The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 15, 1837.

elections in that country, if possible, still more Popish.
The counteracting feeling in England will become,
from day to (lay, more excited and more strong, and
the next elections in this country will turn. deci-
dedly upon "No Popery." _The Ministers will
then, for the mere selfish object of retaining place
and power, have brought on a national and reli-
gious struggle between the two portions of the
empire, and devolved on their successors the proba-
bility of dealing with a civil war. They have evoked
all the bad elements of society in Ireland, and.called
them to their aid. They have armed brute ignorance
against knowledge—superstition against intelligence—
priestly fraud against Christian truth—Popery against
Protestantism, and have raised a storm which they
are too weak to control, and which mightier spirits than
the pigmy politicians of the Melbourne Cabinet must
be called upon to allay. That constitutional Con-
servatism will eventually triumph,
_and that the Pro-
testant religion will come stronger than ever out of a
conflict so wantonly provoked by a destructive faction,
cannot admit of a doubt ; but, in the mean time, much
evil will be suffered—much real improvement pre-
vented ; nor will it be any great consolation to the
lovers of their country to know that the Whig authors
of the sufferings and crimes of this national and reli-
gious struggle will not be allowed to escape into
oblivion from the ignominious celebrity of their mis-
deeds.—Morning Herald.

The public journals which support the Queen's
present .Ministers devote themselves almost unani-
mously to the most outrageous slanders on the Minis-
ters of that Church of which the Queen is the head,
and to which she has upon the most solemn occasions
declared her attachment. This is not the least hate-
ful among the anomalies which arise out of a system of
Government like the present—a system in which the
ostensible servants of the Crown have leagued them-
selves with the enemies of the institutions that the
Crown is bound to support—a system which entrusts
democracy with the defence of monarchy, and puts the
guardianship of our religious Establishment in the
hands of those who are slaves to an infidel confederacy.
This wretched system, which would almost seem
to have been devised by the enemy of mankind for
the promotion of every sort of wickedness and
baseness, is evidently reeling towards its fall, and
they whose hopes were founded upon its success are
full of fury against the men who have been mainly
instrumental in bringing it to its present condition.
No doubt—and to their honour and their praise be it
ever mentioned—no doubt the clergy of the Esta-
blished Church have been greatly instrumental in
causing the minds of rational and thoughtful men in
this kingdom to regard with due abhorrence the
political machinations of those foes of virtue and
of piety—of the happiness of mankind, both here
and hereafter —the men of that party which falsely
calls itself " Liberal." On this account they are
exposed to the malignant attacks of the persons
who support the Queen's present Ministers : but let
them remember, for their comfort, that such attacks
are the sure evidence of the good they have done.
They are the reproaches of the wolves against the
faithful shepherd—the denunciations of thieves
against the vigilant watchman—the murmurs of the
cowardly deserters .against the commander who has
detected their perfidy, and exposed them to their
more honest companions. It is, however, not in the
least true that the Established Clergy have mingled in
the strife of party politics. That mode of assisting a
political party they leave to the ecclesiastical memberi
of that " Church without a religion" which usurps
absolute political authority in Ireland. These mock
ecclesiastics, who rush through the country at a
general election, more like incarnate fiends than the
Ministers of peace—who bear in their hands not the
Bible, but a whip, to scourge reluctant voters to the
poll—whose mouths are full of cursing, and under
whose tongue are vanity and lies—they receive the
praises of the advocate of the Queen's present Mi-
nisters. They are commended as the diligent and
praiseworthy promoters of political good ; and here
indeed it must be allowed there is no inconsistency,
for such efforts as theirs are very meet service for
that party in England with which they are allied.
" Evil be thou my good" seems to be the motto of
each active individual of that party, and eagerly do
they work for the abolition in men's hearts of every
principle whose fruit is a dignified and tranquil mind.
To make man what Lord Bacon so forcibly calls " a
busy, mischievous, wretched thing—no better than a
kind of vermin"—seems to be the object of their poli-
tical labours, and no doubt it is so ; for when men are
in this state of impotent self-adoring vanity they are
the fittest instruments of tyrants, and the least likely
to make a dignified resistance to the presumptuous en-
croachments of a merely human authority. Whatever
other errors we may make in our political speculations,
of this one thing we feel most confident, that the
people who in these days call themselves " Liberals''
are not only in fact, but in intention (at all events the
leaders of them), conspirators against the liberties of
mankind.

" License they mean when they ery liberty,
For who loves that must first be wise and good."

But how have the Clergy of the Establishment been
instrumental in that great work of virtuous patriotism,
the defeat of the present Administration in the general
election ? Why, simply by the inculcation of good
principles, and by the earnest direction of the minds of
honest men to testify against the moral guiltiness in-
volved in the statesmanship of the present Ministers.
What do the " Liberals" suppose should have made
the Clergy of the Establishment, high and low, rich
and poor, refined or simple—what should have made
them so generally hostile to the Government ? It is
not the interest of any Clergyman to be opposed
to the chief dispensers of Church patronage, and
the sole dispensers of its highest dignities. It is
not the habit of Clergymen to oppose themselves
to the existing administration of political affairs,
or to the party which supports Administration.
Why then is it that the rural districts which
most indicate the effects of clerical guidance are so
generally opposed to the present Government—why
have they beaten the Government in this election ?
Why does it appear almost universally, from the val-
leys of Devonshire and Cornwall to the hill-sides of
Caithness, that a mighty reaction has taken place in
the minds of the electors, and that the very districts
which sent Members to support the Reform Bill now
range themselves in determined opposition to a Go-
vernment which pretends to be a continuation of the
" Reform Government?" The religious and moral
instruction which these electors receive resolves the
question. When the " Liberal" party shall have
succeeded in doing what has been done in Ireland—
when the minds of the electors are brutally enslaved
by bigotry and superstition, so that no independent
tribunal to decide between right and wrong exists
in each individual's breast—then such a Govern-

merit as the present may succeed in obtaining
British support, as it does Irish support ; but
not until then. It is ridiculous to suppose that the
distinction between 'Whig and Tory—between Ra-
dical and Conservative—is that which affects the

people, who .take their instruction from the Clergy.
They go upon higher grounds. They are shocked at
the monstrous infidelity of the present Ministers to
their oaths of office and to their former professions, in
the alliance which they have made with Mr. O'Con-
nell, and in their desertion of Protestant principles, in
order to further the ends of that alliance. Look at
the proof. When Sir Robert Peel dissolved the Par-
liament, Lord John Russell was elected for Devonshire
without opposition. Within three months he went
back again to ask for a renewal of the confidence of
the electors; but within that fatal three months the
league with Mr. O'Connell was made, and its condi-
tion extorted. Lord John Russell had debased him-
self to be an O'Connell slave, and how did he
fare in Devonshire then? A Conservative a comi•
try gentleman, of whom the London public had
never heard bgfore.._--beat him out of Devonshire,
by a majority of between s 4 ana seven hundred, and
his Lordship has taken good ears not to show hi®
face there since. The Parsons, it was said, did
this—yes, but why did they not do it before ? Simply
hepays,c the Parson power—the power of religious and
virtuous prnoopips pypr vice and profligacy, whether
political or personal,did Pgt I)PF upon Lord John
Russell until then. He cast himself upon &lie s,p4E.ps
which the Clergy have set up in the way of the wicked',
and he was wounded as he deserved to be. The same