The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, AVGITST 11, 1837.

given in their adhesion to his Government, and the
prhsciyl,4B tiiion whith it is cot►dtictecl, thsat there can-
hot be entertained the flighted doubt of his having
a large majority in the ensuing Sesi'on.—Morning

meat vauntings are made by the Tories of their
gains in the recent elections, and we have DO heSitatiOr.
M 4011146 Pa
.that althOUgh oh the ge.teral result their
stiece:sa inu'Etiglatid-the Only poitidii tit the empire
where baffle 11ws hot been decidedly against them'
—will be found to fall far short of their misrepresenta-
tions; yet the aft CasCh, it tow, iii which
i tht'ir trtitiipli.is a subject of regret: We may instance
Liverpool, M;ddl,.sek, East Stirrqi and Marti:
prom the tedillgg or the electors in those places.beino
known to preponderate immetrs.ely iii favour of
giving effect to tht+ principles of iterottn, it is Well to
aStertaiti by *hat machinations, " drtigs, or
cOnjiiratiiiis," they haVe ban sty egregioi,isly betrayed,
into the desertion of candidates, " good men and true, '
identified with these principles., and the election of
l'erifgehtaitres who make their opposition to nef`orm
the chief claim on the general suffrage. Of course
bribery and intimidation by, the Tories stand forentost
amongst the causes of these reverses : these are their
:nain instruments of action, and most effectively have
they worked them ; but we cannot think any of these
constituencies—not even Liverpool—so thoroughly de-

based as to yield up the interests of the country a prey
to Toryism, unless other and potent causes contri-
buted to the degrading and lamentable result. No, it
would not have been sufficient to corrupt and threaten,
it was also necessary to call in the aid of falsehood,
duplicity, and vilification. Of this character is the
outcry which the faction have raised about the
Church and the New Poor-law Act. To the sim-
ple, the enthusiastic, and the fanatical, the Tories
have alleged that a deep and diabolical scheme is
laid for the overthrow of the Church, and asked
the credulous elector " Will you vote for the de-
struction of your religion ?" And even there are
many instances—had we not the fear of that absurd
law which makes truth a libel before our eyes—wherein
we could adduce the names, day, and place, of the
pulpit hawing been desecrated by the promulgation
of this falsehood, and, the exposition of the Divine
word superseded by political appeals. And yet the
parties thus guilty of desecrating the Church would ar-
rogate an exclusive interest in the maintenance of that
religion which their irreverend conduct is so much cal-
culated to bring into public disrepute; Of those whose
unreflecting sympathy misleads their judgment, the
Tories ask—keeping all circumstances collateral to the
New Poor-law Act studiously in the back-ground—
they ask, " Will you consent to punishing poverty as
a crime ?" " to immuring the poor in bastiles ?" " to
separating man and wife ?" The alarm about the
Church is so despised by all reflecting minds, that we
need not farther expose its absurdity. The Poor-live
fallacy is more 'likely to mislead, the question being of
a more complicated nature. But it may be met by
one plain question—" When did the Tories ever show
themselves the friends of the poor ?" To suppose
them:such is a contradiction of trims. It has been
wisely observed, that the injured may forgive, but
the injurer never ; how, then, can the Tories be the
friends of those whom their enormous and misapplied
exactions from the industrial wealth of the country
have been the chief means of reducing to destitution ?
So much for the undue misrepresentations of the
Tories l Now a word on the omissions of the Re-
formers ; and, first, their neglect of the registries ;
next, their overweening confidence, which led them to

expect success without an effort for its accomplish-
mznt ; and, lastly, their misapplied parsimony. We
admit that it could not have been expected, nor wished,
that they would have had recourse to bribery. An

honest man will not pay so much for a trust, flowerer
honourable, as the rogue who meditates by the abuse
of such trust to secure an indemnity ; but there are le-
gitimate expenses incidental to elections, which the
Liberals have most injudiciously refrained from incur-
ring. We shall not at present pursue the subject
farther, than to urge those qualified for the suffrage, in
the words of Sir Robert Peel, to " Register, Register,
Register ;" and to appeal'to every man in either House
of Parliament who does not wish to see the representa-
tive trust made the subject of as gross corruption as
prevailed previously to the Reform Act, and seats in
the House of Commons sold in the highways and
market-place to the highest bidder, to secure to the
electors the protection of " The Ballot, the Ballot, the
Ball ot."—Morning Advertiser.
While we regret, on general grounds, the exclusion
of Sir James Graham from Parliament, and we agree
with such of our Contemporaries who have attributed
his defeat-mainly to the part he took on the Poor-law
Committee, in support of that odious, unconstitutional,
antichristian, and un-English law, in our estimation,
no talents possessed by any man, however useful awl
commanding, can compensate for this one drawback—
a drawback which must deprive him of the confidence
of the humane, the honest, and right-judging part of
the community. No man, according to the published
evidence, took so warm and uncompromising a part
upon that Committee as Sir James Graham. Like
every enthusiast in a bad cause, he was ready "with
every quibble to support his mistaken opinions. In so
doing it now appears (of which there could be no doubt)
that he was misrepresenting the sentiments and the
feelings of the people of East Cumberland ; who have
now had an early opportunity of telling the Honourable
Baronet so in a way that cannot be misunderstood.
Though S.r James Graham's talents, then, cannot
well be spared to the Conservative cause, and though
norm can lament more than we do the political suicide
which he has thus committed, it is to be hoped that his
fate will prove a warning to others, and that we shall
not see so many othcrw ise excellent persons falling into
the error, which has thus proved fatal to one of the
' otherwise most eminent of the present race of public
men. Let it teach men of all parties that public opi-
nion is not to he trifled with ; and that however emi-
nent the persons who have hitherto attempted to jus-
tify and bolster up this inhuman enactment, it cannot
be maintained against opinions-and feelings so unequi-
vocally expressed.—Morning Herald.

We wish our excellent contemporary the Standard
would not indulge in fancies till it believes them to be
facts. Thus we have in that journal on Wednesday
night along speech attributed to Lord Melbourne,
which our contemporary states he " firmly believes to
hare been repeated by the Premier more than a dozen
times," ending with the words—" I will, therefore,
resign office." Now, as no authority but that of an
anonymous Whig is given for this declaration, the
Standard must forgive us if we wholly disbelieve the
statement, and express our opinion that he has been
imposed upon by one of those many dealers in the
marvellous whose news is generally alleged to be authen-
tic in proportion to its want of all authenticity whatever.
That the doom of Lord Melbourne's administration
will be sealed by the result of the present elections,
there can be little doubt ; but that its retirement will
not be a voluntary one, is, judging from our past ex-
perience of Whig tenacity, equally certain. Besides,
such erroneous statements as these only tend to put
the Conservatives off their guard, and to cause them
to relax in their exertions. What would be thought
of a general who, while preparing for battle, listens
to a story of his adversary's intending to retreat, and,
spreading this rumour through the camp, disarms, in a
great mea.ure, his own followers, and unfits them for
the combat ? Equally objectionable is too ready faith
in such rumours in pol►tical warfare. Let Lord Mel-
bourne's resignation come when it Will, it will be a
work of compulsion and of necessity. The Whigs
have no such word as resignation in their vocabulary.
If they had, they would have resorted to it long ago
—seeing how entirely inefficient and powerless their
services have long been ; but the only way to force
them from their posts is to follow up the blows which
they are now receiving—to ,credit no rumours of their
voluntary retirement--and to be assured that the cita-
' del will only be taken sword in hand, by the over-
whelming force opposed to it. To that conflict no
division of the forces is more important than the tried
and veteran columns of the Standard ; and it is that
it may not be instrumental in neutralising in any de-
gree its own power, or in any degree diminishing the
efforts of other assailants, that we throw- out these
observritions.—Morning- Herald.
If any man, being the appointed and sworn governor
Of a fortress, were not only to give some Qt the most

important eoi„tsotacfopoe into the ,keeping 'Avowed
-enemies, kit were tci-tilke-rt rcwar.l -for so do;tig, and
with that rewatti encotiik,e arid a;d those the
not-mince vvho were most. disposed to T.:volt—such a
. „
uerfictoili goVeytiCir would, as far -as regard,: morality,
act rely trideti id die viTtAtf-t=tt the present Ministers of
the Crown have acted. iney
used the power of the Crown to bestow honouiS
emoltittieiik lip ort potsons whose principles arc, ever
have been, and die ciiet lilt dy hi lid to the
Protestant Monareltiftl Goverritnent otthiS country,
of whidli they are (hi ofileial eitirdiaris ; and having,
done this, they then avail themselves or th trii;diirs
Which the persons so appointed are capable of confer-
ring in RAIN !i-il4.dOrscrel and reward the
most abandoned among the most liacical coi-ktitticu,
ties. In this way they obtain the election of Members
to the House of Cdttitlidtlti otWe {avowable
to them (the Ministers) and hostile to the constatiliunal
princlolve upon which the Protestant Monarchy is
based, Beaten as the I.l4Misteria!isbi pia litoen in the
pregtrit election, their defeat would have been much
more decisive, and indeed overivliehriiitg, if the very
grossest means of obtaining victory in certain plaen
had not been used in the most lavish manner. Were
it not that in several places where Ministerial candi-
dates of the most considerable importance were consi
dered to be in dander orders were given that a victory
should be obtained at any cost, and by any means—
were it not for this, and the measures resorted to in
consequence, there would be at this day certain lead-
ing men out of ParliaMent who are now in it. How
they got in their Committees can tell, and how the
means were ptovidcd which were at the disposal of
their Committees they themselves can tell. They
will not do so, however, if they can help it—but one
thing they cannot help, and that is the conscious-
ness within their own" breasts of the real footing
upon which they stand, as peculiarly the chain-
pions of freedom of election..-And honest repre-
sentation in Parliament. We do not believe it
possible that, however accustomed they may now be,
to the nefarious practices of the party in whose hands
they are so miserable as to be placed, they can steel
themselves to the bitter sense of self-degradation
which must attend upon their recollections of the last
three weeks. They have not escaped detection—as
they must well know ; and they will be lucky if they
escape exposure. What, suppose it should appear
that the patronage of the Crown has been virtually
sold, to find means of corrupting the people ? There
are patriots who would think all this a very adroit exer-
cise of the power of Government for a public pur•
pose—they would call the favour on the one hand a
. merited distinction, and the consideration, or compli-
ment, or expression of gratitude, on the other, '" a
subscription." But these words. do not disguise the
real nature of such transactions as we allude to. It is
not yet the time to say more upon this subject.—
Morning Post.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF CHANCERY, Aua. 10.
PORTMAN V. MILL.

This case was again spoken to this morning, and on the
production of the register-book and the minute of decree,
as delivered out by Lord Brougham, the LORD CHANCEL-
Lon was of opinion that Lord Brougham, in saying the de-
fendant was to have the costs of the suit, did not intend to
include those costs of the exceptions which he had disposed
of by the order of 1832.

TICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, Auo. 10.
LOSH V. HAGUE.

Mr. KNIGHT moved for an injunction to restrain the de-
fendant from infringing a patent granted in 1830 to
Losh and George Stephenson, for an improved mode
of making iron wheels for rail carriages. The improvement
consisted in uniting in a solid manner the spokes to the
felly by making each spoke with an elbow to it, so that the
elbows locked together formed the felly.
Mr. JACOB opposed the motion, and contended that the
invention was not novel, and had been previously the sub-
ject of a patent granted to a person named Paten.
His lloNoun said there was no question the defendant's
wheels answered the description of the plaintiff's, and there-
fore the injunction should be granted ; but as a question
was raised by the production of Paton's patent the plaintiff
should be put upon terms of bringing an action at law, for
the infringement, which action would test the validity of
his patent.