The Sun.
London, England, 1830-10-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

By the arrival of mails from Renders and Holland
yesterday, we have received Flemish journals to the
oils inst., and Dutch of the same date. Account-
from the Hegtie, Antwerp, tool Brussels reach
the sth. We have inserted wider the ps oiler head.
in !mother part of our Paper, every thing that ap-
pears of importance re-pet:deg Belgium either it
the public prints or in our private corropendence.
Political events in that distraeed country are pros
ceedieg exactly in the course which might have beer
expected from the unhappy impulse which hail beet
given them. The flame of insurrection seem,
spreading in the Southern Province,, and the PIM
visional Governmeut of Brussels has in collar quenea
assumed a more decided attitude of independence.
It is endeavouring to raise an army,—to organze
civil government,—to reduce the fortresses still it.
the hands of the King's troops,—to encourage
popular resistance to the Dutch,—to provide for the
expenditure of the view State by appropiatieg the
taxes levied under former laws,—to restore the ad-
ministration of justice,—and to establish an effectual
police for the capital. It has accordingly appointed
the governors of prov4ices (some of which have
not yet been conquered), dieplacell the law-officers
of the tribunals fur others of its own choice ,• and
given military promotion to, II those
officers who
have deserted their former master. , Though it has
not yet been jiiined by any of 'the persons of nails
who treated with the King in behalf of their cont
trymen before the late attack, it may soon exlaic
such an :recession of diameter and con-equsnre.
M. de Stassart, who was in 113 French Prefect at
the Hague,—who Required his notions of Belgic
liberty in the school of Napoleon, heel who hue
lately been able to turn to the account of his pis
triotism that hatred which he inspired by his official
exactions, has giVen in his adhesion to de Pomo
and his colleagiics, iviro, after eovering him with
ridicule in a correspondence published some time
ngo, may perhaps new make him governor of ti
province. But the most important transaction
of time ruling power is a decree signed by the
frier members of the Provisional Government,
fixing the future destiny of Belgium, or
in other words proclaiming its political inde—
pendence. The issue of such u decree was
of course to be expected, in order to put an end to
all interference on the part of the Royal Govern-
ment, and to prevent atiy attempt at negotiation far
a federative re-union of. Belgium with Holland
tinder the Name Crown. The ennrrier des Pays Bar,
whose editors at present dire et or emistitute the
Provisional Government,lol announced, some days
ago, that it was necessary to take up their position
on the ground of independence, in order to defeat
the projects of those %silo might be satie,fied with
less. "this official organ of peter announces that
no branch of tire family of Orange shall ever reign
in Bllock. Ott the Out of the King, the sepera-
tient of the Belgic from the Dutch provinces has
been pronounced, in the appointment of a eornmis-
sion to , carry the measure. into execution. This
commission is enjoined never to forget, " that the
object of the revisal of the fundamental law is to
guarantee the two great divisions of the kingdom
from the influence which one might exercise over
the other;" so that the demand which wits ad-
dressed to the Prince of Orange on time 11 of Sep-
tember, and on which no decision had been taken till
the repulse from Brussels, is now to be fully
granted. In order that his Royal Highness may
)lave, the best chrome of completing a work which
was first announced in his presence, and be able to
save for his family a remnant of those dominions
which be was willing to see administered on a view
system, he has been sent by his father to Antwerp,
with a proper assortment of enunsellore, to en-
courage the loyalty of those inhabitants who still
maintain their allegiance' and to invite the disaf-
fected 'from the standard of revolt. In the former
nbject he may to a eertuin extent succeed, at least
so far as Antwerp is concerned; but the temper
and principles of the ruling junta at Brussels, pre-
clude the hope of attaining the latter. Indeed,
their decree of independence seems to have been ex-
pressly issued in anticipation of such a conciliatory
policy, and with the view of defeating it. In this
state of things, both the Belgic and French Papers
seem to think it their duty to examine the feelings
of certain European Powers with respect to the re.
cent events in the Netherlands, and to discuss at
great length the question of their interference in Bel-
gic affairs. They even express their surprise that
the English press has been so long silent ; and as-
cribe this silence to some portentous projects of me-
ditated war and inversion, which it dare not yet re-
veal. With a little reflection they might have dis-
covered a different cause. The question of armed
interviation in this ease has not beep discussed with
us for the best of all possible reasons,—namelys—
that nue policy on the point has long been considered
ar settled,—that no foreign Government has pro.
posed to interfere, and that nee charge Las been
brought against this country of abandoning its
avowed principles. It would thus have been absurd
to combat propositions which nobody made, and to
deny intentions which nobody entertained. No matt
is called upon to be the champion of his wife's vir-
tue, till her purity is questioned or her reputation as-
sailed. Out of the present divisions in the Nether-
lands, and anarchy it: Belgium, only three results de-
serving the attention of other Governments are pos-
sible, and in all of them interference would he either
impolitic or useless. The Belgic provinces may, Ist,
be satisfied with the grant of their original demand
of separate administrations under the same crown;
nri 2dly, they may declare themselves independent
under the Prince of Orange; or, idly, they may.
erect themselves into a federative or any other
republic. It is pleb) dint in the first case any
intervention would be directed, not against the
Belgic insurgents, but against Me King otf the Ne-
therlands himself, who now proposes and is prepared
to sanction the separation; that in the second case
it would endanger the new throne of the Orange
tinnily, to be erected in Brussels; and, in the third
Case, that it would bear the odious character of in-
terposing to resist certain principles of government,
and to dictate to an enlightened people under whet
forms of order or kind of institutions they shall live.
But it is said the Belgic provinces, after renewed:sic
the merriment of their preseet Sovereign, may
thrcere theinselvis into the arms of France, and thus,
by aggrandizing the territories of thin French Crown,
and gtving Frence a new litre of fortresses, destroy
the existing behtece of power in 'Europe To this
our reply is brief and conclusive--that in such cir-
cumitences the interposition of Eogland or of her
Allies would entirely change its diameter. It would
not be interference with Belgium, but a war against
France, which would be in possession of the los-
tresses before we could reach. them. Our quarrel
would then be not with the Provisional Government
of 4e Potter and Co., for giving their country up
to France, but with France for accepting the pre-
sent,—not with rebels for stealing the fairest jewel
from the eroWn of their Sovereign to sell it to a
foreign Monarch, hut with that Monarch for making
the putchase—in short (to use Old Bailey languege),,
not with the thief, but with the receiver of the stolen
{goods.' The war in such a case would be as legiti-
mate, according to the code of international policy,
Ite if France had actually invaded Belgium and taken
the fortresses by storm. The treachery or rebellion
of one party cats never be pleaded as an excuse for
the ambitious or dangerous aggrendisetnent of
another; and France would tie a* guilty efts breach
of faith towards her allies in acceinieg the willing
allegiance: of the Belgian*, as in compellin the re-
luetent submission of Geneva or fa gW
hyvlet9otuhrtk_6llll4atatillii:lttot:rocifigo r.e4aveile..or arieeel!---re
ettiairelsgiainat
cloy
interfelrelnee nrition-in Pae
iYI ris de-
vinces, either on the pert of theirwi own C>4etVCrtlrrtetet
or on that of any other Power. F..veei ins re eun
pipers assure us that they arm siot deeitotie of
accession of Belgium to Fiatuse, and are so mutest
as to allow that the Belgians can govern themeelves
as well as they could be governed by the citieen
King On the other hand, the inhabitants of see'

Belgic provinces cannot be very anxious for a con-
nexion which would entirely destroy their political
importance, by Merging their independence, their
name, and their privileges, into'a great kingdom, of
which they would only compose, as formerly, eight
gar nine departments. We need not advert here to
he question of the fortresses, the difficulties of
which would be increased by foreigteintetference.—
Nor need we anticipate a protracted struggle be•
tween the different divisions of the preeent Belgic
wonarchy,which wonbl at last require the interpo-
iition of other Powers, on the principle of general
nuisance, similar to that which led them to mediate
in the affair:4'd Greece.—Times.

We received last night Dutch Papers, from some
of which we subjoin extracts. One of them, the
filainfe/shad, in an article under the head
lntwetp, states, that though all is tranquil there,
ihunks to the strong garrison, " the spirit that pre.
• veils is miserable ; the joy ut the triumph of the
people of Brussels anti other rebel towns may be
read in every eotieteoance; even the best disposed
peak tigni#l44 the Government, and for the insur-
gents; those who are silent are so from interest or
fear." This, we have, no doubt, is a very faithful
picture of the state of things at Antwerp, and assum-
ing it to be so (the quarter whence it comes is in its
!avow), wit may thus see what slight foundation t het e
was for concluding that a separation of interests would
lead the people of ,Antwerp to abandon their coun-
trymen for- the Dutch. In all - cases of strong ea.
Initial excitement, calculations of individual interests
en for very little. We might as well suppose, if the
Unims between Englatid and Ireland were to be dis-
solved, Liverpool would join Ireland on account of the
Irish provision trade being almost engrossed by
Liverpool. if there is one place more than another
where we should expect to find hostility to the
Dutch it would be Antwerp, Which, from being the
first commercial city in Europe, sunk to compara-
tive in,igellicatiee in eme4equence of the closing of
the navigation of the Scheldt, end the eonsequeet
transfer of its trade -to Amsterdam. The memory
of those grievances, of the duration of ceoturies, ire
not obliterated in a day. The attempt to coax the
people of-Antwerp, by making it the residence of
the Belgian Costa, will fail in a moment of national
excitement. -It is holding up die people of Ant-
werp to the rest of their countrymen as base enough
to abandon their Catlise for the paltry bribe of the
residence of a Dutch Prince and his courtiers among
them. The Paper above ulluded to contains a para-
graph purporting, " that for the present only Nines-
treelit and Antwerp will be occupied till a Prussian
Army. has entered Belgium ; this will happen sooner
than its, perhaps, thoneht, us 3,000 men are already
assembled at Aix-la-Chapelle, and troops are daily
tdratieittg to the frontiers of Belgium." We are
inclined to believe that a Prussian army will not
enter Belgium, and that the Dutch Journalist allows
his wkhes tb warp his judgment. These are not
times for Kings to give way to fits •of caprice mind
Tort with the happiness of their subjects. The
German's, and more particularly the Prussians, have
not yet forgotten their sufferings when the French
• were.their musters--sefferings brought upon them
• by the Treaty of Piluitz and the invasion by the
Duke of 'Brunswick. The Germans have more than
once experienced to their cost,
Quicquid (Jenrette Reges, pleetuntur Achivi.”
If they "vital to avoid being trampled on, they must
place themselves in a state which shall secure them
from being used its instruments for trampling on
others. We protest against till interference of
States with the Adis of, each other. If the King
of the Netherlands can gain over the people of Bel,
Oen), either by force of arms or persuasion, let him
do so in God's name. But let it once be under-
stood that neighbouring States shall be allowed, on
any pretext whatever, to Interfere between a King
and his subjects, and there is no amount of opptes-
sion which. will not be thereby-sanctioned. To se-
cure Kings against the revolt of their subjects is to
remove the most powerful check aguinst misgovern-
ment. All interference, therefore, between the sub-
jects of a particelar State and their Ruler, whether
on the pretence that the balance of Europe requires
such and such States to be of is particular magni-
tude, the tranquillity of Europe requires that there
should be no republics in It, ought to be rigorously
proscribed, as enablitig Sovereigns to guarantee each
other against their respective subjects, and making
the interests of tuitions subsidiary to the convenience
or caprice of Princes. We are astonished that a
contemporary (the Globe), who, as well as ourselves,
condemns the principle of interference, should appear
so eager for the return of the Belgians to .subjection
to their late Ruler :

" There seems (he says) two plans fur the settlement of
the affair* of Belgium—the one,, its establishment as a *o-
perate independent State, which, though not strong enough
to defend its.lf against a great power, might be secured,
tike Switzerland, by the common consent of the great
States of Europe; the other, its continued union with
Holland by means of a federal system. if we may judge
from the Belgian Papers, it is the first of these arrange-
ments which those who are now at the head of affairs at
Brussels desire. , The second will be probably more ac-
ceptable to the powers of the Continent , and if so, it will
be wise for the Belgians to purchase peace and security
at the price of it. There is no reason apparent why,
with a separate and free constitution, the Belgians should
not live as happily under their present King us any
other. There is this marked distinction between his
case and that of Charles X. ; the latter violated the
laws, and tried to break down a Charter which was
working well for the people; the King of the Nether•
lands adhered to the Charter, and availed himself of his
powers; he was the victim of one of the fancies of the
Congress of Vienna—the scheme of incorporating two na-
tions, with little regard to their interests, and none to their
prejudices; because it suited the arranged plan of marking
boundaries on the map of Europe. lie had not tact
enough to know all the difficulty of his position (perhaps
no tact would have enabled a Monarch to overcmne it),
but no one has accused him of the want of the probity
and integrity, necessary to administer honestly liberal insti-
ikions. We repeat our hope that the Belgians will act
on the wise principle of insisting on no changes greater
than their interests require ; and above all things, when
they have secured all subatential changes in their inutile-
time which they need. not to sacrifice themselves to a
passion for names and forms. They can obtain real free-
dom without the name of a republic, and real independence
without absolute separation from Holland."

We would put. the powers of the Continent en-'
tirely Out of the question, because they heve- no
right to demard that. the arrangements of the Bel-
gionS should be acceptable to them any more than
the Belgians have a right to insist on the King of
Prussia giving a Constitution to his subjects. Ver.
innately the times are favourable to the exercise of
independence, and of this the Belginos are fully
aware. Having then nothing to dread from their
neighbours, they arc at liberty to consult their
interests, and we think their interest distinctly pret
scribes: to them the exclusion of the. House of
Grunge from ruling over them. They could never
be hiinpy under that family. We will 'suppose a
separation from Holland, with the, King at the head
of the federation. Tim' King, of the Netherlands
would still have the nomination of the Belgian Mi-
ni,teri, and lie would bet strongly inelined'to sive a
preference to those Belgians Who had taken his side
m the disturbances. But allowing even that this
were not the case, . every man baulked' in his am-
bition would attribute his want of success- to. the
persecution of the Government, and the Govern.
merit would, therefore, be constantly charged with
partiality whatever course it pursued. The
Belgians would believe, that to have vindisated
the cause of Belgium, was a crime in the eyes of
their Government. We are supposing all the while
that the Belgians have, as otir contemportuy insi-
111111E0Si little CHUMs fig comploint against the Go-
vernment they kave tiet aside. But the Belgians
themselves would hardly have had recourse to arms
to set aside their Government, if they had not
deemed it. insupportable. honest or not honest,
the Belgians will naturally conclude that the
kiever`eign who could reduce them to the necessity
of embracing' the horrid'ulternative of war, is a very
unfit person: to. have the guidance of their affairs,
now
that:they haVe the liberty of choice. In fact,
tort:some their allegiance is to 'pronounce sentence
of eondetunation on themselves, for it is saying that

the conduct of the Sovereign was not such as to
justify their appeal to the sword. But can such nu
event as the assault at Brussels, in which two
thousand Burghers have perished—can the attempts
of the Government te reduce the Belgians by force of
arias--attempts which have failed for want of means,
hut not for want of will—take place without leav-
ing in the minds of the people of Belgium a feeling
of deadly hatred towards the Sovereign ? It
may be easy for a metaphysician in his closet to
speculate on the impolicy of giving way to passion
on such occasions; but can the people be brought
with the same ease to this state of indifference
?
Should the people of Belgium, then, after driving
the Dutch from their soil and triumphing over their
King, go to that King with this declaration :—" We
bate you for the calamities to which you have sub-
jected us, for involviog us in all the horrors of
civil war ; but we entertain, at the same time, so
high un idea of the wisdom of the Government
which drove us to the desperate expedient of resist-
ance, that we entreat to he once more placed under
its protecting shield." If a nation can only be
happy under a King, surely any man would answer
better as the founder of a new dynasty than
the man who reSuMed his sway with such a formid-
able obstacle to overcome as the hatred and resent-
ment, borne- towards him by a people threntened
with subjugation, and who only escaped that cala-
mity through their own bravery. I3tu, for the sake
of the great moral lesson, and waiving the considera-
tion of the reluctance which the Belgians may well
be supposed to entertain to a return to their allegi-
ance to the K;ng of the Netherlands, it is to be
wished for by the people of every country that the
Belgians should remain unconnected with that Sove-
reign. This result would serve to impress on Kings
the necessity of never allowing the discontent of
their subjects to reach the extremity which renders
it desirable for them to draw the sword in self-
defence. Kings are made for the people, and not
the people for Kings ; and when the discontent at-
tains such a height us to overcome in a people the
natural aversion to such an extremity as armed re-
sistance, it amounts to a proof that the Government
has grossly misconducted itself. Whenever a Sove-
reign, therefore, attempts to maintain his sway by
the employment of arms against his subjects, he &-
dares that his sway ought to terminate. To allow
a King to assault his own capital, to plough up its
streets with grape-shot, and to slaughter the citi-
zens, without !mitering, us the consequence of failure.
the forfeiture of his throne, is to encourage tyranny,
and to nourish in rulers a brutal disregard of their
subjects. Whoever, therefore, the people have the
power, it is their duty, for the sake of the example,
that Kings may see that there are limits which they
may not exceed with impunity, to exclude for ever
the transgressor front any sovereignty over them.l
No matter whether he failed through crime, like
Charles of France, or a stupid obstinacy, like the
King of the Netherlands, the consequences of civil
war are so dreadful, that the punishment of him who
causes it ought to be signal. We therefore have no
hesitation in saying, that if a Sovereign Can be ob-
tainted between Brussels and Morocco, the head of
the House of Orange ought to be excluded.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.
The present state of the Netherlands, which de-
servedly occupies so much of public attention in this
country, as well us on the Continent, shows how
dangerous it is for a 'Government to attempt to rule
a people without consulting their interests and feel-
ings, and how utterly hopeless the state of that Go-
vernment becomes which breaks faith with the
people, and attempts to carry illegal measures by,
fraud and deceit. It also holds out a warning to at-
bitritry Governors, and shows that the slightest over-
sight may, under particular circumstunces, over-
throw their whole system of Government. Had the
King of the Netherlands acted with common pru-
dence and good faith on the late emergency, all the
calamities which are now accumulating on his head
might have been averted, and Europe might have
been spared the misery of witnessing a commotion,
which, but for the most upright and disinterested
conduct of two great Powers may yet excite a ge-
neral war. His conduct in this extraordinary affair
completely belies that character for good sense and
fair dealing which he has so long enjoyed. On the
disturbance breaking out at Brussels, he with appa-
rently good faith—and, as was believed at the time,
with the best intentions—summoned an extraordi-
nary meeting of the States-General, and appealed
to them for advice and assistance. his son was
sent to Brussels to hear the complaints of the
people. He was received with respect, listened to
their grievances, and promised to lay them before
their Sovereign. Affairs were thus so fur ami-
cably arranged, and the inhabitants, trusting
to the, hitherto upright conduct of the King,
and the promise of his son, were waiting
the decision of the States-General, when, to their
utter astonishment, the King sent a hostile army
against them, and issued a proclamation, threaten-
lug vengeance'on those who had introduced a state
of things; the Consitleiation of which he had pro-
mised to rder to the representatives of the people.
The manner in which this threat was attempted to be
carried into effect was only equalled by'the fully and
wickedness of the attempt itself. The troops, in-
stead of blockading the place, which, in all proba-
bility, would have surreedered in a few days—in-
stead of acting with vigour, which in popular corn-
motions is every thing—entered the city witheut
precaution, exposed themselves to the vengeance of
a few ringleaders, and, after firing some shuts, and
committing some excesses, just sufficient to excite
universal hatred, retired, before a handful of citizens,
in disorder and disgrace. The consequence is, that
all the strong places in the Netherlands---the
strongest, perhaps, in, the world, and which it
would require clunpaigns for the first military PoWer
in Europe to conquer-,--are falling one after another
into the hands of half-armed citizens. Perhaps
there,never was an instance in any country of such
gross mismanagement, where so little was necessary
to conciliate the good-will Of the great body of the
people, and where Such uncalled-for measures were
taken to irritate a whole population. 'I he conse-
quence of all this conduct, however, is trifling, as
,regards the King of the Netherlands, or the people of
Belgium, when compared with its effect on the poli-
tics and prospects of Europe. It is easy to gather
from the leading journals of Paris and Brussels
what 'hopes it has excited, and what objects the
prime movers have now in view ; and it will re-
quire the utmost firmness, integrity, mid good faith,
on the part of Great Britain and France, to coun-
teract their purposes. Their first project is to de-
elate the Netherlands an independent State and
their next will be to unite it with France. Those
who know the feelings of the higher and more in-
fluential classes caneot:doubt for a moment that the
one event will follow the other as a natural
,conse-
quence. Ever since the dissolution between France
and the Netherlands, in 1814, the Belgians have
been casting a longing look towards France ; they
fond of imitating the manners of that country,
of speaking the !impinge, and looking up to the
French as brethren and protectors; and these feel-
ings have been daily gaining strength in consequence
of their unnatural alliaece with the Dutch. All this
has created a -community of feeling with a strong
party in France, which it . would be dangerous to
thwart by any violent or Sudden measures. Great
Britain is, perhaps, the onlypoWer that can advise
or act with, effect in a crisis so full of danger. The
King of the Freech may disclaim all wish for, a
junction of Belgium with France, but it is impos-
sible to suppose that he can look without compla-
cency on a people so well loaned to him, or that a
"refusal to accept so tempting an offer would not raise
u!) against him all the -Bormapartists, Republicans,
and . no small number of the' liberal Royalists, in
Fiance. Ruisia, Austria, and 'Weight, em-
out of:
the question, "particularly the two latter Powers.—
Prussia has alseady enough on her hands. The pro-
mise of a Constitution, so unequivocally given be-
fore the-fall of Buommerte, and so shatnefelly broken
afterwards, . has :weakened her strength by. one half.
Lotnbartly and Hungary, in :the present excited stare
of Europe, would require - no small part of the

Austrian army to repress rebellion ; and Russia
will be reluctant to bring her armies again in contact
with the liberal States of Europe, where they im-
bibed those ideas of freedom which so generally pre-
vail, and which, at the commencement of the present
reign, nearly overturned the throne. To England!,
therefore, •is left, as usual, the difficult task of pr,-
serving the balance of Europe, and see cherish the
hope that her ittlere will act in this emergency with
more. prudence and firmness than their predecessor.
-on similsr. occasions.. In order to strengthen her
own aim, and prepare assistance for a crisis which
in all human probability cannot be long delayed, let
them attend to the wishes of the people by cultiva-
ting economy, and by introducing gradually a rational
and moderate reform. Let her advise the King of
Prussia to redeem hia broken pledge by granting a
Constitution to his people, and thereby conciliating
their affection", in order to place at his disposal an
army which ought to be so essential in preserving
the balance of power in Europe. ' Some similar ad-
vice might not be thrown away on Austria. The
mild Government of the Grand Duke of Tuscany
shows that the Italians, by kind treatment, may be
rendered faithful subjects. As to Russia and Spain,
we know lint whet advice would be effective. The
Emperor of Russia probably considers himself ton
powerful to require adv'ec, and the Kong of Spain
too bigoted to listen to it till compelled-by the in-
surrection of his subjects.—Morning Herald.
• That the. present military attitude of several of
the States of Europe is calculated, at first sight, to
sow distrust as to the maintenance of peace during
the operation of the present crisis, we readily allow;
but on loolCng more narrowly into the causes of
such a proceeding, it will be perceived that they
neither proceed from a euspicion of " coming war,"
nor from a determination to interrupt the general
harmony which, most happily for all parties, has
hitherto prevailed. That the King of Spain, for
example, should send reinforcements to the fron-
tiers, is natural, when his kingly power is threatened
with overthrow—that the head of the House of
Orange should also cull out the militia of his king.
dom, is no less natural, seeing that he has all but
lost one-half of his dominions, and that fears are
entertained of the safety of the other—that the
King of Prussia also should double the force of the
garrison on his western frontier, it is only an act of
prudence strictly demanded by the duty of self-
preservation, and in no way indicative of a dispo-
sition to make war upon his neighbours; and,
finally, that the King of the French should edit
108,000 men to the present military force of France,
neither astonishes nor induces us to enterta'n ap-
prehensions for the general peace of Europe; for,
with regard to the latter levy, it is necessary, in
the first place, that the losses sustained by the'
army of Africa should be made good--Tsceondly,
that the losses sustained by the military generally,
during the revolution, and by natural deaths, should
be repaired—sand, thirdly, that a new spirit should
be infused into the army (which had been
greatly corrupted by the Bourbon Government),
by the introduction into its ranks of men
partaking of the spirit, and concerned in the
support of the present order of things. These rea-
sons, along with the prudence, if not necessity, of
maintaining; a proper military- attitude, in the pre-
sent
agitated state of Europe, will go far, we think,
to account for the levy of more than 100,000 men,
which has just been ordered, without. dragging into
the account an intention of interfering in the affairs
of Belgium, or of repressing, by meatus of the
army, any attempts at counter-revolution in France
itself. An evening print, indeed, observes, that
" the idea of preserving order in France, and main-
taing a proper political position by, means of the
National Guard alone, was absurd;• and us no
lover of constitutional liberty can object to the
use of regular troops for the purpose of pro-
tecting his country from invasion, and maintain-
ing its institutions, the present levy in France
will not, we imagine, give dissatisfaction to any
class there except the _Republicans, who have
built hopes upon the weakness of their rulers,"
—hereby plainly declaring, that one. part of ie
object of the French Government, in calling out
.such a numerous force, is mote for the purpose
of preventing disturbances at home, then for that
of repelling invasion, or making war upon other
countries; but the assertion is based on pure igno-
rance of the teal state of the country, and the true
objects contemplated by the re-establishment of the
National Guard, That patriotic and truly national
force is especially entrusted with the pr6servation of
the peace at home—it is fully adequate to its main-
tenance in all cases where a majority of the nation
is not arrayed against the existing order of things,
and the idea, in consequence of the new levies being
intended to repress a counter-revolution, or to strike
terror into the clubs, is supremely ridiculous.
Neither the King or his Ministers durst meditate
such a project, and were they to attempt to carry
it into effect, it: might cost them their heads, and
the King his crown. The National Guard is the
legitimate defence of the country against seditious
movements ; and being fully equal to the task. of
repressing them when partial or isolated, it would
be neither more or less than a pure provocation
of revolution to think of employing any other.—
ilforning Advertiser.

.
STATE OF KENT.— 111 ne Magistrates have,
it is s'id, been put in possession of information which
will lead to the detection and punishment of several
offenders Connected with the recent outrages in
this country. Sir RonauT Pen has, answered
the memorial of the Magistrates, promising them every
assistance in his power to procure the restoration to tran-
quillity. A ptoelatnation on the subject is expected
to appear in Friday's Gazette. The depredator.,
however, hare not abandoned their courses, as with-
in the last few days they have destroyed a thresh-
ing-machine belonging to Mr. BARTER, of Ewell,
near Dover, in the noon-day, as he was having it
conveyed out for hire, by which he procured his mainte-
nance. A large party of labourers, undisguised, attacked
those about the machine, deliberately cut away the iron
fastenings, chopped up the wood work, and set it on fire
in triumph.

lICOHEs's TRAVELS IN GREECE AND AL-
SA NIA. —The Atlas tine-notices the octavo edition of
this valuable work The first editiou received a fa.
vourable welcome from the public, who felt the want of
such 311 account of countries interesting in themiekm
and reoffered still more so by a thousand associations.—
The immense changes that have taken place in the poll.
tied relation of those countries, and the alterations that
have emanated from the enlightened MA llMOUli—pene-
trating into the depths of Turkish character, have ren-
dered a new edition necessary : and the important matters
Added to the former give a character of novelty and addi-
tional comequet.ce to this admirable work.'" Of the qua-
lifications of the author the Atlas further observes, " His
taste is refined ; he has the eye of an artist and the advan-
tages of an erudite and elegant education."

St. James's-street is now being newly paved,
on the 'same principle as New Farringrlomitreet, Cheap.
aide, Anil Fleet-street. A great number of workmen • are
employed, so ■a to have it tinialot i as early as possible,
that it may not interfrre with the passage of carriages to
the Houses of Parliament.

'A parcel of very superior wheat, of the pre-
vent crop,bas already been sold and delivered by Mr. JAltas
Butt', Elgin, at 30s. per boll—. Flynn Courier.

On Thursday afternoon, between two and three
o'clock, a melancholy accident occurred to a young man, of
the nom of Ronzar SAWYKR, between nineteen and
twenty years of age, groom to Prrx,e. JAcxson, Esq.,
gentleman residing in Alpha• Qattages, St. John's wood,
Regent's Park. The unfortunate young man was harness.
ing his master's horse in the stable, to go out with the
gig, when, in passing behind the animal, it suddenly kicked
out, and unfortunately struck the poor fellow, in the amo.
men, with such tremendous violence, that rendered him
for some time insensiole, the blood pouring from his mouth
and ears in streams. Mr. Witist,tv, a surgeon, residing
A few doors from, Mr. JACKSON, was immediately called to
the unfortunate sufferer's assistance, anti rendered alt in
his power, but tient the effect, of the serious injuries be
had sustained, little hopes are entertained for his recovery.
Had the unfortunate man have been about six inches farther
off, he must have been killed on the spot, from-the violence
with which the animal kicked out. Mr. Jamtiou bad
only purchased the horse en 4101144 y last of xhorsadealee,
who warranted him free from any vicious habits.

SECOND EDITION.
SUN OFFICES Seven o'clock.

!111E LONDON GAZETTE

OF THIS EVENING.

War-Office, Sth Ottobe, 1830.

7th Regiment of Dragoon Guards—Cnrnet A. Lovell
to he Lieutrn•int, by purchase, vice Daniel, who retire.;
J. H. Gibsone, Gent., to he Cornet, by purchase, vice
Lovell, Oct. 8.

2d Regiment of Dragoons—Lieut. W. Hull to be Cap-
tain, by purchase, vice Heyman, who retires ; Cornet J.
Galles to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Hull ; G.
Bogle, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, ♦ice Gillies,
Oct. 30.

6th Dragoons—Surgron W. C. C,illour, from the 84th
Foot, to be Surgeon, vice Alexander, appointed Surg, on
to the Foreue, Oct. 8.

Bth Regiment of Light Dragoons—Surgeon T. Fiddes,
from the Bth Foot, to be Surgeon, vice Badenach, ap-
pointed Surgeon to the Forces, Oct. 8.
12th Light Dragoon—.Assistant-Surgeon E. Greatrex,
from the let Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Jent-
mett, promoted, Oct. S.
Ist or Grenidier Regiment of Foot Gum's—Lieut..
Col. C. 11. Fox, from the 84th Foot, to be Captuin nod
Lieutenant-Colonel, vice 11. E. Hunter, who retires upon
half-pay, Oct. S.
12th Regiment of Foot—Maj.r G, Tubervill to he
Lientenant-Colonel, by purcha•e, vice Rtyly, who retir,s ;
Capt. J. Jones to be Major, by purchase, vice Turuervill ;
!Amt. E. Rtyly to be Captain, by purchase, vice Jones;
En,ign W. Bell to be Lient,•nat,t, by purchase, vice Bay y ;
E. Wallion.e, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, rice
Bell, Oct. 8.

224 Foot—rapt. NV. Wilkinson,. from half-pay 59th
Foot, to be Captain (repaying the difference wbirh he
received), vice J. A. Mackey, who exchange , Oct 'B.
34th Foot-4 ieut.-Col. H. Kelly, froth the hall-pay, tv
be Lieutenant-C lone), vice Foi, appointed to the ,ht or
Grenadier Foot Guards, Oct 8 •
434 Foot—Quattertna.aer-Surjeant S Rand to be
Qunrtermabtr, vice I). Wiliam, whdtetire4, Oct. 8.
47th Foot—NV. C. Caldwell, Gent. to be Ensign, by
purchase, vice Hutchinson, appointed to the bSth Foot,
Oc'. t.

5211 Foot—Lieut. W. 0. Gunning to be Captain, by
purchase, vice Huy, who retires; Ensign H. S. Davis to
be Lieutenant, by' porches°, vice Gunning ; B. Milner,
Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Davis, Oct 8.
58th Foot—Ensign If. Hutchinson, from the rith
FOot, to be Ensign, vice Howard, promoted iu the 83.1
Foot, Oct. 8.

61st Foot—Lieut. It. N. Verner to lie Captain, by
purchase, vice Gloster, promoted ; Em.igr. J. G. Phillip's
to lie Lieutenant, by purcbas,,, vice Verner; A. Grate!,
Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Philipps, Oct. 8.