The Sun.
London, England, 1839-05-14 00:00:00

IMPERI
f

lAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, MAY 13.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour.
Mr. Ald. COPELAND brought up the Report of
the Committee on the Stafford Potteries Police Im-
provement Bill, which was ordered to be engrossed.
On the motion of Mr. WILBRAHAM the Liver-
pool and Manchester Extension Railway Bill was read a
third time and passed.
Mr. H. T. HOPE moved the third reading of the
j Bristol and Gloucestershire Railway Bill.
Mr. G. BERKELEY said the evidence given before
the Committee WE'S not in his opinion satisfactory, be
therefore moved that the Bill be read a third time that

day six months.
Mr. KEMBLE said that the Committee heard
evidence for two days, and none whatever was offered
in opposition to the Bill, and he therefore trusted the
House would consider that the Committe had discharged
their duty.
Mr. BERKELEY said that of the seven witnesses

examined in support of the Bill, six were actually
shareholders in the concern, or in the railroad of which
this was a branch. It was stated that the land over
which the railroad was to pass was not valuable, but
whilst that on the Great Western Line was not worth
more than 255. or 305., the average on the line now un-
der consideration was worth from 40s. to 60s. He trusted
the House would not sanction a Bill destroying
private property merely for the sake of a few speculators.
Mr. HOPE said although the evidence might not
have been satisfactory to the Hon. Member and his
brother, it was quite satisfactory to every other Member

of the Committee, who divided 10 to 2 in favour of the
Bill, and he believed the House would not sanction such
an absurd proposition as that of rejecting the Bill on the
third reading.
Mr. LANGDALE briefly supported the Bill.
The gallery was then cleared for a division.
The numbers were—
For the third . 161
Against it 57
Majority for the Bill ........ ....... -104

A variety of petitions were then presented, which,
owing to the incessant noise and buzz of conversation in
the House, were entirely inaudible.
On the motion of Mr. Kemble, the Croydon, Alert-
sham, End Godstone Railway (Dissolution of Com-
pany) Bill, was read a second time, and ordered to be
committed.

Sic R. INGLIS presented a petition, as we under-
stood, from Chard, praying that the Roman Catholic
Relief Bill might be repealed—(Tumultuous cheering
on the Ministerial benches)—unless the Roman Ca-
tholics would give such Protestant security as would
effectually protect the Established Church.—(Renewed
cheering and laughter.) It may be as well, said the
Hon. Baronet, for Honourable Members to consider
how far such cheers may have a tendency to provoke a
debate.—(Load cries of " Order, order.") I will at
least say this, that I do not consider the prayer of the
petition.—(" Order, order," and "Chair, chair.") While
I have a seat in this House I will endeavour to observe
the rules of the House ; but when such cheers as I have
just heard are uttered.—(The remainder of the sen-
tence was lost amidst loud cries of" Order, order," and
" Chair, chair.') The Hon. Baronet then presented a
petition against the Ecclesiastical Revenues Bill as
founded on the Report of the Commissioners.

Mr. EWART presented a petition from Wigan in
favour of a uniform penny postage.

Mr. LAW presented a great number of petitions
against the Ecclesiastical Revenues' Bill.

At ten minutes before five o'clock Lord John Russell
entered the House, and was welcomed with the most
enthusiastic and hearty cheers by Members on the Mi-
nisterial side of the House, while on the Opposition
benches the most profound silence was observed.
Mr. PERCEVAL presented a petition from Queen's
Ciputy against any further grant to the College of
"-"ajnooth.
"r ROBERT FERGUSON held in his hand a
very strong argument in favour of penny postage. It
was a petition signed by 200 ladies of Abbotshall.—
Great laughter.)
Sir W. SOMERVILLE presented a petition from
the town of Drogheda, praying for a free trade in bank-
ing, and a petition from a young ladies' establishment in
favour of penny postage.—(A laugh.)
Sir CHARLES STYLE presented a petition from
Scarborough and Londonderry, in favour of penny
Postage,

Colonel WOOD presented a petition from some
14ee in Breconshire in favour of a uniform rate of
Penny postage.
Arr. GLADSTONE presented a petition from a
Young gentlemen's establishment in favour of a uniform

. .._ ...., .... ..._.....
rate of penny postage.—(Laughter.)
Mr. SHEPPARD, on being called on, rose in the
gal/cry, amid roars of laughter, and said he had to pre-
sent a petition from Frome in favour of a uniform pen-

ny postage.
The SPEAKER—Please to bring it down.—(Great
laughter.)
The Hon. Member descended from the Gallery, and
brought the petition up to the table, amidst roars of
laughter from both sides of the House.
Mr, W. CAMPBELL presented five petitions from
Parishes in Argyleshire in favour of Church Extension in
Scotland.
Mr.M. PHILLIPS presented a petition from aLite-
"'ll Society in Manchester in favour of a uniform rate
of Penny. postage.
,
"'"eral LYGON presented a petition with a similar
Prase". front a parish in Gloucestershire.
Leeds,
W. MOLES WORTH presented a petition from
'aced% signed by 14,000 persons, praying that the keepers
of beer-houses might be placed on the same footing a
licensed victuallers.
Lord HENNIKER presented twenty-two petitions
from Places in the county of Suffolk, praying for pro-
tection to the Colonial Church.
Mr. FRESHFIELD gave notice that on Friday
next he should move for a return of the number
of, days during which the Equity Court of Exchequer
gas sat each year during the last ten years.
The House then remained in a dead silence for some
minutes—the Leaders of both Parties, with arms
crossed, regarding each other in taciturnity, and the
calm being at length broken by Mr. CAYLEY gravely
Presenting a petition in favour of some Harbour Bill,
at Which the House did heartily laugh.

MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS.
At half-past five o'clock, the body of the House, side
galleries, and bar being densely crowded with Members,
Lord J. RUSSELL rose and said, Sir, since I last
had
the honour of addressing the House, the Right Hon.
~
"antlernan opposite, the Member for Tamworth, had
teecived from her 'Majesty the authority to form the
elan of a new Administration, to be submitted for her
'aiesty's approval. The attempt of the Right Hon.
G
herentleman to form an Administration having failed.
Majesty has been graciously pleased to permit the
that
Hon. Gentleman to state the circumstances
-"at led to that failure. What I propose now
, that the Right Hon. Gentleman, therefore, should
*tat% to the House what he may think it necessary to
,tote in pursuance of the permission thus granted to
thn, and I will then inform the House of the reasons
mat have induced her Majesty's Advisers to resume the
1313,,,"S which I had declared on the last occasion they
ti 4 resigned into her Majesty's hands. The course I
°Propose to take is to move the adjournment of this
houselouse
to Wednesday next, giving notice, that when the
I,°llse meets on Wednesday, I shall move the adjourn
etlt of the House till Friday se'nnight for the Whitsun-
Ne holidays. •
°f Sll'
R. PEEL then rose, and in a voice apparently
,1 deep agitation, spoke as follows :—" Sir, I have re-
wit;ed for this place, and this occasion, the explanation
h I feel it my duty to offer with regard to the cir-
th'ienstances which have induced me to relinquish
°I. tlattempt to form an Administration for the conduct
44),
that
Public service.—(l Sir, I need scarcely
ril,ll, at I disclaim any sanction for any other state-
wholt.s that may have been given—for which lam
illY. irresponsible—which were made without my
wio_°rltY, and contrary to my wishes, if those
will'ieg could have prevailed.—(Cheers.) Sir, if I were
willing' to forego all personal considerations--if I were
tiny tig to be the victim of any misrepresentations and
s,re:hlique statements, I apprehend the public in.
tt, tr3 are so deeply involved in any question relating
4
r;' .
i v total change in the Government of this coun-
foand the practice has so long prevailed of in-
,utlar'ttg the public mind with respect to the dr-
of tarlces which may have led to the interruption
Inclinations
negotiations, that I apprehend private,
hearmust not be permitted to prevail—(Hear
band that this House and the country would ex-
sios...-...--

pect that an explanation would be given publicly
in the face of Parliament.—(Cheers.) Sir, I am
aware of all the difficulties involved in explana-
tions of this nature—and of the peculiar difficulties
which attend them under the exis4ing circumstances.
From a part of those difficulties, which were apparently
in themselves insuperable, I have been relieved by the
kind and gracious permission which I have received
from her Majesty to give an explanation of the
circumstances under which I relinquished the at-
tempt to form an Administration. I applied
yesterday to Lord Melbourne for permission—I need
not read my own letter—(Hear, hear)—and I re-
ceived from Lord Melbourne in reply the following
communication, dated " South-street, 12th May—Lord
Melbourne presents his compliments to Sir R. Peel,
and having already, in expectation of such a
request, taken her Majesty's pleasure on this
subject he finds himself authorised at once to
signify to Sir Robert Peel her Majesty's full
permission to explain the circumstances under
which he recently relinquished the attempt to
form an Administration, and with that view to make
use of the correspondence with her Majesty that took
place on the 10th of May." Sir, I am sure
that after this every one will feel that I am authorised
fully to give this explanation.—(Hear, hear.) In giving
it, Sir, my chief anxiety is that I may be fully mindful

of the sacred obligation under which I am placed, to do
entire justice to that illustrious Lady who is con-
cerned in this transaction. Sir, I Lope that under
any circumstances I should have felt the full force
of that obligation ; but if any thing could add to that
force with which I feel, it would have been the relation
in which I have so recently stood to my Sovereign,and the
intercourse which I have been permitted to hold with her.
Sir, of course much communication must have passed
with respect to the formation of a Government, which
does not immediately bear upon the questions upon
which explanations are required, but if in the course of
giving any explanations I should omit any thing that
appears to any Member of the House, or if the Nob le
Lord will invite further explanation on any point, I will

most readily give it ; for I am most
,anxious that the

public mind should be most fully informed with respect
to every thing that has taken place. If the
Noble Lord will point out any omission which
I, in the course of my explanation, may make, I will

instantly supply that omission, or answer any question
that may be put to me by the Noble Lord, that bears
on any part whatever of these transactions. I will at once
answer the questions, after the most gracious permis-
sion I have received, without the slightest reserve or
qualification. Sir, I will proceed, therefore, to a state-
ment of those facts which appear to me to have the
slightest reference to the necessity for explanation. I
waited upon her Majesty, by her Majesty's desire, at
two o'clock on Wednesday, the Bth of May. Her
-Majesty bad previously seen the Duke of Wel-

lington, and had invited him to assist her Majesty
in the formation of a Government. The Duke
of Wellington had informed her Majesty, that,
in his opinion, the chief difficulty of a Government
would be in the House of Commons, and therefore,
partly upon other considerations, but chiefly on that
account, the Duke of Wellington advised her Ma-
jesty to send for one who would have the advantage of
appearing in the House of Commons as her Majesty's
Minister, and at the same time named me. I waited
upon her Majesty, and was asked by her Majesty
whether I was willing to undertake the duty of forming
an Administration ? Her Majesty observed to me
that she had parted with the Administration which had
just resigned with very great regret.—(Cheers, and
cries of " Hush.") Her Majesty also said that in all
respects her late Ministry had given her entire
satisfaction, but that it had become neces-
sary, in consequence of their resignation, that
her Majesty should take some steps for the formation of
a new Administration. I need not enter into a detail,
but I must say that no one could have expressed more
fully, more naturally, or more becomingly the regret
which her Majesty felt at the loss of her late Administra-

tion, norat the same time principles more strictly constitu-
tional with respect to the formation of a new Government.
I informed her Majesty that I was not insensible of the
enormous difficulties with which I had to contend, but
I stated to her Majesty, having been a party to a vote
and proceeding in the House of Commons which had led

:o the present difficulties, nothing should prevent me

from rendering to her Majesty every assistance that it
was in my powet to give.—(Hear, hear.), thought it

a paramount obligation to do that, as I had been the

cause of the difficulty in which her Majesty was placed.

I undertook, therefore, to form an Administration
and I intimated to her Majesty that I should re-
turn on the following day, hoping that I might

be able to present such a general arrangement for
the formation of a Government as should secure

the Administration of the chief Executive Offices

of the State, and should be conveying an assur-

ance to the public that I was prepared, promptly and
energetically, to perform the duty I had undertaken.—
(Hear, hear.) I conferred, in the course of Wednes-
day, with those with whom I had the more immediate
opportunity of so doing, and I requested from them
permission to submit their names for her Majesty's
approval to constitute a part of the Govern-
ment. Those to whom I refer were eight in
number, and were the following the Duke of
Wellington, Lord Lyndhurst, the Earl of
Aberdeen, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Stanley, Sir James

Graham, Sir Henry Hardinge, and Mr. Go- ulburn. I

waited upon her Majesty the following clay, and
submitted those names for her Majesty's appro-
val. I mentioned to her Majesty that while

:be Duke of Wellington placed his services entirely

at her Majesty's disposal, yet his own inclinations would

rather be gratified if he were permitted to be in the Ca-
binet without any office requiring him to take a leadin the
House of Lords. Her Nlajesty expressed a parti-

cular wish that the Duke of Wellington should
hold some important office.—(Hear, hear.) I told her
Majesty I should, of course, submit that wish, on
the part of her Majesty, to the Duke of Wellington,

and had no doubt that he would forego any pri-
vate inclination of his own, and consent to un-
dertake any office, however important.—(Cheers.) No
question arose as to the formation of the administration, or
the conduct of the Government, on which I think it ne-
cessary to remark. But if, as I said before, the Noble
Lord thinks that I am making any omission whatever,
I will readily supply it if he will remind me of it. But it
was upon Thursday that that difficulty or misconception
arose, which led to my relinquishing my attempt to form.
an Administration. That difficulty related exclusively
to that portion of the Household which is filled
by tho Ladies in her Majesty's Household.
Her Majesty conceded what could be Wished or ex-
pected with respect to that part of the Household which
is filled by Noblemen or Gentlemen holding seats in this
House.—( Hear.) The difficulty arose with respect
to certain portions of that part of the establish-

merit which is filled by the Ladies of the House-
hold. Sir, I think it infinitely better on this
point—the one on which the difficulty arose—l think

it infinitely better, after mature consideration,
that I should enter, in the first instance, into no state-
ment whatever of impressions with respect to what
passed, but that I should refer exclusively to the
letters which passed on the subject-4 Hear, hear)—
because I think if I were to state here impressions of my
own I should be merely stating them from communi-
cations that passed where two parties only were present,
and I must bear in mind that I alone am in this House
to state them.—(Hear, hear.) I now propose to ad-
dress myself to the point with respect to which
those difficulties arose, and I shall not state
more on that head, unless invited or pressed by the
Noble Lord—on that head I shall state nothing
at all—l shall state no version of my- own, but shall re-
fer exclusively to the letters. I must, however, state
what my intentions were. I shall be chargeable
altogether for any imperfect explanation. If miscon-
ception has arisen from imperfect explanation, whatever
blame may be attached to it, let that blame fall
upon me ; but with respect to my intentions those 1
must state. Sir, o❑ the Wednesday evening., that is
the day before I saw her Majesty, I had an opportunity
of conferring with all those whom I on the next day
proposed to submit to her Majesty as Ministers. I saw
them on Wednesday night at my own house about
ten o'clock. I then stated to them, and there are four
of them here present who heard the communication—my
Right Hon. Friend, the Member for the University

of Cambridge (Mr. Goulburn)—mv Right Hon. Friend
the Member for Launceston (Sir H. Hardinge)—my
Right Hon. Friend the Member for Pembroke (Sir
James Graham)—and my Noble Friend the Member
for North Lancashire (Lord Stanley). I stated to them,

and to the others whom I have named, the course which
I meant to pursue with respect to the Household.
I had very little information of, and had very little con-
sidered the Household—l am speaking of the female
part—l really scarcely knew of whom it consisted ; and
I will state exactly the facts as they occcurred. I took
the Red Book, and saw there were different department
of the Household. I said to those who were intended
to be my future colleagues--I said, with respect to all
the subordinate authorities, meaning every appoint-
ment below the rank of a Lady of the Bed-
chamber—l said to them I should submit to
her Majesty no change whatever with respect
to those.—(Loud cheering on the Opposition Benches.)
With respect to the superior class I stated to them that
I presumed that those Ladies holding office, who were
in intimate connexion with my late predecessors
would probably relieve us immediately from
any difficulty—(Great cheering)—and I stated
at the same that I did think it of great importance in
conveying an intimation of her Majesty's entire support
that certain offices in the Household, of the higher
ranks, should be subject to some change, and
I did express, with some respect to those higher offices,
the names of the Ladies of the Bedchamber. I
stated that in some instances with respect to
them, in consequence of the absence of political pre-
judice, it would be wholly unnecessary to make
any change. That passed upon the evening,
and I mentioned it merely as an indication of my line
Lion of being perfectly willing, as I stated before, to
have transferred exclusively to me whatever blame may
be attached to the imperfection of any explanation that
has taken place, and whatever misconception has
arisen with respect to that explanation I wish to
attach entirely to me. On Thursday a communication
took place upon the subject. As I stated before, into the na•
ture of that communication I will not now enter further
than reading two letters that passed, stating the impres-
sion of her Majesty, and that of my own with respect to the
task which she had confided to me. The letter which
had the honour of receiving from her Majesty was
dated l‘lay 16th 1839. I received it on Friday
morning, at an early hour. It was this :
" Buckingham Palace, May 10, 1839.
" The Queen having considered the proposal made
to her yesterday by Sir Robert Peel to remove the
Ladies of her Bed chamber, cannot consent to adopt a
course which she conceives to be contrary to
usage, and which is repugnant to her feelings."
The letter which in answer to that I wrote to her
Majesty was written in about three hours afterwards
and was this. It was dated

" Whitenall, May 10, 1839.
" Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty t•
your Majesty. and has had the honour of re-
ceiving your Majesty's note of this morning. In
respectfully submitting to your Majesty's pleasure,
and humbly returning into your Majesty's hands
the important trust which your Majesty has been
graciously pleased to commit to him, Sir R. Peel,
trusts your Majesty will permit him to state to
your Majesty his impression with respect to the circum-
stances which have led to the termination of his attempt
to form an Administration for the conduct of your Ma-
jesty's service.

" In the interview with which your Majesty honoured
Sir Robert Peel yesterday morning, after he had sub-
mitted to your Majesty the names of those whom
he proposed to recommend to your Majesty, for
for the principal Executive appointments, he men-
tioned to your Majesty his earnest wish to be ena-
bled, with your Majesty's sanction, so to constitute
your Majesty's Household that your Majesty's con-
fidential servants might have the advantage of
a public demonstration of your Majesty's full sup-
port and confidence, and that, at the same time, as
far as possible consistently with the demonstration,
each individual appointment in the Household should
be entirely acceptable to your Majesty's personal feel-
ings.

" On your Majesty expressing a desire that the Earl
of Liverpool should bold an office in the Household,
Sir Robert Peel requested your Majesty's permission
at once to offer to the Earl of Liverpool the office of
Lord Steward, or any other which he might prefer.
" Sir Robert Peel then observed that he should have
every wish to apply a similar principle to the chief ap-
pointments which are filled by the Ladies of your
Majesty's Household, upon which your Majesty was
pleased to remark that you must reserve the whole of
those appointments, and that it was your Majesty's
pleasure the whole should continue as at present, with-
out any change.

" The Duke of Wellington, in the interview to which
your Majesty subsequently admitted him, understood
also that this was your Majesty's determination, and
concurred with Sir Robert Peel in opinion that, consi-
dering the great difficulties of the present crisis, and the
expediency of making every effort in the first instance to
conduct the public business of the country with the
aid of the present Parliament, it was essential to

the success of the commission with which your Ma-
jecty had honoured Sir Robert Peel, that he should

have that public proof of your Majesty's entire sup-
port and confidence which would he afforded
by the permission to make some changes in that
part of your Majesty's Household, which your Ma-
iest- )lved - •

y resolved on maintaining entirely without
" Having had the opportunity, through your Majesty's
gracious consideration, of reflecting upon this point, he
humbly submits to your Majesty that he is reluctantly
compelled, by a sense of public duty, and of the
interests of your Majesty's service, to adhere to the
opinion he ventured to express to your Majesty.
" He trusts he may be permitted, at the same time, to
express to your Majesty his grateful acknowledgments
for the distinction which your Majesty conferred upon
him, by requiring his advice andassistance in the attempt
to form an Administration, and his earnest prayer that
whatever arrangements your Majesty; may be enabled
to make for that purpose may be most conducive to
your Majesty's personal comfort and happiness, and to
the promotion of the public welfare."
Sir, I have heard since I came here that I made sonic
proposals with respect to the appointment of No-
blemen and Gentlemen to the Household
which ought not to have been made, Sir
I can only say that the single name submitted to
her Majesty for appointment was the name
of the Earl of Liverpool, whom her Majesty
herself imagined would be fitter for the appoint-
ment, and the only other two names which had
been submitted to her Majesty, were merely and ex-
clusively under the impression that they were the most
proper selection that could be made in nominating for
her Majesty's Household. One was my Noble Friend the
Member for Dorsetshire (Lord Ashley). I only persuaded
him to lay aside his strong sense of public duty, and
accept office, and the only other one was Lord Sidney.
Sir, I have nothing more to state than with respect to
the assertion that I was determined to remove all the
Ladies of the Household, and even the earliest
friend of her Majesty, the Baroness Lehzen. I can with
truth declare that this is the first time, for the last four
days, that I have heard the name of Baroness Lehzen
mentioned, and that I never contemplated such a pro-
position—(Cheers)—and, still charging myself with all
the blame which might arise from misconception and
imperfect explanation, I appeal to my Hon. Friend
near me whether I ever contemplated the general dis-
missal of the Ladies of the Household.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, I did decline to undertake the duty of the forma-
tion of an Administration upon the understanding
that the whole of the appointments to the Household
should, without exception, continue in her Majesty.
Sir, I did it upon public principle, and from
the sincere belief that it was impossible for me
to encounter the difficulties with which I was
encompassed in attempting to conduct the pub-
lic affairs, unless I had the fullest and most unequivocal
proofs that I possessed the confidence of leer Majesty—
(Hear.) For it appeared to me that there never was
a period whe❑ the demonstration of that entire confi-
dence was more absolutely necessary for a Minister.
The duties of the office of a Prime Minister
are, I conceive, the most arduous and the
most important that any human being can
be called on to discharge. It is the greatest trust
almost without exception in the civilised world which
can be devolved upon any individual. Sir, I was ready
to undertake them, but could 1 look around me,
at the present condition of public affairs—could I
look around me and not see that it was my absolute
duty to this country, and above all to her Majesty, to re-
quire that every aid that could be given me should be given.
What were the questions which would immediately press
for my consideration ? The state of India—the state of
Jamaica—the state of Canada—would all require
my immediate consideration, and with respect to some
of them, perhaps, the proposal of legislative measures.
Sir, I considered the internal state of this country—

saw insurrection in the provinces—I saw the letter of
the Noble Lord opposite, inviting the respectable part
of the population in many parts of this country to take up
arms. In addition to the ordinary duties devolving upon a
Prime Minister, there were therefore circumstances
which rendered that position at the present
moment particularly onerous and arduous. Sir, I
had a strong impression that, looking to the agitated
state of this country, it was my duty to make every
effort to conduct public affairs through the inter-

rHE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 14, 1839.

vention of the present Parliament.—(" Hear," and
cheers.) I did not think it was desirabl© to follow the
course taken in 1834, and commence the Government
by a dissolution, after the frequent dissolutions that had
taken place, and the balanced state of parties—it was
my deep conviction that it was my duty to make every
effort in the first instance to conduct public
affairs through the intervention of the present
Parliament.--( Hear, hear.) But what is my condition
in the present Parliament ? I should begin the Go-
vernment in a minority.—(Hear.) I do not shrink
from the functions that it was proposed to commit to
me, but could I be insensible to the important fact
that I should hare had to commence in a mino-
rity ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, if then I
began the administration of public affairs without
the confidence of the House of Commons, was it too
much to ask that I should have a demonstration of
the entire and unqualified confidence of my Sovereign ?
—(Tremendous cheers.) Sir, her Majesty's Ministers
retired on the question of Jamaica, being in a majority of
five. I should have had to undertake the settlement of the
affairs of Jamaica, being in a minority of five, and that
minority including ten gentlemen on whose support I
could not calculate on any other question.—( Laughter,
and cries of" Hear, hear.") The first battle I should
have had to fight would have been for the selection of
a Speaker. On the very night upon which I took my
seat as Member of the House of Commons and first
Minister of the Crown, I should have to risk,
perhaps, the fate of Government, or the question
of dissolution, upon the choice of Speaker.
Sir, I say that all these considerations impressed me
with the deepest conviction that it would be a public
duty on my part—an indispensable public duty which
I owe to the country, to seek for every possible demon-
stration that I possessed her Majesty's entire confidence
(Loud cheers)—and Sir, I do confess—without re-
serve, and without hesitation—that it appeared to
me that if the chief offices of the Queen's House-

hold were to be held by the immediate relatives
of those Ministers whom I displaced—(Tremen-
dous cheering from the Opposition)—the relatives
of my rivals for public power—it did appear to
me that I never could impress the country
with the conviction that I, as a Minister, was
possessed of the entire confidence of my Sove-
reign—(Reiterated cheering.) Sir, let me take
that particular question on which my chief difficuty
would arise. Who can disguise from himself that my
difficulties were not Canada—that my difficulties
were not Jamaica that my difficulties were
Ireland.—(Loud ironical cheers from the Liberals,
especially from Mr. O'Connell.) Oh, Sir, I admit it fully.
—(Hear, hear.) But what were the facts ? I, under-
taking to be a Minister of the Crown, and wishing to
carry on public affairs through the intervention of the
present House of Commons—if possible to exempt the
country from the agitation and perhaps the peril of a
dissolution—l, upon that very question of Ireland
should have begun in a minority of upwards of twenty.
A majority of 22 had decided in favour of the policy of
the Irish Government. The chief members of the

Irish Government, whose policy was so approved of
were the Marquis of Normanby.-_(A tremendous
" Hear," from Mr. Christopher)—and the Noble Lord
opposite, the Member for Yorkshire.—(Loud cheers.)
The two chief offices in her Majesty's household
are filled by the sisters of Lord Morpeth, and the wife of
the Marquis of Normanby. I do not speak of those ladies
but with the utmost respect—most distinguished they are
for all that adorns our nature, and casting a lustre upon
society less by their rank than by their virtues.—
(Cheers.) Still they stand in the relation of the near-
est relatives of the two Noble Lords whose policy I
cannot approve of, but which was approved of by a ma..
jority of 22 in this House. Now I ask any Member
in the House whether it is possible that I could safely
undertake the conduct of an Administration and the ma-
nagement of the Irish affairs in this House, consenting
previously that the whole of the Ladies now form-
ing the Household of her Majesty to continue
in those situations.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the policy of
these things depend not upon precedent—not upon
what has been done in former times—they depend upon
a consideration of the present times.—(Cheers.) The
Household has now assumed a political character—
(Cheers)—and that on account of the nature of the
appointments which have been made by her Majesty's
present Government. I do not complain of it—
it may be a wise policy to place in the chief
offices of the Household Ladies closely connected with
the Members of the Administration ; but such a change
in the appointments having taken place, has added
greatly to the embarrassment of any person aspiring to
the office of Premier if those ladies are to remain. I

do not say that there would be the slightest use made
of unfair means ; I have not the slightest doubt—l am

confident that these ladies would-confine themselves
to the duties of their proper situations ; but observe,

:hat is not the question, that remark will apply equally

to Lords of the Bedchamber. We do not for a moment
suppose that Lords of the Bedchamber do at all inter-
fere in public duties. It is impossible that the country
would be satisfied that a Minister had the confidence
of the Crown, while the relatives of his imme-
diate political opponents fill the highest offices
around the throne. (Cheers.) My impression
decidedly was that I should not appear in
that situation to the country, and upon
that impression I acted. Who were my political oppo-
nents ? The Ladies of two of them it was proposed
should continue to till their high offices, while one, the
Marquis of Normanby, was publicly stated to be a can-
didate for the very same office which it was pro-
posed I should fill.--(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.")
The Noble Lord has been designated as the leader of
the House of Peers.—(Hear, hear.) I know not why
his talents might not justify his appointment in case of
the retirement of his predecessor. But this was the
fact, and I ask you to go back to other times—take
Pitt or Fox, or any other Minister, and answer for
yourselves this question—During the severity of
contest you shall be Minister, but shall your
political opponents hold offices which place them in
immediate contact with you ?—(Cheers.) I felt that it
was impossible that I could contend successfully with
all the difficulties that encircled me, unless I had that
proof of the entire confidence of her Majesty. As I,
stated before, I began without the certainty of com-
manding- a majority of the Ilouce of Commons. I
began, having only to rely upon an appeal to their
good sense, upon an appeal to their forbearance—
to their political forbearance, for the hope of support
in the present House of Commons, being perfectly pre-
pared on the failure of my attempt in the present
House of Commons to govern, to advise her Majesty to
resort to the only alternative which might present itself
to enable me to maintain my post. But if the agreement,

_ .
if the understanding upon whichl was to enter upon office,
that I should encounter all those difficulties, and yet
that the Ladies of those who preceeded me, of those
with whom I was to be in daily conflict, were to be
in immediate contact with the Queen, and con-
sidering the political character given to the House-
hold, that I was to acquiesce in that—there was
something stronger than personal considerations. Though
the public would lose nothing by my abandonment—
though the public would, perhaps, lose nothing by my
eternal exclusion from power—yet the public would lose,
and I should be abandoning my duty to myself, to the
country, and, above all, to the Queen, if I consented, per-
mitting as an understanding, on my acceptance of oflice,
that the Ladies connected with my warmest political
opponents should continue to retain Household offices,
there was something that told me that I must not un-
dertake the office of Minister of this gr cat countrv.—
( Cheers.) Sir, I have attempted to give this explana-
tion in as fair and unexceptionable a manner as I can ;
and I owe it to truth to state, that intervening contem-
plation has only confirmed my previous impression.
The Right Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amidst loud
cheering. _ _

Lord JOHN MI SSELL—I feel, in addressing the
House on the present occasion, the same difficulty
which the Right lion. Gentleman has expressed, more
particularly with reference to conversations and to let-
ters, and to his being the only person who
can state in Parliament what the impression
was that was produced. I am therefore rejoiced to
find that the Right Hon. Gentleman has avoided as
much as possible all allusion to particular parts of con-
versation, and that although there appears to be some
misconception as to what took place, on the part of the
Right Hon. Gentleman, I am glad to find it is not a
misconception on a point on which the Right H on.
Gentleman thought it necessary to insist, and to which
her Majesty was not willing to accede. I feel that it
is a great consolation to me to be able to say this,
because I am sure that it is far better, whatever may
be the opinion of the Parliament or of the country, that
the difference should be, not as to a misconception of

' conversations and of facts that took place, but a dif-
ference as to the principles on which an Administration
should be formed during the remainder of her
Majesty's reign.—( Hear, hear, hear, from Sir Robert
Peel.) I will state some points, to which
I am authorized to refer, and I will mention one particu-
lar instance in which a different impression appears to
exist on the mind of her Majesty, from that which the
Right Hon. Baronet has stated to the House,leaving it to
him, if he thinks proper, to re-assert, or explain anything
he has already said. The last time I had the honour of
seeing her Majesty before I addressed the House on
Tuesday last, I had informed her Majesty that
the Members of the Cabinet had determined to tender
to her Majesty their resignations. Lord Melbourne had
not then seen her Majesty, and it was through Lord
Melbourne that the resignations were to be officially
tendered and formally accepted. Lord Melbourne on that
occasion thought proper to mention to her Majesty some
things which were usually done on changes of Adminis-
tration, and likewise advised her Majesty that the best

course she could -pursue would be to send for the Duke
of Wellington, and to take his advice respecting the steps

that she should take.—( Hear, hear.) It has been
stated that I also gave similar advice to her Majesty.
Such, however, is not the fact, because, con-
sidering the situation I held, I did not consider that it
was competent to me to offer any advice to her Majesty
on the subject. Her Majesty accordingly sent for
the Duke of Wellington, and he referred her Ma-
jesty to the Right Honourable Gentleman.

There has been a statement made on which I have
asked her Majesty what was the impression on her mind,
and the Right Hon. Gentleman has stated nothing in

contradiction to it. It was that in the first interview

with the Duke of Wellington and the Right Hon.
Baronet, the Right Honourable Baronet alluded
to the formation of her Majesty's Household. Her
Majesty's reply was that Lord Melbourne had in-
formed her Majesty that it had been usual in later
times when an administration was changed to change
the great offices of the Household, and likewise

to place at the disposal of the person who

was entrusted with the formation of a new
Administration those situations in the Household which
were held by Members of either House of Parlia-
ment. With respect to Ladies in the House-
hold Lord Melbourne did not tender any advice
whatsoever, or any suggestion as to the practice, and it
did not occur to him there was likely to be any question
on the subject.—(Laughter from a few Members on
the Opposition benches, and cries of " Hear, hear,"

prom the Ministerial benches.) Sir, I state this because,
as the Right Hon. Gentleman has said there have been
many things stated to the public, and impressions have
gone forth, that I really believe it is better that I should
state the facts so far as I have been informed, being
perfectly convinced that in the end, between the Right
Hon. Gent. and myself with regard to this subject, there is
not a material difference.—(Hear, hear, from Sir R.
Peel). Sir, the Right Hon. Gentleman, I believe, saw
her Majesty on the Wednesday. He has stated
what took place then, and he has stated what took
place with his own political friends, and he then
saw her Majesty on the Thursday, and mentioned
to her the names of some persons who were to form
her Majesty's Administration. Now lam informed
that her Majesty, expressing, as the Right Hon. Gentle-
man has said, regret at the change of Administration, at
the same time expressed a determination to deal
with fairness with the Right Hon. Gentleman, and
that I am sure will be the character of her Majesty's
proceeding with regard to any person admitted to so
high and distinguished a situation as that conferred on
the Right Hon. Gentleman. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man said that with regard to the political offices of the
Administration, and with regard to the great offices
of the Household, and other offices in the Household
held by Members of Parliament, her Majesty made—
I will not use the term " concession"—but that the powers
conferred on the Right Hon. Gentleman by her Majesty,
were all that ha could desire, in order to ensure effi-
ciency to his Administration in those respects.—(Hear►
hear, from Sir Robert Peel.) There occurred then,
Sir, the question with respect to the Ladies of the
household, and the Right Hon. Gentleman has stated
in his own letter what took place with regard to them,
and to which I shall beg again to call the attention of
the House, reading that part with regard to the Earl
of Liverpool, in order to show what the terms were
on which the Right Hon. Gentleman proposed to act.
The Noble Lord then read an extract from Sir R.
Peel's letter.] Certainly that illustration shows the
principle on which the Right Hon. Gentleman was
r prepared to• act, which was, I understand, recom-
mending those who were agreed with his own
views, but who would be personally acceptable to
her Majesty. Now, with regard to that,,which is the
main statement of the Right Honourable Baronet,
as it affected more particularly the chief appointments
—the Ladies in Waiting, the Ladies of the Bedcham-
ber, and some others—as to the proposal which
the Right Honourable Gentleman made, and to
which her Majesty declared her unwillingness to accede

—with respect to that there is no doubt.---(Hear.)
With respect to the expression used by the Right Hon.
Bart., the impression upon my mind was that the Right
Hon. Gentleman required the power to constitute that
part of the Household which related to the Ladies of
the Bedchamber, and that with respect to the Women
of the Bedchamber, and other inferior appointments, he
stated that he wished to make some changes. The Noble
Lord here referred to that passage in the Right Hon.
Gentleman's letter, which required a change in that part
of her Majesty's Household, and proceeded—These
words referred to a conservation which the
Right Honourable Gentleman had with the
Duke of Wellington ; but as I before stated,
although this might be the impression on the
Right Hon. Baronet's mind, which was not sufficiently
explained, or which, if explained, was not sufficiently
understood by her Majesty, I think there was at once
an end to any proposal for either an entire or a partial
change, by her Majesty's declaration that she wished
the whole of them to remain.—(" Hear, hear," from
both sides of the House.) After the Right Hon. Bart.
had declared his wish to be so authorized, and that her
Majesty had declared that it was a concession she could
not make, her Majesty again sent to Lord Melbourne,
and consulted his Lordship as to the form of the
answer which she should make to the proposition of the
Right Hon. Gentleman. Lord Melbourne, finding
her Majesty not disposed to yield to the proposal to
submit to the removal of any part of the Household,
with the exception of those connected with Noblemen
and Gentlemen of either House of Parliament, sent for
his colleagues, in order to take their opinion as to
advice they might give her Majesty as to the
form of the answer she should give. The
answer given by her Majesty which has been
likewise read by the Right Hon. Gentleman is in these
terms—" The Queen having considered the proposal
made to her on Wednesday last, by Sir R. Peel, to re-
move the Ladeis of her Bedchamber, cannot consent to
adopt a course which she feels to be contrary to
usage, and which is repugnant to her feelings." Sir, the
question as I conceive is whether it was essential to enable
the Right Hon. Gentleman to form a Government
that her Majesty should accede to the proposal made by
the Right Hon. Baronet. Now, in the view of her
Majesty, whether that proposal had been for a total
change of the Ladies of the Bedchamber, or whether
it was for a partial change, the principle would have
been equally repugnant to her feelings, because it ap-
peared to her Majesty, and, as I believe, that if, in pur-
suance of the powers granted, the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman had proposed the removal of some of the Ladies
of the Household, and that afterwards any one or two
other Ladies should be proposed—l say, Sir, that the
Right Hon. Gentleman, being then Prime Minister of
this country, and the principle having been conceded,

it would have been utterly impossible for her Majesty
to say that for the sake of any one particular lady or
the sake of any one particular friend of her Majesty,
she would risk the breaking up of an Administra-
tion in contesting the principle, to the practice of
which she had given her assent.—(" Hear," and cheers.)
The question then is—her Majesty's feeling strongly
an objection to this proposal—whether her Majesty
was authorised to say that it was a course which she
conceives to be contrary to usage, and repugnant to
her feelings. Now I cannot on this occasion, admit—
I do not think that I should be in the least justified
in admitting, that if the practice proposed by the
Right Bon. Baronet is contrary to former usage—if
the Kings and Queens of this realm have not acted in
conformity to it, I am not prepared to admit that her
present Majesty is to assent to a course repugnant to her
feelings, if former usage does not justify the request.
Sir, what has been the usage in this respect ? It will
be difficult to find cases exactly suited to tliat of a
Queen Regnant, a case which, since the death of Queen