The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-02 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, NOV. 2, 1863.

The honour of the British flag is dear to every
true-born son of the soil—dearer than his own life.
Any insult to that sacred representative of our
rights becomes to every individual a matter of
personal concern. The meanest member of our
great nation, go where he will, is surrounded and
protected by an invisible safeguard. The proud
ancient boast— Civis .Romanus sum—is adopted and
justified as universally and as efficiently by the sub-
jects of the British Crown as it was of old by the
individual members of the great Roman people.
When last year the American captain laid his pre-
sumptuous hands upon a British vessel, every
Englishman felt as if he had received a blow, and
was on the instant aroused to demand full apology
or redress, We need not call up further examples
on the subject, or dilate upon a truth so universally
recognised. We are all proud of our national sus-
ceptibility. Many an English heart thrills with
sympathy at that ardent exclamation of SHAK-
SPERE'S HENRY V.:—

" But, if it be a sin to covet honour,
I am the most offending soul alive I "

Yet if we are jealous of our national character from
without, how much more tenderly alive should we
be to all that affects that character from within.
The most honourable, the most glorious, of all
national (as of all individual) qualities is Justice—
the Justice that will do no wrong. A brave man
will not brook injury or insult, but still less will he
inflict either ! The recent events which have taken
place in Japan are, alas, not of a character for na-
tional gratulation. We had to demand reparation
for an injury, but we have changed places with the
offenders, and now we have ourselves committed a
wrong. The burning of the city of Kagosima is a
greater subject for regret and grief throughout the
country than was the wanton insult received at the
hands of the American Captain. Granted we were
justified in demanding from the Prince of SATSUMA
a full reparation for the injury committed on a
British subject, and the punishment of the offender,
and in the event of our demand being refused, the
offence might have been declared a legitimate casus
belli. The attack on the city of Kagosima, if
the records of that attack be true, is one
of those fatal incidents which, to alter the words
of TALLEYRAND, are both a " crime and a mis-
take." The city of Kagosima, with its large popu-
lation, was not only attacked by the British ships,
but literally burned to the ground ! For two whole
days the fire continued, and still the smoke extended
for miles around. The only objects spared appear
to have been the Prince's palace and the military
works, which we should have imagined would
have been the first and most legitimate objects of
attack. The smoke rising from those desolated
hearths and homes of the poor inhabitants of Kago-
sima will excite in the breasts of the people of this
country mingled feelings of shame and indigna-

tion.

When people get a whim into their heads they I
are not likely to take heed as to consequences, nor to
pause for prudential motives. Seldom has a Minis-
ter so completely molder la tete, as the French
say, as Earl RUSSELL, with regard to the iron-
clads in the Mersey. His impatience and his
irritation have been like to cost the country dear,
for his ill-judged haste has nearly Int& a sacri-
fice of a noble vessel. The Prince Consort was
despatched with extraordinary and unnecessary
speed to Birkenhead to ensure the safe detention of
those dangerous vessels, which seem to be frighten-
ing the Washington Government from all sense
of propriety, and our own from all recollection
of what is due to their country, both in prudence
and in honour. According to all accounts a great
risk has been run in this last exploit of Minis-
terial sagacity, and it is difficult to say whether
the step altogether is most unnecessary, insulting,
or ill-judged. In the first place, why use such
superhuman efforts to despatch that special vessel
at that particular juncture, when there was one
already at Liverpool quite capable of performing
the desired task. An 80 gun frigate is surely suffi-
cient to keep
ever offered watch over anything of the sort.
Next, it
seems one of the most deliberate insults
to a man in Mr. LAIRD'S position,
that his word
of honour cannot be taken. When
1 he had Pledg e himself that no steps should be
taken to remove
the objects of dispute without due
notice, it might surely have been deemed sufficient.
The Government
neednot have scrupled to have
placed confidence inone
who had been on intimate
terms of confidential communication with them,
who had secretly fitted out
a fleet for them, and
impeach his in-
who had not done anything
to
tegrity as a gentleman and a member of Parliament.
1 ft must strike any sensible observer that all this
fuss and parade of armed men and monstrousvessels
are somewhat uncalled-for auxiliaries,
when the
custom-house officers of themselves were
amply
sufficient to maintain the desired inaction. It would
have been a very bad look-out for these infatuated '
individuals, who are moving heaven and earth to
assure the Federal Government of their fervent
zeal and tried devotion, if the threatened casualty
had occurred. The Prince Consort is worth three
hundred thousand pounds, and that would have
been a large sum to fling away in order to propitiate
any nation and gain the goodwill of any Govern-
ment, however strong and sincere. Had it not been
for the strenuous efforts of her officers and crew,
the Prince Consort would hays been lost ; as it was,
a fearful risk was run. Indeed they were so ex-
hausted that the men of another veEwl had to go to

their assistance ; as it is, several of the crew have '
been seriously injured. It is very well for the
country and for those immediately concerned that
the mischance and misfortune, the loss of such a
vessel has been avoided, but, perhaps for the
Ministers, it might have been better if they had not
been spared the infliction. It is not often that a
man so contradicts himself as our Foreign Secre-
tary has been doing lately. In his famous speech
at Blairgowrie, he said that in his opinion " the
name of England would have been for ever infamous
if, for the sake of interest, we had violated the laws
of nations." For what purpose are we now violating
the honour of the nation that is the most dear to
us, and whose integrity and independence is a
sacred trust and a precious possession to
all subjects worthy of the name of English-
men. We are not only to violate the
present reputations, but we are to take steps to alter
whatsoever exists that is prejudicial to the views or
not comprehensive enough for the purposes of the
new allies. After perusing the details of the trans-
actions that have taken place relative to the steam
rams of the Mersey, one is tempted to exclaim with
Mr. COBDEN," What next, and next ?" Doubtless
before any decisive check can be placed upon their
proceedings, the emissaries of the Government will
have chosen some other extraordinary mode of pro-
cedure and spread amazement abroad, while they
arouse indignation at the same time. The loss of
property, the stoppage to business, the injury to our
merchant service, the insults to our flag on the high
seas, where it once waved inviolate and anap-
proached, all these are as dust in the balance, it it
is a question of giving offence to the Yankees. Now
we are told that not enough has been done, and
that no efforts must be spared to make the Federals
believe us sincere, which they seem to doubt. There
is something suspicious in all this eagerness and
over-haste for propitiation. It is at all times diffi-
cult to persuade the English people that they should
stand in awe of any nation ; but to attempt to put
these restrictions into practice to please those who
have gone out of their way to heap insults and in-
dignities upon us, seems very like making a farce of
a serious question. It would appear as if the next
step would be to summon the Channel fleet to guard
these dangerous constructions. The time for ren-
dering an account has not yet come; bat when it
does, the retrospection will not be so pleasant as
it may now appear to those who are going on
their way rejoicing. When an adverse decision has
been generally threatened they may well wish that
they had not been so meddlesome in their interfer-
ence with private rights, and so lax in their guar-
dianship of public honour.

Mr. BEECHER has bid farewell to England. He
has delivered his last address, he has informed us
for the last time of his sentiments about slavery,
and after assuring us of his goodwill towards us
and his gratitude for the warmth of his reception,
he has taken his departure for that land of great
men and enlightened ideas, of whose merits and
demerits we have lately heard so much. His speech
on Friday, although quieter and more moderate in
its tone, displayed many of the characteristics of
his former addresses. To our English notions they
appeared remarkable for the vehemence and in-
temperance of their language, but it would seem
that to American minds they wzre tame, spiritless,
and subservient. "It had been said," remarked
Mr. BEECHER," that he had tried too much of the
soothing syrup with the British Lion, and if that
were an offence he must plead guilty to the charge
of trying to influence him on the side of good na-
ture." His defence against this remarkable mu-
sation that he had spoken the words of truth in
soberness the " soberness" of Mr. BEECHER'S
fervid denunciations is certainly very far removed
from the " soberness" of the preaching of that
great Apostle who " persuaded" rather than
threatened his adversaries. Mr. BEECHER has a
very short and conclusive method of disposing of
the views of his opponents, of which the following
passage is a fair specimen. "He might venture to
say that for a long period the voices of those who
speak as the nation in England were at times like
those of old—possessed by the Devil—and not
under their own control." lie then went on to
give us his ideas of the causes or the English
coolness towards the North—that is ,to say
the coolness of the English people, for it
would be difficult to accuse our Government of any-
thing like lukewarmness in its friendship for the
Fedora's. He tries to persuade us that fears of the
effect which the diffusion of American ideas and
principles of Government may have upon our con-
stitution is among the influences which render us
unwilling to mix in the war. Surely such a fear
had never less foundation than at the present time,
when the warmest advocates of ultra-republicanism
find it difficult to support their theories with such
startling evidence of their failure before their eyes.
The scenes that have been enacted on the other side
of the broad Atlantic, the spirit which has actuated
the North throughout ; the tyranny, the cruelty,
the injustice of the Government ; the lack of public
spirit in the people, have furnished one of the most
striking and melancholy examples in modern his-
tory of the rapid decadence of a great and free
people. Mr. BEECHER admits that the institutions
of this country are so firmly based as to run little
risk of violent change ; and in regard to the intro-
duction of the vote by ballot he gives a happy illus-
tration. He said—" Fifty years hence if, after due
discussion and deliberation, the English people
would have cheap government, and they would
drop into the ballot boxes those flakes of paper
which, like flakes of snow, fell noiselessly, yet soon
made the avalanche which carried all opposing
obstacles before it, England, like America, would
be governed in her political changes and ideas by
the same opinion, that government is solely for the
benefit of the governed." But when he goes on to
tell us that some Englishmen feared that the
Free Church system of;America would influence
this country, we must confess, without any personal
disrespect to Mr. BEECHER, that such pulpit poli-
ticians as fled favour in sight of our Transatlantic
cousins would not be well adapted to the religions
feeling of this country. The aspiration of " Greek
fire for the masses, and hell-fire for their leaders," is
not exactly the sort of sentiment popular among us,
especially when delivered from the lips of a
minister of religion, even though he be, according to
his own showing, " a man with strong convictions
bat with generous impulses." He is liberal enough
certainly in his distribution of the fiery element,
but such is not exactly the way to " follow the
banner of salvation," as he prays that England and
America may do together. Another of his views
respecting English sentiments regarding the war
will excite some indignation. He tells us that our
sympathies aro on the side of success, and that it
only requires one or two conclusive Federal vic-
tories to tins her once more to the aide of the
North. " Such victories would expedite the change
in English opinion, just as a sledge drives in the
wedge and
splits the log." Our prolonged and
constant sympathy
with the Poles, the Hungarians,
and the Italians, in
their days of trial is a sufficient
answer to this accusation of favouring the winning
side. England feels
and no platitudes and declamations on the side of independence,
about the hor-
rors of slavery will move her in a case with which
slavery has nothing to do. ilt s very well