The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-17 00:00:00

~1•.••••••

TILE FRENCH EMPIRE,

(From the aalignaizi's Messenger,)
The official stateraent of the situation of the em•
pine, composed of reports sent in from the various
Ministerial depa? .tments, has been distributed to the
members of the two Chambers. As the financial

explanations v .re to be presented separately, nothing
is said for tl i e moment of that branch of the service.
For Foreign Affairs the acconnt published com-

mences in these terms:—

At the ( ,pening of the last session of the great bodies of
the Stat a the Emperor's Government congratulated itself
on the f;emeral situation of Europe. If some difficulties ex-

isted o D. different points of the Continent, there was nothing
to letad to the anticipation of speedy complications, and in
Particular nothing to announce that the Polish question
was on the eve of again forcing itself on the attention of
the Cabinets. For the last two years a certain degree of agi-
tation prevailed in Poland, but no project of a rising mani-
fested itself ; everything, on the contrary, appeared to show
that a moo/use to arms no more entered into the calcula-
tions of the men invested with the confidence of the coun-
try thez. the wishes of the people. The recruitment, trans-
formed into a measure of proscription, drove to despair
those whom it threatened to affect, and conflicts broke out
finiu.ltaneously on several points. The question, how-
ever, did not present itself except under the aspect of a
PiOrely local movement caused by a determinate cause
*of compla'at. The convention signed at St. Petersburg on
February Bth, by which, under the pretext of maintaining
order ron the frontier, Prussia bound herself towards Russia
to co-operate in a certain degree in the repression, gave to
the struggle an international character, and obliged the
Ca'oinets to occupy themselves with it. The polish question
is essentially European, for it cannot put itself forward
'without involving the most important interests. France
signed the documents under the protection of which Poland
has been placed, and French sympathies have never been
wanting to that nation in her former trials, It is a tradition
which the Emperor's Government could less avoid defer.
ring to than any other. England had the same rights and
the same reasons for interfering. The French Government
therefore applied to that Power to come to an understand-
ing, in order to represent in concert to the Cabinet of Berlin
the danger of her interraeddling in an affair of which she
was so unfortunately extending the importance. We,
moreover, wore aware that Austria regarded the engage-
ments concluded at St. Petersburg in the sarae light as
ourselves. The Emperor's Government made known to her
its intentions. The Cabinet of Vienna had already ex-
pressed its sentiments to Prussia and to Russia when they
solicited her adhesion to those arrangements. The proceed-
ings adopted with the Prussian Court had for result to
.obtain explanations which lessened the fear which had
been entertained of seeing her take an active part in
the hostilities. When we had to make known our views at
Berlin we took care to avoid any isolated action, and also to
prevent any false interpretation. The nature, however, of
our relations with Russia authorised and induced us at the
same time to attempt with her the plan of personal efforts
and friendly counsels before coming to official communica-
tions and a combined action. The French Government had
not waited in order to give prudent advice to be constrained
to it by urgent necessity. In 1857 his Majesty, wishing to
avail himself, in the interest of order and of peace, of the
confidence which so happily united the two Cabinets, felt
hi mself induced by the sincerity of his esteem and of his
friendship for the Emperor Alexander to recommend the
'state of Poland to the solicitude of the Court of Russia.
Such language was worthy of being understood by the
Sovereign who was about to give, in the emancipation of the
serfs, so striking a proof of his prudence. Fact's have since
too strongly shown the opportuneness of those suggestions,
and testify every day how much it is to be regretted that
they were not listened to. His Majesty's Government, in
presence of the conjunctures which have justified its pro-
visions, considered it as a duty not to conceal its anxieties
from Russia. It pointed out with unreserved frankness
over perplexities in the midst of events of which the public
,opinion of the country, as well as the general interests of
Europe, would not allow us to remain indifferent specta-
tors. The French Ambassador was instructed to point
out, in terms the most conformable to the friendly
relations of the two Governments, the advantages of a policy
of reparation and of progress. The English Government,
in a despatch addressed at that time to its representative at
St. Petersburg, recommended a general amnesty and the
restitution of the privileges granted to the Poles by the Em-
peror Alexander I. The French Cabinet could not but ap-
prove of the applications, which to a certain point entered
into the more general order of ideas which it else entertained ;
but in order to leave to Russia the merit of entire sponta-
neousness, it abstained from directly supporting them. The
English Cabinet having afterwards proposed to invite the
parties who signed the general Treaty of Vienna to express
similar wishes, the Government of his Majesty announced
its intention of adhering to that proposal only in case of its
obtaining the assent of the other Powers. We had pointed
out to the Russian Cabinet the interest it had in anticipa-
ting diplomatic representations by resolutely assuming the
initiative. But we had not obtained any promises—any as-
surance that would allow us to hope for a satisfactory result
from a longer personal pressare. It became necessary to
adopt another course. The Government of her Britannic
Majesty had preceded us in its communications with the
Russian Cabinet. Austria, without viewing events in the
same light as England, continued to observe a well-disposed
neutrality as to the Poles. The Emperor's Government
accordingly flattered itself with the hope of forming be-
tween the three Courts an understanding which would
insure to their measures the European character re-
quired by the nature of the interests at stake, and at once
unite all the guarantees of moderation and force. The Ca-
bir.et of London in its first communication had taken the
treaties of 1815 as a starting-point. Russia had made a
'precise reply bylcontesting the interpretation given to them
by the principal Secretary of State—she confined, herself,
as a method of pacification, to speaking of an amnesty after
the war, and promising not to withdraw any of the conces-
sions she had made. The French Government doubted the
SUC,JCBB of any measure based exclusively on those treaties,
and thought that matters should be viewed from a higher
ground. The acts of 1815 assuredly conceded precious ad-
vantages to the Poles, in reviving the Polish name, in sti-
pulating for her national institutions, and in establishing
certain links between all the parts of the kingdom as it
existed before the first partition. But those arrangements
have not prevented the recurrence of commotions which
periodically menace the repose of Europe. 'Without deny-
ing that the treaties offered to the Cabinets a legal motive
of intervention, the French Government thought that it
would be proper to invoke principally the interests of
P-uropean order common to all the Powers. The two
I.4l'inatts appreciated these considerations —and the Em-
reB°''s Government made them the subject of a
n 1414 to the French Ambassador at St. Peters-
eurg.
'Lae despatch concluded by signalising the
opportunity of considering the *means of placing Poland
in the conditionsalleging e of a durable peace. Austria, while
more
exposed interests as a Power conterminous and
language the influence of these disturbances, held a
ing her first lar to our own. England, without abandon-
briefer form the ideas
on the treaties, reproduced in a
part of the Stare, :4f Which.t we had developed. The greater
and thus stamped the ell"-36 gave their adhesion to them,
with the character of communications of the three Courts
rEeteeviveritable European manifestation.
Russia appeared to
overtures with favour.
Although she endeavoneeder these
sat the responsibility of the
Polish movement on encouragements
she
recognised
from without and re-
volutionary intrigues,
sed the extent of the evil
and inefficacy of the measures
to adopted up to that time to
.ntested the general provide a remedy. She neither
whheesdi d not decline the corn-
he Polish
inte-
rests engaged in
t us States. question,
4'r
i the special inte-
e b:tarrti
to
rests of conterminous
on
nguthet nee final act of the
petence of the invernments
to accept
but appeared,
Treaty of Vienna,°
13 execution
wers to communicate,
their assistance for a deliberation, th.
she
invited the three Po
opinion that which ' an
of the difficulties
the negotiations should be pre-ege'datxind was of
armistice, in spite
idea of stopping as soon e
might encounter. The
conformable to the afeePr;''',Bibl°
the effusion of blood was too
to obtain its approbatioun':,sol
the French Government not
nouended the earne
d
while itself acquiesced, it
recb°inet of Vienna, on its p too
art,
Court of Austria.
rhe
Ca
drew up a programme in - six articles, the principal
Poland institutions similar
object of which was to claim for
to those of Galicia. Judging these data 'asuflicient,
the
modifications in
French Government introduced notable
agreed to
them, and for the sake of a good understanding
for the
admit the programme, but only as a starting point
value to an
conferences, We had, besides, attached much
appeal made to the whole of Europe to participate in the
_ will
negotiations. France has constantly declared that she
always be found ready to enter on such discussions in the
tions
full light of day. The three Courts, in the communica
which they a second time directed to their ambassadors, had
not succeeded in avoiding certain shades of expression
which could not escape the attention of Russia. It might
have been foreseen that that Power would seek to derive
Profit from the apparent diversity of views. In order to parry
that danger as much as possible the French Government
made to the Vienna and London Cabinets a proposal to con-
solidate the accord by taking, in the form of a cony ention or a
Protocol, an engagement to pursue in concert a regulation of
Polish affairs, by diplomatic methods or otherwise, if neces-
sary, Such an engagement, besides the advantage of
exalting the authority of the language of the allied Courts,
would have offered to that Power whose position required
most consideration the guarantees of a complete solidarity
in all eventualities. 'We were persuaded that the surest
method of preventing complications was to show ourselves
ready to meet them with all the firmness required, and that
conflicts between Governments took their origin not so often
in bold resolutions as in protractions and hesitations that
allowed difficulties to become aggravated. Our proposition
was not accepted. The Russian Court replied to the pro-
gramme of the three Powers. by. an absolute refusal, She
'eed to take the six points Into consideration, but only
prorate
t;on was suppressed She •
when the:insurrecree ?eted all idea
; arras. and declining the competency
of „ net of mpetency of the
Powers which signed the genera' 18 15, which she had
previously
admitted, she proposed to open. with Austria. and
Prussia, as particip • ating rowers, a separate negotiation.