The Sun.
London, England, 1830-06-01 00:00:00

LORD ERSKINE.

Talents so extraordinary, and eloquence so
powerful as Mr. Erskine's, are, in this country,
speedily engaged in the public service. His
political predilections had already led him to
associate himself with those celebrated men,
who, during the administration of Lord North,
headed the Opposition, and whose characters
and genius were then in their highest meridian.
Fox, Burke, and Sheridan, the three most splen-
did names in the modern political history of
'England, had hitherto preserved unblemished
the fair and brilliant reputation with which they
entered into public life. The « coalition" had
not yet dimmed the splendour of Fox's name;
the purity of Burke's principles had not yet de-
parted from him ; nor had the fatal web of pe-
cuniary embarrassment been wound round the
soul of Sheridan. To associate with men like
these was worthy of Erskine ; but it was not until
after the formation of the coalition Ministry that
he became the public coadjutor of this distin-
guished phalanx. When the ill-judged and
unfortunate measure of the India Bill had been
introduced, it became evident that Ministers
would require every assistance to carry it, op-
posed as it was by so many and such various in-
terests. The fame and the genius of Erskine at
once pointed him out as an invaluable ally ; and
it was determined to bring him without delay
into the House of Commons. Sir William
Gordon, the M ember for Portsmouth, was there-
fore prevailed upon, for an adequate considera-
tion, to resign his seat, to which Mr. Erskine
immediately succeeded.—Dr. Lardner's Ca-
binet Cydopcedia, Vol. VI.

The Lords of the Treasury, on the memorial
of the merchants of London engaged in the wine and
spirit trade, praying relief upon certain points connected
with the principle on which these articles are charged
with duty on the delivery from the warehouses, have
ordered, that all spirits warehoused in warehouses of
special security, be taken out for home consumption, on
payment of duty according to the actual quantity and
strength (and not according to the quantity' and strength
warehoused as heretofore); and that wines in bond may
be filled up, fined, and racked, and the lees destroyed,
without payment of duty. By this regulation, many
hardships muoh complained of by the trade are removed,
particularly as regards foreign spirits, which, when old and
in finest condition, were nearly excluded from consump-
tion by the duties required on their deficiencies. This
concession has been obtained from Government by the
committee of merchants of London engaged in the wine
and spirit trade.

FILIAL AFFECTION.—HEYWOOD in his ac-
count of certain persons who suffered in Scotland, on a
charge of witchcraft, says, that one of them, a woman,
when fastened to the stake, cried to her sun for water.
'6 Helpe me to any drink, be it never so little, for I am
most extremely drie," to which the hopeful youth replied,
" By no means, deere mother, will I do you that wrung,
for the drier you are, no doubt you will burn the better."

SINGULAR CIRGUAISTANCL—A few days
since a woman, aged 108 years, residing in the neigh-
bourhood of the Brown Moor, was seen engaged in driving
horns peaty in a wheel-barrow from an adjacent moss,
without either shoes or stockings ea her feet. So much
for the salubrity of the climate of Elginshire, and the har.
dihood of its inhabitants.—Elgin Courier.

Last week, the fishermen of one of the stations
off Lord GREY'S fishings, caught at one haul forty-five full
grown salmon. Nothing similar to this has happened for
some years past. The time indeed was when such hauls
were so frequent, as not to be regarded as any thing very
extraordinary, lout now they are like angels' visits, " few
and far between."—Perth Advertiser.

_ -
LENDING JEwLs.---A lady, viewing a few
days since the magnificent display of plate and jewellery
appertaining to, one of our principal metropolitan JewellerF,
observed,,
amongst other splendid articles, a diamond neck-
! lace worth 75,000/. On inquiring whether a purchaser
was likely to be found for this expensive trinket,
the person who showed the jewellery replied, " No,
Madam ; we cannot hope for such a thing ; but our money
is returned to us, and with interest too, by merely letting
out articles like those, which the first nobility cannot be
ashamed to. :tire, because their psrcAase would employ a
fq,7tune!"—Cqurt Journ4,
Haymakil-ig has commenced in the neigh-
bourhea4 of the metropolis: much fins grass was cut on
Saturday at Camden-hill, in Lord HOLLA ND'S grounds,
Kensington, &c. The heavy rains of Sunday, and the
dull weather of yesterday, have somewhat impeded the Illy
harvest's progress but the quantity of grass is very pro-

The banns for the marriage of no fewer than
a hundred " happy couples" were published for the third
time in the Collegiate Church on Staulay last! These
candidates for bliss will, no doubt, enter the holy state of
matrirc.ony in the course of the ensuing week. Upwards
of a hundred couples more were " asked" on the same
occasion, in the less advanced stages of the banns.—lllan-
cheater Courier,

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

, The princ;plea on which England and her Allies
1.1 'have acted 'throughout their long diplomatic efforts
for tie establishment of Greece as an independent
and effective Power, qualified to take her part in up-
holding the general equilibrium of Europe, consti-
tute our best security for the perseverance of the
Allied Governments in the prosecution of an object
so invaluable. Nothing short of the immense im-
portance assigned by the Allied Powers to the re-
viral and perpetuity of the Greek nation, could have
enabled the Courts of France and Great Britain to
repress all yearnings of intermediate jealousy prc-
yoked from time to time by grave though possibly
incidental occurrences, and to cc-operate with
Russia to that single and uniform end. Their fide-
lity to the cause of Greece, and the uninterrupted
harmony of their councils, amidst the temptations of
an ominous war between the Porte and Russia, are
amongst the most honourable evidences furnished
by history, of discriminating temper and foresight
in the conduct of great political concerns. We have
therefore ample ground for assurance, that now,
when a well-combined series of calindatione has been
for a moment disappointed by caprice and inconsis-
tency, the good work will have been resumed with
double vigour, and the event secured without de-
lay, and beyond the reach of misfortune. The
British Government and the Representatives of the
other Allied Powers have doubtless prepared the
means of reparation. Their second offer of the
Throne of Greece, to whomsoever it may have been
made, will have been accompanied by terms equally
favourable as those which Prince Leopold accepted
and declined ; and the loss of time will be the only
drawback on the success of these arduous negotia-
tions. More favourable terms, in one respect,
might have been obtained for the long-suffering
Greeks. The frontier proposed for them cannot be
defended by arms,—still less by argument. In the
protocol of March, 1829, we find that the north-
west boundary fixed for Greece was actually that—
and no other than that—for which her warmest ad-
vocates are at this hour contending. The first fron-
tier recommended by Russia was placed so far north
All the Macedonian mountains. The space so en-
closed was reduced by the protocol of March 22,
1829, to that contained within the mountain-line
which stretches from the Gulf of Volo to that of
Arta. So the limits of Greece remained, judging
at least by the official documents, until the protocol
of the 3d of February. The line front Arta to
Volo extended no more than 55 leagues (about
140 miles) ; but one point protected another—
the whole of Greece Proper was included in
it. The population was Greek to a man. Turkey
lost nothing but the means of annoying and
disturbing them with impunity; the friends of
Greece were satisfied, and her independence in
eared. But on the 3d of February, 1830, those
frontiers were thrown back, in detriment to Greece,
from the Gulf of Arta to the mouth of the Aspro-
potamos—from Mount Macron to Artolina—from
Mount Othryx to Mount CEta,—and from the en-
trance of the Gulf of Volo, to the mouth of the
Sperchius in that of Zeitouni. We regret that the
Allies did 'not reflect better on the consequences of
this change before it was adopted ; their unfeigned
and well-proved anxiety for the Greeks would other-
wise have counselled them to a more merciful dis-
pensation of territory. But though we regret that
this change cf frontier has been decided upon, and
would contend, re integ,M, for the boundary line
settled by the protocol of March, 1829, we are not
insensible to the difficulties, if not the impractica-
bility, of obtaining new terms at so advanced a
stage of the transaction as that which we have now
reached. With what face could we go to the Porte,
after she has frankly consented to the existing ar-
rangement, and say to her, " It is true that you
have behaved very handsomely in acquiescing in
all that was required of you—that you have
thrown no obstacles in the way of the com-
plete independence and total separation of
provinces so long your own—that we have
heard no murmur from your lips against an
arrangement which not only cuts off all hope of re-
covering your rebellious subjects, but strips you of
district. (such as the large and commodious island
of Eubcea), where insurrection was never altogether
successful, and where your supremacy is still main-
tained ; but never mind, you have not yet come to
the and of your sacrificer, which you make with do
good a grace that ire need scarcely apologize for
adding to them ? The Greeks, in whose especial fa-
vour they are made, complain that they fall short of
their just and reasonable expectations. Nay, they
even threaten to resist us, if we attempt to put our
resolutions in force. What are we to do ? can.
not turn a deaf ear to their menaces, for what can
be more natural than their wish for an extended
frontier? So really, good Turks, you must help us
out of the serape by ceiling to them another large
slice of your best and richest provinces. It is cer-
tainly ♦ery annoying, perhaps hardly quite fair, that
you should be at the expence of patching up mat-
ters between the Greeks and their benefactors, but
there is no help for you. We think the best thing
you can do is to give up Thessaly, without
making wry faces ; for if we hear a whisper
of hesitation, we shall take it from you without
scruple." It is difficult to say what answer the
Allies could expect to such a demand. Consent
could only be obtained from the weaker party by
inability to offer effectual resistance. A charge would
be established against the stronger of consulting
might more than right; and the confidence reposed
in the faith of treaties would be for ever annihilated.
Should, on the other hand, the Porte resist this new
mandate of the Allies, past conventions would be
void, and we should be placed in the awkward pre-
dicament of sending troops to expel from their
homes, not only in Acarnania, but in Eubcea and At-
tics, the Turks who have acquiesced in our arrange-
ment!, in order to bestow a premium on the contu-
macy of the Greeks. Such are a few of the diffi-
culties which present themselves to the re-opening
of the arrangement; but, putting the feelings of
both Greeks and Turks out of the question, and
looking upon it merely as a matter of expediency, it
may probably appear better for all parties—the
Allies, the combatants, and Europe at large—that
the affair shotdd be considered as closed, and that
no new discussions or dissensions should he per-
mitted to disturb the validity of an engagement for-
mally and solemnly concluded, and thus sow the
seeds of fresh troubles, or foster those already ex-
isting in the Levant, instead of carrying into effect
the professed object of all our efforts, namely, the
pacification of that part of the world.—Tinies.

The debate on the question of Reform on Friday
night was a curiosity in its way. ft seemed to be
taken for granted by the greater number of the
speakers, liberal as well as illiberal, that in any re-
form, the character of the House of Commons
should remain essentially the same as at present ;
that is to say, that a comparatively s►mall number
of individuals possessed relatively of considerable
property, bearing, however, b►et a small proportion
to the property of the nation, should command the
majority of votes in that assembly, and have the
power of taxing their fellow-citizens to any amount
for their separate benefit. The plan of Lord John
Russell leaves a majority of Members, with the mo-
tives to misgovern for the advantage of themselves
and their connections, untouched. To admit re-
presentatives for four or six, or even a dozen large
towns, would have little more effect on the House
than pouring a few drops of water into the sea.
When a merchant or manufacturer of any of these
towns is sufficiently wealthy to be no longer tinder
the necessity of attending personally to his business,
and to be able to afford to mingle with the Aristo,
emu, he finds no difficulty in obtaining a seat, by
purchase. No prudent man, in a country like this,
in which avarice reigns supreme, would ever think
of quitting Birmingham, or Manchester, or Glas-
gow, or Lteds, or any of the places named by Lord
John Russell, if these places returned Members,
except his circumstances were such as would enable
him to purchase a seat in the Borough-market. The
scheme of Lord John is therefore trifling and illu-

sorv, as far as regards the identification of the Par-
liament witn the interests. of the nation, by supp'v•
ing the majority of the Members with a motive for
checking the expenditure of Government, instead
)f stimulating the Government to profuse expen-
diture, as at present. We are not fastidious on the
subject of Reform ; but we conceive it essential to
any Reform at all deserving of the name, that those
who return the national Representatives should be
identified in interest with the nation. However,
the debate will deceive no one. Whenever the time
comes for the agitation of Reform in good earnest,
men will be obliged to take their stand for or against,
stud that trifling which so conspicuously marked a
number of the speeches on Friday night will be felt
to be out of place. Many worthy members who
cannot afford at present to keep a conscience will
find one at the proper season, when the time for
trifling is past. In this country, what is meant by
representation of the people may be typified by a
band of wolves and a number of flocks of sheep.
There must be a certain proportion between the
wolves and the sheep, otherwise, like the dogs let
loose among the goats in Juan Fernandez, they will
destroy themselves. If we could suppose wolves
endowed with reason, they would so far limit
themselves as to prevent the diminution of
the flocks. It is the interest of the Aris-
tocracy of this country that enough should be left
to the people to stimulate their industry; and a re-
presentation into which the popular element enters
is so far useful, that it serves as a guide, in that
grand secret of the art of governing, how much may
be taken without danger. The more wary of the
Aristocracy become protectors of the people when
they see the interests of their own body in danger
from a rapacity which exceeds all bounds of pru-
dence. A Parliamentary Representation is, there-
fore, of incalculable use to an Aristocracy. But it
cannot be too often repeated, that for a representa-
tion to be useful to an Aristocracy, the majority
must always be returned by that Aristocracy. It is
from having been deluded by the nonsense which
has been written about the British Constitution,
that foreign Goversiments have been precipitated
into the jaws of Democracy. The British Consti-
tution consists essentially in its rotten boroughs.—
There may be disputes among the proprietors of
boroughs about the shares of the common spoil they
ought to appropriate to themselves, but whenever
the interests of borough-holders in general is en.
dangered, either by a King or a people, they will
be united. Hence the stability of our Government
is based upon borough-mongering. This is well
understood by a %,riter in the newly-published num-
ber of the Quarterly Review for May, in an article
on the Political Condition and Prosperity of France.
The Reviewer's text is a recent publication of
NI. Cottu, recommending absolute power in France
to save them from the consequences of the Charter.
"M. Cottu," says the Reviewer, " points out with
great neatness and force how completely Montesquieu was in
error with respect to the British Constitution, when he
supposed the House of Commons to be essentially a repre-
sentative of the Democratical Branch of the State, instead
of being, as it is, and ought to be, a Representative of all
the different orders, the great preponderance being of
course given to that class which has the greatest wealth,
and consequently the greatest influence out of doors.
These principles, however, upon which the stability and
prosperity of this country mainly depend, have, according
to M. Cottu, been quite misunderstood in France" (he '
might have said in every country), " not only now but
upon every occasion when England has been taken as
their model He then describes the
manner in which his countrymen, while endeavouring to
copy the English House of Commons, formed a body re-
presenting almost exclusively the Democratical Branch of
State, and leaving the others almost entirely without in-
fluence. To show how little this is conformable to the
system in England, he gives a table, by which it is made
to appear that of the 658 Members of the House of Com-
mons, 298 are returned by the influence of the Peers ; 171
by wealthy Commoners ; and IS by the Crown ; while
only 171 are freely elected by the other interests of the
State. This table, in which the details of this statement
are given, is sot, indeed, correct ; but it is sufficiently
near the mark to establish his position ten times over."
A maxim quoted by the Reviewer from M. Cottu,
expresses, in a few words, the foundation of good
Government :

" In every community where we find privileges which
are established and recognised by the laws, the Government
of the country must belong essentially to the privileged
orders in question, provided these privileges are not to
be overturned."

Of course no one supposes that there can be such
a thingas good Government without the existence of
privileged orders. France is without the elements
of good Government—that is, she is without a
landed Aristocracy, without entails, without primo-
geniture, and without a rich Church, essential to the
permanency of an Aristocracy. She has, indeed,
her proportion of rich men, but then the ricli of
yesterday are not the rich of to-day, consequently
power cannot become the property of a certain
number of families, without which all good Govern-
ment is impossible. This is feelingly deplored by
M. Cottu.

" It was believed," he says, " at one time, fur instance,
that the evils cotnp!ained of in the Elective System arose
front the great proprietors not haring sufficient influence
on the returns ; and it was conceived that the desired har-
mony would be restored by giving a higher degree of in-
fluence to those persons who paid the most direct taxes.—
The reliance, however, which still subsists among the
lovers of good order, and most remarkably so in those who
profess the King's confidence, is one of the most fatal errors
that ever entered into a Statesman's head, and may ere
long lead to measures fraught with every mischief. The
fallacious hope alluded to rests upon a state of things,
which may perhaps exist at this moment, but which our
law of succession is rapidly destroying. Very possibly,
the majority of the greatest direct contributors to the Re-
venue in etch department, are now composed of families
closely allied to the Crown by their habits, their old re-
collections, and their rank and station ; and perhaps there
is some reason to hope, that this majority would send to
the Chamber of Deputies only persons well disposed, like
themselves, to the cause of Royalty. But by our ruinous
process of subdividing property, these very families must
soon inevitably dwindle into the class of minor contri-
butors, and have the mortification of seeing their places
occupied by new corners, whose riches hive been derived
from commerce. When this unavoidable change shall have
come about, the Crown can no longer reckon upon the at-
tachment of the persons in possession of the greatest pro-
perties, sod will have nothing to hope from that quarter.
It 'nay be urged that the interest of a
wealthy man of the description alluded to is merely that
there should be public tranquillity and security of property,
cod that he cares about nothing else. But this is not a
correct yiew. He cannot but wish that things should be
so arranged in the State that fortune, and fortune alone,
should be at the top of the tree. Consequently, lie will
be a secret enemy of pi ivileges established in favour of any
other order, and be animated by a restless desire to destroy
then). A revolution will have nothing terrible in it to his
eyes, if he can only persuade himself that it may be ef-
fected
without shocks, without resistance, and that it can
be managed without stirring up the populace to take a
share therein."
The Reviewer significantly adds, by way of com-
ment,
" On the other hand it is obviously impossible, as our
author distinctly shows, that the present Aristocracy could
be invested, as that of England is, with the nomination
of a preponderating proportion of the Chamber of Depu-
ties. Whey are neither numerous enough, nor are they
possessed of sufficient wealth and consequence in other
respects to entitle them to this privilege ; or if it were
plved in their hands, to enable them to exercise it bene-
ficially for the country at large."
Alas for France ! There is a tendency in the so-
ciety of that country to a medium between exces-
sive wealth and excessive poverty ; but a country,
to be in a sound state, must exhibit the extremes of
wealth and poverty. The Reviewer deplores its
wants, which are not likely to be WV) remedied.
" Our readers," lie an?s, " will, no doubt, anticipate
we allude principally to a Church k:fstablishment and to a
hereditary Aristocracy—neither of which, unfortunately,
France now possesses, or, we fear, is likely to acquire is
our time. In order to render an Aristocracy useful as a
safeguard to freedom—as a bulwark alike for the Crown
against the people, and for the people against the Crown,
it must contain in its essence something which shall com-
mand the solid and lasting respect of both. It must be
sespected by the Crown from its independence, and its wide-
spread influence amongst the people ; and it must be
looked bp to by the people, from its antiquity, its wealth,
its permanency, as derived from the law of primogeniture,

le practice of entails, and the (lest eat of hereditary ho-
nours There is a second grand desi-
deratum towards the construction of a firm and tho-
roughly free Constitution, which the French seem to be
as little in the way of providing for themselves as they are
in the case of an Aristocracy. We allude to a wealthy,
powerful, highly-educated, and ♦irtuous Church Establish-
!neat, in joint alliance with the State and with the
people."
Borough-mongerhig and tithes are indispensible
to good government ; nay, they are essential to
virtue; the French are without an Aristocracy, and
do net respect priests, consequently they are with-
out virtue, without those principles " which are
universally diffused over this country, and kept alive
by a numerous resident Clergy, intimately allied by
the domestic affections, as well as other worldly in-
terests, to the community, and contribute perhaps
more than anything else to the prevalence of that
hearty good faith in one another, which, after all,
forms the cement of English society, and enables
this country in moments of trial to take the lead,
and to keep it among all the nations of the world."
Happy, moral, religious England T. The Reviewer
does not hesitate to recommend steel lozenges for
the disease of our Gallician neighbours.

" We trust we have said enough," he observes, " to
skow that there is only one course of measures by which
good order can be preserved ; and however repugnant it
may be to our English tastes, the necessity of the case re-
quires that we should not shrink from the trial, but be
prepared to witness, as the less grievous of two evils, the
temporary re-establishment of a tolerably absolute authority
on the part of the Crown of France."
This article is followed by another, in which we
have a detailed description of the happiness we
have under our admirable Constitution :

" In every country," says the Reviewer, " the great
majority of its inhabitants is composed of the labouring
class, the hewers of wood and the drawers of water, of the
men whose daily bread is earned by the sweat of their
brow, and whose condition, he it good or bad, happy or
miserable, must always form the first and most important
consideration in every estimate that may be drawn of that
country's social position. Tried by that test, how stands
the British empire at present? We may be admired and
respected as a State by other Powers ; we may cover the
ocean with our vessels of commerce, and our spacious har-
bours with those of war ; we may be acknowledged as at
the head of civilization, in science, in literature, in the
arts; the produce of our industry, and the aggregate of
our wealth, may exceed all that imagination yet conceived
as possib'e ; but if that wealth is so ill distributed, that
the mass of our population receive but an inadequate
share of what their labour has produced ; if they are con-
demned to toil, ill-requited, in hopeless indigence, or are
barely preserved from famishing, by a surly and extorted
charity, there is more matter in such a condition for re-
gret than pride—fur dismay than exultation
With the extreme of riches in the higher classes—the
fortunes of many private individuals surpissing the average
revenues of Continental Sovereigns—it is certain that the
great bulk of the people—the operative classes, manufac-
turing as well as agricultural, receive but a very small
share of the produce of their industry, are constantly in
a precarious, often in a most miserable condition, scarcely
able to maintain themselves on their scanty wages when
in empl.lment, and frequently driven, for want of this,
to the lamentable resources of pauperism, mendicancy, or
crime."

Now, let us bear the description of the people under
the wretched Government of France, which the
Reviewer quotes from M. Cottu

" In no former times have the laws been better executed,
or the people more happy—the taxes more readily paid—
provisions more abundant—commerce more free."

But when we speak of Constitutions, the last
consideration is the happiness of the people. The
object of a good Constitution is to enable 2,000
families to wallow in wealth drawn by excessive
taxation from twenty millions of people. In short,
a bad Constitution is that in which the people are
generally happy; and a good Constitution is that in
which the great body of the people are as miserable,
poor, and thievish, as is compatible with the comfort
of the small numbers whose business it is to keep
them poor and miserable and thievish. Virtue
means respect for the higher orders, and a Pharu-
saical and affected regard for what they say is right ;
and religion is a rich establishment, in which all the
good livings are shared by the Aristocracy, arid the
working Clergy have sd. a day more than an Irish
labourer in the London market.—Morning Chron.
England has intermeddled in the affairs of Greece
in a manner that neither redounds to the advantage
of the Greeks nor to her own honour. Her situ-
ation at present proves how little wisdom is to be
found where the tuts of a cunning and tricky diplo-
macy are practised. What are the fruits of years of
negotiation, in which she and her new friends have
been engaged, relative to the revolutionized pro-
vinces of her ancient Ally Volumes of letters and
protocols—the memorials of political weakness and
diplomatic mystification. As to the settlement of
Greece—the" great object which has caused the
waste of so much paper, and the shedding of so
much ink—it appears as far off as ever ! It is true
the Ministerial Papers attribute all the blame of this
" most lame and impotent conclusion" to Prince
Leopold—they say he is destitute of the qualities
that would befit him for the high station which
the Allies called upon him to occupy ;—they have
discovered that he wants firmness, intrepidity, de-
cision, and dignity of purpose. Alas for the pe-
netration of the Allies, who could have chosen so
incompetent a person for the " new and glorious
sovereignty" of Greece! Sagacious politicians must
they have been who first selected a man for this
great trust, and then found out that he was utterly
unfit for it ! And when did they make this disco-
very of Prince Leopold's want of the talent and
energy requisite to promote the happiness and
maintain the independence of Greece Not until
he had himself declined the honour intended for
him—up to that event his abilities, his disposition,
his character, were excellent—and the Greeks were
called upon to express their gratitude for so judicious
an appointment. But no sooner did he refuse to
allow himself to be forced upon an unwilling
people under circumstances that, instead of esta-
blishing their independence, must be subversive of
their liberties, than the excellence of this Sovereign
Elect became a mass of blemishes in the eyes of
those who had fixed upon him as the chosen instru-
ment of the regeneration of Greece. So much for
the judgment which, on their own showing, the
Allies have exercised in this manner. But, indeed,
had Prince Leopold proceeded to take possession of
the throne of Greece, after finally as,:ertaining that
the limitation of her territory was to be persevered
in, to the great discontent of her people, and the en-
dangering of her independence, he would be more
destitute of right feeling and of common sense than
the sycophants of chagrined statesmen and disap-
pointed diplomatists represent him to he. We
have never approved of our Government entangling
itself with the internal affairs of other nations.—
The conflict between Greece and Turkey ought
to have been settled between themselves. We
had no more right to intermeddle in the quarrel
than Turkey would have had to interfere between us li
and our Indian dependencies, if the latter were in a
state of resistance to our dominion ; but, having in
terfered, we should have done so effectually—having
violated the law of nations as regarded Turkey, we
ought to have taken care so to befriend Greece,
that her situation as an independent State might be
so strong as to prevent the Ottoman Power from
entertaining any hope of her future subjugation. But
this is exactly what we did not do. We and our
Allies claimed credit for giving " independence" to
Greece, but so narrowed her territories as to cut ofdl
the best means of rendering her frontier defensible,
and thus would have exposed her to other, arid
perhaps more sanguinary and disastrous wars
than that from which she has just emerged. With
a British Prince upon the throne, whose territory
was guaranteed, we should be under the necessity
of taking a part in such wars, unless we saved our-
selves from the calamity at the expence of our
plighted faith ! Is this a position for cool arid cal-
culating Statesmen to place this country in, burdened
and borne down to the earth as she is at present by
the weight of taxes levied upon her to pay the into-
rest of an enormous accumulation of debt arising out
of long and destructive wars, undertaken from a
Spirit of wanton arid ambitious interference with the

internal concerns of 'an independent nation ?
As to the incapacity of Greece withiq the
proposed limits to maintain herself long ta
a separate State, every unprejudiced per-
son must be convinced of the fact who
knows that the arrangement of the Allies would
exclude a considerable portion of Etolia and the
whole of Acarnania. On this subject we quite
agree with General Church, a man whose military
experience in the country for which he has fought
gives peculiar weight to his opinion. What does
to say in his pamphlet on this subject ? Thai the
Allies, " instead of giving Greece a frontier are
about to take one from her, and to place Turks in
all those military positions from whence they render
if but little avail the Thermopylae, Missolonghi,
and Lepanto; for, if the Turks are masters of Pa-
tragik, Curpensisi, and Vrachori, I will leave it to
the decision of any inilitary man who knows the
country if they cannot with ease turn the position
of the Thermopylae, and descend from Vrachori
Vlochos to Lepanto and Salona, without troubling
themselves about Missolonghi." And again, "If
this supposed line of frontier is to be given to
Greece, she will be left without a single port be-
yond the Gulf of Lepanto, as Missolonghi has no
port, and the ports of Dioni, Dragomestre, Mitica,
and various others, are on the other side of the As-
propotamos or Achelous, can any person pretend
that the Aspropotamos can form a defensible fron-
tier—a river that can be walked through in nearly
every part for at least eight months in the year ?"
We repeat our opinion, that, with such a frontier,
and deprived of Candia and the other islands, the
independence, which the Allies boast of having
given to Greece, is but the mockery of freedom—a
shadowy independence which provokes aggression.
A league, offensive and defensive, with a State so
circumstanced—a State just emerged from slavery,
only to be pounced upon again by its ancient mas-
ters—must have eventually involved us, not only in
a war with Turkey, but embroiled us, perhaps, with
other Continental States. From this we have been
saved by the determination of Prince Leopold; and
we rejoice that the petty, weak, and vacillating po-
licy of our Government has been baffled by his
firmness and discretion.—lllorning Herald.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.