The Sun.
London, England, 1839-05-04 00:00:00

law. The late Secretary for the Colonies s rid that some
restrictions ought to be introduced in distributing the
franchise to the negro population, far example that they
should read and write before they were admitted to the
,i-anchise. He would not discuss that proposition now,
but be was sure that the House of Assembly would not
ee disinclined to import such a restriction, or any others
calculated to support the authority of an equitable Go-
vernment.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Why did they
not distinctly avow what their reasons were
in introducing the Bill? He was sure that
they held hack the principal reasons.—( Hear, hear.)
However, he had a right to judge of the Bill by the
reasons he found in the preamble, and no other. If
they had stated to him the reasons and the grounds
upon which they in reality felt obliged to bring for-
, ward this Bill,he might upon high public considerations
have yielded to them, seeing the necessity there was
for their intervention with the Constitution of Jamaica.
But he had a right to consider the Bill upon the justifi-
cation which their own preamble contained, and if the
reasons he found there were not just and cogent, he
had a perfect right to refuse his assent, without taking
into consideration the other collateral reasons which
they had suggested, as their real vindication.—( Hear,
hear.) Their preamble recited that the House of
General Assembly of Jamaica having refused to comply
with the just demands of the Government, unless cer-
tain conditions were allowed which Parliament could
not agree to, it was expedient to abolish the legislative
functions of that island for a time, except those that
there were necessarry to preserve the faith of the island
in connection with public credit ; and whereas it was
necessary to made some temporary provision for the
enactment of laws for the maintenance of the
public welfare, be it therefore enacted, that the Go-
vernment of the General Assembly should be sus-
pended. This was the whole of the preamble on which
the framers of the Bill rested their vindication. They
said not a word of' the unfitness of the General Assem-
bly to legislate—not a word about the peculiar circum-
stances of Jamaica in reference to the elective fran-
chise. Their allegation was that the House of As-
sembly had refused to exercise its legislative functions,
and that therefore it was necessary for the Imperial
Government to step in. This was the penalty which
was to he inflicted on the House of Assembly, and on
the population of the Island. The framers of the
Bill professed to feel great regret and mortification at
being obliged to resort to this measure.(Hear, hear.)
They alleged in their preamble, that the House of
Assembly had refused to discharge their functions, and
that they also had shown some resentment ever since
the passing of the Emancipation Bill, and also that they
had persevered in a long course of general misconduct,
and a refusal to co-operate with the Imperial Govern-
ment. Now as the Members of the House of Assembly
were absent he would summon witnesses to give testimony
to their character. He would not summon interested
or party witnesses, but he would summon their own
declarations and the assertions of the Governors of
their own choice.—(Cheers.) The whole period, from
the passing of the Slave Emancipation Act, he should
divide into two parts ; the first ending in 1837, and the
second extending up to the present time. He would
remind them that the House of Assembly continued to
act until 1837. In 1833 the Negro Emancipation Act
was passed. The Imperial Parliament met in 1834 ;
and the King's Speech in alluding to the beneficial results
of the Act for the Abolition of Slavery, through the
British Colonies, stated that the conduct of the Legis-
lature of Jamaica, in carrying the measure into effect,
justified his Majesty in looking for the most happy
results. In 1836 Lord Sligo relinquished the Govern-
ment of Jamaica. In writing what he stated would
probably he his last dispatch to Lord Glenelg, on the
23d of August, 1836, his Lordship stated that ha left
the administration of the Island to his successor, in
as easy a state, as could be imagined.—(Cheers.)
The new Governor, Sir L. Smith, in meeting the House
of Assembly of 1836, assured the members that he did
not forget that they had given the first honourable
example in executing the wishes of the Imperial Par
liament by their preparatory Emancipation Bill.—
(Cheers.) Now he (Sir Robert Peel) would ask, were
these honest compliments or not ?—(Laughter and
cheers.) Sir Lionel Smith, in sending his dispatch to
Lord Glenelg, in the same month, inclosing copies of his
address to each branch of the Assembly, and of their
replies, said lie was happy to assure his Lordship that
both had manifested" a disposition to conduct the public
business in a spirit of cordiality and a strict regard to
the interests of the country." Now the Gentlemen on
the opposite side might say that they had thought it ex-
pedient to use very civil terms to the House of Assembly,
while they in reality disapproved of their conduct, in
order to coax them into concessions ; but surely, if the
Governor had thought it expedient or necessary to
cajole the House of Assembly, there could be no
motive for cajolery or empty and dishonest compliments
between the Local Governor and the Secretary of State
for the Colonies.—(Cheers.) On the 4th of March,
1837, the House of Assembly was prorogued. The
Governor then" acknowledged the attention which the
Members had paid to his communications, and of the
zeal and good understanding with which they had de-
voted themselves to public business during a Session
. of unusual duration." Now, why did they not state
r in their preamble, " whereas there have been continual
• compliments between the Governor and the House of
; Assembly, and whereas these compliments were never
intended by us—(Laughter and cheers)—and whereas
there should be no obstacle to this Bill"—let them
insert this in their preamble, our posterity would
be astonished at the contradiction between the compli-
ments of the Governors and the terms of the enactment,
and they would seek' in vain for any clue to that mis-
conduct forwhich it was alleged their Constitution should
now be suspended.—(Cheers.) On the 13th of March,
1837, the Governor, in writing to the Secretary of
State, sent home copies of the law for the classification
of the apprentice population. He stated also that " the
Chairman of the Committee appointed to bring in the
Bill had received his (the Goarnor's) communications
in a most friendly manner, and had at his suggestion
struck out two clauses which seemed likely to militate
against the Imperial Abolition Act."—(Cheers.) The
Secretary of State in replying on the Ist of May, 1837,
to the Governor, stated that it was very gratifying to
him to find that the result of his recommendation had
been so successful.—(Cheers.) True this Act, after
four months' operation, was found to be unsuccessful,
but then that issue did not detract from the praise of
the Ist of May, and he would only ask the Hon. Gen-
; tlemen opposite whether all their praise of' the House of
Assembly up to the Ist of May, 1837, was mere hollow
compliments and cajoling pretests, and whether they now
called upon him to disbelieve all that had been solemnly
stated between the Governments here and in Jamaica,
respecting a friendly understanding with the House of'
Assembly, and to vote that that Assemblte on the
ground of continuous misconduct, was unworthy of the
confidence of this House ?—(Cheers.) On the .24th of
October, 1837, the Governor expressed his satisfaction
at having witnessed the efforts of' the Assembly
during the preceding session to improve the condition of
the negro population. He (Sir R. Peel) asked was
this truth or not?—(Cheers.) If it was not was it
wise to state it, and if were what ground was there to
introduce this measure in 1839 ?—(Cheers.) The
Governor added that he was sure the apprentices would
continue their liberal exertions for the benefit both of
the masters and the apprentices.—(Cheers.) It might
be indeed that the Hon. Gentleman opposite could pro-
duce other dispatches, completely at variance with those
which he had quoted ; but he could not think of legis-
lating upon such conflicting evidence, while it appeared
on the records of Parliament that up to the 3d of Oc-
tober, 1837, there was no evidence to show a justi-
fication for a Bill to suspend the Constitution of
Jamaica and the functions of the House of As-
sembly. He would now take from the close of
1837 to the present time. He (Sir Robert Peel)
deeply regretted the course which had lately been
adopted by the House of Assembly ; nothing could have
been more unwise. It would have been infinitely bet-
ter if they had co-operated with the Government. He
was not there as the advocat e of the House of Assem-
bly. He blamed their language and he blamed their
acts ; but the question was, whether that language and
those acts ought now to justify the House in suspending
the Constitution ofJamaica, and placing the liberty and
property of the whole population under the control of a
Governor and Council ? Why had they not accepted
the suggestion ? Why had they not tried the lapse of
time,that great assuager of heat and animosity ?—( Hear,
hear.) If they had done so, he had promised them
after that trial that they should have his support to
carry any measure which the necessity of the case might
require. He could not see that the time for
resorting to extremity had 'arrived. He did not
ask them to make any concessions. He wished them to
retain the Prisons Bill. All that he asked was, that
they might use the language of explanation and conci-
liation, and if those failed then he would join with them
in any course that might be thought expedient to adopt
to assist them in carrying on the business of the colony,
if the House of Assembly refused to do so. The Mi-
nistry had refused to grant his request, and he had now
no alternative but to state as strongly as he could that
he dissented from their propositions.—(Cheers.) He
thought he had shown that no grounds had been made out
for the course now to be pursued before October, 1837.
Since that period two important measures had been
passed, one for the abolition of the Apprentice-
ship and the Prison Act—the latter of which
had led to the conduct that had been pur-
sued on the part of the House of Assembly. He
begged the House to bear in mind that, on the cur-
tailment of the Apprenticeship in 1833, it was provided
that it should continue till 1840—that provision was
made for the purpose of enabling them to pass prepa-
ratory measures. In 1838 there was"a great ferment
in the public mind demanding the abolition of the Ap-
prenticeship altogether. The Government determined
to resist that, and they did so successfully, but that re-
sistance was made upon the fact that the national
faith was pledged, the Ministry declaring that they
would abdicate their offices, rather than be parties to a
measure that would have such an effect. They expres-
sed their determination not to yield to public clamour,
but all their declarations were founded upon the fact that