The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-09 00:00:00

FIIE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 9, 1863.

Correspondence Relative to the Affairs of

Rome.

The following correspondence, which will be read
with the deepest interest by all classes of her Ma-
jesty's subjects, was issued late on Saturday evening:

No. 1.

EARL RUSSELL TO MR. ODO RUSSELL,

Foreign-office, Oct. 25, 1862.
Sir,.—Her Majesty's Government have observed with
great interest the correspondence which has been published

in the Moniteur of the 25th of last month.

The Emperor of the French in this correspondence points
nut with great foree and precision the evils which flow from

the present position of affairs in Rome. His Majesty calls
the at tention of the Popo to the undoubted fact that while
everything that is liberal in Europe condemns the resistance
of his Holiness to every proposal of arrangement, the most
attached adherents of the See of Rome find their consciences
troubled by the antagonism between their " political convic-
tions and religious principles which would seem to condemn

modem civilisation." To all the reasons thus powerfully
set forth, Cardinal Antonelli replies on the part of the Pope
with a summary declaration of the Pope's inability to agree
to any compromise which should leave him with less than
the whole of his former territory. This is a perilous situa-
tion.

The Pope allows his spiritual authority to be impaired, and
his hold over the Roman Catholic Church to be weakened,
by his resistance to the wishes of the Italian people. It does
not become her Majesty's Government to dwell upon this
danger otherwise than as one to which the religious mind
of the Pope must be keenly alive. But the political evil is
one upon which her Majesty's Government may fairly dwell,
the personal character of the Pope is marked by benevo-
lence and charity. As an Italian he must feel for the suf-
ferings of Italy. As the supreme head of the Roman
Catholic Church, he declared in 1819 that it did not belong
to his character to draw the sword. The position of a
peaceful Sovereign, animated with equal and impartial love
towards contending parties and towards hostile armies, has
been claimed for him by the bishops who met this year at
Rome, and who expressed their sentiments in an address to
his Holiness.

Yet in contradiction to his own view of his position, in
opposition to the picture drawn of him by the most eminent
of his own Church, the Pope's territory has become a refuge
for one of the contending parties, and the name of religion
has been used as the justification for civil war. We see
conflicts of unusual ferocity take place under the pretence
of such conflicts being necessary to vindicate the temporal
power of the Pope.

These scenes must wound the kind heart and harrow the
paternal feelings of Pius IX.
is there no way of terminating, or at least of suspending,
the conflict?

Placed in their present positions neither party will give
way. The Italian people will always ask for Rome ; the
Pope will always refuse any terms of accommodation, whe-
ther they be those of the Emperor of the French, of Count
Cavour, or of Baron Ricasoli.
Must Rome, then, be the seat of a perpetual foreign occu-
pation? Must brigandage for ever ravage the fertile fields
of Southern Italy ? God forbid such a calamity I God for-
bid that Pope Pius IX. should be the instrument of con-
signing his countrymen eternally to mutual hatred and to
sanguinary civil war I

Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that Rome
should be the capital of the Italian kingdom. But, if they
are rightly informed, the Pope believes that a time will
come when by general consent his former territories will be
restored to him, and when his temporal power will resume
its former splendour.
If such is his sincere conviction, would it not become the
Pope, that instead', of being himself the principal cause
of civil war in Italy, he should retire from this conflict,
and expect in tranquillity the issue which in the order of
Providence may await the Papacy, and determine the fate
of Italy ?
In such a case the Admiral of her Majesty in the Mediter-
ranean would convey the Pope to Malta, to Trieste, to Mar-
seilles, or to Valencia, and if his Holiness should choose to
remain in Malta her Majesty's Government would there
provide a mansion fit for his reception.
There his Holiness might be surrounded by his chief
Cardinals and most trusty counsellors. He would not be
asked to su'oscribe to any conditions repugnant to his con-
science, Civil war would cease in Italy, and the Italian
people would be at liberty either to enjoy the complete pos-
session of their own territory, or again to assign to the Pope,
if they so thought fit, a temporal dominion,
At all events his spiritual authority would resume its
sway over the minds of the Roman Catholics of Italy and
of Europe. When the storm was overpast, the Pope might
return to Rome, owing to love and affection that homage
which would be paid to his sacred character, and that ve-
neration which would be justly due to his exalted personal
virtues.

You are directed to speak in the sense of this despatch to
Cardinal Antonelli, and to give him a copy of it to be sub-
mitted to the Pope.

A copy of this despatch will be sent to Earl Cowley, for
lqinformation.—l am, &c.,
(Signed) RUSSELL.

No. 2.

EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY.
Foreign Office, October 31, 1862.
My Lord,--At a time when the new Minister of Foreign
Affairs in France has thought it necessary to write a circu-
lar respecting the policy pursued by the Emperor in Italy,
it may not be amiss to state once more the view taken by
her Majesty's Government of the Roman question.
In so doing, I am not deterred by any fear that this step
will be construed into an undue pressure on the Government
of the Emperor. In a matter so deeply affecting the wel-
fare of Italy and the future peace of Europe, a frank inter-
change of opinions cannot be misinterpreted as an undue
interference with the action of a friendly government.
If the policy of the Emperor is right in point of justice
and expediency, he ought not to persevere in it the less be-
cause the British Government differ from him on the sub-
ject. If it is wrong, he ought not to persevere in it simply
from a fear of being supposed to be influenced by the views
of the Government of Great Britain.
I will proceed to state what the opinion of the British
Government is, and to explain some of the reasons by
which that opinion is supported.
Her Majesty's Government think that the people of the
Roman territory are the most competent judges of what is
best for their own welfare and happiness. If, as the British
Government have reason to believe, the Roman people wish
to annex their State to the Italian Kingdom, and to make
Rome the capital of Italy, they ought to be left free to do so,
If, on the contrary, they wish to maintain the Pope on his
throne, and to acknowledge him as their temporal Sovereign
as well as to reverence him as their spiritual head, they
ought to be left free to do so.

This policy is very simple, and very straightforward, but
it cannot be carried into effect because for 13 years a body
of French troops has prevented any freedom of choice on
the part of the Romans,
It is undoubtedly true that the law of nations allows ex-
ceptions to the general rule that each nation is the best
judge of its own form of government.
Such exceptions, when in favour of intervention in support
of existing Governments, have been usually defended on the
ground that by intrigue, by violence, or by military revolt,
a minority had got possession of the seat of authority, and
that if, by protecting the quiet majority, time were obtained,
the nation would right itself.
Accordingly, the foreign occupations which have taken
place in Europe were practically limited in point of time to
a term of two, three, or five years.
In Rome alone we have witnessed the spectacle of a foreign
occupation prolonged for 13 years, and, at the same time, of
a people less reconciled to the rule of their Sovereign at the
end than they were at the commencement of this protracted
period of endurance. _ _ .

Her Majesty's Government think that this foreign occu-
pation should now end.

They are aware that the Emperor of the French has con-
ceived the benevolent design of reconciling the Pope with
Italy ; and they observe in his Majesty's letter of the 20th
of May, published in the ltloniteur of Sept. 25, the expres-
sion ofa_ a desire and of an expectation that a reconciliation
Itlxeci place between tht, Pope and Italy, between the
Doman_er 3venament and liberty.
Her Majesty'sexalted views Government, however, while admiring the
the expectationtwlthausaat
Which prompted this desire, cannot share . in
expressed. The wide interval which
separates the
jesty's Government to be conflicting
parties appears to her Ma.
that an abandonment of his Clain,
The Pope considers
Which
he
eahima to any portion of the for-
mer Papal territory
; and has to hold would be a
violation of his conscience
urge the
does not become a
Roman Catholic Sovereign to
yetospueetho do that against
which his conscience revolts. And
be
thaerenunciation
on the part of the Pope must necessarily
basis of the
reconciliation between the Pope and Italy Which is
contem.
plated by the Emperor of the French.
The Italian Government, on the other hand, have de-
clared that Rome ought to be the capital of free Italy, and
they will not abandon the hope that it may become so. A
King of Italy, who in spite of the wishes of the people of
Italy, should engage to acknowledge the Pope as the tempo-
ral Sovereign of Rome would either become hateful to Italy,
or would be obliged to break his engagement in order to pre-
serve his throne. And yet such an engagement on the part
of the King of Italy forms the basis of the reconciliation
be-
tween
the Pope and Italy which is contemplated by the Em-
peror of the French.

Tumults and disorders would be the too probable conse-
quence of any arrangement which excluded the authority of
the Icing of Italy from Rome, and the Pope would become
obnoxious to all as the cause of those tumults and disorders.
Force would be introduced to suppress tumult, and a solution
would be found amid bloodshed tarnishing the sacred chae-
racter of the Pontiff, and at variance with the exemplar,
moderation which the Italian nation have hitherto exhibited
under the severest trials.

For these reasons, to which the Emperor in his wisdom
will no doubt give their due weight, her Majesty's Gtoverii-1

meat are of opinion that Rome ought to be left to the
Romans;

Will you read this despatch to M. Drouyn de Lhuys, and
you will give him a copy of it if ho should desire it.

I am, &c,,
(Signed) RUSSELL.

No. 3.

j EARL COWLEY TO EARL RUSSELL.—(RECEIVED Nov. 8.)
PARTS, Nov. 7, 1862.
My Lord,—l took the first opportunity after receiving
your lordship's despatch of the 31st ult., containing the
views of her Majesty's Government on the Roman question,
of communicating it, in compliance with your lordship's in-
structions, to M. Drouyn de Lhuys. His Excellency, after
reading it (I had placed the despatch in his hands for that
purpose), said that he thanked me for the communication ;
that be would not at present ask me for a copy of it ; that
he could retain the contents sufficiently in his memory to
repeat them accurately to the Emperor, whose orders he
would take the first time he had occasion to see his Majesty;
and that if the Emperor desired to see the despatch itself he
would ask for a copy of it.
M. Drouyn de Lhuys proceeded to say that it was evident
from your lordship's despatch that her Majesty's Govern-
ment entertained opinions upon the Roman question differ-
ing so essentially from those of the Emperor, as contained
in his Majesty's letter of 20th May, that they were irrecon-
cilable, nor could he lead me to expect, seeing how short a
time had elapsed since the letter had been made public, that
his Majesty's views were likely to be modified at present.
He could only assure me that the Emperor and his Govern-
ment desired, if possible, more ardently than her Majesty's
Government, the evacuation of Rome by the troops of
France, but that his Majesty considered himself bound in
honour to protect the Pope within the territory which re-
mained to him, so long as his Holiness should continue un-
able to protect himself, or should not enter into some
arrangement with the Italian Government satisfactory to
both parties. His Excellency could not agree with your
lordship in looking upon the latter contingency as impos-
sible of realisation. He would then ask her Majesty's
Government whether, seeing that no material interest of
Great Britain was involved in the immediate solution of the
Roman question, while the Emperor's word was pledged to
the maintenance of the Pope's safety and authority,in which
the whole Roman Catholic world was interested, it would con-
duce to any good end to agitate this question—a question
which he might term purely academical—between the two
G overnments. If, indeed, there were reason to suppose that
the Emperor was actuated by any afterthought or un-
avowed design in continuing the occupation of Rome, he
could understand the desire of her Majesty's Government
to push their opposition to it to the utmost; but his Excel-
lency was ready to give me the assurance—an assurance
founded on his knowledge of the Emperor's sentiments—
that there was no ground for any such opinion if it existed,
and that his Majesty looked anxiously and ardently for the
moment when he might withdraw his troops with honour.
Such being the case, M. Drouyn de Lhuys could only hope
that the unfortunate difference of opinion which prevailed
between the two Governments on the Roman question would
not prevent a friendly understanding between them on other
questions in which they had interests in common. There
were specks enough on the political horizon to justify great
anxiety. Look at Greece, where the events which had
lately ocettrred might be the forerunner of still greater com-
plications in the East. Look at America, so intimately
connected with the commercial prosperity of the two nations.
Surely there was sufficient to occupy the attention of the
two Governments, without prolonging a useless discussion
on the Roman question ; useless, because there was no hope
of either Government convincing the other. For himself
he had some pride, and still greater satisfaction, in reflect-
ing that he bad no small share in laying the foundations of
these amicable relations which, he was glad to find, still
subsisted between the two Governments, and which it
would be his earnest endeavour to extend and strengthen,
I said to M. Drouyn de Lhuys that I could, without re-
ferring to your lordship, take upon myself to give him the
assurance that, however much her Majesty's Government
might regret the failure of their efforts to convince the
Imperial Government of the justice and expediency of with-
drawing the French trot ps from the Roman States, it would
not in any way influence their conduct in regard to any
other questions. They placed too high a value on the ad-
vantages accruing not only to the two nations, but to the
whole civilised world, from a general good understanding
between the two Governments, to imperil these relations
because the two Governments might not agree on every
question. It could, however, I maintained, hardly be as-
serted that Great Britain had no direct interest engaged in
the Roman question, because in the opinion of her Majesty's
Government the future peace of Europe might be affected
by it. It was therefore their bounden duty to give such
advice and to ask for such concessions as in their judgment
were best calculated to avert the possibility of so great a
calamity. M. Drouyn de Lhuys also knew the derange-
ment caused to commerce when a country was in the state
of uncertainty in which Italy was now plunged ; and,
lastly, there were great international interests involved in
the important question of foreign occupations.
M. Drouyn de Lhuys replied that, with regard to the
latter point, that of foreign occupation, he could not consider
the Roman Sovereign to be in the same position as other
sovereigns. And this was no new idea; indeed, it was one
in which her Majesty's Government had seemed at one
moment to acquiesce, as he could show me. His Excellency
then read me extracts from a long memorandum which he
had caused to be compiled, with a view of seeing at a glance
what had passed between her Majesty's Government and
that of France when the question of the occupation of Rome
was first mooted in 1848.

During the administration of General Cavaignac, and
before the name of Napoleon had been brought forward, M.
Bastide, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, announced to
her Majesty's Government the intention of sending a small
force to Rome, and grounded this intention upon the excep-
tional necessity of treating the Pope differently from other
sovereigns, and maintaining his independence and temporal
power,

According to the reports received from M. de Beaumont,
then the French representative in London, her Majesty's
Foreign Secretary had acquiesced in the exceptional neces-
sity of this case ; and subsequently, both when he (M.
Drouyn de Lhuys) was Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and
when afterwards ambassador in London, sent expressly to
explain the policy of the President's Government with re-
gard to Rome, the same exceptional necessity for upholding
the tempura' authority of the Pope was pleaded, and was
not contested by her Majesty's Government. He (M.
Drouyn de Lhuys) did not mean to contend that their ac-
quiescence had not'been accompanied with expressions of
deep regret, or that her Majesty's Government would not
have preferred other means to secure the Pope's authority
than the authority of force ; still less did he desire to quote
the policy of her Majesty's Government in those days as
binding upon them now. Many reasons might then have
induced them to acquiesce in a state of things which they
might consider intolerable now. All he intended to deduce
from the extracts which he had read to me was, that the
policy of France had been a consistent policy; that the
necessity of protecting the independence and temporal
authority of the Pope had been as much recognised by Re-
publican as it now was by Imperial France; and that, con-
sequently, there was no foundation for any supposition that
the Emperor was actuated by any other motive than that
which he had avowed. Perhaps, also, he (M. Drouyn de
Lhuys) might indulge the hope, in re-perusing the
corre-
spondence of thirteen years ago, that the friendly spirit in
which the first intention of occupying Rome had been re-
ceived by her Majesty's Government would be a guarantee
to their no less indulgent patience now.
M. Drouyn de Lhuys begged her Majesty's Government to
recollect further that to leave the future fate of the Pope to
his Roman subjects could not be practically carried out
The Roman population had been so tried by foreign emis-
saries, and the Roman States would be so completely overrun
by foreign revolutionists, if an opportunity was given, that
the true sentiments of the people could never be ascertained.
Furthermore, he desired to point out that there never had
been a national army in the Pope's service. The Roman
population was not militarily inclined. Swiss, Irish, Ger-
mans, Spaniards had formed the mercenary corps which re-
ceived his Holiness' pay. Would it be desirable to estab •
lish such a corps to replace the present army of occupation ?
On the other hand, could the Emperor in honour abandon
the Sovereign Pontiff, whom he had engaged to protect and
had protected during the past years, to the certainty of de-
thronement, and perhaps of worse.

I replied that I was glad to find that M. Druoyn de Lhuys
did not attach more importance than was warranted to the
acquiescence of her Majesty's Government in the primary
occupation of Rome. They certainly never then contem-
plated that that occupation would last 13 years, or that
Italy was about to erect herself into an united and indepen-
dent State. Moreover, it must be recollected that the pre-
sent state of Italy was the result of the Emperor's inter-
vention to emancipate the Italian people from the yoke of
Austria. Yet what a lamentable consequence of the benefits
which nobody would contest the Emperor had been the
means of conferring upon Italy would it be were those Go-
vernments only which had been the least onerous (that of
Naples of course excepted) to be overthrown, while one re-
„cognised to be incompatible with the progress of the age
was maintained by the very means which had so much con-
tributed to the downfall of the others. I desired, I said, in
the presence of a Minister of a Roman Catholic Sovereign,
to speak of the spiritual authority of the head of that Church
with every respect, but every one must admit and deplore
the vices of his temporal Government.
M. Drouyn de Lhuys replied that although he could not
deny certain abuses, yet he considered them to be greatly
exaggerated.

Such, my Lord, is the summary of a conversation conducted
with perfect temper on both sides. I wish I could add that
I considered it likely to be followed by any modification of
the Imperial policy of Italy.—I have, &c.,
(Signed)

No. 4.
EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY.
Foreign-office,
Nov. 15, 1862.
My Lord,— I have not failed to lay before the Queen your
despatch of the 7th instant.
Her Majesty's Government did not expect that the com-
munication of their views would produce any immediate
change in the policy of France; but believing those views
to be inspired by a warm regard for the interests of Italy,

and t obe conducive to the peace of Europe, her Majesty's
Government cannot consent to change or to modify them,
The only new argument brought forward by M. Drouyn
de Lhuys consists in a reference to the events of 1848 and
1849, and the acquiescence of her Majesty's Government in
the French occupation of Rome at that time. But ac-
quiescence did not imply approbation; still less would ap-
probation then imply approbation now. Your excellency
rightly argued that the whole state of Italy has altered
since that time; the state of Lombardy, Modena, Parma,
Tuscany, Romagna, Umbria, the Marches, and the king-
dom of the Two Sicilies has altered; in short, everything
has changed except the French occupation of Rome.

The generosity of the French nation will probably ai
length perceive the injustice of keeping all Italy in a con-
dition of anxiety, and the Romans in a condition of misera-
ble servitude.—l am, &c., _

(Signed) RrssELL.

No. 5.

MR. ODO RUSSELL TO EARL RUSSELL,-(RECEIVED

Nov. 28.)—(Extract.)
Rome, November 11, 1862.
In obedience to your lordship's instructions I called this
morning on the Cardinal Secretary of State at the Vatican,
and told him that her Majesty's Government had observed
with great interest the correspondence respecting Rome
which had been published in the Moniteur of the 25th Sep-
tember last, and that I would, with his Eminence's per-
mission, communicate a despatch to him which I had re-
ceived from your lordship on the subject.
I then read your lordship's despatch of the 25th October
to Cardinal Antonelli, who listened with great attention, and
when I had done, said he thought your lordship could
scarcely be more anxious than he was that Rome should not
be the seat of a perpetual foreign occupation.
He ardently desired to see the Pope in full possession of
that independence which became the Sovereign Pontiff, the
visible head of the Roman Catholic Church, independent of
enemies who persecuted the Church, and independent of
friends whose protection could not unhappily yet be dis-
pensed with.

But since the enemies of order and legitimate right in Italy
had been encouraged in their reckless and immoral course,
and since the Pope had not the means to protect the tem-
poral interests of the Church against their violence and ra-
pacity without foreign assistance, he was compelled to accept
the protection afforded him by the presence of a French
garrison in Rome.

Your lordship observed truly that this melancholy state of
things in Italy wounded the kind heart and harrowed the
paternal feelings of his Holiness, and you were equally right
in concluding that the conscientious feelings of duty of the
Pope would always oblige him to refuse any terms of ac-
commodation, whether recommended by the Emperor of the
French, or by any other Power, which should leave him
with less than his former territory.
The reasons which prompted this course of action wore
obvious.

The Popo did not hold the States of the Church as an in-
heritance from his ancestors, and could not dispose of them
at his will either before or after death. As Vicar of Christ
he held them in trust from God for the Catholic world ; and
as h© received them, so he had to leave them to his suc-
cessor, according to the oath taken by the Pontiffs on
ascending the throne of St. Peter.

And again the Pope, as Vicar of Chrisf, and therefore as
the guardian of religion and morality on earth, could not
give his sanction to acts which violated every law of public
morality and of legitimate right ; and however much his
heart might bleed at the sad conflict around him, he had a
duty, as head of the Catholic Church, to perform, for which
he was answerable to God alone in heaven and not to man
upon earth.
This conscientious policy pursued by the Pope had been
publicly and unanimously approved by the whole of the
bishops of Catholic Christendom, and while his Holiness
could fulfil the sacred duties of his office in any portion of
the Holy See, however small and limited, with freedom and
inlependence, it was his duty to assert the temporal rights
of the Church, by remaining in it, until violently driven
away by the enemies of religion. Now your lordship, ani-
mated bya friendly feeling to both parties, suggested that the
Pope should retire from the conflict, and expect in tran-
quillity the issue which, in the order of Providence, might
await the Papacy and determine the fate of Italy.
But the abandonment of Rome, so long as its possession
was guaranteed by France, would be tantamount to that
very abdication of temporal rights which the conscientious
feelings of duty of the Sovereign Pontiff for ever precluded.
If the Pope left Rome the Emperor of the French would
naturally recall his troops to France, and Rome would be in-
vaded by the enemies of the Church ; a contingency to-
wards which the Pope in his conscience could never contri-
bute by any voluntary act of his own, so long as he could
there freely exercise the spiritual and temperal duties of his
high office.

On the other hand, should it ever so please Providence,
in the course of events, to allow the French protecting forces
to be withdrawn, and the Piedmontese to invade Rome, and
should the free exercise of the Pontiff's spiritual duties
thereby be endangered, then, and not till then, would it
become the Pope's paramount duty to seek protection for the
independence of the Church in some foreign land, and the
generous offers of hospitality now made by her Majesty's
Government alight be gratefully accepted.
Cardinal Antonelli then requested me to thank your lord-
ship in the warmest terms for the communication I had
made to him, and asked me for a copy of your despatch,
which he said he would submit to the Pope.

No. 6.

MR. ODo RUSSELL TO EAiL4GSELL. (Received Dec. 18.)
(Extract.) Rome, Nov. 28,1862.

With reference to your lordship's despatch of the 25th
of October, and to my reply of the 11th of November, I
have the honour to state that I asked Cardinal Antonelli
this morning whether he had submitted to the Pope the
reasons for which your lordship thought that it would be-
come his Holiness to retire from the present conflict, and
expect in tranquillity the issue which, in the order of Pro-
vidence might await the Papacy and determine the fate of
Italy; and I further inquired how his Holiness had taken
the offers of hospitality made to him in consequence by her
Majesty's Government.

Cardinal Antonelli replied that he had communicated your
lordship's despatch to the Pope the day after I had given
had a copy of it, namely, on Nov. 12, and that his Holiness
had fully acknowledged the friendly spirit in which that
communication had been made; but that since it was his
manifest duty to remain in Rome so long as he could do so
with advantage to the spiritual interests of the Church, he
could but thank her Majesty's Government for their inten-
tions, but he could not share their opinions, nor could ho
avail himself of their hospitable ofers at present.

No. 7.
EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY.
Foreign Office, Jan. 29, 1863.
My Lord,—There is in the volume called "Documents
Diplomatiques," presented by the Government of the Em-
peror to the Legislative Chambers, the copy of a despatch
from the Ambassador of France at Rome, dated the 27th of
December, 1862.

In this despatch the Prince of La Tour d' Auvergne gives
information "which," he says, "he has reason to believe
correct, concerning the proposition lately made to the Holy
See by Lord John Russell to place the Island of Malta at
the disposal of the Pope, in case ha should consent, as
England advised him, to abandon Rome to Italy."
The information collected by the Ambassador is to the
following effect :—lt is, that in the course of the summer Mr.
Odo Russell, who was about to leave Rome on leave, asked
for an audience of the Pope. The audience being granted,
he pleaded, as was usual with him, in favour of the cause
of Italian unity. That when Mr. Russell was about to take
leave of his Holiness, and when he was already at the door
of the Pope's cabinet, the Holy Father, without apparently
attaching the smallest importance to the circumstance, ad-
dressed Mr. Russell in these words:—" Farewell, my dear
Mr. Russell ; who knows whether one day I may not be
obliged to ask from you a hospitable reception ?" At these
words Mr. Russell, it is said, returned into the Cabinet, and
asked his Holiness whether, in fact, he feared he should be
obliged to quit Rome, and whether in that case he would be
really disposed to go to England. The Pope at once tran-
quillised Mr. Russell, adding that he did not know what
trials Providence reserved for him, but for the moment he
had no apprehension, and had no thoughts of quitting
Rome. Mr. Russell, the French Ambassador says, no
doubt transmitted the account of this conversation to his
Government, exaggerating, perhaps, its importance, and
was soon after, it is affirmed, recalled to London by tele-
graph. The narrative given by the Ambassador goes on to
affirm that Mr. Odo Russell, on his return to Rome in the
month of November, presented to the Cardinal Secretary of
State a note from her Majesty's Government advising the
Pope to leave Rome, and to go to France, Spain, or Malta.
This note Mr. Russell is said to have given to the Cardi-
nal, authorising him confidentially to make such use of it
as he might think proper. The Cardinal is said to have
hasten-d to reply that he had no use to make of the note,
since the Pope had not the smallest intention of leaving
Rome. The Ambassador then proceeds to accuse Mr. Rus
sell of violating his duty by communicating on the subject
with a diplomatic envoy accredited to the Holy See.
The Cardinal Secretary of State, however, it is said, con-
sidered the incident at an end, when Mr. Russell presented
himself again to his Eminence on the occasion of the festi-
val of Christmas, and informed him that he had just received
a private letter from Lord Russell, in which Lord Russell
expressed his deep regret at learning that the Pope was not
for the present disposed to accept his proposals, adding that
he had reason to believe that his Holiness would soon find
himself under the necessity of profiting by it. But Cardinal
Antonelli, it is said. made no reply to this communication.

Such is the narrative which the Ambassador of France
has compiled from the hearsay of Rome, and which the
Minister for Foreign Affairs has published to the French
Chambers and to the world without apparently asking you
whether this despatch contained a true account of the
transactions to which it related as having passed at Rome.
Such being the hearsay account given by the French
Ambassador at Rome, I owe it to Mr. Russell to state what
really happened so far as he was concerned ; and it is due to
tier Majesty's Government that I should place in the hands
of M. Drouyn de Lhuys a statement of what they have done
in this matter.
That which happened was as follows :
Mr, ituagell, on the 245th July, 1852, received unexpect-

edly from the Vatican a written intimation that the Pope
would receive him at 12 o'clock on the next day. Mr. Rus-
sell accordingly went to the Vatican on the 26th July, and
in the course of a conversation of some length the Pope
expressed a wish to know whether if any circumstances
should at any time lead him to desire to take refuge in Eng-
land he would be well and hospitably received there. To
this question Mr. Russell could of course give only a gene-
ral answer.

From this statement it will be seen that, instead of Mr.
Russell asking an audience of the Pope, and at that audi-
ence making to the Pope an offer of an asylum at Malta, it
was the Pope who sent for Mr. Russell, and it was the
Pope who started the idea that he might, under certain cir-
cumstances, wish to reside in British territory.
This conversation, having been reported by Mr. Russell,
led to the despatch of the 25th of October, of which I send
your Excellency a copy, to be communicated to M. Drouyn
de Lhuys, together with some other parts of the correspon-
dence on this matter.*

It is right that I should explain that Mr. Russell was
not called home from Rome, as the French Ambassador
imagined, in consequence of his interview with the Pope;
Mr. Russell simply received a direction to absent himself
from Rome c n account of his health during the unhealthy
season in that city.
As to the private letter which the French Ambassador
states that I wrote in December to Mr. Russell, and which
he imagines that Mr. Russell communicated to Cardinal An-
tonelli, I have only to say that I did not write such a letter,
and that consequently no such letter was communicated by
Mr. Russell to the Cardinal in any shape or manner.
Your Excellency will read this despatch to M. Drouyn
de Lhuys, and give him a copy of it.—l am, &c.,
(Signed) RUSSELL.

(No. 8,
EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY.
Foreign-office, Jan. 31, 1863.

My Lord,—l have to state to your Excellency, with re-
ference to my despatch No. 130, of the 29th inst., that I
have received a further despateh from Mr. Russell at Rome,
who, it appears, was admitted to an audience of :the Pope
on the 7th inst., to offer his good wishes on the commence-
ment of the new year.

On this occasion the Pope was pleased to state to Mr.
Russell that he had been gratified :by the offers of hospita-
lity made to him by her Majesty's Government ; and he
requested Mr. Russell to convey to her Majesty's Govern-
ment his thanks for the despatch which he had communi-
cated to Cardinal Antonelli, offering his Holiness the use
of a mansion at Malta. His Holiness was pleased to add
that although under existing circumstances he would not
avail hims elf of the protection of England, he nevertheless
desired to thank her Majesty's Government for their good
intentions.--I am, &c.,

(Signed)

:* Nos. 1,5, and 6.

RUSSELL.

METROPOLITAN BOARD OF WORKS.

The ordinary weekly meeting of the Metropolitan
Board of Works was held on Friday at their offices,
Spring-gardens, Mr. John Thwaites in the chair.

The cash statement showed that the balances in
the hands were on current accounts £83,900195. 4d.,
on deposit accounts £6,500, and on Government Se-
curities £88,159 9s. 4d.

THE FLEET SEWER AND THE METROPOLITAN RAILWAY.

The report of the finance committee was laid be-
fore the board, and stated that they had considered
the account for works on emergency to the Fleet
Sewer amounting to £1,174 10s. 101 d., and had in-
serted the amount in the list of sums recommended
for payment, and 'recommended that that sum be
claimed hereafter of the Metropolitan Railway
Compi.ny.

THE ACCOUNTANT'S DEPARTMENT.

In accordance with the recommendation of the
finance committee, the board, in consequence of the
increased work in the accountant's department, ap-
pointed a junior assistant clerk to it, to be placed on
the fourth class of officers at the minimum salary of
that class, viz., £6O per annum.

PROGRESS OF THE MAIN DRAINAGE WORKS.

Mr. BAZALGETTE, the engineer to the board, read
his monthly report of the progress of the main drain-
age works, which were all proceeding in a satisfac-
tory manner, making allowance for short days and
uncertain state of the weather.

The report was adopted and ordered to be printed.
METROPOLITAN RAILWAYS BEFORE PARLIAMENT AND

THE BOARD OF WORKS.

Mr. BAZALGETTE, in compliance with the resolu-
tion of the board, brought up his report on the pro-
posed bills now before Parliament for the construc-
tion of various railways within the metropolitan
area, and as to the extent to which they would
affect the works of the board. The report also re-
commended certain steps to be taken with regard to
the bills seriatim. The following is an abstract of
the report :

REGENT .CIRCUS RAILWAY.

The intended railway commenced at the Great
Northern Railway Terminus, King's-cross. passing
over the Metropolitan Railway, in Old St. Pancras-
road, and the Euston-road, the former of which it
was intended to stop up, and to raise the latter 11
feet, at an inclination of lin 30. The line was to
terminate at great Windmill-street, Haymarket.
The whole length of the railway would be under-
ground, and would very materially affect the sewer-
age of the district through which it passed. It
would therefore be necessary that a special saving
clause should be inserted in the bill. The proposed
alterations of the St. Pancras and Euston roads
would be injurious to the public traffic, and he re-
commended that the solicitor's attention be drawn
to that point, with a view to determine whether it
was the duty of that board, or of other parties, to
protect the interests affected (standing orders not
complied with).
HAMMERSMITR AND CITY RAILWAY (JUNCTION WITH TUB
GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY).

This line did not interfere with the sewer, and,
therefore, a general saving clause would be sufficient.

GREAT EASTERN RAILWAY.

This line was to run from the Junction of the
Enfield and Edmonton Railway at Edmonton to
Finsbury-circus. The railway would pass over the
Northern High-level Sewer iu Amhurst-road, the
London-bridge sewer in High-street, Shoreditch,
and the Middle-level Sewer in New Inn-yard; but
being on a viaduct it would not materially affect
those sewers ; it would, however, cat through the
sewer in Dalston-lane, end a special saving clause
must be inserted in the bill.

KENSINGTON, KNIGHTSBRIDGE, AND METROPOLITAN

JUNCTION RAILWAY.

This line was laid out from London-street, Pad-
dington, where it would join the Metropolitan Rail-
way to Hyde Park-corner, with a branch to Young-
street, Kensington. The whole of the line was
below the surface of the ground, and would mate-
rially affect the drainage of the district. A special
saving clause must, therefore, be inserted in the
bill.

METROPOLITAN, TOTTENHAM, AND HAMPSTEAD

RAILWAY.

The proposed railway commenced by a junction
with the Metropolitan Railway close to Gower-
street Station, and terminated at Swain's-lane,
Highgate. The entire length of the line would be
beneath the surface and would seriously affect the
drainage of the district. A special saving clause
was inserted in the bill, and should be continued in
the act.

NORTH LONDON AND EDMONTON RAILWAY.

The company did not intend to proceed with this
bill this session,

MIDLAND RAILWAY.-EXTENSION TO LONDON.

This line was to commence at the Euston-road,
near King's-cross, and was to continue to the
Edgware-road. That portion of the line within the
jurisdiction of the board was to be constructed be-
neath the surface of the roads, and would materially
affect the sewerage; a special saving clause should
therefore be inserted in the bill.

BLACKFRIARS BRIDGE.

A special clause should be inserted in the bill for
enabling the Corporation to re-build Blackfriars
Bridge, as the works proposed might affect the
Fleet sewer, the Thames Embankment, and the
new street to the Mansion House.

ALBERT STATION AND MID-LONDON RAILWAY .

The works proposed were beneath the surface of
the streets, and would seriously affect the drainage
of the districts through which it passed, besides
which it would prevent the construction
of the Piccadilly branch of the Middle
Level Sewer now in course of construction. The
preamble of that bill should be opposed by the
bcard, as no clause would be sufficient.

LONDON RAILWAY.-VICTORIA STATION.
Nearly the entire length of the line was on arches
or embankment. It proposed to lower the road in
Gloncester-road, Kensington, five feet, and that
would destroy the arch of the main sewer. No pro-
visions for the headway and van of the bridges

over the streets crossed appeared to be made. A
special saving clause should therefore be inserted in
lieu of the general one already introduced.

EAST LONDON AND ROTHERHITHE ItAILWAS%

This line would commence by a junction with the
Blackwall railway, near Wellclose-place, crossing
through the Thames Tunnel and terminating at the
Lower-road, Deptford. This line would cut through
the Wapping-wall main sewer at King-street, and
otherwise interfere with the sewerage of the dis-
trict. A special saving clause shauld be inserted in
the bill.

LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND SOUTH-COAST RAILWAY (Ex.
TENSIONS, ALTERATIONS, &C.)
_

The Battersea loop-line would cut through the
proposea low level sewer at Battersea-road, but the
rights of the Board and Vestries were protected by
the 20th section of the bill.

GRAND SURREY AND COMMERCIAL DOCKS RAILWAY.
A general saving clause would be siefficient for
this bill.
BARNES, HAMMERSMITH, AND KENSINGTON RAILWAY.

There was a special clause in the bill which should
be maintained in the act.

SOUTH LONDON, GREENWICH, AND WOOLWICH RAILWAY.

This line proposed to affect the road through
which the southern outfall sewer ran, and would
therefore require a special saving clause.

GREENWICH AND WOOLWICH RAILWAY.

This line would pass over the southern outfall
sewer, lowering the road 2ft bin. A special saving
clause was necessary.

FULHAM AND HAMMERSMITH RAILWAY.

This line would affect the western drainage
sewers, and therefore a special clause should be
introduced into the bill.
METROPOLITAN RAILWAY (ADDITIONAL LANDS.)

This bill would require the insertion of a special
clause.

ROTHERRITHE RAILWAY.

A general clause would be sufficient for this line.

PIMLICO AND PADDINGTON RAILWAY.

This would seriously affect the sewerage of the
district through which the line passed, and a special
clause should be introduced.

The report was adopted, and the board adjourned.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

SPECTATOR.—Lord Palmerston has resolved once
more to play a defensive game. This passiveness
may be exceedingly wise, but it is also exceedingly
dull, and its wisdom is not apparent upon the face
of affairs. Dull Uovernments always die. The House
of Commons is not a body which can be safely left
without work, and idleness will only increase its
appetite for the criticism which promises strong ex-
citement. Lord Palmerston hopes for a quiet Ses-
sion, and he has two circumstances in his favour.
The Royal Marriage will for six weeks indispose
the class from whom our legislators are drawn to
commence a strife which, however it ends, must in
its progress interfere with what should be a festive
season. The promised reductions will, for three
weeks more, indispose the nation to interfere with
the Minister who may diminish the in come-tax.
But those barriers once removed, Lord Palmerston,
unless we misread the signs of the times, will be
subjected to a storm of attack which it will tax
every faculty he possesses to resist. The very calm
of the public mind, the absence of any engrossing
subject of interest, will only increase the excitement
of the coming party strife. The Tories are strong
enough if they please to take the helm, and signs are
abroad in all directions that the armistice is at an
end. Unless they are prepared to allow that they do
not care for office, and so place themselves in the
exhausting position of a besieging army which does
not care to attack, they must this Session make a
bold push for power. Their only difficulty will be to
select the fitting point of assault, for they must find
one which will fulfil many and diverse conditions.
They must oust the Administration upon some point
which involves a vote of confidence, yet will not
pledge them to impossible action, or run the risk of
exciting the quiescent (because half-sated) Liberal
predilections of the nation. The working of the
Revised Code, by far their best chance in the coun-
try districts, scarcely fulfils the first condition. Lord
Palmerston would consent, and in the present posi-
tion of Europe would wisely consent, to any con-
ceivable change in the department of education
rather than quit the reins. The cession of the
lonian Islands does not fulfil the st cond, for Go-
vernments cannot reverse accomplished facts, or break
engagements, however annoying, to which British
faith is pledged. And the American struggle—
whatever Mr. Hope may imagine—does not fulfil the
third. The governing class in the last resort cannot
quarrel with the 10-pounders, and if the Tories ven-
tured formally to vet e recognition, the anti-slavery
feeling, half-latent, but quite irresistible, would
in a week destroy their chance of power. They are,
moreover, precluded from fighting upon the budget.
They could, we sincerely believe, drive the Ministry
from power by insisting upon the devotion of every
shilling of surplus to the relief of the propertied,
professional, and trading classes, but they them-
selves proposed to diminish the duty on tea. They
cannot, therefore, complain if Mr. Gladstone de.
votes half bis savings to carry out their own will,
and Mr. Hubbard's idea, almost the best card in
their hands, is thus trumped before it is played.
They can scarcely outbid the reductions, for Napo-
leon still reigns in France, and even Mr. Disraeli
must be by this time aware that subservience to
Napoleon is not a price his party will pay for
thrift. Upon the policy pursued in China it is clear
they are very unwilling to fight, even if they had
forgotten the dissolution of 1857 ; and the Govern-
ment, if very hardly pressed, could, we suspect, plead
reasons for assisting Prince Kung which are not yet
before the public, but which no party would disre-
gard. The Danish business may be dangerous ; but
the history of the affair is as yet but little known,
and no Tory leader will be eager for power acquired
by a bitter quarrel with the whole of our German
allies. On the cession of the lonian Islands they
could not obtain a vote, for on this point every IN hig
is in unison with every Radical, and with that large
section of Tories which has the heart to exult in an
act of national self-denial. It is possible to smile
at the cool sang froid which dictated Earl Russell's
offer of an asylum to the Pope, and the Ultramon-
tanes will, doubtless, endeavour to elicit some sort
of censure. Bat serious reprobation of any mea-
sure tending in any degree to move the Pope from
Rome would split up the party which offered it, and
the Irish votes would be dearly bought at the price of
the deadly hostility of English country clergy. The
volunteers are the Tories' pets ; no marriage bill can
be twisted into a Cabinet measure ; everybody wants
law amendments; and it is not for Conservatives to
argue that Ireland needs reform. There is no foot-
hold visible yet, but, nevertheless, we believe the
session cannot pass without an earnest struggle for
power. In this country it is the ebb and flow of opi-
nion, far more than any accidental discussion, which
makes and unmakes Cabinets, and for five years the
tide has flowed in the Conservative direction. They
have gained in all English elections ; they will gain
at the next dissolution in Ireland. The entire ne-
glect of home questions, which is Lord Palmerston's
permanent weakness, has blunted the edge of libe-
ral sympathies, and now that Italy seems to be safe
foreign affairs excite no very passionate feeling.
Either Administration will resist extravagance as
much as it can, either will keep up the defences,
either will rest content to do as little as possible in
America or the East. On the whole, the public
mind is inert, and is therefore naturally still swing.
whose profe.esed theory is not
ing round to the party
There is a feeling even
to- disturb that inertia.
among Whigs that a couple of years of Lord Derby
would brace up liberal nerves, restore a relaxed or-
ganisation, and enable them to re-enter on power
with some prospect of a majority able to assume an
initiative.

LONDON REVIEW.—The warfare in Parliament
this session will regain some of its pristine vigour,
in consequence of the increased sunshine in the pa-
lace. Last year, by common consent, animosities
were buried in a common sympathy for the Queen.
Towards the close of the session a few passages of
arms relieved the Conservative party from any im-
putation of unnatural magnanimity. The fact is,
that even in moments of the profoundest political
peace, Mr. Disraeli never goes anywhere without
his tomahawk ; and the temptation to strike a sud-
den blow was at last more:than helcould withstand.
But the Tory tribe had buried their weapons early
in the union, and could not be brought to dig them

up again at a moment's notice, even at the well-
known signal of their great medicine man. Mr.
Walpole turned pale at the sight of his own war-
paint, and his disinclination for the fight proved in-
fectious. The season passed over without a general
conflict, and the generous professions made by
Lord Derby in the spring were, in the main, ful-
filled. The new session, however, will, in all proba-
bility, not be so uneventful as the last. The
years are slipping from Mr. Disraeli, and
little has been done of late. The sun is going down
upon him, yet his defiant rival still fronts him,
seated, with an air of biting sanctity, upon the
Treasury benches. It would be doing injustice to
the other chiefs of the Conservative host to suppose
they have not also the passions of their kind. Sir
Stafford Northcote doubtless longs to chalk his
fingers over a Treasury slate of his own ; and a fear
of permanently obstructing his party may possibly
induce Mr. Walpole, who was the saint of last ses-
sion, to be the sinner of th, next. This year, at all
events, there can be no doubt that opportunities of
assailing Lord Palmerston will not be flung aside.
The clans are gathering and mustering. Mr. Dis-
rali intimated pretty clearly on Thursday night that
the conflict will not flag for want of energy on his
part. Though there was no division on the Address,
the debate that occurred upon it gave omens of a
stormy session. It will not be necessary during the
ensuing year to fall back upon the cry of the
Church's danger to rouse the Conservative blood.
The list of Ministerial blunders with which the
leader of the Opposition regaled the country was
one from which acrid Conservative orators may pick
and choose for months to come. By an ingenious
artifice, even the national expenditure was made to
seem a necessary consequence of a meddlesome
foreign policy; and thus Mr. Gladstone's finance
came in for a portion of the blows which were os-
tensibly directed against Lord Palmerston's leathern
doublet. Schleswig Holstein, Italy, America, and
the lonians Islands, have all been dealt with by the
Cabinet during the interval since last autumn ; and
it was natural that Mr. Disraeli should be dissatis-
fied with all that has been done. The Brazilian
difficulty was a special windfall on which he can
scarcely have reckoned when he laid down the keel
of his speech ; and before a week has' passed, in all
probability, it will be a difficulty no longer. In like
manner Mr. Gladstone's and Mr. M. Gibson's indis-
cretion on the subject of North and South had proba-
bly been forgotten by every one except the member
forßuckinghamshire and the American Minister,both
of whom have, perhaps, the same sort of bitter me-
mory for the shortcomings of the English Govern-
ment. But it is obvious that on the subject of the
lonian Islands, it will be in Mr. Disraeli's power to
get up a very pretty debate. He will have Mr.
Bright with him, and perhaps a considerable sec-
tion of the advanced Radical members. For the
present it may be assumed that the Opposition are
for cutting down the budget, and on this basis they
may succeed in patching up an unholy alliance with
Mr. Cobden.

SATURDAY REVIEW.—The debates or conversa-
tions on the Address throw little light on the poli-
tical probabilities of the Session. It appears that
both Houses are unanimous in disapproving of in-
terference in America, or recognition of the South.
But for the windfall of the lonian Islands, Lord
Derby and Mr. Disraeli would have failed to dis-
cover an excuse for differing from the Government.
If the question becomes the subject of a regular
debate, the most forcible argument of the Oppo-
sition will be derived from the risk which may be
caused to the Turkish dominion on the mainland of
Albania. The priests and demagogues of Corfu have
lately, with characteristic impudence, informed the
High Commissioner that they regard the approach-
ing annexation to Greece as an earnest of future
encroachment. Tneir power scarcely corresponds
with their mischievous intentions, and even the de-
cadent empire of Turkey is strong enough to resist
the attacks of a community somewhat less nume-
rous than the inhabitants of Marylebone. The
Greeks of the kingdom have learned that they must
have a revenue, an army, and a reputation be-
fore they attempt to extend their territory
by conquest. The danger of disturbance in the
East is not altogether imaginary ; but Europe can
always prevent any petty State from disturbing
the peace of the world. Two or three English
frigates would interrupt any meditated invasion
of Albania at a much smaller expense than the
cost of garrisoning the islands. On the whole, it
may be conjectured that the Opposition will make
a push for office, but that they will wait for some
advantageous opportunity of trying their strength.
They ascertained, on Thursday night, that the
House of Commons is not disposed to censure the
Government on questions of foreign policy ; but
some difference of opinion is certain to arise, and if
all sections can be induced to combine, a hostile
majority may possibly be brought together. The
Queen's Speech confirms the general belief that re-
ductions will be effected in the Estimates, and there
is reason to hope that Mr. Gladstone will be en-
abled to afford some relief to the taxpayer. Mr.
Disraeli, notwithstanding his economical profes-
sions of last year, thought fit to protest by antici-
pation against ill-judged retrenchment, but he will
scarcely throw away the hope of Mr. Cobden's
support by insisting on the maintenance of estab-
lishments on a scale which the Government con-
siders unnecessary. As far as it is possible at
present to judge, the party contests of the year will
not turn on finance, and no measures are announced
which can give rise to serious division. The un-
toward transactions in Brazil may, perhaps, occasion
a damaging debate, and the policy which has lately
been adopted in China will require justification.
The chances, however, are opposed to a change of
Ministry, especially as it would be necessary, in
the first instance, to pass through the disagreeable
experience of a general election. Lord Derby him-
self prognosticates a humdrum Session, though he
may, perhaps, hereafter defeat his own anticipa-
tions.

THE CIVIL SERVICE.--Colonial-office.—The office
of Chief Justice of British Guiana has become vacant
by the death of Sir W. Arrindoll, Knight, C.B. ; salary
£2,500 sterling, with retiring allowance of half salary
after 25 years' service, of which 11 years are at, and given
on, appointment. War-office.— Mr. M. Murray has
been appointed a civil assistant in the Ordnance Survey-
office, Southampton. Post-office.—Mr. W. C. Hurley has
been appointed a clerk at Cardiff. The Admiralty.—Mr.
Pickering has been appointed acting inspector of shipwrights
at Woolwich dockyard. Law Department.—The Judge•
ship of the County Court Circuit 54, Bristol, &c., has be-
come vacant by the death of Mr. W. H. Willes. A vacancy
has occurred among the Registrars of the Court of Exche-
chequer, by the death of Mr. H. Forde. Public Record-
office.—A vacancy in the Public Record-office has been
caused by the death of Mr. H. Yonge, junior clerk. Cus-
tome.—Mr.
J. Cooper has been appointed examining-officer,
London : Mr. D. Fraser, an examining officer, Glasgow;
and Mr. J. Harper, an out-door officer, London. Mr. R.
Ruegg has been promoted from third to second, Mr. J. D.
Lynch from fourth to third, Mr J. W. Everitt from fifth to
fourth, and Mr. T. Beattie from sixth to fifth class clerks,
East 'and West India Docks, London; Mr. J. C. Stockton
has been promoted from fourth to third ; Mr. A. Neill
from fifth to fourth ; and Mr. W. Ward from sixth
to fifth class clerks, warehousing department, London.
Inland Revenue.—Excise Branch.—Mr. H. Purchase,
examiner, has been appointed supervisor of Macclesfield dis-
trict ; Mr. I. Bell, officer of Bedale division, officer of Hun-
tingdon division; and Mr. J. Brown, officer of Pontypool,
Ist Ride, officer of Brighton, Ride. East lndies.—Mr. M.
B. Thornhill, judge and sessions judge of Mirzapore, has
been appointed to be judge and sessions judge of Jounpore;
Mr. H. P. Fane, judge and sessions judge of Furruckabad,
and officiating as judge and sessions judge of Mirzapore,
has been appointed judge and sessions judge of Mirzapore.
Mr. J. H. Walker, deputy-collector of second-class, first
grade,and attached to Zillah of Jounpore, is to be promoted
to first class of that grade. Captain W. Cadell, deputy
commissioner,has been transferred from West to East Berar ;
and Capt. J. Allardyce, deputy commissioner, from East to
West Borer. Mr. H. E. Perkins, personal assistant to the
finance commissioner, to officiate as a judge, and to preside
over Small Cause Court at Hoshyarpore. Captain J. D.
Ferris, assistant-commissioner, has been transferred from
Bunnoo to Dera Ismail Khandist, Punjab. Mr. M. J. M. S.
Stewart has been appointed collector and magistrate of
North Canara, Bombay. Mr. S. St. J. Gordon to be col-
lector and magistrate of Tanna Presidency. Mr. N. Oliver
has been appointed senior magistrate, Mr. H. E. Leeke act-
ing second magistrate, and Mr. C. J. Forjett acting com-
missioner of police for the town and Island of Bombay.
Jamaica—Mr. M. Laidman has been appointed surveyor of
Customs, Kingston, Jamaica; Mr. J. A. Fowles, first
landing waiter, vice Laidman, promoted ; Mr. T. Bravo,
second landing-waiter ; Mr. S. N. Pa Costa, third landing-
waiter ; Mr. Poole, fourth landing waiter; Mr. Berry, fifth
landing-waiter; Mr. Malabre, landing-waiter, surveyor at
Falmouth ; Mr. Galbraith, sub-collector at Rio Bueno,
landing-waiter at Falmouth ; Mr. Steunett, sub-collector
at Port Maria, sub-collector at Rio Bueno; and Mr. Chis-
holm) sub-collector at Port Seri* Gazette,