The Sun.
London, England, 1830-09-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIIE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Affairs in the Netherlands are rapidly approaching
a crisis. Papers and letters from Holland and from.
Belgium, of the 20th, give us reason to believe that
Brussels has either by this time submitted to the
Government, or that its inhabitants have exchanged
their equivocal character of armed petitioners for
that of declared rebels. We subjoin extracts from
the Brussels papers of the 21st inst., premising that
Belgic journals are generally antedated, so that those
of the 21st contain only the news of the 20th, and
that only to an early hour of the afternoon of that
day. These papers contain no fact of importance;
but it was reported by the passengers of the steam-
packet which left Ostend yesterday morning, that on
Monday afternoon a tumult had taken place at Emus-
sels,—that the populace had attacked the Civic
Guard, and that the military were about to enter the
town to settle the dispute. We have as yet no
proof of this statement; but we think it extremely
probable that on the actual or threatened advance of
the King's troops towards Brussels, some disturb-
ances would take place, with the connivance of the
insurgent junta, in order to furnish a pretext for a
farther resistance to the King's authority. That
the populace whom the respectable citizens had dis-
armed on the 26th ult, in the plenitude of its power,
and the height of its success, while they themselves
were as yet unprovided with arms and unatquainted
with discipline, should attack and overcome the
same body, fully armed and organized, is one of
those absurdities which cannot be listened to for
a moment. Besides, the savage rabble who brunt
and pillaged the houses of obnoxious persons
at the commencement of the insurrection, acted
from no political motive, and, expressed no other
feeling but that of dissatisfaction with their own
distressed situation. Hence the same hands which
applied the torch to the house of the Minister, Van
Maanen, on the first day, were employed on the
second in destroying the machinery of a manufactory.
This class of starving agitators, therefore, were
satisfied with the abolition of the tax upon bread,
and the promise of employment, in order to be able
to earn it. They understood nothing of the•policy
of an administrative separation of the provinces,
which the Committee of the Hotel de Ville has de-
clared so essential to their happiness; and if they
have again appeared on the political stage, it was
only at the cull of their more noble prompters, and
to act a part to which they have been • preview)),
trained. Such a disorganized body could not wrest
arms from the hands of their wealthier fellow citi-
zens, who have been teaching them submission to
themselves, while they resisted the Government ;
and if they have really obtained arms and have been
excited to use them in the political crisis, they have
been encouraged and put forward by others who can
better calculate the dangers cyf resistance and the
penalties of treason, and who, though anxious to
secure the triumph of their opinions, are not disposed
to risk their persons or their fortunes in the struggle.
If the Government, supported by the opinion of the
States• General, and calculating on the acquiescence
of the other Belgic towns, has decided on employ-
ing troops to restore order in Brussels and Liege,
the majority of civic guards tray not be disposed to
sanction the extreme demands of their most violent
leaders. We say this without meaning any re-
flection either on their !slivery or their patriotism.
No nation in the world (with the exception of
the English) have shown a stronger or a loner
attachment to liberty than the people of the Ne-
therlands,--have clung to their ancient rights with
more fondness, or defended their independence with
more courage. Their generous principle and highs
minded conduct illustrate some of the brightest pages
of European history. Whether under their petty
Princes, in separate provinces, or united under the
House of Burgundy, or subjected to the Spanish
monarchy, or again transferred to the head of the
German empire, they have never permitted their
rulers to invade their rights or to trample on their
franchises. Hence their early civilization and re-
markable progress in the arts,--hence their com-
mercial wealth, and their unexampled agriculture!
prosperity. Renee they were enabled to arrest anti •
imprison their Imperial master, Maximilian, at Ghent
—hence they resisted the dark policy of Philip IL,
and compelled the House of Austria at different times
to respect their privileges. But it ought to be re-
collected, that before the union of the provinces, the
northern or Dutch pint of them were the rivals of the
south ; that afterwards the United Provinces were
the superiors of the latter ; that the Dutch have ehown,.
greater spirit in defending their independentce.
than any part of the Belgic Netherlands; and
that their present King, so far from wishing to ee.
slave them, has done every dill* to consolidate their
constitutional freedom. Why then, should not the
seventeen provinces remain united under the House
of Orange as well as under the sceptre of the Dukes
of Burgundy, or of the Emperor Charles V. ? The
Seven United. Provinces, so long tin important power
in the balance of Europe, are not rendered unworthy
of the renewed alliance by their greater wealth, or
by the two centuries of glory which they bring as a
dowry to the now union. The King has agreed to
remove the existing causes of annoyance; he has dire.
missed his obnoxious Minister; he has done every
thing that he could, us the bead of the executive,
and premises to do every thing that he can, as is
branch of the Legislature. Van Maanen is no longer
Minister' of Justice,—the Philosophical School of
Louvain is abolished,—the decree respecting the
language is abrogated, and the other grievance corn-
plained of will, in time, be redressed. Having con-
nived so long at the Brussels insurrection, and having
allowed his son to be a prisoner in the hands of the
malcontents, his Majesty has a right to say that
anarchy must at last cease or war begin, and that
the Committee of Public Safety must make its choice
between prompt obedience or rebellious resistance.
It would appear absurd to have two separate admi,
nistrations, two distinct courts, two systems of
finance, two separate armies, and two codes of law,
for a kingdoM so small in extent and eo compact in
form as that of the Netherlands. As well might
Belgium be again divided into the dominions of its
ancient Ceunte of Flanders and Dukes of Brahma;
or England be resolved into the kingdoms bi this
heptarchy. When to this we add the difficulties
which would spring up respecting the disposal of
fortresses built with European contributions, and
placed under European conventions, in case of a
separation,---the necessity of renewing again the
hairier treaty, and perhaps disputing the navigation
of the Scheid, the arguments against such a nice-
sure appear almost Irresiltible.—Thnee,

Cemented with the news from Brussel., the
public will peruse with interest ►he proceedings of
the States-General at the Hague. The debate in
the Second Chamber on Saturday last was or to

importance in the present state of

The speech of Hee Vat; darn Van Ya;elt, who

seconded Her Van Sytranntea motion, was very

animated. He adverted, with much severity, to the
measures of the Minister for the Home Department,
whose enigmatical and equivocal conduct he said,
required explanation. A sufficient ground for sus.
pbeesettoi ntfedh iom he co
n hi
mbnysid
ttelered
deputies ut
easffo
or afforded (nal byt the
owil in 81:
state of insurrection, who had declared that his Mi.
[lister had shown them that he possessed a Bei&
heart, If what had been stated respecting him wax
untrue, regard to his character required that he
should contradict it. if true, then he had
forgot that he was the Counsellor of his
King and Minister of the whole Netherlands,
and that it became him to resign hia office
before he gave utterance to such Belgic feeling,...
The motion of Sytzarot was ordered to he printed
and referred to the sections. The draught of the
address before the Committee is understood to do
nothing more thun reproduce in another form the
topics of the speech. in the discussion which took
place upon it, several members objected to the rob
dress being made a mere echo of the fipteeli. Hrr
vatAlphen submitted several propc!sitiisank
in his opinion, ought to be embodied an thesidllks

or

A short pamphlet has been published, with a
tickling title, viz.,—The &salt of the General
Election ; or what has the Duke of Wellington
gained by a Dissolution? 'Were we to answer the
interrogative portion of the name by which the au-
thor has baptized his work, we might perhaps ad-
mit that, in one sense, it is possible the Duke may
not have gained any thing. It is, we say, possiPle
—(though we really know not what the fact may be)
—it is possible that the Prime Minister may not
have increased the stock of his regular Parliamen-
tary supporters by the late appeal to the people.
But, if we understand the Duke of Wellington's
position, and if his Grace, ns we trust he doe", re-
lies upon that which ought to constitute the strength
of a gritish Minister in times like these, he will
not very closely or importunately scan the party
muster-mils-within the House of Commons. lie
will look .abroad and rest his hopes upen the recep-
tion of his measure' at the hands of the nation oat
of doors. Having the voice -of the public with
him, he may tell the aristocracy to resist those
measures at its peril. We are no doubt aware
that much embarrassment of an every-day and
tormenting kind may be occasioned to a Minis-
ter by the want of a competent number of ex-
perienced friends, regularly attending in both Houses
of Parliament, who are not only competent to work
effectually in their respective offices, but to be ad-
vocates for the Government of which they form a
part, and to explain, defend, and enforce, the propo-
sitione and policy for which public servants arts re-
sponsible. The absence of that particular descrip-
tion of power lies, we once more frankly acknow-
ledge, been apparent throughout the,two preceding
Sessions, and it is precisely the single ground on
which, were we authorised to counsel the Duke of
Wellington, we might recommend the expedincy
of reinforcing his administration. That, however, is
not the point which seems to have most deeply cap-
tivated the Whig vituperator throughout his caustic,
sarcastic, scornful, and, we may add, ill-tempered
production. He draws up one -list of members
of the House of Commons, who, having usually
voted for the Minister, have not been re-elected
by their constituents; and another, of those who
have been substituted for the former, and who, it is
presumed (possibly fel no better reason), will be
found among the inveterate enemies of the Govern-
ment; then turning triumphantly to the " book of
numbers," ns be calls it, exclaims " was there ever
so feeble no Administration as this ?" It is not
quite unfair to demand of such a reasoner, whether
he has always valued a motion in Parliament by the
majority which supported or opposed it ? There is
nothing, we dare say, at all contemptible in a mino-
rity of Whigs. It is time, however, to 'let this
writer make his own play with the public; His
pamphlet it written, we are bound to state, with no
ordinary spirit, skill, and energy. He knows how
to -hit, and gives his mind to it; and it we guess
Well at the person of the author, he is one who
speaks as forcibly as ho writes, It appears to us a
palpable absurdity to dwell with such bitter emphasis_
on the calculation of Parliamentary numbers as a
test of the justice with which the author attacks the
Duke of 'Wellington; because if, by an accident
which not very rarely occurs, the majority should
pronounce itself in the Duke's favour, the whole
argument founded on the opposite contingency lulls
to pieces of itself. 'the result, however, (the pro.
spective result) is, that instead of an accession of
113 votes, as was said to have been anticipated by
the treasury, there has been an actual loss of 20
votes on the whole. As, nevertheless, there is an
argument to be drawn from the success of what arc
called Liberal Members in places where the election
is popular, it is right to give the following extract:-
0 Never wss there so lamentable a sight of weakness as
ere Ministry themselves presented during, and at the close
of, the elections. First, we hive the Peel family. Mr.
Grant repays the attempt of the Secretary to unseat him
by unseating hie brother at Norwich, to keep which the
gallant Colonel had almost quarrelled with the discreet
Secretary; Mr. Lawrence Peel is turned out of Cocker-
mouth, to make way, say the Cumherland folks, for an ar-
rangensent' between the Lowtheris and Broughams, upon
which it does not appear that the Peels were mush con.
suited ; Mr. W. Peel is proposed for Tamworth, but almost
instantly withdrawn ; Mr. E. Peel Is defeated, after a con-
test, at Neweastk-under-Lyme; and Mr. G. Dawson, being
first thrown out of his county, attempts another place, and
is forced to drew back, finding the case hopeless, Pere,
then, are five or aux &testi to this powerful and popular
family in about ten days, The only one of the Wel-
keley family that comes before the people is the Duke's
nephew, and he, after 15 days' lighting, is left at the hot-
tom of the poll. No other connexions of the Government
ventured to show themselves at any plaCe; anti it is a fact
unprecedented in the Parliamentary history of England,
that not one Cabinet Minister sits in Parliament by the
voice of any portion of fits Majesty's subjects, except Sir
George Murray, and he for a fieoteli county, which is, like
the rest of the Scotch counties, more rotten than most of
the English rotten boroughs.
" It is not possible to /timid here asking how the great
popular seats are filled at the close of the late elections.
That no one in office, except Lord Lowther and Mr. V.
Lewis, site for any populsr place is admitted ; and of these,
the one sits for a tiny Welch county ; the other far the only
borough-county in England. Jet us then observe how the
Government supporters bear their share in the popular re-
presentation.
" First, as to Counties. There are in England forty
Counties. Of the eighty-two Members which these re.
turn, no more than twenty-eight are steady supporters of
the Ministry ; forty-seven, or nearly double that number,
are avowed adherents of the Opposition ; and seven are of
a neutral cast, not leaning much to the Government, Did
ever Minister yet meet Parliament with such a preponde-
ranee of the County Representation against him? Of the
thirteen great populous cities and boroughs, with hundreds
(Lotulon, Westminster, Aylesbury, &c.) returning twenty-
eight Members, only three-seats are befit by decided Mini-
sterial raft!, twenty-four by men in avowed opposition.
There are isixtyrtwo other places which may have contests
--being snore or less open.....they return one hundred and
twenty-six Members. Of these only forty-seven are Mini-
sterial--alt the rest aro avowed Opposition men, save
eight, whose leaning is rather more agldnat the Govern-
ment than for it. Of the two hundred and thirty,eist men,
then, returned by elections store or leas popular in Eng-
lund, only seventy-nine arts Ministerial votes ; one hundred
and forty-one ere in avowed opposition, and sixteen of
neutral cast. If, therefore, the Ministers are to make head
against a force of two to one against them, from every part
of the country where the popular voice is heard its elec-
tions;_ it an only be by moans of the rotten boroughs; and
the Scotch Members. Everywhere Woe they mu in air
City altogether without a precedent.
" But before proceeding to ask whether this nation can
goierned by a Minister who has no support from the
constituent body of the country, we must look to one or
two remarkable looms taught by the Isle general election
.---one of the most memorable in the history of Englead.
" At no ono place where the public voice could be
raised, did any mother of the Government attempt to show
hirosell---all took refuge its rotten boroughs ; but not an
their antagonists. Mr. Hume was returned for Middlesex
with Mr. Ilyng.--no attempt being made on the part of
tho Golfer/Orient to oppose him, A Whig colleague was
given to Me. in Norfolk ; and another to Mr. Deni-
son, in Surrey. In Devonshire Lord Ebrington was burns
to tits head of the pull on the ;Welders of the people, and
was shabled to bring its r;ir Thomas Ael watt, 1-' If
In Cettilirlilgesliiee, the nutined tinily"; 1 Inn"
superior, and they /tin one of the very family had
12:1111:4143Crutliteadt
support rho Mks of Welling
410 they IP"aa? Their. rata has ireen will';:ttr"ter
id thitThinveg, anal 4 warning- iewm to 0)1 ' 111"
lust Grace of Ituanni possibly raves "!g"1"411.
When hut brother
was defeated 1,), two stench Whigs, hew he hail cad Ins
same first of ems many thousmae, ag„;„„ the emak
tk,n, sad then, simply because (;race of Wellington
willed is 0, had voted against the prayer of hie owls peti.
60;1. Thtie things cannot—no, they: cannot...4m
a like tato Aoki now be
always Vris4 impunity.

The return of Mr. Brougham for Yorkshire is
touched upon as a grievous proof of the hatred of
the nation generally for Tory politics. The lessons
to be drawn from it, and other Whig elections, both
by the people and by Ministers, are put with edi-
fying malice. The author then passes over to the
foreign politics of the Duke of Wellington and Lord
Aberdeen, which he pourtrays and expatiates on in
these unrelenting terms :
" The aspect of affairs abroad, however, forms the
Most gloomy portion of the Duke's prospect. That he
urged the wretched Pelignac to his crimes is utterly in-
credible ; that he helped him to his place a year ago seems
;,hardly to he doubted. His praise of him, as 'by far
the ''ablest French Minister since the restoration' cannot
be retracted or explained away. Lord Aberdeen, whose
opinions are theme of Metternich's very enlightened and
Constitutional school, hardly looked to the restoration of
the Spanish yoke in South America with more sanguine
hopes than he did to the establishment of a ' vigorous'
system in France.
" But two defences have been set up en this most im-
portant question by the ' parasitical' tribe :--•-The Duke,
it is said, has been ready to acknowledge the King of the
French ; therefore he approved of the glorious event
which has mode every free heart in Europe leap with joy.
In other words, the policy of the Polignaca being irre-
trievably disconifited, and disgraced, past redemption, in
the eyes of all mankind, the step which followed of ne-
cessity, of allowing that Louis Philip was reigning Sove-
reign of France, proves our Minister to have rejoiced in
Polignac's ruin. As well might it he contended that
Nirpoleou'e retreat to Paris, and from thence on ship-
board, proved him to haVe exulted in the battle of Wa-
terloo l As well might it be argued that the Duke re-
joices in the honours paid to the ashes of Marshal Ney,
because he does not send forth an army to tear them from
the Pantheon, where the hands of his grateful country-
men have enshrined the victim, of what Mr. Fox justly
called ' that worst of revolutions, a restoration No,
no ; many things that are impossible will come to pass,
and much that is incredible will be believed, before any
man of ordinary, observation will credit so vain a tale as,
that the Duke Of Wellington ever knew a more bitter mo-
ment than that is which he read of the summary triumph
of the French people,' anti saw in it the triumph of the
people's rights all over the world.' •
"'The other ground of defence is this :—Does any one
it is said, suppose the Duke, with all his hatred of popular
rights, and all his love of legitimacy, a mere driveller?
Then how could he approve of conduct so insane, an
exhibition of weakness so deplorable, as that of Pulp-
mac and his master? But who ever said that he did ?
or ever dreamt that he approved the comae which those
infatuated creatures took to gain their object ? It does
not follow, however, that he did not wish heartily
well to that object : possibly veiling its deformity to
his own mind, under the specious phrases of firm
Government,' ' legitimate throne,' vigorous support of
the existing arrangement,' and so forth. That be may
dearly have desired the end, and bitterly regretted the
means, it altogether conceivable, without the least impeach-.
ment of his honour, or his consistency, or even his good
sense. What Pope was it that remonstrated vehemently
against our Jaws 11., for hurrying on the reconcilement
of England to the church of Rome, with such fatal im-
patience? What Prelate was it that soon after saw the
Royal. fanatic an exile, and exclaimed, "There goes an
idiot, who gave three kingdoms for a Miss r But
the Pope and the Prelate both wished well enough to
James's project, and only blamed or ridiculed him for
pursuing it like a fool; nay,. they may easily have set him
upon the adventure, and then, like another intriguer, of
high name and authority in all
.Courts, have grinned at
the failure of their victim.

" The lessons, however, which the Duke of Wellington
may learn front this great event are neither few nor of
light account.
" First of all, it may teach him that an army is more
to be depended on in the field than in the city. Beyond
all doubt, be counted on the French troops standing by
Charles X. and his insensate Ministersoind was some-
what staggered when he saw some battalions of those brave
men refuse to fire upon their fellow-citizens. Beyond
doubt, also, he expected regular troops, when they did
fight, to gain nn easy victory over an unarmed rabble.
'Elio finest soldiers in Europe beaten by a mob—the boy.
of the Polytechnic School destroying 500 of one regiment,
and all the officers but three—streets in half an hour bar-
ricaded, and every house become a garrison, from which
the very women and children fired shot, and poured down
huge paving stones upon veteran troops—this is the very
irregular, unscientific, untnilitary spectacle which the re-
cent history of France presents to the tacticians of the
Horse Guards, and records, for the encouragement of all
freemen and the terror of all military tyrants, in all coun-
trim, and in all time*. It is also a page of history which
will be read with advantage by the soldiers themselves, of
411 ranks; and may have some influence on their minds,
when they are poring over that other page, wherein is re-
corded the great virtue of those patriotic troops, who, in
the soldier, forgot not the citizen, and refused to obey
the'inilawful command that would have pointed their arms
to shed the blood of their unoffending countrymen !
" Next, the Duke of Wellington must now, whether he
find it to hie taste or no, lay his Account with the French
governing themselves-.-choosing their own Kings and Mi-
nistersmaking such constitutions us they think proper
for their own country—in short, managing their own of-
Airs without ever consulting him, or throwing away a
thought upon him, any more than if there were no such
person as Arthur Duke of Wellington in this world of
vexation, of folly, of rash presumption, and of disappoint-
ment. France will be free, and great, and have all the
right of free States, and all the influence of a powerful
one, whether it like him or no. The French can see
nothing whatever in him that gives him a claim to their
deference or respect ; because be is wholly ignorant, nar-
row-minded, inexperienced in State affairs, and, as be
said himself two or three years ago, nothing but being
stricken with rnadnem could ever account for his trying to
be a Prime Minister. Moreover, his arbitrary principles
of government nre not to their mind ; and there are pas•
sages in his life (we allude not to them) which have by no
means won their confidence. This lesson of his utter and
absolute insignificance in French affairs, is one which he
will be expected to learn speedily, both by France and by
England, should any miracles keep him longer in place
(power he has none) among ourselves.
Again, the Duke may extend his views to other na-
tions, and mark how vain a thing it is for hint to expect
his principles any longer to maintain their ground in any
port of Europe. His friends, Metternich, Ferdinand,
Miguel, are all at a sore discount; freedom can no more
pervade all France and not cross the Rhine, and the Alps,
land the Pyrenees, than the knowledge which gave it birth
can be hemmed in by the stream and the mountain. The
principles of the Holy Alliance are, therefore, doomed to
deetruction, and they who maintained them, and embattled
their legions to uphold them, must be prepared to retrace
their steps betimes, and tomato just concessions soon, lest,
by ill-advised delays, they suffer all to be wrested from
their greet)."
The expedients to which the author condemns the '
Duke and his colleagues, us means of maintaining
themselves in dice, are next with greater brevity
dekribed. 130 t in passing, we should be astonished
to hear, on good authority, that, so far al regards
the Duke of Wellington at least, he would be at
the trouble of, walking across from his own door to
the Green-park for any such ambition
But let us turn front the consideration of foreign af-
faire,-19 which, by the way, the Duke of Wellingtou'ii
failures, concluded as they have been by the expulsion of
the Bourbons from Frame, are so numerous and so coins
;dem at fairly to balance big military successes—and reflect
for a mointot on the domestic prospects of him and his as-
sociates. The question is, what will be do next—to what
expedient will he resort to conceal his hopeless debility, and
to strive to keep himself in place for another Session ? Ile
cannot dissolve again, like his , pupil Polignae ; still less
dares he try now any such coup didifit as those whichliave
damned to everlasting fame' the previously obscure mane
of his unfortunate friend. But something be must do to
gain applause; and, by yielding to the wishes of the
people, to disarm, for the moment, opposition. Will he
touch tire tithe ?--hardly yet. But probably he may pro-
pose some mitigated measure of parliamentary reform—
such as giving Members to the great manufacturing towns.
It is true that Sir Robert Peel and all his other colleagues
are deeply committed against this; but not more so than
they were upon the Catholic (motion. Or he may make
the King, his only friend, his victim; and come down
with a proposition fora Civil List reduced below even the
utmost wishes of the most s inguitie economists ; or perhaps
the. East India Company may be offered up a sacrifice on the
altar of popular feeling. Let no one, therefore, be stir,
prised if eueli be the topic of his Mejesty's speech---if he
• be Made to implore lila faithful Common!' to be as perm-
rinse towards himeelf as posSible;—or call down their
Veoroice upon the monopolizing rulers of Leedenhalle

" It would be easy to find an abler man than the Prime
Minister; but impossible to name any one less popular,
whether with the Aristocracy, the Church, or the Com-
munity at large. Civil experience be has hardly any—
poltical knowledge none—his talents lay in war, and with
the peace they have ceased to be of any more use than an
old matchlock or a battering ram He was of some ser-
vice while the King's personal prejudices and unsteadiness
required the controul of a strong hand ; with the life of
the late Monarch, that use too has ceased. If he has any
other claims to his station, except his extravagant estimate
of his own universal genius (a new light since his me-
morable self denying declaration), neither the Nation nor
the Parliament have, as yet, been able to discover them.
Let them be plainly brought forward, however, by any
one who is quixotic enough to maintain them, and they
may be fairly discussed.
. _

The Lord Chancellor Lyndhurst has notoriously dis.
appointed, by his indolence, all who had formed uny ex-
pectations of him. He is, by common consent, the most
inefficient Keeper to whom the Great Seal has been en-
trusted since Lord Bathurst—whose heir at law would
make as good a Chancellor as either his Noble and Learned
ancestor, or his Noble and Learned Colleague. No doubt,
as far as personal weight and consideration goes—the dig-
nity derived from consistency, steadiness of principle, and
all that goes to make up public virtue, the present Ministry
may boast a share in the person of its First Law Officer,
such as nono other ever had, and such as it would be ab-
solutely cruel to examine in detail.
" Among his colleagues the Earl of Aberdeen stands
distinguished (bold as the assertion may, to some, ap-
item) foe that union of feebleness with presumption—of
incapacity in every other marls eyes, with all-stifficiency
in his own---which constitutes the ridiculous in character.
It is from such originals that the pencil of Cervantes drew
the Baratarian Government of Sancho Panra, that of
Sheridan his Lord Burleigh, and of Swift his Gulliver,
drawing upon the King of Brobdignag. Mankind have
yet to learn one single ground upon which this Lord ,!
should affect to bold any other given Lord cheap ; and yet
he never opens his mouth but to try some clumsy sneer.
He is supposed to have studied under Mr. Pitt, who had
some right to indulge in such supercilious demeanour.—
The Hindoos have an apologia of a dwarf, who used to
keep company with a giant, and seeing hint always look
down upon the crowd, got the habit of looking down
when he saw men whose middles he could just reach stand-
ing upon tip-toe.
" The other Members of the Cabinet it is really diffi-
cult for any one, not having a peculiarly retentive memory,
or, as Mr. Brougham would say, not being good at
proper names,' to recollect. One, indeed, Lord Ellen-
borough, is remembered, not from the possession of any
shining or statesmanlike qualities, but on account of cep.
tain awkward passages in his history. This individual
!mirage(' himself at (Efferent times the follower of Lord
Lansdowne and of Lord grey ; but he left them all upon
the first hint of a place front the Duke of Wellington, and
he accepted it with an Amendment to the Duke's Address
ready written in his pocket, which he had had the imprudent
vanity to show to several persons. To the Government he
joined brought a weight of personal unpopularity, which it
rarely falls to the lot of any one so little conspicuous as him-
self to acquire. And if to this disadvantage is added an over-
weening conceit—overweening apparently in proportion
to the absence of merit—a total want of judgment, and a
singular faculty of attracting the derision of others, it will
he easily granted that his co-operation is, in fact, a griev-
ous misfortune to the Administration which is encumbered
with it.

" Of Lord Bathurst, lives there the man so unfeeling,
so lost to all the softest emotions of our nature, as to speak
in en enumeration of Statesmen fit to administer a great
empire? If ouch there be, and of heart so flinty, then the
same might also view unmoved the sorrowful plight of
Mr. Onulburn, and weigh the merits of that good sensible
man and most able Quarter-Master-General, Sir George
Murray, as a Parliamentary Chieftain. Whether or
not Lord Francis Leveling Gower be a Cabinet Mi-
nister, may be a question ; it can be none that in
such u Cabinet nature has well qualified him to hold a
plate, and a prominent one. But though he may rival
Lord Aberdeen in hopeless debility, he falls so in-
finitely short of him in presumption, that it would
be a shame to speculate upon the amount of his
gain by his late removal from Ireland. Ile was
found to be perfectly unfit for the Parliamentary con-
flicts of that department; seine change of climate was
absolutely necessary to preserve his existence. So he is to
battle the Estimates night after night against Mr. Hume
for six or eight weeks of the next Session, by way of
having an easy lift, and a task he is fit for.

"Of Sir Robert Peel we have not spoken. He is a
man of respectable talents, moderate acquirements, un-
questioned propriety, undeniable self-complacency, and
brilliant and boundless wealth. Whether these, added to
the possession of as much unpopularity as ever fell to one
man's share, be exactly the qualifications that will fit him
for leading such a House of Commons as is just returned,
and against such an Opposition, may he a different thing.
He is supposed to have so deep, so devout a veneration for
himself (testified among other things by reverently drop.
ping the voice upon naming the object of his adoration),
as rather to have enjoyed standing alone last session. He
probably is now hugging himself in the hope of a like en-
joyment at the approaching meeting. If so, it may be as-
serted with great safety, that, though his portion of bliss
be not the greatest, it is at least the most unenvied ever yet
bestowed upon mortal."—Tinies.

One of the executors of Mrs. Burke, by way of
rebutting a statement in the Manchester Advertiser
that the reversionary pension paid to Mr. Burke and
his executors was granted, and has been applied for
the purpose of paying off a debt contracted by
Burke to the Fitzwilliam flintily, has sent a letter to
a Morning Contemporary, in which it is said that
neither Mr. nor Mrs. Burke ever had any pecuniary
transactions with Lord Fitzwilliam, and that the pen-
sion was bequeathed by Mrs. Burke to her own
nephews and nieces, and the niece of Mr. Butke.
By way, however, of throwing light on the circum-
stance which had led to the statement of the Man-
cheater paper—namely the debt due by Mr. Burke
to the Marquis of Rockingham—this executor of
Mrs. Burke subjoins a copy of an original letter in
his possession, written by Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr.
Burke, in reply to a letter of condolence with his
Lordship on the death of the Noble Marquis.
(COPY) oc 3d July, 1782.
uMy Daaa FRIEM),..-It is not all lorrow. Your
labours have succeeded, and his wishes for his country have
prospered. Your Hill," they tell me, is carried with ft
high hand in our House. His spirit is, then, still living.
Whatever treachery, whatever business may have medi-
tated, his virtue has prevailed. My friend, I write in a
melancholy triumph : our common misfortune touches my
inward soul, and I must hare time to feel myself
But why do yow write to me so ? I can never emulate his
character. I will imitite, as I ought to do, at an awful
distance. You know my wishea for the public weal, and
you know my inability to further it more than by the
great and venerable name I now, with Sorrow, bear : but
I have still courage. I have confidence that his virtue has
spread its seed so far and wide, that there is stock of
growth sufficient to make honest men respectable, and
worthless ones ineonsiderable.

4' I must recoiled myself. It Was my duty to have in-

* Economical Reform,

" Wednesday evening." " FITZWILLIAM."
Burke and Sheridan are striking instances of the
misery which is the portion of all men of talents in
this country, who are so foolish as to enlist in the
service of the Aristocracy, from whom, in return for
the prostitution of their powers to the propping up
a demoralising system, they experience constant mor-
tilications, while the necessity of keeping up an ap-
pearance of wealth compels them to have recourse
to the most discreditable shifts. The author of
" Government without Whigs" seems almost to
make it a matter of reproach to Mr. Brougham that
he did not split on the same rock.
" Mr. Canning (he says) throughout the *hole of his
negociations with the Whigs, never lost sight of the ne-
cessity of keeping his own peculiar party together, and in
office ; and the consequence was, that lie bad no place at
his disposal at all suitable to the desires of Mr. Brougham;
for he, with a Scotsman's foresight and prndence, was de-
termined not to sacrifice a profession from which, tho Ugh
fir from being at its head, he derived a very considerable
income, for the possession of a place, the tenure of which
was exceedingly uncertain ; and there was unfortunately
no office vacant, the acceptance of which would not have
involved either that sacrifice, or one still more to be dreaded
—Alt of his parliamentary influence."
Mr. 'Brougham has followed the only course which
MI individual not possessed of great wealth can with
safety follow—he has stuck to his profession, and
preserved his independence. We do not mean- by
this to say that a state of things, in which the affairs
of the nation •are consigned to the children of wealth
and luxury, aidettby professional men, who give an,
occasional hour of leisure to the public, is one on
Which any unbiassed Englishman can look with com-
placency. We were some time ago furnished by a
distinguished correspondent with some particulars
of the history of Burke, which are sufficiently in-
structive :

" As a farmer (said our correspondent) I lived, many
sears ago, at a abort distance from him. I have employed
several of his servants. The following facts will amuse
you. His smith still lives, ninety or upwards. Burke
ruined him ; for years he was unable to pay his black-
smith's bill, and thus drove him to bankruptcy. The
smith's hopes were fed with the prospects presented to
Burke's own fancy, a tellership, or something similar. He
in:IA have been very poor and very proud. The wings of
the house he occupied (Butler's) would each have con-
tained four times over, Milton's cottage, still standing near
Chaffont. From the report of his carters (ploughmen) as
well as his smith, he must at one time have farmed on a
very large scale. I have no doubt he attempted in this
manner to secure that independence of a.proud Aristocracy,
for which Horner (and now Brougham) looked to his pro-
fession ln my own opinion, taken for
all in all, Burke's name (in spite of his manifold infirmi-
ties) ranks as high as any other in the History of the
House of Commons. His reflections generally were his
own : sometimes deep, always specious, dressed up in a
way comparable to no other except his models. There
was a kindred fate of these two accompliabed men in a
slight degree. Both of them objects of admiration and of
trust with the aristocracy; both of them champions
against desperate Toryism, or tyranny, or deluded Re-
publican factions; both of them drinking of the bitterest
cup of adveraity ; for Burke's poeerty broke his heart and
impaired his intellect. You are aware of Sir Philip
Francis's opinion ; that he would never have preached a
crusade against France bad he possessed 30,0001., an inde-
pendent fortune."
We have often said, that the Law of Succes-
sion and Institutions of this country throw the
contrail' of the national affairs into .the hands of
persons the least fitted for it. It is utterly impos-
sible to have a rich Aristocracy and good Govern-
ment at the same time. The middle classes of this
country are distinguished for their energy; and
when it happens that a man from these classes ac-
quires independence before he is overtaken by age,
as in the case of Mr.. Hume, he works wonders
among the Lord Johns. Mr. Hume said in his
speech at Glasgow, that the.. Dandy Legislators
looked on him as an intruder. Would that there
were a dozen such intruders! There were some ex-
cellent observations in a late number of the Scots-
man, on the injury which the country sustains from
the Law of Succession, throwing public affairs into
the hands of men unfit for the management of any
affairs.

" To persons in this country (says our contemporary)
who know nothing about any aristocracy but our own, it
does appear exceedingly droll, to find a Peer, wearing a
lofty title, salaried with a sum which would be thought
inadequate pay for a banker's second clerk among us !
In the thing itself, however, there is nothing absurd or
laughable. Our unnatural Law of Primogeniture accu-
mulates immense wealth in the hands of a few persons ;
but in the Netherlands, where property is much divided,
the Peers partake of the general mediocrity of condition.
Does this make them less fit to deliberate' and decide on
the great interests of the country? Quite the reverse.
Intellectual activity, knowledge of business, and, we will
cads pure morals and high honour, are generally sumeiated
with mediocrity of fortune, and are comparatively rare
among men of inordinate wealth. A merchant, tradesman,
or small landholder, with an income of a thousand
a year, finds his status depends in no small degree on
his moral and intellectual habits, and would be ruined
by vice and follies which are not thought scandalous in a
Nobleman with a rental of 50,000/. ! In point of prin-
ciple we hold the practice of giving salaries to legislators to be
wise and rational. The maxim that the labourer is worthy
of his hire,' holds true with the Peer as well as the peasant.
The workman who has no pay will either neglect his duty
or remunerate himself by frauds which cost his employer
much more than a fair and opea compensation. In the
Netherlands a Peer has VOL per annum, and for this awn
gives regular attendance, and does his duty in a business-
like manner. In Britain a Peer gives only one day's at-
tendance for eight or ten which he ought to give; and
while he professes to be acting without remuneration, is
selling his vote to the Minister for places and pensions to
his family. Let any one look at our sinecures, our Irish
Church, and our Pension List, and then say whether gra-
tuitous services are not the dearest of all ! The example
of the Americans is decisive on this subject. In the Fe-
deral Legislature, and in the lour and twenty State Legis-
latures, the practice of paying Senators and Representa-
tives (their Peers and Commoners) is universal. In Con-
gress the Senators have the same pay as the Representa-
tives, namely, eight dollars a-day, which, for a Session of
four months, amounts to about 2361. per annum—ante
of remuneration nearly on a par with the Belgian."
The people of England are beginning to be aware
of the nature of the injury which they sustain from
the law favouringthe accumulation of property in
the hands of individuals. Why is it that a French-
man with is moderate income is independent, and an
Englishman with three times the same means is
miserable and a Slave ? Because property is more
divided in France, and individuals are not, in order
to escape the contempt which is the lot of poverty
in an aristocratical country, stimulated to acquire
great wealth. A certain amount of property is ne-
cessary to comfortable• existence; but the demands
of luxury are as insatiable as the grave: Burke,
with his talents and his industry, in France, at the
present day, would have been a first-rate man, with-
out the necessity of ruining his tradesmen, and oc-
cupying an immense building, in order to associate
with the Aristocracy: M. Destutt de Tracy well
observes— _ _

-_"The multiplication of our means of enjoyment is a
very good thing; the too unequal distribution of them is
a eery bad thing, and the source of all our evils. The
interest of the poor is the interest of society. . . .
I shall be asked, perhaps, is the inequality of wealth NO
great an evil ? I answer boldly, yes ; for, in the first
place, producing inequality of instruction, capacity, and
influence, it tends to bring about an inequality of power,
and consequently to overturn society. Besides, in consi-
dering it only in an economical point of view, we have seen
that the fund from which. wages are derived, is the revenue
of all those who have capitals, and that among the latter,
they who embark in any industrious enterprise alone aug.
ment their wealth, and consequently the wealth of the
nation. Now the possessors of great fortunes are precisely
the persona who are idle, and who only pay lahonr for
their pleasure. fleece, the more great fortunes exist, the
more the national wealth diminishes. The example of all
times and all countries supports this theory; for, wherever
you see excessive fortunes, you will there see the greatest
misery and the greatest stagnation in industry. To judge
of the exaggeration of certain fortunes we must keep pro-
portions in mind; for there may be -rich Englishmen,
equally rich, and even richer then the greatest Russian or
Polish _Lords ; but they are in the midst of a people among
whom easy circumstances are much Inure genetal, and
consequently, the disproportion; though real, is much less

We have seen, however, that the law in England
favours that which it aught to be rather the object
of law to prevent. We witness the effects in the
arrogant and exclusive character of an Aristocracy on
the one hand, and the servility and immorality of the
inferior classes on the other.-111ornine Chronicle.
The report gains ground that Prince Talleyrand
is charged with a mission from the Government of
France to the Ex-King, which has for its object
the obtaining of a new act of abdication from Charles
in favour of Louis-Philippe, thereby establishing
his title on the principle of legitimacy. We do not
believe it. Such a proceeding would argue a de-
gree of mental weakness in the present Ruler of
France which would almost rival the imbecility of
Charles X. himself. No King raised to the throne
by the choice of the nation can afford to be so silly
us one who governs by " right Divine ;" and
Louis-Philippe is too wise not to know hat the
power from which he derives his title, and which
alone can defend it, is the national will—the power
that has .expelled the elder branch of the House of
Bourbon—and smote legitimacy with the lightnings
of its vengeance ! Louis-Philippe, like our William
the Third, is a King elected by the people, with
hereditary succession. If he seeks to supersede that
title by a grant from the discrowned fugitive, whose
former act of abdication was treated as a nullity, and
to rest his throne on the parchments of a degraded
Sovereign, instead of the free choice of a regene-
rated nation, he most miserably falsified that charac-
ter for good sense and sound judgment for which
the world has given him credit. Besides, the title
which he bears is contradictory to such a confirm-
ation of it. He is" King of the French," and as
such, the first of a new. dynasty. This title is not
the one which Charles forfeited. The Ex• King
cannot give away that which never was in Ins
possession. Arid then as to the Duke of Bor-
deaux, if lie has a legitimate claim to the throne,
who can resign it for him? Nut Charles, who
might, undoubtedly, lay down his own title in pos-
session—not the Duke of Angouleme, who might,
as certainly, have renounced his own claim in re-
version—not the Duchess of Berri, for she is not
invested with any authority either to make or un-
make a King—not the Duke of Bordeaux himself,
for he is a minor, and has no copeck), to per-
form legal acts that shall bind him when his non-age
expires. There is nobody,,then, whe can resign for
the Duke of Bordeaux any legitimate claim which
he may have to the throne of France, and, conse-
quently, any act of abdication by Charles in favour
of Louis-Philippe, would, on this ground alone, be
utterly null and void as far as the rights of the in-
fant Prince are concerned. It is impossible, we con-
clude, that Louis-Philippe can contemplate any thing
so absurd as the report of the negotiation in question
implies. What would have been thought of William
the Third, after the glorious revolution of 1688 was
achieved, if he had sent an Ambassador to St. Ger-
mains to negotiate with the exiled James the Second,
for an Act of Abdication in his favour, to the ex-
clusion of the young Prince, who, but for that revo-
lution, would have ascended the throne of Great
Britain ? It would have been said that lie was
solicitous to weaken, or rather to subvert his own
title, by performing an act which implied that the
people could not, on a forfeiture of the Crown, settle
it anew upon whomsoever they pleased, in full sove-
reignty, by virtue of a national compact. But
William 111. did not think of any thing so foolish,
and it is not to be supposed he was more enlightened
in the seventeenth century than Louis-Philippe is in
the nineteenth. We therefore look upon the report
as a malicious fable, invented by the enemies of the
present Government of France, with the insidious
purpose of exciting the jealousy and distrust of the
people towards their Constitutional King.—Morning
Herald.

Though confidently stated to be the case, wes
nevertheless, trust it is not true, that the Rev.
Divine, who has been so recently translated from the
See of Gloucester to that of 'Exeter, is about to
make another change, by transferring the scene of
his pious labours to the more profitable See of
Bangor. A Bath paper states the translation to have
actually taken place; but such cannot be the case,
as the Gazetting of the ange d'elire is the neces-
sary and unavoidable prelude to the fact. There is
nothing which brings such disgrace upon the Church,
and, of course, thereby so melt injures the cause
of religion, as the practice of episcopal translation,
by which the world are led—and, we fear, but too
truly—to believe that Churchmen are to be found
who worship Mammon in preference to God. That
the Archbishop should be taken from among the
existing Bishops is, perhaps, excusable ; but, beyond
that, we know of no good or proper motive which
can be assigned for taking a Bishop from the super-
vision of a flock to which he ought to be attached
beyond all earthly considerations. The times are
not such as to admit of the continuance of abuses
such as these; and we confidently hope that the
good sense of the public will lead them to consider
those the best friends of the Church Establishment
who boldly decry them. What is thought of the
husband or the father, in private life, who deserts
his wife and family to devote himself to some new
and unhallowed connection ? and how less criminal,
in a strict sense, is he who, wedded in the holiest
bonds to a Christian family, meanly deserts it, for
the sake of a better house and more ample domains ?
Of course we use the argument generally. The
practice has been too long countenanced to make
its application personal. But we would earnestly
call upon those who must see the mischief it is cal-
culated to produce, and who have the power to
avert the danger, to set their faces against the conti-
nuance of an evil, which has been one of the blessed
fruits of favouritism and borough patronage on the
one hand, and of a servile cupidity on the other.—
Morning Herald.

EMOLUMENTS OF THE MIDDLESEX