The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-17 00:00:00

THE SHIP PARANA.

The following is a copy of a despatch received
yesterday at Lloyd's from her Majesty's Consular
agent at Canton, relative to the capture of the Bri-
tish barque Parana, and shocking massacre of her
crew by pirates :—" Her Britannic Majesty's Con-
sular-office, Canton, Sept. 11.—I received informa-
tion yesterday that the British barque Parana,
lately despatched from this port for Europe, had
been destroyed by pirates on the west coast, and the
crew murdered, and that some of the cargo had been
seen here. 1 proceeded at once with my informant,
and satisfied myeelf as to the cargo, which consisted
of a few hundred cases of cassia, partly damaged,
I baring the mark of the Parana, when I waited
upon his Excellency the Governor Admiral, and re•
ported the case, to which his Excellency said that a
Chinese Admiral had been here a day ort wo previous,
who reported to have had an engagement with pirates
on the west coast, and succeeded in capturing some
of them, who had part of :he cargo of a foreign
vessel on board; and then I proceeded to the Man-
darin junks, and found that the Admiral had left
yesterday morning for Canton with the pri-
soners captured. On further inquiries the cap-
tain of the junk said that on or about the 3d inst.
the Mandarin fleet had an engagement with several
large piratical junks, two of which were flying the
British flag, and they succeeded in capturing three
of the boats and over 20 pirates. They took some
of the cargo, which was landed here by order of the
Admiral, and, from the statements of the pirates
made before the Mandarin, it appears that on or
about the 30th of August last a foreign bark went
on shore in a gale of wind, and was disabled, when
over 10 piratical junks boarded her, and murdered
every one on board, including a female, and set fire
to the vessel after taking everything they could out
of her. This occurred off Satty Sandy-buoy, St.
,John's Island. P.S. Macao, Sept. 19. O❑ further
information cbtained by Lieut. -Walker, command-
ing her Majesty's gunboat Opossum, who proceeded
to the place, it appears that the Parana was not
disabled, but only went in the bay for shelter, and
was at once surrounded by p:rates, who, after taking
everything out of the vessel, put the captain and
crew below, nailed down the hatches, and set fire to
the vessel. The Opossum destroyed eight piratical
junks, with 59 guns, and has on board 13 prisoners."

SECOND EDITION.

THE FRENCH EMPIRE,

(From the Galignani's Messenger.)

. .
ne official statement of the situation of the em.
pire, composed of reports sent in from the various
Ministerial departments, has been distributed to the
members of the two Chambers. As the financial
explanations are to be presented separately, nothing
is said for the moment of that branch of the service.
For Foreign Affairs the account published com-
mences in these terms:—

At the opening of the last session of the great bodies of
the State the Emperor's Government congratulated itself
on the general situation of Europe, If some difficulties ex-
isted on different points of the Continent, there was nothing
to lead to the anticipation of speedy complications, and in
particular nothing to announce that the Polish question
was on the reve of again forcing itself on the attention of
the Cabinets. For the last two years a certain degree of agi-
tation prevailed in Poland, but no project of a rising mani-
fested itself; everything, on the contrary, appeared to show
that a recourse to arms no more entered into the calcula-
tiora of the men invested with the confidence of the coun-
try than the wishes of the people. The recruitment, trans-
formed into a measure of proscription, drove to despair
those whom it threatened to affect, and conflicts broke out'
simultaneously on several points. The question, how-
ever' did not present itself except under the aspect of a
Purely local movement caused by a determinate cause
of 'complaint. The convention signed at St. Petersburg on
February Bth, by which, under the pretext of maintaining
order on the frontier, Prussia bound herself towards Russia
to co-operate in a certain degree in the repression, Tto
ye
the struggle an international character, and obliged the
Cabinets to occupy themselves with it. The Polis question
is essentially European, for it cannot put itselfh
forward
without involving the most important interests. France
signed the documents under the protection of which Poland
has been planed, and French sympathie
have never been
wanting to that nation in her former trials. It is a tradition
which the Emperor's Government could less avoid defer,
ring to than any other. E
the same reasons for interf
England
to come to an understand-
ing, in order to represent in .d had the same rights and
The French Government
therefore applied to that
I:::ozerftntoentheeffCaiarboinf ewthoifoßherslihne
the danger of her intermed
;was so rmfortunatelY ending the importance. We,
moreover, were awarethat Austria regarded the engage-
ments concluded at St.
Petersburg in the same light as
ourselves. The Emperor's Government made known to her
its intentions.
The Cabinet of Vienna had already ex-
pressed its sentiments to Prussia and to Russia when they
solicited her adhesion to those arrangements. The proceed-
ings adopted with the Prussian Court had for result to
obtain explanations which lessened the fear which had
been entertained of seeing her take an active part in
the hostilities. When we had to make known our views at
Berlin we took care to avoid any isolated action, and also to
prevent any false interpretation. The nature, however, of
our relations with Russia authorised and induced us at the
same time to attempt with her the plan of personal efforts
and friendly counsels before coming to official communica-
tions and a combined action. The French Government had
not waited in order to give prudent advice to be constrained
to it by urgent necessity. In 1857 his Majesty, wishing to
avail himself, in the interest of order and of peace, of the
confidence which so happily united the two Cabinets, felt
himself induced by the sincerity of his esteem and of his
friendship for the Emperor Alexander to recommend the
st•ate of Poland to ths solicitude of the Court of Russia.
Such language was worthy of being understood by the
Sovereign who was about to give, in the emancipation of the
serfs, so striking a proof of his prudence. Facts have since
too strongly shown the opportuneness of those suggestions,
and testify every day how much it is to be regretted that
they were not listened to. His Majesty's Government, in
presence of the conjunctures which have justified its pro-
visions, considered it as a duty not to conceal its anxieties
from Russia. It pointed out with unreserved frankness
our perplexities in the midst of events of which the public
opinion of the country, as well as the general interests of
Europe, would not allow us to remain indifferent specta-
tors. The French Ambassador was instructed to point
out, in terms the moat conformable to the friendly
re'.ations of the two Governments, the advantages of a policy
of reparation and of progress. The English Government,
in a despatch addressed at that time to its representative at
St. Petersburg, recommended a general amnesty and the
restitution of the privileges granted to the Poles by the Em-
peror Alexander I. The French Cabinet could not but ap-
prove of the applications, which to a certain point entered
into the more general order of ideas which it also entertained ;
but in order to leave to Russia the merit of entire sponta-
neousness, it abstained from directly supporting them. The
Etwatish Cabinet having afterwards proposed to invite the
wades who signed the general Treaty of Vienna to express
similar wishes, the Government of his Majesty announced
its intention of adhering to that proposal only in case of its
a)btaining the assent of the other Powers. We had pointed
out to the Basilian Cabinet the interest it had in anticipa-
ting diplomatic representations by resolutely assuming the
initiativ.e. But we had not obtained any promises—any as-
saran ae that would allow us to hope for a satisfactory result
fror a longer personal pressure. It became necessary to

a''.opt another course. -The Government of her Britannic
Atajtsty had preceded us in its communications with the
_Russian Cabinet. Austria, without viewing events in the
same light as England, continued to observe a well-disposed
neutrality as to the Poles. The Emperor's Government

accordingly flattered itself with the hope of forming be-
tween the three Courts an understanding which would
insure to their measures the European character re-
quired by the nature of the interests at stake, and at once
un',te all the guarantees of moderation and force. The Ca-
hi net of London in its first communication had taken the
treaties of 1815 as a starting-point. Russia had made a
precise reply bylcontesting the interpretation given to them
by the principal Secretary of State—she confined, herself,
as a method of pacification, to speaking of an amnesty after
the war, and promising not to withdraw any of the conces-
sions she had made. The French Government doubted the
success of any measure based exclusively on those treaties,
and thought that matters should be viewed from a higher
ground. The acts of 1815 assuredly conceded precious ad-
vantages to the Poles, in reviving the Polish name, in sti-
pulating for her national institutions, and in establishing
certain links between all the parts of the kingdom as it
existed brfore the first partition. But those arrangements
have not prevented the recurrence of commotions which
Periodically menace the repose of Europe. Without deny-
ing that the treaties offered to the Cabinets a legal motive
°f intervention, the French Government thought that it
u
be proper to invoke principally the interests of
European order common to all the Powers. The two
Em-
peror's appreciated these considerations—and the Ern-
despate4Government made them the subject of a
The to the French Ambassador at St. Peters-
burg,
opportunitadespatch concluded by signalising the
in the conditions
the means of placing Poland
alleging ~peciail nBi of a durable peace. Austria, while
more exposed nterests as a Power conterminous and
le,nguage theto influence of these disturbances, held a
ing her first argr
ument
own. England, without abandon-
briefer form the ideas which on the treaties, reproduced in a
part of the States of ''''hEuieh we had developed. The greater
communications
gave their adhesion to them,
and thus stamped the a
veritable
of the three Courts
with the character of
t European manifestation.
Russia appeared to receiv
overtures with favour.
Although she endeavoured to cast
Polish movement on enahcoeurrecochisets from without and re-
volutionary intrigues,
adod the extent of the evil
and inefficacy of the measures
up to that time to
nord the general provide a remedy. She neither eerreta
decline the inte-
rests
inte-
engaged in the Polish question,
rests of conterminous States. She did not
potence of the Governments who signed the final act
the cora-
but appeared, on the act of the
Treaty of Vienna, contrary
their assistance for a deliberation, the bases of :47tf. accept
invited the three Powers to communicate. England she
opinion that the negotiations should be precedeci""oB of
armistice, in spite of the difficulties which its execution
might might encounter. The idea of stopping as soon as possible
the effusion of blood was too conformable to the feelings of
the French Government not to obtain its approbation; and
while itself acquiesced, it recommended the same to the
Court of Austria. The Cabinet of Vienna, on its part,
drew up a programme in six articles, the principal
object of which was to claim for Poland institutions similar
to those of Galicia. Judging these data insufficient, the
French Government introduced notable modifications in
them, and for the sake of a good understanding agreed to
admit the programme, but only as a starting point for the
conferences. We had, besides, attached much value to an
appeal made to the whole of Europe to participate in the
negotiations. France has constantly declared that she will
always be found ready to enter on such discussions in the
full light of day. The three Courts, in the communications
which they a second time directed to their ambassadors, had
not succeeded in avoiding certain shades of expression
which could not escape the attention of Russia. It might
have been foreseen that that Power would seek to derive
Profit from the apparent diversity of views. in order to parry
that
todanger as much as possible the French Government
made
con-
solidate Vienna and London Cabinets a proposal to con-
"aate the accord by taking, in the form of a convention or a
protocol, an engagement to pursue in concert a regulation of
Psaorly. ishairs'uteri;.B bya diplomatic methods or otherwise, if neces-
exalting the n engagement, besides the advantage of
authority of the language of the allied Courts,
would have offered to
that Power whose position required
most consideration the
in all eventualities. guaranteesr of a complete solidarity
.ere persuaded that the surest
method of preventing eomealliiheations was to show ourselves
ready to meet them with
tflrraness required, and that
conflicts between Governinmep
nrotsettaeootk their origin not so often
in bold resolutions as
eggrrs and hesitations that
Covua:ed. Oar proposition
allowed difficulties to become
Court replied to the was not accepted. The Russian
pro-
gramme of the three Powers by an absolute refusal. She
promised to take the six points into consideration, buta .
only
when thelinsurrection was suppressed. She reeeted all idea
of a suspension of arms, and declining the competencyi
of the
Powers which signed the general act of 1815,
whichshe
had
d
previously admitted, she proposed to open. with Austria
Prussia, as participating Power a separate negotiation.s,

The Vienna Cabinet rejected that proposal without hesita-
tion, as being contrary to her duties to the two other Powers,
and gave explanations at St. Petersburg with a spontane-
ousness and a frankness which did honour to her sincerity.
The French Government at the same time expressed at
London and Vienna the painful impression it had felt on
receiving the replies of Russia. The three Cabinets ad-
dressed French communications to St. Petersburg, the con-
clusions of which were conceived in identical terms. They
unanimously declared Russia to be responsible for the
consequences which might arise from a refusal to take
their representations into account, and from the prolonga-
tion of the troubles in Poland. The last despatches of
Prince Gortschakoff are well known. Notwithstanding
the little success of the diplomatic intervention of the
three powers, the Emperor's Government has the satisfac
of knowing that it has, from the moment in which
the Polish question was brought forward, in the mea-
sure of its rights and its duties towards England, ne-
glected nothing to arrive at a solution. Ever attentive to
the painful spectacle of the struggle which is going on in
Poland, it loses sight of none of the greatinterests which
are connected with that conflict. It will maintain its ac-
cord with England and Austria, and it cannot believe that
the union of the Cabinets, in an affair so worthy of their
solicitude, must remain. sterile, We have not, however,
the pretension to impose our selutions on the Powers inte-
rested, as much or even more directly than ourselves in the
settlement of the existing difficulties. In a question essen-
tially European
it is neither in conformity with our obli-
gations or our rights to incur alone a responsibility which
it is the duty of al: to partake."

The Danish dispute is thus touched on :
The affair of the Duchies of the Elbe has continued to
be a subject of discussion between the Court of Copenhagen
and the Germanic Confederation. The Danish Government
having adopted for the constitutional reorganisation of the
monarchy certain dispositions which the Frankfort Diet did
not consider conformable to its anterior resolutions and the
engagements made by Denmark, the German Cabinets have
agreedachy toef
Holstein havey
recourse to a military occupation of the
the Federal troops. Without contest-
ingin principle the right of Germany to intervene in the
affairs of Holstein and Lauenberg, which form part of the
Germanic Confederation, the Cabinet of Copenhagen alleges
that having accorded to the pretensions of the States of
Holstein all the satisfaction compatible with the rights of
the Crown, the Federal execution is not justified by any
legitimate motive, Consequently the only object of that
measure was in reality to compel Denmark to place the
duchy of Schleswig, a Danish province, under a political
and administrative regime, which would be an infringement
on the integrity of the monarchy. His Majesty's Govern-
ment has not seen without regret a dispute, which its coun-
sels had always tented to adjust, become envenomed.
Guided at the same time by the traditional sympathies of
France towards Denmark, and by the neighbourly feelings
which preside in her relations with Germany, we have re-
dcubled our efforts to cause counsels of prudence to pre-
vail, and to turn aside an imminent crisis. A conflict could
not arise without the Scandinavian States, which are more
directly interested in the maintenance of the balance of
power in the North of Europe, being brought to take a
share in the struggle, and without giving rise to grave
complications in which the Powers
,which signed the
Treaty of London of 1852 would be implicated. Our
co-operation is assured beforehand to any combi.
nation which would have the effect of preventing
such eventualities, and we are inclined to hope that the
wisdom of the two parties will prevail against ex-
citements which are to be regretted. Germany is
besides occupied with other cares. The Sovereigns
assembled at Frankfort have given the highest sanction to
the efforts attempted with the object of modifying the inter-
nal regime of the Confederation by aasoeiating themselves
in the study of the best means of attaining that object. All
that can contribute to the development and happiness of a
great neighbouring nation, with which we maintain the best
relations, cannot be indifferent to us. We therefore watch
those attempts with a friendly attention, with the desire to
see Germany obtain from them the advantages which she
expects, and which she well knows how to conciliate with
European interests and with the international rights which
are connected with the constitution of the Germanic Con-
federation."