The Sun.
London, England, 1839-08-13 00:00:00

TI-1141 SUN, LONDON- TUESDAY, AUGUST 13, iFi3c).

more freely, and there was a brisk demand, more particu-
larly for low Congous, Twankay, Hyson, and low green
Tea ; a great many breaks taken in at the early part were
also disposed of, and prices improved, and left off at
the following rise on the July ia'es ;—Bohea at an
advance of 2d to 3d—Congou, :common qualities 3d
higher, blackish leaf kind 2d, blackish leaf strong
and Pekoe flavour (which form a proprrtion
of this season's arrivals) have hardly Exceeded previous
value—Caper, Ning Yong, and Orange Pekoe 2d to 3d
higher, Twankay and Hyson Skin 3d higher Hyson
common 3d, fine 6d to 8d higher, Young Hyson, Imperial
and Gunpowder 3d to 4d higher. Since the sales large
purchases have been made, and rather higher prices have
been paid; Company's Congous are selling at Is 7d, Free
Trade of common quality is sd, and Twankay is 81. For
auei nt on the 26th 14 952 pkgs are declared.
COCOA.—Bri ish plantation has been less in request by
the home trade, and at the public sales of 357 packages
pries gave way ls., the principal part however found
ba, ers, good red Granada at 455. 6d. a 483., fair to good
mid. red Trinidad 453. a 535. 6d., and good at 56a. per
cwt. In Foreign some small purchases have been made
at the quotations.
Tau,ow.—Towards the close of last week prices gave
way 6d to is per cwt, but are now quoted at 52s 3d to
52s 6d on the spot, and 43s 6d to arrive in late months of
the year.
This afkrnoon 432 casks new P Y C were offered at
public sale, which sold briskly at 52s 3d to 52s 9d for first
quality.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL (in continuation from our
First Edition) said—
That view had been practically supported by many of
the Police Commissioners, because there had been a
protest signed by 92 out of 240 Commissioners, stating
they considered the rate ought not to be levied by them—
that it would be an illegal rate, and that the rate-payers
for their own security, had better not pay the rate.—
( Hear, hear.) He did not think the police in Man-
chester was in a satisfactory state, when on the one hand,
there were parties refusing to pay the rate to the
Corporation, and on the other parties denying the Police
Commissioners had any power to levy the rate. He had
very recently received accounts, both from the civil and
military authorities of that town, stating that mobs
had ceilected at different places for the purpose
of inducing men to leave their work, and to
produce a general strike by means of terror
and intimidation. The police were immediately
sent to disperse the mob, two of whom had threatened to
set fire to the mills. The military were called out in sup-
port of the police, and the police were then able to act—
they were successful in taking several into custody and
dispersing the remainder. Now what would have
been the case if there had been no local police
in the town and the Commissioners had been unable to
maintain an efficient police ? Why, the military would
have been called out, and instead of standing by and en-
abling the police to take those men into custody without
injury, they would have charged the rioters, and probably
there would have been loss of life.—( Loud cries of
" Hear, hear.") Would the House be justified
in saying they would not take measures in case of necessity
to preserve the peace, and that the loss of life was a matter
of indifference to Parliament, that they would leave
a town in the critical state in which Manches-
ter was, without providing measures to prevent
the calamities that might take place ?—( Hear, hear.)
This he ( Lord John Russell) would say that he was at
least bound to urge this Bill on the House; and if those
lamentable consequences should arise, owing to the want
of an efficient police, in consequence of the rejection of
the Bill, it would not be because the Government had
failed to urge this subject on the House, but
because Parliament had refused to interfere.—( Hoar. )
That was the short statement he wished to make in sup.
port of the Bill. He knew there were parties at Man-
chester who opposed the Bi:I, and he was sorry that those
parties did not confine themselves to their own means and
to their own respectable parties, but that they should re-
ceive the aid of a great many of those who were the
enemies of the law.—( Hear, hear.) He had been informed
that at a public meeting those who were now trying to de-
feat the law, and to establish a reign of terror against the
law, had assisted the parties who were opposing this Bill.
These parties certainly acted most consistently, because,
if they prevented any efficient police being established, their
lawless objects would be aided, and their means of
intimidating the loyal subjects of the Crown would be
promoted, but he would ask that House whether they
would countenance views of that sort, or whether they
would support a Bill which was essential for the mainten-
ance of peace and the protection of life and property ?
( Hear, hear. )

Colonel SAL WE Y admitted the necessity of a police
in all large towns, but then that police ought to be a
constitutional force, and he did not think the police
sought to be established by this Bill would be constituttonal.
The military would be glad to be relieved from a most
painful duty, and which was repugnant- to their feelings ;
but any police force that was established, ought to be es.
tablished under the entire control of the parties who re.
quired Hear. hear.)
Mr. C. BULLER said that insinuations had been made
against those who opposed the Bill, that they were the
enemies of peace and good order, and were opposed to all
police. Now all he wished was that the police of Man-
chester, as well as of Birmingham, should be placed under
the authority of the Town Council, elected by the people.
( Hear, hear.) He protested against the new and alarm-
ing doctrine of vesting the management and control of
the whole police of the country not in local autho-
rities but in persons appointed by the central Go-
vernment ; but whatever might be the authority in
which they who opposed this Bill would place the police,
they were perfectly justified in resisting it being placed in
those hands which they thought dangerous to the liberties
of the country and the efficiency of the police. The Noble
Lord had sa!d that the course proposed to be adopted by
this Bill was suggested by the Right Hon. Baronet the
Member for Tamworth. All that the Right Hon. Baronet
had said was, that under the particular circumstances
of the case he should wish that principle to be applied to
Birmingham, and he had not said that, when he gave that
inch he wished the Noble Lord to take an ell, and go on
applying this centralised system of police to the whole
country—( Hear, hear)—at any rate if the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet did not think it worth while to be present and support
the Bill, he (Mr. C. Buller) would not allow him to be run
down in that most unjust manner by an insinuation that he
was for supporting arbitrary and unconstitutional power.—
( Hear, hear, and laughter.) And he begged to tell the
Government that he did not think it was decent at this
time of the Session, by small majorities in a small House,
to carry on Bills which so many Members of different par-
ties on both sides of the House combined in resisting.—
( Hear, hear.)
Mr. BRDiCOE said the Hon Member who had just
sat down seemed to think this Bill was to be a permanent
one ; but it was only to last until the dispute between the
Corporation and the Commissioners was settled by the
Coutt of Queen's Bench. This Bill was absolutely re-
quired, if it was desirable to preserve the peace and order
of Manchester. He was surprised at the opposition given
to the Bill by the Conservative party, and could not but
think that their conduct bore the appearance of faction.
Ile hoped the measure would be carried by a considerable
majority, and considered the Government entitled to the
gratitude and confidence of the country for having intro-
duced it.

Mr. KEMBLE said this measure was not taken up as a
party question.—( Hear, hear.) He should object to a
Bill of this kind, if it could be shown that no necessity
existed for it ; and if it could be shown that a police could
be kept up without a Bill of this kind, he would not sup-
port it. But it appeared to him that if the House did not
pass this Bill, it would incur an immense haz4rd, and
when the Government said it was necessary, it was not a
time in the present state of the country when he could
forbear to give them his vote.

Mc. HUME said he had opposed the Birmingham
Bill, because it had been introduced against the wish of
the Corporation. But there was a great difference between
that Bill and the present, for the Manchester Bill had the
support of the Corporation cf Manchester. In supporting
this Bill he was supporting the means of maintaining the
peace of the borough.
Mr. D UNCOM BE said the House was plaerd in a
situation of difficulty between the speeches of the Hon.
Members for Westbury and Kilkenny. But he looked to
the petition emanating from men of all parties, signed by
7,200 rate payers, composed of men of all shades of po-
litics, Tories, and Radicals and Whigs, if such things
were to be found in Manchester.—( A laugh.) The
Noble Lord had said the petition was signed by the
Chartists. He (Mr. D.) did not know why they should not
petition as welt as other parties. He admitted that
it was the duty of the Ministry and of the House to pre-
serve the peace and protect property, but that might be
done without violating the dearly-cherished rights of the
people.—( Hear, hear.) These Bills violated this sacred
principle, and he asked Hon. Members to reject it with-
out reference to party politics. The people ought to have
the control of their money, whether it was expended for
the relief of the poor or for the preservation of the peace.
If this principle should once be adopted it would not stop
either at Birmingham or Manchester, but would be ex-
tended throughout the country whenever the miserable
fears of the Ministry of the day should induce them to
make such a proposition.
Sir R. PRICE said Hon. Members who resisted the
Bill omitted to say how an efficient police was to be ex-
pected in Manchester without this Bilk—( Hear, hear.)
He thought the House would assume a fearful respon-
sibility in rejecting the measure, which he believed at onee
necessary and constitutional, and which he earnestly
entreated the House not to be so foolish as to throw out—
( Hear, hear. )
Sir C. GREY declared it to be the old Constitutional
principle that the police of the country should be derived
from the authority of the Crown—the Constabulary were
appointed by Magistrates, who bad their Commissions from
the Crown—this was the general principle, to which,
however, there were exceptions, as in the case of towns
which had charters, containing an efficient clause,
placing the police under the management of the
Councils. Now, in the present case, there were dis-
putes on that point. And what course would the pre-
sent Ministry then pursue more consistent with the ancient
constitutional practice than establishing, to meet the
dreaded emergency during this period of doubt, a force
under authority emanating from the Crown.—( Hear.)
Mr. FIE L DEN considered it was improperly assumed
by the supporters of the Bill that the inhabitants of Man •
chester would not take sufficient care of their own pro-
perty. For himself, he declared that he should feel his
property in the toys n less secure under this Bill than with
out it ; therefore, he should oppose it.
The House then divided, and there appeared—
For going into Committee
Against it

17
•Aljority
On our return to the Gall,-ry, We found the House in
CommiWe upon the Bill, and
On clause 1 being proposed,