The Sun.
London, England, 1837-05-26 00:00:00

LITERATURE.

ADVENTURES OF CAPTAIN BONNEVILLE.
BY WASHINGTON .r.nr.riva. IN 3 ►'OLS.
Bentley, London, 1837.

Those who have read " Washington Irving's
Astoria,"—and who have not ?—can form some con-
ception of the vivid scenes among the Rocky Moun •
tains of the Far West, so delightfully sketched in the
•‘ Adventures of Captain Bonneville," of the United
States Army. A more stirringly interesting work has
not issued from the press for many months. Captain
Bonneville, whose wanderings in regions as yet un-
known, even by fame to some of the inhabitants of the
old world, are so graphically sketched by the author of
" Astoria," in these volumes—left New York in 1831,
on an expedition, intended to combine profit with the
gratification of a laudable curiosity, and did not re-
turn for three years—long after his friends had con-
cluded him dead. He set out for the Rocky IVloun-

tains as a trapper and trader in peltries, but his gene-
rous disposition, and the opposition he met with from
the agents of the American Fur Companies in his

intercourse with the Indians, were insurmountable ob-
stacles in the way of his realizing a fortune. However,
he satisfied his curiosity; carefully collected what in-
formation fell within his reach ; and supplied Wash-
ington Irving with materials for a work, unsurpassed in
deep interest in the wildest creations of the fancy. We
know of no production from which such a mass of infor-
mation may be drawn relative to the domestic, warlike,
and predatory habits of the various tribes of red In-
dians, inhabiting, or rather migrating over, the track-
less steppes extending westward from the Rocky Moun-
tains. The following, extract from them will give the
reader some idea of a savage's notions of generosity
Although the travellers had banqueted on roots, and been
regaled with tobacco smoke, yet, their stomachs craved more
generous fare. In approaching the lodges of tha Nez Perces,
they bad indulged in fond anticipations of venison and dried
salmon : and dreams of the kind still haunted their imagina-
tions, and could not be conjured down. The keen appetites
of mountain trappers, quickened by a fortnight's fasting, at
length gat the better of all scruples of pride, and they fairly
begged some fish or flesh from the hospitable savages. The
latter, however, were slow to break in upon their a inter store,
which was very limited : but were ready to furnish roots in
abundance, which they pronounced excellent food.
At length, Captain Bonneville thought of a means of attain-
ing the much coveted gratification.
Ile had about him, he says, a trusty plaid; an old and va-
lued travelling companion and comforter; upon which the
rains had descended, and the snows and winds beaten, without
further effect than somewhat to tarnish its primitive lus:rc.
This coat of many colours had excited the admiration, and in-
flamed the covetousness of both warriors and squaws, to an ex-
travagant degree. An idea now occurred to Captain Bonne-
ville, to convert this rainbow garment into the savoury viands
so much desired. There was a momentary struggle in his
mind, between old associations and projected indulgence; and
his decision in favour of the latter was made, he says, with a
greater promptness, perhaps, than true taste and sentiment
might have. required.
In a few moments, his plaid cloak was cut into numerous
strips. " Of these," continues he, " with the newly developed
talent of a man-milliner, I speedily constructed turbans a Li
Turgne, and fanciful head-gears of divers conformations.
These,. judiciously distributed among such of the women kin(l
as seemed of most consequence and interest in the eyes of th,
patres conscripti, brought us, in a little while, abundance it
tilled salmon and deer's hearts; on which we made a sump.
tuous supper. AnOther, and a more satisfactory snicke, sue.
ceeded this repast ; and sweet slumbers answering the peace-
ful invocation of our pipes, wrapped us in that delicious rest,
which is only won by toil and travail."
As to Captain Bonneville, he slept in the lodge of the vener-
able patriarch, who had evidently conceived a most disintc-
xested.sffection for him ; as was shown on the following morning.
The travellers, invigorated by a good supper, and " fresh
from the bath of repose," were about to resume their journey,
when this affectionate old chief took the captain aside, to let
him know how much he loved him. As a proof of his regard,
he had determined to give him a fine horse ; which would gu
further than words, and put his good-will beyond all question.
So saying, he made a signal, and forthwith a beautiful youni,
horse, of a brown colour, was led prancing and snorting, to the
place. Captain Bonneville was suitably affected by this mark
of friendship ; but his experience in what is proverbially called
" Indian giving," made him aware that a parting pledge was
necessary on his own part, to prove that this friendship was
reciprocated. He accordingly placed a handsome rifle in the
hands of the venerable chief ; whose benevolent heart was evi-
dently touched and gratified by this outward and visible sign
of amity.

The -worthy captain having now, as he thought, balanced
this little account of friendship, was about to shift his saddle
to this noble gift-horse when the affectionate patriarch plucked
him by the sleeve and introduced to him a whimpering whin-
ing, leathern-skinned old squaw, that might have passed for
an Egyptian mummy, without drying.
" This," said he, "is my wife; she is a good wife—l love
her very much.—She loves the horse—she loves him a great
deal—she will cry very much at losing him.—l do not know
how I shall comfort her—and that makes my heart very sore."
What could the worthy captain do, to console the tender-
hearted old squaw ; and, peradventure, to save the venerable
patriarch from a curtain lecture? He bethought himself of
pair of earbobs :it was true, the patriarch's better-half was or
an age and appearance that seemed to put personal vanity out
of the question : but when is personal vanity extinct ? The
moment he produced the glittering earbobs, the whimpering
and %shining of the sempiternal beldame was at an end. She
eag,crly placed the precious baubles in her ears, and, though
as ugly as the Witch of Endor, went off with a sideling gait.
and coquettish air, as though she had been a perfect Semiramis_
The captain had now saddled his newly acquired steed, and
his foot was in the stirrup, when the affectionate patriarchs
again stepped forward, and presented to him a young Pierced-
nose, who had a peculiarly sulky look.

" This," said the venerable chief, " is my son; he is very
good; a great horseman—he always took care of this eery
tine horse—he brought him up from a colt, and made him
what he is.—fle is very fond of this fine horse—he loves him
like a brother—his heart will be very heavy when this fine
horse leaves the camp."
What could the captain do, to reward the youthful hope of
this venerable pair, and comfort him for the loss of his for ter-
brother, the horse? He bethought him of a hatchet, w;Aicli
might be spared from his slender stores. No sooner did bit
place the implement in the hands of young hopeful, than his
countenance brightened up, and he went off rejoicing in his
hatchet, to the full as much as did his respectable mother lit
her earbobs.

The captain was now in the saddle, and about to start, W!-,en
the affectionate old patriarch stepped forward for the ti iird
time, arid, while he laid one hand gently on the mane of he
horse, held up the rifle in the other.
" This rifle," said he, " shall be my great medicine. I
will hug it to my heart—l will always love it, for the saki-- of
my good friend, the bald-headed chief.--But a rifle, by its elf,
is dumb—l cannot make it speak. If I had a little powder
and ball, I would take it out with me, ar.d would now and then
shoot a deer : and when I brought the meat home to my he n-
gry family, I Would say—this was killed by the rifle of -my
friend, the bald-headed chief, to whom I gave that very :fine
horse."

There was no resisting this appeal : the captain, forthwith,
furnished the coveted supply of powder and ball ; but at the
same time, put spurs 'to his very fine gift-horse,And the first
trial of his speed was to get out of all further manifestation of
friendship, on the part of the affectionate old patriarch and laic
insinuating family.

EPSOM 11 ACES.—THE PROPHECY VERIFIEIA
THE CRACK BEATEN..--Bell's Life in London and Sporti, tg
Chronicle of Sunday last, contained the following prophet is
lines, by " Yates :"
" 'Tis over—the trick fur the thousands is done—
George Edwards, on Phosphorus, the Derby has won 1"
And on Sunday next the same paper will contain full and i m-
portant particulars of the races, from exclusive sources ; to-
gether with a vast variety of sporting information ; compri sing
every event of the week, and to be found only in Bell's .Lye
in London. Price Fivepence.—Office, 170,. Strand; ssn, Ito
be had, if previously ordered, of all news-agents.
During the whole of full four months that • the
price of Wheat has been falling, that of Bread has not b ren
altered.

In Mr. Gilpin's work on Forest Scenery, there is
an account of oak trees in the New Forest which had ma: rki;
of existing before the Conquest ; and Mr. M' William in I tis
Essay on the Dry Rot goes still further. He says that nu sy
'revs might be mentioned in this and other countries vrlL.'t
bear sufficient testimony of their being far above a thousar
ears old; and he gives reasons for believing, that sevc
tea now exist, more than three thousand years old I

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Tories are rampant, as might be expected, on

their minority of five. To them a party and a mo-
mentary triumph (their happiest triumphs now never
mount higher than defeats) has always been the wisest
and noblest object of a vote. Their prescience never
extends further than the night—it is lucky for them
that it does not. Poor Mr. Goulburn, how much

longer will his pillow be feverish and his slumbers
broken'! He cannot sleep until the question of Church-
* rates is settled. What a blessing it is to labour for
one's ease and comfort ! How much nearer has he
brought himself by Tuesday night's proceedings to the
moment of repose And thus it has ever been.
The Tories, and this is remarkable, have always
lost less than they anticipated by being defeated.
The Reform Bill was carried in spite of them ;
but the very song of triumph which they are now
singing proves that Bill to have been calculated as
it was, professed to be, not for the extermina-
tion of any party in the country, but for repre-
senting the country as it is—with all its passions,
all its prejudices, and all its parties. The Tories
have always lost less than they anticipated by being
defeated, but they have perpetually lost all they wished
to preserve by being successful. Not a calamity ever
befell them but can be traced to some stupid bonne
fortune. Even the tithe question in Ireland was
settled three years ago had they not blundered into a
victory. Just so now ; what will become of Church-
rates, which the vote of Tuesday, remember, was in-
sended to save ? Yes ; if that vote be what it is
called—a triumph—they will be saved ; but not to the
Church I they will be saved to the rate-payers, who,
as sure as we are writing, will not pay them, and who
—we need not again enter into the recondite recesses
of the law to discover what may or may not be its pre-
cepts—cannot (this every one acknowledges) be prac-
tically forced to do so. Well, then, how, we should
like to know, will the Church profit ? It will have
repudiated the attempt of conciliating the Dissen-
tcis, and it has no available arms with which to
fight them ; it will have scorned to resign by a
treaty of peace what it compels itself to lose in a dis-
graceful battle. And the Tories, as a party, what will
they gain ? Hitherto they have had the opportu-
nity of cajoling by evasive promises the formidable body
they have now excited and insulted. We need not re-
ft r our readers to Lord John Russell's reminiscences
of Sir Robert Peel's declarations. Sir Robert (the
memory shortens with years) had forgotten them. It
was easy at that time to talk (with no test about to be
applied to him) of a desire to satisfy the scruples of
conscience, of the justice that- ought to be done to the
Dissenters, and. the advantages that might be conferred
upon the landed proprietors by a repeal of the Church-
rates. Some, no doubt, believed him, and helped to
swell the minority which is now exulting at their credu-
tv. But the trick cannot be played over again. There
een he no more angling with ambiguous words ; the
bat. is gone—the hook is detected. The only plan
evr yet proposed satisfactory to the Dissenters has
b-en scouted by Sir Robert Peel and Sir Robert
Peel's adherents. Between the Disk: tors and the
Right Honourable Baronet, then, there is now a
c:ear and positive understanding : they know he is
their enemy—he knows that they are his oppo-
neets. In the meantime, the alternative that the
S!anda7d has presented, viz., that the Bill must be
nloned or the Government go out, is, whatever
cour.A.! the Ministers may adopt, ridiculous enough.
So eood is the measure, and so certain, if allowed time,
to vanquish the lordly lies and saintly absurdities pro-
pactated against it, that we should have no fear, were
it laid by till next Session, but that, as far as the House
of Commons were concerned, it would then receive full
though tardy justice ; but if this course were now or at
oeie future stage adopted, with the concurrence of the
D:3senters, God knows it would be from no fear of
that awful event to which the Standard refers. The
stundard itself well knows that another division, if
a (~w votes more or less were an object of glorifKation,,
would lie rather to be sought than shunned. But were
it otherwise, what then ? The Bill wouhl be lost.
Tnat, indeed, as the Church will find, is a calamity
(Lei :nit to deplore sufficiently. But as to the Mi-
eiciry going out in such a case, unless they took the
S!andard into their councils, there is little fear of
coat. A Ministry goes out when left in a mi-
t o..:ty on some question, which argues that it
will be left in a minority upon all. In the Cliurch-
nite question are mixed up a thousand private and lo-
cal interests, which prevent it from being a public
(pieition of that description. Some of the best friends
of the Government arc either in themselves or in those
they represent interested in Church leases.• Their vote
here is anything,kut a test of their vote on almost any
0,11.21- conceivable matter of State policy. No, the
only reason for postponing the Bill, were it judged
advisable to postpone it, would be the time of the
House. 4f, indeed, it appeared that no practical re-
sult could possibly follow the present continued discus-
sion, and that the Dissenters echoed, as if it were evi-
dent they would echo, this opinion, then labouring, as
thu House does under a weary load of business, the
greater part of which must be completed, the mere de-
sire to answer Tory bravadoes would not be sufficient
justification for the sacrifice of public business it might
require. But, whatever now happens, the Tories, they
may depend upon it, will not be gainers by what has
iienpened; and were this all we might have the con-
ra Je to comfort ourselves. But to see the Church
fishing blindfold into the only course that can threaten
it with peril—to see that Church, which was and
night to be the people's Church, linking itself every
d iy more closely with the people's foes, defyine. the
Log_ish Dissenter, insulting the Irish Catholic, be-
coming in itself the party watchword of an unpopular
and hateful cause—this, we confess, to us who wish
well to the Church, and only less well than we do to
the nation, is a subject on which comfort is with more
chillenity to he found. But, alas ! for the Church's
_ •
cha:npions, they have one unfortunate and quixotic
fancy. Knowing their own attributes, they mistake
their own powers ; and will persist, like Mr. Trevor,
iu thiliking it is theirs
To rob the ancient geese of all their glories,
And cackling save the Monarchy of Tories. •
Morning Chronicle.
It will soon, we think, begin to be suspected by the
p diticai Dissenters themselves, that they do not con-
!etute the " people of England," any more than Mr.
Daniel. O'Connell is now, after 20 years of laborious
mystification, supposed to comprehend within his own
r-rson the whole " people of Ireland." The first re-
mark made by Sir Robert Peel on Tuesday last must
have been wormwood to the self-importance of some
of those; vain and turbulent persons, who, being them-
selves s.mong the least tolerant of the human race, are
perpetually exclaiming against the grievousness of
certain. " hardships," which, though suffered by their
forefathers for four or five centuries, had never by them
been deemed any hardships at all. The political
asseaters having attempted to raise a democratic
outcry- against the continuance, for the benefit of the
listabsshed Church, of an impost upon the landed
property of the realm, which had endured for many
ages, the honest and high-minded Ministers of the
King, moved by a more than religious alarm fur the
conseltience to their own temporary power of turning
a dee: ear to the said sectarian outcry, brought in
a measure which was thus characterised by Sir R.
Peel. Speaking of Church-rates, the Right Hon.
Baronet said, that " for many centuries personal and
landed: property (the latter especially, for the last 300
or 40i) years) had been subject to this contribution.
Nine-etenths of the landed property are in possession
of tubise holding communion with the Church of
Engi ; and it was proposed to relieve their estates
from t:,,ee contribution, to gratify those who owned the
remaining tenth." This is, in one respect, a fair view
of the ;Ministerial project, in so far as concerns the
proplireit el of Church-rate paid by Churchmen and
that wink h is levied on Dissenters ; but there is another
eansid,wion here left out, although glanced at signi-
ticantly- in a subsequent passage of the saute beantifnily
reason al speech. Church-rates (as well as tithes) were
i:ayab.c for years before dissent was ever heard of, and
it is obrvious that if the plea of Ministers be valid, and
int;ia be excused from his immemorial contribution
to :in object recognized by law to be a national one,
hecau se of his choosing to profess opinions different
from teilie doctrines of the Established Church, the result
tau t bt, a bounty upon the encouragement of sectarian

crotchets, and a temptation in the path of mercenary
and loose-principled men to get up simulated scruples
of conscience, which they may be sure of turning to
account, in the shape of a release from the payment of
so much money. " On the principle of this measure,"
says Sir Robert Peel, " a person having purchased
property, subject to these charges, may be guilty of a
dishonest trick, affect conscientious scruples, and refuse
to pay." And what must be the conscience, or the face
of Ministers, to propose a robbery of the Church like this,
in the teeth of their own recorded declarations I " Five
of them" had signed the report of the Church Com-
missioners, " stating that such destitution existed that
there were not. funds enough to supply a number of
Churches" adequate to the wants of the population.
Yet it is from this destitution that funds are to be ex-
torted, and the rightful owner robbed that the defaul-
ter may be gratified. After a notable immolation of
Mr. Sheil—Mr. Sapper Sheil—who with pickaxe and
shovel had been making puny efforts to undermine the
noble pillar of Sir F. Burdett's popularity, Sir Robert
Peel affirmed the absence of all precedent in history
for interfering with the acknowledged property of the
Church—any precedent indeed, but in the history of
the Irish Church, which furnished an example within
these four or five years of making Bishops annuitants
on Commissioners appointed by the Crown, but which
case the Whig Ministers themselves declared to be
" a peculiar one, not establishing any rule for this
cowry." Nor is the conduct of Ministers less
grossly inconsistent with the general principles of
Lord Althorp, in favour of the support of a Church
Establishment by the nation, than with their own
much specific pledge, relating to the above treat-
ment of the Irish Bishops. It must be remem-
bered, that Lord Althorp was the organ of a
Ministry of which Lord John Russell formed a part,
when he made the following avowal of what we must
suppose to be their common sentiments on the subject
of maintaining the fabrics of the Church, which they
now insist on upholding by a revenue filched from the
Bishops d Chapters. In referring to the topics
raised, by the Dissenting interest on the 21st of April,
1834, Lord Althorp spoke thus—" The principal
argument used this evening is that no contribution
ought to be made by the State out of the public funds
for the purpose of maintaining the fabrics of the Church.
I entirely agree with the Right Honourable Gentle-
man.
(Mr. Wynn) that it is the absolute duty of the
State to provide the means of public religious in-
struction for the poorer classes of the community."
It is, then, with such recollections vivid in the mind
of every man, that Lord John Russell now comes
forward, and insists on a measure which not only Lord
Althorp in his name, but which he himself since the
peliod of Lord Althorp's pledge to Parliament, had
distinctly and solemnly reprobated, avowing that he
adhered to the sentiments delivered by Lord Althorp.
It is for their conscientious opposition to this same
measure, or at least to the principle which it embodies,
and from which opposition they have never for a•mo-
ment deviated, that the Conservatives in and out of
Parliament are vilified through all the forms of gross
and scurrilous rancour, because they have steadfastly
maintained and acted on a doctrine which the Whig-
Radical Ministers have afmndoned,—naincly, that of
supporting the sacred edifices of England from the
landed property of the nation at large. '' In what,"
cries Mr. Pickaxe and Shovel Shad, " in what are
we changed," that you, Sir F. Burdett, should now
oppose, when in 1534 you helped us? We answer
for Sr F. Burdett, that beyond all question the
Roman Ca:hoiics are not intrinsically changed—that
they and their religion are alike immutable. But this
we can tell them, that the colours under.which they
fight are signally and revoltingly changed—that they
wore masks at that time, which they have since flung
away—that in 1834 they had not proclaimed, at every
meeting and in every point, their determination to em-
ploy each successive grant or indulgence vouchsafed to
them by Parliament hut as a stepning-stone to_further
encroachments on the Protestant Church—that they
had kept to themselves, or at least repressed, their now
placarded purpose to destroy the Church Establish-
ment. In these respects, Mr. Sheil, you and your
brethren are changed—amid they were for concession,
when on your own authority and assurances they were
led to hope that it would quiet the dissatisfied, and
conduce to the stability of the Church—must be wo-
fully changed indeed, if, with their late experience of
your gross and shameless hypocrisy, they hesitated
now to resist and repudiate that which they formerly
supported.—Trines.

The result of the late discussion o►► Church rates
has filled the winds of the friends of religious liberty,
whether they be Dissenters or Churchmen, with the
deepest regret. The majority for relievi►►g a large
class of our fellow-men from a burden which presses
so heavily on their consciences, is undoubtedly small
—it is hardly worthy of the name. It is, we will
frankly add, considerably less than we had anticipated.
Still we look not on the result as one which ought
to dishearten the Dissenters, or cause them in any de-
gree to relax their exertions to rid themselves of those
odious imposts, by the enforcement of which a haughty
and pampered establishment still seeks to outrage their
feelings. It ought, on the contrary, to stimulate them
to still greater efforts. It ought to bind them together
in the bonds of a yet closer union, in their endeavours
to disengage themselves from the grasp of an avaricious
Hierarchy, and to vindicate for ever the rights of con-
science. Let the Dissenters, aided by all who are
friendly to the great principle of religious equality, as
regards one's conscience, if not as regards one's stand-
ing in society—let the Dissenters, thus assisted, only
make the proper use of the disaster of Tuesday, and
that disaster will eventually prove the most fortunate
circumstance which could have occurred. Is it asked
in what way this seeming evil may be rendered pro-
ductive of good ? The question admits of an easy
answer. We are on the eve of a general election,
that is beyond all doubt. Let then the friends of an
equality of religious rights make the abolition of
Church-rates the leading test by which to try the
claims of those candidates who may solicit their suf-
frages. There could be no better criterion of a man's
general principles, or general fitness for the discharge
of the duties of a British representative in Parliament.
He who is for the entire and unconditional relief of
the Dissenters from their 'existing grievances, will in-
varibly be found the friend of popular rights generally ;
while he, on the other hand, who scruples to knock
of the fetters of that large and respectable body of our
ellow Christians, will be found at bottom—no mat-
ter how high-sounding may be his pretentions to
the name of Reformer—a Tory of the worst class.
Had the Church-rates measure been carried through the
House of Commons with a majority as great as that by
which it was introduced into it, and then been—as we
know it would have been—unceremoniously rejected
by the Lords, had such been the fortunes of the
measure, comparatively little would have been thought
of the Commons; public indignation would have been
directed solely against the Lords. And as that body
are irresponsible—neither liable to be punished nor
ejected from their seats—the probability is, that years
might have elapsed before the triumph of the Dissen-
ters over a domineering Chureh would have been
achieved. The Lords would have continued to treat
with aristocratic scorn so small a majority as 23,
backed though that majority were by the voice of
public opinion ; but by the Commons taking on them-
selves the fearful responsibility of virtually rejecting
the present measure, they will find that they have
drawn on their own heads the indignation as well as
attention of the whole country. They will also find
whenever a general election shall take place—which
general election, we repeat, is just at hand—that no
man will be returned by a liberal constituency who will
not unconditionally pledge himself .to make every effort
in his power to procure the immediate and entire ex-
tinction of Church-rates. With the most entire con-
fidence do we anticipate, that the result of a general
e!eetion will be the return of so formidable a majority
of Members in favour of the abolition of Church-rates
as, tl►ouh not disarming the hostility of the Lort!s
against ijissenters, will cause them to shrink, bold and
adventurous as ti►ey are, from the desperate expedient
of rejecting a measure thus sanctioned by so great a
number of the people's representatives, as well as by
the people themselves.—Morning Advertiser.
Of all parties in the State, the true Tories are they
who should, apart from the consideration of office,
its patronage, influence, emoluments, &c., be most so-
licitous to p►eserve the present Administration at the

helm of affairs, for should any change take place in
the Government, the country will never be content
with the same measures of Reform as are now before
the Legislature. The very forbearance with which the
people are now waiting to ascertain if, even at the last
hour, the Lords will allow the measures proposed by
the Ministers to become law, is the strongest indica-
tion of a calm and fixed resolve to enforce their claims
to still greater extent if the present compromise be re-
jected. The confidence reposed by the country in the
present Ministry, and the general satisfaction with
which most of their measures have been received by
the nation, predisposes the people to be content to re-
ceive at their hands a less ample extension of Reform
than would be accepted from any other Ministry what-
ever. Suppose even the hope of the Tories to in-
stal themselves in office were as well founded as it
is in reality absurd, on what terms could they possibly
hope to retain possession of the Government, unless
a mancouvre similar to that practised by the Duke of
Wellington on his debut as a Premier, when he granted
Catholic Emancipation—an out-bidding of Reformers
in their own market ? The first act of the Tories in
the contingency we suppose, if the outbreak of public
opinion did not at once drive them from their usurped
authority, would be to endeavour to forestal popular
favour by taking up the measures which they now de-
nounce, and by political juggling re-produce them
as their own—then seek to arrogate public confidence
and, on the strength of a patched-up bankrupt charac-
ter, renew their old system of political swindling,
plunder, and oppression. But the time for cajoling
the people by political " humbug" is gone by. The
Tories may be fertile in devices, but the public have suf-
ficient discernment to recognise knavery in whatever
guise it may present itself, and sufficient acquaintance
with their own power to inflict by a summary process
merited chastisement on political delinquents ; so
that even should the Tories, by a miraculous fortune
and the chicanery we mention, succeed in holding the
Government through one Session, it would only be in
the end to be hurled from their iniquitous dominion,
and replaced by an Administration based on more
liberal principles' than any thA has hitherto existed in
this country. The principles such as we here suppose
are the complexion to which any Ministry must come,
who can expect to hold the reins of this country's Go-
vernment in an efficient and vigorous grasp. Of this
result there can be no doubt ; but there are different
ways of arriving at it, and the great danger to be
avoided, in progressing to it, is that of leaving, by the
temporary accession of the Tories, the country exposed
to the danger of a convulsion, and even of dismember-
ment ; for the presence of a Tory Administration would
excite in Ireland and among the Dissenters a spirit of
indignation and opposition as boundless as is the power
to give it effect irresistible.—Morning Advertiser.
The club system has, we hear, just been put to a
test, the result of which but too amply confirms the
charge of selfishness, which has been frequently brought
against the members of these modern institutions. An
application, it seems, was made by no less a person than
the B:shop of London to the Committees of some of the
principal clubs, with the view of obaining from them
some aid towards the church'-building fund in the parish
(of St. James's) where most of the clubs are situated.
With one exception, it has been rumoured, that this
application has not only been refused, but its propriety
questioned in not very courteous terms. Certainly the
managers of these luxurious palaces have a right to do
what they please with their own ; but in what respect
the endeavour to rouse them, for once, into an act of
public spirit amid propriety can be reprehensible, we are
at a loss to imagine. Corporate bodies, public compa-
nies, and private partnerships, have numerously contri-
buted to the object in question, and why, therefore, a
number of gentlemen, keeping tavern; for their own
economy and convenience, should not do so too, we
see no reason. It is true that the subject may appear
to some of these persons, at least, a rather sore and
awkward one, we fear it cannot be denied, that the
members of clubs ate habitual . Sabbath-breakers.
Their taverns are open when all other places of re-
freshment are, by law, kept shut—their servants, un-
like those of private fiunilies, are in a great degree
prevented from attending Divine Service ; and, what
is still worse, at some of them the card and the billiard
tables are in use during the whole of the Sabbath-day.
If this is denied, our answer is, we know it. Any
contributions then which these associations might have
made to the object in question would, in the true
Scriptural sense of the word, be " sin offerings." That
the application has failed, proves, we fear, but too
clearly, that these institutions, as they arc conducted,
cherish an indifference to laudable objects which is
but too likely to follow the parties into private life.—
Morning -Herald.
The ingenuous Morning Chronicle, following the
example of the ingenuous Lord John RUssell, deduces
from the refusal of Sir Robert Peel to support Mr.
Johnston's amendment, an inference that the Right
Hon. Baronet either will not assent to such a change
in the laws which regulate Bishops' leases as would
improve the value of Bishops' lands, or will not devote
that improved value to the supply of the spiritual wants
of the poorer classes of the community. Sir It. Peel
stated precisely the reverse of that which his candid
opponents, in and out of Parliament, impute to him.
He asserted his full belief that, consistently with
sound policy as regards the position of the Bishops,
and consistently with perfect justice as regards the
interests of the lessees, an improved value might be
given to Bishops' lands by a change in the law
which regulates their management. He expressed
his entire conviction that the amount of that im-
proved value ought to be applied to the extension
of the .means of spiritual instruction and consola-
tion in districts where at present those means do not
exist. Our most veracious Contemporary cites the
half of Sir Robert Peel's sentence which supports
the letter of his assertion, and omits the half which
negatives its spirit. Sir Robert's dissent from Mr.
Johnston's motion is correctly quoted ; Sir Robert's
assent to Mr. Johnston's opinion is wholly forgotten.
But, upon this hint, let us hint with what views, and at
whose suggestion, this motion was brought forward by
Mr. Johnston. In the previous debate, in committee
on Mr. S. Rice's resolution, Mr. F. Buxton had found
himself in a difficulty. By no man had louder profes-
sions been made of love to the Church than by Mr.
F. Buxton. From no man had sadder complaints
proceeded of the insufficiency of Church accommo-
dation and pastoral superintendence than from Mr.
F. Buxton. I'o no man c:id the country look for a
more vigilant defence and improvement of the ex-
isting resources of the Church than to Mr. F.
Buxton. While large districts, by his own declara-
tion, wera without Churches—while vast multitudes,
by his own statement, were without Ministers—it
was awkward for Mr. F. Iltixton to vote away, for
the special relief of Mr. Baines and his friends,
those funds which, if available for any purpose,
were clearly available, in the first place for the
erection of places of worship, and the support of
teachers of religion. Mr. F. Buxton, therefore, with
that seriousness of aspect and solemnity of tone which
win for him the confidence of all who think of him as
we do not, protested that there were other uses to which
he deemed this meditated surplus might be more fitly
appropriated—that he would not surrender it for the
benefit of the Dissenters, if he could see any prospect
of securing it for the advantage of the Church ; and,
finally, that if Sir. Robert Peel would pledge himself
to take the money on the first opportunity, and devote
it to the building- of Churches where no Churches
now stand, and the paying of Clergymen where no
Clergymen now minister, Sir Robert Peel should have
his vote. It was a tempting bait—the vote of the
candid, the conscientious, the pious, the saintly, Mr.
Powell Buxton. But the. Right Hon. Baronet
withstood the lure, and poor. Mr. Fowell Buxton,
the firm Protestant, the (layout Christian, walked
into the lobby with Mr. O'Connell on one side of
him and Mr. Roebuck on the other. And thus stood
Mr. Fowell Buxton's case on that evening. He ad-
mitted he was about to make wrong use of a sum of
money ; but, no matter—he was justified in making a
wrong use of it, because he could not induce another
man to promise to make a right one. The object of
Mr. Johnston's amendment, recommended to him by
Mr. Powell Buxton, was to give a greater consistency
and formality to the miserable pretext by which Mr.
Powell Buxton had, in the previous discussion, excused
his vote. We do not attribute any unworthy motive to
Mr. Johnston. We respect him very sincerely. His

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 26, 1837.