The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-19 00:00:00

meet him fairly on the question and discuss it with
him. According to the best of his recollection the orders
were not applicable to Candia ; and he begged the Noble
Lord to recollect, that when he spoke of what had oc•
cline(' in Candi t, it was fin• him to show that the state
of that country was now what the Morea had been for-
merly.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH.—It was a mere supposition
that the Porte intended to remove the who!e population;
and he had every' reason to believe it was wholly false.
Lord HOLLAND wished to know whether many per-
sons had not been released under the orders of Admiral
Cochington : and whether among those relieved there were
net many Candiotes?
Lord ELLENBOROUGH.—It was impossible for him
to say whether there were Candiotes or not among the
number ; but it should be observed that there was a great
difference between pi isoners of war only and a whole po-
pulation ; rep arts on this head varied considerably ; but
he could tell the Noble Lord for his consolation, that when
those who were alleged to be Greek slaves were offered the
choice of going with their masters to Egypt or remaining
with their relations in Greece, almost all of them chose
the former alternative.—(Hear.)

Viscou❑t GODERlClE—Therefore there was no blame
to any one who did not prevent their being bent these.

PORTUGAL.

Viscount MELBOURNE moved that that part of his
Majesty's Speech which referred to Portugal -should be
read.

The Clerk of the House read it to the following effect :
" His Majesty laments that he is unable to announce to
you the prospect of a reconciliation between the Princes of
the House of Braganza.
" His Majesty has not yet deemed it expedient to re-
establish his Majesty's diplomatic relations with the king-
dom of Portugal ; but the embarrassments arising from
the continued interruption of those relations increase his
Majesty's desire to effect the termination of so serious an
evil."

Viscount MELBOURNE—Yeur Lordships having
heard that portion of the Speech; perceiving from it
s hat little hopes his Majesty entertained of bringing those
negociations to a close on the sth of February, 1829, and
that he even appeared still less sanguine at the dose of
the last Session of Parliament—knowing the great incon-
venience which arises to this country from the discontinu-
ance of our connexion with Portugal—and my Noble
Friend, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, having stated
on the first night of the Session that he looked upon the
question of the recognition of that country as one of time,
and as such it was not his intention to give any
ioforination on the subject until the recognition should
take place; I have felt it to be my duty (seeing
that it is a question which compromises the good
faith and honour of this country) to try and induce
your Lordships to consent to call for such information
as shall throw the fullest light upon the whole case, and
shall enable you fully to judge, whether tiro interests of
the country have had that attention shown to them which
they so eminently require ; and whether every thing has
been done to maintain that honour and fidelity which
ought to be held most sacred.—( Hear, hear.)—The short
statement of the case is this :—The Emperor of Brazil,
wishing to separate that country from Portugal, chose to
accompany that separation wilt the establishment of a
Constitution in the latter. For this purpose he took the
advice of Sir C. Stuart, now Lord Stuart de Rothesay,
who was then at the port of Brazil as Ambassador from
this country ; and of that Constitution Sir C. Stuart was
the bearer to Europe. The adoption of this Constitution
was recommended—cautiously and with certain limitations
recommended—by Mr. Canning, who at that time filled
the office now held by my Noble Friend (the Earl of
Aberdeen), and a direct interference of Sir C. Stuart
took place at Lisbon for the purpose of inducing the ac-
ceptance of the Constitution. Under these circumstances,
it was accepted, and it became the Constitution of Portu-
gal, which Don Miguel again and again pledged himself
to support in the presence of our Ambassador.—(Hear,
hear.)—The result of the whole has been, that the
Constitution has been entirely overturned, and Don
Miguel has usurped the Throne in the teeth of all
his promises, and in direct violation of all his en-
gagements.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Nor is this all ; these
acts have been made worse by driving large bodies of
theinhabitants from their homes—depriving them of their
property, exposing them to the hardships of pestilential
climates, ending with the death or some other personal
sacrifice of all those who had given their support to a Con-
stitution recommended, sanctioned, and carried thither by
Great Britain. This, my Lords, is the short state of the
case ; and I now ask your Lordships whether we have not
a right to ask the Ministry for a full urplanation of the cir-
cumstances that have led to this conclusion ; and whether
we ought not to make a rigorous and entire inquiry into
all the facts connected with it. men
have suffered in this way for their adherence to that Con-
stitution which was so brought by Sir C. Stuart, which
was so received by the Government of this country, which
was so adopted in Lisbon by the actual interference of his
Majesty's Representative, and which was supported by the
continuance of a British army in that country long after
the expiration if the occasion for which it had first been
sent there.—(Hear, hear.)—lt is admitted in the Speech
that this state of things has given rise to embarrassments
which have become serious ; but these are nothing to the
embarrassments which arise out of our peculiar relations
in this instance. Do your Lordships think that we can
ever again stand in the same situation with Portugal that
we have hitherto done.—(Hear, hear.)—l know not whe-
ther the course we adopted in the first instance relative to
the Constitution be right or wrong ; but this I know, that
what we then did ought not to have been broken through.
To what party in Portugal are we hereafter to look? Is
it to the party of Don Miguel whom you have offended in
the most active degree, or to the other party, whose con-
fidence you have abused, and whom you have left to suffer
every evil and hardship? It is evident to me that by this
conduct we have thrown Portugal into the arms of some
Foreign Power, and this observation has been already
made in the House-1 forget whether by the Noble Duke
(Duke of 'Wellington) ; at all events we have thrown that
country away, and broken the connection which has so
long existed between the two kingdoms. Our commer-
cial relations certainly may continue, but those more inti-
mate relations—that mutual friendship, are dissolved for
ever.—(Hear, hear.)—But, if this question affects the
interests of the country, still more gravely does it affect
its honour; and on this subject I must confess that I feel
more than usually sensitive ; for, in looking back to his-
tory, I do not think that it appears that fidelity, or good
faith to foreign kingdoms, has been the distinguishing
virtue of this country—nor that it is that portion of our
annals to which we can look back with the greatest satis-
faction. On this head the whole course of our history
presents a series of abandonments ; witness the
abandonment of the French Protestants by Charles I.
—the abandonment of Holland by Ovules ll.
the abandonment of the great alliance of Europe by the
Treaty of Utrecht—the abandonment of the Emperor,
when Alsace and Lorraine were wrested from him—
and the abandonment of Prussia in the peace of 1763.
All these were circumstances which should make us
anxious to preserve our good faith now, without the pos-
sibility of contravention. • 1 know that it may be said, that
what I am saying leads to an adoption of that meddling of
policy which my Noble Friend (Earl of Aberdeen) has al-
ways condemned. But he must he well aware that such
a course cannot he strictly adopted with respect to a coun-
try that has relations, connections, arid colonies, in all parts
of the globe. England is the first commercial and manu-
facturing country in the world; and my Noble Friend
does not need to be told that non-interference is a policy
which, under these circumstances, we are unable to pursue.
For myself, I am the last man to make any observations
on the part which has been taken in public affairs by so
humble an individual as myself; nor should I do so now,
but that it is necessary for the purpose of strengthening
my present argument. We well know, that since the
conclusion of the great war with France, a disposition
has appeared among many nations of Europe to get rid of
the abuses under which they had heretofore laboured,
and to obtain a share in the administration of their
own affairs. This disposition sufficiently showed itself
in the revolutions of Spain, Portugal, and Naples, all
of which were crushed by the interference of foreign
Powers. At that time there were individuals who Mt
strongly for the situation of those countries ; and who
by speeches, meetings, and subscriptions—and even by
the levying of troops and ships, did their best towards
assisting the exertions that were making. Of this con-
duct I always disapproved, for I looked upon it as coin-
promising the honour of this country, besides giving no-
tions (which would not be fulfilled) to other nations that