The Sun.
London, England, 1863-06-24 00:00:00

CHAMPIONSHIP OF THE WORLD-CHAMBERS

AND GREEN.

On the evening of the match between Chambers and
Green a backer of the Australian brought £5 to the office of
the Sporting Life to make a fresh match, alleging that he
had been defeated by accidental illness. The money was
covered by Mr. Wright, on the part of Chambers, on
Thursday, and a meeting was arranged to take place at
Harry Kelley's, the Bells, Putney, on Tuesday, to increase
the deposit and draw up articles. Accordingly, yesterday
evening there was a very large muster of the friends of the
mon. Harry Salter represented Chambers and Harry
Kelley Green, who was present, and amongst those in the
room were several members of the principal metropolitan
rowing clubs. The same gentleman, Mr. Greathead, who
filled the office at the final deposit for the last match, kindly
occupied the chair, and briefly alluded to the late struggle.
Kelley then stated that illness was the cause of Green's
defeat, and he was ready on his part to draw up articles to
row, for £2OO a-side and the Championship, in the middle
of August. Harry Salter then said that he was present on
behalf of Chambers, but that he would not row until Octo-
ber, in consequence of his having business to attend to, and
having already rowed two races for the Championship this
year, but that he would row in the Tyne in August. Kelley
replied that Green was anxious to return home in Septem-
ber, but he thought it ,would be better to postpone further
negotiations till Tuesday, June 30, which would give time
for correspondense with Chambers. Harry Salter, on the
part of Chair:oers, agreed to the proposition, and nothing
further can, be done in the matter until the result of the
meeting on Tuesday next at the Bells, Putney, is known.

THE BREADALBANE PEERAGE.

EDINBURGH COURT OF SESSION—JUNE 20.
' Lieutenant Charles William Campbell, of the 19th Regi-
ment of Bengal Cavalry, presently at Sultanpore, claiming
to be sixth Earl of Breadalbane and Holland, Viscount of
Tay and Portland, Lord Glenorchy in the peerage of Scot-
land, for the appointment of a judicial factor on the entailed
estates of Breadalbane.

This petition came on for consideration to-day.
Mr. Gifford opened the case for the petitioner. He stated
that he was the grandson of the sixth son of William
Campbell of Glenfalloch, and was thereby the nearest and
lawful heir of tailzie and provision of John, fifth Earl of
Breadalbane, who died on the Bth of Nov., 1862, w;thout
leaving any lawful issue of his body. He had presented peti-
tions to the Sheriff of Chancery craving to be served nearest
and lawful heir of tailzie and provision in special of the
said John, Marquis and Earl of Breadalbane, in the lands
and estates comprehended under the two deeds of entail.
He presented his petitions on 27th of February last. There
was another claimant, John Alexander Gavin Campbell of
Glenfalloch, who had also presented petitions to the Sheriff
of Chancery, alleging himself to be the nearest heir of
tailzie to the said John, Marquis and fifth Earl of Breadal-
bane, and who craved to be served in that character.
Nothing had as yet been done on the petitions for service
except intimation. The petitioner proposed to have the
petition forthwith conjoined and advocated from the
Sheriff in Chancery to the Court of Session. As to the
competing complainant, he, the petitioner, averred that the
ground on which he impugned his alleged right was that
he claimed to be descended from James Campbell, the
second son of William Campbell of Glenfalloch, while the
petitioner was descended from John Campbell, the sixth
son. He alleged that he was the grandson of the said James
Campbell by his marriage with Elizabeth or Eliza Maria
Blanchard, which took place in September, 1782, by the
Rev. Mr. M‘Gregor, Gaelic minister in Edinburgh. In 1783
they went to America together. Now, at the time of this
marriage Elizabeth Maria Blanchard was a married woman.
She was the wife of Christopher Ludlow, of Chipping, Tod-
bury, Gloucestershire, who did not die till January, 1784.
She had eloped from her husband. Under these circum-
stances, the father of the claimant must have been illegiti-
mate, as he was the son of an adulterous connection, and,
therefore, the claimant is illegitimate also. The petitioner
offered to establish these facts by proof; and Mr. Gifford
submitted that this was a case in which the Court, in justice
to the petitioner, who claimed to be the nearest heir to the
late Earl of Breadalbane in the Breadalbane estates, should
sequestrate the whole rents thereof, and make them payable
to a judicial factor, so that, whoever proved himself the
party entitled to succeed, should obtain the whole proceeds
of the property during the period when the investigation of
their respective claims should go on. No harm would accrue
to either party from this course being adopted, and the
rights and interests of all concerned would be protected.
Mr. Clark opened the case for the competing claimant, the
respondent, John Alexander Gavin Campbell, and said that
the claimant's father was heir of entail of the estate of Glen-
falloch, the destination of which was identical with that of
the Breadalbane estates. When the respondent's father, in
1812 succeeded to Glenfalloch, the petitioner's grandfather
acted as factor for him, and directed and carried through
his service as heir of tailzie and provision to John Breadal-
bane Campbell in the lands and barony. Had the respon-
dent's father been illegitimate the grandfather of the peti-
tioner would himself have been entitled to the estate of
Glenfalloch, but no whisper was then breathed as to the
illegitimacy of the respondent's father, although the events
were then recent, and must have been known had there been
any ground for supposing such a thing. The late Marquis of
Breadalbane appointed the respondent's father one of his
trustees, and he continued to act in that capacity till his
death; and upon the death of the Marquis hia trustees and
executors at once recognised the respondent as the heir
apparent, entitled to the lands and estates, whose whole
charge was transferred to him, and he has had since then
the entire management. The only portion of the property
not actually under his charge was Taymouth Castle, which
is still occupied by the late Marquis's servants, under an
arrangement with him. He submitted, therefore, that there
were no grounds for the appointment of a judicial factor
and for dispossessing the respondent of his right as heir-
apparent.

Lord Deas said it was one of the facts the Court ought to
have known—namely, the date of the birth 6f the respon-
dent's father, who died in 1850. This fact might be of the
utmost importance, and parties must take the consequence
of absence of any statement on the subject. While he
would have expected some statement on the subject from the
petitioner, he would still more have expected it from the re-
spondent.
The Court took the case to avizandum.
Counsel for the Petitioner—Mr. Patton and Mr. Gifford.
Agent—Mr. Henry Buchan, S.S.C.

Counsel for the Respondent—The Solicitor-General, Mr.
Clark, and Mr. Adam. Agents—Messrs. Adam, Kirk, and
Robertson, W.S.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.--June 23.

MAB,YLEBONE.—ATTEMPT AT MURDER.—A tall
muscular woman, named Elizabeth Gearing, aged 38, a
washerwoman, residing at 8, Horace-street, Marylebone,
was brought up on remand before Mr. Knox, charged with
the following murderous assault upon Frances Kaleher.—
The case was brought before Mr. Yardley originally some
time ago, but such was the critical state of prosecutrix that
prisoner had to be remanded from time to time. Yesterday
prosecutrix was led into court, and her appearance excited a
great amount of sympathy. She was very weak indeed,
and all about her face bore very sad marks of the knife.
Bandages were still about her head, arms, and hands. Pro-
secutrix on being called was allowed to be seated, and the
worthy magistrate (Mr. Knox) went and stood close by her,
and passed her evidence (which she was not able to give
scarcely above a whisper) to Mr. Tate, the clerk, as follows:
My name is Frances Kaleher. I am a married woman, re-
siding at 6, Horace-street. On the 31st of May I went out
at five Leinutes to 12 to get a pot of beer, and met the pri-
soner in John-street. She followed me to where I got my
beer. (Prisoner—You liar; did you not ask me to go with
you ?) At the corner of Shouldham-street Mr. Monro
served me with the beer outside the door. Prisoner was
standing by my side at the time, and as I went round the
corner she took hold of the back of my dress. (Prisoner--
Oh, you liar.) She asked me to come round the corner as
she wished to tell me something very particular. I said it
was too late, and my husband would scold me if I went.
She said to me, "I wont keep you a minute, I am going for
some fried fish to Brown-street." I did not want to go, and
she held me tight by my dress, and I went half way down
Shouldham-street, when she (prisoner) attacked me with a
knife. The first placed she stabbed me was in the chin, and
afterwards in 14 or 15 different parts of my body. We fell
up against Moulding's shop, 34, Shouldham- street, and the
door not being properly latched it gave way, and we both
fell into the passage. After she got me down she placed
her knee on my chest. I screamed " murder," and the
prisoner pulled my clothes over my face and stuffed them
in my mouth. I pulled them out again and still screamed
" murder"—(Prisoner—Oh, you rogue)—and begged for
mercy several times. She said, " I will give you mercy
when I have your life." (Prisoner—You lie, I did not
want your life. You do reckon up a lot of lies.) After she
knelt en me she kicked me on my legs many times, and they
are black now from her boots and nails (Prisoner—l don't
think I kicked you.) Assistance arrived, but I was exhausted
when it came. As the people tried to pull her off of me by
her legs, she threw the knife at me, and it struck my throat,
and there is the mark on it now. Mr. Knox—Was the
prisoner drunk or sober ? Prosecutrix—She was quite sober.
I never saw her drunk in my life. Mr. Knox—What know-
ledge have you of her ? Prosecutor—She was a lodger in
my house, and had only been there three weeks. Mr.
Knox—lt is a strange affair for her (prisoner) to attack you
like this. Prosecutrix—l never had the slightest contra-
diction with her in my life Mr. Knox—Can pill account
for this act ? Prosecutrix—l cannot. Mr. Knox—Had you
any words? Prosecutrix—She never gave me cause to have
any words. I was taken into Dr. Danford's shop. After this
I was taken to my own home, where I have been ever since,
quite unable to attend here through the effects of my
wounds. Mr. Knox—Do you wish to ask this poor woman
any questions ? Prisoner—Me, sir. Oh no ; I don't. Pro-
secutrix added to her statement that when assistance arrived
she managed to reach the knife and give it to a young man.
George Morrishaw, a decorator, residing at 11, Shouldham-
street, said—l was at my own door, and heard cries of
" Murder I" I went to Mr. Moulding's passage, and saw
the prosecutrix saturated in blood, and she placed the
knife in my hand. Mr. Knox (to whom the knife, with
a sharp-pointed blade, between nine and ten inches in
length, quite new, and clotted with blood, had been
handed) said—ls this the weapon ? (The sight of the knife
and the determined coolness of the prisoner drew an excla-
mation from all parties in court. The knife had the blood
marks rusted, as it were, into the blade.) Witness—
That is the same. Thomas Williams, a watchman, in
Shouldham-street, saw the prosecutrix and witness against
• No. 34, Shouldham-street (Prisoner—You are a liar;
there was no one there.) They struggled, and fell into the
street door. Prosecutrix fell undermost, and prisoner on
the top, Prosecutrix screamed " Murder I" and I pulled
them both out of the passage by their legs. Prisoner—lf
you saw me attack her, why did you not see to it before ?
You did not see me at all. Witness—l waited till the police
came. She tried to get away from me, but I held her. She
shouted very much. There was plenty of blood in the pas -
sage. Prisoner—You are a liar ; you did not see blood,
for it was quite dark. Mr. Fred. Danford, surgeon, 10,
Upper Dorset-street, said—The female Kaleher, was
brought into my place a little after 12 on the night
stated covered with blood. Her clothes, face, and hair were
saturated with it, and Elie was bleeding very profusely
from her many wounds. I have been attending her ever
since. On the head were several long incised wounds—also
on the face, hand, and left arm. • There are also several
punctured wounds about the head, shoulders, and chest.
Most undoubtedly they are such wounds as would be caused
by such a weapon as the knife now produced. Most of the
wounds are very extensive, but fortunately none of them
have gone to any important organ of the body. She has one
very extensive wound on one of her hands which I have no
doubt has been caused by the knife having been drawn
through it and almost cutting it in two, James Hughes,

86 D, stated that he took the prisoner in charge, and the
only excuse she gave for committing such an offence was
because the prisoner and others teased her. In reply to Mr.
Knox, the officer said he had not been able to trace where
prisoner got the knife from. The officer added that the
prisoner was committed to the sessions and sen•
tenced to six months' hard labour for stabbing another
woman in September last with a large white-handled
carving knife. After Mr. Knox had given her
the usual caution for prisoners going for trial,
prisoner said—l was going into my own room when she
(the prosecutrix) said she was going for some beer. I said,
" As you are going to the public-house we will brae some
rum." We went to the Horse and Groom. They were
shut up ; and afterwards to the Old Crown, which was also
shut. We then went to the corner of the street; Ido not
know the sign of the house, and we got some rum in a
bottle, for which I paid. We carried it away with us, and
I said if the fishmonger's was open we would take some
home for supper. When we got half way down the street
I drank some of the rum, and gave her the rest ; and as she
was doing so I struck her with the knife. I did not kick
her, neither did I put her clothes in her mouth. Both her
and her father teased me.

Mr. Knox committed prifioner for trial at the Central
Court for the attempt at murder.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—It is not improbable that the Emperor
Francis Joseph, after all his errors and misfortunes,
may leave behind him a name honoured in history.
Fifteen years ago he ascended the throne a mere boy
in age and under the guidance of a Minister, able
and resolute, but of the most despotic instincts. He
crushed not only open treason, but the most reason-
able constitutional demands. These few short years
have elapsed, and we now find him addressing a
Message to a great Constitutional Council of his
Empire, and using the familiar phraseology which
all Sovereigns seem to have copied from the Royal
Speeches of England. True, in the meantime there
have been important events. The mighty Monarch
in whom all Conservative Governments put their
trust, and who marched his legions to suppress the
Hungarian revolt, fell in a few years after the ex-
ploit, and was only delivered by a sudden death from
witnessing the overthrow of his armies and of the
influence by which he had so long imposed on Eu-
rope. Austrian dominion, Austrian influence, several
semi-Austrian Crowns have passed away in Italy.
Everywhere the Court of Vienna sees Sovereigns
forced to regulate their actions by the wishes of
their subjects, or to prepare for a resistance more or
less dangerous according to the spirit of the people
or the grievances from which they suffer. The
merit of the Emperor is that he has understood the
necessities of his time and has yielded to them ; and
let it not be said that it is no great thing for a ruler
to see what every one else sees—to gather from the
advice of Statesmen and soldiers and Churchmen
what the Lumblest of his educated subjects can
learn from his own observation or the talk of his
friends. It is unfortunately the case that Sove-
reigns usually fail to see what is glaring in the
sight of the rest of mankind,—that they hear
not the voice of the people until it swells
into the shout of revolt. It is no small
merit for the young Austrian Emperor that, brought
up in a retrograde Court and tutored by retrograde
Ministers, he has yet attained to a clearer know-
ledge of his country's needs than is possessed by the
King of Prussia, a Sovereign of twice his age, and
ruling over a people who in culture, if not in genius,
are very far superior to those of the Austrian Empire.
There has seldom been a more arduous political un-
dertaking than that of uniting the discordant and
almost hostile provinces of the Austrian Empire into
one assembly. The Emperor's constitutional leanings
have been, no doubt, encouraged by the idea that
the only way to give unity to the mass of nations and
tribes which he governs is to bring them into con-
tact in one Chamber, to make the interests of one
balance those of another, and in some sense to play
them off, each against the one to which it has been
traditionally opposed. That Germans, Hungarians,
Czechs, Galicians, and Italians, so far as they tended
to fuse, would consolidate the Empire, and so far as
they retained their rivalries would increase by their
division the influence of their common head, was
perhaps the principal idea which suggested the
establishment of this Imperial Legislature. Now
that the Emperor is committed to the principle
he will, no doubt, work at the realisation of it
with all the obstinate energy which is part of his
character. Prince Schwarzenberg was not more
resolute in his plan of welding together the Austrian
federation by sheer despotic strength than are
Francis Joseph and his present advisers, includ-
ing, it would seem, the principal members of his
family, in their design of uniting the Empire by
creating a Legislature which all the provinces shall
obey, while at the same time it is open to the influ-
ence of the Sovereign. Much progress, indeed,
appears to have been already made. Although
nothing can conciliate the inhabitants of Venetia,
who still regard themselves as Italians temporarily
kept from their allegiance by a defect in the Treaty
of 1859,—although Hungary is jealous and discon-
tented as ever, yet, on the whole, a remarkable suc-
cess has been achieved, considering the state of the
Empire and the short time the new institutions
have existed. The Emperor had no reason to be
dissatisfied with the scene which was witnessed last
week, when the second Session of the Imperial
Legislature was opened by the Archduke Charles
Louis, who read the Emperor's Message in the pre-
sence of a large array of members. These, though
they are unfortunately far from representing the
whole Empire, are yet a support to the Throne, such
as it never had when it relied solely on soldiers and
priests. In his Message the Emperor congratulates
the Chambers on the harmony with which the
Reichsrath and the Provincial Diets work together,
thus realising the Imperial principle that "the
necessary unity of the Empire may be upheld, even
though its component parts enjoy the greatest
amount of freedom and independence of action."
Then followed a passage which was heard with
great interest, as indicating the intentions of the
Emperor on the important question which is now
being discussed between the three Powers and
Russia. Whatever may be the warlike instincts of
France or of a small portion of the British public,
we are not to expect that Austria will allow her-
self to be influenced by them at this crisis. She
has a large interest in peace, and no interest at all in
raising up a Poland which would soon demand Galicia
of her. Any improvement of the Warsaw Government
which the policy or humanity of the Czar might sug-
gest would be approved by Austria, and it is in the
hope of such a solution that she addresses him in
company with France and England. But she is
ready for nothing further. Those who thought that
the jealousy, not to say hatred, which has existed
between the two Powers since the Russian war might
1 possibly incline Austria to an offensive alliance with
France, have underrated the prudence of the 'Vien-
nese Court. Su3h at least is the impression which
the following sentence in the Emperor's Message
has produced :—" At the close of the first session of
the Reichsrath Austria was at peen° with the whole
world. She still enjoys the blessings of peace, and
it will be the stedfast aim of his Majesty's Govern-
ment that she should continue uninterruptedly to
enjoy them." In ordinary times these would be
thought mere words of course, but Vienna under-
stands them as specially applied to the Polish ques-
tion, and is probably right in its opinion. What
revolution can be greater than that a Hapsburg
should pronounce such words as these ?—" Pro-
tected by liberal institutions, the intellectual and
material development of Austria is progressing
rapidly ; her power and consideration are continu-
ally increasing." But, however strange for an Em-
peror to pen and an Archduke to read, they are
strictly true. The Emperor announces the happy
results of increased freedom and economy. The
credit of the empire and of the paper currency has
improved, and the state of the finances is such that
the Government will not require the 12,000,000f1.
which were granted for the covering of the ex-
pected deficit. Alterations in the system of direct
taxation will be submitted to the judgment of the
Reichsrath. Draughts of other important laws
will also be ordered for consideration. " A com-
plete code of regulations for the administration of
the penal laws will be laid before you. In the
Criminal Courts there will be publicity, with oral
proceedings, and in those provinces in which the
thing is feasible juries will be established,
to which all the more important cases will
be submitted.' The proceedings in criminal cases
will be simplified and shortened, so that they may
be in better keeping with the laws for the protec-
tion of the liberty of the subject." To this point has
improvement advanced in sAustria,—" trial by jury,
" liberty of the subject." Let not any say that the
Reichsrath is a deception, or that the Emperor is
insincere. No Sovereign who really wished to keep
despotic power in his own hands would pronounce
such words or propose such laws. All may not be
done at once, but it is plain that the old Austria has
passed away, never to return—that the Emperor
knows great changes fo be inevitable, and wishes
to make them safe.

POST.—While we are speculating on the nature
of the answer which the Russian Government will
accord to the collective notes, it is natural that the
statesmen at St. Petersburg, should be engaged in
a series of conjectures with reference to the temper
of the Powers by whom those notes were addressed.
There can be doubt that they will be guided in fram-
ing their reply by the accounts which they receive
from their diplomatists abroad of the degree to
which public opinion in foreign countries may have
been excited. Considering the present internal con-
dtion of the empire, it must be the first object of.
those who control its destinies to stave off all risk of
a European war, but it is possible that the tone of
the foreign press, no less than of the Cabinets of the
Great Powers, may have lulled them into such sT-u

rity upon the subject, that they may be induced to
trust so far to the peaceful disposition of Europe, as to
try it beyond what it will bear. We have been fre-
quently reproached with cruelty towards Poland,
in exciting her population to continue an insur-
rection which looked hopeless, when we had no
intention of giving them more substantial assist-
ance than that which they might derive from
a barren sympathy ; but it is as unfair to
Russia to allow her to suppose that it will
be impossible for her to force Europe into war for
the sake of Poland. All experience has shown that
the most certain way of being dragged into war is
to set out with the loudly-expressed declaration
that under no circumstances will it be undertaken.
Thus it was that in 1853 Russia was encouraged by
the tone of the Cabinet and the press of this country
into acts which excited the public to such a pitch
that a war became inevitable, However much we
should deplore the recurrence of such a contingency,
it is as well that Russian statesmen should bear in
mind their last bitter experience, and should not
place too much reliance in the imperturbability of
spectators more or less interested in watching the fate
of their fellow- men. In England the final appeal
must ever be to the public feeling of the great mass
of the community ; and however earnest may be the
desire of the Government to control the national
impulse, there is a point beyond which it is power-
less, and is compelled to carry out the will of the
people it represents. We do not mean it to be sup-
posed that there has been as yet any popular expres-
sion of sentiment which should justify our antici-
pating a contingency so much to be regretted as a
European war in which this country should take
part, but we do deprecate the announcements we
occasionally see made in leading journals that any
such contingency is impossible. We are too anxious
to avoid drifting into war to make any such dan-
gerous declaration ; and we warn the Russian Go-
vernment that, by a policy of savage vengeance in
Poland, and of contemptuous indifference to remon-
strances addressed to it from without, it may excite
public feeling in England to an uncontrollable
pitch. As to the motives which might impel either
France or Austria in the same direction, the re-
presentatives of Russia in Paris or Vienna are
as well qualified as we are to instruct their
Government upon the subjeet. They can estimate
at its true value the force of French public opinion
and the nature of those political considerations
which may influence the Emperor towards an active
intervention. They can perhaps penetrate farther
than we can into the views of Austrian statesmen,
and judge of their tendencies in the same direction.
We would merely take the opportunity of impress-
ing upon the Cabinet at St. Petersburg, while con-
cocting their answer to the notes now under their
consideration, not to overtax the patience and good
nature of Europe if they desire as earnestly as we do
the pacific solution of the Polish question. The fact
that the Polish debate has been postponed until the
arrival of the answer from St. Petersburg, is most
fortunate in this respect, that it will force the Rus-
sian Government to respond without delay if they
desire to prevent a very loud and angry expression
of opinion in the House of Commons. Had the de-
bate already taken place those opinions might still
have been expressed, but the storm would have
blown over, and Prince Gortschakoff might have
taken his time. As it is, the storm is brewing, and
will increase in violence just in proportion as it is
pent up. Every day new facts come out to add to
the combustible materials already collected. In our
impression of yesterday we published the original
instructions issued by the Government of the Czar to
General Mouravieff, upon the appointment of that
officer to the chief military command in the revolted
Polish provinces, in which, says his Imperial
Majesty, "his excellency should take every oppor-
tunity of acquainting the peasants with the paternal
intentions of the Czar towards them, and of demon-
strating that the landowners are their enemies and
oppressors, if his excellency considers it ad-
visable, he can also furnish arms to those
among the peasants who are attached to the
Czar and to Russia." The effect of arming a peasant
after you have instructed him to consider his master
as his enemy and oppressor it is not difficult to
imagine. How are we to believe the denial by the
Russian Government of atrocities committed by the
peasantry, when we have this proof of the Imperial
instigation ? Again," his excellency should oppose
certain demonstrations of the women, and for their
hindrance will even adopt severe measures against
them." It is true that the punishment of the knout
is abolished in Russia, but the punishment of
flogging with other instruments than those made of
thongs of sharp leather is in full force; and when
the Government denies the truth of the proclama-
tion attributed to Mouravieff, it may do so con-
scientiously so far as the knout is concerned ; but we
should be glad to know what the severe measures
alluded to by the Emperor and enforced by Moura-
vieff are if one of them is not the old established
punishment of flogging. However, we do not re-
quire to go into the region of conjecture to find
fresh instances of Russian barbarity and treachery.
Lord Palmerston told the House an anecdote on
Monday night to which we might venture to point
the moral. It would seem that near Wilna one
hundred and twenty Polish insurgents, finding
themselves surrounded, laid down their arms and
surrendered as prisoners of war, when ninety of
them were slaughtered then and there by order of
the Russian officer commanding. How are we to
expect, in the face of such an experience that the
Poles can trust in any armistice? What guarantee
can Russia offer the Powers that the act of treachery
perpetrated by the Russian officer on a small scale
might not be applied to the nation at large when
once it had consented to rely on Russian honour ?
So far, then, as public opinion is concerned the
sooner the reply is sent from St. Petersburg and
the debate comes on the better for Russia, for every
day that passes only makes the case against her
stronger.

HERALD.—The telegraphic accounts from America
have for some time past been pointing to a result
which is anything but encouraging to those who,
presuming on the certain triumph of the Northerners
in the present campaign, have bid us prepare for
the reconstruction of the broken Union, the realisa-
tion of the dream of a united America. Bit by bit
the scheme has broken down, and the edifice faded
before our eyes like an unsubstantial pageant. The
plot was well imagined. A series of vigorous and
well-directed attacks being levelled against various
exposed positions of the Confederacy at nearly the
same time, there seemed a fair chance that by divid-
ing the forces of the South they might all prove suc-
cessful, while it appeared inevitable that one at least
of these determined assaults would carry all opposi-
tion before it, and by breaching the fortress, pave
the way for the full accomplishment of the pro-
gramme. The territory at present defended by the
Southern armies may be said to be three-cornered,
and each of these corners is more
or less open to
attack. One of them is in Virginia, and is repre-
sented by Fredericksburg, on the Rappahannock.
Another is on the Atlantic seaboard, where Charles-
ton and Mobile constitute the chief points of con-
tact between the Confederacy and the Eastern world.
The third is on the Mississippi, where Vicksburg and
Port Hudson, with the stretch of river between them,
represent the claim of the South to the territories of
the far West, and the right of the South to command
the communications between the North-West and the
Gulf of Mexico. These positions have been manfully
held by the Southern chivalry. It is already mat-
ter of history how the Northern squadron of iron-
clads dashed itself in vain against the forts of
Charleston, and retired discomfited from the
defences of the Mobile River. The Northern army
has been beaten back disastrously in its headlong
onset against the defenders of Richmond. Two of
the angles of this position of strength having been
thus assailed in vain, it remained to be seen
what impression could be produced by a concentra-
tion of land and naval force against the positions in
the west. The iron squadron succeeded in forcing
the river, and rode up and down insultingly between
Vicksburg and Port Hudson. One powerful and
seemingly irresistible army crossed the river under
their protection, and fought its way onward till it
arrived beneath the walls of Vicksburg, with a far
better prospect of success than the expedition which
so rashly attempted the same enterprise last year.
Another army, after ravaging the fertile country of
Western Louisiana, crossed the river too, and pro-
ceeded to assault Port Hudson. Generals Grant
and Banks have been squally unfortunate. After
h
having had the cup of Tantalus presented to their
lips, it has been rudely snatched away from them
just as they were counting upon its enjoyment. The
only object which can excuse the sacrifices of this
campaign is the capture of Vicksburg and Port.
Hudson, one or both of them. The fall of either
would in all probability involve the surrender of the
other. But Grant, successful up to that point, has
failed egregiously before Vicksburg. Banks, boast-
ing of his numberless victories, finds that he can
make no impression on Port Hudson. When Grant
retires from Vicksburg his other successes will be
found as bitter and as unsubstantial as the apples
of Sodom. When Banks retreats to New Orleans
he will leave behind him scarcely a record of his
victories. The country of the Bayou Teche nay
been already re. occupied by the Confederates.
The country between Jackson and Vicksburg, as
far as the Black River, is swarming . with
Southern battalions, which are gradually closing in
on the rear of Grant. The Federals here are the
.
besieged instead of the besiegers. There is news of
a Southern division at Miliken's, Bend, ,20 miles
above Vicksburg. If so it may soon place in danger
the communications of Grant by the Yazoo River.
There are Confederate troops below Vicksburg, be-
tween Grant and Warrenton ; Johnstone is gradu-
ally accumulating his forces be hind him, and Pem-
berton is well able to hold out en front. The position
of Gen. Grant and his army is already one of immi-