The Sun.
London, England, 1839-03-29 00:00:00

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Cu Monday, in royal Bvo., with Twelve Portraits, price One
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ITISTORICAL SKETCHES of STATES
_A_ MEN who flourished in the time of GEORGE 111.
ie which are added—Remarks on Party, and an Appendix.
By HENRY LORD BROUGHAM, F.R.S.
-.Nl,i-nber of the National Institate of Fiance.
Charles Knight and Co., 22, Ludgate-street.

FrAIT' S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE,
FO APRIL, price One Shilling, contains— -
' e Landowners versus th_t Nation—The Rev. Sydney
on the Balbt—Ellis's History of Madagascar—A Visit
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nsc, from 1807 to 1830. By the English Opium-Eater.
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r'%Th.c.c X.—ltoFarnond's Bower—Letter of Mr. Wherler, the
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?r-

.2,(1

MEN AND IIEASURES.
Oo Saturday next will be published, price 2s. 6d.
EN and MEASURES ; or, THE POLI
TICAL PANORAMA.
A Satire in Verse.
" W here is this ? where is the band
Of ready slaves, who at his elbow stand
To hear Ina to perform his wicked will."
Jes. VI Thomas, Fingh-lane, Cornhill.

TIIF,ATRE ROYAL, COVENT GARDEN.
On EASTER MONDAY, APLIL
'1 Le performed the New Play, in Five Acts, called
lIICIIELIEU, OR THE CONSPIRACY,
Written by Sir E. Lyttsn Bulvrer, Bart.
The Characters by
n, l‘lr. DiJinx, Mr. Macready, Mr. Warde, Mr. An-
Vining. Mr. Roberts, Mr. Phelps, Mr. G. Ben.
:we, -Miss E. Phillips, Mr. Tilbury, Mr. Yar.
V. L. Payne 14 r C. J. Smith, Mr. Bender,
'r. Gough, Payne, Thorne, Mr. Brady, Mr. Bur-
M.r. Kirke, Mr. Hollingsworth, Mr. Wal-
Mr. Andrews, Mr. T. Matthews, Miss
Miss Charles, Mesdames Reed, Corder, Lee,
Mathews, Mew, and Morgan.
!eh will be revived the Grand Dramatic Romance, of
LODOISKA.
OFfice will be open To-Morrow, March 30, where
ntl Places may be had of Mr. Netter, from Ten till

life,

-,-, *.
-•--
(-----AC'''lte.-A,--.'ne,S,.._
...aL:I----

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40A• 71:ca40.

LONDON :
FRIDAY, MARCH 29, 1939.

of our Contemporaries, we see, lay it down
e that a Government is never to introduce
changes, and on this principle they justify
Russm.L's resistance to the demands
own play. We admit that as a rule no
teet should be in a hurry to propose such
In its can is to execute, not to make the
; but as society, notwithstanding Corn-laws,
a thousand other impedinients, will go on in its
eoe:ecel career, for the Government never to pro•
.
such alterations is to abdicate its func-
or compel society to overturn it. If the
hol, is not to propose such alteration of itself,
the Tories say, the Government must never
ee:t to any popular impulse, we shall be deprived
ell means of improving the law. As a rule, we
it the Executive Government takes office,
Rcl to support the existing law ; but it must
ys have a conviction, if cOrriposed:of reason-
a seings, that the laws are wise,. just, and such
as oulit to be enforced. The instant it attains a
contrere conviction, it is hound to cease enforcing
L'11(.1 and to ask the Legislature to repeal
Ceeon. Senpose that the Ministers were all as
,firmly convinced as we are, that the Corn-laws are
a gross outrage on society, and manifestly injurious
to it, weuld it not be their duty to propose to the
Legislature to repeal them ? and ought they not, as
I`onc:it men, if the. Legislature refuse, to decline
,erumental in carrying into execution the
.evens enactment, ? In all:cases, therefore, when
are convinced that a law is tanjfisif„
'ether it be a constitutional or organizing law, or
teehv it he a mere fiscal enactment, it becomes
ditty of Ministers to propose an improvement,
and if unable to carry it, to give up their power.
arc not to act lightly on such a matter ; there
indeed, no matter in which the Ministers of this
at country can ever be justified in acting lightly.
we maintain that when they are convinced that
r is unjust, they are bound to submit to the
„rslature a plan to improve it.
If they are not to do this, to whom does the task
belong ? Our Legislature is divided into two
fahions, and no Member who has not the support-
of one of these can carry out any measure. He
may bring in a Bill and be laughed at for his pains.
Is the chief of the Opposition, then, to propose
improvements ? That was for a long period the
practice when the Whigs were in opposition, but
the Ministers then generally resisted their proposi-
none, and when they succeeded, they carried, not the
measures they proposed, but the Treasury by storm,
and took possession of the Government. The prac-
tice of the Whigs when in opposition is certainly not
the general rule, and, except Sir A. PEEL'S Bill to
ainend the law relating to controverted elections,
we know no measure to improve the laws which the
Tory Opposition have submitted to Parliament.
Whitevi they might propose would be resisted by
the Ministers, because it is felt that the power of
itiflnencing the House of Commons is essential to
the Ministry, and whoever has it must be in office;
In practice, too, the whole arrangement of the bu-
ness of Parliament is placed in their hands, and
when any Member wishes to submit any important
measure he is generally obliged to ask Ministers to
allow him a day. .Whatever may be the theory
of the Constitution, in practice, the power of
initiating and of carrying Bills through Par-
liament belongs to the Ministers, and whenever they
lose that power they are turned out. It is clear
therefore, if they are not to originate important and
organic changes, they never can be carried except by
first ilplaciug a Ministry and placing men in office
on eonditi)n of erecting such changes ; or by the
st it more calamitous process of a sedition and revo-
If the doctrines, therefore, which some of
pseudo reforming journals are now seeking to
establish, in order to shield the Ministers for oppos-
-eform, be admitted, they force us on the melan-
eltereative of either turning out the Ministry
ecting a revolution.
05 point of fact, too, the conduct of the Ministers
opposed to the theory of their advocates, for they
have not hesitated to propose very important changes
in existing laws ; the Municipal Reform Act,
:•-.7eee Poor Law, and the Commutation of Tithes
ere examples of what they have done. They
only relese to propose the reforms requested by their
own party, because, either from prejudice or whim,
or weal-grounded conviction they dislike them. The
fact is, the Ministers of the Reform party arc hos-
tile to plans which their own friends think essential
to eo .d government, they accepted office on the
implied condition of carrying out their own measure
—the Reform Act, but they have shrunk from
their duty. They were expressly chosen to carry
the appropriation principle into practice as to the
Irish Church, and they gave it up. Their whole
conduct and professions, up to 1835, were pledges
that if the Reform Act were found to be as unjust
towards the bulk of the community as the rotten
boroughs, and as inimical to improvement, they
would, if necessary, still further extend the
franchise, and equalize still inure the represents-
tion ;I and we find Lord JOHN RUSSELL defend-
ing the rotten boroughs that remain. To excuse this
want of principle, the false theory has been pat
forward that Ministers are not to originate reforms ;
'cr that the conduct of Ministers not only degrades
the character of public men and weakens public
icrfidence, but it also perverts the Press into an
etrurnent for inventing and propooating erroneous
It doctrines.
would have been more manly and
mare correct for the defenders of the Ministry to
to say, that public opinion is to a oreat extent averse
mom finther organic
changes ; but that would force
to inquire how far the conduct of the Ministers
Ihr:essp.roofdtuheeeelputlbiliernels.enjt state of disgraceful inert-
n. inquiry would
re- ply terminate to t-lile ir ad-vta'ncltiacae
.Much as we think the Reforiners have reason

, Htt7.2f

tilwn

l in

Ini;C

I wl-

a law

non.

.1* cif

to be dissatisfied with the conduct of Ministers,
we do not yet see how we are to get better.
The Tories would be infinitely worse. Where
the Whigs lie on us with a little finger, they would
weigh on us with their whole loins. Unless we could
get—of which we at present see no chance—a Re-
form Ministry, or a Ministry with some greater in-
fusion of the Reform spirit; we sea nothing better to
do, than keep in, if we can, the present men, and
incite them, as far as possible, to act boldly as
the chiefs of the Reform party.

Our accounts from Manchester prove that the mem-
bers of the Ant- Corn-law league are neither idle nor
despairing. Their hopes seem greater than ever, and
the generous manner in which they speak of those
who have endeavoured to promote their views,though
unsucessful, will encourage still more strenuous
exertions. We believe, with the writer quoted by
Mr. COBDEN, that the landed gentlemen and the
Tories were by no means satisfied with the late
debate. They feel as strongly convinced as we are,
that the decision of Parliament has not settled the
question, and that it will be agitated again and
again, till the repeal of the Corn-laws is wrung
from the. Legislature. It may be affirmed that
it is as 'much beyond the power of Parlia-
ment to continue the Corn-laws, now that the
nation is awakened to their disastrous effects, as to
alter the tides or curb the winds. For the agricul-
turists the uncertainty which, in spite of the vote
of Parliament, hangs over this question, is a great
additional calamity. They were distressed and dis-
contented before, and the uncertainty of their busi-
ness will double their miseries.

There is no species of sophistry, equivocation,
or direct falsehood to which the organs of that
faction which, for centuries, has thriven on the
miseries of Ireland, wil not have recourse for the
purpose of impeding the progress of civilization in
the sister kingdom. They know that wealth and
knowledge have a natural tendency to reproduce each
other, and that both are fatal to that system of op-
pression which has exhibited to Europe the
disgraceful spectacle of a people treated as aliens in
the land of their birth,--in the country of their
inheritance. They are right well aware that with
a Railway passing through every large town, and a
National School established in every parish, neither
the old Corporation system, nor that disgrace to
Protestantism the Irish Church, nor the Orange
Lodges, nor the Ribbon Societies, nor any other
of the elements of internal discord and national
degradation now peculiarly characteristic of
Ireland, could possibly exist. Hence the real
secret of the virulence with which the Times assails
the recommendation of the Railway Commissioners,
and the proposal of the Government to grant ade-
quate State assistance for the establishment of a
complete systpm of Railways in Ireland. There is
no dread of official jobbing whatever in the case,
and there is quite as little fear of adding to the
expenses of the country. The Times would be de-
lighted to kindle an expensive, ruinous, and unjust
war between Great Britain and the United States, for
the possession of a few thousand acres of an uninha-
bited and uncleared waste; and yet our Tory Contem-
porary affects a horror of the danger to which the
nation is exposed from the extravagance of a plan
for advancing a few millions by way of loan, for the
itoprovement of a country of a thousand times more
value to England than the whole of her North Ame-
rican territory I If a few millions were wanted for
war purposes, the Tory organs would be in
raptures at the prospect of new loans ; because
war is the winning game of the aristocracy—the
roller by which despots depress and demoralise the
people ; but when it is proposed to grant loans, not
to spread havoc among the human race, but to
civilise and enrich a hitherto oppressed nation, we
are stunned with clamours about the dangers of job-
bing, and the criminality of misappropriating the
public revenue. When it was proposed to extend
the elective franchise, in Ireland, the Times de-
nounced the proposal _ as fraught with the
mischief of creating a constituency of paupers;
but now that it is intended to assist -Ireland by
loans to establish railways, the same Journal has
discovered that Ireland is rich enough to make
Railroads for herself I "It is mere quibbling to
say," observed the Thunderer, on Wednesday,
that Ireland is poor, that she has not within
herself sufficient capital to construjt Railroads, and
that the expected return for the necessary
outlay is not sufficient to tempt English
capitalists to embark in the
_enterprise.".
-is Yeally—rich:-' -The discovery of
the " quibbling' of calling Ireland " poor is
worthy of the consistent and veracious Times. One
would absolutely suppose that the Government, in
granting a loan to a:country in so little need of it, was
about also to concede the power of compelling its
repayment. Surely the Times cannot but feel that

the richer Ireland is, and the more remunerative her
roads promise to b', the less objection would any
Government have to lend her money on interest.
But, as it so happens, we have now before
us a public document, given to the world by a
Committee of the Railway Companies already es-
tablished in Ireland—which Committee is as op-
posed to the plan of Government interference, as
the Times itself—proving the statement of that
Journal to be mere fudge. The document in
question is a Report of a General Irish Railway
Committee sitting in Dublin, and was pre-
sented to Lord MORPETH by a Deputation
of that body on the 9th of December last.
How widely the Committee differ in opinion
from the great fundamental principle laid down
by the Commissioners, and which forms the very
basis of their invaluable Report, will be seen in the
first paragraph of the following extract :

The Committee, in forming their opinion, have adopted
as a principle, that wherever existing interests and Com-
panies sanctioned by Parliament are competent to carry
out the lines suggested as required for the present trade
and exigencies of Ireland, that such bodies or companies,
where duly formed with a respectable capital and proprie-
tary, should have every encouragement compatible with
the public interests, and the prompt performance of the
contemplated works.
The Companies sanctioned by Act d Parliament, and
in progress or about to commence, are as follow :
The Dundalk Western Railway—Plans not furnished
to the Committee. The project appears to be for a tram-
road to or towards Castleblaney. The subscribed capital
or proprietary, the Committee cannot state.
The Ulster Railway—Line from Belfast to Armagh in
rapid progress—with a respectable proprietary and sub-
scribed capital. The only matter wanting to make certain
its speedy completion, appears to be reasonable assistance
from the State.
The Drogheda Railway—From Dublin to the town of
Drogheda. Act passed afters laborious and searching exam
ication on the evidence of the following engineers :—Mr.
Cubit, Mr. George Stephenson, Mr. Mac Neill, Mr. Vig-
nolles, Mr. Bidder, Mr. Griffith, Mr: Thomas Woodhouse,
Mr. George Woodhouse. Respectable proprietary and
subscribed capital—works in progress, so far as the pur-
chase and possession of part of the line, and we understand
six miles and a half are contracted for by Mr. Weeks. In

like manner as the Ulster Railway, the only matter appear-
ing requisite for its speedy completion would be an ade-
quate loan.

The Kilkenny Line—By Athy, Carlow, and Kilkenny,
with extensions to Limerick and Cork, designated as the
Great .Leinster and Munster Railway. Act passed after a
minute and searching investigation—respectable subscribed
capital and prop ietary-a—first part agreed for under their
Act, and the Company ready to proceed as soon as Go-
vernment declare their decision upon the general question of
Railways in Ircladd, or as soon as all doubts are removed
as to the terms on which such undertakings may be
placed. The Committee understand that a like advance,
and in proportion to the sums paid up by the proprietary,
would be calculated_ to ensure the more speedy completion
of the line.

Cork and Passage Railway—Act passed. No returns
obtained by your Committee.
Cork and Cove—No details furnished.

The Great Central Irish Railway'—Projected for a
great trunk line to the centre of Ireland, to be continued
to the west and north-west, terminating with the noble
and capacious harbours of Galway and Mayo. A re.
snectablo proprietary, with large subscribed capital. Bill
for first extension to Mußinger read a first time—post-
poned in consequence of the delay of the Report of the
Commissioners on Irish Railways. The Directors of this
Company, after careful investigation of the data in refe-
rence to the traffic and capabilities of Connaught, and
their sufficiency to sustain most profitably a railway com-
munication throughout that province, have communicated
the same to their proprietary, who have been so satisfied
with their correctness, and the prospects held cut, as to
sign a further contract or subscription list, in compliance
with the standing orders of the House of Commons, for
the requisite and increased capital ; and have, by their
agents and solicitors, published in the necessary papers,
the usual notices for a Bill in this next ensuing Session
to form and construct a railway from Dublin, by Mul-
lingar, to Athlone. The close examination by your Com-
mittee of the details of this line have produced the
strongest conviction, that it would be largely remune-
rative, and of the utmost consequence to Ireland. The
Committee are unanimous in pressing upon Government
to give their sanction to the proposed Bill, and to extend
to the Company i 7.1 question, such aid as may, together
with the
.subscriptions of the proprietary, be necessary to
ensure its speedy commencement and early completion.
Refer to the Report subsequent to the Commissioners' Re-
p,:rt, published by the Directors Great Western Irish Rail-
tray. Dicuments in reference to the first terminus submitted
to the Committee by Mr. A. Jordan, and by the Com-

mittee recommended for consideration to the Directory of
the Great Western Irish Railway, as, of course, they will
be glad to avail themselves of any useful suggestions.
The Irish Eastern and Western—A projected railway
to run from Dublin to Athlone, and from thence•to Gal-
way. The lime surveyed by Messrs. Bald and Henry.
The parties interested, at their own expense, procured
maps, surveys, &e. It appears by the prospectus, that
some London capitalis's (among whom were Messrs.
Ravenshaw and John Abel Smyth), gave it their support.
But no Bill has been introduced into the House. So far
as from Dublin to Athlone, the objects are embraced by
the Great Central Irish Railway.
The Limerick and Waterford Railway appears to ex- •
hibit every premise of success, if in this instance as in those
previously enumerated, private enterprise be assisted by
loans, or advances on adequate security.
In forming their opinion and judgment, your Committee
have carefully weighed all the information contained in the
Commissioners' Reports, end the various other Reports and
public documents connected with this important subject,
aided by the public discussions that have taken place in
consequence thereof.
Here out of nine lines of road, either com-
menced, or proposed to be commenced, in Ire'and,
the Railway Committee report no fewer than five in
absolute want of loans, guaranteed by the Government,
to ensure their completion ! Of the other four,it is
questionable whether any but the Dublin and
and Drogheda, and the Cork and Cove lines could
be finished without an advance of money from the
Exchequer. Thus Ireland, though holding out every
inducement to British capitalists, by the certainty that
all her lines will prove remunerative; is represented
by this Committee—a Committee of Railway Pro-
prietors or their friends, as unable to construct more
than two short lines of road without having re-
course to Parliament for assistance. But•although
the General Railway Committee, in their. Report,
condemn all Government interference with esta-
blished Companies, except in the way of assisting
them by necessary loans—a plan of which The Sun,
which maintains that railways ought to be under
the direct control of the Government, entirely dis-
approves—yet do we wholly concur in the cer-
tainty of every one of the list of advantages enume-
rated by the Committee as reasons for the immediate
prosecution of Railway undertakings in Ireland.
These have been repeatedly advanced in substance
in the columns of this Journal, long before the ap-
pointment of the. Dublin Committee; but they may
possibly have more weight with a certain section
of the Tories by being given in the words of a body
of men, whose knowledge of the state and capabili-
ties of Ireland are beyond dispute :
In making their Report, your Committee beg leave to
glance at the advantages to be derived frem the promotkn -
of railways in Ireland; • the most prominent of which may
be classified and enumerated as follows :

Ist. By the immediate commencement of the work, to
stimulate industry.
2d. The consequent remuneration and constant employ-
ment of the poor and labouring classes.
3d. Facilitating the. introduction of the Poor-law sys-
tem, and mitigating the taxation thereunder.
- 4th. Railways in England are believed by many to have
had a similar effect in reference to the Poor-law system,
as evinced by the decrease of the rates since the extension
of railways.-
sth. The creative consequences of railways, &c., with
the various evidence taken before Parliament, proving that
traffic and transit between the termini, have more than
quadrupled.
6th. The comparative poverty of Ireland, rendering the
assistance of Parliament by pecuniary aid or advances
necessary to stimulate and encourage private enterprise or
public works, upon the principle of a moderate interest,
advances in proportion to that subscribed and paid up by
subscribers, with such security for. the repayment of the
loans as may be adequate and reasonable.
7th. The well established fact thil railways have
created their own sources of revenue, and opened new
channels of improvement. And that money laid out on
public works, has returned to the State with ample in-
terest ; taking into account also the increase of the excise,
from the profitable employment of the. people, cud the cir-
culation of capital.

Bth. The certainty of rendering the country prosperous,
and of diffusing the blessings of peace and industry, with
the attendant fruits of knollledge and moral culture where
disquiet and destitution so fearfully previled. -
Such arc the advantages that would accrue to Ire-
land from the establishment of a complete system
of Railways in that country.' Nor would the bene-
fits be long felt there before their benign influence
would extend to England and Scotland. With such
facts staring them in the face, none but men slaves
to their prejudices, wholly misinformed, self-inte-
rested, or unprincipled, can persist in opposing the
advancement of loans by the State for purposes so
interwoven with the welfare of the British Empire:

The extreme prudence of the Government begins
to be too much for us. We already feel over-doled
with the caution of the Cabinet. There are so
many State reasons for silence that we are appre-
hensive lest 'Ministers lose their tongues altogether
upon a variety of interesting. and; to the
highiy important questions7''S,Vhen the unfortu-
nate affair of the Vixen was mooted in Parliament,
.Ministers urged the extreme inconvenience and im-
policy of expressing an opinion before all the facts
were officially-known. The people were told to
be patient—to await the arrival of the requisite
number of dispatches--and 'above all to trust
to the chivalrous patriotism of our then -Arnbas.sa-
dor at the Court of Si. Petersburgthe Radical
Earl of DurtriAAr.aiie people did wait—not
without grumblings and: misgivings—the develop-
ment of wire-drawn negociations, and at last dis-
covered that by some means or other the national
dignity had been basely sacrificed. When Ministers
found their tongues it was to tell a tale of disgrace.
At the time when the rebellion first broke out in
Canada the same official silence was observed. Sir
FRANCIS BOND HEAD bad .a system of paci-
fication to establish, to the development of
which silence was absolutely essential ; and hence,
in answer to all questions, Lord GLENELG recom-
mended patience and an increased confidence in the
unfathomable wisdom of the Executive. The
country has beheld and mourned the result. The
Earl of DURHAM, as Lord High Commissioner,
had, too, his revelations .to make, and very startling
ones we were told they were, but—we were re.
commended to wait for a proper time and place.
Well, in a bulky report, and as bulky an ap-
peridix, they were made at last; and we would
ask what is the country the Wiser for them ? But
the demands of Ministers upon our discreet for-
bearance did net end here. We are at this moment
in 'speechless expectation of certain promised
returns relative to the insult offered to our flag
in the Gulf of Mexico ; and in the House of
Peers last night Lord MELBOURNE entreated that
no babbling tongues should be allowed to discredit,
posed, however, to give the House of Commons
credit for more virtue and more honesty than has
been found in it, but, like other unworthy objects,
it has deceived our expectations. We regret this
for the sake of the House of COmmons, not for the
cause of abolition ; for that is the cause of justice,
and will triumph over both Commons and Lords.
To the smallnesS of the minority nothing has
contributed so much as the conduct of Minis-
They have made it palpable that they
cannot -hold office much lonrel; and all he loose
and wavering Members of Parliament have taken
the opportunity by voting against the motion-to
court the favour of the Tories. Their conduct has
made a dissolution probable, and all the Members
who are connected, however Liberal they, may be as
politicians with agricultural constituencies, haie
voted aganst the motion. , To those who doubted,
to those who wavered, and those who dread a dis-
solution, they supplied the strongest Parliamentary
motives for voting with the party which is about
to become predominant, to influence the elections,
and to have in its hands the keys of office.
Moreover, as the Ministers, with all their corn.
mand of information, could not make up their minds

;ers.

that the repeal would be beneficial, a great number
of Members, who would above all things support
the Government, followed their example, and as the
safe course clung to no repeal. They had no pilot,
and therefore would not embark on a new voyage
for an unknown country. Sir R. PEEL spoke, we
are convinced, the sentiments of many Members
when he referred to the disunited Cabinet as a rea-
son for not taking the step which the majority of
its Members, as individuals, recommended to the
House. The Commons even refused to hear Lord

HowICK, but they would have opened their ears
to catch every word had he stood on the floor of the
House as the organ of the Cabinet. Thus the
Free-trade and the Liberal party in the country is
mainly indebted for its small minority, if not for
its defeat, to those Members of the Cabinet
who are opposed to the repeal or alteration of
the Corn-laws ; and they are the Marquis
of LANSDOWNE, formerly the great advocate of free-
dom of trade, and Lord MELBOURNE, who,
as Lord JOHN RUSSELL admitted in the debate
on the Irish Municipal Bill on March Ist, was
by the expression of premature opinions, the deep-
laid policy of the Government in the East. Not-
withstanding a gentle disclaimer on the part of the
Earl of ABERDEEN, his Lordship was evidently de-
lighted with the Premier's ready adoption ( f the
Tory official tactics. The affectation of mystery
was in his eyes a near approach to the perfection