The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-23 00:00:00

REVIEW OF THE WAR.

When Congress assembled a year ago the war had already
lasted nearly 20 months, and there had been many conflicts
on both land and sea, with varying results; the rebellion had
!yen pressed back into reduced limits, yet the tone of public
feeling and opinion at home and abroad was not satisfactory.
With other signs the popular elections then just past indi-
cated uneasiness among ourselves, while, amid much that
was cold and menacing, the kindest words coming from
Europe were uttered in accents of pity, that we were too
blind to surreLder a hopeless cause.

Our commerce was suffering greatly by a few armed ves-
sels built upon and furnished from foreign shores, and we
were threatened with ouch additions from the same quar-
ters as would sweep our trade from the sea and raise the
blockade. We had failed to elicit from European Govern-
ments anything hopeful upon this subject.
The preliminary emancipation proclamation, issued in
September, was running its assigned period to the beginning
of the new year. A month later the final proclamation came,
including the announcement that coloured men of suitable
condition would be received in the war service. The policy
of emancipation and of employing black spldiers gave to the
future a new aspect, about which hope and fear and doubt
contended in uncertain conflict.

as a matter of civil
adAmcincietdriantgionto, theour Gpoovlietircnaml esnytstehmad, no lawful power to
effect emancipation in any state, and for a long time it had
been hoped that the rebellion could be suppressed without
resorting to it as a military measure. It was all the while
deemed possible that the necessity for it might come, and
that if it should, the crisis of the contest would then be pre-
sented. It came, and, as was anticipated, was followed by
dark and doubtful days.

Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to
take another review. The rebel borders are pressed still
further back, and by the complete opening of the Mississippi
the country dominated by the rebellion is divided into two
distinct parts, with no practical communication between
them.

Tennessee and Arkansas have been substantially cleared
of insurgent control, and influential citizens in each, owners
of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the
rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their re-
spective States. Of these States not included in the emanci-
pation proclamation, Maryland and Missouri, neither of
which three years ago would tolerate any restraint upon the
extension of slavery into new territories, only dispute now
as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits.
Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebel-
lion, full 100,000 are now in the United States military ser-
vice, about one-half of which number actually bear arms in
the ranks, thus giving the double advantage of taking so
much labour from the insurgent cause, and supplying the
places which otherwise must be filled with so many white
men. So far am tested it is difficult to say they are not as
good soldiers as any. No servile insurrection or tendency to
violence or cruelty has marked the measures of emancipa-
tion and arming the blacks.

These measures have been much discussed in foreign
countries, and contemporary with such discussion, the tone
of public sentiment there is much improved. At home the
same measures have been fully discussed, supported, criti-
cised, anal denounced, and the annual elections following are
highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear
the country through this great trial. Thus we have the
new reckoning. The crisis which threatened to divide the
friends of the Union is past.
Looking now to the present and future, and with a refer-
ence to a resumption of the national authority in the Sta' es
wherein that authority has been suspended, I have thought
fit to issue a proclamation—a copy of which is herewith
transmitted. On examination of this proclamation it will
appear (as is believed) that nothing is attempted beyond
what is amply justified by the Constitution. True, the form
of an oath is giv,n, but no man is coerced to take it.

The man is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily
takes the oath. The Constitution authorises the Executive
to grant or withhold the pardon at his own absolute discre-
tion, and this includes the power to grant on terms, as is
fully established by judicial and other authorities. It is also
proffered that if in any of the States named a State Govern-
ment shall be recognised and guaranteed by the United
States, and that under it the State shall, on the Constitu-
tional conditions, be protected against invasion and domestic
violence.

The constitutional obligation of the United States to gua-
rantee to every State in the Union a Republican form of Go-
vernment, and to protect the State in the cases stated, is ex-
plicit and full. But why tender the benefits of this provision
only to a State Government set up in this particular way ?
This section of the Constitution contemplates a case wherein
the element within a State in favour of Republican Govern-
ment in the Union may be too feeble for an opposite and
hostile element external to or even within the State, and
such are precisely the cases with which we are now dealing.
An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State Go-
vernment constructed in whole, or in preponderating part,
from the very element against whose hostility and violence
it is to be protected, is simply absurd. There must be a test
by which to separate the opposing elements so as to build
only from the sound, and that test is a sufficiently liberal
one which accepts as sound whoever will make a sworn re-
cantation of his movements.
But if it be proper to require as a test of admission to the
political body, an oath of allegiance to the United States,
and to the Union under it, why not also to the laws and
proclamations in regard to slavery
Those laws and proclamations were put forth for the pur-
pose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion. To give
them the fullest effect there had to be a pledge for their
maintenance, In my judgment they have aided and will
further aid the cause for which they were intended.

To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a
lever of power, but would also be a cruel and astounding
breach of faith.

THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.

I may add, at this point, while I remain in my present
position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emanci-
pation Proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any per-
son who is tree by the terms of that proclamation, oc by any
of the acts of Congress.

For these and other reasons, it is thought best that sup-
port of these measures shall be included in the oath, and it
is believed that the Executive may lawfully claim it in re-
turn for pardon ant restoration of forfeited rights, which he
has a clear constitutional power to withhold altogether, or
grant upon the terms he shall deem wisest fur the public
interest.

It should be observed also that this part of the oath is sub-
ject to the modifying and abrogating power of legislation
and supreme judicial decision.

CoNCLUSION,

The proposed acquiescence of the National Executive in
any reasonable temporary State arrangement for the freed
people is made with the view of possibly modifying the con-
fusion and destitot ion which must at best attend all classes
by a total revolution of labour throughout whole States.
It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people in these
Sra tee may be somewhat more ready to give up the cause of
their affliction, if to this extent this vital matter be left to
themselves. While no power of the National Executive to
prevent an abuse is abridged by the proposition, the sug-
gestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the politica
framework of the States on what is called reconstruction,
is made in the hope that it may do good without danger of
harm. It will save labour and avoid great confusion. But
why a❑y proclamation now upon the subject ? This subject
is beset with the conflicting views that the step might be
delayed too long, or be taken too soon.
In some States the elements for resumption seem ready
for ac ion, but remain inactive, apparently for want of a
rallying point—a plan of action. Why shall A adopt the
plan of B, rather than B that of A ? And if A and B should
agree, hew can they know but that the General Government
here will reject their plan ? By the proclamation a plan is
presented which may be accepted by them at a rallying point,
and which they are assured i advance will not be rejected
here. This may bring them to act sooner than they other-
wise would.

The objections to a premature presentation of a plan by
the National Executive consists in the danger of committees
on points which could be more safely left to further develop •
ments. Care has been taken so to shape the denouement as
to avoid embarrassment from this source, saying that on
certain terms certain classes will be pardoned, with rights
restored.
It is not said that other classes and other terms will never
be included, saying that reconstruction will be accepted if
presented in a specific way. It is not said it will never be
accepted in any other way. The movements by State action
for emancipation in several of the States not included in the
emancipation proclamation, are matters of profound gratu-
lation.

And while I do not repeat nor detail what I have hereto•
fore so earnestly urged upon this subject, my general views
and feelings remain unchanged : and I trust that Congress
will omit no fair opportunity of aiding these important steps
to the great consummation. In the midst of other cares,
however important, we must not lose sight of the fact that
the war power is still our main reliance. To that power alone
can we look for a time to give confidence to the people in the
contested regions that the insurgent power will not again
overrun them. Until that confidence shall be established,
little can be dune anywhere for what is called reconstruction.

Hence our chiefest care must still be directed to the army
and navy, which have thus far borne their harder part so
nobly ar.d well; and it may be esteemed fortunate that in
giving the greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms we
do honourably recognise the gallant men, from commander
to sentinel, who compose them, and to whom more than to
others the world must stand indebted fur the home of ihe-
doin disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged, and perpetuated.
ABRAHAM LINcoLN.
December 8, 1863.

- -
The folio ruing Proclamation is appended to the
Message :
PROCLAMATION.
Whereas, in and by the Constitution of the United States
it is provided that the President shall have power to grant