The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-23 00:00:00

under the present arrangement of the man ,
the old name of Poland, and instead of
an insurrection of subjects against their Government
see a reclaiming of nationality." If anything can
startle the autocratic Czar and the " right divine"
King into wisdom and clemency, we should think
it would be these ominous words. We heartily
f hope that it may be too late; that the Emperor
NAPOLEON may indeed act with vigour and promp-
titude upon " an idea" which all liberal Europe
shares with him, and which would give to his
reign a splendour and a prominence which might be
a worthy ambition. The warm feelings and bright
swords of the French would be readily enlisted in
such a cause—he would meet with none of the
opposition felt even more than expressed in regard
to the Mexican expedition. Why should he sfek
laurels in the New World when the Old offers a far
worthier opportunity of signalising the prowess of
people. His astute and far-sighted policy must
readily apprehend the immense advantage to
Europe generally, and to France in particlar, of
the erection of a natural boundary against
Russian ambition, and a counterbalance to the
fatal " slope to the East," which so many successive
statesmen have had cause to deplore. The Poles,
by religion, by tradition, by kindred sentiments,
ever the allies of France, would be slow to quarrel
with their restorers, while, as a French journal of
to-day observes, they would offer a protection
against the encroachments of Germanism on the one
hand, and fanatacism on the other. We do not
anticipate seeing the crowns of France and Poland
again worn on one head, as in the days of
HENRY union even then found impossible;
but we see no reason why an independent
and cordial alliance between the nations should not
guarantee the separate existence of Poland, and
protect France against those encroachments on her
power which England can never desire to see suc-
cessful.

For ourselves we cannot wish our country to be
behind in the good work. " The conscience of
generations," as La Constitutionnel has it, has pro-
tested against that iniquitous partition which
English statesmen stood by and witnessed. The
heart of England has stirred at every fresh tale
of Russian tyranny and oppression, at every
new outrage offered to suffering patriotism. Were
the struggle of KOSCIUSKO against the tyrant to
be repeated in these days, public opinion would
scarcely suffer our statesmen to listen quietly to
" Films Poloniae," it would scarcely tolerate the
application of the principle of non-intervention
in sight of such heroic resistance on the one
hand, such cruel tyranny on the other. If the
Emperor of the FRENCH proposes to address a
remonstrance to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg,
let Lord RUSSELL take heed how he says that "the
time has not come," for Parliament and people
will assuredly demand an account.
With regard to the other actor in this mournful
and thrilling drama, the Prussian deputies have
fulfilled our expectations. The animated debate in
the Chambers on the 18th redeems them from all
charges of supineness or indifference in a matter of
such moment, and it terminated by a resolution
declaring that the interests of Prussia required an
absolute neutrality, a resolutionjwhich will no doubt
be carried by a large majority. The speech f
Herr VON BISMARK was no more than might
have been expected from him, while the honest in-
dignation of the Prussian people found vent in the
vehement language of Herr WALDECK, who de-
nounced the treaty as nothing better than an agree-
ment to supply so many policemen to a state which
has been long propped up by the gaoler and the
gendarme, "It has come to this," he indig-
nantly exclaimed, " that Prussian soldiers
will be obliged to die in order that
absolutism may be preserved in Russia." In con-
clusion, the speaker declared that if Herr von Bis-
MARK persisted in his refusal to give up the terms
of the treaty they would have to pass judgment
on his unconstitutional conduct; while in wait-
ing it was necessary for them to condemn and
to stigmatise, as contrary to the interests of
their country, a treaty which he considered
unprecedented in the history of the world. This
language was not too strong if we remember
the intelligence and freedom of Prussia, and
her position as a constitutional monarchy
possessing a free press, a free Parliament, and
a free people. That the Deputies are not to
be trifled with is proved by the resolution
they have lately passed rendering the Minis-
ters personally responsible for their unconstitu-
tional expenditure last year. The position of the
Prussian people is a painful one. 'Their Cabinet,
as a French journal remarks, appears to be struck
with deafness and blindness ; it refuses to hear the
voice of indignant protestation addressed to it by
other nations. But the Prussian people, says the
journal referred to, hears and sees, and is indig-
nant at being attached to this right divine Govern-
ment as to a corpse ; it makes Europe hear its
protestations, and applauds with enthusiasm the
energetic opposition of the Chambers.
The aspect of affairs is most critical, and it
would be difficult for th© wisest prophet to fortel
the result. We cannot, however, help gathering
hope for that unhappy nation for whom our sym-
pathies have always been warmly expressed, from
the very malevolence of its enemies, as well as
from the increased activity of its friends. The
Europe of to-day will scarcely tolerate a renewal of
the crimes of its forefathers, or if it again looks
on and tamely witness the enslavement and sub-
jugation of Poland, let France no longer profess to
advance the interests of civilisation—let England
no longer declare her sympathies with justice and
freedom.

It is much to be regretted that Lord RAYNTIAM'S
excellent measure for the better protection of
women and children should have been thrown out
of the house. It was a remedy that would most
and, at all events, there
pro-
bably have been efficacious,
was no valid argument adduced against its trial.
The Attorney-General's speech was a complete
failure in its endeavour to make the worse appear
the better cause. His remarks as to the advan-
tage of magistrates having the power to inflict fines
were quite absurd. No punishment is ever more
insufficient than fines. They are only an incen-
tive to some persons to commit an offence since they
console themselves by thinking that if dis-
covered no very great inconvenience will
follow on detection and conviction. It is
really lamentable that our legislators persist in ig-
noring the spread of crime, and throw all sorts of
obstacles in the way of improvement until the dan-
ger becomes threatening, and, then, perforce, they
proceed to summary arrangements, and make some
stringent laws in a hurry which do not answer the
purpose, and irritate by their extreme of severity
after the previous unwise leniency. Besides, they
do not relieve the many who have suffered wrong
and experienced in
jury
(erred to in this bill t
-
in waiting for their advent.
The proposal of subjecting the class of ruffians r(J-
-o corporal punishment would
be a penalty that would bring their crime,
home to them at once, and they would
dread this infliction ten times more that;
the mild discipline they experience within
the prison walls. The idea of getting up sentirnen-
calism abcut such characters is too ridiculous ; owl
why i. 2 r u th.,.. magistrates end their subordinates to
be so tender to those who are brought before them