The Sun.
London, England, 1839-02-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY,-EVENING EDITION,-FEBRUARY 15, mi 9

net...fully give its. time and attention, but he hoped they
would employ themselves long in their endeavours before
they utterly despaired of the amendment of our election
tribunal, and assented to regulations similar to that of the
Noble Lord—( Hear).
Mr. KELLY rose amidst cries of " Divide."—He
snit' this was a subject to which he had always paid the
dsepest interest, and on which he had bestowed no little
tune and attention. The question was undoubtedly of
the very highest importance. It was at all times of im-
portance that any institutions connected with the adminis-
tration of justice should be se constituted as to insure the
cenfiderice of the country ; and it was now undeniably clear
that the Election Committees of this House had lost the con-
fidence of the people.—( Hear.) The Election Committees
ef this House had not only lost the confidence of the people,
bat they had even brought discredit and suspicion, and re-
proach upon this House itself; and this was a truth which
could no longer be disputed. When it was considered
that this was proclaimed loudly by the public voice, the
only remaining question to be determined was, how that
great and grievous evil could be best remedied? Many ob-
jections had been made to what was somewhat vaguely, if
not erroneously, called a transfer of the jurisdiction of this
House. Before it was -assumed that this House
was about to part with any of its privileges, or
any of its jurisdictions, he would ask the pre-
liminary question, whether this House had not al-
ready parted with all the jurisdiction it ever possessed over
the trial of controverted elections? It was scarcely neces-
sary to enter into the history of the establishment of the
privileges of the House; but whatever might belong to
these privileges, they could not claim the merit of so re-
mote a piece of antiquity as others which were possessed
by the House. It was well known that for no less than
two or three centuries preceding the reign of Elizabeth,
the right to amend false returns, and determine all ques-
tions in the nature of controverted elections, was vested in
the Crown. It was exercised by the Crown either the
the Privy Council, the House of Lords, or the Judges, or
sometime's by the mere exercise of the power of niving
directions to the Sheriff at once to amend the return.
Hippy for the Constitution of the country—hsppy_ in-
deed for the libel tics of the people, the House of Co:nmons
43 early as the reign of Queer., Mary, attempted to secure
itself the jurisdiction of ail returns to Parliament. and in
the, streggie which terminated in favour of the House of
Commons as late as the reign rf James 1., the jurisdiction
heeione generally settled stied recognised in this House,
and in this fleus,.•, no doubt, it continued uninapared until
the year 1770, when the Grenbille Act passed. He, might
he allowed, perhaps, to vindicate his Noble Friend from
the he:pun-ohm of having fallen into an historical error when
it teas supposed the house still permitted the question of
controverted elections, to go to the House of Lords. He
believed that that had arisen from a typographical
error in the Report of the Debate of 1770, became
io doubt when his Learned Friend referred to historical
--,nt a he would tied that the very latest received when
•eres raised as to the exclusive right of th:s
!repine all returns, was the reign of James I.
the case of Sir Thomas Godwin who was returned for
ehingliam. Adi ;Lute arose concerning his return A
i•r! Tfilde by the Crown, first, through the Lord
.elselloe—sfterwerds the Judges—ultimately by the
Ise of Lords, to settle the question of disputed re-
'Die Hoene of Commons fortunately persisted
ie claiming todtself the right of determining all questions
of that nature, and firstly prevailed—the pretensions of the
Crown were withdrawn, and from that time till 1770 no
q was raised as to the exclusive rights of the House.
'ereey all kcew, as early as the year referred to by the
l;i tit Hoeourable Member for Tanaworth, the Bth of
the Third, the exclusive power of the House was
recognized by the Legislature. But this was no longer

the question
house to &I

turns

a ciao tion. The House having assumed and I(3D g
e:vrcised this power, it was found for s:Neral years
before the Grenville Act passed, that this House was alto.

ineompreent to disCherge the duties it had assumed
consisteetly with the administration of justice in the king-
dem. It was 'Ound that although then, as now, there
vre.c -many eminent lawyers in the House, that then, as
nog;, this House was an assembly of the first gt.ntlemen in
the. kingdom—still, it was not possible to administer
ro the satisfaction of the people—it was found,
that althosgh Counsel was engaged, and witnesses were
etarnined at the bar, the whole took place before
efepty, benches, and it was only when the division t.)ok place
V),t Members rushed to their places to vote. In consequence
of that state of things the Grenville Act was passed, and
he would seriously beg to ask of this House, before they
reiis-,(1 such strong objections to whatever called the transfer
or their own jurisdiction, had they not by that Act of Par.
liqment parted with all their jurisdictions? The motion
di l not seek to deprive the House of the power of compel-
ling the attendance of witnesses, or of compelling the pro-
duction of documents, and of punishing delinquency. At
presentthe House had no power of conic oiling or qualifying
the decision of Committees from the moment of their
appointment—they had no power over them whatever. It
rtepeared to him, therefore, in vain to talk of the ju-
ri.-eJetion'of that House when that jurisdiction was

already transferred to the Committees to whom the
Election Petiti9ns were referred. The important ques-
tion wee this—was an Election Committee competent to
the due administration ofjustice upon the oaths of those sworn
to administer? It was not ; and whatever might be the Bill
of his Right lion. Friend, and however superior it might be
to any other bill yet suggested, even that Bill would fail to
c9nstituf e a tribunal from that House competent to admi-
nt,ter the law. In order to determine the question whe-
ther an Eiection Committee was competent to administer
other justice they must first consider what were the duties
that Committee had to discharge. It had to decide upon
the most difficult and complicated questions of law. The
Right Hon. Baronet who, with his transcendant abilities, was
capable of turning anything into ridicule, bad endeavoured
by a supposed preamble, to show that, by adopting the motion
of his Noble Friend, the House would be inflicting some-
thing late an insult upon itself. He (Mr. Fitzroy Kelly)
begged leave to say, with all respect to the [louse, that
was no more an insult to the House not being a legal tri-
bunal, to say that it was incompetent for the decision of
complicated and difficult points of law, than to say it was
incompetent to conduct an army, to navigate a ship of war,
or to amputate a limb. Another difficulty arose from atotal
' absence of any uniform decisions—there were no autho-
rities of previous Committees binding on tribunals of
the same nature ; that was an evil that called aloud for the
remedy ; and the consequences were such that no man
who considered this question could fail to look at with deep
regret. He would take the great and important question of
the opening of the registration on Irish petitions. If that had
once been decided there would have been a government
principle for every tribunal, afterwards. If that question had
been satisfactorily determined, at the first moment it was
raised before an Election Committee, that would have pre-
vented an expense almost incalculable—would have pre-
vented a great number of petitions from Ireland—would
have prevented argument after argument, day after day, on
various Committees, and would have prevented that which
was far more discreditable—a. series of conflicting deci-
sions, so that at the present moment no Counsel could
safely advise what the decision of a Committee was
likely to be,—( Hear, hear.) He hoped the House
would look to past experience, before they rejected the
plan of his Noble Friend. The Hon. Member, after pro-
ceeding- a short time amidst loud and impatient cries of
" Divide, divide," concluded by saying he sincerely re-
gretted that the experience of the last few years, with
respect to Committees had been such as to create the
greatest dissatisfaction, amounting, in fact, to absolute
condemnation by the public of those tribunals ; and be
trusted that some mode would be adopted by which the
confidence of the people would be restored.—( Cries of
" Divide, divide.")

Lord MAHON rose to reply, amidst loud cries of
" Divide, divide." He was understood to say that he was
anxious to make to the House a historical statement in re-
ference to what had fallen from his Right Hon. Friend,
and in support of his ( Lord Mahon's) opinion, he quoted
the authority of a great master of election law, (it-env:lle.
From his authority it would appear, that during the time
he had alluded to, triers were appointed by the House, for
the purpose of deciding controverted elections, until in
1672 the Lord Chancellor claimed the right of deciding
ail cohtroverted elections, which claim was resi‘ted
by the House of Commons. He would not now go
further into the subject. He had been rcquested by his
R.,ght lion. Friend the Member for Montgomeryshire to
withdraw his resolution, and to bring in a Bill on the sub-
J7t, he would tell the House why he could not accede to
this request. Suppose he had brought in his Bill, and it
1-11 been found perfect in all its details, his Right Hon.
.iend might vote against it:on the ground that this House
pos,essed the privilege of determining on the election of
tembers, and that this Bill would be in opposition to that
leg c, and he would be perfectly justified in acting in this
r. He (Lord Mahon) therefore thought it was
batter to put it to the vote on this resolution whether the
1-12usl would abide by its privileges or not ; if they do not
tli?n a Bill might be brought in.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
when the numbers were—
For the motion 63
Against it

1:1P ner

divid

Majority against it ll4
Sr ROBERT PEEL then moved for leave to bring
in a Bill to amend the jurisdiction for the trial of contro-
verted elections. He believe he would best discharge his
duty by merely moving the introduction of the Bill on the
present occasion, and the discussion might be taken in a
subsequent stage of the measure.—( Cheers.) With re-
spect co the question put by the Hon. Mcmb•r for Col-
chester (Mr Bernal), as to how far an oath which was not
binding on eleven would be binding on six, he would say
0;4 he proposed that the Committee should assemble under
altogether a different influence, and therefore the arguments
of the lion. Gentleman did not apply.
Leave was then given to bring in the Bill.
FACTORY CHILDREN.

Mr. P. MAULE, in moving for leave to bring in Bill to
regulate the employment of children and young persons in
factories, said be thought it would be better at that late
hour (past tltelve) to defer an explanation of its provisions
till the second reading.
Mr. HINDLEY wished for some brief explanation, if
only five minutes—(Laughter)—of the objects of the Bill.
--(Hear.) Did the Government mean to alter the hours
of the factory children's labour? Did they intend to
strengthen the hands of the inspectors and sub-inspectors ?
Mr. F. NIA ULE said the Government were not pre-
Pared to alter the provisions of the existing Act
as to the hours of labour or the ages of the
children. But they did intend to give additional
Powers to the inspectors and sub-inspectors, believing
that such additional powers were necessary to carry the
Ant into execution. Into a detail of the means by which
Ibis object was to be effected, it would be best, perhaps, to
entcr on the second reading.—( Hear.)
Lord ASHLEY said he did not think at this late hour
it was necessary to give a fuller explanation of the Bill ;
for the discussion of which, however, he hoped ample op.
Port
,unitY would be afforded.—( Hear. )
4'n lioN. MEmnsa asked if any improvements were to
a .ffected in the education of the factory children.
• I"- F. MAULS said he believed the Bill would have
teztlect of snaking some improvement in that respect.
,to wax then given to brine in the Bill.
cpXPORTATION OF COTTON HOSIERY-
the motion of Mr. M. PHILLIPS, returns were

LONDON:
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1839.
EVENING EDITION.

In the Lords, petitions were presented by the Bisho p
of" LONDON, from Cheltenham, for Biblical Education ;
by Lord BROUGHAM, from a parish in Carmarthen, in
favour of Mr. HILL'S Plan of Postage ; and from a
place in Norfolk, and from Cripplegate, for repeal of
the Corn-laws.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE referred to the Earl of Due-
HAM'S despatches, some of which it appears, from Lord
MELBOURNE'S statement, are supposed to be unfit to be
produced to-morrow. The Duke of WELLINGTON is
to move for the production of Sir F. HEAD'S
despatches.

A short conversation took place on the subject of
Education, when the Marquis of L ANSDOWNE said, that
the Government had proposed the most practical, not
the most complete plan ; and Lord BROUGHAM,
while he professed all his ancient zeal in the cause
of education, condemned the constitution of the
proposed Board, and declared against a "little" plan as
exciting all the animosity of opponents, and cooling the
zeal of supporters. It is curious to see the willing
Ministers on this point, as on many others, baulked by
the priests, who must, after all our boasting of freedom,
be considered as the real rulers of the country, and as
the masters of the minds and wealth of the people.
Oa the Marquis of SALISBURY giving notice of a
Committee on Turnpike Trusts, Lord BROUGHAM
suggested that the Noble Marquis should include rail-
roads, which would soon be the only mode of travelling,
and recommended that Ministers should abolish the
post-horse duty, or it would abolish itself.
A new writ was moved in the Commons for Devon-
port, Sir G. GRE Y having accepted the office of Judge Ad-
vocate. Petitions for the repeal of the Corn-laws were pre-
sented from the West Riding of Yorkshire, from Newcastle-
on-Tyne, from Portsmouth, Knaresborough, Worcester,
and from an agricultural parish in Suffolk ; against the
repeal, from the Chamber of Commerce, Limerick, from
three places in Sus3ex, from Henley-on-Thames,
and other places. A petition was presented by Mr.
LEADER from two advocates of Montreal complaining
of being unjustly dragged from their home and being
shut up in prison, and praying for redress.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL took an early opportunity of
informing Sir R. PEEL, Sir E. KNATCHBULL, and the
rest of the Corn-law advocates, that he did not think
it incumbent on him fo declare before Tuesday what
the Government meant to do in relation to the
Corn-laws. This nettled Sir ROBERT PEEL, who en-
deavoured by a sort of threat to extort a knowledge
of what the Government meant to do, but all that
Loan JOHN vouchsafed to inform him was, that when
the Government had only a plain aye or no to give to
a question, it was not usual to state beforehand
which it meant to give. This course is what we yesterday
recommended, and it is wise in the Ministers to keep their
minds open to information. What they may learn on
Tuesday, or between this and Tuesday, may have a great
influence on their judgment. We have not, however,
much hope from the Ministers, and assure our readers
that they cannot be too earnest in convincing them that
to oppose Mr VILLIERS will for ever forfeit the favour
of the townspeople.
Lord MOBPETII moved for leave to brirg in a Bill for
regulating Corporations in Ireland, and explained that
while the Ministers preserved the amount of the fran-
chise for which they contended last year, they now pro-
posed to limit it in those towns where poor-rates
were paid, to those who had paid them three years.
Besides the towns named in the Bill the Crown is to be
empowered to extend corporations to, any town of Ire-
land, containing 3,000 inhabitants. The Bill does not
differ much from the Ministerial Bill of last Session,
and encountered no opposition. Some conversation
took place, and there was some beat, and something
approaching to personality—for what Irish subject is
ever broached without ?—but there was nothing very
fierce except the denunciation of Sinner O'CONNELL
by Saint COLQUHOUN, and the earnest and solemn pro-
test of the Member for Oxford University against de-
stroying any of the bulwarks of the Church. Every
thing politically vile, corrupt, and injurious is a defence
for her, and keeps the public from penetrating into the
citadel of her deformities. On this account the Church
party now stand up for the Irish Corporations as they
formerly stood up for the Rotten Boroughs. They
could not help them3elves in this case, and leave was
given to bring in the Bill.

Lord 111 A HON then moved the following resolution

" That in the trial of controverted elections ; the objects
of justice, uniformity, and despatch would be best at-
tained by a tribunal, not consisting of Members of that
House." His Lordship supported his motion by an ela-
borate argument, contending that in the olden times, the
Lords decided controverted elections ; he did not, how-
ever, propose to revive their power, but to establish a
Court consisting of three Assessors, who should hold their
office for life, and who should also constitute a Court
Of Appeal, for the conflicting decisions of Revising
Barristers. Before this Court all controverted elections
should be tried, its decision to be final. Cases of cor-
ruption to be made the foundation or a special report.
After a general election the Court might be assisted by
two other Assessors, constituting three Courts for the ex-
traordinary despatch of business. The whole of the Asses-
sors, the Noble Lord proposed, should be appointed by
a Committee of the House, to be nominated by the
Speaker. His Lordship's plan was opposed at great
length by Mr. WRIGHTSON, Sir ROBERT PEEL, Mr.
WYNN, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL, chiefly on account
of its being unconstitutional for the House of Commons
to part with a power which it has always abused. It
was supported by Mr. PEMBERTON, Mr. BERNAL, Mr.
KELLY, etc. The debate occupied the whole evening
subsequent to seven o'clock. It was a sustained
and dry performance, full of Parliamentary lore,
and little common sense. Lord MAHON was pressed by
his Right Hon. Friend Mr. WYNN, to withdraw his
resolution, but he divided the House, and was sup-
ported by 63 votes. The number against him was
177, or a majority of 114, determined to retain in
their own bands that power of doing wrong, which
the House has invariably exercised with partiality.
We. said so much onthis subject last Session, when it
was under discussion, and it is now so much less in-
teresting than it was then, that we shall probably not
return to it. The House seems inclined to follow the
example of the Ministers as to the Queen's Speech, and
to moot only questions in which the public at present
take very little interest. We shall see, however, and it
will be an important fact, whether the indifference of
Ministers, and the neglect of Parliament, can stifle
in the people the sense of injustice, and the demand of
redress.

Sir ROBERT PEEL afterwards obtained leave to bring
in his Bill to amend the Jurisdiction for the Trial of
Election Petitions.

A new Factory Bill—Factory Bills being amongst
the scandals of our Legislature—one of those subjects
on which, like the merest tinkers, they have always
made two holes when they have mended one—a new
Factory Bill was brought in and read a first time, after
a short conversation.

Mr. PHILLIPS obtained a return of the quantities of
cotton, gloves, and hosiery imported into this country,
including what was bonded for exportation between 1835
and 1838, which will show, we have no doubt, that the
English are at the expense of maintaining colonies which
the Corn-laws turn into markets for the produce of
other nations. The House adjourned at a little after
Twelve o'Clock.

The Papers to which Lord JOHN RUSSELL re-
ferred on 'Tuesday night, when he brought forward
the subject of a National System of Education, will
be found in another part of our Paper. They con-
sist, it will be seen, of a Letter from the Noble Lord
to the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, containing some
general hints rather than anything like a definite
plan for the extension of education, the suggestion
of a Normal School for the qualification of
Teachers, and a proposal that the direction
of the plan and the distribution of whatever funds
may be voted by Parliament for carrying it into
effect, shall be committed to the President of the
Council and four Members of the Cabinet for the
time being.
The immediate establishment of a school for
training the teachers to be employed in the educa-
tion of the people is a feature of the plan which
must meet with the approbation of all who know
any thing about teaching, and who know also
the lamentable incapacity in this respect of those
on whom the practical part of education de-
volves. It seems hitherto to have been considered
that to possess knowledge, and to be able to com-
municate it effectually to the young, were one and
the same things. Every man who had con-
trived to stuff his head with Greek, Latin, and
Mathematics, was supposed to possess an intui-
tive faculty, by which he could make others as
wise as himself without condescending to study the
mode, or fancying that there were any principles to
be attended to in the art, of instruction. The con-
sequence of this has been, that not one half of those
who go to school, as it is called, derive any benefit
from -the schoolmaster. They may learn some-
thing from their schoolfellows—they get nothing
froth the master, for the simple reason that they
do not understand him. This absurd notion is
however, happily beginning to be exploded. Edu-
cation is beginning to be viewed as ad art, which, like
other arts, requires to he studied before it can be prac-
tised.

The principles, too, on which the normal school
is to be established, as laid down in the Marquis of
LANSDOWNE'S reply to Lord JOHN RUSSELL,
meet our entire concurrence. There is to be no
exclusiveness here ; • the school is to be open
to all, without distinction of religion. Here,
we fear, our approbation of the Government plan
must end. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, as we under-
stood the explanation which be gave of the inten-
tions of the Government in carrying it out, stated
that the schools to be established throughout the
country were to be divided into two classes; one
class for members of the Church, and the other for
Dissenters. It is ridiculous to call such a scheme a
National System of Education. If it can be called
a system at all, it is the most anti-national one
that it is possible to conceive, for its sure and
certain result, were it carried into effect—which we
never can believe it will be—would be, not to
cement, but to disunite the nation—to sepa-
rate the community into two distinct classes,
and to keep these classes apart by a bar-
rier, founded upon religion. Unfortunately, there
exists already too much estrangement between
the professors of different creeds. Exclusiveness
is the order of the day. Between the members of
the Established Church, and those who are not
within its pale, there is no religious, and scarcely
any civil communion. The arrogant pretensions
put forth on the one side, and the spirit of
resistance displayed on the other are daily widen-
ing the breach. What, in such circumstances,
is the duty of a Liberal Government ? Is it to
stand by and look with indifference on a state of
things which, if a timely remedy be not applied,
will become an incurable evil ? This would argue
a degree of insensibility to the welfare of the country
of which any Government would blush to be
thought capable. Is it not incumbent on those who
are invested with the guardianship of the national
interests to endeavour to allay religious oEcitement.,
and to break down the walls of partition which sec-
tarian prejudices build up, betAtt.'n the different
portions of the sams civil community—often
of the same neighbourhood ? Surely this is the
paramount duty of an enlightened and patriotic Go,
vernment. Any plan of education emanating from
the Stec ought; therefore, to have for its object, at
least for one of its main objects, to bring about a
gradual reconciliation between Conformists and Non-
conformists, by associating together the rising
generation of both classes, under the same roof,
during the process of instruction, and at an
age when a lasting direction is given to the
feelings. Now, not only would the whole benefit
to be derived from this union of sects in one educa-
tional system be sacrificed by Lord JOHN RUS-
SELL'S plan, but the opposite evil, the baneful
effects arising from the one sect being arrayed in
hostility against the other, incalculably increased.
The Government would be deliberately sanction-
ing, the intolerance—patronising the exclusive-
ness of the Church—and that too, in opposition
both to its convictions and its practice. Lord
JOHN RUSSELL, with great candour, acknow-
ledges that his plan ought to have been on the
broadest scale of comprehension—that it is de-
fective in Catholicity—that the enlarged measure,
which we are advocating, has been eminently suc-
cessful in Ireland. Why then is it not adopted in
England ? Can any one earthly reason be ad-
vanced for not applying it to this country ?
Had it been a new experiment, we should
have been told that it was a dangerous, or at
all events an uncertain one ; but as it has stood
the test of trial under the greatest possible
difficulties, there is no valid or even plausible excuse
for not introducing it into England. Ihe path
which the Government ought to pursue is broad and
clear. It should lay it down as a rule, never to be
in any case departed from, that no school esta-
blished on an exclusive plan—no school thatis not
open to all without religious tests, shall receive one
penny of the public money. This is the ruling
principle of the normal school, why should it not
be the fuling principle of all ?

Neither the festivities of Shrove-Tuesday, nor
the inaugural solemnities of the first day of Lent,
so dreaded by the Catholic abominators of fish and
fasting, have distracted for an instant the attention

of the people of France from the grand affair of
the elections. The excitement hourly increases ;
and we are sorry to see the bitterness of tone, at first
indulged in by the Journals, more than keeps pace
with it. The Constztutt,onnel is /having recourse to
the republication of its own revolutionary articles;
while the National, never very guarded in its re-
marks, claims an extra license, to free itself of the
bile engendered by the late prosecution of its Edi-
tor. In the meanwhile, the Central Committees
are hard at work, and it is but fair to, state, that
on both sides the most unscrupulous measures are
had recourse to, in order to secure a triumph.
It is reported that the War Department has been
offered to, and accepted by Marshal VALLEE, Com-
mander of the Army in Africa. The KING, no
doubt, despairs of continuing such a nondescript
as General BERNARD in office, against the will of
the army, and the oft-declared sentiments of the
Legislature.
A report has reached Paris that the Belgians con-
template striking medals in honour of the speeches
in Parliament of Joseph Hume and Daniel O'Con-
nell, repudiating the decision of the London Con-
ference.

In a letter frorn Vienna of the 4th inst„ 1,200
persons are stated to have attended the last Imperial
bail. The Empress was present during the greater
part of the, evening. The proportion of English
visitors was strikingly great,

contains
ui
s i
Majestye s
The Second Chamber of the States of Wintemberg has voted an
address, in a reply to the speech from the throne, on the opening
of the Legislative Session. The German papers remark that this
is the first time of such an address having ever been matte a subject
of discussion in the Legislature of tha. kingdom. The address
apassage on the question cf Belgium, in which the
assureDe-
{ the King that, if the general peace should be disturbed,
would find the people and the army ready to make
any sacrifice for maintaining the integrality of their common Ger-
man Fatherland. Another paragraph, intended to allude to Ha-
nover, that:ks the King fur all that he has done " for the protection
and respect due to existing constitutions and public treaties." In
,s ther respects the address is nearly a re-echo of the Royal Speech.
paragraph, proposed to be added to it, In favour of the liberty of
thep
and which was well received by the Chamber, was reserved'
as
theA r
e ssubject
of a special motion.
The Lcipsic Get:-.ette states that the Prussian Government has de-
finitively resolved upon causing marriages to be celebrates'. before a
Civil Magistrate Instead of an ecclesiastical one ; but that the law en
this subject wrlThot be promulgated for some time.

The Journal of Odessa announces that the year
just ended has been one of the most brilliant for-the
trade of-that rapidly rising port-since its foundation.
The value of the imports for the last year amounted
to twenty-two millions of roubles, while the ex-
ports exceeded thirty-eight millions. In the course
of the year, the number of ships that arrived at
Odessa exceeded eight hundred, from all parts of
the world, and all departing, exported the produce
of Southern Russia. Nearly a million of chetwerts
of wheat were exported, mostly the growth of the
Crimea.

On the 26th ult. the Court of St. Petershurgh
went into mourning for eight days for the death of
the late lamented Duchess ALE3iANDER of \Vur-
temberg.

Letters received from the Havannah announce the arrival 01
the Prince de Joinville in that island.

A letter from Guadaloupe of the end of November, gives the
following account of the ravages of the yellow fever and other cgs-
eaves in that colony :—" We have had the yellow fever, the typhus
and other fevers, at the Point-a-Pitre and Russo Torre. Almost
all the Europeans who arrived in the colony died in a few days.
Most of the gendarmes sent from France three years ago have
fallen victims ; the troops in the several environs in particular
have suffered
and are -reduced to an insignificant number. In

one company of at tillery only four men survived. The epidemic has
severely visited the priests of the several parishes ; those of Base
Terre and Pointe-a-Pitre have perished. The medical men have
escaped, almost alone, the disorders which they combated with the
most devoted self-denial. The Isle of Marie Galante, which had till
now been spared by epidemic disorders, even in the most fatal
periods, has now had its share; the principal sufferers there were
childrep.

BOURSE—PARIS, WEDNESDAY, FEB 13.
First Highest J ow. st Last

friiCe. Price. Price. Price.
French 5 ner Cents. llO 70. 110 75 ... 110 6U .. 110 65

4% per Cents lO6 ... 105 ... 11.6 ... 105
3p r Cents 7B 70 ...7.3 70 —.78 70 ...18 70
Rank of France 260:2 50 ...2(302 50 ...2602 50 ..".2f02 50
Lafitte Bank I,ooof. Sh
5,02nr. Sh. 5175 ...5!80 ...5175 ~ 5180
Belgian 5 per Cents

C4i-upons
Spanish Active
• New Deferred 7% 7% ... ~.
Passive
Portuguese 3 per Cents 23 ... 23 ... 23 ... 23
Neapolitan ..
Roman lOO ... 100 ... ET% ... 0975
RAILWAY SHARES.
St. Germain 592 50 ... 582 50 ... 582 50 ... 580 50
Ve sallies R.B.
L.B.
Rouen
Bordeaux to t a 'leste 405 405 ... 405 ... 4, 5
St~asburgh to Bale 327 50 ... 327 50 327 50 ... 327 50
ASPHALTES AND BITUMENS.
Polonceau

We have just received the Madrid Journals of the
6th, containing an address sent to the QUEEN by
the Ayuntamento of Malaga, to thank her for
the putting an end to the state of siege of that city.
The municipal authorities decidedly disapprove in
this document of the measures now revoked.

The Moniteur Belge of Wednesday contains
the following Royal Ordinance :
Leopold, King of Belgium, &c.
By the advice of our Chamber of Ministers we
have decreed,

The Chambers are convoked for Tuesday 19th
February instant, at two o'clock in the afternoon.
Given at Brussels, 12th February, 1839.
(Signed) LEOPOLD.
(Countersigned) DE THE UX.
It was confidently stated in Brussels that several
persons of rank and influence were travelling about
Luxemburg, endeavouring to excite the peasantry to
the commission of acts which_ would compromise
their neutrality. The more moderate and respect-
able journals strongly censure such an insidious
attempt to involve Belgium in a quarrel with
Europe, now that she can no longer
calculate upon the sympathy or support of
France. The same papers remind the people of
the immense weight of taxes which their obstinacy
must impose upon them, by the keeping up sii
army, the expense of which is underestimated at
60,000,000 of francs annually. Truly this is pay-
ing rather dear for their whistle._ The Belgians
ought not to be eager to see their kow imitate the
conduct of WILLIAM the TACITURN Of Holland,
whose dogged determination of purpose has cost
the Dutch 139,300,000 florins, exclusive of the
injuries sustained in the way of commerce;
MITCH FUt?DS. AftstuKii;i., i vii. 13.
tttlial Debt, 214 per Cent Money. 81N.54% .543 A
Ditto, ditto 5 per cent.
A :nen Syndic, ci per cent 94% 95
Ditto, ditto, 3% per cent 71.; 82
Cemmercial Company, 4•:, per 1731 17,Y2
Ditto (0!_12 and 133'3) 5 t 1.4
~ 1. . lot to! jA
tLeah if-11, p'cr ceht. . : ............ . ................
Inttai 1837, 5 per cent. .................. 128 IW,i
Exchange on London, One month
Two mon':hs
BELGIAN I..UNliS—BlitJasets ttt 13
Actual Debt& 2 Per Cent,..-• •
Rothschild's Lied?, 5 Ctnt. ,• • . o,j.A
I,tan rrili:tr Mißlans; it'zi• ...... `6V4
3 per Cent. 6B
Loan of City, 1832, 4 per Cent h7
Sficicty of Commerce, 1N per Cent ll7
Bank of 132.1gium, 5 per Cent
National Society . .
fripers, Feb. 13.
AUSTRIAN PUNDS.-Virxrsa, 5
Five ptt Cerits. Metalliques • • -
Fp= per Cc!. • • . ln 1f43
Three pt`r Cents. ..01 si ib
Bank Shares
n Fg.tiFNc
Db.sDeni ._
m, Fr.E. 8
l
PRteso
Bills.
Ft. Schuld. Sch., 4 per cent 1031,4
Prussian English I,!ati,ll'oo, 4 per cert. :7!
ITN?'
k4tc7iango on Ldrid,M, thite innriths 0 19%
Gazelle. 9e9. 6.

Money.
lO!

SPORTING iNTELLtGENeu.

TATTERSALL' AS'.--11' EsrERDAI.,
The attendance yesterday *as thin; and the betting so fiat
and uninteresting as to affm-d little opportunity I.r cornirienta
If we statE that kremlin and Meunier were backed at even less
odds than those quoted on Monday, and that. Ilderim Aas, noroi,;
nally, at an improved price, we say all that is worth nientiening
9 to 1 agst Ld Jersey's Bro. to Bay :Middleton—taken and
afterwards offered
15 to 1 agst Duke of Rutland's Flambean—taken
16 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Et in-goz•Bragh--,taken
18 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Dey of Algiers
25 to 1 agst Duke of Cleveland's kremlin—taken
25 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Ilderim
30 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Epidaurns----taken
30 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Btilivark
35 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Meunier—taken
40 to I agst Sir G. Heathcote's Oronooko
50 to 1 agst Duke of Grafton's /Ether—taken
1000 to 15 agst Mr. Worrall's Peon—taken
1000 to 10 agst Duke of Richmond's Delos
1000 to 20 agst Antler and Deception—taken
1 00 to 10 agst Duke of Richmond winning the three events,
having Reel only for the Oaks.
"

,
...ord Stanley will leave town to be present at the
approaching grand steeple chase at Liverpool, when he will visit
his father, the E Earl of Derby, at Knowsley Park.
AWFUL SUDDEN DEATH.—A professional
gentleman named Christopher Waggett Dunscombe, Esq., from
t
Cork, who was stopping at Hughes's Hotel, Wicklow-street, Dublin,
returned from the residence
of his brother-in-law, a Mr. Bachelor,
about six miles from town, on Tuesday, got off the car at the hotel
door, walked up stairs, spoke to a gentleman in the drawing room,
and seemed in
Perfect health and spirits. He called the waiter, and
desired him to pay the carnati. The waiter had scarcely left the
room for the purpose when he heard him fall, and, upon returning,
found him in an apparently lifeless state. Doctors were immediately
called in, when bleedin
vain—the vital spark had fled.other He w meansas a fine.loongresorted man,but about
thirty years of age.—
Dublin Packet.
g and were
tine-look to, in
ARDENT SPIRITS,—The use of opium in this
country as a means of intoxication is spreading rapidly. We
have to mention a curious fact, well worthy of remark, if true, and
if false of easy refutation. It is in those districts where the well
intentioned enthusiasts, vulgarly ca'led teetotalers most abound,
that the use of opium as a substitute for ardent spirits has most
ncreasvd. This has been the case nr,rc especially in these townF,
and among those communities, where the ordinary means of intoxi-
cation have been abjured.

CHANCERY COUNT.-(THIS DAY.)