The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-12 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, FEB. 12, 1863.

In the House of Commons,

Mr. ADDERLEY gave notice that on Tuesday next
he should ask leave to bring in a bill for the better
protection of her Majesty's subjects from violence.
Mr. M‘MArtoN moved the second reading of the
Salmon Fisheries (Ireland) Bill, to assimilate the
law of Ireland to that of England.
Mr. MAGUIRE seconded the motion.
Mr. BUTT moved an amendment to the effect that
any legislation on the subject ought to be preceded
by a full inquiry.
Colonel WHITE seconded the amendment.
Mr. LONGFIELD strongly opposed the amend-
ment, and censured the Act of 1842, which he said
debarred the public from their rights, and deprived
thousands of honest fishermen of their livelihood.
The people of Ireland wanted to have the rights of
alt parties clearly defined, The bill before the
house did not infringe the rights of property, and
he hoped it would be assented to. _ _

Mr: HASSARD hoped the matter would be referred
to a commission or a committee.

Mr. SMITH thought that if the present mode of
fishing were persisted in the result would be the
extinction of salmon fishing.
Mr, HODSON spoke to the same effect.

Mr_ MONSELL considered it very desirable that
an end should be put to the present disputes, and
thought the Government should take up the
matter.

Colonel DUNNE urged the house to pass the mea-
sure if they wished to preserve any fishery at all in
Ireland.

-- -----
Sir B. PEEL, after commenting on the different
points of the question, expressed his readiness to
bring in a bill giving greater powers to the com-
missioners to open gaps and remove obstructions in
the rivers, with powers to make the owners of weirs
pay for them. He proposed to open all gaps for 36
hours instead of 24, to limit the projection of the
nets to the low water of the neap tides instead of
the spring tides, to limit the projection drug nets
to one, to make the license tax proportionate to the
profit of the weir, and increase the penalties for in-
fringing the law. At the same time he thought it
only fair to allow the present bill a second reading.

Mr. HERBERT heard the statement of the Irish
Secretary with satisfaction.

After some observations from Mr. Gore and Mr.

George,
Mr. M‘MAnoN declared he would accept no corn-

promise.

The amendment being withdrawn, the bill was
then read a second time.
The Drainage of Land Bill was then read a second

time.

The report on Supply was brought up and
tgreed to.
Mr. NEWDEGATE obtained leave to bring in a bill
for the commutation of church rates.
Lord RAYNHAM obtained leave to bring in a bill
for the better prevention of aggravated assaults on
women and children.
new writ was ordered for the borough of
LiBburn, in the room of Mr. Richardson, resigned.
The house adjourned at twenty minutes past
four.

President LINCOLN has addressed a letter to the
'Working men of Manchester, in reply to a commu-
nication received from that body in December.
There is nothing particular in this publication, but
all remarks from a man of so much censequence at
present, seem worthy of attention. He commences
by stating, that when he came to preside over the
United States he found the country verging on a
civil war. He considered then as now, that hehad
but one paramount duty, to " Maintain and preserve
at once the constitution and integrity of the Fede-
ral Republic." What a thousand pities it is that
President LINCOLN did not adopt better means
to accomplish this great end. He goes on to
say that it is not always in the power of
governments to enlarge or restrict the scope of
moral results, 'which follow the policies that they
may deem it necessary for the public safety from
time to time to adopt." It appears, however, in
this instance, that it was peculiarly in the power
of President LINCOLN to control the moral influ-
ence of the American war. Further on he states
that it has been often and studiously represented
that the attempt to overthrow this Government,

which was built upon the foundation of human
rights, and to substitute for it one which should
rest exclusively on the basis of human slavery, Was
likely to obtain the favour of Europe." This is a
wilful perversion of facts. The American Govern-
ment could not have been built on the foundation
of human rights since it sanctioned slavery for so
long a period, neither do the advocates of the South
cause in this country uphold slavery in itself,
but only maintain that they have a right to a sepa-
rate constitution. We can hardly believe that any
one who was not influenced by party prejudice, or
political infatuation, could enunciate such a theory
as this. Surely, if ever a man had a glorious op-
portunity in the cause of human nature, it was
when President LINCOLN began the war. If he
had at once put down slavery in the United States
how different would affairs have been, instead of
waiting till the eleventh hour to issue an absurd
edict that only affected those over whom he had no
power. It is well known that this is not a war of
slavery ; but it suits the purpose of some people to
declare that it is so. President LINCOLN next
states that " through the action of our dis-
loyal citizens the working men of Europe
have been subjected to a severe trial, for the
purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt.'
This is rather an ambiguous phrase, which seems
put in more for the object of abusing the opposing
side than for any other purpose. These next sen-
tences are fine-sounding, but have no stability in
reason. " Under these circumstances I cannot but
regard your decisive utterances upon the question
as an instance of sublime Christian heroism which
has not been surpassed in any age or country. It is
indeed an energetic and re-inspiring assurance of
the inherent power of truth, and the ultimate and
univeral triumph of justice, humanity, and freedom."
It was not sympathy for the North that has with-
held our Government from interfering, but the fear
of untimely meddling from Foreign States producing
more harm than good ; also the sublime heroism
which President LINCOLN so truly praises is not
the result of the good influence his policy and
that of his friends has spread abroad, but proceeds
from innate qualities and domestic associations with
which no stranger can interfere. Tne conduct of
the Lancashire people is beyond all praise, but it is
be regretted that their sufferings are thrown away
as far as the Americans are concerned,because there
is every chance that the war will leave them no
better than it found them as regards the
moral question of slavery. Both sides have had a
grand chance and a glorious opportunity, and both
have missed it through obstinacy or indifference.
The North might have abolished slavery at home
and at the same time have allowed the South to
secede, while the South has lost a still better means
of establishing a separate and solid empire. Why
not have gradually set the slaves free, thus com-
bining the advantages of caution with the benefit
of principle ? Then the world would have applauded
its consideration as much as they now admire its
spirit. Unhappily, the prejudices of men have
come in to spoil again, as they have so often done
before, the many mighty and meritorious actions
that were so easy to accomplish end so advanta-
geous when accomplished. President LINCOLN
has not fulfilled the high expectations of his friends,
neither has he been able to discomfit his enemies.
His tenure of office has been overcast and dismal,
nor can anyone hold out a more cheering
prospect for the remaining term of his
power. History will not give a bright place to the
record of his reign. The fabric of the Constitution
has been shaken to its foundation. The grand
home of the Anglo• Saxon race in the New World
has been shorn of its glory, and what was once thought
the refuge of freedom has turned out to be the
nursery of slaves. The independent spirit that
fired the warrior of Bunker's Hill had departed
when the fight of Bull's Run took place, and the
philosopher of progress, in reviewing the transac-
tions might well exclaim " How are the mighty
fallen." The great republic has neither wisdom in
its councils nor valour in its soldiers; the majesty
of its creation has melted into tradition ; the
America of WASHINGTON has vanished for ever.
Mr. DISRAELI observed the other night, in the
House, that when this war was over we should find
the America of our fathers had given place to a
State totally different. This is very likely to prove
the case. Such an eventful period as that which
our transatlantic brethren are now passing through
cannot leave them as it found them. Much must be
changed, old associations will be violently rooted up,
new ones, before inimical to their feelings, will
assuredly have taken root. Civil war is the last
desperate remedy of a nation; how sad that it
should be tried in an existence so full of
promise as that of the United States. Its
gains are almost always more than com-
pensated for by its losses. The angry
feelings engendered take more than a generation
to efface them, and the bonds of union that united
various branches of a state into one harmonious
whole once ruptured are not easily knit together
again. President LINCOLN has a beau dire, as the
French say, with his facts and his flourishes, but
this generation will not see the end of the harm he
has done ; and history has a sad page to hand down
to posterity in juxtaposition with the grand era of
the American Independence ; this record of their
passions and prejudices, spoiling their own design
and overthrowing their own foundations. They
have furnished a better satire on Republics than any
despot could have launched into, and this will be a
great grievance to them to think upon when they have
time and leisure to do so. Mr. BRIGHT had hardly re-
covered from the frantic exertions he had made in
endeavouring to bring us to copy the American
institutions when the existence of those institutions
were in peril. We were told of the advantages of
the Republic, and the Republicans could not agree
as to what were their rights or wrongs. It is a
warning to the pride and self-sufficiency of men to
mark how dangers arise when least expected. The
citadel no enemy could capture falls from internal
dissensions. The house divided against itself can-
not stand, neither can any nation long endure the
terrible visitation of civil war without sapping its
foundations, and shedding the life-blood of its
existence.

The subject of national education has of late
years been often brought before the. public. The
questions of how far the State should interfere in
the matter, what restrictions should be put upon
Government grants, what system of instruction
should be adopted, have been discussed and debated
again and again, There is, however, one depart-
ment that is entirely under State control, and in
Which unfortunately few persons are sufficiently
interested to make any troublesome interference.
Yet there is little doubt that the management of
this branch of national education is by no
amteteanndsedeonwdiuth the m
ot
sh
most
satisfactory
best principles,
conducted on
results.or
We allude to the b • •
up ringing of pauper children,
which is open to very grave and serious evils. In
the first place, the position of
a pauper child is na-
l' turally a melancholy one; often separated from its
parents by death or desertion, it is dependant on the
Workhouse officials for that love and kindness with-
out which infancy and childhood are dreary indeed.
How little tenderness it receives in such a locality
may be too readily imagined. The depressing