The Sun.
London, England, 1830-04-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT•OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Last night Sir M. S. Stewartpresented a petition
from the people of Glasgow, against a Bill now in
progress through Parliament for extending the
royalty of that city. The great number of respec-
table signatures attached' to that petition (not less
than 13,500), and the zeal which the inhabitants
have evinced in appointing agents to oppose it, show
that they consider the measure as hostile to their
best interests, and calculated only to perpetuate or
extend those abuses in which the Burgh-administra-
tion of Scotland is said so much to abound. By

those who are supposed to be most acquainted wi

the subject, without having any bias to ►mislead their
judgment, this Bill is regarded as a magisterial job,
intended to perpetuate the system of self-election,
and to increase the emoluments of clerks and
functionaries. If sueh be its character, we hope
that its mischievous tendency will be exposed, and
its enactment defeated, by the co-operation of inde-
pendent members from both sides of the Tweed.—
Times.

The House of Commons went last night into a
Committee on Mr. Slaney's Poor Laws' Amend-
ment Bill. It is no easy matter to understand what
the Country Squires would be at with regard to

the poor. It is admitted, for instance, by Mr. Ben-
nett, that " We had now surplus labourers to a
great extent, and we were thus reduced to straits
from which be knew not how to escape.
The value of labour_ was regulated by the proportion
of the supply to the demand, and no law of this de-
scription would alter it. A pauper with several
children could not support himself upon eight shil-
lings per week, and if he received only that sum in
wages, he required eight shillings more from tke
parish to support him and his family." There can
be no question that were it not for the aid from
the parish, the wages would sink to eight shillings a
week; but it is not possible to place the labourer in
such a situation that he may have the eight shillings
as wages, and not out of the rates? The eircum-

stance which enables the farmer to pay only eight
shillings in wages is thesuperabundance of labourers.
Now the mi.ichief of this system is, that when once
in operation it has a strong tendency to perpetuate
itself. For instance, if the rate of wages be eight
shillings a week, and so much be allowed by the
parish for each child, the single man sees himself
worse off than the married man, and he marries
♦without loss of time. The superabundance is thus
kept up, which depresses the rate of wages. In
order then to raise the condition of the labourers,

means must be resorted to for reducing the super-
abundance, and restoring the equilibrium between
the supply and demand in the labour market. One
means of effecting this was indicated by Mr. Frank-
land Lewis—namely, the charging the owners of
cottages to the rates. At present the rents of the
cottages are paid out of the rates. This would act
as an inducement to such owners to pull down the
cottages. By this and several other means, the
tendency to a superabundance of labourers may be
counteracted. But Mr. Benett was opposed to the
charging the owners of the tenements with the rates,
and talked of the stimulus to agriculture by taking
off those obstacles that now existed to the cultiva-
tion of waste lands. There can be no good reason
why any obstacles should be opposed to the cultiva-
tion of waste lands: but it is pretty clear that the
cultivation of waste lands can only be a pal-
liative at most for the evil caused by a super-
abundance of labourers. No fact is better
established, than that a population will rapidly in-
crease, if the means of subsistence can be obtained.
In all old countries, the population is prevented
from increasing as rapidly as in new countries, by
the inability to obtain food in equal abundance. We
may cultivate our wastes, but we shall still have a
superabundance, if we stimulate to marriage by
bolding out bounties for families, instead of throw-
ing difficulties in the way of obtaining cottages.
Mr. Benett said, " One reason for the increase of
the poor-rates in the South and West of England '
was, that the manufactures of flannel and woollen
bad been all removed to the North. He thought,
however, that the poor-rates were not an evil, and
that the return of prosperity would replace then' in
the same condition as before." Poor-rates are un-
questionably not an evil, but the converting poors'
rates into a means of keeping the labourersredun-
dant, and depressing wages, is an evil, and the de-
parture of the woollen and flannel manufacturers
from the South to the North, will not alone account
for the evil. The evil arese, in a great measure,
from the excessive powers possessed by Justices of
Peace, and the improper use they made of them.
" The Magistrates of the South (as was truly stated
by Mr. Slaney), in the teeth of the law, and act-
ing on a mistaken notion of humanity, and
benevolence, had apportioned the relief of the
poor by the price of bread, and this principle had
now been acted on in about sixteen or seventeen
counties.. The effect had been in all these situa-
tione'to degrade the poor, and to render them in-
different and depending; while in the north of Eng-
land, where no such practice prevailed, they were
still independent, honest, and industrious." A no-
tion took possession of the leading gentry of the
south, about the beginning of the late war, that the
poors' rates might be made available as a means for
forcing a surplus population, that the nation
might never suffer inconvenience in any exigency.
Their views are very systematically developed in
an octavo volume published by a Magistrate for
three counties ;—" If we have found," says this Ma-
gistrate, ," an actual supply of man and money,
but just sufficient to keep us on a level with the
enemy, and to withstand his exertions to overwhelm
us, have we not just reason to conclude, that with
a very little less money, or a very trifling diminution
in the number of men, we might not have with-
stood those exertions ? What gratitude, then, ought
we to bear, what merit to ascribe to a system of
laws, which, by increasing our population, and by
enabling us to perform so many operations at once,
has so essentially contributed to our safety, if not to
the preservation of our existence ? And we surely
shall have no cause to complain of being defrauded
of our money's worth, even supposing the sum of
money raised upon the people under such circum-
stances should be found to be considerably increased."
Without poor rates, the population would, no
doubt, be in most distressed condition, and would
gradually become reconciled to a lower and lower
state of living. But that is no reason why an effort
should not be made to guard against the evil which
Mr. Staney's Bill is intended to grapple with.—
Morning Chronicle.
It will be seen, from our Parliamentary Report,
that the expected discussion on Mr. Peel's Forgery
Bill was postponed, at the suggestion of Mr.
Brougham, and the second reading was afterwards
fixed for Monday fortnight. We think the Bill
ought to ba combatted, in every step ofits progress,
by all those who are sincerely anxious for a vital
and effective reform of the criminal law. The reason
that Mr. Brougham gave for wishing a postpone-
ment of the discussion was to give the public an
opportunity of stating their sentiments to the House
sty petitions against the measure were expected from
many parts of the country, We were under the'
impression that public opinion had already declared
itself in a very strong and decided manner on the
subject, and that the parties supposed to :be most
interested in the perpetuation of the principle of
capital punishment for forgery, had, in numerous
instances, appealed to the Legislature ler its total
abolition, not only on account of its inefficacy but
its positively injurious effects, 'by its tending to in-
crease that species of depredation which it was in-
tended to repress. We were led into this supposition
by observing that about 100 petitions had already
been presented to the'Legislature in favour of the
removal of the sanguinary law from the Statute-
book, while not a single petition had been pro-
duced on the other side. Surely, withy tgtrieesaet
hundred petitions on the /able, signed by
numbers of bankers, and the most respectable com-
mercial people, as well as by clergymen, magistrates,
and lawyers, the Members who profess to advocate a
refona of the law had sufficient evidence of the feel- ,

ing of the country to justify au immediate and ener-
getic opposition to Mr. Peel's Bill for the preserve
' tion of the old barbarous principle, in defiance of the
conclusions of practical men ; in contravention of
the dictates of reason, sound policy, and religion ;
and in utter contempt of all enlightened public opi-
nion. It is true we have heard, and have told our
readers, that at this moment about 100 petitions
more are in progress relative to this question, all,
like the former, declaratory of the sense which the
country entertains of the cruelty and inefficiency of
the existing law; but that it was necessary to put
'off the discussion until those petitions shall have
ne,n received, we are not prepared to believe.—
Even Mr. Brougham's own statement allowed that
there was sufficient reason for at once and decidedly
impugning the principle of Mr. Peel's Bill, and
resisting its further progress. If Mr. Brougham
be still convinced, as he once was, of the mischiev-
ous error of Mr. Peel's legislation, he ought rather
to have given the advantage of his eloquence to the
exposure of that error, than avoided it, and he would
thereby have stimulated the friends of civilised im-
provement throughout the country to greater exer-
tions in the cause of humanity and a rational reform
of criminal justice. He stated that " for some time
certain classes, and particularly those who were
chiefly interested in that branch to which the pre-
sent law was applicable—he meant paper money—
were averse to any mitigation of the punishment.
He had now the satisfaction of stating to the House
that he had received communications and petitions
from various bankers in different parts of the coun-
try, whieh showed that, pretty generally, this class
had reformed their opinion on the subject of capital
punishment, and were willing to admit the error
under which they had laboured. Within the last
few days he had a great deal of correspondence with
person, connected with banking establishments.
He had also a number of petitions to present—
more particularly one—to which he would call
the attention of the House, as it was from a part of
the country where the trade in paper was chiefly
carried on, and he found from those bankers and
merchants that they were anxious to conic forward
and entreat the Legislature to pause before they en-
acted anew the punishment of death for forgery,
because they viewed this mode of punishment not
only as no protection, but quite the contrary. They
regard it rather as a means for preventing prosecution
and punishment, and as tending to the escape of
persons who had been guilty of a serious offence."
One would have thought after this statement that
the Learned Gentleman had ample inducement for
going into the debate at once, instead of cooling down
the public feeling by cautiously avoiding for the pre-
sent a discussion that would probably have the effect
of (as we have already intimated) exciting the op-
ponents of capital punishments to more animated
and strenuous exertions. We observed the other
day, when Mr. Peel's Bill had been highly eulo-
gised for its humane alteration of the law, that it
only went to abolish the penalty of death in cases
where it was not put in execution. The Right
Honourable Secretary himself admitted the truth of
this observation last night ; for he sad his Bill
merely consolidated the Statute-law of the land,
omitting those cases where the capital punishment
latterly had not been carried into effect. We are
convinced that this spurious sort of reform is not
only useless, but calculated to be more detrimental
to the public interests than leaving the law as it is,
in all its indiscriminate and unrelieved ferocity. It
may make people think there has been an actual
reform and amendment where in reality there is none
—for the name and shadow of legal improvement,
with the aid of a servile press; have in other in-
stances gone a great way to delude the public mind,
mad to cause a relaxation of exertions corrective of
abuse and beneficial to humanity.—Morning Herald.

ARTISTS' BENEVOLENT INSTITUTION,

ANNIVERSARY DINNER.

On Saturday the Fifteenth Anniversary of the
" General Benevolent Institution for the relief of
decayed Artists of the United Kingdom, whosa
works have been known and esteemed by the pub-
lic, and affording assistance to their Widows and
Orphans," was celebrated at the Freemasons'
Tavern, by a public dinner. Soon after six o'clock,
about two hundred gentlemen sat down to table.
Lord Grantham presided. Amongst those present
we noticed, H. Pusey, Esq., M.P.; Sir Thomas
Dyke Acland, Bart. ; Mr. Sheriff Richardson ;
Charles Russell, Esq.; - Keightley, Esq. ; J.
Neild, Esq., M.P. ; J. Fairley, Esq. ; Jos. Fairley,
Esq. ; H. Davidson, Esq.; M. A. Shee, Esq.,
P.R.A. ; Sir W. Beechey, R.A. ; 'Sir J. Wyat-
ville, R.A. ; Messrs. Thomas Phillips, R.A.; J.
Chantrey, R.A. ; W. Wilkins, R.A.; W. Collins,
R.A. ; J. Jackson, R.A. ; P. Biggs, A.R.A. ; J.
Beach, A.R.A. ; C. Cockerel], A.R.A.; R. Lane,
A.R.A. ; C. Turner, A.R.A. ; Landseer,
A.R.A., &c. Scc..

The gallery was nearly filled with ladies. When
the cloth had been removed, and Non nobis, Demine,
sung by Messrs. Bellamy, Broadhurst, Golding,
Horacastle, Fitzwilliam, and Chapman, the CHAIR-
aI.t..N got up to propose the first toast, " The health
of the King." He could assure the company, that
nut five minutes before he entered his carriage to
come to the dinner, he received information from a
perfectly authentic source that his Majesty was de-
cidedly better.—(Great applause, and every mani-
festation of satisfaction.) He was sure that they
all earnestly desired to hear of the restoration of his
Majesty ; and though it was not in his power to
contribute to the accomplishment of that much
wished-for object, yet he had no doubt they would
so express their feelings in drinking the toast as to
display the sentiments with which he knew they re-
garded their monarch.—Drunk with four times four.
" God save the King" chorussed with much en-
thusiasm. The next toast was " The Duke of
Clarence,"—three times three:—(Much applause.)

,
The CHAIRMAN then said, the next mernlier of the
Royal Family whose health he had to propose, was
" The Duke of Sussex." The Institution was under
the deepest obligations to that illustrious personage.
He had been amongst their earliest and most effi-
cient patrons, and it was to be hoped that they
would not allow the present opportunity to pass
without testifying their gratitude. This toast was
very cordially received, and drank with three times
three.—This was followed by " The health of the
rest of the Royal Family."
TL. list of subscriptions was then read.
The CHAIRMAN proposed" The Army and Navy."
He felt not the slightest doubt that it was a toast
which would meet with the warmest reception.—
There, national spirit—there, feelings alone—in
fact, from that blood-and-thunder feeling which
warmed the breasts of all Britons—the toast must
be received with enthusiasm ; but, independently of
that, in a meeting of Artists, such a toast could not
fail to be a powerful source of excitement. The
fame and glory of artists derived much of its lustre
from the noble subjects which the achievements of
the soldier and the sailor furnished. The monuments
which a nation's gratitude raised to commemorate
the exploits of the service, were to the sculptor the
source of emulation and the reward of eminence.—
The army and navy, poor fellows! whether living
or dead, contributed to the success of the artist, and
were entitled to every testimony of sympathy and
kindly feeling.
The toast was followed by much applause.
A further list of subscriptions was then read, pre-
vious to which the CHAIRMAN said, he hoped the read-
ing would demand a long silence from the company.
The CHAIRMAN next gave "The Artists' Gene-
ral Benevolent Institution." Had lie been aware he
should enjoy the honour of presiding over their fel,-
tive meeting, he should have been (sever instructed
in his lesson, and better prepared to lay before them
the nature and objects of the Society, and enlarge
upon its claims to their support. But when he re-
flected upon the number of years it had endered, ,
The liberality it had experienced, and the many occa-
sions
upon which most able advocates had put for-
ward
its merits, he the less regretted his inability to
do it justice on the present occasion. He had, rh-

cently required from them a long silence; he hoped
that the expression of feeling with which the toast
he had now to give would be received, might bear
some proportion to the length of the previous silence
imposed upon the company. The toast was then
given, and received with the warmest enthusiasm.
Sir T. D. ACLAND proposed the health of the
Chairman, in the full conviction that it would be
received b 3 the company with the utmost cordiality.
No Chairman could have stronger claims upon their
g•ratitude—at a few hours' notice he had consented
to preside over their meeting, in the unavoidable
absence of Lord Aberdeen. The toast was drunk
with great applause.
Lord GRANTHAM said he could with perfect sin-
cerity assure them that it was no affectation, no
pretended humility, which led him to declare that
he could not give utterance to the feelings which
had been excited in his breast, by the testimony of
their respect with which he I ad just been honoured.
When he came into that house, be had not the
slightest expectation of being called on to do more
than contribute his humble mite towards the great
object for which they had been assembled. The
Noble Lord who was to have presided had been
prevented from attending by unforeseen circum-
stances ; and that absence was much to be regretted.
He (Lord G.) had come to their Chair perfectly
unprepared, but he came to them with a good heart
in their cause, and having once enlisted in their cause
—having drawn the sword in their behalf—he was
resolved not to shrink from the maintenance of their
interests. They had a long list, not of killed amd
wounded, but a list of those who came forward for
the relief of the killed and wounded. The Noble
Lord then expressed his warm hopes for the conti-
nued and increased prosperity of the Institution.
The patrons of art were interested, not alone that
this or that great picture should be painted, but that
the great events of our history should be handed

down in an imperishable form to posterity, and that
men of humble birth and limited fortune should be
furnished with opportunities of attaining eminence
an] wealth. The Noble Earl who was to have pre-
sided had the fullest intention of being present, and
wou!d certainly have taken the Chair had he not
been under the necessity of going down to Oxford
under circumstances that precluded the possibility of
his returning in time for dinner, and so he was pre-

vented from filling a situation which (said the Noble
Lord) if his feelings resemble mine—and I have no
doubt they do—he would have felt great pleasure in
filling.—( Applause.)
The next toast was, " The Duke of Wellington
and his Majesty's Government."—( Applause.)
The CHAIRMAN then gave " The health of Mar-
tin Archer Shee, Esq., and the Royal Academy."
This was a subject upon which he should think it ne-
cessary to say but very little—that Institution could
not but be regarded by artists with reverence and
with gratitude; the distinctions which had been con-
ferred upon Mr. Shee were purely honorary ; but
they were not less valuable on that acc)unt ; he

would detain them n 1 longer than to propose, that
the health of the President and of the Academy be
drunk with three times three.

The PRESIDENT spoke as follows :—On the part
of the Academy I beg to return my most sincere
thanks : I fed that it is only in right of my con-
nection with that distinguished body that I have
enjoyed the honour just conferreel upon me. The
members of this excellent Institution may rest satis-
fied that the Royal Academy entertains towards
them the most friendly feeling—in proof of which I
may call their attention to the many members of
the Academy now present. I will not enlarge upon
the topics so ably handled by the Noble Lord in
the Chair, and by the other gentlemen who have
spoken, for I feel that any attempt to follow them
would but weaken the effect they have produced.
But, gentlemen, it is impossible that on a public
occasion like this, when, for the first time, I present
myself to you as President of the Royal Academy,
I could let such an occasion pass without some allu-
sion to that celebrated man who has so often filled

this place at meetings like the present. I cannot
address you without a strong, though inadequate,
expression of regret, at the premature fate of the
man, whose loss it is impossible to supply. Gcn-
tlemen, it would be absurd in me to expatiate upon
1 the professional merits of Sir Thomas Lawrence--
whether we regard the efforts of his genius in the
Exhibition, the dignity of his deportment in the
Council-room, or the discretion and judgment which
marked his conduct everywhere—or whether we
refer to the eloquence with which, from this place
be often advocated the interests of this Institution,
we cannot but be sensible cf his superiority—we
cannot but recognise him as an admirable represen-
tative of the profession. I regret that I are only
able imperfectly to attempt to make up by warmth
of zeal for power arid capacity to serve you. Any
comparison with that great man would be but little
calculated to console you for his loss; all, however,
that is within my limited means shall be devoted to
your service—all that remains to me of life—all
within my humble capacity, shall be most cheerfully
devoted to promoting the general interests of man—
and, as a branch of those interests, to advancing the
prosperity of this Institution.—(Great applause.)

The CHAIRMAN then gave " the Memory of Sir
Thomas Lawrence."—(Drunk in solemn silence.)
The healths of the President, Vice-Presidents,
and other officers were also drunk ; likewise the
Stewards of the present dinner and the Stewards
Elect.

The gross sum collected on this occasion was
6381., being the largest sum ever obtained.
The health of the ladies was given with four
times four; and after several rounds of applause, the
Chairman and the greater part of the company
quitted the Hall.