The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-17 00:00:00

SURREY THEATRE,

On Saturday a new drama entitled " The Game of Life;
or, the Swallows of Paris,'' was produced here with im-
mense success. On Miss Pauncefort, Mr. Shepherd, and
Mr. Fernandez the chief weight of the piece rested, and they
carried it through with great vigour and talent. Mr. Shep-
herd deserves much credit for his picturesque make-up as
the miser, and also for a characteristic representation of a
Frenchman in the prologue. Miss Pauncefort and Miss
Gordon were effective in their respective parts, and played
with much energy. The audience paid great attention to
the progress of the play, which, although very complicated,
is nevertheless very interesting and amusing. There was
exceedingly effective scenery, the conflagration that ensues
at the end of the second act receiving well-merited applause.
—and altogether " The Ganie of Life; or, The Swallows of
Paris," may be recorded as a genuine success. A
broad burlesque, entitled " Mad Fred," which
is a
rough burlesque of the Drury-lane play, was
produced
for the first time. Mad Fred is played by the chief low
comedian, Mr. T. Thorne, who scams to have obtained l
thopoppur
thorough goodwill of his audience. Of course the
ratio
mode of raising ghosts or spirits is brought
which, with the very clever scenery by Dlri.avJte°oghn:Puszo:,toanad
i the singing of Miss Jacobs, carried the extra
successful conclusion.

THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAg OTITT, M.P., is

indisposed. g ELIZABETHAN AGE,
THE PROTESTANTS OF TT!'
de entertains no
to express
not hesitate it
says the Spectator, doesMFrau .
exalted opinion of, and he
were returned refugees—men
openly and manfully. Thetyof the way while their opinions
who had prudently
kept
osuelves,' but who had re-appeared
were dangerous
safe, and in--11 t of the metal which makes
when it was t°tie: tbe advantageous. The Aylmers,
enough—though Jewel, at
the Jewels, the Grindals,:oiorno no
stacy—to be quite willing to.
martyrs; they hadhis
.i.afensly a _
least,
had
sav'erdadvenialihes. P
choiceobtained 4 t 3
ab.y4zand
persecute their
ur.
Full benefit of, reudreuTceeda;dvuetryy
chasing 11°rriLranandusri" at 4s. 4cl. (formerly 4s. Bd.), is the
4s. "High ---
strongest and most delicious imported. Agents in every
town supplY it in packets.
GARIBALDI DEC LININ G A MONUMENT -..rher Pro-
vincial Council of Potenzt (one of the NeapoWan.
provinces afflicted with brigandage) a short time since una-
nimously voted a subsidy to the Polish revolution and a
monument to Garibaldi. Garibaldi, inn letter published in
the Diritts, applauds the subsidy, but declines the monu-
ment. ~ As to the monument to me," he says, " I beg you
will dismiss the thought of it. If you insist you will put
we to the pain of saying that I will not accept it. As long
es the soldiers of two foreign armies riot on our soil, as long
as a stream of civil blood flows from the Tronto to the
Strait, as long as the glorio-is remains of our national battles
die of hunger or by their own hand in the midst of the in-
sane rejoicing of our cities, as long as the boy wants a
school and the orphan an asylum, as long as there are in
Italy tnisery, chains, and darkness, speak not of monuments,
least of all of a monument to me."
CURIOUS FREAK OF LIGHTNING.—The lightning
a few days ago produced a curious effect upon t!,l!'
church of St. Aphrodise, in the town of Bezierar in. the,
South of France. It struck the roof and went tlhi,rohutegdn
alit!.
No great damage was done to the roof ;
the wax candles placed in the choir and
when the attendant at the church opened it T
he found all the candles at the altar lighted
when grand mess is celebrated.—
. the Gazette da Alqi.--Cories.petwn
at*
thethe morning,
butit
altar; and
just as they are
is the statement of
jrjiti9of the Building New,it

111 IE FRENCH EMPIRE,

--4. ---

( From the Galignani's Messenger.)

The official statement of the situation of the em-
pire, comp used of reports sent in from the various
Ministerie ,1 departments, has been distributed to the
members of the two Chambers. As the financial
explanat ;ions are to be presented separately, nothing
is said f .or the moment of that branch of the service.
For Foreign Affairs the account published com-
mences in these terms:—

.fit the opening of the last session of the great bodies of
the State the Emperor's Government congratulated itself
onn, the general situation of Europe. If some difficulties ex-
isted on different points of the Continent, there was nothing
to lead to the anticipation of speedy complications, and in
particular nothing to announce that the Polish question
was on the eve of again forcing itself on the attention of
the Cabinets. For the last two years a certain degree of agi-
tation prevailed in Poland, but no project of a rising mani-
fested itself ; everything, on the contrary, appeared to show
that a recourse to arms no more entered into the calcula-
tions of the men invested with the confidence of the coun-
try than the wishes of the people. The recruitment, trans-
formed into a measure of proscription, drove to despair
those whom it threatened to affect, and conflicts broke out
simultaneously on several points. The question, how-
ever, did not present itself except under the aspect of a
purely local movement caused by a determinate cause
of complaint. The convention signed at St. Petersburg on
February Bth, by which, under the pretext of maintaining
order on the frontier, Prussia bound herself towards Russia
to co-operate in a certain degree in the repression, gave to
the struggle an international character, and obliged the
Cabinets to occupy themselves with it. The Polish question
is essentially European, for it cannot put itself forward
without involving the most important interests. France
signed the documents under the protection of which Poland
has been placed, and French sympathies have never been
wanting to that nation in her former trials. It is a tradition
which the Emperor's Government could less avoid defer'
ring to than any other. England had the same rights and
the same reasons for interfering. The French Govdeerrnstlent
d!
therefore applied to that Power to come to an
ing, in order to represent in concert to the
.r of Cabinet
whiofeßhershline
the danger of her intermeddling in an fiftal
was so unfortunately extending the importance. We,
moreover, were aware that Austria regarded the engage-
ments concluded at St. Petersburg in the same light as
ourselves. The Emperor's Government made known to her
its intentions. The Cabinet of Vienna had already ex-
pressed its sentiments to Prussia and to Russia when they
solicited her adhesion to those arrangements. The proceed-
Prussian Court had for result to
ings adopted with the Penes
obtain explanations which lessened the fear which had
been entertained of seeing her take an active part in
the hostilities. When we had to make known our views at
Berlin we took care to avoid any isolated action, and also to
prevent any false interpretation. The nature, however, of
our relations with Russia authorised and induced us at the
same time to attempt with her the plan of personal efforts
and friendly counsels before coming to official communica-
tions land a combined action. The French Government had
not -waited in order to give prudent advice to be constrained
to it by urgent necessity. In 1857 his Majesty, wishing to
avail himself, in the interest of order and of peace, of the
confidence which so happily united the two Cabinets, felt
himself induced by the sincerity of his esteem and of his
friendship for the Emperor Alexander to recommend the
state of Poland to the solicitude of the Court of Russia.
Such language was worthy of being understood by the
Sovereign who was about to give, in the emancipation of the
serfs, so striking a proof of his prudence. Facts have since
too strongly shown the opportuneness of those suggestions,
and testify every day how much it is to be regretted that
they were not listened to. His Majesty's Government, in
presence of the conjunctures which hive justified its pro-
'Visions, considered it as a duty not to conceal its anxieties
from Russia. It pointed out with unreserved frankness
our perplexities in the midst of events of which the public
opinion of the country, as well as the general interests of
IttrePe, would not allow us to remain indifferent specta-
tors. The French Ambassador was instructed to point
Out/ in terms the most conformable to the friendly
relations of the two Governments, the advantages of a policy
of reparation and of progress. The English Government,
in a despatch addressed at that time to its representative at
St. Petersburg, recommended a general amnesty and the
restitution of the privileges granted to the Poles by the Em-
peror Alexander I. The French Cabinet could nut but ap-
prove of the applications, which to a certain point entered
into the more general order of ideas which it else entertained ;
but in order to leave to Russia the merit of entire sponta-
neousness, it abstained from directly supporting them. The
English Cabinet having afterwards proposed to invite the
parties who signed the general Treaty of Vienna to express
similar wishes, the Government of his Majesty announced
its intention of adhering to that proposal only in case of its
obtaining the assent of the other Powers. We had pointed
out to the Russian Cabinet the interest it had in anticipa-
ting diplomatic representations by resolutely assuming the
initiative. But we had not obtained any promises—any as-
sarance that would allow us to hope for a satisfactory result
from a longer personal pressure. It became necessary to
.adopt another course. The Government of her Britannic
Majesty had preceded us in its communications with the
Russian Cabinet. Austria, without viewing events in the
same light as England, continued to observe a well-disposed
neutrality as to the Yoh's. The Emperor's Government
accordingly flattered itself with the hope of forming be-
tween the three Courts an understanding which would
-insure to their measures the European character re-
quired by the nature of the interests at stake, and at once
unite all the guarantees of moderation and force. The Ca-
binet of London in its first communication had taken the
treaties of 1815 as a starting-point. Russia had made a
precise rreely byfeontesting the interpretation given to them
by the principal Secretary of State—she confined, herself,
as a me'..hod of pacification, to speaking of an amnesty after
the wa.r, and promising not to withdraw any of the conces-
sions she had made. The French Government doubted the
success of any measure based exclusively on those treaties,
and thought that matters should be viewed from a higher
ground. The acts of 1815 assuredly conceded precious ad-
-vantages to the Poles, in reviving the Polish name, in sti-
pulating for her national institutions, and in establishing
certain links between all the parts of the kingdom as it
existed before the first partition. But those arrangements
leave not prevented the recurrence of commotions which
periodically menace the repose of Europe. Without deny-
ing that the treaties offered to the Cabinets a legal motive
of intervention, the French Government thought that it
Would be proper to invoke principally the interests of
E4rePaen order common to all the Powers. The two
Cabinets appreciated these considerations—and the Ma-
l% Government made them the subject of a
pitch to the French Ambassador at St. Peters-
appf: The despatch concluded by signalising the
en thttilllitY of considering the means of placing Poland
elle gime conditions__ of a durable peace. Austria, while
memo
e; 'Pedal interests as a Power conterminous and
language sied totoi: the influence of these disturbances, held a
',sag her first
arr to our own. England, without abandon-
briefer form the idt ent on the treaties, reproduced in a
part of the statesoaat which we had developed. The greater
and thus stamped thoerope gave their adhesion to them,
cetaraunications of the three Courts
with the character of a
everitable European manifestation.
Russia appeared
to receive
these overtures with favour.
Although she endeavour
to nut the responsibility of the
Polish movement on eneaar
rents from without and re-
volutionary intrigues, she r
and inefficacy of the reemearegniss ed the extent of the evil
adopted up to that time to
provide a remedy. She neither contested the general inte-
rests engaged in the Polish Titian etinki nor the special inte-
rests of conterminous States. She
petence of the Governments who sigurt
act of the
Treaty of Vienna, but appeared, on fe
-ee contra
their assistance for a deliberation, the bailee :Jett).
.caceept
invited the three Powers to COMMUuieste,EII h she
of the difficulties which ita exacta'
ee
opinion that the negotiations should be p_r e gland was of
armistice, in spite
The idea of stopping as soon
as Possibleton
might encounter.
the effusion of blood was too conformable to the f
the French Government not to
mobnitaeinndietsd atphperosbatieenntratuLdf
while itself acquiesced, it reco
of Vienna, on its par-7
Court of Austria.
The Cabinet
ee articles, the principal
drew up a programme
object of which was to claiminlorB Poland institutions similar
to those of Galicia. Judging these data insufficient, the
agreed to
French Government introduced notable ruodifications in
them, and for the sake of a good understand:
h.
the programme, but only as a starting upgovianitn
efotor the
conferences. We had, besides, attached mu
in the
appeal made to the whole of Europe to participated
negotiations. France has constantly declare tatshine
will
always be found ready to enter on such discussions
the
full light of day. The three Courts, in the commucti hadons
which they a second time directed to their ambassadors,
not succeeded in avoiding certain shades of expression
which could not escape the attention of Russia. It might
have been foreseen that that Power would seek to derive
profit from the apparent diversity of views. In order to parry
that danger as much as possible the French Government
made to the Vienna and London Cabinets a proposal to con-
solidate the accord by taking, in the form of a convention or a
protocol,
Polish affaira,
an engagement to pursue in concert a regulation of
by diplomatic methods or otherwise, if neces-
sary, Stich an engagement, besides the advantage of
exalting the authority of the language of the allied Courts,
would have offered to that Power whose position required
most consideration tho guarantees of a complete solidarity
in all eventualities. We were persuaded that the surest
method of preventing complications was to show ourselves
ready to meet them with all the firmness required, and that
conflicts between Governments took their origin not so often
in bold resolutions as in Protractions and hesitations that
allowed difficulties to Fergusue
aggravated.' Our pro position
was not accepted. The Russian Court replied to the pro-
gramme of the three Powers by an absolute refusal. She
promised to take the six points into consideration but only
when theiinsurrection was suppressed. She rejected all idea
of a suspension of arms, and declining the competency of the
Powers which signed the
general act of 1815, which she had
previously admitted, she proposed to
open with Austria and
ting Powers, a separate negotiation.
Prussia, as particiPe

The Vienna Cabinet rejected that proposal without heita-
tion, as being contrary to her duties to the two other Powers,
and gave explanations at St. Petersburg with a spontane-
ousness and a frankness which did honour to her sincerity.
The French Government at the same time expressed at
London and Vienna the painful impressio.i it had felt on
receiving the replies of Russia. The three Cabinets ad-
dressed French communications to St. Petersburg, the con-
clusions of which were conceived in identical terms. They
unanimously declared Russia to be responsible for the
consequences which might arise from a refusal to take
their representations into account, and from the prolonga-
tion of the troubles in Poland. The last despatches of
Prince Gortschakoff are well known. Notwithstanding
the little success of the diplomatic intervention of the
three powers, the Emperor's Government has the satisfac-
tion of knowing that it has, from the moment in which
the Polish question was brought forward, in the mea-
sure of its rights and its duties towards England, ne-
glected nothing to arrive at a solution. Ever attentive to
the painful spectacle of the struggle which is going on in
Poland, it loses sight of none of the great interests which
are connected with that conflict. It will maintain its ac-
cord with England and Austria, and it cannot believe that
the union of the Cabinets, in an affair so worthy of their
solicitude, must remain sterile. We have not, however,
the pretension to impose our solutions on the Powers inte-
rested, as much or even more directly than ourselves in the
settlement of the existing difficulties. In a question essen-
tially European it is neither in conformity with our obli-
gations or our rights to incur alone a responsibility which
it is the duty of all to partake."
The Danish dispute is thus touched on :

The affair of the Duchies of the Elbe has continued to
be a subject of discussion between the Court of Copenhagen
and the Germanic Cenfederation. The Danish Government
having adopted for the constitutional reorganisation of the
monarchy certain dispositions which the Frankfort Diet did
not consider conformable to its anterior resolutions and the
engagements made by Denmark, the German Cabinets have
agreed to have recourse to a military occupation of the
Duchy of Holstein by the Federal troops. Without contest-
ing in principle the right of Germany to intervene in the
affairs of Holstein and Lauenberg, which form part of the
Germanic Confederation, the Cabinet of Copenhagen alleges
that having accorded to the pretensions of the States of
Holstein all the satisfaction compatible with the rights of
the Crown, the Federal execution is not justified by any
legitimate motive, Consequently the only object of that
measure was in reality to compel Denmark to place the
duchy of Schleswig, a Danish province, under a political
and administrative regime, which would be an infringement
on the integrity of the monarchy. His Majesty's Govern-
ment has not seen without regret a dispute, which its coun-
sels had always tended to adjust, become envenomed.
Guided at the same time by the traditional sympathies of
France towards Denmark, and by the neighbourly feelings
which preside in her relations with Germany, we have re-
doubled our efforts to cause counsels of prudence to pre-
vail, and to turn aside an imminent crisis. A conflict could
not arise without the Scandinavian States, which are more
directly interested in the maintenance of the balance of
power in the North of Europe, being brought to take a
share in the struggle, and without giving rise to grave
complications in which the Powers which signed the
Treaty of London of 1852 would be implicated. Onr
co-operation is assured beforehand to any combi•
nation which would have the effect of preventing
such eventualities, and we are inclined to hope that the
wisdom of the two parties will prevail against ex-
citements which are to be regretted. Germany is
besides occupied with other cares. The Sovereigns
assembled at Frankfort have given the highest sanction to
the efforts attempted with the object of modifying the inter-
nal regime of the Confederation by associating themselves
in the study of the best means of attaining that object. All
that can contribute to the development and happiness of a
great neighbouring nation, with which we maintain the best
relations, cannot be indifferent to us. We therefore watch
those attempts with a friendly attention, with the desire to
see Germany obtain from them the advantages which she
expects, and which sho well knows how to conciliate with
European interests and with the international rights which
are connected with the constitution of the Germanic Con-
federation."