The Sun.
London, England, 1830-08-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JO'

The situation of Spain has for some time past
excited an interest at once powerful and general
throughout Europe. We have no hesitation in
affirming it to be unquestionable, that an entire over-
throw of the tyranny of " Ferdinand the perildiouti"
is now on the point of taking place. Those who
are not accurately informed with -regard to the
Spaniards seem disposed to found their anticipa-
tion of this great and happy occurrence on the
recent establishment of constitutional liberty on
the other side of the Pyrenees. They are alto-
gether deceived. The destruction of that horrible
system under which Spain has groaned ever since
(with one short interval) the restoration of the
Bourbons to the Sovereignty of France, was ac-
tually prepared, and would, in a very few months,
perhaps a few weeks, have been accomplished,
although Charles X. bad still kept possession of his
throne. Spain in 1822-23 was torn to pieces by
faction, overrun by is French army of 100,00() men,
discouraged by the menaces of Ruesia, and we must
add, though with shame and self-reproach, was be-
trayed by the paltry and unmanly policy of the Bri-
tish Government of that period. There is no form
of hatred, persecution, or barbarous vengeance, to
which the friends of liberty in Spain have not been
subjected from that day to the present. Powers
more odious and intolerable than those of the Inqui-
sition have been abused with worse _than inquisito-
rial cruelty by the civil functionaries of the Court :
all the most respectable men who were permitted
or compelled to remain in their country were
trampled on; the most fortunate of the Spaniards—
those considered the most formidable—were pro-
scribed and banished. But Mr. Canning never
made a mistake so deplorable, as in believing that
freedom could be more highly appreciated by the
Portuguese than by the Spanish nation. Had the
constitutional Spaniards found only Spaniards to
contend with, they would have made a somewhat dif-
ferent stand from that which was displayed by the
patriots of Portugal on the Douro. It was heart-
less, as well as inconsistent, to taunt the people of
Spain with indifference to the rights of freemen,
when their earnestness in the cause had been alleged
by the Holy Alliance as a sufficient motive for
commanding an enormous French army to at-
tack their territory, and reduce them to bondage.
The nation, however, was not annihilated. From
the hour at which the last French division marched
homewards—we suspect before it—an• active and
well-managed correspondence has been carried on
through all the provinces of the Peninsula ; and the
brave and distinguished exiles in foreign lands have
willingly answered the invitations of their country-
men to Join them in striking one more blow for free-
dom. The consequence was painted without exag-
geration, as we are informed, in a letter from one
of our Paris Correspondents on Wednesday last,
where the writer asserts, on the authority of Perth-
nand himself, that the people were against him---the
army devoted to the constitutional chiefs, even the
bulk of the tyrant's own Guards disaffected towards
him, and no chance of safety left for the estimafile
race of Spanish Bourbons, but the march of another
French army to their support. It cannot, there-
fore, be alleged with any justice to the constitutional
Spaniards, that they took their cue from France, or
that their enterprise for the redemption of their
noble country was but an offehot from the victory of
the French people. The fact is, that Spain was
already ripe. The Polignac Government, however
well inclined, durst not form another cordon sanitaire,
or despatch another army to destroy the Spaniards.
The constitutional leaders resident in Spain, assisted
or directed by the more distinguished of the exiles,
were waiting but the signal to begin. The Amin's-
sliders of the goodly Ferdinand in England and else-
where, were driven to desperation by the proofs
which reached them of the magnitude of the enter-
prise, and of the sagacity and energy with which it
bed been planned and prosecuted under tremendous
embarrassments; and the most atrocious measures
were pressed upon certain Governments by these
minions of the Carmine, for the unlawful treatment
of Many noble.minded men,, on whom Ferdinand,
while he refused them admissiOrt to Spain, invoked
severe punishments for their endeavours to reach it
through some channel independent of his pleasure.
It is only fair to acknowledge, nevertheless, that
if the Spaniards had prepared thetnaelves to act,
without waiting for any impulse from Paris,
the glorious example which has been set
them in that capital must infinitely facilitate and
expedite the success of their own national project.
There is now in France a Government from which
liberty, at home or abroad, has nothing, we trust, of
which to be apprehensive. Vainly will the tyrant
apeal to the " Citizen-King," who occupies the
alais Royal, for support. A single regiment or-
dered to the Pyrenees on suspicion merely of such
a purpose, would hurl Louis Philip from his yet ues
steady eminence. But there is a colour, we find,
given to the cause of the Spanish Constitutionalists,
which is not merely ratio, but full of danger. It
has been' said, that instead of Spain being hence-
forth, as formerly, dragged along at the chariot
wheels of whoever may be reigning King of France,
she will be guided by her sympathies with the
French " people." We believe no such thing. We
are satisfied that the sympathy of Spaniards is with
Spain, and with Spain only,—that the genuine and
sole aim of the movers of Spanish liberty, is to
make their country independent—thoroughly inde-
pendent—of France, of Austria, 'Russia, England,
or any other power; and as there is nothing servile
hi the plans of the Constitutionalists, (we speak
from good authority), so is there nothing extrava-
gant or wild. They are one and unconvinced of the
manifold errors exhibited in the constitution of the
Cortes. Their first wish is to shun such errors, The
Constitution of England, so far as may be practi-
cable for Spain, is, we understand, the model which
they hope to imitate. They must have a King so
checked and controulled, that he cannot, if he would,
betray the interests of his subjects). Verdi:teed,
they are income if they suffer again to deceive
them. But whoever may be their Sovereign, his
nails must be pared. The constitutional Spaniards
are well aware of the blunder that was formerly
committed, in the creation of a single legislative
assembly. There arcs in Spain o large body of,
noblemen possessed of great landed nod other
property, 10-20ths of them warmly attached to
the principles of a free constitutional monarchy; this
distinguished and most useful dos of Men was 111.)"
loudly thrown aside by the Constitution of 1812
and 1820, and therefore wantonly exasperated :
they form the legitimate, tenure), mid powerful ma-
terials of a 1101140 of Lords for Spain, and we may
be assured that when law and order socceed to the
present more than Turkish anarchy of licentious
despotism, an Upper Chamber will be constituted
simultaneously with King and Cortes. This body,
more analogous to the English Nobility than any
other class of Noblemen in Europe, sent repeated
deputations to Sir Henry Wellesley, requesting him
to lay before Ferdinand their desire that he would be
content to govern as Constitutional King of Spain,
In which case they would support his authority with
all their power. The memorable answer of the nu-
owlet was this—" 1 will ha nothing but absolute
We pray to Heaven, then, that be may
1:!. nothitig„' —abaolute King he will not be, in
1
human probability, for untidier month. As for
the other tattug
Spain,ain. Ire* of t constitutional party in
a wa
ss, principle
told that their intention is to
(:,?(111,4_ii_4,_aes.exPronitiple the" freedom cif commerce,''
etierniron to that principle, only such itn-
perpoi.-es of revenue ;
tliat itrniorr
tit:itiendetat'irvir:e'di suwinti:l:l farlb)e 'taken to repair the in-
justice
onks, in
w on lsre-
peirgtrseptearypoettirratt7l3l atititttioiliatiyittittitlrettt outrages
7141 go erso
Yo
the
monasteries,t nod all ()mein* were re-annexed
the laws of the Cortes tuiroorr";re, med 4„,,, under
tided to proclaim an immediate r :i'irwise de.
debts contracted by the Cortes, tec!sf;°" Of the
riseiore
wiate,air security to the public manor tn"
initial domains of which they were leit*Tjiw°ll:"v
rertlinund thought proper to eotrinut the itnext-

asciaimL national det,
further the feeling, as we have been
in formed, of the Spanish patriots, to refer
to the ancient laws of Spain (us much trampled
on by Ferdinand as any other publie securities),
in all cases where provision can be discovered in'
them :for the maintenance of the subject's right,
whether civil or political. This, we are led to be-
lieve on high authority, is the spirit, equally circum-
spect and honest, in whieli the Spanish re-founders
of their country's liberty have pledged themselves
to each other and to their fellow-citizens to proceed.
If they act, as we trust they will, on such princi-
ples, every good man in England, and from north to
south of Europe, will befriend them. If,---which
God forbid, and which we at least cannot anticipate,
—those who direct the councils of Great Britain
should attempt to damp or discountenance this
virtuous effort on the part of the Spanish nation,
to shake off a yoke which never could have been
imposed had England done her duty, the immediate
effect will be, to throw Spain into the arms of the
liberal Government now established in a neighbouring
country, and to forfeit all'title to Spanish confidence
for ever. The family compact now broken by the
hand of Providence, will thus have been revived in
another and more terrible form—that of a national

anima 'lniquity
_or

trig the

compact between the people of two countries, each,
in that ease, animated by excusable hostility to
Great Britain. But we hope for better things.
England and Spain are in that condition which
renders them natural allies. The commercial inte.
rests of both nations—we say nothing of what
general policy would dictate--prescribe to them the
most unrestricted intercourse. Abounding in raw
materials of every kind for which there is no demand
on earth so constant as that afforded.by the British

capitalist, how could Spain, in. her turn-, dispose of
them to such advantage as by procuring for herself
art equivalent in our unrivalled manufactures ? The
wants of 13,000,000 of people at our own doors
would soon supply a vent for British industry more
ample than that to which the expectations of our
merchants bad for so many years been directed in
the great South American continent, and would
entitle us to treat with good-humoured indifference
the restless tariffs of the United States, no matter
how dexterously constructed.
(*.* We have had the communication by us for some
slays on which the preceding article is founded, but think
there is now no risk in publishing it.)— Times.

The Lord Provost of Edinburgh, in compliance
with a requisition to which a number of the most
respectable names of that city wore attached, called
a public meeting of the inhabitants on Friday, the
20th inst. The object of the meeting is thus de-
scribed in the requisition—" To consider the pro-
priety of their expressing their admiration of the
energy and promptitude with which the French
people have lately resisted the violation of their
public rights, and the moderation with which they
have hitherto used the sudden and unexampled
triumph by which their patriotism has been re-
warded." Though at this season of the year, Edin-
burgh is even more deserted than London by in-
iluential people, yet it is understood that the meet-
ing was to be attended by the principal speakers of
the city and neighbourhood: Men of all parties are
equally eager to express their approbation of the
French. The backwardness of the higher ranks in
this part of the empire is a phenomenon which will
not soon be forgotten. No man of any discernment
can believe that the Aristocracy of this country
would not have been delighted had the result
at Paris been favourable to Charles. A Constitu-
tion without rotten boroughs, or any of the ma-
chinery by which Representatives are chosen for,
and not by the people, was naturally an eye-
sore to our Oligarchy; for, with the example
of France before them, the patience for which
the English are proverbial might have at length
failed them. But when the design miscarried,
and the triumph of the people was so complete,
such distinguished,proficients in cant and hypocrisy,
as the higher ranks of this country notoriously are,
might have been expected to join the popular cry
against the unsuccessful. Their chagrin, it would
appear, has got, for once, the better of their du-
ffing. They cannot disguise their mortification at
the failure of a design which would have pros-
trated a gallant people, and deprived them of all the
privileges which attracted towards France the eyes
of Englishmen. The good wishes, nay, even the
recommendation of our present Cabinet, are quite u
elistinet consideration from approbation of the mode
in which the attempt was made. The Duke of
Wellington may have approved of the overthrow of
the French Constitution, and yet not approved of
such a hazardous attempt as that which has so
signally failed. The Duke is a cool us well as a
crafty man; and his habit is not to place his all on
the turn of one die. And the sentiments expressed
by the Duke, as they were reported to us, when
the news of the issuing of the Ordonnences reached
this country, certainly led to the inference that he
had his misgivings as to the prudence of the attempt.
His language could not easily be construed
' into any thing like reprobation of the attempt,
though it certainly was expressive of a fear
least the coup Vaal might he unsuccessful.—
Bet the opinion as to the participation of Ministers
in the attempt, so far from losing ground, seems, on
the contrary, to gain fresh strength. Whether the
documents discovered at PariS have anything to do
with this we know not. A Sunday contempo-
rary (the Err:miner) goes almost the length of di-
rect accusation ; and es the language is remark-
able, we Shull here quote it :—" With regard to
the question in dispute (between the Times and
Mr. Brougham) we do not hesitate to declare our
conviction that Ministers, anti persons connected
with the Government of the country, have through-
out, had a guilty sympathy with the traitors of
'Prance, and that they have been so true in attach-
meta to the bad cause, so faithful in their nilec- ,

dons to the worst treachery, that even disaster,
the touchstone of constancy, has not shaken their
friendship, thought policy has prescribed conceal-
' meta. We do not write this unadvisedly. The
misprision qf crime has been significantly indicated,
and enough will be known &Are any very distant
day." As to some of the Members of the. Ca-
binet, they are certainly better adapted for Vienna
than London. We have never heard Lord Aber-
deen spoken of favourably by any human being.
Pert of the dislike to him may, perhaps, be caused
by his arrogance and superciliousness ; but as he
does not atone for these qualities by the possession
of talent, the inference naturally is, that hut Metter-
aich principles are his great recommendation to the
Duke of Wellington. The readiness of the public
to mix up his Grace with the Polignac Ministry,
may have partly been caused by the known hos-
tility of Lord Aberdeen to popular Governments in
every part of the world.—Morning Chronicle.
We elleded on Saturday to an article on the Mi-
nistry and the State of Parties in the Edinburgh
Review. The article was written before the result
of the elections could be known— qt result far more
unfavourable to Ministers than even the Reviewer
anticipated. lie prognosticated that great Arthur
" would in all likelihood, experience somewhat of
Prince Jules do Papaw's disappointment, who
dreamt once upon a time that the King could make
any man a Minister, whether nature had made him or
no of the proper stuff, and that any Minister could
elect a new and subservient Parliament, anti found
to his sorrow and surprise that the new were ten
times worse than the old," has been more than ve-
rified. We all know the figure Ministers cut during
the lost Session. ROM sheer incapacity a long
Session was wasted, the Beer Bill having been the
only measure which ended in anything. A Ministry,
constituted as the present is, cannot hope to con-
duct the public business in Parliament with more
advantage this Session than the last; and, there-
fore, we take it for granted that changes, and
very material changes too, must take place, or
the Ministry will be shipwrecked. The article
in the Review is variously spoken of by our
contemporaries,. The Globe tells us it is " cleverly
written ;" the Standard says " the article revives
The recollection of the best days of the Review by a

displa;
number, and an exhibition of sound prinaples and
sound reasoning never equalled in the same puhli-
cation ;" while the Times lavishes on it almost every
term of abuse in the English language. We.donht
whether a coalition to turn out the present Ministry
will succeed; but we do not doubt that the present
Ministry will turn themselves out by their incapacity,
because we apprehend it is an understood matter
that Ministers should possess sufficient capacity to
conduct the public business. The 'Ames says The
whole article is a mere exposition of personal and
party motives why the present Ministry should be
dismissed." It would puzzle the Times to assign
any motive why they should be retained, except the
motive that a weak Ministry is always a great ad-
vantage to this nation. But a Ministry' may not
merely be weak, but imbecile ; and we should like
to know if downright imbecility did not characterize
the whole of the conduct of Ministers last Session ?
We subjoin the following passage, without comment
for the present :
" The article is evidently written to prepare the public
mind for a coalition between the Ultra Tories, those
consistent honest men, who will not quit their principles,'
and the Whigs, the great men who have a high destiny
to fulfil towards their country, and know that she looks
to them for rescue from the worst of evils, the present
Government.' What trash ! The Ultra-Tories are cer-
tainly consistent—so is the miserable Ex-Sovereign of
France—consistent in immoveable prejudice—consistent in
obstinately shutting their eyes against the light—consistent
in unflinchingly adhering to false opinions and erroneous
principles. As to the Whigs, we plainly, and in the face
of the people of England, deny that the country looks to
them as its saviours in any great emergency. The expe-
rience of nearly fifty years has proved to the people of
England the real character of this party. At once haughty
and pusillanimous, rash and Nhort•sighted ; noisy demo-
crats when out of place, insolent aristocrats when in,—
ignorant of the noble qualities of their own countrymen,
and timid depreciators of their glory, while they are ever
vehement and ready to applaud the efforts and magnify the
successes of foreigners : such are the men whom we are
told England is to regard with veneration and affection.
If we know any thing of the nature of our countrymen,
we say that there cannot be any sympathy between them
and these un-English self-elected champions of England's
cause."
So much for the Whigs! Hey-day ! Who would
have expected this ? It is a good thing to be a
friend, for then you can afterwards be a more for-
midable enemy. But the discovery that was wanted
was the discovery of decent abilities in Ministers;
and this discovery remains to be mado.-11forning
Chronicle.

of totem never surpasses in any torte,

The reception which the proposition of M. De
Tracy for abolishing the punishment of death met
with in the Chamber of Deputies, proves, beyond
all dispute, that the present race of French legis-
lators are not deficient in feelings of humanity. In
supporting that proposition the venerable Lafayette
said, " I shall ask for the abolition of the punish-
merit of death, until I have the infallibility of human
judgment demonstrated to me. The punishment of
death has always inspired me with feelings of horror
since the execrable use made of it during the former
Revolution." In our own House of Commons Sir
Robert Peel perpetuates the punishment of death
for forging a one-pound promissory notei not because
that punishment is proportionate to the moral guilt
of the offender, but because—hear it, humane legis-
lators of France !--because it is in his opinion the
most effective punishment. When morality is left
out of the penal code, the question of inflicting
death for the most venial as well us the most
heinous legal or political offences becomes a mere Tres-
Lion of expalieney. Denton, Murat, and Robespierre,
at whose crimes the Home Secretary, no doubt, would
shudder, thought it expedient that all who resisted
their political supremacy should suffer the same pu-
nishment which certain Directors of the Bank of
England thought it expedient should be inflicted on
those who counterfeited their one-pound notes ! In
the one case morality and a regard for human life
were dispensed with for the sake of ambition—in
the other for the sake of mammon. Hecatombs of
human victims have been offered up on the altars of
both. The day is coming when sanguinary
• tars and sanguinary politicians will be equally exe-
crated. It will be seen, from our French news to-
day, that the King of the French has been addressed
on the subject of M. de Tracy's motion by the Ad-
vocate Lucas, at the head of a deputation from St.
Brieux, who expressed a hope that the country
would owe him the boon of the abolition of the pu-
nishment of death, to whom France owed the ex-

tinction of civil war. The King replied that he
desired the abolition from a conviction which he
had entertained throughout life, rind added " I will
do all in my power to realize your wish, which is
also mine."---A press of matter prevents us pro-
ceeding further with this subject at present ; but we
shall take an early opportunity to return to it.—
Morning Herald.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.