The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

have come to our knowledge in our relations with tho Bra-
zilians. There is one point on which the noble lord is for-
tunate not to be misunderstood ; there is one point in his

career upon which there never have been two opinions. All
sides, at all times, have given him credit for being a con-
sistent, a determined, and a most able supporter of the
independence of the Turkish empire. The noble lord has
not only maintained that it was of the utmost political im-
portance to this country that the integrity and independence
of the Turkish empire should be maintained, hut he has
gone much further, and wisely, in his position. He has
maintained that the resources of Turkey, with fair play, are
amply sufficient to maintain that integrity and indepen-
dence without the assistance of foreign nations. But the
noble lord was supposed by some to take even an exagge-
rated view of this question. He opposed with warmth and
ardour the undertaking of the French to penetrate, by a
canal, the Isthmus of Suez ; the noble lord thought that
that was an enterprise that was dangerous to the Turkish
empire. To use his own expression, it cut the territories
of the Sultan in two, and he, therefore, exerted himself to
oppose the project. The present Secretary for Foreign
Affairs differed from the noble lord—he was tor penetrating
the Isthmus—and he gave expression on that occasion to
opinions which were considered quite heretical by those
who follow in the noble lord's wake, who are
in favour of maintaing an independent Turkey. There-
fore, when the Government was newly formed,
when the noble lord elected as Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs the very statesman who was supposed to
differ from him in opinion to a great degree on this cardinal
question of modern politics, the existence of the Turkish
empire, there was alarm and anxiety among some who share
the opinions of the noble lord the First Minister. But in
the course of the extraordinary autumn, an opportunity oc-
curred for the noble lord the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs to relieve the public mind of Europe and of this na•
tion from all anxiety on the subject, and he had an oppor-
tunity which probably no minister has had for a consider-
able time of expressing, in the most formal manner, the
policy of the Government upon the vital question, the main-
tenance of the Turkish power and the general disposition of
political influence in the Levant. It so happens that, shortly
after the house rose, there occured in Turkey a series of what
I should describe as artificial insurrections—that is, they
were got up by foreign agents, who were paid by foreign
money, that was, patronised by foreign governments— one
in Servia and an important one in Montenegro. These were
put down—notably ihat in Montenegro—by the Porte with
great power and sufficiency; and the Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Russia, who was supposed, I dare say quite un.
justly, to have beentheweniathhiunsg to coveriasticpatr honoifs
the
retreat, Pri n c e o f
Montenegro, generally
ad-
riressed a despatch to our Government in which he cm-
nS
euel
et as
sni t hady
te exacted
r
fprloami n ehdi mef !
Ithe do hardn' t th i nt ekr m
theres whichw its atnhye
that despatch, but of course that is a matter of taste, and a
secretary is not a monster who omits an opportunity of
writing a letter. (Laughter.) He did answer that despatch;
he answered it conclusively upon the important point of
complaint, because he did not think that the terms were
different from those which any power under the circum-
stances would exact. He also took that opportunity of en-
tering into the whole question of our policy with regard to
the Turkish empire. I think all temperate men, all men
who are anxious for tranquillity in the Levant, as being of
European interest, are certainly in favour of maintaining
in that country existing authority, and at the same time
that desire is consistent with the belief that in the subject
rioareeasiolfw.tehekPnoor: tehveernetusalhouinlddeaptelnedasetnebee. a
Bpurotgtrheses,naenbdle,
lordwith ththeesSeectareodtleyerateof
opSitaniteonsw, as not at all satisfied
and he lays it down
in his despatch as an absolute alternative that the Tur-
oertittehre subject
tr.
na
tceertil
empirenans mustand bGe Greeks, wtainedile
nSkciesclhainve° struggles, if only for cutting each other's throats,
the countries will be divided, and even the partition will
probably lead to a general war. That was the opinion of
the Government; and not satisfied with this, that is only
four months ago—the 27th of September, 1862, is the date of
the noble lord's dispatch—the noble lord says to these poor
Sclavonians, representing many millions of industrious pee_
,y' Sclavonians,eYnounallueat
ideas ,anwehiGehreyekons
gG
yourre e k
es
sopnesn, i
al andly,
htoavtohegoGt Greeks, You
dwuhlitcihmaatiemlyartetveirmvinignatthine
wa
allegiancent tto c
taor rt
empire.
yheinPteorettre,ecatn,
end in general disaster, and they are views which not only These are views we never will tolerate; they must
will lead to the destruction of the Porte, but which will
subvert every other Government." Well, now sir, who
could suppose that only a few weeks after this revolution
n
occurred in Greece the Greeks should have requested. to be
allowed to elect an English prince for their Sovereign ? Of
course it would be inconvenient to enter into a discussion
of this subject now; and from what I learn from other
quarters it is one that will occupy the attention of the
House of Coiemors at a subsequent period. We are in-
formed in the Speech from the Throne that the diplomatic
engagements of her Majesty's Crown, together with other
weighty considerations, have prevented her Majesty from
yielding to the general wish of the Greek nation. But if
diplomatic engagements prevented the acceptance why
were the Greeks kept in suspense—(cheers)—most injurious
and most trying under the circumstances ? Diplomatic
engagements are precise and positive, and there are not
more engagements now than there were four months ago—
(Hear hear.) That is a matter which requires some infor-
mation, and I hope that we may receive it. It' is strange
that about the same time the Secretary of State, who is
opposed to creating any ideas amogst the Greeks of the ex-
pansion of territory, which may lead to attacks upon Tur-
key and perhaps convulsions in Europe, should have an.
'Jounced the intention of her Majesty's Government greatly
to increase the territory of Greece, and that in a very pecu-
liar way, by reducing the territory of her Majesty. It is
said that public opinion has decided in favour of the ces-
sion of the lonian Islands. The gradual and matured
opinion of an enlightened and enquiring people should re-
ceive the vigilant anxiety of any Minister, and should
greatly influence his opinion; but I deny that the tattle of
clubs is to be regarded as public opinion. A resolution of
this
kind should be adopted only after a mature inquiry,
knowledge, and great deliberation on the
ample
part of the cabinet,
Public opinion says that this is no