The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-10 00:00:00

Harvey Brown, a subordinate of General Wool, in
immediate command of some Federal troops in the
forts of New York harbour, who voluaseered his
services in suppressing the riots. His offer was
accepted, and he was ordered to report to and place
himself under the orders of Major,General Sand-
ford. The new volunteer, however, proved to be
of little service. He promised obedience, but did
not yield it. He expected, as a Federal General,
to supersede or, at all events, to outrank the State
General, under whom he was ordered to serve, and
his claim not being allowed, he thwarted all the'
arrangements which it was his duty to promote,
and, intentionally or unintentionally, gave the
rioters the considerable advantage of uncontrolled
possession of whole districts of the city. Ulti-
mately, and before the night was far advanced, he
asked General Wool's permission to be excused
from further service. The permission was granted,
and Colonel Nugent, Provost-Marshal-General,
was appointed in his place, to report to the state
General. On the following morning (Tuesday), the
riots having gained new strength in the interval,
and mainly on account of the neglect or disobedience
of which Brigadier-Gen. Brown had been guilty, in
refusing to :et in subordination to Major-Gen.Sand-
ford, the Brigadier, who was in hourly telegraphic
communication with the Secretary:cf War at Wash-
ington, presented himself again before
occurred,
expressed his regret at what had occur
cillaerwedasheiseeweirldliineggnlyesrsetionesteartveedunder Gen..
.Sandford.
Friday, the 17th inst., when in his limit.aendWdd°:-1
com-
mand, and continued to act, or
he
ed troelaiecvt,edunbtiyl
fikrlea orm
iTne n
Stanton..inß y this pursuancetime e ot fh. e ordersriots
e hadreceived
been
Canby,
ciency of Gen. Brown, and solely
suppressed, in spite of theobstructhiyvetnheesspeolrieieneeffied.
the militia. Gen. Canbywas not wanted.
law. T
Therehe
was no pretext for declaring
Federal Government had lost its coveted opportunity
of taking the State and city of New York under its
paternal protection, and abolishing its laws, and
there was no knowing when another occasion equally
favourable might present itself. Governor Seymour
was too important a person—too independent a
potentate or Sovereign within his own constitutional
sphere—to be lightly meddled with, and although the
Federal Government would have been glad to make
him feel the full weight of its displeasure, it was
compelled by prudential considerations to restrain
its avenging hand, and vent its wrath in another
direction. If Governor Seymour and Gen. Sandford
were not Federal officers, Gen. Wool and Gen. Brown
were. Both of them had been guilty of thwarting a
cherished design of t heGovern men t ; a revolutionary
design, it is true, but not the less incumbent upon
them, in the estimation of Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Stan-
ton, and Gen. Halleck, to aid and forward when
required to do so. By order of the President, dated
on the third day of the riots, General Wool was re-
lieved of his command, and placed on the retired
list. His offence was not stated ; but according to
all probability, as well as to common belief, it was
his recognition of the authority of Governor Sey-
mour as superior within the State of New York to
that of the Federal Government. General Brown
was dismissed in like manner, and was placed upon
the retired list. The Government did not conde-
scend to inform him why he had fallen under its
high displeasure. He had certainly endeavoured
to place the Federal above the State authority, but
he had done his work in so inefficient a manner
that it was a palpable failure. It was his duty not
to have failed. He did fail, however, and he was
punished accordingly.
Governor Seymour has taken no public notice of

these transactions. By the single-minded and
honest co-operation of General Wool, who, when
the peace of a great city was disturbed, saw nothing
but the paramount necessity of enforcing obedience
to the laws, he had been enabled to thwart the re-
volutionary man oeuvres of the War-office. It would
scarcely have been consistent with his dignity to
take official cognisance of the little plot which he
had so happily and so signally defeated. But he
has found a befitting opportunity to place upon re-
cord his opinion on the vital matter of State rights,
and to define the frontier of a Governor of a State

—such as New York—with regard to the Governors
of other States, and to the Federal Power. In an
order of the day, dated the 23d inst., and in his
official capacity as Commander-in-Chief of the
Military Forces of New York, ho has returned
thanks to the Militia regiments, which,
at his request, a month ago, during the
alarm consequent upon the invasion of
General Lee, proceeded to the relief of the Gover-
nor of Pennsylvania, and in words full of warning
and instruction has impressed upon their minds
the sanctity of the Constitution, which is gra-
dually melting away in the hot blast of war; and
the necessity!of holding fast by the ancient wisdom
which established it, if they would escape approach-
ing anarchy. Aware of the intention of Mr. Lin-

coin and his advisers to crush out State Rights in
all the North and West, as fast as opportunity may
serve, Governor Seymour warns the militia of the
great commonwealth of which he is the chief magi-
strate how much depends upon their action in all
the perils that may involve both the individual
State and the Federation of which it forms a part,
" If, he says, "our militia system be allowed to
decay, all our institutions are weakened. The mi-
litia is the main strength of the Executive, to main'
tain the laws, put clown insurrection, and repel
invasion." This is the doctrine of the Constitution,
but not of Mr. Lincoln and the revolutionary
Republicans. These are of opinion that a large
standing army, supported by taxation, is the proper
and always available instrument to use in such
"mergencies. "The State of New York," adds the
Governor, "has already furnished 260,000 volun-
teers to the national service. It now contains
within its limits more than 300,000 persons liable
to service in its militia. The proper organisation
of this great force will not only preserve the power
and safety of the State, but enable it to be even
more beneficial in its aid to the nation, and to
other States than it has been heretofore." There is
no mistaking the import and intention of these
words. They mean business. They mean that in
any conflict which the Federal Government may
provoke, with the view of remodelling the institu-
tions of the North, so as to convert it into one
consistent and homogeneous despotism, the Governor
of New York will maintain the sovereign rights of
the State, and use, if need be, his constitutional
army of 300,000 men for the purpose.
The question is perilous, and may become immi-
nent. The conscription may, at any moment, force
it to a strict solution. The Government, in view of
the widespread indignation which the mere mention
of compulsory military service has excited—and
pointedly in deference to the wishes of Governor
Seymour, very temperately and respectfully laid
before it—has postponed, but has not abandoned,
the draught. At any moment which it may deem
most favourable for the purpose, it may make a new
attempt to enforce it—and as certainly as it does so
it will goad the working classes of this and the
neighbouring cities to resistance. And if a new
insurrection should be the result there is every
indication that it will not be so purposeless or so
leaderless as the last, and that men will spring to
the front who will organize the popular anger to
political ends, and, making bloody examples of the
house-burners and thieves who may attempt to turn
the public commotions to the purposes of plunder,
will do what they can to invest social riot with the
dignity of political revolution. To that end things
arend marching.'
progress depends How fast or how slow may be their
s to some extent upon Mr. Lincoln
and his Ministers And there is this to be said in
favour of the theorists
who see no homogeneity or
cohesion
rights
North if the constitutional doctrine
of State t h
that the chances onfotthatiPerseded and abolished,—
are very small, and thesubjugatione of the South
great chances of a new
in the North verysecession
nation, State rights must be rthe
North is to be a
thrown overboard in the
tempest, and there must beba
er:aiptai.n with despotic
power in the ship. And
all,
wnhollere the error of
Governor Seymour, and of
lke him, speak
that there is a
of State rights, and yet maintainanation
dit is in
" nation" in America. If there be
aundottba
the South. The North is a federation_
nation. Each State is a nation in itself
Sovereign State of Ohio differs as much in 1,
arac-
ter, idiosyncrasy, and interest from the State of