The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1863.

This evening a large and crowded meeting was held in
the Public-hall, in Rochdale, for the purpose of passing a
vote of thanks to the American subscribers to the fund in
aid of the unemployed work people of Lancashire. The
meeting had been called by requisition to the Mayor, and
hundreds of people were unable to obtain admission after
the hall was filled. The Mayor presided.
Mr. KELSALL moved and. Mr. ASHWORTH seconded a
resolution thanking the merchants of New York and other
American citizens who had contributed to the relief of the
distress in Lancashire, and expressing a hope that peace
would soon be restored, with the Union preserved.
Mr. BRIGHT, in supporting the motion, said he regarded
this transmission of assistance from the United States as an
evidence that, whatever might be the faults or crimes of the
Governments, the peoples of the two countries were begin-
ning to draw together. There had been not a little jealousy
between some portions of the people of this country and the
people of the United States, which had found expression
through the press, not in the choicest language. Why
should there be this jealousy between two peoples so nume-
rous, powerful, and great ? He had never been in the United
States, but he could understand the pleasure expressed by
those who had, at finding a people who spoke the same lan-
guage, read the same books, and to a great extent enjoyed
the same laws, and who, if we came to the question of per-
sonal freedom, enjoyed it as fully as we did in this country.
Its government was not very different in its essence from
that which prevailed in this kingdom. The difference was
that our constitution had never been fully enjoyed by the
people, because the members assembled in the place where
he should probably be sitting in 48 hours from that time
were not a full and fair representation, like the Congress
which assembled in Washington. But there were points of
agreement between them which more than counterbalanced
the others. The people of Europe often owed much more
than they knew to the people of the United States.
America had, in fact, been an ark of refuge for the people
of Europe, and especially of this country. In proof of this
he pointed to the fact that in 15 years there had emigrated
from Great Britain and Ireland to America 2,400,000 per-
sons, enjoying when they got there all that at home they
could have wished or anticipated of personal and political
freedom. Looking at all this, and he had but touched on
some prominent points, he should say that the position of
America offered to us every motive not for fear, jealousy, or
hatred, but rather for admiration, gratitude, and friendship.
He was persuaded that the more perfect the friendship be.
tween England and America the more the path of progress
in England would be made easy. After 70 years of peace
the United States had become the scene of a war more
gigantic, perhaps, than any which we had on record. Was
it possible to stand neutral in regard to the contending
parties ? He found men sometimes who professed a strict
neutrality. This arose either from their being perfectly
ignorant or sympathising with the South. There were two
great questions involved—first, the continuance or abolition
of African slavery among Christian nations; and secondly,
the question of freedom to men of all races. If we were to
take the opinions of leading men in the South, the freedom
of white men was not safe. He quoted from the articles of
the Richmond Examater and the speeches of Mr. Cobb, to
show that the Southerners desired to convert labour into
capital, and thus
put an end to disputes between capital and
labour. Nor was there a paper in the South, or a man
more eminent than Mr. Cobb, who had dared to condemn
the atrocity of this language. This great strife had its
origin in an infamous con-piracy against the rights of
human nature. These principles which the Southern
leaders proclaimed were not to be found in any of the old
heathen writers, or in the practices of savages in our times.
It was the doctrine of &vile, and not of men, and all man-
kind should shudder at the enormity of the guilt which the
leaders of this conspiracy had brought upon their heads.
(Great cheering.) They argued, and with a perfect logic
that if slavery was right the slave trade could not be wrong:
The reason why cotton did not come from America, though
the port of New Orleans was not blockaded, and though the
United States had proclaimed that even persons in arms
against the Government should be permitted to send it
thence to Europe and receive unmolested the proceeds--
the reason why it did not come was its being kept back
by way of influencing public opinion in England. The
Southerners kept back cotton that it might injure US ; and
they injured us because they thought we could not live for a
year without their cotton, and that to get it we should send
ships of war, break the blockade, make war upon the
North, and assist the slaveowners to obtain their independ-
ence. To prove that this was the view of the South he
quoted from Mr. Mann, Senator Wigfall, and Mr. Stephens,
the Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy. These
were the men who sent envoys to seek alliance with the
Queen of England, and who were received beneath the
gallery of the House of Commons as if they were accredited
from the most honourable Government with the most
honourable mission. Why, the very thing they had broken
off from the United States to maintain was felony by our
law. They were not only slave owners, slave buyers, and
sellers, but that which out of Pandemonium itself never
was conceived of,--they were slave breeders for a slave-
market. He regretted more than he could express this
painful fact that, of all the countries of Europe, Eng-
land was the only one which had men in it willing to take
active steps in favour of this intimidating slave Govern-
ment. The other day a member of the Government who
was not a statesman, but was the son of a great statesman,
and who occupied the position of Secretary for Ireland, dared
to say to an English audience that he wished the Republic
should be divided. Why, if that island, which he (Mr. Bright)
supposed, in punishment for some of its offences, had been
committed to his care (great laughter), had attempted to
secede, not to set up a slave kingdom, but a state more
free even than the old Union,the Government of which that
Minister was a member would sack its cities and drench its
soil with blood rather than allow it to be established. (Great
cheering.) But the working men and middle classes had
been right on this question. (Cheers.) The working men
had been too slowly emerging from a condition far from in-
dependent to have much sympathy with slavery. If, as
was said, that great meeting in London were not collected
by the reputation of its promoters, the fact only proved that
it was collected by the cordial and ardent sympathy of the
audience with the friends of emancipation. (Cheers.) The
greatly misled sbeletdtebry
itnhienrninewedspdaapielyrs.
afwebeoetuw was,
weree
people
America,e and weresonsible for the war, but we were
responsible for our sympathies. He did not believe it poo-
-1
sible to be coldly neutral. He did not blame those who
no h
wayad beenrresponsible
b e
drew different conclusions from his own as to the issue ;
but he blamed those who desired that catastrophe. For
himself, he never despaired, and would not despair From
the outburst of this great convulsion he had but one hope
and faith, and that was that the result would he the eternal
freedom, grandeur, and prosperity of America. (Cheers.)
The resolution was unanimously carried, and the meeting
soon afterwards broke up.

meanswbeadtitslhinmgisfsoiornraerlyi,gmioru.sHaantadbeprgo:
THE TAEPINGS.—The Taepings were speciously
rasreputed converts the credit of having or-
ganised represented
for
red freedom—anddoguguided the rebellion. Himself deceived by the
cunning of the Asiatic, he put forth a strange fable, called
the " Revelations of Hung-siu-tsien," and was thus
mainly instrumental in enlisting on behalf of an organised
system of land-piracy the religious sympathy of this coun-
try: Hordes of armed robbers, ravaging the interior of a
distant country, because they said they believed in Heaven,
were forthwith pronounced Christians, engaged in war
upon heathenism. And, forgetting the first principle of
our faith, that it is not to be propagated by the sword, we
shut our eat s and hearts against the wail of perishable mul-
titudes, and dreamed that the light of the Gospel had
dawned on Cathay. Years have elapsed since our credu-
lity was thus imposed on, and from the experience gathered
we are now able, we think, to tear the veil from the mon-
strous imposition.—Blackwood's Magazine.
THE FREEDOM OF THE CITY.—The following
will answer the questions of numerous correspon-
dents as to the way in which the freedom of the City may
be taken up. It may be obtained :-1. By servitude,
having been bound to a freeman, according to the custom
of the City, and served duly and truly seven years. 2. By
patrimony, that is, being the son or daughter (unmarried
or a widow) of a freeman, born after the admission of the
father, and having attained the age of twenty-one years.
3. Gift of the City, or honorary freedom. 4. By redemp-
tion of purchase. The admission under this head is as
follows :—Persons on the parliamentary register of voters
for the City are admitted upon their application to the Cham-
berlain (either with or without the interference of a com-
pany) and without the usual presentation to the court for an
order. Persons now on the parliamentary register, but
who are £lO householders, and rated to the police and other
rates, upon producing a certificate (on their application to
the Chamberlain) from the beadle or other authority of
their ward, that they are so rated, aro admitted (with or
without the interference of a company) upon the Chamber-
lain presenting their names to the court, and obtaining an
order for their admission. All the foregoing pay ss. on
their admission, being a government duty under an act of
the 11th Geo. IV., entitled "The London-bridge Ap-
proach Act." Persons who hold premises, or carry on their
business, not having the qualification of either of the two
cases before mentioned, are admitted (with or without the
interference of a company) upon a fine, including the govern-
ment duty of 55., of £2 18s. 4d. Lastly, persons neither
holding premises, nor carrying on business within the City
or its liberties, and wishing to become freemen, on their ap-
plication can be admitted (either with or without inter-
ference of a company) on the Chamberlain obtaining an
order of the court, on their application. The fine in this
case, including the Government duty of 55., is £27 18s. 4d.
The sons of aliens are now admitted the same as natural
born subjects.—City Press.
NEGRO SHARPSHOOTER.—The correspondent of
the New Fork Herald, giving an account of the
attack on Vicksburg, says,—«Anegro sharpshooter has been
observed whose exploits are deserving of notice. He mounts
a breastwork regardless of all danger, and getting sight o f
a Federal soldier draws up his musket at arm's length and
ficroeleo,ne nl eivvmeyrfaaniling in hitting his mark. It is said that
shooters,"
negroes are fightiwnags heheroet,btyhoaugnhepgrroob.
abllyt
oisnlyceartsaisnhatrhpa-t

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