The Sun.
London, England, 1837-09-12 00:00:00

would he supported by at least four-fifths of the whole
House. Therefore a collision between the txvo Houses
is by no means an oeencrenee so probable as a collision
between the parties we have alieadv designated—the
Lords and the people. And as the Lords are a party
who will never consent to any measure of Reform
unless by compulsion) it is high time for those who
do not wish to see the next Session pass tim uselessly
as the two preceding, to take measures to secure the
acquiescence of the hereditary despots.—Morning
Aciverastr.

The intimate union which subsists between harry=
nave and Do‘vning-street is not the union which
Daniel is anxious to " repeal," although his simple-
minded friend Mr. Sharman Crawfeed, who has under-
taken to perform towards hilb the thankless ffice of a
political Mentor, earnestly urges him thereto. He
might as well attempt to persuade Daniel to disen-
cumber his green uniform of the beggarinan's wallet,
because the wringing from the hard hands of the
poorest people on the face of the earth, 20,0001. a-
year, is worthier of the mercenary impostor than the
high-minded patriot. The union between Darrynane
and Dosviiing-street is a union which has its recipro-
cal advantages for the parties concerned. The agi-
tor, by means of his Parliamentary tail, upholds
in office the Ministers whom the electors of Eng-
land have repudiated, and Ministers in return
place at the disposal of the agitator all the patron-
age of Ireland. While Daniel has his share of the
profits no earthly consideration will induce him to
dissolve partnership. A share in such a concern is
probably better than one in either his bank or brewery,
however flourishing they may be. The simplicity of
Sharman Crawford, in supposing that Daniel has any
other principle than his interest, or that any logic
could induce him to prefer profitless patriotism to
well-paid agitation, can only excite in this inexorable
fleecer of the " hereditary bondsmen" a smile of con-
tempt as Abraham Jenkinson must have felt for the
exquisite innocence of Dr. Primrose in mistaking his
ingenious mode of "raising the wind for the ebulli-
tion of a heart overflowing with philanthropy. As to
the honest English Radicals—the real Radicals, we
mean—not the miserable shufflers and place-hunt-
ers known by the name of Whig-Radicals—as to the
honest English Radicals, we say, whom the great
patriot impostor of Ireland has " fooled to the top of
their bent," they will have to look in vain for the
" manna " of Radical measures while Daniel is
richly regaling himself amid " the flesh pots of
Egypt." The Radicals who have not like Flume
and Bowring, et id genus omne, ratted to the
Whig camp, who have not yet learned to admire
or participate in the rankest of Whig jobs, on the
" black is-white" principle, such Radicals may hunger
long enough and pine in unrelieved privation, while
Daniel and his dependents are pampered at the public
expense, enjoying as comfortable quarters, and dividing
as large returns from the trade of sordid agitation, as
any ingenious contriver of " safe speculations" could
desire. Discovery is the test of genius—then, what
a wonderful genius Mr. Sharman Crawford must
have, who has discovered at this time of day the in-
consistencies of O'Connell, and his complicated trea-
chery to what is called the popular cause, which cause
he has always made subservient to the ravening de-
sires of his pocket-patriotism. What artist of the
pea-and thimble would not prefer the patriot's game
of " flat-catching" to any other, on the assurance that
he could pocket thereby a tithe of the " rint" which
Daniel has sacked I When Mr. Crawford sets out
main on a voyage of discovery, we hope it will be to
make us acquainted with something more novel than
the selfishness, the treachery, and the baseness of
O'Connell's ambition. The fact is, Mr. Sharman
Crawford is only one of a number of silly Protese
tants who, having allowed themselves to be made the
tools of O'Connell's policy for a considerable time,
have found, upon asserting an independent opinion,
that the tyrant-demagogue can bear none but slaves
about him, and that one must be either his sycophant
or his enemy. All such Protestants—Protestants, at
least in name—richly deserve the treatment which they
receive from him. Those who have known him best
and trusted him most have most reason to regret that
they ever knew him at all, or that they did not know
him sooner. The catalogue of his victims pretty
nearly equals the catalogue of his friends. The Whig
Ministers, who are now his friends, shall one day be
his victims, and certainly the most unpitied of all that
have ever trusted him and been betrayed. Still, as we
have said, the agitator will not repeal the union be-
tween Darrynane and Downing-street as long as the
Whigs allow him the profitable interest in the firm
which he at present enjoys, while they leave two mil-
lions of his destitute countrymen to starve ! While
Protestants and Conservatives support the charities of
Ireland, and feed and clothe thousands of the Roman
Catholic poor, O'Connell, an admirer only of that cha-
rity which begins and ends at home, takes the last penny
from the wretched, to provide luxurious living for him-
self out of the taxation of Lazarus, and " fatten on
misery, rags, and destitution." To the long bill of in-
dictment preferred against him by Mr. Sharman
Crawford—a bill, consisting of almost countless
" counts," the Agitator has not condescended to put
in a plea. Does he stand mute of malice prepense ?
No—he has been preparing instructions for her Ma-
jesty's Ministers. He knows that his quondam tool
and present accuser might as well attempt to refute the
miracles of Hohenloe in the eyes of the superstitious
flock of Dr. M‘Hale, as to expose his inconsistency
and baseness to the ignorant and fanatic multitudes
whom he has yoked in the drudgery of his turbulent
and selfish ambition. He has more important work on
hand than answering an accuser whose charges arc un-
answerable, hut who has himself been arraigned as
a culprit for daring to publish unpopular truths I The
Agitator had, if we may believe his own account, to
regulate and direct the Ministers and the policy of
the new reign. Accordingly, he has issued his
first imperious edict or ukase, by which he in.
structs the Crown and its responsible advisers in the
course to be pursued. He also sketches the pro-
gramme of the policy which is not to be adopted, but
only to be made use of for the present to blind the
English and Scotch Radicals, and make it be sup-
posed that Daniel means to drive things to extremities,
when he is only manoeuvring to keep as safely as pos-
sible, without any violent shock or collision, the plea-
sant and profitable position which he and the Whigs
have acquired, He knows by the result of the late
elections that that position, is a very uncertain and
ticklish one, and that a direct collision with time loyal
and constitutional people of England would unseat
himself and the Whigs from the saddle of power
and patronage, and unseat them for ever. Ministers
will not propose, and Daniel knows it, the " total
abolition of tithe in Ireland," otherwise the total
robbery of the Church, for the benefit of the land-
lords—nor will they propose the lowering the fran-
chise to W., that Daniel, instead of returning some
GO or 70 Members to Parliament, may return 80 or
90—nor wilt they propose " universal suffrage" and
‘, the ballot," or, in other words, repeal their own Re-
form Act, which it cost almost a revolution to carry,
when the Radicals, who now shower all sorts of abuse
upon this law, which they called their second Magna
Charta, would hear of nothing except " the Bill—the
whole Bill, and nothing but the Emil." No; Daniel
well knows the Whig Ministers will propose none of
these things, nor does he mean that they should. The
schemers who form the two parties to the Lichfield-
house compact understand each other well enough; but
it was necessary to throw dust in the e,yes of the Radi-
cals, and it must be admitted that Daniel flings it in
beral handfuls. He was always 4( the boy' for giving
a good measure of abuse or blarney whenever it suitedt
his purpose. His friends in Downing-street, when
they were " base, bloody, and brutal Whigs,"-and now
that they are models of public virtue and wisdom, have
experienced the liberality of his rhetoric in both kinds.
In his recent manifesto the agitator has played the
various parts of historian,politican, state limner, Whig
trumpeter, and buffoon. In the last of those charac-
ters we refer to his passages " Hurrah, then, for the
loyal Irish, hurrah !"--so like the style of Mr. Merry-
man on the show-boards at Donnybrook Fair. In the
first of these characters we refer to such statements as the
following The Irish carried the Bill to emancipate
the Protestant Dissenters of England. The Irish
carried the Bill to emancipate the Catholics of both
countries." Here are two measures which were both
the work of a Tory Government—a 4 Inuebs at least, as

the Refohn Act Was the work of Lord tiiey's
mutt—yet, according to this veracious historian, they
were the work of " the Irish," and of the Irish atone.
We admit that the latter of those acts was carried
against the sense of the great niajdrity df the Finish
people whose wiAddni illit ifiee.siire is
rio* tolerably apparent. The conduct of the Irish
Roman Catholics has completely justified their opposi-
tion. No other statesman than the Duke of Welling-
ton, aided as he WAS by Sir nobert Peel, could have
carried that measure of unqualified Cathdlic ernantipa-
Lion: Those two statesmen have experienced the fate
of all Protestant politicians who have been hBnefactorA
of the " hereditary bondsmen" of the Romish church
—they have been promised, until the thing was done,
a world of gratitude, and have received nothing but
insults, revilings, and persecution. The Duke of
Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, in giving a new
vitality to the half-extinguished power of the Romish
church within the British dominions, like the man in
the fable, revivified the frozen snake to enable it to
sting themselves. In all the 658 Meml:ers of the
House of Commons, none are so bitterly opposed to
those distinguished statesmen as the Irish Roman
Catholics, to whom they threw open the doors of Par-
liament—the men who are indebted to them for poli-
tical existence I As Whig trumpeter, Daniel puffs,
with might and main, the virtues of the Whigs. Never
was there before such a Ministry in this world ; and
here we agree with him. We are quite willing to
admit that in England, at least, there never was
such a Ministry, and Heaven forbid there ever should
be such a Ministry again. Great as this em-
pire had become under renowned kings, statesmen,
and warriors, it has been too much humbled in
its character, both at home and abroad, by its present
incapable and unprincipled Ministry to be able to sur-
vive another Cabinet composed of similar materials.
Daniel is right for his own objects in making the most
he can by the present Administration ; for when that
goes, and go it soon must, it is not probable he will
ever see its like again. In his character of State
limner the agitator draws portraits of the Queen, the
Duchess of Kent, and King Leopold. He lays the
colours on as thickly as any sign-painter, and makes
them worthy of good places in the historical-gallery of
Darrynane. We say nothing at present of King Leo-
pold and his illustrious sister, because they either have
or ought to have nothing whatever to do with the
Government of Great Britain. As to the Queen, we
will only say, we sincerely trust that her name may
never deserve to go down to posterity with such a re-
putation as O'Connell's praise confers upon it. We
insert his last manifesto in another column.—Morn-
ing Herald.

The " men in office" are " perplexed in the ex-
treme." The gloomy prospect before them has evi-
dently shattered their nerves, and deprived them of
whatever reputation for energy, or decision, or show of
principle they were ever able to acquire. It was never
expected of them by the intelligent and reflecting por-
tion of the community that they should know what to
do ; but since the recent general election their state
has become so much worse than before that now they
do not even know what to say, or how to instruct their
authorised literary champions as to what ought to be
said or promised on their behalf. They suffer alter-
nate fits of shivering ague and of burning fever--of
prostration and delirium. During the period of con-
scious feebleness they, or, which is the same thing,
their retained and instructed advocates, deprecate, in
faltering and timid accents, all censure and reproach
in the case, while they too plainly foresee that they
shall not dare again to present to the Legislature
the measures or the principles to which, as Minis-
ters and as men, they are most solemnly pledged—the
measures and principles in virtue of which they forced
themselves into office, in defiance of the distrust and
dislike of the Crown, the aristocracy, the learned pro-
fessions, and a decided majority of the middle and
upper classes of the community. But presently the
fever fit returns, and then, in their delirium, they wax
bold. All that they and their advocates have been
saying, no matter how deliberately or elaborately it
may have been said, is hastily and boisterously dis-
avowed. They confidently appeal from themselves in
one state of mind to themselves in another ; but in
their case the example of the Macedonian's appeal to
Philip is reversed. Instead of declaring that they will
attempt nothing because they know that they can ac-
complish nothing, they are now all for action and vigour.
They have become all at once insensible to the danger
of defeat, or resolute in their determination to brave it.
They will still urge their measures and their prin-
ciples upon the Legislature, and if the Legislature,
as all the world, themselves included, confidently ex-
pect, should spurn their measures and their principles
more contemptuously than ever, why then they will
bravely endure the defeat and mortification, and nobly
console themselves by continuing to receive their sala-
ries quarterly, as before, and by labouring and contri-
ving, as assiduously as before, to provide well for their
friends and partisans at the public expense. The pub-
lic of course cannot form any anticipation as to what
will ly~ the policy of Ministers fur the next Session of

. .
Parliament from these irreconciloable official announce-

ments; and, to do the public justice, we may confi-
dently assert that it cares little or nothing about the
matter. Whether the final decision be made during
the hot, or the cold fit, under the morbid vigour of
fever, or the trembling timidity of ague—by Philip
drun, or Philip sober—is felt to be unimportant,
since it is plainly foreseen by all that the end will be
the same. The country ought not to be, and can-
not be, satisfied with a Government that shows
by repeated failures that it is utterly destitute of
legislative power ; any more than it can or ought to
be satisfied with a Government which, after pro-
claiming its own sense of the necessity of legislation
upon a great variety of important subjects, abstains
farm any legislative efirt, in the humiliating and
acknowledged consciousness of such miserable desti-
tution. The country can retain no other feelings
than those of contempt, suspicion, and hostility to-
wards a faction who prove themselves willing, for
sake of the emoluments and other personal advan-
tages of office, to continue responsible for the con-
duct of public affairs after it has become evident
that they cannot procure the sanction of the Legis-
lature to measures and principles the adoption of
which they have repeatedly and solemnly declared
to be, in their judgment, essential to the public wel-
fare and security. The end which the nation clearly
foresees, and which renders the nation comparatively
indifferent to the process by which it is to be
brought about, is the removal of the present Minis-
ters from the offices which all men of reflection per-
ceive they cannot continue to hold without grievous in-
jury to the country, and the accumulation of disgrace
upon themselves. Surely it will not now be pretended
that one of the legitimate consequences of the Reform
Bill is to enable a set of Ministers to remain in place
after it has become clear that they must either endure
a succession of disgraceful defeats in Parliament upon
ineasures to which they attach the highest value, or
abstain from presenting to Parliament measures which
they have repeatedly declared, and still pretend to
think, of vital importance to the community. Minis-
ters and their partisans profess the opinion, and the
most powerful of these partisans, Mr. O'Connell, has
ostentatiously avowed it, that the paramount object of
patriots, whether British or Irish, but more especially of
' the latter, ought to be to keep the present Administra-
tion in place. They do not scruple to tell us that to
this object every measure, evety principle, every political
maxim or project whatever, ought to be sacrificed or
postponed. We will render them a piece of service
by instructing them how this darling object of theirs
may, for a time at least, be secured, and this with
out placing, as all their plans of proceeding for the
next session with which they have yet made us ac-
quainted, unless they utterly failed, would place, the
legislative powers of the Constitution in abeyance.
Let them carefully study the different speeches by
which, during his brief Administration, Sir Robert
Peel introduced to the House of Commons-the various
legislative measures which his capacious and enlight-
ened mind had devised for the benefit of his country.
Let them be especially careful to add nothing to these
measures, to subtract nothing from them, but to bring
them forward, clause for clause, and line for line, as
they were framed by their eminent author. Let them
do this, and do it faithfully, and ecen we can promise
them an overwhelming majority in both Houses of
ti keep the
Parliament. Upon this condition they ti
•