to the postponement. The Could thou rose, Mr,
Campbell was in the room during the greater portion of
the morning,

GRAND DINNER AND PHESENTA
TION OF PLATE TO G. 0. DAY, ESQ.

ST. IVES, WEDNESDAY.
This day a splendid silver vase and a silver epergne were
presented to G. G. Day, Esq., by the electors of the
county of Hunts, in testimony of their esteem for hiS public
and private worth, and more particularly to ccrnmemorate
the signal triumph he and the cause of Reform recently
achievel over the machinations of the adverse party.
The dinfier took place at three o'clock in the hall of an

old priory, dimensions about 90 feet by 37, which is said
to have been formerly in the possession of the Cromwell
family, but which had of late years been used as a barn. It
was floored over, and fitted up for the occasion with great
taste and elegance, and every attention to comfort and
general accommodation. Four tables, running the whole
length of the apartment, atTOrded comfortable sitting room
for 400 persons, and that number of tickets was very soon
disposed of after the announcement of the dinner had been
published ; numberless applicants have since been refused
up to the very hour of the dinner. Midway down the room
was an elevated table, on which the two pieces of plate
above described were placed ; and in this part of the
room, alas, was the seat of the Noble Chairman, Earl Fitz-
william ; anti opposite to him, at the other table, that of
the Vice-Chairman, J. 13. Rooper, Esq. M. P.
The company at table comprised all the principal gentry
of the counties of Hunts, Cambridge, Bedford, and Buck-
ingham, amongst whom we particularly noticed the follow-
ing :—Earl Fitzwilliam, chairman ; J. B. Rooper, Esq.,
M.P., vice-chairman ; Hon. G. Wentworth Fitzwillimu ;

Hon. F. Dundas ; G. Pryme, Esq., M.P. ; Captain Du-
berley ; Foster, Esq. ; mayor of Cambridge ; the Mayor
of Godmanchester ; W. Simpson, Esq. ; Toogood, Esq. ;
.1. Tebhutt, Esq. ; Blythe Foster, Esq. ; H. Foster, Esq. ;
E. Martin, Esq. ; R. Newton, Esq. ; C. Newton, Esq. ;
W. Williams, Esq. ; W. Fowler, Esq. ; C. Warner, Esq. ;
D. Martin, Esq. ; A. Ashton, Esq. ; It. Wallace, Esq. ;
J. Clouting, Esq. ; Bate, Esq. ; B. Rooper, Esq. ;
Maxwell, Esq. ; G. Croxton, Esq. ; and Messrs. J. and P.
Ulph. After the cloth was removed, the Chairman gave
the usual toasts.

The CHAIRMAN then said, the time was now arrived

-....„.
when. it would be his pleasing duty to describe the merits
and the claims of the gentleman in whose honour they were
now assembled.—(Cheers.) If Mr. Day had been only
known to them as a gentleman who had raised himself to
honourable distinction in a profession which sometimes he
was afraid comprised members whose conduct was such
as to render honourable conduct in those in whoin it
was prominent still more honourable—if Mr. Day had
only been known in his character of an honest and up-
right attorney, he would have been entitled to the respect
of all who knew him as a highly useful member of the com-
munity. This respect Mr. Day was entitled to in a high
degree. But this was not all he had done to entitle him
to their respect and esteem ; he had devoted his time and
his funds unremittingly to the cause of freedom and good go-
vernment—he had given himself up to the service of the
county without fee or reward during many succeeding years.
The health of Mr. Day was then drunk amidst enthu-
siastic and protracted cheering.

G. DAY, Esq., then rose, and when the cheering with
which he was greeted had in some degree subsided, com-
menced speaking as follows :—I thank you, my Lord and
Gentlemen, for the high honour you have thus conferred
upon me. I accept most cordially these testimonials of your
esteem. I am • sensible of your kindness, and shall ever
cherish its recollection. [Mr. Day was here evidently so
overcome by his feelings as to be unable to proceed for some
time. The cheering was tremendous.] He then proceeded.
It was, my Lord, a saying of the antient Goths, that
" when we would brand an enemy, we call him a . Roman,"
thereby implying all that is base and dishonourable. When
the modern Goths seek to brand their 'opponent with in-
famy, they call him a Radical.—(Hear, hear, and cheer-
ing.) We have read Goldsmith's account of the village
dog. One called him bad—and it was soon reported, and
as soon believed, that he was mad. The villagers thought
hydrophobia too alarming a disease to stop and inquire into
the reality of its existence, and they cudgelled him to death.
—(A laugh.) With the Goths, my Lord, I am a Roman
—with the Tories I am a Radical—( Hear, hear)—and
they have in the outrageous affair I am about to narrate,
imitated the conduct of Goldsmith's Pillagers.—(Shame,
shame.) In 1835, the members of the Conservative Club
in this county expended much strength and money in at-
tending to registration. We were occupied before the bar-
rister, I believe, fifteen days, ten lawyers at least were en-
gaged on behalf of the Conservatives at the Registration
Court, and I had, with my partner, to encounter all these
single-handed and alone.—( Hear, hear.) The result
was, that we got 320 new claimants on the list, and
cut up 187 of the Tory claims.----(Hear, hear.) The
Tories for that year only cut up the Hertford votes,
but the result upon the whole was, that wo succeeded
in increasing the registration of that year in our favour
to the amount of about 200. This required from me
much personal labour, and sacrifice, but I was aided by
the most spirited and labouring committees.—( Hear, hear,
and cheers.) Amongst other claims, I caused the names
Messrs. Newton, Robinson, Golborne, and Parry to be in-
serted on fie list ; and the charge against me in the late
prosecution was, that I had conspired, with my clerk
Parry, to have inserted such names, knowing that they were
not entitled to vote.—(Shame, shame.) I did get them
placed upon the register, but I knew at the time that every
one of them had as legal, as equitable, and as clear a right
to be placed there as any freeholder in the county of Hun-
tingdon.—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear," and cheers.)
A constitutional Judge and a county Jury pronounced my
acquittal, and the Tories have now the mortification of
knowing that these, your gifts of silver and of gold, are to
become lasting monuments of your kindness and regard, as
well as of the utter imbecility of their persecutions.—
(Cheers.) I accept them as such. I stand before you
with a conscience void of the offence with which I was
charged, and with my innocence legally as well as morally
established. The Hon. Gentleman, who spoke with much
'fervour and energy throughout his address, sat down amidst
a torrent of cheering, waving of handkerchiefs, &c.
Captain DUBEIILEY congratulated Mr. Day and the as-
sembly upon the satisfactory answer which he had just
made to the malignant attacks which had so unjustly, but
so fruitlessly, been made upon him.—(Cheers.) Their
Noble Chairman, Earl Fitzwilliam, by his private and
public worth, (lid as much honour to the Peerage as the
Peerage did honour to him.—Loud cheering, amidst which
the health of the Noble Chairman was drank with three
times three.

Earl FITZWILLIAM, in rising to return thanks for the
honour just done him, declared his fixed determination to
co-operate with the independent electors of the county of
Hunts in supporting a free GOvernment, which he consi.
dered to be essential to the happiness of mankind, and con-
cluded by proposing the health of their respected Represen-
tative, Mr. Rooper, whose unremitting exertions and unde-
viating line of conduct in the great battle of freedom, must,
he was sure, entitle him to the most rapturous demonstra-
tion of regard.

„ .
” The health of Mr. Rooper, M.P., and the independent
Electors of Hunts," which was drunk with loud and con-
tinued cheering.
J. B. Roonn, Esq., M.P., returned thanks. They
were now here assembled to signalize the defeat of one
of the basest conspiracies that had ever been upon re-
cord.—(Lout cheers.) This might be strong language ;
but he thought it was fully justified by the circumstances.
As their respected and noble Chairman had coupled his
(Mr. Rooper's) name with the freeholders of the county, he
ventured to indulge a hope that his conduct as their repre-
' sentative in Parliament had not been altogether unexcep-
tionable.—(Cheers.) He had heard it said that the object
of Government was to destroy the Constitution. lie defied
any man to name any one Act of the Government which
would warrant such an accusation.—(Hear.) He repu-
diated the charge, and indignantly cast it back in the teeth
of those who had uttered it.—(Loud cheers.) It was not
the wish of his Majesty's Ministers to destroy the Consti-
tution, but it was their determination to destroy those
abuses in the Constitution which time and the Tories had
caused.—(Loud cheers.) Looking at- the annual increas-
ing- revenue, and recollecting at the same tint; the reduc-
tions made in taxation by the present Chancellor of the
Exchequer, he was totally at a loss to understand how any
resistance could be made to any Government that had con-
ferred such advantages upon the country. The Hon. Mem-
ber then gave " The health of Lord Melbourne and his
Majesty's Ministers," which was drunk with '.-eat enthu-
siasm, and followed by loud and protracted cheering.
Too Goon, Esq., in a neat speech, proposed " The
health of Lord Milton."—(Drunk amid loud cheering.)
Earl FITZWILLIAM returned thanks.

The CHAIRMAN then proposed " The healths of Mr.
Pryme, the Right Hon. T. Spring Rice, and the Inde-
pendent Electors of Cambridge."—(Drunk with three times
three and great applause.)
G. PRAMS, Esq., M.P., in returning thanks for the
honour which had been conferred upon him, believed he and
his Right Hon. Friend and colleagues were the first and
only representatives which the town of Cambridge had
hitherto had. Of his Right Hon. Colleague, he could
aver, that he was an old and well-tried servant of the public
—( Hear),—and that long ago, when at college together,
at a time when neither of them were looking forward to
become legislators, his Right Hon. Friend had always most
sincerely the welfare of the people at heart.—(Cheers.)
He was now about to propose a toast to them which he
knew would be hailed with delight and enthusiasm.- The
name of Fitzwilliam was dear to him and to the people of
England.—(Hear, hear.) In Ireland also it was held in
deep and merited esteem, for of that name was the first
Lord• Lieutenant of that country who had sought to give
equal rights to men of every religion.—(Chec4.) "The

health of the Hon. G. Wentworth Fitzwilliam" was then
(',rank amid vociferous cheering.
Tile Hon. G. W. FITZWILLIAM returned thanks.

The CHAIRMAN then gave " The Mayor and Corpora-
tion of Cambridge," and hoped it would be recollected that
if Cambridge enjoyed a Corporation to any us ful puilose,
she owed it to the present GovernmCnt.—(l-lear, hear.)
E. FosTEn, Esq., Mayor of Cambridge, returned thanks.
Earl Fitzwilliam at this period of the evoning left the
Chair, amidst renewed cheering ; but the Chair Laving
been taken by another gentleman, a number of other toasts
were drunk, -and the hilarity of the evening kept up till a
late hour.

CAPTURE OF AN ENGLISH VESSEL

BY RUSSIA.

i
CONSTANTINOPLE, DEC, 28.—The captain of a Mer-
chantman, which arrived here last week from Kersch, has
at length brought us intelligence of the fate of the 17.t:en.
It appears that she has been captured by the Russians.
After proceeding to Sondjah Kale, the part of Abassia be-
tween Anapa and Gelinjek, where an unsuccessful descent,
as I wrote you some months ago, was made by the Russian
troops, she had already discharged the greater part of her
cargo, consisting of salt, and not of gunpowder, as Wag
erroneously stated before, when a Russian ship of war en-
tered the bay, seized her, and made prisoners of Mr. Bell,
the merchant and supercargo, the captain, and crew. The,
latter were taken on the Bth instant to Kaffa, in the Cri-
mea, and the vessel to Sebastopol. I shall not attempt to
describe the sensation produced here by this direct viola-
tion of the law of nations—this flagrant outrage on the
British flag. From Samsoun, Sinope, and Trebizonde,
all accounts concur in representing the excitement that
prevails along the whole coast of the Black Sea as ua-,
precedented. Accustomed—as the inhabitants of these
countries have been—to the tyrannical violence with.
which Russia has trampled upon their rights and. inte-
rests—to the frivolous and hypocritical pretexta under
which she has endeavoured to extinguish the commercial
relations which had connected the shores of tile Euxine for
centuries—they had still expeeted to see our flag respected ;
for this last act of reckless audacity they were wholly un-
prepared. The appearance of the Vixen had been deemed
decisive of the question of blockade. It was considered, as
virtually raised ; nor was it for a moment imagined that.
Russia would dare to pick up the gauntlet which England
had deliberately thrown down. She has done so, nevertheless,
and now all eyes are directed with intense anxiety to the
latter. May the course she adopts be worthy of the present
crisis, her position, character, and former fame. The conse-
quences which would ensue from a weak and temporising
policy, at a moment when nothing but decision and energy
will avail, are too painful and alarming to contemplate. I
allude not to the dishonour of our flag. Serious as that may
be, there are considerations far more important than that.
The moral effects of our conduct on Persia, Turkey, and Cir-
cassia—in short, on the whole East—will he powerful and
instantaneous. The people whom our example would rouse
to the most heroic resistance, and who only want that in-
fluence to render them invincible, will, if they see us shrink,
be at once reduced to despair ; will submit to the yoke pre-
pared for them, without a struggle. All depends on the
measures our Cabinet will now adopt ; and, judging from
the steps they have already taken, we have every reason
to anticipate they will be marked by the firmness which
the occasion demands. Twice has this blockade been
notified to it by Russia ; once about three years ago, and
again in September last, without eliciting the slightest
notice of it in the Gazette; and when Mr. Bell, the mer-
chant, engaged in this enterprise, had addressed a note to
the Foreign-office to be informed if such a blockade had
been recognised by the Government, the answer he received
was a simple reference to the Gazette. Furnished with
this document and the letter of our Foreign Secretary, he
had no difficulty in obtaining insurance to any amount at
Lloyd's. It is generally understood that the ground on
which the Government refuses to acknowledge the validity
of this blockade, alleged to be for the purpose of insuring
the observance of sanitary regulations (which is in itself a
proceeding altogether anomalous and unprecedented), is
that Russia can have no right to establish a quarantine in
a country which not only de facto, but even de jure, does not
belong to her. The Sultan could not transfer to her a
country which at no time directly or indirectly acknow-
ledged his Sovereignty. This, in fact, is the true and only
question at issue ; and Russia, by the resolute attitude
she has taken, seems prepared to dispute it a foutrance.
She feels how much she has at stake in it, and ,prefers
any alteration to conceding it, excep„toone—a war& Ad,this
she will assuredly not be mad endugtto.:Orovoke.-. Her
only endeavour will be to negociateiltroelistitiat6,'-and ca-
jole our Ministry if she can.
The Turkish Governmefit los at length lade advances
to Mr. Churchill, with a view'df indemnifying him for the
suffering and losses he has sustained from tl e ti:Otajl'treat-
meat of his employes. As it wak,,tletir4taq _Otis should
appear a spontaneous act upon its Parerihe E glish Govern-'
ment will not interfere in it. It is understood that a snuff-
it,
box, in diamonds, will be presented 'to him on the part of
the Sultan, and by way of compensating-fot the detriment
to his business here as a merchant, C(ftaiOnnarnerciat -pri-
vileges will, in all probability, be award4toiim.
A clue has at length been ,obtained for ,the detection of
the authors of the false coin, with which; as I informed
you some"time ago, the Turkish enders*, has lately been
inundated. There is now not' the leaf `doubt that they
were Frenchmen, and that the central point of their opera-
tions was the capital itself. About six months ago two in-
dividuals, representing themselves to be jewellers, arrived
here, and in connection with a French house of some stand-
ing and respectability, establislitd :a mandantiity of gold
chains, and other tirtichsalf jesiellery:•''..,,Their besiness, to
all appearance, was a prOstie'remi one, trot only Gru their
style of living but from their. constant Occupation, which
they assigned as a reason for mot 'executing the orders that
were offered to them. In-the-, meanwhile one of• the part-
ners paid frequent
,visits to 'Sinyrna, Broussa, and otber
trading towns in the interior, where he was known to
ihcalaetvisoen; maiddse
traced
as
et extensive su i
evtieoi
optruieresteheaiaslecislocueostif,teVflekit afnnedn6oythnefc•
jareurti.-
housep
exchangea s
swithconsiderablewhom
sums were
o f
it, associatedin
tahne
dp hadua c
h a time
purchase
e of endeavouredFrenchhilhl
I
to
of(which, by the bye, is now supposed to have
not a little contributed to 'the fluctuations in the Money
Market), suspicion eventually was directed to the right
parties, who in conseqqence decamped a few days ago.
Their accomplices in the house alluded to still remain here,
and it affords an illustration of the state of the law in this
country with respect to Franks, that being under French
protection such notorious criminals are allowed to remain
unmolested.

On the 27th September, the Henrietta, Captain Free-
man, had taken into its lighters at Ibrail a cargo of tallow
and staves, and was proceeding below the Algurina shoals.
for the purpose of shipping them, when the whole of these
goods were seized by men in armed boats, acting under in-
structions from the Wallachian Government. The house
which had shipped them (Messrs. Bell and Anderson)
having failed, the parties who had sold the merehandize con-
ceived they had a right to seize it ; but such a proceeding,
after the captain had signed the bills of lading, was clearly
illegal, and measures arc being adopted by our Consul for
the restitution of the property.—Morning Chronicle.

Despatches were forwarded yesterday from. the
Foreign Department, for the English Minister at Constan-
tinople.

AN OLD ADAGE NEWLY ILLUSTRATED FROM
TILE " MORNING PosT.”—The Tory Journals arc syste-
matically averse to the undue proudneney of truth ; never-
theless, in the weaving of their daily webs, of flattery or
slander, as the case may require, we may sometimes by
close inspection detect a thread of it. Here is an instance.
The mornino Post of yesterday, in its estimate of the personal
character of two of its idols, has this paragraph The
Duke of Wellington by his calm sagacity, ready decision.
incotruptible integrity—Sir R. Peel, by his boundless com-
mand of political science, of statistical information, of ora-
torical power, have been seen contributing in their own per-
sonal presence incalculable energy and vigour to the Ca-
binets of which they were members." Here is no need to
italicise. Contrasts are only another form of comparisons
and the old complaint against the latter lies equally against
both. It is clear that, even in the eyes of the Post, a cha-
racter for " political integrity" is not Sir R. Peel's strong-
hold, any more than " boundless oratorical power," is that
of the Duke. The Princess in the Arabian tale contrives
to poison half the loaf by anointing one side of the knife ; iin
some such fashion has the Post, in dividing to the Duke his
fair share of praise contrived (innocently enough) to poison
Sir Robert's.

THE DUCHESS DE LA VALLIERE AND MADAME
Dli MAINTENON.—" This is one of those rare works jo
which a swerving from female virtue is converted into one
of the most touching moral tales, which the most pure and
delicate may not only peruse without a blush, but reflect
upon and profit by. It is an exquisite narrative, in which
the heart is equally interested by the noble ingenuousness
of the young and artless Louise de la Velliere, in the out-
set of her trials and temptations, at a refined and luxuriotis
Court, and touched to the quick by the keen remorse that
followed her lapse from rectitude, which would almost ap-
pear venial, from the temptations to which she was exposed
by youth, transcendent beauty, a fond heart, and a Hopi'
suitor."—Bath Herald.

" The Ministers of the Crown," says Le Charivari►
" having declared that there was a surplus in the public
Treasury, we are not surprised that Marshal Soult displays
such anxiety to re-enter upon office."

A Deputy almerved to a friend, that M. Guizot and
make a great man ; " Yes," said
t'Aille. 'fi' :i6
friend, °d togetherinulthesanl makennlanner as two negatives make as
a Ili rmative,"—.4a 41fode.

UN EXPRESS EXTRAORDINARY.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

GLASGOW, JAN. 18, 1837.
Sin—The extraordinary and unprecedented despatch
• with which you have given to the public an account of the
splendid banquet •to Sir Robert Peel in this city on
Friday last, and received back by the ordinary post on
Tuesday, demands, even from a political opponent, some
trifling acknowledgment ; and I do it with the more plea-
sure, because accident brought me in contact with the ac-
tive and intelligent gentlemen by whom your extraordinary
express was so cleverly managed. On my way through
Argyle.street, at a late hour of the night, I was attracted
),y an assemblage of three or four hundred persons, oppo-
site the Black Bull Inn, and, on making inquiry, was in-
formed that one of the London Papers was about
despatching a report of the important proceedings which
had just taken place at the Pavilion. Little dreaming that
the honour of giving exclusively the first intelligence of this
brilliant display of political feeling would be left to one of
tke organs of the Movement party, I mingled with the
crowd, and was astounded when I heard two gentlemen,
• who were struggling through the dense mass, exclaim—
" Make way for The Sun Express!" The crowd instantly
did give way—_the important despatch was thrown over the
shoulders of the fearless rider—the animal which he be-
strode dashed off at a pace which bid fair to render any rail-
way communication between this and your metropolis un-
necessary,
his scarlet coat, laced hat, and streaming ribbons
flashing like a meteor in the wind ; and I joined most
cordially in the hearty shout of acclamation which rent
the , air from the assembled multitude as an involun-
tary tribute to the skill and enterprize which had
conceived and executed this arduous undertaking. I re-
turned to the dinner-table with the gentlemen to whom
the conduct of the express was entrusted, where I had
the pleasure of spreading a tale which was received with
a buzz of astonishment and admiration, mingled, I must
say, in many quarters with a good deal of incredulity, and
of joining Tories and Conservatives of all shades in pledg-
ing " the gentlemen of The Sun" in full bumpers. What-
ever my opinion of the political principles advocated by
The Sun may be, I sincerely trust that the enterprizing
spirit which has prompted such unparalleled and expensive
expresses on every matter of interest or importance, may
meat the reward it so justly merits in an ample share of
public patronage.—l have the honour to be, Sir, &c.,
A CONSERVATIVE EYE-WITNESS.