The Sun.
London, England, 1830-06-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

'We revert to the subject of Greece, the interest
attached to which cannot subside until the hour
shall arrive,—now, we trust, not distant,—at which
the actual assumption of the Government, by a
Prince enjoying the esteem of the Allied Powers.
and free from all stain upon his qualifications for
sovereignty, may set at rest the solicitudes of civi-
lized Europe about the fate of a celebrated people
But, at the outset, we protest against the folly of
being so far influenced by the parading despatches
of Count (or King) Capo d'lstrias, as to imagine
that the " Greek people" have amy common feeling
with that crew whom the said Capo d'lstrias, ha,
got together, under the name of a " Greek Senate."
These men are neither more nor less than the mere
creatures of the President, receiving his directions
how to act and speak, and ready to do both or
either, as he wills, provided he pays them, but on no
less peremptory condition. The picture he drew re-
cently of the state of Greece, and the lesson he
strove to inculcate through it on the mind of Leo-
pold, were exactly copied, and well enforced, by
this pretended Senate, in their formal proceedings.
The joint labour is not worth a straw. Greece has
been desolated by the ravages of war,—the habitations
burned,—the country laid evaste,—the people exposed
to the most cruel sufferings; but the soil is there, and
the Greeks still exist, with hands to till, and build
and renovate; the want of money will make small
sums go far in stimulating personal industry. An
honest and rational Government is the first great
want of all, with energy to act, and means for
putting down faction. Give Greece that—curb the
tyrannical and unprincipled Primates who, with
Capo d'lstrias, are detested no less than dreaded by
the people, and utterly unworthy of honourable
confidence—tell M. Capo d'lstrias that the season for
intrigue is past, that there are no hopes to be
founded on it—and Greece may be pacified within
a fortnight. In the mean time, though we laugh
at the second-hand pathos of the Senate, the send-
mentality cut out and dried for them by their mas-
ter, there are grounds of complaint, which, in the
nature of a protest, it appears to us but equitable
to record for the sake of Greece, although the pre-
sent policy of the Allied Powers may be to repu-
diate the measure we have advised, alleging it to
be inconvenient or " impracticable." The northern
frontier is not what, in our humble opinion, it
should be, although, as we have said, immediate
circumstances may throw difficulties in the way
of adjusting it. It will be said, and has
been, that Greece, as now defined, is " gua-
ranteed." We admit that the' argument has
some force, but the soundest guarantee is
possession of the keys of one's own dominion. The
best defence of Greece in her revived state would
be her natural fortresses, and in them her native
arms. Parchment guarantees, in the lapse of years,
are now and then forgotten. But we shall see
Greece after all a great and noble country. Some
people talk of her scanty territory, and her ruined
people ; and ask, can she ever be independent ?
The Greeks are a hardy, active, intelligent, and en-
terprising people—they are in a Erie climate, and on
a fertile soil; they are essentially a maritime race,—
their habitations almost every where washed by the
Mediterranean waters. Give them a just and strong
Government, and they will in a short time, navigate
their ships with more activity and skill—as they
now can on cheaper terms—than any of the neigh-
bouring nations. They will, therefore, be the
carriers of the South of Europe, as the Dutch were
formerly in the North. But as to territory—scanty
territory I.—there, too, the scoffers at Greece and
her fortunes are mistaken. Denmark is a smaller
country than Greece. The Venetian provinces, for
centuries so flourishing, are more confined than
Greece is ith her reduced territory. The seven United
Provinces, including Dutch Brabant,—a State which
once gave laws to the commercial world,—are con-
tained within an area, of which the extreme length
is, in round numbers, about 160 miles, and the
breadth about 120; while Greece, from the north-
ernmost point of Eacca to the southernmost of
the Peloponnesus, measures 190 miles, and from the
easternmost of Eubcea to the mouth of the Aspro-
potamos about 180; and these are her 'educed di-
mensions, presenting an area of more than three to
two if measured in square miles, as compared with
Holland; while Greece, with all her bays and inlets,
and consequent irregularities of figure, is less inter-
sected than are the United Provinces by the sea, and
is in all respects more favoured by Providence with
the capabilities of rapid improvement. The whole
Archipelago, moreover, with its numerous, populous,
and fertile islands, is excluded from the above cal-
culations. Such are a few of the more tangible and
unchangeable attributes of a country which ig-
norant men affect to despise as unworthy the pro-
tection or solicitude of Europe. But Greece at this
moment possesses for the eyes of statesmen, and in
those of the British Government, we doubt not,
above all, a value distinct from that which has been
her's for ages. It would now be a triumph to the
grand intriguer on the spot, who has pulled the
wires of his puppet Leopold, and a consequent dis-
grace and mortification to Great Britain, if Greece
were to be flung back into the arms of Cape d'ls-
tries, on a confession recorded that the Powers of
Europe were unable to rescue her from his selfish
grasp. The representations made by that prac-
tised incendiary of the discord and misery which
prevail throughout Greece, were manifestly framed
for a deliberate, though disguised object,—the
intimidation of Leopold ; and they have se far
succeeded. But they will not succeed beyond the
hour—they will not deceive the Allied Govern-
ments—nor frighten away other Princes of more
nerve and penetration from identifying themselves
with Greece. The Allies know that all the scenes
of patriotic phrenzy got up by Capo d'lstrias and
the party-coloured mixture of servile dependents
whom he calls his senators, would vanish like a
dream at the first landing on ;he Greek shores of a
Sovereign supported by the great Powers of Eu-
rope,—by troops, and money, and a vigorous and
manly resolution. This is well-known, and is dili-
gently acted on by the Allies. We have heard of
measures already adopted, and of gratifying pro-
spects opened, but for the present enough has been
said. The Governments of England, of France,
and of Russia, are united in fulfilling the high duty
which they have undertaken on behalf of this fine
people and this illustrious region ; nor will they
relax their upright co-operation until they have
raised both to the rank from which a brutal tyranny
and a deplorable destiny had degraded them.—! nes.
We copied from a Sunday Paper a report of a
meeting of Irish Members, and other gentlemen
connected with Ireland, which was held a few days
ago at the Thatched-house Tavern; Sir John New-
port in the chair. It appears that our report (so
borrowed) was incorrect in some important par-
ticulars. How Mr. O'Connell came to be repre-
sented as the most active and conspicuous person at
such a meeting, we do not pretend to know ; but
the fast is stated to us en good authority, that the
whole of the resolutions which bore upon the busi-
ness of the meeting, and were adopted in prosecu-
tion of its purposes, had Messrs. Spring Rice and
Charles Brownlow for their respective mover and
seconder. Mr. O'Connell, after the resolutions had
passed, came forward with a motion that all the
Irish Members present should join in an opposition
to the Duke of Wellington's Government, until his
Grace should agree to relinquish his scheme of
adding to the taxes of Ireland. This motion was
at once rejected, and most reasonably, as one which
tended to throw an air of faction over the proceed-
ings, by generalizing an opposition designed and
justified on the expediency of -resisting specific meae
sures of taxation. lhe meeting took care expressly
to disavow all spirit of hostility towards the King's
Government ; but asserted at the same time a
strong belief that the proposed taxes would serve to
diminish the revenue 'instead of rendering it more
Iredtu3ive. The resolutions were signed by 83

names of Ilish Members, and of Noble proprietors
of Irish estates, resident in this country, among
whom were Lords Milton, Ebrington, and Clifton.
—Times.

We are glad to see so 'stout a champion of the
the Church of England as Dr. Southey, tilting at
the Bishop of London. In an article in the
Quarterly Review, entitled " Polynesian Re-
searches," evidently from the pen of that gentle-
man, we have an interesting account of the labours
of the Missionaries in the South Sea Islands, the
natives of which have been converted to Christianity
The Christianity, however, would seem to be not
only defective in not being cast in a mould suffi-
ciently favourable to Kingly power (of which more
hereafter), but tainted with the disease with which
the Puritans infected this country, and from which
even Bishops are not always exempt. We can see
from the remarks of Doctor Southey, that if he in-
habited a noble mansion on the banks of the Thames,
he would not, like the Bishop of London, occupy
himself with counting the number of well-dressed
sabbath-breakers in boats, pasting through the arches
of Putney-bridge, in order to hold them up to
public execration.
" To throw the spear, and to aim at a mark with the
sling (lie says), used to be among the sports of these
islanders ; the adults do not appear to have thought of
following these or any other games, since Christianity has
been introduced among them With the
exception of one or two, they have all been discontinued,
especially among the adults, and the number of those
followed by the children is greatly diminished. This,
says Mr. Ellis, is on no account matter of regret.
When we consider the debasing tendency of so many,
and the inutility of others, we shall rather rejoice
that much of the time of the adult is passed
in more rafonal and beneficial pursuits. Few, if any
of these are so sedentary in their habits as to need
these amusements as a means of exercise ; and they
are not accustomed to apply so closely to any of
these avocations, as to require them merely for re-
laxation.' We have here no room for showing that this
opinion of the Missionaries, as far as influences general
manners, must be prejudicial anywhere, and especially so
among a people so circumstanced as these recent converts.
. . . Can it be doubted that to the great mass of
mankind, all such adjuncts of religion as are harmless
must be healthful. It seems,' says .Michaelis, 'to have
been one of the great objects of the Mosaic polity, that
every individual, without exception, should occasionally
taste the pleasures of life.' The religious festivals of the
Jaws, therefore, were festivals in the true sense of the
word—insomuch as to have given occasion to Plutarch's
preposterous notion, that their religion was but another
form of the worship of Bacchus ! There is as little reason
that Christianity should wear the sour and sullen aspect of
Puritanism as that it should he corrupted by the mummery
and license of Popery. A whole people can never be made
so wholly intellectual as not to need innocent amusements,
which are as wholesome for the mind as fresh air and exer-
cise for the body. . . . As the Missionaries desire
that the great good which they have done should be ren-
dered permanent, it behoves them to provide that the whole
population of these islands be trained for defensive war ;
to give religion a cheerful and attractive aspect, by uniting
joyous ceremonies with Christian observances ; to strengthen
the Government instead of weakening it; and to procure
for their Church the best human security that can he ob-
tained, by connecting it with the State."
Dr. Southey cannot conceive how the manifes-
tation of joy, or the indulgence in exercises and
amusements which conduce to the well-being of the
body, should be a rank abomination. So far we
agree with him. But Dr. Southey has pointed out
another danger from the peculiar views of the Mis-
sionaries, which must be remedied in time. It hap-
pens unfortunately that the men who introduce a
new religion into any country are seldom possessed
of the qualities required in an established religion ;
and, on the other hand, that the men fittest for up-
holding an established religion are seldom possessed
of the qualifications for establishing one. That mere
perception of the utirty of religion for political pur-
poses, which is essential to the Minister of an Esta-
blished Religion, is unfortunately allied with so
much prudence arid worldly wisdom, that the pos-
sessor has little taste for missions among savages.
I lence the nations are compelled to receive the bene-
fits of Christianity, not from a pure source, like
the Church of England, but from Sectarians, who
have very imperfect notions of the advantage de-
rivable from an union between Church and State.
How this is to be remedied, except by a vote of
Pam liament for an Episcopal Establishment for Poly-
nesia, we cannot see. We have given Bishops to
the West Indian Islan&, we have given Bishops to
the East, and why not Bishops to the South Sea
Islands? What a noble opportunity for cementing
the union between Church and State has been lost!
" When Pomare (says Dr. Southey) became the first
convert, and brought about a religious revolution, which
extend,d through all these islands, it was not more required
by good policy than it would have been consistent with
the spirit and letter of the New Testament, that the Mis-
sionaries should hare brought the sanction of the new .re-
ligion to support his authority, and have enforced, as
among the first and most momentous of civil obligations,
the religious duty of obedience to the Sovereign. This
they must hare neglected to do; otherwise we should not
be told, that since the people are free from the restraints
which idolatry imposed, many of them refuse almost all
lawful obedience, and evince a disinclination to render the
King the supplies which are due to him by old established
custom, and which are necessary for his support. The
Crown lands are not sufficient to maintain his establish-
ment, and the deficiency was made up by requisitions from
the people—the Kings being like those in Hesiod's days,
dottivorous ; but they gave away also as fast as they re-
ceived, and were far far from being profusely supplied.
. No material interference with the direct
affairs of Government took place till ' the mission and
the nation experienced the heaviest bereavement that had
occurred since the introduction of Christianity.' This
was Pomare's death at the close of 1821. He bad long
been afflicted with elephantiasis, a disorder very prevalent
there : but dropsy was the immediate cause of his disso-
lution. This remarkable man was exceedingly jealous of
any interference with his prerogatives and interests; be
was also (says Mr. Ellis), as might have been expected
from the circumstance of his having been the High Priest
of the nation under the system of false religion, and
having been identified with all the religious observances of
the people, too fond of regulating matters purely connected
with Christianity.'"
This side-wind attack on the Monarch, to whom
we owe the union of Church and State, was not to
be tolerated, and, accordingly, Dr. Southey sharply
rebukes the Missionary—
" But there are many' matters relating to religion which
are intimately and necessarily connected with Civil Govern-
ment, and which Pomare was the proper person to regu-
late. The book before us observes, that in many respects
the institutions of these islanders ' indicate great attention
to the principles of government, an acquaintance with the
means of controulling the conduct of man, and an ad-
vancement in the organization of their civil polity,' alto-
gether remarkable under their circumstances. The people
themselves said, that ' had their chiefs been idolaters or
wicked rulers it would have been improper for them to
have interfered in any matters connected with Christianity.
But now they were truly pious—it accorded with their
ideas of propriety, that in the Christian Church they
should, as Christian Chiefs, be pre-eminent.' r lie Mis-
sionaries replied to these sensible representations in a man-
ner Inure consistent with their sectarian principles than
with sound policy. But with a preparation in the habits
and dispositions of the people, and with a Prince so se-
dulous, so able, and so well disposed as Pomare, a Bishop
Heber would have established a national Church upon a
foundation that no storms could shake."
No Bishop, no King ! is a maxim applicable to
the Islands of the South Sea, as well as the islands
of the North. The taint of Radicalism has been
introduced with Christianity in niece places than the
South Seas
- - •

" When the Infant Pomare 111. was recognised by the
nation, as successor to Potnare in the Government of Ta-
hiti and Moorea, the Tahitean Code was revised and en-
larged ; and a law was then introduced by these means,
which, beyond all doubt would not have been enacted,
probably not even proposed or hinted at, if the father had
been living.' Well may they call it a most important law,
for it gave to the nation, for the first time, what might be
termed a Representative Government, and rendered the
Tabitean a limited instead of an absolute Monarchy!
Two Representatives from every district were to meet an-
nually, enact new laws, and revise and amend the rzist-
ing ones. No regulation was to be regarded as a law
without the King's sanction. The Parliament was to be
triennial, and might, if it seemed good, increase the num-
ber of Deputies from each district to three or four, This

is proceeding with a quick step in the march of intellect.
Whether the Missionaries would have done wisely at any
time in introducing so great a change into the Govern-
ment of these islands we very much doubt. . . .
A Council of Elders would have beer► a better guard
against the abuse of Sovereign power ; the old Cortes, in
which the initiative rests with the Government, and the
Representatives hays the power of rejecting what they dis-
approve, world hare been a safer form to follow than that
of the British Parliament."

Besides, as Dr. Southey knows, the British Par-
liament, without rotten boroughs, is impracticable.
Many other things have been done which a Bishop
would never have sanctioned. For instance, the
widow of the great Pomare was brought to trial for
ordering her attendant to cut down a bread fruit
tree belonging to a poor man.
" Now (observes Dr. Southey) in this case the law
might have been enforced with equal effect, the purposes
of justice answered quite as well, and those of sound po-
licy much better, if the Queen's attendant bad been cited,
instead of the Queen herself. Bishop Heber would not
have acted thus in the spirit of John Knox."
Kings can do no wrong; but Dr. Southey may
recollect that the exception does not apply to
Queens. However, a Bishop would certainly have
avoided such a scandal to the powers that be. As
we have already observed, the learned Clergy of our
establishment have but little taste for the work of
conversion. But the soil is here prepared for an
establishment; and we trust Mr. Goulburn will take
courage to propo,e a vote for Bishops and dignified
Clergy in Polynesia. The Missionaries may be
termed the Squatters of Christianity. Establish-
ments ought to press close upon their heels, that
the world may not be corrupted by dangerous
examples of religion without a Church, and Govern-
ments not in close union with the Clergy.—Morn=
ing Chronicle.
We have already adverted to the statement of
Sir Wchard Church relative to the proposed fron-
tier of the new State of Greece, and, with the ex-
ception of a strong personal bias against Count Capo
' d'lstrias, who may or may riot have given cause for
ir, the report of the Gallant General is as fair as it
is an aisle statement of the real situation of Greece
in regard to the boundary question. Every unpre-
judiced mind must allow that his conclusions, if
correct—which there seems no good reason to doubt
—form an unanswerable defence of Prince Leopold's
final rejection of the proffered sovereignty, while
they render more striking what Lord Holland de-
scribes as the somewhat " ludicrous" position in
which this part of our foreign policy has placed the
Administration. We are curious to see how Lord
Aberdeen will extricate himself from the personal
dilemma in which this part of the question involves
him. It is rarely the good fortune of a foreign Mi-
nister of this influential but isolated part of the
world to possess local knowledge of the countries
with whose policy and whose destinies he has to
deal ; and on questions, therefore, of boundaries
especially, he must rely upon the accuracy or in-
accuracy of geographers, or Commissioners who
are sent out to ascertain, by actual inspection
or survey, the real state of things. But, in the
case of Lord Aberdeen, we have a Foreign Minister
who has, if we mistake not, himself visited Greece,
and spent much time on its romantic and classical
shores ; and who, therefore, unless he went there
merely as a member of the Society of Antiquaries,
must have obtained a degree of local knowledge,
which both Prince Leopold and the country would
have a right to suppose would be brought into
play, on this occasion, in a manner which would
inspire and justify public confidence. But hear I
what General Church says on this subject :—" To I
trace a line of frontier upon a map is extremely
easy. I remember once to have done so through
these provinces, but which I had not then visited in
person. Subsequent experience, in contending with
the Turks for this very country, made me acknow-
ledge the absurdity of having placed faith in a map,
of which the best are not without errors, and some
often place mountains where there are not even
hills, and plains and rivers where there are moun-
tains; and it so happens that the line of frontier
talked of is full of such errors." We cannot help
thinking, then, that if this is to be made—as there
seems, from Lord Aberdeen's tone in the
House of Lords, a dispostion to make it—
a personal question between Prince Leopold
and the Ministry, it behoves the latter, but
especially Lord Aberdeen, as the Foreign Mi-
nister, and a Foreign Minister who had visited
Greece, to show that the sovereignty of that coun-
try was offered to Prince Leopold upon such terms,
and in such a state, as could have insured its inde-
pendence and integrity. But what says General
Church of Greece, as offered to Prince Leopold ?
" Unhappy Greece !" says he, " if thus left in this
unprotected state, she may be considered as a beau-
tiful victim ready for the sacrifice; nor can her Sove-
reign reign over her honourably and happily for
Greece, if he is obliged to cede her fairest provinces,
her bravest defenders, and her only natural and de-
fensible frontiers ;—provinces which are to Greece
like the counties of Kent and Sussex to England."
On the whole, we should say, if General Church be
right, Prince Leopold is free from blame; and it be-
hoves Lord Aberdeen to disprove the statements of
the General before he again assumes a tone of con-
demnation when speaking of the decision of the
Prince, who had the manly spirit and good sense to
refuse the diadem of a nation whose freedom he was
not placed in a situation to protect.—Morning
Herald.

A rumour has been current for several days that
the Whigs are marshalling themselves, or endeavour-
ing to do so, into a regular opposition to the Duke
of Wellington's Administration. We are slow to
give credit to this rumour, although it is promul-
gated through the established organs of \Vhiggery,
and although it is perfectly consistent with the
recent Parliamentary conduct of the most dis-
tinguished and influential of the Whig leaders. Let
it not be supposed, however, that we doubt the
correctness of the report from any notion that the
Whigs are incapable of such conduct as it ascribes
to them, if they could believe it their interest as
a party to pursue it. Our incredulity rests upon
no such visionary grounds. It rests upon the
improbability of the Whigs—often as they have
mistaken, and widely, as in various instances
they have deviated from the course in which
they might have escaped the contempt and con-
demnation of the country—falling into an error so
egregious as the report supposes and requires. To
believe this report we must suppose the Whigs
enamoured of baseness for its own sake, ambitious
of public scorn and aversion, determined as a poli-
tical party to commit a cool and premeditated felo
de se. The common sense of the country would in-
stantaneously decide that an opposition formed in
the present circumstances of the Royal Family,
against a Ministry which the party constituting that
opposition have hitherto supported, and without any
visible change in the constitution or principles of
the Ministry, was founded altogether in the hope of
fomenting and profiting by schisms and divisions in
the Royal Family itself; and the plain and inevitable
fate of such a party, although it were ten times as
strong in influence and character as the Whigs now
arc, would be to sink into everlasting insignificance,
under the load of public contempt and in-
dignation. The Whigs, desperate and unprincipled
as they have often shown themselves, will not
yet dare to present themselves to the people of
England, in the act of strewing with thorns the willow
of their Sovereign, labouring under the anguish of
dangerous, perhaps mortal disease—they will not
dare to present themselves to the people of Eng-
land in the act of spreading snares for the other
branches of the Royal House, and holding out lures
and temptations to domestic treason—they will not
dare to encounter the ignominious reproach of
watching with the keen scent of vultures the sick
bed of their Monarch—they will not dare to show
that eagerness of ambition which holds all human
sympathies and all social or domestic ties in deri-
sion. The Whigs will not, we believe, do these
th ngs, simply because it must be evident even to
them that they would thereby entail upon them-
selves the everlasting disgust and abhorrence of the

nation, and forfeit even the esteem and confidence
of those whom it had been their base and servile
object to allure and cajole. Perhaps until our day
there never was a party in England to whom so bit-
ter a reproach could by possibility have been ap-
plied, as that which is intimated by the report we
have been attempting to discredit. Yet we find
some of our contemporaries, who pretend to retain
the name, after having long abandoned all the
principles, of English Tories, asserting that all
those Tories who dissented from the measure of last
Session for the relief of the Roman Catholics, are
bound, if the opportunity should be afforded them,
to ally themselves to this imaginary and incredible
baseness. The Standard of last night, arguing
upon the supposition that the report to which we
have alluded is correct, says that the public grati-
tude is due to them (the Whigs) even for a late and
factious opposition to the Duke of Wellington's Ad-
ministration, and that every honest and consistent
Tory will at once ally himself to a W'hig, or to any
other opposition formed against that Administration,
until it be overthrown. This is the language of a
Journal calling itself a Protestant Tory Journal, and
to which we do no more than justice when we de-
scribe it as at the head of its class. Its doctrine,
however, is a mixture of Popery and Whiggery.
It is the Popish doctrine, that the end sanctifies the
means ; it inculcates the Whig practice of doing
without scruple whatever is, or appears to be,
most conducive to any immediate political pur-
pose. Ott the merits of the Catholic ques-
tion, we have no dispute with our contemporary;
but much greater:evils than the decision of that ques-
tion, erroneously decided, as we think it was, would
arise if such principles as he strives to instil should
take root among the people of England. The public
gratitude, according to him, would be due to every
assassin, the previous conduct of whose victim could
be impeached ; the height of political virtue would
be to aid the propagation and progression of politi-
cal vice. A single error or crime ought in reason to
be, and must be of necessity, the destruction of
society. A political party, once defeated, is utterly
absolved from all obligations to their country, their
King, the laws ; and such of them as are " honest
and consistent" will thenceforward consider it their
pride and duty to set loyalty, morality, decency,
honour, and religion, at resolute defiance. These are
plain corollaries from the prepositions of our con-
temporary, which we therefore advise him with all
speed to retract.—Morning Post.
An Evening Paper, in alluding to the pitiful con-
troversy about Prince Leopold's acceptance, and
subsequent resignation, of the Greek throne, ob-
serves, that " surely Great Britain, France, and
Russia, are quite as able to protect Greece against
the Turks, as any river's course or mountain range
between Constantinople and the Adriatic ;" and the
public, we think, will agree with the writer that such
is the fact. The guarantee is undoubted, and the
Greek frontier more secure under the guardianship
of the three Powers against any attack from Turkey,
than if the Himalaya range was removed from its
present situation, and set down as the northern
barrier of Gieece against the Porte. But although
this is a good answer to the vapouring and silly
letter of Prince Leopold, it is no answer to the
people of Acarnania, who, making every allow-
ance for the difficulties attendant on the nego-
ciations with the Porte, appear to have been but
sadly used. The new State may be safe; but they
are sacrificed, and it would be making a somewhat
too large allowance for Grecian virtue, to suppose
that the Acarnanians would be content to lose their
freedom and connection with tke new State, in or-
der that it might be independent of the Porte. We
wish, in fact, that the boundary had been otherwise
settled ; but it is, at the same time, only bare jus-
tice to his Majesty's Ministers to state, that they
had a very difficult part to play, and that, in all pro-
bability, they could not well have acted otherwise,
without compromising the interests of the country.
The Greek State itself has, at all events, reason to
be satisfied; for, without the aid of England it '
never could have ranked as an independent State;
and had not the creature of Russia been President,
it would, in all probability, have been satisfied.—
Morning Advertiser.

Cu ESTSll.—Wheat, per 751 b. 10s. Od. to 10s. 6d. a Batley, 38 qrts
4s. (d. to ss. 3d. ; Oats, 401 b. 3s. 6d. to 3s. 9d.
NANTIVICH.—Wheat, per 751 b. 10s. 9d. to I Is. 3d. ; Barley, 38
qrts. ss. Od. to 6s. Od. ; Oats, 501 b. 4s. Od. to 4s. 4d.

GLASGOW wARKrrB.
(Flom the Glavote Herald of Monday.)

For RAW SUGARS there has been a good demand this
week; the sales atnount to 760 hlids. and tees. ; moist
Brown, Detneraras, Trinidad, and Tortolaw, sold at 465. a
46.. 6d., dry Browns 475. a 50s. 6d., moist Brown An-
tiguas at 455. 6d., good Browns 495. a 50s. 6(1., Middling
52.. a 555., good Middling 565. a 585., Fine 655., low
Brown Jamaica. at 475., good dry Browns 505., and
Middling 555. a 555. 6d.
190 puncheons old Trinidad Mei...tans were sold at
18s. from the warehouse, and 40 puncheons new Deme-
rara. at 19e. from the quay.
REFINED Straeas are in steady demand; Brown
Loav 78s. a 81s., Middling 82s. a 855., Good 86s. a
895., Fine 90.. a 955., and Double 96,. a 100 s. Crushed
is selling very freely; Middling 60s. a 63.., good Mid-
dling 635. 6d. a 655., Good 665. a 685., Fine 69.. a 705.,
and vsry Fise 71s. a 751. ; Candy 10d. a 10id. British
Molasses 16s. 3d. a 16.. 6d.