The Sun.
London, England, 1837-02-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A verdict for libel, as was seen by a report which t
we published yesterday, was on Wednesday given in
the Court of Exchequer against the Morning Adver-
tiser, for publishing the report of a case tried last Oc-
tober at the Thames Police-office, when the Magistrate,
in the language quoted by Sir W. Follett from the re-
port, convicted Murray (the present plaintiff) in the
full penalty of 51., for unlawful possession of lead, and
condemned -1001bs. of it to the use of the Crown !
Notorious as are the anomalies of the law of libel,
and monstrous as are its abuses, the result of this
action must excite surprise. It shews, in fact, that a
newspaper, in publishing the proceedings of any of the
Courts of Law, is liable to be mulcted in damages at
the suit of any party on whom these proceedings may
cast aspersions equivalent to libel, which, be it re-
membered, may have its origin in truth as well as
in falsehood, without affecting the legal character of
the offence, or mitigating the penalty attached to it.
In the present case, it was sworn by five witnesses
that the report of what took place at the Thames-
police-office was substantially correct and faithful ; and
yet damages to the amount of forty shillings were
awarded against this journal—a sum trifling in itself,
and but little efficient to compensate any loss of cha-
racter on the part of the plaintiff, but which inflicts on
the proprietors of the Advertieer costs to an amount
inconceivable by those who are not acquainted with
such matters. It was remarked during the trial by
Lord Abinger, to whose impartiality we offer out most
ample acknowledgments, that—
" As to the publication of criminal cases, the principle
is clear. As the proceedings in these cases have for one
principal object the effect of example, it would be a great
disadvantage to the public if correct reports of them were
not allowed to be published."
But after the verdict given in this case, what pro-
tection have newspapers against prosecutions for libel
for every criminal case they report Whether the
decision of the Magistrate was correct or incorrect,
legal or illegal, does not affect the question ; so long as
A newspaper confines itself to a fair and impar-
tial statement of what takes place in a public
Court, it should be protected. The whole
press of Great Britain is compromised by the re-
sult of this action. There is not a single jour-
nal in the United Kingdom that does not every time of
its publication render itself liable to one or more pro-
secutions similar to that brought against the Adver-
tiser. The publication of the reports of Police-
offices, by exposing the guilty and making society
acquainted with the schemes and stratagems of offen-
ders, tends more to the suppression of crime than
the whole judicial establishment in all its branches.
Yet, by this verdict every publication of the kind sub-
jects the paper which contains it to the risk of heavy
damages. To suppose that the report on which this
action was founded was published from any hostile
feeling to the plaintiff is altogether out of the ques-
tion, he being altogether unknown to the reporter and
every person connected with the establishment. Be-
sides the report was proved on the oath of five wit-
nesses—whose statements it was not attempted to
overturn—to have been fair and impartial, so that the
ground upon which the verdict was returned was ut-
terly inexplicable. In summing up the case Lord
Abinger stated :
" On the second and third pleas, which alleged that the
libel was a fair and substantial statement of what had taken
place at the police-office—that Murray had been charged
with having in his possession suspicious lead—that he had
been convicted and fined 5/., and that a great part of the
lead was forfeited, and another part restored—if the Jury
believed that the report was, as alleged in those pleas, a
fair and faithful report, they would find for the defendant
in those pleas. His Lordship then went through the evi-
dence with great care, and pointed out the improbability
of the five witnesses from the police-office corroborating
the report in its substantial statements, unless it were
correct. He did not agree with Sir W. Follett that the
fact that Mr. Buckingham's name was omitted from the
report was of any injury to the plaintiff, or any unfairness
to the public. Neither did he agree with the Learned
Gentleman in his censure of the legislature, the magis-
trate, the officers, or the proprietors of newspapers. He
observed that the substantial matter for the consideration
of the Jury was contained in those pleas, the second and
third, namely, whether the report was a fair and impartial
statement of what had occurred at the police-office."

Now, it is utterly impossible to give a verbatim re-
port of every police case reported in a newspaper ; all
that either the parties concerned or the public can ex-
pect are the leading facts, without the omission of any
points tending to elucidate the case. The omission
referred to by Lord Abinger was stated by his Lord-
ship not to be of this nature, nor calculated to aggra-
vate the plaintiff's case. What, then, has been the
offence ? We cannot believe it possible that the Jury
could doubt the credibility of the witnesses, and Lord
Abinger stated, that if the Jury believed the state-
ment sworn to by those witnesses—namely, that the
report was correct—they should find for the defendant,
on what his Lordship termed " the substantial matter
for their consideration." The result is a specimen of
what the law of libel is capable of accomplishing ; but
we must add that, with all our ingenuity and cogita-
tion, we cannot divine the grounds upon which the
Jury returned the verdict. In a few days we may be
able to ascertain more of the matter.—.-Morning
Advertiser.

The debate on the Irish Municipal Corporation
Bill was last night resumed in the House of Com-
mons ; but the merits of the question are so much
exhausted, that unless in the skilful rounding of a pe-
riod, or the ingenious construction of fallacies by the
Tories, there is scarcely anything original to be expected
in the perusal. As on the preceding night, the question
at issue appeared to be a matter of secondary conside-
ration, and the several speakers, with scarcely an ex-
ception, directed their abilities rather to the attack or
defence of the acts of the administration, than to the
consideration of the great question—whether or not the
people of Ireland are in a condition to be endowed
with Municipal institutions—whether or not they are
to be considered as aliens, or admitted to the same pri-
vileges as the people of England and Scotland ? One
objection put forward by the Tories against the exten-
sion of free :klunicipal institutions to Ireland, is that
those institutions would become " normal schools of
agitation," which supposition is, in fact, the strongest
argument in favour of their adoption—as by giving
public opinion a legitimate channel of expression, the
necessity of abnormal agitation would be totally su-
perseded. Agitation is as necessary to the political
body as exercise to the natural ; in both cases the
healthy action of the system is best sustained by the
moderate employment of the faculties, guarding alike
against torpor on the one hand, or over-exertion on
the other. In Municipal institutions, fairly open to all
classes of citizens, is to be found the best arena for the
exercise of those faculties which in their development.
qualify for the full enjoyment of the rights of citizen-
ship in a free community. Mr. R. D. Browne, who
commenced the debate, put the question in a strong
light, when he said—

Hon. Members opposite refused them Municipal Insti-
tutions upon the plea that they would he normal schools of
political agitation ; but they must be either short-sighted, or
politicians of that class who are influenced by other motives
than one of legislating beneficially for the country. They
affected to dread the evils which themselves created, and
when they refused Municipal Corporations to Ireland, from
a fear of their paternity, they gave birth to the fearful pro-
geny they so much dreaded. What, he would ask, was the
character of the National Association ? Was the Associa-
tion composed of this party or of that ? Did it not take in
a whole nation ? And he would ask Hon. Gentlemen op-
posite, whether the normal schools, which they last Session
professed to dread, would have conduced more to agitation
than that cause which had condensed a nation to a Society.
He would therefore ask them to grant this measure this
year for the same reason they had denied it last year ; and
what they had refused in 1836, they should now offer as a
boon to their political consistency. There was another rea-
son, however, why they should now concede Corporate Re-
form—there was another and a stronger inducement for them
to concede it—the power and the consequences which would
result from the Association."
" The power" of the Association is already felt and
admitted, but " its consequences" are in the womb of
futurity—we profess not to foresee-what they may be;
but we may venture to say that the greater the oppo-
sition given to the just claims of the Irish people, the
greater will be the power arrayed in their support, and
the more extensive will be the changes which such op-
position will superinduce. The speech of Lord Mor-
th like that of Lord John Russell on the previous
ni3Oht stands in conspicuous relief from those which

eurround it. \V regret the want of space to particu-
-1 rise its points, but we trust those who yet doubt—if
Clem be ally who conscientiously do so—the propriety
f extending to Ireland equality of rights will give it a
careful perusal. Sir James Graham was as lugu-
brious
as usual, and made what he seemed to consider
a decided" hit," in proving the opinions of Lord John
ltussell to be more liberal than they were three years since
—a fact ‘vhiell we receive as a high compliment to the
Noble Lord's progress in the science of government.
It proves that the Noble Lord has profitted by the ex-
pression of public Opinion, while the Comber-land
Baronet was, as it would appear, wrapped up in genial
torpidity. Sir John Cam Hoblionse followed the
Hon. Baronet, in a speech of great power and unan-
swerable argument; and Sir If. Peel did his best—
but not pari passu—to overturn the facts and argu-
ments advanced by Lord John Russell and the Mi-
nisterial leaders. His speech was, however, plausible
and ingenious, and was well received by the House, as
it will no doubt produce some impression upon the
weak minds of the country. Lord John Russell's re-
ply was short and decisive. The debate closed without
a division—but there will be another upon the second
reading, when it is generally understood, that the
strength of parties will be tried. We pant for it, even
as Sir Robert Peel panted for his own destruction and
that of his party—and we fear not the result.—Morn-
' ing Advertiser.
Our task was yesterday to state, on grounds which
cannot be, or at least which never yet have been suc-
cessfully controverted, what is the real nature of this
Irish Roman Catholic Corporation Bill—how sense-
less
it is to call such a measure a Bill for establishing
" equal rights between Protestant and Papist, or a
Bill promotive of " parallel legislation as between
Great Britain and Ireland, or, in fact, as being any-
thing else than the commencement of a system of do-
mination by Popish priests in the municipal affairs of
Ireland, auxiliary to the completion of that political su-
premacy long exercised by the same grasping and en-
croaching power. Before we enter on that specific sub-
ject which furnished their chief and most pungent fla-
vour to the debates of 17 hours, concluded yesterday
morning—viz., the misrule of Ireland by Lord Mul-
grave, it may be well to recur for a single moment to the
questions which were put with such signal force by Sir
Robert Peel, in his unanswerable and contemptuous
reply to the Ministerial advocates. In substance the
Right Hon. Baronet's appeal was this—Do you mean to
apply your professed scheme of "identity of legislation"
to your whole system of Irish government ? Then,
why not employ it with regard to two other depart-
ments of state policy, of more importance far than any
thing relative to corporations ? Why legislate for the
Church of Ireland differently than for the English ?
Why propose for Ireland a system of poor laws, or
pretended poor laws, wholly unknown to the people of
Great Britain, yet " affecting interests as extensive,
numbers as great, classes as much entitled to sympathy,
as any political" (or sectarian) " parties that could
exist ?" It, however, will be and has been said, in
reference to such questions, " Oh, but the circumstances
of the two countries are so different, we can't think of
a like course of legislation on points in which they do
so differ." Very well, then ; that admission is all we
want, for it carries the whole argument with it. The
Conservative objection to a municipal law for Ireland,
similarly worded to that for England or for Scot-
land, is, that the circumstanees of the Irish nation
differ so essentially from those of the Scotch
and English, as to render an exact similarity
of legislation for all three, with respect to corporate
privileges, a fatal and mad experiment. The very
measures which the Melbourne Whigs have adopted
or intimated, under the respective titles of a tithe law,
and a poor law, are founded on a recognition of that
principle of referring to diversity ?I' national circum-
stances, which in the case of their Municipal Bill they
echo the yell of O'Connell and his slaves, in denounc-
ing as an " insult to Ireland." Before we had seen a
word of Wednesday night's debate, we charged the
Ministers, on the merely negative evidence of their
studied suppression of the subject both in the King's
Speech and in Parliament, with having sacrificed to
the shifting expediency of self-interest the far-famed
" appropriation clause," on the back of which they
had cantered into office, and with having forfeited that
solemn pledge of forcing the spoliation Bill through
the Legislature, which they put forth as their exclusive
and paramount title to the support of a Whig. Radical
majority. Our conjecture was a happy one. Towards the
close of Wednesday's discussion, and of his own mas-
terly speech, Sir Robert Peel put the question directly
to the Whig Home Secretary—" You are in power.
What do you mean to do with the Church of Ireland ?
Will you maintain it or not ? You aie bound to state
that explicitly. Whether you mean to defer to that
resolution of the Association which is directed against
the Church tithe—that in which the Association de-
clared that it would continue in existence until the
tithe should be abolished ?" What, then, was the
declaration of the Noble Lord, dejected, prostrate,
floundering in the mire into which his own exquisite
arrogance and folly in attacking the Protestant aris-
tocracy of Ireland had plunged him ? Why, an ex-
plicit assurance to the House of Commons, that al-
though in the way of sly pilfering and petty cheating
he would endeavour to make his next Bill as unfavour-
able as he could to the Protestant Clergy, and as pro-
fitable to the public enemy—that is, by levying a
harsher per centage than had yet been proposed by any
former Tithe Bill, he was nevertheless satisfied to " let
no false pride of his own stand in the way of a settlement
of the great Tithe question e' in other words, he would
make a burnt offering of the appropriation clause, having
bound himself in a preceding sentence, not to introduce
a measure which " would not have, at least, a chance
of passing through Parliament." Now the House of
Lords is still a portion of the thing called " Parlia-
ment," and very probably may remain so during the
remainder of the present Session. Since the hereto-
fore follower of O'Connell, therefore, who has been
nick-named leader of the House of Commons, must
bring forward such a Tithe Bill as must be at least
not on the face of it inadmissible by the House of
Lords, it is an obvious consequence that the appro-
priation clause has been finally abandoned. So far so
good. But what then becomes of the English volun-
tary-principle faction ? What will they do with these
recreant Ministers ? What becomes of the Irish
tail, that efflux from the rebel rent society ? To
what old Irish melody will the master "howler" and
his band of native choristers set their next chapter
hululations ? We have heard queer stories of
savage scowls, of convulsive gestures, of mute
amazement, of curses deep, ending in exclamations
of mingled fury and abhorrence, called into play by
the last speech and " dying words of the poor ha-
rassed Secretary of the Home Department, and brought
under the ken of a circle of amused bystanders, even
before the House was cleared of its occupants yes-
terday morning. Now, with regard to the course of
debate which was traced out by Lord John Russell on
Tuesday, and which wandered far enough in all con-
science from the topic of which he had given notice,
never was angry arid impatient rashness more memo-
rably or unrelentingly punished. The noblemen and
gentlemen of Leland who felt that the whole body of
loyal Protestants were aggrieved, oppressed, and im-
minently endangered by the system of misgovernment
which had been pursued by Lord Mulgrave, under the
open dictation of their Popish enemy, held a public
meeting, discussed their grounds of complaint 'against
the Minister, and embodied the statement of their ma-
nifold wrongs in a series of resolutions which were to
serve as the groundwork of a general petition to both
Houses of Parliament. An Association—what may
fairly be called a permanent Association, of another
and very different class of persons—had been meeting
in Dublin for months before, not composed of men
who professed to feel much reverence for the existing,
Constitution, for the established Church, for the settle-
ment of property, or for the connection of Ireland with
the British Crown. This Association had never
deigned to exercise the humble, though ancient, right
of petition. Its members, on the contrary, issued
decrees, not supplications. They dictated appoint-
ments of public functionaries, proclaimed resolutions by
which it appeared that the enforcement of the laws and
the peace of the country were dependent on their will
and pleasure. They dispersed agents in the form of
delegates to the most distant counties, from the most
distant parishes ; they collected taxes to aid the re-
sistance which they had organized to the tranquil ad.

ministration of justice. They constituted i❑ fact,
though not in na►ne, the College-green Parliament
of which we have heard so often, and when the fit
occasion should arise they would have but a few
steps to march and take possession of that ancient
building which the anarchy consequent on successful
rebellion would soon render needless to its present
owners. That Association has never yet been meddled
with by the Whig-Radical Government. Lord Mel-
bourne faintly censured, but durst not molest it.
Lord John Russell distinctly apologized for it, and
threw the blame of its establishment upon the Con-
servatives of the kingdom. The avowed purposes of
tl►i.s i►►surrectionary combination, he it recollected,
are the destruction of the Church, the subjection of
the House of Lords to the democracy, an extended
suffrage, secret voting, short Parliaments, and that sort
of equality between sects which can no otherwise be ar-
rived at but by a sweeping away and levelling of the
oldest institutions of the monarchy. Now, every one
of the above innovations have been declared by the
King's Ministers to be objects of their disapproval and
repugnance, yet the Association, which labours to
effect them all, has been suffered by the same Ministers
to pursue its career undisturbed. But the instant
a meeting of noblemen and gentlemen, tnen of large
property, of undoubted loyalty, of reverence for the
Crown, of devotion to the Church, of obedience to
the law, of attachment to Great Britain—the moment
such a meeting is announced in the newspapers,
and throughout society, from that moment every
engine, machination, influence, power, artifice, is
set in motion to prevent it ; failing that, to damp
the zeal of its intended members ; failing that, to
disparage and malign their motives ; failing all, to
frighten them into a retraction of the sentiments which
they had openly avowed, and of the resolutions which
they had deliberately framed and published, by bringing
' them under the cognizance of Parliament, and subject-
ing them to what the Ministers absurdly hoped would
prove an exposure of the fallacy of their representa-
tions, and the factitious nature of the grievances at
which they murmured. Instead, therefore, of pro-
ceeding with his Municipal Bill, the Ministerial leader
in the House of Commons quitted the high road, and
gallopped off to an attack upon the Protestant meet-
ing. In the twinkling of an eye the whole order of
battle was reversed ; the attack was defeated—the as-

sailants fled—they hardly made a show of resistance.
Never was, a party so humbled. There never yet was
a majority so baffled. There never was a Ministry
so covered with mortification and disgi ace. We shall
not travel beyond the voluminous record of the debate
itself, as reported. But to bring back the details, and
fix them on the public mind, we hold to be a work of
infinite importance, and we shall pursue it diligently
in our next and following numbers. The tone, cha-
racter, and relative position of the two parties which
are now in presence, cannot be made more intelligible
to our countrymen, than by a reference to the above
proceedings.— Times.

Never was triumph more complete than that of Mi-
nisters in the debate which closed yesterday morning.
Against the principle of the Bill the Opposition had
nothing to urge, but that the Catholics being the ma-

j
ority, to open Municipal Corporations to them would
enable them to oppress the Protestant minority.
The
argument strikes at all Constitutional Government, for
it is of the very essence of such Government that the
minority should yield to the majority. If religion
ceased to be a ground of civil disqualification after
1829—if Catholics and Protestants are now equal in
the eye of the law—what, in God's name, can religion
have to do with Municipal Corporations ? The mu-
nicipal right is a purely civil right, and to refuse to
confer such a right, because the majority are Catho-
lics, is practically repealing the Emancipation Act,
and in effect declaring that religious inequality
has not ceased. We have renounced the claim

to treat the Irish as a conquered people ; we
declare Catholics and Protestants equal in the eye
of the law ; we say that the union between the two
islands should be one of perfect fairness—that it should
not recal to the mind of the Irishman, any more than
to the mind of the Englishman, the ideas of dishonour
and degradation ; and how then can we, with any
show of consistency, confer corporate rights on Eng-
lishmen and Scotchmen, because the majority are Pro-
testants and the minority Catholics, and refuse to con-
fer them on Irishmen, because the majority are Catho-
lics and the minority Protestants ? We can under-
stand the meaning of abuse of the Catholic priesthood
before the passing of the Emancipation Act, but from
the moment that Act passed, the Catholic hierarchy
ought not to be named. We are no more entitled
to object to a measure for Ireland that advantage would
be taken of it by a Catholic majority, than the Irish
are entitled to object to a measure for Engiand that ad-
vantage would be taken of it by the Protestant majo-
rity. If it be said the Protestants have the power, and
will enforce it, that is a departure from religious equality,
and a return in effect to the claim of superiority over the
Irish. We abandon justice in that case, and rely on
brute force. The justice of the principle of the Bill
was triumphantly asserted by Lord John Russell, who
demonstrated that in the bestowal of offices and em-
ployments the only qualifications should be character
and fitness, without reference to religious distinctions.
To refuse the communication of rights because the
Catholics might employ the power thereby acquired
against the Protestant Church is to proclaim the ne-
cessity of despotism, because the liability to abuse is
incident to all freedom, and we are not entitled to le-
gislate against all possible consequences ; but should
liberty be abused, it will then be time enough to
provide a remedy. The Protestants of Ireland
are no doubt a small :minority, and it may no
doubt be difficult to preserve an establishment for
a " miserable minority against a large majority
of another religion ; but to tie the hands of the
majority because freedom might facilitate the
overthrow of the establishment is to say in so
many words that the Irish ought not to be allowed
constitutional rights, because the use of them
might not be in accordance with certain precon-
ceived notions ; in short, because being free they
might act as freemen, and not as slaves If Lord
John Russell by his enlarged statesman-like views
triumphed over the Tories, when he left not even the
ray of a principle to cover their nakedness, Lord
Morpeth was equally successful in redeeming the
challenge thrown out by the Noble Home Secretary.
The Irish Government, the first Government that car-
ried out the principle of the Emancipation Bill, and
practically set ascendancy aside, was proved by Lord
Morpeth to have been guided throughout by a spirit
of fairness and impartiality. The charges of the so-
calledNiVtrieillsee;lfiisirlhseoti:Ev ntnogt olt beheTaut‘i%tn,t,elriv)liyyi
ogaiffrloaousrdiei
gieesast;iloLlorer
dda
Protestant meeting, embodied in their libellous
resolutions,
tAolurelgcoraLeileis
practical
)lands
demonstration
a
ftolri
uirt is
posenso t an i o
f oppression,irstrun instrument t in
but
ut
a means for dispensing fair and equal justice. The
cases so circumstantially described by Sergeant Jack-
son could not bear the ordeal to which Lor.l N.l orpeth
subjected them. The appointments were made
on the ground of fitness alone. The acts of the
Government were not only just in themselves, but
highly beneficial in their effects, if the diminution
of crime, the putting a stop to the frays of fac-
tions, and the promotion of habits of order be benefi-
cial. But what shall we say of Sir James Graham,
once a Radical of the first water, and still pretending
to Whig principles, still boasting that he is a pupil of
Fox, when he find him bursting with malice andma
lignity towards the men whose great in his eyes
is, that they have honestly and conscientiously sought
to carry out the principles he once supported, and still
affects to entertain ?
" I would ask the Noble Lord (John Russell)," says the
former advocate for breaking faith with the public creditor,
" if he ever heard of an Administration with all the symp-
toms of Government without the power. It is in vain for
him to cite to me the authority of Mr. Fox in defence of
such policy and such proceedings. I demur to that point.i
I contend that if Mr. Fox had lived to see the day when
the Test and Corporation Acts had been repealed—
when Catholic emancipation had been granted—when a
Reform Bill had passed extending the suffrage both in
Great Britain and Ireland—when the Protestant hie-
rarchy of Ireland had been greatly reduced, one-half
of its bishoprics being annihilated—when the church-
cess had been cast upon the property of the Church, to
the relief of the occupiers of the soil—if he had lived to
see these things granted, if also he had lived to see pro-

posed on the part of that 4 exclusive minority to which the
Noble Lord has referred the free and complete surrender
of their exclusive' corporations, attaching only one con-
dition to that proposal, that the power which it is proposed
to abolish should not be transferred from one body to the
other—if lie had seen these things granted, and these things
offered, I will not believe that when the claim, the prepos-
terous claim, was advanced in addition to all this, that vote
by ballot should be established, that household suffrage
should be granted, that triennial Parliaments should be
adopted, that the Bishops should be expelled from the
House of Lords, and that the constitution of the House of
Lords itself should be revised—l cannot believe that on the
principle of meet.), every demand by unwearying conces-
sion Mr. Fox would ever be prepared to assent to any of
these things."
But Sir James here invidiously mixes up things of a
very different nature. Why were Ministers recalled ?
Because Sir Robert Peel could not in his own Parlia-
ment obtain a majority. The House of Lords were
not called on to decide on the Ballot, on household
suffrage, on triennial Parliaments, on the expulsion of
Bishops. No one of these things have ever received
the sanction of the House of Commons ; and when
they have been demanded by a majority of the nation,
and sanctioned by the nation's representatives, it will
be time enough to enter on them with a view to the
praise or blame of Ministers. Ministers have pro-
posed no measures to the House of Commons which
did not receive the sanction of that House, and
which were not a legitimate carrying out of the
principles of the Reform Bill : and the proposal to
reform the Lords, not entirely approved of by Minis-
ters, has been forced on a nation indisposed to enter-
tain it by the blind determination of the Upper House
to place itself in collision with the Lower. The mo-
ment the pressure under which the Lords passed the
Reform Bill was removed, they resorted to their old
stare of hostility to popular rights, and sought as much
as they possibly could to make the Reform Bill a dead
letter. In the case of the refusal of Municipal corpo-
rations to Ireland an insult has been offered to the
whole Irish nation, and it is because the whole nation,
with the exception of a " miserable minority," are de-
termined on having corporations, and not because the
question has been agitated, like Some others, by a
fraction of the nation and its Representatives in the
House of Commons, that Ministers see the absolute
necessity of carrying it. In fact, the distinguishing
characteristic of a free Government is, that when the ma-
jority decidedly will a measure, it is ultimately carried.
Nations may make mistakes, majorities are not always
infallible ; but the Government which refuses to please
the majority, and yields to the minority, is not the
Government of a free people. Sir James Graham has
deserted his principles, he has abandoned the Reform
Bill, and taken refuge in the old boroughmongering
oligarchy whom he once assisted in defeating, but he
has not the manliness to avow his apostacy, and
meanly seeks to wound his former associates with poi-
soned weapons. He even yielded to the poor spite of
misrepresenting LoYd John Russell a second time (hav-
ing once before been set right), by imputing to him
that be had said "if ever there was a nation that had
grievances it was the Irish nation, and the chief of
those grievances was the Irish Church," Lord John
having merely said that " they were bound to
remove the just grounds of complaint of the
people of Ireland,4kand one of those just grounds
of complaint was the present appropriation of the
tithe revenue in Ireland." We- should suppose the
leading articles of the Times to be the composition of
the Right Hon. Baronet, for his speech was a cento
from those articles, and it requires something like a
feeling of paternity to blind any one to the wretched
reasoning and odious abuse of that journal. The
mode of arguing of Sir James and the Times, if they
be not one and the same, is to cull from the various
speeches delivered at the National Association what-
ever is startling, and perhaps objectionable ; and be-
cause that Association seeks corporate rights,
and Ministers are determined that Ireland shall
have corporations, to infer that Ministers approve
of all the passages in question. The measures of
Ministers, if good in themselves, cannot be bad,
because some of those who advocate them are
not always infallible. It would hardly have been a
sufficient answer to a speech delivered by Sir James
Graham in favour of Parliamentary Reform to contend
that because Sir James Graham once advocated the
breaking faith with the national creditor, and the late Mr.
Cobbett also wished to adopt the sponge, therefore that
Sir James had the same idolatry of a Paine's bones,
and would have deposited them among his heirlooms.
We leave Sir James to the praises of those who take
delight in civil discord, and love to fan the flames of
bigotry. His malicious disclosure of what in common
fairness to his former colleagues he of all men ought
not to have alluded to, stamps his character with the
country, and points him out as one with whom it is
dangerous to be intimate. When a public man has not
even the delicacy to feel that an appearance of fair
play at least is due to former colleagues, there is no
hope for him. It would not at all surprise us to see
Sir James Graham in a few months distancing the
Shaws and the Conollys; for when a heavy body, like
himself, descends, it descends rapidly. He is novv
pretty nearly the antipodes of what he was, when he
threw all 'the Aristocracy into alarm by vaulting over
the head of Mr. Hume, and proclaiming that he was
determined to fly at the highest game—the receivers
of large pensions. The savage Jacobin who sought
distinction by involving the scions of Aristocracy in
penury, is now as ready to lend himself to destroy all
who wish to promote the public good, and to legislate
on principles of equal and impartial justice.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

The American papers continue to speak of the
" express mail," and news is constantly quoted in them as
having been received by such means. Of the magnitude of
this additional accommodation some idea may be formed
from the fact, that besides previous arrangements, " within
the last month there has been started an express mail from
from Philadelphia to Mobile, a distance of 1,230 miles."
According to the report of the Postmaster-General to Con-
gress, there had been new routes established 912 miles in
extent. On alluding formerly to the establishment of this
express mail, having taken the opportunity to urge on our
post-office authorities the consideration of making arrange-
ments for a morning or additional mail, by means of which,
among other advantages, the detention of letters passing
through London might be avoided, and 14 or 15 hours'
time gained, it is only just to repeat that it is expected that
a forthcoming report of the Commissioners of Revenue In-
quiry (at the head of which is Sir H. Parnell) on the sub-
ject of the post-office will contain some important sugges-
tions on this head.

ESCAPE OF Two PR ISO NE RS.—TWO escapes
were last week effected from the gaol at Springfield, Essex.
The first was made by a prisoner named James Monk, who,
it appears, being diseased, was removed from his cell to
an apartment appropriated to vagrants in that state. About,
one o'clock on Thursday morning he succeeded in breaking
away a window-farme, and then forced himself between
the bars of the window, and got out into the yard, whence
he climbed the wall, let himself down, and got clear off.
The other prisoner who escaped was James Cordrey, com-
mitted on a charge of stealing a sheep ; he contrived his
escape by deceiving the officer. On Saturday night he ap-
peared and answered to his name, and afterwards went
into his cell. While the prisoners were undressing, and
placing their clothes in the passage opposite to their cell-
doors, and the turnkey had gone up stairs to lock up the
others, Cordrey placed his hat on the floor, and covered it
with his smock-frock, which thus appeared to be his clothes
placed in the usual manner, and the cell was locked up.
He secreted himself until dark, whenlie escaped by scaling
the wall.

IN hen the States decided, at one of their late sit-
tings, to renew the drawing of lotteries in this island, the
Lieutenant-Governor, much to his credit, declared that he
could not approve of the Act of the States. We have
now the pleasure to inform our readers that an Order i*
Council arrived by last Sunday's packet, disallowing the
drawing of lotteries, and consequently, directing the
States to recall their unpopular Act.--Jersey Argus.
On Tuesday a friend of our's was at Gorey, and,
from the hill below the Castle, saw a boat apparently
empty, drifting with the tide. He directed the attention
of some fishermen to it, who went out, and discovered
four men, who had been out all night fishing, lying in the
bottom of the boat in a state of great exhaustion. They
had all been attacked, almost simultaneously, with influenza,
and had they not been providentially seen from the shore,
must inevitably-have perished.—Jersey Argus.
Yesterday afternoon an inquest was held at the
Rising Sun, Lower-road, Islington, on view of the body of
Andrew Paynter, Esq., aged 51, a highly respectable stock-
broker, who destroyed himself on Monday morning last, by
swallowing arsenic. It appeared from the evidence that
his mind had latterly been affected by pecuniary losses, and
the loss of a beloved sister. Verdict—" Temporary de-
rangement,"

PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS,

ASURANCE COMPANIES, &c. &c. &c.

LONDON, TUESDAY, FEB. 7.

. .
Number Dividend Price
of per CANALS, per
Shares. Annum. Paid. Shire
1,760 8 per cent. Ashton and Oidham....Average 97/. ISs. sh. 142
1,182 41. Ashliy.de-lc.lotiell Average 112/. sh. 65
1,260 Basingstoke lOll/. sh. .5i
1,005 W. Brecknock and Abergavenny 150. sh. 100
8,000 1-16.111. 91. 9s. Birmingham, 1-16th share gl:. & 711. 217
4,000 Ditto :cid Liverpool Junct...l2s/ sh. 100 p.l ti-.?..1
600 . Bridgewater and Taunton —.lOO/. sh. all pd 64
400 4/. Chelmer and Black water.., 1001. 4h. lit

500 18/. Coventry !00/. sh
4,543 Croydon . Average 311.2 s 101 sh
2,000,1 4/. Os. Dudley .
6410 71. Derby 100/. sh
20,000 Danube and 7,layne 4l/. 13s. ld. 3tl/. pd
3,575; 3/. Elosmere and Chester Average Ms/. sh.
231 40'. Erewash
1,297 28/. Forth and Clyde A. erave 11;0/.1C.s. sh.
11,5101 124 Grand June- Wu/. sh.
2,949 i 1/, Grand Union 1001. sh.
1 50' Grand Surrey
1:20, ow, 41. pt‘r cent. Ditto (optional) Loan 101)1.
3,4,96 Grand Western
tital 13/. I.N. 8.1. Glainorgatishire, Average cost 1721. 13s. 1-.1,
749 101. Grantham 150/. sh.
6,234 1/. 15s Hudderstitld Average 571. Os. 6cl sh.
lilo Kensingl in 100 sh. all pd.
25,328 11. 2s. Kennet ,t. ad Avon, Average 391. 18s. 1041. sh.
2,n97f 20/. Leeds and Liverpool 10u1. sh.
5451 121. Leicester l4Ol. sh.
1,397- 41. 10s. Leicester and Northampton... Aver 431. lil 3.
2,400 10/. Monmouthshire lOO/.sh.
50 181. Melton Mowbray 100/. sh.
500 25/. Mersey and Irwell 100/. sh.
3,0410 11. 10s. Macclesfield 100/. sh. all pd.
217 171. Neath 100/. sh.
1.780 30/. Oxford 100/• sh.
__,
2,400 5/. Peak Forest Average about 0,1. sh.
21,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. :W. 10s. M. sh.
5,0i9 61. per cent. rmchdale Average MI. sh.
500 8/, Shropshire 1'2.51. sh.
800 91.105. Somerset Coal ISO!. sh.
3,4100/. 41, percent. Ditto !Awl Fund Stock l2/. 10s. sh.
700 40/. Stallbrd and Worcester l4O/. sit.
5041 04 Shrewbui y 125/ sh.
300 8/. Stourbridge
3,047 0/. ,e, Stratford-on. A voi. ...Average 791. Os. bd. sh.
533 121. Swansea lOti/. sh.
3,7112 I/. Is. Severn and Wye and Railway ...Av 35/. sh.
2,60-451.. 321.105. Trent and Mersey, -1. share llOl/. sh.
8,149
1,0005h.1 i 5/. Warwick aid Birmingham lOO/. sh•
1,00015h.3 ' .
990 193. Warwick and Sapton lOOl. sh.
6,000 41.05. Worcest .1- alio Birmingliain-Av.7B/.8.. sh.
5,000 22a. \Vilts an.. Ilerks .. Average 071. 10s. 8.1. sh.
800 31. Wyrley and Essington 125/. sh
126 Wisbeach lO5l. sh.
905 U. Wey and Arun llOl. sh.
DOCKS.
2'6e" } 3 n c. Commercial 100/. sh.
1,06515 h ' '
09,6671/. 6 per ct. East India
11.238,31014 50s. p.ct. London Stock
Ditto Bonds
1,380,000/. 5/. per et. West India Stock
2,209 2/. 19s. Bristol
68,3244 R. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts
1.332,752 4 per cent. St. Katharine Stock
500,000 41 per cent. Ditto Bonds
200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds for 10 years
Shoreham Harbour
2.500 .... .... Deptford Pier 2O/. sh. 3/. pd
BRIDGES.
1,600 ICs. Haminersm.ti. 5O/. sh.
7,231 Southwark, Old Av, (431 2s. 80 sh.
1,700 11. Iss. Ditto, New, of 71 per cent. 5O/. sh.
5,000 ... ..... Waterloo lOOl. sh.
5,000 18s. Btl.. Ditto, Old Annuities of fil.
5,000 16s. 40. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 40/. pd
60,000/. 54 per cent. Ditto Bonds
6,000 17s Vauxhall Average 704 10s. 3d. sh.
AS IiItANCE COMPANIES.
2,000 3/ 103 Albion 500/. sh. 50/ pd
s°'",'''',,, 5 per cent. Alliance,Rritish& Foreign 100/. eh. 101/. pd
and 15s.
50,000 6'per cent. Ditto, Marine 1001. sh, 5/ pt.
24,000 11 per sh. Atlas 501. oh. 51. pd
1,200 Ish, 51. Birmingham t ire 00/, sh. 55/. pd
20,000 41 per cent. British Fire 2501. sh. 50/. pd
12,000 61. per cent. British Commercial 501. sh. 5/, pd
5,000 51. per cent. Clerical, Medi .al,&c. Life, ICO/.sh. 12/10s pt.
4,000 21103 County 100/, sh. 101. pd
20,000 ss. Eagle
r 5 per •ent. Economic Life lOOO/. sh. 2501. pd
Land 301 bs.l
2,271 225. per cent. European LI i.:
20/, sh. all pd 22
50,000 2s. Ditto, New OO4 sh. 2/. pd 2
1,000,0004 71. per et. Globe Stock 152
20,000 51. Guardian lOO/, sh. 271/ pd 331
40,000 6s. 6d. Hope
2,400 5/. 7a. 61. Imperial Fire 5001. sh, 504 Pd 125
7,500 9s. Imperial Lite 100/. sh. 10/. pt. 91
4
13,45$ 19s. per sh. Indemnity !Marine 1004 A. RI, pd 1
2,090 3/ lOs Kent Fire 501. &h. all pd 92
3/. Ditto Life. 79
10,000 ' 16s. Law Life lOO4 sh. 10/. pd 28
5,000 10s. London, Fir. 23/. sh. 121. 10s. pd 15a
3,900 10s. London, Ship 054 sh. 12/. 10s. pd 1
30,000 51. per cent. Palladium Life 50/. sh. 21. pd 2/ 811
50,000 Protector Fire 2O/. sh. 21. pd 18s 6d
2,500 11. Provident Lite lOO/. sh. 10/. pd 20
100,000 5/. per cent. Rock Life 201. sh. 2/. pd 61
689,2201 5/. per cent. Royal Exchange Stork... 220
6,000 5 per cent. University Life 'OO/. sh. 51, pd 51
50,000 4 per cent. United Kingdom Life 2/. pd
JOINT STUCK BANKS
25,000 Agric. and Comm. of Ireland 251. sh. 101. pd
5,000 Australasia 4O/. sh. 401. pd
10,000 10 per cent. Bank of Birmingham 5U sh. 101. pd
10,000 10 per cent. Birmingham Bank 50/. sh. 51. pd
30,000 4 percent. London and Westminster-1001 sh. 204 pd
3,000 4 per cent. Lancaster 1004 eh. 20/. pd
25,000 Liverpool 1001 sh. 10/. pd
50,000 6 per cent. Manchester and Liverpool'
100/. sh. 151 pd
Discount
20,000 71 per cent. Manchester . lOOl. sh. 25/ pd
20,000 ..„,.•.. Provincial Bank of Ireland...loo4 sh. 25/. pd
20, CO .. ...... National Bank of Ireland ...501. sh. 171/. pd
10,000 5 per cent. National Provincial Eng. ...lOW. sh. 251. poi
10,000 Gloucestershire ' 50/. sh. 104 .pd
6,000 10 per cent. Hampshire
GAS LIGHT AND COKE C0MP2A5°5151../.11.53.8Eh.5h22..54,.:00:.../..Pdphhd:
2,500 115 s 6d Bath 204 sh. 164 pd
,000 British 4O/ sir. 164 pd
5 000 r 51.percentl Ditto Provincial 20/. sh. 19 pd
. Land Bs. ss.
929 5110 s Birmingham 5O/. eh.
4,250 21 Os Bristol 2o'. sh.
1,500 St 108 Brighton 2Ol. sh.
750 31 les Ditto, New 201. sh. 181. pd
2,471 5 per cent. Brighton General 20/. sh. all pd
4,000 4/. Continental Cansolidated lOO/. 6214 pd
1,000 10/. City of London lOO/. sh. all pd
1,000 64 Ditto, New
4,01)0 4/.los. Equitable 4214 pd
10,000 21 per cent. Imperial SW. sh.
800 51. per rent. Isle of Thane(
2,350 61. per cent. Independent 3O/. sh, all pd
9,000 3/. per cent. Phoenix .. 5O/. sh. 39/. pd
1,000 4/. per cent. Rateliff 100/ sh. 604 pd
4,000 ..... .... South Metropolitan 504 sh. 19/. pd
8,200 51. per cent. United General 5O/. sh. 461. pt.
501. sh.
12,411, 85111 perp
we r,
cc
ee
nn
tt.
WWW eaa srktwemfikv?ki. Wakefield
te r Chartered
504 sh.
Ditto New
6,000 12s. 54 /. sh. 104 pd
EGO Yarmoutli ......... ... 2O/. sh. 18/ pd
WATER WORKS. . .
4,800 N. Birmingham 25/. sh. 251. pd
1,443 61. Fast London
lOW. sh.
5,;7. 21.1.010.6
Liverpool
Ju1nie1t0i.m.:e........A. ~..v. e..r..a.g..e..4..1.1:
Kent
2,000 21. 100/. sh.
2/ 10s Now River London Bridge Water Annuities
6I
,•54(81/ 1/ ISt
WManeseth.Aelsittiearlosaned.S..a.l.fAoryder.z.; ........... 00.d/....5h1i...
:400 4 per cent. South London ............................ 100/ sh.
5,204 31,
1.360 11145 York Building Co. Lessee Prop 100/ h
IRON RAILWAYS
2,500
BirminghamAßßyirrlmme ibnnuggrhhyaa n Im. . ',.aa.Bn: dr:i sit33oe;:lr,ll.'ieldli.l:::h...47m:4l::..J.h.:ilitllllo(cltlP4--loPdxini
9,500
Bristol and Exeter ............ 100/ sh 5
7,500
Western...!o.o.4 sh. 21.
1• 2/ pd
15,000
660 Calcutta
Cheltenham and
.S.nadugGu.r
i ..... .............. ...
....................................................................
ipppldi
7,500
3,000 CColarnremnecreei.;
12,000
s
•
8,000 Dublin
Ho(Ecr:e:santt
et,
Great
North
Eastern
°loci:.
litodiu
~. Kn.oo:fi
i.liiekE..
.e.t.in...g..
1..:). ~....n.......4..........................1.....0.i0
1.. sh h. .
in 50010:/ . ..
pet
11
60,000
GLeHruetelalistaanWnd'desesNtiar)ynn .c.h..e. ........ 5h.......................................................................
pd'-pd
...
25,010
2,0110
LeLeeiedesstaenrdaSnedlbsyw...zi.i.,g.. ............ .
....50...i... ................
8000
10,000
7,100 ...... •••
krtro 10 per cent.
London
L... iiD)vneiidtrtottpoioo, oa:linid:11:;13111
erArlgashnh.eclly.i
Brighton
......... i0(.100/ .is. h...
,I. 00/,551/.. 1011
Ditto 10,000
tliaitetko,(vlalieinnie).
5500;
.solil.
3311.
pp:
45,1100
Dittoo „di:
((:uinlidhsy;)
......:1200011. sh.sh.
311/..
opt.
16,000
8,11},0
2102:0000°0 3 per cent.
London
and Greenwich 00/. ch. 204 pt.
25,000
in) andan fl S.BiTuThinamglplatraon7l.l."oll :ht... 73507/.. pd
pd
20;00
7,000 London and Croydon 201. sh. 131. pd
12,000
10,030 !Manchester South Union lot/. sh. 51. pd
North Midland 1004 sh. 1.,/ pd
...... ... Nortlie.•ll and Eastern lOOl. sh. 3/. pd
2.600 Preston and Wyre 50/. sh. 84 pfl
28,000 ... South Eastern and Dover . 71. pd
1,1110 64 per cent. Stockton and Darlington lOO/. sh.
0,000
6,003 ...... ... York and North Midland 5O . sh. 34 pd
MINES.

181
154
118

2.1 f
139-
51i
43

11
Jai
9
0:
2

1,000 Albion Copper 5/. sh. 2/. pd 0
4,000 Alien 15/. th. 12/. lOs pd 12
10,01
„, ..... Anglo Mexican, iss. 5/. pni....1001. sh. all pd 3.
Ditto Subscription 5/. pd
2,000 801..n0s 150/. oh all pd 125
10,000 11. ID Brazilian Imp. iss. 5/. pin. '331. sh. 20/ pd ,9
6,0.0 Macatibas & Cocaes United...2sl.sh. 231/. pit G.
11,000 Ditto St. John Dal Roy "01. sh. 811. pd 3'
10,000
Bolivar Copper Company .0/. oh. 20/. pd 8,
...... ...
10,000 ...- .... Ditto Scrip 14 sh. b/. ixl 9'
20,000 .... ..... British Iron 5Ol. sh. 50/ 14 41
6,000 British Copper
Cata Branca 9/. pd el
Candonga
10,000 I/. Copiapo 2O/. sli 121/ pd i ,
ColumMan, iss. Si. pm.
8,500
2,850 3/. English 12/ Its. lid V 2
20,060 General Mining Association...2o/. sh. Rd. pd 9
Mexican Company 100/. sh 5131. pd 11
6,155
Polherou Consols ............... „AO/. oil 8/. pd 7-
:1,000
Real del Monte, Unregistered ... - 11,500
............... . 161
Ditto Loan Notes ................... 150/. d 150
United Mexican, iss. 2 pin _AO/. sh• all rlild .
WestDittoi)tt ':-.oSNrcker.ti: li.).Strip
.;..;............................5...?:,......::, ............. .........
3532.11
30,000
l'j.l.Lik°elt'l. ... ....... 7.5 p. oh.
iii,claild.: ortiiit, IttvYittli Bronze
11,()0(2
1,7.00 Roosell .„.. . ................................... 25g sh. 8
King'
l(SCo,lr,leAlg...etril24:lffraii;.g:::; ...... ..... . ..............
I'd 35
38:
10,030 15s' BAruitsitNsrll;ll4ilmeri"ca.n. band Coin
() 61 per
centpany ... It.o. pd II
,oii .
104. sh. 24/. pd 37
CanaC ty'll3a,)nCd(°':an,nlia(llll)aeYr ce n t ................... „ - ..... 10 t
)0 5/ per cent. Upper . ..................... . ....... . .J 5
I oan
15,000 11. Os. General Steam Navigation ...15/. ,h, 6/. pd 25
per cent.
210),11)() 61.
11.
Caoutchouc Contpany ...... . •.25/. sh. 21/. I'd 3
25:(:: 101. per cent.
Lol-lu,.lisnonn'cs
oßni.it.y
sSatioeckii .............................
A.v . .
7.,...),. . ;.1., ..
19
8,000
New Brunswick Land Company .....:28! IA 251
Pd 130
2,754 per cent. Reve[sit_iaerwy 1 tit erest Soc.-111,101.1i.. sh. 14015111:
pd
80;
~633 51. per cent. Di to N
50/. sh. all pd
4,0111 ..... ...
Van the am's Land 1004 sh. 17/. •
10,000
- 1 'I haineo 1 unnel

it
w
Ixl 13~

LIST OF SCOTTISH COMPANIES' pRicE,,
JAN. 4, 1837.

BANKS.

p. t 1311111 01 Scotland S 3/. 66. 8,1. sh. all pd psi.
1,500,00 Ili 641,' p.; ,t... . val of Scotland
2,50: /41,1)..1(14041: 04 p. -4-. rl{lr°ct is h Linen
l Company
~;215(x.)001)0,1,IvIO:....1 :ss/slii.hhh.ss:ll3s..4o 7.
:1141.. 1. all
11111,', 11
2361:;4;i1:
3,000,04/. lit. p. ct. Cononercia
5,000,000/. 5 p. et. National .
5./ ct. Glasgow Union
PA NIES.
I:oTra/.. -4- ' I's.. ct..
INSURANCE
oNtc.:SEcoctloan4
251-000611 qp. ct. Scottish Union 2O/, 611. 1/. pd 258
,504 sp. ct. I lercules lOOl. sh. 104 pd 1 1 Iss.
1,,,,,000 sp. et. Insurance Co. of Scotland ....10/. sh. all pd IV.
50,000 6p. ct. North British 2OO/. sh. 10/. pd 15/.
1,000 sp. ct. Caledonian Eire 1001. sh. 10/. pd Mt Og
11
00
11 . .
ii
)) c Id
91
i 4 /1
,5. as
14:roo 6,, I).
ct.
West sntboulrgScholtliafriel- .............................. s.i. ..
IS,IISCELLANEOLIS ....
4,810 F.din. and Was. U Cana1...50/. sh. all pd 221.
Ditto A110cated........ 9c/. sh. all pd 65/.
5,400 5 per cent. Edinb.:Joint Stock Water.... 25/. sh, all pd 401.
Carron Iron Company 2501. sit. all pd 414.
2,0005 b 15 per cent. Shotts Iron Fourmery ......... 501. sh 3,1. pd 471
100000 3 per cent. Edinburgh & Leith G1a55....201. sh. 164 1,,1 714
4,500 10 per cent. Edinburgh Coal Gas 95/, sh. all pd 59;/.
4,4:-,0 10 per cent. Glasgow Gas •l'il. sh. all pd 61/.
750 71 per cent. Leith Coal Gas 20/. sh, all pd 451.
1,203 Edinburgh and Dalkeith Railway...so/.6h. 55/.
3,000 5 per cent. Equitable Luau Company 251. all. RI. pd 104

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY 9.
' The Lola) CHANCELLOR took his scat on the Woolsack
at five o'clock.

Lord STRAFFORD presented a petition from Chester
wzainst the Poor Laws Amendment Bill.

- The Duke of NORFOLK presented a petition from
Burleigh,yrayiog for the abolition of Church-rates.

The Earl of BURLINGTON- presented a petition
upon tl►e same subject, and also one for the 'better observ-
ance of the Sabbath.

The Earl of WINCHILSEA presented a petition from
Romney-marsh in Kent, praying for a repeal of the Poor
Laws" Amendment Bill ; also petitions from Milton, Stam-
ford, Si. John's, Hertford, St. Michael's, Newington and
other places in Kent, and from Alderbury in Oxford, in sup-
port of the House of Lords.
CHURCH RATES.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from a
parish in Northampton on the subject of Church-rates,
and praying for their total repeal. He had also a
number of petitions from other parts of the king-
dom nearly similar in prayer, and praying generally
for some measure for the entire extinction of Church-rates,
without imposing the same rates upon any other fund.
The Noble Lord having stated the places whence the
petitions emanated, said that he declined reading them at
length, not from any want of respect to the numerous and
respectable bodies by whom they were sent forward, but
from a wish to save the time of the House.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented petiiiong
on the same subject from the inhabitants of Woburn, in
Buckinghamshire, and from the Moderator and Presbytery of
St. Ninian, with a similar prayer. Also a petition from the
guardians and officers of the Milton Union, stating the ad-
vantages which had been derived from the New Poor Law
Bill, not only to the rate payers, but to the poor themselves.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE laid on the table an
important document, being a continuation of reports al-
ready before the House, the purport of which was to bring
before the House a complete view of the export anti import
trade as connected with the Home and Colonial Depart-
ments, relating to the manufactures of this country.
The Noble Marquis also laid on the table the two last
reports in Council, relative to the carrying into effect the
recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners.
Lord BROUGHAM moved, according to the notice
he had given, for certain returns relative to the amount of
monies standing in the name of the Accountant-General,
in the Court of Chancery, to the credit of Charities.—
Ordered.
The House then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, FZIMULRY 9.
There not being forty Members present at Four o'clock
the House stood adjourned till to-morrow.

'ICE INTELLIGENCE.

BOW-STREET.
Yesterday Richard Charles Claremont Smyth Parker was
brought up for re-examination.
The prisoner, it will be remembered, was brought in cus-
tody to this office on Saturday last, charged with having de-
frauded Mrs. T. Hutchins, the wife of a clergymen residing
at Swansea, of some money and jewellery, while she was
living at the Belle Sauvage Inn.
Mr. MINSHULL told te prisoner that be had on that
morning received two letters, and from the information con-
Shined in them, he must be again remanded until Tuesday.
The letters were read. They were from shopkeepers at
Gloucester. The first, from Mr. Williams, a watchmaker,
stated that the prisoner had obtained a gold watch and chain
of the value of 25/. from the writer, who requested that he
might be detained in custody until he should arrive in town.
The second was from a Mr. Houghton, who stated that the
prisoner had contracted a debt of 27/. with him for board
and lodging, for which he had given a check on a banker at
Bristol, which was dishonoured.
The prisoner admitted that he had contracted a few debts
while fox-hunting at Gloucester ; but declared that he in-
tended to discharge them honourably in June.
lie was again remanded.
Jenzima Ponifrey, a tramper, was charged upon suspicion
of having stolen a purse, containing a considerable sum of
money, from a person unknown, in the neighbourhood of
Sevenoaks, Kent, and Alexander Johnson was charged with
having received a portion of the money.
The prisoners were apprehended by Keys and Ballard,
the officers, on some information ; but it appears that the
name and the precise residence of the prosecutor are un-
known.
The prisoners were remanded.

A canvas bag was found in the possession of the female
prisoner, with a considerable sum of money, and no less
than thirteen gold rings were taken from her fingers.

- THAMES-OFFICE.
Yesterday John Jupp, a lighterman, was charged with
stealing a sack of barley on the river Thames.
On Wednesday evening the prisoner brought up a barge
laden with oats alongside a lug-boat, containing 48 sacks of
barley, moored off Mark Brown's wharf, Horslydown, which
a private watchman, named Parker, stationed on the quay,
was appointed to guard. About one o'clock yesterday
morning the prisoner was observed by the watchman to get
out of his own barge into the lug. He removed one of the
sacks of barley, and shoved it over into the barge. The
watchman asked him what he was about. He replied that
was only removing a bundle of sacks, and immediately went
into the barge. The watchman jumped into the lug-boat,
and seized the prisoner, and called for the police. The pri-
soner then offered a bribe to Parker to let him go, which he
refused. A surveyor of Thames Police and his men com-
ing up, the prisoner was given into their custody.
The prisoner, who gave a general denial to the charge,
was committed for trial.

His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex continues
improving in health, and is sufficiently well to receive the
visits of his friends.

Two new candidates have declared themselves for
Gateshead, viz.—R. J. Surtees, Esq., of Hamsterley, and
J. W. Williamson, Esq., of Whicklam.
There can be no doubt that Mr. Vigors will be the
new Member for the county of Carlow, thus giving the
Liberal Irish party in the House of Commons, an additional
vote, and decreasing in the same proportion the ranks of
the Tories.

Mr. R. Howard, one of the Members for Wick-
low county, refused, when asked to sign the protest of the
Irish Liberal Representatives, against the proceedings of
Lord Downshire's late Orange meeting in Dublin. The
Liberal electors of that county will remember this at the
next election.

PRIZE CUP S.—New and Second-hand SILVER
PRIZE CUPS are offered at very Reduced Prices, and selection
may be made from a great variety, both of Sizes and Patterns, at
T. COX SAVORY'S, Goldsmith, and Watchmaker, 47, Combat,
London. A Sheet of Drawings of Cups will be forwarded by
post, as a single letter, in answer to a post-paid application.

BIRTHS.
On the 7th inst., the Lady Howard, of a son and heir.
On the 7th inst., the lady of Hugh Johnston, Esq., of Damon,
of a son.
On the Bth inst., at Streatham Common, the lady of John Rogers,
jun., Esq., of a daughter.

MARRIED.
On the 9th inst., at the Charter House, William Strahan, Esq.,
of Ashurst, Surrey, to Anne, only daughter of the late Sir George
B. Fisher, K.C.11.
On the Bth inst., at St. Mary's, Bryanstone-square, Major-Ge-
neral Boardman, to Mrs. Elizabeth Beaumont, of Montagu-street,
Mont ago-square.
On the 7th inst., at St. Paul's Church, Bedford, henry Lacon,
Esq., late of the lion. East India Company's Civil Service, to
Mary E. Bartlett, eldest daughter of the late J. Roberts, Esq., of
Buckingham.