The Sun.
London, England, 1839-04-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIL 23.
Lord RADNOR presented two petitions in favour
of a penny postage.
Lord CAMPERDOWN presented a petition from
Dunfermline to the same effect.
Lord BANDON presented a petition from the phy-
sicians, surgeons, and medical practitioners of Band9n,
complaining of inadequate remuneration for their at-
tendance at Coroner's Inquests.
Earl GREY presented a petition from the parish of
St. Margaret's, London, praying for the adoption of a
Penny Postage.
Lord LYNDHURST presented a petition from a
town in the county of Essex to the same effect.
Lord VERU LAM presented a petition in favour of
Church Protection.
Lord MINTO presented a petition in favour of a
Penny Postage.
Lord BROUGH AM presented petitions from Fer-
managh, Glasgow, Kelsey, Wolverhampton, Bilston, a
town in the county of Suffolk, and numerous printing-
offices in London, praying for the adoption of a Penny
Postage.
The Bishop of NORWICH presented a great many
petitions, but in so low a voice as to render it quite im-
practicable to hear in the gallery, either from whence
they came, or on what subjects they were.
The Marquis of DO WNSHIRE presented a petition
from Newbury against any further grants to the College
of Maynooth. Also a petition from the same place
expressing the fears of the Petitioners, that the Votes
of the Roman Catholics in Parliament were actuated by
a feeling against the Established Church.
Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from a
churchwarden in the county of Somerset against the
New Poor-law Amendment Act.

The Marquis of BUTE presented a petition from the
Synod of Glasgow and Ayr, praying for a repeal of
the Catholic Emancipation Act ; also two petitions
from places in Ross-shire in favour of Church Extension
in Scotland ; also a petition from Wales, praying pro-
vision might be made for the support of the Established
Church in the British Colonies.
IRELAND.

The Marquis of WESTMEATH had on the 19th
February moved for certain papers connected with
proceedings in the county of Westmeath, and
the Noble Marquis opposite had promised
to grant certain of them. On this understanding he
had remained patiently up to the present time, and con-
sidering the improper use that had been made of his
name, he thought the Noble Marquis could not com-
plain if he gave notice that he should, on Monday next,
move for the production of those papers, unless some ex-
planation were given.
The Marquis of NORMA NBY had written to Dub-
lin for the papers at the time, and ten days ago he had
again written to remind the authorities that these papers
had not been produced, but the officers of the Castle at
Dublin had of late been so occupied that this subject
might perhaps have escaped their attention, but he
could assure the Noble Marquis that there was no de-
sire, either on his part or on the part of the officers at
the Castle of Dublin, to withhold the required in-
formation.

The Marquis of WESTMEATH said the Noble
Marquis might be as facetious as he plesaed, but the
manner in which he had referred to his (the Marquis
of Westmeath's) name in his official papers, was such
as he would not permit, and the Noble Marquis
might discover at some future time that it was not so
light a matter as he seemed to think it.
THE DEANERY OF EXETER.

The Bishop of EXETER said, before the House

went into Committee, he wished to refer to what had
taken place in the House last night. On that occasion
the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) was pleased to say
that the Chapter of Exeter, so far as he under-
stood, did not claim a free election, but that
their Bishop had recommended them so to do.
In relation to any recommendation which he (the Bishop
of Exeter) had given them he should be able to explain
it fully to their Lordships, and he had on that occasion
appealed to the Noble Viscount not only in his official
capacity but in the higher character of a man of honour
and veracity, to state the whole of the correspondence
that had taken place on the subject. It was not his inten-
tion to persevere in the motion which he had given, as he
could obtain all he wanted by addressing their Lordships
now, and quoting a few of the passages from letters which
had passed between the Chapter and the Noble Vis-
count. He would first reply to that part of the Noble
Viscount's speech, in which, in" a tone of taunt, he had
said, that the Chapter had not claimed the right which
their Bishop had recommended them. Now he (the Bi-
shop of Exeter)would read a letter which he bad addressed

_ ...
to the President of the Chapter for thepurpOse—of
showing their Lordships what his recommendation bad
been. The Right Reverend Prelate then read extracts

from the letter in which it was stated that if the Chapter
were satisfied that the right existed, they were bound to
asset t it, but if not he hoped they would not only
not resist the claim of the Crown, but afford
every due facility for carrying its intentions into effect.
The letter also recommended that the Chapter should
obtain the opinion of Sir Wm. Follett upon the subject.
With that document open to the perusal of the Noble
Viscount, and no doubt perused by him—.
Lord MELBOURNE—No, no.
The Bishop of EXETER—Thep it appeared, that
the Noble Viscount LiadVidditiistiPpOlition upon no evi-
dence, but as that was the only eVidence that did exist he
had given the Noble Viscount credit for having referred
to it. A Noble Viscount, belonging to the sister country,
a Roman Catholic Peer, thoug not a Member of that
House, made interest with the Noble Viscount at the
head of the Government, to get the appointment for a
protege of his own. In reply to that application the
Noble Viscount, with all that courtesy and suavity
which belonged to him, when writing his deliberate
sentiments, stated that the appointment to the Deanery
of Exeter was not in the gift of the Crown. That was
deliberately written by the Noble Viscount, and he
(the Bishop of Exeter) challenged him to say no.
Viscount MELBOURNE said most likely he had
done so, and no doubt he was under that impression at
the time.

The Bishop of EXETER said there could be no doubt
of the fact ; the clergyman who was the subject of the
communication was so delighted at being so honoured,
that he went about with the letter in his hand until
every person supposed that had the right of appointment
to the Deanery of Exeter been in the Crown, he
would have been the individual selected. That
letter reached him, and by him was commu-
nicated to the Dean and Chapter. It was singular
that his copy of the letter reached the Chapter at the
same time as her Majesty's letters patent for the ap-
pointment of Lord W. Russell. Having such an au-
thority it was not likely that the Chapter would quietly
put up with such a loss of their rights.
A meeting of the great Chapter was held, and they
determined to obey the law as it at present
stood, and, that no legislative interference was at all
necessary. All parties were desirous to pay the ut-
most respect to the recommendation of the Crown,
consistently with their own rights. He would not de-
tain the House any longer, but would sit down without
opposing the motion for the Lord Chancellor leaving
the chair.

Lord MELBOURNE was glad to find that the
Rev. Prelate had given up his intcntiou of moving for
documents, but he was rather surprised that he should
have entered into the statements which he had
made. The statement made by the Reverend
Prelate very little varied the statement of the case,
which had been made by him (Lord Melbourne).
What he (Lord Melbourne) said was that the Chapter
of Exeter had riever claimed free election. He did not
say that they had not reserved any rights which they
might possess. It was admitted that since the year
1.560 they had always elected at the recommendation
of the Crown, and it had been stated, over and over
again, that they did not intend to depart from the
-usual mode of election. Ho (Lord M.) also said
that the Reverend Prelate had advised them to in-
sist upon their right. The Reverend Prelate bad said
recollect your oath—recollect you arc bound to main-
tain the rights of the Church—recollect you are bound
to support what you possess against any encroachments
and if this power of free election be yours, you are
bound to persist in it.--(" Hear, hear" from the Bishop
of Exeter.) The Rev. Prelate had taunted him
with want of patience, but if the Rev. Prelate would
himself exercise a little, it would tend to the order and
decorum of the debate. When the Chapter had
been accustomed to receive at the recommendation
of the Crown, and the Rev. Prelate advised them
to recollect their oaths, that they were bound
to maintain their rights, &c., it was to a certain
insist
degree advising them to upon their right
of free election.. From all he had known from his com-
munications with the Chapter of Exeter, he believed
they were very anxious to carry into effect the recom-
mendations of the Crown, and to act in union with its
wishes ; and if their Lordships passed this Bill, he had
no doubt the matter would be satisfactorily settled, and
accommodated to the satisfaction of all parties. The
statement lie had made was very short, and he did not
think it had been much varied by any thing the Right
Rev. Prelate had said.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee
upon the Bill.
The Duke of WELLINGTON was of opi-
nion that, by this Bill, the Crown, on the one hand,
and the Chapter on the other, would be placed in ex-
actly the same situation in which they were previous to
the passing of the Act of the 6th and 7th William IV.
In his view of the case the present Bill went further
than that, and considerably further than the amended
clause sent up by the House of Commons, which was
attached to the other Bill. lie thought the House
should make this Bill, as nearly as possible, in conformity
with that clause.

The Bishop of EXETER moved an amendment,
which was in effect to make the Bill precisely the same
as thu clause sent up by the House of Commons,
and which he had no doubt would meet with the
universal approbation of their Lordships.

Lord BROUGHAM said there was a much shorter

He would just call the attention of the House to cer-
tain Inclosure Bills, which were now passing through
the House, and the breviates of which were in the hands
of Members, to show that in some cases the quantities
of land to be inclosed were stated ; the reserves were
also stated as well as the quantities allotted to the Lord
of the Manor, and he wished the disinterested protec-
tion had been extended to the rights of the poor. In
one of these Bills the clergyman had claimed a
right of tithe to geese, and he had had al-
lotted to him as compensation ground sufficient
to produce 4/. a year. Ile had no objection, that every
clergyman should have accommodation for all the geese
in
his parish—(A laugh)—but the rights of the poor
should not be neglected. In one Inclosure Bill now before
the House, the quantity of land to be enclosed was
stated at 17,000 acres, five acres were allotted to the
poor and one-fourteenth was allowed to the lord of the
manor ; in another no quantity was: mentioned, nor was
any allotment made, but one-fourteenth was set apart
for the lord of the manor, and provision was made that
this should be inclosed at the expense of the general
fund. In the Milton Inclosure 15,000 acres were to be
inclosed, and only three acres were set apart for the
poor, not more, while the lord of the manor was
allotted one-sixteenth ; in the Brand Green Inclosure
600 acres were to be inclosed without any allotment
whatever to the industrious classes. In the Congleton
inclosure no quantity whatever was stated, but the
amount to be appropriated to the industrious classes was
not to exceed six acres. No relative proportions were
observed in these allotments. In one case in
which 10,000 acres were to be inclosed, the allotment
to the poor was to be not more then 20 acres, nor less
then 10. The dangerous power was given to the Com
uiissioners for knocking down any cottages which had
been built upon encroachments within a specified period ;
and in these days of Boards, he wondered that there
was no i,oor man's Commissioner appointed to protect
the rights of the working classes many of these
cottages, which had been erected within the last twenty-
flee years, had been built by industrious persons during
their leisure time—before and after their work for the
day—and it was hard that they should be exposed to
the caprice of the lord of the manor, who might wish
the ground to be laid bare and thrown into his park. It
was most important for this House to throw its legisla-
tive protection over the rights of the poor, as the cir-
cumstances of the time did not justify them in
showing a feeling of indifference for the lower classes.
Wishing therefore to carry out the benevolent intentions
of the Hon. Member for Wigan, who had first drawn
the attention of the House to this subject, he would now
bring forward the motion of which he had given notice,
Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET would call the
attention of the House to what appeared to him to be
more than a formal objection. He agreed with bins
in the importance of considering the subject.—(Hear.)
But when the Hon. Gentleman asked the House to lay

Mr. COLLIER supported tLo motion.
Mr. C. WOOD said he should not oppose the
motion. He must, however, say that the order for
discontinuing Mr. Harris's invention, had been given,
not by the present Board of Admiralty, but by a former