The Sun.
London, England, 1830-10-26 00:00:00

IRELAND..

Oninty Members
64
Members for boroughs 66
31 of the County Mewbers arc returned by 'heat..
cetulant influence of Peers, and 22 of the bo.
roughs by Peers and borough proprietors.. ---
Total 668

611143(ARY.

Reletiona of Peen in Parliament £64
In place or receipt of pension 63
Country gentlemen lB7
Officers of the army Sht
Officer* of the navy... 24
Officers of the militia... 7
Lawyers
Merchant* anti tradesmen B2
Hankers
-----
New Wolters (England)...••••••••• • • 96
New Aleinbers (Wales)
New Members (Scotland)
New 'Members (Ireland) 35

Total of Now Members........ 142

RoyA,I, A N ECDOTE.----The Ex-King of
SA xotty, when his bite brother was on his death-bed,
was told by his Confessor that, if he would vow to make
a pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre, his brother should
die, and he hlutuhl ascend the throne. Ife smile the vow,
his brother died, and he reigned. But, when the time
arrived for Whiling his pledge, be found that his duties
and infirmities retulered it impossible. After much dis-
cussion smunrst his ghost)), fathers, he compromised the
mutter by agreeing to scramble, on his bare knees, up and
down the great gallery in his Palace, fur a certain time
exert, slay, 1)41,61 he should have gone over a space equal
to the distance le:tween Dresden and Jerusalem. We
11A4EaVi: had performed a great part of his feat when N.'
terrupted by hit: rebellious subje*ts....liiterary Oagette.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

An important meeting at a dinner took place at
Reading on Thursday last, preparatory and intro-
ductory to a yet more important one of the whole
county of Berks, on the subject of Parliamentary
reform. Mr. Mona, the late Member for the bo-
rough,and than whom no borough representative in
England was ever more, or more justly, respected,
was in the chair. It is with us pleasing to observe
that the aspect of the meeting was hostile to universal
suffrage and annual Parliaments. The worthy
Chairman gave the health of the Duke of Welling-
ton, on the ground, that, having carried the two im•
portant questions of Emancipation and the repeal of
the Test and Corporation Acts, he was abm a friend
to the last great object and desideratum of the men
of liberal principles in this country—Parliamentar)
Reform. We recollect, that in the burying groans'
of St. George's Hanover-square, extra »Juror, there
is a monument gratuitously erected to the tumor)
of the celebrated Sterne, by a liberal Freemason or
two, who infer in the inscription that the deceased
was so excellent a fellow,---so witty, so clever, and
so pathetic withal,--that he must have been one of
their fraternity,—he must have been a Freemason.
We should join with pleasure in either conclusion,
if we could; but in both cases we hesitate. We
doubt whether Sterne were a Freemason, and whe-
ther the Duke be a promoter of Parliamentary Re-
form,—though the eulogists of each will have the
eulogized to be of their own opinions. However,
what is meant by the Duke's being a friend to Par-
liamentary Reform ? It cannot be supposed, we
presume, that he. will add his own personal influence
and that of the Ministry to any and every project of
reform that may be offered to the House, no matter
by whom l Mr. Pitt, in the heyday of his youthful
career,—Mr. Fox, in the vengeance of disappointed
ambition,—would not have done this; and if it be
expected that his Grace should himself originate a
plan of reform, propose, support, and carry it
through or fall in the attempt, we do trot appre-
hend that he }many such scheme in contemplation
it does not make a part of his project for administer-
ing the affairs of the country during the ensuing year
—at least so far as we have yet heard. Plans, in-
deed, he may have many, and of reform too, but
they are, we imagine, chiefly reforms in the expen-
Aliture, and it is as well that the country should
know this at once.—Times.

There seems to be great difficulty in separating
truth from falsehood, so far as concerns the narra-
tives from the South of France, which pass under
the attune of " Spanish Intelligence." At this dis-
tance front the spot, it might be rash to pronounce
between conflicting testimonies relating to matters
of pure detail; but there are some statements which,
with the help of any tolerable map, and by a slight
reference to dates and circumstances, enable us at
once to determine how much credit ought to be
given to them, or whether they are deserving of
any. It was affirmed three days ago that Colonel
Valdez, who entered Spain on the 14th inst., had
been met on the 16th by a battalion of Ferdinand's
troops, and that the corps of Valthz had been cut
to pieces, 30 men only out of 900 having escaped
into France ! Now Valdez had nothing like 900
men under Ids orders ; but let that pass. His total
overthrow Was said to have taken place on the 16th,
and at Vera (sometimes pronounced, as is customary
with Spaniards, Bern.) Vera is four or five miles
east of Iron. But it so happened that Col. Valdez,
whom Messrs. Aped() and his agents were exter-
minating thus confidently at Vera, had crossed the
frontier at quite a different point, advancing upon
the Pamplona road, to Urdach, which he occupied
on the 14th, and taking possession of Zugarramurdi,
in the immediate neighbourhood, where it
appears, from the bulletin, inserted in the
Timcs of yesterday, the Patriot force remained
the whole of the 16th, organising the numbers
of Constitutional Spaniards, who hourly flocked
in tajoin in it. Vera being about fourteen miles to
the westward of Zugarramuldi, was injudiciously
chosen. by the Aguado party for the scene of de-
struction to an officer and troops which were so
much better employed than in fighting, and nearly
a day's March air. Valdez, indeed, had sent a small
detachment to Vera, probably to observe the Irun
roads, and had the rumour of a combat attached
itself to this little corps, there would have been
nothing improbable or very material on the face of
it. The fact, however, is apparent, that 'Valdez
himself was not to move westwards in the direction
of Vera and Iron until the 17th. Sonic of the let-
ters, pr pretended letters, in French and English
journals, assert that he was still " fighting" on the
19th, mid " had repulsed" the Royalists, three
days after he had been shot, or hanged, or forced to
retreat within the French frontier. We mention
these tales only to warn our readers against the com-
mon ran of Pyrenean intelligence not authenticated
officially, or in some known and accessible quarter.
Others of these accounts say, that Mina also bas
moved into Spain, with 60 officers and .500 men,
preceded by many proclamations. We shall be
happy to have it confirmed that Mina list were('
Spain at the head of a constitutional force, and in
the company of constitutional efficers. But it must
be recollected that, not many days ago, Mina
wrote a circular to the officers commanding corps,
already formed and armed, along the Line of
the Pyrenees, requiring them to yield their
several commands to him, arid to incept him
for Commander-iii-Chief. This being considered
rather "free and easy" in an individual who had
himself procured (us it is ;aid) no troops,---naude
rto real preparations for a movement,—and done hi,:
utmost, during a stay of many weeks at Bayonne,
to di,Auade all other Spaniards from undertaking
one, De Pablo (called Chapalangarra), the Parlor,
Vuldex, Gorrea, General Vigo, Miranda (orwe
Mina's own Aide-de-Camp), and others, one awl
all declared that Mints might co-operate with them
if he thought tit, but that they declined ;4reepting
him for their chief, or putting themselves and their
troops at his disposal. As extraordinary pains are
taken, therefore, day after day, to i.savre the public
that Valdez; De Pablo, and other comaitutional
headers, have placed themselves mulct time command
of Mimi, and have agreed to execute his orders, it
may be as well to say ut once, that in doing so these
gentlemen would be guilty of something like an in-
consistency, and the more so, as Mimi has since
done his utmost (though with what success
know not) to frustrate a loan lately raising in Pads
for the constitutional cause of Spain, us appears by
the letter of his Secretary Aides, published last
week in some of the French Journuls. Wh4nver
may be the direction and result of there movement:,
in the Pyrenees,---whether a bloody contest shall
arise throughout the whole of Spain oe not, and
whether con:inued, oeeeeionally suspendeil sod
reeinued,—it is clear, did no other evidence eximit',.
than that founded on the acts of the Spanish Go-
vernment, that a spirit prevails Louse; the na-
tion, and that a project buss been planned and or.
ganized, in harmony with that national yrit,
both of which together have filled the bearte •
of Ferdinand and his tiliniatgra with paroxysms
of fury end dismay, and terri4ed them into
a course of outrageous tyranny and cruehtv, which
even beasts of the field would hardly to without
resistance. We hear much talk idout CerliAle,
said upostolicals in Spain, and about their machine,
lima against the person and sovereignty of that
Honest mail, King Ferdinand. Them, is ,wawa' to
suspect that a gond deal of deception hair a along
been practised nod encouraged on Ibis subject, by the
Government of Spain. If there were a rang dodge'
on the part of any 'Ultra-despotic faction to dethrone'
this Ferdinand, wad get up ids brother Carlos to
succeed him, is it conceivable that s.otne stronger
measures would not ere now have been adopted, for
suppressing that dangerous conspiracy, and for shoot,
ifitre hanging, oe lkhkading its n distoy leaders ? If
If really apprehended that 'a P uq of
Mid Ultra-Tory Spaniards were his vain( :u it
,' , i 4 it not
,
to common sense that 110 WOO nave trea't te
them as es enemies, have dealt out to them' ill;
same litelainre of confiscation, proscription, and p
twention, which he systematicully bestowed or is:"
,
i_

the unfortunate Liberals, and have banished the
reputed head of the faction—viz., his brother Carlos
—from Spain ; instead of suffering him to inhabit
the same mansion with himself,—to have access to
All his own apeamenta,—and eat, as it were, from
the same dish ? There is, therefore, as we have
Already said, .some reason to suspect that this
" Curbs! faction" is all an artificial bugbear,—
that Ferdinand ►nakes a screen and pretext
of this sham peril of the " Carlists,"—that he
is himself a thorough, instinctive, and incurable
tyrant ; but when foreign Governments, or a
4eneral outcry from mankind, require front
• him occasionally some relaxation of the brutal
spirit of despotism in which he tramples en his
subjects, he has provided himself with a ready
answer, by fostering the delusion of a "Carlist
plot." " You ask me," quoth Ferdinand, " fo:
liberal institutions, and a representati re Government.
Alas I lam myself a liberal ! I loved the Cortes ;
glo:ied in the constitution of 1820; but, wo is me,
Ant can I do? My people, the Spanish people,
they hate liberty; they will have me a tyrant; or
they, will put my brother Carlos an my throne.
You see how I am threatened by his partisans !
[Lear their seditious crimes in favour of absolutism
Don Carlos. Is it possible for me to abate one
jot of arbitrary prerogative in the teeth of so omni-
potent a party ? Wretch that I am how melan•
chnly is try lot ! to be an unwilling tyrant in the
midst of a nation of unteachable idolaters at the
shrine of everlasting despotism I" Such is the
dexterous fraud upon mankind, over which we doubt
not Ferdinand chuckles in moments of hilarity with
his confidants of the Camarilla. He may send home
the Archbishop of Toledo under a guard of honour
as often as he likes,—be may " make believe" a fit
of resentment or terror to be occasioned by a Carlist
gang,—but Ferdinand knows better than to be actu-
ated by either of these sentiments. lie and his
brother, and the professional partisans of that bro-
ther, are all the best possible friends: the only ge-
nuine horror felt is that inspired by the advocates of
Spanish liberty. When Cellists shall be shot, or
their estates confiscated, or their persons driven into
banishment,--then, and not till then, shall we believe
that Ferdinand himself is not in his heart a" Carlist."

A pamphlet attributed to Mr. Croker, at all
events sufficiently bitter for such a paternity, has
just made its appearance, under the title of Observa-
tions on Two Pamphlets (lately published) attributed
to Mr. Brougham. The object of the pamphlet is
twofold,—to vindicate the claims of the present
Ministers to talents and character—and to show that
the Whigs have little claim to either talents or cha-
racter. The second of these objects is executed
with much more good will than the former. In-
deed, what the writer seems to have had most at
heart i. 3, the demolition of Mr. Brougham. Mr.
Brougham is charged with blowing hot and cold on
the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel almost
in the same breath, and his alleged inconsistencies
are all attributed to an eagerness for office. The
following may be taken as a specimen of the mode
in %dila the war is carried into the (porters of Mr.
Brougham :

" But even in the Law it would not lie easy to find a
situation satisfactory to Mr. Brougham, and still less to
find one for him satisfactory to the country ! I fancy that
Wearer the experiment comes to be seriously tried, it will
• be found exceedingly difficult to bring two parties, who
estimate Mr. Brougham's value so differently, to a common
understanding.
" Mr. Canning, we are told, offered Mr. Brougham the
only high legal appointment in which the profession and
the people could for v moment have tolerated that eloquent
person, because there is comparatively little to do, and that
little requires, I am told, no great depth of legal learning—
I mean Chief Baron of the Exchequer. No!' exclaimed
Mr. Brmighaim I look farther and higher.' Nay,' re-
wined Mr. Canning, in that figurative style so dangerous
in affairs of business, ' take it as the first stage of your
journey.' tot,' retorted Mr. Brougham, pursuing the
metaphor, and his purpose ; if I quit the House of Com-
mons, where shall 'I get the post-horses to take me to the
end of my journey?' -
" What end of his journey Mr. Brougham, in his own
visions, may contemplate, my bounded intellect cannot
surmise : I should have thought it pretty well to hays
been Chief Baron ; hut that we find would only have been
equivalent to a first stage—Barnet or Hounslow—at
which he would not even stop to had. At the Rolls,
peradventure,' be might have condescended to put up
for a time, as be would there have opportunities of keeping
his post-horses in wind, by attending public meetings,
joining in every political hunt, or occasionally heading
the field in a steeple chase—perhaps not metaphorically,
for the church would probably be the first game hunted.
" But this, again, I venture to pronounce us impossible
as the Cabinet. Parliament—the Profession—the public,
however much they may be surprised or amused by the
multifarious talents and tricks of the' Hon. Gentleman,
will not tolerate any such corrupt traffic of the seats of
justice !
" Ministers must, therefore, lay their account to deal
how best they may—face to face in Parliament, or
pamphlet to pamphlet in the press---with Mr. Brougham's
hostilities; but they never can purchase his support or his
silence by judicial promotion.
" I now approach the question pronounced by the title
of the second pamphlet—" What has the Duke of Wel-
lington quieted by the Dissolution ?” and I will answer,
first and at once, to that point, which I have no doubt
the pamphleteer thinks the most important in the whole
question. The Duke of Wellington has gained the tin.
mashiiry of Mr. Brouglron, who (as the pamphleteer,
with a rare,' very rare candour acknowledges) has been
keg standing, with a slow and very reluctant match,
ready to give fire to a mashed battery' loaded to the very
muzzles.

" Having got rid (f the mash, I racy there is no great
danger from the battery ; but, he that as it may, whether
!Jr, Brougham be a man of 00141 powers and real infin.
cure, or one whose chief question is—

t that glib and oily art,
To speak and impose not,'
I believe that the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert
Peel, and I am cure the majority of the House of Com-
mons, will agree with L,wil Ellenborougla in preferring an
open enemy to a concealed one. While Mr. Brougham
was hovering, a bird of ill-omen and of prey, over the
field, of polities, there were dismal suspicions in many
minds that he might at last alight on the Duke's as yet
unsullied banners; and this doubt did snore to neu-
tralize zeal, awl to alienate confidence than (consider.
in,s only Mr. Breughatet's intrinsic value) would seem ere-
; and lam well convincer) that the uncompromising
opposition of Mr. Brougham :will exceedingly alleviate the
difficulties which the pamphleteer apprehends that Mr.
William Holmes may have in congregating Ministerial
(llsjotides."
Me, ()raker, or whoever is the writer of the
pamphlet, pronounces the following sentence otper-
petual exclusion from power on Mr—Brougham
55 The reader sees that with the fairest disposition to 1*
pleased, and with no exaggerated seep of requisites, we
iia.e not yet made touch progress towards the New Admi-
nistratiop, and yet I have exhausted all the natters of the
pamphleteer's Amster except one l--but that one is in.,
derd, as the pamphleteer assures us, 5 Himself a Mighty
Host!'—Mr. Brougham ! 4 4
" Craviitering the relation in width the pamphleteer
and Mr. Brougham appear to stand to esie4 other,
such a tone of panegyric is somewhat startling, and
might afford an opportunity of retaliating some yf
,tlyise epithets which the pamplileteee his lavished on
°diets, X will not trust myself to discuss so deg.
cats a patat, ,gut will content myself with assuring
' the paniphleteee uxxl Mr. Brougham (without rip-
ping up cid stories, revisioi by-gone transactions, or be-
wildering the question with ti;re izoprierable and basun-
innentable obstacles that spring up flint as-Ary word and
acteang. Mr. Brougham's whale political life), thud
portion whn his seat at Mr. Canning's back, without'
any stipulation redemption of even one of his
thousand and one pledgee ;.;1, who for two years has
lipfill lying in wait fur favours from 64, pq..r.el of Wyllie..
Um, AO Mowing such extremities of hot and co/1 1);,7 the
saute °myth; Its, who delivered a celebrated epeecli in tl*'
House of Gammons or:. the 130th of June last, and spouted
the no less eelebrateirk.trapgr at the Leeds dinner, on the
18th of August, never can 14 a 114stef--responsible or
subordinate, under the present Constitution of J'ar-
?lament of Enaand. Whether a similar conviction 'in
his sal; mind may induce hint to resume his endeavours to
effect some sionfp in the representation, time will show;
but as long as things ve as they are, Mr. Brougham can
;lever be a Minister." •
The writer has here touched on a point of some
delicacy--namely, the extent of opposition allowablp
tinder the pretetit Pottatitution of the Parliament,
• -

To a man who, like Mr. Croker, gives himself up
wholly arid entirely to the service of the Aristocracy
and Church, the course is beset with few diffi-
culties. The course of the Whig, on the other
hand, is through perilous rocks, on which he is in
constant denger of shipwreck. We noticed on
Saturday the mistake into which a writer in the
Edinburgh Review had fallen, when comparing
France and England. "It can hardly be doubted
(said the writer) that were any marked attempts
made against the liberties of this country, the Lee-
. lib,' people would iii some way resist, and would
sooner or later make an effectual stand against op-
pression. But it is to us equally clear that des-
potism would have far too good a chance of being
successful in the first instance." Now all this i.
assuming that Parliament is identified with the
people. Li France there was a struggle with the
Representatives of the people. In England there
can be no struggle with the Representatives, be-
cause ours is a proprietary Government—because
Parliament is the Government, and because it is
not to be supposed that Parliament could commit a
felo de se. In England the Ministry and Parliament
are one and the same ; and Parliament is not Ilia
servant, but the master of the people. There is a
slight infusion of the people into the Parliament
of this country, but it is essentially Aristocratical;
and as every body is endowed with the instinct of
self-preservation, the difficulty in the position of a
Whig is, that, in cultivating the arts of popularity,
lie almost necessarily becomes an object of hatred to
the Aristocracy. It is impossible to serve both God
and Mammon—it is impossible to conciliate the
People and the Aristocracy. Let us hear, for in-
stance, how Mr. Croker spoke of Earl Grey :
" Lord Grey'. fitness for ;Ince, on the score of talents,
no one (except on the doctrine of the pamphleteer) could
deny; but the proceedings and principles of his earlier life
have left no agreeable odour in the Constitutional nostrils
of England. His later professions, no doubt, and above
all his avowed attachment to his order—(which orth r is
the main-stay of our Constitution)—have concili wed
many minds which heretofore looked on him with some-
thing more than suspicion ; but if Lord Gicy were again
to lilac,' himself at the head of the Whigs, and adopt, or
for a moment seem to adopt, any of the innovating and
disorganizing doctrines advanced by his (I believe) self-
constituted herald, the pamphleteer, I venture to assure
him, that hie impopulat ity would revive, that the indis-
cretions of 1793, and the inconsistencies of 1806, would
spring up fresh in men's minds ; and that under no C 01)••
junction of circumstances, and at the head of nu combina-
tion of Whigs, Liberals, or Radicals, could he maintain the
place of Minister fur a second Session ofParliumetit."

This is true—the order of Lord Grey is unques-
tionably the mainstay of the English Constitution.
The English Constitution as it is, gives the p:o.
perry of the House of Commons to the House of
Lords. The whole hinges on the property of bo-
roughs being chiefly in the House of Lords. This
was clearly and explicitly stated by Mr. Burke in
his letter to the Duke of Portland :—" They (the
New Whigs) know," he says, " that the House
of Lords is supported only by its connections with
the Crown and with the House of Commons ; and
that without this double connection, the Lords
could not exist a single year." Were there a re-
presentation of the People, based on a plan which
should identify the Electors in interest with the
People, we do not hesitate to say the House
of Peers could not exist. The aristocracy
would not be allowed to put their hands into the
public purse, were there a reel and not a virtual re-
presentation, and an aristocracycannot existwitliout
a ready access to the public purse. This is a truth
which we may be assured the aristocracy have
constantly present to their mind; and no man, how-
ever clever and ingenious, can ever render reform in
any shape wot th talking of at all palateable to them.
The great, body of the Whigs are necessarily as
averse to Reform as the Tories. In Ebert, the Re-
formers in Parliament must always be a very small
body—a sort of outcast from their order, if they
btiong to the aristocracy. Mr. Brougham must
always be respected fur his talents ; but he hits on
many occasions gone farther in his advocacy of po-
pular rights than is acceptable to the aristocracy, by
whom he is necessarily more feared than loved. It
is, indeed, no easy task to define the limits in the
cultivation of popularity which may not be over-
stepped. But however this may be, it is clear that
the aristocracy can never be brought to relish any
plans by which their ascendancy may be curtailed.
Again, the people are fur more hostile to those who
do not go all lengths with them than to their avowed
enemies. In this way a tnembor who seeks popu-
larity is not always so sure of obtaining it as the
hatred of the aristocracy. We have front the first
seen that this instinct of presery 'don would pre-
vent anything like a cordial opposition to Mtiitsters.
aristocracy, we may be assured, dread nothing
so much as change in the Constitution ; and they
will never push Ministers so far as to render change
probable. This is cunningly put forth by Mr.
Croker towards the conclusion of the pamphlet.—
The hanging back of the aristocracy after the late
French Revolution vats a sign which he who runs
may read. But let us hear the pamphleteer:—
" The country is in danger—Mr. Fox, Mr. Pitt, Mr.
Perceval, Lord Liverpool, arid Mr. Canning, are no more,
and their surviving friends may, without any relaxation of
attachment to their inemories, support the only man who
scents adequate to the helm in the storm which is rising
round us. Strange and lamentable it would be if every
man, whether his stake in the country be landed property,
mercantile wealth, professional independence—or the more
general, but not less dyer and touching _interest which
affect every Briton—the internal peace—the security—the
liberty—the religion, which we have so long and so happily
enjoyed—lamentable and strange, I say, would it be, if
every wise and honest man, and above all, the higher
orders of society, did not tremble at the aggression with
which these rights, prerogatives, and blessings, are
threatened ; and liaiten to rally, heart and hand, round
the only man who seems capable of consolidating a Mi-
nistry adequate to defending them.
"If all the disaffected in Church and State—if infith Is,
republicans, agrarians, levellers, and all those whir, in the
short and emphatic language of the great rebellion, would
not have things so,' are to be collected, marshalled, ex-
cited, and impelled, by dinners and meetings, by speelies
and pamphlets, by the contagious poison of calumny," and
by the frightful tocsin of sedition—if the French ltaniu_
thin and the Belgian Revolt are to be the signal., and in-
centives, and examples, to the disturbance of our peace,
the invasion of our property, and the overthrow of our
constitution—if the mass of poverty, which is inevitable,
and the mass of popular force, which is incalculable, are
to be hallooed on against the whole frame of civilized
mociety—it, I say, we are threatened, as in 1792, with
these dangers, let us, as in 1792, cling round a great man
whom Providence has now, as then, vouchsafed to place
amongst nu—

- like a great sea-maik,
Saving those who eye it.'
" Let then the aristocracy, whose eery essence is in peril,
forgetting all party distinctions, the Nut colours of which
wi,ll not be observable in the disastrous twilight with which
we are threatened ; let the gentry and midd'e orders, whose
properties anti peca:p4s are interwuven with the present
intitutions; let even the inferior classes, whose daily bread
depends on internal tranquillity, and whom ftture support
in sickness and old age can rest on no sure ground but the
stability of property ; and, shove all, let the Representatives
a a:1 these great and central interests rally round the King
itnd mi,,;hter,the ConAitution, and those who alone
are ale to defend it

" Every man at all cdnveraant :t1'41,1 pribkie life knows
that it is not now possible to form a Whig 4thninistratitm
—the men donut exist. Little could be done lay a coalition
of the Whigs with the remnant of Mr. Canning's party,
anti still less with the Radicals. the prment Ministry
tv‘re 01 that the pamphleteer and Mr. Brougham have re-
proented— bit is, no.t---cit would still have the impe-
rious and irresistible eta,tri,er being the only
one
possible !
lind to the signs of the times,' hrol se, rec!Oest,
And if at the present moment hirliatat w,,,„ to 1,1, „,
as to give countenance to any
attempt at a • 4, would,
probably, be to
advised,
rending sr: t.l utehtei codsa,n,,
er
the Ministry altdie, but tr; the Monarchy !"
As it was in the beginning, so will it be to the
end. Much tnu-t yet be done before the higher
ranks can be influenced to consent to iteforrn.77
Aforning" Chroni..)

King's speeches, which were forme4y 104 ed to
as State documents of the highest authority and in-
terest, have, of late years, sunk into a kind of milk-
-04-water nothingness, which has both degtaded
the Regal ch9racter and the talents of the State..

men from whom they have emanated. A new
reign opens to the country a new era, and affords to
the statesmen of the present time an opportunity of
rescuing both the King and the country from the
degradation into which the convenient insipidity of
those modern Parliamentary exposes have fallen ;
and not only does the circumstance of a new reign
call for this alteration, but the new and interesting
situation in which both our own country and Eu-
rope are placed demand front the Monarch, on his
first address to a new Parliament, such a declara-
tion of the views and policy of his Ministers, as
may leave no doubt in the minds of reasonubls men
but that they are feelingly aiive to the aisle! duties
of their situation, and such a statement of their
policy, us the world at large, and their own popu-
lation in particular, may clearly understand. Of the
composition of the King's speech the country does
not care so much as for the matter. A practised
writer, like Mr. Canning, could have penned, had he
been permitted, a speech which would have de-
scended to posterity as a model in its way. Of the
present Administration, if we except the Noble
Premier's own despatches from the field of battle,
there is not, we believe, a single individual who
can be accused of the vulgarity of ever having
written u line for the Press ; and the forthcoming
speech, therefore, will possess all the freshness of u
writer unhackneyed in the ways of type; but, what-
ever may be the nature of its contents, the insipid.
ness displayed of late years will, we trust, be laid
aside. The sorry attempt to propitiate all parties
by satisfying none will not, we hope, be resorted to,
but that the expectation of Europe and the country
will be gratified, by an open, explicit, and manly
avowal of the views and policy which the greatest
of its Monarchs designs for the greatest of its king-
doms. We do not wish to see our King's speeches
diverging into the interMinable " lengthiness" of an
American President's dissertation. At present the
one resembles the turbid, narrow waters of Fleet
IYtch, as compared to the wide-spread rapids of the
Mississippi. If our statesmen would take a middle
course, and give us something worthy of the stately
and majestic Thames in its progress to the ocean,
the national vanity would be flattered, and the na-
tional character better consulted.—Morning Herald.
That O'Connell'a appeal to the people of Ireland,
in favour of a repeal of the Union, has already made
many converts to the cause, and will, if not arrested
in its progress, make many more, is a lamentable
fact, of which no doubt need be entertained; and it
behoves every friend of Great Britain and Ireland,
in consequence, to. consider by what means the pro-
posed separation may be averted, and the strength
and prosperity of both kingdoms maintained. That
there are substantial grievances to be complained of
in Ireland, and substantial reforms required, no one
can doubt, who knows any thing of the state of
the country; and the redress of these grievances,
of which the greatest arc the taxation of a Catholic
community for the support of a Protestant church,
and the repeal of the Sub-letting Act, which is now
driving not hundreds, but thousands, from their
homes, in destitution and want, ought to occupy the
earliest and most serious attention of the Govern-
ment; but when these grievances have been re-
dressed—and far be it from us to underrate the im-
portance of these grievances—there is only one
course which the true friends of Ireland, and of the
United Kingdom, could possibly recommend—and
that is the employment of force, to put down those
wino are blind, or so malicious and selfish, as not
to see that a separation of the two kingdoms would
weaken both, and injure a prosperity which, in the
case of Ireland, has been advancing since the period
of her union with Great Britain, with a rapidity
almost unequalled in the history of any other
country. In 1800 the official value of her imports
was 5,155,000/.; irr 1821 they were 6,548,000/.;
and at the same periods her exports amounted, in
the one case, to 3,296,000/., and in the other to
7,700,0001.; that is, they more than doubled in the
space of twenty years! The same results would
be produced, as has been shown by the correspon-
dent of an Evening contemporary, were we to in-
stitute a comparison between the Customs and Ex-
cise duties at similar periods—results plainly show-
ing that Ireland has gained, and that greatly, and
not lost, by her union with Englund. Nor is
this till ; fur not only has Ireland been pro-
tected from foreign invasion, and her trade and
commerce increased since her union with England,
but immense sums out of the general revenue of the
country have been lavished upon her improvement
—been paid for the building of gaols and asylums—
for the support of charitable institutions—for the
repairs of roads and bridges—the improvement of
harbours and other public works. When we con-
sider, in fact, the small amount of revenue con-
tributed by Irelunil to the general fund for national
disbursements, arid the immense sums which have
been expended to improve her condition, we are lost
in astonishment ut the effrontery of those who call
for a repeal of the Union, on the ground that Ireland
has lust by the transaction, and that her interests
have not been attended to! And yet, day after day
has been spent by the Legislature in investi-
gating her condition, and night after night in de-
vi .sing measures to raise her to the levelavitli England
and Scotland—her taxes purposely kept below the
scale of both that she might attain the equality with
more rapid strides! But let us ask those who advo-
cate a repeal of the Union, where Ireland would
find so ready, so near, and so good a market for her
corn, her beef, and her cattle—for her linen, and
every other article of import into this country, in the
event of such a result being obtained ? Do O'Con-
nell and his crew imagine that these articles could
not be procured elsewhere, and at a less price, or
that high duties would not be levied upon them
in the event of a separation ? We put not these
friends of either kingdom, because they are
questions to the permeable inhabitants and
equally convinced with us that the prosperity
apt:
daiisiot:zd de-
toasreevemr mutually
be accompanied by mutual injury ; but to those
whom the vulgar oratory of the
.agitator might
otfbattilaenycaotutenmtrrirets
mislead by its senseless appeal to their passions, and
false view of the hopes which might be entertained
of mt separate Parliament, and resident gentry and
nobility. The evils resulting from the want of
these are, as we have seen, amply compensated by
her uniorwas indeed they must in every instance
be, with a wealthier country; and while we, there-
fore, venture to express u hope that we shall not
again have tb return to this subject, we give it at
the same time us our deliberate opinion that no
measures ought to be held with die anarchists, and
/bar if force be necessary, force ought to be ern.
ployed to put them down.-211 Urning Advertiser.

We understand that the lace trade of this and

the adjoining counties of Buckingham and Bedford, is in
a state of improvement, and the example of her MAJESTY
is patronisin,,,, this trade is already lellowed by many of
the Nubility.7—Northatipion Afercury.
As a specimen of overweening vanity, it is
stated that several per.nns have gone to Brighton fur
the sole purpose of leaving their names at the Pavilion,
that they might be transferred from the porter's hook
tha newspapcia as v;biters ;o lOyaity.

Carriages have within the Ina wet.* !igen seep
rolling into town in every direction, end it is supposed that
by the end of thi. week London will be faller than has been
ever known in the month of October.

A melancholy proof of the distressed state of
,triculture in Buckinghamshire ix furnished by the fact
that the entift'e parish of Wotton Underwood (with the
exception of a small lam ktelonginw to another individual)
coinvii,ing about 2,300 acres of iaad, the property of hir
Grace the Duke of ByeKINCIIA)I, is aylvert4etl to he let,
left or giveO tiotigli to quit._ .

Upon un eqyal space where one man sulm;its
in Irel4lnll, ,Eiree'inen sol4ist in for ray, lit in Sweden,
36 in Turkey, 52 in Poiand, C 3 in Spain, 92 in Ireland,
114 in Switzerland, 127 in Germany, 152 in England,
153 in Prance, 172 in Italy, 192 in Naples 224 in
Holland, and 1,103 in Malta!