The Sun.
London, England, 1830-03-23 00:00:00

DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.

PRICKS OF STOCKS THIS
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}i
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-
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Cons. for April 16 l/2i

,
rii
tin®

LONDON,
TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 23, 1830.

A Cabinet Council was held at the Foreign-
office this day, at two o'clock. The Council
Was attended by the Duke of WELLINGTON,
the LORD CHANCELLOR, the LORD PRIVY
SEAL, Lord EL LENBOROUGH, Sir G.MuRRAY,
the Right Hon. ROBERT PEEL, Lord MEL-
VILLE, Mr. HERRIES, and the CHANCELLOR
of the EXCHEQUER. The Ministers were in
deliberation at the time we went to press.

The following from our Paris Correspondent
seems to give a correct view of the present state
of affairs :

" PARIS, 3IARCII 21.
" If I have refrained from troubling you with any re-
flections on the stirring events of the last week it has not
been for want of a deep conviction of their importance.
The most remarkable feature in the case, and that which
chiefly puzzles our political quid-nuncs, is the apparent
elasticity which the public funds have assumed from the
moment of the presentation of the address. The friends of
the Ministry may, perhaps, be excused for the tone of
triumph they at present assume as long as they are able to
point to this rise in the acknowledged index of national
prosperity. But I think I have observed on the Bourse
of Paris, as well as at the London Stock Exchange, that
the apprehension of any public calamity is more influen-
tial in depressing the national securities than the actual
fulfilment of the apprehended evil. I find, accordingly, on
looking back to the prices of the French funds for the last
two months, that they stood considerably higher, say on
the 26th of January, than they do at this moment ; and
that since that period the feeling of insecurity, which arose
not merely from the ephemeral appearance of the existing
Administration, but from the dreaded instability of the
Monarchy on the one hand, and of the chartered liberties
of the country on the other, produced a fall which natu-
rally reached its lowest point of declension, at the moment
when the struggle for supremacy took place between the
Ministers of the Crown and the Representatives of the
people. As it appears to me, the funds would equally
have resumed their former level whatever might have been
the issue of the struggle.
" It has been rather quaintly observed, that there is
more political foresight in a sovereign or louis d'or, than
in the head of many a statesman ; but this I conceive to
be true only with certain modifications. The holder of
the coin, or its paper representative, is sufficiently clear.
lighted in all that is necessary to the security of his pos-
session. He is deeply alive to any circumstance which can
affect its present exchangeable value; but postpone the
operating cause to a period so distant as to afford him the
time and the means of realising what he possesses, and he
ceases to have the power of seeing beyond the narrow
circle of his own interest. Thus it is with the French
funds. The fear of change,' so ominous to Kings and
stockholders, is no longer an efficient cause of depression
at the Stock Exchange. The evil which was lately felt
to be impending, has been removed to such a distance
as to
be no longer visible, by the prorogation of the Chambers
to the Ist of September. I hold it, therefore, to he ab-
surd to say, with the Gazette and the Quotidienne, that
the recent rise has been produced by the triumph of the
party in power. The present position of that party seems
to me to wear the appearance rather of the flight of the
Ministry from before the assembled Deputies, than of a
victory over them. If victory can be claimed on any side
it is not in favour of Royalty, but of the laws and insti-
tutions of the country. An appeal has been taken from the
decision of the Chambers to that of the electoral body.
The King and his Ministers have declared their resolution
to adhere to the letter and the spirit of the Charter. Per-
haps they conscientiously believe that in this appeal they
will be successful without venturing to recur, as has
been so often imputed to them, to the exercise of a power
beyond the law. If this be their belief, they are per-
fectly justified in trying their strength before the great tri-
bunal of she nation. But it is my firm conviction, as it
was on the Bth of August, that they will be grievously dis-
appointed in the issue, and that a new Chamber will only
place them in a more hopeless situation than that in which
they found themselves on the 2d of March.
" One remark must, I think, have occurred to you, al-
though strange to say it has not been made by any of the
French Journalists, and that is, the disingenuous terms in
which the King was advised to reply to the Address of the
Deputies. His Majesty is made to say that be is grieved
to hear from the Deputies that they do not concur with
the Chamber of Peers in what is necessary for the public
good, whereas the Deputies only spoke of a want of concur-
rence between the views of the King's Government and the
wishes of the French people. For aught I know to the con-
trary this may be all allowable in political warfare, but from
the personal character of Charles the Tenth, I feel per-
fectly satisfied that if the forms of the Constitution had
permitted. him to act in this instance without the interven-
tion of his Ministers, he would have given a reply not
perhaps less favourable to the existing order of things, but
certainly more straight-forward, more manly, and more
sincere. It is with great regret that I have observed
aninsinuation thrown out against the conduct of per-
haps the highest minded personage in the whole house
of Bourbon, on the occasion of the appearance of the
deputation of the Lower Chamber at the Palace
of the Tuilleries. Her Royal Highness the Dauphiness is
said to have passed through the Salle d' la Paix, in which
the Deputies, with their President at their head, were
waiting for admission in the royal presence, and that, in
place of saluting the distinguished individuals of which
they were composed, she turned round and addressed her-
self with marked attention to a party of military officers
who were engaged in conversation on the other side of the
apartment. In the public papers these facts are indicated
with caution and reserve; but I need not say that in pri-
vate conversation they are so amplified and exaggerated as
to bear perhaps a very faint resemblance to what really
took place in a hall whose peaceful appellation has nothing
in common with what is thus imputed to her who has
been so often said to be the only man of her family.' "

The following are extracts from German
Papers received this morning :

MUNICH, MARCH 15.
This morning, at five o'clock, his Majesty left the capi-
tal, accompanied by the blessings of all the inhabitants,
and set out for Italy. Besides Count Paumgarten, only Dr.
Wenzel, physician to the staff, accompanies the King.—
Dr. W. is one of the most able physicians and surgeons
who has attended his Majesty during the winter. Since
the 12th his Majesty has appeared in public, visited the
Glyptotheca and other institutions, attended the theatre on
Friday, presided on Saturday in the Council of State, and
yesterday (Sunday) received those who came to take
leave. In the morning, at the desire of the city Magis-
trates, a solemn Te Deum was performed in the Metropo-
litan church by the Archbishop. In these few days his 11I-
jesty was every where received with the most striking testi-
monies of sincere attachment and loyalty, with which he
was extremely gratified, and yesterday evening gave au-
dience to a deputation of the magistrates to express his
satisfaction to them.

OF SERVIA, ARCH 1.
The communications with FRONTIERS
ConstantinopleM are veryac-
tive : it seems that important negociations are now carrying
on there, the probable object of which is the final settle-
ment of the Greek question. The organization of the
it
re-
gular troops continues to be urged by the Sultan, and is
said that, after the example of the Pacha of Egypt,
he intends to summon Deputies from all the pro-
Yinces of the empire, in order to consult on affairs
of administration. In the present situation of the
I)°,le such a step would be of great importance, as it
would thereby have a more accurate knowledge of the
wants and the resources of the country, and be enabled to
employ this knowledge, like the civilized States of Europe,
to itts own 'advantage, and that of its subjects.
The second instalment of the indemnity to Russian sian sub-
jects is said to have been paid to Count Dicbitsch in the
second half of February. It cannot, therefore, be doubted
but that the Russian troops will repass the Balkan, and
that the places held by them on the
side of that tnountain
will be given up.
The Grand Vizier was still at Adrianople. It was re-

ported the Sultan intends to go in May to direct the pew
organization of the provinces.
YIRINA, MARCH 12.—Metalliques, 103 i; Four per
Cents., 97 11-16 ; Bank Shares, 1,333.

FRONTIERS OF WALLACHIA, MARCH 2.

We bear that pressing orders have been received from
St. Petersburgh, respecting the organization of the mili-
tary force of the principalities, in which it is laid down as
a principle, that the superior officers may, in case of need,
be foreigners ; but that all the other officers, from the
Captain downwards, must be natives. The corps are to
be formed partly by a kind of conscription, and partly by
voluntary engagements, From the urgency of the orders
for completing the military organization, it is thought, in
consequence of the negotiations at St. Petersburgh, the
Russian troops will not remain in the principalities so long
as was to be expected according to the stipulations of the
Treaty of Adrianople. In general, our politicians indulge
in bitter prospects of our future condition. The Porte,
say they, taught by the experience of last year, must be
sensible that its future prosperity depends on the friendship
of Russia.

According to the most recent accounts from Silistria
the Danube had overflowed its banks to a great extent,
but as this event bad been long foreseen, it was not ap-
prehended that great damage would be done.
Our merchants hope that they shall participate in the
advantages given by the treaty of Adrianople to Russian
commerce. It is said that a deputation of merchants from
Jassy, Bucharest, and Gallacz will shortly go to Constanti-
nople to make the necessary arrangements both with the
Turkish authorities and the Russian Ambassador. _

It is also said that to promote and extend the trade of
he two principalities, unlimited freedom of commerce
will be introduced in all our places along the Danube.

The prorogation of the French Chamber of
Deputies may be regarded as the acceptance by
the KING of the gauntlet thrown down to him
by the representatives of the people. It is now
to be seen whether Royalty or Democracy will
prevail in the struggle—whether the Sovereign
can maintain his ground in the exercise of his
prerogative in a manner directly opposed to the
wishes, if not hostile to the liberties, of his peo-
ple ? By this first step he has taken time to
prepare for action, and will be able to look about
him to see how the influence of the Crown may
best be exercised to procure a more subservient
Chamber, in the event of a dissolution of the
present one. This latter event may be looked
for in the natural course of things, as continued
prorogations would answer no end one way or
the other; but so far from there being any pro-
bability of an election beim-, favourable to the
Ministry, there is every reason to think it would
return a Chamber even more hostile to it than
the assembly that has just been prorogued.
It is somewhat curious that not only is the num-
ber of French Deputies (430) much less abso-
lutely than the number of those of Great Bri-
tain, and relatively, than the number in any other
country that is represented; but the electors bear
a proportion to the population preposterously
small. The number of persons who possessed
the elective franchise in ISIS was 130,000—
little enough for a population of thirty millions;
and M. VILLELE, taking advantage of the qua-
lification for an elector having been fixed by the
charter at a direct contribution of taxes to the
amount of three hundred francs a year, con-
trived, by diminishing the direct and increas-
ing the indirect taxation, to reduce the
whole number of electors to 75,000, at
about which total they may be at present
reckoned. Now as this number is so in-
finitely below that of the electors of Great
Britain, we are presented with the singular
phenomena of a nation, of which a fraction only
is represented, opposing successfully an ob-
noxious Ministry ; while its neighbour, whose
electors are numerous, and whose representatives
are in the ratio of one to every 35,000 inha-
bitants (those of France being as one to 74,000),
must bear with content any Ministry, or any
measures, good or bad, which the united power
of the Crown and Aristocracy may bestow upon
it. In France there is neither any Aristocracy

to interfere with the representation, nor could it
be interfered with successfully by such an Aris-
tocracy, if there were one ; and for this plain
reason—the elections are made by ballot. The
people, therefore, or such portion of it as is for-
tunate enough to possess the elective franchise,
choose freely, and will continue to choose, those
men who will represent their constituents, not
themselves, nor the vendors of their seats, and
will watch with disinterested zeal over the laws
and liberties of their country at large.

Those who look with horror on the march of
Democracy, may well regard with alarm its
progress in France. " Messieurs," said M.
ROYER-COLLARD from the President's chair,

" la democratic coule a pleins Lords—oui a
pleins Lords ;" and, truly, when the people have
got the real power in their hands, and that
power is obstructed by hostile forces, it rushes
forth like a torrent, which becomes the more
impetuous the more it is interrupted in its course.
If the French Chamber of Peers were the sub-

stance, instead of the shadow of Democracy, it
might assist the Throne by throwing its weight
into the same scale ; but as it is, the Upper
Chamber is " Vox et preeterea nihil," and the
struggle is a pitched battle between the Royal
prerogative and the popular rights.
The absence of an Aristocracy, and of
the immediate influence of the Crown upon
the representation, is the reason why no
parallel can be drawn between France as
at present situated, and England under cir-
cumstances externally similar. It is true that
Mr. PITT, in the face of a vote of the House
of Commons, " that whoever should advise his
" MAJESTY to proceed to a dissolution, was
" an enemy to his country," dissolved the Par-
liament, and assembled a new one favourable to
himself; but, at that time, Mr. PITT knew full
well that he had with him the influence of the
Crown, the whole of the commercial and monied
interests, a portion of the landed aristocracy,
and, decidedly, the people. He did not, how-
ever, reckon without his host, and defeated the
adherents of the coalition Ministry, though
backed by the Whig nobility, and a phalanx of
orators of brilliant talents. But how different
is the position of Prince POLIGNAC ! where are
the Treasury Boroughs of which'he can nomi-
nate the members ; where are the Merchants and
trading Corporations addressing the Throne,
expressing their confidence in the Prime Minister;
where is the popular voice crying, " God save
the King ?" These were the signs of the times
in which Mr. PITT dissolved the British Parlia-
ment ; but Prince PP)LIGNAC has no such en-
couragement. He has against him a Parliament

which represents. he sense of the country—which
is elected by the people. Whereas our House of
Commons contains representatives not only of
the people but of the Crown, and more, far
'more, of the aristocracy, so that it actually re-
flects the three estates of the realm, of which two
shine also in other places with their intrinsic
lustre. The conclusion is, that in England the
Monarchy and Aristocracy combined are too
strong for the people, but that in France the
Democracy is more powerful than the Monarchy,
which fights single-handed. If the BOURBON
Dynasty be destined to be short-lived, as some
think, its fall will be owing to the same causes
which brought Louts XVI. to the scaffold.
Kings learn wisdom by the experience either of
others or of themselves ; if they will not profit
by the lessons of the past, they are destined
occasionally to be taught their duty in a more
practical manner.

The advices from St. John's, New Bruns-
wick, contain an important address of the
Council and Assembly: of that Province to his
MAJESTY, against rescinding the Order in
Council issued, by which the ships of the United
States are excluded from the West India Colo-
nies. They state that it was generally hoped
this measure was a permanent one, and that in
consequence large and expensive establishments
had been formed with most satisfactory
results, for the constant supply of lumber
to the West Indies. They state that
the West Indies can be supplied as
cheap from the North American provinces as
from the United States, and that the trade as now
prosecuted has become one of the most impor-
tant markets for the productions of the West
Indies, on principles of reciprocity. It asserts,
that the cargoes of the United States' vessels
were almost invariably made for cash, and few
goods taken in return ; and the Council and As-
sembly, in very forcible language, implore that
no deviation from the restrictive measure will be
permitted.

PORTSMOUTH, MARCH 21.—A new me-
thod and arrangement for conducting gene-
rally the business of his MAJESTY'S Naval
yards, as proposed by Commissioner Moss and
Mr. SMITH, Secretary of the Navy, has been
carried into effect at Plymouth, and so much
approved, in point of economy, that the Lords
of the Admiralty have ordered the plan to be
generally adopted at all the arsenals. Mr. SMITH
is now here, assisting the Commissioner to effect
a similar retrenchment in this yard_

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE --(THIS DAY.)

FROM LLOYD'S.

DEAL, Mallen 22.—Wind W.S.W.—The Thomas and
Alfred did not put back as reported. The Apollo and
Atalanta were among those, and remain with the Wood-
ford, the Loudon, the Castle Huntly, and the outward
bound reported yesterday.
ELSINORE, MAacu 9.—The Sound continues closed
with ice, and die prevalence of Easterly winds hold out
but little hope of an immediate change. The Bridghohn,
Spenely, beset with ice since the middle of January, is
now laying in a dangerous situation—an agreement has
been entered for cutting the vessel to some place of safety.

REBUILDING OF THE ENGLISH OPERA

HOUSE

A meeting of the friends of Mr. Arnold, and patrons of
the musical drama, was held yesterday, in the Concert
Room of the King's Theatre, for the purpose of taking
into consideration the best method of assisting in rebuild-
ing the. English Opera-house, and re-establishing English
Operas.
At two o'clock about 200 gentlemen had assembled ;
among them were the Marquis of Ailesbury, the Earl of
Clarendon, the Marquis of Salisbury, Lord Castlereagh,
Lord Saltoun, Sir George Clerk, Sir Andrew Barnard,
General Wynyard, Sir George Smart, Sir W. Freemantle,
and a number of persons well known in the musical and
theatrical world, including Messrs. Mathews, Yates,
H. Phillips, Bartley, Fitzwilliam, &c.
The Marquis of AILESBURY was called to the Chair.
The Noble CHAIR3[Ax having informed the meeting of
the object for which it had been convened, namely, to
take into consideration a plan for rebuilding and re-esta-
blishing the English Opera, stated that he felt anxious that
the theatre should be rebuilt as soon as possible, and was
prepared to do every thing in his power to promote the
accomplishment of that object.
Mr. INIAvuEw, the solicitor of Mr. Arnold, then read
the following report :
" It may, perhaps, be desirable to put the meeting in possession
of the preliminary measures the committee have thought it ne-
cessary to adopt. Learning with pain that in consequence of the
omission of Mr. Arnold to insure the property for 8,0001., which
by his lease he was bound to have done, a forfeiture had been in-
curred, they took the earliest opportunity of seeking a conference
with the solicitors of the Marquis of Exeter, Mr. Arnold's ground
landlord, the result of which was a proposition made on the part
of the committee, and communicated by the solicitors to his Lord-
ship. In reply to which proposition, the Marquis, although de-
clining to waive his right of re-entry, is pleased to express his re-
gret at Mr. Arnold's misfortune, and his Lordship's strong inclina-
tion to assist him by granting a new lease, should Mr. Arnold find
himself in a condition to rebuild the theatre. In a just confidence
that the expectation thus held out by his Lordship will be eventu-
ally realized, the committee did not hesitate a moment in taking
such steps as seemed to them best calculated to promote this object.
A meeting was accordingly convened of the old renters for the ad-
justment cf their claims, and the committee are gratified in being
able to state that a large majority of them most liberally con
sented at once to abandon a great proportion of their annui-
ties, to postpone even their remaining claims, in favour of the
new relaters' and to relinquish their Tree admissions, which were
secured to them under the debentures. The committee also
lost no time in causing plans and estimates to be made for a new
theatre, and it is found that on the most moderate calculation it
will be impossible to rebuild the theatre, with its indispensable
appendages of machinery, scenery, wardrobes, musical and dra.
matic libraries, furniture' and all the expensive department de-
nominated properties, under the sum of 411,000/. The plans are
now submitted to the meeting, and from the novelty of its con.
struction, affording security against a recurrence of a similar
catastrophe, they trust will in the highest degree prove satisf.ac-
factory. It is proposed that the theatre should be insulated—
should be so contrived that by aid of party walls the greater por-
tion of the property shall be insurable at nearly the common rate
of insurance. The wardrobes, the music, and library—all the
various and expensive articles denominated properties—being
placed apart in buildings absolutely detached from the main edi-
fice, and under separate roofs communicating by bricked arched
passages only, and separated by unperforated party walls.
" In the construction of the new building the Committee re-
commend to the trustees (to whom the property is to be assigned
for the benefit of the new renters)stone and iron lobe used where
ever they can be applied judiciously ; the best supply of water ob-
tained, the most approved apparatus for extinguishing fire pro_
vided, and an effective and vigilant system of watching adopted to
afford additional security to those whose property may be em-
barked in the theatre. To carry these plans into effect the Com-
mittee propose that the sum of 30,000/. should be raised by de-
bentures, viz. 120 to 250/. each, entitling the holder to an annuity of
121. 10s. for sixty years, with a free admission, transferable an.
nuatly to all performances under the English-opera license. The
purchase-money to be paid by instalments of 50/., and only to be
called for as the work proceeds ; and no greater number of deben-
tures or rent charges will be issued than what is now specified.—
On the subject of securities, the Committee, in conclusion, beg
to call your attention to these further considerations, that the old
relaters having abandoned their claims, as before stated, the new
renters will, when the theatre is erected, rest them entirely upon
an unencumbered property (the landlord's claim exceptcal), upon
a very valuable leasehold property, which will be more amply se-
cured by the insurance to be regularly effected on the buildings,
and on all that part of the daily-accumulating property which will
be separated from the body of the theatre itself, as also by the
value of the adjoining extensive premises, and by the licenses at-
tached to the theatre, viz., the English Opera license, the Lord
Chamberlain's winter license for musical performances and recita-
tions • the proprietor's share of the license of the French plays ;
and die Magistrates' license for music and dancing, and other en.
tertainments of the like kind. Such are the plans for the new
theatre, and the proposals for carrying them into execution,
which the Committee have, on a due consideration of the sub-
ject, thought expedient to lay before the public."
The Earl of CLARENDON said be had been most unex-
pectedly called upon to propose the first resolution. He
was persuaded that the resolution would receive the unani-
mous assent of the meeting. Mr. Arnold was a greatly,
and, he would add, justly favoured servant of the public—
he had contributed infinitely to the public gratification,
and had been instrumental in bringing about extraordinary
improvements in one of the most charming and liberal of
the fine arts. This circumstance gave him a sort of claim
upon national gratitude, which he trusted would now be
acknowledged. The Noble Earl concluded by moving the
following resolution :
" That it is the opinion of this meeting that Mr. Arnold, from
his public spirited and successful exertions, particularly during
the last six years, to improve the dramatic music of the country
by the production of some of the finest compositions of modern
science, is justly entitled to the support and patronage of every
admirer of this-delightful branch of the fine arts."
Sir A. BA RN ARD seconded the resolution.

The resolution was agreed to unanimously.
The Marquis of SALISBURY said it was most gratifying
to him to have it in his power to lay before the meeting a
very promising financial statement.—(Hear.)—They had
heard, in the report, that a sum of 40,0001. would be ne-
cessary to re-establish the theatre, and that it was pro-
posed to raise 30,000/. by debentures, for the purpose of
enabling Mr. Arnold to restore the English Opera-house,
the destruction of which was a heavy calamity not only to
him but to the public, The Noble Marquis here read and
commented on the resolution, observing that it offered
terms sufficiently advantageous to induce persons to invest
their property in the speculation. It was—
" That in order to effect so desirable an object as the re-esta-
blishment of the English Opera-house, it is the opinion of this
meeting that the sum of 30,000/. should be raised by rent charges
of 250/., entitling the holder to an annuity of 12/. 10s. each for
60 years, with an annually transferrable free admission, accord-
ing to the terms stated in the report of the Committee."
Mr. GEORGE ROBINS seconded the resolution. What
was the plain fact of the case? His friend, Mr. Arnold
invited his friends to subscribe for 120 debentures of 2501.
each, in order to raise a sum of 30,0001., to enable him
to re-build his theatre, and offered them excellent security
for their advances. Let gentlemen go into the city who
wanted to invest 10,0001., and they would find, unless
they locked up their money in the funds, at the risk of in-
curring considerable loss in selling out, that they could not
get above 21- per cent., on their property ; but here Mr.
Arnold offered 5 per cent. and a free admission to what
there could be no doubt would be a splendid little theatre.
Under all the circumstances of the case, be thought Mr.
Arnold did not ask too much when he asked them to lend
a helping hand on the present occasion.
The resolution having been agreed to—
Lord CASTLEREAGH thought the best thing he could do
would be to set an example, which he hoped many would
follow. He should take a share—(Hear)—and trusted
that many of those around him would do the same.
Sir W. FREEMANTLE concurred in the sentiments ex-
pressed by the Noble Lord (Castlereagh). He came there
with the intention of supporting Mr. Arnold, though per-
sonally unacquainted with that gentleman, on the ground
of public advantage no less than private benefit. Having
heard the able explanations which had been given, he
should follow the example of the Noble Lord, and put his
name down for a share. —(Hear.)—He did think the pre-
sent a very great national object—( Hear)—and he hoped
to recommend the undertaking still further, from the sup-
port which it was understood to have received from Lord
Lowther, that, in completing the project, the Commis-
sioners of Woods and Forests would lend their assistance
to removing the establishment to a situation more advan-
tageous than the former site, an alteration that must add
to the prospects of success.—( Hear.)
_ .

Sir GEORGE CLERK said it was unnecessary to add
much to what had been already stated ; but having been
on Mr. Arnold's committee, and having looked into the
security for the proposed investment, he should say, that
he thought persons might embark their property in the
undertaking with much safety.—(Hear.)—The old renters
bad relinquished or postponed the claims, so as to leave
the new subscribers a perfectly unincumbered security for
their advances. He should put his name down for a
share.—(Hear.)
The Noble CHAIRMAN stated, that the Duke of Devon-
shire had written to him to say he should take a share.
The Noble Duke, when he made this communication, was,
of course, not aware of what had taken place to-day, or
probably he would have taken more shares than one.
Mr. SWEET was so satisfied with the security offered.
that he would make this public declaration, that he
thought individuals might freely invest their money in the
undertaking—(Hear)—for his own part he should take a
share.—(Hear.)—lt would be satisfactory to the meeting
to know that in addition to the 30,0001. to be raised by
rent charges, there was likewise a sum of 10,000/. to be
applied from other sources, which would afford an addi-
tional security to the renters. He hoped a new site might
be fixed en. The present occasion offered an opportunity
for one of the grandest improvements that it was possible
to effect in the metropolis—be alluded to the prsject of
opening a new street from Waterloo--bridge northwards.
He hoped the opportunity would be seized—the hope
strongly influenced him in coming forward, connected as
he was with Waterloo-bridge, the property of which must
be greatly improved by such a measure.—(Hear.)
The Earl of CLARENDON was much obliged to Mr.
Sweet for his conduct on this occasion, particularly for his
last remark, which showed that whoever was interested
in Waterloo-bridge was in reality deeply interested in
the present scheme; for if a sufficient sum could be pro-
, cured to enable Mr. Arnold to remove the theatre from its

present site to one more desirable, or if t'iat object could
be effected in any other way, and a new opening made
northward, it would most materially advance the prospe-
rity of the bridge proprietors.
Mr. G. Ilouncs said, he would feel great happiness in
taking a share himself. He had (as was well known) a
great many shares in other theatrical properties; otherwise
he should be disposed to subscribe much more largely in
the present case. However, he had been authorized by an
anonymous friend of his, who was a well-wisher to the
drama, and desired to see Mr. Arnold's theatre reinstated,
to subscribe for eight shares.—( Hear.)
The Marquis of SALISBURY had just been informed of a
fact, with which he was previously unacquainted, and
which involved a❑ additional security The subscribers
would have the additional security of certain property now
producing a rent of 1,0001. a year, wholly detached from
the theatre.—(Hear.)
Mr. BEAZLY had been desired by an old and faithful
servanc of Mr. Arnold—Mr. Grove, who had long acted
as prompter at the English Opera House—to put down
his name for a share.—( Hear.)
It was stated by Mr. ROBINS that the payments on the
shares were to be made in five equal instalments, as tho
work proceeded—the first instalment of 50/. a-share not to
be called for till the lease was signed, and' the last to he re-
quired when the work was completed.
Mr. MAYHEW wished to add to what had been already
stated on the subject of security, that the ground-rent
of the theatre, if erected on the old site, would be alum-
dandy secured by houses, the rental of which amounted to
nearly 1,200/. a-year.

The names of -subscribers for shares were read. The
following were among the number :---The Marquis of
Ailesbury, two; the Marquis of Salisbury, two ; the Earl
of Clarendon, one ; Lord Saltoun, one; Sir W. Free-
mantle, one ; Lord Castlereagh, one; Sir G. Clerk, one;
Sir A. Barnard, one ; General Wynyard, one ; Mr. H.
Phillips (the vocalist), one. In'all 41 shares were taken,
making an amount of 10,250/. subscribed of the 30,0001.
required for the completion of the plan.
On the motion of the Earl of CLARENDON, seconded by
Mr. G. ROBINS, it was resolved that the payments on the
shares be made in five equal instalments—the first to be
paid on the ground lease being signed, amd-the subs?quent
instalments td be called for progressively as the work ad-
vanced—the last instalment not to be paid till the work be
completed.
It was moved by Mr. GEORGE ROBINS, and seconded
by the Marquis of SALISBURY, that Farquhar and Co.,
Cockburns and Co., Ransom and Co., and Sir J. Lub-
bock and Co., be appointed bankers, and that the bankers
and Committee do receive any sums that may besubscribed
towards enabling Mr. Arnold to re-build his theatre.—
Agreed to.
Thanks were voted to Mr. Laporte for having given the
use of his concert-room.

The Earl of CLARENDON moved that the thanks of the
meeting be given to the 111.trquis of Ailesbury for his kind-
ness in taking, and conduct in the Chair on this occasion.
The motion having been agreed to,
The Noble CHAIRMAN returned thanks.

It was stated by some gentlemen present that they ex-
pected the subscription would be filled within a fortnight.

DISTRESS OF THE COUNTRY.

LIST OF THE MAJORITY AND MINORITY
ON THE DUKE OF RICHMOND'S MOTION
For a Select Committee to inquire into the condition of the
Labouring Classes, and the Effect of Taxation upon produc-
tive Industry."
CONTENTS.
PRESENT.
EARLS.
Tankerville
Stanhope
Radnor
Digby
Mansfield
Carnarvon
Romney
Eldon
Falmouth
Stradbroke
Kinnoul
VISCOUNTS.
Granville
Goderich

DUKES.
Cumberland
Gloucester
Richmond
Argyll

AIARQUISSES.
Lansdowne
Salisbury
Clanricarde
Sligo
Ailesbury

EARLS.
Carlisle
Winchilsea
Ferrers
Cowper

DUKES.
Newcastle
Grafton
Devonshire
Marlborough

MARQUIS.
Anglesea

EARLS.

Guilford
Orford

Lord Chancellor

ARCHBISHOPS.
Canterbury
York

nuttEs.
St. A lban's
Buckingham
Gordon
Wellington

mArtQO[39El.
Bute
Bath
Conyngham
Hertford
Camden
Cholmondeley

PROXIES.
EARLS.
!Sheffield
Bradford
Danvers

EARLS.
Bathurst;
Rosslyn
Shaftesbury
Pomfret
Malmesbury
Charleville
Jersey
Delawarr
Dudley

LORDS.
Walsingh am
Wodehouse
Stowell
Kenyon

NOT-CONTENTS.
PRESENT.
EARLS.
Wicklow
Hardwicke
Verularn
Glengall
Westmoreland
Cornwallis
Chesterfield
,Iluntingdon'
Amherst
,Aberdeen
Gower
Cassilis
Darney
Clare
Clanwilliam
Fife

VISCOUNTS.
Arbuthnot
Hereford
Melville
LORDS.

'Arden
Bayning
Cllifden
Clifford
PROXIES.
EARLS.
Caledon
Cardigan
Cathc,rti
Chatham
Courtown
Elgin
Errol
Glasgow
Harcourt
Hopetouni
Howe
Lauderdale
Macclesfield
Morton
Ponlctt
Scarborough
Somers
St. Germains
Waldegrave
Warwick
Wilton
VISCOUNTS.
Beresford
Exmouth
Gort
Northland

Melbourne
May nard

- LORDS.
Teynham
King
Holland
Vernon
Calthorpe
Lilford
Redesdale
Rivers
Seaford

BISHOPS.
11 Bath and 'Wells
ILlandaff

LORDS.
Churchill
Northwick
Lorton
Haddington
Howard de Walden
Yarborough
Feversham
Duncan

LORDS.
Colville
De Dunstanville
Dunally
El rtnborough
Farnborough
Forrester
Glenlyon
Harris
Hill
Manners
Maryborough
Montagu
Prudhoe
Saltoun
Stourton
Wallace
Wharncli
Willoughby d'Eresb),

Clarence
Beaufort
Bedford
Buccleuch
cells
Manchester
Montrose'
Northumberland
Rutland

BISHOPS.
Bristol
Rochester
Chester
London
Winchester
Oxford

NTSCOUNT.
Sidney

-.
LORDS.:
Abercrombie
Bagot
Clinton
Dormer

Douglas (of Douglas)
Dufferin and Clane-
boye
Le Despencer
Monson
Plunkett
Ravensworth
Rolle
Se .rsdale
Selsev
Skelmersdale
Stafford:
St. Helen's
Stuart de Rothsay

MA RQUISSES.
Cleveland
Donegall
Downshire
Lothian
Stafford
Thomoud
Tweeddale
Winchester
EARLS.
Abingdon
Aboyne
Ashburnham
Palcarras
Behnore
Breadalbane
Brownlow

BISHOPS.
Carlisle
Chichester
Hereford
Lichfieldi
St. David's

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOUUNALS.

The Crown of France has now entered on A

series of measures of which it is difficult to see the
issue, or to calculate the results. It has declared,
in the face of the world, that it relies more on the

opinion of its own servants than on that of the na-
tional representatives, and that when called upon to
decide between the country and the Court, it has
taken up the challenge and sided with the latter.

Such acourse, however hazardous, was to he ex-

pected from the previous professions and avowed
principles of the Ministry. The crisis is one which
they must have anticipated, and for which they
ought te have been prepared. They had been in-
vited (in the phraseology of their journals) to save
the monarchy by resisting all concessions to demo-
cratic encroachment, and it would have manifested

an absurd unfitness for the duties of champions to
have retired at the very moment when a signal was
given for the struggle. Louis XVIII. had several
times dismissed his servants when he found them
opposed by the legislature or the nation ; and in
1827, the alarm felt by his present Most Christian
Majesty at the very idea of resistance from the
Chamber of Deputies caused him to part with
the most dexterous and successful Minister
whom France has seen since the restora-
tion.

But none of these cases resembled

the present. In none of them was involved,
according to the creed of the Court, the prin-
ciple of the Royal prerogative, the essence of mo-
narchy. In none of them had the Royal choice
been made solely with a view to the preservation of
the dynasty, or the maintenance of the rights of the
throne. In none of them had the line been ,o dis-

tinetly drawn between the antagonist parties of the
Court and the Constitutionalists. In none of them

had such mutual provocations been given, by en-
gaging as allies the force of authority or the passions
of the multitude. In none of them were the prece-
dents of history so constantly appealed to—on 'the
one side, to show the instability of bigotted or pre-
judiced power—and on the other, the danger of
yielding to popular pretensions. 'After the liberal
journals had described the conduct of the Stuarts as
a parallel to the incorrigible bigotry of the Bour-
bons, and the royalists had urged Charles X. to re-
sist concession►, by pointing to the scaffold, to which
the alleged submission to popular demands had led
his brother, no honourable alternative seemed to
remain but an attempt to resist the majority of
the Lower Chamber, or to appeal from its judg-
ment to that of the country. But though, in the
opinion of the King and his chief Minister,
this was the only safe course to pursue, was It
right to resort so immediately to the measure of
a prorogation ? Would not the temper and the
judgment of the Court have been more conspicu-
ously manifested by presenting to the Chambers
some projects of law of a popular character, the
adoption of which must have turned to the advant-
age of Ministers, or the rejection of which would
have placed the Deputies in the wrong ? Ought
not the usual sessional measures to have been
brought forward, and defended in a manner which
would have convinced the nation that Ministerial
intentions and views had been calumniated in the
Address of the Deputies ? Some of the more
moderate Members of the majority might have been
ashamed to join in an unreasonable vote, though
they had agreed to a severe censure;—others might
have repented of their original declaration of hos-
tility;—the phalanx of opposition being broken,
some captives might have been brought into the
Ministerial camp. Such, at least, appears a proba-
bility to foreigners, though of course Prince Polignac
must have acted on a knowledge of facts which
rendered such a course unadvisable. Whatever
may be said against the policy of the decisive step
which the French Ministry have taken, it must be
allowed, even by their antagonists themselves, that
their conduct has been quite legal and constitu-
tional. The Chamber declares, in its address,
that it does not concur in the views of the
King's Ministers, and asks his Majesty to choose
between his servants mid the delegates of his
people. His Majesty expresses regret at the
disagreement, and, having made his option
to retain his Ministers, is about to appeal to the
country to decide between himself and the Chamber.
This must be the ultimate result, though the distant
term to which the Legislature is prorogued allowea
the Cabinet leisure to take advantage of the numerous
favourable accidents which may occur during the long
interval. In the course of five months, the expedi-
tion against Algiers may sail, and succeed. In the
course of five months some Deputies may be gained
over by the bribes of power or the prospects of
office. In the course of five months the hostile

ardour of some may cool, and faction may commit
follies which will disgust others. And within the
same space of time public opinion may somewhat
change, or be conciliated by some partial changes in
the Cabinet.—No very promising prospect of such

a result, however, is nOW presented in the conduct
of political parties, or in the spirit of the Journals
which profess to be their organs. If we can rely

upon the truth of their expressions, the irritation is
extreme. On the one side the majority of the
Chamber of Deputies is insulted as a collection of
Jacobins and Buonapartists—
" Cowering and quaking at a conqueror's sword,
" But lofty to a lawful prince restored ;"
while, on the other, the most treacherous conduct
and designs are ascribed to the Court. In the midst
of this agitation, it is gratifying to be assured from
the official organ of the Cabinet, that the Adminis-
tration is determined to proceed in the constitutional
course which it has hitherto pursued, and has re-
nounced all idea of that easy but dangerous victory
which they might obtain over the Press by the esta-
bl shment of a censorship.—Times.

We refer our readers to the letter of our Parisian
Correspondent for a much more ample and satis-
factory account of the important events which have
just taken place in Paris than are furnished at this
critical period by the French Journals. Our Cor-
respondent's predictions, repeatedly and Confidently
made, have hitherto been amply verified. It does,
indeed, appear that the French are not in possession
of a Government suited to their wants. " The people
(observes our Correspondent) say that ' the end of
all government is, or should be, the happiness of the
many. To make us happy,' they say, let us have
peace, liberty, and wealth. To secure these blessings,
let us have wise laws, good rulers, responsible•
Ministers, and a prudent and economical Govern-
ment. We have tried the Monarchy—we-have tried
a Revolution—we have tried a Consular Govern-
ment—we have tried an Empire—and, lastly, we
have tried a limited Monarchy and representative in-
stitutions—but we find all unsuited to us. The
Monarchy of the Charter interferes with the Demo-
cracy, and vice versa ; let us now try a Republic.'
Perhaps you think it will not come to this—that the
matter will be arranged—difficulties met---Topinions
stifled—and the old order of things once-more re-
turn. If you do, depend on it you are mistaken.
There is no tempest to blow down buildings,
but there is a little stream, quiet, and only
quietly murmuring at present ; but it is sapping the
foundations—and it will, ere long, not take a hur-
ricane, but merely a zephyr, to prostrate the super-
structure." The King and the people are now
fairly at issue, and another problem is also about to
he solved, namely, whether Monarchy is compatible
with a popular Representation, not a virtual Repre-
sentation, chosen by an Aristocracy. In England,
as vie have more than once observed, political power
is in the hands of an open Aristocracy—open to
strengthen itself by constant accessions of force from
the Democracy. Ever since the Revolution of
1688, the King of this country has merely been a
sort of President of the Aristocracy, with which
body he is closely identified. There can never,
therefore, in England, so long as the present state
of things lusts, be that collision which we now wit-
neis in France. In France there is no Aristocracy,
or at least the Aristocracy possesses little political
power. The Chamber of Peers bears no resem-
blance whatever to the English House of Peers,
having no substantive power. The nation is repre-

ented in the Chamber of Deputies with tolerable
fairness; and the difficulty is to reconcile such a na-
tural representation with the independence of the Nlo-
!larch. It is pretty clear, we think, that where:a
nation is fairly represented, the Executive must le
subservient to it, if it is wished to avoid collision.
We say, if the nation is fairly represented, because,
if it is only partially represented, the Executive may
buy a majority with the money raised from the
people, and thus harmony may be preserved be-
tween the Executive and the Chamber. It has
been observed by a great philosopher, that the fu-
ture is already in the womb of the present, and that

human affairs are much less under the influence of
accident than superficial thinkers may suppose they
ate. It seems to us that the present struggle in
France, the French Revolution, the Reformation,
the struggles for superiority between the Sovereigns
and the Pope which preceded the Reformation (to
go no farther back), are all a series of regular de-
velopments, and that it requires little perspicuity to
see in all these events a constant and inevitable
tendency towards democracy. The very existence
of a free Press in a country is a virtual acknowledg-
ment of the tribunal of the people. This did not
escape the acuteness of the late Mr. Windham, who,
in the debate on the Gth of February, 1810, respect-
ing the exclusion of strangers, observed, "From the
daily manner in which the debates were published,
he wanted to know in what way he was to state the
advantages accruing to the country ? What was
the value to their constituent; of knowing what
was passing in that House ? Supposing they
should never know, it was only the difference be-
tween a Representative Government (he should
have said an Aristocratical Government) and a De-
mocracy He was one of those
who liked the Constitution as it was, he did not like
it as it is." Mr. Windham has not been an inat-
tentive observer of the events of his day, and he
saw that even in this aristocratical country public
opinion was every year acquiring more and more
strength, and that it became in consequence more
difficult to play skilfully the game which he advo-
cated on the 12th June, 1809, when he stated that
" the people seemed to be made only to be duped.
They were resolved always to be duped by some-
body." On Thursday last the power which Mr.
Windham viewed with so much jealousy was, with
the approbation of the House of Commons, fairly
recognised by Mr. Huskisson, who rested his hopes
of good entirely on its influence. " Besides,
Sir," he observed, " I have farther and bet-
ter grounds for confidence, in a sound and
enlightened public opinion exercising, as I say it
does, year after year, in a higher degree, its salutary
influence, as well on the councils of Ministers as on
the proceedings of Parliament.—(Loud cheers.)—l
think, Sir, that no one who reads the signs of the
times—no one who has observed the events of last
Session—no one who has observed the events of
last week, can deny the paramount influence of po-
pular opinion.—(Cheers.)—This power, Sir, may
not be directly wealth or productive industry, but it
is the shield of both—it is the safeguard of the na-
tion against empyricism—it is the finger-post to
guide us, in all circumstances of difficulty and danger,
to the road of safety."—(Loud cheers.)—So much
as to the tendency towards democracy, or the re-
cognition of the right of the people to decide respect-
ing public affairs. Once admit a free Press in a
country, (and when a nation has attained to a cer-
tain degree of civilization, a free press cannot be
withheld from it), and you gradually engage all who
hope for influence in a suit before the tribunal of
opinion. i.Now, there is this great difference between
this country and France—that here the House of Com-
mons not being elected by the people, the Members are
not necessarily identified with the public; and though
public opinion affects them indirectly, yet there is
often some doubt with respect to the side which is
most favoured by it. In France, on the other hand,
the Chamber of Deputies representing directly pub-
lic opinion, the King who sets himself against the
Chamber sets himself against public opinion, and •
asserts this monstrous proposition, that the will of
one man ought to prevail over the will of thirty-
three millions of men ; that is, thirty-three millions of
men are to be considered as the property of one man,
for to this Monarchy, as exhibited in France, does
come. In countries in which a Representative system
has not been introduced, the Executive may ap-
pear to be always acting in accordance with
the will of the people, as tacitly though not
openly expressed; and, therefore, the Kingly power
does not stand forth in so odious a light as it does
in a Government in which there is an organ for the
expression of the national will, and in which it places
itself in opposition to that organ. The common sense
of mankind is at once in arms against a pre-
tension which would give to one man, and
that man in a hereditary Monarchy, often
necessarily one of the weakest of the whole, like
Dr. Paley's ricketty pigeon, the power of op-
posing his will to the determination of a whole
people. The French King, on proroguing the
Chambers, says, " I had relied on the concurrence
of the two Chambers to aid me in effecting the
good which I had meditated, with a view to conso-
lidate the happiness of my people. It is with pain
I hear the Deputies declare that on their part this
concurrence does not exist. In my speech on the
opening of the Chambers, I announced to you my
resolutions, which are unalterable. The interests
of my people forbid my departing from them."—
It is difficult to conceive how any man should be so
swoln with conceit as to talk in this manner in the
face of a nation, and of his resolutions being unal-
terable. If the Chamber did not represent the na-
tion, then the King might have conceived himself
as bound, for the interests of his people, to place
himself in opposition to it. But he has not this
excuse; the Journals—the language of conversa-
tion—all bear testimony to the identity between
the majority of the Chamber and the wealth
and intelligence of the nation. In the United
States of North America, the President is always
one of the wisest and best men of the nation.—
His opinion on public matters is, of course,
much more likely to be valuable than the opinion
of a King nurtured in the folly and dissipation of a
Court, the tool of Priests, and so forth. Would
such a man for one moment think that his opinion,
if counter to that of the nation, ought not to give
way ? This shows the absurdity of giving to any
man powers to place himself in collision with the •
national will. A change then must take place in
France. Had the present Sovereign been cunning,
he would have availed himself of the advantages of
his situation, and cautiously avoided placing himself
in a situation in which the weakness of his power
would be made manifest. But he has not possessed
enough of discernment to take a correct view of
his position. Of two things, therefore, one must
now happen. Either he must make use of part of
the nation as instruments to keep the rest in subjec-
tion—a dangerous experiment in a civilized country,
in which the soldier and the citizen sympathise so
keenly with each other—or he must give way to
the Democracy, consenting quietly to be what a
King can only be under a real Representative Con-
stitution, the first Magistrate of the country, ac=
countable like every other functionary to public opi-
nion, and bound to obey the recorded opinion of the
national will.—Morniag Chronicle.
Mr. R. Grant's Motion for leave to bring in a
Bill for the relief of the Jews comes on this evening,
immediately preceding the adjourned debate. No
serious opposition is expected ; for, independently of
the plain justice of the measure, it is one to which no
fair objections can be taken after the important con-
cessions which have been made to other classes. The
only direct disability affecting the Jews is, that they
are prevented from holding landed property. They
are indirectly excluded from offices of trust and ems?.
lument under Government, from seats in Parlia.-
talent, &e., by the Oaths and Declarations required
of all persons filling such situations. With regard to
the latter disqualifications, we see no reason for
believing that the laws imposing them by impli-
cation upon Jews, were directed against that class
of religionists ; but, however this may be, the re-
[novel of them we think will be at once pronounced