The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 14, 1863.

THE PROPOSED CONGRESS.

The following is the answer of the King of the
Greeks to the French proposal of a Congress .
Athens, Nov. 26,

Monsieur mon Frere,--I have been highly gratified by
the invitation which your Majesty has been pleased to send
me in your letter of the 4th inst. to take part in a Congress
of Sovereigns to be opened at Paris, with a view to placing
the political edifice of Europe on new and more solid bases,
and thus to prevent commotions which might endanger the
general peace.
This appeal to conciliation which your Majesty has just
made in the interest of European order has been inspired by
views too generous and too elevated not to find in Me the
most sympathetic reception.

enrobl e thought
considerationsenhanced
tthan
a nw
withbi cyh
wtpredominates
which
hrank
yourlanguage
m asMajesty
'thereinsty
ahnascould
atthe
onmo
t
b ju-
diciousTb hetet
Fanied your proposition,
In accepting it without reserve, I fully share the hopes
which I find expressed in your Imperial Majesty's letter.
The meeting of the Congress will perhaps be the best solu-
tion of the grave questions which justly preoccupy all minds
in Europe, and will contribute to develope the general pro-
sperity by the maintenance of tranquillity. Every one feels
indeed, that it is necessary to take into account the spirit of
the age, the political aspirations of nations, the circum-
stances of the time, and to endeavour by all possible means
to secure the future by regulating the present so as to eli-
minate every element of trouble and discord.
The common work to which your Majesty invites the
chiefs of the European States would be, beyond doubt, one
of the greatest onward movements of our day. Its success
would realise wishes long since formed by the friends of
humanity and the noblest minds.
In congratulating your Majesty!on the glorious initiative
you have just taken, I sincerely wish that your proposition
may be as favourably received by the other Sovereigns,
and I flatter myself with the hope that the interests and
rights of the Christians in the East will find in your Ma-
jesty a generous defender in the future International
Council.

It is with these sentiments that I earnestly offer to your
Majesty the renewed assurances of the high esteem and the
Inviolable friendship with which I am, Monsieur mon Frlre,
your Imperial Majesty's good brother,

_
GEORGE.
I
• (Countersigned) P. DELYANNI.
The following is the reply of the Germanic Con-
federation :

Sire,—The invitation to a Congress which your Majesty
addressed on the 4th of November last to the Sovereign
Princes and free cities of Germany is considered by the
Germanic Confederation as a proof of your Majesty's senti-
ments of friendship, and of your desire to assure to Europe
the benefits of peace.
Called upon by its fundamental treaties to be principally
directed by pacific views, the Germanic Confederation could
not refuse its consent to a project tending to assure the
peace and order of Europe.
Although frankly adhering to the pacific idea of your
Majesty, the Sovereign Prince and free cities of Germany
could not concur with a hope of success, in the realisation
of this project, unless the treaties which established the
Germanio Confederation as well as the political edifice of
Europe were considered as the basis of the negotiations.
Without ignoring that even the most solemnly concluded
treaties cannot remain unaltered in the midst of the irresis-

tible course of history, a pacific policy could not disavow
the principle that no modification or cancelling of a treaty
can be effected without the consent of the parties interested.
It is this principle which will point out the rule of duties,
the title of rights, and the curb of pretensions which, with
so just and penetrating lan eye, your Majesty has deemed
necessary to tranquillise Europe.
This basis for negotiation once adopted, it will be possi-
ble to designate beforehand, with the consent of the parties
interested, the international questions which the Congress
will undertake to regulate, and afford to Europe the assur
ance that, far from being the source of fresh differences, it
will put an end to those which exist.

In conformity with these views, the Germanic Confede •
ration will be disposed to respond to your INlnjeaty's
tion, and take part in the Congress, by causing himself to be
represented by a special Plenipotentiary, who will be there
with those members of the Germanic Confederation invited
by your Majesty. The Sovereign Prince and free cities of
Germany cherish the hope that your Majesty will be good
enough to see that these frank explanations are a proof of
their sentiments of friendship, of the care they have devoted
to the consideration of the step taken by your Majesty, and
of their desire that this step may be fruitful in happy re-
sults. Hereupon the Sovereign Princes and free cities of
Germany pray God to have you in his just and holy keeping.
The Germanic Confederation, and in its name,
The Austrian Minister, President of the Diet,

BARON VON KUBECR.
Prankfort.on.the-Maine, Dec, 7, 1863.
The following is the reply of the King of Den
mark :

" Monsieur mon Frare,—During the few days that I have
occupied the throne of Denman( I have been enabled to take
two resolutions of high importance for the destinies of my
country. Providence has in a sad and unexpected manner
terminated the career of my august predecessor ac the very
moment when the nation expected him to sanction by his
signature the new Constitution for the common affairs of his
non-German provinces, and to accept the invitation of your
Imperial Majesty to attend a Congress. It has fallen to my
lot to accomplish this &LIU) task. Happening at the same
critical moment for the welfare of my people. those two de-
cisions tend to the same end, for it only settles the present,
the ether will, I hope, assure the future of the Danish
Monarchy. Your Majesty has taken the glorious initiative
of substituting decrees of justice and of reason, instead of
an appeal to arms, to settle the questions actually pending
in Europe.
Denmark, which has always been the constant ally of
the Emperor, is resolved. frankly and without reserve, to
associate itself to the generous endeavours of your Majesty
to realise that great idea. I accept, therefore, with real
pleasure, your Majesty's invitation to attend a European
Congress. lam not yet sure whether circumstances will
allow me to attend in person, but I beg your Majesty to
believe that it would give me the greatest pleasure to enjoy
once more your cordial hospitality, and to express to you
viva voce my warm and sincere congratulations, as I had
the honour to do on a former occasion.

I congratulate myself that the relations which I shall
have the honour of entertaining with your Majesty open
under auspices of that great inspiration, and I eagerly take
advantage of this opportunity to offer to you the assurance
of my high esteem and unchangeable friendship.
I am, Monsieur mon frere, of your Imperial Majesty le
bon free, CHRISTIAN,
Copenhagen, Nov. 20. •

common at the outbreak of hostilities. And the courage of
the people will not be diminished if they bring themselves
face to face with thereal character of the struggle. "Liberty
or death" is no mere phrase to us ; and it will do no harm
if we look steadfastly at the less agreeable alternative,.
Rtehnzond Examiner.

aware of the nature, character, and consequences of the act
which he was committing; or, in other words, whether he
was under the influence of a diseased mind, and was really
unconscious at the time he was committing the act it was
a crime." His lordship continued that the jury must judp e
o 'the act by the prisoner's statements, and by what he did
at the time. Unless they were satisfied—and it was for the
prisoner to make it out— that he did not know the conse-
quences of his act,or that it was against the law of God and
man and would subject him to punishment, he was guilty
of murder. His lordship then went most carefully through
the evidence. The prisoner's letters appeared to be the
most sensible letters he had ever read. Again, the reason
the prisoner gave for his act was " She should not have
proved false to me." Now, if his real motive was that he
conceived himself to have been illused, and either from
jealousy of the man who was preferred to him, or from a
desire of revenge on her,he committed the act,that would be
murder. Those were the very passions which the law re-
quired men to control, and if the deed was done under the
influence of those passions there was no doubt that it was
murder. The prisoner's expression that he should be hanged
for it indicated that he knew the consequences of this act.
Another reason he gave for what he had done was, " The
woman who deceives me must die." If a young lady pro-
mised to marry a man and then changed her mind, it might
be truly said she deceived him ; but what would be the con-
sequences to society if men were to say every woman who
treated them in that way slar,uld die, and were to carry out
these views by cuffing her throat ? The prisoner claimed
to exercise the same power over a wife as he could lawfully
exercise over a chattel, but that was not a delusion, nor like
a delusion. It was the conlusion of a man who had arrived
at results different from those generally arrived at and con-
trary to the laws of God and man, but it was not a delu-
sion. Evidence, indeed, had been given of an actual delu-
sion in the prisoner's mind in supposing that there was a
conspiracy against him. That was an apt and common in-
stance of delusion. There was also evidence of insanity in
the maternal line, and it was true that insanity was here-
ditary and did descend in families. The object of that was
to show that it was possible and not unlikely that the here-
ditary taint might exist in the prisoner. All the evidence,
however, failed to show the existence of any delusion in the
prisoner's mind which could explain this act. None of his
family conceived him to be mad. It was clear that such an
idea had not entered into their mind, or they would not have
recommended him to go and see Miss Goodwin. They
treated him as sane from beginning to end, as a proper
person to contract matrimony and re-engage the affections
of this young woman. The account of his state of mind
upon receiving her letters was most probably correct.
Most men would probably suffer in the same way under
similar circumstances. It had been said by one of the
witnesses that the prisoner did not know the difference
between good and evil. If that was a test of insanity many
men were tried who did not know that difference. In
truth it was no test at all. The idea of a conspiracy was a
delusion ; but the mere setting himself up against the law of
God and man was not a delusion at all. The question for
the jury was, was the prisoner insane, and did he do the act
under a delusion, believing it to be other than it was. If he
knew what he was doing, and that it was likely to cause
death and was contrary to the law of God and man, and that
the law directed that persons who did such acts should be
punished, he was guilty of murder.
The jury then retired, and after an absence of five
minutes returned into court with a verdict of guilty of
wilful murder.

The prisoner was then called upon in the usual form to
say why sentence of death should not be passed upon him.
Baron Martin, having put on the black cap, said—Pri-
soner at the bar, after every possibility in your favour has
been urged with an ability never excelled you have been
found guilty of wilful murder, and in that verdict I entirely
concur. It the defence which has been set up in your behalf
had prevailed, it would in my opinion have been attended
with consequences dangerous to society. It it entered into
the minds of men that they might take the life of any
woman who was fickle, the results would be fearful. I have
now only one duty to perform. With regard to that I have
no discretion, but am under an absolute necessity of fulfil-
ling it. I beg of you to take advantage of your opportunity
to make your peace with God. I have no desire by any
comment of mine to distress you or any other persons, but
will, wiamut saying more, pronounce the sentence imposed
by the law. His Lordship then, with much emotion, passed
sentence of death upon the prisoner.
After finishing this case, and trying three or four other
cases which do not require a report, Baron Martin left for
Nottingham, where he opened the commissions for the
county and town.