The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-06 00:00:00

till*, he eouceived that with the title of Ns Miguel was
in some degree involved the hoticiur of this country.—
(Hear.)—He would not go into the particular details,
which, he had no doubt, were fresh in their minds ; but
he, trusted, whenever the recognition was made, it would
be\tshown to be 'absolutely necessary, or it would deeply
affect the honour and interest of this country. If Don
Miguel was the undisputed Sovereign of Portugal ; if he
exercised his sway peacefully over an undivided people ;
if he had returned into the scabbard the sword he hell
ever the heads of his people; if he had unlocked the
doors of the dungeons in which thousands and tens
ef thousands of the victims of surprise and tyranny
were immured ; if really all these thing, were ac-
complished, there might be grounds on which it
was impossible to avoid the recognition of Don Ali-
guel. At the present moment,' it should be recollected,
we have been told that there are differences between the
Princes of the House of Braganca as to the succession to
Portugal. Let us bear in mind what is going on within
the dominions of Portugal. There are two Governments
existing in what is called the integral dominion of Portu-
gal. There was a Military Government in the Isle of
Terceira, which was an integral part of the Portuguese
dominions, holding it in the name of the young Queen,
Maria da Gloria, whom our Government acknowledged as
the rightful Sovereign. It was impossible, while this
state of things continued, that Don Miguel could be said
to be the undisputed Sovereign of Portugal. This was a
subject which would come under the notice of the House,
and he merely on that occasion entered on it that he might
request Government to pause long, and well consider be-
fore they resolved on the recognition of Don Miguel. They
would take care, he hoped, how they involved the fate of
BO many persons, who were led into jeopardy by the course
of foreign policy we had followed. There was one subject
which was nut fit for discussion that evening; but as he
should not advert to it on any other occcasion, he would
say a few words then. He meant the recent invasion of
the territory of M- xico, by the Spanish expedition from
I Cuba. This expedition sailed lately, but it was several
years in a coarse of preparation. The Government of
Mexico wished to anticipate the attack of Spain by a
previous descent on Cuba. But England told Mexico
that she would not consent to permit them to make
the attack. He said if it was so—if Mexico, by the in-
,lietrference of England between Spain and her Colonies,
was prevented from taking a step to keep off an evil that
was coming on her people, it was a most unfair proceed-
ing. Government ought never to have begun on the prin-
ciple of non-interference, or they should carry it fairly and
impartially through. When they said to Mexico, you
shall not attack Cuba, they should also have said to Spain
you shall not attack Mexico ; else it was a gross act of par-
tiality between two contending parties, and a direct viola-
tion of the system of neutrality on which Government pro-
fessed to act. This transaction happened when many of
these, now Members of Government, were, at the time,
also in the Cabinet. He sow called on Government to
explain the transaction, in justification of the equal neu-
trality from which in Parliament they had argued they
were so much afraid to depart. On all the other topics
which would come under the detailed consideration of the
Hone—but he would not trouble them further. He
would have been sorry to have omitted an opportunity of
recording his opinion as to the system by which the coun-
try has been brought into disrepute abroad.
Mr. Secretary PEEL thanked his Noble Friend for
owning that this was not a fit occasion to enter on the im-
portant subjects on which he had touched. The import-
ance of each of them entitled them to a separate discus-
sion; but as his Majesty had declared his intention, when
the opportunity arrived, of laying full information before
them, in order not to provoke discussion by those who
.--were not in possession of adequate information, lie con-
curred with his Noble Friend that this was not a fit occa-
sion of promoting a discussion on these questions. By
concurring in the Address, he approved of the propriety of
allowing an ample opportunity of discussing the foreign
policy of the Government. Those Hon. Gentlemen
who concurred with him in supporting the Address
would nut preclude themselves from folowing any
course as to our foreign policy. On a general view,
he must express his dissent of the opinions his Noble
Friend had expressed ; and as to the policy the Noble
Lord advocated, he must say, that his Noble Friend's
policy, were it acted upon, would involve us very
erepeedily in wee. That policy his Made- ForiOnd had advo-
cated last Session, though be had not so distinctly avowed
it. Yet, a doctrine of this sort, if reduced to practice,
would involve this country, and, in six months, involve
Europe, in a general war. Our policy, said the Right
lion. Gent., at least is to maintain peace, and it is our
wish and intention to spread over the world the invaluable
hir4sipg of general peace. It consists best with the main-
tenance of a just influence on the part of England and its
honour. My Noble Friend bad adverted to the impolicy
of our course as to Turkey ; but he taunts us for having
asserted that the maintenance of the integrity and indepen-
dence of Turkey is essential to the preservation of Euro-
pean tranquillity. But Ido approve of the perfect and
entire maintenance of a great Power which has long ex-
isted. Its extinction is a subject greatly to be considered.
We are attacked as if we admired the system of internal
Government in Turkey. In former and more remote
periods this power was an ()reject of meterial inte-
rest, and this country even undertook to guarantee
the integrity of its extensive territory in 1799. This
was a measure of policy pursued by Mr. Pitt, who then
presided over the Government, though he did not admire
the system of Government in Turkey, yet thought that
greater evil would arise from the dismemberment of
Turkey than from its continuance as an integral state.
Does my Noble Friend know the opinion expressed by
e Mr. Fox, in the year 1806? He recommended that the
lnarantee should be given at an early period. Prince
Talleyrand was then the Minister of Foreign Affairs in
the French Government, and he was told that the bite-
grity of the Turkish empire was an object of great im-
portance to us. The question respecting Turkey, how-
ever, led nearly to the breaking off the negociation. The
answer was, that as the object of sustaining the integrity
of Turkey was as dear to France as to England, the ob-
ntacle was removed. We did not require the assistance of
Turkey ; but we had no objection to see her power and
authority advancing in civilization and improvement. But
how could we continue at peace, if, in the event of the
dismemberment of any portion of Europe, we were in
danger of going to war ? God forbid that the peace
of this country should depend on the decisions of the
Divan ! When Turkey gives Russia a fair ground of
war, whether the conclusion be satisfactory or not,
it is not for us to interfere. But my Noble Lord
asks on what ground ? Why did we not recom-
mend Turkey to conciliate Russia, by carrying into effect
the concessions prescribed by the existing treaties? This
was our advice to Turkey. If she would have done what
Russia had a right to require, there would have been no
war. We were bound by no express or implied obliga-
tion to give assistance to Turkey. We never led Turkey
M believe that we should support the Turkish cause. We
offered advice up to the commencement of the contest. So
far from Turkey being countenanced by England, for some
time previous to the war the British Minister had been
withdrawn from Constantinople, in consequence of the re-
fuel to listen to our conciliatory councils. That shows
Roily little right the 'Tucks bad to depend en tke assistance
of this country. We gave counsel to Turkey for moderate
and just concession. When the result of the first campaign
was known, the extravagant hopes of the Turks from what
they called their success did not delude us. When
Turkey had gained these advantages, as they were con-
sidered, there was less disposition to decide the contest,
except by arms. Those who refused to go to war for
Turkey acted for the real and permanent interest of this
country. As to Greece, my Noble Friend says he hopes
to see the Treaty of London carried into full effect. I
can assure him, that in the course of events that have fol-
lowed, we have laboured diligently in the strict execution
of the Treaty, and in no instance has there been a devia-
tion from that Treaty, unless it was in favour of Greece.
He will find this statement fully borne out by the official
documents. My Noble Friend says that, in the present
state of Turkey, one island or another valley are of very
little importance to her, and may be granted to Greece.
My Noble Friend's principles seem somewhat lax here :
it may be a convenient doctrine to apply to a great Power
in an abject state ; but we have never aided Greece in any
measure not in conformity with those principles of ho-
nour and justice which we have always regarded. With
respect to Portugal, my Noble Friend has only repeated
what he said last Session ; but his advocacy meant, if
any thing, " Go to war for the purpose of dispossessing
Don Niguel." But if the population of the country cared
nothing about the possessor of the Throne, why were we
to interfere ? If, at the period that may be selected, we.
should determine on his recognition, it will be a pure
question with relation to the Treaties between the coun-
tries. In his Majesty's Speech there are some parts
in which the recognition is mentioned. I have never
concealed my opinion of the conduct of Don Miguel.
Ile dial not keep the faith he plighted to this Govern-
ment. But it is an important question whether his
personal character will alone justify us in refusing to
recognise hitn. Don Miguel practically exercises the
powers of government in Portugal, and his rule takes
place apparently with the general eonsent; every attempt
to dispossess him bas failed ; at as early period he called
together the ancient Catlett, and had their assent to his
accession. This Wes a bay venerable for its antiquity,