The Sun.
London, England, 1830-08-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The proceedings in France are paramount to all
other news, and they still meet with general appro-
bation, us well as excite general attention. The
Press is evidently free. After the debates on the
regal powers and prerogatives, and the securities of
liberty, a deputation, in pursuance of the votes of
both Chambers, waited on the Duke of Orleans,
and tendered him the Crown. The interview was
affecting: the description of the Dukes family, who
were present at the ceremony, is interesting. The
boon, we know not whether to call it the valuable
boon, we are sure it is a dangerous one—was ac-
septet!, and in terms the most appropriate and just.
Heneeforth, therefore, there is a King of France,
and a King whose right is founded on the choice of
an immense majority of both Houses of the French
Parliamerit.--71mes.

It is to be hoped that the triumph of liberal prin-
ciples in France will net be fruitless of benefit to un-
fortunate Africa, but will lead to a reversal of that
disgraceful and detestable policy by which a legisla-
tive abolition of the- slave trade has been associated
with its barefaced toleration and protection in every
French colony, and in the ports of France itself. In
a set of papers lately presented by his Majesty's
command to both Houses of Parliament, entitled
Correspondence with Foreign Powers relating to
the Slave Trade," there is a truly shocking and he-
naming exhibition of the atrocities of the French
slave traders on the one hand, and the impotent
though earnest and respectful appeals of our naval
officers and Colonial Governors to those of the
French islands, and of our Ministers to those of
France, on the other hand, against those lawless
offenders, and the (Acid abettors of their crimes.--
:Every complaint, however clearly established in
point of fact on our part, appeers to have been
treated by the late French Government with the
most perfect indifference and neglect, not to say ab-
solute contempt; and it is impossible to read those
papers without being convinced that Charles the
Tenth and his Ministers were as relentlessly bent
on the maintenance of those national crimes
as the traders of Nantes or Guadeloupe on
their perpetration. In the cooncils of his
late Most Christian Majesty the sanctity of
laws and treaties availed as little as the pleadings of
hiessnity and the precepts of the Gospel for the
protection of the unfortunate natives of Africa; and
slaves were made by murder and devastation on the
western coast, by the will of the same Cabinet that
sent war with all its horrors to punish the crime of
slavipmeking on the northern. It is trusted that
the new Government of France will riot in like man-
net dirgrsce, by guilt and hypocrisy, the country
they rule, and the sacred principles of freedom and
liberality which they profess. If justly and honour-
ably disposed, there is a plain path before titem.
They have only to propose to this country, whet
she has in vain solicited from their predecessor:.' a
mutual compact to suppress the pollution of their
respective limp by miscreants of whatever country
that assume them, and by the only possible mews,
—a reciprocal concession of the right of visitation
and seizure on the African coast, and over vessels
in every sea on board of which African negroer are
found.--!lime:.

.Although the Duke of Orleans has been called to
All the vacant throne by the Representatives of the
French people, attempts are made in certain quarters
to sow the seeds of civil distension, by opposing to
the free choice of the nation the, antiquated doctrine
of legitimacy, and setting up the family pretensions
of the Duke of Bordeaux, as constituting a superior
tide to the Crown to that which the Duke of Orleans
derives from the election of the people. Legitirmieyi
as applied to claims of this nature, means, in its
proper acceptation, nothing more than hereditary
succession f but it bee been redounded with tin
monstrous doctrine of Divine end indefeasible right,
sad in this latter sense it is used by the abettors of
the regal claim of the Duke of Bordeaux. Even
some persons who pretended that they were well dis-
posed towards the 'Duke of Orleans effected to see
an insurmountable obstacle to his accession to the
throne in the hereditary claims of the Royal in-
tent, al long as the legitimacy of his birth was
pot disproved. It was, therefore, proposed, as we
a,:41 told in our Private Correspondence, by some
Dsputhie, that the abdication of the ex-King
should be accepted, and the Duke of Bordeaux pro-
claimed, tinder the title of Henry V., and that
afterward. the legitimacy of his birth should
be protested igeingt and examined. If the result of
thst should be to .disprove his legitimacy,
then the Duke of Orleans would succeed to the ex-
Wog, of course, as the natural heir of the Crown,
This was either a very absurd or a very insidious
proposal. It would be absurd to crown any person
with a view to discrowning him—nothing so ridi-
culous was ever thought of before. But the very
folly of the thing might be but a cover for its trea-
chery. If the Duke of Bordeaux were proclaimed
King, it would give his adherents a high 'vantage-
ground in resisting any inquiry 'into the legitimacy
of his birth afterwards; and it would place their
opponents in the position of factious, if not trete•
sonable, impugners of the Royal title. If, however,
it were possible that the Duke of Bordeaux could
subsequently be set aside on the ground of proved
illegitimacy of birth, and the Duke of Orleans sue-
(sided as natural heir, the doctrine of tiltowayalism
would still prevail over sound arid constitutional
doctrines, for the title of the King would be said
to be founded an the " Divine right" which de-
volved on him from his ancestors,, instead of being
derived from "original compact" with the people. It
would as a necessary consequence, tt►political
logic, that the liberties of the people would be but a
voluntary concession from a prerogative unlimited
ley human power ; and, therefore, thoe 'liberties
would be revocable at the convenience anti plessure
at the Crown. The Bourbons have, heretofore,
always preserved the fiction of " Divine tight" us
the foundation of their prerogative, they, have
always disdained the best and truest title to Kingly
power«;—that which is derived from a compact with
the people. It is, therefore, not strange that they
have niVCRYI governed for themselves, and never fur
the country. It. will be recollected that Louis
XVIII., when he came, under the protection of
foreign bayonets, to ascend a throne froth which hi.
family had been excluded for nearly a quarter of a
century by the arbitrary principles of his profit:res.
sore, was studious to have it recorded that he
granted the Charter, by which a representative
Government was established, of his own free-will,
to the people, and did not wept it of them.
This was as false in fact as it was vicious in theory.
The Bourbons, supported as they were by romp
modes, had just sense enough to understand that
they could not continue to rule in France by return-
ing suddenly and violently to the ancient system of
arbitrary power. Louie XVIII., with more discretion,
but not with mote honesty than some others of his
rsce,yielded to circumstances ; but he still asserted
in theory what he dared not attempt to maintain its
Practice. He agreed to the establishment of a re-
Presentative Government ; but he made it a soon to
the People, and not the result of a mutual compari.
th* Charter was in the nature ur a concessionn
the Crown, end not a recognition of the rights
of the people I
. n this arrangement there was ap-
rhare,„,,,.......e_r_ali.t7 latent despotism. He knew
whichte freely arenas can as readily
fiction n thrinn_
ved~irr its origin, sus
Charter, by the very
w“. revocable by they
onl7 carried inter rife,' `g:liriving the Charier,
which Louis XVII,. ,vas cotiZti of despothim,
n rt
verbal declaration. It is tree ties ilforVort,`„l,tio,.
Wilily sworn to maintain,: duet chiitt:ero,
ht
whose conecierite is in the keeping diorite;
loyar at a lorie these etvolisi 4-'4l itrgutnetat ~clr err
reconcile piety with the passions, tied Iti.ike the
most flagrant breaches of faith not Inc:olo6,am,
with the roost punctilious severity of extei.
nal devotion. The Kings of Spain and Napte9,
and the Usurper of Portugal, have affeided
memorable instances of the fealty with whO
Rolla minds can blend eanctimonious oh•

servances with the worst examples of perjured fraud.'
'Such instances show that many of our modern
potentates reverse the chivalrous maxim of John,
the captive King of Pranee, who, on returning to
surrender himself to his illustrious captor, said, that
" if honour forsook all other places on earth, she
ought still to be found residing within the breast of
Kings." Honour and morality would again direct
the actions of the rulers of nations if Royal viola-
tions of faith were always as promptly and as effec-
tively punished as in the case of Charles X. The
French people have gained a noble conquest over
their perjured oppressors. They have still a nobler
one to achieve—a conquest over themselves. The
blood of the citizens of Paris, which has flowed so
profusely in the sacred cause of civil liberty, will
have been, in a great measure, shed in vain, unless
wisdom and moderation consolidate the victory
which heroic valour has obtained. To effect this it
will be necessary that all parties, sacrificing their
particular feelings and prejudices to the common
good, should take a comprehensive view of the
real interests and relations of the _ country in

the great work of the settlement of the State
which is now to be performed. It is ob-
vious that the crisis has arrived when the theory
as well as the practice of arbitrary dominion can and
ought to be abolished for ever. For the future the
Sovereigns of the French must accept Constitu-
tions, and not grant them as liberal and revocable
emanations of the prerogative. We are glad to ob-
serve that the Republicans, in general, allow their
favourite opinions to give way to the imperative
circumstances of the country, and are ready to sup-
port the establishment of a constitutional monarchy.
But this must be settled so that the Duke of Or-

leans, who is to mount the vacant throne must
clearly understand that the sceptre of a great people
is placed in his hands by a power that could have
placed it in any other, if it were thought necessary
for the public good. This could be never taught to
the Duke of Bordeaux, for Isis partisans end flat-
terers would always mix up his title with the old
and dangerous notions of legitimacy and Divine
right. . It is absolutely requisite that the direct line
of the delinquent King should be broken through
and severed from the nation for ever, in order that

the doctrine of Divine right, or, as it is otherwise
called, legitimacy, may be utterly exploded along
with it. If the Duke of Orleans receive the crown
While the Due de Angouleme .and the Due de
Bordeaux are alive, nobody can pretend that
legitimacy has any thing to do with the question.
The new, King will be an elected Sovereign, al-
thengh the succession may be hereditary Just as
William and Mary were elected by the Convention
Pediment, when James the Second was held, by
his tyrannical proceedings, to have abdicated the
throtie, although he never signed any act to that
effect, and still persisted in styling himself the law-
ful King of England ; and just us the line of Bruns-
wich were elected with hereditary succession by the
Act of Settlement in preference to others who were
netuet in consanguinity to the banished line, but not
so acceptable in principles to the people's choice.
The Bourbons who are excluded now must, with
their descendants, beexcluded for ever. It has been
justly observed that the worst sort of revolution is
it restoration—and upon this part of the question we
cannot avoid quoting a passage from Mr. Allan's
Ale and learned work on the Royal prerogative,
which expresses our sentiments in a clear and for-
cible manner. " There is (says the writer) a dispo-
sition in Kings to regard us their lawful property
lie prerogatives exercised by their ancestors ; and,
when abuses in the administration of their Govern-
meat have forced their subjects to curtail their
power, they consider it as au unjust invasion of their
rights. if compelled to yield ut the moment they
avail themselves of the first opportunity to recover
the authority they have lost, and from their muni-
fest impatience under the yoke imposed upon them,
they Jimmie the objects of suspicion to their sub-
jects. It seldom, therefore, happens that great
constitutional reforms can be effected without a
change of dynasty. The ancient family, if left on
the throne or recalled from exile, are continually on
the alert to recover the prerogatives of which, in
their opinion, they have been unjustly deprived.
Our own history affords the strongest confirmation
of these remarks. The deserved, though melute•

•
aoly fate of Charles 1. made no salutary unpres-
sion on his Sons. While they reigned it was their
constant struggle to emancipate themselves from
the restraints of law ; and it was only by a change of
dynasty that the constitutional rights of the people
wore secured. it is a rare fortune, and peculiar to Eng-
' land, that we have a family on the throne who have no
legitimateTretensions to the crown but what they de-
rive from Parliament. The Act, of Settlement, which
its the sole foundation of their title, 'has cut off all oh-

. _
solete claims,whether derived from Egbert or from the
Conqueror." Thus in France the constitutional
right of the people can only be secured by a change
of dynasty, for, as the fate of Charles L made no
salutary impression on his sons, so the fate of Louis
XVI. made no salutary impression on his brothers,
who, like Charles IL and James 11. made their
reigns " a constant struggle to emancipate them-
selves from the restraints of law," until that King,
who was the other day aspiring to the exercise of u
boundless prerogetive, and is now a fugitive pur-
sued by the execrations of his people, dissolved all
the elements of civil society with a breath, and
closed his reign in blood. If the people of France
proceed with the firmness and enlightened modera-
tion which they have already displayed to consum-
mate the great work of new-modelling the Govern.
tent, it will no longer be a rare fortune, and pecu-
liar to Engteed, that there is a family on the throne
who have tio legitimate pretensions to the Crown
but what they derive from the legislative assembly
of the nation. The Act by which the family of
Orleans will ascend the throne will make Divine
right as exploded a fable in France us it is in Eng.,
land, and secure by solemn compact the liberties of
the people and the rights of a constitutional me-
riarcliy.—Mornieg Herald.
Every thing seems to be going on well in France.
Where there is a will there is a way, amid there its
the beet disposition on the part of the Chambers
and the new King to adopt such measures as will
most conduce to the happiness and prosperity of the
enintry. The Chamber of Peers adopted the al-
teration~ ie the Charter made by the Deputies,
with the exception respecting the creation of Peers
by Charles the Tenth, us to which they declined all
discuesion. The great mutter was to fix the leading
points of the Constitution. This has heart dune
with promptitude. Where no interest hostile to
the people. is made parainoutit to the people, im-
provements ran easily he made hereafter. It is pro-
bable that in time the Chamber of Peers will he
transformed into a Senate. The people of Freon,
are particularly jealous of anything like Aristocracy,
and the Chamber of Peers is not viewed wit h a
very favourable eye. General Lafayette expressed
,he opinion of the great body of the French when lie
said—

In mounting Ws Tribune open this serious question.
I am not yielding to a momentary impulsion, nor am 1
courting popularity, which I shall never pettier to my
duty.--(Cherry.)--The republican principles which I
have professed throughout my life, era well known ; but
these opinions do not prevent me from being the defender
of a Constitutional Throne raised by the people. The
saute sentiments animate inc under the present circum-
at awes, when it is judged desirable t i raise to a Comsat'.
tional Throne the Prince Lieutenant General, mid 1 am
bound to Avow- that this choice the more perfectly fulfils
my wishes the more 1 become aequtinted with him.—
(Cheers.) 1 do not partake in the opinions entertlined
by many of my fellow citizens as to an hereditary Peer-
"P.—(llesr, hear, hear.)—l have always conceived
it to be necessary that the Legislative Do ly should 1w
divided into two Chambers differently constituted, but 1
never thought it of any
,utility to creite hereditary
vvlioni some 4,40Y4 become Judges. 1 have al-
the introoloetion of Aristocracy into public
m Waw wix.ifig them with b ingredient. It
this
1-
finLl you occupied ith a
t moos the ~t.litiv.ents
wro, isve professed through-
ster7llynntOuse"::tiil4te'rleli;lllit:47. and declare ytheaotnr conscience
ht Peerage suppressed, My

fellow eititens will do me the justice to acknowledge that
if I have always been the upholder of liberty, I have at the
same time been the supporter of public order."--(Pro-
longed applause.)
It is tolerably clear that there cannot be two su-
preme powers in a nation. England, of which few
foreigners understand anything, has led the French
into the error of supposing the possibility of an he-
reditary Peerage existing with a popular representa-
tion. The independence of the Peerage in Rug
land is, as we have often said, founded on the de-
fects of the Representation. Whenever a com-
moner becomes wealthy, and able, from the influ-
ence of property, and the command of boroughs, to
return Members to the House of Commons, he is
made a Peer, and as a majority of the House of
Commons, or at least a moiety, is thus nominated
by Peers or the connections of Peers, the House of
Commons ie, in reality, identical with the House of
Lords. The House of Commons can hardly, there.
fore, even come into collision with the House of
Lords. But in France, where there are no rotten
boroughs, and few commanding properties, a House
of Peers, in the English sense, cannot exist. In
order to insure to measures the benefit of repeated
discussions, it may be advisable to name a second
body responsible to the people, under the title of
Senate. But if a hereditary Peerage were to op-
pose any measure on which the nation was bent,
there being no hope of getting rid of such a body
by election, as in the case of a Senate, it is pretty
obvious that the Peers would be shelled. But the
great point of popular ascendancy having been
established, it will be easy to improve the Consti- '
tution. It is well remarked in an able article in the
Scotsman of Saturday last, that—
" A profound and eloquent writer, arguing against
gradual reforms, has said, that Whatever excellence,
whatever freedom is discoverable in Governments, has
been infused into them by the shock of a Revolution, and
their subsequent progress has only been the accumulation
of abuse.' fhir is not true. All Governments follow
the course which is marked out by their ascendant prin-
ciples. When a Revolution merely lops the branches of
corruption or violence, and leaves the root untouched, a
short time will of course suffice to make the system as bad
as ever; bat if the constitution is so changed as to give the
good principle the ascendancy, the future progress of the
Government will he a career, not of accumulating abuse,
but of gradual reform. This is triumphantly proved by
the example of the United States, where the effect of every
alteration since the Revolution, has been to purify the Go-
vernment, and strengthen the popular influence. The po-
litical truth is one which it is of vast importance for the
French people to keep in view; a good Government not
only admits, hut calls for change; a wise reform, there-
fore, has a principle of growth within it, and does not
need to be perfected at once. Let them secure the aim_
dancy of the popular interest, by such modifications of the
Charter as are safe, and leave the test to time and tog*.
rienee. No advantage to be gained by a very great exten-
sion of the democratic principle at present, will compensate
for the divisions it would engender, and the risks that
would attend it. If to secure freedom be their first duty,
their second clearly is, to avoid internal broils, and to set
en example of order and moderation which all nations will
be proud to follinv. Every friend of freedom in this coun-
try is tremblingly alive to their acts ; and while he invokes
the blessings of heaven on their noble Anti, has only one
source of uneaeinese—that they may awaken the 'age of
slumbering fictions, and incur the risk of convulsions, by
attempting too much." ,
What naturally strikes an Englishman as the
greatest defect in the French Constitution is, the ex-
cessive limitation of the franchise. Ever since the
Revolution of 1688, when we entered on our system
of loans and taxes, money has been so extensively
applied in corrupting that pert of the people pos-
sessed of franchises, and destroying all honour and
morality in them, that it has almost passed into an
axiom among us that every man has his price.—
During the present elections, the consciences of the
people have been somewhat awakened by a defi-
ciency in the means for corrupting them. We do
perceive more symptoms of shame this election than
in any former one, anti we are disposed to augur
favourably from this circumstance. Still we fear
there is but too much foundutiou for the humiliating
comparison drawn by our contemporary (the Scots-
man) when noticing the French qualification—
" The elective franchise is at present confined to per-
sons of thirty years of age, and paying 121. per annum of
direct taxes, who are in number about 55,000 in the whole
kingdom. This is too narrow a basis for a truly popular
system of representation to reet upon. If the French were
half as sordid, servile, and corrupt as the English, Messrs.
Villele or Polignac, instead of finding themselves in a
minority under such a system, would have annihilated
every vestige of opposition, To us it seems little legs
than a miracle, that liberal principles operating with
such machinery should have achieved triumphs as they have
done. The victory is the consequence, partly we admit,
of the blindness and bigotry of the King, but chiefly of
the higher sense of honour, and the greater force of con-
science, which distinguish the French people. This we
say frankly ; for the experience of a century shows that the
English and Scottish electors, taken in the mass, are as
incapable of resisting bribes or influence, as a London mob
is of emulating the heroism, and the chivalrous disinte-
restedness and moderation of the Parisian populace. No
political system, however, can be secure, which lays its
foundations in extraordinary virtue. The electoral fran.
chise should, therefore, be extended, but we would depre-
cate the introduction of universal suffrage at present. Our
admiration of the American Democracy (admiration is too
cold a word—for we worship those glorious institutions,
as the incarnation of the pure spirit of liberty) will exempt
ue from the suspicion of being hostile to popular rights ;
and yet we honestly thread any attempt, either to introduce
universal suffrage, or to establish a Republic in France at
this time. Our reasons are, first, that the French are
novices in the exercise of political right.), and as the present
system centre:wily works well for the people, we would
amend it, but not alter it to such an extent as to change
its character, and put the good we are sure of to the hazard
of experiment. Secondly, an extension of auffrage which
might be safe thirty yeses hence, would be dangerous at
present, when half the population of France cannot read
and though full of generous feelings, are of course easily
misled. And thirdly, what weighs most with us, while
France is surrounded by Monarchs and oligarchs, who are
her deadly enemies, she cannot afford to make political ex.
periments, which are attended with danger. The retitle-
lion of the qualification from 12/. of taxes to SL or 4/.
and of the age from thirty to twenty-five, so as to give
the country a body of 300,000 electors, would be an
alteration, the safety and prudence of which we think will
probably recummend it to the Chambers "
We have already expressed our satisfaction at the
continuance of the present mode of paying the
Clergy. To stimulate ,the Clergy to excessive zeal,
by snaking their incomes dependent on their pepu.
larity, would not be conducive to the good of the
people. It is to be borne in mind that there is a
material difference between the addresses of Clergy-
men to their flocks and the addresses of writers to
the public through the Press. Whet is printed
is leisurely read, end may be analysed and contra-
dieted. The reader can compare together conflict-
iug statements and arguments. Even in the assem-
blies of antiquity, where the orators exercised a
power of the dangerous character of which so much
has beers said, one orator could answer another. But
the pulpit orator possesses an unlimited power over
Lis audience. Ile cannot be contradicted or refuted.
Ile may be said to sway in the most absolute man-
lier the consciences of till those who habitually listen
to him. Hence the tremendous influence of the
Clergy when they are left to their own exertions for
obtainieg a subsistence from their flocks. In Ca-
tholic conetries the begging Prints had also a great
over the
fig': .
on ::;eBlll people
r i
lejt ct in one of tohbueys
etnhbhe:ierprtiVlela:atilooeifios fti
InPrHeaucilitil;
reign
of Henry the Eighth :
" It may naturally be thought (he says) at first view,
that the encouragement of Ecelesiletice, as well a, that of
lawyers and physicians may safely be trusted to the late-
rality of individuals who are attached to their doctrines,
mot who find benefit or consolation from their spiritual
no doubt, he whetted by such an additional emotive; and
ministry tool assistance, Their industry and vigilance will,
eieir sluff ie the prefcesion, as well as their address in go-
%exiling the milli, of the people, must receive :laity increase
flon, their increasing practice, study, and
Itot it we consider the tmeter more closely, we shall find,
that this interested diligence of the Clergy is what every
wise legislate'. willstudy to prevent; heettuse in every te-
beim', except the tine', it is highly pernicious, eel has even
a natural 1,11,4,1:Cy to pay, It the hi,„, by itd.toin
iwo
it
3 avian; mixture of Saperhmition, fully, and ilelesime
vhostly prietitimier; io order to render himself more pre-

cious and sacred in the eyes of his retainers, must inspire them
with the most violent abhorrence against all other sects,
and continually endeavour, by some novelty, to excite the
languid devotion of his audience. No regard will be
paid to the truth, morals, or decency, in the doctrines incul-
cated. Every tenet will be adopted that best suits the
disorderly affections of the human frame. Customers
will be drawn to each Conventicle by new industry and
address, in practising on the passions and credulity of the
populace; and, in the end, the Civil Magistrate will find
that he has paid dearly for his pretended frugality, in cav-
ing a settled foundation for the Priests ; and that, in
reality, the most decent and advantageous composition
which be can make with the spiritual guides, is to bribe
their indolence by affixing stated salaries to their profes-
sions, and rendering it superfluous for them to be farther
active than merely to preserve their flock from straying in
quest of new pastures. And in this manner ecclesiastical es-
tablishments, though commonly they arose at first from
religious views, prove in the end advantageous to the
political interests of society."—Morning Chronicle.

A meeting took place yesterday in the Ward of
Cripplegate, at which a series of Resolutions was
passed approving of the efforts of our neighbours,
deprecating all interference as to the form or mode
of Government which may be chosen by the French
people, and appointing a Committee to receive sub.
scriptions in aid of the families of those who have
fallen or suffered. The speech of Mr. Dillon, who
moved the first Resolution, was exceedingly spirited,
and conveyed some valuable lessons. " The chief
actors in the Revolution of 1830 (he said) were
men who had profited by experience, and accordingly
this age possessed the advantage of a Revolution
which would disarm the fears of timid men. It was
glorious to think that in these times there was so
little to fear from a Revolution. Here was also an
admirable lesson read to Nations and their Rulers;
for here it was practically shown that the strength
of tyrants lay only in the weakness of mankind, but
that mankind were only weak when they neglected
to put forth the strength with which nature invested
them—the strength of tyrants lay in the mistaken
estimate that the people made of their own
strength." Mr. Dillon concluded with a sentiment
which cannot be too much lauded. " The time," he
said," had happily passed away when nationsimagined
that they. rose and flourished as their neighbours fell
and decayed ; it was delightful to think that such en-
vious feelings were now in no quarter entertained;
it was not now an effort to depress each other, but
a rivalry in the race of arts, liberality, and litera-
ture, and civilization." We must do this justice to
the great body of the people. Never was admiration
more free from any admixture of jealousy or envy,
than that which the body of the people, in this me-
tropolis at least, entertain of the heroic conduct of
the Parisians. Nothing can be more cordial than the
manner in which they express themselves. They
will subscribe cheerfully to the eulogy of the Con.
ailutionnel, that the French have " proved them-
selves the most noble and magnanimous of na-
tions ;" and that the Chamber of Deputies has
" suitably represented, by its moderation after the
victory, that people who respected order even un-
der the murderous fire of the Royalists—a people
who, masters of all by conquest, touched nothing—
who showed themselves at once the most brave and
the most upright, the most heroic, and the most
disinterested."--The meeting of the great parish
of Marylebone takes place this day. We observe
from the Liverpool Chronicle that a requisition, sub-
scribed in the course of one day by more than 200

persons of all parties and of the greatest respectable
lily, has been presented to the Mayor of that
wealthy town, desiring him to call a meeting. We
have no doubt that the wish of the requisitionists has
been gratified.--Morning Chronicle.
The Revolution in France is proceeding rapidly
to a final and satisfactory completion. The Charter
has been amended wherever deficiency or obscurity
appeared to exist in it. The Crown has been given
to a Prince worthy of wearing it, and the future is
full of promise to the talent, thel genius, and the
institutions of France. But what is to be done ,
with the deposed Monarch, who is now pursuing
his cheerless journey to Cherbourg, dejected and
forlorn ? Is he again to take up his abode in this
couirry, or is he to bury in another continent the
disgrace of his dethronement ?—Nothing appears to
have been settled on the subject, nor any conditions
imposed upon the Ex-King by the Commissioners,
who waited upon him at Rembouillet, Whether this
Omission arose from neglect, or from a magnanimous
resolution not to impose restrictions on an unfor-
tuniste Monarch, we have no means of knowing;
but, notwithstanding the firmness displayed by
the people of France, and the popularity of the
new King, it appears to us to be Indispensably nee
cessary to the repose of France, and the future
tranquillity of Europe, that the ex-Sovereign should
reside at a sufficient distance from the scene of his
former elevation, and late disgrace; not to render
it possible for him either to give rise to intrigues
in France in favour of the Duke de Bourdeaux, or
to excite jealousy on the part of the people of that
country, towards any neighbouring state. The real
danger of a restoration of the deposed branch of the
Bourbon family is indeed small; but it were as well
that there existed none; and we are confident that
there is no real friend to the peace of Europe who
would wish to see him continue his residence in any
part of it. The people of this country cannot refuse
him an asylum, should he seek it at their hands;
but it would be wise on the part of Government
to let him know, that it would be more desirable
he should take up his residence elsewhere,--Morn.
leg Adverliscr.
It will be seen from the contents of the Paris
Papers which reached us last slight, that the rumours
which have prevailed for some days past respecting
an insurrection having broken out in Spain, are not
credited in the capital. We have, however, good
reason to believe, that if the insurrection has not
already commenced, no great length of time will
elapse before en attempt be made to overthrow the
existing form of Government. The Members of
the Cartes,
resident in the metropolis, are sanguine
in their expectations on this head; and though
their wishes may be considered as, in some de-
gree, father to their thoughts, there seems to
be enough in the present state of Spain, more
especially since the occurrence of the Revo-
lution in France, to warrant the expectation,
that if the King do not convoke the Corte', the
Cartes will convoke themselves. It is almost im-
possible, its fact, that the glorious lesson which has
been the people of France should be lost,
either on
il
the people of Spain, or the people of any
other country, who are suffering under the yoke of
oppression. However borne down by despotism
and priestcruft, there is no people in Europe to
whom the light of liberty, and the advantages of
freedom, are unknown; and is it to be supposed for
a moment that the bright example of a neighbour-
ing people will be lost upon them ? It is unpos.
eible—the time may be near, or some years hence;
but come it must—and the longer popular rights
are denied, the more dreadfal will be the explosion,
and the more complete the revolution,—Morning
Adverliacr.

it is a singular fact, well worth recording, that,
notwithstanding Lord iltiwriNuTowita owns nine-tenths
of the houses and land at &better, his two song, the lio-
nourahles Vieux and ALGICKNON TALII.3BII, who repre-
sented that place in the last Parliament, were both thrown
out at the election on Friday : while another son of his
Lordship, the lion FaltblltiCK TAL3IB3II, was equally
unsureesaful at Grantham on Monday, of which his father
IH a very considerable owner.—Leicester Chronicle.

The Duke of WELLINGTON, as our readers
are already aware, has accepted an invitation to at.
tend the ceremonial of the opening of the rail-road on the
15th of September next. On Saturday last, at a special
meeting of the Common Council, it was resolved that a
letter should be sent to his Grace, inviting hint to dine
with that body, on which occasion the freedom of the be.
rough, some time sines ♦ated to his Grace, should be Pre.
tented to him in a gold box. We hear that so answer
bee been received front the Noble Duke accepting this
invitation, and that the 1 fith is the day fixed. We under.
stand that his Grace will reside at the hlarquis of Slats.
nu►tx's during his stay in this part of the
verpool Paper•.