The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

HUNTING LODGE ON THE BORDERS OF
THE FOREST.

The Fairy Good Nature (assuming the form of Good
Peabody), Miss KATE SAXON.
Gamekeepers, Messrs. Popp and Bang.
Footman, Mr. Powdernob. Page, Master Buttons.
Housekeeper, Mrs. Chickabiddy.
How Little Boy Blue meets with a particular friend, and
how the Squire dooms the smell Birds found on his Estate
to general destruction, and what ensues thereupon.
THE BRAMBLE BRAKE IN THE DEPTHS OF

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS--Last Evening.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.
THE PRINCE OF WALES.

His Royal Highness the PRINCE of WALES took the
oaths and his seat in Parliament. His Royal Highness was
accompanied by the Usher of the Black Rod, the King at
Arms, Earl of Derby, the Duke of Newcastle, Earl St.
Germans, Lord Kingsdown, the 'Duke of Argyll, Earl
Sydney, Earl Gral!ville, and several other peers.
After his R .yal Highness had signed the Parliamentary
roll, he was conducted to his chair on the right hand side
of the throne, where he remained a short time, and then
left the house.
THE NEW ARCHBISHOPS.

The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of
York took the oaths and signed the Parliamentary roll.

At this period of the evening there were a considerable
number of peers present, and a great many ladies occupied
the galleries at either side of the house.
About ten minutes past five the Prince of Wales aga'n
entered the house in company with thc Duke of Cambridge,
and sat by his noble relative's side on the cross benches,
all the peers presens remaining uncovered.

I'HE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 6, 1863

ease, and he hoped for the interests of the people of Ame-
rica, and for the future of that country that the time was
not far distant when that desirable end would be accom-
plished. The noble lord then touched upon the distress at
present existing in a portion of England, and remarked that
although that distress had been of the most heartrendiug
nature, yet it had been borne with a calmness and resig-
nation which called for the greatest sympathy, and
it was some consolation to know that that distress
was somewhat diminishing. Regarding Italy, the great
desire of England was, that with such a climate and such a
soil one of the fairest countries on earth might also
become consolidated into constitutional liberty. Before
he resumed his seat he could not help re
marking upon the great loss of one who had passed
from them soece the house last met. The high character of
the noble lord made it matter of the deepest regret that that
house would be for ever prevented of availing itself of his
counsels and experience. He had only to thank their lord-
ships for the attention they had auarded him, and con-
cluded by moving the Address.
The Earl of GRANARD said the noble mover of the
Address had so completely exhausted the subject, that it
left him but little to say. The marriage of his Royal High-
ness the Prince of Wales was a matter of the greatest hap-
piness to the country, and he trusted it would be to his
Royal Highness himself. By the education he had
received, and the travels he had made, he gave
the greatest hope that he was fitting himself for the
great duties which would some day or other devolve upon him.
It was a matter of the highest gratification that her Ma-
jesty remained on the present friendly terms with foreign
nations, and although al regretted the state of
affairs in America, yet erk.prould approve of the
system of non-intervention that had been adopted in Eng-
land. With respect to the destitution at present existing
in Lancashire, all must deplore that such a state of things
existed, yet if there was anything that showed that the ope-
ratives had intelligence, it was the resignation with which
that destitution had been borne. He could not but
express his highest admiration of the means taken to meet
that destitution by the highest and noblest in the land, and
amongst those who had greatly distinguished themselves
in the endeavour to alleviate that distress, none more nobly
distinguished himself than the noble earl (Derby) opposite.
(Loud cheers.) Ireland had nobly come forward and done
all she was able, and his fervent prayers were for an alle-
viation of the existing state of things. He would conclude
by seconding the Address.
1 The Earl of DERBY—There is one topic touched upon
in the speech from the throne with regard to which there
will be decidedly no difference of opinion, and with regard
to which we may express our feelings without the slightest
mental reservation, without any arrisre pensee. This time
last year it was our melancholy duty to present to the sove-
reign of this country a tribute of condolence and of sym-
pathy as deep and as genuine as was ever expressed by a
great nation. This year a different and more pleasing duty
devolves upon us. Instead of the language of condolence
upon the deep calamity
which had fallen upon the sove-
reign, and which still bows her down in sorrow, a sorrow
that will never cease, we have to substitute the language of
congratulation upon as event which, in every point of view,
must be a matter of consolation, comfort, and rejoicing to
her Majesty, as it must be to the country at large. We
have now to congratulate her Majesty and the country upon
the approaching marriage of the heir to the throne, the
prince whom we have had the happiness and the honour of
receiving within these walls this day—to congratulate her
Majesty and him upon an event which, so far as human
foresight can tell, promises to his royal highness the
greatest amount of happiness. It is not to him as the heir
to the throne that we tender our respectful congratulations
on this event, but to him as one who has already by the
courtesy of his demeanour, and the affability of his man-
ners, won the affectionate regard of those who have been
privileged to associate with him; and one who, at a very
early age, when placed in circumstances of no inconside •
rable difficulty, has displayed tact, judgment, and dis-
cernment which promises well for the future. We con-
gratulate his royal highness and her Majesty upon his
approaching union with a princess of whom all who have
had the happiness of knowing her speak in terms avowing
their conviction that, endowed with every gift of appearance
and mind, is fully qualified to fill the high position in which
she will be placed, as the partner of the sovereign of the
greatest country in the world. We rejoice, likewise, in
reflecting that her royal highness comes from a country
between the inhabitants of which and of our own country
there are many points of similarity of character ; between
whom there are many natural and national ties, between
whom there is much community of interest—a country en-
j3ying constitutional monarchy—a constitutional monarchy
of which I may fairly say that its integrity and its inde-
pendence are matters which never can be regarded by the
Government of this country with indifference. (Hear, hear.)
My lords, I can mipress on this subject no better wish than
that his royal highness and the princess whom he has chosen
may enjoy happiness as unalloyed—and God grant it may
be far more lasting—as that which fell to the lot of his
illustrious parents. Turning from this personal topic,
though one deeply interesting to the public at large, to
another and most important topic, which engages the atten-
tion of all men in all parts of the country, I may say that
I have no fault to find, I have no objection to the course
which her Majesty's Government has pursued with regard
to the war which is now desolating the United States. I
may regret, indeed, that her Majesty's Government did not
feel themselves justified in joining in an attempt, however
hopeless that attempt might appear, to which they were in-
vited by the sovereign of France, not to put an end to the
war, but to endeavour by good offices to bring about such an
armistice as might lead the two contending parties them-
selves to reflect on the miseries and hopleseness of the
struggle in which they are engaged. I say it is a matter
of regret that her Majesty's Government did not think
themselves justified in acceding to the wishes of the Empe-
ror of the French and offering their good offices. But be-
fore I censure the course pursued by her Majesty's Govern-
ment, I think it fair to say they were in a much better
position than I am to form a judgment as to whether
was a possibility of the success of any interference on their
part, or whether such an interference would merely have
added to the bitterness of the strife. On that subject it
was necessary that her Majesty's Government should
rely upon the information they received from her Ma-
jesty's Minister in the United States. Therefore I make
no objection, although I say I regret that no
attempt was made to reconcile the two contending parties,
I assume that, previous to an attempt at mediation, the
parties who offer mediation should agree upon the terms, or
at all events upon the principles, on which that mediation
should be offered. But, if I know anything of the state of
the relative feeling of the North and the South, this ques-
tion between them is not a
,question of degree, but it is a
question of fundamental principles, between which there
can be no mediation, because it is a question on the one side
of continuing the union, and a question on the other side of
separation; and if principles be laid down, it is necessary
to establish whether you proceed on the principle of separa-
tion on of maintenance of the union. This difficulty meets
you in the outset. Much has been said by many friends of
mine, personal friends and political friends, for whose opinion
I entertain the highest respect, that the time has arrived
when it is desirable that we should recognise the Southern
States. Now on that subject, regretting as I do my differ-
ence of opinion with several of my personal and political
friends, I cannot bring my mind to the conclusion that the
time has arrived when it would be wise or politic to take
that step. I know only of two circumstances under which
recognition can possibly take place by neutral governments.
The first of these circumstances is where, although the state
from which a revolt has taken place has not acquiesced in
it as a fait accompli, yet, in point of fact, the war is at an
end, and there is no struggle going on. That was the
case with the states of South America in their revolt from
Spain. For a long period before they were recognised
Spain had ceased to take any active steps to bring them
under her dominion. She did not, indeed, recognise their
independence, but their independence was recognised by us,
inasmuch as practically the struggle for independence was
at an end. There is another case in which no doubt recog-
nition may be resorted to, and that is the case where, in
the interests of humanity, other nations determine that a
desolating warefare shall no longer be continued. But in
that case recognition is always followed by intervention in
support of the country whose right to independence is re-
cognised. Such a case occurred with regard to Belgium in
its separation from Holland , and in regard to Greece in its
separation from Turkey: Where the horrors of war are so
great that in the interest of humanity they should be put an
end to, other countries may fairly and legitimately interfere,
but they must be prepared to go a step further, and main-
tain the independence of the country in whose behalf they
interfere. Now I cannot but think that this consideratiou
has not been sufficiently weighed by those anxious for our
recognition of the South. My conviction is strong that,
come what may, the reconstruction of the union of the
United States, as it formerly stood, is absolutely impossible.
I believe that at first the feeling of this country was strongly
in favour of the North, and I believe it was the impression
that the North would have no difficulty in overrunning and
subduing the South ; but even at that early period, it was
clear that if they succeeded in subduing the South their
difficulties would only then commence, because it was im-
possible, where such feelings had been excited and such
deep injuries had been inflicted on the one side and the other
that any cordial reconcilement or union could ever take
place between them. If that were the case a year ago, how
much stronger is the conviction now, when week by week,
day by day, and hour by hour, the struggle becomes more
desperate, and it becomes more apparent that neither party
can obtain a decisive advantage over the other, the one
acting on the defensive having practically
the best of it,
and that the continuance of the war is the continu-
a
ante
of the most dreadful slaughter and the most horrible
carnage, accompanied by an increased bitterness of

feeling, accompanied on both sides, if we may believe
the South, with aggravated atrocities and additional
horrors to those which must always accompany civil war?
In this state of things it is my firm conviction that
there is no possibility of re-establishing the union between
the North and the South. At the same time we must
recollect that the struggle is going on, and that the whole
of the seaboard of the South is in the possession of
the North. This being the case, it is impossible to say
that the struggle has ceased so as to admit of our practical
recognition, even if we did not mean to go fui ther. And I
do not think that those who advocate recognition are pre-
pared at the present time to say that we should interfere by
force of arms, and to insist on laying down our terms as the
terms on which separation shall take place. Theref re, I
approve on the whole of the course pursued by her Majesty's
Government on this subject, and of that neutrality which
they have practically carried out to the fullest extent, in
accordance with their own professions. There is another
point. It is impossible for any man, with the ordinary feel-
ings of humanity, not earnestly to desire that this desolat-
ing warfare should be brought to a close, and I am quite
sure her Majesty's Government, or any other government
in power, would have eagerly embraced the first opportunity
that offered itself with a fair prospect of success of tender-
ing their good offices. But at the present moment—l am
sorry to say it—there is no such prospect. There is another
aspect in which this war has a serious bearing on the in-
dustry and happiness and prosperity of this country. I
would not say that both parties in America, and more
especially in the South, end also some parties in this coun-
try, have exaggerated the importance of the suspension of
the cotton trade in this country, and it is not altogether un-
desirable to have that opinion corrected, which went to the
extent that it was absolutely necessary for us to submit to
any terms rather than to have our great industry stopped.
There is:no doubt that the distress in the cotton districts, if
not altogether caused by, has been greatly aggravated by
the war in America. The sudden cutting off of a large sup-
ply of material of the cotton manufacture it must be ex-
pected would cause great distress and have disastrous con-
sequences on those who were engaged in the manufacture.
But I regret to say that I cannot entertain the opinion that
the sudden cessation of the war in America would of itself
restore that industry, or even place on a satisfactory foot -
ing a great proportion of the population whose sufferings
have excited so much sympathy. In speaking of this state of
affairs, and of the condition of the manufacturing districts,
I cannot but express my thanks to the noble earl who se-
conded the address for the manner in which he has spoken
of the very small services which it has been in my power
personally to render towards the relief of the distress. Con-
nected as I am with the county and with the manufactur-
ing industry, it has fallen to my lot to take a considerable
share in the distribution of those funds which have been so
liberally contributed by all denominations of her Majesty's
subjects. But there are many whose labours have been in-
finitely greater than mine. There are :many who had
hardly time to spare. and who yet have devoted a much
larger share of attention to the relief of that distress than I
have. I think nothing can be more admirable than the
conduct of the immediate sufferers, nothing more gratifying
than to see the manner in which men of business, engaged
in a manufacture requiring their constant attention, have
given up hours, and days, and weeks, and months of their
attention gratuitously, and without the slightest recom-
pense to themselves, except that which arose from the con-
sciousness of doing good, to mitigate the severe sufferings of
the people around them. (Hear, hear.) I may remark, also,
that the sufferings at present sustained by the manufactur-
ing population have led to another and most valuable result.
They have brought forth an amount of kindly feeling among
different classes, and they have enabled the rich and the
poor mutually to better understand each other than they
did before, and naturally to feel how far they were each de-
pendent on the other, and how much they had it in their
power to assist each other : and they have given to the rich
a deep sense of the duties they owe to the poor, and they
have given to the poor a firm conviction that their inte-
rests are not overlooked by the rich ; and they have cor-
rected many misapprehensions which prevailed on this
point. It is impossible to speak in terms of too high praise
of the manner in which the manufacturing population
have borne those sufferings and distress, and more
than once, and I think it speaks well for the confidence
and kindly feeling which prevails in the population,
when they have been complimented on the manner in which
they have borne T heir sufferings, they have said, " We knew
we should not have to stary e." The liberality of the country
has been unbounded ; it has proceeded from every class of the
community. The feeling of nationality and of kindly rela-
tions has been warmly responded to from our own widely
extended colonies ; and I rejoice to find that the noble earl
who moved the address took notice—a notice which I think
might gracefully have been taken in her Majesty's speech—
of the large and spontaneous contributions which in the
midst of their own difficulties have been offered to our ma-
nufacturing population by the inhabitants of the Northern
States of America. Large as has been the amount sub-
scribed, great as has been the liberality, anxious as have
been the labours of the relief committee, and careful as has
been the distribution of the fund, I fear I cannot say that
there is at the present moment reason for the cessation of
that liberality. Sufficient as is the fund in hand to guard
the population against famine, disease, and death, I cannot
look forward to a cessation of the present distress within
any limited period. Undoubtedly in the application of that
fund one consequence of the abundant liberality which has
been shown by the public has been to put the industrious
and highly paid artisan in a very disadvantageous position
as compared with those who were on the verge of pauper-
ism, and those who were actually paupers. (Hear, hear.)
Perhaps it will be satisfactory to your lordships to know
that this is a point of which the relief committee are fully
aware; but while it has been found impossible to make any
material distinction between those who were earning 25s or
Ws, or 40s a week and those who were earning Bs, the re-
sult has necessarily been that the higher paid class, not-
withstanding the relief they have received, have experi-
enced great privations, whereas the lower have experienced
perhaps none at all. (Hear.) There is of course no danger
that the one class will ever be demoralised by this relief—
no danger that any pittance the committees may be able
to afford them will ever appear in their eyes as a compensa-
tion for that large amount of comfort and even of affluence
which they earned when at work, but there is some danger
with respect to the other class, and that is a danger which
is sure to be felt as soon as the ordinary state of things
begins to be restored and they are thrown on their ordinary
resources. (Hear.) lam afraid, however, that I can hold
out no hope that the ultimate period of this distress has
been rearly reached. It is somewhat satisfactory to see
that there is a slight reduction in the number receiving aid;
but I must confess my fear that that diminution is tempo-
rary and occasional, and that it must for a considerable
time be a fluctuating one. The price of cotton goods at
Manchester is scarcely sufficient to pay for the labour of
working up the raw material, and notwithstanding the
great diminution in our Indian and Chinese trade, the
amount of cotton goods at the present moment in the mar-
kets of the East is so large that they can be sold at prices
25 per cent, lower than in Manchester. I have been assured
by one of the most intelligent of our merchants that accord-
ing to present calculations there is reason to apprehend that
not a single pound additional of cotton goods can be sent to
India or China with any chance of obtaining a remunera-
tive price for it, and that the amount of the raw material
which we may expect next year—namely, considerably less
than half that which has been received in more favourable
times—will be sufficient to supply the entire demand of the
world. The result, therefore, will be that our artisans can-
not expect more than three days' work a week, and tha t
the loss of wages which was last year £9,000,000 will next
year be £6,000,000. (Hear, hear.) In the meantime the
1 market is in a most sensitive condition. There is a vast
amount of capital and machinery most anxious to be em-
ployed the moment there ie an opportunity of earning the
smallest profit. A fall of a ld. or 2d. per lb. is watched
for in Liverpool with the deepest anxiety, and notwith-
standing the glut in the foreign market there are a
number of merchants ready to rush in and work up what
cotton there is the moment there is a fall. The result is
to increase the amount of goods already in existence, and to
cause a constant alternation of improvement and de-
pression. That state of things will probably continue
for a lengthened period; and it will, indeed, be long before
the trade can be restored to its originallcondition. Indeed,
I doubt whether it will ever again reach the magnitude
which it attained in 1860 and 1861, and I don't know
whether perhaps it is altogether desirable that it should ;
but at any rate it must long continue in a state of depres-
sion. No doubt there is a large sum in the hands of the
relief committees, the application of which will be rigorously
watched ; but that is no reason why the public should relax
their exertions if they desire to sustain the working classes
during the present crisis. (Hear.) There are several otherhwe
topics of very considerable importance, respectingswhwTll
be
are told in the speech of her Majesty that par:
laid before us. Amongst these are the affairhsaovfe
stlrivyl:
and Denmark. On alt three countries wem
unable to congra-
partially supplied with papers ; but I at
for Foreign Affairs
Greece,
tulate the noble earl the Secretary of S
achievements
(Hear,
tonn
athdeebprairltlmianent hastsuinccweshsiwchhihredehis
to Denmark, we have all seen
and laughter.) Witherhave all read some despatches of the
so attended
ewtahaeta his
iti
s.
some papers,
little astonishment, or
noble earl. I canondfeswfs th.r
wlasreaatda
lossetomreconwcile tshome
• h the previous declarations, recommendations,and advice
of the noble earl and the noble viscount at the head of her
Majesty's Government. (Hear.) I confess I read the whole
correspondence with a feeling of humiliation, for I was at
a loss to say which of four documents reflected the greatest
amount, I might say of ridicule, on British diplomacy.
(Cheers.) The first was the despatch of the noble earl, origi-
nating the discussion, and tendering advice which was cer-
tainly not asked for by the Danish Government, and which

PRICE..... -...4d.
STAMPED ....sd.

was equally certainly not followed by them. i'Laughter.)
The second was the able reply of the Danish Minister. The
third was the despatch which, if indeed it was genuine, was
addressed by the Swedish minister to the noble earl, thank-
ing him for communicating information (which Sweden
already knew) as to the effect cf the first document. The
fourth was a document about the authenticity of which
there could be no doubt—the despatch which your lordships
are aware was addressed by a certain Count Elsinore to a
certain Earl Russell. (Laughter.) I must say, however,
that if I had to determine which of the four had been most
successful in throwing ridicule on our diplomacy, I should
give the preference to the original despatch of the noble
earl. (Laughter.) The noble Earl and myself hid once the
happiness to be colleagues of one of the most able, the most
agreeable, and the shrewdest men I ever had the good for-
tune to meet with—the late Lord Melbourne. There was
one piece of ad vice which Lord Melboaine was always in-
culcating upon his colleagues, but by which I am afraid
the noble earl has not profited. Whenever any matter arose
which involved considerable difficulty or embarrassment,
Lord Melbourne's favourite precept used to be, " Can't you
let it alone ?" (Laughter.) The noble earl must, I am sure,
recollect the manner in which Lord Melbourne used to say
" Can't you let it alone ; it will do very well if you will only
let it alone." But with all the advantage of Lcrd Mel-
bourne's precept and example, the noble lord can't let it
alone. (Laughter and cheers.) Whatever it may be, he can't
let it alone. The noble earl's readiness to undertake every.
thing has been proverbial since the days of Sydney Smith.
(Laughter.) If there is any difficulty to be settled—if there
is any new constitution to be reorganised at once—if there
is any embarrassing question which has occupied the at-
tention of statestnettia yeaTicliSralidoir ffirteriturieK-ffie

noble earl is quite ready at a minute's notice. His language
is always " Come to me, I'll settle it for yun, I'll tell you
what to do ;" and he sometimes comes forward to offer his
gratuitous advice without even that apology which used to
be made by a very popular character, " I hope I don't in-
trude." (Laughter.) To speak seriously, if the noble earl
must needs cfer his advice to Denmark could ho not have
satisfied himself with communicating privately with the
Danish minister ? Does he not see that by taking the broad
line which he did in the face of Europe he has materially in-
creased the embarrassment of the Danish Government, and
induced Prussia and Russia to bring upon it that pressure
which such sentiments, enunciated for the first time by the
British Government, could not fail to exert. (Hear.) But if
the noble lord's intervention in Denmark has been so success-
ful what has been the case with his intervention at Rome?
(Cheers and laughter.) If England must give the Pope
advice, does the noble earl think that he was the person
from whom the Holy Father would be most ready to accept
it ?—(laughter)—and what was the moment the noble earl
chose for the purpose ? The Pope having casually made
the remark that he might perhaps one day seek the hospi-
tality of England, the noble earl at once makes him a formal
offer of ships to take him away, accompanied by advice to
take the earliest opportunity of leaving Rome, and a pro-
mise of an asylum in Malta. (Laughter.) But the mo-
ment he did this was precisely that at which the Emperor
of the French had promised the Pope to maintain him in
Rome, Thus while the noble earl was intervening to in-
duce the Pope to go away, France was intervening to keep
him where he was; and this was the French alliance, this
the cordiality, the unity, and the harmony with which
England and France were acting with respect to the affairs
of Italy. (Cheers.) But was it or the interests of Europe
that the Pope should be maintained, under the protection
of a Protestant Government, in a colony the majority of
which are Roman Catholics ? Why, if there was any posi-
tion which could be conceived more calculated than another
to produce the greatest amount of difficulty and embarrass-
ment, it would be the Pope at Malta. (Cheers.) There is
another questicn of great importance referred to in her Ma-
jesty's speech—l mean the constitution of the new kingdom
of Greece, and proposed cession of the lonian Isles. With
regard to the first of these I am not satisfied with the course
which has been pursued by her Majesty's Government.
When the revolution took place it is only just to the Greek
nation to bear witness to the singular moderation, good
feeling, good temper, and judgment which they dis-
played throughout. 1 do not think there was a
drop of blood spilt. Ido not think there was an intem-
perate word ;spoken or a violent act done. Nothing, in
fact, could be more creditable than the unanimity and mode-
ration of the inhabitants ; and nothing could be more ere- '
ditable to them than the personal compliment which they
paid to the sovereign of this country and to the constitu-
tion under which we have the happiness to live, when they
desired to place themselves under a branch of our royal
family. Her Majesty says on that point :—" But the
diplomatic engagements of her Majesty's crown, together
with other weighty considerations, have prevented her Ma-
jesty from yielding to the general wish of the Greek nation."
These " other weighty considerations" seem to be consi-
dered equally weighty by other persons, for it does not ap-
pear that any one has yet been found willing to accept the
Greek throne. It is true, we were informed a short time
ago that arrangements were likely to be made which would
afford a satisfactory solution to the difficulty, but it now
appears that the negotiations were terminated, and ter-
minated unsuccessfully. If, however, diplomatic rea-
sons prevented her Majesty's Government from accept-
ing the throne for Prince Alfred, I want to know
why for a considerable period hopes were held out to
the Greek people that Prince Alfred would be a candidate
for their crown ? Why was it that instructions were sent
out to their minister at Athens not to interfere in the pro-
gress of events ? Either the noble earl once contemplated
accepting the throne for Prince Alfred, or he did not. If
he did not, he has acted most unfairly and ungenerously to
the Greek people in allowing them so long to entertain the
hopes they had. If he did, then he must have withdrawn
from his purpose in a not very dignified manner in conse-
quence of the strong language of France and Russia, and
on one or other horn of this dilemma I leave him. (Hear,
hear.) But there is another subject of very great difficulty
which is mentioned in her Majesty's speech—the proposed
cession of the lonian Islands. I look upon this question not
as one affecting Greece merely, but as it affects the interests
of this country and of Europe at large. lam not about to
say that her Majesty could not constitutionally cede these
islands without the consent of Parliament. Ido not speak
of them as a part of her Majesty's dominions, so that their
cession would be a dismemberment of the empire ; but still
I think the thing ought not to be precipitately done, for it
involves a serious question of European policy, which had
been determined after grave deliberation ; and I think also
that it seriously affects the interest of this country in the
Mediterranean. For, observe what was the position of the
case previous to 1814. The lonian Islands, or a great part
of them, had been captured by Great Britain. Corfu had not
been taken by us, but it had been blockaded for two years,
and on the fall of Napoleon the French authorities in the
island surrendered it to us ; so that it was not then lightly
thought of. I believe that both naval and military officers
concurred at that period in thinking the lonian Islands of
that
immense importance to us. Lord Collingwood said
the possession of Corfu was as good as two frigates to his
fleet. It is, in fact, a position of the utmost geographical
importance, more especially having reference to our com-
munications with India by way of Egypt and the Red Sea.
(Hear, hear.) It is not, therefore, a place to be regarded as
worthy of little consideration. I admit that some expense
is necessary for maintaining it under our power, but the
question is, does not its importance justify that expendi-
ture ? I would ask the illustrious duke on the cross-
benches (the Duke of Cambridge) whether he did not find
during the Crimean War that the possession of Corfu, and
the power of withdrawing from it regiments of the
line, to be replaced by regiments of militia, was
an important assistance to our arms. (Hear, hear.)
I am not arguing that at no time it would be desirable, but
I greatly doubt whether it would ever be the interest of
England to surrender that nominal protectorate which con-
stitutes the lonian Islands in reality though not in form a
British possession. But of this lam sure, that the utmost
attention ought to be bestowed upon the subject by the
Government before throwing up so important a possession.
I think I can recollect, and I dare say the noble earl
will recollect, that some time ago, when he wasteipneter:3nsts
in the other House of Parliament of the
which England had in the Adriatic, sehrneeAhonrig.
when the
him what interests England had in the d amtie:ber asked
noble earl replied, " Englandohl the harbour of Corfu."
the
ee Secretary of the
part of her Majes-
ty's And only last year the noble
one
Colonies disclaimed any
s e one this
monniantrulsstlainsidpsa.
Government to surrender the
con-
sidered the protectorate
was
the
et
noblethe
pa
rtideain go
with
partingth th
thsoelei
country, aßnedtstaaidwthheemre
was
with it.
e
lonian 'elands r You propose gratuitously to part with
these islands to a Government not yet formed—(hear, hear)
__which was still in the throes of revolutiou—(hear, hear)
.—and you propose to give them to this Power unasked for,
and, as I will presently show, in direct opposition and con-
tradiction to all the principles Lid down by the noble earl
himself as to the regulation of the policy of the country. My
lords, in a correspondence of the noble earl, again T think
somewhat gratuitously, with Prince Gortschakoff, the noble
earl laid down the principles which should regulate the con-
duct of this country in the East, and he insisted, in terms
with which Prince Gortschakoff agreed, in the necessity on
the part of Greece of an absolute abandonment of all acts of
agitation, and of that revolutionary spirit which threatened
all the thrones of Europe. The noble earl said the great
object was to prevent Greece from being a dangerous enemy
to Turkey. That no doubt was the object; but how did the
noble earl propose to do this ? He insisted first of all upon
a monarchy—l presume a constitutional monarchy—a mon-
archy with a Parliament, a monarchy in which:the Parlia-
ment should exercise some influence over the foreign
domestia affairs of the country. He:proceeded tit:eicr that
when such a monarchy shall have been established,
Boning its grandes idees, abandoning
the
idea
Turkish Iron-
its territories, and of interference with the Oaf extenyabdaning