The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-29 00:00:00

LONDON. TT
THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 29, ism.

The more we consider the character of the
late Ordinances of the King of FRANCE, and

especially the long address of his Ministers, the
more glaringly despotic do they appear. Indeed

we can scarcely bring ourselves to believe that
they have been issued by his Catholic MAJESTY;

so thoroughly imbued are they with the spirit of
the MAIIOMETS and the ANIURATIIS of the

old days of Turkish despotism. The meaning
of the Ministerial address may he expressed in a
few words. The public Press is not hostile to
the public `good, nor is it hostile to public
yamptillity, :but it is hostile to our—the Po-
Ministry's—cOntinUance Wake. 1%6
is quite sufficient reason for putting it down.
Let it therefore be abolished, no matter at what

cost. Our continuance in office is necessary to
the welfare of France, and if not; no great mat.

ter. Keep our places we must and will.
Indeed the Ministers themselves seem to be
perfectly aware that this is the only true reading
of their address, for they acknowledge (as it
seems to us by a sort of involuntary slip) that
their proceedings are not exactly in acccordance
with law, which is merely a gentle wayof stating
that they are notoriously in opposition
to the principles of the Constitution.
Meanwhile the Liberals, it should appear, are
not inactive. Already they have declared that
the Chamber of Deputies is still in existence,
and that the Elections are not, and cannot be
dissolved. This is the larguage of the French
Globe, which we conceive to imply, that the
Liberals have an idea—whether they will carry
it into execution or not, we cannot say—of in.
siding on the sittings of their Chamber in op•
position to that selected, influenced and brow•
beaten by the POLIGNAC Administration.

If this be the case, and we think it far from
unlikely, matters will at once come to a crisis.
We shall have the King and his Ministers arrayed
in direct opposition against the nation and its De.
puties. But the army, it may be said, thrown into
the Peale the former, will at once decide the
question. Probably so, if the army were unani-
mous; but this we doubt. In the present times
iof peace there can be no inducements sufficiently
strong to induce the whole military power of
France, which, like other professions, must be
more or less modelled on the spirit of the age,
to separate its interests from those of the nation
at large. 'The soldier of CliA num the Tenth is
not the soldier of 'NAPOLEON, who knew but
one duty, that of obedience to his Emperor.

He is now almost as much a citizen as a sol-
dier, and looks upon his King, not as a man
and a hero, to whose fortunes it is an honour
to be linked, but coldly, as the mere mechanical
functionary of a State, whom, so long as he
governs by the law, the law obliges him to obey.
But supposing that the army were accessible
to bribery, what honours could the Government,
isolated from the nation, •offer, compared with
those which the Liberals, as the acknowledged
organs of France, would have it in their power
to bestow? I'he French have no rich aristo-
cracy to prop up the sinking cause of despotism ;
the national wealth is restricted almost exclu-
sively to the middling classes—and these, we
believe we may say, are to a man Liberals.
It is evident, that, that Prince POLIONAC
and his colleagues have an eye to Foreign