The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-27 00:00:00

ral nervous disposition among the population, which
is prone to breed phantoms, and these later in their
turn are apt to become unpleasant realities. Ever
since young Bercy was carried off there has been
au uneasiness which it would be difficult to trace to
any distinct cause, but which yesterday produced
quite a panic in the town.
As everything has been going on prosperously
hitherto, there was a natural tendency to seek for a
cause why this prosperity should be all at once dis-
turbed. As imaginations were considerably heated,
it could not be expected that the causes which were
most obvious—such ae the weakness of the Govern-
ment, the long interregnum, the letting out of con-
victs without even tickets-of-leave—would satisfy
the public mind, and the cause had to be sought
from afar. "Itis en attempt at reaction" was the
word whispered, and it soon made the round of
the town ; the suspicion by degrees creating facts,
and each fact leading to another. Almost every
deputy who has come up from the
rprovincesarreed fhoals.
brought with him several Palikaris, or
lowers, as servants ; you can see o
scores
uaosrgesotftinthg dawnesepic-
turesque figures lounging about
in front of the entrance door of the Assembly, and
waiting for their masters who are debating in the
Assembly. One glance at them suffioes to see that
not a few of them have as picturesque cut-throat faces
as it is possible to meet with ; but the circumstance
seemed not much remarked before. It has been re-
marked lately, and likewise that they are rather
more numerous than they might be supposed from
the number of deputies. The remark once made,
did not require much to suspect that an extra supply
of these Palikaris had been brought up with a view
to create terror and disturbance. It was recollected
that one or another adherent of the past regime
rather known for his relations in the native moun-
tains of Palikarism was still in town, and thus the
first link of reaction seemed found. One or two
cases of attempts at burglary and street robbery
confirmed the suspicions. Then came the rumour
that Spiro Milo, the late Minister of War, had
landed at Syra ; soon after that Kolokotroni, late
Prime Minister, had found his way with money and
ammunition to the Morea ; so that by Wednesday
evening all heads were turned. It was known that
an extraordinary sitting of the Council of Ministers
was convoked by the President in the middle of
the night for the despatch of business. This gave
further play to imagination, and stories, one more
wild and absurd than the other, followed in an in-
stant. The Assembly (which is not yet constituted)
was to change the Government; this latter was to
resist and dissolve the Assembly ; there was to be
resistance; an emeute, a revolution; so that yester-
day morning everyone came to tell you that strange
and portentous things are in store.
Now there is nothing like foretelling and persuad-
ing oneself that something is going to happen in
order really to produce something, and so it hap-
pened. The Assembly was listening to and debating
the reports of the commission which is busy scru-
tinising the validity of the elections. Among these
reports was that about the election of Pylos, which
presented some irregularities, but not sufficiently
important to stamp it as illegal. The commission,
therefore, admitted the election, which was likewise
adopted by the Assembly. A portion of the Moun-
tain, which seemed seized with the general nervous-,
ness, insisted, nevertheless, on having the papers re-
lating to this election printed, and several indivi-
duals on both sides lost their temper to such a
degree that the President, unable to control the
Assembly, suspended the sitting for half an hour.
But, while the row inside was et its height, there
arose another outside in the court-yard. The editor
of the satirical paper "dos,'' who had suffered much
from the persecutions of the late Government, and
to whom a few days ago the Government had al-
lowed 6,000 drachmas as compensation, heel pub-
lished in his last number a satire scurrilous and
offensive to the Assembly, which caused considera-
ble sensation, coming as it did immediately after
the Government grant. As ill luck would have it,
he was just passing through the court-yard when
the row was going on inside ; he was recognised,
and the crowd of civilians and soldiers turned upon
him, shouting that he had insulted the only legiti-
mate power in the country, and by that means the
army, the National Guard, every one else. He was
beaten and cuffed about, when fortunately Zara-
' brakaki, one of the Nanplia officers and nosy Com-
mandant de place, who happened to be there, inter-
fered and got him away safely. The crowd outside,
above all the Palikaris, hearing the row, and sus-
pecting that there was a battle royal going on, all
rushed to the entrance door, to help and rescue their
masters; nor would it have been possible for the
small picket of Nationals on duty to prevent this
rush, had it not been for the timely interference of
some representatives, who came out and reassured
the faithful followers of the honourable members.
In order to prevent further disturbance, a company
or two of soldiers were brought up to do duty, and
when the sitting was resumed all the effervescence
had passed away.
Not so in the town, where the indistinct news of
the row at the Assembly spread rapidly. Shops
were closed, people rushed to their houses, the Na-
tional Guard ran for their arms. Strong pickets of
infantry and cavalry paraded the town, nor did the
excitement abate until the Commandant de Place
published a proclamation, which was announced by
the public crier, stating that false rumours had been
propagated by evil disposed persons who wished to
create disturbances, but that it was hoped every one
would remain quiet, as there was not the slightest
foundation for them.

This morning everything has assumed its usual
aspect. However unpleasant, the occurrence had
one good. result, and that is to put the spur on the
Government. The night patrols, who had taken
matters rather easily for so me •ime pest, have re-
sumed their duty with greuter earnes,ness, which it
persevere-d in will soon restore confidence.
But it is above all to the Assembly that every one
looks as the anchor of safety. Never probably has
there 13,---en an Assembly the power of which has been
so universally recognised as the present National
Assembly of Greece. It is the first legally constituted
power after three months of a most extraordinary,
interregnum, with the mere shadow of a Govern-
ment, and every thing sa uncertain and precarious
as to inspire little or no confidence. Great, there-
fore, is the impatience to see the Assembly finally
constituted. The members themselves evidently
share this impatience, for they have been hard at
work during all this week to get through the pre-
liminary stage of the verification of the powers.
It was only on Saturday that the result of the
election of the committees by ballot was counted
up, and on Tuesday the reports on 25 elections wore
ready to be presented to the Assembly. The plan
universally followed is liberal and expeditious.
First, all those elections have been taken in hand
against which there are fewest and least founded
objections. By this means there are already more
than sufficient members obtained to form a house in
a case of emergency, although all the elections must
be submitted before the House can really work.
The view taken in these reports is fair and most
liberal. The principle has been steadily adhered
to that no complaints which are not already sub-
stantiated are to be taken into account. This is
already a great point gained in a country where a
corrupt Government has for 30
Therey neverearsfos hastered
suspicions, and acted upon them.
been an election known against which there have
not been complaints brought forward by the de-
feated party, and these complaints, however un-
founded, led not rarely to enquiries which, managed
as they were, upset the most legitimate elections.
The complaints are just as numerous this time, but
the commissioners are not so complaisant as they
were in former times, and will not even order in-
quiries unless there are proofs brought forward that
they are called for.

AU the reports which have been presented until
now were favourable, and they were adopted, most
of them almost without discussion, by show of
hands. Yet even this tame work has led to some
interesting scenes, which throw a light on the future
character of the Assembly.

The first and most interesting of these was that
about the report on the election of Thermia or
Kythnos, and the islands around it. The election
was recognised as regular and valid by the commis-
sion and was submitted to the Assembly, when
amid the profound silence of the House, Timoleon

Vsssos, one of the deputies of Lousia, ascended the
Tribune. Although dressed as a civilian, his hand-
some, soldierlike appearance, and the earnestness of
his countenance, in spite of his youth, were alone
sufficient to attract attention, had not the subject
he was bringing forward already monopolized the
interest of the Assembly. He called on the Assembly,
in impressive and deeply felt words, to set aside
for once mere legality, and exclude, by its own
sovereign right and in the interest of the public, a
man who figured in the election of Kythnos, and
whose presence would pollute the Assembly. Tais
man was Stathopulos, the late Dimarch of Kythnos,
who figured so prominently in what is here called
the Tragedy of Kythnos.
The garrison of Nauplia had risen against the
late Government, but a whole month passed with-
out finding an echo anywhere in the country. At
l.st, towards the end of February, two generous
youths determined to throw themselves into the
movement. They were Leutzalio and Moriatini,
both of them officers in garrison at Syra, and the
latter a son of the President of the Areopagus, the
highest tribunal in Greece. They not only per-
suaded the company of soldiers who were in garri-
t son to join, but likewise the population, so that in
a few hours they got possession of the town and
established a Provisional Government. Having suc-
ceeded so far, they determined to liberate, as a first
step, the political prisoners who were confined in
the island of Kythnos. For this purpose they took
possession of the steamer Carteria, belonging to the
Greek Ccmpany, and embarked on it, with the sol-
diers and a number of volunteers from the town,
having previously taken the precaution to cut the
telegraph wire. But they had forgotten the Aus-
trian Lloyd steamer, which was in harbour, and
they had scarcely left when this latter started to
convey the_ news to Athens. In consequence of
this news the steam frigate Amalie, having taken
four companies of choice troops on board, made
immediately for the island of Kythnos, where she
arrived just at the moment when the young men,
having liberated the political prisoners, were on
the point of embarking. It was too late to
escape, and the force brought against them was
so great that there was little chance of resistance;
nevertheless, the leaders, dividing their small force,
occupied a garden to the right and left of the place
where the troops from the Amelia were landing.
When the troops advanced Leatzalio came out
alone to meet them with a white flag, but before he
had time to speak a volley was fired, and he fell
pierced by several bullets. Moriatini and a young
man who had joined them, Scarvelli, who tried to
follow, had the same fate ; the others, seeing their
chiefs fall, dispersed in the island, where they were
taken up by the authorities. The three corpses,
pierced with bullets and bayonet wounds, were
stripped, thrown into an open boat, and paraded all
round the Amalia, after which they were thrown on
the beach. The Dimarch Stathopulos, in spite of
the representations which were made to give these
young men a decent burial, had them interred on the
beach, not even allowing a priest to go through the
funeral service, declaring that they did not deserve
better for having polluted the island with their blood.
Little was known in Europe about this tragedy when
it occurred, but it has become deeply engraved in
the Greek mind; the victims became the first heroes
of the revolution, and their names are sacred in the
opinion of the people.
You may, therefore, imagine the effect produced
on the assembly by Vassa's words stigmatising the
late Dimarch of Kythnos. He spoke as friend and
companion in arms of those who fell ; and there
was the father of one of the victims, Moriatini, the
respected President of the Areopagus, still wearing
deep mourning for his fallen son.
Yet, in spite of the deep emotion which had
seized all the assembly at this late but noble tribute
to generous, although perhaps misguided patriotism,
sufficient self-command was left not to condemn
without proofs. There was Deligorgi, one of the
prisoners, and now Minister of Public Instruction,
who was present, and could confirm or contradict
the facts. He was called for, and confirmed every
word. In vain did Deliganni, one of the clearest
intellects and best debaters of the Assembly, come
forward with rare courage and beg the Assembly
not to be carried away by feelings, which are not
always good guides, but to adhere to strict legality,
which, however unsatisfactory now and then, or even
repugnant, is the only safe guide for an Assembly.
He was listened to with cairn, nay, intense interest,
but he could not save the Deputy Stathopulos, who
was excluded by a unanimous vote of the House.
There was even a tendency to upset his colleagues
for having entered into a combination with such a
man, but when the subject was taken up next
morning the emotion had subsided, reason had re-
gained its sway, and the other members for the
island were confirmed ; nevertheless the constitu-
ency is debarred this time its right to send another
representative instead of the one excluded.
Another rather interesting scene occurred during
the report on the election of young Dosios, against
whom the charge was brought that he had forfeited
his right of representing his country as he had
taken service in the Italian array during the war of
1859-60. The Assembly ruled that instead of for-
feiting his right he had well deserved of his country
by taking part in the struggle of a noble people to
achieve its own national idea.
A rather humorous scene took place about the
election of the brothers Rouffo at Patras, sons of one
of the members of the Provisional Government who
had a considerable share in bringing about the re-
volution. It was a question whether they had the
age required, but before the doubts were cleared up
the House gave them by its sovereign power the
few months which they may yet want to have the
legal age.
As the Assembly otherwise is most anxious to
establish the sway of principle and legality, these
isolated cases of playing with its sovereign powers
are harmless. Nay, they are a healthy symptom in
an Assembly which pretends to, and does certainly
in a great measure represents the feelings of the
people.

CROMLECHS.—We may be as certain that crom-
lechs were tombs, and not altars, as we are that
Sanscrit and Teutonic are kindred languages ; but when we
ask who made the cromlechs, whether Cymry, Gael, or
Turanian, we have got into the region of theory. Some
theories indeed, are much more likely,than others; but still
they are theories, and not certainties. That the cromlech
was a tomb, and not an altar, is absolutely certain; for the
cromlech, whole and perfect, has been disinterred from
Within its tump, and the skeletons of its occupants have
bean found within the cromlech. Here is demonstrative
proof, which none but a madman can refuse to accept. One
hardly need the subsidiary proofs, archicelogical and geolo-
gical, which of themselves pretty well upset the altar theory.
Bnt if we go on to argue that cromlechs and various other
objects are of earlier date than the Cymry, because their
Welsh names simply describe their appearance, and do not
express their use, we have got hold of a very ingenious and
probable argument; but still one which does not lead us
beyond a strong presumption. It is certain that the
Welsh name cromlech or crooked stone describes the
object in its present state of ruin, and neither expresses its
purpose nor its original appearance. This affords a very
strong presumption, but not an abso'ute certainty, that the
cromlechs are due to an older people than the Cymry, and
that when the Cymry entered the land, they were already
broken down and their use forgotten. It affords an abso •
lute certainty that the name was not given by that particu-
lar tribe or age of the Cymry who first reared the crom-
lechs; but it does not absolutely prove that the object and
its name may not belong to different Ages of the same peo-
ple, or to different branches of the same race.—Saturday
/ I Review.

A wedding card is nothing but a demand for a
civil letter—a complimentary bill of exchange
noT P eYu-
-
able at sight in congratulations. Now a letter of
at
Lions, of all species of compulsory composition, is the mos,
co
burdensome to the author. There is nothing on earth to say,
and the creative act of making something out of nothing
intolerably troublesome. People have different modes of
escape from the perplexity, according to the habit of their
minds. Some few have really the talent of maundering on
0,-otrhtehrrseleiepbaogledslyo!
and expatiate in panegyrics invented for note-paper without any meaning at all.
the occasion. Those are most to he envied who are suffi-
ciently unreserved to take the matter up in a religious point
of view. With the help of a few texts they get through very
well. But, for all, it is an unprofitable sfilictiou which might
very well be spared. It is not quite so bad as a letter of
condolence; but from that there is no chance of escape.
People do not send round cards when they die ; and, there-
fore, there is very little hope of relief from the existing ob
'cations. We must take what we can get, and be thankful
to pass through our lives with as few disagreeable ceremo-
nies as the folly of
• our generation will permit.—Saturday
Revum on ,4 cards;'

Manchester Chamber of Commerce.

The annual meeting of the Chamber was held yesterday
at Manchester, Mr. H. Ashworth, the president, in the chair.
Among the gentlemen present were—Mr. Bazley, M.P.,
Mr. Penchi., M.P., Mr. J. Cheetham, Mr. M. Ross, Mr.
W. Gibb, Mr. E. Ashworth, Mr. H. Mason, Mr. Cassells,
Mr. Leppoc, Mr. Slagg, Mr. Rumney, and Mr. Chadwick.
The report of the directors was of considerable length.
It was principally devoted to a review of the proceedings of
the Chamber during the past 12 months, the principal por-
tions of which have from time to time been reported.
"Your directors," it observes, " cannot close this record
of their proceedings during a year which has been rendered
unutterably sad by the fratricidal conflict in America, and
its ruinous consequences to the industry of this district,
without expressing their profound sympathy with those
members of the community who have suffered, and continue
to sutler, so intensely by these unfortunate events ; and they
desire alio to pay a tribute of admiration on the one hand
to the patience and heroic self-reliance displayed by the
operative classes under their many and grievous privations,
and on the other to that noble spirit of benevolence evoked
by the distress, pervading all ranks throughout the length
and breadth of her Majesty's dominions."
Mr. FLEMING, the secretary, read a letter from Mr. W.
R. Wood, in which that gentleman stated that, had he not
been prevented by illness from attending the meeting, he
should have been compelled to vote against the adoption of
the report, on account of passages it contained reflecting on
Sir C. Wood. He believed the appearance of that portion
of the report would not further the object in view, while it
would tend to lower the character of the Chamber and im-
pair its efficiency.

The PRESIDENT, in moving the adoption of the report,
said,—The affairs of our mercantile and manufacturing dis-
tricts are invested with a degree of what I may call
solemnity in the estimation of those who have taken part
in the alleviation of the distress and the distribution of the
funds which have found their way hither. Those who were
present here two years ago will remember that, at the expi-
ration of the year 1861, there was a very buoyant feeling in
this Chamber upon the achievement of a commercial success
that was unprecedented. The cotton manufactures which
we had exported, over and beyond the amount of cotton
manufactures required for home consumption, had reached
the enormous amount of £56,000,000. When we were con-
sidering the colossal proportions of our system of industry,
how little could we have imagined that that commercial
giant was standing upon feet of clay—that in a very short
time the African blood which had become an element of its
existence would become an occasion of war in the United
States, cutting off our supplies to the extent of about 80 per
cent. of our consumption! An affair so momentous was
calculated to fill this country with a large amount of appre-
hension for the well-being of our people. The price of the
raw material became heightened to, probably, more than
fourfold its previous rate, while the manufactured article.
was only about double in price. (Hear.) The consequent loss
to our manufacturers was one which seriously impaired
the efficiency of that description of capital usually called
" floating capital ; " exhausting from year to year the
amount of that capital which gives life-blood to our in-
dustry and commerce. And should it proceed as it has
done, and continue as we may reasonably suppose it is likely
to do, it will become a very weighty consideration for this
country in what manner and to what extent our manufac-
turing industry can hereafter, for years to come, be re-
newed like its previou s importance. Moreover,
our to anything
population, previously in the enjoyment of comfort
beyond that of any other population, and at the same time
possessed of a degree of intelligence beyond that which or-,
dinarily falls to the lot of working men, has had to sustain
a most painful effect upon its general welfare. Many gen-
tlemen here present, no doubt, are those who have for the,
time had to leave the places they have usually held upon
committees for the relief of the distress. I appeal to them,
on their own knowledge, as to the very becoming demeanour
of the working classes under privations so severe, and so
much the more sensitively felt through contrast with their,
previous degree of prosperity. While we remark with gra-
tification the forbearance, fortitude, and the propriety of
behaviour of our working classes, let us not forget how
much we are indebted to all other classes for the sympathy,
and the benevolence which have been manifested on every
hand. I believe there has never been an occasion on which
our feelings have been so largely called upon as on the pre-
sent. The British people has been renowned for many e s-
cellent qualities—we have been considered courageous, we
have been deemed adventurous, we have been the authors
of many wonderful systems of manufacture and commerce,
together with inventions of every kind calculated to advance
the civilisation of the world ; but amid the rough and
hardy qualities of the British race, let us not forget that,
when called upon, their feelings are in accordance, and
stand forth as splendidly in front of our other qualities as
any other attribute we possess. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it
is not charity we want, it is cotton. (Hear.) The time
will come, possibly it may be nearer than we expect, when
those large funds which have been contributed for the
sustenance of our people will become nearly, or more
nearly exhausted. It cannot be expected that we shall
be able to galvanize into existence that amount of
sympathy and goodwill which has previously been shown
to such a degree, that county meetings headed by
noble lords and landed proprietors and others will again
be held to bring forward subscriptions in the manner they
have been hitherto forthcoming. It is to be expected that
whenever an appeal shall be required to the benevolent, they
will be prepared to inquire if there is not something to be
done which shall remove the occasion of distress and not
leave us to continue dependent year after year upon public
charity, (Hear.) It is very important that people of every
locality throughout this busy district should begin to consi•
der whether or not they can in any way contribute to arouse
attention to the cultivation of cotton. It has been alleged
that price would bring it. Possibly price has more to do
with the increased amount which has been already received
than anything else that has been called into action. But it
we aro to wait until the effect of price has brought the quan-
tity of cotton we require, we must not forget that time is an
element in the question. We cannot afford to wait until
price has done it, without at the same time expressing in
one way or another that which is our advice, that which
belongs to our intelligence to understand, as to the manner
in which the cultivation of cotton shall be promoted other.
wise than by a large price. At the recent Exhibition in
London I think there were not fewer than 48 samples of
cotton exhibited from different parts of the world ; tut no
doubt many of those samples were merely grown in gardens
more
tphaer tci
oc
tut loanr ly
in toq
usahl
iotwy
ratherthe c ap
thanab i l i t y of
in
quantity. countries
duce
'There
have been arising out of the distress and our own want of
cotton a number of cotton companies formed to operate in
different parts of the world, but those cotton companies must
have time to mature their operations. Among other countries
that have been forward in promoting the growth of cotton it
is very obvious that even the Ottoman empire--an empire
which has been deemed to possess a great deal of infirmity in
its political institutions—even that country has been forced
to action by the temptation of a large price for cotton, and a
large amount of money to be distributed over the world for
the production of cotton. I hold in my hand a copy of a
despatch from the Minister of Cammerce at Constantinople,
notified by the Sul tan, encouraging the cultivation of cotton 1
in the Ottoman Empire. He refers to the production of the
United States in the year 1859 of 41 millions of bales, which,
at £lO per bale, would give £45,000,000 sterling, a sum four
times greater than the value of the total export of all articles
1 from the Ottoman dominions. 'With a view to encourage
the cultivation of cotton and the breaking up of uncultivated
land, he offers the gratuitous possession of it—title deeds
without cost except for stamp duty, and exemption from
tithe for five years. " the State will undertake to procure free
of cost, cotton seeds of the choicest qualities, and instruction
and treatises on the most profitable methods of cultivation ;
and will exempt from customs' duties the importation of im-
plements and machinery used for cultivating and cleaning
the cotton," and, by way of stimulus, will offer "prizes for
the encouragement of cultivators and exhibitors of the best
grown cotton." A similar effort is shown in a report made
to the Minister of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce of
the Kingdom of Italy by G. D. Vincenzi, member of the
Italian Parliament, and Commissioner of the International
Exhibition of 1862. He draws attention to the immense ex-
tent of land in Southern Italy, equal to 5,000.000 English
acres, which has of great antiquity been known for its cot-
ton-producing capabilities and to the great abundance and
cheapness of labour, He remarks also upon the example
of American success, he exhibits drawings of the cotton
plant, and proceeds to show that they can grow cotton
equal to New Orleans at 4d. per lb.; and he illustrates the
advantages of commercial activity, which by this means
may connect the fortunes of England with the destinies of
Italy. Following two such examples, you will naturally
inquire whether or not the effect of the cotton famine has
been felt elsewhere, and more particularly in the councils
of India. It is true Lord Canning took the alarm, being
Governor of Belk and being fully aware of the conse-
quence to England of the American war; and he
whichap-
peared
i oahrtadesedlornsfe
tbilattsaehnosneuelnedpey;
aeocrredei
evs
roe
ildnugst
iootthnn
thee
sale
ws
eor i
of
fir
nwtgha rs
theet
ee
lyamenaadrnss
.nbeerfno
in
peered to find in some corner of his bureau a despatch
i fromm m
siraeshould
roads,
abne d
odhfi
es
tphooresdemedroe
soatf,icm alsomm veedfnoi
jar:
net ht
pecahirrae
s--
tdwoehmibcpeht i
towanak
racter for the removal of cotton from the plantations to the
seaboard. This is some indication of the readiness of that
enlightened Governor to put India in motion to bring about
come alleviation of our distress. You would not only sup-
pose that the Indian Council, at the head of which is Sir C.
Wood, would have been equally alive to the emergency,
but that they would in this country, as well as Lord Can-
ning in India, have been put in motion instantaneously,
with a view, if possible, to minister to our relief. I am
sorry to say, on the contrary, that what has been done by
them has been the undoing of that which Lord Canning had
done. By an order from Sir C. Wood, the sale of the waste
lands, and the redemption of the land-tax, has been sub-
verted. Sir C. Wood himself will not see that it has been
subverted, but it has been changed ; and the change is of
that character which amounts in reality to a prohibition of
the sale of land. Under Lord Canning's regulations, the
applicant for the purchase of land bad three operations to
undertake) viz.,—te mark out the land he wanted, to pay
ss. an acre for it, and to wait one month to see if any other.
applicant or owner happened to turn up. So that in one

month the buyer might be in possession, and engaged in
his cultivation. That which Sir C. Wood says is not a
prohibition, is a regulation which contains no fewer than
77 clauses, which a man must carefully understand before
he proceeds to purchase. (Hear, hear.) When he has
made himself acquainted with the 77 clauses, he may pro-
ceed to consider whereabouts he will make his purchase.
He must then apply for a survey. It isimpossible for any
one to determine what length of time might be required
to obtain that survey. The surveyer comes to survey,
but the applicant must first of all deposit the money
to pay him with. The survey when made will, in all pro-
bability, have to be reported upon, and how long it may be
before that report shall be understood or determined no one
can undertake to say ; but should it appear that the land
may be offered for sale, then it must be advertised to be sold
by auction. When sold the highest bidder receives it,
whether it be the applicant or not ; and, if the applicant
does not himself become the purchaser, he receives back the
money he has paid as deposit for the survey, and he may
then go about to find some otber place that shall be more
near to his expectations, more within his power to obtain.
Any squatter may come and dispute a title, and no matter
whether it be in India or in Ireland, we find many titles
that at e not disputed. In this country we have a very
ready way of dealing with that description of dispute—we
have passed an Encumbered Etatea Act, and did not wait a
century, as we have done in India, before coming to a de-
termination that good titles shall be made out of bad ones.
However, Sir C. Wood having thus placed what we feel to
be obstacles in the way of becoming possessed of waste
lands, it is very evident that if the people of this country
are to starve until cotton is grown under the arrangements
laid down by that Minister, we shall have very few persons
left capable of undertaking our industry at the end of that
time. (Hear.) Centuries may elapse before any sensible
impression has been made upon the sale of waste lands.
The land-tax redemption also has been entirely overthrown.
Lord Canning arranged that the land-tax should be sale-
able at 20 years' purchase. Though at present an occu-
pier in India may be said to be in the same position as a
tenant at will in this country, who dares not lay out money
for fear that the year afterwards he may hove to pay addi-
tional rent for his own investment, Sir C. Wood has quite
put a st p to the redemption of land-tax; and he has
assented to an agreement for thirty years, in case the
parties should arrange together. It is not for us to
remade upon the internal Government of India, but
it is very probable that it will be a great disap-
pointment to the collectors if sales were made in re-
demption of tax, because a large number of collectors are
c..-
gaged year after year to obtain the rentals. I don't mean to
say that we have any objection to collectors ; but I don't
know where they come from ; I never missed anybody from
our exchange who had been sent out to collect land-tax, and
the collectors are a class in India, I believe, well provided
for, and, so far as we are concerned, I don't know that we
have any business to be called together here to uphold their
existence any longer. If the land-tax were redeemed one-
fourth of the tax so redeemed would pay off every shilling
of the debt now owing on Indian account. It would be per-
haps derogatory to the dignity of Sir C. Wood to remind
him that if he were to give place to the Sultan, there would
be some animation imparted to the Council for India. But.
mind you, I don't want to change the men; I want the
spirit to be changed. Give us the spirit which has animated
the Ottoman empire and the Italian people, and not the pro-
tection which they offer, but the spirit of enterprise which
has led them to strive for the obtaining of that 45,000,000 a
year we now give to America; and I say India would then
provide us with good cotton in plenty, and I think in rea-
sonable time. (Applause.) The contract law is all-important
in any investment made in India, whether for the cultiva-
tion of cotton or any other article. It may seem strange to
many persons that advances made for cultivation, debts,
contracts, or whatever may belong to the intercourse of men
of business, are placed upon the very same footing; we
know very well that a high rate of interest indicates a bad
security. The security is bad because the law for the re-
covery of debts is exceedingly slippery. If we found that
we had to recover our debts, especially small debts, by an
operation something like that of the Court of Chancery, or
Assize Courts, we know very well that it would afford an
inroad for mischief, which would be exceedingly pernicious
in our manufacturing and mercantile pursuits. India can-
not be restored to prosperity until a more secure tenure for
land and a contract law have been put in operation, which
shall enable the British manufacturer or investor to em-
bark his money in safety in a country like that. Before
leaving the subject, I beg it to be understood that in any
remarks I have made touching Sir Charles Wood, and the
Council for India, it is in their official capacity, and not in
any private or individual capacity that I refer to them. That
they are incompetent for their duties I think you will have
already concluded. (Hear, hear,) For nearly 34 years this
Chamber have been from time to time offering remonstrance
or advice to every variety of Indian Board that has existed
in that period, and you will see with what provokingly ill
success. Since the present distress set in, as it seemed ob-
viously unavailing to approach the Indian Council, and as
we were fully aware that those officials held their power,
not through our representative system but from the Cabinet
and the Premier, the Chamber concluded to address the
Premier. Our address to him appeared so full of remon-
strance that Lord Palmerston declared it to be a bill of in-
dictment against Sir C. Wood, in whom he said he had
every confidence. He promised to bring the subject under
that Minister's notice, and what may be the issue we must
leave to the future to unfold ; but we may depend the
country is now so roused to the subject that no Indian Go-
vernment will have rest until something effectual is done.
Mr. BAZLEY, M.P., in seconding the adoption of the re-
port, said t at although the directors of the Chamber in
their duties had been surrounded by great difficulties, those
duties had been faithfully discharged. One of the first sub-
jects referred to in the report arose from a suggestion of the
Leeds Chamber of Commerce respecting those departments
of Government which took cognizance of negotiations with
foreign Governments for the extension of commerce. It had
been proposed that the Manchester Chamber should co-
operate with Chambers of Commerce generally to obtain
an addition to that department, with a view to facilitate
commercial intercourse. The suggestion deserved much
attention and consideration, but great caution would have
to be exercised iu approaching the question. The Board
of Trade, if duly organised, and supported by other de-
partments of Government, would be quite competent to
attend to all the interests connected with the foreign
commerce of the United Kingdom. The Foreign Depart-
ment, no doubt, had constant communication with foreign
countries on subjects which the Board of Trade had
not, and on many:important occasions the Foreign Depart•
ment had not assisted the commercial interests of the corm-
' try so much as it might have done by a better organised
communication with the Board of Trade. The French treaty
had been so successful that many of the other continental
Powers were following that course pursued by France and
England, and possibly, through the instrumentality of
France, there might be a spread of that commercial freedom
and liberty for which Manchester had been pre-eminently
distinguished in its advocacy. He looked with some confi-
dence to the extension of those principles, for, as many of
the European countries had declined directly to make im-
portant commercial concessions to Great Britain, while
they were making them to France, in a spirit of equity,
those concessions could not long be withheld from us. The
colonial policy of the Government had deservedly attracted
the attention of the Chamber. Above all things it was desi-
rable that the Colonial Government should not be permitted
to contravene or obstruct the great and liberal commercial
policy sanctioned by the Imperial Legislature. He cherished
the hope that the directory of the Chamber would, if pos-
sible, obtain some change in the Canadian policy of high
protective duties. The Chamber had the satisfaction of hear-
ing the other day from the representatives of the Australian
Government that in that country, upon the whole, the great
principles of free trade had been established, and were being
acted upon; that the colonies were essentially self-support-
ing, and that there was being opened out to us an im-
mense prospect of advantage, which by an increased popu-
lation and enlarged intercourse with this country
would tend to raise the colonies in the scale of im-
portance among the nations of the earth. The reso-
lutions adopted by the Chamber in reference to Indian
affairs reflected the highest praise. It claimed for India,
again and again, that there might be good means of com-
munication with the interior; that there might be roads,
canals, and means of irrigation; that there might be a
land tenure that would permit the free sale of land in India as
well as in this country; that if there were incumbrances
upon the land in India it might be possessed with its
incumbrances; that no wrong might be done to the pos-
sessor of land ; and that the rights of sale and purchase
with the least possible difficulties should be permitted. A
law of contracts was also required for the security of en-
gagements. The directors had wisely referred to India as
a great field for a future supply of cotton. Cotton, he be-
lieved, could be well and profitably grown in India, and
unless it could be profitably produced it was futile to direct
the attention of other countries to cultivate a material which
did not pay for its own production. An abundant supply of
our raw material must be looked for through reward. The
large supply of cotton said to be held in. America had, no
doubt, done much to stay the progress of cultivation in
other parts of the world. (Hear, hear.) It had been
assumed that four millions of bales were held there, but
by more recent advices it appeared that the stock had
been continually diminishing, and the use of cotton bales
to resist bombardments would not specially fit them for
the purposes of the spinners of this country. (A laugh,
and " Hear, hear.") There was in America a constant
tendency to diminish the stock of cotton; and the true
policy of English manufacturers was to look to sources
which would not fail them in their necessity. In the
British colonies we had the means of supporting ourselves ;
and from foreign sources large supplies of cotton could
be obtained. When we thought of the vast re-
sources of Australia, where there were upwards of
2,000,000 acres of ground capable of producing the most
excellent qualities of cotton, from New Orleans up to the
best Sea Island, we need not despair of receiving supplies.
Still we fell back upon India, because it was proved that it
was capable of supplying us with a superior class of cotton.
The success attained by Mr. Shaw in Dharwar established
that ho doubled the value of the cotton by improving its
cultivation, and at the same time increased its production
fourfold by merely introducing arts of agriculture such
Is prevailed in almost every civilised country. If a
more spirited application of agricultural science were

directed to other parts of India, in a few years
we should receive such an augmentation of supply
that the great industry in which so many were interested
would be set at liberty. But unless efforts were made by
the trade at home on the one hand, and encouragements
given by the Government on the other, we might long be
subjected to this unfortunate distress, which was oppressing
both the capital and labour of the country. The consuming
public of England ought to be placed in immediate contact
with the producing ryot of India. There was one very
important point that the public and the press could not
be said to have fully appreciated. They were continually
told that demand for manufactures ought to increase more
than they did at present. The truth was that prices regu-
lated demand, and with the ruling high prices consumption
was of necessity diminished. We had only a large demand
for corn and calico when the prices were very low. It had
been stated that in 1860, when our exports were amazingly
extensive, and when all was prosperity, that we were over-
producing the manufactures. No doubt at that moment
we were producing sufficient for the demand ; perhaps, in a
trifling degree, in excess; but if our increasing production
could have had corresponding reduction in value, we could
with such moderately reduced prices have extended the
scale of consumption. It was folly for the trade to expect
that high prices and great consumption in the markets of
the world had been identified with this great industry. The
hon. gentleman concluded his remarks by hoping that
brighter days would soon dawn upon us, and that the
present distress would soon be at an end. (Applause.)
The report was unanimously adopted.
_ _ _

Some routine business having been disposed of, the meet-
ing separated with a vote of thanks to the chairman.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIO JOURNALS.

TIMES.—For the last 30 years certainly there
has never been a day when the streets of Warsaw
might not have run with blood at a signal from any
bold man. Conspiracy and insurrection have never
been absent from the minds of the conquered. Men
and women, old and young, the possibility of a
struggle with the Russians at any moment has ever
been before them, and without claiming for them
more than for any other people unexampled hero-
ism it may be said that living with the prospect
of a sudden outbreak continually before their eyes
has endowed the Poles with a kind of reckless
courage which, as has been proved by many
examples, shrinks from no danger, and will rush
into a struggle with the enemy against any odds.
Probably in a few days this new Polish insurrec-
tion will be put down, and order will once more
reign in the conquered cities. The silence of mili-
tary rule will overspread the land. All that the
outer world will know will be that executions have
taken place, that troops of unfortunates have been
marched off eastward, and will not complete their
journey until the vast tract of European Russia is in-
terposed between them and their homes. We cannot
think that the present outbreak will fare differently
from the 20 or 30 that have preceded it in the life-
time of the present geceration. But there is enough
to show that the old hatred and the oid savageness
of temper remain unchanged at the present day.
This we might have expected ; but there is another
feature of still greater interest—that the Polish
malcontents are able, in spite of Governors and
Generals, policemen and spies, to plan a most for-
midable rising against the Russian authority.
Whether the events of which the telegraph informs
us were the consequences of a regular plan for the
destruction of the Russian troops, or whether the
news of one outbreak spreading through the coun-
try excited each section to deeds of violence, the
facts equally show the dangerous state of the coun-
try and the readiness of the people at any moment
to rise in a rebellion, however desperate. We in-
cline to the opinion that the insurrection is the
work of a central body of conspirators, for there is
a suddenness in the attack and a unity in the design
of it which seems to show that it was not a series of
desultory outbreaks. There was indeed a barbarity
in the proceedings of the insurgents which must be
regretted. On the night of the 22d the scattered
detachments of troops in the neighbourhood of War-
saw were attacked. The insurgents killed all the
soldiers they found in the houses where they were
billeted. If it be true that the troops were at-
tacked in every town throughout the province
on the same night, there can be no doubt that
the deed was premeditated, and that conse-
quently the Poles intended one of those gene-
ral slaughters which, whenever they have been
attempted, have always in the end brought
misfortune on the heads of the perpetra-
tors. The Russian account is that very serious
fighting had taken place at many points, but
that the troops had universally defeated the insur-
gents. The latter had burnt several villages and
had destroyed the telegraph wires, so that at the
present time the communication is cut off between
Warsaw and the frontier. Troops have been hur-
ried to the scene of the disturbances, the garrison
of Warsaw having been increased to 40,000 men.
The neighbourhood of Plock, on the Vistula, about
half way between ‘k arsaw and the Prussian fron-
tier, was expected to be the scene of a sharp con-
flict between the military and the insurgents, as
the latter were in great force there. On the whole,
this is a most anxious conjuncture for the Emperor,
and we cannot wonder that he should have dis-
played some emotion when he addressed the army,
as reported by telegraph to-day, and denounced the
revolutionary party whose work the rising was. A
few days more must elapse before we can tell
whether this is to be a general insurrection or not.
But in whatever manner it may end it cannot but
recall the attention of Europe to this miserable
country. It proves that the Pole and the Russian
are as far from that fusion which has been the
cherished design of the Czars as 30 years since, and
that the conscience of the world must be periodi-
cally wounded by a nation unsuccessfully struggling
to be free.

MORNING POST.—It is with a sense of unspeak-
able relief that we hail the final settlement of the
Holstein question. We do so not merely in the
interests of Europe, which has from time to time
been agitated by the rival pretensions of the Ger-
manic Diet and the Danish King, not to mention
threats of Federal executions, but in the interests of
the Danish monarchy itself. Denmark has always
had our sympathies. We have ever consistently
supported the claims of the Danish Government in
respect to the disputed provinces. In the reasons ad-
vanced by the Germanic Powers for their interposi-
tion we always failed to discover aught but an
empty pretext for depriving Denmark of a por-
tion of her dominions. Prussia is the last
State in the world entitled to come for-
ward just now as the champion of con-
stitutional government. Austria, too, might without
difficulty find a wider sphere for the introduction
of constitutional reforms in her Hungarian and
Lombardo-Venetian territories than in the Grand
Duchy of Holstein. Notwithstanding, however,
that the moment seems singularly inopportune for
the formal recognition of the independence of Hol-
stein by the Danish Government, and the concession
to that province of the position claimed for it by the
Germanic Confederation, we are glad that a tedious
and irritating discussion has at length been brought
to a close. In the note addressed by the Danish
Minister for Foreign Affairs to the Ambassador in
London, ani dated January 5, the announcement is
formally made that henceforth Holstein will be ac-
counted as one of the Germanic States, and that the
Danish King, in his quality as duke of that pro-
vince, will not only be prepared, as heretofore, to
fulfil his federal obligations, but will admit the au-
thority of the Diet to regulate the internal affairs of
the State. The Danish Minister has rightly pointed
out that the recognition of this control on the part
of the Germanic Confederation is not the simple
discharge of a duty imposed upon his Government ;
it is, in truth, a sacrifice extorted by the force of
circumstances, a yielding to pressure from without.
It must always be borne in mind that Holstein was
a province of Denmark before it became a member
of the Confederation. On entering the Confedera-
tion, the duchy of Holstein, like the other States
joined in that league, undertook certain obligations,
but never transferred its sovereignty to the Diet,
or bound itself in every respect to be guided by its
dictates. However, any misconceptions which may
have previously arisen are set at rest, and the rights
of the Confederation and the obligations of Holstein
are now settled upon what it is hoped will prove
an unalterable basis. But whilst the Danish Go-
vernment have been content to admit the claims of
he Germanic Diet in respect to Holstein, they
have rightly imposed, as the condition of such
recognition,
that the authority of the Crown in

London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS,
of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Ofuce, No.
112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County
of Middlesex,—Tuesday, January 27, 1863.