The Sun.
London, England, 1837-02-27 00:00:00

FINE ARTS.

FIGHTING FOR THE STANDARD.
Hodgson and Graves, London, 1837.

This is an engraving by Giller, from an original painting-
by Cooper, who is as much at home in battle scenes as•
Stanfield is in sea-pieces, and has here given us as spirited:
and life-like a sketch of the battle of Marston Moor, as he.'
did, some short time since, of that of Bosworth Field. The**
countenances of the Cavalier and Roundhead, who are-%
struggling together for the possession of the Standard, are-,
full of the right expression. But indeed the picture is alive.,
in all its details, and it is finished with the utmost care.

THE WIDOW'S HOPE.
Hodgson and Graves, London, 1837,
The face of the Widow, in the clever print before us, iS
as well engraved as it is possible to be, the features being
all brought out with remarkable di-stinetr.ess, without pos—
sessing too sharp or rigid an outline. We cannot, however,
say as much for the sleeping ir.lant, whose att;tude is stiff"'
and unnatural, while the figu're is, if we mistake not, Out or
drawing. The engraver is Potter, and the design is from:
the pencil of Joy—a. most appropriate artist for painting
scene of Grid:

Sir Andrew Andrew, M.P., has accepted. -3. n invi—
tation to a pubic breakfast from the Lord's Day Observance,'
Society of herby.

On Wednesday forenoon, as •sonae la'oourers .were
(ruing in a field belonging to Samuel Forster, Esq., oi"
Southend, near Lewisham, they discovered two old citiu A jarg,
in which were about 850 gold coins of the reign of Chr Arles 1.•
value about 1,0001. , which they immediately took to tbeir
master. The Lord of the Manor, the Earl of Dartmouth,
supposed, will claim them
- -

Since the 4th nergiment went to India, the y b Ace
lost 34 officers, 14200 n-,en, I European women, and 7,34 chil-
dren, all from f',,,:twases except abqvt 70, who were kill ed in the

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Surely the climax of impudence was Sir Robert
Peel's argument that, though Catholics were entitled
to participate with Protestants in municipal privileges,
both parties would be put on the same footing by the
extinction of the Corporations. This upright judge
decides upon the question to this effect :—" You com-
plain that the Protestants have monopolised all the ad-
vantages of these institutions, and you claim a share
in them ; I acknowledge the truth of your statement ;
you have long been excluded, and you have a right to
a share in the management of these institutions ; but
lest you should take more than your share, having hi-
therto been deprived of your share, you shall have
nothing at all, for I will destroy them, and then you
will be all on an equality." The charge against the
harpies is equitably disposed of by abolishing refec-
tion. Want and repletion are to be put on an equal
footing by cutting off the supply of necessary food.
" We have had no place at the table," cry the Catholics.
" Never mind," answers Sir Robert Peel, "to bring
the balance even there shall be no more eating. Lest
you who have been shutout should commit the same
excesses as those who have had possession, we will put an
end to the entertainment altogether, and, when there is no-
thing to be had, inanition and repletion will be on the
most equal terms." The desire of Sir Robert Peel
is precisely that of the harlot in the question before
Solomon between the two mothers as to the right to the
living child—" Let it be neither mime nor thine, but
divide it." It needs not the wit of Solomon to decide
upon the destructive proposal. We have been watch-
ing with much curiosity the effect of the division upon
the Tory organs. The grief of the Tines was for
many days too deep for words': it was silent under
its humiliation; it turned from the subject, not trusting
its voice upon it; but on Saturday it recovered itself
enough for a little bluster, the character of which
betrays the extremity of its shifts. The Tory organ
tas suddenly become an ultra-Radical, and declares
th it ti e House of Commons does not represent the
fcelines of the people, and that" the real pressure upon
the Ministry must come from the out-of-doors re-
action." Observe the force of old habit. The
Times, in its dotage and its adversity, forgets that
the physical force is no longer on its side, and
it dreams of the ". popular interference pro hac
rice," and hankers for " the bludgeon and the brick-
bat," not remembering that there are no hands obe-
dient to its influences to wield its favourite instruments
of persuasion, unless, indeed, peers and parsons take
up sticks and stones against the tyrant majority which
Sir Robert Peel pledged himself to resist in his
Glasgow speech. A Grosvenor-square mob, a
pressure from without of aristocrats and dandies, a
concurrent oligarchical interference pro hoc vice from
May-fair, would be a pleasant novelty in these times.
imagine secret 'drilling in the Carlton Club, a dis-
iurhed district about livde-patk-corner, and the repeal
of ti:e Riot Act moved by Bishop Phiiipotts, seconded
I,v the Duke of Newcastle, and carried, by a majority
of .200 in the House of Lords. But what a change
has been wrought in three years. It was but a few
days ago that the Times republished Lord Gicy's
letter to Lord Ebrington, with an edifying comment on
the dangers of " the pressure from without ;" and now
the perilous pressure is within forsooth, and the very
salvation of the Tories depends on "'the pressure from
withent." What a miracle is this 1 Within three
weeks the democratic pressure front without has been
tie:tiered into a conservative pressure from without. All
this is as easy as fiction. The triumphant division of
Thursday has made it necessary that the untried powers
out of doors should be fur the Tories, as the iegiti-
mate powers in doors are so decidedly against them.
"We quote the passelge from the Times as a gratifying,
evidence of its case of extrentv :—" It is nut a month
since we gave it as our conviction, that it was vain to
look for any change of sentiment or vote within the
weds
of the House of Commons, but that the real
p:,eisure upon the Ministry must co:ne from that out,
of-doors re-action, which was manifesting itself from
nerd: to south of Britain, and which si,oke"the feel-
in e; of the constituent body, whatever might be those
of the representatives. Whether the majority for the
Remish Corporation Bill should be 50, 00, 80, or 90,
never gave us five minutes' anxiety." Now mark
teepecially the felicity of this course of observation
which follows :—" It was plain that the course of
every man in the }Luse of Commons had .lone
been decided upon that party question—had hiderll
been settled eighteen months ago ; and that no change
was to be looked fur—none, at least, of any conse-
quence—in the relative strength of parties within doors,
until after a dissolution of the present Parliament.
'1 he recent majority, therefore—we know not how
others may regard it—seems to us a_ mere inch-
cation of the number of votes irrevocably pledged
float the outset of the present Parliament, but discloses
riothing as to the improved opinions of Me country,
nor even as to those conscious errors of Hon. Gentle-
men in the House, which may have been corrected on
more mature consideration, but which feelings of party
honour would prevent from showing themselves on a
division." How distress makes the writer blunder.
Where is now his tact ? How unfortunate is his state-
ment, that the division discloses nothing as to im-
proved opinions precisely at the moment when Sir
George Crewe so honourably avows that he refused to
vote, as he did last year, with his friends the Tories,
upon Lord Francis Egerton's motion, because an at-
tentive consideration of the arguments on both sides
has convinced him of the injustice of depriving Ire-
Hid of municipal privileges. In this instance we
Lave a most brilliant and honourable example of the
ielproved opinion upon mature consideration which
the Times denies to have been manifested. It is ob-
ious that nothing could be so stupid in the Times as
ally allusion bearing upon this example of honesty se-
parating a Tory from his party ; but the irrestrainable
instinct of falsehood has committed the Times to so
egregious a blunder. Because it was true that there

IVasan instance of improved opinion, it could not re-
silt the mendacious impulse to assert the contrary to
the notorious and undeniable fact.—Morn. Chronicle.
Could we believe that those most active in endea-
vouring to raise an outcry in and out of Parliament
against the Poor Law Amendment Act, were really
influenced by a sincere desire to improve the condition
of the pauper population, however erroneous and im-
politic we might consider their proceedings, we should
feel bound to respect and sympathize in their motives,
and give to their statements and arguments the fullest
and most attentive consideration. But when we look
to the conduct of these parties on all other questions
of national policy, and find them on one side fighting
with malignant and envenomed zeal against the re-
moval of those abuses which are the main source of
pauperism, and on the other insidiously raising or
trying; to raise dissensions amongst Reformers, in the
hope of gratifying their own paltry ambition, to the
detriment of the public cause, it is impossible to at-
tribute their affected enthusiasm in behalf of the
poor to any but the most factious and sinister mo-
tives. The" Poor Law Amendment Act offers a
most plausible pretext of coalition between the ulra-
Tories and the all-or-nothing Radicals. They
know that to English ears the appeal of distress
is never made in vain, and instead of contrasting
the state of society under the new and the old
system, and judging fairly of the relative effects of
leach, they glean together every isolated case of suffer-
inj under the new Act, and even call in fiction to in-
vent or embellish the tale of woe, and thus endeavour
to make out their case, not so much against the Act
itself, as the Ministry who introduced it. In the re-
sinned debate of to-night we may expect a repetition of
the misrepresentations, and of the vehement protesta-
tions of sympathy for the poor, with which the assail-
at. ts of the Act have so liberally favoured the public.
"No clamour in the House shall prevent me making
known the cries of the poor out of it," said Mr. Walter.
This is ,a generous resolve for one of those accustomed
to designate the poor as the " canaille," the " swinish
,multitude," the " tag-rag and bob-tail," and all the
0;11er elegant,e-apletiyes which bedizen the columns of
Cut jourual with which he is associated, and which is
n,t note remarkable for its truth and consistency than
the chaste and elegant diction in which it,clothes
opinions, being, in fact, equally notorious for the
Is, of its statements and the obscenity of its
I,,,,aage. If the Hon. Member for Berkshire be so-
to'rnake the voice—we beg his pardon, " the
eric the poor heard in the House of Commons,

why does he not move for an extension of the elective
franchise, and give the labouring classes a vote in the
election of Members of Parliament ? This would
evince his sincerity in their cause, though we appre-
hend there are but few of them would then entrust the
protection of their interests to the advocacy of an
apostate. No change was ever yet effected in the
relations of a complicated society without being at-
tended with a greater or less amount of partial or tem-
porary inconvenience ; and few changes have ever been
effected in our institutions in which the partial ill was
more completely overbalanced by the general good than
in that effected by the Poor-law Amendment Act. We
know that instances of severity and abuse have oc-
curred, we know that in the application of the law in
some cases, the Commissioners were more strict, we
will say inexorable, than was - desirable, consi-
dering the habits which the old system had en-
gendered
; but we also know that in almost all
cases where the law has been introduced, that the con-
dition of the labouring classes has been improved, that
wages have risen, that pauperism has decreased, as also
the rates, that crime is less frequent, and that the
whole structure of society is in a far more safe and
healthy condition than it was previons to its enact-
ment. At the same time, we are far from - assert-
ing the law to be perfect, and, therefore, we rejoice that
either on-the motion or the amendment a Committee of
Inquiry is certain to be appointed. This will enable
the Legislature and the public to form a more correct
judgment on the subject. It must, however, be al-
ways borne in mind, that with pauperism as well as
with all other maladies, social or natural, prevention
is better than cure ; and that, therefore, legislative at-
tention should be directed, at least as much to the
removal of those abuses in out political system which
have superinduced pauperism, as to the best mode of re-
lieving it when it exists.- We must observe, in con-
clusion, that where all parties concurred in the neces-
sity of inquiry of one kind or other, it is to be regret-
ted that the time of the House, under such a pressure
public business, should have been frittered away by
adjourning a debate in which nothing of new can be
adduced nor any definitive conclusion intended to be
arrived, at, until the proposed Committee furnish
their Report. It is fair, however, to state the mo-
tioir of Mr. Walter aimed at the repeal of the law,
and the amendment of Lord John Russell an inquiry
into its administration, which, of course involves such
improvements in the Act itself as may be found de-
sirable. It was necessary to draw the distinction ; but
having done so, the House should at once have come
to a division, and not have left another opportunity
open for an inundation of senseless verbiage.—
Morning Advertiser.
The debate on the Poor Law Act, as far as it has
yet gone, has left ministers in a " miserable minority"
as to argument ; but they will be quite satisfied with
themselves, and their poor law policy, if they shall be
enabled to register a victory over reason and humanity
in the book of numbers. That the existing House of
C-mmons, Constituted as it is, will assist them in
stifling a full and free inquiry into the operation of
the Malthusian law we have little doubt ; yet surely it
1 is passing strange that a system so replete with ex-
cellence as that which the central triumvirate admi-
( !lister should not be allowed by its own admirers to
i have its beauties fully developed, and its merits placed
so prominently in the light of public observation by a
comprehensive inquiry in Parliament, that the result
must for ever dispel ignorance, silence calumny, and
shame detraction. We say it is passing strange that
the admirers of the Malt husian law, instead of being
Ithe foremost to press fur a full inquiry—lnstead of be-
i ing, passionately anxious to unfold to the eye of the
legislature, and through that to the eve of the country,
the many excellencies of the Whig invention fo!
" grind:lig the faces of the poor," to save the
pockets of the rich, should take alarm at the men-
tion of a full inquiry into the operation of the much-
boasted measure, and exert -themselves to prevent it
as zealously as if they were conscious of deception
and fearful of exposure II How is this ? Are the states-
men who introduced the law—are the Commissioners
who execute it, afflicted with that degree of modesty
which makes retiring merit dread the public gaze ?
Are they victims to that exquisite sensibility which is
pained and distressed by the well-earned plaudits of
the public approbation? Are they of that class of
self-denying philanthropists who " do good by stealth,
and blush to find it fame ?" Whatever may be the
cause of this shrinking timidity on the part of the ad-
mirers and supporters of the Whig Poor- law, in re-
gard -to the demand for a full and complete investiga-
tion, we are prevented from believing that it is to be
attributed to excessive modesty ; because it was but
lately that the Poor--law Commissioners, and the 'or-
gans of Ministerial opinion in the Press, were en-
gaged in trumpetting forth the wondrous effects of
the pauper pinching measure in a style of inflated
panegyric that betrayed neither a scruple of con-
science nor a grain of modesty. No quack medicine
that ever slew its thousands, while filling the pockets
of empirical professors of the " healing art," was
recommended with more bombastic attestation of its
virtues to a credulous public, than the great Mal-
thusian nostrum for curing pauperism by . starva-
tion-diet and Bastile - discipline. Reports of cer-
tain country unions were ostentatiously put for-
ward, with the intention of not only reconciling
us to this system of central absolutism, which
ought not for a moment to have been allowed to gain
footing among the institutions of a free country, but
even of rendering us enamoured of its delightful effects
in making the poor independent and happy, while sav-
ing the money of the rich. The impartial historians
of the Poor-law policy of the Whigs did not, however,
think proper to inform us of how many unions they
tried by their emissaries and tools to get similar reports
from, and failed ; nor did they venture to strike a ba-
lance between the testimonies in favour of, and the tes-
timonies against the Malthusian Act. That remains to
be done , and that they are resolved, if they can prevent
it, shall not be done. Hence the opposition given by
the Government to Mr. Walter's motion for a full in-
quiry into the operation of the law. If the Ministers
and the Poor-law Commissioners thought that, by a
full inquiry into the working of the measure, they could
remove the hostile impression which we _believe the
great majority of the people of England entertain to-
wards it, they would not only not oppose it, but they
would be glad to support a motion for such inquiry,
come from whatever quarter it might. As it is,
indeed, they do not venture to oppose such a mo-
tion in a direct, honest, and straight-forward man-
ner. The policy of the 'Whigs must, of necessity, in
this case, as well as in others, be tortuous, shuffling,
and serpentine. Mr. Walter moves for a "Select Com-
mittee to inquire into the operation of the Poor-law
Amendment Act, and to report their opinion to the
House." Is not this the fair way of proceeding—fair
to all parties, but those who oppose the law and those
who support it ? How does the Whig leader of the
House of Commons meet this proposition ? He does
not dare to say " we will grant no inquiry," but he
does what amounts to the same thing. He refuses a
full inquiry, the only one that can be satisfactory, but
he puts " a blind" upon his refusal. He substitutes
for a real inquiry a mere delusion. He moves an
amendment that " a select committee be appointed to
inquire into the administration of - the relief of the
poor under the orders and regulations issued by the.
Commissioners appointed under the provisions -of the
Poor-law Amendment Act." He proposes this fet-
tered and crippled inquiry, which must of necessity
lead to a lame and impotent conclusion ; or, in other
words, to a " conclusion in which nothing is con-
cluded." We cannot better describe the cha-
racter and object of Lord John Russell's amend-
ment than in the words of Mr. -Whittle Har-
vey, whose eloquent and powerful speech in
aid of " the cry of humanity against one of
the most cruel, heartless, relentless, and selfish Bills
that was ever devised and passed into a law," however
it may have been received in the " reformed House,"
will not fail of its proper effect upon the mind and
heart of the country. That Hon. Member observed,
that " as he read the words of the amendment, they
seemed only to point to an inquiry into the administra-
tion of the funds by the Commissioners ; that was to
say, the rules, the orders, the laws were to be taken
as incontrovertible, and the inquiry was only to extend
into the mode and manner of the distribution of the
funds—there was no need for such an inquiry. They
all knew how that part of the system had been admi-

nistered—with the most barbarous and heartless seve-
rity." These observations, it appears, elicited the silly
cry of " Oh, oh," and the more significant one of
" Question" from the obsequious supportessof Minis-
ters, who clearly showed that they wanted neither
discussion nor inquiry. But Mr. Harvey, with ready
and caustic severity, shamed them into silence.
He said he only " wished that some of those Hon.
Gentlemen, whom some accident had thrown into
that House, and who supported' such a resolution
as this, might be thrown for a season into one of
those buildings, which would, perhaps, moderate them
into decency, and render them fit representatives for
that, if not for any other place." He added, and we
are sure every right-minded Englishman will agree with
him, that " if this discussion occupied seven days and
seven nights, they would not bestow upon it a con-
sideration at all out of proportion to its merits and its
importance. Upwards of • 2,000,000 of their fellow-
subjects were deeply and personally interested in it.
It affected their feelings—it involved their interests—
it was due to them—it was due to their petitions—
it was due to their prejudices—it was due to their ig-
norance, if they pleased so to call it, that the amplest
and most searching inquiry should take place." But
that ample and searching inquiry Ministers refuse to
the voice of humanity and the petitions of the people.
What said the once thorough Radical, but now tem-
porising supporter of Whiggery and all its jobs—Mr.
Hume ? He said he was for the fullest and most com-
plete inquiry; but when asked by Major Beauclerk, why
that being so, he voted for the amendment, what was
his answer ? He should support the amendment of the
Noble Lord, because the original motion was moved and
seconded by gentlemen who declared themselves hostile
to the Bill. There was a senatorial reason for preferring
the crippled and fettered inquiry of which he did
not approve, to the full and complete inquiry of which
he did approve. But, in reality, is not this another in-
stance of putting in practice that disgraceful maxim of
his political morality which Mr. Hume has avowed
since he became a whiggling politician—that of voting
black is white to keep the Whigs in power ? Mr.
Hume went out of his way to attack that portion of
the Press which has interested itself in behalf of those
oppressed classes who have no Representatives in Par-
liament. Why should the supporters of the " mo-
narchy of the middle classes" think the poor born for
any other purpose than to increase the capital of the
rich, and when their strength is worn out to be cast
into the portion of slavery and degradation—offered a
famine-allowance within a bastile—or an unpitied
death in a ditch, or a dunghill out of it—separated
from wife and children—the domestic affections turned
into a punishment and a curse, should the cruel
and contemptuous " charity" be accepted—denied
the Sabbath consolation of a visit to the altars of
religion—and, finally, deprived of Christian burial,
when laid in the bosom of his mother earth ?
Well may that portion of the Press which Mr.
Hume calumniates and reviles, be proud of holding up
to the reprobation of a civilised and Christian people a
system which, when carried out in all its heartless bar-
barity to the deserving poor, the unlettered children of
the desert would indignantly spurn—a system which
nothing but the hardness of heart, begotten of a Marn-
monite philosophy could reconcile to any portion of
mankind. Who do we blame for this tyrannical and
unchristian system, which those appointed to execute
it have nut yet ventured to carry into effect generally
throughout the kingdom in all its tremendous severity?
Not. the Commissioners, who are the mere tools -to
execute this nefarious law. Had they, indeed, pro-
ceeded with more judgment and discretion than they
have done—had they been less precipitate in exer-
cising their arbitrary powers to develope the odious
capabilities of this law—they would have excited
less opposition to it than they have done, at least for
some time to come ; but we think it is better that
society has not had long to wait for the purpose of
ascertaining what was the real object of granting,
such unconstitutional powers to the Commissioners as
those with which they were entrusted. Had the bastile
system, the emanation of that " philosophy" which
visits poverty with the punishment of crime, been
brought into operation more cautiously, it might have
been more difficult to get rid of it in the end. All
that Mr. Walter states of the grinding oppression of
the Malthusian law—all that Mr. Fielden describes of
its atrocious severity, when it dooms the hand-loom
weaver, who could earn but 22d. a day in health, to
the treatment of a criminal when lie applies to it for
succour in infirmity—all that numerous petitions to
parliament have alleged of its cruel pressure upon the
helpless but deserving poor—all that respectable mem-
bers of the medical profession assert of its sacrifice of
the health of the poor to the most wretched sparsi-
mony—all this, and more, the legislature itself is an-
swerable for, by vesting in three men those arbitrary
and unconstitutional powers which ought never to be
entrusted to any men, in a free state, for any purposes
whatever.—Morning Herald.

The manner in which the present Ministers of the
Crown have dealt with the two subjects of Irish Cor-
porations and Irish tithes affords abundant proof that
they care nothing for either question, except in so far
as they can contrive, from time to time, to render it
subservient to their own personal and selfish ends.
Why have they made the Irish Corporations Bill the
primary subject of discussion in the present session of
Parliament, after having given to it a secondary place
in two preceding sessions ? Is it that they hope to
carry the measure ? They do not pretend to enter-
tain such a hope. Or do they postpone to 'this mea-
, sure all the other various reforms which they have
promised, and in respect to some of which they need
not despair of legislating with success, in the sin-
cere belief that it is of an importance paramount
to every other subject of legislation, and the ex-
pectation that, by protracted debates in the House
of Commons, the mind of the country will be
so deeply convinced, and so strongly excited, in its
favour as speedily to surmount every obstacle to its
enactment ? This cannot be pretended, for in the
first place the supreme urgency and importance of this
particular measure would be a new discovery on the
part of the present Ministers, and statesmen of the
age of Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell do
not make new discoveries in political science ; and,
in the second place, the Irish friends and guides of
the Administration do not even affect, anywhere but in
the House of Commons, to hold the grant of popular
corporations as of any value for sake of the legitimate
purposes of such institutions ; but openly profess that
they are chiefly anxious for their establishment, because
by their means political projects wholly distinct from
local government may be promoted, or because Lord
Lyndhurst gave a reason for withholding them
which, sound, statesmanlike, and logical as it was,
they, have chosen to misconstrue and pervert into a
cause of offence, or for some other reason equally alien
to the merits of the question. Why then, we again
ask, is the Irish Corporation question brought so early
and so prominently forward in the present session ?
Why are the powers and energies of the House of Com-
mons exhausted upon a discussion from which no man
on either side of the House pretends to anticipate any
legislative effect? Why is that assembly, for whose time
and talent much useful employment may so easily be
found, converted by Ministers into a mere debating club
for the utterance of ineffectual harangues and the corn-
parisorr.of nugatory numbers ? The answer to these
questions is easy. The subject of Irish Corporations is
this year the subject upon which Ministers can best
collect together the
,various discordant parties that en-
dure and detest, that support and despise, them. On
this subject alone Ministers knew they might calcu-
late upon the votes or the absence of a few stray
Members of the Conservative phalanx, whom even
the explicit declarations of Mr. O'Connell have not
sufficed to convince that the Irish Corporation Bill is
merely part of a settled scheme of warfare against the
Protestant Church, the Protestant institutions, and the
Protestant people of Ireland. Here, more easily than
upon any other question in which the Ministerial and
Constitutional parties are arrayed against each other,
sinister tendencies are concealed, here plausibility more
successfully usurps the dominion of truth, here Popish
rancour, intolerance, and ambition; with less certainty
of d
ral
it
ye teac n
nd pt la)
tarn i
tis elsewhere, puts on
The
whole trnh
ae of
is l i be-
so
transparent, that it may be penetrated by the dullest
eye. The precedence and ascendancy in Parliamentary
discussion which were formerly yielded to the Irish tithe
question are now assigned to that of Irish corporations,

not because it is found out that the latter is more impor-
tant than the former—not because it is imagined that
Parliament is better prepared to legislate upon one.sub-
ject than the other—not because Any advantage whatever
with a view to the legitimate objects of government or
legislation is anticipated by this reversal of the former
order of Parliamentary proceeding—but merely because
Ministers knew they can muster in a division of the
House of Commons a less insignificant array of num-
bers on. the Corporation question than upon that by
means of which they originally forced themselves into
office, and that it is the better calculated, therefore, of
the two, to spin out the duration of their tottering and
precarious existence. The Whig-Radical management
of Parliamentary business is calculated, not for the be-
nefit of Ireland, but for the advantage of Downing-
street. It regards neither the ecclesiastical property nor
the Municipal government of the sister kingdom, but is
ingeniously contrived with reference to the paramount,
or rather the exclusive, object of securing for Lord J.
Russell and his colleagues the enjoyment of a few more
happy quarter days. What is now become of the ap-
propriation principle ? What of the Irish tithe ques-
tion itself, upon which that principle was engrafted,
not for its own sake, but as the most ready and con-
venient means of helping the present Ministers into
place ? They are thrown aside and forgotten, in the
lumber rooms of office, among the other fractured and
blunted weapons, the tarnished and worthless debrir of
party warfare. Such, it is clear, would also be the
fate of the Corporation Bill after another rejection by
the Legislature, if Ministers could discover any new
project by which to engage the attention of Parliament
and the people, while they continued to receive their
salaries, leaving, by turns, every enterprise unaccom-
plished, every pledge unredeemed, every principle un-
satisfied. The country begins to be heartily tired of
witnessing the Whig game of showing a front, first in
one direction. and then in another, without making,
or having the power to make, the least advance
towards any of the various points to which they suc-
cessively affect to bend their way. When a body
of troops encounter an impediment in their march, they
continue the mechanical action of their legs until the
momentary obstruction is removed. This is called
marking time, and is a convenient device enough to
avoid confusion in the case of a few minutes delay in
the progress of an advancing body. But the Minis-
terial system of tactics excludes the idea of expectation
of advance ; it seems to select a particular line of
march for no other reason than that there are insur-
mountable impediments in the way ; it makes the
Legislature mark time, and do nothing else. We see
the legs perpetually move, and are wearied with the in-
cessant stamp of the feet, but no progress is visible; or
even possible. The House of Commons, under the
able leadership of Lord John Russell has been
marking time for two years with its front di-
rected towards one object. This eminent commander
has changed his front a little, and would willingly
keep on marking time for two years longer. He
has said. indeed, that if he can make no ad-
vance this year he will throw up his commission.
But he and his followers go on, nevertheless, marking
time just as before ; and, what is a bad omen for the
faithful performance of his promise, the hangers-on of
the Ministerial camp, who are supposed to be on the
best footing with the leader, insist upon it that the
array is really and truly advancing, although nobody
can perceive it but themselves ; and allege as their
ground for this assertion the facts, of which they only
are aware, that the feet of the host arc lifted with
greater alacrity, and replaced on the ground with greater
firmness than heretofore. This it is obvious is merely
intended as an apology for the leaders in the very pro-
bable case of their refusing to fulfil their promise of
resignation. The spectators, however, cannot , very
easily be deceived in .this matter ; and the end we sup-
pose, will be, that the unwearied and, indefatigable
markers of time will at last be hooted and pelted off
the ground they have so long and so idly encum-
bered.—Morning Post.

In England and Wales there are 1,108 turnpike
trusts, to which are attached 912 surveyors, 622 treasurers,
and 766 clerks. The effect of this formidable stuff in the
county of Berks alone is that the expenditure exceeds the re-
ceipts by 1,3001. a-year; and the different trusts in that county
alone are in debt 60,0001.

On Wednesday morning, at six o'clock, &mare, the
property of Mr. Darke, of Hereford, started from Piccadilly,
to perform the unprecedented feat of reaching Hereford, a
distance of 138 miles, against the Mazeppa light coach, whose
rate of travelling is ten miles an hour. The mare is backed
to arrive before the coach for the sum of 200 guineas. She is
to be led the distance, for which purpose riders and relays of
horses are placed along the line of road.

It may be in the recollection of our readers that
some weeks ago two lads were bitten by a greyhound belong-
ing to Mr. Mowbray, of Friskney, and that, notwithstanding
the inclemency of the weather, they were conveyed to Brock-
lesby for the purpose of obtaining some of the celebrated me-
dicine in the possession of the huntsman there, and which has
generally been considered an antidote for the bite of a mad
dog. The medicine was administered, and kept well on the
stomachs of the boys, who returned home to Wainfleet ; but
we regret to add that on Tuesday last George Piercy, aged
12 years, betrayed evident symptoms of hydrophobia, and died
after enduring horrible sufferings. The wounds he received
were chiefly in the lips.—Boston Herald.
The chamois is an elegant little creature, and will
climb rocks so abrupt that it would be supposed hardly pos-
sible for them to gain a footing. When hemmed in, they
will sometimes rush violently on their pursuer, perhaps on the
very verge of a precipice, when the only safety for the hunter
consists in immediately lying down. They bound from 20 to
25 feet at a leap ; and it is said that, rather than be taken,
whole herds of them have been known to precipitate them-
selves down perpendicular rocks, where they have been dashed
to pieces.

On Monday week, Mr. Small, of the Museum,
[re:wed a little arsenic to poison rats, when a monkey, by
chance, got his hands on it, and thinking it probably ground
rice or tapioca, began to make pretty free with it, and when
discovered had a quantity in each of his cheek pouches. Pro-
fessional aid was summoned, the poison was expelled from his
pouches, and a stomachic pump was put down his throat to
wash him out. After the operation was performed, the mon-
key caught the tube of the pump in his hand, and with the most
imperturbable gravity drew it up. The arsenic having been
expelled so expeditiously, produced no ill effects, and Jacko is
as well as ever. He does not like, however, to see the sto-
mach pump.—Paiskv Advertiser.
It will be remembered that a Frenchman, named
Napoleon Datnoux, was remanded some time ago by the In •
solvent Debtors' Court for a concealment of property to a con-
siderable amount, under extraordinary circumstances. He had
been a merchant at Rheims, and absconded from his creditors,
and came to England under an assumed name. He was dis-
covered in this country by Gardiner, the police-officer, and ar-
rested by his creditors. They traced to his possession a large
sum in notes, which he said belonged to a Spanish lady. His
statement was treated as a fiction, and the judgment was for a
period of fifteen months within the King's Bench prison. He
was subsequently indicted at the Central Criminal Court
for perjury, arising out of his evidence given in the Insolvent
Debtors' Court : he removed the indictment into the Court
of King's Bench by writ of certiorari, and the matter stood
over. On Tuesday it was discovered that he had escaped from
the prison, and that his furniture had been removed. It is
supposed that he dressed himself in female apparel, and it had
been remarked that he had allowed his hair to grow very long,
no doubt in order to arrange it into curls, the more easily to
prevent detection. It is conjectured that he is secreting him-
self in order to take his passage to America. He cannot
return to France, as he is amenable to a criminal proceeding
as a fraudulent bankrupt, and liable to a serious punishment.
The detainers at the prison at the suit of the creditors resident
in France, amount to 1,500/.
On Wednesday afternoon last, shortly after three
O'clock, much alarm was occasioned among the occupiers of
various wharfs in the vicinity of Queenhithe by a destructive
fire having been discovered in the fore part of a sailing barge
called the Jane, from Bristol, laden with hemp, flax, &c.,
lyingmaster Mr. Bartell, off the wharf of Messrs. Drew
and Smith, wharfingers, Upper Thames-street. Shortly after
the discovery the flames burst forth with great violence, and
not only threatened the entire destruction of that vessel, but the
other craft and wharfs where it was lying off. Intelligence
was immediately forwarded to the various engine-stations in
the metropolis, several _engines from which immediately has-
tened with a party of the brigade to the spot, and the
flames, after destroying property to a considerable amount,
were extinguished. The salvation of the property above-
named is attributed to the praiseworthy exertions of the
workmen employed in the wharfs in that quarter. The
cause of the fire is at present unknown, and the pro-
perty consumed is not insured in any of the fire-offices. Early
on Wednesday morning one of the Aldgate watchmen, of the
name of Cartelite, discovered that the extensive warehouses
belonging to the Cabinet-makers' Society, in Leadenhall-
street, were on fire. The engines from Jeffrey-square station
soon arrived, but, notwithstanding all the exertions of the
firemen and watchmen, the premises were seriously damaged
before tho fire was got under. The cause of the fire was owing
to the overheating of the flues in the house adjoining, and
the bond timbers in the above premises took fire.—Noti n-
sured. About the same time another fire broke out in a
house occupied by Mr. Chevalier, No. 30, Windsor-terrace,
Lower-road, Islington, occasioned by the negligence of a
bservant,
-Beforeinplacing
fl
flames
candleiegshlt,e.edresubd 4etdoo,
the
earl
othweera
curtains o
f
premises were nearly destroyed. The par.ies are insured in
the Phoenix Firc-91110e. otrhea

PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS,

ASIJRANCE COMPANIES, &c. &c. &c.

LONDON, FRIDAY, FEB. 24.
Number Dividend Price
of per CANALS. per
Shares. Annum. Paid. Shire
1,760 7 pei cent. Ashton and Oldham....Average 971. 18s. sh. 135
1,482 41. Ashby-de-le-Zonal Average 113/. sh. 65
1,260 Basingstoke • 100/. sh. 51
1,005 5/. Brecknock and Abergavenny 150 x sh. 100
8,000 I-16sh. 91. Os. Birmingham, 1-16th share SI/. & 711. 217
4,000 ...... ... Ditto and Liverpool Junct...l2s/ sh. 100 pd 31
600 Bridgewater and Taunton ....1001 sh. all pd 64
400 4/. Chelmer and Blackwater 1001. sh. 102
500 48!. Coventry 100/. sh. 700
4,545 Croydon Average 31/. 2s. 10d. sh. S
2,0601 41. Os. Dudley lOOl. sh. 78
600 71. Derby 100/. sh, 122
20,000
3,5751 3!. Ellesmere and Chester Average 1331. sh. 80
231 40! Erewash • 1001 sh 64;0
. _

_.... .
1,297 28/. Forth and Clyde Average 4001.165. sh. 600
11,500 121. Grand Juncti- 100/. sh. 203
2,8431 11. Grand Union 1001. sh. 2tl
1,5011 Grand Surrey ..... 1001. sh.
120,000/. 4/, per cent. Ditto (optional) Loan lOOl. '7O
3,090 Grand Western
600 131.1°..5. 6d. Glamorganshire, Average cost 172/. 13s. 4d. 230
749 10‘. Grantham 150/. sh. 202
6,238 1/. 151. Huddersfield Average 57/. 6s. 6d. sh. 35
190 Kensingtm 100 sh. all pd. 10
25,329 11. 2s. Kennet tad Avon, Average 391. 18s. 10d. sh. 22
2,9971 20/. Leeds and Liverpool 1001. sh. 535
5151 12/. Leicester l4O/. sh. 195
1,997 4/. 10s. Leicester and Northampton... Aver 33/. 11-/S. 77
2,400 10/. Monmouthshire 100/. sh. 200
50 la/. Melton Mowbray 1001. sh. 200
500 25/. Mersey and Irwell 100/. sh. 560
3,000 1/. 10s. Macclesfield lOW. sh. all pd. - 54
247 171. Neath 100/. sh. 325
1,786 301. Oxford 100/. sh. 530
2,400 5/. • Peak Forest Average about 781. sh. 104
21,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 331. 16s. Bd. sh. 16
5,669 64 per cent. ilochdale Average 85/. sh. 119
500 81. Shropshire I'ls/. sh. 138
800 91. 10s. Somerset Coal 150/. sh. 153
3,6001. 41 percent. Ditto Lock Fund Stock 12/. 10s. sh. 111
700 40/. Stafford and Worcester l4Ol. sh. 730
500 9/. Shrewsbury 125/. sh. 243
300 sr. Stourbridge
3,647 2/. 01. Stratford-on-Avon ...Average 791. 9s. kl. sh. 50
533 l2/. Swansea 100/. sh. 220
3,762 1/. 4s. Severn and Wye and Railway ...Av 351. sh. 191
2,6011 eh. 321. 10s. Trent and Mersey, 1 share 100/. sh. 355
8,149
~ ,
1,0005h.7 _ Warwick and Birmingham 100/. sh• 250
1,00015h.5 '"'
960 12i. Warwick and Napton lOOl. eh. 110
6,000 41.0 e. Worcest,r and Birmingham... Av. 78/.8 v. sh. 82
5,000 225. Wilts and Berks .. Average 67/. 10s. 80. sh. 21
SOO 3/. Wyrley and Essington 1251. sh 75
126 . . Wisbeach
905 -17. Wey ant Arun llOl. sh. 221
DOCKS.
2,81001¢
1,06515 h. 3p. c. Commercial 100/. sh. 56
138,66/1/. 6 per ct. East India Stock 114
3,233,3101/. 60s. p.ct. London Stock 561
Ditto Bonds
1,380,0001. 51. per ct. West India Stock 105
2,209 2/. IVs. Bristol
68,324/. 6/. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts ll5
1,352,752 4 per cent. St. Katharine • Stock 92
500,000 41 per cent. Ditto Bonds lOll
200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds for 10 years lOO
Shoreham (Labour
2.500 .... .... Deptford Piet
BRIDGES.
1,600 Ifs. Hammersm.ti! 1 501. sh. 221
7,231 Southwark, Old Av. 63/. 2s. 8:1. sh. 2
1,700 11. 15s. Ditto, Now, of 71 per cent. 5O/. sh. 14,
5,000 . ... Waterloo lOO/. sh. 5
5,000 l'is. id.. Ditto, Old Annuities of di. 6O/. pd 161
5,000 16s. 44.1,. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 40/. pd 151
60,000/. 31. per cent. Ditto Bonus ll9
6,000 171 Vauxhall Average 701. 10s. 3d. sh. 161
AS•4IU RAN C E COMPANIES.
2,000 3110 s Albion 500/. sh. 50/ pd 79
60,000 15r, 15.1 Alliance,B rajah & Foreign 100/. sh. 101/. pd 121
50,000 3 per cent. Ditto, Marine 103/. sh. 5/ pd 31
24,000 i/ per sh. Atlas
1,200 Ist). W. Birmingham fire
20,000 4/ per cent. British Fire 250/. sh. 50/. pd 40
12,000 61. per cent. British Commercial 50/. sh. 51. pd 61
5,000 .5/. per cent. Clerical, Med i...a1, &c. Life, 160/. sh. 12/10s pd 31
4,000 2/ les County 100/. sh. 10/. pd 42
20,000
__ ss. _ Eagle

.200 [5 Per °lent' Economic Lite lOOO/. sh. 250/. pd 275
and 301 bs.
2,271 Vs. per cent. European Lit_ 9O/. sh. all pd 22
50,000 2s. Ditto New . . °W. sh. 2/. pd 2
1,000,0001. 71. per ct. Globe
20,000 51. Guardian lOOl. sh. 2711 0 33,
40,000 ns. 60. Hope 50/. sh. 51. pod 51
2,400 5/. 70.60. Imperial Fire 5001. sit. 50/. pd 125
7,500 9s. Imperial Lite 100/. sh. 101. pd 93
13,459 19s. per sh. Indemnity Msi ine 110/. sh. 8/. pd iri
2,020 31 lOs Kest Fire 50/. sh. all pd 92
31. Ditts Life. 79
10,000 16s. Law Life
5,000 10s. London, Firs 25/ sh 121: 100. pd 16
3,900 10s. Londmi, Ship 25/. sh. 1:2. 10s. pd 16
311,0,10 5/, per cent. Palladium late 50/. sly. 2/. pd 2/8s 0.1
50,000 Protector Fire °ft/. sh. 2/. pd 18, ed
2,500 1/. Provident Live lOO7 sh. 110. pd 2,
100,001 51. percent. Rock Life 001. sh. 2/. pd 61
499,2201 1/..percent. Royal Excli.inge Sto L._ 220
0,000 5 per cent. University L:1, lOO/. sh. 5/. pd 51
50,00)) 4 per cent. United Kingdom Life 2/. pd
JOINT STUCK BANKS
25,000 Agric atidComm. of Ireland 25/. sh. 10/. pd 14
5;000 A ust rata, ia 4Ol. sh. 40/. pd 5.1
10,001 10 per cent. Bank of Bit in 1 ngliam 5ll. sh. 101. pd 10
10,000 10 per cent. Bit mingliam Bank 5O/. sh. 5/. pd 14
3°,000 4 percent. Lon.lon and Westminster-100/ sh. 201. pd 211
3,000 4 per cent. Lancaster.... 100/. sh. 2°!. pd 30
‘1.5,1100 Liverpool 1001 sh. 10/. ud 22
50,000 fiper eent. Manchester and Liverpool] 1000.0. 10/ pd. 211
Discount
20,000 71 percent. Manchester 100/..sh. 25/ pd 28;
20,000 Provincial Bank of Ireland-10W. sh. '251. pd 381
OCO
000 'b per cent. National Provincial Eng. ...100/. sh. :251. psi 231
!9,000 Gloucestershire 501. sh. 10/. pd 120
6,000 10 per cent. Hampshire 50/. sh. 51. pd it
GAS LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES.
2,500 1/ 5s 6d Bath
5,000 ......... British 4O/, sh. 16/. pd '2l
5,000 [5/an'ltriTs.et.l Ditto Provincial 2O/. sh. 19 pd 23
928 51 lOs Birmingham
4,250 21 Os Bristol 2O . sh. 40
1,500 31/ lOs Brighton 2O/. di. 13
750 31 10s ' - Ditto, New
.2,471 5 per cent. Brighton General- 201. sh. all pd 17
4,000 4/. Continental Consolidated 100!. 6211. pd . 95
1,000 10/. City of Loudon ' - 1001. sh. all pd 180
1,4100 61. Ditto, New
4,000 41.105. Equitable
10,000 21 per cent. ImperiA 5Ol. sh. 421
850 St per cent. Isle of Thanet 25/. sh 20/. pd 20
. 2,350 61. per cont. I ildependent 3O/. sh. a!l pd 50
0,000 V. per cant. Phsenix • . 5Ol. sh. 39/. pd 21
1,000 4/. per cent. ItatclifF..... - 100/. sh. SOI. pd
4,000 South Metropolitan 5"/. sh. 1)1. pd 17
9,200 Si. per cent. United General 5O/. sh. 461. pd 29
240 5!. per cent. Warwick ... 50/. sh. 50
400 91. per cent Wakefield 25/. sh. 221
12,000 Si. Westminster Chartered
6,1100 12s. Ditto New 5l/. sh. 10/. pd 10
RAI Yarmouth 20/. sh. 181. pd 9
WATER WORKS.
4,800 9s, Birmingham 25/. sh. 25/. pd 241
4,143 6/. East London lOO/. oh.' 139
5,500 2/ lOs Grand Junction ....Average 41/ 13s. 4d. oh. 50
2,000 2/. Kent 1001. sh. 43
sir
.. ,10/. Liverpool Bootle 2201, sh. 3•06
1,500 '2l lOs New diver London Bridge Water Annuities 58
6,086 1/ 151 Manchester and Salford lOOl. sh. 53
:,00 4 per cent. South London 100/. sh. 81
8,204 51. West MidOlosex ....Average (131. 12s. 90. eh. 79
1,360 11 144 York Building Co. Lessee Prop 100/. sh. 35
IRON RAILWAYS.
6,000 Birmingham and Derby ' 10/. pd 10
9,500 Birmingham and Gloucester, NI pd 9
7,500 Birmingham, Bristol, and Thames Junction 01
15,1,00 Bristol and Exeter IOW. sh. 5 pd 1
660 Calcutta and Saugur 501. sh. 2/. pd
7,500 Cheltenham and G. Western...loo/. sh. 71/. 5
3,000 Clarence lOO/. sh. 100/. pd 46
12,000
B,ooe Dublin and Kilkenny low. sh. 21 pd 21
60,000 Eastern Counties 251 sh. 21. p.l 11
Grand Junction 1001. ch. 501. p.l 107
Great North of England 7l. pd 53
9.5,690 Great Western 1001..b. 401, pd 461
2,000 Hartlepool 100/. sh. 100/ "pd 100
8,000 Hull and Selby 5O/. sh. 5/. pd 2
10,000 Leeds and Manchester 1004 sh. 5/. pd 14
7,1110 Leeds and Selby lOO :h. 43 •
1,500 Leicester and Swannington ....501. sh. all pd 481
5,100 10 per cent. Liverpool and Manchester...loa.sh. 100/. psi 285
Ditto Quarter Shares 05/. pet 61
10,000 London and Brighton ... ...... 100/, oh. 41 pd 61
45,000 Ditto ditto (Gibbs') -.201 sh. 1/. pd 01
16,000 Ditto ditto (Rennie)...so/. sh. 3/. pd If
8,009 Ditto ditto (Cundy)...loo/. sh. 3/. pd 11
12,000 London and Blackwall 5Ol sh. 31 pd I
20,000 3 per cent. London and Greenwich °W. sic 20/. pd 221
25,000 London and Birmingham ...100/. sh. 75/, pd 11l
20,1100 London and Southampton ....501. sh. 30/. pd 18
7,000 .... ..... London and Croydon 0121. sh. 13/. pd 19
12,000
10,000 Manchester South Union 1010. sh. 51. pd 5
...... ... North Midland 1001. sh. I.'l pd 12
Northe,n and Eastern lOOl. sh. 51. pd 21
2,600 Preston and Wyre 50/. sh. ii!. pd
20,000 ......... South Eastern and Dover 71. lid' 51
1,000 8/. per cent. Stockton and Darlington lOOl. sh. 240
9,000
1,400
8,000
MINES.
.11,009 ...... ... Albion Copper 5/. sh. 3/. pd 0.1.
4,000 Alten 151. sh. 121. 10s pd 13
10,0011 ... Anglo Mexican, um 5/. pm.... 1001. sh, all pit 31
Ditto Subscription 05/. pd 31
2,000 Bolanos l5O/. sh all pd IVO
10,000 11. 104 Brazilian Imp. iss. 51. pm 35/. sh. 204 pd 20
6,01,0 Macaubas & Cocaes United 25/. sh. 233/. pd 7
11,000 Ditto St. John Del Rey 00/. sh. 81/. pd 21
10,000 Bolivar Copper Company 20/. sh. 20/. pd 81
10,00)) •••..•..• Ditto Scrip 101. sh. W. pd 9
20,00') British Iron 501. sh. 501 pd 406
6,000 ...... ... British Copper
Cata Branca fill. pd 7
Candonga ....... 7l/. Pd
10,000 11. Copiapo 2Ol. sh 121/ pd 15.
0,500 Columbian, iss. 51. pm.
2,850 31. ' English
20,060 * General Mining Association...2o/. sh. 15/. pd 9
6,1.55 Mexican Company 100/. it 543/. pd 11
3,006 Polberou Consols 10/. sh. 81. pd 7
11,500 Real del Monte, Unregistered ln
Ditto Loan Notes l5Ol. pd 150
30,000 ...... ... United Wale-an, iss. 2pm ....40/. sh, all pd 2
Ditty. Scrip 2l
Ditto New Scrip 5/ pd 3
West Cork 50/. sh. 50!. pd 38
LITERARY INSTITUTIONS.

1,000
1,500
700
King' College 1001. pd 32
MISCELLANEOUg.
10,000 15s. Australian Agricultural....loo/. sh. 2(1/. pd 35
6,000 62:per cent. British American Land Company 231. pd 17
m 10,000 61 per cent. Canada Copany 1001. sh. 241. pd 38
200,000 51, per cent. Upper Canada Loan 95
City Bonds, 4 per cent lOl
15,000 11. 6s. General Steam Navigation ...151. sh. 131. pd 24
101. per cent. Hudson's Bay Stock
2,000 11. London Corn. Sale Rooms Av. '75/. sh. 19
8,000 Caoutchouc Company 95/ sh. 211. pd 2.1
New Brunswick Land Company 287 pd 251
2,754 5/. per cent. Reversionary InterestSoc...loo/. sh. 100/. pd 130
2,633 5/. per cent. Ditto New 100/. sh. 45/. pd 301
4,000
10,000

LIST OF SCOTTISH COMPANIES' PRICES,
FEB. 15, 1837.
BANKS.

1,500,00 N. 61. p. ct. Bank of Scotland
2,000.0x1. 51 p. ct. Royal of Scotland 1001. sh. all pd 164/.
500.0)e/. Bp. ct. British Linen Company 100/.sh. :.11 pd 236/,
3,000,0001. 61. p. ct. Commercial 5OOl. sh. 1001. pd 1741.
5,000,000/. 5 p. ct. National
....1001. sh. 101. lid 15,p.
2,000,0001. 5/ p. ct. Glasgow Union '250/. sh. 50/. pi 681.
4,000001. 4p. et Western of Scotland 2001. sh 301. pd 3cir. ,
INSURANCE COMPANIES.
25',.000.111 61 p. et. Scottish Union 20/. sh. IL pd 253
-,50t1 sp. ct. Hercules ......... . ... .... . ..... 100/. sh. 104 pd 131 Si.
10(.000 sp. ct. Insurance Co. of Scotland ...10/. sh. all pd
50,000 6p. et. North dritieh ..- • . ._ _ . - 61.

_ 2OOl. sh. 10/. ix,- 151. Low sp. ct. Caledonian Fire 1001. sh. 101. pd 1610$
5,000 6p. ct. Edinburgh Life 100/. sh. 101. pd 14158
100,000 • West of Scotland lOl. pd 9115 s

MISCi!",LANEOUS

4,810 Edin. and Glas. Un. sh. all pd 221.

UittO Allivated sli, all Pd 651.
5,100 5 per cent. Edinb.:Joint Stock Water....'2s/. sh. all pd 30/.
Carrori Iron Company 2501. sh. all pd 4(1.
2,0005 h 15 per cent. Shotts Iron Foundery 501. sh 3,2/. pd 471
10,000 3 per cent. Edinburgh Sc Leith G1a55....20/. sh. 16/. pd
4,500 10 per cent. Edinburgh Coal Gas .... . 251. sh. all pd 60/,
4,450 10 per cent. Glasgow Gas 351. sh. all Pd 611.
750 71 per cent. Leith Coal as 901. sh. all 41 45/.
1,206 ......... Edinburgh and Dalkeith Railway...sol.sk 554
3,000 5 per cent. Equitable Loan Company 251, alt.-8l pd

MARRIED.
On the 23d inst., at Cheltenham, Alexander Bain Chisholm,
Esq., surgeon of Devonshire-street, Portland-place, London, to Ma-
tilda, second daughter of James Webster, Esq., of Lansdown-place,
Cheltenham, and formerly Speaker of the House of Assembly of
the Bahama Islands.
On the 6th inst., at St. James's, Westminster, Thomas Robert,
eldest son of Mr. Ravenscroft, of Warwick-street, Cockspur-street,
to Mary Ann, only child of Mr. John Field, of Hampstead.
On the 16th inst., at Kingston, Surrey, Henry Loxley, Esq., of
Horsham Sussex, to Mary Ann, daughter of Richard Cartter, Esq.,
late of Kingston, solicitor, and sister to the present Coroner for
Surrey.
On the 18th inst., at All Souls, Marylebone, Mr. Geo. Hoyle,
of Great Portland-street, to Elizabeth, daughter of the late Thos.
Bee, Esq., of Peckham.

DIED.
On the 22d inst., at her residence, Bodryddan, Flintshire, Bar-
bara Yonge.
On the 21st inst., at Bath, John Mangles, Esq., aged 77.
On the 18th inst., at Park Cottage, Maida-hill, Henry Lees,
Esq., aged 53.
On the 23d inst., in Gower-street, Harold, youngest son of 1.•
Martin, Esq., of Lincoln's Inn.
On the 18th inst., at Guernsey, Mary, the wife of John Le gar'
chant, Esq.
On the 21st inst., at Hampstead, Mrs. Sarah Jordaine.
years an inhabitant of that village.
On the 13th inst., at Shirley, near Croydon. Surrey, age 762 f
Rachel, wife of Mr. Thomas Blake, of that place, and mother u•
George Blake, M.A., of Emmanuel College, Cambridge.
„A
On the 17th inst., Fenton Thomas Lambert, Esq., of Env's"
Hall, Yorkshire.
On the 22d inst., in Nelson square, John Hick Young, Esq., of
the firm of Young and Ware, Southwark.
On the 22d inst., Mary, wife of Mr. Philip Palmer, of Highgate,
On the 21st inst., at Blackheath, Mrs. Elizabeth Anderson,
dow of the late Major Anderson, of the East India Company's ne°
gal Civil Service.
On the 22d inst., in Park-square, Regent's-park, J. Slater. Es
On the 23d inst., at Brymphydd, Radnorshire, aged 75, ri
Beavan,'Esq.
On the 21st inst., at the Rectory, Sedgefield, Durham,
Barbara, inant daugh of the Rev. T. L. Strong.
brother
At St. Cifere,- Kent terged 79, Alexander Evelyn, a Esq., -r
of Sir A. Hume, Bart.
On the sth inst., at Clifton, the wife of the-Rev. John~f
Rector of St. Nicholas, Bristo).
Ou the 20th inst., at Abbots Ripton, aged 19, Jessy, Si--
•%tb
remaining twin daughter of J. B. Rooper, Esq.,

London ; Printed and Published by 111URDO YOUNG, "tt
112, Strand, at The Sun Offlee, Na. 112, Strand, in the ‘"
of Middlesex.—Monday, February 27, 1837.