The Sun.
London, England, 1830-10-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The state of Ireland has become once more a
subject of painful contemplation. It was only last
year that the " healing measure" passed, which wa
to tranquillize that part of the United Empire effec-
tually, and for ever ; and the present year sees the
Irish agitators in full employment. Concession bee
nor produced peace—it has only ' changed the
ground of discontent. Conciliation has not dis-
armed the turbulent leaders of the populace--wit has -
only furnished them with new weapons or civil con.
thet, 'Wed() not wonder at this, because the coo.
ceselona made by Government were mrthe not on
the ground of conviction, but tinder the avowed
influence of intimidation. The bake of 'Wellington,'
in the House of Lords, and Sir Robert Peel, in the
House of Commons, admitted that the. 16ploiom
which they entertained, from the begibeing of their
political career, on the Catholic claims, were me.
changed ; but they granted the deMands of the ;4,0.;
tutors, because they feared to withhold them, Could
they then claim credit for liberality, who 3o ungra-
ciously yielded to a feeling of alarm what they re.
fused to a sense of justice ? Yet their sycophants
',idled them liberal, though they thereeetves
claimed any motive but that which Statesmen ought
never to admit into their conetils—that of fear. Such
an avowal has produced its natural consequeneeleee;
There are times, unstoubtedly, when a theseettment
should somewhat now to circumstances; hut it is never
wise or pruitent in a Government to admit that it
makes Concessions only from a dread of the cense-
lie:Pees of popular irritation. This is to stultify their
ote,tt proceeding, by accompanying it with n decla-
ration that wisdom and a sense of rectitude have no
share in producing it ; and it also provokes new and
more extravagant demands, Accordingly Mr,
O'Connell and his followers have substituted a novel
source of agitation for the old and exhausted one,
He has heaped, since the passing of the Ronan
Catholic Relief 13111, as liberal a mettenre of con.
temptuous and unsparing invective upon the Duke
of Wellington and Mr. Peel as he did when they
both fought under the banners of the Duke ok Volk
against all concession, and all who advocated it.
Coercion appears now to be the order of the day, if
we may judge frotn the proclamation of the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, directed against the Anti.
union Society. But our Statesmen have, '.e sus-
pect, let a susceptible and impassioned people too
far into the secret of their own rower to be able to
reduce them very easily to a state of political pries.
come. Last Session only the great mass or the
population of Ireland were taught to believe---and
• that, too, by the epeeehes of the Mi&sterr them-
selves--that they had struck the mind of Govern-
' meet with awe; and now Government And that
things cannot go on without making the authority
tennawhat terrific, in return, to the emancipated
millions. We see, too, that Mr. O'Connell has
obligingly volunteered his services in the work of •
pacification, and published a letter calling on the
people to pay the most implicit obedience to the
law, and to respect the Lord Lieutenant's protlama.
lion. In other words, the Agitator, Oho thus con-
stitutes himself the most influential pert of the Exe-
cutive, the people to obey the Viceroy's
authority I It is an old trick of this restless theme
gopte to follow Up a proclamation by issuing it pro-
clamation of his own,, showing that the Pros/urn
who raked the storm is alone master of the epell
which can allay it. The Lord Lieutenant's pro-
elemation only enforces the law; but that of Mr.
O'Connell performs a higher ollice—it enforces the
Lord Lieutenant's prodatnation—which, tio doubt,
if not so ratified, would be of none effects' We be.
lieve the question of the repeal of the Union to have
been stirred up by Mr. O'Connell fur no other pur-
pose than to perpetuate his own turbulent ateen
(fancy over the populace; but, putting that question
and its agitator aside, it must be acknowledged that
the misery and sufferings of the Irish people-s-we
speak not of Speculative, but of reel grievances—are
not to be obviated metely by a Vice-regal proclaim:.
non, but require the treatment of great wisdom and
firmness to alleviate this distresses which furnish the
combustible molcu'icl to which the demagogue applies
his torch.—Morning Herald.
The great and influential parish of Merylebone
(once a village, but now comprising a population at
mice more numerous and more opulent than any one
town in the British empire) meets this day for the
purpose of petitioning Padiament for a repeul of the
house end window duties. It is emelt to be regretted
that the public in general, in their impatience (" ig-
norant impatience," Lord Londonderry called it) of
taxation, have not agreed as to which of the class of
public burdens have'been the most oppressive ; while
the Government, still less enlightened, have evidently
thrown away, as in the case of the repeal of the
leather-tax, much of their power of benefitting the
community. The great injustice of the heme and
window duties strikes us to be this, that they quite
risoften tax a mutt's necessities us his ability; to whirl,
latter point they have, in filet, no reference. The
wealthiest man may live in a lodging, and :lever con-
tribute one futhing to them, while the man with a
large family, and very inadequate meanstabring them
up, is compelled to live in is house huger and more
expensive in other respects than he can well
afford, with this awful addition to his expenses.
Nothing probably, hue done so much to drive
people to reside in foreign countries as the
dearness of living at horns'. As long as the neces-
sities of the State are derived from indirect
means, it is apparently, at least, if not really,
optional with most men to what extent they will
contribute. The drinker of taxed wine, for installer!,
limits or Wends his libations at pleasurve but it is
its no Man's option whether he shrill live with
house over his head, or whether being in a house,
be shall or shall not enjoy the light of heaven. On
these, therefore, and many other greenmail, we agree
with those who have called the Marylebone meet-
ing, that these heads of the assessed taxes comprise
that portion of the public burdens which call most
for reduction, and which we have no doubt will be
reduced, if the people in other places unite with
the parishioners of Marylebone, ie looking steadily
to this one object.—Morning herald.
The proclamation issued in the name of the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, prohibiting the sissembly of
the Anti-Union Society, is, in this respect et least,
satisfactory to all friends of the established constitu-
tiotte—namely, that it proves the Government to be
aware of the importunce of the question which that
society has begun to agitate, and of the gravity of
the crisis to which the effort making for u repeal of
the Union directly and naturally tends. It might
be an effectual way of composing the public spirit
of Ireland upon die above question, were we to put
it to the candour of any half-dozen thepaseionatc
und well-informed waives of the country, to say
What site could gain by a political separation from
Great Britain. Loss of revenue,—loss of market
for production,—loss of external seentety,—duntim-
tion (if that be possible) of domestretranendloye—
an entire overthrow of the Whir:nee of pr!rpeity eyer
turbulent destitution,---the creation ot a Popish
theocracy on the ruins of a telerunt system of Pro.
teatuntism,—a lace) Parliament bullied by ajunta of
demagogues,---all setting finally into an inevnablefes
conquest by this country, and a sharp and piercing
militery goverement, imposed by.leogland tin
sole condition of her defence egenea: a barbarous,
violent, and fickle neighbour. Such might, pethaps,
be a few of the advantages contemplated by any
discriminating bishman as likely to result irorn u
breaking up of the policy by which his country has
been incorporated with otos. It is neediest to add,
that from speculators of that description, there would
lie nothing to fear for the public piece, or for the.
Obidiesue of the anti-Union mania, if such indivithede
ishoeld hapily be invested with power to guide the
feedings of their countrymen. But the controul of
tha most dangerous questions is, unfortenately, for
the, most part, committed to the lest prudent hands
I
It s not clear intelligence or enlightened patriotism
that will of necessity have to decide the course of
these proceedings. The topic. has been raised by
disappointed arrogance and tlistased ambition, The
appeale of O'Connell and his crew him,. been 4d.

dressed to the wildest prejudices and most furious
passions of the wretched multitude., who have
nothing to fear from change, and hardly any stake
to be endangered by national t.'alaralty.or Confusion.
It is therefore by the dishonest instigators of dis;.
turbance, and by their :ignorant and rtictiess
followers, that this great subj'ett of perilous moment
;nust be settled, tthitis the authorities of the State,
supported by the wisdom and energy of bOth nu%
dons, shall interfere for the iotti'.lWit safety. We
rejoice that die not step of interposition has b2en
seasmAty taken ; and regard it as a pledge that, if
requisite, other and stronger An'eatt,s 4/lil
That men of property, UrrintlibtA Ireland would
'end themsehieit this mountebank project, it is
quite I:6it,"i:i'ssilrle to conceive. But we ere not sure
that it would become less worthy of ktrbiktpt 'And
vigorous counteractio% beeaUsb. Webb but wily law-
yers, fanatical alitl half fittnished peasants,
with 4 ''e‘V lihndred shopkeepers, were engaged ih
it% the most terrible rebellion of inotkrn tithes
was that of 1798, and sys At:4Ni ny persons not
very unlike MI% O'Connell, bating their superior
boldnes's and less practised art—was in its after
stages encouraged by priests, and throUighoirt
abandoned and denounced by Wsh Ot property.
The Ministets 121 klib present day have, but
one conduct to observe—they must put
ibWri with a strong band this attack upon the na-
tional existence. All England is with thrill, and all
of Ireland but the aelilshness of a handful of con=
spiratorn and the physical violence of an infatuated
mob. We trust that the Government will not be
wanting to its obvious dutp.—Tinics.

• Ail sorts of rumours are again afloat with regard
to the concurrence of England with the other
Powers, in an interkrente With Belgium. We
do not attteql any weight to them. The state of
(termhhy will dispose the Monarchs to caution) and
the Ddke of Wellington will hardly) at this stage of
the business, think of beginning to interfere.—
Morniag eliees.ok,
Beverai meetings for the repeal of the Union
have already taken place in Irelattd, and mere are
announced. At preghtda, on Monday last, a
meeting held in front of the Linen I•Iall, at-
tended by above a thousand persons. A large cons
course of people with flags paraded through the
principal streets, At the ttiWh of Prealiford, Kil-
kenny, a meeting took place on Sunday, the 17th,
" ettended by the more wealthy portion of the in-
habitants.'' At Carrick-ott•Suir, " a numerous and
respectable meeting" was held on the same day.
In Clore a requisition for a bounty meeting is in pro-
gress of signature, and has already received a
timelier or the most independent names. It has been
said that if misgovernment be the rause of the
wretchedness in Ireland, it is the tnisgovere-
orient of a former age, which cannot in fair-
near; be dsargetl to the Ministers of the pre-
sent day. There is sonic truth in this. But it
may at the same time be observed that no measures
can be expected from the Ministers of the present
day at all adequate to the exigencies of Ireland.
The great malady of Ireland is the excess of people
beyond the capital for giving employment to them.
We do not believe that Ministers could carry any
measure calculated to remedy this evil. But if Ire-
land had a separate Legislature, and her landholders
were left to their own resources, the very instinct of
self-preservation would lead them to co-operate with
the other classes in an endeavour to restore the
balance between population and employment. At
the dinner given to Mr. O'Connell in Killarney, Mr.
Leader delivered the following observations, which
may be said to constitute the creed of a number of
Irishmen : .

" Gentlemen,—The foundation of all the ilk and misfor-
tunes of Ireland is the Irish labourer wants profitable
euaployment in Ireland.' Oh ! why, in this fertile and
beautiful land, is this inestimable blessing withheld from
Irishmen ? Is it the ordinance of Almighty God, or does
it proceed from the misrule, the ignorance, or the indif-
ference of man ? Gentlemen, where there is no money
there can be no employment—and torture the subject as
economists---now, the question comes to this—Why is Ire-
land bereft of the blessing of progressive increase and accu-
mulation of capital? It has some imes occurred to me, at
large meetings in Dublin, to take part in the discussion of
this bnpoitant subject... What can contribute to the employ
ment (tithe working poor? Why does not capital mum-
late in Ireland ? As for expecting British capital, without
enormous gain and certain returns, to leave England to be
invested in Ireland, it is about one of the most amus-
ing and de,igniug kinds of insanity that ever drowned the
imagination of man. I knoW well, Gentlemen, that the
state and condition of your fine maritime province, con-
taining over two millions of people, and five thousand squire
miles in extent, is what interests you above all other coy-
,ideratioes. I shall venture a few observations illustrative
of the difficulty of accumulating capital. To think freely,
and speak warmly, en subjects interesting to Ireland ; and
be teemed I never _think or speak on this important topic,
without entertaining the most fervent hope that the in •
creasing intelligence, and rapidly-extending knowledge of
the middle orders of Irish society, will eventually point
Ito some practical, constitutional, peaceable remedy for
this great national mivfortune, which time appears to
increase, rather than diminish. Gentlemen, when I
look to the map of this, from nature, the finest maritime
province in the world—when, I begin, for instance, with
Waterford, and observe the immense territory of the Duke
of Devonshire, covering almost half the county Waterford,
with the maritime towns of Duegarvan, Lismore, and I
believe Cappequin, appendages to this estate—when I see
the Dukes'a estates extending further, to Tallow and to
Ynughal, and proceeding in Cork county, Until they join
the estate of Lord Middleton—and add the towns of Mid-
dleton and Cove to this great extent of absentee property,
when I see these estates of these great proprietora in a few
miles joining and connecting themselves in our provincial
metropolis, with the estates of Lord Cork—when I see
the puke of I)evonshire's property again stretching itself
clung the Bandon river, joining Lord de Clifford's estate
at Kinsale.-•-when, after passing and including the popu-
lous borough towns of Bandon and Kinsale to this im-
mense territory, extending to the innumerable estates of
Lord Lansdowne, Sir Edw. Denny, and Lord Listowel,
and including the towns of Kenmare, Listowel, and Tra-
lee—when, after having turned from the fine sea coast of
your Country, I see this great boundary of non-resident
landed proprietors ; turning from Kerry, where the value
of absentee property is not less than 200,0001. per annum,
and bearing down on Newcastle, the principality of Lord
Ceurtenay, in the county of Limerick, and then passing
over the plains of Duhallow; in the county of Cork, the
forfeited estates of Perceval and Boyle—and after adding
Kilmallock, Kilfinnan, and Bruff, extending
into the City of Limerick, of which fine city Lord
Limetick and Lord Lowdowne are the principal pro-
inictom Without advancing into the greatest absentee
county in Ireland—the county of Clare—and tearing the
boundary of the Buckingham., the Egremonts, the Ce-
nynghatns, and many others—or saying one word of Tip-
- perarv— what is the result of the district of Waterford,
core, Kerry, and Limerick, which I have brought under
your consideration ? It is, that two cities, six corp Orate
towns, thousands of acres, and no less than twenty' towns
of note for their use, and the number of their inhabitants,
are scraping their last guinea for absentee leedlorde: Is
any tnan so dull that he cannot estimate the difference
between the return of the beggarly of absentees, and the
rents collected from the ihopkeepers in absentee towns,
bring retained in Ireland, or remitted road Ireland ? Will
any man say that the tnit•gatherer, and the Clergy, and
all taxation, are, not greedy expectant* on the residue of
Itish industry?'
Without entering at present into the consideration
of the views of Mr. Leader, we may simply ask
how, with a superabundant population, competing
for land tie the only means of existence., and giving,
for rent and tithes, the whole produce of the soil,
except potatoes for their own subsistence, is it pos-
sible for the people to accumulate capital ? It
strikes us that time only adds to the evil. Poor
Laws would unquestionably counteract the compe-
tition for land, and they would compel a sale and
partition of large unwieldy estates—Poor Rates we
mean on the English principle. But we can easily
see that such is measure will not be obtained. One
great object, no doubt, for which many seek the
repeal of the Union, is the wish to overturn the
Irish Church' Establishment. Now who is there
who will say that a Church, without a people,
should be,sisifered to devoursuch a share of the pro-
duce of Ireland. There are so many interests con-
cerned in the overthroW .of. the Irish Church, that
we are strongly inclined to believe it is not destined
• to exist touch longer. - Ireland seems o country 'in

which the experiment of allowing the different reets-
to pay their own Clergy might l.►e tried with adean.
tage.. Were the Union repealed; the Church would
haVe a very brief ekistence. lloweVer this may be;
there ran eauses in abundance why Ireland must
always be agitated. It is iiiipossible that a eolintry
with a jiopi►lation beyond the Means foh ett►ptoying
thein, can be utile:Wise than ugitated.—Aforninn
tlhrenkle.

If the current repnit be triie, that the king and
the Duke of Wellington arc bildeavtiutiug to Act
retrbnbliinents and reform in all the offices connected
with Government, we direct the especial attention
of his Grace, in the first instance, to the clerks in
his own dOtirtment, dimly of ‘vhoin reteive tett;
.welVe, and fomieen hundred pounds per annum, for
sauntering about the office two or three hours a day,
the remainder of which they occupy in the Club;
houses) and in diiiring about the streets 111 their titiy,
hoilett. Lleverai of these personages receive ono-
luments from two or three places, which are perfect
sinecures. The Exchequer, the plfice of the Fo;
reign Department, the Home and Colonial (dillies,
the War-qdliee, the Admiralty, and the office of the
Commander-in-Chief arc overwhelmed with the
same disgraceful incumbrances. We could put
down a long list of names in each of these depart-
ments, with their sttlarles and gratuities annexed to
them) to en amount, that in the present distressed
state of the finances of the country, ought not to be
tolerated, We have not alluded to the various esta-
blishments at Somerset•bouse, where the evil and
the traffic are equally disgraceful. We intend in
a 'day or two to enter into a little detail respecting
Lord Aberdeen's office.—Morning Chronicle.

Rumour was busy on Saturday, both► in the east,
and at the west, end of the town, in propagating a
statement that the King of the Netherlands had de.,
mended the aid of the Government of this country
to suppress the revolution in Belgium—that the
treaties between the two Powers bad been maturely
considered, and that the result of the examination
was, that we were bound to interfere between the
King and his laic subjects. It was also added that
the Ambassadors of all the great Powers, with the
exception of Talleyrand, were agreed as to the
policy and necessity of intervention, in order to main-
tain the political system of Europe; and, finally,
that these greet Powers are now only waiting the
decision of the French Government, and of the
National Congress, which is about to meet at
Brussels, on the subject, before proceeding to
give the active support required. Whether these
rumours have any foundation in fact, or are
merely surmises, grounded on the frequent meet-
ings of the Cabinet during the last week, and the
presence at these meetings of the Law Ofiicera
of the Crown, we are unable to inform our readers ;
but there are some strong facts which seem to give
them considerable appearance of probability. In
the first place, the King of the Netherlands has
declared, not once, but again, as will be seen from
the contents of the Brussels papers, that he " can
rely on the support of his Allies;". in the second, a
large shipment of arms has been made from the
Tower for the service of his Majesty ; and, in the
third, there can be as little doubt of the desire of
Austria, Prussia, and Russia, to smother the Belgic
'Revolution by force, as of the desire of his Majesty
of the Netherlands to effect the same object by any
and every means capable of effecting it. On the
other hand, however, it ought to be consi-
dered that the proposed intervention, even suppos-
ing it to be grounded on some dubious clause in
the treaties which were concluded at the period of
the erection of the kingdom of the Netherlands,
would not only be most unpopular with a majority
of the people of this country, but that it would
inevitably lead to a war, the calamities of whiel►
are incalculable, and for which this country,
in a financial point of view, is but ill pre-
pared. The Government of France, however
anxious to avoid a collision with the other
powers of Europe, neither could remain a passive
spectator of a war waged by foreign Powers against
Belgium, nor consent to take pert with them against
it—the people, anxious to extend the boundary of
France once more to the Rhine, sympathizing; deeply
with the Belgians, and animated by the recollection
of the three memorable days of July, would hurl the
King from his throne, and his Ministry from their
seats—put an end to monarchy in France, and hasten,
under republican banners, nut only to aid their Belgic
brethren, but to revolutionize Europe, which feels
in every quarter the revolution already effected, and
which would rise like one matt, as soot! as n pro-
spect of such substantial aid was in view. Is the
Duke of Wellington then prFpared, or is any
friend to the maintenance of general tranquillity in
Europe prepared, to give assistance to tl►e King of
the Netherlands at the tisk of so much danger ?
Iles not the country had already enough of conti-
nental war, as well as sufficient specimens of con-
tinental gratitude, not to desire a repetition of
either? Is there not a debt of upwards of 400
millions,—contracted purely and exclusively in can-
sequence of needless intervention in continental po-
litics, pressing upon us in every possible elope of
taxation, cramping the industry, Red increasing the
pauperism of the country,—to remind us that we
have nothing to do with such things ? Would not
the country be better occupied in improving its in-
dustry, extending its commerce, and nurturing those
reforms in its Constitution and Legislation which
are so imperiously celled for ? Arid, finally, would
it not savour of better spirit in tint Government to
employ its time in the tranquillization of Ireland,
now rapidly ripening into open hostility, then in the
subjugation of Belgium ? We put these questions
as reasons against the intervention of Great Britain
in the affairs of Belgium; and while we are con-
fident that no rational person, who peruses them,
will consider such intervention politic, we enter-
tain an almost equal certainty, that he who re-
fused to assist the Portuguese against the
most shameless usurpation ever recorded in
history—who allowed the Russians not only to
blockade the Dardanelles in the teeth of a direct
pledge given to the contrary, but ro humble our
ancient ally, Turkey, almost beyond the possibility
of recovery, will riot, for the sake of ensuring to the
King of the Netherlands the Sovereignty of two or
three millions of unwilling subjects, run the risk of
a long, a general, node revolutionary war in Europe.
Ile must, to use his own language on u memorable
occasion, be mud to dream of such MI intervention;
and the people of England still more bereft of their
senses to countenance such► a project. They may
gain something by the separation of Belgium and
Ilo!land—they can gain nothing by their union; and
it is, at all events, not only the fairest mode to
allow them to settle their disputes by themselves,
but that which is most safe for us, and most likely
to produce the desired accommodation. We say'
therefore, no war of intervention—no marching of
regiments—no equipment of fleets for such a pur-
pose. We have taxation enough already t,—.31-orn-
ing Adverliscr.

Mr. O'Connell is either a most unfortunate man
in the selection of many of his friends, or they have
been very unlucky in having the friendship of the
profound Liberator. At a meeting of the county of
11Ieath Anti-union Club, at the classic'', town of
Dunihauglilin, at which Mr. irnitb, of Snußberough,
a name sufficient to curdle the blood of Mr. Cob-
bett, presided, it was proposed by Mr. Camino (not
the renowned Irish Bard), and seconded.by Mr. Cali,
an appropriate name at an Welt festival, that honest
" Jack Lawless" should be expelled. The mighty
offence, for great it must he indeed which called for
so harsh a proceeding, is not seated; but the motion
was carried unanimously, and supported by his old
friend O'Connell, in a speech of some length, in
which he declared that the resolution had his deli
berale sonelion. It is probable that the offence of
Mr. Lawless consisted in some opinions which lie
had circulated in conscientious contradiction to some
of the political reveries or doctrines of the great
Liberator. The fate of Mr. Lawless is not singular ;
for on a motion being made, after the dissolution of
the Catholic Association, or additional remunera-
tion to Mr. Eneas Macdonnell, the 'accredited agent

Of the Society in this country, .his friend Mr.
O'Connell vehemently opposed the motion, and
Would not listen to the sacred treasure being touched
for -the purpose t but we have not yet heard the
amount of the Pint that had been expended to return
the Liberatorfor Clare County, nor that which re-
mained to lie returned at the close of the campaign
to the unfortunnte subscribers.—Morn. Advertiser.
The Flanders mail of Saturday, which arrived
yesterday, bringing intelligence from Brussels down
to Friday evening, from Antwerp to Friday morn-
ing, and from Ghent to Friday night, though it
supplies us with no data to form a decisive opinion
sin the result of belgie affairs, gives us informution
by no means destitute of interest. In the first
place, with respect to military matters, it would ap•
pear that on the 10th and some previous days there
had beeti considerable skirmishing between the
Belgic volunteers and the Dutch troops on the road
to Antwerp. The Provisional Government has
issued trio separate bulletins on these affairs, which
we have taken the trouble to translate and insert.
Though very lofty language is employed in de-
scribing them, the result seems to have been of no
great magnitude. The Belgians lied only 12 or 1.5
killed.and wounded, though they insist on having
slain seven cart-loads of their enemies. These
combats—which have ceased to have any object
by the resoktion of the Prince of Orange to trust
himself into the hands of the Belgians, and to
withdraw the Dutch force into Holland—are the
more to be regretted, as they tend to widen the
breach between the two nations, to exasperate national
antipathies, and to render more difficult the already
embarrassed position of the Prince. As it could
never be the interest or the object of the Dutch
Commanders to begin the attack in present circum-
stances, we are bound to believe that they only dr-
fended themselves in skirmishes not of their choosing.
The impatience of the Brussels volunteers andof the
new Belgic levies, to distinguish themselves in the
field against regular troops, has no doubt been the
cause of this deplorable, because useless, shedding of
blood. Another important and distressing fact men-
tioned in these papers is, that in nearly all the gar-
rison towns from which the Dutch troops have been
withdrawn, the populace have risen on the new civic
force and committed great disorders, pillaging private
property, and setting fire to the houses of obnoxious
citizens. Such disorders have occurred nt Tourney,
Motor, Malines, and other places. The Courier des
Pays-Bas, whose patriotism would lead it to conceal
such conduct on the part of its " brave Belgiansits
ardent lovers of national independence," is obliged,
from the notoriety of the facts, to publish the state•
meat to which we have alluded. The circum-
stances are not at all surprising. It is impossible to
call order out of confusion in a moment, and the
change of government, joined to pre-exking anti-
pathies between the two nations, where political ties
had been so abruptly severed, must necessarily have
led to temporary unarchy. Connected with these
disorders, we find with surprise the name of Van
Hagen, who is said to be arrested at Mons. This
adventurer has undergone strange vicissitudes of
fortune within the last month. On the 20th of
September neither he nor any one else had, pro-
bably, yet dreamt of his coming greatness. Dur-
ing the three or four (lays' fighting of the Mus-
sels populace against the Dutch troops (from the
23d to the 26th of the same month), he was
thought to have made himself useful in directing
the efforts of the former. When the victory was
gained (we need not say how), he either made him-
self, or was dubbed by the Provisional Government,
Commander-in-Chief of the Belgic Army of Libe-
ration. After a few days' enjoyment of this high
dignity, he was deposed, and put on half-pay. Des
!ermined to do something for or against liberty, lie
then undertook an inspection of the Belgic fortresses,
and on the 20th of October,—within a mouth—" a
little tnonth,"—we find him in prison, at the instance
of the brave Belgians whom he had led to inde-
pendence? If the representations formerly pub.
lished on the life and adventures of Van Ilalen
be correct, this little melo-dramaric incident is
perfectly in keeping with the rest of the piece, His
history seems a curious tissue of plots, conspirac:es,
and treasons. lie deserted his countrymen to join the
French in the Peninsular war; he betrayed the French
to join his countrymen ; he abandoned the Constitu-
tionalists to support Ferdinand, and Ferdinand to
support the Constitutionalists; and, to pass by many
under-plots which occurred before he got into the
prisons of the Inquisition, during his detention, and
since his escape to Russia, we find him in u short
month fighting against the Dutch troops in the
cause of Belgic independence, then plotting against
the .Belgic authorities, arid at last arrested by the
insurgent Government which he bad contributed to
establish, and was now trying to overthrow ! But
the most important information in these papers re-
lates to the proceedings of the King's Government,
—those of the Provisional Government of Brussels,
and those of the Prince of Orange,—all tending to
the establishment and recognition of Belgic inde-
pendence. On the 10th instant, his Majesty sent a
Message to the States-General, in which he vir-
tually surrenders all superintendence of the southern
provinces in favour of his son. "It seems without
tiny doubt," says hit, " by the proclamation of our
beloved son the Prince of Orange, published on the
16th instant, at Antwerp, and the causes of which
are so little known to us that we cannot cal-
culate the consequences, that the acknowledg-
ment of the legal authority in the southern
provinces has wholly ceased. In this state
of things, our cares must henceforth be wholly con-
, fined to our faithful provinces of the north; accord-
ingly, their resources and their forces will be em-
ployed for their ieterest only, and all the measures
of the legal authority will concern these provinces
exclusively." The " legal authority" to which his
Majesty alludes as having " ceased," is that which
he himself has hitherto exercised; and the avowed
limitation of his cares to the north shows that he
has abandoned the south to the " legal authority"
about to be established in his sou. Since the Prince
has thus been left unfettered by engagements with
his father, he has eetleavoured to open communi ta-
titres with the Belgic Provisional Government.
Ilia success has hitherto not been very flattering.
The peremptory and persevering reply of the Brus-
sels junta, to all hie propositions and overtures, has
decided the question of any legal claim which hie
may lay to the sovereignty. It has invariably been,
" Send home your Dutch troops, evacuate Belgium
of foreigners, let the Prince of Orange be the only
Dutch soldier smith of the Mom!) ke, and then we may
treat." His Royal Ilighness seems to have adopted
the proposal. The Dutch troops have evacuated the
citadel of Ghent the fortress of Termonde and pro-
bably, by this time, both Maestricht and Antwerp
(the only two remaining places having Dutch troops)
have sent away all the Hollanders, and hoisted the
Brabtiet colours. The rights of the Prince are thus
,xclogively placed in the hands and at the disposal
n g toh
Tlis
e in-
position of Belgians. lie may have surrendered some power,
but be has removedeceertaasieuslyi,obeehe r n
it m more
irritation.nc
*ierdei ititur 17: or exasperating to the feelings of his
future subjects. Ills claims will be calmly con-
sidered apart from any complication with Dutch in-
terests or passions. The support of the nobility, of
he
thrown irtfnoestleillifygotii lo fi.
theiri ecgi ‘eevtti)ilre°,r generosity. y50.0f Ent11%1'llegellalaarIMMIityln:i(t)M101:111):
mfaerrtil:er experiments
and the eleva-
ttihientpearteisetisicbeyo I notitiehiraseltilnintgry
demagogues may see that they best consult their
or
tion of his Royal Highness to a constitutional throne
by the suffrages of the approaching; Congress, many
be the best mode of terminating a revolution which
began without uny strong necessity, which ha
reached the present state of its progress by
the iL.- :
munagement of its adversaries, and which
ls never
very likely to better the condition, though
flatter the pride, of the great booof the people,
it may
y Li