The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-16 00:00:00

PETITION OF EIGHTS.

TO THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF THE
UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND
IRELAND, IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED,
THE PETITION OF RIGHTS OF THE INHABITANTS
OF THE TOWN OF BIRMINGHAM, IN TOWN'S
MEETING ASSEMBLED, '
Humbly Showeth,

Ist. That, during the last 121) years, a number of Acts of Par-
'lament have been passed, which are in direct violation of the
great Constitutional Laws of the. Land, and which have had the
effi.et of unjustly depriving the industrious classes of that whole-
some influence In your Honourable House, which Is their un.
doubted Constitutional right, and which it is necessary to the pro-
tection of their rights and interests that they should possess.
'2d. That, owing to the want of this Just, legal, and necessary
influence, the rights and interests of the industrious classes have
not been properly understood, nor efficiently protected in your
Honourable House; and that, consequently, the most serious dif-
ficulties and distresses have been experienced for many years by
the industrious classes, and still continue to oppress all the great
productive interests of the country.
3d, That out of this neglect, or mismanagement, a very gene-
ral spirit of discontent has arisen, which pervades the whole of
the industrious classes of the community, and which is of a cha-
racter to be no longer slighted with impunity.
4th. That under these urgent circumstances, your letitioners
feel it a duty which they owe to their King and to their country,
to claim from the justice of your Honourable House the nail and
entire restoration of all those great Constitutional nights, which
the people of this country formerly indisputably possessed, and
without which your petitioners firmly believe that the prosperity
of the country cannot be restored and preserved, and that Its an-
cient and venerable, Illititlitiolll cannot he saved from approach.
ing anarchy.

sth. 7'hat among the great Constitutional Rights which the
Censtitution acknowledges to be the "Birthright " of the Dig-
ital) pet,ple, and which, agreeably to the Constitutional practice
of their hirefathers;
_your petitioners feel it their duty respect.
hilly to claim and demand, are the following most important
rights alike necessary, to the liberty and happiness of the people;
and to the honour and safety of the Crown
ise.The right o 1 baring all Placentas) dismissed from the
!loose of Counnens, agreeable to the great CoNarrrutuoiat.
Arr ar lipertestENT, Which places the present illustrious
family on the Throne.
2tl.—The right of >having " Triennial or more frequent Par.
nomads," n.. recognised and secured by the great ('onstitu.
thine,. Act, the pith of !William and Mary, cap. tt.
right of sitting and voting in the Commons' House of
Peril:intent, tvlien tau:fully chosen, without the qualification of
property, which wise tiXed unconstitutionally by the Act of 9th
of queen Mine.
4th.— rhe right of having all the Knights, Citizens, and Ilur.
gesiesot the House of Commons, paidthoreasonable "Wages of
attendance" by d We upon their constituents, In order to en-
able the comp en people to have the benefit of the services of
prrsolus living tinder the same circumstances, and having the
same knovileilge, and the same wants and interests as them.
selves.
sth.—The right of having thp large towns and popular districts
of the country represented in the House of Commons, in the
place of those decayed boroughs which return Members to Par.
Lament, although now containing but few inhabitants.
ath..ma'llo right of every titan to have a vote in the election of
Members of the Haute of Commons, who Is in any way called
upon to tiontritite• to either national or local taxation,
direct or indirect ; by which your petitioners understand that,
either all the taxes ought ,to be taken oft' from those articles
necessary for the subsistence and comfort of working men, or
that all working moo, who are compelled to pay such (eves,
should have a vote in the election of Members of your Honour-
able Itorise.
70.--The right to have elections for Members of the House
of Commons, free and unbiassed, and with this view to have
such arrangements made in the conducting of elections, as may
effectually prevent all force, fear or intimidation, and all
bribery, or undue Influence of any kind, from acting upon the
minds of the electors.
These are the principal rights of which the people have been
unjustly and unconstitutionally deprived, and the restoration of 11
winch, your petitioners respectfully claim from the justice of your
Honourable House. _ _

lOurTetitiosiers beg leave further respectfully to represent
that in order to give full effect to these great Constitutimial
rights, and to prevent the bribery, corrupt influence, profligacy,
tumult, sad expense with which elections for Members of your
Honourable House are now generally attended, it is desirable in
the opinion of your petitioners, that all the electors should give
their votes by ballot, and that such regulations should b o adopted
as may be necessary for completing the elections in one day,
without inconvenience to the electors, or expense to the candi-
dates.

Your petitioners do, therefore, humbly pray that your Ho.
nourable House will be pleased to take these representations into
consideration, and to adopt the ;meow! measures for restoring
to the people the undeniable Constitutional rights above reform!
to, Under such regulations and provisions same), Insure their full
and fees exercise on the part of the people, without endanger.
ing the fettled iotifulkne of The country."
,And your petitioners, as in duty hound, will ever
pray, &c. kg. ( Morning.eldikertiser.)

The meeting of the county of Middlesex, yester-
day ot Ilackney, was numerously and respectably
attended. At this meeting there were difference' of
opinion as to the causes of the distress in which the
country is now involved, The extent to which the
frenchise should be communicated also led to, di-
versity of opinion. But Attire was one point re-
specting which there was the tonne unanimity ut
Middlesex that there is every where else through-
out the Island—namely, that no Reform can be of
any avail without the protection of the ballot. We
say i unanimity, because, thoogh Mr. Byng was op-
posed to the ballot, the strong manifestation of feel-
ing to which- the expression of his opinion led,
must have convinced him that there was no erne
pathy between him and the Meeting on this point.
Indeed, after the motion requesting Mr. Warbur-
ton to support the petition instead of Mr. liyng,
which was carried nnunimously, all doubt on the
subject must be removed in the mind of the lion.
Gentleman. When mentioning the ballot, we must
refer to some putts of the speech of Mr. Joseph
Parkes, in our account of the meeting at Bir-
mingham on Monday last, to be found in an-
other column. Mr. there gives a curious
instance of a strong Minority in the House of Lords
in favour of ballot, as the only mode of seeming in.
dependent elections in the case of the Peers of Scot-
land. The protest of some of the dissentient Lords
is ,a curious document. There may be various opi-
nioos es to qualifieations of voters for representatives.
We onrselves are inclined to think Butt in the pre.
sent state of the country, degraded and ignorant as
a great part of the population yet unquestuntubly
it would he eater, in the first instance at least, to
take such a property quiddieutirm, its, while it se-
, cured independent voting, would also secure an in-
tellig,tit exercise of the franchise. But whoever

obtains the franchise should obtain it in reality. But
such is the distribution of property in England, they
tlii independent exercise Of the franchise, even un
der the best qualification, would often lead to the
punishment of the voter in his purse, without the
protection of the ballot. The rich would have, un-,
der the ballot, that influence which they ought to
have, and no more. It would force then) to rely on
the more'noble titles to respect; and We need not
say, that with equal qualifications in other respects,
the rich in this country would seldom fail in obtain-
ing a preference. The worship of wealth in Eug-
land requires to be moderated rather than encou-
raged. At a time when the tide seems to have set
in strongly against the Chitral of England, we may
cell attention to the declaration made by Mr. Hume,
that he never would be a party to the, despoiling
the English, clergy of theirbenefices ; and that any
arrangement for introducing a change in the moth.
of rewarding the clergy ought to be the result of
much consideration, and not an act of arbitrary vio-
lence. The rights of individuals ought always to
be respected.—Morning Chronicle.
In the fierce conflict which now rages thentighout
this country, between the opponents and the advo-
cates of colonial slavery, extreme opinions are ad-
vanced on either side, which will not bear the touch
of dispassionate reason. One party contends that
it is just and necessary that slavery should be imme-
diately abolished; the other, that there exists no
sound reason, either in morals or justice, or national
policy, or even in a humane consideration for the
slaves themselves, to make the abolition just or ne-
cessary, eitherat the present time or at any future
period. The former ground their opinions mainly
on the moral guilt of slavery in the abstract, and
the abhorrence with which the debasement it pro-
duces is viewed by the spitit of Christian civiliza-
tion. The latter rely upon the long-established
practice as constituting a sufficient sanction; the
necessity for slave-lab Our, arising out of the local
circumstances of the %Vest India colonies, and the
supposed aversion of free negroes to regular labour.
They also.lay much stress upon the alleged comforts
and plenty which the slaves enjoy, and which, they
say, not only reconciles them to their situation,
but makes them particularly happy in that de-
graded condition. We sbhor the principle of that
slavery which gives one man a property in the per-
son of another, which not only enabled him to com-
mand the set vice of his bones and sinews, in the
most laborious or the most debasing drudgery, but
enables him to chain down his mind in the same
hopelesi captivity. We go us far as any of the ad-
vocates for an immediate abolition of slavery can, in
the detestation of such a system—we wish to see
it extinguished and driven tioin among mankind,
not only in mercy to the slave, but in compulsion to
his owner; for it is the curse and condition of
slavery that, while it degrades the slave by übject
suffering, it demoralises the master by a licentious
exercise of power; but, with all our abhorrence of
the principle of slavery, and our knowledge of the
deplorable effects which it has worked upun human
nature, in all ages of the world, we do net advocate
the 'immediate abolition of the system hi the West
because it is not just, humane, or practicable.
It is not just, because to subvert suddenly the state
of society in the colonies, which our laws had sane-
tinned for centuries, would be to inflict great in-
jury upon individuals who did tiot create the
system, and who are not responsible for the vices
of the laws under which their property has been
acquired or inherited. It is not humane, because
the slaves, being only accustomed to a state of bond-
age, could have no means of providing for their own
subsistence, if at once, and without any preparation,
they passed from a state of absolute dependence
into one of perfect freedom ;—and it is impracti-
cable because it would not be fair to deprive the
plantets of property which they acquired under ex-
isting laws, without making them some compen-
sation—and the financial ciicumstances,of the coun-
try are not in such a state at the prevent moment us
to allow of such an addition to its pecuniary burdens
as would be created by raising the money to com-
pensate the owners for the loss of their enfranchised
slaves. Having said thus much against the imme-
diate abolition of the exist ng system, we can gO
no farther in its defence. We winos even compre-
hend the reasoning of those who would make
slavery perpetual, on the ground that the slave in
the West Indies is better fed and lodged, and is
more sleek and merry than the agricultural labourer
of England. Let us suppose the argument to be
founded in fact, it could only have weight, if the
condition and the qualities of man-of that being
who has been made in the express image of his
Creator—were to be estimated in the same way as
those of the cattle of the field I What 1 is it to be
said, and said in Englund too, where more .dung.ers
have been courted, and more sufferings undergone,
for the sake of freedom, than in any other country
of the world, that the galled and fettered slave, who
is fed, and worked, and sold like the ax or
horse of his master, is in a better condition than
he who, with scanty food and a precarious
living, has the rights and conscious pride of a
teem!) ? It is of the mom" and spirit of
slavery that it must p.oduce abjectness of character
and moral degradation—let it be ever so well regu-
lated, it must reduce mate its all that regards his
social and intellectual being, to the condition' of the
" beast that periaheth ;" but freedom never made
men depraved or mieerable—although its blessings
may, we admit, be neutralized by misgovernment.
If the poor man in England has scanty food told
hard work, and a hovel that scarcely shelters him
from the inclemency of the seasons, he has rights
which the hatid of power cannot take from, him. If
accident, or genius, or superior energy open to him,
or his childrens the means of ad vanci wg their fortunes
in life, they can take advantage .of such opportu-
nities, and the son of the peasant may rise from the
plough to lead the armies, enlighten the Senate, or
guide the COuncils of England. But the slave,
whatever talents or endowments, or moral qualities
he possesses, is Chained with his children, to hope-
less degradation. The doors of perpetual bondage
are closed upon him—some rays of animal comfort
may pierce the darkness of his situation—he may
even catch a glimpse of moral instruction, but
nothing can raise him, until his chains are broken,
in the scale of civil and intellectual existence I We,
therefore, set our faCes against
,slavery as a perma-
nent regulation, though we are of opinion that, to
be beneficial and safes it must be gradual.—Aforsting
herald,

THE Tuur.—The novel under this title, so
Ling announced, will certainly appear in the course of the
preseto month, Report ascribes it to the pen of a certain
well knewn sporting Baronet.

All ingenious young seaman from Newton.
upott•Ayr, has brought to town a most beautiful model of
a ship-of-war, with which lie is on his way to London, to
offer to the inspection of the Admiralty Board, The a
p-
-9 of which this
pearance of the hull is peculiar, being hollow4rk4 lemait.troiemsend:
gibaivniinaatuarerraeupTelseetnetrxr
olftopureittnieirns,tofuguu:
less than 196. The ntedd is constructed on a scale of an
inch to seem feet, and by the common mode of admen-
suretnent, she is of a tonnage approaching
6,000. The
length of the keel is 55 4-7th inches, or equal to 249
fret, the lower gun-deck is equal to 263 anti the
upper deck to 276 feet. The extreme breadth, on
tho outside of the bends below the lower deck, is 10
lecher, br equal to 70 feet, and at the gunwale or
lower part of the upper deck ports 8 indult or 36 feet,
The draught of water eft is 6 3-7th inches, or equal to
38 feet ; forward 4 3 7th indult, or equal to 31 feet ;
height above water aft is 6 1-7th inches, or equal to 43
.
feet; forward 6 3.7 th indite, or equal. to 38 feet.. And
the depth of the hold from the upper deck, exclusive of the
thirislp:ed with g
lsS inueae-ll lrls;goa s and
retmrlieualt 60 feet. lier stern is
twaio, no besides the
gun-ports on the lower and P"P'lecks, there are 64
windows in the ,Bern atol gve; position.alrliries,ande guns are so
In
tile
rigging
placed as to defend her in every
there are no lets than 300 blocks and upwards of 200
(I,a 1 eyes ; and there aie anchors, sables, and boats,
all placed in due form, with, in short, every apparatus,
,even to the very poop lanterns, belonging property to a
ship of the class represented.--- Greenock Advertiser.

BIRMINGHAM MEETING, TO SUPPORT
mAJEgria mtNISTERp.

We have-been furnished'with an account, extend-
ing to eight columns and upWards, of a mimetougitid
most respectable , meeting of the inbabireante of the
tom and, neighbourhood of Birmingham, held at:
Birmingham on Monday last, at which from ten to
twelve thoustind persons were present. The chab
was taken by Mr. 'IIi.TTWOOD.
The length of our Parliamentary Reports of
Monday and Tuesday having thrown a variety of
arrest-son this day, we are unable to avail ourseli/e
to the extent we could wish of the account of thl
distinguished meeting. Two speeches have, how-
ever, particular claims on us—those of Mr. Att-
wciod and of Mr. Joseph Parkes. The latter, the
able historian of the Court of Chancery, has, in his
speech on moving the Resolution in favour of
Ballut, which was carried unanimously, brought
together a mass of historical information, bearing
upon the question, of a very valuable character,
which will be new to most of our readers.

Mr. krirwoon, after some preliminary remarks,
in which he alluded to the Town Meeting in Sep-
tember last, to address his Majesty on his elevation
to the Throne, in which address they represented to
his Majesty the necessity of Reform in the Represen-
tation, observed—Little did he think that in so short
a period as three months after the presentation of
this address, their wishes should have been accom-
plished to a certain extent, and that, to use the
words of the address, his Majesty should have beets
" graciotply pleased to express his Royal pleasure
that the necessary measures should be adopted for
effecting a Reform in the Representation of the
People its the Commons' House of Parliament."
_ _

Mr. A. then alluded to the Address from the
Council of. the Birmingham Union to the'peoplo of
Ireland, on the subject of the Report otthe Union,
which lately appeared in the Chronicle, calling upon
them for a while to forget their local{,grievances, and
the unmeasured wrongs which had cried up to
Heaven for three hundred years, and to unite with
the people of England in demanding the redress Of
the common grievancesof all. Undoubtedly he (Mr.
A.) was of opinion, that there were men in England
who weuld wish to grind down the English people to
the state of those of Ireland. The degradation of the in-
dustry of the country was in fact theriggrundisement
of the property of the country. It was the interest of
the men of property to beat down the industry,
that extent that they might, at last, in the laneuage
of Holy Writ, be enabled "to buy the poor for a
pair of shoes." It was in vain for the poor to
escape from this kind of fate by any other means
than by uniting with their masters and employers,
*hoe interests were, in fact, their own. Their
interests were to obtain a good trade, and if the
master flourished, the men were sure to flourish
with him. With a reformed Parliament, be had
no doubt that the wrongs of Ireland would be re-
dressed in common with those of England. Mr. A.
then suid, if properly supported by the people, he
(Mr. A.) was confident that Lord Grey would do
his duty by the people. Lord Grey did not wish
that the people should be fobbed off with a mere
delusive appearance of Reform. He (Lord .Grey)
deprecated as much as themselves the rascally hy-
pocritical insinuations of false friends to Reform,
who said to 111-.-" For God's sake don't embarrass
his Majesty's Ministers.—( Laugteer.) We are
very glad to support the cause of Reform, but we
think it highly improper to embarrass his Majesty's
Ministers with petit ions."—(Laughter and cheers.)
Why, gentlemen (said Mr. A.), what will be the
conduct of those 'hypocrites to-morrow, if they can
thus stifle the petitions of the people ? To-morrow
they will turn round and sey—" What occasion is
there for Reform, do you not see .the people are
silent throughout the whole country ?" There was
no end to the tricks and sophistry of these kind of
men. Lord Grey, however, understood them as
Well as the country, and therefore
.he called .upon
the public voice, for his support. But it was riot
for Lord Grey to run his head against a well—he
could do nothing without the support of the people:
and it Was a proof of inflexible honesty in him, that
be called for the voice of the people fit his support.
Mr. Seholefield, Mr. Edmunds, Mr. Benjamin
Hadley, Mr.,T., C. Solt, •Mr. C. F. Mentz, Mr.
Charles Jones, Mr. Pearce, the Rev. Mr. M'Don-
nel, Mr. Weston, and Mr. Parr, in moving mid
seconding resolutions, spoke with much ability.
r. JOSEPH PARKES, after somcohcersations on.
the vele(' or Representetive Government, gave a
succinct history of English Parliaments. "On the
ancient franchise," he seid, " we have no certain in-
formation, though unquestionably the property and
numbers of the country were widely represented."
--Mr. Parkes having disposed of the franchise, ob-
served, " We want Parliaments which, by the most
wise and practical means, shall ensure responsibility
to censtittients, destroy temptation, and in duration
he adapted to modern wants. We want a franchise
remodelled, reformed altogether; on a wide and
broad principle, and, as far as freedom of exercise is
concerned, as wile a franchise as can be freely and
honestly used with advantage to the electors and
their country." Coming to the all-engrossing question
of the Ballot, Mr. Parkes observed':--Could we
claim Ballot as an ancient right ?—(Cries of" No.")
We do not claim it as such. It ought not to be so
claimed. It is u mode of election distihet from the
general question of Reform. Ballot is beginning to
bes freely and fairly
,discussed. It is more fairly
treated by the Press and the House of Commons. It
should not be brought forward factiously on
nisters. Prejudices exist against it. Let us not re•
jest any Reform without it. Ballot must soon fol-
law, because it will be soon palpable that an arlictive
franchise will be given, that cannot be honestly ex•
ereised•without it. Ballot is now.proposed to you
for your approval, to mark the sense of this great
assemblage on its Merits or demerits. The resolu-
tion about to be proposed is put forward :in this
spirit. Do we rest it on theory ? No. We are
not the theorists; the opponents of Ballot are the
theorists and visionaries, who conjure up non-
existent evils and objections not reaL We appeal
to experience—to facts. We point to France,—
.(Loud &airing.) There is,the Duke of Wellington's
" bed example."—(Loud cheers.) Most assuredly
France emancipated herself by the aid of this simple,
this powerful instrument, this " silent assertor of
liberty;" thus did France, in the cohsequences of
her revolution, liberate Belgium ; and by this in-
strument Will freedom move all over the world ; to
thii instrument of peace do we owe our new Admi-

nistration—our proud and glorious present position
as Reformers.---(Continued cheering.) But why
did the Ex-Government of France try to evade the
ballot, and to gain the advantage of open votes, or
knowledge of the votes ? Because ballot, though it
agreed with the governed,. did not suit the gover-
,,,r,.....(Cheers.) This " bad example" was enough,
but other, and, if possible, more strong examples
may be cited. Alluding to the statement respecting
America and Mexico, lately made by Sir Robert
Wilson and Lord Acheson, Mr. Parkes observed;
may not both those Hon. Members have mistaken
observations against the particular system of ballot
in particular States for opinions against the prin-
ciple? It is scarcely possible to credit that such
assertions were uttered. If uttered they are un-
founded. It happened that, some few months ago,
be soot out to the States for all official documents
and facts connected with the law and exereisesof
ballot. Ile possessed the written opinions of some
of the first authorities of that land of freedom, that
great storehouse of political experiment. Ile would
not tire the meeting with all the details, be would
hereafter make them public; but some facts he
Would state, sufficient fur Sir Robert Wilson. The
declaration of American independence, in 1770,
found the different provinces' in possession of various
colonial legislatures. le al the States viva voce,
or open voting, was the old practice. The wisdom
of the first legislators of America left etch State to
deal with its own local. legislatures and customs.
1772, tried the ballot as an experiment, declaring
No'v York, in its first- constitution, passed April
20,
" That if, after a full and' fair experiment shall be

made by voting by ballot aforesaid, the same shall be
found lest, conducive to.,the,safety or interest of the
State, than the method of voting:viva voce, it shah
be lawful and constitutional for the Legislature to
abolish the same; provided two-thirds of the Mem-
bers present in each House respectively shall concur
therein. And further, that during the continuance
of the present war, and until the Legislature of this
State shall provide for the election of Senatorp, and
Representatives in Assembly, by ballot, the said
election shall be made viva voce." • In thole decennial
or periodical revi.ions of the New York Constitution,
so wisely,
aprovided for, the Law of Election was re-
ferred to Committee. They unanimously repotted
to make ballot permanent, which had been only pro-
visional and experimental; the Convention, in dis-
cussing the report, unanimonsly
..apprOved ballot as
of indispensable and admitted superiority; the New
York Convention of 11304eacted, Act 2, Sec. 4,
that "All elections of the citizens shall be by ballot,
except.for such' town ofilcers as may by law be di-
rected to be otherwise chosen."—(Loud cheers.)
To this. triumphant refutation may. be added the fact,
that all the States forming the Union, with one or
two exceptions, have adopted election by ballot in
all their civic institutions; and that in Connecticut,
Kentucky, and Loeisiane, especially, the ballot his
been comparatively more recently substituted for
open voting.—(Cheers.) The highest legal autho-
rity of the United States, Mr. Kent, late Chancellor
of the New York Equity Court, thus attests the ge-
neral adoption and efficacy of the ballot, in the third
and recently published volume of his Commentaries
on American Law :--" The United States, in their
improvements upon the exercise of the right of re•
presentation, may certainly claim pre-eminence over
all other Governments, ancient and modern. Our
elections are held at stated seasons, established by
law, The people vote by ballot in small districts,
and public officers preside over the elections, receive
they nes, and main tain.order and fairness. Though the
competition bet wean eand;clates is generally active, and
'the zeal ofrival parties sufficiently excited, t he elections
are everywhere conducted with tranquillity." Without
further authority,here is a Pensylvania newspaper, the
National Gazette of October 22d last. It records the
taking in one day batween the hours of ten and
ten, of '20,000 votes in the different districts of the
county of Pensylvania; arid, what is more, for the
lovers of election brawls, the same paper records,
that in Kmaington East district, zeal was so intense
and boisterous among the electors that a row took
place, and the Sheriff and posse comilatus were called
in.—(Loud cheers, and laughing.) But heaps of
proof may and shall be added; and there is no ex-
ception in America to the principle of ballot, except
When, in certain cases, the elector or elected vote in
respect of a trust, when a Constitution enacts, that,
to secure responsibility, the vote should be open.
In America there are unquestionably evils in ballot,
in the mode, in the well known caucus and printed.
lists, and evils will arise in the most perfect ballot;
the Legislature has, and is attending to these de-
fects, but it would ill consent to exchange ballot,
and all its admitted evils, for the old and ten-fold
evils of open voting,—(Cheers.) As lawyers say,
authorities and precedents are worth a sack of ar-
guments. A most singular and hitherto uncited fact
is recorded in the Journals of the English House of
Lords.' Ballot was actually' proposed and solemnly
debatethin the Upper House as the mode of elect-
ii?g the sixteen Scotch Peers by their compeers, and
preferable to open voting. On the division, in
March, 1733, sixty-three Peers voted in favour of
Ballot, ninety-six against it. The proposition was
only lost, therefore, by thirty-three majority. And
such was the decided and intense feeling of the mi-
nority-en the importance of the motion,' that the
twenty-seven Peers ,pluced on the printed Journals
a' protest as follows
" Die Mercurii 60 Afartie, 1735.
" The Order of the Day being read fur the House to
take into consideration matters relating to the Election of
the Peers of that part of, Great Britain called Scotland.
" After Debate, ordered, That on Monday next this;
liouse shall be put Soto a Committee of the whole House,
to takaintoionsideration mutters relating to the Election
of the Peers of that part of Great Britain called Scot-
land.

•` Then it was moved to resolve, for the better securing
the freedom of the electkon of a Peer or Peers to sit in the
Parliament of Great Britain on the part of t cotland, that
the election shall be by evil of ballot.
And a question being plated thereupon, after further
debate, the question WU put upon the said motion, and
negatived.

-‘6 Contents 40, Proxies 16-67 ; Not Contents 'l5,

" 1. Because this Motion tending only to make a saris.
tion in the manner of electing the Peers fur Scotland, we
apprehend it is entirely agreeable to the intention of the
221 article of the Union ;• for whatever can contribute to
Make the election more free end independent, the more it
answers the design of that article ; and we must observe,
that this House has been so far from thinking the manner
of election unalterable, that a Bill passed ibis House, by
which the election itself was entirely abolished.
" 2. Because in an election► of this nature, the method
of voting by ballot appears to us infinitely preferable on,
many accounts ; for as it it well known there are several
alliances amongst that body of Nobility, many of the Peers
may be put under great difficulties, their alliances drawing
them one way, and their opinion Lied inclinatiun another
way ; it is also possible that by pensions from the Crown,
(wiry civil or military preferments, some of them may lie
under obligations to a Court, and be reduced to the hard
net essity (under the power of an arbitrary Minister) either
of ,losing their employments or of voting against their
nearest relations and their 'owe opinions also ; we appre-
hend that no election can be called perfectly free, where
any number of the electors are under any influence who-
soever by which they may be biassed in the freedom of
their choice.

" S. Because we apprehend that this House is, in a most
essential manner concerned in the freedom of this election;
for' if sixteen new Member& ere to be brought inevery new
Pailiament, under any undue influence, it may tend to
subvert the independence of this House, and of conse-
quence the constitution of the whole kingdom. By means
of such an election an ambitious Minister may make use
of the power of the Crown, et one time to destroy the in-
terest of the Crown ; at another, to oppress the liberty of
his fellow-subjects; and, by different turns, protect him-
self from the Just resentment of both.
"4. As this House is the highest Court of Judicature,
and the last resort in all matters relating to the properties
of the subjects of Great Br:isin and Ireland, we conceive,
that every person who is master of any property is con-
cerned in the consequence of this motion; for if sixteen of
throe Members in whose hands this great trust is vested
shauld.ever be thought to be in the notnittation-of a Mi-
nister, the subjects of these kingdoms may have great rea-
son to dread the consequence of such unwarrantable info.
me, by which their liberties, lives, and properties might
be rendered precarious.

(Signed) " Marlborough, Bedford, Carteret, Wey-
miiuth, Cobham, Chesterfield, Clinton, Montjoy, Tweedale,
Northampton, Montrone► Boyle, Strafford, Ciudigan,
ton, liaversham, Marchtnont, Ay!refold, , 'Warrington
Stair, Denbigh, Gower, Coventry, Bruee, Ker, Win.
and Nottingham), Berkshire, Orford and Morti-
mer, Bathurst, Bristol, Foley, Tarleaster, Litchfield, Wil-
loughby de Brooke."

Our Warwickshire out Woicestnshire Peers
voted for it ; tl'e ancestors of some of the non.
bitterest opponents in the Howie of Lords voted for
it ; and, to make ballot more noble and orthodox,
the Bishop of Lichfield, our diocesan, voted for it.—
(Loud cheering.)—Now, what is the present poll.
tical character, or the last mode of election of the
sixteen Scotch Peers, we must not say, or we ma
be sent for to appear before them.—(Loud cheers.)
Another example, still, of the practice of ballot, will
clear' us from the charge of theorists. It is the
ballot formerly-in practice in an English borough, in
Lyraington in Hampshire. In the State Tracts of
King 'William, vol. 1, it is recorded—.
" It is customary in the borough of Lymiogton, in
tlampship, to elect by ballot. The manner is to give
every electing burgess (their number being limited and
known) a different coloured ball for every competitor, each
colour being respectively appropriated to the several com-
petitors : as, suppose there should be three candidates,
each elector his three several balls given him, which he so
manages as to keep only that in his band, which by its
colour belongs to the person be intends to choose; this
being inclosed in his hand, he puts it into a close hex made
for that purpose, leaving no possibility for any one to de-
tect what coloured ball be put . into it. Thus, each hav-
ing put in his ball according to his vete, the balls of one
culeursre separated from those of another colour, and so,'