The Sun.
London, England, 1830-06-14 00:00:00

or monied fortunes in France. But the electoral
system of our neighbours, though founded in pro-
perty, and in so far entitled to the approbation of
certain British politicians, must be allowed to be
deficient in those variegated forms and venerable
anomalies, which, next to property; are the chief .
objects of admiration with such idolaters of our
own highly-prized representative fabric. In the
presence of such exclusive statesmen, a Frenchman
must confess with a sigh that France has not yet
acquired the blessings of rotten boroughs and close
corporations,—that she has no scot-and-lot-paying
freemen, or 40s. freeholders,--that she can boast of
no pot-walloping burgesses or noble borough pro-
prietors,—that she does not see deputies re-
turned by universal suffrage, sitting by the side
of the nominees of borouglimongers,—that she
witnesses no jobbing in seats, and has no Jew
who can make a batch of Christian legislators,
—that she has no hustings riots, no venal treating,
no direct bribes, and no poll-book perjuries—that
there is not a Corfe Castle nor an Old Surum in
the whole kingdom—that her Treasury has no snug
stalls to confer on Under Secretaries or Lords of the
Admiralty, and that the Members of the Upper
Chamber, instead of nominating a half or a third
of the Deputies, as in a certain other country, cannot
influence a single electoral college. These may be
blemishes or beauties in the constitution of our neigh-
bours, but whatever be their character, they certainly
form a remarkable distinction between our system
and theirs. Nor ought the latter to be treated with
too great severity, because being yet in its teens, it
has not required the mature virtues'of ages. Though
a constitution may " work well," and may end well,
with rotten boroughs and borouglimongers, the
most strenuous advocates for ancient abuses would
scarcely propose to begin with them, or to make
them an element in a new system. The rust on
the shield of Scriblerus may have constituted its
chief value, when considered as " the venerable
verdure of ages," but the most frantic antiquary
would never endeavour to give value to a new
shield by covering it with verdigris. But though
a Frenchman might put in this plea against
the exclusive admirers of the English elec-
toral system, he would find other, perhaps more
judicious, politicians, with whom ancient perver-
sions are no beauties, and who would consider an
approximation to the French system of representa-
tion an eligible reform. On these points, however,
we shall not at present dwell. Our object in making
the above statement was neither to hold up the
French electoral system as a model of perfect wisdom,
or to point out its comparative defects, but merely in
a brief sketch to describe it as it exists. But we
can never join those shallow and prejudiced persons
who find out that our neighbours are monstrous fools
because they differ from us,—who, without knowing
any thing about France, insist, as a matter of course,
that Frenchmen are unfit for freedom,—who see in a
constitutional struggle between a bigotted King and
a people jealous of their rights, only a choice be-
tween despotism and revolution, and who cry out
for the farmer in order to get rid of their idle alarms
for the latter. Whatever may be thought in this
country of the wisdom or moderation of the late
Chamber of Deputies, it may be stated in its favour
that it showed far less faction than has sometimes
been witnessed among the wise Commons of Eng-
land, and was probably as fair a representation of
French property, of French feeling, and of French
intelligence, as any assembly that could have been
elected by any union of boroughmongers and radical
reformers.—Times.

Hume, in his Essay on the Balance of Power,
alluding to the mischievous meddling disposition
which so long characterized the Government of this
country, observes that our Allies " always reckon
upon our force as upon their own ; and expecting to
carry on war at our expense, refuse all reasonable
terms of accommodation;" that " we are such true
combatants that, when once engaged, we lose all
concern for ourselves and our posterity, and consider
only how we may best annoy the enemy. To mort-
gage our revenues at so deep a rate, in wars where
we were only accessdsies, was surely the most fatal
delusion that a nation, who had any pretension to
politics and prudence, has ever yet been guilty of;"
that the " remedy of funding, if it be a remedy, and
not rather a poison, ought in all reason to be reserved
to the last extremity; and no evil, but the greatest
and most urgent, should ever induce us to embrace
so dangerous an expedient." lle adds, that our ex-
cesses " may, perhaps, in time become still more
prejudicial another way, by begetting, as is usual,
the opposite extreme, and rendering us totally care-
less and supine with regard to the fate of Europe ;"
and that " the Athenians, from the most bustling,
intriguing, warlike people of Greece, finding their
error in thrusting themselves into every quarrel,
abandoned all attention to foreign affairs ; and in no
.contest even took party on either side, except by
their flatteries and complaisance to the victor."—
Whatever be the cause, it is certain that matters,
that, before the revolutionary war, would have been
eigerly seized on by politicians, are in the present
day viewed with apathy by the nation. Falkland
bland, Nootka Sound, or any place, was sufficient
to draw forth the forces of parties in Parliament,
who held forth to the great admiration of a gaping
public. But thew palmy days for politicians are
gone—we fear for ever. Even Greece, which has
Occupied so long the High Allies, and respecting
which many hundred folio papa have been printed
by order of Parliament, Greece ceases to interest
us. Several of our contemporaries even laugh at
our public men for occupying themselves with it.
Thus an evening contemporary (the Globe), of
Saturday observes
There was some rather animated conversation last
night in the House of Lords, on the Greek question,
which seems very well suited for the amusement of that
illustrious body, while the delays in the Commons prevent
it from engaging in the important business of the country.
Though we feel as little concern so our readers can do in
the Jana eaprina, which will be the chief produce of the
disputed territory on the Greek frontier, thediscussions
on the question will have a personal interest."
.A weekly contemporary (the Examiner) ob-
serves ;
" The farce of The Upholsterer ought to be performed
for the benefit of the Houses of Parliament, whose Mem-
bers may profit by seeing, veluti in speculum, a foolish
person concerning himself immoderately about the Em-
peror of Morocco, wk le his own affairs are going to rack
and ruin. Who, but a few Quidnuncs that delight in any
subject of declamation clear of mirth: utility, is not weary
of the incessant discussion of the affairs of Greece in the
House of Lords, and the Commons ? It might not be un-
natural in the people of England to sympathise with the
Greeks, whose morality is of a kindred quality to that
which distinguishes oar nation, and makes it precious in
he sight of Mercury ; but the truth is, that even this
claim has no force, and despite or affinity and classical sen-
timent, the people of this country care not a rush. about
Greece ; and the talk in Parliament neither represents nor
creates any interest, and is a mere waste of time and op-
portunities for snore profitable exertions. If our own
affairs required less attention, it would be generous to ex-
.tend concern to a distant peop!e ; but under circumstances,
pee hold that our domestic affairs call for exclusive conei-
dera‘rn, and that the mismanagement of the most paltry
parish Ls the kingdom is more important than the adjust-
ment of the boundaries of Greece, or the understanding
of the negociations with Turkey. The interest of our
great declaimers, however, disdains to touch upon familiar j
topics, and it vibrates with a magnificent sweep from
Greece to Terceira, and from Terceira to Greece. It is
quite right that the tracasseries of foreign politics should
be watched and exposed, but we only represent the common
sentiment, when we urge that in both the instances named
the work bas been overdone."
The people certainly care very.little about Greece,
and, Oierefore, Lord Aberdeen and Prince Metter-
nich migi,,t perhaps have reduced still more the limits
of that count:7 with impunity, as far as public opi-
nion in England js concerned. It is a great conso-
lation to a Minister t„o know, that provided he keeps
at home the noiseless tip or of his way, in his fo-
reign policy he may lend birnaeg to as much injustice
as he has a mind for, without danger. In the case
of Greece, it is clear that England had no interest
in curtailing its limits; but then, as Austria has
some purpose to serve, why may not Lord Aberdeen
erve Austria when he can do it on such safe terms?