The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-29 00:00:00

should, on the other hand, be remembered that as a •
States had gone
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would divide her into two camps, and had she
adhered to these injunctions? No. The Americans
valued the Union, it was true; but at the same time
party divisions crept in, and gathered strength
until they eventually broke out in acts of open
hostility, American statesmen,he might add, ought
to have seen that one issue was joined on the ques-
tion of slavery, there were only two ways in which
the question could be settled, by the sword or separa-
tion. And what, he would ask, was the present
state of affairs in America ? Two nations almost as
distinct as could be, were there fighting; the one
struggling for independence, the other for dominion.
The North, which had tolerated slavery for years,
now proclaimed that it was entering on a crusade
for the purpose of putting it down, actingsomewhat
on the principle of ladies of a certain character who
indulged in forbidden luxuries until they advanced
in years and then became the greatest prudes im-
aginable. (A laugh.) For his own part he objected
to the sword as a civilizes. Of all civilizers it was
the worst, and he mast confess, notwithstanding
the arguments urged by a minister of the gospel,
equally eminent for his talent as for the horrible
doctrines which he has propounded in this country,
that there was nothing so barbarous in all history
that it might not be justified by the reasons which
were put forward in justification of the use of the
sword by North America to put down slavery. The
leaders of the Inquisition were no doubt equally
sincere in their endeavour to crush heresy ; but he
for one objected to such coercion. It might be all
very well when the American Union was established
that 3,000,000 of people should take their laws
from Washington, but now that there were
30,000,000 people, embracing a variety of opinions,
there might be very good reasons for dissatis-
faction on the part of a large portion of them with
the Government. For his own part he was the ad-
vocate of the South in the present contest because
they were fighting for independence—(cheers)—
because they were the weaker side, and because he
believed them to be honest and sincere. (Cheers.)
Was he, therefore, in favour of slavery ? No ; and
that was an evil which he was happy to think
would not survive the struggle. But, be that as it
might, the question between North and South was
one in which the English nation ought not in his
opinion to interfere. The Government were, he
thought, quite right in the course which they had
adopted with respect to it, and had acted very pro-
perly in detaining the steam rams about which there
had of late been so much discussion. The Foreign
Enlistment Act was not exactly framed to pre-
vent us sending ships to foreign nations, but
to prevent vessels from leaving our shoras in such a
shape as to render them tantamount to vessels
equipped for war.. Looking, then, at those steam
rams it would, he thought, be admitted that as they
were framed after that fashion they came within the
words of the law, as well as within the spirit in
which it was enacted. It would, therefore, require
some very strong arguments, now that the Govern-
ment had the power of stopping such vessels, to
justify them in proposing to alter our laws for the
piirpose of pleasing any foreign nation whatever.
(Cheers). That was more particularly the case as
applied to America, seeing the way in which we
were treated, not only by the people of that coun-
try, but by her statesmen, and he for one should be
very loth to enter upon a policy of that character.
The hon. gentleman concluded his address by a
reference to one or two topics of local interest, and
had the satisfaction before the termination of the
proceedings of having a vote of confidence in him
passed by his constituents.