The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-26 00:00:00

Tit E LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA.

Go vernor Letcher delivered the following address

to tb e Virginia Legislature on the 7th inst. :
" Executive Department, Richmond, Virginia,
Sept. 7, 1863.
" Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Delegates,—
In 'this crisis I have deemed it advisable to convene you
in extraordinary session, in order that the freshly chosen
representatives of the people may consult and devise such
measures as will be calculated to meet the existing emer-
gency in public affairs. The war has new been in progress
for more than two years and a half, and has been prosecuted
age anst us with a ferocity unparalleled in all past struggles
between contending parties. It has been conducted upon the
av owed principle of subjugating us, either by force of arms
or by visiting upon our people the horrors of famine. Hence
it is that, -foiled and defeated again and again upon the
field of battle, they have adopted the policy of desolating
our farms, destroying our crops, burning our dwellings,

atsaling and carrying away our property, leaving our wives
and children to perish by the slow torture of starvation. It

is no longer a war for the preservation of the old Union, as
it was originally proclaimed to be; but it has degenerated
into a war for the emancipation of our slaves ; and this
purpose the administration at Washington propose to ac-
complish, even if the extermination of the white race, of all
ages, sexes, and conditions of the Southern Confederacy,
shall! be the result. We have no alternative, therefore,but
to defend ourselves with all the power, energy, and ability
we can command. We must succeed, if we would be free
and independent people, worthy of the illustrious ancestry
from which we descended. To succeed, we must have union,
harmony, concert, conciliation, courage, energy, and deter-
mined resolution on the part of rulers and people. We must
a-titivate one towards another the noble virtues of prudence.

toleration, charity, and forbearance. With these general re-

marks I proceed to the consideration of such subjects as are
of special interest at this time, and in my judgment demand
legislative action, The subject first in importance, so far
as the Commonwealth is concerned, is the beat means of pro-

viding an adequate force for the local defence of the State

against invasion or raid, and for the execution of the laws in
case a resort to force shall at any time become necessary.

The entire military force of the State has been absorbed by
the conscription law, and we are thus left, in the time of

greatest peril, with no militia organization for the defence
of the Commonwealth. This want can bo and must be sup-

plied 'with as little delay as practicable. As to the plan of
raising this force I am aware there is much diversity of
opinion. The difference, however, is reconcilable, if the

subject is considered and discussed in a patriotic spirit.
Let a force,to consist of all able-bodied persons between the
ages of 16 and 60, not in the Confederate service, be

organized, corresponding with the force now organized in
the cities of Richmond, Petersburg, and Lynchburg. Let
them be regularly enrolled. formed into companies, bat-
talitns and regiments, and officered in such manner as will
be raoat likely to secure efficient, intelligent, and energetic
me a. They should be drilled at proper intervals, so as to be
w all instructed in the evolutions and the manual, and pre-
pared for Efficient service whenever the necessity shall arise.
The act should also define what is local defence, as there is
much contrariety of opinion in regard to it. Some think
local defence consists in remaining at home, and under no
circumstances to be taken out of the city or county in whichthe company is organised. This, in my view, is a most mis-
taken notion of the meaning of the term local defence;'
and if it is to prevail will work great mischief, and render
the organisation of little value in giving protection to our
people. My opinion is, that if the city of Richmond can be
defend( d more certainly 50 miles from it than immediately
around. or in it, that locality is the proper place for its de-
fence, and the local militia should be required to make the
defence there. Tho officer charged with the defence of any
particular locality is presumed to be better acquainted with
the mode of defending it, and the best point for defending
it successfully, and he should direct all troops so as best to
secure the ends desired. The object of such organisations
should be to give adequate protection to all parts of the
Commonveealth. We must not only provide for the defence
of the counties, cities, and towns, by the local forces in and
itnmedie Sely around them, but we must, under the law which
is propcaed to be passed, have authority to order others
from contiguous counties to their aid and support. A force
whose operations are to be confined by county, city, or
town boundaries, can prove of but little value in checking
raids or in executing and enforcing obedience to the laws.
This organisation should be made to embrace the foreign
population who are located among us. This foreign
population. may 'be said to consist of three classes. First,
those who have been regularly naturalised, and who are
therefore citizens embraced by our laws relating to the
public defervee ; second, those who are domiciliated among
us, and Inv ee been living in our midst and prosecuting
various branches of business, and who left their native land
with no leurpose or intention of returning to it ; and, lastly,
those w} io are temporarily sojourning among us. The first
class ar 3 in service under our militia laws, and the second
should be required to go into service for public defence of
the so it on which they reside. The latter class, who are
sojourners, engaged in noregulkr business, should be exempt.
I recommend therefore that in your legislation upon this
subject the second class above referred to shall be clearly and
distinctly embraced. On this subject I desire to present
smnher recommendation in regard to the Act passed by
your predecessors on Nov. 20, 1862, authorising persons of
cer fain religions denominations in the State to exempt them-
eel vos from military service in the war by the payment of
500 'dols. each. Subsequently Congress passed an Act of
lik .3 character, and these persons availed themselves of it
an a were discharged from liability to all military service in
tl a Confederate army. I regard this provision as substan-
ailly a violation of the constitution, inasmuch as it grants
exemptions to certain classes of persons which are not granted
to others. In this war all classes who reside among us should
The required to perform duty of some sort, if they are within
the military age. If they are unwilling to bears arms there
are various other duties connected with the army and the
general defence which they can perform, and which they
should be required to perform. They are citizene, property
holde', to a large extent interested therefore in all that
concerns other citizens, and should be required to perform
their pert. In some countries this class of persons are re-
quired to aid in the construction of fortifications. and I see
no irist reason why they should not be required to do so
here. This branch of defence must be maintained by some-
boe,y, and if their religious convictions will not allow them
tc, go into the ranks for the defence and maintenance of the
common cause, why cannot they do this ? It will not do to
say they are opposed to war, and can do nothing that will
tend to its prosecution, The law is based upon the princi-
ple 'that they are bound to do something; otherwise
they would not be taxed the sum of EN dollars each.
That money goes into the Treasury, and is drawn therefrom
to ilefray the expenses of the war ; and to this extent, at
least, they are aiding and supporting it. If they can aid to the
extent of 500 dole. in money, can they not aid by labour or
other service ? A state of war imposes a personal obligation
upon every citizen within the military age, and he should be
required to discharge it. When the country is invaded, our
dwellings burnt, our lands laid waste, our property destroyed
or carried away, our citizens imprisoned, it is their duty to
step forward promptly and aid in repelling the invader.
Ministers, and members of other religious denominations
equally as conscientious, are in the field. I recommend,
therefore, that this law be repealed. The time has come
When it is absolutely indispensable that we should omit no-
thing which promises protection to our people and success
to our cause. An unscrupulous enemy is pursuing us with
a spirit of malignity and vindictiveness that respects neither
the rights of persons nor of property. We must be active
and untiring in our efforts to repel him, and to accomplish
this we must call forth all our able-bodied men, and prepare
them for the most efficient service. No army can expect a
continued cee
-trent of success. We may, nay, we must expect
to meet reverses, and wemustbe prepared for them. Instead
of discouraging, they should only stimulate us to increased
efforts—should call forth redoubled energy—should bind us
snore closely together, and inspspirit and courage, It ire us with a more determined
our forefathers had permitted reverses
In crush their spirit or
Paralyse their energies and efforts,
the American Revolution never would have proved a suc-
cess, and the independence of our country weuld never
have been achieved. They Passed through storms and trials
far greater than any that hoe fallen to us in this con-
test. The men, old and
"'mg, sustained and supported
the cause with hearty goodwill, and as the clouds gathered
and the prospect of success seemed to grow more despe-
rate and hopeless, they became more and more resolved
and determined. The noble women of that day, while their
fathers, husbands, and sons were engaged in fighting the
battles and driving back the invader, plantea and gathered
the crops by which the army was sustained. We have not
been reduced to such straits yet, nor is it probable we shall
be. But the women of the present day have shovel a self-
sacrificing spirit, inducing them incessantly to Work,
and
showing that they are ready to emulate such an example.
They have displayed a generous devotion, which should
awake the sluggards and animate and cheer the gloomy and
desponding. There are in all communities some people
whose eyes always fall upon the dark side of every picture,
and who are disposed to succumb at even the indications of
disaster. It would be remarkable if we had not some such
but it is gratifying among us ; g to know that the number is
very small, even in those Protons of our State which have
been overrun by the enemy. The spirit and courage of the
large mass of the people have never flagged. Each new
wrong has inspired new resolution. Each new outrage has
but nerved them for a moro determined and desperate
struggle in behalf of the cause. Virginia went into this con-
test after the most serious and calm consideration—with a
firm resolve to do her whole duty to herself and her Confe •
derate sinters—to take all the consequences, however hor-
rible they may be. Tier people never quailed, nor have they
murmured under the repeated wrongs and aggressions they
have suffered. She was not the first to enter this struggle,
nor will she be the first to sue for peace, unless that peace
shell be accompanied by an unqualified recognition of the
independence of the Southern Confederacy. The General
Assembly, at its last session, prescribed that no Confede-
rate issues of a date anterior to April 6, 1863, should be
received in payment of State taxes. lam unable to com-
prehend either the wisdom or the policy of this legislation.
It is calculated to impair confidence in the currency of the
Confederate Government, and, indeed, in almost the only
currency in circulation in the greater portion of the State.

If these issues are not to be receivable in payment of
State taxes, it is inferrible, at least by those who are
not fully informed in regard to such questions, that it
is because those issues are not as valuable as subsequent
issues by the Government, or for some cause or other

they have not been considered a safe or reliable circulating
medium. No matter what caused the exclusion, it is per-
fectly plain that the effect has been to depreciate the cur-
rency and to arouse in the public mind the suspicion that it
will not ultimately be redeemed. Very few persons in
ordinary business transactions stop to examine the particu-
lar date of a note which they are about to receive. Very
fow can remember the particular date of the note, discredited
by the law. The consequence is, as soon as they ascertain
that notes of some date are not receivable in payment of

taxes, and they do not know which, they became shy of re-

ceiving any, and all are discredited. When they are told

that some of the banks will not receive them on deposit, and
that some of the railroad and other transportation companies

will not receive them for fare or freight, they of course re-
fuse to receive them, and a general depreciation ensues,

which it will be found next to impossible thereafter to pre-
vent. In very many cases this money has been paid to our
soldiers, and by them sent home to pay their taxes. Some
such cases have been brought to my knowledge; and the
persons who were in this situation, on finding that it was
not receivable in payment of State taxes, have very natu-
rally complained. If the money was good enough to pay
the soldier, who receives but 11 dols. per month, why is it not
good enough to satisfy the claim of the State when her

agent applies for State dues ? We have no State bank cir-

culation, we have no State Treasury-note circulation, both
of these descriptions of note having been hoarded as fast
as they could be collected by moneyed men. The conse-
quence, therefore, is that the holders of the repudiated
Confederate issues are driven to the necessity of shoving off
those they have, in order to procure such as will enable
them to meet the demands of the State. While it was
not the intention of the Legislature to place the tax-
payers in this condition, such is inevitably its effect.
They must have such money as will answer the pur-
pose, and to obtain it they must apply to such persons
as have it, and must pay them such price in these rejected
Confederate issues as will command it. The only reason I
have ever heard aseigned in justification of this legislation
is that it was designed to force persons holding this currency
to fund in Confederate bonds, and thus retire t from circu-
lation. This would ad be very well if every man who had
these issues in hand had no use for them either for the sup-
port of his family or the payment of debts. It unfortunately
happens, however, for this theory, that four-fifths of the
community have no money to invest. All they receive they
have present and pressing use for to relieve their daily
wants and the wants of those dependent upon them. Find-
ing with all such is therefore an impossibility, and the cir-
culation thus rejected cannot be retired in this way. Con-
gress, feeling the difficulty, and desirous to compel the fund-
ing, passed an act which provides that all notes of issues
previous to the Ist of December, 1862, should be fundable
iit: nfsh,
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Notesbonds
until August 1, 1863, and after that date in four per cent.
bonds. Notes issued after April 1, 1863, are fundable in 6
per cent, bonds if presented in 12 months from their issue,

but if not so presented they are fundable in 4 per cent.
bonds. This looks to me very much like a repudiation to
some extent of the obligations assumed by the Government,
and it is not, therefore, surprising that such legislation
should have created uneasiness in the public mind, and
aided in bringing about depreciation and a want of confi-

demo in the ultimate payment of these obligations. Other
legislation on the part of Congress has tended strongly
to produce the same conclusion in the public mind.

The mode in which taxes are to be assessed upon credits
in certain contingencies may be mentioned as one that
tends directly to the discredit of the currency. Better
far would it have been to make these issues a legal tender
in payment of debts than to resort to a compulsory process
like this to force its reception by the creditor; and while
this is being done our Legislature is urged to reject the
same paper issues in payment of State taxes. When the
Government casts suspicion upon its currency, and the State
Governments and the banks and railroad companies do the
same thing, the people may well became alarmed. The
consequences cannot fail to be most disastrous. We cannot
change the action of Congress, but we can remedy the errors
of our own legislation, and thus show that we are disposed
to uphold fee credit and currency of the Confederacy. I
submit the report of Captain Edward H. Fitzhugh, now in
charge of the Quartermaster-General's office, to which I in-
vite your attention. It presents a clear and succinct state-
ment of the condition of affairs in that office from the orga-
nisation of the State line forces to the present time, and
will doubtless be read with great interest, especially when
it is recollected that just before the State line troops were
disbanded it was quite currently charged that the entire ap-
propriation had been expended. This report shows that
the sum of 1,225,000 dells. had been drawn from the Trea-
sury for that department, and that since the force was dis-
banded 616,517 dole. 92c. had been refunded, leaving the
actual cost of the State line forces, so far as that depart-
ment is concerned, 608,482 dole. Bc. Other property, now
being collected, and which will be turned over to the Con-
federate Government, will further ieduce the cost. No re-
port has been received from the Paymaster-General's de-
partment. . . On the 20th of August last a requisition
was made upon me Ly the Secretary of 'War for 5,340 slaves,
to work upon the fortifications around Richmond. Copies
of the papers are herewith submitted to your consideration, ;
and I particularly invite your attention to the draught mace
upon the several counties. The apportionment upon the
counties seem to be entirely arbitrary, and bears very un •
equally. In some cases 5 per cent. of the slaves is called
for, and in other cases less than 1 per cent. Thus, Amelia,
i
with upwards of 7,000 slaves assessed with taxes in 1862, s
required to furnish 50, while Allegheny, with less than 700,
is required to furnish 30. The county of Albemarle, with
12,681, is called upon for 200, while Brunswick, with 9,212,
is called upon for 250. The county of Augusta, with 4,430
is called upon for 80, while the county of Rockingham, with
2,164, is called upon for 100. Hanover, with 8,521, is called
upon for 30, while Prince Edward, with 5,998, is called upon
for 150. These examples will suffice to show how unequally
this burden is distributed, and I trust that some amend-
ment will be made to the law which will afford protection
against such inequality. The law requires that 'the value
of such slaves as may escape from the Confederate authori-
ties and not return to their owners, or be seized or be killed
by the public enemy, or may by want of due diligence on
the part of the authorities of the Confederate States, in any
manner be lost to the owners, shall be paid by the Confede-
rate States to the owners of such slaves, and in like manner
compensation shall be paid for any injury to slaves arising
from the want of due diligence on the part of the authori-
ties of the Confederate States.' Many cases of peculiar
hardship arising from the loss of slaves have been brought
to my attention, and mach complaint has been made by the
owners in consequence of the fact that they have not received
the value as provided for in this Act. In several cases the
only slave capable of field labour that the owner possessed
has been lost, and compensation not having been made he
has been unable to supyly his place. If the value had been
promptly paid the hardship in such cases would have been
greatly relieved. 1 invoke your early attention to this sub-
ject, of so much importance to cur common constituents.
I have received a communication from the President of the
Central Railroad, enclosing a report made to him by the
superintendent on a subject of great importance to the road,
and not less to the State and tha Confederacy. The demands
for the transportation of passengers and freight over this
and the other railroads of the State have been very great,
and the roads have been severely taxed to meet them. So
far they have fully met the demands, but it is apparent to
any person who will pass over them that extensive repairs
are now much needed, and must be made, or they will be
broken up and rendered useless. Besides, great difficulty
is experienced in procuring crossties and the necessary sup-
ply of wood for fuel. Labour is indispensably necessary to
relieve them ; and, so far as legislation can aid them, I ant
satisfied it will be cheerfully extended. . . I communi-
cate herewith the reports of the board of visitors, the supe-
rintendent and the surgeon of the Virginia Military Insti-
tute, and I commend them to your consideration. They are
deeply interesting, and notwithstanding the embarassments
of the time, they show that the institution is in a very
flourishing condition. When the institution was re-opened
it was seriously apprehended that it would be difficult, if
not impossible, to procure the requisite supplies for clothing
and feeding the cadets; but I take pleasure in saying that
the judgment and energy of the superintendent have over-
come all difficulties, and the operations of the school have
been regularly kept up. The institution has strongly com-
mended itself to the fostering care of the General Assembly
and the people of Virginia, and I cannot too earnestly press
its claims upon your support and favour. I trust it will be
your pleasure to adopt the recommendations made in the
reports, and thus place it upon a firm and enduring basis,
and enable it gradually to extend the sphere of its useful-
ness. . . The extortioner is still pursuing his heartless
traffic and amassing his gains. The war to him is a godsend,
and he would not have it terminated for any earthly consi-
deration. He shares none of its hardships—he suffers none
of its dangers. He has perhaps hired a substitute who, for
a Pecuniary consideration, agreed to be shot at in his place.
Such meta are found everywhere throughout the Confede-
racy, and it is time something were done to put an end to
their
subject, money-aging business. I have been investigating
this
in the hope that I would be able to make some
practical recommendation that would check, if it did not
eradicate this evil. In the first volume of the Revised Code'
of 1819, page 551, I find an act which was passed in 1777,
entitled An act to preventif t forestalling, regrating, engros-
sing, anti public venduos, which, with very slight amend-
ments, would, re-enacted, check in a great measure
this growing evil. I invite your attention to it, and
recommend that some similar act be passed at this
session. The finances of the State are in a
highly prosperous condition---much more prosperous,
indeed, than could have been anticipated under the circum-
stances which surround us. The numerous demandsmade
upon the Treasury have been promptly met and satisfied.
Our revenue is increasing, and the people, with that noble
spirit which has ever characterised Virginians, cheerfully
pay their taxes, and thus maintain the credit and uphold
the character of the Commonwealth. • • •
JOIIN LETCHER,"