The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-12 00:00:00

SITTING OF THE 10TH.

No Peer demanding to speak on the ensemble of the ad-
dress, the general discussion is considered to be closed,
and the President read the first paragraph; which was at
once adopted. A Peer objected to the epithet sacred ap-
plied to the King. The second, third, fourth, fifth and
sixth paragraphs adopted.
The Due de Broglie observed that much attention should
be obtained to such parts of an address as did not corres-
pond to similar parts of the Royal Speech. Of this was
the recommendation of a -better system of moral and reli-
gious education, which might seem to reflect on past Ad-
ministrations, as wanting these things.
On the reading of the paragraph relating to Spain, M.
de Dreux Breze asked whether, in addition to other sacri-
fices imposed upon France by the Quadruple Alliance,
she was also to abandon the 58 millions of francs due by
Spain for the expense of the expedition of 1823 ? If this
sum had been paid, there remained 47 millions.
M. Mole said that the French Government had not in-
sisted of late on the payment, but held its right in reserve.
Marshal Soult said that yesterday he had heard an orator
Make a distinction between intervention and co-operation.
The Marshal declared the difference between these two
words and things surpassed his intelligence. Co-operation
was a compromising, shameful, disguised intervention. Why

talk of intervention at a moment so perilous to France ?
The French Legion ceded to France was, in fact, a Spanish
force. But he regretted that French officers had remained
at its head. Some of their chiefs thought proper to retire
from that service, and others were sent to take their place ;
these being sent evidently from France, the c)rps became
half French. Colonel Suazee subsequently obtained per-
mission to recruit amongst the French soldiers who were
not on actual service. This did not succeed. It was then
imagined to recruit another force from the French troops
actually in service. This was a most pernicious idea ; it
disorganized the French regiments. Privileges and pro-
motions were showered on this new-formed force. Its
first regiment marched, when circumstances recalled it.
It was cruel to seduce French soldiers from their regi-
ments, and send them to such a country as Spain, which
was nothing else than to co-operate with anarchy. More-
over, it was creating enemies for France ; for every force in
Spain must live on the country freely, since to hope for pay
was absurd. To whom were their troops to be amenable?
They were neither French nor Spanish. Under what mili-
tary law were they to be governed ? Their cockade was
Spanish, their coat was French. What were these troops
to do amidst the conflicting orders of juntas and generals,
who each and all were in revolt ? Insurrection might be-
come necessary ; but it had not been necessary since the
death of Ferdinand. Whilst be (the Marshal) was in the
Councils of the King he had been against all idea of inter-
vention, and now he still remained so. And by conse-
quence he was against co-operation, as disguised interven-
tion.

M. Cousin said he would not, like the Marshal, criticise
the minor military and administrative arrangements of the
two previous Cabinets in carrying on co-operation. He
would merely insist on two points. With respect to the
first ; viz., the distinction between co-operation and inter-
vention, he as Academician, could give an opinion. There
was between them something more than a dispute of mere
words, since a mere difference of words would not have
overthrown a Ministry. He cared not for this difference
of words. He would, however, insist on the difference be-
tween two things : one was intervening or co-operating
.with French soldiers under French colours, the other was
intervening or co-operating by lending-men and money to a
cause with which we sympathised. The Marshal de-
clared that this last mode was disgraceful and
faulty. There was, in reality, a third mode of aiding a
friendly cause ; this was aiding it with vows—that is to say,
with nothing. Now, this last is the mode of the present
Ministry. On the contrary, he (M. Cousin) was to give
efficacious succour to Spain, do it how you will, and call it
what you will. This was what the Cabinet of the 11th
October promised to do. But Marshal.Soult says that it
is shameful to shed French blood, but under French colours.
Why, then, the Cabinet of the 11th of October risked
this, in sending the Legion of Suazee to Spain, and the
Foreign Legion. Was not this what Marshal oult calls
a disguised and shameful intervention ? He insults the two
last Miniiters. M. Mole pretended that the Foreign Le-
gion was degraded ere it was sent to Spain. But this is a
quibble, not worth examination. The fact is, if ever there
was a co-operation, it was the sending of this Legion, of
which every officer was a Frenchman. Were not their
grades guaranteed to these officers ? What is this. but co-
operation, or intervention if you please ? The Legion sent
into co-operation fought well, rendered services ; it did this
without compromising Government and Frnnce. And this
is the excellence of co-operation—viz., giving aid without
compromising the country. He (M. Cousin) would leave
to the Duke of Broglie, the head of the Cabinet of 1 lth
of October, to reply to Marshal Soult.
M. Guizot then ascended the tribune, and declared his
intention to prove that the policy of the present Cabinet was
the same as that of the Cabinet of the 11th of October.
That Cabinet was guided by two ideas-Ist, to give to
Queen Isabella all the succour possible ; and 2d, to keep
the freedom of stopping where it was wished in succouring
Spain, and not to compromise the country in the internal
affairs of Spain.
M. Guizot then read a fragment of a dispatch from M.
Thiers to the French Ambassador in Spain on the 30th o f
April :—" Armed intervention, however called or restrained
even to the occupation of the Bastan, cannot he granted as
long circumstances remain as they are. And any demand
of co-operation or intervention made of France will remain
without result." Here M. Thiers treats co-operation and
intervention as the same thing. Guizot then sought to
prove that all the succours given by M. de Broglie's Cabi-
net were indirect, and were like that lately recommended.
Then it was the Spanish ambassador who recruited, whereas
'under the Ministry of the 22d February, it was the Mi-
nister of War who did this. The recruiting too was al-
lowed even in organised regiments, which was not permitted
by former Cabinets. These provisions were rejected by the
Cabinet of the 11th Oct.

On the '26th June, 1835, M. de Broglie wrote to the
Duke de Frias as follows :—" That the government would
afford all facilities for recruiting the Foreign Legion, but
would remain judges how far they should go."

The Cabinet of the 11th October always took care to
have it in his power to stop when it wished. In that Ca-
binet was M. 'Tiers, who even then was a partisan of in-
tervention. When this statesman became chief of the Cabinet,

it was evident that intervention was his idea, was the end
of his policy. And co-operation in his hands was nothing
else. The present Cabinet would not go this length ; it
would go the length of M. de Broglie's Cabinet, but no more.
The Due de Broglie then rose to speak, and spoke for
sonic time ere our reporter left ; but we must defer his speech
till to-morrow.
FRENCH FUNDS.-Pants, JAN. 9.
Five per Cents., 108 f. 95c. 109 f. sc. 108 f. 95c.
Four per Cent., 9tif. 60e.
Four and a Half per Cents. 102 f.
Three per Cents. 79f. 65c. 70c. 75c.
Bank Actions, 2,560 f. 2,355 E
Rente de Naples, 9811 70c. 65e. 85c.
Roman Five per Cents., 101 11.111 A.
SpanisleActives, 2594%
Spanish Differes, 11/74 11.
Spanish Passives, tiA, '7.
Portuguese Three per Cents. 30%
llaytian Loan, 370 f.
Excllant:l oN LONDON.
One month, paper, 25f. 35c. ; motley, 2.5 f.
Three months,l paper, 25f. ; money, 25L 123,;ic. •
-Coors iluthetimue.
FRENCH 1 UNDS -PARIS, JAN'. 10.
ive per Cents.. 103 f. 80e. 90e. 85c.
Four and a Half ner Cents. 102 f. 25c.
Four per Cents., 100 f.
Three per Cents., 799. 60e.
Bank Actions, 2,3.17 f. 50c. 2,355 f.
dente de Naples, 9SE Soc. One. 75c.
Roman Five per Cents., 1011,,'2%.
Spanish Actives, 251,4 %ey.
Spanish Differes, It 11% it.
Spanish Passives, 7 6.
Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, 102%1,
Portuguese Loan, Three per Cents, tiOliM%.
EXCDA NOR ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25c. 35c.; money, 25f. 32%c.
Three months, paper, 251. 1254 e. ; money, 25f. 12%e.

—Cour s AutJZ:nliaue.

BOURSE, HALF-PAST FOUR.--This has been a day of nearly
complete stagnation here, with a trifling tendency to decline.
An attempt was made by the Bears to depress the funds by
reports of numerous arrests of individuals implicated in the
crime of Meunier, but it turns out that the only ascertained
new cases of arrest arc three brothers, one of them a soldier of
the 49th Regiment of Infantry. Lists of names of parties
compromised in a regicidal committee, of which Meunier was
a member, are stated to have been lately seized, but whether
through the instrumentality of that criminal or not does no
appear.

LAST PRICES.
Five per Cents., 100 f. sc.
Three per Cents. 79f. 75c.
Batik Actions, 2,355 f.
Bente 'Oe Naples, 99f.
Roman rive per Cents., 101%.
Belgian Loan, 10.2%.
Brussels Bank,3l.
Portuguese Three per Cents., 30%
Spanish Actives, 25,36.
Spanish Passives, 67f,.
Spanish Difleres
New Differes, 11.
BELGIAN I. UNDS—BmTssm, JAN. 10.
Actual Debt, '44 per Cent.
Rothschild's Loan, 5 per Cent. 10034
Loan of Thirty Millions 93!,4
Loan of City, 18:32, 4 per Cent. lOll/6
Society of Commerce, ,N per Cent l34Si
Bank of Belgium, 5 per Cent l'29
Brussels Papers, Jan. 11.
A USTIU AN FUNDS.—VIENNA, :JAN. 2.
Five per Cents. Metalliques
Four per Cents.
Three par Cents.
Bank Shares
Zeitung, Jan. 7.

SPAIN.

The General-in-Chief of the Army of the North to the Gar-
rison, National Militia, and Faithinl Inhabitants of Bilboa.
The heroic defence of Bilboa will form a brilliant epoch
in the history of this sanguinary struggle. The gallant
troops of its garrison—the warlike National Militia—the
inhabitants of this second Zaragoza, faithful to the most
just of causes, will live eternally in the memory of free
Spain, and all nations will admire so much valour, con-
stancy, and long-suffering.

The rebels laving ay.-ailed themselves of all their means,
and of all the resources which could be supplied by the
country they oppressed, must have been astonished at your
resistance. They have had proofs of your energy, and of
the inutility of their efforts ; and having become convinced
that the breast of every defender of Bilboa presented a
strong and impenetrable barrier to their daring, what expe-
dient, what project had they left to put into practice
None, but to reduce you by starvation to that capitula-
tion which they hoped to arrive at, and to oppose obstacles
which they believed to be invincible to prevent the army
from affording you the succour you deserved.
But the army, imitating your virtues—despising dangers,
and rising superior to all (faculties, swore, on sight of my
general order of the 16th instant, to die—to perish, rather
than renounce the glory of saving you, and of pressing in
their arms that garrison, and those faithful and deserving
inhabitants, who have so many claims to every sacrifice that
can be made on their behalf.

Nevertheless, their desire, and my own, could not have
been satisfied without the co-operation of the subjects of
his Britannic Majesty, and of his zealous represetative with
this army, the meritorious Colonel Wylde„ It is just to

pay them the cordial tribute of gratitude and acknowledg-
m mt. Their decided good-will, their important aid, their
laborious exertions, their well-digested and opportune sug-
gestions, have had so powerful an influence, that my heart is
delighted in offering to them this inadequate but public tes-
timony of gratitude whilst awaiting their recompense from
her Majesty's Government for such signal services.
At the same time, veteran defenders of Billion, faithful
inhabitants and zealous authorities of this heroic city, I will,
with the same object, represent your distinguished conduct ;
and in the meantime accept the thanks which, with all the
effusion of his heart, are offered to you by

ESPARTERO.

ATROCIOUS MURDER.

On Tuesday night, a few minutes before six o'clock, a
most atrocious murder was committed in Ratcliff-highway.
The victim's name is John Halliday Ready, who has for
some time, in conjunction with his wife (who had the prin-
cipal management of the business), carried on the trade of
a tailor, draper, and milliner, at No. 125, Rateliff-highway.
The name of the murderer is John Pegsworth; a messenger
in the tea department of the St. Katharine's Dock. Pegs-
worth formerly kept a small tobacconist's bop at No. 63,
Rateliff-highway, opposite the house of Mr. and Mrs.
Ready,- which he had some time since disposed of. A few
weeks ago he contracted a debt of one pound with Mr.
Ready, who, being unable to obtain payment, took out a
summons against him. On Tuesday afternoon the case was
heard at the Osborn-street Court of Requests, White-
chapel, where Mrs. Ready attended on the part of her
husband, and swore to the correctness of the debt. The
Court- decided that the demand was a fair one, and gave
judgment for the full amount and costs, which he was or-
dered to pay by instalments of 4s. per month. Pegsworth
immediately left the Court, and went home. He corn--
plained to his wife of the conduct of Ready in the most
bitter terms, and said he would be the death of him for
having summoned him to the Court of Requests. His wife
endeavoured to pacify him, and to think no more about it ;
but he had no sooner finished his meal than he proceeded to a
cutler's shop in Shadwell, where he bought a large pig-knife,
armed with which he immediately repaired to the shop of
Mr. R., in Ratcliff-highway, for the purpose of executing his
diabolical intentions. He met with Mrs. Ready in the shop,
and began conversing with her. At that time he did not
appear to be the least excited, nor did he by his conversa-
tion or Manner betray the least ill feeling against Mr.
Ready, who was sitting on a chair by the parlour fire, and
hearing Pegsworth's voice, invited him to come in. Pegs-
worth entered the parlour, and got into conversation with
Mr. Ready, who was- labouring under illness, and asked
Pegsworth to sit down. Pegsworth declined taking a seat,
and after he had been talking for about five minutes in a
most calm and collected manner on the subject of the debt,
and the misfortunes he had met with in business, he asked
Mr. Ready if he intended to enforce payment of the debt.
Mr. Ready'said be should be compelled to issue an execu-
tion against his goods it the money was not paid. The
words had scarcely escaped the lips of the unfortunate
tradesman when Pegstrorth uttered some exclamation,
which is supposed to have been " Take that," and plunged
the knife with force into his breast up to the hilt. Mr.
Ready called out to his wife,." Oh, I'm stabbed," fell back
in his chair, and almost immediately expired. Mrs. Ready,
who saw the murderer move his arm, but was not aware
her husband was stabbed until she saw him fall back,
screamed aloud for assistance, and several of her neigh-
bours and others rushed into the shop, for the purpose of
securing the murderer, who did not make the least attempt
to escape, but, having completed his purpose, withdrew the
knife from the body of his victim, laid it on the table, and
calmly awaited the arrival of the police.
Yesterday John Pegsworth was brought before Mr. Bal-
lantine, at the Thames police office, for examination. The
murderer is 36 years of age, but appears younger. He is
about the middle size, stout made, of ruddy complexion, and
dark brown hair. . His wife, a tall and rather handsome
woman, having expressed a wish to be present, Mr. Bal-
lantine allowed her a scat by the side of the bench. She
was much affected, and was an object of great pity.
Israel Belito kept a tobacconist's shop. On Tuesday,
he was standing at his door, opposite Mr. Ready's house,
and heard something the matter there. Mrs. Ready came
to the door, as if in trouble, and said her husband was
stabbed. The prisoner was by the side of the door, and
witness asked who it was that had committed the act. The
prisoner made answer, "It was I who did it." Witness
said, " What reason had you ?" Prisoner replied, " I had
cause for it. There is the knife ; I bought it on purpose to
murder him." He remained with the prisoner until the po-
liceman arrived.

Mr. Ballantine then said it would be necessary for

the prisoner to be brought up again, in consequence of the
absence of Mrs. Ready, who was too ill to appear. He
should let the case stand over for a fortnight.
The street was thronged with people, whose numbers
appeared to be accumulating every minute, and Mr.
Syinons ordered the prisoner to be removed before the ar-
rival of the van, to prevent the inconvenience attending
the assemblage of a large mob. After his examination ho

displayed no signs of contrition or remorse, and during
an interview he had with his wife, said that he had made
up his mind to be hanged, and that she must soon expect
to be a widow. He -had hitherto borne a good character.

SUSPENSION OF BUSINESS OWING TO THE IN-
FLUENZA. This epidemic has been seriously injurious to
the interests both of public and private business. On Sa-
turday no less' than ninety clerks were absent from the Bank
of England ; but on Tuesday the inconvenience was ag-
gravated to a most serious degree, by the absence of no less

than one hundred and thirty. - At other publiC establish-
ments, as at the Post-Office, Custom-House, and Excise-
Office, as well as at the Government offices in Somerset-
House, Whitehall; and at all the theatres similar inconve-
nience is daily felt, from the illness of the clerks and others
employed in them. Nor is the evil resulting to business
from the effects 'of this epidemic confined to public esta-
blishments ; upwards of sixty men have been absent from
the brewery of Barclay and Perkins within the last few
days. So much has the influenza prevailed in some quar-
ters that whole families have been laid up, their business
entirely suspended, and their shops shut up. Such is the
case with a shop in the Alinories ; also with a public-house,
Hawan-len Arms, in Grafton-street, Gower street. The dis-
order said to prevail much more on the Surrey than the
Mi'ddlese Oide of the River. At a vestry meeting held
yesteril.iy in the parish of St. Olave, Southwark, it was
stated that there was :,.:arcely a house in the parish which
had not one or two persuas laid up with sickness, occasioned
by th.co prevailing, epid,ani.
BANDITS IN AUSTRIA.—For twelve months past
a band of rohhers have infested the countries of Totil and
Vesperinn (Austria) without interruption. Some troops
have marched against them. At the head of the brigands
is a young man who had been brought up for the law, and
whose assistant is a cashiered officer. The leader has posi-
tively forbidden assassinations. An infringement on this re-
gulation was lately punished in a summary manner, in the
presence of several peasants. All the operations of the band
are directed against the wealthy. By distributing money to
the poor peasants and mechanics they always obtain infor-
mation of any measures about to be taken against them,—
German Paper.
SINGULAR FACT.—In one farm village in Glen-
lyon there lives at present five generations in lineal des-
cent, viz., the mother, daughter, grand-daughter, great
grand-daughter, and great-great-grand-daughter ; and\ at
an entertainment given lately on occasion of a happy oc-
currence in the family, there sat down with the company
tho great-grand-mother and two great-grand-aunts, one
grand-father, two grandmothers, and three grand-aunts.--
Edinburgh Courant.
The fishermen of Dieppe lately fell in with a whale
about twelve leagues from the coast, which they towed into
Treport. From some wounds on its back, it is supposed it
had been attacked by some whalers, and driven on this coast
either by its pain or the hurricanes which have lately pre-
vailed in the Channel. Government have relinquished to
the men all claim for duty, only requiring the skeleton of
the whale to send to the Chateau d'Eu. The length of the
whale was 4t feet, and its width above the fins six feet ; at
this soot the blubber was six inches thick. Although in a
decomposed state, it is thought that its sale will fetch 3,000

francs. • -
At St. Denis de Thiboult, near Rouen, a disco-
very has lately been made of a large spherical Roman vase,
of a terracotta, five feet and a half in circumference, en-
closin, a square vitrified vase, about a foot high, filled with
burnt bones and ashes. These relicts are in perfect pre-
servation ; and M. Quesnel, on whose estate they were
found, about four fret below the surface, has deposited them
in the Museum of Antiquities at Rouen.

The following affecting scene, which took place lately
at Bastia, in Corsica, proves that the Vendetta system is at
least not universal among the natives of that island. A.
Farmer, named Bonelli, was informed that his only son had
just been murdered. He arrived in time to receive the
victim's last sigh. The murderer was seized and brought
to trial, and the father was produced as a witness against
On being examined, he said, " On finding my beloved
son mortally wounded, and his murderer standing by with
his hands still reeking with the blood of my only child, my
first movement was to avenge his death with my own hands.
A sentiment of religion, however, suspended this feeling ;
and bending over my son, as be was on the point of expir-
ing, 1 urged him to pardon his murderer, as he hoped for
mercy from Heaven. He uttered the word pardon,' and
breathed his last. I also pity more than I hate his mur-
derer. My son did not- deserve his fate ; but, though you
may smite the assassin, his victim will not be raised from his
grave." Notwithstanding this affecting address, the culprit
was found guilty, and sentenced to hard labour at the hulks
for eighteen years.----French Paper.

o.6aMirs
SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We hear n• response from the Reformers of any
part of the country in accordance with the display at
Bath. The term Reformer must, of necessity, be
applied to men of very different views, for all who wish
change and amelioration in our institutions cannot be
supposed to agree as to the precise amount of change
that constitutes amelioration. This ought to be a
motive with Reformers for the tolerance of each other.
And, in truth, the violence of most of the Bath
speakers, the inconceivable animosity displayed by
some of them, Colonel Napier for one, against the
Whigs, so far from injuring Ministers in general esti-
mation, seems rather to have produced a reaction in
their favour, even among those who would wish them
to move with more rapidity. There is a love of justice
among the people of England, and bitter and
envenomed invectives against statesmen who have
many claim on the gratitude of their country, and
who are surrounded on all sides with difficulties,
are not to their taste. We confess we were

sorry to see Sir William Molesworth, whose inten-
tions we never questioned, and whose language bears
testimony to his candour and sincerity, adopting a
course which must, we fear, considerably impair his
power of being useful. The Tories are, of course, in
raptures with the exhibition at Bath. They are, how-
ever, premature in their triumph. When Parliament
meets, it will be soon seen that few Members are afflicted
with the Bath mania, and the want of sympathy of
the House will operate as a sedative on the few rest-
less spirits, who, in their impatience that all their
doctrines are not instantly acted on, would throw
the three kingdoms into confusion. The Times, in-
deed, halloos on these gentlemen. " The mauling
these official personages" (Ministers), says our Con-
temporary, " received at Bath was transcendent ; if
they survive it, we apprehend it may be for some rea-
son like that by which one accounts for the wonderful
escape of a certain order of adventurers from fire and
water—namely, that they are predestined to a more
elevated and conspicuous sort of exit." This sort of
ribaldry will not disturb much the equanimity of Mi-
nisters. They will stand or fall by their own mea-
sures; and the best answer to their opponents will be
the success of their policy, the prosperity the country
has hitherto enjoyed under their administration, and
the proposal of such measures as will meet the appro-
bation of the wise and good. It was admitted by Sir
William Molesworth himself that the vice of the
House of Lords could have been established in fib way
so satisfactorily as by the policy pursued by Lord
Melbourne's Ministry. If that House persists
in its course of opposing itself to the just de-
mands of the people, Sir William will probably find
that the further trial afforded may not be super-
fluous. Of those who last year deprecated the
agitation of Peerage Reform, many aihnitted that, if
the Lords continued to provoke collision with the
Commons, a remedy must be sought for the evil. If
it be demonstrated, even to these persons, that a
House of Commons really representing the interests of
the nation cannot act in harmony with an unreformed
House of Peers, the practical good sense of the country
will dictate a remedy. There is no reason for im-
patience. In England, thank God, matters are not
come to that pass that we cannot bear with the House
of Lords for one year longer, if the delay facilitate the
Reform. The proceedings of the last year or two have
done wonders in the way of lightening the task of Re-
form ; and the conviction of its necessity among the
solid and respectable portion of the community cannot
be too extensive, when the work is fairly entered on.
But it would be madness in Ministers to propose or
even to express the approbation of any extensive or 7
ganical change in the Constitution, till it is loudly de-
manded by the people.—Morning Chronicle.
The Palmerston print, in alluding to the expres-
sions which the Constitutionnel untruly told its readers
Lord Lyndhurst had used at the Court of Assizes of
the Seine on Saturday last, is, as usual, flippant,
and foolish. It affects surprise that any one should
have believed that Lord Lyndhurst could ever have
discountenanced persecutions of the press—that a Con-
servative Peer could have deviated into liberality or
justice. Most of our readers, of whatever party, will,
we think, concur with us in the opinion that none
but a very " juvenile" Whig indeed (however gray
his hairs) could have been ignorant of the fact, that
Sir John Copley never instituted any prosecution
against a newspaper; while it will, we are sure, be
universally admitted that the sub and scrub of every
Administration in the worst days of Toryism, which
Lord Palmerston was (we are almost tempted to
publish the nickname Lord Brougham gave him),
can know no more about the feelings or opinions
of Conservative Peers, than a scullion promoted to
the butler's pantry knows of what is passing in
the drawing-room. We find, too, in the same
print, a most characteristic criticism upon the lan-
guage of Lord Lyndhurst. It cannot understand how,
if Lord Lyndhurst had really used the expressions
that have been falsely attributed to him, at such a
time, and in such a place, those expressions could pos-
sibly have constituted "an impertinence." Perhaps
it is not to he expected that anything under the in-
fluence of a Foreign Secretary who thinks himself jus-
tified in employing sundry vessels and thousands of
marines to regulate the councils of the Cabinet of her
Most Faithful Majesty, should be able to discern the
impertinence of a foreigner, however eminent by learn-
ing and station, criticising the conduct of a Govern-
ment when appealing to the law, and making his cri-
ticism in the very court and at the very moment that
law was in the course of administration. The ques-
tion, as everybody who is not a mere dolt sees,
is not whether Lord Lyndhurst, or any other en-
lightened Englishman might properly entertain the
opinion ascribed to him, and even express it in his
private circle ; but whether a public parade of his
opinion on the very spot where the Government
and the law were in a regular course of action
would not have been an " impertinence." At the same
time we strongly suspect that if, when Mr. Attorney-
General Denman was prosecuting Cobbett (which
Mr. Attorney-General Copley never did, though he
had ten thousand times greater provocation), any great
foreign lawyer and distinguished statesman had been
heard so to express himself in the Court of King's
Bench on the subject of that trial, the whole of the
Government organs would have been loud in their de-
nouncement of such an " impertinence "—and we are
not quite sure that the late Tory Secretary at War,
and now Vhig-Radical Secretary for Foreign Affairs
(with the view, it would seem, of giving employment
to a Secretary at War), would not have thought the
incident a saNient justification for the suspension of
the Foreign Enlistment Act, and the employment of
British sailors and engineers in a skulking, bucanier-
ing expedition cilong the coast of the country to which
" the impertinent " belonged—provided, of course,
that he could have done so with impunity from the
weakness of those whom he attacked abroad, as in
Spain, and from the dishonesty and number of his
backers at home, as in St. Stephen's.—Times.
The office allotted to Sir Robert Peel by the Tories
—the leadership of their forlorn hope in Scotland--is
anything but an enviable distinction : it is one in which
the Hon. Baronet appears destined, instead of victory
and honour, to reap nothing but defeat and mortifica-
tion. Adverse as we are in politics to Sir Robert Peel,
it really excites our pity to see him, again and again,
through the unmerciful obstinacy of the Tories, thrust
forward as a candidate for the " sweet voices" of the
inhabitants of Glaosow and its vicinity ; and, like a
favourite actor %mat in a prominent part to redeem an
unpopular " piece," doomed to bear all the dainnatory
evidences of its bilure. Sir Robert is a clever actor,
but he cannot achieve impossibilities ; he cannot, with
all his skill and experience in the performance of many
parts, gain the approbation of the enlightened, ho-
nest, and independent people of Scotland for a sys-
tem which, in practice and purpose, is hostile to the
interests and safety of the state, and opposed to the
immutable principles of justice and freedom. Had the
Tories been content with the preference shown by the
ass-in-presenti youths of the University, the; might
have enjoyed their sham triumph, without even the
ridiculous parade of the exhibition attracting atten-
tion to its insignificance. Tho precocious senators of
the University might be safely left to the indulgence
of a vanity pardonable in boyhood, like children " play-
ing at soldiers" when scarcely escaped from their swad-
dling clothes—these cap-and-gown men might be per-

mitted to mistake their academies for the robes of the
Senate-house, and fancy themselves capable of pro-
nouncing an opinion on the affairs of the nation, while
incapable of managing their own without any mischief
being apprehended; but when the Tories attempt to
make fools of men, and grace their ludicrous pageant
with the mature and substantial citizens, they carry the
joke too far, and their folly deserves the reproof and the
repetition of the reproof which it has received from the
Common Council of Glasgow and the inhabitants of
Paisley. Upon the rejection of the Right Hon. Baronet
by that worthy body, it was proposed that, through
the medium of one of the trades' corporations, we be-
lieve the weavers, he should receive admission into
their body, and that in order to mark their approba-
tion of his conduct, the admission should be presented
in a silver box ; but this proposition also was defeated
by some droll wight recommending instead' thereof
the presentation of a shuttle, as emblematic of Sir
Robert's skill in flying through the warp and woof
of sophistry from one side of a question to the other.
A meeting of the inhabitants of Paisley was con-
vened, for the purpose of presenting an address to the
redoubtable Sir Robert, and a large meeting assembled
in consequence ; but, lo I the requisitionists having
omitted to specify the nature of the address, it was
found out, when too late, that the majority attended
for the purpose of passing an address of censure, and
not of congratulation. The Tories were in a quandary,
and begged that the meeting should not be considered
as a meeting of the inhabitants of Paisley, but that all
those who pleased, within or without the borough,
might be permitted to sign the address—from this, of
course, the meeting could not dissent, and the address
is to be hawked about the country for signatures. The
address which the majority of the meeting intended to
present, after acknowledging Sir Robert's talent and
classical attainment, and the share which he took in
the Catholic Emancipation Act—which, be it remem-
bered, he supported not from principle, but for the
sake of office—thus expressed the sentiments inspired
by Sir Robert's political career :
" In reviewing your life as a statesman, we regret to find
that, with this exception, you have almost invariably given
your support to such measures as were alone calculated to
abridge the liberties of the people, while measures of an op-
posite tendency have never failed to find in you as able and
uncompromising foe.
" We cannot allow the present opportunity to pass with-
out calling your attention to the national church ; and, Sir,
as regards the church of Scotland, it seems to us passing
strange that you can advocate additional endowments, while
the present establishment seems likely, at no distant period,
to devour the vitals of the country.
" We trust, however, •that the Supreme Ruler of all
things will soon convince you of the error of your opinions,
and that when you are about to close your earthly career,
you may enjoy the consoling reflection that those great ta-
lents which a beneficent Creator has conferred upon you,
have been employed for the purpose of ameliorating the con-
dition of mankind, instead of arresting the progress of hu-
man improvement." •
We fancy, though this is rather a cutting commen-
tary on him who is boastingly termed the " ex"-and-
" proximate" Premier, it will not much serve to whet
his appetite for the approaching feast. Though we
know from experience that Sir Robert can change his
costume with the dexterity of a Harlequin, we are
certain that the character in which he will figure in
Glasgow will be the most novel in which he has yet
appeared—that of a melancholy mountebank.—Morn-
ing Advertiser.
In a free State a Government should not only be
able to bear, but should be ready to invite, the severest
scrutiny of public opinion into the whole of its con-
duct. A Government, whose acts will not bear that
scrutiny, is one obviously unfit to exercise power over
a free people. Statesmen, whose characters, conduct,
and acts shrink from the rough but wholesome criti-
cism of a free Press, ought to wrap up their reputa-
tions in flannel, and keep away from the rude gusts of
political life altogether. Their moral constitutions are
too infirm and ricketty for the stormy scenes of public
contention, into which such moral invalids are no more
fit to enter than sick people and cripples were qualified
to engage in the manly and athletic rivalry of the
Isthmian games. We have never known an instance
of a political prosecution arising out of the free dis-
cussion of public character or political measures,
which, whether successful or otherwise, did not do
serious injury to the Government, or the politician
by whom it was instituted. The last effort of
the Whigs in this way was the prosecution of
the late Mr. Cobbett for political libel ; and
certainly the result of the experiment was riot such
as was likely to tempt them very soon to repeat it. The
Whigs were then in the full possession of their popu-
larity, but:the attempt to silence by penal terrors a
writer with whose powerful genius the whole host of
Government Journalists were unable successfully to
grapple, seriously damaged that popularity, and con-
ferred on their triumphant critic the charter of bound-
less freedom during the remainder of his career. But
in England, even in the worst of times, the prosecu-
tion of opinions was hardly ever carried to such lengths
as it has been in France since the "glorious days of
July." Perhaps we shall not go beyond the mark if
we say, that since Louis Philippe was raised to the
Throne, more by the instrumentality of the Press than
by any thing else, there have been not less than 500
State prosecutions against the Journals. Of these
some have been successful, many have not; but whe-
ther the verdict was for the accused or against, there
has not been a single one of those prosecutions which
has not contributed its share in breaking down the
popularity of the citizen-King and his Ministers for the
time being. What public man in France so odious as
Persil, whose name has been connected with so many
of those foolish experiments to silence adverse opinion,
and to establish a tyranny as dark and sullen as that of
Russian despotism in the France of July ? During
six years has the King of the French been almost in-
cessantly at war with the Press. Almost the whole
of that time he received the praises of our own Whig
Journals, for the profound wisdom, or at least the
shrewdness and sagacity of his Government. Even
ultra-Liberal English Statesmen, such as Earl Dur-
ham and Lord Brougham, have publicly alluded to his
Government in the language of adulation. It was not
until he positively refused to be a party to a profligate
aggression upon the independence of Spain, not a
whit :less disgraceful than that led by the Duke d'An-
gouleme, that the Journals of the Whig Ministry dis-
covered the infirmities of his character, and the vices
of his Government. We, who used to stand pretty
nearly alone in expressing condemnation of much
of Louis Philippe's policy, are rlow sometimes
placed under the necessity of defending him in some
respects from the fierce and indiscriminate attacks of
his former panegyrists. The question of direct in-
tervention in Spanish affairs was an instance. The
most recent instance of prosecution against the Press
in France—that of the Courrier Francais—was, for
what was considered a libel on the King himself.
What was the sting of the libel ?—The responsibility
of the King, whom the Charter declares to be irre-
sponsible—and irresponsible, no doubt, he is, in point
of law, though, in fact, he takes all possible pains to
make the notion of Kingly responsibility a favourite
one with the public mind. The King, who is his own
chief Minister, seems to make a voluntary sacrifice of
the inviolability of a King, and to render himself
amenable not only to public opinion, but to the laws
which regulate ministerial responsibility. It is for
asserting as much as this that the Courrier Francais
has been dragged by the King's prosecutor before a
criminal tribunal, and the assertion seems to have re-
ceived the stamp of acknowledged public doctrine, by
the triumphant acquittal of that Journal. Will the
King of the French never learn that to govern accord-
ine,r to the Charter, which was purchased with the
blood of a revolution, will show more wisdom on his
part than the most ingenious violations of its provi-
sions, incurring the necessity of submitting to just cen-
sure or silencing public opinion by the incessant and
over-strained exercise of vindictive law ? No King in
Europe, not even the most despotic, is so much his own
Minister as Louis Philippe, and no King finds his life so
insecure among his people. Whatever, therefore, may
be said of his irresponsibility in a constitutional point of
view, it is quite clear that the prominence with which
he puts himself forward in the administration of the Go-
vernment
mind,
divesting has
him
of
the
R injuriousoya effect
i attribute
on
otfh e p
epr
suobnl
aic
l
inviolability, and connecting his conduct with the no-
tion of an accountable agent—a doctrine not produc-
tive of more peril and anxiety to himself than danger-