The Sun.
London, England, 1837-04-19 00:00:00

--(Hear, hear.) Hons Gentlemen talked of national honour. with honour or consistency, at this most critical period of the
But the Legion—that had done not'hing. Now it was fair in contest, withdraw from our pledge of co-operation.—(Loud
considering what the Legion had done to consider what cries of hear, hear.) The amount and extent of this co-
would have been done without the Legion. Had the Le- operation depended on the terms of the Quadruple Treaty.
gion not been in Spain last May, St. Sebastian would have To many of the articles of that treaty a very different inter-
fallen ; had St. Sebastian then fallen, Bilbao would not pretation had been given ; but if the House would allow him
subsequently have been relieved—(Cheers)—had St. Se- he would state shortly what he conceived to be the true ob-
bastian and Bilbao both been taken by Don Carlos, that me- jects of the treaty. The preamble of the treats' which was
morable event of which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the signed in 1834, stated the object of the treaty to lbe to compel
Member of Oxford spoke would have taken place, and Don Caries and Don Miguel to withdraw from the Portuguese
Don Carlos world have been recognized by the Northern dominions, where, at that time, the Infant Don Carlos had
Powers.—( Cheers.) But this would help the quadruple taken refuge, and where he formed a nucleus of a party corn-
treaty. That Hon. Gentleman had forgotten that his leaders bined against the authority of the recognized Queen of Spain.
meant to stand by that treaty. In what condition, then, would The preamble stated the motives which
induced England to
have been the treaty ? Would it have been favourable to an concur in the line of operation there pointed out ; it was stated
amity with the Northern Powers to have one sovereign whom to be "in consideration of the interest which this country bad
they recognised, and one whom we recognised, both contend. always taken in the security of the Spanish monarchy, and our
ing on the soil of Spain ? But he was arguing as if the Hon. anxious desire to assist in the establishment of peace in the Pe-
-61-.ntleman really wished to maintain the quadruple alliance ; ninsula mad the rest of Europe."—(" Read on.") lie would
whereas the belief was, that they desired nothing but to dis. read the whole treaty if the Hon. Gentlemen opposite wished.
credit and
estroy that alliance. Should he justify it? How, It went on to state, " considering also the special °Hien
-
and under what
circumstance, was it formed? Austria at that tions arising out of our ancient treaties with Portugal."__-
time had the occupa lon
of Bologna—Russia, her foot on Po- (Cheers from the Opposition.) This had nothing to do
:.
land, grasped at Constants.?enole—the freedom of the free town with Don Carlos.----( Cheers from the Ministerial 'side of
of Frankfort had been violated—;e independence of the minor the House.) Don Carlos was now dangerous to the order
states in Germany had been invaded
Portugal there was a of things recognized in Spain, as Don Miguel was at
struggle of opinion—ill Spain a struggle of --:::
opinion—Belgium that time in Portugal. They were both iecludedin the same
stood unrecognized—France menaced—and tine country, ac_ article. General
Renodpa were sentursuanceo into the Portuguese tevritories, they
At treaty, the Spanish troops under
cording to the Opposition at all events, disregarded and cieficd,
At such time, and under such circumstances, if there could be drove Don Carlos to the shores of the ocean, and compelled
a wise and extensive policy, favourable to the peace of the hint to seek refuge on board of a British man-of-war. He
world, and favourable to those principles which make peace thought that it was a great want of foresight that they did not
prosper, it was the policy of uniting the great Western Powers bind Don Carlos by express stipulations before they gave him
of Europe in an alliance of which the solid basis was constitu- refuge. As it was, he believed that no engagement was on-
tional and liberal opinions.—( Hear.) Did our Government tered into with him before he was ree,cived on hoard of the
alone see this? No, their enemies saw it also. Why that Council British vessel ; he took refuge in this country, and after pass-
at the Po, of which a Noble Friend had spoken so eloquently ? ing a fortnight here he took the shortest road to the Basque
Why was Rome said to be now ransaking her exhausted trea- provinces, to renew his endeavours to shake the Thrones of
sures to aid the Pretender ? Why was Sardinia supposed to Spain and Portugal. Under these circumstances, there was
be sending secret supplies to the same quarter, and Russia an additional article agreed to. The preamble to the addi-
offering officers and gold ? Why was it daily said that Don tional article stated that the "contracting parties having taken
Miguel was about to appear in the camp of Don Carlos, that into their serious consideration the recent events (that was the
it was there also that the Due de Bourdeaux should make his passing of Don Carlos into Spain), and being deeply inn_
first essay in arms ? Why, because it was felt throughout the pressed with the conviction that in this new state of things
world that it was to the camp of Don Carlos that tine friends of new means were thought necessary for effecting thu objects of
despotism should resort—because it was felt throughout the the treaty, they therefore included them in these additional
world that it was on tire soil of Spain that the battle of free_ articles." The additional articles were known to everybody,
dom was to be won or lost. And were Hon. Gentlemen op- they were more recent, and had been more canvassed,
posite insensible to this ? No ; they knew well enough that aed were in the hands of every lion. Member; and the
though Spain was spoken of by this motion, England, Scot. only question was, whether the construction put by the
land, and Ireland would be equally affected by it ; they knew Government on the words " naval force," was, or was
well enough that if this motion were carried, the Irish Cor- not the correct interpretation. What was their position at
poration Bill might as well have been lost. What was the this moment? The Queen of Spain was recognised by this
state of France at that time ? There were not two parties, country—her title was admitted last night to be incontestable
but two divisions of parties ; and it did so happen, that in the by the Hon. Baronet ( Sir S. Canning.) That Hon. Baronet
whole of one portv there was not a single man in the slightest had the best possible means of ascertaining what were the
degree tinged with popularity who had not pledged himself feelings of the majority of the people of Spain. Tine Queen,
on the Spanish question.—( Loud cries of Hear, hear, hear.) of Spain was supported by nine-tenths of the Spanish people
Supposing, then, the present motion carried, and the and by the Cortes, and the only
at the head of whom was Don party by whom she was op-
Honourable Gentlemen opposite in office, what would be the posed was the remaining tenth,y
case as far as regarded France ? One of two things must hap_ Carlos. The Hon. Baronet ( Sir S. Canning) asked whether
pen in that country. Either the more popular party would we were at war with Don Carlos or not ? We could not be
come into office, in which case they would find a party in this at war with'Don Carlos, because he was merely a pretender.
country already pledged against the policy they were pledged —( Hear, hear.) But we were bound by the treaty to co-
to pursue, in which case the alliance so much prized by the operate with the Queen of Spain against hint as if he were
Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth went to the actually at war with this country. It was just as much as if
dogs ; or the more unpopular party obtaining power were Don Carlos was actually 211 independent Sovereign, and as if
linked and leagued, in the presence of the two countries, he had declared war against this country. In his view of the
with the more unpopular party in this country obtaining case, the Quadruple Treaty pledged us as distinctly and po-
power also. Could any man look at this state of things, cal- sitively to the exclusion of Don Carlos from the Basque pro-
culating on the easily excitable dispositions of their neigh- vineea as from the territory, of Portugal.--( Cries of " Oh,
hours, aroused as it would be by tine great force of public opi- oh, oh !") It might not do so in exact words, but it did
nion amongst the great bulk of the two people, by whom pub- in spirit.---( Hear, hear, hear.) He would ask whether
lie opinion is formed—could any sober person look at this it did not exclude Don Carlos from the throne of Spain, and
state of things without foreseeing that there might be—what whether it did not render it incumbent on us to put a stop
there would very probably be—another great convulsion simi- to the civil war in that country ?—( Hear, hear.) It seemed
lag to that of 1830, and of which the consequences would ex- to him that the Honourable Members opposite were anxious
tend as widely.—( Cheers.) So much for France ; and, in to put this question to the test of success,..-.(Cries of " No,
the mean time, in Spain, what would you be doing there ? de- no l" and cheers.) He admitted that success was essential
livering up that country to a bigoted and persecuting priest_ it influenced mon's judgments, whether it influenced their con-
hood or an ignorant and sanguinary mob.—( Hear, hear.) On sciences or not ; and there could not be a better proof of this
one side was the Inquisition, On the other the guillotine. than the conduct of the party opposite on this very questions.
o Withdraw," said Hon. Gentlemen, " and leave these two —( Loud cheers.) He asked thorn why was not the policy of
unhappy engines for human mischief to come into conflict.— the Government with regard to Spain made the subject of
(Loud cheers.) Looking, then, at the state of Europe, of complaint during the present Session till now ? He asked in
France, of Spain, and, what he was boulid to look at more— what material point the line of policy pursued in consequence
looking at England and the honour of England, he would con- of the quadruple alliance was changed, so as to cause the pre-
Cothioeenr.s_.)ciTieheerrz) weir,eheyprielacdiseblyeentintehrseaanti!
graceful to consent to or fatal to carry, it would be the motion
elude by saying that if there was a motion it would be dis
scot
groundsmotionfor the ?.
m(
of the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman.—( Loud cheers.) coed with it during the whole recess; they had heard nothing '
Sir H. HA R DING E said, the Hon. Gentleman had en- but denunciations of the policy of the Noble Lord ( Palmer-
tirely misrepresented his intention in bringing this question ston) from every organ of the Conservatives. They had been
forward.—(Hear, hear.) He had carefully abstained from told up to the first day of the Session of the expensive mode
noticing any part of the military government, conceiving that of intervention, of the neglect of British interests, and of the
that did not come within the scope of his motion. The House incapacity of the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign
would recollect that he had attributed the impolicy of the Affairs. What was the result of all this ? It happened that
measures which had been adopted entirely to his Majesty's three days before the meeting of Parliament intelligence was
Ministers, and that he had altogether abstained from any received of a victory gained by tine combined forces of the
military criticism on the conduct of General Evans. It was Queen of Spain and the British Legion. And so great was
not for him, on such an occasion as the present, to impugn or the re-action which attended the receipt of this intelligence,
defend the conduct of the Hon. and Gallant Officer ; but he and so great was the interest excited in the public mind
begged to add, that whenever the military conduct of General by the gallantry of our fellow-countrymess in Spain, that the
Evans was made the subject of discussion, he was ready to Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, feeling that
give his military opinion respecting it, as freely as he had the moment was very unpropitious for such a discussion,
already given his political reasons why he considered the quelled some little symptoms of insubordination, and availed
longer continuance of the British Legion in Spain detri- himself of the very first opportunity that the forms of the House
mental to the best interests of this country. His opinion, allowed to express his admiration of the conduct and gallantry
confirmed by that of Colonel Churchill, was, that such was of the brave men who had successfully defended Bilboa.—
the state of insubordination and demoralization of the Legion, (Cheers.) He would ask, what prevented the Hon. and
that it was impossible to expect it could render any impor_ Gallant Officer (Sir H. Hardinge) from bringing forward
taut service to the country whose interests it professed to this motion on that occasion, and what encouraged him to do
vindicate. so now ?—( Loud cheers.) The simple fact was, that success
Mr. H. BUL\VER did think that in making a motion at no longer beamed so decisively on the cause of liberty in the
this moment for the recal of the officers of the Legion the Peninsula.—( Great and continued cheering.) This was the
Hon. and Gallant Officer opposite was inflicting disgrace on first time that he had heard in the British House of Parliament
them. He also thought, and he believed asinnilar opinion was that a fair ground for abandoning an ally was that he was un-
entertained by the country, that the effect of the observations fortunate.—(Loud cheers.) But he begged to ask what this
of the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman as to the conduct of the want of success consisted of? He might ask whether such a
officers under General Evans was more or less to cast an im- defeat had been sustained by the Legions as to disable them
putation on the character of his Hon. and Gallant Friend, from acting any part in the contest ?—( Sir H. Ilardinge was
Sir R. INGLIS said it appeared to him impossible for any understood to say " Yes.") The Hon. and Gallant Officer
titan who could read or hear to mistake tine effect of the motion said " yes ;" he (Mr. Ward) doubted this.—(lleac, hear.)
of his Hon, and Gallant Friend. If, as was alleged, it had After three days' hard fighting—salter most gallantly carrying
reference to the recal of General Evans, it could only antlei. a position,defended by, he admitted; gallant mien likewise—after
pate that event by a few days, inasmuch as, according to the carrying this position, they found that from the want of co ope.
communication of that Hon. arid Gallant Officer to his consti- ration on the part of General Saarsficld, which they were en-
tuente, it was his intention to he with them on the 10th of titled to expect, and when the Cellists brought overwhelm-
June. The object of his Hon. and Gallant Friend was to ob big numbers to boar on them, he begged to repeat, after sus-
tain she recal of the marines, and to pray his Majesty not to tuning a conflict of three days, they were compelled to retire.
renew the Order in Council for the suspension of the Foreign Ile did not dispute that the loss on both sides was nearly
Enlistment Act. Incidentally the motion of his Honourable equal. But he would ask wheshor General Evans himself
arid Gallant Friend might have the effect of recalling General had attempted to disguise his losses ? Had he not in the most
Evans, but nothing short of the blind partiality on the 110. candid manner revealed the whole state of tire case to the
nourable Gentleman opposite could load any orne to suppose country ?—( Hear, hear.) And yet was it not this very moment
that the motion of his Hon, and Gallant Friend had that ape- that an old brother officer in arms had chosen to throw inn-
cial object. He supported the cause of Don Carlos, because pediments in his way, and to cast the weight of his authority
Inc considered his right indefeasible. The cause of Don Carlos inn military matters in the scale against him ?—(No, no, from
was the cause of legitimacy, and that was the reason why the the Opposition.) When stating his reasons why British ho-
Tories were favourable to it ; but they had no wish to inter- noun would not allow of the continuance of our co-operation
fere on behalf of Don Carlos. What they desired was to leave in Spain, the Right lion. and Gallant Gentleman referred to
the two parties to settle their differences as they could. The the atrocities committed in the course of the present disas_
Tories would not support even the despot Don Carlos by trous warfare. He (Mr. Ward) tre'eply regretted those atro-
spilling British blood on the shores of Spain.—( Hear.) The cities ; he wished from his heart that they had been avoided ;
Hon. Gentleman did not hesitate to say that tine Tories would but at the same time Inc must remind the House that he had
support the cause of despotism wherever they had the oppor. tine authority of tine Right Hon. and Gallant Gentleman him-
turnty ; and, as another instance of their disposition in this self for stating that the guilt of such proceedings was almost
respect, he had referred to Poland. Now, he ( Sir R. Inglis) equal on both sides. If Cabrera's mother was murdered, had
was not an approver of the treatment which had been exile- not her son revenged her death upon thirty innocent females,
rienced by the Poles ; on the contrary, he believed that the who expatiated with their blood that atrocious murder ? Were
Poles were, of all the people in Europe, the must deeply ins- not instances of a like kind before them in abundance? And
jured.—( Cheers.) Tine Hon. Gentleman had alluded to the if so, what justice was there, when tine guilt was equally shared
courtly phrase of his Hon. and Gallant Friend, of which, with between the two parties, in stigmatising the one in favour of
his diplomatic habits, he was doubtless a 'v,,ry competent the other? With respect to the claims of Don Carlos, and
judge ; but perhaps the Hon. Gentleman would excuse him if tine manner in which he vindicated them, let it be borne in
Inc suggested to him, that he might find it somewhat ineonve. mind that he had never once dared to openly face the Le-
nient if in some places out of this House—if in a foreign gion. In this, for he knew something of Don Carlos, had
Court, for example—when speaking of Don Miguel, he de- that individual but pursued the line of policy which had ever
scribed him as the monster King.—( Cries of "Oh I") The marked his career. In the time of the late King of Spain be
Hon. Gentleman should recollect that the individual to whom j believed that Don Carlos bad secretly countenanced and fo-
he thus referred had been recognised as King of Portugal by f merited every plot which had manifested itself against the
this country.—( Loud cries of " No, no.") If not by this reigning Sovereign, though he kept himself in the back
country, ire was by some of the other States of Europe. Ile ground, in order to shrink from the public avowal and
believed himself to be the lawful Sovereign ; and as their consequences of his sedition.—( Hear, hear, hear.) For the
King tine people of Portugal allowed him to rule over them. future, he believed that if Don Carlos were to succeed to-
ile would then come to the main question. namely, what was morrow, the first act of his home policy would be to re.
a naval force ? The Noble Lord ( Lord Palmerston) defined establish tine Inquisition, and of his foreign policy to give
a naval force to be that the principal part of whose operations to Russia such an ascendency upon the Peninsula as must
was sustained by ships. Would it be denied that tine great I prove very formidable to this country, coupled with that which
body of these men had been for weeks, he might say months, she had already acquired inn other parts of Europe. The Hun.
out of their ships ? Could it be said that, its common par_ Member for Oxford wanted Government to withdraw the La-
I ince, they (the marines) came within the construction of tine gion, and to leave tine two contending parties to fight out their
words " a naval force ?"—( Hear, hear, hear.) Tine sup- j disputes without any assistance from this country. Did the
port agreed by the treaty to be rendered to the Queen of Hen. Members think that inn such a course they would be pro-
Spain was limited to the supply of arms, ammunition, &c., and meting tine cause of humanity?—( hear, hear, from Mr.
if necessary, a naval force. From tine returns it would be Maclean.) The Hon. Gentleman then went on to deprecate
seen to what extent these supplies of arms had been carried the fatal system of reprisals which had been carried on between
—and the naval force was very considerable, looking at the two contending parties. These reprisals be ( Mr. Ward)
the number of men concerned, and still more from the moral sincerely deprecated, but he woull ask whether they were
influence of the name of England being attached to them. without precedent in the history even of our own country?
The question was, whether this country was at war or not ? Let them look at our own conduct in the civil contest which
He put it to the House whether this was not an instance in was carried on during the latter part of the last century, and
which the King's troops had been engaged without an actual he feared that they would find but too complete a parallel for
declaration of war. fie would now state, as he had stated the atrocities committed in Spain at the present moment in the
before, that this was an unauthorised war in which General proceedings of the Irish rebellion ?—( Hear, hear.) If be
Evans was engaged. These were the reasons that induced I were not mistaken, also, the Duke of Wellington himself in
Trim to concur in the motion of his Hon. and Gallant Friend. the early part of the Peninsular war held a correspondence
Mr. W. G. WA RD was perfectly oilling to admit that with Marshal Soult, in which he threatened reprisals upon the
the question before the House ought to be discussed in the French in consequence of tine barbarous massacres perpetrated
most calm and dispassionate mariner. Whatever might be the by the latter upon their prisonors.—( No, no, from the Op-
result of the question, the decision was one in which he con- position.) He believed that the only hope which there was of
ceived that our national character for consistency and ho. terminating these atrocities, and with them the contest now
nour was deeply involved.—( Hear, hear.) There was a waging in Spain, was to continue our present policy. The
great difference of opinion, and tine Honourable Baronet who Hon. Gentleman opposite inquired for what they were con-
bad just sat down had expressed his opinion with regard to tending in Spain? He answered, for British interests in the
the policy which led originally to the conclusion of the I Peninsula, and for the promotion of our trade there, by re-
Quadruple Treaty. Many thought that that act was unwise, ! etoring that great country once more to the position which she
unstatesmanlike, and uncalled for by the circumstances of was entitled to hold in Europe. Upon these grounds be
Europe—(Cheers from the Opposition)—but others thonlit tgiould give his most cordial support to his Majesty's Govern-
and he (Mr. Ward) thought, that it was a wise, a statesman- moot in resisting the present motion.—( Cheers.)
like, and a necessary act, and one that was imperatively called Mr. MACI,V,AN explained that he had tosser been in fa-
for by the peculiar circumstances of this country.—( Loud • your of absolutism, in Any form or shape,
cheers.) It was with great pain and regret that he saw a Lord M A HON !walled to the House the forbearance with
question involving the highest national considerations mixed which he and tine party who sat on the opposite bide of the
up in parts of the speech of the Hon. and Gallant mover with House, 114(1 manifested towards the policy pursued by his Ma.
natters of a merely personal nature, which were calculated to jcsty's Ministers in the affairs of Spain. The time was now
work upon the feelings of the House, but ought not to be al- arrived when such forbearance could no longer be bestowed
lowed to influence its opinion•—(llear, hear, hear.) It must upon it; the infraction of the additional article of the qua.
be admitted, that it was not upon the treatment which the dreple and the disestroge qnscq4e•sines of that in-
British Legion had met with, or the degree of success wtnicb treetitia, beinif !Ma fally ttpperent. ft waS now the 'duty of
had attended its operations spinet the Carlists, that the de, the gouge tq see whether it wool& eanelion by a solemn votes
eieion of the question should rest.—(Hear, hear, hoar,) centinuenee of that peljey, end its deplorr,hid results. pndef
rested, as 4 ;Winne' question, upon the nature of the oblis these eircomiteileeP/ and nilcier this ponsideeationi of them, it
gatie„, which we osederpci ourselves liable to fulfill, and was that his Hon, and Gallant Frieind Caine forward to vindi-
upon the question whether breat 4ritan was not bound to I date his country's honour, as he had heretofore done at 'Water.
remise the hopes she held out to Spain, whell/IP 1/1) P 91114 100, and to wipe away the Stain which now dimmed its Stan-

pard.—(Opposition cheers.) In his speech in reply on the
12th of December, 1826, Mr. Canning spoke as follows, and
he would ask the House whether it did not most accurately de-
scribe the circumstances of the present case :—" It has been
suge-ested, Sir, tout we should at once ship off the Spanish
refugees in this country to Spain, and that we should, by a
repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Act, let loose into the con-
test all the ardent and irregular spirits of the country.
Sir, this is the very suggestion which I have anticipated
with apprehension, in the present unquiet state of men's
minds in Europe. All such expedients I disclaim, and I
deplore and dread the employment of them." These were
the w:wds of Nlr. Canning. Now, if it had pleased Provi-
dence to prolong the life of that gifted man, with what feelings
he would have contemplated the events of the present day I
How rejoiced he would have been to see how worthily the
soundness of his policy was maintained by his own relative, but
with what pain he would see the Noble Lord, who had followed
his principles during his lifetime, acting in direct opposition to
these principles at the present day.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon.
Member for Mary-la-bonne had asked his Hon. and Gallant
Friend the Member for Launceston why he brought forward
this motion now—why did he not wait till the 10th of June,
when the soldiers of the foreign Legion might be here, if it
were desired, to give their testimony upon the matter ? Now,
could it be possible that the Hon. Member for Mary-la-bonne,
when he made this remark, had read the words of the motion
of his Honourable and Gallant Friend ? The precise object
of that motion was to give the House an opportunity of seeing
the gentlemen belonging to the Legion ; and to that effect it
was moved that the Order in Council permitting their en-
gagement in the Spanish service should not be renewed. If
the Order in Council suspending the Foreign Enlistment Act
were to be renewed, how could the ofliceis who belonged to
the Legion be expected to come back on the 10th of June ?
He must say, with all respect for the Honourable Member, he
had not expected to hear such an observation fall from a gen-
lemur' of his abilities.--( Hear, hear.) In the debate last

which the treaty was intended. England was bound to put a
large construction on the treaty, because it was a
treaty by which Great Britain undertook to pr: form a certain
compact. The universal law of nations demanded that we
should carry the treaty to its fullest extent. The Right Hon.
and Gallant Officer who had introduced this motion had sub-
mitted to the consideration of the House the propriety of de-
siring his Majesty not to renew the Order in Council by the
provisions of which British troops were serving in Spain, and
were exempted from the operations of the whole of the provi-
sions contained in the Foreign Enlistment Act. The Hon.
and Learned Civilian proceeded to justify the enlistment of
persons into foreign service, and said there were few instances
of persons being prosecuted for doing so. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman proceeded to argue that the Foreign En-
listment Act was not of the character which had been stated.
Four articles were introduced into it in 1814, as applicable to
the case of Spain, which were such as to deserve the severest
opprobrium. Within three or four years after this period
we had issued proclamations in South America, calling upon
the inhabitants to resist the power of Spain. In 1819 the
Parliament declared it to be fitting that his Majesty's subjects
should be permitted to serve in the South American States.
So far as the principle went, the Foreign Enlistment Bill had
been recognised, but it had been found extremely difficult to
carry it into effect, and certainly no Government had hitherto
ventured to take such steps as Don Carlos has done with
regard to troops employed on foreign service. During the
late American war, British ships had been gallantly defended
on the part of their commanders, and when by superiority of
numbers and number of guns they were obliged to strike, it
was no uncommon thing to find 70 or 80 British sailors on
board the American vessel, who had christened some of the
guns with the names of their own Admirals, and who, though
British seamen, were classed as American sailors; yet the
Government of Great Britain never had the remotest notion
of bringing these men to the scaffold.-_( Hear, hear, hear.)
And he would say, that if ever there was an occasion when
an Order in Council ought to have been fully enforced, it
was on the occasion of the American war, when the in-
terests, the happiness, and the welfare of the country were
at stake. With regard to the question, what was to be done
with the troops of the British Legion when they left Spain,
he would say, let them be lodged in the hospital at Plymouth,
and they would be taken care of. Another argument was, it
was impolitic and cruel to expose British subjects to such
barbarity in a foreign country, and that care should have been
taken to prevent such scenes as had occurred. And who had
been the author of these barbarities? Don Carlos, who had
declared that when a British force arrived on the confines of
Spain every one that fell into his hands should be destroyed.
The best way, however, to counteract that was to send such a
force to that country as would be able to prevent him carrying
his threats into execution.—( Hear.) Success -would have
consecrated such a step as a precedent. He did nr,t suppose
a Reformed Parliament would abandon the great principles on
which they had hitherto acted.—(Cheers.) De would say, if
a Reformed Parliament of Great Britain, who had hitherto ad-
vocated the cause of freedom and liberty, should abandon their
position, and no longer stand first and foremost in encouraging
an example of resistance to despots and tyrants, and of spread.
ing in every direction these blessings to other nations that
were willing to accept them, then they would hear, on the an-
nouncement of the news, that bonfires were lighted up at St.
Petersburgh, in the capital of the despot almost equally op-
posed by all parties in the House, and who had hitherto been
prevented from extending his gigantic power only by the union
of the Western free States to resist him amid his brother allies.
—(Cheers.) But the Right Hon. and Gallant Gentleman
said the feelings of the people of England were opposed to
such interference, because they did not wish to see the blood
of England shed In a cause foreign to their feelings. Now he
could say safely that he had twenty constituents to one as
compared with those of the Gallant Officer; and so far from
fearing to face his constituents on account of the course he
had pursued that night, he would glory in the declaration ;
and he had undoubted confidence that so far from his con-
stituents not sanctioning that course, they felt deeply as he
felt, and they felt honestly, too, that Great Britain was the
great bulwark in the cause of freedom over the world ; and
if they deserted that cause which they had hitherto gallantly
defended, they would give way to tyrants, and yield, as the
King of the French had done, to the Holy Alliance.
Mr. GROVE PRICE supported the motion. He called
on the House to consider the bad moral effect of inducing men
to fight, not for the honour of their native country, and of
throwing away their lives for a cause in which they had no
interest. There had been no instance of a country being res-
tored to tranquillity by means of foreign troops, and he consi-
dered it only an act of cruelty and barbarity to send British
subjects to fight against a people with whom they had no
quarrel. What there was to justify our interference in the
affairs of a people who were in a state of no hostility with us_
who had invaded no rights, disturbed no.settlements of ours—
who had infringed no tittle of our commercial nor mercantile
laws, but with whom we had voluntarily plunged into a state
of warfare to follow up the phantom-chase of the Noble Lord
opposite.—( Hear.) The remainder of the lion. Gentleman's
speech was lost in the confusion that prevailed generally in
the House.
Mr. SHEIL-.--If the Learned Member had been born in
Spain, he ought to have been returned to the Cortes as repre-
sentative of La Mancha.—( A laugh.) What a strange ano-
maly will enthusiasm produce in even an accomplished mind 1
Despite his habitual horror for Popery, he has a profound re-
verence for his Catholic Majesty—he regards the Inquisition
as a venerable Conservative institution, and I question whether
in the event of the triumph of Don Carlos lie would not gladly
journey across the Pyrenees, in order to witness the burning
of the quadruple treaty in splendid auto da fj.—( Laughter.)
The military and political character of the Gallant Member
by whom this motion was brought forward gives it a peculiar
interest. As a soldier his opinions, when unbiassed, are of
the highest value.---( Hear, hear.) And the part he plays as
a politician is so conspicuous, that it is not unreasonable
to conjecture that this motion is part of a combined plan of
operations, by which a very important position is to be car-
ried by the Gallant Officer.--(hear, hear.) The motion
was seconded by a profound, but unemployed, diplomatist—
( Laughter and cheers.) An eminent negotiator once in the
confidence of the Whigs, and now not undeserving Tory trust. I
—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear I") There is a practical an-
tithesis
in the Right Hon. Gentleman, for while for the Em-
peror Nicholas he has no strong personal relish, he is not
without some propensity to the adoption of a Sclavonic po-
licy at Madrid. I like to do justice, and I should think that
the Right Hon. Gentleman must have laboured under a very
strong and painful sense of public duty, when he took a part
so prominent in assailing the measures of his Noble, and I
believe that he has found in him his faithful, friend.—( Hear.)
There is another view in which this motion is most important ;
it is an announcement of the policy intended to be pursued by
the Tories upon thiiir anticipated advent to power. The Hon.
Member for Tamworth has recently intimated that he will, al-
'though with great reluctance, submit to the infliction of power,
and give the House of Commons an opportunity of atoning for
that parricidal blow by which his official existence was sud-
denly abridged.--( Loud laughter.) It is as well, therefore,
that we should know, that in the event of the Whigs resigning,
of Lord Melbourne departing Mani his . pledge, and of the
House of Lords appointing the Cabinet, it is as well that we
should be apprised that the victory of Conservatism at St.
James's will_be followed by the triumph of Conservatism at Ma-
drid. The decision of the House, Sir, upon this question must
turn on the proper construction of the quadruple treaty and the
course pursued by the Government. Let me examine both.
What standard shall we adopt in interpreting the treaty ?
Not a mere literal one—not a mere verbal, special pleader
test. We are not to play the part of Scaligers in politics__
of " word hunters, that live on syllables," but we are to con-
sider the circumstances under which the treaty was entered
into, its objects, and the means by which they are best to be
accomplished. It may be asked at the outset what concern
have we with Spain ? I answer by asking what concerts has
Russia with Spain ? What have Austria and Prussia to do
with Spain ?—and if despots feel their interests so deeply in-
volved in the form of government which she assumes, shall it
be said that the people of' this free country ought to be indif-.
ferent- to the extension of the principles from which our glory,
our power, and our virtue are derived ? We shall see the
consequences of neglecting liberty in Spain. In 1820 the
Constitution was proclaimed—at the Council of Verona it was
determined by • Russia that it should be crushed. In 1823,
under the influence, and swayed by the councils of the Auto-
crat, the Duke d'Angouleme marched into Spain. He obtained
possession of Spain as the trustee for Alexander, and was a
mere instrument in the hands of the Czar. The ascendancy
of Russia was established, and she took advantage of her
predominance over France ; being sure that her dependent,
bribed by the gift of Spain into acquiescence, would not join
us, she fell on Turkey, crossed the Balkan, extorted the treaty
of Adrianople, and laid the Sultan so prostrate that England,
however disposed, could not lift him into independence and
dignity again. —( Hear, hear.) This is the simple narrative
of incidents of which we yet feel the results ; the transactions
in the East were beyond doubt influenced by our original su.
pineness with regard to the Peninsula, through which France
might have been swayed ; and it is tho duty of British Mini-
sters to endeavour to repair these errors, and to regain an in-
fluence through liberal institutions in the Peninsula.---( Hear,
hear.) Thus it is that I account for the policy by which the
quadruple treaty was dictated, and with a view to which it
ought to be interpreted and enforced. Now, let us look at the
more immediate circumstances under which it was framed. Don
Carlos and Don Miguel were both in Portugal in April, 1834.
If Don Carlos should recover the throne of Spain, it was ob-
vious that Don Miguel would recover that of Portugal. We
were bound under treaties to protect Portugal, and thus it was
that the entire Peninsula was embraced in the treaty. Instead,
then, of wasting time in cavils about particular passages in the
treaty, let us see what was doing and what ought to have been
done under the treaty„ The Duke of Wellington gave it a com-
plete ratification. He ordered fifty thousand muskets to be
sent to the Basque provinces. For what purpose ? I call
on the Gentlemen opposite, who cry out so vehemently for
justice to Navarre, and have very little regard for justice to
Ireland.._.] call on those who tell us that the Basques are
fighting for their immemorial rights, and who protest that we
ought not to interfere in the struggle, to tell me for what
purpose the Duke of Wellington sent 60,000 bayonets to
Spain ?—( Hear, hear.) Thera Is no distinction between the
transmission of arms and the authorisation of British subjects
to cotes tlos service of Spain—(lleari flour)—and they in-
dulge in mere factitious sensihility who contend that the
Basques, after having asacioiated their cause with an avowed
despot, are engaged in a struggle which entitles them to the
sympathies of Great Britain. I now come to the Order in
Council. Let it net 110 supposed that our Government vo-
loeteered ju ktranting permission to British subjects to enter
lona the Spanish service. On the 7th of May, the Spanish Mi-
nistry applied to us for co-operation. It was feared that direct
intervention would alarm the sensitiveness of Castilian pride.
In 1819 the Foreign Enlistment Act was passed ; but a
power ?FM reserved to the Crown to suspend its operation.
wai clear that circumstances were anticipated under which

evening one principal point under discussion was how far his.
torical precedent could be adduced to justify the present policy
of Great Britain. Upon that point be belieted scarcely any
precedent had been adduced except from the dark ages of our
history, when it was not unusual for men to engage in war in
service of foreign powers, without any regard to tit'

_ into.
rests of their sovereign or country in its issue.gaz o
At that time
soldiers of this character were termed mercenaries, a term
which he would not apply to the British Legion in Spain, be-
cause he was aware that the spirit of that term had been mis-
unders'ood by many persons, and he did not at all mean to in-
sinuate that the persons who formed part of that Legion were
actuated—as the expression was supposed to imply—by none
but mercenary motives. Looking at the position in which
Great Britain was placed, this Legion stood in a situation in
which British soldiers ought not to stand—a position for which
he could only find a parallel in the mercenaries he had alluded
to in the darker ages of our history. The proceedings of Nel-
sou at Corsica, and of Sir Sidney Smith at Acre, had been
pointed to ; but both these precedents were equally inappli-
cable, as they were drawn from a period when this country was
avowedly at war.—( Hear.) The simple question now before
the House, therefore, was this, whether the course which his
Majesty's Government had pursued in regard to Spanish
atFairs had been justified by the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance?
If it was so justified, then he admitted it would be unfair to
them to find fault with them for what they had done, or to
oppose obstacles in the way of the pursuance of that policy.
fie wished the House to remark' this important fact, that the
objects of the Quadruple treaty were accomplished before the
additional articles were signed. It would be found that all
the proceedings of the Noble Lord opposite were founded on
those additional articles, and not on the original treaty. It
was those additional articles which imposed upon us the duty
of naval co-operation. If his Majesty's Government were to
tell him that it was advantageous to this country to send out
as many more Englishmen to be sacrificed, and to spend ano-
ther half million in the execution of their project, he would
iy that they might have good arguments in which to found
such an assertion, but that so necessity for such proceedings
was imposed on them by the treaty. He (Lord Mahon) and •
his friends on that side of the House were quite willing to
fulfil the conditions of the treaty ; but they were not willing
to adopt any such interpretation of those conditions. What
was there in the treaty which justified the change of a naval
co-operation into a land army ? He had on a former occasion put
a question to the Noble Lord, which the Noble Lord had not
thought proper to answer. lie had asked the Noble Lord what
limit there was as to time or expense to the treaty. If the mi-
litary aid were required for twenty years, and if an expense
of twenty millions were required, were we bound to afford
them ? This was really an important question ; for it in.
volved the consideration whether or not the country was
pledged to an unlimited expense and time. The Honourable
Member for St. Alban's had asserted, that at the beginning
of the Peninsular war the Duke of Wellington threatened to
shoot his prisoners taken from the French if the French did
not adopt on their part a course of lenity towards the Portu-
guese taken by them. The French on the invasion of Por-
tugal put to death many of the Portuguese militia, on the
plea that they were not military but civil, and therefore rebels.
The Duke never threatened death by way of retaliation. On the
contrary, he offered rewards for such French men as were saved by
the Portuguese peasantry and brought into his head-quarters.
There was not the slightest ground for the Hon. Member for
St. Alban's parallel between the Duke of Wellington's conduct
in Portugal and the recent disgraceful transactions in Spain. A
decided and honourable determination had been manifested on
his side of the House. not to pass any censure on the conduct of
the Gallant Officer who commanded the British troops in Spain.
But they must all deplore the stain which the British arms had
received in that country. It would be quoted against us for
many a year. With respect to the Biscayans, he sympa-
thised with their struggle for liberty; but that sympathy was
not at all inconsistent with disregard for the interests of Don
Carlos. If ever there was a proposition in the support of
which it might be expected that all parties would concur, it
was the present. What was its object ? To prevent the
further effusion of blood. He would vote for it on the same
principle as that which had induced him to vote for the miti-
gation of the penal code.
Mr. WARD begged to recal the attention of the House
to what he had said. lie had not east any imputation on
the Duke of Wellington. He had said indeed that even in
civilised warfare there might be cases in which the lex tali-
ottis was justifiable, and that it had been pressed upon the
Duke of Wellington in the course of the Peninsular war, in
order to compel the French Mamlials to recognise certain
principles of honourable warfare. He meant to cast no sort
of reflection whatever on his conduct.
Dr. LUSHINGTON felt some surprise when the Noble
Lord stated that the Duke of Wellington had put the narrowest
construction on that treaty. But he was not aware that his
Grace, to whose opinion he was bound to defer, had ever de-
clared, that, taking all the circumstances into consideration,
the treaty bore any other construction than that which had
been given to it by the Noble Lord the Foreign Secretary.
Now, the foundation of the present discussion was the treaty of
1834 ; but it was to the additional articles appended to that
treaty to which attention must more especially be paid. There
were, indeed, some passages it that treaty which deserved se-
rious consideration, if they wished to ascertain the just exposi-
tion of the articles. It was not true to say that those who
entered upon this treaty had regard to Portugal only, and not
to Spain. The contracting parties had placed under their
consideration, and placed upon record, the political fact and
circumstance, that Don Carlos had headed the rebellious sub-
jects of Spain. This and all other flatters were enumerated,
and the anxious desire of the British Government was that
peace should be maintained. But there were also former
treaties by which the two countries were bound more closely.
Let the House mark the object and the circumstances of this
treaty; at the very time Dun Carlos and Don Miguel were
within the Portuguese territory, and it was to expel them that
that treaty and the additional articles were framed ; but the
leading motive was to establish peas: in both Spain and Por-
tugal. In order to attain that object it was specially provided
that Great Britain should co-operate with the armies of Spain
and Portugal with a naval force. Mark, then, the intent of
the treaty, and see what construction it bore. The object was
to prevent Don Carlos from acquiring supreme power in Spain.
Then ca,ne the article which was called by a mistake the cor-
responding article, applicable to France. They were told
that the best mode of interpretation was to refer to the article
of France, but he trusted be should be able to overthrow this
argument. If the intention had been the blockade of the
coasts merely, why was not that fact expressed by the con-
tracting parties ?—( Hear, hear.) Nose, so far from the two
articles, which regarded England and France, being corre-
sponding articles, they were wholly different in their terms
and application. In the ono case, France was bound
to prevent the transport of stores, &c., across her frontier into
Spain ; in the other, England was bound to prevent Carlos
from seizing the throne of Spain, by sending into her ports
such arms, ammunition, &c„ as might be desired by the
Queen. In the .one case there was an active obligation on
the part of Great Britain, and a passive obligation on the
kingdom of France. Then followed the obligation of Eng-
land to assist, if necessary, with a naval force. Then the
doubt was raised as to the extent of operations of the naval
force. He would ask, how were they to try the feeling of
the contracting parties as to their intent? Because, by the
intent the treaty ought to be construed and fulfilled. He
humbly apprehended that one thing was clear, that the parties
did not mean that the British fleet was likely to meet that of
Don Carlos—that they did not mean to carry on war on the
high seas. That was not the object ; but the object was, a
a naval warfare along the coast. Was it or was it not the uni.
versal custom of Great Britain, in all such cases, to resort
to naval warfare ?• It was vain to talk of precedents, and
he defied any one to produce a single case in which a British
force had been employed on a coast in which they were not
similarly exercised.—( Hear.) It was said that there had not,
indeed, been a declaration of war made in the Gazelle. Nor
was there. But let the House see what was the bearing of
the question. He wanted to know whether it was not just as
much an act of war to blockade the ports of Spain and to pre,
waror waasrlaink;
tvdheoanntti
csnoui
uop
dtl;
be se
lecvnoatt
ksecrvni lioiTgtv
citthh es_
aecnit o"
miusatnikcis tmo
ghoollid
aitlh
Hear, hear.) Of all the fanciful
mistake: ever yet made was that made by those who said that
they were to assist the Queen of Spain with a naval force. If
they were to assist by 4 naval force, It meant nothing more nor
lois then that it naval force should do that which it had ever
done, and been accustomed to do. Now he would take leave
of this argument with one observation, namely, that withgat
reference to the policy of the question, ciret.4 liritain was
bound to do no more than to Fellatio those solemn obligations
which henotir and bouety called upon her to regard—and to
do this accordingio 'the true meaning of the contracting sarties,
and to afdopt that coorqf Yyhipb §itti w,a4l4sked tp do. It was
his Imrollle hope, the" whether. these treaties had been entered
4.1t9 this country in conformity stmt Ow just views of policy
er riot, still it mot ever be the policy of this country, as it
ought to be and was its proudest boast, to observe those
treaties freely : instead of confining herself to narrow limits,
it would be her boast honestly to al* the great object fur

it might be deemed judicious that foreign enlisenent she WA be
allowed. It was thought in 1823 by the ,Vi ..•- th thou;li
circumstances had arisen at that jusetm e. that .. :e„od
moral effect would he produced b:s repeeling the Aet,
thus signifying the interest we took in the liber. les of Spain—
(l may incidentally observe that the Noble Len] the Member
n
for Lancashire voted for the repeal cf the Act ; hew I e ill
vote to-night it is not for me to anticipate) —the app:ivation
to which I have referred having been made to the Whig Go-
vernment for assistance, it was thought that the wisest csnrse
would be to issue the Order in Council. Let r.o.v see
how far that proceeding, which was, beyond all doubt, ia
conformity with the spirit of the Treaty, has been justi-
fied in point of policy by events. Three -.charges have
been brought against the Legion ; and iesubo dination,
inhumanity, and want of disciplined intrepidity in action,
have been attributed to them. With respect to disorganize-
tion, it existed to a considerable extent, but it ought to he
recollected that even in the best armies it will, under pees,-
liar circumstances, unfortunately arise. Was not the retreat
of the Duke of Wellington after his defeat at Bergos, at-
tended with a lamentable loss of discipline, for v hie); the
Duke of Wellington is not in the slightest degree responsible.
And how can it be wondered at that such levies as comcosed
the Auxiliary Legion should in the midst of hardships, cer-
tainly not occasioned by themselves, have been defichent in
subordination.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the excesses
into which the Legion had been betrayed, let it he remem-
bered that, although they were not justifiable, they were not
unprovoked.—( Hear.) They gave no quarter, and they re-
ceived none ; to the merciless they showed uo mercy ; and I
question whether the Gallant Officer opposite at the head of the
best troops in the service could, notwithstanding all his habits
o f control, restrain his men from vengeance if they saw their
fellow-soldiers lying butchered and mutilated with every inci-
dent of the most degrading '.gnominy before them.—(Loud
cries of " Hear.") Bat from every participation in these
offences against human;ey General Evans is entirely free._
(Load cheering.) isle order of a vindictive character was
ever issued by hint, But while the Gallant Officer is thus
at once vehemesit and pathetic, in reprobating the excesses
of retaliation, what will he say of the atrocious Durango
Decree?--(Loud cheering, and cries of " Hear, hear I")
by wb;.ch murder in cold blood was enjoined by Don Carlos?
The, Tories will of course condemn him ; but while they con-
d'smn him they recommend measures of which the effect will
be to plant the crown of Spain upon his head.—( Cheers. )
With respect to the last charge—the want of valour—it cannot
be denied that a portion of our troops, in a most discreditable
manner, gave way. But I believe that most troops, excepting,
those which have acquired a veteran stability, are occasionally
subject in a moment of surprise to such moral disasters as in
the instance referred to befel the Auxiliary Legion.—(Hear,
hear, hear.) And was it, let me ask, quite legitimate to ex-
patiate with so much force upon a single calamity, and to omit
the mention of those achievements for which the Legion de-
serve no ordinary praise ? ( Cheers. ) The Spanish Cortes
tied Government thanked General Evans for the battle of St.
Sebastian ; the French General expressed his warmest com-
mendations ; and I shall, I hope, be pardoned for suggesting
that an incident which to a French soldier afforded matter for
congratulation, ought, in the mind of the Gallant Officer
opposite, to have in some sort counterbalanced the unfortu -
nete transotion upon which the Gallant Officer has so
Ftrongly dilated ? I pass now to the second branch of the
motion of the Gallant Officer. Nothing can be worse, it seems,
than the failure of the Legion, excepting the success of the
Marines. The Gallant Officer would withdraw the Legion,
because, as he erroneously conceives, they have failed ; and
would withhold the assistance of the Marines because they
have succeeded I This is exceedingly anomalous. The Gal-
lant Officer dwells upon the nature of the service to which he
conceives that these fine troops ought to be confined, and in-
sists that it is only upon the ocean they should be permitted to
serve their country. I answer the Gallant Officer by a simple
r. ference to their motto. " Per snare per terrans". sets all
discussion upon this part of the question at rest. Read the
treaty, with a view to the interests of your country, and not to
speculations of your party, and you will rid yourselves of. mi-
serable dissertations on mere words and phrases, and arrive at
tic just meg lofty sense of this great quadruple compact. It
is alleged that the measures of the Government have not
produced any good results.—( Hear, hear.) Try that alle-
gation by this test. If those measures had not been adopted, if the
Auxiliary Legion and the Marines had not given their co-
operation, what would have befallen the Spanish people ?
Would not Bilboa have been taken by assault ? and would not
the British seamen see from afar tyon the main the standard
of Don Carlos floating front the castle of St. Sebastian ?
( Cheers.) Take another test, if you please it. Let me sup-
pose this motion carried. The courier that will convey the
intelligence will convey tidings of great joy to St. Peters-
burg, to Vienna, and to Berlin ; and he will convey tidings of
great dismay wherever men value the possession of freedom, or
pant for its enjoyment. It will palsy the arm of liberty in
Spain : it will fill her heart with despair. A terrible revul-
sion will be produced ; from Calpe to the Pyrenees the cry
" We are betrayed by England !" will be heard ; and over
that nation which you will indeed have betrayed, Don Carlos
will march without an obstacle to Madrid.—(Cheters from the
Opposition.) You cheer me, do you ? Who are you that cheer
me ? Not your leaders—not the men who are 'placed conspicu-
ously before me. They know, they feel, the impolicy of these
rash manifestations. They profess horror ee. the atrocities of Den
Carlos, and deprecate his triumph ut you that cheer me
disclose your hearts, and exhibit the wishes by which your
political conduct is determined. Cheer on—yes, exult in the
anticipated victories of despotism in Spain, and with your
purpose let the people of r England be made well acquainted.
But, turning from yon, I call upon the rest of the House, and
to the British people beyond the House, to reflect upon the
events which must follow the triumph of Don Carlos. Do
you not know him ? Do you stand in need of any illustra-
tions of his character ? What was it tha. befel Spain when
the Constitution was suppressed in 1823 ? Do you not think
that Don Carlos will improve upon Ferdinand's example, and
recollect what model was held out to him ? Have we fos_
gotten the 'massacre at Cadiz ? Is Riego's blood effac, d
from our memories ? With whom, attended with what coin-
paninnship, encompassed by what councillors, did Don Carlos
land in England ? Did he not dare to set his foot upon our
shores with Morello the murderer of Boyd and Torrijos
beside Lim ? But what further evidence of his character
and his propensities do we want than his terrible Du-
rango ordinance ? I have heard it asked whether it be
befitting that in Spain, the theatre of so many of those
exploits whose memory will be everlasting, the British flag
should be lowered in discomfiture, and before the mountain
peasants British soldiers should give way ? I feel the force Of
that question. But there is another which I venture to put
to every man who hears me, and, among all those that heat- me,
above all to the Gallant Officer by whom this motion hes been
ma he. I invoke the same recollections—l appeal to the same
glorious remembrances—and in the name of thoee scenes of
which the Gallant Officer was not only a vritncee, but bore in
them a part, of which he bears the honourable attestation
about him, I ask whether it be befitting that in Spain—that
in the country whose freedom was achieved by such prodi-
gies of English valour, where so many of your fellow-
soldiers who fell beside you lie buried—is it, I ask, be-
titting that in that land, consecrated as it is in the annals of
England's glory, a terelle, refutes 'less, relentless, inex-
orable despotism should be established, and that the Throne
which England sated should be filled by the purple tyrant
whose arms have been steeped to the shoulders in the blood
of your cottntrymen—not in the fields of honourable combat
slain, hut when the heat of battle had passed, and its sweat
had been wiped away—savagely and deliberately murdered?
Their bones are bleaching on the Pyrenean snow—their
blood cries out ; and shall we, entrusted as we are by the Bri-
tish people with the care of the dignity, the honour, and the
just vengeance of our country—shall we, instead of flying at
once to arms, facilitate the ascent to the throne of Spain of
the guilty man by whom these outrages upon every law, di-
vine and human, have been committed? Never.—( Loud
cheering.) The people of this country are averse to wanton
and unnecessary war ; but where the honour of England is at
stake there is no consequence which they have not prepared
to meet--( Renewed cheers)—no hazard which they will not
be found prompt to encounter.—(The Hon. and Learned
Member resumed his seat amidst loud cheers.)
Sir HENRY HA RDINGE rose to explain. The House
would recollect that in tracing the misfortunes of the L glen
to that defeat which they had finally experienced, he uni-
formly attributed that result to the treatment which they re-
ceived from the Spanish Government.—( Hear, hear.) He
had on various occasions stated not only that General Evans
had taken every opportunity of remonstrating against this
treatment, but that he had on every occasion conducted him-
self in the most honourable manner, an I as it became a gal-
lant officer to do.—( Hear, hear.) He (Sir Henry Hardinge)
had also stated that the men forming the Legion had often
maintained the gallantry of their countrymen. But he had
also stated that broken down as the Legion were by mis-
fortune, and latterly disorganized by a mutinous spirit, they
no longer constituted a force capable of representing the
gallantry of this country. He had also mentioned the
fact that Colonel Churchill had declared that the cause
of his leaving the Legion was the insubordination of the
men, solely owing to the want of pay. He would appeal
then to the House, and to the country, whether—(Loud
cries of " Chair, chair," " Order, order.") He was sure the
House would see the position in which he was placed.—_( Cries
of " Spoke.") The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had, in
the course of his observations, treated his remarks with great
injustice. —( Hear.) He should be ready, as a military officer
—( Hear, order.)
Mr. S HEIL said, that the only words of the Right Hon.
and Gallant Officer which he had caught were, that he (Mr.
Shell) had treated him with great injustice. If he (Mr.
Sheil) had done so he was unconscious of it, and was extremely
sorry for it.---(Hear.) But he would put it to the House
whether lie had said more than it was perfectly fair in a poli-
tical opponent to do?—( Hear.) If the Right Hon. and Gal-
lant Gentleman would permit him to say as much, he believed
him to be incapable of misrepresenting any man ; and he (Mr.
Sheil) believed that there was not any man in the House
astuated by a higher sense of honour than the Right Hon. and
Gallant Officer.—( Hear.)
Sir JOHN ELLEY then rose to address the House, but
he was very indistinctly heard in the gallery. We under-
stood him to say, that alter the eloquent speech of the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman, it was not his intention to trespass
long upon the patience of the House. He, however, was
anxious to take a different view of the subject from that which
had hitherto been taken of it by any Hon. Member who had
preceded him. He believed that the formation of the British
Legion was in consequence of the Order in Council, and
that that Order was concocted by Mendizabal and d'Alava,
but from which the latter subsequently receded. The
Hoe. and Gallant General proceeded to say that the
Auxiliary Legion possessed none of those peculiar attributes
which belonged to the military force of Great Britain. The
truth was, that General Evans had been deceived both by hie
friends in this country and by the Spanish Government, and