The Sun.
London, England, 1830-06-12 00:00:00

the Noble Duke would not be so niggardly; and if
he (Lord Londonderry) found that he was mistaken
as to the opinions of Austria on the subject, it would
go far to induce him to alter the decision to which
he had come 'after reading the papers upon the
table. The Noble Marquis concluded by moving
for copies of the papers to which he had adverted
in the course of his speech.
The Earl of ABERDEEN begged first to be
allowed to give the Noble Marquis a piece of advice,
viz. to take the trouble of looking at the documents
upon the table before he made a speech and moved
for further papers. There the Noble Marquis would
have found all the information he wished for regard-
ing the assurance of Austria and Prussia; for he
would have seen the express instructions those two
Powers gave to their Ambassadors at Constanti-
nople : Prussia not only acquiesced, but enforced
upon the Porte the demands of the three Powers;
and the Austrian Internuncio only waited until he
received instructions from his Court. In one of the
Protocols, it m as particularly mentioned, that he had
been blamed by his Government for not supporting
the Declaration of the three Powers.
Lord HOLLAND asked the date of that Pro-
tocol'?
The Earl of ABERDEEN replied that it bore
(Lite on the 12th October, 1827. The instruction
to which the Noble Marquis had referred was dated
in London on the 12th July ; it was executed at
Constantinople on the 16th August, by the Prussian
Minister, and as soon as he had received directions
from Vienna by the Austrian Internuncio. It was
therefore quite clear that upon this point no further
information was necessary, since none could render
it more clear. The Noble Marquis had also made
some remarks upon the correspondence with Prince
Leopold, and seemed to think that lie (Lord Aber-
deen) would not be able to defend himself, and had in
fact admitted his inability. He had made no such ad-
mission, nor did he think the accusation came in such
a shape as to require him to defend himself. It was
quite obvious on the face of the correspondence that
although the letter, of the 31 st Jan. 1830, was the
first written communication, there had been much
previous personal intercourse, which justified all the
expressions in the letter. He was ready to enter
nto the discussion of that transaction whenever the

Noble Marquis desired. With respect to the papers
themselves, their Lordships would see that the last
paper was a Memorial from the Greek Senate to
his Royal Highness Prince Leopold. That Me-
morial was communicated to him (Lord Aberdeen)
by his Royal Highness after lie had declared his
renunciation of the Sovereignty of Greece. That
paper was in an inclosure, with others which had
been sent from Greece, and he should do no more
than present them to their Lordships. Since that time
Prince Leopold had sent him a letter addressed to the
Prince by Count Capo d'lstrias—a letter which had
formed one of those in the inclosure. These papers
were, however, of importance, as their Lordships
would see, when they heard that one of them was
the letter of the Senate addressed to Count Capo
d'lstrias, in which they unanimously expressed their
approval of his answer to the three Powers. That
was, therefore, a letter which set at rest the
question of the unanimity of the Senate. Ile
would give among the letters, that addressed
to the Prince by Count Capo d'lstrias, which ap-
peared to him material, and the contents of which
he thought they ought to know. He, therefore,
proposed to lay this letter, together with those in
the inclosure, upon the table of the House. Ile
would now say osie word as to the question the
Noble Marquis had put with regard to his conduct.
This was not quite the time to introduce the discus-
sion of such an extensive subject ; but he would
make this observation, that the union of the three
Powers was a matter which he had not first taken
up, but which he had found arranged and settled
when he was placed in the situation he now held.
When the Noble Marquis considered, as he
seemed to do, that the Government had had
delusive views on this subject, he was quite mis-
taken. The Government had only had in view the
object of carrying into effect an engagement already
made, with as much consistency and steadiness as
the nature of that engagement, the position of the
contracting parties, and the interests of this country
allowed. The Noble Marquis was right in what he
had said on a former occasion as to the attachment
he (Lord Aberdeen) bore to a certain individual;
but he must object to any argument as deduced from
that circumstance; and above all, he must protest
against the Noble Marquis taking upon himself to
become the interpreter of the language and senti-
ments of that individual.
The DUKE of WELLINGTON—I wish, my
Lords, to say a few words in answer to the ques-
tions put by the Noble Marquis. One of these ques-
tions relates to the paragraph contained in the letter
of Prince Leopold, in which he speaks of a secret
influence having been exercised as to the determi-
nation of the Government with respect to Candia.
He wants to know what that influence was ? For
an answer to that question I beg leave to refer him
to Prince Leopold, for I have no answer to give.
The Noble Marquis then asks, whether I believed
the statement made in the letter of Prince Leopold?
I am sure that when the Noble Marquis comes
calmly to consider that question, he will see that it
was not a proper question to put to me—l feel it,
at least, to be improper, and I must, therefore, de-
cline answering it.
Lord DURHAM was glad that it was the inten-
tion of the Noble Earl to lay these papers before
the House. Prince Leopold's explanation would
then be laid before the House and the country, and
he was sure the more the matter was examined by
both, the more satisfied would every one be that
the conduct of his Royal Highness had been such
as to be most conducive, not only to his own honour
but to the real interests of this country. He would
not enter into the discussion of the reasons why the
arrangement that had been made was contrary to
the general interests of Europe, but would merely
content himself with saying that the Noble Marquis
had not fairly subjected himself to the blame cast
on him by the Noble Earl opposite, for he had only
moved for papers with a view to gain information
on these subjects.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, that
when the Noble Earl presented himself to the
House with papers, he fairly became subject to the
objection that these papers were not sufficient for
the purpose He trusted that those re-
marks were made with all proper courtesy; and he
believed, indeed, that they had been made with more
courtesy than the Noble Earl had shown to others:
He would tell the Noble Earl that he (Lord Lon-
donderry) had read the communication of the
Austrian Minister, but there was this difference
between that communication and the papers he
wanted, that the first were communications from
diplomatic servants abroad, while the others were
the statements of our own agents to the Govern-
ment at'home. They all knew what diplomacy was.
—(Hear.)—lt was 'riot always what a Diplomatist
said that explained what were his real sentiments.
—(Hear, hear.)—He wanted the despatches from
our Ambassadors to explain the real state of the
fact. Let the Noble Earl put those papers on the
table, and let their Lordships see whether those des-
patches corresponded with that flummery.—(Hear,
hear.)—They knew very well that what a Diplo-
matist said when he talked about cordial coeoperation
with others, was often complete bombast; and he
wanted these papers to see what were the sober
steady opinions, and the well-judging opinions of
his Majesty's Ministers at that Court upon these
communications. They were persons whose testi-
mony could be relied on. In all diplomacy there were
various absurd phrases used that he believed were
called the apocalypse of the proceedings.--(A laugh.)
—He would now say a word or two upon the laconic
and dignified manner in which the Noble Duke had
answered him with respect to the information he
sought upon two important points. He believed
that, upon one of those points the Noble Duke had
told him to ask Prince Leopold for an answer.
Prince Leopold was not in that House, and there-
fore could not be asked the question; but when lie
asked the question of the Noble Duke, he supposed