The Sun.
London, England, 1830-11-03 00:00:00

word of praise or o (censure ; but to one topic, and
to one only, contained in a cautious and delicately.
worded paragraph on the subject of the Declaration
of the National Convention, calling on the subjects of
other States to rise in toms against their lawful Govern-
ments..-(Hear.)--Have I not shown, then, that Mr.
Pitt would rather have had his right hand burnt, off than
have attempted to draw up such a Speech as this—( Hurl—
not proved that from the time of Poland through all the
momentous proceedings tip 01782, until a case arose which
really demanded,.neither.the Government of Pitt nor any
other ever ventured to commit the Government in any
reference to the proceedings of the Government of other
nations—until a cue arose which loudly and imperiously
demanded it. But my alarms are not grounded on what
has passed. I wish to impress on this House, that if its
Members slumber and allow the formality of an Address
to prevent any expression of their opinion—if they do not
,make their voices heard, and frighten away his Majesty's
Government from the course they now have in view—
(Hear, bear !)—the peace of Europe is not worth six
months' purchase, live to see it broken who may.—
(Cheers.)—Let us look to the passage which follows the
expression of censure and praise ; " I am endeavouring, in
concert with my Allies, to devise such means of restoring
tranquillity as may he compatible with the welfare and good
goiernment of the Netherlands, and with the future security
of other States." The security of other States I A Con.
grass rises in my eyes, the Congress of Vienna—the deeds
of Lord Castlereagh and Lord Metternich pass before me,
and I call to my mind the declaration of Voltaire, that a
gathering together of Kings, which I believe he calls a
Isnueliement des Rois, must always be viewed with terror
and alarm. But it is not a Congress to restrain France
within her proper limits; it is not a Congress to prevent
Belgium from uniting herself with that country to in,
crease her power., No, this we could understand ; that
would be according to the precedents of Mr. Pitt. But
you must not go to the North of Italy, you must go to
Genoa—you must ransack the portfolio of Castlereagh,
and search the records of the Holy. Alliance to find a pre-
cedent for the subjects to bo considered at' this forthcom-
ing Converse. "I um endeavouring in concert with my
Allies, to devise means," Ste. In plain language this was
saying that we, like the Holy Alliance, will take upon
ourselves in the first place, the police of the Netherlands
—(Cheera)—and in the next place, like that fatuous
Alliance, the police of the rest of Europe. How that is
to be accomplished I know not; but I suppose by a Con-
gress, for we cannot send over our new police--(A laugh)
-shy a Congress, and subsidies, and preparations for war,
and other measures of a belligerent character, all of
which lam not (Edipus enough to divine. " Appear-
ances," it is said, "of tumult and disorder have produced
uneasiness in different parts of Europe," and of these ap-
pearanees says the Ministers, " I do not like the ear ect ;"
" but the assurances of a friendly disposition," his Majesty
adds, " which I continue to receive from all Foreign
Powers, justify the expectation that I shall be able to pre-
serve for my people the blessings of peace." A more in-
correct assertion, perhaps a more unwarranted expectation,
never was borrowed from the archives of the Foreign
Office ; no, not even the celebrated and similar congratula-
tion on last July 2sd, only four days before all France was
spirited up into revolution, and burning with a bright, I
flame.--(Cheese,) I regard it, Sir, as the duty of the
Crown—l regard it, Sir, as the duty of the Minister of
the Crown for our use, for the use of the people of this
country to use the language of the Speech, the "blessings.
.of peace ;" but I know no way in which these blueing*
maybe more securely preserved—there is nothing, I take
it, more clear, more indisputable, more unquestionable,
than a firm resolution—not to interfere with others is the
best way to preserve peace, and nothing is more err-
tein, in the circumstances of the country, to encourage
war, nothing could more tend to destroy that peace
than to involve the country in foreign. interference
with neighbouring States.—(Loud cheers.) I know of
no danger which can render hostilities snore certain, and
none more liable to bring them home to us—nothing more
liable to make wide-spread war abroad crush and over-
whelm us, than for us to adopt those principles of the
Holy Alliance which are contained
,and embodied in the
King's Speech.--(Hear.)---Let it nut be said that Mini-
sters, the most feeble, the most unable to manage the Go-
yernment,of any Ministers into whose hands, by a strange
combination of accidents, the Government of this country
ever fell—let it not he said that they who were hardly
sufficient to manage the routine of the official business in
the calmest times—who were not able to manage the busi-
ness of this House in ordinary times, will never deem them-,
selves sufficient to manage the business of a great sod
complicated war ; and that they who were unable to steer
the bark in the (limit weather, will never court the tent:
pest and defy the storm. Let that nut be said ; for 1
ant aware that headstrong men are very apt to under
rate their weakness and over-rate their power, anti that
no men are more apt to deem failure impossible than thoie
who cannot calculate the danger. The Ministers
are but men, and they are surrounded with busy,
meddling, buzzing personages, who encourage a little
alarm—who think no harm can come of a little terror—
who insinuate that negotiations may attract attention—
who, hope much from Congresses--who just wish that they
may be doing something--who do not like to be sliming
nothing awl being nobody—(A laugh)—who wish for
something to snake a display in Parliameitt, and a puff in
the public prints--and who who were not at all averse to
have a Congress at Lannon, which will have two or three
advantages, because we do not like to let other people
work, we wish to have all the work and all the honour to
ourselves—we like to have it all our own way-:.to be our
own Minister, our own Ambassador, our own General,
and we know that the people of Luanda like to see fo-
reigners ; and then we hope by these little amusements
and diversions to ride over the Session.--(Cheers.)--First,
things of little importance would be made great subjects,
and perhaps they were great subjects to the faculties of
those who .would be called on to discuss them when the
Congress was assembled. , With a view of preventing war
we should have Protocols and Conferences, full of sound
and of no meaning, but which might affect the Parliament,
and call forth all the resources of the Cabinet. But let
them not suppose, when they have gone so far, that they
will be able to stop short just where they like ; for I can
assure them that, if they interfeee, war will be inevitable.
I must here say that, as a general principle, I . will
support measures that I approve of, let who will pro=
pose them, and I will oppose had measures, let them
some from what they may. lam opposed, for example,
to the repeal of the Union with Ireland, thinking that it
would be productive of injury to both countries—(Hear)
—though that measure is brought forward by a gentleman
with whom I generally act,.....with whom on many occa-
sions agree--whose services I priae, and which I should
be the last man to forget, and which it would be most
unjust in me not to praise • but though I esteem his eer-
eietts,'l must qualify as half that measure he contemplates,
and must declare that I wilt appose it. Let good tnett•
cures coma fawn what quarter they will, I will support
them. So far, however, I must qualify the, doctrine* of
its being not men, but measures, that I ought to support,
that this dotorine' in' a Morterehy is unintelligible and ir-
rational, In a Republic, indeed,whirrs all measures are
known and diecussed either with open doors or in secret,
and where I have nay veto on whatever is purposed, where
a treaty cannot be concluded without my knowledge,
where I cannot he bound by a treaty I heard nothing of-.
to make war twenty or thirty years after its date, for the
defence- of Belgium—of Portugal. in a Monarchy, the
doctrine of measure* not men is irrational, and men, as
well as measures, must be looked to. The men may
make a treaty which will make war inevitalde at some
.tlistant day, unlesi the honour' of the country be as-
; and as long no • tiro men can act secretly, 'we
must look so them and their character, as well as the
measures they avow, This doctrine, with this limita.7
tiora, I think it necessary to ley before the House; if his-
tily Wien up—if exaggerated—it le not done altogether
ruble and sanely; but it Lea been dtated by the
kips'a Speech, which j slid nut see till within teas 40;)".
I hays 4 no, lung time fir~ refleetion ; but during the
time have 144 I have reflected painful on the language
of tlas Speech, and tko situation of Englatol, I hoped
further rJection might midget/2 slarni but I See no Other
conclusion ko he drawn from the hipochosnal I am alarmed
to see for the first time the principle of interference, in-
aoad of the role of twa.,intaf,roce with the coacerks of
othir Astions sdupled by. the GOvernment. Let me warn
the Govarnment--let site warn Zha Members of this
house—if the iftsis4 ehoull hesitate to discharge its duty,
and inert this nuke pr,t.twipiP with reprobatiow—hat fps
warn the Rouge tissue the emotisnants expressed by the new
*Weir for Sussex, who 1411040'4 04 go ably addressed
the Hans es-frwho has candidly declared what are the senti
ment* of his rottet yftspecteble constituents--14 nut eel; the
Vembers of this Haase? that he spoke not only the seal,
otcota of his own constitutrate,—ke spoke the heartfelt, the
degthrtsitcal, the iiritnavable *deo ,;-,f the whole people
of EntOaro,i. that • people of England will ;43 kart the
'mace broken..-therrople of England will not endure tb„,t
dui vri.* Minister should }risk that peace by any fancies
of his for foreign interference, fey; any theories of aer-
vility, sa; for any love to crowped tyrants ; the people of
England era enwpor,urvil of their own liberty, anal they ale
fa hates to the liberty of takers. If the Ministers must
call the King of the Netherlanda e,ntighteneds tiro peo-
ple of p.;noapal will look at his acts, anti frog; bisects they
witl tick.; Bali lOitlt enlightened, or think a war ought
Wizot44 to preserve his power. His acts are known, and