The Sun.
London, England, 1839-01-08 00:00:00

COMMERCIAL TREATIES.

(From the British and Foreign Review for January.)
Never were commercial treaties concluded between any
powers, which more required the corroboration of a strong
and decisive line of policy to give weight to all their provi-
sions, than those signed in 1838 between Great Britain and
Austria—bets:wen Great Britain and the Porte ; for they have
been concluded, not with the vague foresight of any contin-
gent peril, but in the face of the actual pretensions of Russia.
If the English Government was not determined to act upon
them with its whole strength, they would not only soon be-
come a dead letter, but they never would come into opera-
tion at all. It becomes us, then, to inquire what political
combination is best calculated to give solidity to these ar-
rangements. _ .

The fact that Austria has assented to this treaty may fairly
be taken as an admission on her part that she is not averse to
an alliance utterly repugnant to her Russian connexions—an
alliance, as we showed at the opening of this article, which
has grown with her dread and hatred of Russian influence.
It is on her part, politically considered, a strictly defensive
measure : she discerns a danger, she uses her best preserva-
tive. With Turkey the case is the same, but stronger ; for
with her the influence of Russia was far more powerful, her
own resources far less considerable, and her position with re-
gard to England less that of an equal than of a suppliant.
The ratification of these treaties has, then, been the first act
of a defensive alliance, of which Great Britain is the centre ;
her eastern possossions, her maritime power, her commercial
relations giving her as strong an interest as either of the
other states, though the one sees its existence in actual
jeopardy, and the other may tremble for the safety of an im-
mense part of its dominions. As long as the alliance pre-
serves a defensive character, it will confine its policy within
the bounds of strict moderation, and will certainly not engage
in hostilities even to recover the ground which ten years of
insidious encroachments and barbarous violence have acquired
for Russia : but if that power begins the attack, the position
of the allies is materially altered.
As long as the existing state of things remains, Austria,
though in the most absolute opposition to Russia on other
points, has one interest in common with the Emperor Nicho-
las—that of keeping down, by whatever means, the Polish
provinces of the two empires. We have seen at Cracow what
a union of purpose in that bad cause can effect. It is the
union of brigands embarrassed to dispose of their captives and
their booty. Russia proposes to murder the captives and to
riot in the spoils ; Prussia, to sell the former and to trade with
the latter : for Austria—equally averse to the one 'and the
other—nothing remains but the difficult task of restitution.
She has repented for fifty years of that atrocious mistake;
she has felt more deeply than any power in Europe the disas-
trous consequences of the exposure of her northern frontier,
and the dreadful conditions on which her moderate accession
of territory was obtained ;—and we believe that we are speak-
ing the real thoughts of the great Austrian minister, when we
say that his empire will not he freed from its calamitous union
pith the worst part of Russian policy, nor Europe safe from
Russian incursions, until the Polish question has been boldly
attacked and resolved.

As long as we were trpon terms of mere conventional po-
liteness with the Austrian Government, our Ministers seemed
to think themselves compelled to spare the sensitiveness of
that power on Polish affairs : but if we are to make her our
ally indeed, we must read her policy home. There is but one
thing required to induce Austria to throw off the mask, which
she is compelled to wear until that thing be secured—in a
word, SUCCESS. " Garantissez moi le succes, et j'y souscris
a l'instant," were the words of the minister who may yet live
long enough to accomi lish their meaning. This guarantee of
success would be found in the unequivocal decision of the
councils of England, that the Polish nation shall be reconsti-
tuted under such a form of government as might secure the
real co-operation of the House of Austria.

This, then, is our view of the questions of the Danube, and
of Poland. They are so far from being dissevered by our pre-
sent alliance with Austria, that the one follows immediately
upon the other. The alliance of the Danube is an alliance of
defence ; but the first cannon-shot that is fired, the first ag-
gression made (if any such can be) upon these our covenanted
rights, Austria must be prepared by Great Britain to sever
the tie which connects her with Russia in the Polish provinces,
and to follow a line of policy as necessary to secure the king-
doms of central Europe, as the independence of Turkey is to
protect the East.
Alliances of a defensive character may be wisely contracted,
and honourably maintained, for the sole purpose of warding off
hostile aggression : but the mcment that hostilities have cum-
menccd, a defensive alliance assumes a far more active cha-
racter. No party then fights for the status quo ante bellurn :
to have maintained that state inviolate might before have been
a desirable object ; but, blood having flowed, the least that
can be contended for is a strong security, that, if this ag-
gression be repelled, it can never again be repeated. To
obtain that security by weakening the enemy's power, or di-
minishing his territory, then becomes the positive and justi-
fiable object of defensive allies. The application of these
plain principles is evident; Russia has a distinct end in view
—the occupation of Constantinople, and the overthrow of
Turkey; at present the purpose of England and Austria is
simply to prevent Russia from approaching one step nearer to
that catastrophe : but if she twice an attempt to foil their
vigilance, the purpose of Great Britain and Austria beccm-s
positive ; and, in sound policy, they cannot stop short of the
reconstitution of Poland, and the expulsion of Russian do-
minion from the shores of the Danube. Such are the only

< If-
-,
objects which they can wisely an • • 0
objects sufficient fftr the glory a %.I.s•ae4ifyorAr.te/
Thus far England has wort .1t416-41/14.•;',100.
now a time for her to slacken ie o
with two Powers in Europe whlit •-4 s.:
suming the initiative in general :1-'41"e,0110....2;ET. . her
strength to relieve its weakness, ti - •. .ste,,,et rivet
its decisions. The part she has pILOWArtiI. `. • sho
will retain on the seas. Against her lleet the first blow will
(some time or other) be struck, as it is against her power that
the brunt of the battle will be directed. But there is yct
another point of a diplomatic nature to which the influence of
the British Cabinet cannot be too strongly turned.
It may, we think, be assumed, without any untimely exaggera
tion or self-deluding triumph, that by the prudence of Lord
Palmerston, and the address of Lord Ponsonby, seconded by
fortunate dispositions in the Court of Vienna and the Porte,
the Russian influence has sustained a signal defeat—a defeat
vshich arms cannot retrieve, which bravado cannot efface, nor
menace nor persuasion repair. The game has been played
out with cords which Russia herself has dealt ; the result is,
that she is further from the great stake than she was five or two
years ago, and the schema itself is exhausted. The jealousy
of the German people has been awakened, and even the vanity
of German Princes has not lulled to rest their deep mistrust.*
Austria has contracted a new alliance ; the public mind in
England has reached a state of energetic conviction, which it
has not felt on any subject since the fall of Napoleon ; Asia
has been alarmed—Turkey prepared ; the armies of the Cau-
casus have sustained the crowning misfortune of ignominious
defeat. But however Russia may be baffled, we are perfectly
aware that she will not lose an hour in preparing fresh instru-
ments for fresh attempts; her means may fail her; but her
object has not changed since Peter the Great first launched his
boats upon the Sea of Azoff.
With a view to some new combination, we confess that we
expect Russia to exert all her address to effect a close allianc t.•
with France. It appears strange that we should have written
thus far on topics of European interest without once alluding-
to the policy of the French ; but we have spoken of main-
taining the cause of what is right, just, and bold in European
politics, and with that cause the Government of Louis PH-
lippe has no concern...

The disgust with which all parties in England have viewed
the attempt to bully the Swiss Cantons ; the display of brigs
of war on the Mexican shore ; the insane frenzy of conquest
which is sweeping along the African coast like an inundation
in a desert; the dastardly withdrawal of Louis Philippe from
the affairs of the Peninsula; and his interested attempt to add
fresh delays to the settlement of the Belgian question ;—all
these things have so estranged the polities of France and Eng-
land, that we run the risk of forgetting the danger arising from
the loss of the French alliance, in our satisfaction at escaping
from all participation in her disgraceful policy. But the
tempter is at hand; and all our vigilance will hardly keep
France from falling into the hands of Russia. The left bank
of the Rhine is the object of her incessant craving—it will be
offered her on the same conditions on which it was offered in

1828: the independence of Egypt, in relation with her own
African possessions, is in her scoret views—nothing could con-
tribute so much to weaken the Porte, to forward the objects of
Russia, and to baffle those of England. In one word, as
England, Austria, and Turkey are three Powers essentially de-
fensive, Russia, France, and Egypt are three Powers essen-
tially offensive; yet even in their purposes of aggression they
do not clash; and it is exceedingly probable that, each for his
own purpose, they will combine.
To baffle this combination, which would undoubtedly be
fraught with terrible injury to the great interests of Europe, is
now the task of English and Austrian diplomatists. They may
succeed in inducing France to accede to the new commercial
arrangements, but the commerce of France Ivillnever dictate her
serious alliances. For this. purpose we confess that we look upon
the strong national feeling of the French for the Polish cause,
and the reiterated pledges of the Government and the Cham-
bers to Polish Nationality, as the principal point on which
France and Russia are divided : and if the restoration of Po-
land be ever seriously contemplated by England and Aust: is,
we do not believe that any French Government could join a
combination to defeat that purpose. The French people would
abjure all participation in so unwise and detestable a line of
policy. They would aspire to share the honour and the ad-
vantage which all Europe would derive from that signal act
of justice. The Polish question would thus be destined not
only to furnish a high and wise object to the alliance of Eng-
land and Austria, by enabling them to set real bounds to Russian
ambition, but would also supply them with the aptcst weapon
for the defeat of Russian intrigue with France.
None, certainly, can foretell what events, what success,
what dis•resses this coming 3 ear may bring. May it not be
unworthy of the times we live in, and the hopes we entertain !
But, above all, whilst the orators of the day are screaming to
attract the crowd, and masking their hideous egotism in the
tawdry colours of faction, may it not be forgotten that interests
common to all parties, and infinitely higher than the interests
of any party, are at stake—the interests of England herself,
which demand the vigilance, the vigour, and the union of all
her sons 1

Although the intrigues carried by the Emperor Nicholas, in
person, into the heart of Germany in the course of 1838 do not
strictly belong to our subject, they afford a too amusing and in-
structive parallel to the Imperial journey of 1835 (the secret details
of which were given in this Journal, vol. v. p. 314. ), for us to
pass them unnoticed. All the world has laughed at the unfortunate
matrimonial projects between the Crown Prince of Bavaria and the
Grand Duchess Olga—all Germany was revolted by the pompous
display of corrupt munificence, and the deluge of Russian badges
lavished upon the Courts and troops of Munich and Berlin : but
more serious schemes were in the meanwhile on foot. We know,
from the best authority, that the Emperor earnestly proposed and
vehemently urged his admission into the German Confederation,
as Grand Duke of Courland and the Paltie provinces, with an
outreenidctnee which seemed to overlook the insurmountable ob-
stacles to so preposterous a project. He even proposed to submit
the scheme to the other European Powers for their consent; and
affected considerable surprise at the resolute opposition with which
the plan was met by M. de Metternich, and at the cold evasions of
the King of Prussia. These facts, which are not generally known,
will not be lost on our German readers.

INQUEST ON THE LATE LORD

NORBURY.

DURROW ABBEY, FRIDAY, JAN. 4.—The following is the
substance of the evidence given this day before the Coroner.
First—The steward, who was the only person in company
with Lord Norbury, stated that he was wi:hin about nine feet
of him in his rear when the shot was fired ; t .at his Lordship
was in the act of pointing out four or five trrces wlioh he was
anxious to have cut down the first thing in the nursery ; that
it was then about a quarter to four, and clear day-light ; that
he (the steward) at the time had his back turned towards a
hedge which skirted the plantation in which they then were,
and while looking up at the trees which were to be cut, he
heard the report of a gun, and on looking round he saw smoke
proceeding from the hedge which was at the top of a ditch, and
on looking further saw a man at the other side of the hedge in
the gripe, stooping down and running as hard as he could up the
gripe ; that he followed him about twenty yards, but
Lordhearing-
assistance,N or Norbury cry
when
he out
was two
just orab threeout to timer,
break
thheroructguh tirneid to his
hedge
in pursuit of the assassin : that on returning to his Lordship
he found him in the act of falling, and took him in his arms
and carried him towards the Kilbeggan or Abbey entrance
lodge—about twenty yards—but being unable to carry him
further, and Lord Norbury being very weak and faint, lie
placed him on his back on the ground, intending to go
for assistance ; that he proceeded to the lodge, and having
desired two females whom he found there to go to his Lord-
ship's assistance, he proceeded to the Abbey and called for Mr.
Stewart, Lord Norbury's son-in-law, the only gentleman then
staying there ; Mr. Stewart went immediately to his Lord-
ship's assistance, and conducted him home. Second—Doctor
Pierce, of Tullamore, and Doctor Duigan, of Kilbeggan,
who were immediately sent for, found that the wounds
which he received, six in number, caused his death. One of
the largest entered the left breast, piercing the lungs at that
side, breaking the breast-bone, and making its exit under the
arm, the others being all superficial, passing only between the
flesh and skin, and lodging in the left arm. The jury, a mixed
one, Roman Catholics and Protestants, found a verdict of
wilful murder against persons unknown.
KILBEGGAN, JAN. 4. —The surgeons had a post niortem ex-
amination, and found, although there were six wounds, five
were superficial and only one mortal. The gun or blunderbuss
was charged with swan-drops, and it is extraordinary that in
the mortal wound, they arc of opinion that at least two or
three of the drops entered, tore away part of the breast-bone,
and entered the lungs, carrying with them part of the outer
garment, which consisted of pilot cloth, and both the bone and
fragments of cloth were fcund lodged in the lungs, and caused
death. The assassin wore a particular dress, which the steward
saw and described, and would be enabled to identify him, so
that the escape of the miscreant is impossible.
(FRONt A FRIEND OF TIIE FAMILY.)
I accompanied the Surgeon- General to Durrow Abbey on
Wednesday morning, and remained with Lord Norbury till he
died. Lord Glandine, who was with Alr. Vandalcur at Kil-
uel at the time, arrived with Mr. Vandaleur about a quarter
of en hour before his father's death. The Noble Earl retained
his faculties to the last moment. Immediately after Lord
Glandine's arrival, a very distressing and effecting scene oc-
curred. He and his only brother, a lad of fourteen years of
age, with all Lord Norbury's daughters then in the house
(Lady Elizabeth Parsons and Lady Grace Vandaleur were the
only two, cut of seven, absent), being aware of the sad catas-
trophe about to take place, presented themselves to receive
the last benediction of their beloved and justly venerated
parent. The Noble Earl recognised them all, but he did not
survive the in'erview more than ten or twelve minutes. The
three younger ladies are children; the eldest not ten years
old. By this lamentable occurrence upwards of one thousand
individuals have been deprived of the means of support. The
funeral is fixed to take place on Tuesday next, at twelve.
Lord Charleville and every other Magistrate in the county
have been in constant attendance at the Abbey.

CORN LA WS.—T. A. Paulton, Esq., delivered his
second lecture on Wednesday evening, before a dense mass
of the operatives, and a great number of the influential and
more wealthy classes, in the Exchange Hall, Nottingham.
HEREDI'T'ARY ROGUERY.-111C following remar-
kable case was tried at the Quarter Sessions for the county
of Warwick last Tuesday :—John Scarrott, aged 77, John
Scarrott, his son, aged 50, and Levi Scarrott, son of the
last-mentioned John, and aged 14, were tried and convicte.l
It appeared
that
of stealing at Sturchall, on the 2d of, November last, an
months'
ass, the property of Arthur Francis Gregory, Esq. 'l'hev
were
theys
ente"n,eeered
gt!,-.•psniiense on
,
or tis'
imprisonment.travelling tinkers. The grand-
father looked the worse for his years. His son was a pow-
erful-looking man, apparently not 40 years of age. The
grandson was also a powerful youth.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The revenue tables, which we published yesterday, ex-
hibit, on the surface, an appearance of prosperity, but be-
neath it, and upon a slight inspection only the usual fal-
la?.ies are to be detected, which must make us despair of
ever obtaining from the Treasury a manly and straightfor-
ward account, such as is due to a commercial country.
On the yearly return a surplus is declared of 1,075,0001.,
but as it is deduced from the comparison with a period,
that of the year ending the sth of January, 1838, which
exhibited a falling off of 1,900,0001., there will remain
still a deficiency of 825,000/.in'earrying back the compari-
son to a prosperous period for the commerce of the country.
Still it is not to be denied that a rally to that estent, if
fairly and honourably mada out, tcould be a source of con-
gratulation, and lead to the conclusion that in another
year at most the mercantile interest would be placed in
the situation which it occupied previous to the late crisis.
To show whether this has been the case or not in the
present return, we must quote Mr. Spring Rice's figures
which made up his aggregate of increase of income for
the year ending the sth inst. They arc as follows :
Customs
Excise 69,776
Stamps 150:774
Post-office 7,257
Crown Lands 170,000
Miscellaneous 16,011
Repayments of advances for public
works

325,870

£1,098,135
Deduct decrease under head of taxes 22,930

Tctal increase . £1,075,205

Of the preceding, the items of " Crown Lands," and
" Repayments of advances," amounting together t 0495,870/.
have no proper place a return of " revenue," and the in-
troduction of the pro6eeds of the Crown lands is altogether
a novelty, the unfairness of which, as part of such an
account, was. pointed out on a former occasion. The inte-
rest of the sum thus raised is all which could have any
fit place in a return of national income. The increase
under the head of Customs is palpably derived from the
duties on grain imported in the course of the past year,
and is a test, therefore, of the privations that await the
country, rather than any indication of renewed commer-
cial prosperity ; while the other large item, the only
remaining one on that side of the account, of 180,7741.
for the increase on " Stamps," is at best of an ambiguous
character. It has been maintained, and the argument is
not altogether without weight, that a large issue of bill-
stainps may arise, more from renewals by shifty debtors,
and " kite-flying," as it is termed, by fraudulent debtors,
than from a healthy and improving state of trade ; but a
certain proportion of such paper must always exist in the
bill circulation of every commercial country, and although
the practice has been undoubtedly on the increase of late
it would hardly be fair to argue, that the whole of the
present increase can have had such an origin, and
that no part of it is to be assigned to commercial
operations of a more legitimate character. We would
not, therefore, take away from the present Treasury
return all benefit from this item, though the only
safe reliance must be the " Customs," if we
would build any reasoning upon the revenue tables
as to our commercial prosperity or otherwise. Giving to
Spring Rice, then, all the benefit of such allowance,
but deducting the other three large items in the supposed
increase in the yearly income, amounting together to
824,3151., he will be left with a surplus of 250,8901. only
on the revenue for the year just ended ; and a deficiency,
if the comparison is carried back to the account of the year
ending January 5, 1837, of 1,649,1101. There is a cir-
cumstance which ought not to escape consideration, though
not of very great moment, in forming a just estimate of the
comparative state of the revenue for the years ending Ja-
nuary 5, 1838, and Janury 5, 1839, which is, that the
greater facilities by means of railways enable Mr. Spring
Rice to include in this account one day's additional return
from the collectors of the northern towns and outpoi ts, and
to that extent, whatever it may be, there is another fallacy
in the revenue return far this year and quarter. What has
been said of the yearly statement of income may be ap-
plied, to nearly the whole extent, to the quarterly return.
It exhibits an increase of 547,000/. ; but if the data above
assumed are correct, the items of _

Customs
Crown lands
Repayment of advances

Amounting together to £531,455
should have no place in it, and the presumed large increase
will subside into a small sum of between 15,0001. and
16,0001. only. It is difficult to reconcile Mr. Spring
Rice's account with the Bank of England with his general
statement of the revenue. His " deficiency bills,"
which represent the advances he will require from
the Bank for the payment of the dividends, amount
this time to 5,680,000/. ; at this period of last year
they were 5,878,0001. ; so that to the extent of
about 200,0001. he is in a better pozition with his banker.
As he exhibits, to adopt his own figures, an increase
of 547,000/. on the quarter, his advantage should
have been to the same or nearly to the same extent.
This is not a point, however, of any great consequence.
The defect, after all, which clings to these official returns
is, that the very form of them, which admits of no proof,
prevents the public at large from having any confidence in
their general correctness. We need not charge the
Treasury with wilful perversion ; it is enough that the form
is one which easily admits of it, if the practice were thought
at any time to be expedient ; for such as obsolete and im-
perfect form there can be no necessity, and it ought not to
be suffered to continue. A Ministerial " hack," whose
servile cringing in this matter we had not seen till after the
above was written, states that the sums returned under the
head of " Crown Lands" are the " produce of the income
of the woods and forests, and most properly brought to
public account:' To admit this will not materially alter
the conclusions above drawn ; the item is a new one, there-
fore properly withdrawn from the comparison with former
returns ; but the questions naturally follow, why it is now
so introduced for the first time ?—and what has become
hitherto of that source of income ?—Times.

The time has come when the Press may speak more
freely of those commercial treaties concluded since the last
Session of Parliament, and opening to British enterprise
and commerce the supply of a population of sixty millions,
shut up previously by a triple wall of commercial prohi-
bition and monopoly, as well as of political jealousy. Ar-
rangements, as we learn from our Correspondents in Frank-
fort and Vienna, are now well nigh completed for fulfilling
all the aims of the Austrian and 'Turkish treaties. The
sanatory regulations, which proved so serious an obstruc-
tion, have been removed, and by the consent of the Porte
bonded warehouses have been established on the hanks
of the Lower Danube, which, with the opening of
the Kustendje Canal, will secure an intercourse
with those,7 to us, ',important regions. The purely
commercial adv,mtages won by these treaties shall ere
long fill for us many an ample column ; nor do the
political advantages yield to these, giving England. as they
do, similar and identical interests with the great group of
nations, to whose commercial life the Danube is destined
to be the great artery, from Ulm to the Black Sea. Many
were the ways proposed of opening this sea ; diplomatic
menace, warlike demonstration, underhand support of dis-
contented or rebellious tribes—all,, short of war itself,
doubtful, and full at once of pettiness and risk. No
one can dispute that the mode bit upon has been at
once the best, the most effective, and most honourable.
A commercial treaty with Austria, interesting the im-
mense population of South Germany and the Sclavonian
States on the Danube, in keeping open the great and
only channel of intercourse with which nature has provided
them, is the most effective answer that could be git en to
the Treaties of Adrianople and Unkiar Skelessi, as far as
these obstructed the rights and interests of England
in keeping up communications with the east of Eu-
rope. Nor was the work achieved by intrigue or under-
hand manoeuvres, by obsequiousness to the despotic prin-
ciples of despotic Governments, or, on the other hand, by
caballing with the popular or revolutionary party in any
country. The commercial treaty beiween Great Britain
and Austria was won from the latter country by showing
how immensely it was to her interest to do away with her
old and absurd system of monopolies and prohibitions, and
of adopting at once the principle of free interchange. It
was a conquest of reason ; and too much praise cannot be
bestowed upon those who so ably and successfelly pushed
and achieved it. Most gratifying too it is to think that we
have thus enlightened, and enabled to extricate herself
from a system of routine which must have proved her de-
struction, a country which has been for so many ages, and
during such trying crises our ally—a country on whose
strength and independence must mainly hang at
once our own security and that of Europe. It
is extremely difficult to fathom the mysteries of
Austrian finance ; but enough is known, and the very
mystery proves this, to render it clear that the empire is,
financially speaking, much in the state that France was in
1788—full of all the materials of wealth and prosperity,
without being able to develope or make use of either. Even
in peace her expenditure certainly exceeded her revenue,
with nothing growing up to meet the deficit, and with pros-
',sets that must damp her spirit, cripple her armies, and
take from her diplomatists and statesmen that confidence
which is the soul of success. And this, too, was the case
at a time when Prussia, her great rival in Germany—so
much th'e inferior of Austria in soil, population, position,
and capabilities of every kind—was paying off her debt, and
laying the foundation of a political and financial prosperity,
Whieb had enabled her to extend her influence to the
Alps. Fearful and awakening as was this contrast,
and as were its prospeeig, it 1170 still no easy task to

direct the views of Austrian Statesmen to its true cause,
and to prove to those wary and sagacious men, that all
might be remedied by removing the shackles that be-
numbed industry, and kept commerce and wealth from her
shores. Fortunately, the abuses of the old system in Aus-
tria bad reached such a height that to expose them was
to refute it. A more perfect specimen of the prohibitive
system than Austria could not be found. It was, indeed,
the pays-modek of that cherished school, organized by
the despotic power of a Monarch, Joseph 11., who e.dopted
and carried its principles to the utmost. Bent on creat-
ing national manufactures and commerce, he prohibited
the commerce that existed, in ceder that manufactures
might arise and give birth to a commerce of their I
awn. (X' course, neither obtained birth but in his
bib own imagination. As to commerce, the trading ;r1
each article was limited to a patented one or few, who
enriched themselves indeed, but to the impoverishment both
of the public and the State. To whet extent this was car-
ried may be judged from the tobacco monopoly, the facts
concerning which are amongst the few thet have come fully
to our knowledge. Our tobacco duty in England produces
about three millions sterling, and is paid by twenty-four
millions of a population the least inclined to the use cf the
weed. The thirty-four millions cf the Austrian Empire
are, on the contrary, inveterate lovers and users of tobacco,
and the duty is far higher than in surrounding States. The
produce to the revenue one would naturally calculate at
from ten to twelve millions sterling. But, on recurring
to fact, tobacco does not produce a revenue to Austria
above 600,0001. From one example of the kind, all
may be judged. And so gross have been the abuses,
that it is not exaggeration to suppose that the re-
venues of Austria may be doubled in a certain time by the
throwing open of her trade. Thus the great results of the
treaty are net dependent upon any political ideas, subject
to the changes of Ministers and parties. They are bound
up with the prosperity of the country itself. Our own ad-
vantages, commercial as well as political, are scarcely less.
From the tariff, some of the principal articles in which ap-
peared in a late number of the Chronicle, it was shown that
the Austrian market has been flung open to our sugars and
colonial produce, to our linen, cotton, and woollen yarns.
Earthenware, Cape wines, British ale and porter, bobbinets,
saddlery, wrought leather, brass, and copper wares, articles
of India rubber, nankeens, bats, glass, and iron, are amongst
the chief commodities now admitted. Let us particularly
point out the destruction of the monopoly and reduction
of duty obtained upon the produce of our fisheries, cod and
salt fish being now admitted at a duty of two
florins the centner of 123!b5., and train oils at 7d.
the centner. The market is here from thirty to forty
millions of Catholics. The advantages for our
shipping interests, even by this clause, are, we trust, a suf-
ficient answer to those brawlers, still untired of exclaiming
that the shipping and naval interests of Great Britain have
been so grossly neglected by her Whig Ministry. We
have heard from Vienna, what is curious to remark, that
the ecclesiastical party there was greatly opposed to these
concessions ; and that they seriously argued, that the sup-
plying of their flocks with ling and coefish in Lent from
British shores was dangerous in the extreme, from the prin-
ciples that might ooze in along with said commodities.
Alas! we much fear that if danger menace Catholicism, it
is rather from the learned labours of German scholars, than
from any ideas that the English Church or Universities are
producing. This argument, however, would lead us far
astray. We only mention the fact to show with what diffi-
culties our commercial and diplomatic agents had to struggle
—the combat being with all the old prejudices and per-
sonages of Church and State, as well as with Russian en-
mity and intrigue. But the approbation of Parliament and
the country is an ample reward.—Morning Chronicle.
Parliament is on the eve of assembling. In four weeks
from this very day the Session will be opened—most pro-
bably by the Queen in person. It will, there can be no
question, be one of the most eventful Sessions which the
present century has witnessed. And yet the friends of
Liberal principles, either within or without the walls of the
Legislature, appear to have made no preparation for it.
It were well if we could state, that though no preparations
have been made by the Reformers with the view of taking
advantage of whatever favourable circumstances may arise
in the approaching Session for promoting their prin-
ciples, such preparations are now being made. We
regret we have no such pleasing information to com-
municate. We do not hear of any of the leading Re-
formers, whether the representatives of the people or the
represented, taking any measures for the purpose of deciding
what particular course would be the most advisable to pur-
sue in the very peculiar circumstances in which the Re-
form interest is placed. Never was that interest, since the
passing of the Bill in 1832, in such imminent peril as it is
at this moment. The Tories are unit, d ; there is no dif-
ference of opinion among them as to the tactics they ought
to pursue in the impending struggle. The Liberals, on the
other hand, are all at sixes and sevens. N 6 two of them seem
to be decided as to what were best to be done ; the great ma-
jority of them have not even bestowed a thought on the subject.
Is this state of things to be suffered to continue? If it be, our
indifference and inactivity must necessarily prove fatal to
the Reform cause. The Tories will not even have to make
an effort to eject the present Ministers from office ; the
latter will, in the natural course of things, have to quit the
region of Downing-street, and the Tories—also in the
natural course of things—will step into their places without
the slightest obstruction being offered to them. This apathy
of the Reformers, with the certainty of so stirring and
eventful a Session before them, is absolutely criminal. They
will rue• that apathy when it will be too late. We, at any
rate, have done our duty—we have warned them of the
inevitable consequences of their inactivity.—Morning Ad-
vertiser.