The Sun.
London, England, 1839-02-09 00:00:00

BEER BILL.

Lord BROUGHAM said that last year he had given
notice of introducing a Bill to repeal et.rtain provisions of
the I3,er Acts'of 1830, 1831, and 1835, which allowed
beer to be sold and drank on the premises. He would now
place that Bill on their Lordships' table; and, in doing so,
he wished to state a great mistake had gone abroad of his
having changed his opinion on this subject, Now there
never was a greater mistake.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.")
He brought in a Bill in the House of Commons to enable
beer to be sold, not to be drank on the premises ; there
was a prohibition against its b2ing drank on the premises.
Mr. Caleraft's Committee recommended that it should be
drank on the premises. He (Lord Brougham) protested
against that ; but the House of Commons decided in favour
of that recommendation of the Committee. Therefore,
he Lad never altered his opinion, and every day's expe-
rience convinced him more and more that that opinion
was originally well-founded.—( Hear.) There was one
clause which he had thought necessary to add to the Bill
which he had introduced last year, and that was a clause
to prevent evasions, by consuming beer in the neighbour-
hood of the premises. The Noble Duke opposite last year
sufrgested that this measure had better originate elsewhere.
11,.; had taken that suggestion into considi ration, and
given it all the weight which a sn7gest!on coming
from so high a quarter deserved—(llear, hear)—and,
he was of opinion there were reasons
upon the whole,
why the Bill should be brought into
.the other House.
First, there was a Noble Friend of his in the other House
who was likely to bring it in. That Noble Lord being ill he
laid that Bill on their Lordships' table, obliging himself
to go on with it if that other B:11 should not be brought
on, or if brought on should be dropped or fail.
CANADA.
Lord DURII A M—l take occasion to say, on the
papers relative to North America on the table of
the House, that it is not doing justice to this report that
there should be a publication of the conclusions to
which ill it report came without bringing ftrward the
premises, I will therefore impress on your Lordships the pa-
ramount importance of laying more p:pers before the
House, that you may decide whether it is proper to legis.
late on them or not. 1 do not call on the Noble Viscount
for an expre3sion of his opiTn, or that of Her Majesty's
(k,vernment on matters contained in the,y., papers. Before
I .sit down, my Lords, Permit rub to say cue word with re-
spect to a question which may be ccinulered somev,hat
personal. My Lords, I have been made acquainted with

the fact, that attempts have been made in other quarters to
prejudice me in the public mind with respect to my personal
expenses and fitting out. lam sorry, my Lords, to bb
obliged to enter into these statements, but after what has
gone forth, it is necessary for me to say that every shilling
of the expense for illy fitting out, for my wine, or for my
table—,--eVery thing relating to all those subjects alluded to
;it another place, has been defrayed by myself personally.
Now, my Lords, my position is this—l have received no
salary, and have incurred the loss of a sum of money not
far short of 10,0001. —( Hear.)
Lord MELBOURNE—It is unnecessary for me, my
Lords, to corroborate what has fallen from the Noble Earl.

With respect to the other question putty the Noble Earl, I
can only say that I cannot in any way account fur the way in
which so large a portion of the Noble Earl's report should have
transpired, almost before it was known to the Government.
—( Hear, hear, from Lord Brougham.) It is impossible
for me to conceive, my Lords, in what way that publication
could have arisen. It, however, leaves us no discre-
tion as to whether we shall lay the Report upon the
table of the House or not, because it would be ex-
tremely idle for me to v, ithhold the Report when so
large a portion has been given to the public, and it is
evident that the person who could give so much can
give the rest. I beg leave therefore:to say that I will lay
the report on the table of the House on Monday.
Earl WICKLOW was astonished that such a charge
should have been even insinuated against the Noble Earl
as that he would communicate that to a Newspaper before
it was laid before the Legislature.
Earl DURHAM—The Noble Earl is labouring under
a mistake. I am not charged with having furnished the
report to the Newspaper. Indeed lam not in the habit of
taking in the Paper in question.
Earl WICKLOW—The Times.

Earl DURHAM—Yes, the Times. My attention was
called to the matter this morning, which caused me to send
out for one. The Paper only says that it is enabled to
give the repott made by me. —( Laughter.)
Earl WICKLOW—Oh, I did labour urubr a mistake.
Lord BROUGHAM—Every one who is at all
acquainted with the character of the Noble Earl would
find it indeed difficult to fall into the same mistake as the
Noble Earl opposite.
The Earl of WICKLOW said that no doubt the
whole of the Report did not appear in the Times. It was
stated they had not time to give the whole of it, although
they had it in their possession.
Lord DURHAM suggested that, if the ,Noble Earl
looked at the paper, lie would find himself in error.
Lord DUNCANNON presented reports relative to re-
ligious instruction in Scotland; and also a return of the
number of persons acquitted, during the last ten years, on
the ground of insanity.
Lord PORTMAN moved for a return of the quantity

of wheat admitted into this country, from the first of Ja•
nuary 1829, to the Ist of January 1839, with the amount
of duty thereon.—Ordered.

THE EARL OF DURHAM.

The Marquis of LO NDO NDERR Y inquired, as we
understood, when the Noble Earl opposite ( Durham) would
bring forward a discussion upon Canada?
The Earl of DUR II A Nl—My Lords, I do not know
that lam at all in a position to answer that question. I
have been a a servant of the public, and a zealous and
faithful servant. I have given an account of my mission,
and that report it is for your Lordships to decide upon. As
to the course which I may feel called upon to pursue,
I do not feel myself at liberty to communicate
to anybody, and certainly not to the Noble Marquis, of
whom, from his political opinicns, I am least of all dis-
posed to make a confidant.—( Laughter, )
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY—I am not at
all ambitious of the honour. There are certain circum-
stances, not relating to the question, between the Noble
Earl and her Majesty's Government, upon which I am de-
sirous of making some animadversions on a future day ; and
I supposed that as the Noble Earl would naturally be
anxious to have a discussion at the earliest possible period,
that lie would, from courtesy, inform me of the course he
meant to take, that so I might shape my course.
The Earl of DURHAM—I am happy to know the
motive of the Noble Marquis, which appears to be to have
the best opportunity of making animadversions upon my
conduct. 1 can assure the Noble Viscount that either upon
this or any other occasionl shall be willing to answer any alle-
gationshe may bring against my public conduct, convinced, as
I am, that however it may fail to meet his approval, it will
secure the approbation'of my country, and I trust eventually
of my Sovereign.—( Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY—The Noble Earl
has gone out of his way to speak about animadversions
which he thinks lam to direct against him. Now, I have
said no such thing, and I don't know what induced the
Noble Earl to think so—he must be very sensitive to fancy
so ; I said expressly, that the animadversions I was de-
sirous of making, were not upon the question between the
Noble Earl and her Majesty's Government. I have stated
distinctly that I conceive no person ought to censure the
Noble Earl till full information was presented, and I should
be the last person to take such a course, and I think it
rather hard that the Noble Earl should charge me with
what I have shown no intention of doing.
Earl RODEN seeing the Noble Viscount at the heal
of her Majesty's Government in his place, wished
to state the course he intended to adopt relative
to bringing the subject of certain parts of Ire-
land under the notice of their Lordships. His
Noble Friend below him had petitions to present
on the subject from the Magistrates of King's County ;
and there were also other petitions which would be pre-
sented from other parts of Ireland. Ile thought that
it would be important that those petitions should be on
the table of the House before he submitted his motion.
He should therefore wait till that period, taking care that
ample notice should be given to Noble Lords residing in
Ireland who might wish to be in attendance.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY stated that it was
his intention on Thursday next to propo,e certain ques-
tions to her Majesty's Government ref tive to what he
conceived to be not a military but a very unmilitary pro-
ceeding, according to the information that had been pub-
licly promulgated at a certain military festival. He was
desirous of knowing what communications had been made
to her Majesty's Government on the subject, and what
measures had been taken to afford ammunition. Unless
he was much mistaken the officer in command was greatly
to blame for what had taken place.

the Rev. Edward Mangles and Cie BLcretary to the Lord
Lieutt,napt, in October NI;
'their Lordships then adjourned until Monday next.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—FEB. 8.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'Clock.
Mr. BANNERMAN presented a petition from Aber.
deen, praying for leave to bring in a Bill for the improve-
ment of Aberdeen harbour.
Mr. GLADSTONE presented a petition front the Pro-
prietors of the London and Birmingham Railway Com-
pany, praying for leave to bring in a Bill to enable them
to rase a further sum of money.
CORN LAWS.
Mr. HANDLEY presented a petition from Spalding,
against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
Mr. WALLACE had a petition to present, about
which he felt very great difficulty, as he knew net
bow to deal with it. The petition was from Pollock-
shavvs, and prayed for a total repeal of the Corn-laws.
He believed the best plan be could adopt was to move that
it be printed with the votes, in order that he might have
an opportunity of making such observations as he felt
bound to offer to the House.
The SPEAKER— Do you give notice of a motion?
Mr. WALLACE--I move that it be printed with the
votes, and taken into consideration on Monday.
Mr. KINN AIRD presented a petition from Perth,
praying for a repeal of the Corn-laws, and a petition from
the Bakers' Corporation of Perth to the saute effect.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER presented a petition from Lin-
coln, praying that no alteration might take place is the
Corn-laws.
Mr. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Selby in
Yorkshire to the same effect.
EDUCATION (IRELAND).
Mr. JACKSON presented a petition from the parish of
St. Peters Athlone, in the diocese of Elphin, on the
subject of Education in Ireland. The petitioners
were anxious for the diffusion of religious education
and useful knowledge, but they had conscientious
objections to the system of education adopted by the Na-
tional Board, by which the humbler classes of Protestants
were excluded from any participation in it. In three pro-
vinces of Ireland, the system was exclusively Roman
Catholic both in its managemt'nt and with regard to those
who attended to it, and the consequence was the Protes-
tants in these districts were almost entirely destitute of edu-
cation. Also a petition from the Protestants of Fruity, dio•
cese of Elphin, county of Roscommon, to the same effect. And
another petition from Kdinean, signed by the rector and
other clergymen, to the same effect. The Honourable and
Learned Member then presented a petition from 20 policemen
who had been dimhsed after twenty-five years' service
without any compensation, and praying the House to take
their case into its consideration.

The SPEAKER observed that the petition evidently
contained a prayer for pecuniary relief, and it would be csta
blishing a dangerous precedent to receive it. He sug-
gested to the lion. Member whether it would not be better
to withdtaw the petition for the present, and have one drawn
up in another form, praying the House to take into con-
sideration the general condition of the constabulary force
in Ireland, and that would remove the objection.
The petition was then withdrawn.
Mr. GROTE presented a petition from Cirencester
in Gloucestershire, signed by three hundred persons,
praying for the protection of the Ballot. The same lion.
Member presented a petition from a parish in the county
of Longford, in Ireland, complaining of wrongs sustained
by poor tenants from their landlords, on account of their
religious and political principles, and praying for the pro-
tection of the Ballot.

Mr. LEADER wished to be allowed to ask a question
of the Noble Lord, whom he saw in his place. He had
seen a great part of the report made by Lord Durham, in
the Times of this morning, and he wished to ask the Noble
Lord how long a report was to be withheld from the House
of Commons after it bad appeared in the columns of a
Newspaper ?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL could only say that he had
seen the report himself with the greatest astonishment. In
regard to how long it was to be withheld, he had only to
say that the rough draught had only been received by the
members of the Cabinet on Thursday or Friday morning.
It had been presented, signed by Lord Durham, to her Ma-
jesty on Monday, and by her , Majesty's comwnd it would
be presented to the House on Monday next, with all the
other papers on the same subject.
Captain PEC HELL presented a petition from a Cler-
gyman in Brighton, praying that the law with respect to
the new Churches lately built, might be settled, as the
Archbishop was unable to say whether baptisms might be
performed, or women churched in them.
Colonel LYGON presented a petition from a place in
Worcester, against the Beer Bill.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE begged to ask the following
question of her Majesty's Ministei s—whether it was their
intention to introduce any new Bill respecting the Poor-
law Commission, more particularly that part of the proceed-
ings which had reference to the relief of the poor.
Lord J. RUSSELL did intend to introduce a Bill to
that effect, but he could not say at present at what time.
RECOVERY OF SMALL DEBTS BILL.

Mr. BULWE It stated that he had several peti-
tions in his possession relative to the recovery of
small debts. ile begged, therefore, to ask the Noble
Lord if it was the intention of the Government to intro-
duce a Bill on that subject during the present Session, fur
if it were not their intention to adopt that step, it would be
needless for him to present the petitions with which he had
been entrusted.

Lord J. RUSSELL gave a reply to the Flom Member,
which was inaudible in the gallery.
CORN-LAWS.

The Earl of DURHAM said that he did not understand

exactly what the Noble Marquis alluded to. lie under-
stood him to refer to something that had taken place at
some military festival, upon which he meant to found some
resolution. If it was in reference to the aff drs of Canada

Mr. CIII.ISTOPER gave notice that when the Mem:
her for Wolverhampton brought forward the motion for the
repeal of the Corn-laws, he should move the House be
called over.

while he was in the office of Governor there, he should like
the Noble Marquis to state with a little more particularity
what it was to which he alluded ; because if it alluded to
anything in which he was concerned, he should be pre-
pared to give the Noble Marquis the fullest informa-
tion ; but he felt at present quite unable to know
what it was to which the Noble Marq'iis referred,
inasmuch as he had not even mentioned whether it was in
North America or in Canada the affair took place that he
wished to inquire about. He hoped, therefore, the Noble
Marquis would state it a little more particularly.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said the Noble
Earl might be assured that he would bring forward nothing
of which he had not given previous notice. Ho begged
the Noble Earl to understand the notice he gave this
evening for Thursday should be confined to an inquiry of
her Majesty's Ministers relative to a proceeding which had
taken place, and which, if it bad not taken place, the
Noble Earl ( Lord Durham) would be able to deny.--
(Cries of " Where ? where ?") The Noble Marquis
having sat down, still retained his seat.
After the lapse of a few minutes,
Lord HILL rose and said--Will the Noble Marquis
have the goodness to state where ?—( Hear, andllaughter.)
ThejNoble Marquis still retained his seat.--(Cries of
" The Marquis of Londonderry—the Marquis of London-
derry—where, where ?")
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY then rose and
said he thought the Noble Lord could not doubt where
that military festival was, which had been known, he be-
lieved, as much as that those who ran might read the
proclamation of the Noble Earl. He thought it rather
unfair to be asked to state where it was.—( Laughter.)
He did not think it necessary to do more than to give
notice that on Thursday next he should put certain ques-
tions to her Majesty's Ministers relative to a proceeding
which he believed had created as general a sensation in
this country as any other circumstance which had occurred
during the Administration of the Noble Earl, and he
should put those qoestions relative to that matter, which
must have made an impression on the mind of the Noble
Governor who was a Member of the Government, and who
ought to have a constitutional, as well as a military feeling.
Under these circumstances he (the Noble Marquis) did
not think it necessary to slate more than he had done.
Lord HOLLAND said he rose merely to say one word
to the Noble Marquis. What use can there be in giving
a notice of motion when the ground on which that notice
is founded is not stated ? The question ought to be such
as would desire information, and in his opinion should be
such as should state definitively the nature of that informa-
tion, and the particular grounds on which it was desired.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY—What I want
to know is, whether the Noble Lord (the Commander in-
Chief), has taken any measures to answer the question
which it is my intention to put ?—( Great laughter.)
Earl MINTO thought that there should be a notice
given of the time, place, and circumstances, to which
the Noble Marquis alluded, in order to enable the parties
concerned to know to what point the notice tended.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY had no objection
to do so. The individual to whom he alluded, and who
was one of the Noble Earl's Council, had made declarations
of principles which he ( Lord Londonderry) confessed had
astonished him. He did not think it was the province of
that individual to have put forward such declarations, either
in his civil or his military capacity.
Lord HOLLAND said the Noble Marquis had quite
misunderstood him. Ile had not asked the Noble Marquis's
-opinion. It would have been quite disorderly on his part to
have done so, or to put such a question to any Peer. What he
meant was that as the Noble Marquis had named an indivi.
dual, he should also, as the Noble Lord the Commander-
in-Chief had requested, state where the occurrence
had taken place. Having given notice of a motion of a
military nature his Noble Friend has certainly right to
know all the particulars of the subject; but he did not ask,
nor did he think the Noble Marquis was hound to enter
into, any explanation of his motives or opinions.—( Hear.)
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY thought lie had
sufficiently explained himself, and was anxious to meet the
wishes of every body. Having given the Noble Lord no-
tice that lie would ask the question—having gone to the
Horse Guards for that very purpose, surely he ought not
now to be met upon a mere point of form.
The Marquis of L A NSDO WNE said the question
was not whether the Noble Marquis had given notice to
the Commander-in-Chief, but the question was whether he
had given a sufficient notice to that House. They had
nothing to do with arrangements which might have been
made out of that House, but the question was whether their
Lordships had had a proper intimation of the question, and
in his opinion they had not.
The conversation then dropped.
Lord COLCHESTER moved for some returns, the
purport of which we did not bear.
On the motion of the Earl of RODEN, a return was
ordered of the correspondence which took place between ,

On do motion of Mr. BAINES a return wai ordered
of the quantity of corn liberated from bond in the port of
London during the year 1837, with the date a•id amount
of such delivery, and the sum paid as duty thereon.

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY,-EVENING EDITION,--FEBRUARY 9, 1839.

trade &id pt.,.rfest equslity. It was signed I)/ 13,000 in.
habitants.
Sir G. CLERK put a question to Mr. Ward lenitive td
the petition, which, together with the reply, was from the
noise in the House quite inaudible.
COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY.

On the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL the House
went into Committee of Supply. Mr. BaRNAL in the chair.
That part of her Majesty's Speech relating to the esti-
mates for the rear was then read as follows

" I have directed the amnia' Estimates to be prepared and laid
before you.
" Adhering to the principles of economy, which it is my desire to
enforce in every department of the State, I feel it my duty to re-
commend that adequate provision be made for the exigencies of the
public service. I fully rely on your loyalty and patriotism to main-
tain the efficiency of those Establishments which are essential to the
strength and security of the country."
Mr. HUM E said it had been usual on such occasions as
the present, when objections were taken to the policy of
the Government, to state those objections, particularly
when the grievances of the people were not attended to, or
when they had complaints of serious moment to bring before
the House. He was sorry to say that every day the
chance of obtaining a redress of their grievances was every
day farther of. The first day they had met they had been
told, by a very large majority of that house he admitted-
-4.26 to 86 —that the Reform Bill had answered all its pur-
poses—( Loud cries of " No, no.") It was the same
thing.—( Loud cries of " No," and laughter.) They had
put the proposition, and the other side denied it.—( Cries of
" Oh, no.") He was sorry that Hon. Members had come
to that decision, for the people of the country would think
so.—( No, no.) Ho (Mr. H.) said so, and thought so.
Oslo, no, and much laughter.) Hon. Gentlemen might
excuse themselves for the vote they had given on the plea
of the time being improper, but he could not help ex-
pressing a hope that time might come when the trammels
of an Address would not prevent men from expressing
what their opinions were upon such important subjects.
It appeared to him to take that form from not having the
right of stating the nature of, or interpreting the wants
with which petitions were charged. That this resolution
will be taken by the great bulk of the people in the coun-
try, as a practical resolve to prevent a proper statement of
their grievances, there was no doubt.—( Hear, and cries of
" No.") It was on that account that he voted as he did.
We have now declared that this usage is to continue, not-
withstanding that its introduction is so novel, and that it
has so little to recommend it. When the house was
about going to vote away the money of the people
in the Committee of Supply, he hoped some Honour-
able Gentleman on the opposite side of the House
would make a specific motion • that this question
should be settled by a confirmatory vote of the House.
They ought to have the public Ministers put on the same
footing as individual Members in regard to giving notices.
He would submit that when they went into the Chair—
(Great laughter)—he meant to say that all notices
should be given by the Minister of the day when the
Speaker took the Chair, or at five o'clock, in order that
Members might know what was likely to be brought on.
For instance, last night a notice of a Committee of Supply
was given just before the House adjourned, when there
were only about ten Members present, so that scarcely any
one was aware of that notice until they saw it in the votes
the next day. He submitted it would be desirable that
Members of the Government should give notices at the
same time that other Members were bound to give them.
He wished to enter his protest against money being voted,
as it had heretofore been done, while all redress was re-
fused to the people.
Mr. WARBURTON was not present during the dis-
cussion of the motion of the Hon. Member for Sheffield,
not being aware that it would come on so early ; but if he
had been present, he would have stated, that although he
was perfectly willing to admit the convenience of the rule
generally that had been adopted, yet that they
ought not to take away the right of debating
on petitions. During the first ten years that he sat in Par-
liament, he remembered that debates occurred upon this
very Corn-law question, until nine o'clock in the evening,
when each Member who presented a petition had not only
the right of debating upon one question, but of debating on
four. There was first the question—" That this petition
be brought up ;" next, there was the question, " That this
petition be now read ;" then there was the question,
" That this petition do lie on the table ;" and then came
the fourth question very often, " That this petition be
printed." So that every Member presenting a petition had
not only the opportunity of speaking on the full merits of
all the subjects adverted to in the petition, but had the op-
portunity of speaking not less than four times—a right
which applied to no other sort of motion.—( Hear, hear.)
He could not disguise from himself that except from the
right of repeatedly debating questions on which petitions
might be presented from the people, it would have been
impossible to have carried many great questions that. had
been carried.—( Hear, hear.) Where would Negro Sla-
very—the Emancipation of the Catholics, and the Reform
of Parliament have stood, if it had not been possible to
debate those questions again and again until the people were
excited upon them, and came forward with petitions.
If this right were taken away from them, there were other
modes left. It would not be difficult to introduce the
Poor-laws. Ile would recommend those individuals who
thought the attention of the public had not been sufficiently
drawn to the Corn• laws to take that step. He always
thought that was an assembly for the purpose of legislat-
ing. He never thought that the object of petitioning was
to produce that effect, or that lion. Members would de-
scend to dilate on petitions for that put pose.
Colonel CONOLLY said he could say, from his
own experience of what had taken place for the last
four years, so far from limiting the right of the public,
it had done much towards facilitating the object of peti-
tions. He' thought that the speech of the Right lion.
Member for Tamworth had exhibited the subject in a pro-
per point of view. But that the motion recently disposed
of was not to increase the right of the subject of petitions,
but to give a facility to every person to dilate, and give a
paraphrase separate from the petition itself. Ilis mind was
satisfied that the right of a petitioner remained unimpaired.
fie had remarke I last Session that many petitions sent
from London to the country had been forwarded to the
House. He concluded that these were the class of peti-
tions which the lion. Member for Kilkenny thought might
be classed 300 in one. His purpose in alluding to them
was to spew that they had no other object than the excite-
ment of the people, instead of their legitimate object— the
submitting their grievances to the deliberative assemblies
of the country. Ile presumed, as the Hon. Member for
Kilkenny had passed the whole of the vacation among his
constituents, he referred to their particular grievances.
Mr. O'CONN EL L thought the Hon. and Gallant
Member had made a trifling mistake, for be had called
this a deliberative essembly.—( Laughter.) That was
certainly going a great way. The Gallant Colonel came
here quite uncertain how he should vote; it was only by
the result of the debate that he was induced to vote either
one way or the other, but all Hon. Members were not so
unprejudiced—(Laughter)—and it was therefore a mistake
to say that this was a deliberative assembly. His Hon.
Friend near him had also fallen into a mistake, in stating
that petitions formerly were spoken to four times, but the
old practice of the House really gave an opportunity of
speaking on them eight times.—( Laughter.) There was
a great difference between that plan of proceeding and a
Gagging Bill to prevent petitions from being discussed at
all—( Hear, hear)—which was the greatest violation of the
old principle that could possibly take place. It would
make the House disreputable in public opinion.—( Hear,
hear.) The sooner the public were aware that the House
treated their petitions with contempt by not deigning to
listen to them the better; the remedy would come the
sooner, and the public, who petitioned in vain would then
clamour in such a way that though the Gallant Officer
might not be intimidated, a strong impression would be
made on others, which would be likely to induce them to
go a little further in the round of Reform.—( Hear.)
Mr. CLAY said they were now acting on the plan of
deciding first and speaking afterwards.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) The practice which bad been formerly pursued,
by the recent division seemed to have become a rule, and
Honourable Members had been securing convenience to
themselves at the expense of the rights of the
public. He believed that short and animated de-
bates on petitions, were much attended to by the
people, such debates presented opportunities for stating
locsl facts and circumstances which now could never be
brought before the House at Hear, bear. )
The House then went into Committee pro forma and
resumed.