The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.--Should the chief States interested in the
question of the Danish Succession continue to act
with prudence and moderation, there is reason to
hope that the dangers of the present crisis will pass
away. It would, indeed, be a reproach to modern
statesmanship, and to the good sense of nations,
if so artificial a dispute were to end in war. At a
time when the whose European system is threatened
with disruption, when the ambition of one man or
people, the restlessness of great armies, and the
vague aspirations of democratic masses and their
leaders may at any time efface the frontiers which
have been held sacred for fifty years, it would be a
scandal beyond example if the two Powers which
are most interested in the peace of Central Europe
should make a beginning of strife on strictly legi-
timist grounds, and in opposition to their own
recorded promises. Wars come often enough,
even when they are entered into only on
strict necessity. The conflicts of interest, the
irremovable misunderstandings, the struggles for
geographical positions, which are often struggles
tor existence, are quite enough to keep the world
in disquiet, without crusades in favour of petty
Princes and doubtful hereditary claims. Both the
Prussian and Austrian Governments seem now to
be convinced that justice and prudence require a
moderate policy. No little firmness has been re-
quired from them to uphold even a modified respect
for the Treaty of 1852. M. von Bismark and Count
Rschberg have both explained the policy of their
Governments to murmuring Assemblies. At Berlin
a hostile vote, going to the extreme of deposing
the Danish King in Schleswig as well as Holstein,
was recorded against the Government by an
immense majority, and in Vienna the cautious
and variously composed Reichsrath might easily
be brought to a similar expression of opinion.
But with all this the two Governments, unwil-
ling to add another element of disturbance
to Europe, and influenced, perhaps, to a high
degree by the prompt action of England, have
practically acquiesced in the succession of Christian
IX. They have declared that the Treaty of 1852
must be accepted as a basis, however much it may
want the sanction of the Diet, and however much
it may disappoint the hopes of Germans. When it is
recollected that for the last fifteen years the ultra-
national party in Germany have been looking for-
ward to the extinction of the Danish family, and
promising themselves that when that event occurred
all disputes with Denmark would be brought to an
end by the summary expulsion of the Dance from
the two Duchies ; when we reflect that men like the
Duke of Saxe-Coburg have thought little of such
matters as rescripts and patents, from being possessed
with the idea that the Union was a thing destined to
come shortly to an end, we may imagine how much
the patriots feel the disappointment of the present
hour. The carefully prepared protests, the sum-
mary action, the appeal to the Diet, the vote of
that Assembly rejecting the Danish representa-
tive of Holstein, the pretensions of the Augusten-
burg Prince, his proclamations, and his paper money
are likely to go for naught when opposed to the
combined action of Prussia and Austria. Count
Rechberg's speech is not unlike in character to that
of the Prussian Minister. The Count felt, or thought
it best to assume, a kind of regret that a treaty
bound Austria to acquiesce in the rights of a foreign
Sovereign over German soil. He declared that the
claim of the King depended on the fulfilment by
Denmark of the conditions on which the assent of
Austria to the treaty was given. Federal Execu-
tion would at once take place, and Austria would
march her troops as soon as the Frankfort Diet
gave the signal. There is nothing more than
might be expected in this. But the meaning of
Count
.Rechberg when he enters into the question
of the succession is not so clear. He says the
point of right is not clearly and plainly visible ;
that the matter needs legal investigation • and that
the result must depend on a formal judicial deci-
sion. If he really expected that the Diet would
assume the right to dethrone the King, and to put
the pretender in his place, he would hardly express
such a conformity beforehand with their decision,
inasmuch as the Austrian Government is aware
that any such decision must be totally ineffectual
unless supported by itself and Prussia, and against
this they are bound by the treaty. As the Mini-
ster went on to speak rather disparagingly of the
Augustenburg claims,
and seemed to deprecate
plunging
Germany into a European war simply
that an Augustenburg might reign instead of a
Glucksburg, we must presume that the Diet will
not go to such an extreme of folly as to admit
the Angstenburg deputy. if the Frankfort repre-
sentatives can be kept quiet for the next few weeks
there is reason to believe that matters will be
settled. Prussia and Austria have already voted
against the motion for refusing to receive Kiln
Caristian's representative for Holstein, and, though
they were outnumbered,still the expression of their
opinion
tihseDiet.likely In the m
to restrain the more fanatical mem-
berseantime what is called
Federal Execution will take place. There is no posi-
tive danger in this, except that when an army has
once occupied a country it is often a difficult matter
of
to get it out. At the time of the insurrection at the
beginning of the late King's reign there was such
an Execution, and, according to the Federal law,
there can be no doubt of the strict right of the
German troops to enter Holstein. How long they
will remain there must depend very mach on the
state of the German temper ; for, if the anti-Danish
cry continues, it is not likely the Governments will
be strong enough to recall them for some months,
while, if the Danish concessions cause the abate-
ment of the present fever, there is no reason that
the matter should not be ended at once. We may
also presume that the state of Europe and the re-
presentations of this country will have the effect
of disposing both parties to a compromise. From
the news we have published it will be seen that
the Danish King, on his side, is taking away every
excuse for the hostile action of the German Powers.
While he expresses in a proclamation his intention
to maintain order in Holstein, although conceding
its due constitutional rights, the King removes the
great grievance of the Germans by withdrawing the
Royal Patent of the 30th of March. By doing this
the King acknowledges that his predeceesortrenched
upon the rights of the Diet when
he thus regulated
the position of Holstein independently of the con-
sent of Frankfort. It would be of little use for
us to enter again into any details of the intermin-
able disputes of the late reign. They have been
discussed over and over again in these columns,
and our readers will retain a sufficient idea of the
question when they remember that the great
difficulty is to combine provincial independence
with central claims—to make a Holstein with its
minister, its legislature, its budget, and its con-
nexion with Germany work harmoniously with the
Danish Monarchy. The Germans are always fearing
that a part of their country Kill be denationalised,
and speak of the Danes as if they were the boldest
and most unscrupulous of aggressors. But the fact
'e that Denmark is equally afraid of losing its in.
ndence and with much better reason. The
depee
"e for Holstein would, in the opinion of
claims 1.2
ebject the whole monarchy to the direct
the Danes, b. t inasmuch the
•nkfor ,asHolstein
influence of Fra-
- with discussing their own local
Estates, not contend national matters, including
affairs, demanded that e to them. Suet;
q ties.
finance, should be
subruitte.
0 no doubt, difficult
tions of divided jurisdiction ar
e i 4 convinced
full
ro
to settle; but, now that Eu
y