The Sun.
London, England, 1830-01-09 00:00:00

pleaded guilty! The Chairman ordered them
to be given up to their parents, who, tie said,
would bestow the best correctiona good whip-
ping. If the New Police were not, as our mo-
dern philosophers tell us, a most pure and im-
maculate body, we would say that the payment
of the expenses in such a case was a key to the
whole transaction ; but under the new-system
we are hound to believe that the motive, was a
pure love of justice, although the Jury expressed
their astonishment, as well they might, that two
such infants should be brought to trial on A
charge of felony. We are constantly reminded
by certain writers that the " schoolmaster is
abroad"—would not his birch be more appli-
cable to delinquency of this nature than the axe
and fasces of justice ?—Morning Herald.
The feeling expressed by the American Pre-
sielent towards this country must produce its
effect here. The time seems at length arrived
when we may hope to see the two branches of
the same family forgetting
,past animosities and
jealousies, availing themselves in a friendly and
cordial manner of the resources of each other.
It is but just to the Americans to observe, that
there has never been any want of disposition on
the part of the leading men of that country to
avail themselves of every symptom of good will
manifested towards them in England.. There is
nothing new, therefore, in the manifestation of
General Jackson on this occasion ; and we ex-
pected as much from him. When Mr. Can-
ning held out the hand of good fellowship a few
years ago, and attempted to revive the old family
feelings between mother and daughter, the effect
produced in America was almost electrical.
Jefferson has sometimes been designated as op-
posed to this country ; but he was only opposed
to her when he considered her interfering with
the independence of his own. In the valuable
work from which we have so often quoted of
late, we find Jefferson, when President, thus
expressing himself in a letter to Colonel Monroe,
dated May 1, I 806—" The late change in the
Ministry I consider as insuring us a just settle-
ment of our differences, and we ask no more. In
Mr. Fox personally, I have more confidence
than in any man in England, and it is founded
in what, through unquestionable channels, I

have had opportunities Of knowing of his honesty
and his good sense. While he shall be in the
Administration, my reliance on that Govern-
ment will be solid. We had committed our-
selves on a bne of proceedings adapted to meet
Mr. Pitt's policy and hostility, before we heard
of his death, which self-respect did not permit
us to abandon afterwards ; and the late unpa-
ralleled outrage on us at New York, excited such
sentiments in the public at large, as (lid not permit
us to do less than has been done. It ought not
to be viewed by the Ministry as looking towards
them at all, but merely as the consequence of
the measures of their predecessors, which their
nation has called on them to correct. I hope,
therefore, they will come to just arrangements.
No two countries upon earth have so many
points of conzmon interest and friendship ; and
their rulers must be great bunglers ladecd, if
with such dispositions they break them asunder.
The only rivalry that can arise is on the ocean.l
England may, by petty thwartings, check us on
that element a little, but nothing she can do will
retard us there one year's growth. We shall be
supported there by other nations, and thrown into
their scale, make a part of the great counterpoise to
her navy. lf, on the other hand, she is just to us,
conciliatory, and encourages the sentiment of fa-
mily feeling and conduct, it cannot fail to befriend
the security of both. We have the seamen and
materials for fifty ships of the line, and half that
number of frigates ; and were France to give us
the money, and England the disposition to equip
them, they would give to England serious proofs
of the stock from which they arc sprung, and the
school in which they have been taught ; and,
added to the efforts of the immensity of sea
coast lately united under our power, would leave
the state of the ocean no longer problematical.
Were, on the wher hand, England to give the
money, and France the disposition to place us
on the sea in all our force, the whole world, out
of the Continent of Europe, might be our joint
monopoly. We wish for neither of these scenes.
We ask for peace and justice from all nations,
and we will remain uprightly neutral in fact,
though leaning in belief to the opinion that an
English ascendancy on the ocean is safer for us
than that of France." In a letter to the Presi-
dent, dated Oct. 24, 1823, he observes—

" Our first and fundamental maxim should he
never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe.
Our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle
with our Atlantic affairs. America, North and
South, has a set of interests distinct from those of
Europe, and peculiarly her own. She should there-
fore have a system of her own, separate and apart
from that of Europe. While the last is labouring
to become the domicile of despotism, our eudearour
should surely be to make oar hemisphere that of
freedom. One nation, mast of all, could disturb us
in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid, and ac-
company us in it. By acceding to her proposition,
we detach her from the baud of despots, bring her
mighty weight into the scale of free government,
and emancipate a Continent at one stroke, which
might otherwise li iger long in doubt and difficulty.
Great Britain is the nation which can do us the most
harm of any one; and, with her on our side, we need
not fear the whole world, With her, then, we should
most sedulously cherish a cordial friendship ;
and nothing would tend more to knit our affections,
than to be fighting once more side by side in the
sainsi cause. iNot that I would purchase even
her amity at the price of taking part in her
wars. But the war in which the present pro-
position might engage us—should that be its
consequence—is not her war, but ours. Its object
i 3 to introduce and establish the American system,
of keeping out of our land all Foreign Powers—of
never permitting those of Europe to intermeddle
with the affairs of our nations. It is to maintain our
own principle, not to depart from it. And if to fa-
cilitate this we can effect a division in the body of
the European Powers, and draw over to our side its
most powerful members, surely we should do it.
But I sun clearly of Mr. Canning's opinion that it
will preVent, instead of provoking, war. With Great
Britain withdrawn from their scale, and shifted into
that of our two Continents, all Europe combined
would not undertake such a war. For how would
they propose to get at either enemy without su-
perior fleets ? Nor is the occasion to be slighted
which this proposition offers, of declaring our pro-
test against the atrocious violation of the rights of
stations, by the interference of any one in the inter-
nal affairs of another, so flagitiously begun by Buona-
parte, and now continued by the equally lawless
Alliance calling itself Holy ?"
These, be it remembered, are not State Papers
got up to serve a purpose, hut the unreserved
confidential cctnmunications of the heads of the
Democrats, who have been so grossly misrepre-
sented to us, to each other. It appears that the
Americans have nothing so much at heart as the
most intimate connection with us, short of inter-
ference with the internal affairs of each other.
In this liberal view England and America
grow with the growth of each other. There
can be no cause for jealousy ; for it is as •
impossible for America to injure England in