The Sun.
London, England, 1839-05-04 00:00:00

THE SUE, LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 4. 1839.

to be paid ; but unless the existing system was made I
more perfect, it had better be abolished altogether.

Sir DE LAC Y EVANS was opposed to the pro-
position of paying Members, but agreed that it would
be more convenient if a more limited number of Mem-
bers were appointed to sit on Conhnittees.
'the Committee was then ordered to be revived, and
to proceed on Tuesday next.

On the motion of Mr. LOCKHART the Wishaw
and Coltness Railway Bill was read a third time and
passed.
The Ballochney Railway Bill was also read a third
time and passed.
The Monkland and Kirkintilloch Railway Bill was
read a third time and passed.
On the motion of Mr. A CLAND, the Bradford
Improvement Bill was read a second time and ordered
to be committed.

The London and Croydon Railway Bill was read a
third time and passed.
LONDON AND GREENWICH RAILWAY

BILL.

On the motion of Mr. W. ATTWOOD, the Lon-
don and Greenwich Railway Bill was read a third time
and passed.
GREAT NORTH OF ENGLAND RAILWAY
BILL.

On the motion of Mr, PEASE, the Great North of
England Railway Bill was read a third time and passed.
GREAT CENTRAL IRISH RAILWAY BILL.
Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE brought up the Report of
the Committee on the Great Central Irish (Albridge
and Mullingar) Railway Bill.
LONDON AND SOUTHAMPTON RAILWAY

causes whence arose the disturbed spirit of the '
colonies. He stated that there were six capital source:
of those disturbances .—Dissent, form of Government,
religion in the northern provinces, manners in the
southern, education and the remoteness of situation
from the mother country. Did none of these operate
in Jamaica ? Did not Dissent operate there ? They
must recollect that this country owed the pos-
session of Jamaica to the conquering arms of Cromwell.
So far therefore the same cause operated in Jamaica as
in North America before the revolution. Burke said
that the religion of the northern' provinces sufficiently
accounted for the spirit of liberty that prevailed there.
In the southern provinces the same influence did not
prevail ; but there was another, namely, " manners,"
and he spoke of Carolina and Virginia, which
were slave-holding provinces. Where there was a
vast multitude of slaves, as in these provinces, those who
were free, were far more proud and jealous of their free-
dom. Such was the case with their gothic ancestors—
such was the case with the Poles, and such would be the
case in all time with all holders of slaves. They might
diffuse the sentiment out of which it originated, but

it was human nature.—(Hear, hear.) Burke said the
last cause was hardly less powerful than any of the
others. 3,000 miles of ocean divided them and no
contrivance could could prevent the effect of distance
in weakening power. Seas would roll between them, and
months elapse, while the want of a single explanation
might be fatal to the connexion. In the present instance
they had that difficulty to deal with, and 3,000 miles
of ocean interposed an obstacle to the administration
of the affairs of that colony. After the restoration
of Charles the Second in 1661, the first regular

form of Government was conferred on -that
Colony. The formation of the House of
Assembly was of rather a later date, but in 1661, on
the first burst of enthusiasm against popular movements
and the first burst of loyalty, a Council o'
twelve was appointed to be elected by the
Crown. A few years afterwards the House of Assembly
was constituted, and in 1678 began a series of
attacks on the privileges of that House on the part of
Charles the Second and his Ministers, which were
completely defeated by the perseverance and fortitude of
that Assembly. He mentioned all these things in order
to prepare them for the explanation, that although the
negroes greatly exceeded the whites—although the
colony was limited in extent, they might find greater
difficulty in administering its government from home
than they would have inferred from the circumstance of
its being a small and isolated colony.—(Hear, hear.)
He begged them not to suppose that Jamaica would be
an isolated Colony, and that no sympathy or fellow-
feeling would be excited among the other colonies. He
would take the smallest of them, and would read an ad-
dress not couched in the language of menace, but an
appeal which would produce so much the greater
effect. It was the language of the address of the
House of Assembly of the little colony of St. Chris-
topher's ; therefore let them not think that Jamaica
would not find sympathy from the other colonies ; and
as in 1838 they had suspended the Constitution of Ca-
nada, and in 1839 the Constitution of Jamaica, so in
1840 and 1841, he dreaded lest the same effects should
be produced, and there should be no other resource
left but to suspend other constitutions. The address of
the Assembly of St. Christopher's was agreed to without
any knowledge of the intentions of the Government
with regard to Jamaica, merely on their own account.
They stated that they should, by all constitutional and
legal methods, uphold their rights and privileges—that
they knew their weakness and their poverty, and their
inability to stand against power ; but they felt
they should find sympathy among the other British
colonies, who knew their cause was good—(Cheers)
—and they feel strong in their weakness, rich
in their poverty, and they should proceed cautiously yet
firmly to uphold their Charter and Constitution.—
(Cheering.) Therefore, when this measure went out
let them not flatter themselves that the indignation it
would occasion would be confined merely to Jamaica.—

(Cheers.) Unless they could clearly manifest that
they had justice on their side—(Loud cheers from the
Ministerial benches)—they would excite a degree of
sympathy in the other colonies which would completely
abstract the success of the measure.—(Cheers.) He
did believe that when they sent out these Bills
giving three Councillors—and for all he knew these
three Councillors might be three Aide-de-camps
of the Government--power of imposing unlimited
taxation on the colony, they ought not to flatter
themselves that it would meet with universal ac-

quiescence.—(Cheers,) bid they recollect the year
1774 ? An Act was passed in that year for doing away
with all doubts respecting the regulations of the
colonies of America and the West Indies.—(Hear,
hear.) He would read the recital of that Act,
(The Right Hon. Gentleman here read the recital of
the Act alluded to, which stated that the power of tax-

ation, by the Parliament of Great Britain, of the colo-
nies -bad been found to create uneasiness, and that
many ,of the colonies would be willing to raise contribu-
tions for, the'exigencies p, t 1 StAte.) In order to re-
move this„uneasiness,.lt_was decided 'that the King and
Parliament of Great Britain,would..uo.t.iropose any tax
on the colonies. 'And Achen,'he referred to the Act
preceding this, he found it was intituled " An Act re-
pealing an Act passed in the 14th year of the reign of
his present Majesty, intituled An Act for the better
Regulpion of the Government of Massachussets.'" This
Act for the Government of Massachussets, which they
had been obliged to repeal, was a regulation of the Bri-
tish Parliament to levy a tax, and this Act they had
taken as the model of their Act for the Government of
Jamaica. These were considerations which alone ought
to have weight, and he felt that when they considered
the origin and the descent of the society to which this

measure was to be applied, they would grant that they
were entitled to the rights of British subjects. The
Act itself was a most serious measure—the state of the
society to which it was to-be applied was most serious ;
but if any thing could aggravate the danger of this
Act, it would be most certainly to pass this Act on false
pretences. Nothing could more tend to tower the cha-
racter, or derogate from the authority of Parliament—
nothing could tend to make this precedent at all times
dangerous, more particularly so on this occasion, than
to pass this Bill on false pretences.—(Cheers.) He
could imagine that public considerations of profound po-
litical reasoning might render the suspension of a po-
pular form of Government necessary ; but if the Go-
vernment found this necessary, he would advise them

for the sake of justifying themselves in the eyes of the
world, to studiously put forward their reasons fur so
doing.—(Cheers.) When his Noble Friend proposed
the abolition of slavery, he might have conceded that
the question of a suspension of the Colonial Govern-
ments might be entitled to consideration. It might
be said that they were about to make a great
experiment, the issue of which was necessarily uncer-
tain. That they had determined to emancipate the ne-
groes—that they foresaw great local difficulties—that
the Assembly, which was constituted for a state of
slavery, was not fitted for any other condition—that
there was something in the state of society requiring
the interposition of superior authority—that, therefore,
the Government bad determined, in order to protect,
the claims both of the slaves and of the remainder of

the population, and had consequently determined to under-
take the local government. They might say that another
great experiment was about to be tried, and that the ne-
gro population, although they had acquired their freedom,
had not yet acquired the right of the elective franchise.
If they thought that it was absolutely necessary to sus-
pend the authority of the House of Assembly in order
that the. negro should enjoy civil and religious liberty,
these reasons might be applicable to other cases, and

should only be adduced now, because there was some-

thing peculiar in the state of Jamaica. But if that pe-
culiarity did exist, why suffer it to be a lurking mo-
tive for the Bill, instead of inserting it in the pre-
amble ?—(Cheers.) He was not aware that that dan-
ger existed which was apprehended by some gentle
men. It had been suggested for the purpose of in-
ducing conciliation towards the Act, that it was
desirable for the protection of the whites. if so,
then why not say so ?—(" Hear," and cheers.) Why
not say that in consequence of the irritable conduct of the
House of Assembly, the Imperial Government consi-
dered them unfit to legislate upon this point, and why
not also state what limitation they intended to prescribe
to the precedent they were about to introduce—what

their justification was for such an act of limitation ?
(Cheers.) He (Sir R. Peel) could not say from any
communications he had had that such apprehensions for
the safety of the whites, as seemed to actuate Hon.
Gentlemen opposite, was felt in Jamaica. The state
of the elective franchise in Jamaica might demonstrate
that there was no such danger. The elective franchise
in Jamaica was only granted to those who possessed a
house and land to the value of 101. a-year currency,
which was equal to 71. sterling. It was a mistake to
talk about 40s. franchises in Jamaica, for no
such institution existed, but a 301. leaseholder
in occupation was entitled to the franchise. In the
enjoyment of freehold rights now there was no
distinction between the black and the white population,
nor was there ineligibility to seats in the House of As-
sembly. There were now eight Members of the House
of Assembly who belonged to the coloured population.
He rejoiced at that, for the negroes had now a perfect
right to influence the House of Assembly, and no doubt
they would do so in the course of time. Now did they
apprehend that the franchise was to limited for the
necessary change ? or if they considered that the fran-
chise was too extensively enjoyed by the ncgro