The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-02 00:00:00

_
Foreign Mail Packet List.

Cape of
anlampetivuriertaiMule3A,bvvilyiLaSsoDuUthEam.
.Brazil and CDec..
Good Ho At: •
via Marseilles .........Dec.
...........riec.. 1139:
Pe, mown, and St. lielena..Dec. 29.
a' Penang, and Singapore, via
Marseilles Tiatbh.ernoepst7..E•Decee..
123..

Falkland 181 ands
.•Gibraltar,(Calcutta),
via Southampton .................... . .
........Dec. 2.
mad, J,
_,alcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton. • Dec. 2.
—.. via Marseilles.... Dec.l3.
India (Bombay), via Southampton ............ Dec. 12.
_ via Marseilles ................ Dec• 4.
........ Dec. 6.
Portugal
Malta, E•••. .......................
gypt , and Aden, via Southampton ...... Dec. 2.
via Marseilles ........Dec. 6.
......... ..Dec. 6
Newfoundland .....................
Oporto and Vigo .............................
U. S. and British N. America, by .Brit. packet.... Dec. 3,
by U.S. packet... •
by Canadian packet. Dec.
Dec. 4
W.C.
.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneritie. •D........ • 17.
10.
Bahamas, via New York ................... ..•
...Dec. 29.
Mexico. .......................... Yon
....... •
All parts of West Indies, including Chili, , I Dec. 23.
California. and British Columbia. ...........
--m.................."'"

""-------------
CRACOW, Nov. 30.—The Polish leader Bosak
attacked the town of OPatt'vrt in Radom,
g out the Russians and
two days back, drivin
seizing 6,000 roubles Which were in the public
which disease
Treasury. The Ddennik, in referring to the flume.
roue banisments to Siberia. without trial, represents
them as measures of precaution.
and a till the
HORRIBLE.—One of the .Times' correspondents,
in the controversy just going on on the divas, 0f
u au
:hsteit°llVaß il send.as
cattle, vouches for the truth of the following story_"-am
--
old friend -- had a great lot of pigs, among —Y
of some kind, which ho did not know, broke o
all the •6till that' wdeiered,leaftladalwi: ave
dead and buried got into the teens,number
seised,fas oel s so
the u and
until
bi eud t cic; ihaeae: butcher thirdaatsno dicwf
kill yoal
sliaorbnwi eudeurdid:tanehe dress so
° still
others
were
he could not help his thoughts running
Toe butcher, knowing
thoughtfully, for bang a of a political economist
this :—Having bought the circumstances, set to work
bit
to the quantity of
pigs, and the result was
meat lost to the State in the buried
this a private
dug up, dressed, pigs he killed, he proposed to
my friend to buy the buried
resist such an offer ? There
pigs also. What farmer could
fellow--no on
there the buried pigs. ere were the bright sovereigns, and
Well, as I live, sir, the pigs were
voucher for its truth, or I fearyou, being only
and sent to market. I will send you rith
a Londoner, Won't
more trusted, believe it. My friend is a jolly good
e better • no one has s
Wh • thshouldnot I Ifnccagion should.
3, en, -
arise, send I ive oxen to market with nothing wrcng in them
but lung, a better reputation, or i
disease ?".

TH .E POLISH INSURRECTION,

(I) own the Special Correspondent of the Times.)

WARSAW, Nov. 16.

It is rather remarkable that the nomination of
Count Berg to the Lieutenancy of the kingdom of
Poland appears in the aame number of the Journal
de St. Petersbourg as the rescript from the Emperor
to the Grand Duke Constantine, from which it may
or may not be inferred that th© retirement of his
Imperial Highness is only temporary, and that after
the suppression of the insurrection he will return to
Poland and introduce a humane system of Govern-
ment. The following is the passage in the rescript
which has attracted the most attention, and which
to the ordinary reader, would leave no doubt as to
the Grand Duke's ultimate return
But when, with the helpof God, the revolt is mastered ;
when, rene,ered accessible to the voice of duty and legality,
my subjects of the kingdom liberate themselves from the
violerim exercised upon them by the declared fosterers of
treason, and have recourse to my clemency; when the re-
establishment of order permits you to resume the work you
had commenced; when circumstances render possible the
application of institutions which it is one of my most lively
sand sincere desires to see in action, I have the agreeable
hope that you will then take part in the execution of my
views," &c.

One would naturally conclude from this that the
Emperor's brother must be playing the part of " the
absent Duke," while General Berg fulfils that of
Angelo, his severe deputy. It is said, however, on
the other hand, that the Grand Duke has had
enough of Poland, and that, even if he wished to
come back, the circumstances under which alone his
return would be thought desirable are not likely to
present themselves. The project of an address to
the Emperor has been attributed to the Poles for
some time past by the correspondents of the Russian
newsydapers. It has even been suggested to Poles
who have had pardons or commutations of punish-
ment to solicit for their friends that the best thing
to do in the first instance would be to append their
84;natures to an address of repentance and submis-
s:ton.
But, though there is much to deplore, there is
nothing to apologise for. It was a duty the Poifs
owed to their country, and not to the Russian Go-
vernment, to abstain from an appeal to arms. They
are not likely to go down on their knees and beg
for mercy, nor is it likely that mercy will be shown
to them. Every insurgent chief who fallsinto the
hands of the Russians is shot, every ordinary
in-
surgent draughted into the Russian army, every
suspected member of the National Government sent
to the east of Russia, every convicted member shot
or hanged_ Nevertheless, if an address is really
wanted signatures of some kind might no doubt be
procured. I see that the peasants of the various
districts in the Government of Augustowo continue
to present their compliments to Mouravieff, and to
implore him to obtain for them the glorious privi-
leges of the newly-liberated Russian serfs. The
peasants of the kingdom in general might be made
to put their marks to a loyal petition of the same
kind, and as the voice of the majority is now the
most important thing in Russia, next to Divine
Tight, the views and sentiments of the educated
classes on the subject would, of course, be declared
unworthy of notice.

There is a well known mode, too, of forcing in-
habitants of towns to sign addresses. An exorbitant
tax is announced, and when the taxpayers venture
to remonstrate they are told to put their remon-
strances in writing and accompany them with be-
fitting expressions of loyalty. Thus the Jaws of
'Vilna were suddenly ordered by Mouravieff to pay
up 20 per cent. of their incomes. " How could
they get off ? The tax was enormous—twice as
much as was required of the landed proprietors." It
was explained to the Jews that to get the tax re-
duced they must petition, and the result was the
presentation of an address of loyalty from the
Hebrews of `Vilna.

That the Polish nobility, however, or the inhabi-
tants of Warsaw, or any of the men of the insurrec-
tion will have recourse to the Imperial clemency is
not to be thought of. Putting all other considera-
tions on one side, it would not be safe to do so, and
the first man who made the experiment would feel it
necessary at the same time to make his will.

However, with or without an address, it the
Grand Dake were really to return, he would not find
his position here very tenable in the midst of men
who have been at war, not with his father's Govern-
ment, but with the system of government intro-
duced by himself. Ho would have nothing to offer
that was not offered unavailingly before; and any
conviction he may have entertained as to the possi-
bility of reconciling the principal men in Poland to
the Government of Russia must now have been
considerably weakened.
On the other hand, there would be some negative
advantages attached to his position should he return
after the total suppression of the insurrection and
the abandonment of all hope of foreign interven-
tion. The revolutionary party which directed the
attack on the Grand Duke's person, and which
begun the present insurrection and kept it up
until, encouraged by promises of foreign aid, the
wholecountry joined in it—this party will no longer
be able to show its head, and there would no longer
be any possibility of hesitating between positive
benefits, however slight, offered by Russia and the
vague, unmeaning sympathy of foreigners. The
" revolutionary" party, as it loves to style itself—
the party which will hear of no compromise either
with . the Russians or with those who can tolerate
theirtlle government—must have lost large numbers in
held as well as by exile; and it is not unlikely
that when
men
via:Wu'e moment of recrimination arrives the
known by oud force on a rising, and who made
Duke and theirthe
Chiefly attempts to murder the Grand
chiefly feared. Marquis Wielopolski, that what they
the pAciflc4tiou of the country by
an improved swas
the jesb,eeto of government, will be looked
upon by
tchlasses with more aversion than
ever. If, however,
alaeyhare too much blamed, those
who blame theto
reminded that they ended
by joining them; aayd ife
tatatny foreigner lays too much
stress on this fact, he
bans e asked in his turn how
it was possible for
paisaivssoir classes of Poles to
side actively, or even
Y, with the Russians
against their own countrythell
Foreigners, above
all, may be asked why they:
ere
'a
eager in ap-
plauding an insurrection which was
not
justi-
fiable because it had no chance of sunc truly
e but was
based only on that sort of right Which
the lamb pos
sesses to attack the wolf.
Here, again, the Poles themselves were culpable,
for it was from Po:ish sources that cam_
the stories,
n
circulatedlover Europe of risings having occurred
in provinces which had not been in any Nva,
die.
turbed, and of the military importance of a move.
ment which, as far as regards numbers in the field,
was never very great. It was from Poland the news
came that Langiewiez had a well-equipped army of
10,000 men, whereas the truth was (as I mentioned
long ago) that he had never more than 3,500,many
of whom were very badly armed. If we had known
from the first how strong the Russians were and
how weak the Poles, the insurrection would have
met with the sympathy of pity but not
of encouragement, and we should have ad-
mired the heroism of the Polish leaders without
counselling them to persevere as they have done
until now nearly every one of those who went
into the field at the beginning of the in-
surrection is in his grave. If we had seen from the
beginning that the Poles were sure to get the worst
of it we should, instead of cheering them on, have
entreated them, for their own sake, to desist. But
they would publish their stereotyped phrase—
Tarathar to the readers of the 0 • •
plizzone attonale,—
" The insurrection •
is increasing day by day ; " they
would have it that
the whole of ancient Poland was
flying
to
arms
from the B Altic to Bessarabia ;"
they would speak '
ment into the kinorthe entry of every fresh detach-
about its exit ; they would without saying anything
surrection had,abovysall
would never allow that the in-
that it was kept up
by d,ae:peculative character, and
of ultimately obtaining superata efforts in the hopeprt
tine, .knowing that the puNpvuroci from abroad. ln
more likely to
be assisted than the weak, they „aerei
t ually magni-
fied their strength, and deceived their foreign
backers as to their capability of beating the Rus-
sians, and were again deceived as to thech
being helped in the event, more or iesa expect": of
the Russians proving, after all, too strong for thenoli
A firm tragi-cornedY has heen played en both sides,

the end of which is that Poland is ruined, and that
now, when the snow is beginning to fall, the French
army is as far from Cracow as ever, and a m w code
of instructions in force throughout the k t gdom, by
which proprietors, mayors of villages, and chiefs of
peasant communes, are required to g.ve information
at the nearest military post of the arrival of insur-
gents on their estates, without summary judgment
by court-martial as the alternative in case of neglect.
Charges and counter-charges of deception will, no
doubt, be made plentifully before long; but in the
meanwhile there has existed, on both sides, a de-
cided willingness to be deceived. People were BO
glad to hear that the Poles, the representatives of
liberty, were beating the Russians, the representa-
tives of despotism, that they would not stop to in-
quire whether such really was the case; and the Poles
themselves looked upon every one as their enemy who
ventured to deny the astounding triumphs claimed
for their detachments, even when these detachments
were beaten instead of victorious. The approved
friend of Poland is the man who will have the igno-
rance or the effrontery to talk of 20,000,000 Poles
ready to fight for independence; and these are the
" friends" who have misled the Poles as to the pro-
bability of their being assisted by foreigners.

It is said that positive promises were made by
France; and it is certain that the Poles obeyed all
instructions received from the Emigration in Paris
with the most implicit confidence; and that first the
taking of Puebla, then the election of a Sovereign
to the Mexican throne, were mentioned as occur-
rences
loffanacyF, rheanwc
army
mighaftert
bew hriecgha
rtdheed
a ins
' ever, it would be very difficult to prove that any
' direct promises were made on the part of the French
' Government; though persons supposed to be in the
confidence of the Emperor may have communicated
their own suppositions and hopes on the subject to
their correspondents in Poland; and thus ex-
pressions of sympathy may, at last, have come
to be translated into pledges of assistance. How-
ever this may have been, the Poles had made up
their minds that the Emperor Napoleon must aid
them, and being once possessed with that conviction
they interpreted everything that took place in
France with reference to the Polish question in a
sense favourable to their desires. In England it
was imagined that M. Billault's speech did not hold
out to the Poles any great hope of French inter-
vention. The Poles, however, were ingenious
enough to discover in it a secret intention to come
to their rescue at the proper moment; and as with
M. Billault's speech so it may have been with the
promises ,alleged to have been made by persons in
the confidence of the Emperor.
It is not creditable to the Russian Government,
but the fact is that the slightest shadow of a hint
from Paris has more effect upon the Poles than the
most solemn promises from St. Petersburg. In the
former case, to be sure, the longing for national in-
dependence is appealed to, whereas, in the latter,
the more that is done to improve the condition of
the Poles, the less chance is there that they wil
throw themselves blindly into political enterprises
with the view of separating themselves from Rus-
sia. At the same time it is a fact, that the Russian
Government, by reason, in a great measure, of its
own past conduct, is unable to inspire the Poles
with the slightest confidence, though even if it
were the most sincere and truthful Government in
the world it would still find it difficult to establish
any lasting good relations with a nation which is
always looking for the help of foreigners.
The Poles can scarcely fail to derive some political
benefit from the present insurrection, ruined though
they already are by it in a material point of view.
If a new Polish kingdom, on the model of the Po-
land of 1815, be not formed out of the present king-
dom, with or without the annexation of the city and
district of Cracow; if the Poles should be unable to
obtain even such a result as this from their labours
and sufferings ; it is just possible that they may at
last look upon themselves as altogether abandoned
by the West. Once really convinced of this they
would certainly not attempt any farther struggle
with a Power so immensely superior to them in re-
sources of all kinds as Russia. In that case it might
be the worse for the West of Europe, or at least for
Austria and Pru,sia ; brit it would evidently be
better for the Poles to reckon with their despair, to
cease irritating theonly countryfrom whichthey could
have anything to hope, and to enter into its projects
instead of perpetuallycounterac ting them. If theking-
dom of Poland is not saved this time, or failing that
result does not by a revulsion of feeling easy to un-
derstand throw itself into the arms of Russia, instead
of waiting for Russia to stifle it, then the Poles
must feel that they are destined only to be crushed,
for they will certainly not have another chance left
of preparing themselves even for the feeblest insur-
rection. " For some time to come," said a Russian
the other day, whose opinion on such a matter is of
importance, "we shall only be able to govern
Poland under a state of siege." " And after that ?"
he was asked. " Still the state of siege." " But at a
later period ?" "It will always be difficult to get
on without the state of siege," was the reply, and so
undoubtedly would it be it the Poles, after receiving
the most painful plod to the contrary, still per-
sisted in believing that the West of Europe was
anxious to rescue them from Russian dominion.

Hitherto the Poles have been placed in a most
painful position, being just sufficiently protected by
the Western Powers to be able to persuade them-
selves that under favourable circumstances France
and England, or France alone, would assist them
against Russia. The fact that nothing was done for
them in 1831, and that they were scarcely thought
of during and after the Crimean war, has left no im-
pression upon:them. They are always looking for
rescue to the West, and if the W est cannot help them
by armed intervention, it might, at least, render them
an important service by formally abandoning them,
instead of protesting on their behalf, and reserving
a perpetual right to interfere, which is never exer-
cised otherwise than in words. The remark of an
ex-Minister, who speaks with authority on the sub-
ject—the remark of M. Guizot, that "every one has
made use of Poland, but no one has really assisted
her," ought never to be forgotten by the Poles.

"I will restore this noble nation to independence
if Russia does not agree to my projects ; if she does,
however, a slice more of the noble nation'slerritory
is at her service"—that is the additional Napoleonic
language on the subject of Poland ; and it is not
astonishing, since Napoleon I. purchased Russia's
consent to the formation of the little Polish France,
entitled the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, by the ces-
sion of Bialystock, and her consent to its increase
by the cession of Sarnopol, that a similar project
should be attributed now to Napoleon 111.
The annexation of Cracow and a portion of
Western Galicia to a new and self-governing Polish
ekingdom,l and of Eastern Galicia to Russia, would
„ y a renewal by Napoleon 111. and Alexander
11- of the
Napoleon policyT in respect to Poland pursued by
But it aux-. and Alexander I. in 1807 and 1809.
political
111. can do for Poland is to pro-
curethe purely
polish
for the Kingdom, and to get
that is no
fl:rh portion of Galicia annexed to it,
than what every Austrian knows
was the infallible
wie.oend of the policy introduced by
compared polski, whom Prince Napoleon
ntheeve3rtlhareGileusiss
the French Senate to
Judas Iscariot.
If the present insurrection leads to no active in-
tervention on behalf of
Poland, the real Judas in
future will be any Sovereigia, or expectant Prince,
or nation, or political assembly that
haZ
may endeavour
to mislead the Poles as to the probability
receiving some day that support from abrad of their
hitherto, even under the mcst favourable which
circum-
stances, has always failed them at the critical
moment. If, after all, a war should seriously be
undertaken with a view to an independent Poland,
and if this war should be seriously prosecuted and
Poland not abandoned at the first opportunity f„r
making a profitable peace, than the Marquis Wielo,
polski will have erred so greatly in supposing such a
war to he out of the question that his mistake will in,
deed appear almost criminal. Should it on the contrary
turn out that all the blood that has been shed in the
present insurrection has been shed in V lin, then the
real wrong-doers will evidently be, not those who
commenced the movement in a moment of despair,
but those who long before had planned it; and
above all, those who, by encoiraging it with false
, hopes from abroad, led the whole country to take