The Sun.
London, England, 1839-04-30 00:00:00

THI4I SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 30, 1839

defence, and lie should be glad to know how that was un-
lawful ?
The Magistrates ordered him to be bound to keep the
peace fcr twelve months, himself in 1001., and two su-
reties in 501. each, and stated that they were determined
to put a stop to these nocturnal and treasonable meetings.

MEETING AT MANCHESTER.
On Tuesday evening last the Chartists convened a
meeting at Batty's Circus, Bridgewater-street, for the pur-
pose of affording an opportunity to sundry members of
the " National Convention" to address their " consti-
tuents." Although all who went in were obliged to pay
for admission, the place was crammed to excess. In the
boxes were several females—some of them of rather res-
pectable appearance. The speeches delivered on the
occasion were unquestionably of the most violent and
seditious character we ever heard. We have selected a
few pasrages from such of the speakers as thus distinguished

themselves.
The CHAIRMAN in opening the meeting was exceedingly
moderate. Indeed, he did not hint at violence at all. The
subject of his speech was principally confined to the present
distress of the working classes, and the necessity for every
working man using every exertion to improve his present

condition.
A person named BUTTRRWORTH moved the first
resolution, which was, " That the careful attention which
the General Convention has hitherto paid to the mighty
interest confided to it, the prudence and the ability with
which its interests have been maintained, are such as to
entitle that body to the warmest gratitude of the people :
and also to justify the most entire confidence in it for the
future." This speaker was also exceedingly moderate in
his language, although he spoke with considerable
warmth, and at some length. The spirit of violence,
however, began to creep out by degrees, for the seconder
of this resolution, after descanting upon the state of the
country, said " Such a state of things having come
upo n us, and feeling that we are Englishmen, whose
proudest boast was to protect their freedom, and support
the honour and glory of their country, having in their
breasts English hearts to what other determination
could they come than " to spill the last drop of blood" that
flews in our veins—to sacrifice in addition to every
comfort, in addition to every privilege, and in addition
to every right as Englishmen—to sacrifice even life itself,
in order to " overturn" the oppression that had ground them
into the dust—(lmmense cheering),—to sacrifice that
life that was not worth preserving, unless we could restore—
unless we could confer upon the inhabitants generally of
this country, that protection and those comforts, to which,
as Englishmen, they are so justly entitled." . • •
Again—" I had the pleasure yesterday to meet with dele-
gates at Ashton, from many parts of the country, and
whatever question was put to them, relative to the feeling,
of the country where they resided, it was almost impossi-
ble to elicit from them any expression except such as re-
lated to physical force."—( Renewed and deafening cheers).
. . . . Again—" They (the people) have tried for
years what virtue there was in petitions, and remon-
strances ; they have tried every moral means, awl all has
been ineffectual ; but, being as they are, determined to
effect their freedom, they will—and I now say it in order
that there may be no misiake ; in order that the govern-
ment—the oppressive, the cowardly government of the
country may know ie—" Here the speaker stopped
short, and gave his sentence a turn, by saying that, " the
Government could not paralyze the strong arm of a peo•
ple's power."
The next speaker was Mr. J. R. RICHARDSON,
with whom our readers are already somewhat familiar.
After adverting to the late debate in Parliament, re-
lative to the Ministry, the difficulties of the Government,
the monetary system, the savings' banks, the national
debt, the revenue, the new poor law, the rural police, and
a variety of other topics, he came to the question of arm-
ing. He said, We propose as soon as we know the fate
of the petition, to try whether the people of England will,
at the desire of the Convention, hold simultaneous meet-
ings on one day, and in one hour, in every village and
hamlet rte, kingdom.—(Cheers, and cries of "We
will.".j —Ey this means we shall then throw ourselves
into the arms of the people.—( Hear.) If they take and
fling us back again into the Convention, we shall be
obliged to do what they tell us to do.—( Hear, hear.) But
if we cannot get the majority of the people of England to
take tip the question warmly, and at the spur of the moment
—ne arming afterwards_( le voice, " No, no, we'll go
ont' moor after")—if we get the people well organized to
meet when they hear the day announced—we must have
them so well organized, that they can present the finest
and boldest front—( A voice, " A, powder and shot"—
Loud cheers)—for if we cannot get the people, or some-
thing like a majority of the people, to take the field with-
out arms, how can we expect them to take the field with
arms ?—( Cheers.) That is the first step we shall take.
But I have no doubt on my mind that
the Convention will adjourn for a short time, and send
amongst you a certain portion of its members, in order to
ascertain whether you are what you profess to be, If so,
I hope that you will be there, to testify that you are " up
To THE MARK," and that you will be " To THE MARK,"
when called upon ln conclusion let us
show that we are determined to have a Parliament elected
by the people, and that if any body of men should dare
to take the inventive genius from us, we will arm to a
man to prevent them. Every Englishman has a perfect
right to have arms in his possession, for the protection of
himself. The Queen swore to protect the' Constitution
inviolate upon her Coronation-day, and you men of Man-
chester, you are equally loyal, and you will maintain, that
portion of the Constitution inviolate—you will be pre-
pared ; I know you will not suffer any Whig Government,
or Tory Government, or any other kind of government,
to assume the reins of despotism over .you
. . But how are you to resist it? Why, by taking up
that doctrine in the Bill of Rights, that every mar, should
have arms in his possession The people will
never be able to obtain their tights and liberties until
they are prepared to overturn everything, and when they
are prepared to overturn every thing, they will never need
to move."
The next speaker was Mr. J. B. O'Beres, of London.
He said he found there was no occasion to ask whether
they were " tir.to the mark" no's, for he had many intima-
tions since he ioisme into that place, that they were right
up to the markr-L lie was glad to know that in the imme-
diate vicinity he had had abundant evidence that they
" were right up to the mark" there also. He had come
from Leigh, Chowbent, and other places in that neigh-
bourhood, atad he believed that every man who had signed
the National Petition was prepared with arguments of a
more forcible and pointed description.—(Cheers.) In
fact, he had discovered that almost every adult male in
that neighbourhood had signed the petition, and that there
was a pike for every signature. He had never advised
his constituents to arm themselves, for it had always been
his principle nut to do any thing which might by possi-
bility appear to be contrary to the law. . . But they
might judge of his delight when he found that this advice
was unnecessary. They had taken their own affairs into
their own hands, and, so help his God, he believed they
had done the right thing.
Dr. M'Douall, of Ashton, and a person called the Rev.
V. Jackson, followed in a similar strain, and were even
more violent. Well the latter speaker bullets and lead,
and guns and pistols and pikes, formed the whole subject
of his address.
The meeting separated about twelve o'clock. —Munches-
ter Times.