The Sun.
London, England, 1837-10-28 00:00:00

FALL OF CONSTANTINE.

(From the Toulonnais.)
The steamer Chinzere, Captain Jannin, arrived this morn-
ing, and brought, as we hoped, the official report of the cap-
ture of Constantine.

As we already stated, the army arrived before Constantine
on the 6th, and encamped at Mansoura. From thence, the
first arid second brigades were ordered to Koudiat-Aty, to
reach which point it was necessary to cross the Oued-Rum-
mal. This operation, from the water being extremely deep
at the time, was the longer and more difficult, as the siege
artillery had to execute the same movement.
The weather having at last become fine, on the 10th the
batteries were unmasked, but the rain coming on again the
fire against the place could not be opened on that day. The
army of the Bey was posted behind the mountain of Koudiat-
Aty, and harassed the soldiers engaged in throwing up the
works preparatory to the siege.
The firing commenced on the 11th, and the next day, a
breach having been opened, General Damremont was going
to reconnoitre it with some officers of his staff, when a canon-
ball cut him in two, and the army was thus deprived of its
chief. General Perregaux, while in the act of ordering the
body of the General to be removed, was wounded by a mus-
ket-ball, which carried away part of his nose.
Lieutenant-General Vallee, the commander of the artillery,
took at that moment the command in chief of the army, and
ordered the breach to be mounted. On the 12th and 13th
four assaults were ineffectually made upon the place, our
troops being each time obliged to retire. Finally, at the fifth
attempt the brigade of Nemours succeeded in entering the
city, where a most sanguinary conflict ensued, as a regular
siege had been laid to each house. The Duke de Nemours
attempted to stop the carnage, but could not succeed. The
infuriated soldiers killed every one who offered resistance. Fi-
nally, our troops became masters of the city, where they await
the instructions of the Government.
The Duke de Nemours gave orders that all the surgeons
who were not strictly indispensable for our wounded should be
sent to Achmet to take care of the Arabs.
The Prince de Joinville reached Constantine on the 15th,
48 hours after the action. He had with him 3,000 men, com-
manded by Colonel Bernelle, and a convoy of provisions,
which were received with satisfaction, as they would shortly
have been wanted.

We cannot as yet calculate with any certainty the number
of killed and wounded on both sides ; but it is, unfortunately,
too true, that General Damremont, and Colonel Combes, of
the 47th, who commanded the 4th Brigade, have both been
killed.

Colonel Lamarociere was dangerously wounded. General
Perregaux remained at his post, notwithstanding his wound.
The number of Arabs who perished in Constantine is esti-
mated at 6,000. The Bey's army has suffered no loss, but has
taken to flight, and the tribes hostile to Achmet will no doubt
complete its destruction.

Our wounded are to be sent to France, and the sick will be
eft in Bona.

It is not true that General Vallee has called for reinforce-
ments.

A letter written by General Perregaux, and referred to in
the Eclaircur de la Mediterranee, states that the fighting in
the town lasted from eight o'clock in the morning until noon,
and that it was necessary to storm every house, one after th e
other. The garrison consisted principally of Kabyles from
the neighbourhood of Bugia. The Bey remained outside of
the place. A considerable quantity of provisions was found in
the city.
Le Commerce, in its Supplement, publishes the following
letter from Toulon, dated the 22d inst.:--
The first brigade, commanded by the Duke de Nemours,
having been chosen to mount the breach, took up a position in
the suburbs, between the gates of Bab-el-Djedid and Bab-el-
Oued, which are separated only by a distance of from 60 to
80 yards, some companies occupying the cemetery placed in
front of the gate of Bab-el-Gabia and the stables of the Bey.
All the efforts of the besieged were directed towards those
three points, which were defended by batteries, whose fires
crossed each other, and commanded the avenues leading
thereto. In the meantime, the brigade of General Trezel,
placed behind the soldiers employed in the works, for the pur-
pose of protecting them, was vigorously attacked by the army
of the Bey, and resisted all the attempts made by the latter to
dislodge it. That corps is said to have suffered considerably
in these repeated engagements.
" The General-in-Chief, accompanied by M. Perregaux,
the Chief of the Staff, by General Vall6e and all his staff,
approached the cit y, under the fire of the artillery, to see if
the breach was practicable, when a cannon. ball struck Dam-
rcmont and mutilated his body. General Perregaux was
wounded severely in the face by a musket-ball, but, neverthe-
less, continued his service. General Valk, the senior officer,
took the command-in-chief, and immediately ordered the as-
sault. Our troops, on receipt of the order, instantly rushed
towards the ramparts, and maintained themselves for some
time in the breach ; but being exposed to a most deadly fusil-
lade, and finding the resistance too strong to be overcome,
were obliged to retire ; the artillery cor.tinued its fire ; other
ineffectual assaults were made, and the garrison defended itself
with so much obstinacy that it was found necessary to post-
pone all further attack until the next morning.
" Our letters do not state whether these reiterated attacks
were made by the same brigade, or whether each brigade was
sent forward in its turn. It is however probable, as there
were five assaults, that the brigade of Nemours was the first
to enter the place ; that each of the four brigades made a
separate attempt, and that the first twice mounted the breach.
"On the 13th, the breach was more practicable. The Ge-
neral being afraid lest the troops should become discouraged,
and the provisions fail, if the siege lasted some days longer,
held a council during the night, at which it was resolved to
dayt,
h. e
two The
gaarttiolsle
try
had . carrydethmeolpislahceed attheanypric enclosureseon
the south-west, and the first houses of the city were laid open
the
connecting next
to view. Our troops, excited by the resistance of the be-
sieged, and the painful losses they had experienced, rushed
under a heavy fire, and successively carried all the batteries.
with fury towards the breach, and established themselves in it
The ramparts were taken, but the city still held out—for
the Turks are not in the habit of capitulating. Our troops
had behaved with extraordinary gallantry, but here a most
horrid butchery commenced ; it was necessary to take the
houses one after another, and the carnage was frightful. Such
a scene has not been witnessed since the siege of Saragossa—
our exasperated soldiers gave no quarter.
We are ignorant of what occurred at the gate of Cantara,
through which the remains of the garrison and the population
might effect their escape, although that passage was com-
manded by our battery of Mansoura. The Duke de Nemours
did all he could to prevent the sacking of the city, but it was
impossible for his orders to be executed.
" The army was installed in the city on the 14th. General
Vallee, who probably was not acquainted with the instructions
given by the Government to General Damremont, has written
for orders, and will wait for them in Constantine.

" On the very same ground where the chief of the squadron
Richepanse, and the captain of engineer Grand, were killed
last year, we lost the brave Colonel Combes, of the 47th
Regiment, one of our best superior officers in Africa, who
had repeatedly commanded a brigade. M. Lamoriciere, the
Colonel of the Zonares, has been dangerously wounded. Our
loss is estimated at 1,000 killed, and between 1,200 and 1,500
wounded. The official despatches only state our loss at 300
killed and 300 wounded. The latter are to be sent to France.

" The besieged are said to have had 6,000 killed, besides a
number of inhabitants, who fell victims of the first moment
of exasperation of our soldiers. The Aga demanded the
cessation of hostilities ; but, as we have already stated, it was
impossible to stop the carnage. The Duke of Nemours could
only place at the disposal of the Bey a few surgeons to take
care of his wounded.

" The Bey had still, after the taking of Constantine, be-
tween 10,000 and 12,000 men, but already, on the 14th, de-
sertion commenced in his army, which the tribes inimical to
his gorernment will no doubt completely annihilate without

. .
the 'aid of our troops."
The Constitutionnel, in a second edition, states from its own
correspondent at Toulon, that the loss of the French army at
Constantine may be estimated at more than 3,000 men. The
inhabitants, without distinction of ago or sex, were put to the
sword. General Trezel has been wounded, and Colonel La-
moriciere's life is despaired of.
(From the Extraordinary Supplement to the Ilioniteur of
Thursday.)
" CONSTANTINE, OCT. 12.—N0 satisfactory answer being
given by Achmet Bey to the summons of the town by the Go-
vernor-General on the 11th, the assault took place this
morning with the greatest bravery. We have numerous losses
to deplore, and my first despatch Hill send you the exact
number of the killed and wounded, and the names of the offi-
cers. The Chief of Battalion, Seugny, of the 2d Light, died
in the breach, as did the Captain of Engineers, Hacket.
Among the wounded are General Perregeaux, Colonels
Comber and Lamoriciere, the Chiefs of Battalion Dumas, the
King's Aide-de-Camp, Vieux, of the Engineers, and Captain
Richepause. Fortunately several of them are only wounded
slightly.

" CONSTANTINE, OCT. I6.—The following is an abstract of
a letter sent to the French Government by General Vallee from
Constantine on the 16th of October. General Perregaux.w
Chief of the General Staff; was wounded, but not dange:isly,
in the head, at the moment when General Damremout 'received
his wound. On the 15th Colonel Combes di,;(7l from the
effect of wounds received during the assault. The loss of
the French is stated at 97 killed and 494 %wooded, among whom
are 15 officers killed, and 38 wounded, more or less severely.
In consequence of the measures taken to terminate the con-
fusion inseparable from a capture by assault, Count Vallee
states, that tranquillity has been re-established in the town.
Achtnet Bey, who endeavoured, by negotiations, to stop the
progress of the attack, had not renewed the negotiations since
the occupation of Constantine by the French. The reports of
the Arabs respecting his present position arc very conflicting.
It appears, however, according- to the most probable accounts,
that, abandoned by most of his adherents, and despoiled even
of his treasures, he had retired several days' march from Con-
stantine.

Lord and Lady Frances Egerton are expected at
Bridgewater House from their seat, Worshr Hall, in Lan-
cashire, ter the season. The town mansion of the Noble
Lord has undergone great improvement during the absence
of the fltmily in the country.

The Earl of Chichester, accompanied by the Dow-
ager Countess of Chichester, and the Ladies Pelham, will
leave town to-day for his seat in Sussex. The Noble Earl
and family arrived in town to attend the nuptials of his
sister, Lady Catherine Pelham, and the Hon. L. John Bar-
rington, which were solemnised on Thursday.
Tile Marquis and Marchioness of Saldanha, are ac-
companied to this cototry by their two sons and daughter.

PRESENTATION OF CIVIC TESTI-
MONIALS TO MR. CHARLES PEARSON.

On Thursday one of the most gratifying exhibitions took
place in the Mansion-house ever witnessed. On the re-
tirement of Mr. Charles Pearson from the Common
Council, the Lord Mayor and Corporation, including gen-
tlemen of all parties, passed an unanimous resolution to
present that gentleman with the thanks of the Court, for
his eminent public services, his high talents, and his private
worth, which were ordered to be most splendidly framed
and glazed. At the same time a subscription was entered
into by Members of the Common Council, of one guinea
each, to present a piece of plate, with a suitable inscription,
to Mr. Pearson. The Lord Mayor having in very hand-
some terms presented the former,
Mr. Clienees PEARSON said that, the vote of thanks
having been passed unanimously in an assembly of gentle-
men of every shade of political opinion, it would ill be-
come him to respond to the honour in a speech wearing
anything like the appearance of a party triumph.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") As, however, the very terms
of the vote, as well as the inscription on the splendid
testimonial of their favour with which the kindness of
his late colleagues was that day about to honour him,
recorded their approval of the consistency of his public con-
duct while a member of the corporation, he perhaps might
be permitted, without incurring the charge of egotism, to
glance at a few of the particular measures he had supported
while in the Court, although some of them had been op-
posed by gentlemen who had now the manly candour thus
to record their approbation of the sincerity and zeal by
which his conduct had been influenced.—(Hear, hear.) It
was upwards of 20 years since he first had a seat in that
Court ; and he viewed with the most lively satisfaction the
very important changes which had been wrought in public
opinion, and the great improvement in the moral and poli-
tical condition of the people which had taken place since
that time. When he came into the Court, in consequence of
the extravagance of their predecessors, the funds of the cor-
poration were in so dilapidated a state, that besides having
borrowed immense sums from private individuals, and in-
curred a very heavy debt to the Chamberlain, a communica-
tion was made to the Court through a worthy' Alderman,
that the baker refused to credit the Corporation for the bread
furnished to the gaols of the City, and that unless the Cham-
berlain pledged his personal responsibility for payment, the
prisoners must be left destitute. A rate upon the citizens
was then threatened as the only remedy ; but some of the
public-spirited Reformers of the City, with whom he was
proud to be associated, enforced certain measures of eco-
nomy, retrenchment, and Reform, by which the revenue
of the Corporation was increased, the expences diminished,
the debt paid off, and the foundation was then laid of that
state of prosperity which now enabled them to do without
any county rate, and furnished means of effecting many im-
portant objects of public utility, which could not then have
been even the subject of their contemplation.—(Hear.)
The packing of the special juries for political purposes had
long disgraced the city, and the selected list was got up
under the auspices of officers of that Court. The practice
was said to have been hallowed by time, and it was
deemed impossible to alter it. It was his (Mr. Pear-
son's) good fortune to grapple with the system, and,
by dint of perseverance, and with the support of the
Common Council, and the assistance of the public
Press, he was enabled finally to triumph. The packed
list was entirely discarded, and the Master of the Crown
Office was compelled to take his Special Juries for the trial
political offences from the whole list of Jurors furnished by
the Common Council out of their respective wards.—
(Cheers.) Before that time the city of London had always
been selected as the battle-field of State prosecutions—by
means of pliant Special Juries a trial and conviction were
almost synonymous terms ; but this weapon of corruption
having thus been struck from the hand of the Attorney-
General, ex-officio information for libel might be said to be
abandoned, and the city of London had not since been made
the theatre of party or political persecution.—(Hear.) The
late Lord Erskine, whose honest and eloquent exertions, in
defending the lives and liberties of his fellow-subjects had
made the cause of trial by Jury his own, looked at that time
upon his (Mr. P.'s) efforts to reform the Jury list as an im-
practicable attempt, and that distinguished individual said to
him, " Young man, mark my words, the good you seek to
achieve will be spread over so large a surface that no one
will feel the obligation to acknowledge it ; The evil, on the
contrary, will be felt by the few who now profit by the sys-
tem, and they will never forget or forgive your interference."
But that venerable and valuable man was mistaken in his
prophecy ; for this day, after a lapse of nearly 20 years,
the gratitude of the public was manifested by the presen-
tation to him of this splendid testimonial of an enduring
remembrance. The reform of the Jury List, in 1819, led
him to investigate the abuses of the Secondaries' Office.
The unfortunate portion of the public were then subjected
to the most frightful oppression, and the Corporation
having sold those appointments for enormous sums of
money, were unable to controul the conduct of those who
followed them, and these repaid themselves their advances
by extortionate exactions from persons whose misfortunes
placed them within the reach of their arbitrary power.—
(Hear.) Feeling what countless evils flowed from the irre-
sponsibility which attached to a purchased office, he pub-
licly declared the:: if he were the survivor of either of the
gentlemen who then held the office, it never should again
be sold. He had kept his word, and perhaps be might
say it was principally through his exertions that this cor-
rupt practice of making an office of the highest func-
tions (both executive and judicial) an object of merchan-
dize and sale, was scouted from the court, and the places
are now filled by gentlemen annually appointed, who per-
form their duties under the immediate controul of a Com-
mittee of the Corporation, and whose judicial decisions
might stand without disparagement, by the side of those of
the Lord Chief Justice of England himself—(Hear)—a
pretty good proof that the appointment of even a judicial
officer may be safely left to the free and unshackled choice
of such.a body of men as he was then addressing.—(Hear.)
He had cheerfully united with his colleagues in support of
all, those measures of public improvement which had passed
during the eventful period of the last twenty years—the re-
peal of the Test and Corporation Acts—Catholic Emanci-
pation—the Acts for Parliamentary and Municipal Reform
had all received his humble but zealous support, when
the subject of these measures bad been mooted in that
Court. . A friend had that day placed in his hand a
book containing a speech made by him in the Common
Council in the year 1819, upon what were termed Lord
Castlereagh's Six Acts for fettering the liberty of the
Press, for impairing the efficiency of trial by Jury, for pre-
venting public meetings of the people, and taking from them
their ancient sight of keeping arms for their protection, and
for otherwise abridging the liberties of their country ; on
perusing that speech, he was proud to find that, boy as lie
was when he delivered it, it did not contain one sentiment
which in after life he had found occasion to change, or a
single expression he had any desire to retract.—(Hear.)
But a remarkable evidence of the change which public opi-
nion had undergone was to be found in the circumstance
that in the year 1817 he endeavoured to get erased from
the monument the inscription which imputed to their Ro-
man Catholic fellow-subjects the burning of the city in 1666 ;
but, though that inscription was notoriously the production
of bigoted intolerance in a factious age, and althoufn its
utter falsehood was matter of historical proof, Y',,t in the
year 1827 so strongly was the public mind ensimed with
kindred feelings, that his proposition failed from the want
of a seconder; yet in the short space of ten years,
when he again made the proposition he could not
find an op ponent.—( Hear.) Almost the same might
be said of his motion. for the admission of Jews to the
freedom of the city ; it is true they were years in accom-
plishing that object, yet had they not been rewarded by
having seen two most distinguished members pf that pro-
fession filling in a manner that had never been excelled, the
important office of Sheriffs of London and Middlesex ?
(Cheers.) He begged in conclusion to observe, that as he
had served in that Court from a sense of duty to those
who had elected him, he had been induced to retire from
it from a similar sense of duty to himself and family, that
he might devote his undivided attention to the pursuits of
his profession.—(Cheers.) But although the official con-
nectieen which had so long subsisted between them, was
'now dissolved, they might assure themselves that they
would always hold a place in his most grateful and affec-
tionate remembrance.—(Hear.) If at any period he had
expressed himself in strong and, as they might appear,
harsh and unkind terms, to a political opponent—for, as
they all knew he did occasionally hit rather hard—.(a laugh)
—he now emphatically expressed his sorrow if, in the
warmth of discussion, he had given any unintended pain,
for, in the language of the poet, he might say,
" Who, for the poor renown of being smart,
Would, plant a thorn within a brother's heart ?"
He had now only to add, that the conviction so delicately
expressed in their resolution, that nothing would ever tempt
him to forsake the principles he had so long professed, could
scarcely fail to be realized. If anything were needed to
keep alive those feelings, he had only to recollect that day's
proceedings ; and wherever fortune might hereafter place
him, he should always look back, with the liveliest sensa-
tions of satisfaction, to his many valuable and much es-
teemed connections in the Corporation of London, which
were and ever would be most dear to him. His heart was
full, and he could not help it—( Hear, licar)—towards them
and their principles—their kindness to him, their devotion
to their country. As friends—as citizens—and as patriots,
he felt attachment never to be weaned, or changed by any
change of fortune—fidelity which neither bribe nor threat
could move or warp.—(Mr. P. sat down much affected,
continued cheers.)

Mr. FLETetna then rose, and in eloquent terms narrated
,the proceedings of the citizens in subscribing for the mag-
nificent candelabrum, in sums which they were compelled
to limit to one guinea each, and requested the Lord Mayor

to present that additional testimonial of civic gratitude to
Mr. Pearson.

The LORD MAYOR had, he said, a great and heartfelt
satisfaction in complying with the wish so feelingly expressed,
and in a very kind manner made the presentation, which
Mr. Pearson acknowledged in a similar strain.

PUBLIC DINNER TO E. J. STANLEY,

ESQ., M.P. FOR NORTH CHESHIRE.

(Erom the North Cheshire Reformer.)
STALEY-BRIDGE, THURSDAY.—The Reformers of North
Cheshire resident in the neighbourhood of Staley-bridge,
Dukenfield, &c., desirous of sLowing a mark of respect to
their highly-respected county representative, E. 3. Stan-
ley, Esq., invited him to a public entertainment yesterday
at the spacious building belonging to the order of Royal
Foresters, and called the " Foresters' Refuge," in Staley-
bridge.

THOMAS ASHTON, Esq., of Hyde, presided. On his
right hand sat E. J. Stanley, Esq., and on his left George
Wilbraham, Esq., the Member for South Cheshire.
Amongst the company were Joseph Brotherton, Esq.,
M.P. ; Charles Hindley, Esq., M.P. ; Thomas Thornely
Esq., M.P. ; Thomas Wyse, Esq., M.P. ; G. W. Wood,
Esq., M.P. ; James Haywood, Esq„ of Manchester ; the
Rev. Thomas Brooks, of Hyde ; the Rev. Mr. Howell, of
Stockport ; the Rev. R. B. Aspland, of Dukenfield ;
Thomas Ellison, Esq., of Glossop ; Samuel Ashton, Esq. ;
J. Howard, Esq. ; and many other gentlemen professing
Liberal opinions.
The cloth having been withdrawn,
The CHAIRMAN gave in succession the healths of " Her
Majesty," " The Queen Dowager," " The Duchess of
Kest," and " The Duke of Sussex after which he called
upon Mr. Bayley, the Vice-President, to give the next toast.
The VICE-PRESIDENT said, that it appeared to him that
the company were met for a two-fold purpose ; first, to
pay a compliment to their honourable representative ; and
secondly, to promote the advance of those great principles
which as Reformers they had so much at heart. He felt
assured that the toast would be received in a proper
manner by the meeting ; the toast was " Lord Melbourne
and her Majesty's Ministers."—(Loud cheers.) In
order to show the claims of the present Ministry upon the
thanks of the Reformers, he could contrast the actions of
the Reform and Tory Administrations. For a period of
seventy years the Government of the country had been
in the hands of the Tories, and he would ask any person
to show, during that period, any one great public measure
emanating irons a Tory Administration which had for its
characteristics the welfare of the people. It was but six
years since the Administration of Lord Grey came into
power, and the principles upon which they took office were
" peace, retrenchment, and reform." Had those principles
been carried out or not ? Had peace been preserved ?
What was the aspect of affairs at the time they took
office ? Why, the Tories declared that they would-not be
able to preserve the peace for six months. Yet it had
been preserved ; and eight millions of taxes, pressing upon
the industry of tile people, had been repealed, and the
general taxation had been reduced to an extent not ex-
pected by the most ardent Reformer. The manufacturers
had been benefited by the destruction of monopolies and
taxes, which ground industry and injured the tradesman,
and the eternal blot of slavery had been removed by the
Reform Administration. They had found many other minor
reforms which were carried into effect by the Government
of Lord Melbourne. They had reformed the Municipal
Corporations, by which Bill, as his friend Mr. Coppock (of
Stockport) would tell the meeting, such had been the effect
which it had produced in the borough in which he resided,
that Toryism, in which the borough had been bound for the
last half-century, was now laid prostrate, never to revive.—
(Cheers.) Notwithstanding the shades and differences of
opinion that existed amongst them as Reformers, they could
not but express a wish for the maintenance of Lord Mel-
bourne in office. On that they must sink all their views as
Reformers.—(Hear, hear.) And if they could not get all
they wished for in theory, let them, as wise men, get all the
good they could practically. He had heartfelt satisfaction
in proposing " The health of Lord Melbourne and her
Majesty's Ministers."—(Loud cheers.)
E. J. STANLEY, Esq., on being called upon by the
Chairman, rose, and as soon as the vehement plaudits with
which he was received had ceased, observed that he had
not intended to have said anything in acknowledgment of
the present toast, because he had not the honour to be
one of her Majesty's Ministers. But, as he was r.onnected
with the Administration, he felt that he outiat to thank
them for the very flattering manner in wh'.eli they had re-
ceived the proposition so ably submitted to their attention
by the Vice-President. The appletuse of such an assembly
as that he had the honour of addressing, was the best in-
centive that could be offjed to those charged with a heavy
and important duty, and sure he was that the Members
of her Majesty's Government would feel .the compliment
appropriately- as lie did.—( Hear, hear, hew.) The
gentleman who had introduced the toast to their
notice, had drawn a striking contrast between the profes-
sions and the performances of the Tories and the Whig.s.
Into any details of the kind it was not his intention to
enter ; but he could not help adverting to the very different
position occupied by her Majesty's Ministers on the acces-
sion of their Sovereign, and that of the Tories on the Re-
cession of William the Fourth to the Throne. They would
now have to meet the first Parliament of their Queen under
widely altered circumstances from those of the Tory Mi-
nisters, in the first Parliament of the, deceased Mo-
narch. For forty years the country had been subjected to
Tory Administration ; during that lengthened period the
Tories had been omnipotent—for good or for evil. It was,
therefore, but fair to regard the then state of the people as
the result of their labours—as consequent on their acts of
commission or of omission. Nor could it be deemed unfair
if, turning our attention from what was the condition of
the people, as produced by Tory rule, in 1830, we were to
contrast therewith its present state at the end of the seven
years since the accession of the Whig Ministers to office.
At about this period of the year 1830, just seven years
since, William the Fourth succeeded to the throne of his
accestors, with all the popularity usually consequent on
such an event, and that popularity considerably increased
by the predilection so natural to a country like our own,
in favour of a sailor-King. Under a Ministry, at whose-
head was the hero of a hundred battles—a man, whose
glory was of an admiring nation—the Monarch was un-
able to accept the invitation of the citizens of London,
on account of the unpopularity of his Tory advisers.—
(Cheers.) At that time England, or at least most of the
southern counties, were in a state approximating to rebel-
lion—dissatisfaction generally prevailed, and tumults were
of frequent occurrence. In Ireland there existed a deep
feeling that the Act of Emancipation which had been
wrung from the fear not the justice of their oppressors, had
only exasperated the former spirit of hatred and animosity
against their religion—and that there was a determination
as far as possible on the part. of their rulers to make that
Emancipation like the former permission to Catholics to
become members of the Protestant Corporations practically
void and nugatory. Ireland, devoid of confidence in the
Goeernment, was discontented. Compare with this state
things the present aspect of the United Kingdom.
N otwitristanding the distress consequent on the great
commercial and financial embarrassthent during the past
year, he never remembered a time when the conduct of
the people was more exemplary or consistent with the
character of rational beings. Our youne. Queen was happy
in the onjoyment of a degree of popular affection beyond
that of any Sovereign for centuries past : she might be
truly said to live in te hearts of her people, and, at. this
moment the loyal citizens of the metropolis were vying with
each other how best to welcome the coming visit of their
Queen ; for they knew her to be the Sovereign of her
people, and not the mere head and instrument of any class,
act, or creed. Ireland was for the first time beginning to
believe that law may be justice, and that government may
be protection. He honestly conceived this to be a fair ac-
count of the state of matters at the two periods to which
he had referred ; and though the present Ministry had not
been enabled to grant all that have been wished or ex-
pected, be would ask that enlightened assembly if they were
prepared to dash from their lips the certain good which at
present existed for uncertain gains which might never be ob-
tained. Not being a member of the Cabinet, he had no
means of knowing what were the intentions of MinisterS in
the ensuing session of Parliament ; but he was confident
that they would propose such measures as would entitle
them to the support of an enlightened people, and that
their object world be to promote civil and religious liberty
to the utmost of their power, by giving truth and vitality to -
the Emancipation Act and Reform Bill, to give increased
security to the Throne by an impartial administration of
justice, and establish all our institutions on the firmest basis,
the love and affection of the people.—(lmmense cheering.)
Although there might be some persons who would regret
that they had not yet obtained all they wished he thought
wise men would thankfully accept all they had received as
so much gained. Reform measures, it should always be
borne in mind, were not easily carried against the hosts of
enemies who were interested in tile continued existence of
ancient monopolies, abuses, and who opposed every difficulty
to the constitutional advances of a reforming administra-
tion. In conclusion tile Hon. Member again thanked them
for their cordial reception of the toast, and begged to assure
them that the future course of Government would not be
unworthy their past efforts, nor undeserving the continued
confileicicivelloatn. adnni6nitiegliloificsnLiblearttlywyt(hGerweaot cheering.)
rldover.,
,
The Rev. JAMES -13noogs responded to the sentiment in
an answerable address of considerable length, with which
we hope to enrich the columns of our ensuing number.
The PRESIDENT—I have now to propsse the health of
the gentleman on my right hand, who has honoured us
with his company to-day and who has thrice been chosen
the representative of the Reformers of North Ctv,:shire—

" Our honoured and respected guest Edward John Stan-
ley, Esq."
On the announcement of the health of Mr. Stanley, the
company immediately rose and cheered in a continuous vol-
ley of some minutes' duration. This burst of enthusiasm
having at length subsided, or rather, exhausted itself—
E. J. STANLEY, Esq. addressed his attached constituents
to the following effect :—After the very flattering manner
in which you have been pleased to honour one whom you
have three times chosen to entrust with the representation
of your wishes and the advocacy of your interests in Par-
liament—l may safely assert there has been no re-action in
this quarter of the country.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, when
we met the other day at Knutsford for the purpose of no-
mination, we were told that an opponent was to be brought
forward against us—we were informed that our cause bad
sunk in the estimation of the electors and that Toryism was
in the ascendant in North Cheshire ! But when you, my
friends, male your appearance, the boasters became crest-
fallen and like one who had burnt his hand, dropped all
thought (if ever such thought was seriously entertained) of
opposing your wishes. It has been said, Gentlemen, that
a great re-action has taken place throughout the county ;
but this meeting enables me safely to negative that state-
ment so far as this division of our county is affected by the
assertion. Yet, although there has been no re-action
here, and although the cause of Reform is still as dear
to your hearts as when you first chose me for your Re-
presentative in order to the attainment of that great
object of our mutual desire and mutual exertions, it
cannot but be admitted that some change has taken

they have discarded all their own principles, and declared
that the opinions which we have always professed are those
which they really hold. But let us shortly examine their
claim to these virtues they arrogate to themselves, and see
whether some of the revilings they cast upon us may not,
with more propriety, be retorted on themselves. Who, after
having through his whole life, perilled his character in op-
posing Catholic Emancipation, and, two years after, having
attempted to destroy his former colleague, Mr. Canning,
on account of his advocacy of that question, dropped him-
self and his party through the dirt, at the heels of O'Con-
nell, the conqueror of Clare ? Sir R. Peel and the Tories.
Who taught the people of England and Ireland that justice
must never be expected from Toryism from a sense of right,
but that character, consistency—and every thing even that
they hold most sacred as vital in the Constitution, may
readily be wrested from their fears ? The Tories. Who
repealed the Test and Corporation Acts, when the alter-
native was consistency or defeat, though they had always
declared they were the great belwarks of the Church ?
The Tories. Who, in 1831, declared the Reform Bill the
annihilation of England's flag and fatal to the existence of
the Church and the Throne, and yet, in 1832, when the
possession of place was only to be obtained by such pro-
fessions, declared their readiness to administer the blow
provided only they might be the executioners? The
Tories. Who, in 1834, rejected an arrangement for the
settlement of tithes, which would have been accepted by
the Irish people, because they said the plundering Whigs
meant to rob then of 25 per cent., and yet the next year
proposed nearly the same adjustment, only robbing the
Church of 30 per cent.? The Tories. Who called the
system of national education a nursery for Papists, and a
mutilation of the Word of God, yet when secretary for Ire-
land, the very next year, proposed to double the grant ? The
Tories. These have been their acts for the last nine years. I
might multiply them if I went further back, but I leave it
to you and to the people of England to say, to whom the
epithets which have been applied to us are most applicable.
These then are the men who denounce the Ministers as dis-
honest and incapable—and who yet rest their recommenda-
tion of themselves to the country, on their readiness to
adopt that policy, which, through the whole of their po-
litical and individual existence they have denounced as re-
volutionary and destructive. Yet it has been the fashion
of late with some people—friends to the cause of Reform
to imagine, in the exuberance of their zeal, that Reform
would be advanced by the temporary admission of the To-
ries to office. Trusting to a speedy ejection of that party,
and a resurrection of ardent Reformers in the full pleni-
tude and place, ennobled to sweep down all opposition in
the way of the attainment of the objects they have iu
view. But, gentlemen, let me remind you that this expe-
riment may he dangerous ; and it is easier to keep them
out now that they are out, than to turn them out after
they are in ; and, although it is quite certain the spirit of
the people would nut endure the continuance of the Tories
at the helm of State, yet the getting ridding them might
entail more evil on the country than a prudent man should
consent to see inflicted. This subject reminds me of a de-
bate in the reign of Charles 11. on a Bill for the exclusion
of the Duke of York from the throne. A Member argued
in favour of his succession that if they did not like him
they could easily get rid of him ; to which another Mem-
ber replied—
" I hear a lion in the lobby roar ;
Say, Mr. Speaker, shall I bar the door
And keep him out ? Or shall I let him in,
To see if we can turn him out again ?"
—and as I think the Tories as dangerous as the lion, I de
not wish to run any risk for the sake of doing that which
is already done. Again thanking you for your flatterini
reception, allow me, gentlemen, to remind you, that you
must not permit your activity or energy to sleep—you
must prepare to meet the combined and united efforts of
your o7ily opponents. Be satisfied with what you have
obtained, rather than dissatisfied that 3ou have not ob-
tained all you have wished. Remember that every step in
advance plitits your feet more firmly, and gives you an im-
proved prospect of the eventual attainment of the much
that we all desire. The object of Ministers is to improve
and ameliorate our institutions—they seek to preserve and
defend, not to destroy them. Finally, gentlemen, it be-
hoves you to exert yourselves to the utmost—to be ever
watehfui at your posts, and to be really at all times, in or-
der to the establishment of your rights, and the enjoyment
of the blessings of good government, and intelligent and
impartial legislation.—(The Hon. Member resumed
his seat amid the acclamations of his auditory.)
The PRESIDENT-1 have now to propose the health o"
the gentleman on my left, Mr. Wilbraham, who was for-
merly Member for the county, and is now Member for the
Southern Division. lam sure none present can be more
entitled to a hearty welcome among us than he is, for we
owelim a heavy debt of gratitude, and more especially the
Dissenters, for his steady support of the Bill for repealing
the Test and Corporation Acts.
" Mr. Wilbraham, and the glorious Burgesses of South
Cheshire, who at the late election successfully repelled
Tory intimidation and monopoly."—(Much cheering.)
GEORGE WILBRAHAM, Esq., immediately rose, and on
the cessation of the renewed applause, with which he had
been warmly greeted, spoke as follows :—Sir, of the nu-
merous testimonies of confidence and kindness which I
have received from this county, and they have not been
few, believe me, none do I appreciate more highly than
that you have now bestowed on me. I came here to sup-
port our friend Mr. Stanley, but I am not unknown in this
room, for I see many friends whose zeal placed me in
Parliament as one of the representatives for the whole
county. I have now to congratulate them on their suc-
cess in having secured the return, for the third time, of
so worthy a Member of the House of Commons, and
although I will not yield even to Mr. Stanley in my zeal
for yOur interests, yet, I am free to confess that in his youth,
talent and activity, he is more fitted than I can pretend to
be, to advocate the wants and wishes of this commercial
district. However proud lam of the satisfaction of being
again among you, gentlemen, I am yet more proud that I
have never disgraced your former confidence. Not one
pledge I formerly gave you, have I failed in redeeming. I
remember that this portion of the county was always all
but unanimous in its favourable feeling to the great
cause of Reform, and, if I may form an opinion of you
from what I have this day witnessed, it is very certain
there has been no re-action in this quarter. I have not
risen with an intention to occupy your time with a de-
tailed examination of our foreign and domestiC policy ;
but there is one subject upon which your representative
has most ably enlarged, and to which I am anxious for a
few moments to direct your attention. There is no
country to which we owe so heavy a debt as Ireland. I am
old enough to remember the inducements held out by Pitt
(and I believe in that respect he was honest) to persuade the
people of Ireland to consent to the Union. I remember that
he urged them to give up their national Legislature and in-
dependence only in exchange for civil equality with the
richest and freest nation in the world. They agree to
the exchange—or it was agreed to—and then it was dis-
covered that the existence of certain penal laws presented
insurmountable obstacles to the fulfilment of the contract.
Some years subsequently, however, these penal laws were
repealed, and then, when it was demanded that the prin-
ciple should be carried into effect as respected the ad-
mission of Irish Catholics into the municipal corporations,
that justice ;was refused because they were Irish and be-
cause they were Catholics. I know, gentlemen, that it is
one of the devices of Toryism at the present time to ex-
cite the latent feeling in many English minds against the
professors of the Catholic religion ; but I believe and sin-
cerely hope they will fail in such attempt. It is our duty.
to lay aside all feeling which partakes of prejudice. I will
say unhesitatingly that if I were an Irishman, and the Go-
vernment of this country were systematically to refuse
justice to Ireland, I should certainly feel myself called upon
to vote for -a repeal of the union with England. But lam
exceeding the bounds within which I had fully intended to
restrict my observations : I will therefore bring myself back
to the legitimate subject of remark by telling you that no
Member of the House of Commons filling so high and im-
portant an office as your honourable representative, could
devote so much of his time to the local interests of his
constituents. In furtherance of those interests Mr. Stan-
ley shall always command my zealous assistance • but I
shall be much more proud to join with him in carrying
out the great principles of the Reform Bill, and to support
our liberal and enlightened Ministry so long as they shall
co-operate with the Legislature in granting that justice to
Ireland as a right which was so long vainly solicited as a
boon. Gentlemen, for a long time I considered this as one
of the worst Tory counties in England, and I remember the
time when no man, not even that patriarch of Cheshire Re-
formers, the venerable father of your Memloer—Sir John
Stanley—dared, in the face of the county, avow himself a
Reformer. With the permission of your President, Gen-
tlemen, I call upon you to drink to the health of—
" Sir John Stanley, the Patriarch of the Cheshire Re-
fortners."—(Great applause.)
Mr. STANLEY—Gentlemen, with the deepest sense of the
honour you have conferred on my father, I beg, in his
name, to return you his sincere thanks. His age has pre-
vented him from being here this evening, but his heart is
with us, and his best aspirations for the success of the great
cause in the promotion of which he has, during a long life,
laboured. Thirty years ago he dared hardly mention the
name of Reform in the face of the county of Chester ; yet,
aii root le
t of
n, A
Eoglesea.—(Cheers.)s,
lnow, one of his sons is the representative of Cheshire, and
n
rer r o
The CHAIRMAN
and proposed
may t h
oes
Toriesthe nextof s
toast—rd"bJeossnepulni
taught to know the meaning of the words ' frivolous and
vexatious. "
rising
thtooserespond, was loudly
cheered. He said he was one
Mr. EROTHERTON, on
wh
anxious that all classes of Reformers shouolti werebe extremely
united
in
that
which
th they
were were
extreme,ernba embarked. d.
was
sure Although
onetle gorfetahtos
e cause in
whoseopinions

place in the representative character of the Legislature ;
and it is our duty to ascertain what the difference really is,
to what extent it may fairly be said to exist, and to what
circumstances it is really attributable. We have a majority
of Reform Members from Ireland ; we have a majority of

Reform Members from Scotland ; and we have a majority
of Reform Members from the English towns. But we
must admit a falling off in the returns from the English

counties. Now certainly I, as the Representative of a
English county, cannot be suspected of undervaluing the
importance of that portion of the Legislative body ; but I
trust I may be permitted to say, that before the return of
county Members can fairly be taken as demonstrative of
p ihlic opinion, we are bound to enquire if public opinion
has been independently expressed by those who sent them
to Parliament—what description of electors have so sent
them—and whether such electors have freely exercised
their franchise, or have been swayed by superior powers.
Lord Sandon, at Liverpool, taunted the Ministry that the
Tory gain in the counties was the true index of public
opinion, and that the state of the county representation had
always been the means of forming a correct calculation of
the state of public opinion. I will not detain you, by ob-
serving how this might have been perfectly true in the days
of Gatton and Old Sarum, and yet not offered the best test
in the altered state of the constituencies ; but I would take
leave to remind the Noble Lord, that the Reform Bill, so
far from increasing the power of the popular party in coun-
ties, considerably added to the landed and aristocratic influ-
ences, and weakened the expression of independent feeling.
It must be admitted on all hands, that 501. tenants-at will
are necessarily dependent voters, and that it matters but
little whether they are Tories, Whigs, or Radicals, if their
well-organised bands can at last be marshalled by the stew-
ard, and brought to the poll to do the bidding of their land-
lor'ds. Would I deprive these men of their right to vote ?
No ; I would trust to public opinion for the correction of
the evil to which I have directed your attention, protest-
ire-, however, in the meanwhile, against the votes of these
dependant tenants•at-will being admit ted as evidence' of the
popular feeling in the Constitution of the Representative
ouse of Parliament. At the same time, I would warn
the landlords, that their time may come—and come far more
speedily than they are disposed to imagine—when this en-
gine on which they now rely be turned against themselves.
The Irish forty-shilling freeholders were, for a time, the
auknissive slaves of their imperious masters ; but the me-
meat came when, bursting the bands of enforced servi-
tude, they turned upon their creators, and achie‘ed the in-
dependence of their country. The Tories will be wise if they
view their position before they test public opinion by the
coerced votes of their tenants-at-wig ; for I contend that,
to,,vever county members, who arc indebted for their seats
to description of voters, may represent the landlords,
the squires, and the clergy, they cannot truly be said to re-
pri•sent the people, The Tories boast, that they have on
their side a majority of the aristocracy and of the church ;
they dial boast they had the Throne, but that was the last
Parkament, and they may possibly think such majority om-
nipotent ; for lam sorry to say, the Tories, with their aris-
tocratic and clerical friends, have ever indulged the uncon-
stitutional propensity of considering themselves in a state
of despising 'and contemning the people. Nor is this the
first time in the history of England, that the gentry and
the church have opposed themselvcri to the interests, wishes,
and intelligence of the people, and to the Government of
this country. At rio time were they more united, or more
determined in their union, and their purposes, than they
were in their endeavour to dethrone the present Royal Fa-
mily, when the Whigs held the reins of administration, on
the accession of the House of Hanover to the throne of
these realms. Then, as now, the Whigs were as bitterly re-
viled by a majority of the aristocracy and of the clergy—
then, as now, the Whigs, confident of the cordial support of'
the crown, and relying on the good sense and public spirit of
the great towns, defeated the Tories. Nor are we warranted
in the supposition, that the Tories are more scrupulous now
than formerly. Their transition from passive obedience to
rebellion was nothing to them, nor will it be greater trouble
to these convenient politicians to renounce despotism fur
radicalism in the first instance, in order to exchange radi-
calism for despotism as an ulterior and eventual measure.
There were no means to which the Tories of that day did
not resort in order to expel the House of Hanover, and to
restore the Stuarts, with all the evils to which that restora-
tion must inevitably have given rise, and it may in reason
be expected that the Tories of our day will be equally in-
different as to the means of which they avail themselves for
the attainmeut of their purpose—a resumption of that power
of which public opinion has happily deprived them. I have
endeavoured to show you the real state of the representa-
tion of which the Tories so largely boast—whilst the whole
kingdom is against them, with the exception of the county
members, and their dependent, not to say, coerced voters.
And yet the empire is to be governed for the good-will and
pleasure of the English counties, which, being interpreted,
is the goodwill and pleasure of the lords, the squires, and
parsons. Do you, however, recognise the justice of this
dispensation? And are you prepared to submit to the in-
troduction of the method of redressing the evil of the tyrant
Majority, of which Sir Robert Peel complains so loudly ?
How a representative Government is to be carried on ex-
cept by means of the majority, or how the supremacy of
that majority can justly be called tyranny, I leave Sir R. Peel
to explain ; but Sir Robert is enamoured of the converse of
this position, having always advocated the government of
the people of the United Kingdom, by a tyrant minority—
or, in other words, by Tories—for the purposes of Toryism.
How sinful, and criminal, of the Whigs to desire, for in-
stance, that Ireland should be governed by and for the ma-
jority of her population ! The minority are discontented
—but, then, the majority are. perfectly content. The Tory
system of governing Ireland by a minority, has been tried
for six hundred years. Were the people satisfied with the
experiment ? I think not ; and, that now, for the first
time, Ministers are testing the opposite theory, of governing
Ireland by and for a majority. The Tories have vainly en-
deavoured to bind Ireland by the tie of fear ; and her Ma-
jesty's Ministers are now seeking the guarantees of loyalty
and attachment by the influence of love, affection, and gra-
titude. Has not the effort -been a successful one? When
I assert the affirmative, it must not be taken as a mere and
unsupported assertion ; for we have the evidence of the
judges of the land, to that effect—of judges, who are up-
right and honourable men, but who, certainly, are not over
well affected to the present Administration. I will not say
that they who were sent to curse returned to bless ; but I
will say, that by their account of the business at the
Assizes, and the general tranquillity of the Island, the
success of this attempt by her Majesty's Ministers to
govern Ireland by and for the majority of the people
has been most satisfactorily established. It is for you
to say whether, in order to oblige a certain party, the
Government should try back, and establish the system
which has been hitherto fatal to the best interests of both
countries. No, 'gentlemen ; the Government is disposed to
act up to the declaration which it made in answer to the
advocates for a repeal of the Union ; they deem it impera-
tive on the Imperial Parliament to render that justice to
Ireland which she would be entitled to expect from a do-
mestic Legislature. Believe suthis is no time to be in-
sensible to the rights and
wronges,
of Ireland—it is on Irish
grow id that the battle of English liberty must be fought—
they have stood by our side
as firmly in the senate as in
the field ; and their eloquence andt their valour has more
than once turned the aueonfe:ineootrybor defeat. Let Orange-
ism triumph then, and it will
iron heel of Toryism tramplinr, e long ere we feel the
our
other
freedom.
Their cause is ours ; and if motive, let
your selfish fears for your own interests bind you, heart
and soul, in the cause of " Justice to Ireland:,
tice to Ireland" is our outpost ; if that be taken, 128
may ere lone. witness the restoration of the ancientwe
sys-
tem, that of governing by a tyrant minority—and froth
which evil a Reforming Administration has so lately_de-
livered the country. I have recently examined the
speeches of our opponents at their party meetings, and
the abuse with which they teem seems common only of
Billingsgate and of Toryism. In no other society could
language so disgraceful to the speakers be uttered, or if
uttered, tolerated. Truckling slaves, robbers, plunderers,
dishonest knaves, and such soft terms, are amongst the
gentlest epithets applied to our poor selves, by the teachers
of Christian charity. They only are honest, wise, loyal, and
virtuous. Now it is some consolation to see that these wise
and virtuous men have paid that homage to our vices, that

'RE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1837.

no reasonable man could say that his party wanted more
than was just, reasonable, and practicable. He addressed
them as Reformers, assuming that they were all desirous
of having all those measures of Reform—all those great
principles of liberty—carried into effect, which had been
adverted to by their worthy chairman, vice-chairman, and
the gentleman who had responded to the toast of " Civil
and Religious Liberty."—(Cheers.) But, however anxious
he was to see these great principles carried out, it was one
thing to feel an anxiety for these measures, and another to
consider the time for carrying them into effect.—(Hear.)
And therefore, though a Radical Reformer, he was never
found fighting against his friends.—(Cheers.) Although he
did not at all times consider that his friends the Whigs
went far enough, they never found him fighting with the
TorieS.—(Cheers.) He could assure the meeting, that he
as sincerely desired success to Lord Melbourne's Govern-
ment as any gentleman present.—( Hear.) He felt as
grateful as any man to Earl Grey for the Reform Bill. But
although he wished the success of one Government, and
felt grateful to another for its measures, yet could he not
support the one and feel grateful to another at the expense
of the rights and liberties of the people. Therefore it was
that whenever it was put to him, whether he would sup-
port the measures of the present Government, or the more
extreme principles of which he was a conspicuous advo-
cate, he felt himself called upon to espouse the latter.—
( Hear, hear, hear.) At the same time he was gene-
rally a supporter of the present Government, when more
liberal measures were not to be bad, determined to
have all he could get for the people, if he could not get all
he wished.—(Cheers.) He knew nothing was to be had
from the Tories worth having, and therefore he opposed
them.—(Cheers and laughter.) there were men, however,
among Reformers who acted differently, and opposed the
Whigs, though they knew nothing could be obtained from
the Tories—men who, acting the part of the flesh-fly, would
pass over all the sound parts of their friends, and settle only
upon their sores.—(Cheers and laughter.) He was not
one of those Reformers ; he knew the difficulties the
Whigs had had to contend with, and he should not op-
pose their measures until he saw a more reasonable pros-
pect than he did at present of carrying out those great
principles which he advocated. It was his opinion that
at the present moment the Radicals might destroy the
Whig Government, but they could not form one of their
own. When they were in a condition to do so, he would
be candid enough to tell the Whigs that be should no
longer support them.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Brotherton
then stated that he was a practical Radical ; and after
speaking of some of the measures of retrenchment and re-
form which he thought were more immediately called for
at the present time, sat down amidst loud cheering.
The Rev. Mr. ASPLAND, of Dukenfield, proposed " Mr.
Wyse, M.P. for Waterford, and may we soon have a system
of education based upon principles truly national, having no
regard to either sect or party."
Mr. YSE (when the long-continued cheering with which
he was received had subsided) said that, connected as his
name had been with what he had long considered the first
question for advancing the character of this country in the
scale of nations—connected especially as it had been by the
gentleman who had just sat down, not with the interests of
sect or part?, but the interests of every man in this great
empire, no doubt that he felt honoured and proud, not with
that vain sentiment that belonged to ambition, but that he
was engaged in a great cause which had in view the ad-
vancement of the interest and happiness of every part of
the empire where there were fellow-men.----(Cheers.) He
eared not what might be the weed awarded to him so the
deed be done.—(Cheers.) He rejoiced that it had found
;i place in a meeting like this, where they were met to
celebrate the progress of Reform. What Reform could
be lasting which was not based upon the wishes and
had not a place in the hearts of thinking men ?—(Con-
tinued cheers.) It was nothing surprising to hear that
the Emperor of Russia had attempted to extinguish, the
language of Poland—:t was nothing wonderful that
the Jacobins of France, when they attempted to pull down
one despotism to establish another, should attempt to strike
education—it was not to be wondered at that the task-
masters of America should he equally opposed to it—it
was not singular that in Ireland, under the reign of Tory-
ism, that they shou!d have exiled the school-master, when
they were desirous to annihilate a nation's rights. But if
it was necessary for the measures of Toryism to put out
the light of intelligence, so it ought to be the first work of
Reformers to enlighten and re-illume the land.—(Cheers.)
What had they to conceal ? If their deeds were good, let
them be known to the whole world. If they held the power
of Government, they held it by the will of the country;
and the more intelligent and enlightened were the people
who gave that power; the greater the honour to hold it,
for the honours given by a nation uninstructed and un-
enlightened were not worth having. It was only when a
nation was able to know and appreciate its rights, that. it
was worth having to bear its destinies.—(Cheers.) The
first duty of a Government was to bring out the resources
of the country. And how were they to do this, unless they
taught the subject how to make the best use of himself ?
And how was lie to do this, unless the best means were
given him of instruction? The people must be taught to
see that instruction and intellectual advancement were ne-
cessary to their well-being in society, to regard it as their
duly constitutional food. We must proceed by making
the people feel that it was not mere charity to be doled
out in bonnets and stockings, but that it was a right to
which they were born as an inheritance. He (Mr. Wyse)
was one who understood the difficulties with which Mini-
sters had had to contend in his own country, in giving them
a national system of education ; and be knew that greater
difficulties must stand in the way of it in this country, until
the people we ripe for it, and could appreciate its advan-
tages. But he was one of those, in a question of such im-
portance, who thought a Government might safely go in
advance of the age, and, looking over the beads of the
people, legislate for posterity.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Not
that he would advise the adoption of a system, however,
in which all could not conscientiously concur, for he would
be the first to oppose any encroachments upon the con-
sciences of his fellow-men.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Had he so soon forgotton how he had had to struggle
for conscience' sake in his own country ? Mr. Wyse
then proceeded to compare the state of education
in this country with that of other countries of Europe, as
shown at the late meeting of the British Association at
Liverpool, at which he said this country had been laughed
at in scorn for her imbecility in this respect. Alluding to
the present Ministry, he declared his intention of support-
ing them. He trusted that they would legislate for the
people, and that the people would give them the means of
carrying out their measures. It had been said, he re-
marked, that the Chandos clause of the Reform Bill had
given the majority of county representation to the Tories.
_Such ho believed was unfortunately the case. What then ?
Should he say, take the right away from the fifty-pound
tenant at will of voting ? No. The towns were more ge-
nerous in supporting reform, because they were better edu-
cated. Their intercourse with each other and with strangers
was greater, and they became necessarily more enlightened.
Give the counties the same education as the towns, and
they would behave as the towns.—(Hear.)
Mr. ROBINSON next rose, and proposed " The health of
Dr. Stanley, Bishop of Norwich," which was responded to
by the Rev. Mr. Howell.
Mr. STANLEY proposed " The ladies ;" after which,
The CHAIRMAN gave " The health of George William
Wood, Esq., M.P. for Kendal, the consistent and en-
lightened advocate of the interests of commerce."
Mr. Wool) returned thanks in a brief address, iu which
he alluded to the course pursued by the Tories in raising
subscriptions to petition against the Irish returns, which
he characterised as an iniquitous conspiracy. He con-
cluded by proposing " The Town and Trade of Staley-
bridge," which was responded to by Mr. D. Cheetham.
The health of Mr. Thornely, M.P. for Wolverhampton,
which was acknowledged by the Hon. Gentleman, who
declared himself in favour of the Ballot, and expressed his
belief that the late elections had proved more fully than
previous ones in necessity.
The CHAIRMAN proposed " Charles Hindley, Esq., and
may commerce may be freed from the restrictions which
fetter its activity.
Mr. HINDLEY was enthusiastically cheered on returning
thanks ; but his address was very brief, owing to the late-
ness of the hour.
The healths of the Chairman, Mr. Ashton, and the
Vice-Chairman, Mr. Cheetham, were then drunk ; and
also the healths of Mr. Ellison and the Stewards, which
were severally responded to.
The CHAIRMAN then gave " The health of James Hey-
wood, Esq., and the Reformers of South Lancashire."
Mr. HEYWOOD returned thanks. After which,
The CHAIRMAN proposed " The Four Hundred Re-
spectable Workmen who built that Hall" (the Foresters'
Hall) ; and the company separated at a late hour.

LAW SITTINGS.

ROLLS' COURT, WESTMINSTER.

Sittings appointed by the Master of the Rolls during
Michaelmas Term :—Thursday, Nov. 2, Motions; Friday,
Nov. 3, Petitions in the General Paper ; Saturday, Nov.
4, Monday, Nov. 6, Tuesday, Nov. 7, and Wednesday, Nov.
8, Pleas, Demurrers, Causes, further Directions, and excep-
tions ; Thursday, Nov 9, Motions ; Friday, Nov. 10, Saturday,
Nov. 11, and Monday, Nov. 13, Short Causes and Pleas,
Demurrers, Causes, &c. ; Tuesday, Nov. 14, and Wednesday,
Nov. 15, Pleas, Demurrers, Causes, &c. ; Thursday, Nov.
16, Motions ; Friday, Nov. 17, Saturday, Nov. 18, Monday,
Nov. 20, Tuesday, Nov. 21, Wednesday, Nov. 22, and
Thursday, Nov. 23, Pleas, Demurrers, Causes, &e. ; Friday,
Nov. 24, Petitions in General Paper ; Saturday, Nov. 25 ;
Motions ; Monday, Nov. 27 (at the Rolls), Short Causes
after swearing in the Solicitors; Causes, further Directions,
and Petitions by consent, every Tuesday, at the sitting of the
Court.