The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—Often have powerful, wealthy, and
famous Sovereigns set foot in this country as visi-
tors, but never has there been one to whom it would
be more graceful to give a cordial welcome than
the young King of the Greeks, who is now among
us for a short time previous to beginning his arduous
career of government. The very great ones of the
earth, the chiefs of powerful empires, exact by their
lofty rank a splendid and somewhat ostentatious
hospitelitY. Courts array themselves magnificently
to do them honour, civic corporations and companies
display their wealth, regiments parade before them,
Universities cffer their heavy adulation, fashion
gazes on them reverentially in an opera-house, the
multitude shout after them heartily in the streets.
Such a reception the young King of the Greeks
will not expect or desire. He is a youth, and these
stately ceremonials require full-grown and self-
collected men to play the chief part in them. He
is yet untried, and a welcome of this kind is more
suited to those who have lived and acted, and
moulded the policy of their time. We may hope
that the day will come when King George, in the
prime of life, and renowned throughout Europe for
the ability and honesty by which he has made his
little kingdom quiet, contented, and prosperous,
may again visit England, and receive from an
appreciating public the tribute of their esteem.
At the present time he comes in almost a private
character. His family has been united with the
reigning family of this country, and he visits
them, not as a foreign Sovereign, but as a near
relative and friend. His position, too, justifies
a serious and reserved demeanour. He ascends the
throne of a strange country, and casts his lot among
a restless people who have lately driven their former
Sovereign from their capital. Arduous undertak-
ings should be begun quietly, and nothing is more
suitable than that the Danish Prince should avoid
anything like a parade of his new Royalty until he
has founded it securely. But it is sympathy for a
very young man placed at one of the most difficult
posts of European politics that will chiefly prevail
in the minds of Englishmen. It will require no
formal public demonstration to make the King feel
that we wrech his entrance on the public stage with
interest, and will do our utmost to insure his success.
In many ways England is bound up with the for-
tunes of the Greek Monarchy. In the first days of
the revolution, '4O years ago, Englishmen showed
their wonted enthusiasm for liberty. They were
the first to hail the dawn of Greek independence.
They gave the patriots material aid ; they made
their cause famous throughout the world. Oratory
and poetry combined to call up enthusiasm for the
little bands that were struggling against the
Turkish Pashas. The old policy of this country
was abandoned in favour of the new nationality,
and, carried away by enthusiasm for Greece, we
actually joined the Emperor Nicholas in destroys
jog the naval power of the Ottoman State. Having
given these proofs of Philhelleniem in early days,
we did not cease to act for the good of the little
kingdom all through the reign of the unhappy
Otho. Although more than one dispute took place
_although a kind of political animosity seemed to
prevail between the two countries, it has been
shown by events that the Greek people understood
the principles on which England acted towards
them. Our statesmen and people protested against
the doings of the Court of Athens. After years of
bickering the Greeks showed they were of our
opinion, for they gave their anti-British Sovereign
his dismissal, and immediately appealed to England
to find them another. The part which the Govern-
ment of this country has had in placing the present
King on the throne must make the future position
of Greece' a subject of great interest for us. How-
ever much eee may disclaim any responsibility, and
declare that King George is a stranger to us, and
free to live with his subjects on what terms he
pleases, it is certain that the world will look upon
him as in some degree the representative of English
ideas, if not of English influence. He is the brother-
in-law of the Prince of Wales; he was suggested to
the Greek people by the Foreign Secretary of Eng-
land. He may be supposed to have been warned
by the downfall of the prince, who, with his ener-
getic consort, was so unfriendly to English policy.
He may be looked upon as imbibing political lessons
from the country with Which his family is so closely
connected. The envious may say that the cession of
the lonian Islands will not be forgotten by him,—
that that splendid endowment will induce both
Sovereign and subjects to study the wishes of their
benefactors. There will be much truth mingled
with the misrepresentation which will take place on
these matters. Although any English politician
who attempts to obtain the useless and invidious
thing called "influence" will be most assuredly con-
demned by the public opinion of his countrymen,
yet it will be impossible to prevent some natural
relations subsisting between the Court of Athens
and our own, between the Constitutionalists of the
Greek Chambers and the statesmen of England.
That it is the wish of the Greek people that such
relations should subsist is plain from their conduct
ever since they dethroned the late King. They
have in the most emphatic manner expressed their
desire to draw near to England politically, and to
make their second trial of self-government under
the influence of her institutions. It will be very
difficult to avoid giving advice to such eager pupils,
and when once the world has formed the notion that
King George is governing on English principles,
our credit will be in some measure staked on his
success.
POST.—Amongst the many conflicting accounts
received concerning the operations of the Federal
and Confederate armies in Tennessee, the only point
on which no doubt can now be said to exist is the
serious defeat sustained on the 20th of September
by General Rosencranz. The first day's engage-
meat—namely, that of the 19th—is claimed by the
North as a drawn battle; but when that of the
succeeding one came to a close it is admitted, even
by the Press of New York, that the Federal army
consisted of a mass of demoralised troops retreating
from the field of battle in the wildest disorder.
Some divisions, honourably distinguished from the
rest, took up a position along the base of a ridge
of mountains, and succeeded, by repelling tee
advance of the Confederates, in covering the retreat
of the remainder of the army. Heavy as the loss
was sustained by the Federal General, it is a matter
for surprise that, it was not heavier. According to
the Northern estimate, it is now believed that he
lust upwards of ten thousand men inkilied, wounded,
and :visaing, independently of fifty pieces of artil-
lery and a large quantity of ever material. The
Confederates have seldom been enabled to turn their
victories to account, and the present instance has
apparently proved no exception to the general rule.
The loss of the battle of Chielsamanga Creek may
ultimately necessitate the abandonment of the line
of the Tennessee by the Federal army, and if it
does so the Southern forces will have secured a sub-
stantial success. But a battle evidently so decisive
in its results as that of the 20th September, in
which the Federal troops were not only routed, but
the army broken up into detached fragments,
ought, one would have supposed, to have been fol-
lowed up with a crashing brow. The left wing,
which, under the command of General Thomae, re-
tired to Roseville, has, it appears, succeeded in