The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Paris Papers of Tuesday contain no details
respecting the progress of French arms or French
policy in the north of Africa, beyond the informa-
tion contained in General Bourmont's despatch of
the Sth instant, which we published yesterday. That
despatch itself, with all its candour and all its sim-
plicity, supplies abundant materials for political re-
flection. Without making the slightest allusions to
the nature of the instructions which he had received
from his Government, or the outline of the plan
which be is employed to execute, the gallant Gene-
ral describes acts and proceedings on his part which
sufficiently indicate the light in', which he views
his recent triumph. Every part of his conduct
shows that he treats Algiers us a conqueredcountry,
of which France may hold permanent possession.
He refuses to enter into any terms with the Dey,
either as an independent ruler or the delegate of the
Porte,---he deposes his Highness, if he was a Sove-
reign,---and deposes his master, if he was a depen-
dent. His lute Highness is not only stripped of
his power, but even banished from his country. It is
made to appear in the despatch, that the Dey asked
leave to proceed to Leghorn ; but though he had the
choice of his Place in Europe, he had no power to
remain at Algiers. This is evident from that part of
the General's communication which refers to the
Turkish troops. Even they, along with their corn-
mender, are to be conveyed from their country, not
as prisoners of war, to remain in depot till a peace
is concluded, but as exiles, never to return. Every
vestige of Turkish authority is thus removed ; the
Dey and the Sultan (in Napcleon language) "have
ceased to reign ;" and us every other competitor for
sovereign sway has disappeared for the last three
centuries, the French change places with the Turks,
and are left in the enjoyment of all the rights of
conquest. The Bey of Titery, one of the subor-
dinate chiefs of the Regency, had owned submission
to the Dey of Algiers. Ile finds it impossible to
Continue a struggle in which his master had suc-
cumbed; he oilers, therefore, to submit; his sub-
mission is accepted, and his delegated authority
continued, on " condition of paying to the French
the same tribute as to the Dey." The same terms
are held out to the other 13eys of the Regency, 'and
a similar acknowledgment of vassalage is expected.
It would be superfluous to dwell any longer on
those minute circumstances which indicate in General
Bourmont an intention of keeping permanent pos-
session of his new conquest. They are to be found
in his whole conduct, but particularly in the ap-
pointment of what the gallant General calls " a
commission to point the modifications which
late events render necessary in the administra-
tion and form of the Government." If the
conqueror only contemplated the military occu-
cupation of the city and the Regency till French ho-
nour was satisfied, French indemnities secured,
and guarantees obtained against future piracies,
what had he to do with " the form of the Turkish
Government ?" The views and wishes, therefore,
of the new Marshal of France, point evidently to-
wards a permanent occupation of Algiers as a do-
minion acquired by the right of conquest, without
any reference to the interests or consent of other'
nations. But the policy of the French General is
not necessarily the policy of the French Cabinet.
Without any further allusion to our own notions on
this important question, we may safely say, that it
cannot thus be settled by a military coup-de-main,
"—that the sovereignty of 2,000,000 of souls, so
situated with regard to Europe, cannot be settled by
an order of the day issued from the head-quarters of a
victorious army, after a campaign of only 21 days;
and that the dominion of the fley and the Sultan,
however barbarous, cannot be transferred to the
French without some further .justification of the
Change than that which comes from the mouth of
their cannon. General tiourrnont had only held
possession of Algiers for three days when he wrote
his despatch lust published : he might not be in
possession of the views of his Government, nor
might be, as a soldier, be aware of the negoti-
ations Which roust precede the settlement of
so important a conquest. The Court of the
Tuileries is too reasonable to adopt the hasty
views of its ardent and victorious commander;
and whatever may be the arrangements ultimately
formed for the extinction of Algerine piracy, the
abolition of Christian slivery, and the civilization of
the Barbaresque States, they will be adopted with
the consent of the Allies of Ranee, they will have
some regard to existing rights, and will not be the
mere expression of the will of the strongest. We
need scarcely add, in order to guard ourselves from
misconstruction, that we are decided friends to the
civilization and improvement of Northern Africa,
though we think it right to express our opinion that
our neighbours should not take the whole work into
their own hands. The settlement of so important a
question as the fate of Algiers involves must be the
result of European negociation. The congratulatory
addresses presented to Charles X. on the recent sac-
eess of his arms, have called forth answers in which
the glory of France is mixed up with the interests
of other nations. 1-lis Majesty expresses a hope
that all those nations will sympathise with him in
his satisfaction at the great victory which has
crowned his reign. Actuated by the feelings of men
and the faith of Christians, his Allies may express
their gratitude to his Majesty for sending out an
expedition which has avenged humanity and abo-
liiihed Christian slavery ; but they will expect to be
consulted on the best mode of permanently securing
the benefits thus acquired, without exciting jealousy,
without committing any partial wrong, and without
dangerously altering the balance of European power.

At the meeting of the Society for the Propagation
pf Christian Knowledge, for the purpose of voting
an address to his Majesty, we understand a rather
curb-ma scene occurred. After the address had
been moved and seconded, a Clergyman rose and
stated that he cordially subscribed to the sentiments
it contained ; but he thought something might be
added. He therefore moved an amendment, stating,
in addition, that the Society considered the keeping
the Sabbath-day holy as of the utmost importance
to the interests of the Christian religion; that they
regretted that his Majesty had been so ill-advised as
to give a public dinner on the Sabbath, which they
viewed es a desecration of that day; and hoped that
his Majesty would not, in future, sanction by his
example so reprehensible a practice. This motion
created great embarrassment. The Archbishop of
Canterbury moved the previous question, and the
amendment was got rid of by a great majority. We
should like to know if the Bishop of London took
way part in this question IL-Morning Chronicle.

Our Parisian correspondent alludes to the con.
quest of Algiers as a question which will very
much embarrass the French Government in its
domestic relations. The difficulty is the expence.
The King has the right of making war and peace,
Ink the Chambers have the light of refusing sup-
plies; and the Liberals say that they will impeach
Ministers for having embarked in this expensive war
without a vote of credit. Another subject of a
very embarrassing nature is the mode of disposing
of the conquest. Even in the densely peopled
regions of India our conquests never pay the ex-
pence of administering them for many years. If
this is the ease with the peaceable population of
,11”1:11,1)0_6_tu,_,Tuititwohneto must the ease be with the fere.
LuoverPtaen' :Icons: the French conquest ? If the
benrat to renounce Algiers, it will be
blamed by the Li who again will be unwilling
to submit to the herdell° aP
We wish 410 keeping
it
as
a
()amity, and
oni
trust merit well out of. their
will not, by their jiteteieti,i.st our °wt." Ministers
from incurring a heavy el °event the French
mankind. No nation 102= for the benefit of
as the French the power of ILlV„l.P,,,,e,:fecl„l"
among
.barbarians. heve noAd;nalgiebr—ts Ti,stDrt.l):;
could civilize the inhabitant* of
pence of labour and money than any oih4etrli7lirt.
We fear, however, that they will shrink fieVit%
ontiertelt:ios. So far from the other nations bate:-
tering tus '.roterit Franca from coloramg the

'r74,74.

country, they ought rather to aid her in the under-
taking. All nations would gain by the extension
of civilization.—/Iforning Chronic*.
Among the Parliamentary Papers distributed yes-

terday was an abstract of the latest Returns from

each of the Slave Colonies, including the Mauritius
and the Cape of Good Elope, of the Slave Popula-
tion, distinguishing the sexes. Our West Indian
and American Colonies exhibited a total of male
and female slaves nearly equal to each other, the
males being 345,662, and the females 345,424.
This list is dated Colonial Registry Office, July 8,
1830, and subscribed Thomas Amyot, Registrar.
Mr. Amyot, we perceive, has drawn up this short
list in a most slovenly manner, for he has given to
Barbadoes and Demerara exactly the same figures.
The males in both are 37,141, the females 32,326;
the total 69,467. The truth is, that he has given
to Burbadoes the figures of Demerara. In Bar-
badoes the females will, we have no doubt, be found
to exceed the males in number. We notice this

now, because we have seldom looked into a Parlia.

meniary Paper which we have not found drawn up
in a slovenly manner. The other colonies afford,
on the face of the Returns, evidence of a traffic in
slaves. In Mauritius the males are 47,657, and the
females 29,117. An immense number of slaves
must have been smuggled into this colony, to ac-
count for this disproportion in the sexes. In the
Cape of Good Hope, too, the males are 21,210, and
the females 14,299. There must have been scan-
dalous doings in both these colonies.-11forning
Chronicle.

The legislation of lawyers is not always success-

ful. Of this truth the Parliamentary labours of the
present Attorney-General furnish melancholy and
ludicrous proof. Of nil that class of legislators,
whose genius has " expanded" within the atmos-
phere of Westminster Hall, he is the ono who has
lost most of the bloom of his reputation by being
transplanted into Parliament. The public recollect
his abortive efforts at legislating on the poor-law
system some time ago. His Bill upon that subject
provoked more sarcastic notice than such a dry ques-
tion usually supplies to enliven the deliberations of
a grave assembly. Even his Bill to repeal that in-
famous
Act, which inflicted banishment fora second
offence, for a political libel, though intended as a
liberal and gracious measure, was mixed up with
such objectionable 'clatter as to excite the severe
animadversion of the Press, and the serious opposi-
tion of all liberal Members of Parliament. Such
an innovation was made upon the Bill, by a success-
ful amendment of Lord Morpeth, that it required all
the power that Government wields in the House of
Commons to repair the defeat which the Attorney-
General had sustained, and to restore his Bill to its
original and inglorious identity. But the " Ad-
ministration of Justice" Bill seems to be the crown-
ing work of his infelicitous essays at legislation. That
Bill, it is true, passed the House of Commons, not-
withstanding the hard knocks which it received, and
the gantelope of ridicule which it had to run by the
• way; yet in what state did it come to the other
House ? Here is the description which Lord Dur-
ham gave of it on Monday night. He said " that
this Bill had come to their Lordships' House in so
very imperfect a state, that the Lord Chief Justice
of Englund had felt it his duty to pay particular at-
tention to the enactments, and had scarcely allowed
a line of it to stand without some alteration." We
cannot conceive a mote severe condemnation of the
Attorney-General than is conveyed by this amicable
interposition of the Lord Chief Justice to save the
Legislature from the reproach of passing such a law.
The Attorney-General has distinguished himself by
opening a heavy fire of ex-officio informations upon
the Press for publishing what he alleged had a ten-
dency to bring the Ministers and the Legislature
into contempt ; but has he not himself, by bringing
in a Bill so faulty as to require the relentless prun-
ing-knife of the Lord Chief Justice, done all in his
power to bring the Legislature into contempt ?
Lord Durham further said, " It would be desirable
the Bill should'be once more examined by their
Lordships, for no person could be supposed to
be competent to give any thing like a satis-
factory opinion of this Bill and its enact-
ments within the time now limited for passing the
Bill, unless he were a lawyer by profession." Thus
so much time had been occupied in correcting the
errors of the Bill, that little or no time was left for
the consideration of its principle and provisions by
the House of Lords before the close of the Session.
We need not wonder at the instances of clumsy and
ridiculous legislation which are to be found in the
Statute-hook, when in this, the 30th year of what
is emphatically called the " age of intellect," the
Attorney-General of England—the Leader of the
King's Bench—a lawyer grown grey in the practice
of the laws—a stern and inexorable censor of the
Press—frames a law that, when it goes to the
Upper House of the Legislature, makes it necessary
for the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench to
revise and correct it with such merciless criticism
us " scarcely to allow a line of it to remain without
alteration." If, after this, the Attorney-General
pursues his legislative labours any further, be must
indeed have an inordinate appetite for a very un-
enviable sort of distinction.—Morning Herald.

Up to the present moment we do not learn that,
in any one of the places where popular election pre-
vails, a single candidate has started avowedly Minis-
terial. In Middlesex the most strenuous efforts have
been used, but hitherto without avail, to find an
opponent to Mr. Hume. In the City of Westmin-
ster no Sir Cecil Wray, Lord Hood, or Lord Gard-
ner, is to be found to enter the lists even against
the weakest of all the weak ; and in the city of
London, where two of the Members tire avowedly
hostile to the Government, and the other two are
far from being to be depended upon as " thick and
thin" adherents, not a note of preparation is heard
announcing that the Administration means to try its
strength in a contest. We are far from meaning to
upbraid the Duke of Wellington with not using
the influence of the Government to obtain returns;
on the contrary, such an abstinence, if rigidly
adhered to, will be highly honourable to his Grace;
but what we state as extraordinary, and ominous
to our motile of the very slight hold which the
(ioverrn must be conscious that it has on the
free and unbiassed voice of the people, is, that
where that voice can be fairly ascertained, no one
ventures to ask it on the score of his attachment
to, and determination to support, the measures of
the present Cabinet. Why, at the end of fifteen
years of peace, such should be the state of things,
is a question, we should think, that wise Statesmen
will naturally ask themselves—and ask themselves,
too, the more naturally, when they come to contrast,
as they must do, their own unpopularity with the
contrary feeling which is every day and hour in-
creasing towards their Royal Master. This, too,
roust, we imagine, soon become, by the by, a tender
point. On the one hand, will the Hero of Waterloo
—(a name and achievement which a grateful country
must ever fondly cherish)—will the hero of Water-
loo like to see every cap flung up for King William,
and none for himself ? Or will King William brook
to have his own just popularity thwarted by sharing,
in some degree, the want of it among his Ministers ?
One of the blessings of the new reign must be, that
Ministers can be no longer indifferent about that
which their Sovereign wisely condescends to re-
glut!. We should despise them were they to seek
after mere popular clamour—the mere buzzes of a
mob ; but real popularity, though constrained to
show itself in outward signs, of no great apparent
Value, is deeper rooted than those signs would seem
to justify. Though mere popularity, in its vulgar
sense, may be beneath the attention of Statesmen,
the goodwill of the people, and their coutidenee,
cannot : and that which the Monarch himself so
readily obtains may, with steady as much ease, bin
obtained by his Ministers, if they will only take

the seine sincere and honest means to secure it.—
font Mg Herald.
We question nmeh whether we shall succeed in
prOucing any patriotic impression on the electors
of the United Kingdom by the observations which
we are about to make; but we, nevertheless, con-

skier it an imperative duty, as public journalists, to
remind them that the period is now approaching in
which they will have an opportunity of exercising
the highest and most important right of freemen,
and that there never was one which called upon
them, by every patriotic consideration, to exercise
it with caution, impartiality, and firmness. The
new Parliament, meet when it may, will have every
thing to settle, both externally and internally.
Abroad there is Portugal, whose affairs are not only
in the same unsatisfactory state that they were two
years ago, but with which our relations continue in
the most embarrassing and awkward condition—
there is the question at issue between Spain and
her colonies, which it is of the utmost importance
to our commercial interests to have set at rest for
ever—there is the negociation still pending between
the United States and this country respecting the
colonial trade; and, last, but not least, there is the
right of France to maintain possession of, and co-
lonize, Algiers. We say nothing of Greece, the af-
fairs of which have been so strangely mismanaged,
because there is little doubt that some German
Prince with more pride than pence, and more po-
verty than capacity, will be found to ascend the
throne, and act, for the benefit of France and Russia,
the part of Sovereign Prince; but there is enough
in the matters to which we have more particularly
alluded, to convince every one that the new Parlia-
ment will have some of the most important business
to discuss which ever came under the consideration
of a deliberative assembly, and, consequently, that it
ought to consist of men alike distinguished for their
intelligence and firmness, their patriotism and their
foresight. Turning next to the internal condition of
the country, we shall find equally ample and satis-
factory reasons for a strict scrutiny of the conduct
and qualifications of candidates. There is the Re-
gency question, for example, which will require the
most mature consideration, and which it is of the
utmost importance to the future quiet and welfare of
the country to have settled in a satisfactory mariner.
There are the Corn Laws depressing the industry
of the country, by raising unjustly the price of food,
and producing rivals to our manufacturing and com-
mercial greatness in every quarter and country of
the world—there is the Civil List, the nest of para-
sites and court flatterers, to be cut down and propor-
tioned to the condition of the country—there is the
appropriation of the money vested by the present
Parliament without inquiry, to be disowned or ap-
proved of—the Stamp Laws—the ;improvement of
the civil judicature of the country—the state of the
people of Ireland—and, lastly—for it is impossible
to enumerate all the great questions which remain to
be discussed, and the discussion of which cannot be
any longer postponed—the means by which the
taxation of the country may be reduced to an amount
proportioned to the means of the people, and the
public expenditure brought to the same level—we
say, that all these questions will have to be dis-
cussed and settled, and that on those to whom these
discussions shall be entrusted, will mainly depend
whether all the great interests of the country
shall continue, during the next seven years, in
the same depressed condition that they now are,
or whether a new impulse shall be given to
the industry of the people, and general pros.
perity succeed the general distress which now over-
spreads the kingdom. Let us, therefore, entreat
the electors of the United Kingdom to be cautious
in giving away their votes—to scrutinize strictly the
qualifications of the different candidates—te reject
all who have already forfeited their former pledges;
to look out for men of liberal sentiments and intel-
ligent minds, and to demand peremptorily a pledge
to reduce the taxation and expenditure of the coun-
try, and to amend the corn law system, as the indis-
pensable requisites for having entrusted to them a
portion of the legislative power. The t
Colin ry
abounds with men of talent and experience, in every
way tit to be returned to Parliament ; and if the
electors will but do their duty by themselves, as we
have now pointed our, and bury all selfish and indi-
vidual views, for the sake of promoting the public
interest, we have no doubt that they will come for-
ward, and that the labours of the new Parliament
will form an era in the history of the country as
glorious as it will be prosperous and happy.—
ilforning Advertiser.

A SCOTCIIMAN'S MOTIVE FOR VISIT-

ING JERUSALEM.

People travel from " divers, sundry, and vari-
ous" motives, mail of which seem strange enough
to those not actuated by them. But the induce-
ment which led a young gentleman belonging
to " Modern Athens" to visit ancient Jerusalem
is indisputably droll. Jerusalem is usually
sought by the learned, the devout, or the curious,
in neither of which classes the Caledonian in
question can be ranked. He would visit the
holy city, though lie reeked not of its memories,
its sanctity, or singularity. He had no thought
of writing a book, of saying a prayer, or of ex-
ploring an unknown spot. No : yet was he
undismayed by the difficulties of the journey,
and the probabilities of the plague, for his soul
was hungering and thirsting—after justice ? not
a bit of it ; but after a regular succession of sub-
stantial Scotch dinners. " I will go to Jeru-
salem," ho exclaimed, " for having seen it, I
shall, on my return to Edinburgh, be asked to
dinner every day in the week." For Jerusalem,
therefore, he set out, but, on arriving at Gaza,
a frontier dividing the two Pachalics, he was de-
tained, and as be had no finnan the authorities
put him under arrest, while a despatch was for-
warded to the Puha at Acre. Till the answer
should arrive he was confined to a room, and
given to understand strong suspicions existed of
his being a Russian spy : and, as he was unable
to make himself understood either in Turkish
or Arabic, lie had no means of expressing his
wishes but through a servant, who was occa-
sionally allowed to visit hint. Dining this per-
plexing confinement, he was occasionally visited
with a " look in, by Turks, who very signifi-
cantly indicated what punishment they thought
to be awaiting him. One of these true believers
was particularly punctual in such visits. Daily
would he enter the room, and stand before the
prisoner, grinning, and drawing his fore-finger
from ear to ear, till he supposed the Englishman
fully sensible of his meaning. After four days
an answer arrived from the meaning.
at Acre, per-
mitting him to return without further molesta-
tion' but forbidding him proceeding on his in-
tended journey. To this, however, he would
not consent, but persisted in going to Acre, ac-
companied by an escort ; and there he obtained
leave to visit Jerusalem, still under an escort,
which so diligently attended him, that he was
unable to see the principal attractions of the
place, and also prevented from travelling in
Syria. He returned to Cairo, and gave a full
account of the issue of his attempt, from which
lie had been persuaded by his friends. But he
was content ; he had seen Jerusalem, and Edina's
dinners were secured. One circumstance of his
trip, however, he could not think on with patience.
Indeed, he declared, that of all the annoyances
he had endured, none gave him an uneasy re-
flection, excepting the diurnal visits of the
Turk, with his ominous digit.-- Webster's
Travels.

STATE OP TRADE.---We are glad to learn
that the prospects of the 'lndian imitation manufacturers
in Paisley are better, that branch having► been rather dull
these few weeks. Many of them are antieipating that
they will boon be able to employ all their hands. The silk
transparent, gauze manufacture xtill coutimits to do pretty
we 11,•.. 0/avow Chronicle.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Jury 22.
GARCIA V. PENNING AND OTHERS.

The defendants in this case are underwriters; and
the plaintiff, a merchant residing in the island of
Faye!, brought his action against them to recover the
amount of a policy of insurance effected on a vessel
and cargo which was lost at sea. The defence was,
that no such goods as those which were said to
form the cargo had, in fact, been shipped on board
the vessel; that the vessel had been scuttled, and
afterwards set fire to designedly; and that the whole
transaction bad originated in a design to defraud the
underwriters.

The evidence in the case was extremely voluminous.
The Jury, after considering for an hour, returned a
verdict for the defendants.

The action has been tried twice before, and on
both occasions the verdict was for the plaintiff.

INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, JULY 22.

Charles Fixolt the younger, a medical student,
came up on his petition to be heard. An opposition
had been entered against the insolvent by Messrs.
Read and Co., tailors, but they did not answer when
called.

The CHIEF COMMISSIONER then proceeded to in-
terrogate the insolvent. It appeared that he had
formerly petitioned this court, but was afterwards
discharged by his detaining creditor, that he was a
married man, but did not reside with his wife : there
had been no deed of separation, and she was at pre-
sent supported by her friends.
The CHIEF COMMISSIONER—What has become
of the clothes had from the different tailors you have
dealt with ? Insolvent—They are worn out.
The CHIEF COMMISSIONER—What, 700/, worth
of clOthes in five years I Yours are a scandalous
set of debts. Why you could have set up a shop
yourself.

- Mr. CooKE, for the insolvent, said that tailors
generally charged very heavily.
CHIEF COMMISSIONER—He attributes his insol-
vency to the bounty of his friends having fallen off.
The insolvent was then asked what money he had
received since the last year, when he replied 3004,
which he bad paid away for board and lodging.
The Learned COMMISSIONER, addressing himself
to Mr. Cooke, said, " You see he drives on in the
same career of wanton extravagance," and, turning
to the insolvent, he said, " if you persist in such a
course, this will not be the only Court, perhaps, in
which you will make your appearance."
The insolvent having sworn to his schedule, the
CHIEF COMMISSIONER observed, " As none of your
creditors have thought proper to oppose your dis-
charge, it is not to be expected that the Court will
remand you ; but I caution you to avoid such
boundless extravagance in future, for should you get
again into prison, you will have to remain there for
a period of five years, since it is not likely that
your creditors would consent to your being dis-
charged, neither would the Court interfere to re-
lieve you. In the absence of evidence against you,
you are entitled to the benefit of the Act.