The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

mark before. In a despatch dated Dec. 8, 1860, the nob Ie
earl acknowledged that Scbleswig was a Danish duchy, and
that the German confederation had no right to interfere in
its administration; but now he adopted the German view
of the question, and gave advice to Denmark which would
alter the whole constitution as regarded Schleswig. He
also disagreed with the style in which the noble lord had
addressed Denmark. Denmark was an independent coun-
try, it was a mere ancient country than ours, some of its
monarchs having sat on the English throne, and through
all changes it had maintained its independence. Such a
country ought to have been treated with great respect by
the noble earl, but he had not treated it with respect. He
had used one language to Denmark and another to the Pope.
With regard to Greece, he was astonished at the course
which the government had taken on that subject. If diplo-
matic contracts existed which prevented the acceptance of
the throne by Prince Alfred the government ought to have
immediately declared that such was the case. (Hear, hear.)
That would have been more respectful to the royal family
of England and to Greece. By not at once making that
declaration they acted unfairly and cruelly to the Grecian
people, because every day's delay was equivalent to a day's
anarchy in that country. Information received from Greece
showed that anarchy was beginning, and if the question was
not quickly settled it was impossible to say what would oc-
cur.
er Withvery
respecteabro,l
fly, not
and to
dismay.
he the
confessedel iean
he
saidheard him lslandsheea wasr thego
innogh with
noble
gi‘e
l or.d
con-
siderablespok
spoke
ev
up the lonian Islands because we had been taunted by the
various nations of Europe that England held them for selfish.
purposes. Now Corfu was one of the best ports of the Me-
diterranean,and the strongest fortress ; and if the noble earl
was to be influenced by such taunts, the same thing might
be said of Gibraltar and Malta. (Hear.) Corfu could not be
defended by the Greeks, and if given up by England
would inevitably fall into the hands of France or Russia.
Because they and their predecessors had mismanaged the
islands that was reason for giving them up.
Earl GREY said he did not share the regret of the
noble earl opposite that the Government did not accept
the overture of France with regard to mediation in the
American war, The South insisted upon independence,
the North insisted upon the restoration of the Union; and
it was obvious that any proposition which could be proposed
would be rejected. Nothing could be gained by the propo-
sal; and, on the other hand, it would excite greater hosti-
lity towards this country. (Hear.) With regard to the
cession of the lonian Islands, he did not agree with the
noble earl that:there was any necessity for the consent of
Parliament to the measure. He thought if anything was
better understood than another it was that the Crown had
an undoubted right to make treaties with foreign Powers.
It had been observed that the surrender of the lonian
Islands might, in the event of war, entail great disadvan-
tages upon this country. He, on the contrary, thought
the retention of them would be injurious to Great Britain.
The period which had been referred to had no application to
the present time. There had been no steamships in those
days, but now troops could be conveyed and concentrated nt
a given place with astonishing rapidity. He had heard
nothing said of the advantage that would be conferred on
the islands by having them merged in the new kingdom of
Greece ; for it should be remembered that the islands had
been entrusted to this country for their benefit, and not
for the benefit of England. (Hear, hear.) This.country
received no tribute from the lonian islands. 'But his
noble friend the Secretary of State had told them that
the cession was only to take place under certain conditions,
and under these circumstances he thought it very desirable
that they should be ceded to the new kingdom of Greece.
(Hear, hear.)
The Earl of CARNARYON hoped that the cession of
the lonian. Islands would not be completed without further
consideration. The noble earl (Russell) based the policy of
the cession upon the wishes of the lonians, making little of
the importance of the harbours which these islands afforded
to Great Britain. But the modern improvement in shipping
rendered coal depots very important. (Hear, hear.) They
were bound to have good reasons shown for the cession. It
was not justifiable upon economical or political grounds. He
contended that it was not competent for Great, Britain to
resign the trust to the people of the 'lonian. islands. The
Government was bound to resign the trust into the hands cf
the great Powers who had placed it in the keeping of Great
Britain. The lonian Islands were described as a single,
free, and independent State in the treaties which placed
them under the protectorate of this country. But what
would they lie if ceded to this unknown, untreated, impal-
pable Power which was called Greece ? (Hear, hear.)
Would that cession be agreeable to any Power ? There were
many who believed that it would rather be a cession of
Greece to the lonian Island than of the lonian Islands to
Greece. Would Turkey like it ? Would it not rather look
upon such an accession of power to Greece as a threat and
a danger? In the late correspondence with the Russian
Government the noble earl started a candidate of his own.

Earl RUSSELL—I beg the noble lord's pardon. I never
started anybody. (A laugh.)
The Earl of CARN A RVON said that probably the noble
earl did not actually put forward a candidate, but he cleared
the way for a British prince to be put in nomination, and it
was by that means he compelled the Russian Government
to come into his views. (Hear, hear.) Then the King of
Portugal was put forward without any attempt being made
to find out whether or not the King of Portugal would ac
cept the throne. Upon his Majesty's refusal the Prince of
Saxe Coburg was put forward, and now it seemed that ho
also would not accept the gift.
Lord WODEHOUSE said that the noble earl had
scarcely stated the question fairly. He thought there was
a very distinct difference between our tenure of the lonian
Islands and the tenure of possession which we had in colo-
nies ftnd dependencies of the British Crown.

The Address was then agreed to.
Lord EI3URY laid a bill on the table to amend the
Act of Uniformity.
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS---Last Evening.
THE A DRESS.
(Continued front The Sun of last Evening,)

The SPEAKER then read the Address.

Mr. DISRAELI rose and said—Mr. Speaker, I am sure
that there is no passage in the speech of the Lords Com-
missioners which will be read with more complete and more
cordial sympathy by this house than the persuasion which
is in that speech expressed by the command of her Majesty
that this house will sympathise with the sentiments which
her Majesty feels in so interesting an event as the marriage
of the heir apparent of these realms. (Hear, hear.) Sir,
there was a time when Royal marriages were the perplexity
of politicians, and it was supposed that by the adroit nego-
tiations of such transactions you might even change, and
certainly that you might affect in some degree even the
balance of power. These times happily are for ever passed
away. (Hear, hear.) But it would be, lam sure, a great
error to believe that in a country like England, where
happily domestic affections are cherished and venerated,
Royal marriages may not conduce directly to the
power and influence of a Prince. (Hear.) We have seen
iu our time and in this country what may be the effect in
this respect of a Royal marriage. His sovereign parent
offers to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales an exam-
ple which, if followed, will, I am sure, endear him to the
hearts of all Englishmen. (Hear.) And lam equally con-
fident, that, at this moment, he will not forget that other
parent whose loss a year ago in this house we had to mourn
—(hear)—who built up a Roy al house upon the principle
of household love, and who yet, by his refined and profound
intelligence, elevated it above the majesty of thrones.
(Rear.) Sir, there is also another topic in the Speech in
which this house must deeply sympathise—with the com-
munication which has been made this day by command of
her Majesty from the throne—that is, with regard to the
feelings of sympathy which we must all share with that por-
tion of our fellow-countrymen who have been subjected of
late to so great a vicissitude in their fortunes. (Hear.) But
when we remember the fortitude with which they have en-
countered that great visitation—when we remember the
spirit with which our suffering fellow-subjects have been
sustained—l think that there is, if I may so express it,
some moral compensation arising to the country for their
teand if so, it may prove, as I hope and trust
it a
will rin
prove,
he sounder and more permanent prosperity of that commu-
mpl losses;
ve, that ultimately these trials may conduce to
t
commu-
nity. I hope we may be justified in treating this great
visitation rather es a misfortune than as a calamity. (Hear.)
Sir, I will not stop to panygerise the conduct of any parti-
cular class, I will not offer now a needless though perhaps
it might be a wholesome tribute of admiration and approval
to any particular body of her Majesty's subjects, but in this
perilous trial there has been a good cheer for England, and
that in my opinion is a convincing proof furnished us of that
1 mutual trust and that entire affection which subsists among
all classes of her Majesty's subjects, and which indicates,
whatever may be the form of our Government, the existence
of a real commonwealth. Sir, if even that question had not
been touched upon in the Speech of the Royal Commissioners
to-day, it would be impossible, on the re-assembling of Par-
liament, after such events, to avoid the inquiry, what pros-
pect there is of the cessation of these great misfortune
Her Majesty has not felt herself justifiedin
n offering
causes
of Parliament any prospect of any terminationow ofthat there is
of these difficulties. (Hear, hear.
Persons will admit
charac-
ter of contemporary events, though
own part, I am bound to say,
/me more valuable o sta and
nothing more difficult than to askrtailnpthet precise
at has
. subsequently. occurred has
the first—mod that
conviction—l have always looked
pthoalittitchianeres.i,s(Hnoeakrn.r i.,...-;.emy
that which is occurring in America in the light of a
upon
lution—and of a great revolution, ofrnlomy confirmed .
(Hear.) Great re-
volutions, whatever may be the alleged causes of them, are
not likely to commence or conclude with precipitation. Be-
fore the civil war commenced the United States of America
be
colonies should
because forget
indepen-
dent. un -_,
c; e aa sned tow be
nwtetri
ee s c
do 100 nn ioets
dent. They were not only
colonies but they were colo-
nising, and they existed under all conditions of colonial life
except that of mere political dependence. But for several
years I think that all unimpassioned observers must have
been conscious that in that community there were smoul-
dering elements which indicated the possibility of a change,
and, perhaps, of a violent change. The immense increase of
population—the still greater increase, perhaps, of wealth,
the intreduction of foreign races in large numbers as citi-
zens, not brought up under the laws and customs which
were, perhaps, adapted to a more limited and a perfectly
homogeneous race—the character of that political constitu-
tion which, in its practice, in consequence of this introduc-
tion, because almost impracticable—the absence of any
theory of ambition to the refined and educated intellects of
the country, which deteriorated the public spirit and lowered
the public morality, and, above all, the increasing ingu.
1 enco of the United States in the political fortunes of Eurn2a
—these were all circumstances which indicated the more than
possibility that the mere adonis,' character of these com-
munities might suddenly add violently be subverted, and
those political characteristics appear which seem to be the
destiny of man. (Hear. hear.) I cannot conceal from my-
self the conviction that when those who in this house may
be young enough to live to witness the ultimate conclu-
sion and consequences of this civil war—l cannot but
believe that the America which they will then recognise
when the waters have subsided will be a different
America to that which was known to our forefathers, or
even to this generation, of which we have had so much ex-
perience. (Hear, hear.) It will, I believe, be an America of
armies; it will be an America of diplomacy; it will be a