The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-26 00:00:00

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tome of the poor lab, users thus thrownout of employment? ' respect to the goal effects to be anticipated from the Ca-
Of course, they must be left to starve. The accumulation tholic Relief Bill ; but he thonglit some provision ought to
'l4 distress was spoken of in alarming terms in the month be made for the Irish pew, and that some plan should he
of Ilay last. The cause of distress then was attributed devised for a gradual remedy in the system of paying wages
to reduced wages. He believed that his Noble Friend from the Poor Rates lie would now say a few words on
lad been a little too early in supposing that Manchester retrenchment and ; üblie economy in general. Ile thought
Was not new suffering from distress ; far it did so happen that the line of economy adopted by the Noble Duke was
that a meeting was to have been held this very day, in such as ought to give confidence to him and to the public
order to take into eonseleration the extreme distress now at large, that he would introduce retrenchment into all
prevailing in that town. In many places the difficulty branches of the expenditure, as far as was consistent with
of collecting the rents had induced the overseers to the security and well-being of the country. He was one of
reduce the allowasiee of the paupers from 2s. to Is. those who believed that all retrenchments and economy
ahead, and this circumstance accounted for the apparent were not productive of unmixed good. They could not turn
reduction in the pour's rase, which had been sometimes adrift a number of persons, without producing a certain de-
alluded to. The fact was, that the number of persons gree ofevil.—(Hear, hear, from the Duke of Wellington. )
to be relieved bright thus be doubled, and yet, from the For, by depriving them of employment, tie y added to the
amount diet! ibuttel, there would not appear to be any in- mass of suffering, and increased the pressure of affliction
Crease. In Blackburn, the statements of overseers and upon those who had been previously in distress.—(Hear,
()there showed that in many families the sum of Is. 7d. per hear.)—A reduction in taxation ought always to accom-
week was all that each labouring member of the family pany retrenchment, else the latter became a positive evil ;
Could obtain. The fancy trade was now supposed to be in because you did not relieve the suffering population, but
a little better condition than formerly ; but he observed, on the contrary, aggravated their distress. Thus it hap-
from the accounts of wages in and near Macclesfield, that pened that a number of clerks could not be dismissed, nor
2id. per day was the ;my given to great numbers of work- a regiment disbanded, without their adding to the sum of
People. But then they were told that tile exports had in- human misery. Then as to the money so saved, what
crewed ; he did nut know whether that was true, but if it did they propose to do with it? To throw it into the
was, it did not appear to him that the manufacturer was Sinking Fund. Now to this he objected ; he would go
much bettered in consequence of it. The manufacturer farther than the Noble Viscount—he would take not
Could not make a profit upon the exported article, and merely the seventeen hundred thousand pounds, but he
under such circumstances every one must be aware that would even take the whole amount of the surplus revenue,
the trade would be little benefitted by an increased amount even if it absorbed the Siuking Fund ; fur although there
of exports. The consequence of this low state of wages, were circumstances under which a Sinking Fund was
which only afforded the labourer a bare existence, was useful, yet there were others, as in the present, when it
that it disinclined him to labour, since he was in no actually aggravated the evils under which the people
better condition by the most industrious exertions than he suffered. He had also recommended a commutation of
Would be by throwing himself upon the parish ; and pau- taxes ; and his plan was this—to substitute an income or
Pees had lately expressed this feeling in saying that they property tax to some certain amount, for various other
preferred being paupers without work to being paupers taxes bearing hard upon the industry of the country. It
with it. He was sorry to say that the distress was not appeared to him the only plan which could be legally de-
Partial—it was daily getting worse and worse. The agri- vised, to make the absentees contribute their fair share to
rolturist, the manufacturer, the merchant, and the miner support the burthens of the country. It would also make
were all affected by it ; and under these circumstances he the funded proprietor, whose property bad greatly in-
thought inquiry, and immediate inquiry, most neces- creased since the peace, by the increase in the value of
"7- One word to the Right Reverend Prelates before money, pay his fair proportion of the taxes. This in-
lie sat downs -On this occasion he hoped they would come tax would levy. on the landed and funded proprie-
vote in favour of the motion. If they bad, as he be- tors alone, leaving out trades and professions, which,
lieved, communications with their parochial Clergy, from the fluctuating nature of their profits, should
whose duty it was to visit the cottages and hovels of never be taxed, except under the pressure of extreme
the poor, they must know from those communications the necessity. There was one other point--the Corn Bill—
miseries and privations to which that class of men, the to which he wished to advert ;he would not allude to it in
labouring Population of this kingdom, supposed to be the its general hearings, but as it was always spoken of as the
strength and pride of a country, were reduced. They must cause of distress either to the agriculturist or the manu-
know that the want of every comfort had converted these facturer, he could not altogether pass it by in a discussion
poor-men from the once free and happy peasanty of Eng- like the present. Now he never advocated a protecting
land, to the condition of wretched and abject slaves. If duty for the artificial support of the landed interest; but
he wanted any proof of this, he might find it in the charge his reason in voting as he had voted was, that lie believed
of one of the Right Rev. Prelates to his Clergy, recently that in the long run, taking the average of a number of
delivered, in which it was said that 44 The Legislature years—the encouragement it gave to the internal produc-
never could have contemplated this extensive system of tion of grain would render that grain cheaper ; and also,
pauperism, which, whether legally or otherwise, was now by the circumstance of a larger portion of the land being
eating like a canker into the vitals of the country." The kept continually in cultivation, prevent the dreadful pres-
nunaerous County Meeting., the Petitions to Parliament, sure upon the lower classes that had been more than once
and the Memorials to Government, proved that the coun- experienced in years of dearth or war. This was the rea-
try believed in the existence of this wide-spread distress, son he had supported Mr. Canning's Bill. As to the scale
and thought there was sufficient 'ground for an inquiry as of duties adopted by Parliament on the recommendation
to the best and most effectual means of preventing those of the present Administration, he thought it was higher
mischiefs which must follow if the miseries of the people than it ought to be permitted to remain ; and he for one
should drive them to acts of violence. Under such cir- should be ready to lower it gradually to the scale approved
curnstances, he ace 's happy to have, in favour of inquiry, of by the House of Commons in 1829. Ile had now
the opinion of one of the most upright Ministers that ever briefly, and to the best of his ability, laid his views upon
presided over the affairs of the country--Lord Liverpool— the subject before their Lerdships. To others he would
who, in 1822, upon a statement of the existence of great respectfully leave it to modify the suggestions be had made
distress being made, said, "If what I have heard be into some better shape and some more acceptable form,
founded in error, which I believe, the best and most effec- which might have the effect of inducing their Lordships to
tual means of dispelling the error is that which the prac- institute an inquiry into the causes of the present distress.
tice and constitution of your Lordships' House allows and He thought that the mode of inquiry suggested by the
prescribes—a full and fair investigation of the subject." Noble Earl was of all others the most inexpedient--the
Those Noble Lords who had looked tip to Lord Liverpool most unsatisfactory, and the most unlikely to produce that
auisteir guide, must still he incline d to adhere to his opi- result which the Noble Earl was so anxious to effect. Ho
for ?,thus deliberatety expressed ; and on them he called would, therefore, be reluctantly compelled to vote against
their support to his motion. him ; but if any motion for an inquiry were brought for-
The Earl of ROSEBERRY felt it necessary to say a ward in a definite and less exceptionable form, it should
iffew words upon the subject of the present distress, which, receive his warmest and most sincere support.
not equally general as that in 1816, was somewhat of The Earl of ELDON hoped their Lordships would ex-
thet same character, and existed under a similar combina- cure him if he requested the favour of a hearing for a
lltt, of circumstances. How it happened that, in 1815, short time. The question before them might, he thought,
6, in 1821, 1822, in 1826 and in 1829—times of be compressed into a very small compass. He was not
great and general distress had occurred in this country, able to come down on the first day of the meeting of Par-
leas a question that, no doubt, had much occupied the liament, else, perhaps, he would not have trespassed on
attention of Ministers, and was one to which it would be their patience at this later period ; he could assure their
of great importance to give a clear solution. That during Lordships, however, that he would not detain them long
a period of fifteen years of profound peace, times of dis. from enjoying the advantage of those views and informa-
tress should so often have occurred, was most painful ; and tion which they were likely to receive from the Noble
the first care of the Legislature was to inquire the causes Lords who would follow him. He confessed that there
of their recurrence; and the first duty, both of the Go- was no nassage of his life personal or political, which he
vermn
ent and the Parliament, was to provide for it a re-
regretted more than his absence, all involuntary as it was,
ntedy, or at least a corrective. Ile would first enumerate
on the first (lay of the Session, when such an extraordi-
the causes which,. in his opinion, had brought this country nary course of proceeding was adopted by his Majesty's
into the state in which it now was ; and next he would Ministers. He said this, meaning no offence to any of
refer to those remedial measures which were within the the Noble Lords opposite, for whom he had the highest
sphere of the Legislature to apply. lie must begin that respect, but certainly, when lie read next morning what
enumeration with the question of the currency. Though was described to have taken place in that House the even-
be was in favour of a metallic currency, yet he could not ing before, he could not believe—he would not believe,
disguise from himself the fact that much of the evils now until that belief was forced upon him, that such sentiments
existing had been produced, had been occasioned, by the as those represented had been embodied in a King's Speech,
change to the present currency. He attributed some of and promulgated by British Ministers.—(Cheers.)—He
the
h distress to the calling in of the small notes throughout found the distress was described as nartial ; and that no
e country. He had been a party to that measure by the causes were assigned for it, except bad seasons and certain
vote he gave in favour of it. He regretted it, but as the others not specified ; but generally described as not under
rum° lution had been passed and acted upon, he would not legislative controul.—(Hear, hear.)—He knew not whe-
amtev
ecaopnis improvement
retract it. He thought that the immense ther it was the Lay Lords or the Spiritual Lords who had
in machinery had been one of made the grand discovery that the seasons were not under
the causes of distress in the manufacturing districts.— Legislative controul—(Cheers and laughter)—but to
The redundancy of the population in this country (a find that the distress of the country was to be disposed of
circumstance much connected with the rapid increase in so sweeping and unsatisfactory a manner, was enough to
of machinery, which had thrown out of employment break the heart of any Englishman.—(Cheers.)—lt was
many who otherwise would have had their share an extraordinary thing to be told that there were other
of work) was another cause of distress. But there causes besides bad seasons for this lamentable distress,
were . two other causes which materially depressed without specifying what these other causes were • thus leav-
the labouring population of England and Scotland, ing Parliament to find out, as best they might, these
particularly the former.. The first was the immense influx other causes were, and why they were not under Legislae
of Irish labourers ; and the second, the mode in which the tive controul.—(Cheers.)—For he would say that if ever
Poor Laws of Englandrhue,ere administered, especially in the the country was in a situation which would make it the
southern counties. ' influx of Irish labourers, who bounden duty of Parliament to ascertain what these other
would work for much less than the peasantry of this coon- causes were, and why they were not under legislative con.
try,
,injured the latter very considerably ; while time Poor troul, and wherefore they were utterly incapable of being
Laws, as now administered, were no better than a pre- remedied or alleviated, it was that very time, because even
raiurn on improvident marriages. The mode of paying a small portion of alleviation would now be agreeably re-
-7 the labourer out of the poor rates, and that of making a ceived by the people of England—(Loud cheers)—by the
papeleanrefd to him to be only a bounty upon early and incon- patience—a feeling which he hoped and trusted in God
ages, and on the propagation of the species they would continue to manifest, notwithstanding the
Without thecause of
means of providing for their support. The anxious endeavours of certain persons to goad them into
of distress was the unequal distribution of undutifulness.—(Cheers.)--He hoped these individuals
wealth, which was accumulated in a few hands, causing a would not succeed in their attempts to aggravate the feel-
great disproportion
or of goods
ter as tom aterial!
and the between the accumulation of capital ing of disappointment and discontent that might, perhaps,
yoconsumption of produce, in such a m in- exist. He trusted their Lordships would keep down this
that accumulationprevented, and if it ifsffect the state of the country. If spirit by a determination to support the laws of the country
(which he feared, immense capital by a few could be which, he begged their Lordships to remember, they might
it could be more equally distributed better carry into effect if they now showed an anxiety to
means of con almost knew to be impossible), the afford relief to the people. Now, with respect to the in-
cu3reuasreedveldel-
gumption of all the articles of life would be quiry suggested that night, the House had two ways, and
extended;Consen_o and, in proportion to their in- only two ways, of entertaining it; and he was sorry to
diminished.:n, the distress of all classes would be see that, by the observations which fell from his Noble
Present prevailin ear,
that it hear.)—Another cause of the Friend near him, with respect to the inexpediency of a
towrseslietisengthtdbiestress was taxation. He believed Select Committee—and from the observations of another
mission of
Bement power of Government and Par- Lord, condemning an inquiry by the House itself, that
e country to a great degree by the re- both the courses recommended were objectionable, because
of them. Th taxation, and also by a commutation of some if se—and if so, to the extent maintained by these Noble
attention of the
e nfxt subject to which he wished to call the Lords, he would be glad to know if their Lordships had
in England.
He
House was the imperfect state of banking any other.—(Hear, hear.)—He would say none—posi-
sorted to, Baskin conceived that, if proper means were re- Lively none; all hope for the distressed people of England
and Perfect sy
_steng might
then be restored be made a much more secure was at an end—they must take one or other, or else they
m in this country. Confidence would must be content to contemplate the sufferings of their coun-
deal of the diffi --loam( more easily negociated, and a great trynien in a state of perfect quietude.—( Hear, hear.)—He
these causes the bad crops of the
culties of commercial men diminished. To hoped he had not hitherto, and would not now allude dis-
dwoouubidteduloytco s 'b two last years had un- respectfully to any statements made by his Majesty's Mi.-
Ilse' uted much to agricultural distress. He nisters ; but really when their Lordships were told, that
venture to state what were the remedies, for independent of bad seasons there were other causes for the
he wet not sooutpresumptuous as to imagine that he could general distress, one would suppose that the Administra.
point them
(night to he ca, .He thought the question of the currency tion was satisfied what were those other causes, and had
banking.
tion was The Noble Duke had allowed that the circula- by legislative controul, and therefore that there was no re-
was now,
sgiteater now than in years of depreciation; it rnedy for any of them.--(Hear, hear.)--What course,
elation
membered wel
it hatfi ve millions, whereas, in years of depre- then, had they to pursue ? If they took the Speech from
Noble Duke only been sixty-four millions; and if he re- the Throne as expressing the sentiments of the other side
bli: amongst the items of this circulation, the of the House, they must conclude that no inquiry could
of gold, and bed stated there were twenty-eight millions be of any use ; but he never would believe that the Con-
said across the believed
_a_ the Noble Duke had that night stitution of the country or the duties of their Lordships'
lions was exci.._t. Instable, that this storm of twenty-eight mil- House would leave them in such a way as not to
the Bank ,i• ',l3lr.ea of what Was deposited in the coffers of be able to learn that which they had a right to
exclusive 0 th gi nd ; but then it was not stated to be ask, and to . demand to know—namely, what these
He would
the questions of
noweegoold in all the other Banks of England. causes were that, like the seasons, were beyond legislative
the
to a point which bore strongly upon controul, and why they were so.—(Hear, hear.)—
ttzeclied subjecth r:bnayttneonfi contr.rency, and which had not been And then the Noble Lords on his side had differed
urrency, by
the Noble Lords who spoke upon altogether from these statements. The Noble Viscount
and silver c It was to make a joint gold and the Noble Earl gave them the flattest contradiction—
the curiejoyed the which they would be returning to they enumerated not one, but many modes of relieving
ney of those '
proceeding
Petiotdimes during which England had en- the public distress.—(Hear, hear )—The Noble Viscount
longest
self e country; and prosperity. He thought that had given, he believed, three; and the Noble E trl had
t: th
supported wouldof
in bbe attended with great advantage considerably enlarged the catalogue—he had suggested no
su
by the ausbegging to suggest it he felt him- less than twelve ways, by which (if they would only con-
ofifthe late Lord Liverpoolnrity of Mr. Locke, and by that descend to adopt any one of them) some alleviation might
se advocated a gold standatiefrher, who, although he him- be given to the people's suffering.—(Hear, and laughter.
whileth
e country, no objection toy
jointly the standard currency of except the bad seasons, which they had probably learned
the cause's of the present to it had been made. Amongst from the Bench of Bishops were not tinder the controul of
abundant population, and distress,
the had alluded to a super- the Prime Minister of England—(Cheers and laughter)—
intO this country, T_
... o the influx of Irish labourers, though they acknowledged that there were others, be they
in to
11...,
- ! Oa as Niugujaq 04 i few in mob that were WA to ba itiltliitttd 14 legislative

cloths from 1/. Bs. lld. to 11. 55. bd. Other articles
had been reduced enormously in price by the competition
with foreigners. In those articles in which there was no
competition with foreigners, prices had been reduced very
much, such, f,r instance, as in the iron trade. Here
were causes evidently beyond the controul of Par-
liament—Parliament could not by any act of theirs
raise the price of the manufactured goods. The Noble
Lord had talked of the treat distress in Ireland—in Cork
and other places. He felt excessive concern to hear this
distress, and would be glad to hear of any possibility of
relief—but sure he was that relief could not censist in a
Committee of the whole House which was not to examine
into any thing by which the relief of that distress could
he achieved. No retnerly appeared to him to be suggested
by the appointment of the Committee. The Noble Vis-
count had adverted to making theßank surrender their Char-
ter, but his Noble Friend was mistaken if he supposed that
Government had not given their attention to the subject.
He should tell his Noble Friend that this was beyond all
Parliamentary controul. This was not a measure which
Parliament could nosy debate. Pariiinuent could nst now
interfere on the subject but by consent of the Bank-, with-
out at least evincine its bed faith by the hi each of the
Charter. His Noble Friend had then adverted to a mea-
sure which was to lead to a repeal of the taxes. No man
could wish more than he did to repeal the taxes as far as
it was possible. What was Parliament engaged on every
day except i❑ considering the establishments, and the
means of augmenting the resources with a view to alleviate
the burthens of the people. The Noble Lord had said that
the country could now obtain relief, for the Government
had saved a sum of money. He must beg leave to observe
to-his Noble Friend that he had made a very great mistake
in his statement of the income and expences of the country
for the last and the present year. He had made his
calculations upon the grounds that the accounts of the re-
venue made the receipts equal last year with the year
preceding, but there was a material difference, amounting
even to the sum of 13,000,0001. The King's Speech did
not take the Noble Lord's view cf the case, but adverted
to the difference of the estimates, and their actual produce.
The Revenue of the year 1829 was stated at 900,0001.
less than that of the preceding year, for the Malt Daty of
1828 had produced 900,0001. more than had even been
expected. His Noble Friend had made a mistake of
1,300,0001. in estimating the produce of the Revenue
for 1830. Another mistake was his striking out the re-
ceipt of the Dead Weight from one side of the account,
and not from the other, forgetting that the whole charge
fell upon the public. His Noble Friend would find, in-
stead of a surplus Revenue over expenditure of three mil-
lions, there would be only a million and a half, and that
would be as much as it would amount to, even after all
the savings. It was the wish of his Majesty's Govern-
ment to carry the savings into effect as far as it was pas-
srole. It should he remembered that the savings were not
all clear gain to the public; and, moreover, if the savings
were not made where they would not fall on the indivi-
dual, they would do more injury than good. When offices
became vacant, the Governmentalways considered whether
the public service could not go on without their being
filled up ; and if this was not the case, the next point was
to consider whether the place could not be filled by some
persons who already received half-pay or pension, so that
that half-pay or pension might lie saved to the public.
They had tried to reduce the list of pensions of the Army
and Navy, by Ravine- expences by keeping men in the ser-
vice the full time they ought to serve, according to the ori-
ginal institutions in the army. He should deceive the
House by telling them that savings would be beneficial if
they were made at the expellee of individuals who must be
thrown on the public as soon as the savings were made
He would now come to the question of the Silver Cur-
rency, which had occupied no small portion of the Noble
Lord's speech, and on which subject he should prove that
the Noble Lord was entirely mistaken. In point of fact,
both the metals, silver and gold, circulated nosy on the
seine principle on which they had circulated previously to
the year 1797. A depreciated currency had been resorted
to owing to the war ; and in 1797 silver was a legal tender
only to the amount of five pounds, whilst it had been a legal
tender to the extent of 251. before that year. Afterwards
silver was made a legal tender to any amount by weight,
but not by tale. Silver was now a legal tender only to
the extent of two pounds, and the coin in its intrinsic
value was not quite equal to its nomination, and it was
kept in circulation by limiting the amount of the tender,
and therefore the silver coin might be said now to circu-
late on the same principle as previous to the year 1797.
The Noble Lord was totally mistaken when he said that
silver would circulate to a greater degree if it were made
a legal tender to any amount. If any such measure
were attempted, the Bank invariably found that the
silver returned to them, and thus it was found im-
possible to force it unnaturally into circulation. The
important subject of the silver currency had been
under the consideration of Government, and he could
assure the Noble Ea►l that the subject had not been
neglected. One point he now wished to advert to.—
He alluded to what had been said with reference to the
shipping interests. No ma❑ felt more than he did the ne-
cessity of encouraging the shipping and navigation of the
country; but there were no reasons to complain of any de-
preciation of the shipping interest, for at this moment the
tonnage amounted to more than for many years past. The
shipping of the country had rather been on the increase
than otherwise. He must observe that the shipping inte-
rest did not make such large profits as formerly; but the
expences of ships were not so high as formerly. The
charges of ship building, equipment, provisions, and the
wages of seamen were lower. It was true that foreign
ships had been allowed some advantages in England be-
yond what they formerly possessed, upon the reciprocity
system ; but it was found necessary for the general bene-
fits of trade, and for the advantage of the country, to ren-
der the carriage of goods as low aspossible. This was ab-
solutely necessary, when the competition of trades was so
active and severe. The Noble Earl had thought proper to
arraign him, because, on the first day of the Session, be
had stated certain things which had induced him to believe
that the distresses of the country were not so extensive as
had been stated. If the Noble Earl thought that he did
not feel fully the distresses of the country, he was very
much mistaken; but lie must tell the Noble Earl that al-
though he was ready to acknowledge the distress to its ut-
most extent, it was not for him to exaggerate the amount,
or to suffer the House to be led away with iodated
statements and distorted views. But was it possible
that the revenue could be so productive, if the
distress of the country were so extreme as it bad been
represented to be ? Did an increased produce from
reduced taxes show the existence of that general extremity
of distress? Let their Lordships look at the produce of
the Malt Tax, in 1828 and 1829 ; notwithstanding the
bad harvest in the former year. Let then: look at the
produce of all the other taxes. He was justified also in
referring to the increase of buildings, not only in London,
but throughout the kingdom. That must surely be the
consequence of a progress making by the people towards
prosperity. There were other circumstances which bore
him out in his opinion. For iustance, the condition of
the Savings Banks. It was true that at one period large
sums bad been drawn out of those banks, but they had
since come back. Whence did they come ? Was not that
a circumstance which showed that there was some pro-
green towards a better state of things? Then there was
the increasing traffic on roads, canals, railways, &e.--e-
That traffic had been increasing for 10 years, and was
now nearly double what it was 10 years ago. A Noble
Marquis, in remarking on the state of the currency, ob-
served, that the amount of currency at present in circula-
tion was not enough for the wants of the people. Did not
that show an increase of trade? All these circumstances,
notwithstanding the distress which did exist—which be
did not deny—whith no man could deny, still impressed
his mind with the conviction that the country was in pro-
gress to an improved state of things. He begged their
Lordships to consider well the circumstances to which
he had requested their attention. Let them call for what
documents they thought proper ; let them inquire carefully
and extensively into the subject; but let them not agree to
the present motion for no purpose but to make a turn
against the existing Administration.
The Earl of ELDON, in explanation, observed, that
what he had said about the small note circulation bad
been misunderstood. He had no hesitation in declaring
it to be his opinion, that, under proper regulations, the
small note circulation ought to be restored. As to what
the Noble Duke had said about the shipping interest, he
(Lord Eldon) knew that it could be proved to demonstra-
tion that the distress of that interest was most severe.
Viscount GODERICH wished to say a few words in
explanation. The Noble Duke supposed that he bad
erroneously stated the surplus revenue of the last two
years. What he had stated was, that he found the sur-
plus of 1828, after deducting, on the one hand, the pay-
ments by the Bank, on account of the Dead Weight, and,
on the other, the payments to the Trustees, was 3,232,000/.
If he had included the two items, which lie had men-
tioned, the surplus would have been 5,000,000/. The
actual amount of the Revenue for 1828, deducting the
amount paid by the Bank on account of the Dead Weight,
was b 2,104,000/. The actual expenditure, deducting the
amount paid to the Trustees, was 48,872,0001., leaving,
as lie bad already said, a surplus of 3,223,000/. The
Balance Sheet of 1829 exhibited the following statement :
Revenue
....£50,786,000
Expenditure.. 49,075,000-1,711,000
The burrlus Of the two years, therefore, was 4;245100"

controul. The Noble Lords on tit ,t side Lad conflict] up
an appalling numb&.—(Cheers.) Now as to the first, he
felt that they the Peers, the Commons, the Landlords, the
commercial men, the peasantry (once the boast of England),
the labourers and operatives, should be told that there
were causes existing for the present distress which could
not be discovered, or should not be revealed, was some-
thing unexampled.—(Cheers.)—lbj did believe, however,
that Ministers were anxious to telieve the people. A. for
his Noble Friend, who thought no inquiry could be made,
and who would support none—
The Earl of ROSEBERRY explained that he had said he
would be ready to support any motion for inquiry brought
forward in what he considered a definite and practicable
form.

The Earl of ELDON resumed—lle had done his Noble
Friend injustice—not willingly. But he would wish to
have this practicable mode of inquiry pointed out ; he did
not recollect if the Noble Lord had told them his mode.--
(Laughter.)—Certainly his Noble Friends had between
them suggested fifteen ways of affording ample relief.--
(Laughter.)—He would not have spoken that night, were
it not fir the purpose of recording his opinion that their
Lordships' House was bound to make some inquiry. As
to the plans laid before them by his Noble Friends, he
begged to say that nobody would be more willing to defer
to their opinions than himself; hut he thought when they
possessed the right and power of collecting the opinions
of the House of Lords as a House, that this would be a
most desirable mode of conducting their inquiry. He
therefore would not take a decision upon trust from his
Noble Friends, either as to the causes or the remedies,
but he would have it in the only constitutional way. --
(Hear, hear.)—The Noble Earl had stated as causes of
this distress, amongst others—the mal-administration of
the poor rates in the south of England, the influx of Irish
labourers, and a superabundant population, which Mini-
sters probably intended to include amongst the causes be-
yond legislative controul— (Laughter)—but all these state-
ments were in direct contradiction of the Speech. It was
accordingly the duty of the House to see if these opinions
were well founded, to the end that, if possible, some
relief might be granted in the shape of legislation, and
not in that of a fine speech—(Hear, hear)—a speech
from which, after you have heard it, you find you know
nothing.—(Laughter.)—Yes, continued the Noble Lord,
I might say, and I might publish what I say, " I do not
understand it."—(Loud laughter.)—With respect to the
question of the currency, he would observe, that if there
was any change, faith should not be broken with the public
creditor—(Hear)--and he might remark that there would
be, in his opinion, more danger in altering the currency,
than in abiding by it. It appeared to him, that there was
no remedy offered that was not worse than the disease.
Although he was inclined to take his friend's word, he
must he allowed to say that he could not get rid of his
sense of duty as a Member of that House, which was to
inquire what were the causes of the distress, and whether
relief were without the reach of the Parliament? There
was one point alluded to by two or three Lords, to which
be would now advert—the beneficial consequences of the
measure which had distinguished the last Session of Par-
liament. On this subject he had only one word to say.
He had the misfortune to differ from a great majority of
that House with reference to that question, and he thought
he was only doing his duty, and acting in the fair dis-
charge of that duty, in the part he had taken. He had
not failed to think very anxiously on the subject since,
and as a friend to the country he wished that his appre-
hensions on the subject might be found without support.
If he could recall his apprehensions, he would readily do
so; but he still could not discharge them from his mind.
If the distress of the country could not be entirely re-
moved it might be alleviated, and he thought it the duty
of Parliament to make the attempt.
Lord ROSEBERRY explained.
The Duke of WELLINGTON would proceed to notice
what had fallen from the Noble and Learned Earl that had
spoken last, and to set the Noble Earl right with reference
to his misconception of his Majesty's Speech, delivered by
the Lords Commissioners ; but he would in the first instance
beg leave to advert to something which fell from the Noble
Earl that made the motion, and from the Noble Duke that
had spoken last in the debate. The Noble Earl, although
he had stated that it was not his intention to make his mo-
tion personal against him (the Duke of Wellington) yet he
certainly did contrive somehow or other in most part of his
speech to introduce matters entirely personal. The Noble
Duke had done the same, although he apprehended that the
Noble Duke could not have any personal feelings against
him—cspecially in bringing forward an occurrence in a
county in which he was the Lord Lieutenant, when the
Noble Duke forgot that he himself was in the neighbour-
hood in another county in which a similar misfortune
had existed. It was their duty to do all in their power to
alleviate the existing distress, but he was sure that no bene-
fit could be derived to the community at large from personal
attacks in that Clouse, and from impeaching individuals.
The object they must all have was to endeavour to disco-
ver the causes of the distress, and to ascertain the means
which could lie devised to alleviate it. The Noble Earl who
commenced this debate began by stating that the agricul-
tural population of the country was in a state of the greatest
distress, and he was followed in the same strain by the
Noble Duke opposite. No man felt more confident on that
subject than himself, and on the first day of the Session
(although his Noble Friend was not present), he had
stated what he now repeated, that he did not entertain the
slightest doubt of the distress; but when the Noble Duke
called upon the House to establish a Committee of In-
quiry into the agricultural distress, he should recollect that
the usual course on similar occasions was to state what
substantive measure be intended to propose. Did the
Noble Earl mean to propose a repeal or alteration of the
Corn Laws? For if he did, he would at once tell him he
would oppose him. The Corn Laws could not be repealed
without injury to the country. That measure had worked
completely to the object destined, by preventing the corn
rising, so as to injure the interests of the country at large,
whilst it enabled the agriculturist to receive a beneficial
reward in some degree for his labour. In the second year
of the existence of that law, a greater import of corn than
ever had taken place, to the extent of 500,000 quarters,
of which import 2,500,000 were from Ireland, and the
prices had not been lowered in this country, beyond what
was deemed a remunerating price to agriculturists. With
reference to another branch of agriculture, at this moment
he had the means of proving that the prices received for
other articles of agricultural produce, such as meat, tim-
ber, &c., were fully equal to what they were, even in the
dearest time, when the amount of taxes was the heaviest.._
(Cries of no, no, and laughter.)---This was true. This
being the fact, what measure slid the Noble Earl propose
to adopt, to relieve the distress of the agriculturists?
The next subject that the Noble Earl referred to
was the manufacturing interests. No man could doubt
that the amount of the manufactures in the country at
present was larger than was ever known. This was pro-
duced by the improvements in machinery, and the appli-
cation of steam. The great competition of labour in this
country reduced the price of labour extremely low. He
should now come to consider the causes of distress. His
Noble Friend bad not happily adopted the speech he
quoted. His Majesty had begged Parliament to advert

to the unfortunate state of diSCress. and to endeavour to
trace out the cause. The words of the Speech were--

" His Majesty feels assured that you will concur with hira
in assigning due weight to the effect of unfavourable sea-

sons, and to the operation of other causes which are

beyond. the reach of legislative controul to retraly."—
.' His Majesty is convinced that no pressure of temporary
difficulties will induce you to relax the determination which
you have uniformly manifested to maintain inviolate the
public credit, and thus to uphold the high character and the
permanent welfare of the country." These were the very
circumstances to which his Majesty referred, and which

were referred to by the Noble Viscount. The Noble Vi-9.

count would find that he could not repeal the taxes he
wished to repeal, without injuring the resources of the
country. He would only beg to call to the recollection of
the House the state in which the world s as at the end of
the war in the years 1814 and 1815. Europe was absolutely
overrun with armies, and had been so fur thirty years.
There was absolutely nothing but armies in the world, and
nothing was thought of but the means ofsustaining them.
Except in France and this country, there were few manu-
facturers in Europe; but when the peace took place, all
the world became manufacturers, 'and a great fall in prices
necessarily ensued. He would read a few extracts of

prices, from a paper he held in his hand, in difftrent parts
of the world since the peace of 1814. Cotton in England
—the raw article in 1814, bad sold at 2c. 2d. the pound,
or with duty included at 2s. 4d. In 1815 and 1817 it
had sold at Is. 84d., and in 1829 at 6d. This was a
fall in price equal to what had taken place in any other
article. Silk in 1814 fiad sold for I/. 45., or with duty
included for 1/. 9s. ; whilst in 1829, it sold for Bs. 1 Od.,
or with the duty, at Bs. 11d, the pound. Sheep's wool
in 1514, had sold for Be. 2d., or with the duty at Bs. 3d. ;
whilst in 1829, it sold for only 2s. 3d. or with the duty
at 2s. 4d. Here were things beyond the controul of Par-
liament, and which could not be remedied, and yet they
must affect the situation of the country. Another article
he would quote. Fir timber had fallen equally. Profits
had fallen equally with the fall of the raw material.
Cotton which had sold for 4s. still. the pound, in
1814,
i yarn, n
1830 sold for Is. 5411.1 and cotton manufac-
tured goods bad altered in price within the same period
from Is. 5d., Is. Sd., 2s. O'd. to 61d., 8;0., and Sid.
limo fallen !mu 10. 74. to It. 044. woollen,

and the average surplus of each year 2,471,000/. What
he bad assumed was not the near approach of great pros-
perity, but that we might anticipate that the revenue of
the present year would be equal to :he average revenue of
the two preceding years. But if the expenditure of the
present year were to he reduced below that of 1829 by
1,300.000/., then he maintained that a surplus might be
anticipated of 2,700,000/. Such was the calculation
which he had made, and his only apprehension was that
it might prove too sanguine.
The Duke of RICHMOND, in explanation, said that the
Noble Duke must know but little of him if he could suppose
that anything which be had said had been dictated by per-
sonal feeling. He had served under the Noble Duke's banner,
and had passed some of the happiest days of his life with
him ; and if he w ere to act as his personal feeling dictated,
it would be in every case to support the Noble Duke.
The Marquis of SALISBURY bore testimony to the
severe distress existing in the country. With respect to
the motiors before their Lordships ha certainly did not
think the proposition for an inquiry at the Bar of the Hens,
a wise one. In his opinion, it would do more harm than
good. He thought the best course would be, fo refer diffe-
tent subjects to Select Committees ; and he called on the
Noble Duke standing by the fire (time Duke of Richmond)—
for no one could do it better—to move for the appointment
of a Select Committee to inquire into the cause of the dis-
tress under which the labouring population were suffering.
The Duke of WELLINGTON explained. .
The Earl of RADNOR expressed his surprise at the
speeches of the Noble Viscount who had followed the
Noble Mover, and of the Noble Duke at the head of his
Majesty's Government; and his still greater surprise at the
conclusions to which they had arrived. The Noble Duke
had begun his speech in a spirit not called for by anything
which had occurred. He had lost his temper ; and charged
the Noble Earl, and the Nobly Duke who had spoken so
ably on the question, with personality ; although there
was nothing whatever in the speeches of the Noble Earl
and the Noble Duke to justify the accusation. As to the
general tenour of the Noble Duke's speech, nothing could
be more in favour of the motion, except the tenour of the
speech of the Noble Viscount. The Noble Duke not only
dropped the word " inquiry" several times in the course
of his speech, but actually concluded his speech by urging
their Lordships to investigate and inquire. No doubt every
Noble Lord had inquired, and would inquire in his own
neighbourhood. But the question was, whether they should
not inquire in their capacity as Peers of Parliament—as a
House of Lords, for the sake of the country at large. The
Noble Earl who made the motion did not call upon their
Lordships to inquire, in their personal and individual cha-
teeter, but he called upon Parliament to inquire, that they
;night know the facts in their legislative capacity. He was
ateonished that the Noble Duke, in his position as First
Lord of the Treasury, having, as it appeared, a doubt on
his mind whether the country was in a state of distress or
not, did not wish for an inquiry, were it only to inform him-
self upon the subject, in order that he might know what
measures to recommend to his Majeety to propose to Per-
liament. The Noble Duke ought to endeavour to ascertain
whether distress existed or not, to get clear of the doubt
by which he was agitated on the subject. Sometimes the
Noble Duke admitted the distress ; then again he denied
it, urging the increase of buildings, and that agricultural
produce, for instance timber (not frequently, by-the-bye,
classed with agricultural produce), had not fallen in price.
Now the fact was, that timber had fallen in price. The
Noble Duke said that meat had not fallen in price. If he
would look at his butcher's bills, unless he had been greatly
imposed upon, he would find diet meat had fallen from
tenpence-halfpenny to sevenpence a pound. Cheese had
fallen cent, per cent. Grazing cattle had fallen greatly in
price, there being no adequate sale for them in Smithfield
Market. Under all these circumstances, the agricultural
interest h.d a right to cry out. The Noble Duke's mind
was really so wavering, that their Lordships ought to in-
quire, for the purpose of communicating information to
his Majesty's Ministers. The manufacturers, the Noble
Duke acknowledged, were in some distress ; but he en-
deavoured to account for that distress by the statement
that more goods bud been manufactured since the conclu-
sion of the war. If it could be shown that the prices had
been uniformly decreasing, that argument would be in-
telligible ; but, on reading the statement of prices, it
appeared that they were sometimes up and some-
times down, so that the argument had no bearing
at all upon the question. But it was of all things
most astonishing to hear the Noble Duke argue this
motion, when their Lordships recollected that no.

afraid was increasing, and threatening destruction to the
society.—(Hear, hear.)—Only a few years ago there wr
a social intercourse between all the different classes in
the country; it extended downwards from the farmer
through the labourer, and upwards through the landowner
to the Peers, and the highest person in the realm. At pre-
sent this connection :was entirely destroyed, and there
was nothing but dissatisfaction. He did not blame any
man in particular, but he would assert that this
was the natural result of legislative measures. The
labourer was full of animosity against the firmer,
both as a farmer and as an overseer, because he though e
the farmer was grinding him down to the lowest possible
pittance. The farmer was, himself, pressed down by dis.
tress ; and instead of keeping his labourers on his farm as
be formerly did,whether lie had always employment for
them or not, he sent them away as soon as he had got his
work done in the most slovenly way possible. He had
lately talked a great deal with an opulent yeoman of the
Weald of Kent, where the distress was as great as any
where, and this gentleman had told him that in one parish,
the name of which be (Lord Radnor) (lid notrecolect, there
were no less than 31 single men out of work, which was
a thing never before heard of. The la;ionrers every where
felt sore that they got no more than would just keep soul
and body together, and more than this they could not
have, as they were paid out of the resources of others.
The industrious man was grieved that his situation was so
bad. Then, again, it was the practice to send the men
round to the farmers to employ them ; and the farmer
being obliged to employ them whether he wanted them or
not, had his feelings embittered by that circumstance. The
farmers were, of course, anxious to support their situation,
and they were annoyed by their situation. It had been
well stated by the Noble Earl, that these states of distress
had frequently occurred, and every time they had occur-
red they had attacked a weaker part of the Constitution ;
but it had not also been remarked, that every time they
had occurred attempts had been made to remedy the evil,
by sending out the dirty—(Hear, hear)—Exchequer Bile
or Bank notes, or some other species of paper money had
always been issued, so that the measures taken to remedy
the evil were precisely those which they were all then
deprecating. resides the pecuniary distress then, there
was also the feeling of acrimony he had alluded to, awl
both the pecuniary distress and the acrimony were en the
increase. The landlord, too, had incumbrancee; and
anxious to keep the engagements he had made, he reseed
his tenants; the tenants were angry, and thus feelings of
ill-will went through all classes, and were likely to extend
and be strengthened. Into these circumstances it woo
their Lordships' duty to inquire. He would net refer to
the remedies proposed ; he would only say that issuing
Bank notes, altering the standard, or changing the
standard from gold to silver, all of which had been sug-
gested, and all of which were of that same species of tam-
pering with the currency, which had already caused all the
evils. All our present miseries were the consequences of
changes in the currency. The Noble Lord concluded by
declaring that he would give his cordial support to the
motion of the Noble Earl.
The 'Marquis of LANSDOWNE could not give his vote
for going into inquiry. Their Lordships must be aware
that inquiry, wncther successfully conducted or not, would
excite expectations that could not be gratified. He had
seen an Eastern work translated, of which the title had
prevented him from reading it. but which he thought they
would be likely to see realized there, if the motion of the
Noble Earl should pass. It was " A Sea of Controver-
sial Waves," and if they were to open their doors to an
inquiry, they would let in on them all the elements of
confusion, and the Bar would exhibit such a scene as
would do anything but conduce to the beneficial result
they all wished. He would take that opportunity to say,
that whatever else they might do to remedy the evils of
the country, there could be no permanent foundation laid
for the prosperity of the country which did not succeed in
removing the labouring classes from the condition which
they, unhappily, at present occupied. That rotten and
unstable basis must be supplied by ene firm and sound,
and that could be done only by increasing the comforts and
consumption of that class, from which alone could a per-
manent and increasing revenue' be expected. This*
must be the main objects of their Lordships' consi-
deration. Many causes had been stated as contri-
buting to the condition of universal or partial, but
certainly varied distress, in which the country was
involved. For himself he had no hesitation in saying,
without referring to transactions gone by, that all our
distress arose from the unhappy, the fatal perseverance,
year after year, in the practice of contracting money en-
gagements, with a full knowledge of their consequences,
and after many signs and warnings, which had all been
rejected ; and we had gone on year after year, contracting
a series of money engagements in a depreciated currency,
wilfully blinding ourselves to the fact that the currency
was depreciated, which money engagements we bad now
the greatest difficulty to fulfil. This was the root of all
our sufferings. In saying so he wished it to be understood,
that onerous as he considered these engagements, severely
masetnhtelyvapsreusns,eider
ae on
ntheecescsoituytttorfy,finthdeing they were
re
meansengag to
engagements
which, for the honour and credit of the country, Parlia-
charge. In the circumstance* in which the country was
placed, their Lordships had to consider how they might
enable the Constitution of the country to stand the repeated
shocks which, as stated by his Noble Friend, were recur-
ing at short intervals, and were attacking feebler parts of
the Constitution. There was only one means presented it-
self, in which they were all of one opinion, and that was
retrenchment ; but retrenchment qualified, as his Noble
Friend had stated, by a great diminution of taxation. The
Noble Lord had, in the course of his speech, referred to
various causes, all of which might be fit subjects of inquiry.
Some of these causes were consistent with the effects
ascribed to them ; but he had heard with unfeigned sur-
prise, that the Noble Duke suposed one of the causes
of our distress, over which the Legislature had no
controul, was the low price of cotton, the raw material
of our most important manufacture. He was utterly at
a loss to know what inference the Noble Duke meant to
draw from this statement. He could conceive no contra-
diction more extraordinary than that the introductionof the
raw material of our greatest manufacture at a cheap
rate—that importing cheap cotton, by which we were
dressed cheaply, and could export cheaply, by which the
country had attained the present immense extension of our
foreign trade—he could conceive no greater contradiction
than to assert that any of our distress was occasioned by
the cheapness of cotton. He hoped he had misunderstood
the Noble Duke. In no other circumstance but that, and
our great improvements in machinery, could he find the.
cause of our being able to bear up against the overwhelm-
ing difficulties we had to encounter; and to the same cir-
cumstances he looked for the future prosperity of the
Country.

ten days ago a member of his Majesty's Government
came to the House t.• propose that the affairs of the East
India Company should be referred to the consideration of
a Select Committee. His Majesty's Government, having
no project of their own on the subject, wished to go into a
Committee of their Lordships to learn what was their lesson,
and to ascertain what was their duty. To do that how-
ever, was to abandon the functions of Government, and to
throw the responsibility on Parliament—undoubtedly a
most improper proceeding. The speech of the Noble Vis-
count who spoke second in the Debate was, in its ten-
dency, most favourable to his Noble Friend's motion ; but
the conclusion of it was astonishing. Indeed, the speech
itself was astonishing too. On the first day of the Session,
the Noble Viscount had objected to all inquiry, because it
was a delusion to believe that any relief could be afforded.
Now he had made a speech of an hour long to show, not
only that it was no delusion, but that he had projects,
ready cut and dried, to relieve the distress. He gave
great credit to the Noble Viscount for the means which he
recommended. But why did not the Noble Viscount re-
sort to those means when in office ? The same taxes
which he had that night proposed to take off, might have
been taken off with great advantage when the Noble Vis-
count was in office ; and it was to be regretted that such
an alleviation of the pressure on the people did not at that
time occur to the Noble Viscount. The Noble Viscount
aid, that he did not like to prophecy much, because he
did not wish to prophecy ill ; yet, surely, the Noble Viscount
had prophecied ill, when he said it was a delusion to suppose
that the existing distress could be relieved. It was true
that the prophecies of the Noble Viscount were not always
verified by the event. Some years ago he had declared
that the prosperity of the country was founded on a solid
basis—a declaration which undoubtedly had been proved
inaccurate. In 1824 the Noble Viscount told the other
House of Parliament " that the country was in a state of
cheerful prosperity, with an increasing revenue, decreas-
ing taxation, and a debt in a course of gradual and certain
reduction ;" and that this was all the result of sound policy
and considerate legislation." There was a great deal more
poetical description of the prosperity of the country ;- and
one part of it touched him (Lord Radnor) sensibly; he
meant that in which the Noble Viscount had claimed for
Parliament " the merit of having brought the country to
its existing state of content and prosperity ;" and contra-
dicted the assertion of those who had said " that it was
utterly impossible for it to extricate the kingdom from the
condition of distress and depression in which it had re-
cently been placed ;" and yet the other night the Noble
Viscount declared that it was all delusion to suppose that
any relief could be afforded to the present distress.
The Noble Viscount, in bis speech of 1824, went
on to say, Parliament, the true source of such general
happiness, may enjoy the proud, the delightful satisfaction,
of looking round upon the face of a joyous country, smiling
in plenty, and animated"—and then came a sublime passage
which lie (Lord Radnor) confessed he did not quite com-
prehend—" with what I hope to see,-unrestricted in-
dustry, content, comfort, prosperity, and order, hand-in-
hand, dispense, from the ancient portals of a Constitu-
tional Monarchy, their inestimable blessings among a
happy, united, and, let it never be forgotten, a grateful
people." The next year the Noble Viscount went still
further. He declared, " that he was of opinion that if,
upon a fair review of our situation, there should appear to
be nothing hollow in its foundation, artificial in its super-
structure, or flimsy in its general result, they might safely
venture to contemplate, with intuitive admiration, the
harmony of its proportions and the solidity of its basis."
Nosy that " solidity" which the Noble Viscount talked of

yam.. •.•
in 1825 was precisely the paper currency which the
Noble Viscount had the other evening called " filthy
rags"._

Viscount GODERICII had never used such an expres-
sion ; although in several of the newspapers he had seen
it attributed to him.

The Earl of RADNOR would not:positively assert that
the Noble Viscount had used that expression ; but unless
his memory greatly failed him he believed that he had done
so. The one-pound notes were the solid basis of the
prosperity of the country, on which the Noble Viscount
the Chancellor of the Exchequer congratulated the country.
.The solid basis of our prosperity was putting forth filthy
rags. What he blamed the Noble Duke for was not for

doing what every body said ought not to have been
done—he meant the measure for putting au end to rags;
but, when this measure was adopted, there were other

The Duke of WELLINGTON explained that the Noble
Marquis had misunderstood him. He had stated (as we
understood the Noble Duke) that the cheapness of the cot •
ton was the circumstance which had enabled the manu-
facturer to go on.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had 'understood the
Noble Duke to state that to draw cheap cotton from
abroad was one source of our difficulties. With respect
to the opinion expressed by his Noble Friend of the standard,
he could not avoid stating what be had before fre-
quently stated in that House in opposition to a Noble
Earl (the Earl of Liverpool), for whom he should ever
entertain sentiments of respect, that silver was a snore eli-
gible standard than gold. He thought that when the
question of returning to a metallic currency was tinder
consideration, it would have been preferable to adopt
silver as a standard to gold. He stated this, after
having given the subject a great deal of anxious deli-
le.ration, because he was convinced that it would
be better to have the same common standard of value
as other nations. The advantages of one weight and one
measure were known, and it was also important that there
should be but one standard of value. There were other
reasons which made hint prefer silver to gold. Some altera-
tions had lately taken place in the proportions in which
gold and silver were obtained, and he could net conceive a
more suitable subject for an inquiry upstairs than into the
variations which had taken place in these proportions. A
prevalent opinion at present was, that gold had become re-
latively of more value than silver since the commence•
ment of the war of the Revolution. He considered silver,
therefore, as a better standard than gold ; and if he had
then to choose, he should prefer silver to gold. The for-
mer was the ancient standard of this country. He knew
that the Noble Duke had stated, that up to 1796 silver was
a legal tender up to the value of 5/. ; but by the Act of
1611, the 14th of Geo. 111., which was afterwards twice
continued, 251. in silver was a legal tender. This was
not all. 13y weight any amount in silver was a legal ten-
der, and it was by weight the chief transactions in trade
were determined. All authors agree, that up to the period
of the French Revolution, silver, not gold, regulated all
our transactions. Another important fact on this sub-
ject was, that we had always a large depot at hand—.
a dead weight of silver, as it were, which would always
secure us against the inconvenience of a too contracted
currency. He could not, under these citeuinstaneea,
conceive a snore fortunate inquiry than one into the
relative quantity of gold and silver produced in South
America, and imported into Europe. • That would be one
topic of inquiry. Another would be, whether we should
return to a silver standard; or, as had bum ingeniously
suggested by a friend of his, whether we should adopt a
wized ataudard 9f g 914 tju4 arra 746; were w.iuy

• -
measures that ought also to have been adopted at the
same time, to prevent the consequence of putting an end
to the paper money. He would not then discuss those
other measures ; but he thought their Lordships would
ameasureshelYii going into a Committee to inquire into
what might yet be taken. He could bear wit-
ness w
that the distress in that part of the country where he
acted as a Magistrate was very severe, so severe as to heindescribable. But there was something beyond the pecu-
niary distress which demanded their Lordship' attention ;
out of that distress there had arisen a most acrimonious
and feeling—...(Hear)...„, twin whicb

other subjects of importance that deserved inquiry, but
there was only one other point to which he would refer at
that late hour. The Noble Lord on the cross bench had
_ .

spoken slightingly of the recommendation of the Noble
Viscount to improve our system of banking; but he at-
tached great importance to this subject, for it was not pos-
tilde to say that our system was in that state in which it
ought to remain. He did not think that it was tampering
with the currency to place our country banks on a secure
foundation. Whether the lowest note that ought to circu-

late was now in circulation, whether there were not lower I
notes in circulation than there ought to be, were questions
connected with the banking system, which he considered
worthy of investigation ; and it was remarkable, that while
we refused to allow country bankers to issue small notes,
because they could not give sufficient security, at the same
time, by our laws which forbad more than six persons to
engage in banking, we prevented them giving that se-
curity. We required from them what, by the laws, we
prevented them from giving.—(blear, hear.)—No Noble
Lord would say that this was a state of things which
ought to continue. The Noble Duke had stated that we
were bound by our engagements; but those engage-
ments were drawing to a close ; and he believed, the Noble
Duke might dictate terms to the Bank of England. Its
Charter had only three years to run, and then the Parlia-
ment would be free to act as they saw best. The Noble
Duke might then deal with the Bank of England far better
than his Noble Friend could have done some time back.

When the Charter of the Dank of England was revised,
and country bankers placed on a proper footing, our bank-
ing system would be better than at present. There was
only one other subject, to which he would refer in a few
words, He agreed with those who wished for a remission
of taxation, and he even felt inclined to go beyond the
Noble Viscount (Goderich) in the extent to which be
would carry it. This he did not so much from a hope of
the immediate relief it would afford, as from a conviction

that every tax which was taken off increased the pros-
perity of the country, improved its revenue, and afforded
a foundation for giving still further relief to those whose in-
dustry was affected by the weight of that taxation. He had
now been a Member of the House for a great number of

years, and during that time he had devoted a considerable
degree of attention to the operation of taxation, and to the
effects produced by its remission. On all occasions where
he had the good fortune to see taxation reduced, he always
found that it gave an additional impulse to consumption ;
and he confessed he did not recollect an instance in which
tharemission of a tax had not tended to increase the amount
of revenue, by extending the amount of consumption. His
Noble Friend (Goderich) had mentioned several instances
of that kind. He would take leave to mention another,
which came under his immediate knowledge :—lt was

at one time his fortune to be placed at the head of a Corn
mittee appointed by their Lordships to inquire into the
state of Foreign Trade ; and as it had long before oc-
curred to him that very great advantage might be derived
from the extension of the consumption of French wines,
and that such consumption might be very much increased
by the diminution of the duties, he called before the Com-
mittee a number of persons engaged in that trade, and
who were considered best able to give information on the
subject ; such, however, was the nature of the evidence
of practical men on that subject, that although a vast
number of witnesses were examined on oath, he could
not extort from one of them an opinion that the diminu-
tion of the duty would lead to the increase of consump-
tion. They seemed, indeed, to be universally of opinion
that French wines would stick to certain tables where
they were usnally drunk, and that they would be consumed
in the mansions of the rich ; but that they never could be
expected to reach a house with only two stories, or find
their way to the palates of the middle classes of society.
These opinions, however thus insisted on, did not alter his
conviction on the subject ; and two or three years after-
wards, when his Noble Friend had the judgment, penetra •
tion, and good sense to reduce the duties, the result
proved as be had anticipated, that more than double the
quantity of French wines were drunk in consequence of
that redaction ; and that the revenue, from that moment,
instead of being diminished, has greatly increased. The
result of this experiment had much increased his confi-
dence in the success of the proposition of the Noble Vis-
couut, and he could not avoid asking their Lordships to
consider, if these were the consequences of a reduction of
duty on the luxuries of the rich, what would be the
effect of that which every man of a feeling heart must be
anxious to effect—a reduction of those burthens which
increased the price of the luxuries of the poor ? Beside
the gratification which must be derived from seeing the
price of these articles diminished, which every man must
wish to see the poor enjoy, there was the additional gra-
tification of knowing, that, by widening the basis of con-
sumption, you increased the amount of revenue derived
from it, and that for every grain or drop of any commodity
which was placed within the reach of the middle and
poorer classes, you made an addition to the comforts of
the poor, and at the same time left the income of the
State in a better condition than it was before the altera-
tion. For these reasons, he would reduce the duties on
hops, on leather, and perhaps on sugar, which was be-
come a necessary of life. Every article, indeed, of ne-
cessity or of luxury lie would bring within the reach of
the middle classes ; and he would remove every tax which
bore on the industry of the productive classes, not only
from a sense of the gratification they were to receive from
it, but even from a conviction of its propriety as a matter of
pure financial calculation. It was from a sense of the
elasticity which was communicated to all the transactions
of trade by a removal of these taxes—from a con-
viction of the life and spirit that they gave to commercial
enterprise, and the happiness it engendered among all
classes, that lie pressed the subject on the attention of the
Noble Duke ; and when he considered the manner in which
Parliament was bound to keep faith with the public credi-
tor, and came to devise the means through which a Sink-
ing Fund was to be supported for that purpose, be would
say, take away your Sinking Fund, and leave us a security
for the payment of the debt—the free, unshackled, unre-
stricted industry of the productive classes of the country.
Lord KING should take leave to propose an Amend-
ment, which would not go so far as that of the Noble
Earl, but which lie believed would have an equally bene-
ficial effect. Ministers said there was no necessity for in-
quiry, because the distress was partial. He confessed that
lie disliked meddling too much, because it frequently
proved as bad as not touching at all ; but there were cases
in which it might be obvious that it was beneficial. It was
said that the distress had been exaggerated ; but he thought
that admitting our situation was very unsatisfactory, we
were either in that state called the stationary, or making
very slow advances. They all knew there were little, if any
profits from trade. It was said, to be sure, that the people
had employment, but what employment was it ? The
wages were scarcely sufficient to keep the workmen from
starvation ; and at Barnsley, it was known, and could
not be denied, that the relief afforded to a pauper for bread
and rags—because it could not be said he could buy clothes
—was Is. Bd. a head for a family during a week. This
distress of the manufacturers reacted on the agriculturists,
and on all the other classes ; because, having nothing to
live on, they had no money to spend in luxuries. All
agricultural produce was low ; all the gross produce of
the land was to be bought at a cheap rate, although the
Noble Duke (he knew not how) asserted it was not low.
But.why was this? Because the manufacturer had no
means of purchasing ; he had no money, and could not
eat.—(Hear.)--Their Lordships were not, perhaps, aware
of the cause of low prices. They, perhaps, did not know,
although perhaps it was beyond all question, that these
prices were settled by the prices of the Continent of Eu-
rope.—(Hear.)—Now how were they to change these
prices ? Why by taking from other countries those goods
which would enable them to purchase British manufac-
tures. That would increase the demand—it would in-
crease the price—it would enable the manufacturers to
give better wages—it would reduce the poor rates—
and it would give customers for the produce of the
soil. If they could not go the whole length of this,
he would ask them, at all events, not to be duped
any longer by East India and Bank of England rno-
nopolis. They bad already been robbed enough by mo-
nopolies of that kind, and he hoped the country would now
see the necessity of becoming participators in the advan-
tages which these Companies had enjoyed so exclusively
for years. The Noble Lord, after observing on the course
he had pursued with regard to that famous declaration
which disfigures the Journals of the other House, re-
specting the currency, and commenting on the decrease of
taxation in times of distress and its immediate increase
when the pressure was ever so little removed, proceeded to
comment on the assertion of the Noble Duke, that all re-
ductions which could be made were wade at every oppor-
tunity, and that places when they became vacant were
filled with pensioners, in order to save their salaries to the
public. Now, looking at page 24 of the Navy Estimates,
lie found the name of the Hon. Robert Dundas, under the
head of Pensions granted in the Civil Department, set
down, as a pensioner for the sum of 5001. a-year, being the
retiring pension in consequence of the reduction of his office
of Commissioner ; and immediately after, the Hon. Mr.
Bathurst, Commissioner• reduced, 4001. a-year. Now this
Was the way in which the savings were effected : First,
they made the offices, and then they reduced the officers
to make pensioners, and, then they gave the pensioners
offices again. When they considered that Sir R. Barlow,
one of the eldest and most efficient and meritorious
officers of the service, received only 4161. a year as Corn-
rainioner, Added to his 'half-pay of 4561, as a Rear

Admiral, he thought that the services of these two Gentle-
men were rather two highly paid. The Noble Lord
concluded by declaring that he thought some inquiry neces-
sary. No man could dee), that the ten years of peace before
1793 were those of the greatest prosperity the country had
ever seen, and that the fifteen years since the last peace
had been those of a very feverish state of recovery. Much of
this was to be attributed to the state of the law respecting
grain. Corn was in the ten years to which he alluded ad-
mitted at a nominal duty of sixpence a quarter. Every
man knew under what restrictions it was allowed to be im-
ported now. Whenever corn was high, the revenue fell off,
because the people were compelled to waste on the high
price of bread those means which they would have devoted
to the purchase of taxable luxuries. The Noble Lord then
moved as an amendment, That a Select Committee be ap-
pointed to inquire into the state of Agriculture and Manu-
facturers, for the purpose of ascertaining whether any and
what relief could be obtained from the extension of our
Foreign Trade.
The Marquis of BUTE would have been willing to vote
for the motion, if lie could have discovered that the state •
ments of the Noble Earl (Stanhope), and the Noble Duke
who followed him (Richmond), were founded in anything
but the results of their own personal observations and in-
quiries, and advanced on the strength of their local know-
ledge of the part of the country in which they resided. He
had, however, some knowledge of various districts of the
country as well as these Noble Lords, and he could assure
the House that the distress, although great, had been at
all times partial, and within the last two months was sen-
sibly diminished. The Noble Marquis concluded by ex-
pressing his determination to oppose the appointment of
the Committee. . . .

Lord MELVILLE gave some explanation relative to
Sir R. Barlow, and the other Gallant Officer alluded to
by the Noble Baron, which was inaudible below the bar.
Lord KING explained.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE—He should vote both against
the motion and the amendment; because he believed that
if there were to be a Committee of the House, it would
only be a source of confusion.—(Hear, hear.)—The
Noble Duke had said that the distress of the agriculturist
could not he so great, since the price of meat and wood
was as high as ever. He thought that there must be
some fallacy in this; for it was notorious that the price of
wood had fallen. Formerly it was ss. 6d. a foot, and now
only 2s. 6(1., owing to the accession of foreign timber in
this country. The fact was, that timber bad fallen 100
per cent. at least. In some counties, the price of meat
had also fallen very much ; so that the farmer could not
now get for his fat cattle as much as he had given for his
lean.—(Hear, hear.)—He begged to assure the Noble
Duke, that such statements coming from him had greater
weight in the country than he might imagine; for those
who knew him to be wrong in these particulars might
very naturally conclude that he was mistaken in others as
well. _ _

The Duke of WELLINGTON—What he had stated
was, that the price was now the same as when the taxes in
this country were much higher ; and it should be ob-
served, that there was only 11. difference between his price
and that stated by the Noble Lord. What he had made
his statement from was the contract prices of the Com-
missioners of his Majesty's Navy.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE explained.
The Earl of DARNLEY would vote for the motion if he
thought that any advantage could arise from it ; but from
what had been stated by the Noble Marquis, it was evident
to him that no possible advantage could arise from it, and
that it would only lead to false hopes. In the parish in
which be lived the Poor Rates had never exceeded 45.,
and seldom more than 3s. or 2s. in the pound on the rack
rent. He believed that many of the labourers in those
parts had never been better off than during this year of
calamity.—(Hear, bear.)—Their Lordships were bound
also to recollect the untoward circumstances of the late
harvest. In the first place, it bad put the farmer to great
expense ; and when he had housed his corn, he could find
no market for it; the same result occurred in many in-
stances as to cattle. He admitted, therefore, that there
was distress, but he was in hopes that it had reached its
lowest point, and that they should soon see a return to
better times. He wished, however, to call the Noble
Duke's attention to one fact stated in Sir H. Parnell's
pamphlet, which was, that the revenue, which now only
produced 54,000,0001., cost 1,300,000/. snore in its col-
lection than when it amounted to 58,000,000/.
. .

Lord TEYNHAM thought. that they were all indebted
to the Noble Earl for bringing forward his motion, if only
for the luminous speech which it had elicited from the
Noble Marquis. It would go forth to the public, and
convince them that that House was not inattentive to their
best interests. There could be little use in pressing the
motion further ; and he, therefore, hoped that the Noble
Earl would withdraw it.

Earl STANHOPE replied.
The House was then cleared for a division. During
the absence of strangers, we understand that Lord King
withdrew his Amendment.

On the division there appeared :
For Lord Stanhope's Motion.

Present
Proxies
Against it

. 10-25

Present
67
Proxies 5l-118

Majority against the Motion ...... 93
Their Lordships then adjourned at a Quarter to Two.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-(LAST NIGHT.)

The ballot on the disputed Cork Election being ap-
pointed for this evening, it was necessary that 100 Mem-
bers should be present at Four o'clock: as there were but
seventy-three present at that hour, the House adjourned.
We understand that there is to be a call of the House to-
morrow (this day), in order to insure a sufficient number
of Members.

OXFORD.

A SUMMARY of the MEMBERS of the UNIVERSITY,

January, 1830.

Members of Members on
Convocation. the Books.
1 University 110
2 Balliol
3 Merton 64
4 Exeter
5 Oriel 159
6 Queen's 164
'
7 New 66
8 Lincoln 67
9 All Soul, 6B
10 Magdalen
11 Brasen-nose
12 Corpus Bl
13 Christ Church
14 Trinity 105
John's...- 129

15 St. Juhn's •• ••..
16 Jesus 57
17 Wadham B3
18 Pembroke B4
19 Worcester 9l
20 St. Mary Hall
21 Magdalen Hall
22 New Inn Hall ... 1
23 St. Alban Hall 8
24 St. Edmund Hall 52

5259

2510

Matriculations 426

Regents
Determining Bachelors in Lent 282

A meeting of Middlesex Magistrates took
place yesterday morning at the Sessions-house, Cleiken-
well, and Mr. STIRLING delivered up various deeds and
papers, in pursuance of the order made upon the subject.
It will be recollected that much discussion had taken place
in consequence of the alleged neglect of Mr. STIRLING to
make out his bill to the county for his services as Coroner;
and as it appeared yesterday, in answer to a question from
Mr. Serjeant PELL, that Mr. STIRLING had still kept
back some documents which he said were necessary to ena-
ble him to comply with the order, he was informed that
the attachment would be put in force against him if he did
not give them up within a week. This Mr. STIRLING
promised to do, and the conversation dropped. A great
many Licensed Victuallers were present, waiting to be
heard by Counsel against the new regulation issued by the
Court.

'TUNBRIDGE WELLS.—We are informed
that the spirited proprietor of the Royal Sussex Hotel
(Mr. PEGG) intends, in the course of next month, to
start a coach from this place to Hastings, returning the
same day. It is to leave the Wells at nine in the morning,
and Hastings at four in the afternoon. Should this public
accommodation be offered, we most heartily wish success
to the undertaking. We understand the motive of putting
on a new coach to Hastings (beween which place and the
Wells there is a constant interchange of company) is from
the proprietors of the Hastings and London coaches having
for some months past discontinued running through here.
Brighton Gazette.

CO --Le, 4. -7-41 4
lot

LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 26, 1830.

Lord STANHOPE'S Motion of last night, though
referring for the sake of plausibility to the distress
of the country in general, was, in fact, directed
solely to the situation of the landed interest. The
Duke of WELLINGTON sheaved, in the same manner
as we did on Monday, that so far from agriculture
being the branch of industry which principally suf-
fers, the reductions in rents, and in prices of pro-
duce, are nothing like equal to those which have
befallen almost every branch of our Manufactures,
Commerce, and Shipping. That any good would

have arisen from such a Committee as Lord STAN.
HOPE proposed, we can hardly bring ourselves to
believe; and much inconvenience would certainly have
been produced by the anticipations it must have led
to, of receiving such relief as is beyond the power
of Parliament to bestow. The means of stimulating
the languishing energies of the country are possessed
by the Government in a great degree, and may be
expressed in a word—Retrenchment, combined with
a reduction of the taxes which check production.—
Lord GODERICH pointed out several branches of taxa-
tion which should be altogether abolished, or at least
greatly mitigated, such as the hop duty—the duty
on printed cottons—the leather duty—the duty on
sea-borne coal—on tobacco—and, above all, on
malt and beer. The monopolies which enhance the
prices of commodities must be brought to an end ;
there must be no privilege of selling dear tea—a
privilege into which an inquiry is now pending be-
fore the East India Committee, whose labours, as
Lord GODERICH observed, cannot be otherwise than
advantageous to the country, because they will, at
least, be the instruments of publishing the truth.
The discussion of last night will also be useful in
this respect; and the Duke of WELLINGTON'S speech
shows that the reproach of indifference to the public
distress is wholly inapplicable t 9 the Government.
His Grace referred, for the second time, to many
symptoms of internal activity and well-doing, which,
in the midst of so much alarm and apprehension, have
been by far too much disregarded. Still we
are decidedly of opinion, that, notwithstanding
these symptoms of improvement for which, according
to the same reasoning, Ministers have no right to
arrogate to themselves, or to the interposition of the
Legislature, still we say that taxes must of necessity
be reduced. It is very well to talk of upholding the
dignity of the Crown, and the honour of the country,
but are not these identified with, and emanating from,
the prosperity of the people ? Will it be contended
that the keeping up of large establishments in a time
of profound peace and domestic quiet, is paramount
to the bare existence of- a great portion of the labour-
ing classes ? Really we wish Ministers well, but we
implore them to break through those Parliamentary
shackles, or whatever secret trammels prevent
their doing that full measure of justice to the people
which they feel the exigency demands ; and which,
but for these too tangible obstacles, we know they
would most heartily perform. Power is confided to
the few for the benefit of the many ;—why, then,

should the Government hesitate to act in that pa-
triotic spirit, which must confer general blessing,
while they derive additional support from the grati-
tude of the many, and simply for this natural rea•
son, that it is for their interest ? Let the Duke of
WELLINGTON be just, and fear not : he is strong in
the confidence of his Sovereign, and acting. as his
own good sense must dictate, he cannot fail yet more
to ensure the gratitude of his country. The inte-
rests of England know no party,--why, then,
should corrupt factions be suffered any longer to
withhold or pervert the course of that bounty which
the Constitution spontaneously yields for the benefit
of all alike ?

An article appears in the Tenth Number of the
Foreign Quarterly Review, just published, on the
present state of the Netherlands, which has of late
excited much attention, though, perhaps, without
being very well understood. In this article, how-
ever, the causes of the discontents now existing in
that country are fully detailed, and the mischievous
effects that have arisen from the misconduct of the
Government are pointed out in a manner which can
leave no doubt that the dissatisfaction of the Bel-
gians is not without foundation. The coalition of
the Liberals and the Catholics has sprung from their
ill treatment by the Executive, which has thus
united elements, generally speaking, quite hetero-
geneous. The attacks of the KING upon the Press,
and the nature of his insidious attempts to crush it,
are described, we believe, with much accuracy, and
are condemned with an indignation in which we are
sure the people of England will, to a man, participate.
Statistics are a science so little studied here,
that the information contained in. the Foreign
Quarterly, on the population, the. agriculture,
manufactures, and commerce--the finances—the

state of the poor—of education—and of crime, in
the Netherlands, will be a valuable acquisition to our
knowledge of that country, and to political economy.
We shall probably give some extracts when we have
more space; but in the mean time we especially
refer our readers to that part of the article which
treats of population. It contains a complete refuta-
tion of the absurd doctrines propagated by Mr.
SADLER, founded on the principle professed to have
been discovered by that politician—" That the in-
dustry of fecundity varies in an inverse ratio to
the numbers on a given space." Now an exami-
nation of the population Returns for the nineteen
provinces of the Netherlands, proves the ridiculous
falsehood of this assertion ; and it moreover appears
that Mr. SADLER has mistaken the " intensity of

fecundity," as it is called, for a convertible term for
" increase of population," whereas the truth is, that
the rate of increase depends, not only upon the
number of births, but upon the number of deaths,
and there are numerous instances of the rate of in-
crease bei►►g greater where the intensity of fecundity
is low, than where it is high. Mr. SADLER'S

" great principle" is, therefore, utterly worthless,
eren if it were true ; and it may be judged from
hence what value ought to be set upon the rest of
the vagaries of this empiric, who has been so ex-
travagantly lauded by the revilers of political
economy. The Netherlands are the most thickly
peopled country in Europe, and yet the increase is
far greater than in either Russia, Austria, or France.
A Legislature that regards the advance of popula-
tion with indifference must either be profoundly
ignorant of its duty, or criminally negligent of the
welfare of its people.

The following are extracts from French Papers.
A revolution is said to have broken out in Mexico.
We have no room for comment
It appears certain that Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg ac.
eepted, on the 21st February, the sovereignty of Greece.
" The Porte has consented to a Catholic Patriarch residing at
Constantinople. This important concession has been made by
the Grand seignor, in consequence of the solicitations of France.
Our Ambassador has carried this negotiation through with per-
severance and talent. The Catholic subjects of the Porte will
now have a Bishop, charged with the defence of their interests,
under the protection of France.
" Several papers publish to-day the numbers of the Regiments
which it is asserted are destined to act in the expedition against
Algiers. It appears that all the regiments of infantry in the
army will be required to furnish their contingent in this expedi-
tion, which will be composed of 40,000 men. Each regiment
will furnish a war battalion, and thus the glory which may result
from this campaign will belong to the whole army. As to the
Lieutenant-Generals, of whom a list has been published, it ap-
pears that the Duke D'Escars is the only one who has been as
yet appointed. It is believed that the Commander-in-Chief of
the army will be appointed this week, or at the beginning of the
next."-Gazette de France.
FRENCH FUNDS.-PARIS, FEB. 23.-Five per Cents., 109 f. 10c.
sc. 10c. 15c. ; Four per Cents., 102 f. 10c. 20c. ; Three per Cents.,
83f. 85c. 80c. 70c. 80e ; Rentes de Naples, 92f. 10c. 92f. 92f. sc.
92f. 92f. 10c. 20c. ; Rentes d'Espagne, 134 ; Royal Spanish Loan,
86% %; Rentes Perpetuelles d'Espagne, 69 6914 ; Hay.
tian Loan, 510 f. 520 f. 525 f. 5171. 50c. 520 f. Exchange on London
-One month, paper, 25f. 70c. ; money, 25f. 65c. ; three months,
paper, 25f. 55c. ; money, 25f. 50c.-Cours Authentique.
FRENCH FUNDS.-Pa EIS, Fan. 24.-Five per Cents., 109 f. 10c.
sc. 10c. 15c. '2oc. 15c. ; Four per Cents., 102 f. 20c ; Three per
Cents., 84f. 84f. sc. 84f. 83f. 95c. 90c. ; Bank Stock, 1,915 f. ; Rentes
de Naples, 92f. 25c. 30c. 35c. 30c. ; Rentes d'Espagne, 13 12% 54 ;
Royal Spanish Loan, 86% 87; Rentes Perpetuelles d'Espagne,
69% 3y %; Haytian Loan, 530 f. 535 f. 530 f. 532 f 50c. 53.5 f. Ex-
change on London-One month, paper, 25f. '7oc. ; money, 251
65c. ; three months, paper, 25f. 55c. ; money, 25f. 50c.--fours
Authetatique.

Buenos Ayres Papers have been received to the
3th December, from which the following are

extracts :

BUENOS AYRES,NOV. 21.

The Governors of Corrientes, Salta, Tucuman, and Santiago
have addressed notes to the Governor of Buenos Ayres, ac-
knowledging the receipt of his communication respecting the
termination of the war, and congratulating him on it, expressing
their ardent wishes for the prosperity of the Rcpubl c.
Nov. 28.—1 n our last we mentioned the report that the old
Legislature of the province was to be re-installed. It is now
finally determined upon, and it is to assemble in the Senate
House on the Ist Dec., the anniversary of the day upon which
twelve months since it so suddenly ceased its functions. This
measure will not only give satisfaction, and pacify a great portion
of the public, but it will afford an ocular proof that the peace of
the province is deemed secure by those who ought to be the best
informed upon that subject.
The " Senate of Consultation" has been dissolved. On Mon.
day last the members of it met in the Sala at the fort. The Go-
vernor addressed them in a short speech, stating that the institu.
tions of the province were about to be restored, consequently their
labours were no longer required, that the Government and people of
Buenos Ayres were satisfied with the dignity and patriotism with
which their exertions had been marked, and that the Members
might rest assured of the public gratitude. The Governor con-
cluded his speech with these words :—" We found the country a
skeleton, now it has life and moves regularly, and to your efforts
the change is in great part due."
The President of the Senate Don Manuel St. Aguire, made an
appropriate reply.
The Marquis de Aracaty, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Emperor of Brazil, in a communication, expresses the satisfaction
of the Emperor at the termination of the civil war, and his wish
to strengthen the ties of friendship between the two nations.
Dec. s.—On the Ist inst. the Legislature was opened by a
Speech from the President Don Felipe Arana, and a message
from the Government, recapitulating the events of the last twelve
months.
A Proclamation was issued by the Government upon the occa-
sion of the meeting of the Legislature, congratulating the citi.
zens thereon, and that the Province possessed its legitimate re-
presentatives, therefore the functions of the Provisional Go-
vernment were at an end.
Dec. 12.—The installation of the Governor and Captain-Gen.
of the Province, Col. Juan Manuel Rosas, took place on the Bth
inst., with the customary ceremonies.
A Decree of the Sth inst. names the following gentlemen as
Ministers, viz. :—General Tomas Guido, to be Minister of Go-
vernment and Foreign Affairs; Colonel Mariano Escalada, to be
Minister of War and Marine; Citizen Don Manuel Jose Garcia,

to be Minister of Finance.
A Decree, dated 9th inst.,'appoints General Juan Ramora Bul-
carce, Minister of War and Marine, vice Col. Manuel de Essalada,
resigned.
General Tomas Guido, Don Manuel Jose Garcia, and General
Juan Ramora Balcarce, have accepted their Ministerial appoint.
merits.
A Decree, dated the 9th inst., appoints General Enrique Mar-
tinez, Inspector-General.
Several parties of Indians have lately appeared on horseback
in the streets of this city. Their singular attire and appear-
ance attracted much attention.

The following are extracts from Hamburg

Papers :

FROM THI DANURP, JAN. 25.

Under the direction of the Russian authorities measures con-
tinue to be taken for the organisation of an independent Govern-
ment in the principalities. We hear that with this view a
considerable portion of the cannon, musket and military stores,
captured at Varna and Silistria, will be given them as a present
by their generous protector. As soon as the roads are passable
these things, among which are 20 brass cannon and 1,800 muskets,
will be forwarded from those fortresses to the place of their des-
tination, and delivered to the local authorities.
HAMBURG, FRB. 19.

BoasEsr-HALLE, Form o'CLocx.—The last news from England
has improved our market ; several purchases of Wheat having
been made, to be delivered when the navigation is open, our
holders show less inclination to sell, and have even sold to our
own consumers at higher prices.
RYE.—The small supplies received by land carriage were of
ready sale.
BARLEY and OATS were also of ready sale.
Weight. Rix dollars.
Dantzic Wheat —to to
Pomeranian 124 to 128 106 to 110
Anhalt, white llB to 124 115 to 120
---- red 122 to 128 112 to 118
Danish l2O to 128 74 to 78
Dantzic Rye IIS to 122 6O to 66
Mecklenburgh Oats 66 to 57 4O to 45
• Our Stock Market continues animated. Polish Bonds are of-
fered and done at 123. Other Funds rather firmer than yester-
day, but at the prices under there arc buyers and sellers.
Rothschild's' New Prussian Four per Cent. Loan, 99% 14, to
be delivered two months after the issue of the Bonds. Discount,
2% per cent.

End of February,
Anglo-Danish Loan, 3 per cent.
Anglo-Russian Loan ll+3
Hamburg-Russian Loan lO4
Polish Bonds 123
Austrian Bank Shares 1263
Austrian Metalliques 103%
New Austrian 4 per Cents.
Anglo Neapolitan
Falconets -