The Sun.
London, England, 1837-10-24 00:00:00

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LONDON :
TUESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 24, 1837.

By the arrival of the New York packet-ships,
Sheridan and Columbus, at Liverpool yesterday, we
have received a file of New York Papers to the evening
of the 2d inst. inclusive. Their contents are generally
very favourable. In the House of Representatives
parties are more equally balanced than they ever were
before, although the New -York Morning Courier of
the 30th ult. is of opinion that " the Administration
has a dead majority in both branches of Congress--a
majority that can triumphantly carry anything that is
urged as a party measure." This statement is not
borne out by the rotes of Congress. On a motion
for engrossing the Bill for postponing the payment
of Deposits, namely, for withholding from the se-
veral States the fourth instalment of the Surplus
Revenue of the last year returnable to their re-
spective exchequers—the .Government only carried the
measure by a majority of 2, there being 119 for, and
117 against the measure ; and the third reading
was only carried by 118 votes against 106. This
Bill has since passed the Senate, and received the as-
sent of the PRESIDENT. On the question of the
establishment of a National Bank, public opinion
runs very high. The Finance Committee recom-
mended such a measure, and, in connnunicating the
Report to the Senate, Mr. CLAY moved " that
whenever a clear majority of the people of the United
States shall he in favour of a National Bank, a Na-
tional Bank ought to be established." This Resolu-
tion was nef,,atived by a majority of 31 votes against 15
or more than 2to 1 ! The American Journal already
quoted is convinced that tlic Executive cannot come to any
conclusion on the subject of a National Bank. Ac-
cording to Mr. WISE, there is a clear majority of both
Houses of Congress in favour of a Bank ; but there is
not a majority fearless enough to avow such a convic-
tion at the present moment. " There is," says the
Morning Courier, " a large majority in both branches
of Congress honestly convinced that an Institution
like the United States Bank is in many respects ne-
cessary and proper' as a fiscal agent of the Govern-
ment and the people. But there is no disposition
among the friends of such a Bank to agitate the ques-
tion at the present time. It is an unfavourable period
for its organization. The people have not yet so
purged and reformed Congress, that a Bank can be
carried against the veto of the PRESIDENT. Perhaps
the public mind is not yet thoroughly prepared for it.
The people, it is not impossible, must submit to the
untried expedient.' They must suffer under a second
experiment, conducted by the same doctors who have
nearly destroyed them with the first. It is, indeed,
not a little ludicrous to reflect on the arguments of
BENTON and WRIGHT ; and their extreme solici-
tude to prove the Deposite Bank System a humbug
and failure. They hope to commend their new project
to the people, by proving that their old project has
been full of disaster and ruin 1"

The same Journal concludes—" We are of opi-
nion that in the present posture of parties, no mea-
sures of relief can be expected from Congress. The
only hope is in its further reform. Relief can come
only from the primary action of the people in the re-
generation of that corrupt and degraded assembly. To
this end all the energies of the Whigs must be de-
voted. Holding on by what they have already ac-
quired, they must prepare with additional vigour for
future contests ; and when we shall find a Whig majo-
rity in both branches, then we may anticipate such
legislation as will tend to the material and permanent
relief of the people." For local news, and the minute
details of public proceedings, we refer to our extracts
from the American Papers, which will be found in
another part of The Sun.

The Tories of Scotland have no mighty triumphs
to boast of at the late election—not that they were
at all unwilling to use the iniquitous means which
their brethren of the South employed but too success-
fully in many cases ; but that they found they had
sturdier materials to deal with when they attempted to
intimidate and to bribe. They entered the field with
high hopes, cheered on by the prophetic halloo from
Printing-house-square, that an addition of half a dozen
to their representatives was to crown their efforts ;
and to do them justice, they undertook and went
through their work as if it was a " labour of
love." They toiled day and night ; they distributed
their money freely where money could procure votes ;
they cheerfully gave up their time to the orga-
nization of their party plans ; brought forward to
whatever point of the circle these could be avail-
able their well-drilled central bands of faggot voters ;
in short, they bribed, threatened, coaxed, and cheated,
on a scale such as had never before been seen in Scot-
land. The result of all this unprincipled exertion,
however, was dispiriting. The Tories came out of the
election worse than they went into it. Scotland re-

turned 34 Re .formers, and 19 Obstructives, in the first
instance, a certainty that the former will
be increased,, and the latter diminished, by appeals
to the decision of election Committees.

It is then ;fore pretty clear that the Tories, whe-
ther of Scorch or English growth, have no great
reason to crow about the assistance that their
party and their principles derive from Scot-
land. They cannot deny that our Northern
fellow-suli.jects are fully as well-informed upon
matters 'elating to religion and politics—to say
nothing of others—and are as capable of coming to a
sound conclusion on the merits of men and measures,
as those who have the happiness of living under a
more Southern sun ; and Scotland thus becomes a
sad stumbling-block to the gentlemen who are in the
habit of spending a good deal of fanciful eloquence in
theorizing about re-action. They can get on tolerably
with Ireland. " The Irish are Papists and savages,"
they exclaim, 4‘ and therefore their great majority in
support of Ministers is easily accounted for." The
Scotch are neither Papists nor savages—will the wise-
acres tell us why Scotland has declared itself so strik-
ingly in favour of Reform ?

These observations have been suggested by the re-
port of a jollification lately held in Paisley, for the
purpose of celebrating the return of Mr. HOUSTON,
the Member for Renfrewshire. Our Cotempo-
rary, the Paisley Advertiser, has seen fit to de-
vote a whole page to this report. We have read
it over carefully, hoping to find something in it
worth notice. But while we bear our testimony
to the ability with which the report is got up,
we must confess, we have seldom if ever seen
so little good stuff—even in a Tory sense—
contained in so ample a space. The speeches one and
all are capital specimens of the art of drivelling. Lord
KELBURNE was in the Chair, and from the twaddle
that fell from his Lordship, we arc almost sure he
must be a descendant of that silly personage whom
BURNS celebrates under the title of the " Auld
Carle of Kellyburn Braes."

The Tories of North Staffordshire tried to get up a
Conservative feed, at the Potteries, on Friday last.
The affair was a miserable failure. No Tory of any
name or standing in the county was present ; and from
the tenour of the speeches it is evident that the Tory
aristocracy would have considered it a degradation to
have been seen in such company. Most of the guests
recognized each other as apostates from the Reform
cause ; and, when heated with wine, severally confessed
the novelty of the situation in which they found
themselves. Lords HARROWBY, MACCLESFIELD,
SANDON, and BAGOT, were announced as Stewards,
but they all declined attending, as did every other Noble-
man invited, except Lord ST. VINCENT, who edified
the company by confessing that he had supported the
Reform Bill. The lions of the evening, in addition
to his Lordship, were Mr. W. B. BARING, M.P., Al-
derman COPELAND, M.P., Mr. JOHN DAVEN-
PORT, M.P., the Rev. R. C. ATKINS, and the Hon.
Messrs. JERVIS and TALBOT. Lord ST. VINCENT
presided ; and considering that it was his Lordship's
first exhibition as Chairman of such an assenibinge,
I the affair was not altogether so contemptible as
might have been expected. In proposing the health
of Mr. BARING, the Noble Chaiiman—thrown
off his guard no doubt by a flood of recollections
suggested by the up-turned visages of his audience—
commenced his speech by remarking that " they lived
in extraordinary times, as many of their had within
the last few years taken different walks in politics.
He for one bad been a Reformer. He felt that the
times called for a change in the representation of the
people, and he therefore supported the Reform Bill
in the hope that it would be a final measure." The
faces of the apostates brightened up, and confessions
of apostacy became the order of the evening. Mr.
BARING confessed that he " had voted for the second
reading, of the Reform Bill, and that he had been the
strenuous advocate of civil and religious liberty." The
Hon. Gentleman informed his trencher-companions in
one part of his speech, that " much of the misery of
Iroland arose from the clergy being compelled to collect
their tithes from the poor—they having no alternative
between starving and enforcing their claims ;" and be-

fore he sat down he assured them that it was not be-
cause the clergy enforced their claims, but because

hey were not allowed to enforce them, that the country
r: as miserable ! An extract from the speech of the
Hon. Gentleman will serve to illustrate the ideas at-
tached by the Tories to professions of attachment to
Reform :
Much of the misery of the country [lreland] arose from
the clergy being compelled to collect their tithes from the
poor, and who had no alternative between starving and en-
fi)reing their claims. The Government, however, stepped
in and said, " We will do away with these evils on one
condition—that we be allowed to plunder the Church of
the revenues she possesses, and of the 25,000/. a-year which
we can prove is capable of being extracted from the Estab-
lishment, and apply it to secular purposes."—(Hear, beai.)
Now he (Mr. Baring) would ask, what was the object in
taking that small pittance ? The Conservatives were willing
to give 100,000/. a-year, if necessary, for the purposes of
education in Ireland ; but what their oponents looked to
was the establishment of a prihciple, not the paltry sum,
which was put forth merely to delude the unthinking.—
(Hear.) When Napoleon attacked the farm of Hugou-
mont, it was not the value of the farm he considered in
pounds, shillings, or pence, or the acres which were attached
to it ; but his argument was this—he said to his troops,
" Look at that farm, it commands those red=coats (point-
ing to the British troops), and if you destroy them, the
world is at your mercy."—(Loud cheers.) So the Govern-
ment said the sum was nothing ; but he (Mr. Baring) would
tell them, if they conceded this principle, the Church would
be at their mercy, and having the Church at their mercy,
the Constitution of England would soon be at their mercy
also.—(Enthusiastic cheering.)
Mr. BARING has not the remotest conception of a
Christian Church apart from a Pounds, Shillings, and
Pence Establishment. He talks as flippantly of Mi-
nisters getting the Church into their power, if allowed
to correct a single abuse in the appropriation of its
funds, as if he had never heard or never believed that
religion was a jot more independent of Parliament than
the window-tax. He loses sight of the precepts of the
blessed:Founder of our faith ;;and, anti-cirristianly, ad-
vocates the denial of justice, lest more than justice
should be subsequently demanded ! Such is the doe-
trine of the Tories, and such is the doctrine which,
carried into effect by the Legislature, has hitherto filled
Great Britain with dissent, and Ireland with an attach-
ment to the religious dogmas inculcated by the Holy
See, which no persecution has been able to eradicate.
" Be just and fear not," is not Mr. BARING'S motto,
His axiom is " consent to the correction of no abuse,
lest the good that is sheltered by the evil should be ex-
posed. Pay no regard to justice—sacrifice truth to a
hatred of change—of Reform." If the inculcation and
observance of such immoral maxims as these be consi-
dered by the Tories necessary to the maintenance of
the Church—to the support of a system which they
pretend to believe is based upon the imperishable word
of GOD—to what an excess of iniquity would they not
have recourse to uphold the tottering fabric of an in-
stitution, for the existence of which neither the grati-
tude nor the common sense of Englishmen offer a gua-
rantee—namely, the House of Lords ?
Mr. DAVENPORT and Alderman COPELAND
were loud in their declarations of attachment to Re-
form. The former gentleman acknowledged that he
had entered Parliament as a Reformer ; that he had
voted for the Reform Bill, for Lord ALTIIORP'S
Church-rates Bill, and for the other measures advo-
cated by the Whigs up to the appointment of the
Peel Administration, when he ratted in company
with the other gentlemen who had spoken before him.