The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER, 6, 1863.

should be filled up, and the new closets be effectu-
ally drained and the gutters improved, and the
house No. 10, in which the Ward family resided,
should be thoroughly limewashed and cleansed, and
all the other houses should have a separate water
supply. Among other reports were the following :
—46 There are eight pigs kept at Mr. Brown's rag-
shop, Green-street, and an order is necessary for
their removal ; the copper where he melts fat—
which two nuisances constitute the great stench at
the back of 11, North-place, requires heading, and
a shaft built therefrom. In two of the back rooms
in John-street a pony and a donkey have been kept,
but are said to be now not kept." A letter from
Sir Richard Mayne to the vestry clerk, inclosing a
voluminous report from Inspector Price as to the
state of several houses in Nicholl-street, Bethnal-
green, was read. The report stated that the back
walls were damp and unwholesome, the ceilings
rotten and dilapidated, the stairs and passages
filthy, and the yards unpaved. There was no water
supply or vessel to hold water, and in one instance
(No. 55) the water-closet had neither seat nor riser.
At 55 there were four families, or 16 inhabitants,
paying 12s. 6d. a week rent. No. 59 was unfit for
human occupation but was occupied by four families,
paying a rent of 12s. a week. The general state of
the street may be inferred from these facts. Mr.
Cook moved and Mr. Ashford seconded a resolution
that the communications from the Home office and
Scotland-yard should be considered by a committee
of the whole vestry. The resolution was carried.
On the motion of Mr. Webb, seconded by Mr.
Robinson, it was resolved that it be ascertained what
houses in those parts of the parish where there are
sewers have not proper communication with the
sewers, and that in all such cases the necessary steps
for compelling such communications to be made be
taken. Mr. Vass stated that until within the last
six weeks such steps could not have been taken, as
the Metropolitan Board of Works had not until then
given permission.

MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, Nov, 5,

(Before the Assistant-Judge.)

Henry Palmer appealed against a conviction by Mr. Leigh
under which bo was sentenced to three months' hard labour
as a rogue and vagabond, under the Vagrant Act, 5 Geo.
IV., c. 83.
Mr. Besley appeared for the appellant—Mr. Poland was
counsel in support of the conviction.
Mr. Poland, in opening the case, said the facts lay in a
very narrow compass, and were substantially these—On
July 2C last the prisoner was in the City-road with another
person about 9 in the evening, when ho was watched by two
officers in plain clothes, who knew him as a reputed thief.
They saw him go up to the door of 17, City-road, and try
the door with a key or something similar, and failing in his
evident object, he went back from the door, and looked up
at the windows, as if to see if there were any lights, and
then re-crossed the road and walked to Finsbury-square,
and then he again:crossed the road, joined a companion, and
was taken into custody. In his possession were found a
number of filed keys, which were, or were intended to be,
used as skeleton ones. The prisoner was known as a reputed
thief, and evidence was given before the convicting magis-
trate of his being a reputed thief, which was necessary ac-
cording to the statute. lie (the learned counsel) should
submit to the Court that he could now adduce evidence as to
the prisoner's antecedents.

Mr. Bealey here objected to such evidence being put in on
appeal against a conviction founded upon evidence which
did not prove that the appellant was in the terms of the act,
"a reputed thief," and submitted that, before the magistrate
could convict, such evidence should have been before him.
After some discussion.

His Lordship said he thought he could not exclude the
proffered evidence, and that they could and ought to receive
evidence of the police as to the prisoner being a reputed thief,
and why they watched him.

Harry Short was then called, and deposed that he was a
constable of the N division of police, and on the evening of
the 20th July he was in the City-road, in plain clothes, with
another constable named Miller, also in plain clothes, when
he saw the appellant with another man, and knowing him he
watched his movements. He deliberately wont up to the
door of No. 17 and triad the door with a key, or something
like one, and failing, he re- crossed the road and joined the
other man. They were followed to Finsbury, square and then
turned back, when the appellant and the person he was with
were taken, and a dozen keys were found on Palmer of
different shapes and patterns, and some filed out of their
original forms, so that they might fit different locks. In 1819
the prisoner was sentenced to ten years' transportation, but
he escaped, and witness took him in 1355, when he was
sentenced at the Old Bailey to four years' penal servitude ;
and since his discharge he has been a constant associate of
thieves, both convicted and unconvicted, and that was the
reason he was taken when he was seen trying the door in
company with the other man.
Cross-examined—He knew the other man. Ho pushed
against a gentleman and lady. There was a crowd, and
Miller showed his warrant card as a police officer. That
was an accidental push, caused by his following
Palmer,
and Miller showed his card to satisfy them that they were
police constables. No one was examined at the police court
but himself; but a statement was made in reference to the
primer by Sergeant Evans, 22 G.
The constable Miller said he was with Short, and saw the
appellant try the door of 17, City-road. Having corrobo-
rated the evidence of Short, he said that when he took the
other one he said he did not know " Harry Palmer." Wit-
ness asked him if he had anything in his pockets, and he
said he had not. He had nothing about hint, and the wit-
ness said if he was a respectable person he would not object
to follow him to the station, and he did so. He was dis-
charged, and did not object to give his address. He did not
know Palmer before.

Mr. Besley addressed the Court in support of the appeal,
and admitting that in former years the appellant had been
no doubt properly convicted of criminal offences, for which
he had suffered his punishment, there was not, he sub-
mitted, such evidence before the Court to justify his con-
viction. The appellant had come into possession of £4OO
since his release, he had for four years been earning an
honest living as a cabinetmaker, lived in his own house,
and it was scarcely likely he would risk his restored cha-
racter by an offence of this kind. In 1855, when the appel-
lant was apprehended, there was an order made for the de-
livery to his brother of a watch and chain ; the watch was
given up but not the chain, and there had ever since been
an animosity against Palmer because he had asserted that
the policeman had it, though that had been denied. In such
a case he hoped the Court would adopt a clement and lenient
view, and not consign this man to a punishment for an
offence of which the evidence did not clearly prove.

Evidence was then given as to the appellant's character
since his release, and to the effect that he was by accident
in the City-road at the time ; that the person he was with
was a stranger ; and that the keys were ordinary ones, not
skeleton.

After some consideration the Court said the conviction
must be confirmed, as the evidence could leave no doubt
that the appellant was a reputed thief, and had tried the
door in question.
Conviction affirmed with costs.
The appellant was then removed in custody to undergo
the punishment adjudicated.
James Hayes, 21, seaman, was indicted for feloniously
assaulting and stealing from the person of Charles Selland,
a watch, value £5, his property.
Charles Jelland, the prosecutor, said he lived at No. 37,
Pelham-street, Spitalfields, and was a bricklayer. On
Saturday evening, the 24th of October, he was in White-
chapel, when two labourers knocked his hat off. He turned
round and saw his watch in the prisoner's hand. He seized
him, when the prisoner struck him a violent blow in the
mouth and knocked him to the ground. A crowd collected,
and some of them held his arms, while the prisoner kicked
him several times. Two gentlemen came to his assistance
while he was on the ground. The watch was broken from
the guard, and was worth £5.

Samuel Gibbons said he lived at No. 12, William-terrace,
Globe-street, Poplar. On the Saturday night in question,
at about nine:o'clock he was bathe Whitechapel-read, when
he saw two men knock the,_ prosecutor's hat off. The pro-
secutor turned round as if to look for a policeman, and at
that moment the prisoner snatched his watch. He saw it
in his hand, and when the prosecutor seized him he tried
very hard to get him down. He saw the !prisoner pull him
down, and he heard the guard snap.
Police-constable John Panther, 19 C, said on Saturday
night, about nine o'clock, he saw a mob of people in the
Whitechapel-road, The prisoner was there, being held by
the prosecutor and others. The prisoner was kicking and
trying to get away. He seized the prisoner, the prosecutor
saying, " I charge him with taking my watch," to which
he said nothing, and was taken to the station-house.
The prisoner was found guilty.
Mr. Lockyer, officer of the House of Correction, Cold-
bath- fields, recognised him as an old offender.
The Assistant-Judge sentenced him to be kept in penal
servitude for tour years.
Elizabeth Hensley, 30, servant, was indicted for fraudu-
lent by obtaining, by false pretences, from George Hub-
bard, 305., his money, with intent to defraud.
prisonersaTiaheshead beepnleaded guilty.
s The prisoner iu this case went to the shop of Messrs.
and
ewell and Cross, 44, Old Compton-street, on the 9th of
June, and said she was the housekeeper of Mr. Spade, of
Rugeley, and was desired to look out some curtains. She
which were
asked robbed of her purse in the railway car-
riage,and they wars returned.
and
afterwards
em to advance her £l. The sum of Ll
was given, efrwards 10a. more. She selected 14 cur-
tains,Thomas Sharratt saide\vdar forwarded at
was herste
steward
request e st to
i‘t
r7r
Spode,. Spode,
o f
Hautyard Park, Armitage
years in
of allowing irregularities
June last the prisoner was
near
Sha in housekeeper to Mr. Spode.
Rugeley, and on the 9th
s
employ as housekeeper, but
wza cwiz!norr:,Llhitny

amongst the servants. Had they not occurred she might
have remained in that service for life.

Charles Butcher, police-constable 137 C, said he appre-
prehended the prisoner at Birmingham, when he told her
he was an officer from London. He told her the charge, and
she said she was very sorry for what she had done, that she
had no money, and nowhere to go to.

The Assistant Judge sentenced her to be imprisoned and
kept to hard labour for 12 months.
John Roberts, alias Benjamin, pleaded guilty to an is-
dictment, charging him with stealing 19 cigars, value 35.,
the property of Fredk. Everett.
The prisoner pleaded guilty.
Mr. Lockyor, prison officer of the House of Correction,
Coldbath- fields, proved eight convictions against the pri-
soner, ranging from August, 1860, to 1863, and amongst
his offences were burglary and uttering counterfeit coin.
The Assistant-Judge sentenced him to be kept in penal
servitude for four years.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Emperor's Speech,

TIMES.—The Emperor of the French has opened
the Chambers in an address which is more like a
Parliamentary speech than the measured utterance
of a Constitutional Sovereign. His sentences seem
to be uttered from the tribune rather than the
throne. More than ever he descends into the lists,
anticipates the arguments of his adversaries, takes
credit for his achievements, holds out promises for
the future, appeals, menaces, and concludes by leav-
ing on his hearers the desired impression that in
every matter of peace or war, in the construction of
a railway or the establishment of an empire, there
is only one master in France, and that is Napoleon
111, On this occasion the Emperor places domestic
before foreign affairs, perhaps because the former
represent a more complete and finished success,
while his international policy may appear to many
uncertain, adventurous, and not free from danger.
The Polish question, the Emperor reserved to the
last. In this part of the speech he rose to eloquence,
yet it was a guarded language that he used, and no
man can say that he has startled the financiers of
Europe by a single ominous expression. Those who
remember the tone of the French press, and know
the real impulses of the French people and the
strength of the Polish tradition among them, will
rather be surprised at the candour with which the
Emperor admits the fact that something like a Rus-
sian alliance existed with France from the close of
the Crimean war to the present year. We knew that
it was so, but we had never been told the truth from
so high a quarter. " When the Polish insurrection
burst out the Governments of France and of Russia
were on the most friendly footing. Since the con-
clusion of peace they were always agreed upon the
great European questions, and I do not hesitate to
declare so." These words gave the interpreta-
tion to the Emperor's subsequent remarks. The
Power which supported him during the Italian
campaign, and when he incurred the resentment
even of England by the annexation of Savoy and
Nice, he will not wantonly wrong or insult. But,
on the other hand, Poland has its indefeasible claims
both as a historical people and as a people whom
France has so long been studious to avenge. That he
is in a difficulty, and hesitates between breaking up
the Russian alliance and leaving the Poles to perish
unaided, is what the Emperor would wish us to be-
lieve. He laments the insurrection, the excesses
both of the rulers and the rebels, and the un-
happy circumstance that the struggle has been
made more bitter and cruel by the well-meant
interference of the three Powers. But he does not
believe that there is but one alternative—war or
silence. In language studiously courteous to the
whole of Enrolee he declares his opinion that the
Treaties of Vienna have, through the lapse of time
and the numbers of political changes, lost their
value, and might be advantageous!), remodelled in
another General Congress. if Russia would submit
the question of Poland to such an assembly, other
questions might also be submitted, and a reorganisa-
tion of Europe might take place, leading in time to
that general disarmament which philanthropists and
statesmen have so long looked for in vain. It is
with much skill that the Emperor, in proposing
this great council of nations, holds out the hope
that:the burdens of Europe will be made lighter
by the event, and in a manner promises that he
will take the lead in the reform. Assent to this
scheme will, according to the Emperor, be the test
of political honesty, and Russia is warned that if
she refuses the way of peace she may enter on
another which, sooner or later, conducts to war.
The contingent threat of the conclusion does not,
however, take away from the conciliatory tone
which pervades the sp, ech, and we may look upon
it as probebie that the French Emperor really de-
sires to avoid an European contest if his own posi-
tion and the impulses of France will allow him to
remain at peace.
POST.—The Emperor has addressed to the French
Chambers words of comfort and of peace. After 11
years of prosperity, the empire is so rich, thanks to
an increasing revenue, that the expenses of two
wars at the extremities of the globe, in Mexico and
in Cochin China, can be met without recourse to
loans or to extraordinary resources. The exports
have increased by upwards of 1,9,000,000, while
136,000 tons have been added to the mercantile ma-
rine of France. The harvest is abundant, and 1,000
more kilometers of railway have been opened. France
revels in prosperity, and her rulers have only to basy
themselves with new improvements. Sugardutiesand
the laws regulating the baking trade, the maritime
inscription, the law on strikes, and that on the pri-
vileges of theatres, are pointed to as subjects for
legislation; whilst the Emperor also wishes to pro-
secute the task of decentralisation, to simplify the
administration, and to improve those laws which,
in the course of last year, have given rise to much
scandal by their undue pressure on the aecused.
But foreign policy steps in like an evil genius, and
forbids a happy selfishness. France, like England,
would gladly be quiet. The Emperor does not
hesitate to say that the Czar has been one of his best
friends and has done him good service on several
occasions ; but he could not shut his eyes to the po-
pular feeling of France, aad he acknowledges that
the Poles are the " heirs of a right inscribed in
history and in treaties." " The treaties of 1815 no
longer exist." Such are the words of a Napoleon.
That he utters truth is proved by his own position on
the throne of France, no less than by the flagrant
violation of the stipulations of the Congress of Vienna
in every country of Europe, The Emperor has shown
no anxiety for war; on the contrary, he persists in
accompanying England even in her retrogressions.
We wrote notes for Poland strongly worded. Those
notes were met with partial acceptance. An identical
note was proposed, which, coming from three Powers
determined to back it up, must have attained its
object without any war. But "I dare not" proved
stronger in counsel than " 1 would." Lord Rus-
sell announced that we would never go to war.
Three notes, instead of one, were sent, and we re-
ceived is answer three slaps in the face smartly
applied. Why can we not after that satisfaction
leave Poland alone ? Why not, strictly follow-
ing a real policy of non-intervention, let the
Poles be massacred, or sent to Siberia ? No! Lord
Russell has not yet written enough notes. He con-
tinues to prod at the bear 'with a pointless goad,
shouting all the while in the name of the Liberals of
Eogland, and echoed by Lord Malmesbury on be-
half of the Tories, that he means positively nothing
by it. Months ago we were able to say that three
great Powers were acting as one. Northern
diplomacy has triumphed, and the quondam allies
now act as three. The Emperor makes no allusion
to united action, and in much bewilderment as to
what course to pursue, suggests a European Con-
gress to settle all difficult questions, and accom-
panies this proposal by a bold project for a
general disarmament. This last notion, coming
from France, is worthy of attention, and may
possibly lead to some result when the time shall
come for entertaining it seriously. Mean-
while, the Polish question itself renders disarmament
impossible. The main question we have to deal
with therefore is that of a Congress. What would
a Congress effect, even supposing that Russia gave
her assent to it? Had England, France, and Aus-
tria determined on what was fair and lawful for
Poland, and asked it at the head of half a million of
men and a hundred vessels of war, they would no
doubt have obtained what they wished. B ut they
could not agree and they did.not act. What hope,
then, is there of their bringing their divided coun-
sels to any better result across a green Laize table ?
The Emperor's words are words of peace and con-
ci iation ; but, though well.intentioned, we fear
they will prove of little avail. " The past,"
which in the words of Napoleon, " is crumbling
away," will continue to crumble, and the sub-
sidence of its ruins will give us shocks of which
we may bitterly rue the consequences, the
more so that by observance of a duo precaution and
a bold policy we might have obviated both the im-
mediate danger and its remoter contingencies.
DAILY NEWS.—The Emperor's speech concludes
with words of generous liberality, such as in former
years have kindled admiration, and almost made us
believe that a new era for humanity had dawned.
Distrust, jealousy, self-interest, and every cause of
international discord are to be laid aside, and all in
future is to be goodwill, confidence, and peace. It
is a pity that so much good exhortation is fore-
doomed to disregard, but there are some artifices
which cannot be practised twice, and we know the
Emperor's parable about " peace of the world,"
" ideas of the epoch," " conscience of the age,"
by heart as familiarly as Solomon Flamborough
knew Mr. Ephraim Jenkinson's story of
Manetho, Sanchoniathan and Berosus, and the
cosmogony. A vague wonder, a passing
thought on the liberties which potentates can take
with the understanding of mankind, is all that the
public will bestow on the generous sentiments aboat
" exaggerated armaments" and " legitimate aspira-
tions of the people," for which it pleased the Em-
peror to find a place in his speech. We know who
said, more than ten years ago at Bordeaux, that the
" Empire was peace," and then opened an era of
European wars which is not yet closed. No Con-
ference will ever meet at his invitation to certify
that the fundamental European pact has ceased to
exist. The alarm which he sounds will not terricy.
Europe is not " agitated by the elements of dis-
solution." In Austria, in Italy, in Germany,io fl is
and
in other countries, a process of c
pro-
going on, and the way to hasten it is not re a
onsoloitdatto
claim that " the fermentations of a
ready to break out on all If the
European treaties have lost their sides,heirvta diditya.
to promote the
Emperor wants to show his asonxb7t
Withdrawing the
good work, he can easily d
French army from Rome. °F.or the E e r o r*.s sage.
it nv,..y be hoped that his Polley Imly 111,,V) a bet-ter

figure in the speeches of his talking Ministers than
it does in his own, the most bewildered, ineffectual
harangue he has yet delivered.
HERALD.—We are not paying an idle compliment
to France or her Emperor when we assert that
Europe will breathe more freely now that the
oracle has spoken. Like all oracular utterances,
the Imperial Speech is couched in somewhat
ambiguous terms, and. there are plenty of sanguine
spirits who will find in it grounds for their wildest
enthusiasm or their deepest dejection. But taken
as a whole, as an Imperial manifesto delivered at
an hour of more than ordinary complications, it
may be regarded as pacific and satisfactory. It may
disappoint some of the prophets who, diving deep
into the Imperial confidence, pointed out yesterday
as the day from which France would date a wonder-
ous era of constitutional development. It will not
fulfil all the hopes of the Czartoryskis and their
friends. It will, perhaps, for a time, scare thosecon-
tinental powers which have an " oppressed nationa-
lity" to please, or a disputed frontier to rectify, or,
as the Emperor of the French phrases it, " secret
projects which shun the light of day." But for
all that there is a good substratum of satisfactory
promise in it, all the more valuable perhaps that
it is not prided with an undue flourish of
trumpets. Napoleon 111. has plainly declared
that it is not the duty of France to go to war
on behalf of the Polish insurgents, and France
and Europe are spared a great calamity. Before
the Congess meets we trust at least one great ques-
tion will be eliminated from the topics for universal
discussion by the pacification of Poland. Upon mat-
ters of policy proper to France the Emperor speaks
hopefully and wisely. The great country over
which he rules has a right to look forward to the
time when she will take her place amongst the great
commercial and colonising nations. We should be
the last to wish to diminish her influence in the
New World, or to exclude her flag from distant
seas. The speech points plainly to the acceptance
of the Mexican throne by the Austrian Archduke,
and alludes modestly to the great results achieved
in Cochin China and Mexico by the valour of
French soldiers. In the re-establishment of settled
government in Mexico, and the opening up of her
vast resources to the world, in the development of
the internal wealth of France, and the fostering of
her commerce, let us hope the Emperor will find,
however, a profit sufficient to compensate him for
any disappointment he may. have to put up with in
his project of an European Congress.
ADVERTISER.—The most important and the most
exciting topic to which Louis Napoleon referred is
that of Poland. Here, again, our darkness is not
enlightened in the slightest degree as to what Im-
perialism means to do with respect to the Polish
insurrection. The only thing worthy of note in
what he said on the subject is, that while Russia
calls the Poles rebels, and certainly acts towards
them with a vengeance as such, he speaks of them
as the " inheritors of rights written in history and
in treaties." Ho does not blame either Austria or
England for not going to war with Russia on be-
half of Poland, but simply contents himself
by saying that the question being a Euro-
pean one, France is not called on to go
alone to war on behalf of Poland. All that he
proposes to do is to call a Congress of European
Powers to settle the Polish question. This he must
know is a mere subterfuge,—an ingenious device
for shelving the question. Resale would never
consent to any Congress for such a purpose • and
no one knows this better than the occupant of the
Tuileries. We repeat, therefore, that the proposal
of a Congress for such a purpose, is the veriest
mockery. If, indeed, all the parties constituting
such a Congress were to pledge themselves to carry
out by a resort to physical force, the conclusions to
which such a Congress would come, in the event of
Russia refusing to acquiesce in them,—there might
be at least the semblance of something in the pro-
posal ; but Louis Napoleon knows from experience
as well as from open and explicit avowals, that
neither Austria nor this country will go to war for
Poland. The proposal, theretore, is no better than
a delusive and discreditable expedient, having
covertly for its object, to play into the hands of
Russia, and destroy the cause of Poland. The speech
altogether is a dull and pointless document. It reads
more like a funeral oration over the death of the
Empire, than an address instinct with gratification
in the retrospect of the past, and buoyancy for the
future. There is not one brilliant conception, nor a
single felicitous expression in it. It. i 8 80 unlike
anything which ever before, on similar occasions,
proceeded from the Imperial pen, that we have some
difficulty in regarding it as really an emanation from
the Napoleonic mind. It will produce a profound
end universal feeling of dissatisfaction in France;
and will, if we are not greatly mistaken, give a
heavier blow and greater diteouragement to Im-
perialism than anything that has occurred since the
notable 2d of December, 1852.