The Sun.
London, England, 1839-05-15 00:00:00

NATIONAL CON YEN TION.

BIRMINGHAM, TUESDAY.
The members of the National Convention resumed
their sittings this day, in Laurence-street Chapel. The
Delegates held a private meeting for a short time, and
at 11 o'clock the Convention was opened to the public,
and was very numerously attended by Delegates and
visitors. Bailie Craig took the chair.

'The adjourned debate of Saturday last on the follow-
ing address to the people of England was then re-
sumed :

MANIFESTO OF THE GENERAL CONVEN-
TION OF THE INDUSTRIOUS CLASSES.
- --

Country men and fellow-bondsmen,—The fiat of our pri-
vileged oppressors has gone forth—that the millions must
be kept in subjection !
The mask of CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY is thrown for
ever aside, and the form of nEspo 'lsm stands hideously be-
fore us; for let it be no longer disguised, TILE GO,ERN-
MENT OF ENGLAND IS A DESPOTISM, AND DER INDUSTRIOUS
MILLIONS ARE SLAVES. Iler constitutional rights are specious
forms wanting substance; her forms of justice, subterfuges
for legal plunder and class domination ; her " right of the
subject" is slavery, without the slave's privilege ; her right
of petitioning a farce ; her religious freedom, a cheat.
Fellow-countrymen, our stalwart ancestors boasted of
a rights which the simplicity of their laws made clear and
their bravery protected ; but we, their degenerate children,
have patiently yielded to one infringement after another,
till the last vestige of arour has been lost in the sivsri-
ctsm of legislation, and the armed force of the country
transferred to soldiers and policemen. But if there be
yet within you a latent spark of that quality which was
wont to distinguish Onglishmen throughout the globe—of
that manly courage with which our forefathers sacredly
guarded our island, and arrested with their iron grasp
foreign foe or domestic spoiler—you will start from your
political slumbers, and resolve, by all that renders life de-
sirable, to make your homes happy, your laws just, and
your altars free, or peril life in the attempt.
We will not, however, point out a path in which we are
not prepared to lead ; neither will we peril our political
rights on any ill-advised proposal, which would give joy to
the enemy, but death to our cause. But we arc prepared,
and we trust mat you, our constituents, are also, to peril
that life which God has bestowed for no holier purpose
than to righteously endeavour to make our country free '
and our brethren happy. And in thus expressing our de-
termination, we appeal to Almighty wisdom with reve-
rence, and to impartial posterity with confidence—that we
have right and justice on our side.
Believing that our political burthens and social griev-
ances are the result of exclusive law-making, we have pro-
vided for that evil what we conceive to be a remedy—the
" People's Charter"—and public opinion has been conceit.
trated in favour of that remedy to an extent unprecedented
in the annals of our country. We have embodied its prin-
ciples in a PETITION TO PARLIAMENT. Those who dared to
brave the menaces of employers, the sneers of faction, and
the power of wealth, have appended their signatures to
that petition, aid millions who dared not bravo starvation
and misery to do so, have responded in silence to its
prayer. _

The answer, fellow countrymen, to your g CONSTITU-
TIONAL' and PEACEFUL. APPLICATION may be now antici-
pated. We were prepared, on the presentation of the
Petition, for the subtle sophistry and fraudulent assertions
of Whiggery, but WE MAY NOW BE PREPARED FOR THE
WORST, for we clearly perceive the despotic determination
of both Whigs and Tories to maintain their power and
supremacy at any risk.

'We see victim- after victim daily selected, and silently
witness one constitutional right after another annihilated
—we perceive the renegade Whig and shuffling PROFES.
SOR OF LIBERALbM uniting their influence to bind down the
millions, and if possible to stifle their prayers and petitions
for justice.
Men and women of Britain, will you tamely submit to
the insult? Will you submit to incessant toil from birth to
death, to give in tax and plunder out of every twelve bows'
labour the proceeds of nine hours to support your idle and
insolent oppressors ? Will you much longer submit to see
the greatest blessings of mechanical art converted into the
wed • test curses of social life ?—to see children forced to
compete with their parents, wives with their husbands, and
the whole of society morally and physically degraded to
,upport the aristocracies of wealth and title ? Will you
thus allow your wives and daughters to be degraded, your
children to be nursed in misery, stultified by toil, and become
the victims of the vice our corrupt institutions have engen-
dered? Will you permit the stroke of affliction, the mis-
fortunes of poverty, or the infirmities of age to be
branded and punished as crimes, and give our selfish op-
pressors an excuse for rending asunder man and wife, pa-
rent and child, and continue passive observers till you and
yours become the victims ?

Perish the cmvardly feeling; and infamous be the pas-
sive being who can witness his country's degradation with-
out a struggle to prevent, or a determination to remove it.
Rather like Sampson would we cling to the pillars which
sustain our,social fabric, and failing to base it upon princi.
pies of justice, fall victims beneath its ruins.
Shall it be said, fellow-countrymen, that FOUR MILLIONS
OF MEN CAPABLE OF BEARING ARMS, and defending their
country against every foreign assailant, allowed A FEW
DOMESTIC OPPRESSORS to enslave and degrade them ? That
they suffered THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT OF POSSESSING
ARMS TO DEFEND THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRIVILEGES THEIR
ANCESTORS BEQUEATHED TO THEM, to be disregarded Or
forgotten, till one after another they have been robbed of
their rights, and have submitted to be awed into silence by
the bludgeons of policemen ? Hence our modern legisla-
tors, fearing that knowledge has converted soldiers into
patriots, are preparing to dispense with their services in
England, and to substitute a legion of police, to mar the
peace of every village in the empire.
Men of England, Scotland, and Wales, we have sworn
with your aid to achieve our liberties or die; and in this
resolve we seek to save our country from a fate we do not
desire to witness. If you longer continue passive slaves,
THE FATE OF UNHAPPY IRELAND WILL SOON BE YOURS, and
that of Ireland more degraded still. Fur be assured the
joyful hope of freedom, which now inspires the millions, if
not speedily realised, will turn into wild revenge. The sick
ening thought of unrequited toil—their cheerless homes—
their stunted starving offspring—the pallid partners of their
wretchedness—their aged parentspining apart in a workhouse
—the state of trade presenting to their imaginations no bright
er prospect—these, together with the petty tyranny that
daily torments them, will exasperate them to destroy what
they are denied the enjoyment of. The once boasted ma-
nufactories of England will perish by an agent soldiers
cannot cope with, nor policemen avert. Terror will soon
give wings to British capital, and it will fly to other climes
where security can be found. The middle class popula-
tion of our country—the distributors and exchangers of
wealth—will be broken down by bankruptcy and insol-
vency. Our famed commerce, which at present is sus-
tained by a breath, will be destroyed. The wrongs
which landlords, farmers, and manufacturers, have con-
spired to heap upop the working millions, will burst into
a flame ; and the property of our cities, no ways yen.
geance proof, will be the more in peril by being the
basis of legislative injustice.

This, fellow•countrymen, is a state of things we are
anxious to avert; and however the paid libellers of the

day may impute to us other motives, we solemnly believe
that Radical Reformers are the ONLY RESTRAINING POWER
that prevents the execution of an outraged people's ven-
geance. We would, therefore, urge all the friends of
peace and order to declare at once in favour of justice, and
unite with us to obtain that share of political power, for
the unenfranchised people, which cannot much lottger be
safely withheld. How, we would ask, can those of the
middle classes, who are yet standing apart from us, recon-
cile their conduct with their conscience, when they were
parties to a compact with us to contend for the Reform
Bill, and promised in return, they would make it a stepping
stone to our political rights, while they still ungratefully
neglect us ?
Why will they presumptuously risk the consequences of
such selfish conduct ? What fruits do they hope to gain
b) their exclusiveness? They are now sowing the seeds
of disappointment; we would implore them to beware of
the harvest.

Do they ardently desire the happiness and prosperity of
their country ? Do they seek to develope the moral and
intellectual energies of the people ? Do they aim at cheap
and efficient Government ? Do they desire equal
laws justly administered? Do they wish for security for
person and property, and to give to industry its honest re-
ward? We, too, are in pursuit of similar objects. LET
COMMON INTERESTS, THEN, UNITE US IN THE PURSUIT.
We are contending for no visionary or impracticable
scheme. The principles of our Charter were the laws and
customs of our ancestors, under which property was secure,
and the working people happy and contented ; nay, these
principles are now in practical operation in different parts
of the world ; and what forms the strongest argument in
favour of their general adoption is, that wherever they are
in practice the people ate prosperous and happy.
But, fellow-countrymen, both Whigs and Tories are
seeking by every means in their power to crush our peaceful
organization in favour of our Charter. They are sending
their miscreant spies to urge the people into madness—
they are arming the rich against the poor, and man against
his fellow man. The war-hounds of their will are trained
and loosened for our slaughter; every bulwark of their
injustice is fortified against us ; and they fain hope that our
impatient impetuosity may afford sport for their vengeance,
and their triumph over our defeat give stability to their
power.

We trust, brethren, that you will disappoint their ma-
lignity, and live to regain our rights by other means : at
least, we trust you will not COMMENCE the conflict. We
have resolved to obtain our rights, peaceably if we may,
forcibly if we must :' but woe to those who begin the war-
fare with the millions, or who forcibly restrain their peace-
ful agitation for justice—at one signal tbey wili be en-
lightened to their error, and in one brief contest their
power will be destroyed.
You appointed us, fellow-countrymen, the humble instru-
-rnents of your will and determination ; we have performed
the duty you imposed on us to the extent of our power, and
are prepared still further to execute your commands. But,
from the numerous communications we have received, we
believe you expect us to collect the will and intentions of
the country respecting THE MOST EFFICIENT MEANS for
causing the People's Charter to become the law of the
land.

Anxious, therefore, to clearly ascertain the opinions and
determinations of the people in the shortest possible time,
and doubly anxious to secure their righteous object blood-
less and stainless, we respectfully submit the following
propositions for your serious consideration :--

That at all the SIMULTANEOUS PUBLIC MEETINGS, to be
held for the purpose of petitioning the Queen to call good
men to her councils, as well as at all subsequent meetiugs
of your Unions or Associations up to the Ist of July, you
submit the following questions to the people there as-
sembled:—

Whether they will be prepared, AT THE REQUEST OF THE
CONVENTION, to withdraw all sums of money they may
INDIVIDUALLY OR COLLECTIVELY have placed in Savings'
Banks, private hanks, or in the hands of any perscn hostile
to their just rights ?

Whether, at the same request, they will be prepared
immediately to convert all their paper money into gold and
silver ?

Whether, IF THE CONVENTION SHALL DETERMINE that
a SACRED MONTH will be necessary to prepare the mil-
lions to secure the Charter of their political salvation,
they will FIRMLY resolve to abstain from their labours
during that period, as well as from the use of all intoxicat-
ing drinks ?
Whether, according to their OLD CONSTIFUTIONAL RIGHT
—a right which modern legislators would fain annihilate--
they have prepared themselves with THE ARMS OF FREE-
MEN, TO DEFEND THE LAWS AND CONSTITUTIONAL PRIVI-
LEGES THEIR ANCESTORS BEQUEATHED TO THEM?
Whether they will provide themselves with CHARTIST
CANDIDATES, so as to be prepared to propose them for
their representatives at the next general election ; and if
returned by SHOW OF HANDS, such candidates to consider
themselves veritable representatives of the people—to
meet in London at a time hereafter to be determined on ?
Whether they will resolve to DEAL EXCLUSIVELY WITH
CHARTISTS ; and in all cases of persecution rally around
and protect all those who may suffer in their righteous
cause ?

Whether, by all and every means in their power, they
will perseveringly contend for the great objects of the Peo-
ple's Charter, and resolve that no COUNXER-AGITATION FOR
A LESS MEASURE OF JUSTICE shall divert them from their
righteous object ?
Whether the people will determine TO °REY ALL THE
JVST AND CONSTITUTIONAL REQUESTS OF THE MAJORITY OF
THE CONVENTION?

After these simultaneous public meetings, the Conven-
tion will hold its sittings, when by its deliberations, its mis-
sionaries, or otherwise, it will endeavour to ascertain the
opinions of the people on all these important questions;
and, having thus carefully ascertained the opinions and
determination of the country, immediately after the Ist of
July, it will proceed to carry the will of the people into
execution.

Remember, brethren, our motto is UNION, PRUDENCE,
and ENERGY; by these combined, we shall win the People's
Charter, in despite of the people's enemies. Hoping that
you will steadfastly and cautiously observe this motto, we
remain, your faithful Representatives,
THE MEMBERS OF THE CONVENTION.

Mr. HIcKING, Delegate from Wals ill, thought the
adoptng and issuing of the manifesto at the pre-
sent moment would be premature. As the peti-
tion bad not been and could not be presented
at present, the manifesto was to be issued, on
the presumption that the prayer of the peti-
tion would be rejected, and he thought the Convention
ought not to act on that presumption. He should,
therefore, move that the adoption and issuing of the ma-
nifesto ha deferred till after the presentation of the
petition.

Mr. O'BItIEN thought it might be adviseable to send
all Societies a copy of it, as a document under the con-
sideration of the Convention, but which was not as yet
adopted.

Mr. O'Costion had always thought that one of the
greatest grievances imposed on the people by the House
of Commons was, that no facility was afforded the
people of judging of the proceedings before that House,
and he thought before the Convention came to any con-
clusion respecting the manifesto it should be well, digested
by the people ; and it was of importance that the people
should have in their possession as many of the opinions
of the Members of the Convention as could be laid
hefore them. He opposed the recotnmendation to
read particular Newspapers, and opposed the recom-
mendation to refuse the payment of rent, rates, and
taxes. If the Convention recommended that, they
must themselves carry out the recommendation, and
must themselves refuse to pay rents and taxes.—
( Hear, hear.) The withdrawing of money was the
beginning of the battle, because it would be a
war of capital against labour, and capitalists would soon
find that labour was the only real capital in the world.
He did not feel himself well enough, even if he were
inclined, to go farther into this subject, and he would
therefore simply say, that he coincided with Mr.
O'Brien's views.

Dr. TAYLOR denied that this was the commencement
of the battle—it was only asking the people to avail
themselves of the approaching simultaneous meetings for
the purpose of deciding whether any of the pro-
posals in the address should be adopted by the
Convention. If the address was not issued
till after the simultaneous meetings were held, they
would not then have an opportunity of ascertaining the
feelings of the people. Tney only sought to lay before
the people those points of these subjects which they
thought ought to occupy the attention of the people
before the Delegates came to meet them ; and he would
urge the adoption of the Address without a moment's
delay.—( Hear, hear.)
Dr. M.DotrALL approved of having a sacred month
or a sacred week ; but then they should consider the
effect that would be produced on the working classes
by having that sacred month. The majority of the
working classes wcre.in debt, end if they were thrown
out of work there would be nothing but starvation, and
the country would be thrown into a beautiful state of
disorganization. How were the people to sustain them-
selves in this condition ? These were subjects worthy
of consideration, and, on the whole, he approved of the
Address being immediately printed and distributed.
Mr. O'BarEN hoped the Convention would do no-
thing hastily, or which it might hereafter repent of. He
did not wish to sec the Address adopted at the pre-
sent moment ; but he wished, at the same time, to take
every possible means of doing thz same good without
adopting the Address, which its adoption and circula-
tion might be calculated to effect at the propel time.
—(Hear, hear. These ulterior measures had formed
the subject of long deliberations before they left London.
Generally speaking, he agreed with every article re-
commending ulterior measures, and no doubt the Ra-
dicals throughout the country would like to act on them
if they could ; but at the same time lie knew those arti-
tides would meet with considerable opposition.
He was afraid that the attempt to act on the
recommendation to refuse payment of rents and
taxes would be to give a successful excuse to the
Government for interfering, which would be fatal
to their cause. If they were to battle the Government
with success, they must have the whole united body of
Radicals with them ; and although he should be glad

to have the Address circulated throughout the mu,
that the people might see what was passing in
minds, yet he thought the recommendation of
payment of rents and taxes would subject thel
the charge of a conspiracy. He believed t'A,
was not a member of the Convention who wot,
go further thin he would, when the proi er t
came, but he di.l not think the Contention ought to
do any thine that would bring it into collision with the
law. He should therefore move—That the Secretary
be instructed to get 10,000 copies of the document
now before the Convention printed and circulated
throughout Great Britain, in order to obtain the sense
of the country on the same, before the Convention
came to any dee;s:on respecting its adoption as a
manifesto of its body.
Mr. WARD seconded the amendment.
Mr. Os Bout believed a change of system could not
be brought about in this country with any benefit
to the working people unless some great effort
were made by the working men, ant for himself he
would say, he would rather by one-halt lead them on
in an attack against property than: stand against
soldiers, because, whether in blue coats or red
coats, they would be fighting against their -fellow-
victims and fellow-sufferers. Never would the
people gain their liberties until the power of the
proprietors of property was weakened. He wished to
see the document printed with all speed, because he
believed that, taken in connection, with the Na-
tional Holiday, and the run upon the Banks,
the cause of the people would thereby be
gained without the use of warlike arms.—(Hear, hear.)
He hoped, therefore, that the document would be circu-
lated among the people, so that after the simultaneous
meetings they might be fully informed a the feelings of
the people, and be better able to judge of the Course they
should adopt on it.

Mr. DUNCAN said the question appeared to be simply
as to the mode in which the document should be pub-
lished. He agreed with Mr. O'Brien that the doctiment
ought not to be issued as the manifesto of the Conven-
f on, but should be merely issued as questions to the
people. It was a most ingenious way of teaching the
people to ask them questions with an " if.”—(Hear,
hear.) He should support the amendment of Mr.
O'Brien.

Mr. RICHARDSON said that the discussions of the
Convention were already producing the most beneficial
and silutary results. As a proof of that a run had
already taken place on the Banks of Scotland,
and people who in the town of Birmingham itself, had
five weeks ago, given notice,of the withdrawal of their
deposits, had not as yet been able to obtain their
money.—( Hear, hear.) If they only kept the people
together, and agitated for the Charter alone, setti g
aside all agitation for the repeal of the Corn-laws,
or for the repeal of the new Poor-law Bill, sack a com-
mercial crisis and money panic would arise or would
enable them to effect their object, justice to the starving
and impoverished millions, without the shedding of a
drop of blood.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. POWELL supported the amendment of Mr.
O'Brien.

Mr. LOVETT thought the country would think bet-
ter of the Delegates if they took the straight-forward
and manly course of publishing and circulating the do-
cument at once as containing the opinions and views of
the Convention.

Mr. MOIR recommended that each Delegate from the
Convention to attend the simultaneous meetings about
to be held, should consider_ it, to be a very important
pat of his duty to show the very great insecurity of that
money which had been placed by many industrious
people in what is falsely called the national security—.
Savings' Banks—it being well known that all the secu-
rity which the people have for the payment of their
money is an Act of Parliament, which gives them a
claim upon the taxes for the payment of the
interest, should the taxes be caLected ; and that
it is 'a very capital mistake which many poeple labour
under, in imagining that they have a bond upon
all the houses, and all the lands, and a'l• the
other property in the country as a security for the pay-
ment of their money. Mr. M. stated it to be his de-
termination, and the determination of the great number
of working men who'll he represented, to stop paying the
interest of what was called the National Debt, as soon
as they had the power—believing as they do that their
now being compelled to pay it is neither more nor less
than an infamous legal robbery of them—and one which
they will certainly put a stop to so soon as they have the
power. Therefore (said Mr. M.), let the industrious
workire, people who may have placed their money in
such places take it out with the least possible delay, and
convert it into nice new crown pieces or golden sove-
reigns—and let them be laid apart, where they may
know where to find them when the day of danger
comes, as certainly come it will.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. O'BRIEN said the moment they issued A dooa.
ment of this sort, they would give the Government the
power of preventing their attending the simultaneous
meetings. One of the recommendations in the address,
amounted to a conspiracy against rights, and would act
like so many bombs among the enemy.
Mr, GILL supported the amendment.
Mr. HARNEY thought a national holiday would be
nothing more or less than a civil war. How were the
people to subsist during a national holiday ? He was of
opinion they ought to adopt the manifesto or address,
and risk the con,equences. If the Delegates were
arrested, although the people had not began to fight
yet, the battle would not end without their attaining
their rights.

Mr. COLLINS supported Mr. O'Brien's amenduhint.
Mr. CARPENTER replied.
The questions havif.g been put to a vote, a majority
appeared in favour of the reception and adoption of tke
address.

Mr. O'CONNOR then moved that the recommenda-
tion to abstain from reading certain newspapers, and to
refrain from paying rents and taxes, be omitted from the
address—which after a short discussion was agreed to.
The remaining clauses of the address havia.g .been
considered and agreed to, it was ordered that 10,000
copies should be printed and circulated among the
people.
The Convention then adjourned.

GRATITUDE AND HONESTY.--About three or

four weeks ago, a worthy named Kenneth M'Donald, was
sentenced by Sheriff Watson, to thirty days' confinement
in gaol, having pleaded guilty to the following charge
A gentleman in the country, to whom M'Donald was in-
debted for his education, intrusted him with a sealed packet
to be delivered to a friend in Aberdeen. The packet con-
tained some money, and a letter enclosing an order on the
Town and County Bank for 51. or 61. Instead of delivering
this, M'Donald broke open the parcel, abstracted the money,
and having opened the letter, only produced the bank order,
alleging at the same time that he was requested to carry
back the cash along with another small parcel to his friend
again. In place of this he had engaged a passage in a
veshel for the West Indies, but the matter being found out,
he was prevented from sailing by the police officers.—lt is
worthy of note that M'Donald recently " taught the young
idea how to shoot," in the Roman Catholic School, in
this city, on which the motto, " Religioni et Bonis Mori-
bus" is inscribed, —Aberdeen Constitutional.
TRAFFIC OF THE METROPOLIS.--A (State-
ment has been published by the Marylehone Vestry in
connection with the experimental paving of Oxford-street,
which will give the reader some idea of the immense traffic
in the streets of London. The following is a copy of the
statement alluded to :—On Wednesday, the 16th of Ja-
nuary, from six in the morning until twelve at night, passed
by the Pai theon-347 gentlemen's two-wheeled carriages,
935 four-wheeled, 899 omnibuses, 621 two-wheel and 752
four-wheel hackney carriages, 91 etage coaches, 372
waggons and drays, 1,507 light carts and sundries—total
5,515. By Stafford-place, on Friday, the 18th of January,'
the total is 4,753, out of which 1,213 Were omnibuses.
On Tuesday, the 22d of the same month, by Newman-
street, the total was 6,992; and on Saturday, by Stafford-
place, the total is stated to be 5,943. On the 26th of
January, by Stafford-place, between the hours of twelve at
night and six in the morning—gentlemen's two-wheel
carriages 0, four-wheel ditto 4, one omnibus, hackney
carriages two wheel 82, four.abeel 139, stage coaches 2,
waggons and drays 38, light carts and sundries 58—total
324. The greatest number of gentlemen's four-wheel
carriages, and hackney four-wheel ditto, appear to have
passed on the Tuesday, the number of the former on that
day being 1,241, and of the latter 1,283.
SUDDEN DEATII OF A LADY.-011 Monday an
inquest was held at the Manchester Hotel, Manchester-
street, Manchester-square, on the body of Madame Eliza
Devaux, aged 55, vtho resided at No. 28 in the above
street. It appeared from the evidence that deceased,
hcl who
so
son,
a a lady of independent fortune, resided with
t
generally
in moreallyenjoy
than her usualed good health,
aanid) r oo
fne s sFridaymusic.
nightS
retiredhe to
spirits. The next morning, on the servant going into her
room with her breakfa.t, she found her in bed quite dead.
Verdict—" Natural death."

TRANQUILLITY OF IRELAND.—WitiIin the
last week not less than 1,400 rank and file, 5-t officers, and
9.'30 horses, of ditTorent regiments serving in Ireland, have
embarked at Cork for Liverpol, Plymouth, and parts of
Wales. This is the first time on record that troops have
been spared from Ireland to repress disturbances in Eng-
land. Could it be so if the Tories were ono week in
power?
THE QUEEN.—We understand, from goof au.
lhority, that the Queen's attention to business is unrernit.

ting ; that neither exerci,e, amusement, sleep, nor even
meals are all wed to cause the least delay to the public ger. '
vice ; and that in activity and forgetfulness of self where
duty is concerned. there arc ft w who 04441 it not bent fit by
Royal example. She has been known to rise and quit the
room, when but just seated at the dinner table, leaving her
attendants to their repast, while her attention has been
first given to the newly-arrivtd despatch-box. As her Ma-
jesty has never appointed a private secretary,, political 8,42.
fairs pass throuch no hands but those of the Sovereign and
her Nlinisters. Nat many people are aware cf the labour
which is thus entailed upon her. Tho character of our
Queen is national property ; and time only is required for
the country fully to appreciate the quiet perseverance, tact,
gentleness, and firmness, which will he found united in
that of our youthful Sovereign.—Manchester Guardian.
THE COUNT or PARls.—'l'he u
states that the font winch is to serve f.
that it is carved out of
or the christening of
the Comte de Paris has already been taken to the Cathedra
bCiolicukrchofofst(Nmoet,reanDd aims ea;
very
beautiful'' specimenaoft!
flamboyant gothic, richly ornamented with a great number
of little figurer, and the most exquisite foliage ;in the
mouldings.