The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, AUGUST 21, 1837.

Commons, as they know so well in their own persons
the fair value of men beside themselves. It would, we

apprehend, be found rather troublesome to calcu-
late the Irish fractions on a division, in case each
Member from the " Alien" land should be allowed but

a fractional share in the representation ; we should,
therefore, advise the Tories at once to get rid of the
difficulty, and propose a repeal of the Union. To this
result their policy is strongly tending. Why not at
once avow it, and thereby conciliate the co-operation
of these whom as opponents they so much despise and
deprecate ? A miserable attempt has been also made
to represent the Irish Liberals as making familiar and
indecorous allusions to the sentiments expressed by her
Majesty in her letter to Lord Mulgrave, approving of
his Excellency's Administration. Mr. Sheil is repre-
sented to have said in Tipperary:---" The Queen is
with us. It was said Lord John wrote the letter in-
deed. It was dictated, however, by the Queen. Yes ;
dictated by her gracious Majesty; and when she writes
election squibs so well, we'll give three cheers for our
Queen Victoria, God bless her!" " The Queen" and
" election squibs !" How very like Mr. Sheil's style !
—all its brilliancy and point ! So polished and clas-
sical as to leave no doubt of its authorship I And yet
on this wretched trash—evidently spurious every line—
which some stupid knave has attributed to one of the
most refined and studiously elegant orators of the Bri-
tish Senate—is hung an elaborate commentary to show
the incapacity of the Irish Members to appreciate the
position and good intentions of their Sovereign, and to
disgust the latter with those whom she has honoured
with her confidence. But after the diabolical attempt
to infuse distrust and dissention between her Majesty
and her illustrious parent, these minor machinations
need not excite surprise, however inucli they deserve
execration.—Morning Advertiser.
The extraordinary efforts which the Government is
making in Ireland to retrieve the losses sustained by
the Melbourne Ministry upon the English elections
prove two things one, the desperate condition to
which their affairs are reduced ; the other, the deter-
mination to persevere as long as they can keep their
heads above water in endeavouring to " carry out,"
by their policy, the terms of that degrading and in-
famous compact which they formed with the profligate
disturber of the peace of Ireland at Lichfield House, for
the purpose of coercing the late King in the exercise of
his Royal prerogative, and, forcing themselves back
into the high places of power, for which, by their
want of talent, character, and principle, they had
shown that they were wholly unqualified. The Pro-
testants of Great Britain now see in the close
and familiar embrace of a monstrous coalition the Pro-
testant Government and the Popish priesthood, who
pant for the destruction of all Protestant institutions.
Since the reign of James H., such a portentous union
has not insulted the enlightened understanding or
shocked the Protestant principles of the people of Eng-
land. There is now no disguise as to the preference to
be given to Popish and Protestant principles in Ireland,
at least there is no disguise as far as the operations of
Government in that country are carried on, though in
England Mr. Spring It ice and Lord John Russell,
preparatory to the late elections, delivered sentiments
with the view of hoodwinking the Protestant electors,
adverse to O'Connell's policy, and conservative of our
institutions in Church and State. But that was only part
and parcel of the system of deception and " thimble-
rig" which the Melbourne Cabinet carries on —they ey
subsist—like their great ally and master, the " big
beggarman"—upoa public delusion. Already the
Journals of the Ministry send forth a shout of triumph
regarding the Irish elections. Their triumph is, we
believe, more showy than real. It is assuredly pre-
mature. Several of those elections, to say nothing of
the outrageous lengths to which the Government has

gone in the exercise of undue influence, have been
obtained for Ministers and Popery by palpable fraud
and intimidation. Where fraud has not succeeded, open
violence has been resorted to, and the lives of Conser-
vative electors assailed as the price of daring in the face
of the " liberty-loving" slaves of the Romish Church,
to exercise the " freedom' of election !" Still the re-
turns obtained for the papal and destructive faction will
fall short of what O'Connell had anticipated, and
Committees of the House of Commons will, no doubt,
considerably reduce the number of pro-popish repre-
sentatives, who, for s time, usurp the seats which the
votes of bona, le constituencies have, in point of law,
conferred upon the defenders of the Protestant institu-
tions of the kingdom. If our young and inexperienced
Queen has been imposed upon, as we have no doubt

she has, and if, in declaring that she would maintain
the Constitution which she had learned to respect and
love, and preserve the Protestant Church as by law
established, she spoke the words of :sincerity and truth,
while her Ministers meant that they should be used
only in the way of hypocrisy and deception, the events
which have occurred even during the short time that hat
elapsed since her accession must have opened her Ma •
jesty's eyes and proved to her that the faction that has
surrounded the throne are not identified with the feel-
ings or interests of Constitutional and Protestant
England.—Morning Herald.
The Ministerialis:s are blinded by their eregious
vanity when they say that the present Government is
identified with certain great political principles. It is
ne such thing. If it were we should account it a much
more respectable Government than we do account it.
Men who act from principle—that is a principle hav-
ing reference to the public good—we cannot but re-
gard with some degree of deference even when we think
their principle an erroneous one. But the whole his-
tory of the existing Government shows that it is not
identified with any principle. We complain of the
present Ministers, not that they are Whigs in principle
or Radicals in principle, but that they are, as touching
the conduct of public affairs, shockingly unprincipled,
mean, selfish, and dishonest. We believe there is not
one man among the present Administration who does
net in his heart prefer the Conservative policy to any
other, but because they cannot obtain the assist-
ance which a Government requires upon any other
terms than those of truckling to the Whig-Radicals
they affect to favour Whig-Radical policy. In stating
this, we state nothing but the general conviction of
the country. It is not only the opinion of Conserva-
tives who oppose, but also of Radicals who support,
the existing Government, that the wishes of its mem•
hers are that Conservative policy may prosper, if that
he possible, concurrently with their administration of
affairs. It is, howevor, the opinion both of Conserva-
tives and Radicals that the chief object of the present
Ministers is to remain place, and that they will sacri-
fice Conservative policy, and adopt Radical policy, ra-
ther than not remain in place. It is notorious that the
supporters of the Administration have no confidence
in the Administration beyond that which arises
from the belief that the Ministers will not dare to dis-
oblige them. They calculate upon the vice and weak-
ness of the Queen's Government and their own ability
to coerce these Ministers to a considerable extent.
Not being powerful enough to make an Administra-
tion of their own, they bring the aid of their Honse of
Commons power to a party essentially aristocratical,
who are miserably deficient in the House of Commons
power, and also arc nevertheless determined to hold
the offices of government till they are absolutely forced
from them. But the Radicals know the value of their
assistance too well to give it without conditions. They
enable the Whigs to hold place, and the Whigs enable
them to make their policy the proposed policy of the
Government of the country. Happily it is little more
than the proposed policy, for the Conservatives have
been strong enough in the last Parliament (and they
will be stronger in the next) to save the country, and
the Whigs themselves, from the policy which the
Whigs propose upon Radical suggestion. There is a
kind of genuine union—that arising from a common
antipathy, which we admit to exist between Minis-
ters and their Radical supporters—all the rest of
their connection is pure fraud. They both hate
the Conservative party. The Radicals hate the Con-
servatives on account of their principles, and their
determination to maintain these principles. The
Ministcrials hate the Conservative party, because
that party is so much more powerful than their own—
because, notwithstanding the existence of the Reform
Act, the Conservative party is very strong in- the
House of Commons, as well as in the House of Lords,
and (were the Radicals to hold aloof) able to beat the
Whigs in either House, three to one. The
dif-
f.rence between the nature of the st.ugale ca:ri,,:d on
by Conservatives and Ministers is really this, that the I

former are striving to establish, in the legislation and
Government of the country, the principles of their
party, and the latter are striving to establish the places
of themselves. To say that the present Ministers have
principles, for which they labour as managers of pub-
lic affairs, is either to repeat the dream of a heated
brain or to assert a flat falsehood. If they had prin-
ciples they would declare them boldly—they would pro-
duce measures in conformity with them—and if they
could not carry such measures they would no longer in-
cur the responsibility of guiding the Government of a
country whose legislature refused to be guided by
their advice. But there is nothing of this kind, neither
is there any general belief that they have principle.
Persons whom they employ may assert it, and it will of
course suit the persons who support them to affect an
accordance with these statements ; but we appeal to the
candour of the public whether the general impression
be not that the consent of Ministers to Radical mea-
sures is the result of their dependence upon Radical
votes, and not from any good disposition towards these
measures ? It is of this wretched debasement of the
character of Government that we have so often com-
plained, and that we will complain again and again, in
the hope that the spirit, the honest spirit of this nation,
will arise in its might, and demand that we shall
have a Government pledged to some principles by
which it will stand or fall. If this plan of holding
the Government upon the sufferance of an extreme
party, which consents for a consideration that the
Government shall be so held—if this system should
long continue there is no calculating the amount
of degrading effect which such paltryness in high
places may not have upon the general character of the
nation. We protest that we think even bad measures,
if proposed and carried with genuine honesty of pur-
pose—that is to say, in a true English spirit—are less
dangerous to our permanent welfare than a bastard
description of Government, which shuffles about, now
under one name, and now under another, and which
submits to be kicked with exemplary patience, remem-
bering the thrifty adage of " no place, no wages."
Princ►ple I Upon what principle did this Adminis-
tration come into office ? Why they induced the
House of Commons to affirm that a portion of tl►e
property of the Established Protestant Church in
Ireland was justly applicable to a secular purpose—
the education of the Roman Catholics. Sir Robert
Peel would not continue in the Government while
one of the Houses of Legislature expressed, even
by a small majority, a principle so opposite to his
own. Have the present Ministers who succeeded him
advanced one jot that principle which they made their
stepping• stone to office ? Did they venture to bring
it forward in the last Session of Parliament ? Is
there the slightest probability that they will bring it
forward with success in the next Session ? All these
questions must be answered in the negative. A pretty
Government it is, then, to pretend to principle. We
recommend the flatterers of the present Ministers to
choose other ground. Let them say with what adroit-
ness the Government can truck " Court warrants"
against the votes of Radical retailers of cabbages. Let
them boast of the magnanimous facility with which
Ministers when refused the support of the people of
England can console themselves with the aid of the
Priests of Ireland. If they do this they have some
chance of being believed. So long as they talk of the
" principle" of these Ministers they will only be
laughed at.—Morning Post.

WHEAT AND FLOUR IN FRANCE COMPARED

WITH LONDON.

WHEAT. —The highest price of the best wheat in Paris, is
25 francs per 14 hectolitre, which is equal to 38s. 3d. per
English imperial quarter. The highest price of the best
Essex and Kent wheat in London, is 655. per quarter, show-
ing fine wheat to be 275. 9d. per quarter dearer in London
than in Paris, or upwards of 72} per cent. ; and that the same
money which will in London buy but eight bushels of wheat,
will, in Paris, procure upwards of thirteen bushels of the finest
quality.
FLOUR. —The highest price of flour of the " first mark" in
Paris, is 53 francs per 159 kilogrammes, which is equal to
365. 6d. per English sack of 280 pounds. The highest price
of the best " town made" flour in London, being 12s. per
sack, shows fine flour to be 18s. 6d. per sack dearer in London
than in Paris, or nearly 60 per cent. ; and that the same money
which in London buys but 280 pounds of fine flour, will in
Paris purchase 403 pounds of the very best quality.

The ropemakcrs of her iNlajesty's dockyard, Ports-
mouth dined together on Thursday last, at the Queen
Charlotte's Head, Lsndport, to commemorate the adop-
tion of the French plan of tarring yarns singly in prefe-
rence of many together.
Grouse shooting commenced on Saturday last, and
all the moors in this vicinity, from which reports have
been received, the sportsmen are well pleased both with the
number and quality 40E, game.—Ayr Observer.
We. lament to state that a serious and fatal affray
occurred between two men, named Willis and White, on
their return borne from Lenthay Races, on Tuesday night.
White it appears is a native of Cornwall, and Willis a resi-
dent of this town. The particulars of this melancholy
rencontre arc variously given, and as we are anxious to
avoid publishitr; any misstatement, we shall decline doing
more, till after the Coroner's Inquest, than simply adding,
that the quarrel ended in the death of Willis by the hands
of White. The body bears several severe wounds, inflicted
with a knife, and one of a desperate character is visible in
the neck. The deceased did not long survive the wound.-
8//e,/,')7 ine Journal.

POTATOE EXPERIM ENT.-0 wing to the partial
failure of the potatoe crop for several years past, it became
an object of importance to try experiments with the view of
restoring the constitutional vigour of that valuable esculent.
Last year Mr. Arthur, gardener, at North Berwick Lodge,
noticing a field of thriving potatoes, of sorts, in his neigh.
bourhood, bestowed considerable pains in crossing the
strongest and most approved varieties in the field, and af-
terwards carefully collected the seed. The seed thus col-
lected was sown early this season, and the plants produced
were in due season transferred to new ground, on which
potatoes had never before been grown. The crop, which
covers more than a quarter of an acre, has the most pro-
mising appearance, the stems being nearly as strong as the
best fields in the neighbourhood, grown from sets. From
the pretty extensive scale on which the experiment has been
made, and the scientific manner in which it has been con-
ducted, it seems well deserving the attention of the
agri-
culturists, as a great number of new and important varie-
ties may be obtained, no two stems exhibiting the same cha-
racteristics.

On Sunday morning a painter residing in Camp-
bell's Close, High-street, gathered some fungi on Arthur
Seat, which he mistook for mushrooms, and in that belief
brought them home, and having prepared them, cat them
iu company with two of his sons. Shortly afterwards, all
three were taken violently ill. Dr. Peddie of Lauriston
was sent for, who applied the stomach pump. The young-
est son was least affected, as he had eaten rather sparingly
of the poisonous vegetable. The elder boy, though more
alarmingly affected, is also doing well. But the father
continues still in a dangerous state, being affected with de-
lirium, though it is hoped he also will recover.—Scotsman.

GREENAcRE.—The rewards which were offered for
the apprehension and conviction of the murderer Greenacre,
and which for so long a period were withheld from the
parties, have at length been paid, and a considerable portion
of the amount has very properly been awarded to that me-
ritorious officer Inspector Feltham, of the T division, who,
it appears, has found another warm friend in the person of
Mr. ex-Sheriff Parkins, and from whom Mr. George Bean,
No. 6, Mortimer-street, Cavendish-square, has just re-
ceived a communication. On Friday Mr. Bean forwarded
to the Inspector a letter of which the following is a copy :
Sir,—l am desired by Joseph Wilfred Parkins, Esq., now
residing at New York, to transmit to you the inclosed .51.
note, as a reward for your activity and vigilance in appre-
hending and bringing to justice Greenacre, the murderer.
This gift is to be disposed of in the purchase of a medal or
anything else you may think proper. I am Sir, &c.,
GEORGE BEAN."—It further appears from the contents of
the packet addressed to Mr. Bean, that about three years
ago the ex-Sheriff narrowly eseaped being murdered by
Greenacre and two others, named Alexander and Robinson,
all of whom were with him at some period confined in the
Debtors Prison, New York, when the latter (Robinson), a
Kentucky man, was desirous of obtaining possession of a
bond which was in his (Mr. Parkins's) hands. Mr. Per-
kins states in addition, that a short time previous to the
above occurrence, five fellows (all prisoners) burst into his
(Mr. Parkins's) room in the middle of the night, and one
of them, whom he believed to have been employed for the
purpose by Greenacre, gave him a desperate blow on the
eye with a hatchet, and it was a great mercy that he was
not killed.

LOVE.—Love is heat full of coldness, a sweet full
of bitterness, a pain full of pleasantness—making the
thoughts, hair, eyes and hearts, ears—born of desire,
nursed by delight, weaned by jealousy, killed by dissem-
bling, and buried by ingratitude. Love is a chameleon,
which draws nothing in the mouth but air, and nourishes
nothing in the body but the tongue. A man has choice to
begin love, but not to end it. Love-knots are tied with eyes,
be witilhan&-1,10,1e fait with thous IL6,
not to be unloosed with fingers.