The Sun.
London, England, 1837-05-31 00:00:00

tablishmeilt. Thatof
nate, others,
stricl they claimed that privilege. He thought that the reso-
lutions of the Noble Lord were not practicable, and that
it would be better for the House to proceed with the other
bOrders of the Day. The Hon. Baronet concluded by mo-
°R as an amendment the following resolution, which he
ad proposed in Committee :
That the privileges claimed by this House -Orn the king
at the opening of each Parliament, and entit'd by the King,
and also the other privileges pertaining to this House, which
have been recognised by the Cott.rts of law within this itahn
(the same being privileges fer maintaining the
hedom of de-
bate within this House, and the security of the persons of
Members thereof m a
fry violence, and from all arrest
Inelenex
fs)ourts of law, for contempt or in execution of cri.
Process), are essentially necessary to the exis-
rtet and in of this House, ns a body summoned to
tne 4sel the King touching the arduous affairs of Church and
; ate ; and that any person offending against such privileges
guilty of a violation of the law of Parliament.
" That the right to punish persons guilty of such offence,
Whether such offence were by interrupting the freedom of de-
batet within the House, either by direct violence, or by threats
° any Member thereof, or by publishing any libel against the
proceedings of this !House, or were by contempt of the House
before it, or were by arrest of any Member thereof, other than
In execution of lawful process, as aforesaid, bath been
rttend Peatedly claimed and enforced by the authority of this House
'Tnthat no other authority hath or ought to have any jurisdie-
whatever in limiting the exercise of the powers of this
House in punishing all persons so offending.
" That although this House b.;ith occasionally addressed the
Kin,,,g to direct his Majesty's Attorney-General to prosecute
offenders for publishing libels against the proceedings of this
tl.use, yet that this ',louse bath likewise an undoubted right
0 inquire into all libels against its authority or proceedings,
sod to •
1 - Punish the same accordingly as breaches of its privi-
_ege,„
" That no Member of this House bath any claim of' privi-
tege That respect to the publication of any matter or thing pur-
°rting to be his seech, which, by the due course of law, may
se found to be a libel; and that this House hath never inter-
te!•ed, and ought not to interfere, in any legal proceedings in-
stituted thereon.
That this House doth not claim any right, and that no
other body of his Majesty's subjects hath any right, to publish
libel if matter or thing which by law would be adjudged to be a
thin contained in an unauthorised publication, or to do any-
which by law would be adjudged to be a trespass or any
Personal injury.
ieThat the printing of papers presented to this House, whe-
r the same be accounts, reports, or otherwise, is, and ought
° be, for the use of the Members of this House, and as such
ought to be publication privileged ; but that any sale or dis-
ersal of
such papers to any but the Members of this House
13. and ought to be, publication not privileged.
t That while this House will resent and resist every at-
pri?Pt on the part of others to libel its proceedings, it doth not
~14n, And ought not to claim, any exemption on the part of
,I,Seeaker, or any of its officers, from any legal liability to
ti"cinh it Proceedings may be subject ; and that any publica-
f which would be a libel against an individual if proceeding
VI:°'11 another individual, is a libel if published by this House,
Y claim of privilege notwithstandin except as aforesaid ;
ris°d that any act which would be adjudged by law to be a tres-
iliess or Personal injury if committed by an individual, is a
Pass or personal injury if committed by order of this
ouse, any claim of privilege notwithstanding, except as
-the question having been put,
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, with reference
to the resolutions proposed by the Hon. Baronet, he had
Ant them to the Committee, and he stood alone in his sup-
ofPt them—on the one side, the ayes, they had the name
Of Sir Robert H. Inglis ; and on the other, those of the
t,.°es, Sir George Strickland, Sir Frederick Pollock, Mr.
VVynn, Sir Wm. Follett, Lord Stanley, Sir Geo.
Clerklll Mr. Sergeant Wilde, Mr. Attorney-General, Mr.
Connrdll, Sir Robert Peel. He denied the distinction
„), between papers printed for the House, and for the
le or the public at large. He was much afraid that if they
le of
the doctrine propounded to them, actions might
brought yi against the Speaker. If the doctrine of the
;4°o• Baronet were assented to, indictments might be pre-
.e
Nrred against the Speaker, and he might be committed to
evvgate, for having, in the discharge of his duty, done
tthe hat which belonged to his office. It was the privilege of
People of England to know what they were doing.
Reports
1641 down to 1837, the practice of publishing the
4ePorts of that House had been uniform and uninterrupted,
°ad, in his opinion, the parties through whom these Par-
liamentar papers were made public ought not to be made
blto
it bepunishment, either civil or criminal. Should
said that Parliament had not the same privilege as
the ordinary courts of law?—(Hear, hear.) It had been
over and over again decided that the publication of what
I°.uk place in a court of law, however much it might reflect
tbPon particular parties, could not be made the subject of
trial. For these reasons he (the Attorney-General) en-
tirely concurred in the resolutions proposed by the Noble
Lord. Another action was pending against Mr. Hansard
upon the same report; and it therefore became absolutely
n nation necessary that the House should come to some specific de-
(Htermi upon the point without further loss of time:—
ear, hoar.) For his own part, he had no doubt that the'
Judges, when the point came to be fully and properly argued
before them, would be of opinion that no action or indict-
Meut could be maintained for what that House had ordered
la be published.—( Hear, hear.)
Air. PEMBERTON thought that the resolutions pro-
Posed by the Noble Lord went immeasurably further than
til° subject demanded or required. He thought, indeed,
tthat if they were adopted by the House, no court of jus-
ee hereafter would be able to administer the law of the
nd as established by statute. The late trial, and the
a°lequent proceedings adopted upon it, had awakened a
aPirit that would not easily be allayed. Supposing the re-
solutions proposed by the Noble Lord to be adopted, what
toWer would there be of enforcing Did the House
i_Qlleee that the Judges, who were bond to administer the
tlie_,"'.%! according to their opinion of the law, would yield obe-
nce to these resolutions ? He believed that, in spite of
1,11,ee resolutions, they would continue to pursue the course
c`l'lloh they believed to be correct, in the same manner as
los.e Justice Holt had done in a remarkable instance, to
'deli he need not more distinctly refer.—(Hear, hear.)
Me. Sergeant WILDE thought that the question was,
43t nether the House of Commons should for the future dis-
atinue to publish such Reports as it deemed necessary
lee Public should be acquainted with ?—(Hear.) The high
80clalsitorial power possessed by the House no doubt might
lielaetitnes operate prejudicially to individuals ; but if those
eo„P°rts only were published which exposed no abuse, dis-
beiered ao wrong, he apprehended the public would gain
(4 very small portion of benefit from such publications.—
ear, hear.) Then his Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr.
Dtle‘l,l.l)erton) spoke of public opinion, and the operation of
the hub
spirit, and applied the argument to his own view of
sebje .t
to , ; he (Mr. Sergeant Wilde) would only ask him
its re
how that House had been compelled to open
toto fil4lerY to strangers, and allow full publicity to be given
Proceedin s—( Hear hear.) It was true that the
everstill g • •
eve, d the discretion of excluding strangers, when-
to Li
but
n public interest seemed to require such a step ;
°° now with closed doors would be utterly impossible.
4410,„ hear.) In the same way that it was necessary to
411 tee publication of the debates, was it also necessary
*et °II the publication of reports.—( Hear, hear.) They
14,,ce °°%e discussing what was the law of Parliament. The
the 2c:l Parliament was as much the law of the land as
Of I;;Mlite law or the common law. Suppose the question
Puter,‘,llege Were raised in the House of Lords, and dis-
th,t'eut the Court of King's Bench, and the decision of
l'rer, (144 were afterwards appealed against by a writ of
of L 0 whither would the question then go ? To the House
boa rm 45 the hi s
ey who ghest tribunal of the land, so that the very
'Toe ;6,4 Privileges were disputed would have to decide
i
Mica ei,-;", 4.1 the last resort. The question first of all was,
,P4blisbin,e blouse of Commons had exercised the right of
fro alts Proceedings? It was clear that it had done
341 d tne earliest period from which any information
ttlitoits obtained from the journals of the House. He
"ed t 1
with respect to
,s let each House of Parliament,
4%8 I eges, was in itself the Parliament, and that each
Ptive e Possessed entirelyand in full all the Parliamentary
Wirt'',F,3 as if the two Houses sat united in oae chamber.
4. DUNCOMBE should certainly vote against
1 I•e8olut.
`% I°°3 ; but in doing so he did not consider that
on. pat all committed to the amendment proposed by his
."end opposite. In proposing the resolutions he
Priviloalned that the House was about to vote to itself a
kith ,gke which it had never possessed before. He had read
Cs greatest pleasure and satisfaction the charge of
lade °ttl Chief Justice of the King's Bench, in which the
w Peed
ere
enee of the Bench and the liberty of the subject
win, manfully manfully defended.
vane • HUME was surprised to hear his Hon. Friend ad-
-111/41- suell opinions. For himself, he would say that the
d
tl•;)ki 011 if Portant duties of Parliament could not be car-
111e ho ,seeh a doctrine were to prevail. At the same
I,,•it aurnitted it was incumbent on the Committees of
i us' of Commons to take care that nothing was en-
L'ntics° their minutes which was not strictly necessary to
-4-° the subject to which their inquiries were directed.
'l4el,iet.Preeaution would in a great degree prevent any
trao arising from the publication of their reports.
tbitiß obgers were then ordered to withdraw ; but.after is1;10„. sent from the gallery some minutes, and no division
tire. Place, we returned to the House, and found
Ince ()ULBURN arguing against the Resolutions,
%pregs•
wkate 'ing a hope that the House would pause before
,I„"nseet};°_tne declaration, that any person in this country,
. the Heracter might be impugned before a Committee
i„ Sir 4,°,,,u5e, should be without redress.
'verve, 'uERT PEEL said that the first impression of
ttetl.t."lo44°' an EEL
of those who had not paid much
the t° this subject, would unquestionably be adverse
- pri •
ra netple upon which the report of the Committee
NIA °°cled ; for it must ppear manifestly unjust that any
. .
la4hee 41°. thority should hialv• e• the power of Ruth
ejth.wiettion °risme the
int-n-
-and sale of libels upon the characters of
' At the same time, however, he was convinced

Mr. HARDY particularly objected to the second resolu-
on as tyrannical.
Sir R. INGLIS proposed to take the sense of the House

on the second resolution.

The first resolution was then agreed to.
On the second resolution,
Lord HO WICK proposed to make an alteration which,
while it would retain all that was necessary, might
meet some of the objections urged against the reso-
lution. The amendment he had to suggest was, that
they should stop at the word " privileges" at the begin-
ning of the third line ; the resolution would then read

thus :—" By the law of the privileges of Parliament, this
House had the sole and exclusive jurisdiction to determine
the degree and extent of its privileges."
After a few words from Mr. Pemberton, Mr. Sergeant
Wilde, Air. Hume, and Lord Howick,
The House divided on the original resolution, when the
numbers wore—

Ayes
Noes

126
36

Majority in its favour. ..... .. ... ---90
The resolution was then agreed to, as was also the third.

BANKRUPT LAW.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL obtained leave to bring
in a Bill to amend the law relating to Bankrupts.

THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH BILL.
The Bill was committed pro forma.
THE EXCHEQUER BILLS BILL.
This Bill was read a third time and passed.
The other Orders of the Day having been disposed of, the
.ouse adjourned at a quarter to two o'clock.

THE CANINE CREATION AT A PREMIUM.—
The dog-star is in the ascendant—the dog-days are at hand—
and the favourite proverb of a certain class of casuists, that
" every dog will have his day," is on the point of being
brought to proof, in the moat novel and convincing manner by
a dog being elevated into a semi-historical personage, under
the characteristic style and title of " SNARLET Yc'w"—the dog
hero of Captain Marryatt's new novel. That the said Snarley
Yow will " a tail unfold," capable of tickling into inextin-
guishable laughter the risible muscles of all the novel-readers
throughout the three kingdoms, nobody can doubt who is ac-
quainted (and who is not ?) with the unrivalled powers of
comic humour and invention which are possessed by this highly
popular and admirable writer.

MR.COOPER'S NEW WORK ON ENGLAND, &C.—
We are requested to state that the new work, entitled " Eng-
land, with Sketches of Society in the Metropolis," by J. Fe-
nimore Cooper, Esq., author of " The Pilot," &c., is pub-
lished this day by Mr. Bentley, 8, New Burlington-street,
who has also just published " Aunt Dorothy's Tale ; or, Ge-
raldine Morton," a Novel. Agents :—For Scotland, Messrs.
Bell and Bradfutr, Edinburgh ; for Ireland, Mr. John Cum-
ming, Dublin ; and may be obtained of all booksellers.
BURKE'S PEERAGE.—GARTER'S ROLL.—It is
very extraordinary that the document, by which the Lords are
summoned to Parliament, by which they record their votes
when assembled there, and by which the precedency of each
Noble Peer is strictly established—THE OFFICIAL ROLL OF
GARTER KING OF Ands.has never been published in any
work upon the subject before the appearance of the present
edition of Mr. Burke's Peerage and Baronetage ; it is more
extraordinary s,ill, considering the importance of that docu-
ment, as a clue to the proceedings of the Upper House of
Parliament, and its value in that point of view to every reader
of the debates. To a person not conversant with Parliamen-
tary rank, how incomprehensible is the designation in debate
of the Marquis of Londonderry, for instance, as the Noble
Earl—and the Duke of Leinster, as the Noble Viscount—but
the former is found to sit, by Garter's Roll, as Earl Vane, and
the latter as Viscount Leinster, and in that rank they are re-
corded upon the vote paper. The same observation applies
to several other Noble Lords. It is absolutely necessary,
therefore, in reading the debate upon any important subject in
the Lord's, to have Garter's Roll at one's elbow•.

that upon mature rellettitti these who had given way to
this first impression, *ould ultimately acquiesce in the ab-
solute necessity, if the House of Commons were to be al-
lowed to discharge its constitutienal peters, of maintaining
this privilege of publication, and in maintaining for itself the
e'e,clUsiVe. right of judging of the extent and ,natpre,of that
privilege.—( Hea-, hear.) WO iti he Vei4iild a.elre ebb tltitl,
of the House of Cotii ........lti institute free inquiries into
alleged. alleged. ebeeeS ei public trusts ? If that wgrc ciAtY, elt
wtre one of the public fuuctions of the House to institute
those inquiries, what was the limit whith tat te be })laced;
or the diecretion to be ekei•ei.e(i; lr eeridUcting those in-
quiries '? Was it not iiianilkst, ii the House did not possess
a free aid unfettered power of compelling the appearance
of witnesses and of instituting a fret and unrettered
inquiry, that their privilege, or their duty rather, as
the grand inquest of the nation, must be at came para-
lysed ? But if the House of Coeittiona possessed the
power of compelling the attendance of witnesses, arid of
compelling those witnesses to make a diseltlsntt of the truth,
ought they not, having so donee and having given publicity
to such evidence, to prated those witnessess from the eon-
sequences of that disclosure ? And as to the publication
of the evidence, might not that publication be essential in
order to satisfy the public mind with respect to the grounds
of their legislation, and to make the constituency of the
country aware of the principles upon which their Repre-
sentatives acted ? He would say, therefore, that front the
dictates of reason, and from what common sense suggested,
the House of Commons ought to have the power, subject
to no extrinsic control, of exercising their inquiries freely,
without being exposed to any legal results. But it was not
upon reason and Common sense alone that he founded this
principle—he founded it upon the uniform practice of Par-
liament.—(Hear, hear, hear.) There was a series of
cases showing that for the last 120 years Parlia-
ment bad been in the practice of instituting these inqui-
ries ; but suddenly an allegation is made by a report of a
Committee that Mr. Stockdale has published an obscene
pamphlet, and immediately an action is brought against
an officer of the House of Commons for that publication.
What said the authorities ? He would take the authority
of Lord Tenterden, who stated that he doubted that there
existed the privilege to sell a libel. Lord Denman said
that if this publication had been written or printed merely
for the use of the Members of the House, it would have
been a different thing. They had, then, this admission that
there was little doubt of the authority of Parliament to in-
stitute these inquiries, and that there was also little doubt
of their right to print for the use of their own Members a
fair statement of that which was disclosed. Now, he
would ask for no further concession in favour of the prin-
ciple for which he was contending, which was, that the
House had the power of protecting parties from the conse-
quences of giving evidence which the House had compelled
them to give. The only remaining question was, whether
there was a legal principle which made a distinction between
printing for the use of Members and the subsequent sale.
—(Hear, hear.) He imagined that there was not ; and if
so, the doctrine that the sale of publications printed for the
Members subjected the officers who printed them to ques-
tion by the Court of King's Bench must be abandoned. In
the eye of the law there was no distinction between publica-
tion and sale. But if this were so, how happened it that a
different view would have been taken of this case if the
publication had been only for the use of the Members ?
Let them look at the absurd consequence which would re-
sult from the adoption of such a principle. It had been the
practice, before that of sale commenced, to print more
documents than were required for circulation among the
Members, and to distribute them freely ; but if the principle
were laid down which had been propounded, should the
Speaker give a single copy, he would be subject to prosecu-
tion. He referred to these things merely to show the ab-
surdity of the distinction between publications for the use of
Members and the subsequent sale. It was impossible to
maintain such a distinction. If they admitted the right to
publish for the use of Members, and the right of the Mem-
ber to publish, in vindication, to his constituents, of the
course he had pursued, then they must allow that there was
no legal distinction of such a nature as that which he had
described. The Hon. Member for Ripon had suggested
that the better course might be to trust to a declaratory
Bill, The objection to that was, that the House of Lords
might not agree to it, and then they would have thrown a
doubt upon the extent of their privileges, without having
succeeded in obtaining a law to secure them. He admitted
that the power claimed by the House was arbitrary, and
that therefore it became them to use it with the greatest
possible caution and discretion.
Mr. GOULBYRN thought it too much to attempt by
such resolutions to sanction the power of the House to pub-
lish all and every imputation that might be cast upon indi-
viduals in evidence given before Committees of the House.
Mr. WYNN said that whenever power was given for
the benefit of the public, it would be impossible to guard
against some amount of positive evil resulting from its exer-
cise ; and the question then was, whether the law of Par-
liament and the interest of the public should abate in favour
of the interests of private individuals. The privilege had
existed, ever: since the reign of Henry 111. No one but
Chief Justice Holt, and he was opposed in opinion by the
eleven other jadges, had attempted to question the principle
that the House of Commons was the only competent judge
of its privileges. The result'of allowing the right to be ques-
tioned would be to decide all questions affecting the privi-
leges of the House by an appeal to the House of Lords,
and the common privileges would they depend solely on the
sufferance of that co-ordinate branch of the Legislature.
He should give his most cordial assent to the Resolutions.
Mr. WAKLEY was anxious to put a question to the
Attorney-General. Their great object was to disseminate
the proceedings of that House throughout the world. Now,
he was anxious to learn whether the privilege they were
about to confer was to be restricted to the officer of that
House, or to be allowed to the public generally ; in other
words, he desired to be informed whether, under the sanc-
tion of that House, individuals would be allowed to repub-
lish any petition or report that had been issued from their
office ? They would restrict and narrow the benefit to a
great extent, unless authority were given to all to do that
which the officer was authorized to do.

TIE SUN, LONDON, WIEDVESDAY, MAY 31, 1837

King, at Windsor Castle, on Monday; The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman returned to town in the afternoon.
The First Commissioner of the Poor La, 9 had an intetsie*
with Viscount Melbourne? yesterday.

FROM LAB11 NIGHT'S N GAZETTE;
Mai; 36, 1t.37;
The King has been graciditsly pleased iO,idriiitiate and atppoiiti
Lieutenant-General the Right Hon. Sir Ridiard
Bart., KlJ;g!:,t. commander of the Most Hon. Military Order of the
Itatli, to be a Knight Grand Cro” of the said Order, in the room
Of Pir AieltiriNt H. deeetwft,

CROWN-OFFICE, MAY 50, /Etat
MEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PARi.i.i2titit?':
city of Glasgow.—John Dennistnun, Esq., in the room of James
Ostietthi, Egg:, itiho has Accepted the ChiltQrn Hundreds.

Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Somerset.
liminster Division of Yeomanry Cavalry.—J. Sicholetb, Gent,
to be Lieutenant; C. W. Loveridge, Gent., to be Cornet,
March 14.

DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY.
WILLIAM BRIDGER, grocer, Petworth, Susset.
AIANFORD NOTT, toy-dealer, Reading, Berkshire.
MARK ELPHICK, licensed victualler, Newington-causeway,
Surrey.

BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED.
ROBERT LYNIIAIII COURTNEY, ironmenget, Walsall,
Staffordshire.

BANKRUPTS.
JOHN LARGE, coach.maker, Great Queen-street, Lincoln's
Inn-fields, to surrender June a, et one, and July 11, at half-past
ten, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Clark, Sstithin's-lane, official
assignee ; Rogers, Manchester-buildings, Westminster,
JOHN LEWIS, draper, Conwill Elvet, Carmarthenshire, June
15 and July 11, at the Boar's Head Inn, Carmarthen. Morris and
Jones, Carmarthen • Chilton, Chancery-lane, London.
WILLIAM El AM, 1 ivery- stable- keeper, Upper North-street,
Gray's-inn-road, June 9, and July 11, at one, at the Court of
Bankruptcy. Cannan, Sambrook-court, Basinghall-street, official
assignee ; Chamberlavne Quality-court, Chancery-lane.
CHARLES FOSTER, bill-broker, Kingsbury, Middlesex,
June 13, at. two, and July 11, at eleven, at the Court of Bank-
ruptcy. Goldsmid, Ironmonger-lane, official assignee ; Stovin,
Portsmouth-chambers, Lincoln's-inn-fields.
ANDREW DOBBIE, publican, Manchester, June 14 and July
11, at two, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester. Bower and
Back, Chancery- lane London ; Heath, Manchester.
CHARLES NOADES, tailor, Leeds, June 17, and July 11,
at eleven, at the Court-house, Leeds. Woodhouse, Condell, and
Hubbard, King's Bench-walk, Temple, London; Stott, Leeds.
GEORGE STEVENS, grocer, Wolverhampton, June 10 and
July 11, at eleven, at the Lion Inn, Wolverhampton. Brown,
Shiffnal, Salop ; Williamson and Hill, Verulam Buildings, Gray's-
inn London.
Gray's-
inn,
BEATTY, linen-draper, Over Darwen, Lancashire,
June 17, and July 11, at eleven, at the Bridge Hotel, Bolton-le-
Moors, Lancashire. Mayhew and Johnston, Carey-street, Lin-
coln's Inn, London ; Da.ckhouse, Blackburn.
JOHN CONDON, brick-maker, Bedford-row, June 13 and
July I], at one, at Radenhurst's New Royal Hotel Birmingham.
Thorndike, Staple Inn, London ; Wheeler, Birmingham.
JOHN ANDERTON, dyer, Bradford, Yorkshire, June 6, at
ten, and July 11, at nine, at the Court-house, Bradford. Hawkins,
Bloxam, and Stocker, New Boswell-court, London ; Moulden and
Ridehalgh, Bradford.
WILLIAM JONES, builder, Wolverhampton, June 10, at four,
and July 11, at ten, at the Lion Hotel, Wolverhampton. Rickards
and Walker, Lincoln's-inn-fields, London ; Foster, Wolverhampton.
WILLIAM ARMITAGE, dyer, Sowerby Bridge, Yorkshire,
June 9, at twelve, and July 11, at two, at the George Inn, Hud-
dersfield. Jaques, Battye, and Edwards, Ely-place, Holborn,
London ; Stocks and Macaulay, Halifax ; Battye and Clay, Hud-
dersfield.

SAMUEL LOVELESS TAPSCOTT, coal merchant, Mine-
head, Somersetshire, June 15, and July 11, at twelve, at the Fea-
thers Hotel, Minehead. Blake and Boyle, Clement's Inn, Lon-
don ; Leigh and Warden, Bardon, near Taunton.
WILLIAM TATE, cotton manufacturer, Chorley, Lancashire,
June 13, and July 11, at three, at the Commissionere-rooms, Man-
chester. Johnson, Son, and Weatherall, Temple, London ; Bag-
shaw and Stevenson, Manchester.
ROBERT JORDISON, grocer, Stockton, Durham, June 6,
and July 11, at twelve, at the Black Lion Hotel, Stockton. Per-
kins and Frampton, Gray's Inn-square, Middlesex; Wilson and
Faber, Stockton.

JAMES ORANGE, lace-manufacturer, Nottingham, June 8,
and July 11, at eleven, at the George the Fourth Inn, Nottingham.
Payne, Nottingham ; Taylor and Collisson, Great James-street,
Bedford. row, London.
JOSEPH HORATIO BUTTERWORTH, stuff-merchant,
Gutter-lane, Londoa, June 23 and 24, and July 14, at two, at the
Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester. Hardwick and Davidson,
Lawrence-lane, Cl-eapside, London ; Lee, Leeds.
HENRY MARTIN, tailor, Woolhampton, Berkshire, June 16,
and July 14, at one, at the George Inn, Reading. Robertson,
New Inn, London ' • Street, Reading.
THOMAS and WILLIAM HARTLEY CARR, woollen-
manufacturers, Dewsbury-moor, Yorkshire, June 17, and July 11,
at twelve, at the Yew-tree Inn, Birstal, Yorkshire. Van Sandau,
Old Jewry, London ; Jacomb and Tindale, Huddersfield.
MARIA ANN HUGHES, ironmonger, Birmingham, Warwick,
June 6, anti July 11, at two, at the Hen and Chickens Hotel, Bir-
mingham. Austen and Hobson, Raymond-buildings, Gray's-inn,
London ; Arnold and Haines, Birmingham.

DIVIDENDS.
At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street.
T. and J. Hurst, booksellers, Pall Mall, June 20, at eleven—T.
Neal, sen., E. Neal, and T.' Neal, jun., clothiers, Wootton-under-
Edge, Gloucestershire, June 20, at one--C. Baker, miller, Wim-
bledon, Surrey, June 23, at one—Z. Allnut, paper manufacturer,
Wycombe, Buckinghamshire, June 20, at eleven—P. Astley,
woollen warehousemen, Wood-street, Cheapside, June 20, at
twelve—T. Wigginton, jeweller, Sheerness, June 20, at one—F. J.
Mason, bookseller, West Strand, June 20, at twelve—A. Tulley,
• grocer, Church-street, Hackney, June 21, at eleven—J. Cooper,
painter, Hanover-street, Hanover-square, June 21, at one—H.
Sutton, surgeon, Brighton, June 20, at two—J. B. Foster, brick-
maker, Lower-road, Islington, June 21, at two—F. Joyce, book-
seller, Southampton, June 22, at eleven—J. L. Brickeil, licensed
victualler, St. Mary-at-hill, City, June 22, at twelve.
In the Country.
H. Shepherd, dealer, Beverley, Yorkshire, July 6, at twelve, at
the Tiger Inn, Beverley-1% E. 'Wall, coal dealer, DudbridgeWharf,
Gloucestershire, Aug. 14, at ten, at the George Hotel, Stroud,
Gloucestershire—T. P. Birks, manufacturer of oil of vitriol, Bury,
Lancashire, June 23, at twelve, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Man-
chester—W. Boulter, tobacconist, Worcester, June 22, at twelve,
at the Unicorn Inn, Worcester—J. Davies, grocer, Liverpool,
June 21, at one, at the Clarendon Rooms, Liverpool—J. Marshall,
ribbon manufacturer, June 21, at eleven, at the Craven Arms Inn,
Coventry—C. Eldbridge, builder, Brighton, June 29, at two, at the
Town Hall, Brighton—T. Daniell, copper smelter, Trelissick,
Cornwall, June 20, at eleven, at Pearce's Hotel, Truro—E. Dar-
byshire, power loom cloth manufacturer, Manchester, June 25, at
three, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester—T. Walsh,
linen draper, Bath, June 27, at two, at the Commercial Rooms,
Bristol—J. Bishton, ironmaster, Capponfield Iron Works, Stafford-
shire, June 21, at one, at the Lion Inn, Wolverhampton.
CERTIFICATES, JUNE 20.
T. Gore, flax spinner, Clayton Mill, Manchester—W. Harris,
sen., and B. Harris, millers, Stoke Priors, Worcestershire.—T.
Webb and W. Pritchard, Pillguenley, and Z. Williams, Machen,
Monmouthshire, coalmerchants--T. and W. Preedy, grocers, Ox-
ford—L. Hill, shopkeeper, Fleet-street—J. Marshall, ribbon manu
facturer, Coventry—J. Ahrenfeld, merchant, Liverpool-L-J. H.
Neild, brewer,. Motley Bank, Cheshire—J. Sayre, cheesemonger,
High-street, Shadwell—R. Crofts, ribbon manufacturer, Coventry
—S. Harris, timber merchant, Wardour-street, Soho—T. 3loly-
neux, linen draper, Falmouth.
PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.
E. Oates and C. Gumby, list dealers, Leeds—H. Banner and
Co., sharebrokers, Liverpool—W. Slack and J. Gunson, corn
dealers, Manchester—R. C. Young and M. Hobson, builders,
Gateshead—T. Davie and Co., shipbuilders, Sunderland—J. Pres-
ton and R. Watson, worsted manufacturers, Colne, Lancashire—A.
Campbell and H. Pringle, ;shawl merchants, Birmingham—T.
Street and P. Suddel, joiners, Bolton-le-Moors—J. Bunn, sen.,
and J. Bunn, jun.—J. Smith and E. Sergeant, drapers, Barrow-
upon-Humber, Lincolnshire—F. Schwann and J. Shaw, dyers—
Huddersfield—J. Know and J. Cliff, joiners, Manchester—J. and
A. Russell, linen drapers, Bradford—R. Jackson and W. Parvin,
organ builders, Bolton-le-Moors--R. Varley and Co., woollen
merchants, Leeds—J. Whittaker and Co., grocers, Padiham,
Lancashire.

His Royal Highness Prince George of Cumberland
attained his 18th year on Saturday last.
Lord Haddo, eldest son of Earl Aberdeen, is not to
remain an attache to Sir Charles Vaughan, at Constantinople.
After the expiration of a tour of four months his Lordship will
return to England.

Lady Compton Domville had a splendid Ball on
Monday night at her residence in Grosvenor-square. This
was the second ball this lady has given this season, and was on
the same scale of magnificence as the former one. Upwards of
300 persons of distinction were included in the brilliant assem-
blage. Dancing was commenced shortly before 11, and did not
terminate until nearly four.
The Marquis Conyngliam, as Lord Chamberlain to
the King, gave a grand dinner on Monday evening, at Dudley
House, Park-lane, to the Marquis Clanricarde, Earl Brown-
low, Earl of Aboyne, Sir Augustus Clifford, Lord C. Fitzroy,
Hon. Wm. Ashley, Hon. Captain Courtenay Boyle, Mr.
Wood, Mr. Blackwood, Colonel Lister, Lord Suffield, Lord
Falkland, &c.

The Earl of Minto gave a grand banquet at the
Admiralty on Monday last, in honour of his Majesty's birth-
day. Lord Dalmeney, Rear Admiral Elliott, Lord Mel-
gund, Sir William Parker, Sir Edward Parry, Sir John Sa-
vage, Sir Byam Martin, Sir George Parker, Sir John Lewis,
Hon. Robert Dundas, Sir Thomas Hardy, Sir J. Brenton,
Sir T. Troubridge, Sir John Barrow, Sir William Symonds,
Sir William Burnett, Captain Beaufort, Captain Clavell, &c.,
were among the guests. Covers were laid for 30.
THE SALMON RIVER.—The salmon river is one
of the upper branches of the Oregon or Columbia. It takes
its name from the immense shoals of salmon which ascend it
in the months of September and October. The salmon on
the west side of the Rocky Mountains are, like the buffalo on
the eastern plains, vast migratory supplies for the wants of
man, that come and go with the seasons. As the buffalo, in
countless throngs, find their certain way with the transient
pasturage on the prairies, along the fresh banks of the rivers,
and up every valley and green defile of the mountains, so the
salmon, at their allotted seasons, regulated by a suldime and
all-seeing Providence, swarm in myriads up the great rivers,
and find their way up the main branches, and into the minutest
tributary streams ; so as to pervade the great arid plains, and
to penetrate even among barren mountains. Thus wandering
tribes are fed in the desert places of the wilderness, where
there is no herbage for the animals of the chase, and where,
but for these periodical supplies, it would be impossible for
man to subsist. The rapid currents of the rivers that run into
the Pacific render the ascent of them very exhausting to the
salmon. When the fish first run up the rivers, they are fat and
in fine order. The struggle against impetuous streams and
frequent rapids gradually renders them thin and weak, and
great numbers are seen floating down the rivers on their backs.
As the season advances, and the water becomes chilled, they
are flung in myriads on the shores, where the wolves and bears
assemble to banquet on them. Often they rot in such quan-
tities along the river banks, as to taint the atmosphere. They
are commonly from two to three feet long,—Washington
"Adventures of Captain Bonneville."

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOUICNAL`.

There is nothing like a plain story to put down stupid
and pompous malevolence. It has always been the custom
to exoedite a writ to the place of its destination on the 'lllN-
f,. the House of Commons. On the
liuitirl"67l,l4:3,7iiNt"linToy
moven a new writ for the city
o'f Glasgow: The -triti vtith the vievv of !-eing .for-
4arded as usual by post that eeeniag, was sent to the
Crown-offiee toi the purpose of having the great seal affixed
to it. inc Chancellor vi,,es sought, and had he been in
Bruton-street, at his town residence., :'here it was supposed
he would be, the matter would have been at Mitt and im-
medately settled, and the writ in question at the Post-
office in time to be dis.patched that evening in the regular
course by theonail ; but the chancellor was at Wimbledon!
Wimbledon is some little way off, it took some little time
to go there, and consequently the mail had Started thirty
minutes before the writ returned. There was no time for
much research or consideration. Mr. Stanley had a duty to
perform, and he applied in this emergency to the person whom
he might naturally consider the best authority on the sub-
ject, that ie, an old-standing clerk in the Treasury.
" What is to be done in this case ?" says Mr. Stanley.
" Oh, Sir," says the clerk, " the writ is to be sent by an
express of the Post ; this is the way ; and I remember
instances of a similar kind." Mr. Stanley accordingly
sends the writ to the Post-office, requiring it, if possible,
to be forwarded in the manner described. The if possible
left the matter open to the discretion of the Post-office,
and the knowledge of the law possessed by its function-
aries ; since, if their practice or information told them that
the request expressed in:the:note was impossible, why, then
the whole affair was concluded, and the writ could not be
sent. But the person employed at the Post-office sent the
writ. It arrives at Glasgow some few hours—earlier ?
no ; later than the mail. It does not, as it happens, reach
the Sheriff sooner than it would have done, even had the
express not been sent. No party, therefore, suffered in con-
quence of any error, if any error were committed. But the
Act of Parliament said that the writ should be sent by the
next mail or post. Well, it was the accidental missing of
the next mail that occasioned Mr. Stanley to recommend,
"if possible," the express. It was in the wish that the in-
tention of the law should be complied with—it was in the
desire to act in the spirit of that law, which in specifying the
next mail meant the earliest possible conveyance under the
authority of the Post-office—that Mr. Stanley's note was
written. And then that slow and solemn coxcomb, whose
ho peless heaviness the Whigs, when they had the misfor-
tune to have him for their Right Honourable Friend,
feelingly deplored, and whose ignoble and virulent nature
they have now full opportunity to learn, comes grandilo-
quently forward and puts his big and clumsy hand on this
magnificent mare's nest, which he deluded himself into be-
lieving offered some miserable hope to his cupidity for office,
and some yet more miserable qualification to his personal
spite against a party. But it is not merely the thing that
is done, it is the way of doing it that marks a man,
and classes him with malevolent foes or gentleman-
like and generous opponents. Sir J. Graham's first step is
to tell Mr. Stanley, some nights ago, that he intends to ask
him a question. " What question ?" says Mr. Stanley. " I
shall not tell you," says the Right Hon. Baronet, the old
Whig, the former friend, the Member for Cumberland—" I
shan't tell you." Now, what is the ordinary practice in the
House? Why, actually to give notice, some days previously,
that you are going to ask such or such a question of a Mem-
ber, when that question affects his personal or political cha-
racter, or the conduct of the party with which he is acting.
This is the ordinary and usual practice between enemies—
political enemies—in the House. But the Right Hon.
Baronet thinks he may take the liberty of former friend-
ship. He was on such good terms with his Hon. and
Right Hon. Friends, they sat so long and so closely
together, that he may fairly be excused if he omits every-
thing like common kindness or courtesy in his pro-
ceedings towards them. The House recognised this pecu-
liar claim ; and loudly did they cheer Mr. Stanley when he
said that the Member for Cumberland was the only Member
in the House who would have displayed such exquisite good
nature and good breeding. But this is not all. No : the
Right Honourable Baronet had still a passing observation to
make—a kind of gentle challenge to give—a small and indif-
ferent doubt to express. He wished—yes—he wished to
be made quite sure that the note which Mr. Stanley offered
to produce, and did finally produce, as the one he had
written, was really the one he had written. He did not
doubt the Honourable Gentleman—certainly not—but mes-
sengers had been sent with the letter—(what would that
have had to do with its contents ?)—these messengers might
have done something or other with the letter, it was not clear
what, which would have made Mr. Stanley ignorant,
we presume, whether the letter he held in his hand was
his own letter or not. The House of Commons, which
represents, after all, a great portion of the frank, spi-
rited, and honourable-minded people of England, could
not stand this, so sneaking a mode of insinuating so
atrocious a charge. It could not stand this double absence
of courage and candour. The Right Hon. Baronet, pre-
suming upon his own nature, had gone one step too far for
the nature of other men. The indignation .of all parties
warned him of it, and, after two or three heavy at-
tempts to flounder out of his difficulties, he did the best
thing for himself lie could do, and abandoned all further
proceedings upon this very solemn and stupendous af-
fair. It may be well to remark, that no one supported
the Right Hon. Baronet but Lord Stanley (! !), who,
having attempted a question in his favour, to which he
got an unsatisfactory answer, prudently abstained from
further assistance. His Lordship, whatever might be
his wish to advance to the rescue of his Right Hon.
Friend and fellow-renegade, was forced to yield to the
strong feeling in the House, provoked by his ungene-
rous and ungentlemanly conduct. The House subse-
quently occupied itself with discussing the resolutions of
Lord Howick in support of the privilege of Parlia-
ment as to publishing and prohibiting the prosecution of the
publishers, of its own documents and papers. The ques-
tion is a delicate one, inasmuch as that abuses of a very
grievous kind may very possibly arise out of the prac-
tice at present prevalent. At the same time it is quite
clear that in all inquiries before the House of Commons
facts will and must be stated which in a Court of Law
would be matter of libel ; and that to prevent the state-
ment of these facts would be in reality to prevent such
inquiries. It then follows that if the inquiries in ques-
tion are advantageous to the public, the publication of
them must be advantageous also. But if you sanction
the publication, you must protect those whom you en-
trust with it. Of the two evils, therefore, as to publica-
tion, the last seems. undoubtedly the least ; and all that
we wish to call attention to in respect to the privilege
which a vote has now claimed is the difficulty of main-
taining or enforcing it. But we are much mistaken if the

Courts of Law will, in the teeth of this vote, venture
to repeat the proceedings which have led to the decision
of last night.—ilforning Chronicle.
The insolence of Whig-Radicalism is, perhaps, the most
inexplicable of the ingredients in its incongruous character.
What, for example, after the recent and wretched reduc-
tion of the Ministerial majority to " five," could be so na-
tural in the discomfited as a bearing "of mild behaviour
and humility ?" One would have thought that the scribes
of the faction would have assumed a virtue though they
had it not—that, even if resolved on retaining office till
hurled from their fastness by the popular will, they would
have prepared to entertain their fate with decency, instead
of provoking castigation, at a moment when they have so
many claims on the pity (contemptuous, not commiserating)
of their political opponents. But no ; this is the moment
they select for advancing pretensions the most insolent and

unconstitutional on a subject which, if approached at all,
must demand a delicacy of treating it impalpable to the

gross apprehensions of the " or the faded
frippery of the Ponderous " Levity" Journal. We
_ _

long since disposed

of Mr.

D-aniel

O'Connell's

proposal of approaching the Heiress Presumptive
with a Popish congratulation on the attainment of what

the now-extinguished agitator
.termed a " political majo-
rity." We have at present to remark on the instruments
of Mr. Daniel O'Connell—the Whig-Radical Journals,
who are exerting themselves to the utmost for the purpose
of giving a political significance to the national homage
offered to the Princess Victoria on her Royal Highness
completing her 18th year. The " Ponderous-Levity" jour-
nal had the impertinence, the " ill-bred insolence," to con-

nect the celebration of the anniversary of the birth-day of
the Princess Victoria with the anniversary of the establish-

ment of the Reform Club! In explanation of which

effrontery the Ministerial print informed us that the faction
hoped on some future clay to hail her Royal Highness as
the Reform Queen. Is not this ill-bred ? Is this not inso-

tent ? ln point of fact it is, in terms not to be mistaken,

saying to the subjects of our present gracious Sovereign,
that under a certain, and, as we and all loyal Englishmen
hope, a remote contingency, the enemies of the Constitution
in Church and State are justified in anticipating the ful-

filment of their factious deigns. Let us, then, consider
for a moment the question thus impertinently forced on
the national attention. In the event, so deeply to be
deprecated, of these dominions being deprived of the
paternal and benignant sway of the truly English Monarch
by whom their destinies are now directed, a question must

arise. superior to any individual influence, however exalted,
saving as far as such influence is subservient to the con-
stitutional Monarchy by which the people of England
have wisely determined to be governed. This question
is, on what grinciple the British empire is in future to
be governed? Simple, indeed, would this question be
were it left to the decision of the wise, the good, and the
brave, by whom in the most trying moments of our his-
tory the vessel of the State has been rescued from diffi-
culty and danger. But it would appear that the base and
heartless advocates of the Whig-Radical faction indulge

really entertain of this affair, notwithstanding their attempts
to make a boastful noise about it, is sufficiently indicated by
their dishonest quibbling with reference to the last election.
The Tories, they say, have polled five votes less than they
did at the last election. Now, at the last election there
was no candidate who belonged avowedly to the Con-
_

this is by no means the worst part of the quibble. The
Morning Chronicle, which notices so loud!y that Mr.
Monteith polled only 2,292 votes, while Mr. Ewing polled
2,297, takes care not to notice that Mr. Oswald polled
:,832 votes, while Mr. Dennistoun has polled only 3,050.
It is indeed forced into some comparison with the election
of 1835, but, as usual, it takes care to make a false one.

It condescends to admit (suppressing, however, the just in-
ference) that Mr. Dennistoun polled 217 votes less than
Mr. Dunlop polled in 1835. But what have the votes for
Mr. Dunlop to do with the matter ? Nothing at all if the

question were examined honestly ; but an opportunity was
afforded for deception, which the Chronicle could not let slip.
The writ sent to Glasgow was not to elect a Member in
the room of Mr. Dunlop, but it was to elect a Member in
the room of Mr. Oswald. Now, Mr. Oswald had a

majority over Mr. Ewing of 1,533 ;_and his successor, Mr.

Dennistoun, has a niaj;rity over Mr. Monteith of 758.
And this is the great Ministerial victor about which so

much noise is made! We have admitted too much in
saying that Ministers %%ere only not defeated. They were
defeated to the extent of their majority being reduced by
more than one half. This is a good beginning in Glasgow,
aud, as Treasury tricks will not work always to such ad-
vantage as they did on a late occasion, we may hope that
the next time the other half of the Ministerial majority
%vill be taken away, and leave the Chronic/0 to twang its
lament in the same dignified strain as it lately practised
upon the occasion of the Westminster demonstration.—
Morning Post.

We have now enjoyed nearly a fortnight of good
weather ; and the accounts we have received from different
parts of the country regarding the progress of vegetation are of
the most cheering kind.—Scotsman.

Er Er"'
,

an expectation that the day ni
enabled to decide the political It/
infatuation can these vain men ha vlit Vet?, 0
they suppose that the throne of Elic,r,la (I,
can be approached by a body of men,-Fljo pre tapd the
destruction of the institutions in MOM
have hitherto proved the safeguard of the English
monarchy ? Will these degraded and desperate politicians
say to any fatnre occupant of the throne or these kingdoms,
that Popery mutt ha rampant in Ireland, the Peerage
abolished in England, the Established Church destroyed,
and the whole scheme of our polity changed ? Will they
submit to the consideration of the Sovereign, and that
Soverign a Queen, the undefinable baseness of feeling and
of principle by which Mr. Daniel O'Connell and the Minis-
ters now serving under him seek to make all things subser-
vient to their sordid views of self-aggrandizement and public
spoliation ? Is it to be thought of that, under any circum-
stances, this renowned nation, which has vanquished all
honourable foes by sea and land, should at last be doomed
to the intolerable degradation of seeing her treasured re-
collections, her ennobling nationality—in short, all the
effects of the wisdom, the enterprise, the valour, and the
glory of centuries, sacrificed at the shrine of the vainest
and vilest combination ever yet associated for the ad-
vancement of a mercenary and base ambition ? No,
this can never be. In the very magnitude of the danger
we discover a certain and steadfast hope. There is no
machination, however cunningly contrived, no possible
association of the disreputable, the reckless, and the mean,
which can encounter, still less conquer, the indomitable
spirit which gives life and heart and energy to this em-
pire, and which from month to month is continually con-
firming the " reaction" which the Whigs and Radicaii; so
much deplore. On many grounds we would rather have
refrained from these remarks, but the insolence of the sup-
porters of the " Five" Administration, the gross and unpa-
ralleled brutality of their anticipation, have rendered it
necessary that we should give utterance to what we know
to be the general feeling of our fellow-countrymen in fa-
vour of that constitutional Monarchy, which, having baffled
the conspirators now combined against it, :nay be confi-
dently declared beyond the reach of any future danger.—
Times.

The conduct of Ministers in the House of Commons,
last night, in reference to the subject of the Brighton Rail-
way Bill, was such as we consider, and we are sure the
public will agree with us in that opinion, to be high.',} de-
rogatory to the character of the Government of a gl-eat
country. The Report of the Committee in favour of the
direct line, stood, as we mentioned, for consideration last
evening. Captain Alsager moved that the Report be re-
ceived and adopted, to which Lord George Lennox pro-
posed the following amendment :—" That an humble ad-
dress be presented to his Majesty to appoint a Govern-
ment engineer to report upon the respective lines of railway
to the House." This is the third attempt that has been
made by a manoeuvre in the House to get rid of the deliberate
and solemn decision of the Committee upon the evidence
after a most protracted and patient investigatiou. How did
Government act in this matter ? Instead of prescrviug, as
is usual, a character of neutrality beti‘een the parties pro-
moting, rival Bills of a private nature, Government acted
in a spirit of the most zealous partisanship—throwing all
its influence into the scale of Stephenson s rejected line,
and bringing up its official forces to defeat, if possible,
that Bill for a Brighton Railway, in favour of which the
general opinion of the inhabitants of Brighton has been
most unequivocally expressed. Notwithstanding all the
weight of Government influence, and although the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, Lord John Russell, the leader
of the House of Commons, Lord Morpeth, the Secretary
for Ireland, Colonel A. L. Hay, Mr. Vernon Smith,
Mr. E. J. Stanley, Mr. Poulett Thomson, and a host
of officials voted for the amendment of Lnrd George
Lennox, yet it was carried by only a 'paltry majority
of seven, the numbers being—for the amendment, 164 ;
against it, 157. Thus Ministers nominally succeeded
in their opposition to the Bill which the Committee had
adopted ; but such success is a virtual defeat. Take
away the placemen from the division, and Ministers, instead
of having a miserable majority, will be found to have been
left in a considerable minority. Ministers have no strength
to spare at present, but when it shall appear that, in ad-
dition to their other misdeeds, they have taken to jobbing
in private Bills, their moral power, small as it is at present,
will be further diminished, and along with it such a reduc-

tion of their numerical support must inevitably take place,
as cannot fail to accelerate their dowefall. The people of
Brighton now see what an ungrateful return they receive
from the Ministry which they have supported. Their eyes
are now opened, and they will not be likely to fall into that
mistake another time. Supported as they were by all the
government influence, the supporters of the rejected line
did not venture to move a direct negative to the reception of
the report of the committee. Had they done that, all that
Ministers could do would not have prevented their defeat..
They, therefore, took an intermediate course, which, while
it obtained the votes of 90 me waverers, did not appear to
be exactly the same thing as setting aside the Report of the
Committee ; but it is intended to defeat the Bill for the di-
rect line by delay, if it cannot be done by other means—and
delay is obtained by the course which has been adapted.
Several Members, who usually support Government have
expressed themselves strongly upon the conduct which Mi-
nisters pursued last night in making a Government measure
of a question respecting a private Bill. Such conduct on

he part of Ministers of State will, we hope, be without imi-
ation, as it is without example.—illorniny Herald.

The Whig-Radical trumpet-blowers have very great
talents for forgetfulness. The Glasgow election has not
only put that of Westminster utterly out of their recollec-
tion—of which we do not complain—but it enables them
to draw general conclusions, which the Glasgow election
does not support, and which the Westminster election
utterly contradicts. This, we think, is rather too much for
the reality of delusion, and deserves to be treated as the
boasting of unscrupulous falsehood. In Glasgow the ques-
tion was merely whether one Ministerial Member should be
succeeded by another Ministerial Member, and the consti-
tuency which happened to exist at the moment of the elec-
tion—an election confessedly hurried on to answer Ministe-
rial purposes—decided in the affirmative. In Westminster,
which, without meaning any disrespect to our Northern
neighbours, we may be permitted to say is a city of rather
more importance than even Glasgow—the question was very
different. It was whether a distinguished Member of Parlia-
ment, who in previous elections had been returned by the
influence of the party which supports the present Govern-
ment, could now, by that same influence, be kept out of
his scat. It was an election to try whether a public man
who denounced the existing Government as " vacillating
and incapable" would, nerertheless, be supported in West-
minster, and returned to Parliament, despite all the in-
fluence which the King's Government and its revolutionary
allies could exercise. Upon that question the Government
and the revolutionists were beaten. We appeal to all im-
partial minds to say which victory tells most decisively for
the party who gained it ? Glasgow has done nothing more
than Glasgow had always done. The party who gained
the election are in no better situation than they were be-
fore the election took place. Their triumph is simply the
negative one of not having been defeated. And even this
negative triumph is by no means of an encouraging nature,
fur it amounts to this—that, instead of a Ministerial
Member, who was elected by a majority of 1,535,
they have a Ministerial Member elected by a majority of
not half that number. The sense which Ministerialists

servative party. Mr. EWing, who is now Called the Tory
candidate, was elected, on a former occasion, as a sup-
porter of Lord Grey's Government, and an advocate of
the principles of the Reform Bill. That he now be-
longs to the Conservative party, we are proud to ac-
knowledge ; but that he stood as a candidate upon
the Conservative interest exclusively we utterly deny. But