The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-11 00:00:00

„

LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 11, 1937.

At the Northampton Reform Dinner Earl FITZ-
WILLIAM, in concluding a speech full of sound sense
and deep feeling, made a powerful appeal to Re-
formers in favour of Ireland. " I call upon a large
class of my countrymen," said the Noble Earl, " for
their co-operation in obtaining Corporation Reform for
the Sister kingdom of Ireland.—(Tremendous cheer-
ing-) I claim their sympathy, and more, I claim their
assistance, in obtaining for Ireland those measures of
Corporation Reform, from which this country has de-
rived so palpable and so great an advantage."--(Con-
tinned cheering.) The enthusiasm with which this
appeal was received by the Reformers of Northampton
sufficiently showed that they are resolved to do more
than sympathise with the people of Ireland ; and we
trust that a similar resolution will be manifested with-
out delay by Reformers in general.
Earl FIT7wILLIAM has put the matter on its proper
footing. It is not sympathy that Ireland wants, but
assistance—prompt, hearty, energetic assistance. Sym-
pathy is an excellent thing, but its excellence consists
in its motive power. Unless it develope itself in active
results, it is of no value. It was not implanted in the
breast of man, merely that he might indulge an indo-
lent selfish sensibility; but that he might be stimulated
to the performance of those practical duties which are
essential to the existence of the social state. Works
arc as much the evidence of sympathy as they are of
faith—they are at once the test of its sincerity, and the
measure of its intensity. The generous heart, it is
true, must often lament that it cannot give this evi-
dence ; but no man has a right to say that he sympa-
thizes with another in his distress, if, having more in
his power, he does not do more. We sympathize
with the unfortunate Poles—it is all we can do ; they
are beyond the reach of our exertions. But is that the
case with respect to the people of Ireland ? They are
our neighbours—our fellow-citizens—our brethren—
part and parcel of ourselves. Did they, when they
saw us struggling for our rights, stand aloof, and con-
tent themselves with wishing us a safe deliverance ?
Or did they hang back until the bond of reciprocity
was signed, sealed, and delivered ? No : they did to
us as they would have wished us to do to them. They
trusted us fairly, generously—made our cause their
own—rushed with uncaleulating impetuosity into our
ranks, and fought with us side by side—aye, fought
unflinchingly in the very front of our battle, until vic-
tory.
was secured. Are We not then bound, by every
consideration that ought to influence honourable minds,
to make strenuous efforts in behalf ofireland ? Is it not
our sacred duty to aid the Irish people, by every means
in our power, to obtain those rights and advantages
which we ourselves prize so highly, and for the enjoy-
ment of which we are indebted in a great measure to
their co-operation ? Assuredly it is, and unless we
discharge this duty constientiouslv, we may talk as
much as we please about sympathy, but the people of
Ireland will not believe us sincere. They will say—
" You are lukewarm, if not indiffetetit, towards us ; if
you will not put your shoulders to the wheel, and help
us out of our difficulties, mock us not with your sym-
pathy."

But in truth, it is our interest, no less than our
duty, to make common cause with Ireland. The vital
interests of the two countries are bound up together
inseparably, and it is of the last importance that this
tnitb should be so rivetted in the convictions of the
English Reformers, as not to be lost sight of for a
single moment. Let us nct delude ourselves with
the fallacy that we may safely leave the griev-
ances of Ireland to be redressed, until we have
reformed all the abuses that exist in the other
parts of the United Kingdom. This would be

to invert the natural order of It would be

playing We part of the fool who lay down on the bank
of the riser waiting till the stream ran by. No, we
:linst grapple with the difficulty when it occurs. We

must remove the obstruction where it is thrown in our
way before we can proceed. The obstmetion to Re-
form lies in Ireland. There the opponents of Reform
have taken their stand, and they must be dislodged
from their position before we can advance a step. It
is the merest drivellinf; to talk of wrestinl, the Ballot,
Triennial Parliament 7, and Peeta,,e Helot m, from those
who have power to maintain the notorious abuse
and corruptions, which disgrace the Church and the
Corporations of Ireland.

We perceive, by an advertisement in our Paper of
today, that the spirited Reformers of the county of
Huntingdon intend giving a dinner to their old friend
and leader, G. G. DAY, Esq. ; that he will have pre-
sented to bim a most splendid silver epergne, and a very
clegant silver cup, with all the expellees of his late trial.
And when we state that the benevolent and patriotic
Earl FiTzwrwANl is to preside, and that the popular
Member for the county, J. B. ROOPER, Esq., is to be
Vice-President, surely we have stated enough to induce
all the Reformers living near to attend the festival.

The speech of Sir LIONEL SMITH, Governor-
General of Jamaica, on opening the session of the
House of Assembly at Kingston, on the Ist of Novem-
ber, inspires us with a hope that his Excellency is pre-
pared to leave no means untried to tranquillize the minds
of the colonial population. By the adoption of a firm and
consistent line of policy—by holding the balance even
between the masters and the apprentices—by making
proper allowance for exasperation arising out of the past
unnatural state of the Colony—by carefully avoiding all
identification of himself with the interests, feelings,
prejudices, or sympathies of any party—by inculcat-
ing the principles of a parental guidance on the one
side, and a filial docility on the other ; the new Go-
vernor-General may succeed in removing those evils
which his Excellency's equally well intentioned pre-
decessor failed to ameliorate. We are confident that
no man in his Britannic MAJESTY'S dominions en-
tertained a more sincere desire to govern the
colonists of Jamaica, in a spirit consonant with the con-
solidation of their liberties, and the promotion of their
social interests, than did the Marquis of SLIGO, on as-
suming the functions of Governor-General. Unfortu-
nately the minds of the planters were poisoned against
him long before his appearance among them. The
anti-emancipationists had represented his Lord-
ship as a fanatical enthusiast, prepared to sa-
crifice the welfare of the masters to the theo-
retical improvement of the manumitted apprentices.
His Lordship found the removal of this unfavour-
able impression impossible ; for no means of re-
moving it existed, unless he were to treat the working
population with an indifference tantamount to the re-
fusal of all justice to them. The consequence was,
that the planters cast every impediment in his way ;
and when they could do so with impunity, openly
defied and ridiculed his authority. His best mea-
sures were rendered nugatory ; his best 'designs
frustrated, by the absence of that confidence, with-
out which no Government can secure the happi-
ness of a people. The Noble Marquis was not slow
in discovering, that owing to misconception on the part
of the planters, his Lordship's retention of the office
of Lieutenant-Governor would be productive of more
evil than good. He saw that his presence but served
to inflame those angry passions between masters and
servants which he was most anxious to allay ; and be
therefore prayed the Government to recall him, and ap-
point in his room a Governor in whom the colonists
would repose confidence.
Sir LIONEL SMITH has unquestionably a most
difficult part to perform, and the British nation will
not hesitate to mark its sense of his great services,
should he succeed in performing it so as to restore har-
mony between the colonists and the Government. The
commencement of his career has certainly been very
auspicious; and we are happy to add, that his speech
to the Assembly is calculated to inspire all parties with
confidence in the justice •of his administration. We
make no apology for quoting here the following passage
respecting the moral and religious education of the
negroes
. - - -

There is, indeed, one most important subject which I
cannot resist submitting to your grave consideration—it is
the religious and.moral condition of the negroes. No man
has had such opportunity of enlarged observation amongst
this class as I hate had, either in the immediate government
of, or eventual controul over seven colonies, and I am sorry
to proclaim that they arc in a more deplorably backward
state than in any other. Yet, Gentlemen, they must be
taught to fear God before they can be made to respect the
laws. It is physically impossible for the Ministers of the
Established Church, few in numbers, with an extended sur-
face of population, to do more than they have done. The
first object is to instil the doctrines of Christianity, and not
to insist upon any particular church discipline. I firmly
believe the assistance of the missionaries is most necessary
to this end. Gentlemen, we have hardly four years more
to watch over the experiment of apprenticeship—give every
facility you can to the missionaries' labours—banish from
your minds the idea that they are all enemies. I will
answer with my head for their loyalty and fidelity. Encou-
rage their peaceable settlement amongst your people—let
every four or five contiguous estates combine for the erec-
tion of a chapel and schools, and, knowing as you well do,
the attachment of the negro to the place of his birth, and
the burial place of his parents, you may, I sincerely believe,
by these means finally locate on your estates a contented
peasantry."

The House of Assembly, in its address in answer
to the speech of, the GOVERNOR-GENERAL, heartily
responded to these beautiful sentiments. In this res-
ponse we behold only the presage of our extended har-
mony of action. Some time must, of course, be
expected to elapse before all symptoms of distrust pass
away. In Spanish Town symptoms of dissatisfaction
have been manifested against Sir LIONEL SMITH and
his family, by the partizans of certain dismissed sti-
pendiary magistrates ; but similar occurrenczs arc not
to be apprehended in any part of the island. •

We direct particular attention to extracts from two
Brussels' Journals, which will be found in another
column under the head of " Stamp Duties. in Bel-
gium." King LEOPOLD, it appears, acting under
instructions received from his Royal Father-in-law,
the King of the FRENCH, has all but prohibited the
circulation of French and English Journals throughout
his dominions. This conduct on the part of LEOPOLD
is, to say the least of it, unjust, ungenerous,
and extremely impolitic. The Liberal Journals of
England and France have uniformly treated his Go-
vernment with a degree of indulgence not accorded to

more poweiful and better consolidated States ; and of
their Majesties the King and Queen of the BELGIANS
personally, they have ever spoken with that respect
which they considered due to their many virtues. Are
voluntary services so oppressive to Kings, that they
cannot avoid requiting them with the visitations of their
displeasure ? The Free Press of France conferred a
Crown upon Louts PHILIPPE of Orleans, and one of
the first acts of the new Sovereign was to deliver it
over, gagged and bound, to the Minister of Public
Justice. The Liberal Press of England and France
consolidated the Throne of LEOPOLD, King of the
BELGIANS ; and scarcely has the new Monarch time
to mount it before his Minister of Finance is secretly
instructed to interdict its circulation by the imposition
of heavy taxes !

Sir Arthur Broeke, Bart., has ordered the spare
wood on his estate to he cut down and given to the poor.
Ulster Paper.

EQUAL TEMPERATURE.—Between 1? o'clock at
noon and the same hour at night, on the 9th instant, the
variation in the temperature did not amount to more than a
single degree.