The Sun.
London, England, 1837-09-15 00:00:00

his traitorous crew in Ireland. The tritth is, that in
this compact the patties embody the characters of
Peacham and fessekil. to the very life. And what
does the Ponderous-Levity' print mean by describing
the present Administration as one "disr*ei,i6 ii'lo
justice to Ireland?" O'Connell describes jiistice to
►
Ireland thus t— Justice to Ireland demands princi-
lrilig these four thihrs :-1. An extension of the
county coillifitnemy to a sl.panchise at the utmost,
a stile% definition of the value of that franchise; and
the utmost facility in registerino the freiachiSe% lie'.
To disembarrass the own franehiS 0 11o)n all the rate-
peving 'dances, and to rethiet the registry effectual for
the year, notwithstanding a change of domicile% 8.
A complete Corporate Reform, eS,tended to all
towns of sufficient popnlatiOn or property., 4.;
The total abolitiott of the tithe system., l'iti.i. the
throzeiNg 013 I,lw State the provit.J.fw:f fir the vested
interrsts of the existing Pir'oiestant clergy. These are
the primary meaemes to which Ireland is entitled, and
1 1 to the attainment of which, duty to her requires every
possible exertion of her representatives." Are the
Ministers disposed to concede these measures ? Cer-
tainly not, unless they be forsworn ; and therefore the
compact between them and O'Connell is a deceitful
I fraud practised on the country, for the personal benefit
of the parties to the compact, and at the expense of the
country. The Ministers, and the persons in their pay,
may depend upon it, that in Great Britain at least
the eyes of the public are opened to the want of prin-
ciple which O'Connell and the Whigs have equally
displayed in this alliance. It may be that O'Connell
will prove a successful impostor still in Ireland. In-
deed, in Ireland he is better backed than in this coun-
try. For instance, in order to reconcile his " beloved
countrymen" to his being paid for postponing the re-
medies for their " intolerable wrongs," he says,
" Look at the zeal and good disposition of your Lord-
Lieutenant : observe what a police you have got : the
Orange assassins will not repeat their noon-day mur-
ders," Sec. His " beloved countrymen" have but too
clearly proved that they perfectly understand this lan-
guage ; the Lord-Lieutenant has but too well made
good the character O'Connell gives him. The police
do not interfere where the O'Connellites rise in suffi-
cient numbers to maltreat or murder the Protestants ;
or, if they do, Lord i\lulgrave dismisses them or re-
moves them. Witness the recent occurrence at Car-
low. These are the present advantages which O'Con-
nell holds out to his party in Ireland as a set off against
his own pay, and how that party turns them to account
may be learned by a perusal of the " Irish outrages"
which fqr a week past have daily filled a column of our
impression.— Times.
It is now understood that Parliament meets for the
dispatch of business on the 13th of November. That
will be a sad thy for the Tories. It will be the be-
ginning of their sorrows. When the series of cala-
mities which will then commence will close, is more
than the most gifted of themselves can tell. That it
will be a very protracted series is a fact of which there
can be no question. It is Swift, we believe, who
says, " that blessed is he who expecteth nothing, for
he shall not be disappointed." The Tories ought to
be, if they arc not, in this happy situation ; for
surely they have not the most slender grounds for ex-
pecting anything. The nearer the meeting of Par-
liament approaches, the reater becomes the confidence
which the people of England repose in the Melbourne
Administration. The Tories themselves are well
aware of this ; and the knowledge of the fact is gall
and wormwood to them. That is the reason why they
have abandoned the intention of starting Sir Edward
Sugden in opposition to the present Speaker. While
the momentary intoxication into which they suf-
fered themselves to be thrown by the victories they
achieved in the late election contests for the
counties was at its height, the Tories were
full to overflowing of the project of putting
up Sir Edward Sugden for the Speakership ; but,
on the return of their senses, by no means great at
any time, they saw that they had over-estimated their
triumphs, and that the " re-action" of which we had
for some time heard so much, was all in favour of the
Melbourne Ministry, and this not only out of the
House, but among its Members. We begin to think
that, looking at the aspect of public matters altogether,
the Tories themselves have at last discovered that they
ought to abandon all hope of a return to power. Such
a contingency, at all events, becomes every day more
and more improbable in the view of every body else.
A Tory Government could not, to speak a truth, now
stand for a month. Supposing that that party were—
a very improbable supposition certainly—to defeat the
present Administration on any question which that
Administration considered vital to its character, and
that consequently it would be broken up—supposing
such an unlikely contingency to occur, that would not
improve the prospects of the Tories in the slightest
degree ; for were they to he restored to power to-mor-
row, it would only be to be unceremoniously ejected
from Downing-street in a week or two afterwards, to make
way for the return of Lord Melbourne and his colleagues.
A Tory Government is altogether out of the question
with the present intelligence and present temper of the
country. Until a free press is abolished—until a Star
Chamber regime is restored, or a censorship esta-
blished, liberal opinions will prevail, and liberal opi-
nions and a Tory dynasty are as incompatible as are
light and darkness.—Morning Advertiser.
The Morning Chronicle yesterday contained a de-
fence of the Portuguese Charter, and instituted very
fairly a comparison between it and the Constitution
which has been established in its place. We agree
with the Chronicle that the Charter of Don Pedro is
a much sounder and much safer form of Government
than that which failed twice before, and against which
a part of the nation is at present in arms. But, that
we must sulnnit to our Contemporary is not the ques-
tion. In order to judge fairly of tire motives and con-
duct of the Portuguese people we should ascend to a
higher period. We must go back to the year 1826,
when a British diplomatist brought home that Charter;
to 1827, when a British force of 5,000 men im-
posed it on the nation, at the point of the bayonet ;
and to 1833, when tire British Government, under
the guise of neutrality, and British subjects re-
cruited in England, in defiance of the laws
of the land, forced it down the throats of the
people, and upset the form of Government
to which they were attached. We shall find that on
all these occasions the voice of the nation was une-
quivocally
pronounced against the Charter, and that
nothing but the physical force and moral aecendancv
of Great Britain could have established it. In 1827
it was rejected even by the Regency and Ministry to
whom it was addressed, and had not Mr. Carmine
furnished his famous expedition it would have perished
in a week. In 1828 it was overthrown by the general
consent of the Clergy, nobility, and middle classes,
while the small party that took up arms in its behalf,
were
.io
among
abandon m the enterprise fro the want
of
sympathy forcedmpath
the people. And in 1833 it
i
was established by the direct influence of Great Bri-
-1 .ain n the first instance, and subsequently by the force
of the Quadruple Treaty. Strangers have imposed that
Charter, and it is for that reason it is hated by every
man who has not a personal interest in its support.
The Portuguese nation was happy under old laws
and the ancient form of Government. These laws
were, perhaps, unsuited to any other country, and
the despotic authority of the Crown would not be rt-
lished by persons practically educated for the posses
sion of freedom—but the laws and the Government
were mild in their operation, and the people desired
no change. We have seen, however, that their feel-
ings were despised, their opinions not consulted, and
that a charter was given at the will of a Prince who
had renounced his allegiance, and was forced upon
them by foreign bayonets. Are not these good rea-
sons wiry the Portuguese nation should reject that
Charter, and attempt to free themselves from the in-
fluence by which they were enslaved ? What benefit
have they derived from the Charter ? None. Inde-
pendently of all the horrors of a civil war by which
the country was desolated for two years, a debt of 11
millions of pounds sterling has been created, to be ab-
sorbed by those who are emphatically called devoristas
or devourers. Where is that money now ? Has the
commerce or manufactures of the country been im-
proved ? Has its credit been consolidated ? No. A
general blight has fallen on every species of native in-
dustry, and the money has vanished in the hands of
those by whom the revolution was effected. It has
enriched the loan jobber and the speculator in human