The Sun.
London, England, 1837-11-23 00:00:00

UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE.

A very numerous meeting of the Working Men's Asso-
ciation met together yesterday evening at the White Con-
duit House, for the purpose of showing their respect and
gratitude to Messrs. Roebuck, Thompson, Bowring, S.
Crawford, and Ewart, the rejected candidates at the late
general election ; and also towards those Members of Par-
liament who are friendly to the principle of Universal Suff-
rage. About 400 persons sat down to a plentiful and sub-
stantial dinner. Amongst the guests on the platform we
noticed Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Wakley, Mr. Roebuck, Mr.
Leader, Mr. J. Ficlden, Mr.Hindley,and Col. Thompson.

The Chair was taken by JAMES WATSON, Esq. After
he cloth had been removed, _ _

The CHAIRMAN begged the attention of the meeting
whilst he explained the object for which they were as-
sembled. The object was to take steps for the purpose of
making the Association known to the country at large,
and to inform them that they were associated together
for the purpose of obtaining for every individual arrived
at maturity, and untainted by crime, the privilege of
exercising the elective franchise.—(Loud cheers.) They
were congregated for the purpose of obtaining Universal
Suffrage.—(Cheers.) The object of the meeting and of
the Association was to put every man in the possession
of his political rights, and to make every man a free
denizen of the country in which he lived.—(Cheers.)
He hoped that by union and the spread of intelligence they
would succeed in attaining that object, and that by their
united and continued efforts they would obtain an early and
final triumph.—(Cheers.) He wished that whatever dif-
ferences of opinion might exist on other topics they
would
all cordially unite in the attainment of the great right of
Universal Suffrage.—(Cheers.) He would conclude by
calling upon all present to give a fair and patient hearing
to all those gentlemen who should address them.
Mr. ROEBUCK came forward, and was received with im-
mense cheering. He had been requested by the Association
to propose the first toast. It was one which he was exceed-
ingly desirous of proposing, because it enabled him to ex-
plain what otherwise might not be understood, respecting
certain points of his political creed, particularly respecting
Universal Suffrage. The toast was " The people—may
they see that political equality is justice, and union the only
power to enforce it."—(Loud cheers.) His definition of
Universal Suffrage was, that every inhabitant arrived at
years of discretion, and untainted with crime, should pos-
sess a voice in the election of representatives to govern
them. This was a rule which he had adopted as his
political creed, not because he believed the people were
immaculate—not because he was inclined ever to sacri-
crifice his own opinions to the opinions of a majority—but
because he believed there were no other means of forming a
government that could bring out the welfare of the people in
the same degree.'Did they believe a government emanating
entirely from the people would commit no mistake ? Did
they believe that, though each individual was failible, neler-
theleless, that when congregated into masses, they were in-
fallible? Not at all. He for his part, had no belief in the
infallibility of any portion of the human race, Did

he then wish to give the people power because he be-
lieved they would never do wrong ? Far from it. The his-
tory of all times told them that a majority was generally in
the wrong. But was that a reason why they should
throw political power in the hands of a minority, who had
a direct interest in doing wrong? The great difference be-
tween a popular and an aristocratical government was this,
that the one had a direct interest in going wrong, and the
other in going right. He believed if they bad a popular go-
vernment to-morrow, they would very probably go wrong ;
but they would go wrong becaUse they did not know the
right path, and not because they did not desire to
follow it. Having thus established what lie believed to be
the grand: fundamental difference between these two forms

of government, he would ask them how they were to work
out the attainment of their object—how they were to per-
suade the great body of the people that it was for their in-
terest to combine, and endeavour to obtain one common

end ? He would answer, that it was by so instructing the
people, that they should know what was good for them.—
(Cheers.) The people of England, when they desired an
object, knew well how to obtain it. It might then be asked,
why had they not universal suffrage? Why had they not a
popular Government ? It was because they had not attained
to the knowledge that they were requisite to their happi-
ness. They might blame the aristocracy—they might talk
about the factions of Whigs and Tories—but the fault lay

with the people themselves: Let no man blind and delude

himself with the notion that the aristocracy kept them down.
No such thing. They were down because they would crawl.
It was a matter of doubt whether essentially the great body
of the English population was really a tolerant body. The
Chairman that evening had told them not to show any
intolerance towards those who should differ from them, so

that minor differences might not interfere with the attain-
ment of the one great end. He knew some subjects upon
which the people of England were far from tolerant. He

knew that in this sanctimonious land, if he chose to mention,
on certain occasions, and in certain assemblies, the words No
Popery, he would find men who talked about civil rights who

would say they would not make common cause with Papists.
He might extend it farther. He feared that there was not
in the popular mind that toleration for opinion which was
embraced in the toast he had to propose, namely, that
they should be so tolerant of opinion as to believe that every
opinion which a man held upon examination, nn matter how
much opposed to their views, whether in government, re-
ligion, or the connection of society, and which opinion
had been attained after due investigation, ought to be re-

spected.—(Cheers.) This was true toleration, and :he
trusted that they would have the advantage of practising
it on the present occasion. What did they desire? Did
the Government, as at present instituted, bring out the
popular will in the manner in which we would have it? Ho
did not want to have a majority triumphing over a minority :
he wanted a Government which should bring out the po-
pular will for the interest of all classes, that there should
be no reckless want of consideration for any portion of the
community, but that as far as possible they should endea-
vour to bestow happiness upon every member of the com-
munity. He wanted to know if he was, because he held
these opinions, to bow himself down, and to say that lie
held no one opinion except that which the people—that
was the majority—held. He asked whether it was fair or
just to call in question a man's honesty because ho dif-
fered from ourselves on some important topics? If he looked
back at the history of his own times, he found the ma-
jority generally in the wrong ; and, indeed, whenever he
foundeoun like
trhy which
self voting in a majority he suspected he was
wrong,—(A laugh.) Notwithstanding this, he was pre-
pared to go as far as any other man to take steps to pre-
pare the public mind for the reception of great offices, and
as believed that until they had universal suffrage, or some-
thingit
,t there
would l
ewould k
afternever abn ey
thing
ingo;
butern
partial,men t in tfahnis-
tious, and particular objects. At the present time there
was a combination on the part of two factions to plunder
and keep in ignorance the great body of the people, and
they had been exceedingly successful in their endeavours,
both in plundering the people and keeping them in igno-
rance. But the time was coming when the people would
obtain their rights. The meeting in that room might be
considered as the commencement of a brighter epoch, when
the power of the people would not only remodel the
government, but the whole social fabric of the country.—
(Loud cheers.) This great power was rising from below,
and not descending from the heights. He found that
wherever darkness was maintained, ignorance fostered,
bigotry kept alive, there he found the aristocracy at work ;
but where he saw just and generous principles advocated,
truth and justice to man made part of r ligion, there he
felt certain that the people were at work.---(Loud
cheers.) By the people be meant the masses, and not the
mere 101. householders, for he was no friend to the shop-
ocracy.—(Loud cheers.) He found the great mass of the
population stirring wherever any generous emotion was
created or any broad principles of justice acted upon. Why
then not give the people political power ? To obtain such
power the people must show that they deserved it. How
could they show that ? By showing that they were steadily
pursuing the great object in view, as if it were of almost as
much importance as their daily subsistence. The people
were told that politics were not the business of the poor
man. Why, the poorest classes were those who had the
most immediate interest in good government. For then it
was of the utmost importance that there should be security
for life and property, and, above all, for labour, which was
the basis of all property, for labour uncontrolled by masters
or men, reckless alike of associations to keep down or to
raise wages. Of this he had always been proud, that in
the most aristocratical assembly but one in the world, he
had the courage, and, he would have the vanity to say,
the great gratification, of raising freely in the face of the
aristocracy, the banner of democracy.—(Loud cheers.) I
still believe, and will believe till I see it fairly stricken
down, that this banner will still float, and be carried
onwards in triumph till it is established, firmly stir-
rounded by the people of Great Britain and Ireland ;
till each man possesses those political privileges which he
deserves, and ought to have ; till Government being thus
with the people shall seek to attain the happiness of the,
greatest number, and until they see not simply a wise Go-
vernment, but an improving morality amongst the people ;
and till they should not be disgusted, as they now daily
and hourly were, with corruption in public men, ignorance
and brutality amongst the people ; but till, on the contrary,
they should see united intelligence and probity governing
and watching over all.—(Loud cheers.)
Colonel TIIOMPSON then came forward and was loudly
cheered. He said that late events had proved that the
people had none to trust to but themselves.—(Cheers.)
It behoved them, therefore, more peculiarly to combine to-
gether to obtain their own rights, and if they were not feared
or respected now, he pledged himself that they would be re-
spected hereafter. lie never heard anything so absurd as
the arguments that men used for refusing the people their
just rights. It was said, " Oh, if you get A you will ask
for B." To be sure they would. The people must never be
contented with what they could get at one time. They
must not expect at one blow to arrive at the whole mea-
sure of their desires. They must, in the natural course of
things, go on improving, and all improvement was progres-
sive. The Government laid all the blames on the people.
They said that the result of the elections and other things
proved that the -people did not desire to try these experi-
ments. It was like one person saying to another, " Lay
hold 'of the short end of the stick, and let us try how
strong you are." The people should have fair play before
their apparent opinions were thus appealed to.—(Cheers.)
All they wanted was an opportunity of testing the commu-
nity freely and fairly. They saw now the two parties of
the aristocracy united in refusing them the means of testing
the honest opinions of the people ; they saw both parties
united in refusing to the people their just rights ; it, was for
the people to show whether they or the aristocracy should
succeed in the contest.---(Cheers.)
Mr. FIELDEN, M.P., then came forward and said, that

from his earliest political life he had been a supporter of
universal suffrage, vote by ballot, and triennial Parliaments.
—(Loud cheers.) He was particularly anxious to see the
suffrage amended, as in his opinion it was the foundation of
all good society.—(Cheers.) When the Reform Bill passed
the first thing he said was, " Give the Bill a fair trial."
Nothing at that time gave him greater pleasure than that
the Administration succeeded in passing that Bill. But the
result had disappointed him. If the Reform Bill had met
the just wishes and wants of the people, they would have
never heard a cry for an extension of the suffrage ; but the
people now found taxation as heavy and the expenditure
as extravagant as before the Reform Bill passed. It
was the difficulties of the times which induced the people
to make such strenuous exertions far the passing of the
Reform Bill. They hoped that it would in some mea-
sure relieve them from the pressure of taxation. They
waited the result of that experiment, but in vain ; they
were disappointed ; and was it unreasonable, seeing that the
object they had in view was not accomplished by the Re-
form Bill, that they should now endeavour to accomplish
that object by further measures of Reform—(Cheers) ?
They wanted an extended franchise to enable them to re-
lieve the poor man from the weight of taxation which op-
pressed him. HoW, then, were they to attain this object in a
Constitutional manner ? By loading the table of the House
of Commons with petitions, and showing to them what were
the wishes of the great body of the people. He was happy
that their Representative had already brought forward' this
subject in the House.—(lmmense cheering.) The division
on the Ballot showed that the two factions were now amal-
gamated, and that the present Administration was nothing
more than the Whig body moved by Tory strings and wires.
—(Cheers.) He hoped that the people would in the end
overcome both factions, and obtain for themselves their just
Cheers.)
The toast was then unanimously drunk.
Mr. LEADER came forward to propose the next toast,
and was most loudly cheered. He said, before he said

anything on his own behalf he had a duty to perform to-
wards an absent friend, Sir William Molcsworth, who had
requested him (Mr. Leader) to offer an excuse for not
being present. Sir William Molesworth begged him to

assure the meeting that he agreed with them entirely in
opinion, and that he would assist them in carrying out their
object, but that he was prevented from being present by a
very severe cold.—( Hear, hear.) A great deal had been
said atout two :aristocratic parties, the Whigs and the
Tories. Some gentleman had been pleased to say that he
hated both equally. Now, for his part, though he detested
both, he did not feel an equal detestation for both. He
really thought that the Whigs were not quite so bad as the
Tories.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," and loud cheers.) Those
who expressed their disapprobation appeared to imagine
that he wished to defend the Whigs. Heaven forbid that
he should undertake the task !—(A laugh.) But still he
did say that the Whigs were not quite so bad as the Tories.
The Whigs had occasionally done some liberal things.—
(Cheers.) The Whigs had always professed liberal opi-
nions ; and certainly during their last possession of office
they had done something for the good of the people of
Iretand.—(Loud cheers.) But what had the Tories ever
done ? The Tories not only never did anything good, but
they always profesied opinions hostile to the well being and
the liberties of the people.—(Loud cheers.) It was true
that the Whigs had lost by the late elections but he was
not prepared to say that that proved a re-action in favour
of Toryism. It was absurd to say so. Let not the To-
ries imagine that in saying how much they detest the
Whigs they detest the Tories less ; on the contrary, the
Tories were detested, if possible, more than the Whigs.
He was delighted to find that they were unanimous in de-
testing both.—(Loud cheers.) It seemed to him that the
only difference was as to the degree of detestation. After
all, what was the use of talking about Whigs and Tories ?
The real fact was, that the Whig party committed suicide
the other night.—( Loud cheers.) As a party the WThigs
were now extinct.—(Cheers.) If they had not openly
coalesced with the Tories, he would venture to say that
very few weeks or even days would elapse before they
would see a coalition.—(Loud cheers.) Let him then
hear nothing more about Whigs and Tories; the only
parties now were the aristocracy and the democracy.—
(Cheering.) He confessed he for one was not sorry that
the distinction had been drawn. He had no fear of what

;he Tories could do against the people. He grieved to say
hat they might do mischief in Ireland, but he trusted that

the people of this country would not support them in in•

flicti-ng injustice upon Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) As to the
evils they might do in England he had little fear, as he
thought that the very advent of Toryism to power would

raise such a spirit of opposition throughout the country,
that the people would have a chance of obtaining good

. .
measures.—(Cheers.) When the Whigs were in power,
people fancied they were going to do something for them,

and therefore they trusted them and gave thern support ;
but when they saw a Tory Government grinding them
down as they had formerly done, when by force and fraud
they were oppressing and plundering the people, then
would the people exert their power to put down the tyrants.
The toast he had to propose was the following :—May the
principle of universal suffrage, and all the essentials to the free
exercise of our political rights, be paramount to all party

measures among the honest few in the House of Commons."
—(Cheers.) In that sentiment he most sincerely concurred
—and he must confess lie never yet heard a good argu-
ment against giving the Suffrage to every man who was
called upon to pay the taxes and to obey the laws.—(Loud
cheers.) If he understood any thing, that meant every
man in the community arrived at years of discretion, and
untainted by crime. It would ill become him to make any
professions. The people had unfortunately too much ex-
perience of those who were loudest in their professions, and
Ise wished to see no more defections from the cause of the
people.—(Loud cheers.) He would, therefore, make no
professions. He did not ask them to trust his words—he
called upon them to look to what he had hitherto done, and
in future to judge him, not by his words, but by his actions.
He would no longer trespass on their patience, as there were
other Gentlemen in the room who had stronger claims upon
their attention, and he was sure they would excuse him when
he mentioned the name of Daniel O'Connell.—(lmmense
cheering.)
Mr. HINDLEY, M.P., came forward to support the toast.
He said that they had heard much of the Tories, the
Whigs, and the Radicals. He would tell them who they
were. He considered Toryism as darkness—utter dark-
ness ; he considered Whiggism as the first dawning of the
day, but Radicalism he considered as the lightness of the
noonday sun.—(Cheers.) Was he to be told that there
was no difference between light and darkness ? A man
might, indeed, knock his head against a post in the twi-
light, because the,light:was not quite sufficient to enable
him to perceive the danger ; but if they bed patience they
would soon see this light gradually expanding, and even-
tually pouring forth a full blaze of truth and fairness.—
(Cheers.) Again, he considered Toryism as a type of the
departure from Egypt—Whiggism a type of the passage of
the Red Sea—and Radicalism as the land of Canaan, to
which they were fast approaching.—(Loud cheers.) They
had heard the toast given, and he would ask them what
was the principle of universal suffrage ? It was, that every
man of mature years, of sound mind, and untainted by
crime, should have a voice in the representation of the
country.—(Cheers.) Could any man deny this? What was
the reason assigned by Blackstone why all men should not
have a voice in the representation ? He said that some per-
sons were so circumstanced that they could not exercise a
free will in giving their votes. Since Blackstone wrote they
had found out a remedy : but it was extraordinary that
those who maintained the principle refused to adopt the
remedy. He must confess that he was not so anxious for
the Ballot, as for the extension of the suffrage.—(Cheers.)
He must, however, candidly tell them that he had no hope
of obtaining universal suffrage from tho present House of
Commons. There were in that House an honest few who
sincerely;supported that principle ; but its success must rest
upon the determination of the millions.--(Cheers.) Let
those amongst them who had no votes stand up.—(About a
third of the company rose.) He would call upon all those
who were standing to swear, like Hannibal, that they would
not rest until they had obtained them.—(Loud cheers.)
Ho was gratified exceedingly to see so many persons who
had votes assisting their less fortunate brethren in procuring
their rights.—(Cheers.) They must depend for success on
their own efforts. They should seek to obtain petitions
from every borough in the empire ; and where the majority
of the people were favourable they should get them to
write to their representatives, and call upon them to sup-
port their cause.—( Hear.) They should then have a re-
gular field day, and he doubted not but that the result
would be the successful triumph of the cause.—(Cheers.)
Mr. WAKLEY came forward to propose the next toast,
and was very loudly cheered. He said that some of his
constituents supposed that he had been truckling to a
treacherous Ministry in the House of Commons. The toast
he held in his hand conveyed the refutation of the im-
putation.—( Loud cheers.) If he had given any support to
the Whig Ministry, it was because Ireland had asked it, and
he could not refuse.—(lmmense cheering.) During centuries
Ireland had appealed to English Governments. What was
the answer to her appeals? Whatever it had been it was
always written in blood. Ireland, the finest country on the
face of the globe, was rendered distracted ; the people of
that country had been persecuted and oppressed, and had
for centuries suffered every evil which treachery and bigotry
could inflict. What answer, then, was he to give when
appealed to ? Ireland asked for justice from the people of
England, and the people of England had shown a desire to
do justice ; and it was now only necessary in pleading the
cause of Ireland, to mention the name in order to animate
every heart with the wish to do justice.—(Cheers.) In
lending his aid, therefore, to the Ministry in office for the
last three years he had his eye steadfastly bent upon Ire-
land. He was told by the friends of Ireland—and by Da-
niel O'Connell, the friend not only of Ireland but of the
human race—(lmmense cheering)—he was told that it
would serve the cause of that country if the present Minis-
ters, at least for a time, were continued in power, and if the
Tories—the cruel and persecuting Tories—were excluded
from office.—( Loud cheers.) His constituents in Finsbury
had approved of the course he had pursued.—(Cheers.) But
if any man believed that it was from any personal motive
that he had lent his aid to the present Ministers, that man
did him very great injustice.—(Cheers.) He believed he
could not show his regard for the people of England better
than by maintaining the cause of justice to the, people of
Ireland.—(Cheers.) They had been told not to look
either to Whigs or Tories, but to relinquish both names.
Now, he thought this was not wise. It was always better
to recollect one's enemies. He would always keep them
in mind, in order that he might protect himself against
their machinations. It was his occupation to seek for the
possession of his rights, and it was the occupation of his
enemies to withhold those rights. Let him for a moment
observe the situation in which they then stood. It was
true that he, also, as had been expressed by his eloquent
friend Mr. Roebuck, had unfurled the banner of demo-
cracy in the Chapel of St. Stephen. He had held the
standard with a firm hand ; and though he had been
advised by many sincere friends of the people not to
push the question to a division, he thought that it was
his duty to do so—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers)—
not but that he believed, and knew, that many men who
voted against his motion were as sincere in their advocacy
of the popular rights as he was, and most earnestly desired
to see the suffrage extended to every class ; and amongst
those, Daniel O'Connell stood forward.—(Some hisses, and
loud cheers.) Mr. Roebuck had spoken of the spirit of in-
tolerance which so frequently showed itself in this country
when a difference of opinion existed. He would ask those
gentlemen who expressed their disapprobation of the votes
of the majority on that night, whether it was not possible
that many Hon. Gentlemen voted against his motion be-
cause they thought that he bad brought it forward at an

/V

against inopportune period ? He knew many who had voted
him, who, upon almost all other oc*Oes, would be de-
lighted to vote with him.—(Cheers.) 1-le'cOrsideried that
he _was right in bringing forward that motion, and also
in pressing it to a division.—(Loud cheers.) If it did
nothing else, it was important, at any rate, to show to
the people of England what men in the House of
Commons, under the most adverse circumstances, would
go into the lobby to support this cause, even though
they were but twenty in number.—( Loud cheers.) He had
heard many dispute the propriety of his bringing forward
his motion, but he had heard no reasons stated.—(A gen:
tleman said, " You were premature.") The only answer he
could give was, that they were now in the year 1837, and
the people of England were not in the possession of their
rights.—(Loud cheers.) He would come to the object
they had more nearly in view. It was no use for them to
meet and talk unless they did something.—(Cheers.) He
would recommend a plan for their adoption for procuring
the great right of Universal Suffrage. Let the non-elec-
tors in every parish form an association, to be called " The
Franchise or Suffrage Association ;" and, having done so,
let them choose a Vice-President from amongst their own
neighbours—let them subscribe pence, for pence would be
amply sufficient, as it was not necessary for a farthing to
go out of the parish. Let them elect a President. He
would suggest that the President should be a Member
of the House of Commons, and, if possible, that the Mem-
ber representing the place should be chosen. Such a so-
ciety would not come within the statute against correspond-
ing societies. A party thus formed in the House of Cont

mons, acting together and representing the great mass of
the people, would have a weight which no Government
could resist in the attainment of just rights.—( Loud cheers.)
Until they had some simple organization like this he could
tell them that their efforts would avail little. It was absurd
to say that the people were now represented. There were
six contested elections at the last general election where
there were not more than 100 voters polled, thirty-five con-
tests with not more than 200 voters, and eighty-nine con-
tests with not more than 300 voters. And this was what
was called the representation of the people. There were
thirty-three Members in the House of Commons, the ag-
gregate number of the voters by whom they were sent not
amounting to the number polled in Finsbury alone ; and yet
any one of the thirty-three might neutralise any vote of his
(Mr. Wakleys'). Ho had been called a traitor to the cause
of Reform because he had brought forward the question of
the Ballot and the extension of the suffrage ; but he would
venture to tell them that until they had an extension of the
suffrage and the protection of the Ballot, the people of this
country would never be in possession of their just rights. He
would conclude by moving the toast he had risen to pro-
pose, it was as follows—" Our Irish brethren : may they
soon enjoy an equality of political right,, a lirger share of
their country's blessings, or their independence be esta-
blished on the wreck of faction !"
Mr. O'CONNELL came forward and was most enthu-
siastically cheered. He said that his Honourable Friend
Mr. Wakley had made an admirable speech on the state of
England, and had ended by giving an admirable sentiment
on behalf of Ireland. He had put the alternative dis-
tinctly, justice from the English Government, or the inde-
pendence of Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) It was a proper and
a manly sentiment, and he congratulated himself and Ire-
land ; and he begged to be permitted roost respectfully to
congratulate that meeting on the fact that they were the
first English assembly which had bad the manliness and
the honesty to toast Ireland in terms implied by the toast
just pronounced.—(Cheers.) He saw they were beginning
to understand one another.—(Cheers.) He might have a
little of the brogue on his tongue, but his heart throbbed
in unison with their's in the cause of universal liberty.—
(Loud cheers.) It was said that political gratitude was
a lively sense of future favours, and in that view he in-
tended to express his gratitude to them for their services—a
gratitude which he should feel as long as be had a tongue
to tell it, a heart to throb, or an arm to lift in defence of
the common cause of English liberty.—(Cheers.) His
Hon. Friend had talked of his Irish brethren. That ex-
pression was not new. The first instance of brotherhood
he recollected was that in Xsop's Fables between the giant
and the dwarf. The giant and dwarf agreed to become
brothers, and to travel together in search of adventures.
They were employed in a battle together, when the giant,
from his superior strength, got little damage, but the dwarf

lost an eye ; the giant, however, took care to keep all the
plunder. They journeyed on, and in the next adventure
the dwarf lost an arm, and the giant again suffered little
hurt, but took all the plunder. When they were pre-
pared to encounter another similar adventure, the giant
cried out to the dwarf, " Come on, my brave boy !
this time we will make our fortunes." " But," said
the dwarf, " no more battles for me ; I get al the
blows, whilst you get all the plunder."—(A laugh.)
Ireland, in the same way, got all the blows, but
England got all the plunder ; and the worst of all
was, that not only were the people of Ireland plun-
dered, but the people of England were equally plun-
dered. He was for a brotherhood of a different kind ; he
would not plunder, but he would compel the plunderers to
refund. The object for which they were met was to form an
association for the attainment of universal knowledge.
There was a noble field for exertion, a true and a just cause.
He was an advocate for Universal Suffrage.—(Cheers.)
He might not be aware exactly of the mode of attaining
that object, but he had never lost sight of it. Now, what
was the position in which England was placed on the subject
of Universal Suffrage ? The Tories would never consent
to extend the suffrage ; of that there could be no doubt.
Then, again, the Whigs were equally opposed to Universal
Suffrage. He used to boast, indeed he never hesitated to
avow, that he was a Whig-Radical. Well, he was a Whig-
Radical no longer.—(lmmense cheering.) He was now
simply a Radical. And why lie threw off the adjunct he
would toll them at once. Lord John Russell had told them
the other night that it was intended by the Reform Bill to
give more power to the counties of England than tothe towns.
How had the county constituencies repaid him ? They had
sent an immense majority of Members to oppose his policy ;
indeed they had shown themselves the most ungrateful con-
stituencies that ever existed.—[A voice in the room cried
out, " They do not oppose his policy !"j Did they not op-
pose his policy in Ireland ?—(Loud cheers.) It might be
considered exceedingly selfish, but he could not overlook
the interests of Ireland.—(Cheers.) They opposed his
Irish policy, they opposed every liberal measure. He had
heard it said that they ought. to hate the Tories and the
Whigs equally.—( Hear, hear.) Now, hatred was always
candid. There was no dissimulation in it, there was nothing so
sincere as hatred. They would therefore readily believe
that ho was candid in his hatred of the Tories, but he must
confess that he could not reconcile the toast which had been
so enthusiastically received with an equal hatred of the
Whigs. He did not think that the quantity of hatred
ought to be made equal to both parties. His Honourable
friend Mr. Wakley, when he belonged to the medical pro-
fession, and found too patients, never dosed them alike if
the disease was different.—(Cheers and laughter.) The
last toast ought to be expunged out of the category, or
the Tories and Whigs ought to be placed on a different
footing. The Tories for seven centuries had exercised an
unmitigated tyranny and oppression over Ireland. If they
thus sympathised with their sufferings, let them not place
the Whigs on the same footing with the Tories. Let them
recollect the partisan judges, the partial jurors, and the
partisan sheriffs of Tory times ; and what, he would ask
them, could be more horrible than a partisan judge, jury,
and sheriff? He sincerely believed that the present Mi-
nisters were anxious to do justice to Ireland. He would
never vote for them when lie thought they were wrong—
he would vote against them on the Canada
(Loud cheers.) If he found them at any time acing
inconsistently with the rights and interests of English-
111C11, Irishmen, or Scotchmen, he would vote against
them as firmly as he would vote with them when by
so doing he violated no principle. As for Ireland, the
Whigs were infinitely better than the Tories. If they had
a Tory domination revived there, it would drive the country
to a civil war or to a painful submission. Sooner than
have a civil war he would submit even to partial magis-
trates, partisan sheriffs, partial jurors, partisan judges, and
to see the power and wealth of the state turned to the
oppression of the people. But anxious as he was, for the
sake of Ireland, to retain the present ministry, ho was not
the less ready to denounce the sentiments expressed on late
occasions by. Lord John Russeli.—(Loud cheers.) With
respect to the occasion on which these sentiments were
expressed, he would not say that the course of his
honourable friend (Mr. Wakley) was judicious in pres-
sing on the subject. He did not blame any man for differ-
ing with him in opinion, indeed he sometimes differed
with himself, and on that very occasion he changed his
mind two or three times before he ultimately decided whether
he would go into the lobby or remain in the house. Why
then should he blame others for a difference in opinion ? He
knew that his honourable friend was as honest as the sun ifs
making his motion ; hut he new equally well that his heart
was as honest. His judgment might be fallible ; but his
heart was honest. This was the very thing that should be
tolerated, and he would say that they could never
succeed in their object unless they tolerated these
differences of opinion in honest men.—(Cheers). If they
would take his advice he would tell them in three
words what to do—ho would say
"agitate, agitate, agi-
tate."—( Loud cheers.)
The must agitate if they wished
to keep down the party who had deluged every field of the
old, and every gulf and stream of the ocean with blood ;
and who had imposed a thoustind millions of taxes on them,
and mortgaged their industry even to the latest posterity
to pay them.—(Cheers.) Their first and chief object
should be to give protection to the voter.—(Cheers.) It
bad been said that intimidation had been resorted to in Ire•
land at
.the elections. Why, the strongest proof of the
country was that he was himself most anxious for the Bal-
lot, which would be the means of putting down all int:mi.

Parliament of a new reign by bold and liberal measures
worthy to be held "in lasting remembrance ;" instead
of which they have done, what ? Why summoned
the House nearly three months before its usual time of
meeting, for no other purpose, it should seem, than to
tell the country that it shall hare neither Ballot nor
Triennial Parliaments I In his declarations on these
points, Lord JOHN RUSSELL is certainly entitled to
the praise of candour and manliness ; but what are we
to think of his discretion—of his political sagacity ?
Did he fill us With sanguine anticipations by his
late speech at Stroud, only to disappoint us by his
very next speech in the House of Commons ? Did
he raise the cup of hope to our lips, only to dash
it to the earth, the instant we essayed to drink of it ?
We repeat, we are cruelly disappointed in his Lord-
ship. We now see that it is not to him we must hence-
forth look for remedial measures on a comprehensive
scale. He will but dole out his Reforms by driblets.
To get the full measure, we must seek elsewhere.
We suspect that his Lordship has been betrayed
into his—to say the least of it—very inopportune de-
claration, by the result of the last elections, in which
he imagines he can detect a growing tendency in
the popular mind towards mere luke-warm Reform.
If this be the case, we can only say that he
has read the signs of the times in the most purblind
and perverse spirit. The elections, in every instance
where the public sentiment had an opportunity of ex-
pressing itself, were decidedly favourable to prompt and
energetic Reform. It is not popular opinion, but
Tory gold, that has filled the Opposition Bench—a
wide and striking difference, that none ought more
thoroughly to appreciate than Lord JOHN RUSSELL.
And what will be the result of his Lordship's dis-
heartening declaration ? Why, just this. A spirit o 1
distrust will be roused throughout the country ; agita-
tion will become more rife than ever ; the great midland
towns, (Birmingham among the foremost,) and those
of the North will bestir themselves ; and a general,
uneasy ferment will take place of our former settled
confidence and tranquillity.
We cannot bring ourselves to believe, however, that
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in speaking as he did the
other night, spoke the language of the Cabinet. He
must have been delivering his own personal sentiments,
without reference to those of his .colleagues. He
could not possibly have been the mouthpiece of such
men as POULETT THOMPSON and HOBHOUSE, both
of whom are identified with Reform in the most liberal
acceptation of the term. But were it otherwise—were
it really the case that his Lordship's opinions were
those of his colleagues— then we say, boldly and un-
hesitatingly, that such men are not fit to hold office a
month longer. Who brought the present Ministry
into power ? Who braved all the frowns of
Toryism, and triumphed over all backstairs in-
fluence, in order to reinstate the MELBOURNE Ca-
binet ? Who trusted in them—bore with their occa-
sional vacillations—made allowances for their difficult
position—agitated for them—fought for them—and
conquered for them ? Who acted in this bold, gene-
rous manner towards the present Administration ?
Who, but the People I And is it now that sacrifices
such as these are to be forgotten ? Is it now
that that same People is to be told that it is to
meet with no return for its unwearied efforts to
plant a Whig Government on the Treasury Bench ?
That gratitude is all a farce, and that it has already
got quite as much as it ought to have ? But no—we
cannot possibly believe that such can be the language
of a MELBOURNE Cabinet. It is Lord JOHN RUS-
SELL'S, and his only.
Meanwhile, be the intentions of the Ministry what
they may, one thing is clear—we must bestir ourselves.
We must entertain blind confidence no longer, hut put
our own shoulders to the wheel. When Ministers
bring forward good measures, then we must support
them ; but no more of faith—no more of implicit re-
liance—henceforth we must rely only on ourselves.
And in the first place, we must agitate for
the Ballot ; petition for it ; form Associations for
furthering its progress ; and teach this haughty Whig
Lord, that whatever may be his dogmas, we, at least,
will not succumb to them. Moreover, we mu :t give
him practical proof that we are the same people who
carried the Reform Bill ; and that the determined energy
we then displayed, still exists among us. Your pure old
Whig requires a little rousing of this sort now and then.
He is very apt to give himself airs; consequently a rough
shock is the very thing to bring him to his senses.

LONDON :
THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 23, 1837.

The House of LORDS did not meet yesterday.
In the Horn of COMMONS the sitting was short, the only
business transacted consisting of the ordering of a few Returns,
and an announcement by Lord JOHN RUSSELL that her MA-
JESTY would receive the Address, in answer to the Speech from
the Throne, at MO o'clock. The House then adjourned, and
the Speaker, in his State carriage, attended by a great
number of Members occupying other carriages, proceeded with
the Address to the Palace.

The Tories are in extacies at the .difference which
has arisen between the Whigs and the Radicals, in
consequence of Lora JOHN RUSSELL'S declaration on
the subject of Reform. They see clearly enough the
great advantage to them of disunion among the Libe-
rals, and they are using their best aforts to widen
the breach which has so unfortunately been made in the
ranks of the Reform party. In this we trust they will not
be successful. Whatever may be the faults of Lord
JOHN RUSSELL, or of the Administration of which
he is a member, it is the first duty of every true friend
to the interests of his country to consider how, under
existing circumstances, those interests may be best
promoted. There is not the least doubt that it is in
the power of the Reformers, on whose opinions Lord
JOHN RUSSELL has put a veto, by throwing their
weight into the Tory scale, to turn out the Ministry,
and to substitute a PEEL Administration in their
room ; but it would be rather difficult to show
what the country would gain by the change. It
may be said that this would be a lust punishment to
the Whigs for their backwardness in the cause of
Reform. It might be so ; but still the question re-
curs—would it advance that causer Would the march
of Reform be quickened by a Tory Administration ?
If this question can he answered in the affirmative,
then we say, " Out with the Whigs at once ;" if it
cannot, our wh:est course must be to choose the
least of two evils, and- take the little that we can
get from the Whigs, in preference to the nothing
that the Tories would give us. For our own
part, severely as we condemn the course—we had al-
most said the treacherous course--of policy, which, if
we are to understand Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S decla-
ration as that of the Cabinet, the Whig Government is
about to pursue with regard to the great question of
the Ballot, on which the people of the three kingdoms
are almost unanimous—we cannot without a shudder
of horror contemplate the picture which Ireland pre-
sents to our mind's-eye under a Tory Government.
In mercy to that unhappy portion of the empire,
we would implore the Reformers—not to think lightly
of the treatment they have received as a party—not
to repose an implicit confidence in the present Admi-
nistration—but to put up with it for the sake of Ire-
land, keeping a strict eye on its proceedings at the
same time, and bracing it up to the full extent of its
promises, and previous admissions, on those Reform
measures which it has already attempted to pass through
the Legislature.
The people, whose feelings have been so disappoint-
ed, not to say outraged, will, as a matter of course,
assemble in their various communities throughout
the country, and by their petitions to Parliament in
favour of the Ballot, convince Lord JoHN RUSSELL
that he has mistaken their sentiments and their desires
on this subject, as much as he did last Session those
of the Dissenters on Church-rates.

At a public dinner given last night by the Working
Men's Association to Messrs. O'CONNE LL WA K LEY,
LEADER, and several other Liberal Members of the
House of Commons, some stern truths were spoken
respecting the late disastrous declaration of Lord Jot N
RUSSELL. Mr. FIELDEN observed that " after the
conduct of the Ministry on Monday night, he must
designate them as aWhig body moved by Tory springs."
Mr. LEADER said " the Whigs committed suicide
the other night. As a party, they were extinct. If
they had not already coalesced with the Tories,
he supposed but a few days would elapse before
they did." Mr. O'CONNELL added, "We have the
Whigs opposed to us. I had hoped that they were
progressing with the people, and that they would
be found supporting and advocating the popular
cause. I used to boast that I was a Whig-Radical.
Well, I am a Whig-Radical no more. My name
from this time is Radical. And why have I thrown
off this adjunct of Whig ?' Why, because Lord
JOHN RUSSELL has declared that he never intended
to extend the elective principle to the people of the
towns further than it had already been extended ; and
that he did not intend to give to the county consitu-
ency a greater degree of power than he should be will-
ing to bestow on the borough constituency. This is
severe language, but not more so than the case de-
serves. Ministers—there is no gainsaying it—have
sadly disappointed us. We had expected that they
would have been decided on the right, instead of on
the wrong side; that they would have signalized the first

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 23, 1837.

movement, and they will be tried at Carthagena. It is Gene-
ral Palarea who has had recourse to this measure.
" The Baron de Meer has ordered iu Catalonia a levy of all
the unmarried men, widowers, and men without children, from
17 to 40 years of age. The National Guard had been re-or-
ganized at Barcelona.
" Tallada had fallen back upon Utiel.
" There were no tidings of Cabrera.
" On the 15th Oraa was at Valencia."
This is the latest, and indeed the only interesting
intelligence received from Spain.
The Citizens of Nantes have petitioned the Go-
♦ernment for an equalization of the duty on English
and Belgian Coals.
The First Chamber of the States of Saxony has
referred the resolutions of the National Representa-
tives, against the abrogation of the Hanoverian Con-
stitution of 1833, to a Select Committee. The Frank-
fort Correspondent of the Chronicle writes that the
States of East Friesland, have resolved neither to
Elect Deputies under the Constitution of 1819, nor
to pay taxes. Of such a resolution, Ernest cannot
complain, inasmuch, as by his Letters Patent, of the
the 4th instant, he virtually absolved them from all
allegiance to his person and Government. He declared
himself not bound by the Acts of his predecessor ;
wherefore then should his subjects ?
Letters from Africa state that acts of piracy are
still committed along the coast by subjects of the Em-
peror of MOROCCO. A short time ago a Genoese
vessel was plundered in the Bay of Melilah, under cir-
cumstances which showed too plainly that the local
authorities profited by such acts of plunder.
We regret to learn that JEROME BOUNAPARTE is
dangerously ill at Milan. His physicians despaired
of his recovery.
" Several letters from Saragosa of the 14th instant state, that
the Queen's General had come up with Cabrera on the 12th
instant at Alcobaca, and took from the Carlists the greater
part of the booty they bad plundered in the environs of Va-
lencia; but the letters add that the above report requires con-
firmation, and no doubt it originated in the following official
despatch published at Saragosa on the 14th inst. :—" To the
Captain-General of Aragon, Codenera, 12th Nov.—l left
Samper this morning to proceed towards Castelseral, where
I learnt that the enemy was to pass with his battalion, which
ha was conducting to Cantavieja; in fact I found the
Carlists in a position on the bight of Castelseral,
but on my appearance they hastily posted themselves on the
other side of the river, and it was difficult to dislodge them,
and we could not get possession of the town without passing
the bridge. Notwithstanding the danger of this enterprise, I
gave orders for attack, and soon after the town and their
positions were carried by the bayonet, a squadron of the
Queen's, supported by the first battalion of Voltigeurs, over-
threw the Carlists, who were at the same time charged by the
cavalry, the bands dispersed on the mountains leaving the field
covered with their dead ; 140 prisoners, with a considerable
quantity and various effects, were taken."
" The news of the day is that M. Despans de Cubiere Lieu-
tenant-General, has just been appointed Governor-General
of our possessions in Africa. Major-General Duescheret,
Chief of the Staff. We give this news, surprising as
it may appear, because it is generally credited. The
mail from Madrid has not arrived for these two days.
Letters from Saragossa of the 14th inst. say that Oraa
has given orders to General Borso to pursue the faction of
Cabrera, which is on its way to Cantavieja with rich booty,
and not to stop till he has occupied Montanejos before the in-
surgent.. Oraa is at the same time advancing, by way of
Segorbe, towards the high-road from Castellon to Morella.
One of the columns of the Army of the Centre has already
overtaken the rebels, and beaten them."
A letter from St. Jean Pied de Port, of the 11th, in the
Phare de Bayonne, says---." This morning the Carlists made
an attempt to surprise the out-posts of the garrison of Valos,
in which they failed.

" The Queen's troops were all concentrated yesterday at
Pampeluna ; from which it is suppoaed that the punishment ol
the assassins of General Saarsfield and of Colonel Mendivi:
will take place to-day."—Le Commerce.

FriENCH FUNDS —PARIS, Nov. 21.
Five per Cents., 11-Of 90e. 197 f.
Thre? per Cents., 80f. 65c. 00c. 7. c. 65c.
Bank Actions, 2,f.5.5f. 2,600 f.
rtente tie Naples, 100 f. f;.'c. 50c. 55c. Six.
Roman Five per Cents., 101% 102.
Spanish Actives, 2074 it
Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, lOri.
Brussels Society, 1,593 f 1,71 if
Belgian Bank, i,545f. I,5:K;f. 1,55:f. 50c.
Portuguese Loan, Three per Cents. 20h
EICHA NUR. ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25f. 45c. ; money, Vst. 45
Three months, paper, —c. ; money, 25f. 30c.
LAST PRICES.
Five per Cents. 10. f. 23c.
Threc per Cents., S ,f. 75c.
Bank Actions, 2,tinuf.
Romans, 102.
Belgian Loin, 1035. •
Belgian Dank, 1,5)2f. Mc.
Brussels Society, I ,700 f.
Portuguese Throe per Cents., 207 .
Spanish Actives, 21.

BRUSSELS AND GERMAN PAPERS

ANTI-SLAVERY MEETING.
(THIS DAY.)

A public meeting, by appointment, of the Anti-Slavery De-
legates now in London from all parts of the United Kingdom,
was held this morning at Exeter Hall, to take into considera-
tion the measures which should be adopted, in consequence of
the grievous oppressions practised on the Negro apprentices
of the British colonies. Soon after ten o'clock the great room
was filled with a most respectable audience. We observed
upon the platform Mr. Baines, M. P., George Thompson,
Esq., the eloquent anti-slavery advocate, the Rev. J. Burnet,
Rev. J. Hinton, of Reading, Joseph Sturge, Esq., Captain
Harward, R.N., Rev. Dr. Cox, Sir Geo. Strickland, M. P.,
and Mr. Sandford, M. P.
Captain HARWARD moved that Sir E. Wilmot, Bart., M.P.,
do take the Chair, which was carried with loud applause.
The CHAIRMAN said if this were the first time on which he
had to form an opinion upon this subject, and publicly express
that opinion, he should have paused before he accepted the
Chair on the present occasion, because he might possibly be
called upon at some future time to give a judgment upon some
legislative enactment. But it was his happiness, he might
add his pride, that he had always considered the principles of
the Apprenticeship Clause quite contrary, not only to all
principles, religious and moral, but also to the compact
which had been entered into—(Loud cheers)—not that
he did not think some restriction might not be neces-
sary to protect the slave against himself—some protect-
ing arm to assist him when first gifted with liberty—( Hear,
hear)—but, because he held that no restriction was justifiable
which was not imposed on him solely for his own benefit.—
(Cheers.) When, therefore, that clause was first intro-
duced he recorded his veto against it.—Cheers.) He still
objected to it—(Cheers)—for lie had ever considered that
slavery the most galling and the most atrocious which wore the
mask of liberty—( Loud cheers.) In 1833 a motion was made
by Mr. F. Buxton in the House of Commons, that the clause
should exist no longer than 'necessary for the benefit of the
slave.—(Cheers.) Since 1833, experience had convinced
him that it had been attended with a worse species of slavery
than existed before the Abolition Act had passed.—( Cheers.)
Therefore it was that he did not hesitate to take the Chair on
this occasion, though he regretted that it was not filled by a
more important and more competent person.—(Cheers.) He
could assure the meeting that all his efforts both in and out of
Parliament should be employed to promote this hallowed ob-
ject.—(Loud cheers.) Another inducement to him to take
the Chair was, that he had the honour to represent a county
in Which one of the most important towns in this country was
situated, and the residence of a gentleman who had done
more for this cause than, any other person in the kingdom
—Joseph Sturge, Esq.—( Great cheering.) As one of
that gentleman's Representatives in Parliament, though
differing from him on some political principles, he was happS,
to bear his testimony to his upright conduct, his unwearied
exertions, and the excellent character which he bore in that
county.—( Cheers.)
JOSEPH STURGE, Esq., (who was received with loud ap-
plause) then read a letter from F. Buxton, Esq. M. P., ac-
counting for his non-attendance ; in which (though his ill
health was the principal cause of his absence) he expressed
doubts as to the probability of their success, and fears of the
ill effect which, in the event of their not succeeding, their
exertions would have on the slaves. Mr. Sturge said peti-
tions had already been presented to Parliament and the Colo-
nial Legislators on the subject, therefore they were already.,
so far, committed to it—( Loud cheering)—and, with re-
spect to the second point, he for one never was afraid of
asking justice for any man—( Loud cheers)—and, if denied, the
consequences would be chargeable on those who refused, not
on those who demanded that justice.—( Loud cheers.)
J. HOWLEY, Esq., of Gloucester, then commenced a long
statement, from official documents, of the oppressions to which
the slaves under the apprenticeship system were subjected.
He had scarcely begun, when Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M.P.,
appeared upon the platform, and was received with the loudest
and most enthusiastic applause. Mr. Bewley observed with
regard to the intended re-appointment of the Apprenticeship
Committee, that Parliamentary Committees were seldom of
any good. This Committee had sat the whole of last ses-
sion, and bad come to the unanimous conclusion that the
apprenticeship system ought not to be disturbed ; but
they had made a number of recommendations as to its im-
provement, all of which had been disregarded.—( Hear, hear.)
They had Joseph Sturge before them, and examined him for
seven days. What additional value or credit his evidence
could derive from coming through a Committee of the House
of Commons, he (Mr. B.) could not conjecture—( Hear)
—but the object of the reappointment of the Committee was
to rebut that testimony. And anybody who supposed that
it would not be contradicted, every word of it, would
lee deceived.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Why, when slavery
was attacked before the Abolition Act passed, " respectable "
persons came before the House of Commons, Captains of the
Navy—nay, Admirals—who said, that during the horrors of
the " middle passage," the slaves were so happy that they
jumped about the deck.—( Laughter, and Hear, hear.) There
was at that time an individual, who once was not able to pay
20s. in the pound, but who having been so fortunate as, out of
the twenty millions " compensation fund," to get enough to
become the representative of the borough of Evesham, was
now, if titles were true, an Honourable Gentleman"—
( Laughter)—who used to assert that the slaves were better
off than the peasants of this country.—( Hear, hear, and
laughter.) No &alit, -then, Joseph Sturge's evidence
would he refuted—(Hear, hear, hear)—and the result
of the Committee then would be another huge folio
of evidence, not one quarter of which would ever be read by
one quarter of tie Members of the House of Commons.—
( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. B.) would, however, prove, from
official documents, that the compact made with this country
by the slave-owners had been completely broken.—( Hear.)
First, as respected the flogging of women—(Hear)—which,
by the Imperial Act of " Abolition," was expressly forbidden,
he read extracts from the evidence of various persons, and from
a proclamation of Sir Lionel Smith's to the Legislature of
Barbadoes, showing that this revolting practice still continues.
—( Hear, hear, and " Shame.") Females were ordered to be
flogged at the tread-mills, and were flogged till death almost
caused.— (Shame.) With regard also to the food of the slaves,
the provisions of the Act had been disregarded.—( Hear,
hear.) The colonies were divided into " home fed" and
" foreign fed" colonies : in the foreign the slave cultivated
land, set apart for the purpose, for his subsistence ; and the
Act allowed him for that object half Friday every week. But
in adopting the " eight hour," instead of. the " ninth hour"
working system—the slave was in many cases deprived of that
time.—(Hear, hear.) In Jamaica, Lord Sligo, addressing
the House of Assembly, had mentioned this, and also bad
called their attention to the fact, that the slave-grounds were
often ten or fifteen miles from the plantations ; but his re-
monstrances were disregarded.—( Hear, hear.) Lord Glen-
clg, it was painful to state, had not thought it worth while to
interfere.—( Hear, bear.) As regarded the " foreign fed" cc-
lonies, i. e. those in which the slaves were fed by rations from
their masters' stores, the Act had been equally evaded. In
Jamaica where, before the passing of the Act, the gaol allow-
ance was twenty-one pints of meal, and seven pounds of salt
fish weekly, the slaves now had but ten pints of meal and three
pounds of fish.—(Hear, hear.) In British Guiana only eight
pints of meal and two pounds of fish. In the Mauritius, six
pints of meal and three and a-half pounds of fish. In Tor-
tolu, only four pints of meal and no fish.—(Shame, and cries
of hear, hear.) This, too, let it be remembered, is in direct

13aussELs, Nov. S. —We are assured that the subscriptions
opened yesterday at the Bank of Belgium for a thousand
shares of the Rhenish Company of the iron rail-road from
Cologne to the Belgian frontier, amounts to the immense sum
of (529,000 francs. The result of this subscription gives one
certificate for 30,000 francs, and one for a sum below that
amount. For every demand exceeding a million 34 certificates
will be given for the first million, and one for every additional
300.000.

TRIESTE, Nev. 14.--Everything here is prepared to re-
ceive the Archduke John, the Prussian Princess, and the Duke
of Leuchtenberg, who intend to come to this city after a short
stay in Athens. We learn at the same time from Athens that
the dispute between M. V. Weichs an'l Sir J. Lyons is set-
tled, but it is reported that B ',rots Weichs is recalled from
Greece, and will soon arrive at Munich.

MUNICH, Nov. 10.—His Majesty will in person close to.
morrow the session of the Diet for this year with the usua:
formalities.

rELGIAN 1 UNDS—Beirssm.s, Nov. Zl.
Actual Debt, 2N:. per Cent.
Rothschild's Loan, 5 per Cent
Loan of Thirty Millions V2%
Loan of City, 1532,4 per Cent lOl
Society of Commerce, 4 ry per Cent l4l
Bank of Belgium, 5 per Cen•
National Society
—Brussels Papers, Nov. 21.
AUSTRIAN FUND.—VIENNA, Nay. 13.
Five per Cents. Metalliques
Four per Cents. ........ ...... ...... ..........
Three per Cents.
Bank Shares 1403
—Allgenzeine Zeilung, Nov, 18.

THE FUNDS.--(THIS DAY.)

CITY, T TVELVE 0' CL 0 CK.
We have no arrivals this morning, with the exception of the
usual foreign mails ; consequently, to all appearance, we shall
have a blank day, both for intelligence and speculations in the
Fu-ids.

contravention of the Imperial Act, which enacted that the
apprentices should receive equal allowance of food, medicine,
&c., as they had received before the passing of the Act.—
( Hear, hear.) They were actually worse off now than before.
—( Hear, hear.) Sir George Grey indeed has said that this
was hardly a fair way of stating it, because there were a num-
ber of " ors,"—such as, " so many pints of meal, or so many
plantains," and so on—(that "or " was a common word in
Colonial legislation.) In the Jamaica Act there were no less
than twelve " ors "—thus leaving it to the discretion of the
planters—which " or" the slaves should have.—( Laughter.)
He (Mr. B.) would advise the Imperial Parliament, when
next they legislate on the subject, to say that the compensation
shall be 20,000,0001., "or" 5,000,000/., "or" 10,000,0001.,
"or" nothing at all.—(Loud laughter, and " Hear, hear.")
Sir George Grey now said that inquiry was to take place on
the subject. After four years of starvation it was time indeed
that it should.—( Hear, hear.) And as "Sir G. Grey was a
Christian professor, he (Mr. B.) hoped that he would act on
the Christian rule, " Do unto others as you would have done
to you.—(Cheers.) Then as regarded punishments. Ile
apprehended that anything tending to degrade the slaves was
at variance with the spirit of the Act.—( Hear.) It rather
sought gradually to elevate them and fit them for perfect
freedom.—( Cheers.) Yet these were some of the punish-
ments to which they were subject in Jamaica and other colo-
nies :—Absent without leave, 20 lashes ; refusing or neglect-
ing to labour, 20 lashes ; drunkenness, first offence, 20
lashes—oh, he wished there was a reciprocity here—( Loud
cheers) ;—wandering beyond the plantation without leave, 30
lashes—why the Act, as he understood it, was intended to
make the slave free, with the exception of 45 hours' labour
for his master—( Hear) ;—insolence, 30 lashes—that is, a
word, or even a look, under the severest provocation--( Hear)
—insubordination, 39 lashes ; drunkenness, second time, 40
lashes ; carelessness with fire, 50 lashes—under the old slavery
system, no domestic offences were punishable with more than
39 lashes—( Hear, hear)—yet for injuring property, 50 lashes;
ill-using cattle, 50 lashes ; improper performance of work,
50 lashes; and any inferior misdemeanour of any kind, 50
lashes.—( Shame 1) For many slight offences, too, the ap-
prentice slave could be mulcted of the small time which the
law allowed him to cultivate the land for his own subsistence.
When the Act passed, Lord Stanley took nine exceptions,
but eventually said he had confidence in the Colonial Legis-
latures ; yet of those exceptions some of the most important
had up to this hour been totally disregarded by those Colo-
nial Legislatures.—(Hear, hear, hear, and much cheering.)
He (Mr. B.) had next to refer to the evidence of Dr. Max,-
well, himself a proprietor, as given on the 24th November,
1834. That gentleman stated on oath that the food of the
negro in the agricultural districts was incompatible with the
existence of good health.—( Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.)
Now, here was the evidence of a medical gentleman to prove
that the negro population were suffering severely from the
want of those comforts which it was the intention of the Le-
gislature they should possess.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
The Colonial Government had broken their contract with the
negro, and he had a right, he maintained, to throw down his
hoe and refuse to work. Look, beside, to the difficulties
thrown in the way of every Magistrate who is determined to
discharge his duties. Mr. B. then alluded to the case of Dr.
Palmer. That gentleman was dismissed from his office by
Government, and on demanding an inquiry, Government in-
stituted a Commission, consisting of two 'planters and two
special justices. (Hear, hear.) To what conclusion
did the meeting think that Commission came ? That Dr.
Palmer had administered justice more in accordance with
the spirit of the law, as regarded freemen, than as the
condition of the slave ; and that the disturbances in St.

We stated yesterday that the overland express from India
brought unfavourable accounts in respect to commercial affairs,
which is confirmed this morning by the various private letters.
Business was at a stand at Calcutta and Bombay, and paper
on England could not be negotiated ; but there were no
failures when the despatches left Bombay, the 27th of Sep..
tember, brought by the Atalanta steamer to Suez. Produce
of all kinds had, however, considerably lowered, and money
was so very scarce, that Government had advanced 28 lass of
rupees to the merchants, on the security of the opium and
cotton shipping for the Chinese market. The exchange on
London had declined, and Company's paper was quoted at 2
to 24 and 21- per sicca rupee. The indigo crop this season is
between eigity and ninety thousand maunds. At Bombay the
exelange on London was Is. 9d. per Bombay rupee. These
letters also contain accounts, through Bombay, from China,
to the 18th July. All was quiet there at that date. •

all its provisions had been universally defeated,this meeting fee e
that as the compact has been broken, the only remeo y
for the wrongs of the negro, the only security for 11nd11.5.
future protection is the immediate, the total, and the uncoes
tional extinction of slavery, and the admission of the negro
to all the rights and privileges of the British Constituttoe;.
The Rev. J. H. HINTON, M.A. (from Reading), second.:
the resolution. He expressed a conviction that this meetl
would arouse the spirit of English liberty, which would
reeo.
Co-
the Throne of a youthful Queen, and awake slumbering
d,' Übe
lonia' Administrations—and that the Negro would sha
free indeed.—( Cheers.)
The CIIAIRMAN put the resolution, which was agreed to tla"
nimously, with tremendous cheering.
J. PEASE, Esq., M.P., moved the next resolution •.--0;
" That this meeting, strengthened by the successful resultst_
immediate emancipation in Antigua wad Bermuda, earnes
call upon her Majesty's Government to take the earliest steps
for terminating the apprenticeship sys:-cm —at least by the
Ist of August, 1838, the period at which the non prcedial slaves
would
CHARLESreed PELHAM eers
VILLIERS, Esq., M.P., seconded the.
resolution. He could not think it worthy of the honour :I._
this great nation that it should suffer iteelf to be cheated co,
of the 20.000,0001., wrung from the hard earnings of the
1;e-ple—(Cheers)—and be held up as an example of tu,
Cheers's;
m tintenance of slavery to all surrounding nations.—(
At present the condition of the slaves was much weria
than before the Act of Abolition passed.—( Hear, hear.) _
too many cases there was a combination between the Plantie;
and the Justice—( Hear, hear)—and the punishment of t,
slave frequently, giving a larger share of labour to the
Planter, the latter hada direct interest ire the dolinquenelera
of the slaves.—( Hear.) The only remedy —and the Plate
having violated the compact entered into with him by the '";:,
perial Parliament, there was a clear right to adopt that r
med.'—immediate and total abolition.— ( Loud cheers.) .5
The Rev. JOIIN BURNET supported the resolution. ft vv;di
painful to think that the Imperial Act—improperly design°
the Abolition Act—had proved a solemn farce, a nie-
tionat delusion.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") The emP re
ought not to have alloeed it to pass.—(Cheers.) wssillt
delusion to imagine that slavery was abolished.—( Hear')
had only changed its name : it still existed in reality.
e
(Loud cheers.) Even the terms of that Act had not be:
kept by the planters.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Sorry Was eh
that the only blot on her Majesty's diadem was that sut
was a Queen of slaves.—(Loud and tremendous che,ering'i
But it was not her fault._( Cheers.) She found that blete (fa
her diadem ; it was our's to wipe it away for ever.--(fi..s
cheers.) They did not require thet re-appointment of le'
Committee—( Hear, hear) : it was one of delay, not of 01-
quiry : it was the enemy's manceeere : it would be the re r.
of the cause of abolition ; for its deliberations might not
concluded until 1840: it was like the bill of the veterinal
surgeon, for curing your horse till he died.—(Loud laughter'
[We shall give the Conclusion in a Second Edition.]

Thomas in the Vale were owing entirely to him. The report
was sent in to Government on the Sunday ; on the Mon-
day Sir Lionel Smith dismissed Dr. Palmer from his
office.—(A gentleman in the crowd here cried out, "
Palmer is in the room—a chair for Dr. Palmer ;" a call
which was enthusiastically responded to by the meeting.)
One word more. When Dr. Palmer arrived in this country,
and laid his case before Government, what was the reply to
him ? " That the grounds of the accusation against him were
of too general a nature, and that they did not admit of any
distinct refutation." He (Mr. B.) confessed that he had his
political feelings as well as others—that he was willing to sup-
port a Liberal Administration—but that he held those feelings
as little in the scale in comparison with that great principle of
freedom which had been compromised by those proceedings.
The natives of the colonies, he contended, had been sold and
compromised to a little band of oppressors and tyrants. A
sudorific draught had been administered to John Bull, and
while his senses were steeped in intoxication, his pocket had
been picked of 20,000,0001. ; but he could tell the oppressors
of the negro that he was beginning to awake from his lethargy,
and that they had better get out of the way of his clumsy fiat.
Laughter.) Mr. B. concluded amidst loud cheering.
Sir G. STRICKLAND, M. P., in proposing the first resolu-
f on, which was to the effect that that meeting regarded slavery,
under every modification, as repugnant to the spirit of a free
constitution, and the principles and preceptS of Christianity, said
that in every word and sentiment of that resolution he most
heartily concurred. He might be asked why he came there,
and what his objects in attending that meeting were. He
would describe them in a few words. fie came there deter-
mined, by every means in his humble power, to abolish the
abominable principle of slavery in every part of the British
empire.—(Cries of " hear, hear," and loud cheering.) He
would even go farther, and say, that when they had brought
the object of their present meeting to a successful termina-
tion, he would not cease his exertions to abolish the horrors of
slavery, not only in the British colonies, but throughout the
world. He was not going to afflict their feelings by a repeti-
tion of the horrors which had been just detailed to them. It was
only necessary to tell him that slavery existed, and he knew that
all these horrors existed along with it. In the colonies, however,
these horrors had been aggravated in a much greater degree
than the people of England were generally aware of.
Hundreds of thousands of lashes were annually inflicted on
the backs of the unfortunate slaves, in order to extract from
them that which could be best obtained by kind treatment and
honest wages. They all remembered that when the Bill for
the Abolition of Slavery was brought into Parliament,
it then contained no compromise of apprenticeship or
compensation.—( Hear, hear.) The friends of freedom
had, however, to contend with a powerful party in the State
—a party whom he would only describe as the fr:ends of
despotism and of tyranny all over the world.—(Cheers.) They
had to contend against a phalanx of West India influence, and
in order to carry their wishes into effect, they were obliged to
agree to this disgraceful compromise.—( Hear, hear.)
Though he, for one, did not think that that compro-
mise ought ever to have been entered into—for Britieh
liberty was a right which could not be bought or sold—he
still thought, that in the history of British extravagance, so
large a sues had never been paid in so just a cause. As re-
garded the principle of apprenticeship, he thought it a bad
scheme, and there was the most powerful evidence against it ;
amongst which he would only instance the evidence of Admiral
Fleming, who was in favour of unconditional and unqualified
freedom for the Negro population. He, for his own part, did
.-net.like the principle of apprenticeship even in England ; for
he thought it only a qualified species of slavery. He thought
`that if a young man, could acquire a knowledge of his pro-
fession or business in a year, or two years, it was a
hardship to compel him to serve five more. (Loud
cheers.) The system of slavery, however, in the West Indies
bore no comparison with the system.of apprenticeship in Eng-
land. We have, thank God, no Colonial Legislature here to
mar and destroy the benevolent intentions and acts of the
Imperial Parliament. But alluding to the eloquent speeches
which they had heard, he trusted that they had heard suffi-
cient to convince them of the justice and policy of the cause
in which they were embarked. It was their duty to perse-
vere, and never relax in their exertions until they had obtained
unconditional and unqualified freedom for the Negro slave.
They had paid them money to purchase that freedom, and
they should not be cheated out of the result. He thanked
them for the attention with which they had heard him, and
as they would no doubt hear more powerful speeches in advo-
cacv of those principles, he would not occupy their attention
farther than to say that his exertions should be always
devoted to the abolition of slavery—( Hear, hear)—not only
in the British empire, but throughout the whole world.
The Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud applause.
The Rev. Wm. ANDERSON, of Glasgow, next addressed
the meeting. He said that he was an obscure individual,
and he should nut have presumed to intrude himself upon
their attention, but that he stood before them in the character
of a delegate from the Anti-Slavery Society of Glasgow.
There was no part of the empire, perhaps, in which the
friends of the Negro had so hard a battle to fight, or where
they had fought it so well. Every sort of abuse and
calumny had been heaped upon them by the Colonial press of
that city, but they were undaunted by every difficulty.—
( Cries of " Hear, hear.") A few, to be sure, who had
once acted with them, had indeed succumbed, but the people
had nobly stood by them, and deterred the rulers and scribes
from laying hands on the apostles of piety and charity. In
addition to all the motives which originally influenced them in
advocating the abolition of slavery, love of their fellow-crea-
tures, and fear Of the judgments of God, they bad been actu-
ated by a feeling of indignation that they had been cheated out
of their money, and that the condition of the objects of their
humanity has been in no ways better.—( Hear, hear.) [The
Reverend Gentleman, after some further observations,
proceeded to say that the intentions of the Legislature had not
been carried into effect by Lord Stanley's Bill, and that the
contract with the Negro had been grossly violated. He con-
cluded by seconding the resolution.
The resolution was then put from the Chair, and carried
without a dissentient voice.
Mr. O'CONNELL rose to address the meeting, and was re-
ceived with tremendous cheering. The Hon. Gentleman said
that the people of England had been cheated, humbugged,
and swindled.—( Cheers.) It was not a petty lerceny affair,
it was not a matter of pounds shillings and pence,but 20,000,000/
sterling. Yes, 20,000,000/. had been taken from the pockets
of the English people, and he would be glad to know where
it had gone. He should like to know how much of that
20,000,000/. went to each of the planters, He applied in his
place in the House of . Commons for information on the
subject, and asked if Sir George Grey had an objection to give
it. The Hon. Baronet replied that. he had not, but that,
without giving notice, any motion on the subject would be
informal. He accordingly gave notice of the motion, but Par-
liament was then on the eve of dissolution, and he left
it in the hands of Mr. Warburton. The friends of the planters,
however, succeeded in throwing delays in the way, and the
motion fell to the ground. Now, he would say that the people
of England bad a right to know how much of the public
money had been paid to each man for his slaves—they had
a right to know whether there had not been paid to each indi-
vidual as much, if the bargain was between private parties, as
would have purchased them twice over.—( Hear, hear.)
He denounced the so-called compact that had been en-
tered into between the British Legislature and the
people. What was the justice of that compact ? He, for
one, would not be bound by it—he Toted against the grant of
20,000,000/. ; others who were in the minority voted
against it, and ought they to be bound by it ?—( Hear,
hear.) But were the persons principally interested—
the Negro population—parties to that compact ?—(Cries
of " Hear, hear.") No. they were not. Lord Stan-
ley, in introducing his Bill, made a sublime and moving
appeal to the humane and generous feelings of the British
Legislature ; but when he entered into the details of

MANCHESTER AND BIRMINGHAM RAD,- hig
—A few weeks ago we announced, that the Directors of t.
Company had appointed Mr. Rastriek their engineer in ch,,„let,
We understand that at a meeting of the Board on Monday '—
Mr. George Watson Buck was appointed the resident Cl?
giheer, with directions to enter on his active duties in5a..,,t
diately. This gentleman has been employed during the 167 i
three years in superintending the formation of the Lend%
and Birmingham Railway, from London to Tring, a
of upwards of thirty miles. This part of the line is now ePke,
to the public, and comprises a great variety of heavy o'er,.
the execution of which reflects the highest credit on the 961
and industry of Mr. Buck, and has given the utmost satisfac'
tion to the Company and their engineer, Mr. Robert Stephew.
son.—Manchester Guardian of Wednesday.
GRAND JUNCTION RAILWAY.—The
of the Grand Junction Railway have latterly madiellsdiorigsinetre:actrillii:
terations in their system of management, which w
conduce to the convenience of the public. Instructions hay
been given to their servants at Birmingham, commanding. 0191
.whenever the mail shall not have arrived at its destinatio
within one half hour of its appointed time, to despatch slif
engine from Birmingham in order to ascertain the cause 0.,
the detention, and to afford such assistance as the emerge:lc./
of the case may seem to require. Birmingham Pith°.
thropist.
The Goldsmiths' Company gave a grand dinneff
yesterday to the Livery, at their splendid 1%11, in honour °
her Majesty's late visit to the City.
We learn from the first number of the Gateshead
Observer, a Liberal paper, that a subscription of 2,oooTors
been entered into to defend the petition against the
Members for Hull, and that this subscription was a spontane("l
,ct on the part of the Reformers of Hull and its neighOtir-

hood, and solely confined to them.
f
Yesterday morning we had our first regular fa-,- t
snow, beginning and ending with a visitation of rain and Ste
The snow fell in sufficient quantity to cover the ground Pru'l
thickly, in spite of the rain which preceded it. The rain th,ae
followed was not very long in removing it, and making to
mud worse than ever.—Montreal Courier, Oct. 26.
The Seine has risen considerably within a few daYs't
and it is supposed that some of the low lands up the river Os
be flooded.
Yesterday a fine weather-beaten old man-o'-wa"
man was charged at Worship street with being drunk, and in-
capable of taking care of himself. Mr. Grove—How len,fr
have you been on shore? Jack—About eight weeks, Ye"nt
Honour. Mr. Grove—And how much money have You g-f
rid of in that time ? Jack—Nothing to speak of—a
601. or so. Mr. Grove—And have you spent it all ? Jue,i‘re
The last shot, your Honour. Mr. Grove—lf you coins "tea-it
again you must pay a fine to the Queen. Jack—She
have it and welcome, Lord love her, but she must paY
something first. Jack was then allowed to sheer off.
EXTRAORDINARY SAGACITY OF RATS.--t
have read and heard of numerous and striking instances of t""
sagacity of rats ; but we do not remember any more extrai°,r;
dinary than the following, which has been communicated at
us by a gentleman connected with the Peak Forest Ca h,
Company. The workmen at the Crist Quarry at Bugswe,rc,h
which belongs to the Canal Company, have a horn in
matter:,
they keep oil for the axles of their waggons, &c., which t";bit
have been in the habit of placing on the ground in an 01:tes
position. To their very great surprise, they have severeraJl
recently found the horn filled to the brim with very,
sue,
stones, and nearly the whole of the oil gone. This ore
stance puzzled them exceedingly ; and, in order to discl;
o
the way in which the oil had been abstracted, they placed t
co,
horn containing a quantity of oil, in its old position, and fn,
vered the ground about it with very soft clay. The next tecl".th
ing, they found, as before, that the horn had been filled
stones ; the oil was gone ; and the clay was covered with el,
pressions evidently from the feet of rats.—Manchester Far ito
The number of geese kept, fatted, and plucked
Lincolnshire fur the London market is immense ; so exters: is
is one goose establishment said to be, that a steam-eog'n it
kept constantly employed in grinding meal and mashing
into compost with potatoes for their food. dog
Lord Willoughby d'Eresby officiated on M°ll,
for the first time during the present reign, as Great Chanweof
lain. Lady Willoughby and her daughter were in the 110,11.1..
the other House. The carriages of the Duchess of 'foe
borough and other Peeresses were permitted to stand Den' 40
great gates of the new Palace, to view the Royal procegilie
issue from the Palace on its way to the House of Lora' (1-
Marquis of Lansdowne,while proceeding to the House of
in his chariot, was blocked up at the end of Georgo-s:htriceeto
among waggons, cabs, coaches, &c., and it was irriP'el" the
'
extricate his Lordship for some time • but by the aid of
police he was rescued, and enabled to proceed. •

his- measure, there was a universal shout of indignation
against it. England through her broad lands, Scotland
by her hardy, intelligent people, and the suffering people of
Ireland united together, in resisting the iniquitous details of
that measure. Were they not of the same opinion still ?
(Long continued cheers.) Yes, and they were there to
say, that their determination was unchanged, and from
the entire land the wishes of the British people would be
proclaimed in a manner that it would be impossible for
any Administration to resist.—(Cries of " Hear,, hear.")
The people of the Colonies should enjoy freedom, not
merely in name. What were the details of Lord Stanley's
sagacious plan ? He apprenticed the negro to earn nothing
—(Loud laughter)—for twelve years, and at the age of 70
he might hope, if he lived to the sweet age of 82, to be free
for the remainder of his life. Part of the Noble Lord's plan
also was, to levy 15,000,0001., not on the properties or es-
tates of the planters, but on the blood and bones of the
unfortunate Negro. He would put it to them whether
the condition of the Negroes, while they were slaves, was
not better than in their state of apprenticeship. The case
had been well put by some of the gentlemen who had pre-
ceded him. While slaves the master had some interest in
treating them kindly, and prolonging their existence ; he had
now no such interest.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and loud
cheering.) Four out of the six years were now over,
and accordingly, as his property in the negro approached
its close, he had a positive interest in his living no longer,
for they should recollect that the planter would be obliged
to make some provision for the destitute, old and infirm, after
they had served the term of their apprenticeship.—(Hear. )
He called upon the people of England to stand between the
negro and this murderous system. He held in his hand a me-
lancholy detail of the sufferings of the negro under the
present system. In Jamaica alone, out of a population
of 260,000 negroes, how many did they think
,were punished
by the lash ? No less than 25,000 males and 33,000 females,
making a total of 58,000, being 1 out of every 5, and that
in the space of only 22 months. Was that the compact
that had been entered into. The. Hon. Gentleman then
alluded to the flogging of females which he denounced as brutal
in the extreme. A practice which, notwithstanding the clause
that he had succeeded in introducing into the Bill, had
been persevered in to a frightful extent. He then made
some strong reflections on the conduct of the Americans
in continuing the system, and alluded in particular to
the disgraceful treaty that had just been entered into
between the President of the United States and the people
of Texas, he called upon them to raise the voice of humanity,
and to proclaim to the world their sense of the conduct of these
men, whom he designated as the basest and the vilest of
the human race. With respect to South America, he
was happy to say that one of the first acts of her present
Gracious Majesty was to conclude a treaty with the Co-
lumbian States to put an end for ever to this abomi-
nable system. The Hon. Gentleman concluded, by pro-
posing the following resolution
That had the Act of Abolition been faithfully and honestly
executed, and had it in any material degree ameliorated the
condition of the slaves, this meeting would have confined itself
to attempts for its improvement. But it having been proved by
documents that the spirit and the intentions of the Act, and almost

T. COX SAVORY, Goldsmith, &c., 47, Cor.nt, of
London, informs the Public, that he has a considerable varielfers
SECOND-HAND GOLD WATCHES, any of which be
at EIGHT GUINEAS each. They have all been careful-11
amined, and are warranted.—Watches purchased in exchanges

BIRTH.
On the 22d inst„ in Cumber land-place, Regent's-park, I‘,r r`. 0'
Marshall, of a daughter.

MA .
This morning, at St. PancrasßßlED
New Church, John Poyer Foir
Esq., to Maria Jane, daughter of George Shepheard, Esq''
100 On the , Guildford-
20thstreet inst.,, Russell-square. ' I, rlO
at All Saints' Church, Maidstone. C-3 b'
Peterson, Esq., of the 11th Light Dragoons, to Caroline Elizadbetth.,
relict of B. H. Blake, Esq., of the 4th Light Dragoons, en 01111,
younger daughter of the late Chas. Milner, Esq., of Preston
in the county of Kent.
On the `2lst inst. Putney, ,at Putne Captain William Burdett Dobsfoi
R.N., son of Admiral Dobson, to Marian Frances, only daughte
the late Captain E. L. Crofton, R N , C.B.
of Colonelo Taylor,theof
On the 21st inst., at Sandhurst, Be.rks, Wm. Blundell Fortesbeete;
Esq., of Fullapits, Devonshire, to Harriett Maria, second dog, ut,.
Royal° Ag lv i
Governorgo, et
leitilarlivoCuosellegi
On the 22d inst., at St. Mary's, Paddington, Charles late
the Middle Temple, Esq., to Sarah,eldest daughter of„,,th,,e
nn -c''2l----'
F. Duval, Esq.,and '
in the same county, Lie

DIED
At. Kuttack, in the Presidency of *Bengal, on the 18th of Jurieof
PelhlairthDNoantnivitehlonrafaenltVrya,rrtehne,oEnslyq.s,oln.ieouffiten.alnytaranredn,LEltesirpreiateie;f
nu t: crib, uy
sr y, ,ECs
qh.e.slhaut
er.i ti ,
theKiN
Brentwood. Essex EA., °f
•
_, On the 18th inst., Sarah, relict of John Earley Cook,
AT IVO°
On the 19th inst , Mrs. Newman Knowlys, widow of )-e
'der:Orr:3er of London. • ~,,,., of
On the 20th inst., aged 70, Mary, wife of T. Lewin, l'-'
The Mollies, Kent.
At the Cape of Good Ho a Sonhil wife of John WOO: late Dr.
of the Bombay Civil Servfce', and the'' daughter of the
Roxburgh. Anne, the
On the 21st inst., in Upper Islington-terrace, Mary
0f Ch
wife of Mrlst.. B,
at . HSouthampton, aged 78, Margaret, relict
0
. Epworth.
Chamberlayne, Esq., Admiral of the Blue. went`
,ea 4,19:
Sa
On the 16th inst., Mr. Benjamin Mayo, of the
Snowhill. General the a 0
Gene
On the 21st., in Stanhope-place, llyde-park,
Toe,
of Cavan, aged 74. • ge„ietta '
On the 14th inst,, at Little Burstead Rectory, :. ,s,
infant daughter of Captain Fothergill, 69th Regirnetaf St. phi,
On the 19th inst., Henry Bolden Turner, Esq., ° oartoot
wood-road. p v John
On the 16th inst., at Exeter, aged 78, the '"e'
_ware'
many years resident in that city. ,„ rringtoa volt
On the 17th inst., Thomas Peake, Esq., of 1° arit,st"
and of Milton's-gren, Gerrard's-cross, Bucks, Serge e
Gar
tigi'd 67. Mr. Jan' s
On the 14th inst., in Charles-street, Chelsea,
leard, aged 85.

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