The Sun.
London, England, 1837-07-14 00:00:00

COUNTIES.

t ABERDEEN Hon. W. Gordon, t ... 7,870
*ARGYLE Campbell of Islay
Campbell of Monzie, t ... 1,665
*AYR .••• Captain Dunlop
Lord Kelburne, t ... ....3,985
t BANFF Mr. Duff 658
t BERWICK Sir H. Campbell, t 1,244
t BUTE Sir W. Rac, t
t CAITUNESS Mr. Trail
Sir George Sinclair, t ... 304
* CLACKMANAN Sir C. Adam
Mr. Bruce, t ... ..
t Ross
'Dumnatrom Sir J. Coiquhoun
Mr. Smollet, t....

1 139
(DUMFRIES J H. Johnstone, t ... ..1,461
t Eouvennoli... Mr. G. Craig
Sir George Clerk, t .1,682
f ELGIN AND NAIRN...Hon. F. Grant, t
*Firx Colonel Wemyss 2,722
* FORFAR Lord D. Hallyburton 1,790
*HADDINGTON Mr. Ferguson of Raith
Lord Ramsay, t
t INvßasEss Mr. M. Grant, of Glenmorriston. 752
.
t KINCARDINE lion. H. Arbuthnot, t 752
*KIRKEUDBRIGT R. C. Ferguson .. 1,119
*LANARK ••• Hon. C. A. Murray
A. M. Lockhart, 1 3 721
*I- LlNumwow Hon. J. Hope, t
t ORKNEY F. Dundas
t PEEBLES Mr. Carmichael
Mr. M' Kenzie, 1
' PERTH Pox Maule
Lord Stormont, t 4,155
-I- Rer.:FhEw Mr. Houston, I 1,075
f ROXBURGH Captain Elliot
Hon. F. Scott, t 1,832
-1- SELK um J. IL Pringle, of Huining
A. Pringle, of Whytbank, t
-'-STIRLING * Hon. George Abercrombie
Mr. Forbes, t 2,107
0 SUTHERL•ND Hon. Mr. Howard

Mr. Murray, of Broughton l2B
t WicirroN Sir Andrew Agnew, t
Mr. Blair, t
Those candidates marked t are Tories. Those with no marks
arc Reformers. Counties or burghs marked * are presently
held by Reformers, and those marked fi are presently held by
Tories. The constituencies arc given as they appear on the
rolls; but, in consequence of their not being purged, the rolls
are not correct, a number of electors having become disquali-
fied or having died.

IRELAND.
We have not room to enter into details to-clay, and there-
fore cannot do better than adopt the general information
conveyed by our excellent Contemporary, the Dublin Even-
ing Post, in the following paragraph :
" The work goes bravely on. Everywhere—North,
West, East, and South—the people are up and doing. It
is a gratifying sight to behold the energy, the alacrity, the
Orang
zeal, and the confidence, of our young Queen's friends—
that is, of all her faithful subjects ; for, as to the pooremen, we need scarcely take them into account.
Indeed, we learn that one portion of them are now busily
employed in getting up an address to the King of Han-
over. What, do you think 'tis a lie ? Upon my 'tis
true.' The matter has been seriously mooted in the Cor-
poration of Dublin ; and the parties are at this moment
casting about for a Deputation to his Whiskered Majesty ;
but, like the Carlton Club, they lack funds. The Bill just
passed, to prevent the alienation or delapidation of Corpo-
rate property, prevents them plunging their paws into the
funds of the City ; and then, being a Beggarly Corpora-
tion, they have not money 'enough to expend out of their
own proper pockets."
The evening organ of the Orangemen, the Mail, speaks
out pretty plainly the purposes of its party, by the avowal
of the methods which it seems the Irish Tories are now
adopting to squeeze their nominees into Parliament.
tng
Locali Committees (says our Contemporary) are forming
indoth
the
several counties, cities, and boroughs ; and neither
money nor exertions will be wanted to ensure success in a
struggle which is literally one for life or death.

We understand that her Majesty will dissolve the
Parliament in State on Tuesday next. Orders have been
given for her robes to be got ready by that day.

LONDON AND BIRMINGHAM RAIL-

WAY.

1 The Directors of this rapidly progressing great national
undeftdking treated their friends and a large and brilliant
Party to an excursi(;;; the railway yesterday at one
o'cLck. The road from the si!eon at Euston-grove to
fr•rrning a route of twenty-three ftiliel/ and now
finished in all essential detai4, was, as upon the occasion C!
a former trial, the length of tfid etT4raion. It was ar-
ranged that the Visitors should start in two trains ; and
long before the time of departure, the entrance to the rail-
way and all. places where a near view of the proceedings
could be had were densely, crowded. There were a great
number of carriages filled with fashionable company drawn
up before the gates. Among them were Lord Sindon,
Lord Bexley, Lord Northwiek, Lord Hatherton, the Hon.
Dudley Ryder, Sir J. It. Reid, M.P., Mr, Tooke, M.P.,
Sir John Lubbock, Sir James M'Adam, Sir J, Sebright,
Mr. Pack, M.P., and a number of ladies of distinction, who
seemed to await the signal for starting with impatience.
.The first train started off as the clock struck one. It
consisted of 14 carriages of comfortable dimensions inside,
and beautifully ornamented on the exterior. It proceeded
at first very slowly, but it soon accelerated its progress, an
at the end of a few minutes it was seen sweeping along like
a meteor, at the rate of thirty miles an hour, and exciting
wonder and delight in the thousands of spectators who lined
the way on both sides.
At a quarter-past one, the second train, consisting of 16
carriages, proceeded, and achieved the distance in an hour
and 25 minutes. The first train carried 150 persons, and
the second 200. As the carriages rushed along they were
loudly cheered by the spectators, and most enthusiasti-
cally so by the navigators in the barges on the canal. The
arrival at Box-moor was greeted by the cheers of many
thousands.

Each carriage has room for 18 inside and 40 outside
passengers. The second train passed through the Primrose-
hill tunnel, which is 1,605 yards in length, in about two and
one-third minutes. It is ventilated by four shafts. The
offices at Euston-grove are now completed, and their con-
struction and machinery include all the advantages derived
from the experience of other railways. The same remark
applies to the laying down of the rails, and the turning of
the arches of the viaducts over the common roads. In
many of the arches the bricks are laid on obliquely, and
they have a strange effect on the eye. Some weeks must
elapse before the offices at Box-moor are completed. The
passage through the Kensal-green tunnel, a distance of 313
yards, was finished in three quarters of a minute. The
stupendous embankment which crosses the valley of the
Brent is nearly a mile long.

The Watford embankment is more than a mile long, and
its height is 45 feet. The Watford tunnel is 1,786 yards
long. It is ventilated in the centre by a shaft 40 feet wide.
The passage occupied three minutes.
The company of both trains were regaled by the Di-
rectors in a sumptuous manner under a tent erected in a
field in Box-moor. The company returned to the car-
riages at a quarter past four o'clock, and arrived at the
Camden-town station, a distance of twenty-three miles,
within an hour. The visitors expressed themselves much
gratified by the hospitality and politeness of the Directors
and their Secretary.

The pleasures of the excursion were abated by an acci-
dent at the close, but it was more alarming than distress-
ing. Through the awkward carelessness of a man who had
the management of the first train, in conducting it to its
termination after it had been detached from the engine
that it might arrive by the force of the remaining impetus,
assisted by its own gravity, along an inclined plane, the
checks were turned the wrong way, and the impetus, in-
stead of boing rapidly diminished, continued so strong as
to push the front carriage against the wall of the receiving
house, which it broke through. The concussion threw Mr.
Campbell and Sir John Reid off their scats against the op-
posite side of the vehicle, and they were stunned and
scratched in the face. By the aid of restoratives they were
enabled to return home without surgical assistance.

ANECDOTE OF WILLIANI IV.—About ten years
ago Mr. P—_ was appointed Vice-Consul at Hayti. Ho
had not long continued to discharge the duties attendant in
that capacity, when he was suddenly seized with an attack of
the yellow fever, prevalent in that climate, and, at the expira-
tion of a few days, he died. With his death all emolument
ceased, and in consequence of his not possessing any property,
save the income attached to his appointment, his widow and
four children were thrown comparatively helpless on the world,
without the means of support. Mr. P--- was a man who
had long served the country, and was formerly in Buenos
Ayres as Vice-Consul, and by the manner in which he subse.
quently discharged the duties that devolved on him when in
Hayti, he became very popular, so much so, indeed, that tke
merchants and residents caused a monument to be erected to
his memory, and on the departure of Mrs.' P---- and her fa-
mily, the President, General Boyer, strongly recommended
her by letter to the attention of the British Government. On
her arrival in England, in a very weak and delicate state, with
scarcely the means of six months' support, she was advised by
some of bee friends to memorialise Lord Palmerston, stating
the position in which she was placed, and resting a hope, al-
though the widows of Consuls are not provided for in the form
of a pension, or in any other way, that in her particular case,
and in consequence of the long services of her husband, up-
wards of twenty-five years, his Majesty's Government would
be pleased to forego the usual course and remunerate her, since
she had no other source on which to depend. After various
fruitless exertions to see the Foreign Secretary (Lord Palmer-
ston), she eventually gained an interview with him, when his
Lordship told her that he was sorry he could not concur
with her wishes, still less could he hold out any hope that he
could in any way serve her, since it would be forming a pre-
cedent for future applications. She was then advised to ad-
dress the King, and his Secretary, Sir Herbert Taylor, having
been a friend of her husband, she determined on going to
Brighton, where the Court then resided, and calling on Sir
Herbert at the Palace, acquainted him with the object of her
visit. After some conversation the Secretary went into his
Majesty's closet, and before many minutes had elapsed re-
turned to Mrs. P--- with the pleasing intelligence that his
Majesty had been pleased to allow her a certain sum adequate
to the wants of herself and children. After thanking Sir H.
Taylor for his attention, and at the moment she was about
to retire, Mrs. P---- thus addressed the Secretary May
I beg, Sir Herbert, if I am not soliciting tco much, to ask one
more favour? My health is greatly impaired, and lam no
in consequence of residing in a hot climate, added to the loss
of my husband, reduced to such a very delicate state that I
may not live many months; the pension his Majesty has so
kindly granted me will cease should I die ; can you, by any
possibility, have it transferred to my four children, who have
no support but that ?" " I really cannot promise you that
much," said Sir Herbert, smiling, " but I will speak to his
Majesty on the subject," at the same time retiring for that
purpose, and on his return to the lady, he told her he was
happy to say the King had been pleased to grant her request,
by which 1001. out of the pension granted was transferred
equally between the children for life, and before Mrs. P. had
arrived in London, she found an order had already arrived at
the Treasury to pay her the necessary amount when due.
This is only one of the many instances that may be cited to
prove the kind and disinterested feeling of the late King to-
wards those in difficulty.
The Earl and Countess of Mansfield gave their first
" strawberry party" this season on Ttleday, at their splendid
mansion at Hampstead. Shortly after four the carriages of
the nobility began to arrive. The Earl of Wilton and Count
Danniskiold, in the noble Earl's pony phaeton (the beautiful
" bays" and outriders were die admiration of several sporting
noblemen); the Marchioness of Ailesbury and Countess
Danniskiold, in a carriage and four with outriders, and many
other of the leading fashionables on this occasion graced the
scene by their new and unique vehicles of the last fashion.
The Duke of Wellington, Marquis of Granby, Marquis and
Marchioness of Salisbury, Marquis Douro, Marquis and Mar-
chioness of Downshire, Countess of Verulam, Earl of Wilton,
Count and Countess Danniskiold, Lady Augusta Somerset,
Lady Georgiana Codrington, Earl and Countess Cadogan,
Ladies A. and H. Cadogan, Countess of Chesterfield, Earl
of Aberdeen, Countess of Jersay, Countess of Pembroke,
Prince Nicholaz Esterhazy, Count and Countess Pozzo di
Borgo, and nearly all the principal nobility were amongat the
large party assembled.

Extract of a letter from a lady, dated Saugor (in
the Dce,!an), April 15, 1837, received on the 12th lust. (via
Marseilles) :—" A great degree of alarm exists here at pre-
sent. Yesterday a meeting was held at the General's to con-
side... what steps should he taken to arrest the progrcas the
plague is now making. Last rains (last rainy season) a re-
port was in circulation that this disease was existing at a place,
called Pallee, about 180 miles from this. Some thought the
disease was mistaken, and, in general, it was thought to be a
mistake altogether ; the cold weather, it was hoped, would
stop it, bit it has only increased. It is now raging at Joud-
pore, within four miles of Neemuch, and four marches from
here ; five thousand in a few days at a small village—so many
died that there was no wood to burn the bodies, or indeed
people left to do it. Sir C. Metcalfe has issued a very long
minute for its prevention, and for the protection of the wes•
tern frontier ; and, I believe, four companies are to go out
from this to protect the Ghauts, but if they are not quick
about it, I fear the precaution will scarcely be of use. A
greater degree of security prevailed, as it was supposed the
plague could not exist in the climate of India, nor has it ever
been known, except for a few weeks in 1819 and 1820, and
then soon disappeared. What a dreadful thing to think of
and expect !" _ - -

Wednesday morning a professional gentleman, of the
name of Newport, came from Worcester by the Paul Pry
night coach. On arriving at the Gloucester Coffee-house, he
took a cab for the purpose of proceeding to the Bank of Eng-
land. Ile had in his posscsAon upwards of 7,0001. in cash and
securities, contained in a small portmanteau, which he placed
by his side in the vehicle. On reaching the middle of Oxford
Street the cab-horse fell with considerable force, and both gen-
tleman and driver were thrown from the cab, but luckily
escaped without being seriously injured. Mr. N. sprang to
his feet, and looked in the cab for his portmanteau, but it had
disappeared. A crowd had begun to collect. Mr. N., calling
out most lustily " My portmanteau—they have stolen it,"
looked eagerly round and discovered a man at a short distance
in the act of walking off with the property. He was immedi-
ately pursued, upon which he dropped the portmanteau, and,
after a sharp chase, succeeded in getting off.

.........-
SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC J 0 U it:N ciLS•

When Addison's Cato was first brought on the stag e
the author, who had counted on the fierce hostility' of
the Tories on account of the many high-seunding.tri-
butes paid by him to liberty, was agreeably surprised
to find that the Tories had made up their minds not
to be outdone in their applause by the Whigs, and the
succOgN of the play was in consequence far beyond wirat-
the author in his most sanguine moments could have
anticipated. The letter of Lord Durham seems to be
another of those rare productions which please all par-
ties. The Tories are quite in raptures with it, and our
sincere contemporary (the Standard) once the bitter-
est of his Lordship's enemies, is so much delighted
with this production that it actually bespea!;s him for
the Conservative Cabinet which we are to have " be-
fore the commencement of the next year." " May we
not _hope," exclaims the Standard," that Lord Durham
will give to his Royal Mistress the advantage of his
character; experience, and energy as a member of
that Cabinet. It used to be thought that there was
some difference between Lord Durham and the To-
ries ; and yet there is nog a sentiment in Lord Dur-
ham's letter that he has not before expressed. But
we are told that the Tories subscribe to everything he
has now advanced. "We defy Lord Durham," says
the Standard, " to point out a sinc2;io political prin-
ciple in his address upon which Sir R. Peel has not,
by anticipation, declared himself, and acte4 as far as -
he was permitted to act ; and we offer the same de-
fiance as to the single political principle in the address, at
which his Lordship is not at issue with Mr. O'Connell
and Mr. Hume. The Conservatives are Reformers, and
at present the only effectual Reformers." The Tories
arc so far the only effectual Reformers, that by their
majority in the House of Lords they can determine
the amount of reform which the people shall be al-
lowed to obtain. But from the moment of the Duke
of Wellington's resignation in 1830 to the present
time the Tories have uniformly been opposed to all
reform. They opposed the Reform Bill in principle
and detail, and only yielded at last to compulsion.
They opposed the English Municipal Reform Bill,
made common cause with the town-clerks and all
the corrupt functionaries of the old Corpora-
tions, and, deeming it imprudent at last to reject
the Bill altogether, they allowed themselves to be
outwitted by passing it in a form which they thought
would ensure its rejection by the Commons. They
rejected the Irish Municipal Reform Bill because the
Irish, being aliens- in blood, in language, and in reli-
gion, were not entitled to the privileges bestowed on
Englishmen. They now, it is true, profess their at-
tachment to the Reform Bill, but this profession de-
ceives no one. The Liberals seek to effect through
the Reform Bill improvement into all our institutions ;

the Tories seek through the Reform Bill to obstruct
all attempts at improvement. Lord Durham says, " I
wish to rally as large a portion of the British people
as possible around the existing institutions of the
country—the Throne, Lords, Commons, and the
Established Church. I do not wish to make new

institutions, but to preserve and strengthen the old.
Herein lies the difference between me and my oppo-
nents. Some would confine the advantages of those
institutions to as small a class as p9ssible ; I
would throw them open to all who had the ability
to comprehend them, and the vigour to protect
them. Others, again, would annihilate them for the
purpose of forming new ones on fanciful and
untried principles. I would, I repeat, preserve them,
but increase their efficiency, and add to the number of
their supporters." Wherein consists the difference
between his Lordship and the Tories ? In the inter-
pretation to be put on these principles. The Tories
professed before the passing of the Reform Bill as
they do now, " an attachment to the existing institu-
tions of the country—the Throne, Lords, Commons,
and the Established Church ;" and yet they all but
plunged the county in civil war to maintain a system
of representation which excluded from the suffrage
both the intelligence and the property of the country,
and gave to certain Members of the House of Lords
the power of returning, through their creatures, a ma-
jority of the House of Commons. Their attachment
to the Established Church is shown by cherishing all
the abuses in it which have a tendency to excite dis-
cord throughout the community, and to render the
Clergy odious in the eyes of the people, by exhibi-
ting them as opposed to all measures of utility and
improvement. Lord Durham seeks to strengthen the
institutions of the country, by rendering them more
and more fitted to promote the true interests of
the people ; the Tories, whilst professing- attachment
to these institutions, would weaken them by seeking to
convert them into instruments for enabling the few to
advance their interests at the expense of the many.
Lord Durham looks to the good which may be effected
under our institutions ; the Tories only admire in them
what facilities they afford for protecting all corrupt in-
terests, for opposing education, obstructing the forma-
tion of local courts, and defeating all other judicial
Reforms, and administering the Government with an
utter disregard of economy. The call for organic
Reforms is the result of the opposition of the Tories to
all Reform ; and now that the Throne and the Minis-
ters of the Crown draw together, that call will cease to
be heard. It is understood that her Majesty is fully
impressed with the necessity of not weakening the
Executive by withholding from it any power necessary
to time proper working of the Constitution. The col-
lision between the two Houses was the result of a
conviction entertained by the factious Peers that
the Reform Ministers had not at their command the
whole of the powers of the Executive. The Reform
Bill was only passed when the factious Peers saw that
the King was in earnest.' With a Ministry possessed
of the just influence of the Crown, and a majority of
the House of Commons, a factious majority in the
llluse of Lords will become impossible ; for there
arc Constitutional means for meeting the evil, and the
knowled,ie of this will prevent the factious Lords from
provoking time remedy. With regard to those who
would '' annihilate our Institutions for the purpose of
forming new ones on fanciful and nitried principles,"
they bare been encouraged by the Tories, who have
always been more attached to those who advocate wild
and visionary reforms than to those who seek to im-
prove our Institutions. Every One knows that Sheri-
dan eagerly caught hold of the words " oftener if need
be," in claim fur " Annual Parliaments, or oftener if
need be," to disguise his real opposition to Reform,
under the prolesion of his being " an oftener
if need be" Reformer. The abstract right of
nations to change their Institutions will not be
disputed ; but wise men will only have re-
course to the exercise of that right in cases of
extremity. It has been proved by experience that re-
volutions, however defensible they may be on principle,
are always attended by dreadful calamities, and in their
innnediaie results seldom answer the expectations of
those who planned them. That the Tories would
have plunged England ireo a revolution we think,
unquestionable. Earl Grey's Ministry sta):e4 the
plague by identifying the people with our institutions.
The abstract right to change institutions became a
question for speculation rather than for popular agita•
mien ; and nothing but the fatuity of the Tories in
seeking to demonstrate by their inert opposition to all
measures of improvement, that the House of Lords
could not work ill harmony with a House of Com-
mons returned by the people, could have again re-
vived in the people a desire for further organic
changes. Most of the disputes in the world have
arisen from the different sense attached to the
same words. 'flie Tories and Lord Durham
equally profess attachment to our institutions, but
the real objects of their respective attachments
are Coto cafe different. The Tories seek to perpe-
tuate and increase abuses ; Lord Durham to cut them
up by the roots. " Our readers may recollect (says
the Standard) that on the day of Lord Durham's re-
turn to England, when we could possibly have no
knowledge of his political sentiments, except what we
derived from his personal character, from his public
addresses just before his departure for St. Peters-
burgh, and from the general report of his excellent
and manly conduct at the Court of the Czar—
our readers may recollect that on the very day
of Lord Durham's return we held out a confi-
dent hope that he would take that very line in
politics which he has taken in his address." But
we do not take great credit for sagacity in
prophesying all this long before. When the

S'andard was covering Lord Durham with foul
abuse, and Bishop Phillpoits assailed him with " p2.m-
phhAeering slang," we pronounced Lord Durham a
tme and consistent politician, who wished, by improv-
i.ng our institutions, to preserve the country from the
confusion into which the Tories had determined to in-
volve it. It needed not his doings at St. Petersburg
and his letter to open the eyes of the Standard to his
attachment to the institutions of his country ; for, as
his Lordship says in that letter, his " views are what
they have ever been, and are neither changed nor mo-
dified." Without questionin the power of our con-
temporary to see into a millstone as far as any of his
neighbours, we would observe, that if his present views
are the same as Lord Durham's, they are not the
views of the Tories, or an amazing " change must
have come over the vision of their dreun."—.Warning
Chronicle.

Lord Durham is a personage whom circumstances
have at times made a noisy one, but whose period of
eclat seems to be pretty well worn out. If one object
of the letter which we noticed yesterday from that
Noble Lord was to recall him to public attention, we
cannot say that the expedient has been very successful.
The question is every where—what would lie be at ?
To please our fancy, the address is not sufficiently
Radical ; and in that point we agree with those who
assume the name of Radicals. To please the Whigs,
we suspect it is a little,ltoo much after the movement
fashion. " This is not a moment," quoth the ex-
Ambassador, " when supineness or apathy can be
tolerated." "On the energies and determination
of the Liberal party depend the destinies of the
Empire." Very good ; but rather vague. " Ener-
getic"—to what end ? " Determined"—in what
direction ? Those who call themselves Liberals admit
but one justifiable aim and object of all their exer-
tions—viz., to carry on the movement, and to catry
out reforms. But when Lord Durham comes to explain
his notion of the purposes to which his own ener-
gies, &c., ought to be, and are to be, subservient, he
turns slap round upon us, and talks of such qualities.
as being useful for nothing else than for rallying as
large a portion of Liberals as possible round " Throne,
Lords, Commons, and the Established Church !" His
Lordship goes on to disclaim the employment of any
energy whatever in the compulsion of either Govern-
ment or Parliament to adopt measures for which they
are not prepared, or indeed in obliging anybody what-
ever to do anything for which everybody is not quite
ready and willing. This laissez tiller system has at
least a good deal of bonhommic to recommend it.
But, after all, " what would Lord Durham be at ?"
His letter certainly affords us no sort of clue to it.
And yet we think the question may be answered with-
out difficulty. Lord Durham's object is the same as
Lord John Russell's, the tone of whose address he
has closely mimicked. Both these worthy persons re-
nounce, in words at least, extreme Radicalism : they
both make professions of loyalty, &c. : the aim of both
is to impress the nation with the belief that the Queen
cordially supports the policy of the Ministers, and that
in opposing the Government, the Conservatives are
opposing the Queeti.—Times.

There is an opportunity row for the Home of Lords
to redeem part of the evils which their obstructiveness
during the last Session has caused, by passing one good
measure, which would throw a lustre at once upon the
new reign, and upon themselves—which would be con-
genial with the character of the new era which is now
opening, as well as with the natural inclinations and
administrative interest of the young Sovereign who,
under such happy auspices, has just assumed the reins
of Government. We refer to the Attorney-General's
Bill for the abolition of arrest and imprisonment for
debt. This Bill has at length gone through all its
stages in the Lower House, and now only wants the
formal assent of their Lordships, in order to receive the
Royal Assent, or, in other words, to receive the grati-
fying signature of the young Queen to a measure
which would auspiciously begin her reign with an act
of humanity in full accordance with the humane sen-
timents natural to her age, as in full accordance with
the liberal, generous, and enlightened policy which
she has avowed to be her own. The effect of the
Royal Assent at this crisis would exhibit the auspi-
cious character of one of those acts of grace by which
it has been deemed advisable to distinguish new
reigns, even in the darkest times, and in periods when
the prospects connected with the new era, were neither
so auspicious, so brilliant, nor so cheering as at pre-
sent. \Ve are the more prompted to draw the attention
of Parliament, and especially her Majesty's Govern-
ment, to this point, from the circumstance of having
at present under our hand two petitions from prisoners
confined for debt in the Fleet—the one addressed to
her Majesty the Queen, and the other to the House of
Lords ; and both written in a modest, unpretending,
and forcible style. They trust that the measure, now
complete in the House of Commons, will not be again
frustrated by the opposition of the Lords—now that
public opinion has expressed itself in so marked and
emphatic a manner, by again sending up a measure to
their Lordships' House for the abolition. of a system
of punishment which -e)nfounds civil offences with
criminal—which abrogates the rights of freemen con-
trary to the spirit of every code of freedom which
ever existed—which sprang from the rapacity of feu-
dalism—and which is as much at war with the
spirit of the age, with the broad principles of jus-
tice awl humanity, as with the most rigid rules
of commercial and political economy. The object of
the Attorney-General's Bill is to prevent the fraudu-
lent evasion of just debts, and to save honest creditors
from the aggressions of inconsiderate or profligate
debtors. What interest can the Lords possibly have
in protracting the existence of a system which is inju-
rious to the morals of society, as it is hostile to huma-
nity, and as it is pernicious to the commercial pros-
perity of the country ? What sympathy can any
disinterested legislators have with a system of fictitious
credit, to be screwed up and maintained by threats of
personal incarceration, or lather torture extorted from
improvidence. The result is, book debts, which are
never paid, to the creditor; to the debtor a delusive en-
couragement in thoughtless expense ; to the country
an artificial rise of prices, and a hollow and rotten state of domestic trade; and to the legislator the dis-
grace of permitting the confinement of thousands of
men for a civil offence—end thus frustrating the duties
which are due from them to their common country. No
individual can have really any sympathy with such a
perverted system but pettifogging lawyerai, bailiffs, and
bailiffs' followers. These men have' thrived upon the
enormous fees and expenses associated with their•trade
in human misery, and they are the only persons who
have thrived. If we were to state all the money an-
nually thrown into the sea by law expenses, we should
scarcely be credited by the reader. Thousands of
pounds have been dilapitated—thousands of individuals
have been confined—and not one in a thousand,-upon
an average, has paid a farthing in the pound. What
is the use of brutalizing the country and prejudicing
trade for the mere purpose of gratifying the malig-
nant passions of defeated and exasperated usury ?
It is not the fair tradesman, contented with mode-
rate profits, that arrests : it is the rapacious usurer
who employs the thumb-screw of fear to extort
his fraudulently overcharged bill from his deluded
and fettered victim. Nor is it the knave that
suffers by arrest. It is the honest man who
would work to pay his creditors—who suffers more
from his prevention than from h. confinement. The
knave laughs, and never having
he has allowed his creditorsto°
per
cent.--he does not pay, as statiaieal hundredtabl
and lives upon that with which he should aes prove ;
tuously and contemptuously of his ereditoPrs,y,in
son. It is time that such absurd brutality should
come come to an end; and the Lords have now an oppor-
tunity of finishing it at a most auspicious and appro-
priate era. But let them recollect the adage, Bis
dat qui cito dat." The good to be done should be
done as quickly as possible. Thousands of our coun-
trymen are languishing away their lives uselessly or
perniciously in prison, while the country is burdened
with the maintenance of innocent families uninvolved
in their offence, but involved in their punishment.
" Hope deferred maketh the heart sick."—Morning
Advertiser.

A fair and impartial man, who had been an atten-
tive observer of the events of the last seven years, and
who should take up some of the election addresses and
speeches which Ministerial candidates are now ad-

dressing to those whom they hope to represent in Par-
linment, might naturally conclude either that these
candidate!! have lost all memory and etose, or that they
calculate upon that misfortune having happened to
those whom tho.y address. For instance, we find many
candidates taking credit to themselves for thsi consiss
tency, as they call it, of their conduct in being Mi-
nisterialists new, as they were Ministerialists when
the Reform- Bill was carried. On the other hand) we
find them also attacking, with the Untiest severity oI
language, the inconsistency as thoy are pleased to
term it, of other men who were Ministerialis:s at the
period of the real manly struggle for Reform) but who
arc not so now, when retort:l sttns to be no mere
than the r:l'iynkis. cry of such as are deterin(inA 16
stick to- place s.,
but who have ''pawn themselves
incapable of thing beyond a feeble encou-
ragement of res'olutionary adventurers. , Now) there
is no honourable consistency
whstsv:sr In Continuing
to be a Ministerialist, if the Administration has
changed its character. Neither is there ally ho-
nesty whatever in continuing to usurp the name
of Reformer when the. object in view has totally
changed. They who boast of consistency because
having been followers of the Grey Administration in
1831, they are followers of the Art elbourne-O'Connell
Administration now, only show their want of principle
and their want of sense. Their boasted "consistency"
is, in fact, not only "Inconsistency," but inconsistency
of the most suspicious, if not the most dishonourable,
description. Ii they had sacrificed any thing in the
cause of what they term consistency, there might be
some ground to suppose that their mistake was unac-
companied by bad faith, or interested views ; but they
have done no such thing. They adhere to the Admi-
nistration after nut only a change in the principles of
the Administration, but after it has been abandoned
by all its leading Members. Though all the high prin-
ciple and all the commanding talent of the Administra-
tion of 1831 are gone from it ; though its policy in
several leading matters, but especially in the government
of Ireland, is altogether changed, these persons having
all the advantage which arises from clinging to men in
power and place, ask also for the credit of having been
consistent in a very superior degree. At the very mo-
ment that they are enjoying the dishonourable ath
vantage of patronage from a Government which has
deserted the principles of the Reform Government of
1831, they ask peculiar consideration on account of
their consistency as Reformers. Such audacity as
this can only be tolerated by those who are blinded
by faction or ignorant of facts. They who take
reason for their guide, and who will take the pains to
inform themselves of the truth, must very soon be
aware th;t the really inconsistent are the present Mi-
nisters and those who support them. Who is there
so forgetful as not to know that the conduct of Lord
Grey's Government earned for it the bitter hatred
and continual vituperation of Mr. Daniel O'Connell?
Who is there so ignorant as not to know that the prin-
cipal support of the present Government is Mr. Daniel
O'Connell ? How does this happen ? Has Mr.
O'Connell changed his principles since 1833 ? Has
Mr. O'Connell becomes less an enemy of the Pro-
testant Church Establishment than he was in 1833 ?
Has he become a better friend to the British Consti-
tution than he was in 1833 ? All these questions,
if answered truly, must be answered in the negative.
How then are we to account. for the fact that the very
Ministers whom Mr. O'Connell opposed, abused, and
reviled in 1833, he now supports, applauds, and flat-
ters ? The cause is evident. It is that these Mini-
, sters have been grossly inconsistent. They have
abandoned those principles of Government which
earned for them the hatred of Mr. O'Connell and
other enemies of the Protestant constitution of Great
Britain. They have abandoned the views and princi-
ples of British policy which acquired for them that highly
honourable hatred, and, in consequence of having done
so, the enemies of the Protestant Constitution of this
nation have become their friends. Is this con-
sistency ? Is this fidelity to the views of British
Reformers ? Is this an adherence to the principles of
those whose motto was " the restoration, but not the
destruction, of the British Constitution ?" 'We say it
is no such thing, and they who boast their connection
with the present Ministers, as a proof of their consis-
tency, actually bring forward the strongest proof of
their inconsistency, accompanied with no slight pre-
sumption that they are time-serving and sordid, as well
as inconsistent. We recommend electors to read Earl
Grey's speeches during the Session of 1834, and espe-
cially those which relate to Mr. O'Connell's schemes.
Let them compare what they will find in these speeches
(the present Ministers being then his colleagues) with
what these Ministers have been doing in the last two
years. They will then see where the inconsistency
lies.—Morning Herald.

We see nothing objectionable in the appointment of
the Countess of Mulgrave as one of the Ladies of the
Bedchamber to the Queen ; neither do we see any ob-
jection to the people of Ireland taking this appoint-
ment as a compliment to themselves. A Ministerial
Contemporary seems to think that they ought. We
do not see the affair exactly in that light ; but, if they
have a mind to be pleased, God forbid that they should
not avail themselves of so innocent an opportunity.
But one thing in connection with this matter we do
object to, and that is that Ministers or their creatures
should endeavour to cause an impression to go abroad
that the appointment of the Countess of Mulgrave (if
she be appointed) is any evidence whatever of en ap-
proval at Court of the political thraldom to Mr. O'Con-
nell and his party which marks the policy of the Irish
Government. Lord Mulgrave is a public man of whom
it is not worth while to speak. He has neither head nor
heart for public business. He is only fit to act the part
of a caterer for popular applause, and to submit to re-
sponsibility for acts which are not his. He probably
regards Mr. O'Connell as a very proper man to be
the representative of atrocity in the political melo-
drama of Ireland's Government. He looks upon him
as the " Mr. 0. Smith" of the Dublin Castle com-
pany ; and beyond this poor Lord Mu!grave is men-
tally incapable of considering public matters, or public
men. But for the Countess of Mulgrave, who (more
sensible in this respect than her husband) does not
meddle in policies at all, we believe she appreciates
Mr. O'Connell almost as correctly as any lady in Eng-
land. Our impression is that very few ladies are more
fully convinced than Lady Mulgrave is of the deep dis-
gust with which such a person as Mr. O'Connell de-
serves' to be regarded by the womanhood of England.
The Court of England will certainly not be misled by
her Ladyship into the idea that Mr. O'Connell is a
person who knows how to behave himself, either poli-
tically or otherwise. Mr. O'Connell we know mis-
takes cumbrous fawning for politeness, as he does
tawdry nonsense for eloquence, and nauseous hyper-
bole for loyalty ; but the Countess of Mulgrave is a
gentlewoman, to whom Mr. O'Connell's five and thirty
votes in the House of Commons go for nothing, so
that she makes no mistake, but takes him at his true
value. Mr. O'Connell is a person who, when he finds
a poor man acting against him politically, thinks fit
not only to give him gentle pictorial hints, in the
form of a death's-head and cross-bones upon his
door, but he makes public speeches, in which he
points his victim out to the merciful consideration of
an Irish mob, as a " hypocritical, proselytizing,
apostate, lick-spittle ruffian, and miscreant," as one
who " should be held up to scorn and detestation, and
contempt." Mr. O'Connell is a person who, in
order to prevent electors from voting_ for the Knight
of Kerry, did as much as any Protestant gentle-
man in Ireland to obtain for Mr. O'Connell and his
fellow Roman Catholics the'privilege of eligibility to
sit in Parliament, told the electors that " no demon
in hell was more base than the man who would vote
for the Knight of Kerry." We need hardly say that,
whatever Lord Mulgrave may do or any other Mi-
nister whose place depends upon Mr. O'Connell's
votes in the House of Commons, Lady Mulgrave is
not very likely to say a word in favour of this brutally-
minded brawler at the Court of the Queen of England.
Mr.
.O'Connell, and the wretched set by whom
he is surrounded, are positively unfit for decent society ,
of any rank ; and we would fain hope that whatever
other changes the influence of a new reign may pro-
duce, one change will be the complete disruption of
the shockingly degrading connection that has subsisted
between the Government and Mr. O'Connell. We
should consider this hope rather strengthened than
the contrary by. the appointment of the Countess of
Mulgrave to a 'place at Court. We are very certain

that nhe would cnnsider any position becoming het.
hill: more agreeable than that of being at the head of
the Irish Court wlfle it is subjugated to the influence
which at present rules it,--,-Morning, Post.

lIVIPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOiTSP oPO,44'4LIFA i.

The §:iitAirkit 1.3 a. the Chair shortly after Three o'clock.
Crafcr presented papers from the Treasury.
On the motion of Captain ALSAGER the Lords
Amendments to the London dud nrighton Railway
Urand Collier Dock 13 ill, and th Otiotitclitta
Company Bill ck'6' *Feed tti,
1115 Motion of Mr. BROTHERTON the Lords
Amendments to the Dowlais Market Bill, and the Pollock
and Govan Railway BM were agreed to.
Mr. HALMERS brought up the Report of the Com-
mittee on the Dundee Waterworks Bill,
The Bill was ordered to be engrossed.
On the motion of the same HON. MEMBER the Marquis
of Bute's E,:tate Bill was read a second time; and ordered
to be committed.

Mr. FRES 'WIELD presented a petition from Strat•
ford-upon-Avon against the New Poor-law Bill.
Mr. HA ES brought up the Report of the Colonial
Accounts Committee, which was ordered to be printed.

THE SUN, LoNI)ONS FRIDAY, JVLY 14, 183