The Sun.
London, England, 1839-11-22 00:00:00

THE SEJN, LONDON, FRIDAY, NOVEAIBI4:II_22, 1839

his family in the care of friends here, whilst he seeks 1
an existence by contributing to establish rival manufac-
tures abroad. He is now upon the Rhine ; and he
shows me, that, unless we change our policy, we shall,
as a commercial people, be superseded.—(Hear.) Sir,
may I ask, if in this country the infancy of her manu-
factures owed nothing to the persecutions, by foreign
countries, of their artisans? We know the truth well !
Let us, therefore, forsake our untenable policy, and, by
developing our natural resources, lead other countries
to direct their energies into those channels which nature
has assigned them. Sir, when I look around me, and
see one most influential part of our community exercis-
ing their just right of sending their produce, which
they obtain from the soil of our land, whether in metals,
minerals, fuel, or food, to the best markets of the world,
and retaining a monopoly at home ; when I see that
upwards of ten millions sterling hare been abstracted
from the springs of business to buy food for the whole
country ; when I see our great joint-stock and monopo-
lising bank, the Bank of England, coercin x our com-
merce, and depreciating the value of our property, to
repair their damaged circulation ; and when I see at
home mills and manufactories deserted, and people
starving, whilst decreasing capital seeks other and safer
investment—l confess that I feel disheartening cause
of alarm, and, I almost fear, of despair. Effectual re-
lief will, however, be obtained by freeing our own in-
dustry from fetters, and by practically adopting the
principle that to be permanent sellers we must also
be unrestricted buyers.—(Great applause.) With
these sentiments I beg to propose the resolution which
I have read.

Mr. HENRY ASHWORTH, in seconding the motion,
said it appeared very obvious that there was a strong
disposition manifested to carry out the legitimate
objects of trade, both on the part of the Prussian
league, and of a great body of people in our own
country. This, however, was obviously impeded by
our legislative Aristocracy ; they appeared to be the
only, or at least the principal, party, in hindering
that which nature appeared to have designed. It
therefore behoved them to consider whether that por-
tion of the community which was in possession of the
energetic trading capital of the country would allow
itself to be overpowered by a class of men who were
the owners, or perhaps the nominal owners, of selfish
interests in the soil. It was in fact a question whe-
ther the commercial body would allow themselves to
be swamped at the discretion of the fifty-pounders.
We had in this country a large body of men
' who, though not directly manufacturers or mer-
chants, were interested and involved in the success
of manufacturing enterprise. If they looked to
the parties who were engaged in railway undertakings,
they found perhaps thirty millions of money embarked
in railway projects ; and if they would examine the
prospectuses of these bodies, they would find that they
made their calculations of profit, not upon the business
which had been done, or was doing, but upon a
prospective increase of that business. Was it to be
supposed that the owners of that property would
stand icily looking on, and see their business decay ?
Would they side with the aristocracy against us ; or
would they come to the rescue ? It was important for
the shipping and the canal interests, the carrying corn-
panics, whether by navigation or roads—it behoved
these classes to consider whether they were doing their
duty to the country, if they stood by, or sided with the
aristocracy. He did not want to appear to be arraying
a strength as if for warfare ; but he begged to remind
the gentlemen in those interests, that if they stood by
and saw us treated as we have been by the proud aris-
tocracy, it would be to their own loss. The necessities
of the country also demanded that attention should be
paid to this question. It was stated in Bolton last
week, and was not contradicted, that the trade of that
town is now in a very prostrate condition ; and when
he stated what Bolton was enduring, it was well
known to be endured by other towns in the neighbour-
hood. They were working three or three and a half
days a week ; there were six hundred houses untenanted
in Bolton ; in four streets there were more than fifty
shops untenanted ; and the condition of the working
classes there, as compared with 1833, was reduced
to the extent of 7,000/. a week. This might be
used as an argument of necessity ; but he would much
rather place this question upon the basis of justice.—
(Applause.)
JOHN BROOKS, Esq., Boroughreeve of Manchester,
having obtained the permission of his friend Mr. Behrens,
would state that they had done business together for
upwards of twenty years ; and twenty-three years ago
he supplied his friend with printed calicoes for the Ger-
man market ; but, for the last two years, he had not
cut one pattern adapted for that trade, as he knew it
would be of no use. He found the Germans had gone
into other trades, and, instead of him selling them goods
for the German markets, they were absolutely opposing
him in the South American trade ; so that we not only
lost our customers, but found them becoming our ri-
vals in trade, and opposing us in other markets.—
(Hear, hear.) Though all the German and other mer-
chants present knew these facts as well as he did, he
mentioned them, because the public did not know them,
and ought to know them.—( Applause.)
Mr. ROBERT GARDNER said the subject under dis-
cussion is one of great importance, and I think we must
all be well aware that it was upset before, by its being
made a party question.--(" No, no.") I beg to re-
assert that—(Hear)--and I will not hesitate to say,
that there is not a greater advocate in the country, or
under the crown, than myself, or one more anxious, for
a fixed duty ; but, the moment the question was taken
up by a few, a very large majority turned round.—
(" No, no.") I re-assert it. I would advocate a fixed
duty. I think the law is a most pernicious one--that
it starves our population, destroys our manufacturing,
and is equally injurious to our agricultural interests.
Had we a moderate fixed duty, and I think most peo•
pie would admit a large fixed duty to begin with, we
should act upon the foreign markets quietly ; but we
do not go to the foreign markets till we are absolutely
starving. Foreigners, seeing our prices are so high,
raise theirs ; and we act upon them so suddenly, that
we drive them, as well as ourselves, to starvation
prices. If we are to attain this great object, it is the
interest of all members of the community to unite, for
it is the interest of the owners of the soil more than
any other class of individuals, because, if we lose our
manufactures, of what value can our soil be then ?
Nrhy should an acre of land be worth more in England
than in France or Germany ? It is our manufacturing
that gives it its value. And you may over-tax the land
yet the land does not leave the country, but, if you
over-tax commerce only 242 per cent., it takes its flight ;
and who ever knew commerce return ?—(Hear, and
applause.) If I was the greatest landowner in the
country, I could not sleep day or night ; for I should
say, " Though I am in the midst of enjoyment now,
my children, and my children's children, will be beggars."
Therefore, if we would accomplish any great object, we
must not be divided and torn, as we have been, by politics.
It is really disgusting to me to see the way in which this
town has been divided ; I say this disinterestedly, for
I have the honour to be equally cast off by both parties.
I am generally represented as a Tory ; and my preju-
dice is very much that way, if I saw common sense
and reason with it.—(Hear, hear.) But my object is
to advocate those measures which I believe to be for
the common good ; and, as we have one cause and one
interest, for God's sake let us unite to promote it.—
(Great applause.) If two or three of us, when we
walk down the streets, say that all the knowledge of
the town rests under our hats, then, of course, all the
rest are thrown aside ; but this question must be kept
off political grounds. It is the question of the very ex-
istence or ruin of this country ; it is of the very last im-
portance ; and, therefore, let us not be determined,
every one of us, to have our own will and pleasure, but
rather let us concede and meet if we can ; for in the union
of the whole is our strength. And if we do not unite,
both Tory, Whig, and Radical, we shall do no good—
we shall make no impression at head-quarters. If we
unite, if we understand our interest, then I differ from
the German States, who say we can do nothing. lam
rejoiced to see so large a meeting, and I do think
it is of the greatest importance that we should concede
and meet each other, and that we should well arrange
our business before we come to close quarters. I think
much may be done, and that now is the time ; and that,
if we lose our present opportunity,we shall be, for a time,
under less advantageous circumstances than we are pre-
sent.—(Great applause.)

manufactures for the export trade. The manufacturers

and artisans were as much entitled to protection from
the Legislature of these realms, as the Duke of Buck-
ingham, and all who were connected with the land. In
the spirit of conciliation in which Mr. Gardner had
thrown out some valuable recommendations, he (Mr.
Stocks) wished to suggest that, in arguing the question,
we should abstain from language that must necessarily
give offence, and carry no force of reasoning with it
to the people, who, as we say, are posseessed of all the
power in the country,—the Tories, as a body, the great
landowners. He was firmly persuaded that, amongst
that body, there were individuals who wished as well
to the country, to its manufactures, and its general in-
terests, as any gentleman present ; and that these par-
ties thought their mode of working out their opinions and
views was the very best for keeping the interests of the
country together. If that should be so, he thought
these honest-minded, but probably wrong-minded par-
ties, ought to be dealt with in all the courtesy and
respect due to them, to their station and opinions. He
felt confident, that, if the Chamber wished to have its
opinions respected here and elsewhere, they must em-
ploy language and conduct which even the landowners
would fairly appreciate. In 1883, when an effort was
made in Stockport for the repeal of these laws, he felt
confident that Government would be with us ; but,
to his sorrow and regret, Manchester did not come
forward in the manner it had since done, for the
reason already stated, that certain influential parties,
highly connected with the merchants and manufacturers
of this district, believed in their consciences that the
Corn-laws were the very salvation of the country, and
the foundation of all its prosperity ; and therefore they
would not touch these laws, save to support them.
He knew many, even foreign merchants, with whom
he did business, whose opinions were still decidedly
of that character. He trusted, therefore, that we, who
had made up our minds to roll away the reproach on
this country, and to act in obedience to the dictates
of that Divine Being who gave to climates their varia-
tions, and to nations the productions we all of us
want, should feel that we were violating every prin-
ciple connected with Providence and reason, in in-
terdicting foreign intercourse by these high duties ;
and that, if they were persisted in, they would ulti-
mately bring the greatest affliction upon all, from
the highest to the lowest of the land. What he
wanted, and hoped he should live to see, was the
legislators of these islands turning their talents and
attention to legislate for and not against die poor, and
to make the food of the poor as cheap as was con-
sistent with every honourable principle. He wanted
to see agriculture, by its improvements, double its pro-
duce ; and he was of opinion as a farmer (for he had a
farm), that the whole of Cheshire might be made capa-
ble of producing two bushels where it now produced
only one. How much better would it be for the far-
mers of Cheshire, provided instead of an enhancement of
price, which would make the pound of flour so dear
that the poor could not buy, it might be so multiplied
in quantity so as in that way to pay them as much
profit He thought it desirable, that the whole king-
dom should know the sentiments of Manchester on
this great question. As an individual, he was for a total
repeal of these duties ; he was decidedly of opinion,
that it was for the best interests of the country to do
away with them ; but he knew that many respectable
friends of his were not of that opinion, but wished to
obtain a moderate fixed duty. Going, then, upon
O'Connell's plan, if he could not get the whole, he
would take a part, what he could get. That would
bring the question to whether there should be a fixed
duty of 55., 10s., or Iss. a quarter. Then he had rather
have a duty of 33. than 10s , of lOs. than 15s, ; but he
did hope they should begin to do something to put
themselves in a different position, and he felt confident
that the very judicious resolution of Mr. Bazley, if
passed, would have a very salutary and valuable effect.
He wished, however, that all would refrain from harsh
language, such as calling the agriculturists " stupid,"
and other epithets by no means kind or convenient.
They tended to no good, but, on the contrary, excited
dissatisfaction.—Mr. Stocks then mentioned that a lead-
ing Chartist, who, with that body, had actively opposed
the efforts made last year for a total repeal of the Corn-
laws, had recently sent him a letter (which he had re-
turned), wishing him to turn his attention to the griev
ante of the Corn-laws, to which, in fact, his attention
had been turned during the last ten years.
Mr. BENJAMIN PEARSON said he had been so much
interested and gratified by the observations of Mr.
Gardner, that be could not forbear to express the plea-
sure they had afforded him. There was one point,
however, on which he had touched, which he (Mr.
Pearson) felt he should not be justified if he were to
pass over in silence. With respect to political parti-
sanship being the ground of his decision, he (Mr.
Pearson) must utterly disclaim that. He was no party
politican ; but he was a total repealer of the Corn-
laws. Mr. Gardner had said something of the advan-
tages of a fixed duty. He (Mr. Pearson) supposed
they would all agree, that they must take as much they
could get ; that if they could not get a total repeal,
they must get a low duty ; but he did think it was
utterly inconsistent for the Chamber for one moment to
make a request for a fixed duty. If they believed—and
he was glad Mr. Gardner had touched upon that—
that the agricultural interests were best to be pro-
moted by a prosperous trade, and that they will
certainly decline if commerce departs from our shores—
it was a most grave consideration whether, seeing the
progress which had already been made in Germany,
we were enabled to bear a fixed duty, with expenses
amounting to 23 or 30 per cent.—(Hear.) We must
keep it in mind that we cannot, under any circum-
stances, obtain corn on the same terms as in Germany.
If the agricultural interest were entitled to any protec-
tion, and he could never see why it should be, surely
the expense of transit was an abundantly sufficient
protection. And if our manufactures were excluded
from Germany through the rival manufactures of other
countries, did it not show that we could not bear a large
amount of duty ? In 1815 a fixed duty might very
well have been sustained, as at that time foreign ma-
nufacturers had not started ; but now it was so near
and close a race, that we had nothing to spare, and,
as a matter of justice to all parties, he thought they
(the Chamber) could not plead for a moment for a fixed
duty even of one shilling. His attention was first called
to the subject by the distressed condition of the hand-
loom weavers, ten or twelve years ago. On this con-
dition the great extension of power-looms, no doubt,
had considerable influence ; but they could not lose
sight of the fact, that, while the weaver laboured ten
hours to support his family and the State, he worked
five hours additional in consequence of the Corn-laws.
--(Hear.) Justice to the weaver forbade them to ask
for the slightest duty ; for if for a moment they asked
for a duty, they gave up the whole principle ; they ad-
mitted that the landowners were entitled to something.
He could not see that they were entitled to anything.
Let us act honestly ; and, if we thought we could
justly demand a free trade in corn, let us ask for what
we want ; and however we might be disposed to accept
what he can get, he would ask for nothing but what
we could with justice demand. For the sake of honesty,
he really must say that he saw no more justice in an
import duty on corn, than in a bounty on the importa-
tion of corn. He thought it would be just as fair for the
merchant to receive a bounty on the' importation of
corn, as it was for the landlord to get a duty laid on
the import of corn. And how ruinous would such a
state of things, such a bounty, prove to the agricultural
interest ! It would be a species of retaliation that he
would not for one moment contemplate, and it would
involve our own manufactures in very serious evils ; but
if they wanted to estimate the evils of the Corn•laws,
let them just endeavour to calculate what evils would
arise from a bounty upon the importation of corn. It
could not be sustained by the nation at all, without the
utter ruin of the agricultural interest ; and the duty on
corn had only been sustained by that extraordinary state
of our trade which had been produced by the extension
of machinery. The landowners would, ere this, have
been overwhelmed by the Corn-laws, if it had not been
for our manufactures and our commerce.--(Applause.)
The CHAIRMAN said it was gratifying to see such a
response to the strong recommendations of unanimity
which had been given by Dr. Bowring. As for himself
he should be ashamed, if he could make that a mere
political party question, which involved the dearest and
most vital interests of every class and:party in the State.
He hoped; if any gentleman had so viewed it or enter-
tained it, he would thenceforth dismiss such a notion
from his mind as one that would cast shame on the
cause.—(Hear, and applause.) He hoped that men of
all classes and all parties would unite and pull together;
for Dr. Bowring had told them, that unless they all
caosutnhter
then put
ryas
from on
th
verge e
chair,
and laid aside all minor differences, their
common
w
of
ruin.
uimpasTsed re-
solutionhe
una-
nimously.
The vacated chair was then taken by JOHN BROOKS,
Esq., Boroughreeve of Manchester, and a resolution,.
" That the best thanks of the meeting be given to the
President of the Chamber for his conduct in the chair,"
hair o,
was passed unanimously. The business then terminated
at a quarter before two o'clock.
At the close of the meeting several specimens of Ger-
man manufactures were shown by Dr. Bowring, amongst
which we recognised cotton hosiery es low as 3s. 3d.
per dozen pairs, and others as high as 245. per dozen,
with English marks viz.,
Improved patent, two
threads, 4ds. heels and feet," and which are sold in
foreign countries as English manufactures. There
were also cotton gloves as low as two-pence per pair to
five-pence ; specimens of beautiful flannels from eight-
pence per yard, twenty-two inches wide, to 2s. 3d. thirty
inches wide, resembling a light pelisse cloth ; and other
articles exhibiting the like progress in manufacturing
skill, and in prices below the reach of British competition.