The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 21, 1863

POLAND.—A COMMIT FEE has been formed
of the Undersigned for the purpose of RAISI NO
FUNDS in AID of POLAND at the present crisis :
The Marquis Townshend.
The Earl of Ilcbester,
The Lord Kinnaird, IC.T.
The Viscount Raynham, ALP.
Sir Henry Ainslie Hoare, Bart.
Colonel Pinney, M.P.
John Abel Smith, Esq., M.P.
Edmund Beales, Esq., M.l'.
William Lloyd Birkbeck, Esq.

Subscriptions will be received at the Bankers, Messrs.
Tlanbury and Lloyds, 60, Lembard-street, E.C. ; and at the
Office of the Literary Association of the Friends of Poland,
10, Duke-street, bt. James's, S.W. The names of other
Bankers will shortly be announced.

POLAND - FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE
FUND.
For the Relief of the Sick and Wounded and the Destitute
Families of Polish I'atriots.

Subscriptions for the above purposes are received by
Messrs. anbury and Lloyds, 60, Lombard-street, 14].C., and
Messrs. Ransom, Ilouverie, and Co., 1, Pall-mall host, S.W. ;
and by the secretary, 10, Puke-street, St. James's, S.W. ;
and it paid into the Florence Nightingale Fund for Poland
will, together with £lO already subscribed by Miss Night-
ingale, be strictly applied to the above purposes by the Com-
mittee for Raising Funds in Aid of Poland.

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The Debate on Poland in the French Senate.

M. Billault, Minister without portfolio, replied
on Thursday to the speech of Prince Napoleon
delivered on the previous day.

l‘vßaitliloauml t
acdoemtmyeanneeEd speechs:mate. bs
statesman
aa
Billault)n ri reference fet rht ehenocHue
go
hut to
ts
et an
ef
observation
n r
Lords, that the cause of Poland had nothing to gain by
Parliamentary discussions. He
remark had been justified by the character of the sitting of
the day before. Rash words bad been pronounced—words
which, for the sake of Poland herself, had better not have
been spoken. The duty of the Government was to diminish
the inconvenience of this circumstance by placing facts in
their true light.
The sympathy of France for Poland was not of recent
date ; it was based on great historic recollections, on im-
mense services to Christendom, and on the memory of com-
mon glory and misfortune. These sympathies were shared
in by the Emperor. They were shared in by all Europe.
But there was more than sympathy in the case ; the great
interest of the peace of Europe was to be considered. It
was undeniable that for nearly a century the situation in
which Poland had been placed had given rise to a succession
of convulsions, having no other result than immense suffer-
ing, bloodshed, and continual fear for a renewal of out-
breaks. The insurrections of Poland, born, not of the en-
couragement given to Poland by liberal governments, but
of the force of nature, constitute a lesson to the world. M.
Billault, to show that the Emperor had never stimulated
the feelings of the Poles, here read a short official paragraph
from the Moniteur, of 27th April, 1861, in which it was said
that great as was the traditional sympathy of France for
Poland, the Emperor would not awaken hopes which he
could not satisfy; and in which the good intentions of
Alexander 11. were referred to as the source of ameliora-
tions for Poland. This was in substance what M. Billault
had said when this new insurrection broke out. No liberal
government could forget Poland, no new insurrection, no
great outpouring of blood, was necessary to bring that na-
tion to remembrance, nor could they help to resolve the
Polish question. The French government desired that the
generous blood of Poland should be reserved, and not wasted
in dangerous and compromising affrays. (Very good, very
good.) No doubt what seemed one day a mere affray/
might soon put on the character of a great and perilous na-
tional manifestation, and it would be the duty of France and
Europe to watch its development. Poland could neither
live in its present situation, nor die ; it was evident some-
thing must be done. The difficulty must be confronted, but
with wisdom, for some of the greatest interests of the world
were in question, and the line of cnduet to be followed
of France and of Europe, and he would also
and desire
might lead to the gravest consequenceso . The interest
say of Russia, was the pacification of Poland, a result
which could not be accomplished without the satisfaction of
legitimate interests. Since 1815 various plans bad been
tried in Poland. The constitution given by Alexander I.
led to tho revolution of 1831. The violent and oppressive
system of Nicholas could neither daunt nor extinguish the
national resistance. The benevolence, the humanity, the
concillatiry dispositions of Alexander 11. had just led to a
new insurrection. It was doubtful whether the treaties of
1815 provided a remed for the situation. True, they pro-
mised the Poles national institutions and a national repre-
sentation, but these were to be " according to the mode of
political existence which each of the Governments to which
they belong shall think it suitable and useful to give them."
This clause had furnished the Governments in question
shoulda
ws e tvhe
saorpe
givepprlye s
littleas
oppressed
doften;
itif it
thea sg at they
Pe
oles,
a thhe e
tyhpepey ad
would
wl eou
clt
would
n.
use
sdleef Rt
them-
us
huesn i
con-
cessions to get what was still wanting. Since 1830, England
and France had repeatedly addressed Russia in favour of
Poland, referring to the treaties of 1815. The House of
Orleans was not on good terms with Russia, and was, there•
fore, at a disadvantage, but England was on the best terms
with Russia. But the observations made by the English
ambassador at St. Petersburg at the time of the insurrection
of 1830 and 1831 led to no result, When the insurrection

was put down Eugland repeated her representations and
elicited from Count Nes,eltode a despatch, in which it was
intimated that the Russian Government knew its own
business best, and hoped that England would
not interfere again. In a similar manner, at
the date of the incorporation of the republic of Cra-
cow with Austria, appeals to the treaties of 1815 were
made in vain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia declaring that
their interests alone were concerned in the matter. Such
had been the result of diplomatic action. At each of these
periods there were ardent speeches made in Parliament and
noisy demonstrations of sympathy, but this policy of many
words and no deeds only had the effect of stimulating the
unhappy people, and irritating their master. Tho Emperor's
Government has no desire to repeat this practice. It did
not follow from what had been said that nothing was to be
done, but at all events, in order to see what should be at-
tempted, France must see who was in front of her, who at
her side, who in her rear. M. Billault then referred to the
several powers. The Emperor had just exchanged reci-
procal declarations of loyalty and esteem with the Emperor
Alexander. That monarch had befriended France during
the Italian campaign, and had taken an attitude which pre-
vented any annoyance to the empire on the Rhine. He had
also frowned upon the attempt afterwards made by some
other European powers to prevent France from recovering
its natutal frontier of Savoy. In the play of human inte-
rests it was valuable to have some counterpoise, and it
would be folly, from mere gaiete de eceur, to throw bitter
words, difficult to forget, in the face of a great sove-
reign who has been your friend. (Loud applause.) Alex-
ander had, moreover, begun a great work of civilisation
in his dominions by calling millions of serfs to the enjoy-
ment of liberty, and when once liberty penetrates into a
country it does not stop until it has extended its influence
over all affairs. Poland might found most legitimate hopes
on the great revolution which is taking place in Russia.
Prussia, too, was closely allied with Russia, and it would
not be well for France to alienate the sentiments of that
nation. Prussia too was liberal, and from its wise and fair
treatment of Poland much might be hoped. Austria, again,
was opening its portals to the influences of liberty, and
seeking amidst embarrassments of all kinds, resulting from
the diversity of races, to consolidate an empire in which
constitutional principles predominate. The Emperor
Francis Joseph's liberal treatment of his Polish subjects
had led to confidence and tranquillity, of which his govern-
ment was reaping the fruits. Austria had understood
sooner and more clearly than her neighbours that the Polish
question could not remain in its present irritating state, and
that her interests were concerned in its pacification. But
it would be unwise of France to alarm the Austrian Go-
vernment by making an appeal to revolutionary passion, at
the risk of driving it away from the liberal resolutions which
it might otherwise take.
Finally there was England, whose language was that of
absolute liberalism, but whose conduct exhibited a circum
spection quite as absolute. (Cheers and laughter.) He
recalled th words of Earl Russell, spoken on the 26th of
March, 1862--" Let it be observed that whilst Poland has
from her first partition always met with the sympathy of
this country, yet no statesman who has held the office
which I have the honour to fill, no prime minister of this
country, has at any time held out the prospect of material
assistance to the Poles. No minister has ever thought it his
duty to interfere except by the expression of opinions."
Lord Palmerstiar has in like manner just observed, that if
the treaties of 1815 give a right to intervene, he has no in-
tention of using it. England, then, would doubtless follow
with its good wishes any attempt in favour of Poland, but
is that a solid basis for great adventures ? (No, no.) M.
Billault here referred to the report of the committee of the
Senate, to notice an allusion contained in it, that England
seemed to want to push France into a war in which it did
not mean to follow her. This was not correct. The Eng-
lish Government had not sought to engage France to go to
war. Such was the situation, and such the conduct of the
various powers. He would state what the French Govern-
ment had done, As soon as the national character of the in-
surrection had become apparent, as early as Feb. 17, it ad-
dressed the Russian Government in terms conformable to
the friendly relations which existed between the two
powers, pointing out the difficulties, dangers, and distresses
of the existing state of things. It received a friendly reply
containing the assurance, first, that ne concession already
made should be withdrawn, and that perhaps some others
would be made; and, secondly, that an amnesty should be
granted. When the Prussian convention became known,
the French Government proposed to that of England to
send simultaneous notes to Berlin and St. Petersburg. The
English Government preferred separate action. The Prus-
sian Parliament also opposed the convention, and it became
a dead letter. What could the Government have done more?
Here M. Billault digressed to speak of the situation of
France among the Powers of Europe. France was no longer
the object of Holy Alliances—no longer powerless, isolated,
suspected. Separating the wheat from the chaff, the Em-
peror had exalted liberty and everywhere put down revo-
lutionary turbulence. "The glorious and calm liberty
which the Emperor has established no longer dis ,uiets the
world; it is an example for one part of the world, and an
encouragement for the other." Further, in order to de-
stroy the fear of French military ambition, which haunted
Europe, the Emperor had taken care to associate in his
warlike enterprises nations having interests in com-
mon with those of France. He had done so in the
Crimea, China, and Cochin China, and, as far as depended
on him, in Mexico. Was a policy which had made France
great and respected to be abandoned for this Polish ques-
tion, the very one which might most easily reconstitute
the Holy Alliance against her ? (No, no.) The Polish ques-
tion, said M. Billault, is eminently a European question. It
concerns other great powers as much as it concerns us;
they owe it to themselves, if they are animated by senti-
ments of justice, rectitude, and civilisation, to join us in the
practical peaceable policy of endeavouring to open the eyes
of Russia and Prussia to their true interests. This is how
we look at the question ; and the views of England are
perhaps not very different. At least we know that in view
of the necessity of doing something she has made an ap-
peal to all the powers which signed the treaty of Vienna.
I refrain from speculating on the consequences of that
appeal. It is at any rate the beginning of a diplomatic
process which it would be imprudent and premature to
judge. You now know what are the aspirations of the
Emperor; what means he intends to employ. You also
know his sympathies. And I call on you now to place
confidence in his policy.
On a division the motion which M. Billault supported was
carried by a majority of 109 to 17 votes.

offended, to seven years' penal servitude ; and the
other prisoner, Kirby, to one year's imprisonment
with hard labour.

A very respectable man pleaded guilty to an in-
dictment for manslaughter.
The deceas6d was a man who had quarrelled with
the prisoner, and made himself the aggressor, strik-
ing him a blow, which the prisoner returned with
blows right and left, delivered almost at the same
instant, and the second of which, knocking the de-
ceased down, and his head striking against a curb-
stone, caused hie death.

The prisoner appeared deeply affected, and evi-
dently felt very painfully what had occurred.
Mr. Lord, counsel for the prosecution, concurred
in the appeal of the prisoner's counsel for a nominal
or trivial sentence.

The learned judge, after having Liken time to
consid'er his sentence, said that as there had been
great provocation, and deceased had been the ag-
gressor, he thought that, under all the circumstances,
and as the result was rather accidental, justice
would be satisfied by a very lenient sentence, and he
should therefore only sentence the prisoner to be
kept in imprisonment for a week, in addition to the
imprisonment he had already suffered. _

A man named Smith Was indicted for man-
slaughter. The case was rather peculiar.
Mr. Barrow was for the prosecution; Mr. Ribton
for the defence.

The prisoner, the deceased, and another man were
together on Chatham Lines in February last
year, and were seen there in conversation, and,
though the witness was not near enough to hear
what passed, he caw the prisoner strike the de-
ceased a blow on the chest, which knocked him
down. In his fall his head came in contact with a
railway fence; blood immediately flowed from his
mouth, and he was quite insensible. He was car-
ried home, and from that time never recovered. He
remained insensible for 10 or 12 days ; he then
began to improve, about the beginning of June, but
still remained in bed. In July he seemed to recover,
so as to walk about, but was then affl, eted with
paralysis and had a series of disorders. He never
recovered good health, and in November he died.
Mr. Barrow, in stating the case for the prosecu-
tion, said that manslaughter was an offence which
varied greatly in degree, add might be very venial
in some cases, while in others it approached very
closely to the guilt of murder. The present was,
beyond all doubt, not at all an aggravated case, and
and it was a peculiar feature that the death had
occurred so long after the blow. The medical evi-
dence, however, would show that the death arose
from injury to the brain caused by the blow. And
though, no doubt, there was no intention to cause
such a result, yet in law it would entail the guilt
of manslaughter.
The medical man stated that in his opinion the
deceased had received a severe concussion of the
brain, and that the cause of death was chronic in-
flammation of the brain, caused by the blow.
Cross-examined, the witness stated that the post-
mortem appearances were consistent with natural
causes and mere disease. There had been softening
of the brain.

Re-examined, he said he ascribed the death to
he blow and the fall.

At the close of the evidence for the prosecution,

Mr. Ribton submitted that there was no case for
a conviction.

The learned Judge said it would be for the jury
whether they were satisfied beyond all doubt that
the death did not arise from natural causes or more
disease. If they were not satisfied of that, they must
acouit the prisoner, and they must give him the
benefit of any doubt.
The jury found the prisoner, on the charge of
manslaughter, not guilty.
The prisoner was then indicted for an assault. He
pleaded not guilty.
Mr. Barrow, however, said that, as the assault
was of such a nature that bat for the death it wc uld
not have been a fit case for the assizes, he should
offer no evidence on the charge. _ _ _

The learned Judge concurred in this view•
The jury found the prisoner not guilty, and he
was discharged.

NORTHERN CIRCUIT.—YORK, March 19.
CROWN COURT.
(Before Mr. Justice Keating.)
Thomas Woodham was charged with the man-'
slaughter of Henrietta Robinson, at Knottingley,
near Pontt fract, on the 6th January last.
Mr. Wheelhouse and Mr. Campbell Foster pro-
secuted, the prisoner being defended by Mr. Digby
Seymour, Q.C., and Mr. Hannay.
The prisoner, it appeared, on the morning named
was the pointsman at the semaphore and junction,
about 300 yards from the Knottingley station, and
it appeared that on that day two trains—one from
Leeds, the other from York—ought to have been
brought together, so as to form one conjoint train on
to London. Each started about 7.30 a.m., and cus-
tomarily arrived at the Knottingley station at the
same time, namely half-past 8. The York train
did so arrive, and (the main line being under re-
pair) was being turned on to the Goole line,
when the Leeds train, consisting of four carriages
and a break, dashed into it, and destroyed, by
breaking into fragments, two of the carriages
forming part of the York train. In one of
these the deceased was travelling, and she could only
be extricated by the broken carriage being jacked
up and she was then dug out from beneath. The
question really was as to whether the prisoner had
done all that was necessary, or was guilty of culpa-
ble negligence on the occasion, so as to involve him
in the legal criminality of a charge of manslaughter.
It was shown that the prisoner had for many
years been one of the most careful and efficient of
the pointsmen, but that on this morning, which was
both extremely foggy and very frosty, by some
means or other, the distance signal, as it was called,
was down, so as to indicate line clear, when in point
of fact it ought to have stood at up or danger, inas-
much as the York train was but just gone past, and
the collision that took place was of course almost
certain to occur unless that train had got out of the
way entirely. Besides Mrs. Robinson some three
or four other persons were more or less seriously
injured. _ _

Mr. Seymour elicited that the morning was very
foggy and frosty, and that a week afterwards that
semaphore in consequence, it is supposed, of the
frosty weather, would not work, and
The Judge put it to the jury as to whether, after
that, they dare safely convict_
Mr. Seymour added that the prisoner had received
no less than 16 bonuses for careful and good conduct
n this iduty.
The jury thereupon returned a verdict of not
guilty, and
His Lordship added that he hoped that nothing
which had occurred during this inquiry would ope-
rate to lessen the good character that the prisoner
had on all hands received.

The prisoner was ordered to be immediately dis-
charged.
James Cass was indicted for shooting at ELiza
Spencer with intent to do her some grievous bodily
harm, at Doncaster, on Sept. 21 last.
Mr. Middleton and Mr. Serle prosecuted ; Mr.
Campbell Foster defended the prisoner.
It appeared that the prosecutrix was a domestic
servant at Doncaster, and on the day in question her
friend Martha Raistrick called on her, and her
sweetheart, the prisoner, and a young man named
Bailey, the sweetheart of Martha Raistrick, went
out walking together on the Sunday afternoon. On
the way the prosecutrix gathered a nettle and net-
tled the prisoner's face. He said, " D- it, don't,"
on which she, of course, did it again, and he said,
"D- it, Liz, don't be so soft." This was alleged
on the part of the prosecution to have angered the
prisoner, and they went home. At night the four
again met, the girls walking out together, followed
by the prisoner and his friend. The girls took no
notice of them, and the young men followed them,
and asked if they meant to walk in that way, when
the prosecutrix got hold of the prisoner's cap and
flung it over a hedge. It was alleged that the pri-
soner became sulky after this, and asked the prose-
cutrix if she meant to walk with him or not, as no
other man should. She made no answer, but walked
on till they got to a lonely part of Sprotborough-
lane, when prisoner said they would go no further,
and put his hand in his pocket, in which Bailey saw
a pistol and tried to get it from him. He threatened
to shoot Bailey if he did not stand aside. Martha
liaistrielt said,' Oh, don't, Jim," and the prosecu-
trix leant her head against the wall and began to
cry. The prisoner stepped back five or six yards
into the road and fired a pistol over her head. Both
girls said they saw a flash of lightning and had a
drumming in their ears for a quarter of an hour
afterwards, and one girl said the lightning was fol-
lowed by thunder. They then all ran breathless
home. The prisoner appeared to have got frightened
and to have hid the pistol in the lane, and next day
he went to the house, of the prosecutrix's mother,
who accosted him with " How dare thou show thy
face here, thou villain ?" To which the prisoner
answered, " I've done it; I've done it. I'm ready
to suffer," and leant his head against, the wall.
The place where he fired was afterwards found
to have shot marks in the trees a little above
the place where the girl was standing. On being