The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-05 00:00:00

believe that in our own time, or within the last 30 years,
they have in the main had at heart the welfare of the coun-
try. (Cheers.) I believe they have sincerely endeavoured to
carry out at home those principles which should lead to the
prosperity of the country, and abroad I believe they have,
with equal sincerity, endeavoured to carry out those prin-
ciples which should render this country honoured, respected
beloved, and, if need be—though we should regret such
necessity—feared. (Hear, hear.) No doubt, sir, we differ
as to the best means of carrying out these principles. Ido
not say, and gentlemen here know me too well to be-
lieve me if I did say, that I believe all Ministers have car-
ried out these principles on the best plan. But I believe
that for the last 30 years they have honestly endeavoured
to promote the prosperity of the country on principles and
in a manner they believed to be the best. (Hear.) But
confining myself a little to what I conceive to have been the
reason for placing this toast on the list, let me restrict my
observations to the office held by Sir Charles Wood. If I
was asked to point out an office in which the wealth, the
power, the good feeling, the morality—nay more, the Chris-
tianity of this country could be exercised with most effect,
I should point to the office of Secretary of State for India.
That country was civilised when we wore in the depths of
barbarism, but we now call it in some degree uncivilised,
and so it is, and I fear I might be right if I were to say
that such civilisation as it has is one of the great hindrances
to what we believe to be the proper civilisation. Hera is a
country of countless myriads of different faith, oppressed for
ages, a country with a language, with literature, with laws,
with institutions at a time when we had none, except per-
haps a barbarous kind of semi-language. Fate, to use a
common term—Providence, as I would rather say—brought
us English to this country some hundred years ago. A few
British merchants settled there, and what do we now see ?
We see the whole of that immense peninsula, with its hun-
dreds of millions of people, subjected to British rule. We
have seen 100, or I scarcely know how few men, trained to
the British system of warfare, and commanded by British
officers, doing wonders. And we have seen the revolt of
these men. Then we sent a few red coats—a " thin red
line," losing no heart, using no bombastic language, saying
in their hearts and with their tongues " We are few, but if
we give way what will they say of us in England ?" We
saw the Outrams and the Havelocks, men worthy to be
named with the Clivea and the Hastings and the Wellesleys,
serve the country. We are again masters of India, and now
we see Sir Chas. Wood Minister of that country ; the troops
being, not the troops of a mercantile body, nor the agents of
a trading company, but the troops and the agents of what
we call her Majesty's Government, the agents of the great
power of this country. Now, I know no position in which
it is possible for a man to distinguish himself more than in
the administration of that country. Its difficulties—ah I
who can even attempt to estimate them ? Great they are,
because they are difficulties connected with a certain state of
civilisation—great be cause they are connected with a religion
which makes falsehood and trickery a part of its system.
Over this people Providence has placed us; there we have a
work to perform ; that work has been begun. Five years
ago who dare have whispered even in his own heart that
India would have become in this time the country which we
now see it—self-supporting, paying its way, making its
roads, its railways, and its laws, and offering to the natives
a share in the administration ? We see all this, and I doubt
not that England, going on with this work, will achieve
one of the greatest triumphs that have been achieved in
modern times, and will bring India not only within the pale
of what we believe to be real civilisation, but within the
pale of what we believe to be necessary to all real civilisa-
tion—the pale of Christianity. (Cheers.)
Sir C. WOOD—I should be the most insensible of men if

I did not deeply feel the kind manner in which my old friend
Mr. Dunn has proposed the toast of my health in connection
with her Majesty's Ministers, but still more the kind man-
ner in which you, to most of whom I am necessarily a
stranger, have received it. On my behalf, and on behalf of
my colleagues, I return you my best thanks for the honour
which you have done us, believing that, in no party spirit,
a large and intelligent community like this will give Ps sup-
port to whatever Ministry is in power, provided that Minis-
try does its duty. (Cheers.) I have a somewhat difficult
task imposed upon me, for I am to avoid politics, and yet
to speak of a political body—(laughter)—a body which exists
only as a political one. Fortunately for me, in looking back
at the events of last session, I am able to say that party
politics can hardly be discovered ; that the course her Ma-
jesty's Ministers have felt it their duty to pursue has
received the general approbation of the House of Commons,
and, as far as I can judge, the House of Commons
faithfully represents the opinions of the people of England.
We are sometimes reproached for having done little, but
the truth is we have approached a time when there is a
lull, when the time of great measures has passed. My
hon. friend referred to a date—some thirty years ago_
which calls to my recollection the last time I had the honour
of appearing before a Sheffield audience, when the country
was in the throes of the agitation for reform. (Hear, hear.)
It is not for the want of most hospitable invitations that I
have not been here since that time, but unfortunate circum-
stances have prevented my presence on many such festive
occasions. However, when we look back to the measures
which have been carried since that time—when we remem-
ber the fact that every department of the Government, every
institution of the country, has undergone a searching in-
quiry and a general improvement, it is not surprising that
at this day there are no great measures to press. Dr. Dunn
has. said, and I entirely concur with him, that the measures
o
v,hue haveorto beeno n
Administratione peaarr riyi e d:taihosanivet na
(ouhts
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beearn,
tnoh de, uot
rew) r o
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tae A
eachs
ddon an iesnuii
est
which
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s
best to improve the institutions and departments of the
country. (Loud applause.) The truth is, that there is a power
prevalent in this country greater than the power of the Ad-
ministration—the power of enlightened public opinion,
which sometimes encourages, sometimes retards, but in the
end guides the course of public affairs. (Cheers). Public
opinion is aided by a free and intelligent press—(Dear, hear)
—and it is ultimately decisive as to the course to be pursued
in public events. (Hear.) The administration of affairs is
generally carried on in conformity with the wishes of the
great majority of the country, and putting reason. aside, the
instinct of a great nation always leads to what is right.
(Hear, hear.) The result of all this is, that the country is
raised to a state of political contentment and prosperity
which is perfectly:unexampled, and which is hardly effected
even by the sad calamity which has befallen our neighbours
in a sister country. We have been enabled to look with
considerable pride at the happy and contented state of this
country, so different to souse other nations, which are
now experiencing the dreadful effects of a civil war, and
struggling for liberty, We may, I think, look with thank-

fulness and due humility to the Giver of all good for the
blessings which we as a country enjoy. (Hear.) As to
foreign politio, we have endeavoured to preserve the peace
of the world, and not to undertake any Quixotic crusade for
the liberties of other countries—(hear)—have given our
moral support to all who are struggling for freedom—(ap-
plause)—and in the great civil contest which is waging at
the other side of the Atlantic, we have, I think, performed
our duty by preserving a strict neutrality. (Cheers,) I
should have been glad to have said no more, but, after the
observations of Mr. Dunn, I cannot help referring to that
department over which I have the honour to preside.
(Hear.) I concur in what Mr. Dunn has said, and bear
out the truth of his observations. I have now, for the second
time, become connected with the Administration of India.
(Hear.) I must say that the power of this country in India
seems to me to be something miraculous. No man would
have believed, four or five years ago, that the energy of a
few Englishmen could have suppressed that most formid-
able mutiny. which nearly desolated the country from one
end to the other. Undaunted by numbers—standing almost
alone—no man, no woman quailed, and in the end they
triumphed over the mutiny in the most splendid manner.
(Applause.) Since that time tranquillity has been restored,
the country has attained a degree of prosperity which it
never enjoyed before, and the whole of its institutions have
been revised. (Hear.) I do not wish to take more credit
to myself than is my due, but since I have been at the
office which I now hold the government of the country has
been recast, natives admitted into the administration—
(hear)—the judicature has been revised ; the penal code,
civil proceedings, the army, and the navy have all been re-
modelled—(hear)—and I hardly know a point in which
administrative improvement was required in whichwe have
I not done that which was best, and which has met with
the approbation of Parliament at home, and the approval
of the great masses of the population of India. (Cheers.)
We are performing our mission to that country in govern-
ing it for the benefit of the great masses of the people there,
and in the welfare of the people of India we shall not only
derive the best pecuniary reward, but we shall have per-
formed, I hope, that great mission to which we have been
called, of improving and civilising the largest population
which at present exists under the rule of any one sove-
reign. (Cheers.)
Mr. Alderman JACKSON proposed " The healths of Sir
J. W. Ramsdeu and Sir .1. Crossley, the members for the
West Riding."
Sir JOHN RAMSDEN, who was reeeived with applause,
desired to be allowed, in the first place, to return thanks on
behalf of his hon. colleague and himself for the honour
done them. However little it might be in his power to
deserve all the kindness which they never failed to show
him, he trusted, at least, that he might never have reason
to reproach himself that by any act of his had it been
diminished. '[ho remark was often made that the late
session of Parliament had been barren of results, because,
contrasted with former years, no great measures had been
passed. Some people always seemed inclined to assume
that the relations of Parliament to the country were those
of an over-indulgent master to an over-idle servant. It
was unnecessary for him, as their representative, to vindi-
cate the House of Commons from any such mis-construc-
tion ; but, so far from believing that at the present time the
House of Commons could be guilty of neglect of duty, he
would even be so bold as to say that ho believed there never
was a time when it was more true to its representative
functions than during the last two years of quiet. (Hear,
hear.) If, indeed, there were no difference between
Parliament and the country; if public opinion had de-
manded any change, and Parliament had given no response
to that demand; if any great measure could be shown
upon which the opinion of the country had been pro-
nounced in a clear end unmistakable manner, but upon
which no legislative action had followed, then there
would be indeed just grounds of reproach. But, he
would ask, could this be alleged now ? No. To
what, then, could they attribute the state of calm
which had now existed for so long a time? Was it
true that the country had gone torpid or apathetic? ,Could
they believe that in an age like this—when education was
being every day more diffused--when hardly a day passed
without bringing to light some new truth of political or eco-
nomic science—could they believe that people like ours—so
keenly alive to everything passing in other and distant parts
of the globe—could be struck with apathy and indifference
upon those domestic questions respecting which they had
until now ever been so clamorous and vigilant ? They
knew, however, that indifference was not a characteristic of
the present age. Experience had shown them that great
benefits had arisen from those reforms already alluded to by
Sir C. Wcoci. They had been so universally, acknowledged,
that at the present time, without any distinction of party,
we might truly call ourselvekii nation of reformers, who
were earnestly and unanimously desirous of removing every
abuse. What could be the cause of this calm ? What
but profound contentment and wide-spread prosperity ? The
influence of perfect freedom and equal laws becoming dif-
fused throughout every class of society; ought they to re-
gret the calm which sprung from so happy a source as that?
Or could it be said it argued fickleness on their part, or dis-
loyalty to their ancient principles on the part of the people,
that no great measures of change were called for ?aWas not
that calm the most conclusive proof of the reasonableness of
their policy ? If the people were not clamorous for change,
was it not a proof that the changes already made had been
so vast and beneficial that the desire for change had of ne-
cessity become to some extent exhausted ? So much having
al eady been done, there remained of necessity less to do.
Prosperity might have produced contentment and caution,
but contentment or caution was not indifference. They
might be sure that improvements would be as welcome as
ever—that they would be as resolutely demanded as ever,
but perhaps more deliberately weighed and carefully consi-
dered by a people who have now learned that there is wis-
dom in forbearance as well as wisdom in action—(cheers)—
and who are determined not to encourage the introduction
of any change until that change has proved itself in their
convictions to be a real improvement. But if our apparent
inactivity in domestic legislation were no proof of indiffer-
ence, could it be said that because they refused to meddle in
affairs of foreign nations that therefore they took no interest
in the great events passing in other quarters of the world ?
Could it be said that we N iewed without interest that most
moral and to Englishmen most gratifying event—that as-
sembly of princes convened together, summoned by the ruler
of that empire which in times past had been regarded as the
fountain of all European reaction and obstruction, and that
those princes were doing nothing less than considering a
reform bill for Germany. But they would experience feel-
ings far different when they turned to that disastrous civil
war now raging in the Northern States of America, He
feared that that war, so far from promising to come to a
speedy end, seemed to gather strength and ferocity every
day it continued, until at last they had before them the
fearful spectacle that, as the white population was becoming
exhausted, men who professed themselVes Christians and
brethren were arming negroes to carry out that vengeance
which they desired to wreak upon their own kindred. (In-
terrupticn.) Whatever their opinions might be upon the
merits of that war, he was free to confess that he had very
strong opinions, as he doubted not most of those he ad-
dressed had of their own, although that was not the proper
opportunity of discussing them. Still he thought they must
all join iu a common desire that peace might be restored.
(Cheers.) We had the greatest cause:not only for gratitude,
but for wonder, in the proof we have just had that, while
our best market had for the last two years been entirely
closed against us, when the raw material of our most impor-
tant manufacture had been cut off,that still the mightyfabric
of our prosperity remained unshakened ; that our commerce
had not been impaired; that our finances had not been de-
ranged; and specially, that they must be glad to know that
these great articles of consumption by which they were wont
to test the prosperity of our manufacturing classes were
consumed as largely as ever. And if anything were wanted
to complete this happy picture of peace abroad and content-
, ment at home, there was never a time when this country
was more powerful abroad, or when its opinion weighed in
the councils of Europe with greater power or strength.
(Cheers.) Again thanking them for the honour they had
done him, the right hon. gentleman sat down amid loud

cheers.
In responding to the " Health of the Borough Members,"
Mr, J. A. ROEBUCK, M.P., was received with cheers,
which were again and again repeated, and some time elapsed
before he could proceed. At length, the applause having
subsided, the hon. gentleman said,—lt is my duty to return
thanks for the toast which you have just so cordially drunk.
For the absence of my colleague I can only grieve, and ex-
press my sorrow for the event, and more especially for the
cause of it. Sickness in his house has prevented him from
being here : and he has told me that the real misery of those
whom he loves would have made it a matter irksome and
miserable to himself to have been feasting here. Therefore
I am sure you will excuse his absence, and grieve for it and
for its caure, as I do. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, on behalf
of myself, I beg to return you and the gentlemen present
toy most humble thanks for the kindness with which they
have received the mention of my name. Sir, there was a
phrase of the old Napoleon which I have often thought a
very w ise one, which has been called to my mind on the
present occasion—namely that it is a vary unwise thing to
wash one's dirty linen in public. (Hear, hear, and laugh-
ter.) Therefore, sir,
I will content myself with this expres-
sion, that I hope that long service—faithful sere ice—(bear,
hear)—will be no disadvantage—(cheers)—add that the best
way to retain confidence is to deserve it. (Applause.)
Here, sir, I might end, but still upon an occasion like this
I should net like to and without making one or two obser-
vations upon the present state in which we find ourselves
—(hear, hear)—and more especially as I have at my
right hand one of the great rulers of this country. Sir,
it, must be obvious to any one that we in England are pecu-
liarly favoured at the present time. When we compare our
position with any of the great Powers of Europe, we have
,„ every reason to congratulate ourselves upon cur position