The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-26 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, NOV. 26, 1863.

It is quite impossible to believe that the vitally
important proposition of a Congress by the French
EMPEROR will be allowed quietly to slip by
into oblivion, now that the English Government
have politely, but definitively and firmly, decided
upon declining it. Out of this refusal must
inevitably arise a variety of complications. Upon
the members of our present Administration,
regarded collectively as a Cabinet, will rest
the responsibility of every one of those complica-
tions, whatever they may be. The responsibility
will not be NAPOLEON'S. In the proposition of the
EMPEROR nothing whatever can be recognised but
gul°,l faith and a manly frankness. As aparrenu
g the Sovereigns (the word, as applied to him-
self, 16 bis own) he would have been there at the
council board but as one among the European
Monarche
bsen, at every turn of the discussion
there, to
some dooutnumbered. It is idle, babbling, as
, per
designs of ufetually, about the sinister
French' EMPEROR, about
rho danger of etr
him, about the perils
that might arise oattZia
mere discussion of his pro-
positions. England, et
le
at, among all the Powers
of Europe, ought to he the very last to throw out
continually those petty insi_
'lllations, or to regulate
her policy upon these e
°teas doubts
LEON'S honesty. We hate
to
learnA as. to NAPO.
e,e in what the
played us fabiZine
EMPEROR has
first rose to
power over France whether a, "
Emperor or as Pre-
sident. During the whole of his possession
of
pow
in France during the fifteen years butt
past,dating
from the 10th of December, 1848, down
this 26th
of November, 1863, he has been nairitert_
'4Ptedl
y.
unhesitatingly faithful to the English Alliance,
has been at war with Russia, with Austria, with
China, with Japan, with Mexico—never 'with
England. On the contrary, the majority—in effect,
with one solitary exception, all of those recent wars
but just now enumerated, the War with Russia,
the war with China, the war with Japan,
even be it said the war with Mexico, were entered
upon by the Emperor of the FR' ENCEE in concert
with England. From the last of these wars, the
war with Mexico, England backed out at the
eleventh hour, it is true, fur reasons of her own—
for when the warlike expedition for the conquest
of Mexico was first set on foot, it is undeniable
that England was pledged, quite as distinctly
as France, to take part in that expedition with
Prance and with Spain conjointly. But, far be-
yond anything of that kind as a rememorance, it is
that has long since come to be known all
atenth
overrthae world as a matter of history, that the
soldiers otVicTeatia and the soldiers of NAPOLEON
have fought and bled side by side against a common
foe, at opposite extremities of the globe—upon the
SOH of Russia and upon the soil of China. If the
designs of this astute Sovereign are so wonderfully
eicister in our regard, the treachery of them towards
ourselves has yet to be indicated even in the smallest

particular.
years this falsity towards England
After fifteen
has yet to be revealed. To argue, therefore,
after
these last fifteen years' l
experience of NAroLEots's
policy towards England as the ruler of France
during the last eleven out of these fifteen I.",

as the autocratic ruler of France—to argue
after so many momentous years' experience that
there would be any hazard to our inte-
rests in yielding to the EMPEROR'S recent propo-
sition of a Congress, that there would be dangers
for us in the mere fact of our assenting to take part
in such a Congress, implies, we will not say, an
extraorlinary want of confihnce in our Ally, but,
we will rather say, an extraordinary want of con-
fidence in ourselves. It is not merely an intima-
tion, to all intents and imposes, that there
is a secret design to outwit us lurking in the
EAIPEROR'S proposition, but that, in the
avent of our foolishly yielding a mistaken
consent to that proposition, the probabilities are
'hit we might be outwitted. Faithful to their mar-
vellous policy—that policy which is based upon
the principle not of leaving well alone, but of
leaving both well and ill alone, and of just
doing nothing—the Cabinet of England, after
much pondering over the difficulty, have decided
upon declining to accede to the French EMPEROR'S
proposition. Reverting to our previous remark,
that refusal on the part of England to yield her
consent to the suggested Congress must inevitably
lead to complications. For the which complica-
tions, ours must be the responsibility, or rather,
the weight of that responsibility must devolve upon
the chiefs of our present Government.

There is no fear that the public will not be au cou-
rant of the opinions of those members of Parliament
who perchance had not the opportunity, or did not
feel the inclination, to address the:House on any par-
ticular topic or especial question: At Abingdon, the
other day, the Agricultural Society afforded an op-
portunity for the expression of opinions on various
subjects, and the occasion was made the most of.
Colonel LINDSAY, in responding to the toast of the
"Army and Navy," made some spirited remarks
on the topic, which is in itself a difficult one, we
fear, having been worn so threadbare on several
occasions. There was some truth in his remarks
on the efficiency of the volunteers, and the advan-
tage it was to the country not to leave all its de-
fenders devoted to the exclusive use of arms. This
is rather an original idea, and also a very correct
one, because it naturally follows that there is an
immense advantage in so many citizens being spared
to the occasional exercise of other professions than
those of arms. The militia, also, is an important
branch of the public service, and it is only right
and fitting that some tribute should be paid to its
merits, as on the present occasion. Mr. WALTER'S
observations on public affairs were, of course, worth
listening to, and he appeared to afford universal
satisfaction to his hearers. In the first place, he
made some humorous remarks on the different feel-
ings with which now and old members were apt to
regard the approaching session. Those who have
had experience will want to look upon the resump-
tion of Parliamentary labours as the schoolboy con-
sidered the return to his studies; also we
must consider that there is some foundation
for the sketch which is plaintively given of
the incessant and unintermittent labours with
which the members of the lower branch
of tha Legislature are inflicted during some
portions of the year, and which seem to resemble in
some shape or other those traditionary impositions
which were to last till the crack of doom. Speak-
ing of the custcmary division of labour by which
rest is insured to mind and body, the speaker ob-
served that it was not so with members of Parlia-
ment. " Their day and night were jumbled toge-
ther, and they were pretty much in the condition of
the inhabitants of the North Pole, who had one
long day and one long night—every long day was
a Session, and every long night was a Session."
certainly this is a most lugubrious picture, and
realises the sketch pictured some time back concern-
ing the protracted duties of the Session—" Sedebat
tenon quo sedebat, in felise Theseus." Mr. WAL-
TERS'S views on the prospects of the manufacturing
districts were most hopeful, and offered a satisfac-
tory promise of future success, while at the same
time they held out a salutary warning to those
who persist in playing the part of pessimists and
prognosticating all possible evils, present and pro-
spective, instead of looking difficulties boldly in the
face and endeavouring to overcome the evil by
foresight and energy. It is far better and wiser to
hold out hopes of a better state of things, and im-
proving the events of the future from the experience
of the past, and to suggest, with the member for
Berkshire, that, when the period arrived to the
great contest in America, we should most probably
" be independent of that country for the supply of
both food and cotton." Of course, foreign affairs
figured in a speech of this kind, and we notice
soma very pertinent observations in regard to same
important instances of statesmanship and diplomacy
that have recently occurred. It is quite patent to all

critical observers that there is ample foundation for
this remark respecting an Imperial project
but lately set on foot—" They might depend
upon it that, when the EMPEROR summoned
a Congress, there was mischief brewing." This is
perfectly correct, as is the subjoined remark that

our Government was wise in weighing matters a
little before joining in anything of the sort. Doubt-
less our Administration are exhibiting due caution
and reserve in this matter, but it may appear to
some that another question arises out of this consi-
deration. Why do not our Ministers originate a
foreign policy for themselves instead of watching
events continually, and now supporting this poten-
tate, and then drawing back from conjunction with

that Power, because their plans and projects do not
coincide or conform altogether with their notions.
Nowadays we never hear on the Continent of any
nation caring to join Eagland in any great project
iof intervention. It is always debated what the
Freneh EMPEROR will do, and this seeming reti-
cence on our part in reality causes a great deal of
confusion, and an apparent inaction creates far
more difficulties and complications for us than if we
Were Pursuing a bold and independent line of policy
and
fitriking out a course for ourselves. With re-
' markso to,
vreala :la
,nmark, where, Mr. WALTER truly re-
rentas
serious events might occur, how diffe-
, if more deeizive been the present aspect of things
our statesmen,: haad characterised the conduct of
ruled the counsels of the Cabinet.
There is no I.owei
that is likely
a check to desire to con-
front England it
it
is once fairly made known that
i
sa:c.lll. and such inroad, but
willand be
vacillation
the
cause, and will
annul
the effect produced by
New Zealand came under the notistrongest Power.
and was treated in a beeomiug ecf the speaker,
spirit. He cen-
sured the mistaken notions of
diplomacy that
oceedin s N.,-
had regulated our pr g ith
respect to that
of people, and advocated • savage class decided
measures for their reduction. At the same time
there is great cause for regret in the probable
de-
struction of a five race, and there is too much reason
to suppose that Mr. WALTER
will be correct in his
prediction that they will share the fate of the Red
Indians, and with other savage tribes who come in
contact with civilised ones. The latter part of
the address was occupied by the considera-
tion of the question of the principles of
agricultural societies. This may be a diffi-
cult thing to determine in all its bearings, but
nevertheless the speaker's strictures are open to 1
criticism. The prizes were offered to the most de-