The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Irish returns equal our most sanguine expecta-
tions, and reflect great credit on the inhabitants of that
portion of the empire. They are now reaping for the
first time since the commencement of the connection
uith this country the benefit of an impartial admi-
nistration of Government and the laws, and they are
grateful for the justice which is done to them.
That the policy of Ministers towards Ireland re-
ceives the approbation of the people of England and
Scotland is sufficiently proved by the return of Li-
beral Members from all the independent and en-
lightened constituencies of these two countries. The
few exceptions of Liverpool and Norwich, and one or
two other large towns, are easily accounted for without
any impeachment of the respectable inhabitants of
those places. With the known inclinations of our So-
vereign, who is understood to repose the most entire
confidence in her Ministers—with the support of
the inhabitants of the great towns, and the
devoted attachment of the people of England—
they have nothing to apprehend from the Tories.
The enormous expenditure of money by that party,
and the disgraceful practices resorted to by them, only
item to prove how impossible it is to conduct the Go-
vernment of this country against the wishes of the
people. They may rest assured that they never will
succeed in usurping the Government of this country by
fraud or force. What the Tories can mean by encou-
raging their journals to make invidious distinctions be-
ween the Irish and English representatives we are
unable to understand Do they wish to furnish the
Irish neople with arguments in favour of repeal ! There
are fanatics in this country, we know (for the proposi-
tion was made in the Quarterly Review), who would
dissolve the connection, in order to re-conquer the
country and convert the inhabitants to Protes-
tantism. But these wild vagaries cannot enter
into the heads of any sensible individuals of the
pity. No rational Englishman would wish to
dissolve the connection between the two coun-
tries, because he knows that the power of Eng-
land would greatly suffer from Ireland being under a
separate Government. But the Irish are a spirited
and generous people. They are at least the equals of
the English in all natural qualities. They are the
bravest of our soldiers, and in all exigencies a mine of
wealth to this country. All that is wanted in Ireland
to develop its abundant resources, and render it the
abode of industry, is a continuance of good govern-
ment, and the aid of such beneficial laws as Ministers
wish to introduce into that country. How insane it
is, then. to insult the people by speaking contume-
liously of their religion, and holding up the represen-
tatives sent by them to the Imperial Legislature as
less entitled to respect than the representatives of
England I The law has declared that religion
shall be no bar to the enjoyment of all the rights
and privileges of a citizen, and, front the day
that Catholics were entitled to a place in the
Legislature, justice as well as good feeling de-
manded that no invidious distinction should be made
between one religious persuasion and another. Who-
ever thus seeks to excite religious animosity, by holding
language insulting to the feelings of the creed professed
by any large portion of the people of these kingdoms,
is an enemy to his country. The Tories may rest
assured that if they hope to attain power by seeking to
promote dissensions between the two islands, they
labour under a grievous delusion. The people of
England are generally Protestants, and naturally more
attached to their own religion than to Catholicism ;
but their good sense tells them that the Catholics being
equally attached to their own religion, a good under-
standing between the two can only be maintained by
observing mutual forbearance. The low abuse con-
stantly levelled at the Irish and their religion in the
Tory prints is deserving of the utmost reprobation.—
Morning Chronicle.,
We are now in a condition to lay before our readers,
which we do in another part of our paper, a complete
and accurate detail of the Scotch, eturns, both for the
counties and for the towns. On the balance of these
elections it will be. found that the respective forces of
the two parties in Scotland remain precisely as they
were at the close of the last Parliament ; the numbers
of the Whig-Radicals in that kingdom being 33, and
those of the Conservatives-20. We explained on Sa-
turday that the computation of town returns in Eng-
land and Wales, which was taken at 150 Conserva-
tives and 191 Ministerialists, ought to have been
amended to 151 and 190, by deducting the name of
Mr. Cripps, the Member for Cirencester, from the
Ministerial, and adding it to the Conservative list. Add
to the 151 the 114 county Members returned by the
Conservatives in England and Wales, and the 20
Scotch Members elected in the same interest, and the
total of Conservatives in the entire district of Great
Britain, exclusively of Ireland, is 285. On the other
hand, add to the 190 Ministerialists their 45 county
Members from England and Wales, and their 43 Scot-
tish Representatives, and the total of Ministerialists
in the entire district of Great Britain, exclusively
of Ireland, is no more than 268. Deduct the
268 .Ministerialists from the 285 Conservatives,
and the Conservatives are in a majority of
17 on the entire district of Great Britain—
that is, throughout the whole dominion of England,
Scotland, and Wales. This is the result which, from
the beginning, we have hopefully anticipated and
confidently foretold ; and having gained this height,
we pause for a moment to survey the prospect it com-
mands. We see an extensive and populous region,
stretching through almost eight degrees of latitude,
rich in all the signs of industry and civilization, and
in the tokens of a venerable antiquity, diversified with
noble mansions, and busy towns, and broad golden
corn-fields, and towering cathedrals, and white spires
gleaming through village-trees—we see the people of
that wide and fair country threatened with the over-
throw of all that has reared, adorned, and sanctified it,
and, at once, over hill and valley, by river and plain,
we mark them uplifting their voices and their hands to
guard their father-land and their Mother Church, and
they have won their triumph tranquilly ; nothing of
heat, nothing of excitement in their demeanour—no
mania—no cry—

" At once they rose ;
Their rising all at once was as the sound
Of thunder heard remote."

But we are admonished not to halt too long in the
survey of this grateful scene ; we are warned that a
different demonstration is preparing itself in the neigh-
bouring island, where the people have not yet com-
pleted the record of their adverse feeling. " Wait," it
is said, " only wait till Ireland has told you her mind,
and what will then become of the British majority ?
Ireland will send 70 O'Connellites for 35 Conserva-
tives ; and so much for the majority of Great Britain."
Do you think, then, that the Ministers of the Queen
will dare, or daring, will be able, to conceal from her
knowledge the nature and ingredients of her Parlia-
ment ? Or do you believe that when her Majesty
does become acquainted with its composition, and
learns that the only counterpoise to the legitimate and
moral weight of the returns for Great Britain is the
mere numerical power of the Agitator, who, at this
moment, is actually shaking her throne as he clings
to, it—do you believe that the grand-daughter of
George 111. will want the spirit to stand with her peo-
ple. for her Crown ? Do you think she will be afraid
of the Ministers, or of their giant colleague ? She
has nothing to fear, and we believe she fears nothing.
Like her high-minded predecessor, the courageous
Elizabeth, she holds in her hand the destinies of the
Protestant Church ; and like her, may rely on the
loyal energies of a Protestant people.—Times.

All the provincial papers received yesterday and last
night exhibit one remarkable feature of identity in
opinion. A large proportion of them concur in urging
the necessity of the vote by ballet. They regard its
acquisition as imperative—considering the scandalous
scenes which have been exhibited in their peculiar loca-
lities—and especially in consequence of the three dis-
„ataceful murders which have been perpetrated by the
Tory " brickbat and bludgeon system" at Wakefield,
Eirminghum, and Canterbury. It is not unworthy of
notice also, that many of the editors of these liberal
papers (we may mention the Leeds Mercury as a
prominent example), have up to this time been oppo-
newts of the ballot, but are now made converts to the
necessity of that measure. The most manifest injury
which the want of it has occasioned, next to the de-
moralization of society,—now that the Ministerial

majority may be considered safe,—is the exclusion of a
number of the friends of the people, identified
with certain classes of popular opinions, who
have been exposed to the shafts of Tory
hatred from behind the assassin-like shelter of
the undue influence, corruption, and intimidation
connected with the present system. We suggested
some time ago our hope that these victims of an anti-
popular
faction—and who ought to be rendered dearer
to the popular party by that very circumstance—would
be .brought into Parliament for some other places of
the United Kingdom while the opportunity still re-
mained. The suggestion has been adopted by the
friends of freedom in Ireland, who have done great
honour to themselves, and great good to the common
cause by returning Mr. Hume for Kilkenny, and by
proposing to bring forward others of the excluded po-
pular candidates (Mr. Ewart, for instance) for other
places in Ireland. With a view of repairing a severe
loss to , the Liberal ranks in Parliament, as well as
with a view of defeating Tory malignancy, we should
like to see an effort made, while there is yet time, to
return Mr. Evart, Dr. Bowring, Mr. Buxton, as well
as Mr. Hume. These men, equally with Mr. Hume
and Mr. Grote, have been selected for Conservative
vengeance. Let the people ask themselves why, and they
will find in the true response to that question, the
strongest reason why they should prevent the sacrifice.
The reason is that they have rendered themselves too
formidable to the popular enemy by their consistent
championship of the people,—by their honesty in
urging Reform,—and by their talent and industry in
giving effect to their opinions. An affected sneer, or
rather a sardonic laugh, now makes its appearance on
the mortified features of the Tory conspirators. They
see the " engineer hoist with his own petard." They
see Mr. Hume returned to Parliament from Ireland,
ready again, as he predicted, to be a " thorn in their
sides ;" and they do not now sufficiently know how to
digest the venom of their disappointed spleen. They
have no other resource than to calumniate Ireland and
Irishmen in the lump, and to speak of Irish representa-
tion as if Ireland bad not a right to " a voice poten-
tial" in the Legislature as well as England and Scot-
land. In the spirit of Lord Lyndhurst's anathema,
the Irish people are " aliens in blood." They have
been regarded as helots by the Orange ascendancy, and
as helots they are to be deemed and retained as long
as they can be kept down. The Union, like a German
left-hand marriage, is to be all on one side. We may
judge what impartial justice to Ireland would be, if it
were to be administered by such a partial faction. The
madmen employ an argument
,which, if carried out,
would warrant the separation Of Ireland from the
Union. This conduct is in pernicious conformity with
their whole line of calumniating argument on the same
subject during the last session. Ministers, forsooth,
depended upon Irish Members—upon an Irish majo-
rity—upon the tail of Mr. O'Connell. They were to
reject justifiable concurrence of opinion, because it was
stigmatised as Irish. Disappointed machination may
be anticipated to vent itself now in outcries of still
more vehement , vituperation. Ireland has done her
duty nobly in the great struggle. In candour and in
honour we are bound to say that to Ireland now, as
heretofore, is due, in a considerable degree, the merit
of having saved the ark of liberty from falling into the
hands of the Philistines. Honour to the country, and
honour to the Patriots who have successfully laboured
to effect that glorious object ! " Honour to whom ho-
nour is due !"—Morning Advertiser.

The last and only hope of the Melbourne Ministry,
in consequence of the disastrous result of their appeal
to the people of Great Britain, being placed upon the
Irish and Popish alliance, of which the compact was
ratified at Lichfield House, they must become more
servilely dependant than ever upon O'Connell and his
faction. Not Mr. Joseph Hume himself, though now
a palpable and avowed joint of the " tail," is in a state
of more abject dependence upon the patronage of the
Agitator, who has made the destitute denier of Divine
Providence the nominee of one of his rotten boroughs,
than the Melbourne Ministers, who cannot expect to
survive the first week of the opening of the new
Parliament, unless the ci-devant denouncer of " the
base, bloody, and brutal Whigs" can bring up a suf-
ficient force of Popish auxiliaries to their rescue. We
suspect, however, that the Irish legion of " repealers"
will be able to effect as little for the sinking cause
of the Melbourne Whigs as Evans's well-rigged
grenadiers did for the cause of the stock-jobbing
democracy of Madrid. The British lion is now
roused. The manly spirit of English patriotism that
moved away the links of Papal tyranny in the seven-
teenth century, will not tamely crouch to its iron yoke
in the nineteenth. The nation that, in defence of its
threatened independence, smote the mighty Napoleon
in his pride, will not submit to the degrading domina-
tion of O'Connell. Mr. Spring Rice, in his quasi
Conservative speech to the electors of Cambridge, was
dishonest enough to disavow the intimate connection
between Government and the insolent demagogue to
further whose electioneering projects Lord John Russell
wrote the discreditable epistle in the Queen's name to
the vice-regal vassal of that demagogue—Lord Mu!-
grave. At this moment the Ministerial journals endea-
vour to console themselves for the losses which their
employers have sustained in the elections of Great
Britain, with the vain hope that they will be able
to beat down English opinion, and reverse the
verdict which England has pronounced against the
Whig Government, by the aid of a few additional
joints which Government influence, popish priest-
craft, and mob-law have added to the agitators " tail."
We may take it that the Ministerial journals express
the opinions and wishes of the Ministry. Those
journals not only confess, but boast of the de-
grading connection with O'Connell, which Ministers
are so false and so mean as to deny. Thus did they pre-
tend to disclaim the mission of the demagogue to
" preach down" the House of Lords two years ago,
while their journals were loud in their praises and en-
couragement of the audacious incendiary, and his re-
volutionary project. The destitution of talent which
characterises the present Cabinet is their misfortune.
Ministers cannot help the incapacity which God and
nature have inflicted upon them—but their dishonesty
is both a crime and a blunder, and sinks them to the
lowest degree of contempt. They seem, indeed, anx-
ious to earn for themselves that sobriquet of " the
thimble-rig administration" which Lord Stanley fixed
upon them. They practice all that is odious in de-
ception without the power of deceiving anybody. But
since the ministerial journals boast that there will be in
all 75 of O'Connell's faction returned in Ireland, let
us say a few words .on that subject. By the course
which Government have pursued in throwing all its pa-
tronage and undue influence into the revolutionary scale,
and enlisting the popish priests in its service, this
effect is produced. It is true that if there be any jus-
tice to be obtained in Committees of Parliament, seve-
ral of those " joints", will be struck off—still there
will be but tees many elected under the dictation of
O'Connell, and mbre. or less pledged to his opinions—
those opinions strike not only at the existence of the
Protestantsiiifigion',. but the power of the British
Crown, andlend to the•dismemberment of the empire.
So large- a portion of the Irish representation being
thus pledged to the policy of O'Connell, and conse-
quently opposed to the opinions of the English repre-
sentation, as emphatically expressed at the county
elections, we shall thus have the two nations opposed
as nations in the House of Commons, and this is the
doing of Ministers ! The Ministers of our Protestant
Queen, who derives her title from the Protestant set-
tlement of 1688, have done all in their power,
and in that respect not unsuccessfully, to render
the representation of Ireland in general a Popish
representation, whilst that of England is decidedly
Protestant, and chosen for the defence of our Pro-
testant Institutions by a people awakened to a
sense of the pressing danger that assails the altars
of the Reformed faith. We shall thus have the two
religions in conflict in the House of Commons, not-
withstanding the unqualified concessions made to Ito-
man Catholics by the ill-omened 1301 of 1829, and
this also is the doiug of Ministers. But the two an-
tagonist principles which have been thus brought into
action with a fierceness of hostility unealled siie
that struggle which cost the Stuart family the erowl,
will increase in bitterness of strife and acrimony of
feeling, while influencing the sentiments of the popu-
lation of both countries. The Irish priests, encou-
raged and rewarded by the Government, or stimulated
with the hopes of its patronage, will render the future