The Sun.
London, England, 1837-05-09 00:00:00

LO Is: TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 9, 1837.

WALSH ON THE UNIVERSITIES.
In Octavo, 3s. 6d.
CIAIVIBRIDGE AND ITS COLLEGES
An HISTORICAL ACCOUNT of the UNIVERSITS
of CAMBRIDGE and its COLLEGES; ADDRESSED t.;
EARL of RADNOR,

By B. D. WALSH, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College.
" This pamphlet, coming from a resident Fellow, peculiarly de-
serves attention, inasmundi as it admits the existence of very 7reat
abuses in both the Academical and Collegiate Societies of Cam-
bridge, some of them of such a kind as legislative enactment can
alone reform."—Chronicle, May 5.
James Ridgway and Sons, Piccadilly; the Booksellers at Cam-
bridge, and elsewhere.

poREIGN PRESERVES, PICKLES, &c. ;
China Preserved Ginger, 3s. per lb. ; West India ditto.
(in small original jars) 4s. per lb. ; Guava Jelly, 4s. per lb. :
Tamarinds, Is. per lb. ; Bombay Mangoes (of the most exquisite
flavour), in bottles, at 2s. 6d. and 4s. 6d. ; Bird Peppers, 2s. ;
West India Pickles, in bottles, 21. (a and 4s. 6d. ; New Pickled
Mushrooms, in pints, 2s. ; Spanish Oliver, ditto, 1114. dos. ;
French ditto, 14s. dos. ; True China Soy, one guinea per gallon,
in half-pints, Is. ; Genuine Essence of Anchovies, ls. ; Reading
Sauce, Is. ; Harvey's Sauce, Is. ; 'Mushroom Ketchup, 10d. ;
French Capers, in pints, 2s. 6d. ; Pickles, Is. ; Russia Tongues,
245.; Hamburg Sausages, 2s. per lb. ; Real Gorgona Anchovies,
in original barrels, 30s. 7 ib. jars 10s. 6d., sample bottles 2s.
and Is. 6d. ; Potted Ifeats, Is. 6d. each ; Finest Salad Oil, 10s.
pOr gallon, in bottles Is. 6d. and 2s. Ad., flasks Is. ; Beat Durham
Mustard, Is. Sd per lb. ; New Scotch Marmalade, Is. per lb. put ;
Gunpowder Tea, 61. ; Finest Pekoe Congou, 65.; Mocha Collie
2s. Terms, Money.
Orders, by post, punctually attended to. H. Colebrook!, Tea
and Italian Warehouse, No. 10, Wellington-street (North), Strand,
corner of Tavistock-street.

THE DERBY.
7 to 2 agst Mr. S. Stanley's Rattrap._—taken
9 to 2 agst Mr. J. Day's lot—taken
8 to 1 agst Lord Suffield's Caravan—taken
9 to 1 agst Mr. Wreford's Wintonian
9 to 1 agst Mr. Greville's Mange
9 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Hvbiscus
10 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Achmet--taken
13 to l agst Mr. Bowes's 3lickle Fell
16 to 1 agst Captain Gardner's Benedict—tal:en
20 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's Jereed
20 to 1 ag,t Mr. Osbaldeston's Mahometan
20 to 1 agst Lord Berners's Phosphorus
25 to 1 agst Mr. Sadler's Defender
25 to 1 agst Duke of Rutland's Slight colt
30 to 1 agst Mr. Sadler's Delusions
50 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Sarnbo
1000 to 15 agst Mr. Rush's Pickwick—taken
1000 to 15 agst Mr. Rawlinson's Chadliogton—taken
550 to 500 on Wintonian agst Hybiscus
200 on Rattrap for the Derby agst Egeria for the Oaks.
31ustee, one of John Day's lot of five, died a day or two ago at
Stockbridge. Ile ran a good second to Achniet for the 2,000 Gui-
neas Stakes.

THE OAKS.
2 to 1 agst Mr. J. Day's Chapeau d'Espagne—taken
4 to 1 agst Mr. Thornhill's Egeria—taken
Offers to back the two agst the field. The taker of the odds
offered to go on.
Elis does not go to Liverpool.

NEWMARKET SECOND SPRING MEETING.
Newmarket, Monday Night.
The following entries have been made for to-morrow :
Plate.—B. c. by Sarpedon, out of Pastorella, by Little John ;
Anvil; b. c. by Clifton, out of Slight; ch. f. by Polygar, dam by
Skim, out of Pentagon ; ch. f. Dorus ; b c. by Mulatto, out of
Medina ; Adrian, Phosphorus, b. c. by Camel, dam by Phantom,
out of Breeze ; Grand Cairo, c. by Alnley, out of Young Sweet-
pea ; f. Fanchon.

To the ELECTORS of WESTMINSTER

Whoever recollects what a deep interest the Irish pcs
ple have in your decision will not deem me, hunills as
am, presumptuous in addressing you. The question yo
have to decide is one between the friends and the eneini,
of Ireland. We have suffered six centuries of misrule ans
oppression from the English Government. Men of West
minster, you are now asked by the Tories, fighting uncle
the fictitious flag of Burdett, to put the seal of your alp
probation upon the crimes which have been hitherto corn
mitted, and the crimes %%hich are still in the course of be
ing perpetrated, against my unhappy country.
I put the question to you respectfully, but firmly. Di
you design to make Ireland a portion of the strength us
the Great British empire by doing her—all she requires—
justice; or do you wish, by continuing her degradation asi
the factious tyranny of Tory misrule, to render her, dtiriis
our time, distracted, divided, and miserable in herself, an,
a permanent source of expense and weakness to the Ent
lish people ?
At the side of Burdett are arranged all the old, the col.
tinuous, and the unrelenting foes of the civil and religion,
liberties of the Irish nation. At the side of Leader, are
placed all those of every shade and class of politics wls
deem it prudent and right to confirm and cement the union
bet Ween the two countries, by establishing in both a perfect
equality of rights and privileges.
Both parties appeal to you, men of Westminster !
What is your determination ? The choice is before you.
The people of Ireland await without trepidation, but with
deep interest, your decision, whatever it may be ;—they
know Sthat decision will be evidence of the judgment of a
large and enlightened body of Englishmen. You may, if
you please, reject our claims—you may neglect or you may
spurn-our demands ; but you cannot conceal from us the
fact, that our fate, so far as it can depend upon other than
ourselves, is in your hands, and that your decision in the
present election, will demonstrate, whether you be just and
generous enough to take part with the friends of Ireland,
or Whether you are so careless of; or adverse to, the Irish
people; that you will augment and encourage the host of her
perverse and virulent enemies.
Yon. may be called " Pismires" and " Jackasses"—by
men who inwardly despise whilst they outwardly solicit
your support—but .for my part I recognize your undoubted
title to the name of a great and intelligent community of
Englishmen. If you, as intelligent Englishmen, record
your votes in favour of justice to Ireland, it will be impos-
sible for the Duke of Wellington and Lord Lyndhurst
much longer to insult and oppress us, or to treat us as aliens
and slaves. If you record your votes in favour of' that sla-
very, alienage, oppression, and insult, you will assuredly re-
tard and postpone the establishment of our rights—but even
so—l will not despair of my country. There is an energy
and recuperative power in the Irish people which will
sooner or later, assert and maintain their liberties. But
their cause is at present in your hands—you may injure
and delay, but 1 implore you to consider whether in doing
so you must not inevitably tarnish, if not disgrace, yourselves,
I have many reasons for urging upon your serious atten-
tion the rights of the Irish nation, The first is, that lam
entrusted by them with the conduct of a great political ex-
periment. It is this—they, the Irish nation, had a Perlin;
ment of their own—a domestic Legislature—front which, fit
spite of many defects, they derived great advantages. They
are convinced that without a restoration of that Parliament,
that is, without a repeal of the Union, Ireland cannot be
well governed, or the people rendered prosperous, and
happy. The contrary opinion prevails amongst the English
Whigs and Radicals, and Reformers of every class. The
experiment I am entrusted with is to ascertain which party
is right. If the United Parliament will but do justice to
the .IriSh people—if that Parliament will but legislate for
Ireland as they do for Yorkshire or Somerset—if they will
identify the two nations by a similarity of rights—why, in
that case, we are ready to abandon for ever the repeal of
the.. Union, and to consolidate with you into one nation.
The progress of our experiment is this —a majority of
the House of Commons---a powerful majority of that
House, although elected under Tory auspices, have broadly
and decidedly declared in favour of Ireland,
The King's Government—his Mtjesty's Ministers—lead
that majority, and are strenuous and sincere advocates for
the consolidation of the Union, by'an equalization of laws
and liberties between both countries.
On the other hand the Peers—the House of Lords—by
an enormous majority, are unequivocally, and without re-
mission or interval, hostile to the amelioration of the Irish
institutions. Their enmity is continuous, aoave, insulting,
unmitigated. They oppose every attempt at improve-
ment ; they add insult to injury; and the language of con-
tumely and contempt is superadded to the infliction of in-
juries of the deepest dye.

Now, then, there arises one distinct stage of our experi-
ment—for the first time, an appeal is made to a largo and
an intelligent body of the English people. Electors of
Westminster, the appeal is to you,
In the name of the people of Ireland I appeal to you!
Are you for the consolidation of the Union, or are you
adverse or indifferent to such consolidation ?
If you vote for our enemies—if you refuse your votes to
our friends—it is immaterial to the people of Ireland whe-
ther your motives be hostility or indifference—you do us
wrong and bring discredit upon yourselves.
If you return Mr. Leader, a friend to the principle of
doing . justice to Ireland, you destroy our- inclination to
repeal the Union, and you so far cause a disinclination
to that measure—you treat the Irish people as brothers
and friends.
lf, on the contrary, yeti return Sir Francis Burdett, who
is now, alas, allied with the bitterest enemies of Ireland,
you increase our anxiety to repeal the Union—you furnish
us with the strongest reasons for detesting that measure,
and you treat the Irish people as aliens and enemies.
In either case the people of Ireland will justly appreciate
your conduct towards them. What chance have we of
compelling the House of Lords to do us justice, if the elec-
tors of Westminster, now, at the moment of trial, desert
us, and arrange themselves at the side of our enemies
Should your decision be in favour of our friends—who
are also the friends of civil and religious liberty—you give
confidence to our exertions in favour of amalgamating both
countries into one. If; on the other hand, you reject Mr.
Leader, the friend not only of Ireland, but of civil and re-
ligious liberty, you furnish the people of Ireland with the
most unequivocal evidence of the futility of those hopes
they now entertain from the sympathy and co-operation of
the English people, to obtain for them all they require—
political equalization.
At all events I have thus done my duty to you, and to
the Irish nation, by making this appeal.
I may be accused of giving undue importance to the
part of the present contest for Westminster which involves
the-interests of Ireland. Can Ibe justly blamed for feel-
ing 'stion,,ly, deeply, but certainly not exclusively, that por-
tion of the present controversy which relates to Ireland.
It is -quite true that there also belong to this controversy
many topics of the utmost value to Englishmen themselves.
One of these topics is the solution of the question whether
this empire is to be practically governed by the Represen-
tatives of the people—selected by the people—responsible
to the people—the House of Commons ;orisit to go
back to the worst days of Aristocratic monopoly, and be in
future governed by the nominees of the House of Lords ;
by persons legislating in despite of popular power and po-
pular wishes, totally irresponsible to the people, and trans-
mitting their power in hereditary succession without any,
even the slightest, intervention of popular control.
Englishmen, are you ready to bow down before the poli-
tical Dagon of irresponsible power ? Are you willing to
restore the days of Toryism, when the dependants, the fol-
lowers, and the families of the Oligarchy fed and fattened
on the public property—increased that taxation which was li
the great resource for their own peculation—accumulated
enormous debt as a national burthen, but not for any na-
tional purpose—shed oceans of blood in unjust and unne-
cessary wars, and plundered the people whom they op-
pressed and despised.
Pardon me, if I feel myself bound to mix up the ques-
tion of "Justice to Ireland" with these still more important
and awful considerations. It is my duty to do so, and 1
am justified in doing so, for these two, amongst many other,
reasons.

First.7--Ireland contains one-third of the population of the
Empire. The rights and liberties, the peace and prospe-
rity of one-third of the Empire, are involvud in this
troversy.
Secondly.--by their representatives in
he Irish
tpple,
im people,
Parliament,
at
advocated, and, as far as it.
e
them lay, supported every measure of retrenchment and
reform introduced into Parliament for the benefit of ti:c
English people. They have always voted for every reduc-
tion of your burdens, and for every inerea:e in your fran-
chises. They have, therefore, a claim on your gratitude.
But they prefer making their appeal, through me, to your
justice an generosity.
It may he s4jd that I an, actuated by motives of per-
sonal hostility to S'r Francis Burdett in thus addressitT
you. I totally d.se!aiin any such motive. Tr he has wan-
tonly and Carelessly, as well as virule.ntly. assailed uic, I &eel:,
forgive him the giftless attempt to injure me. I feel m
other sentimct4ts towards him than those &' Vity rev et

PRICE sd.

for his fall—and his dereliction of all the principles tina!
animated and gave lustre to his political life. Indeed, if
were capable of entertaining sentiments of malignity to.
wards him—which I am not—those malignant sentiments
would be more than satisfied at beholding his present pro-
strafe and politically degraded position. Alas ! for 4. West-
m'nster's pride and England's glory," fallen into the handl,
of the Tory Oligarchy! and seeking and obtaining support
from those whom in the days of health and sanity, he so
often and so eloquently denounced as the bitter and se;fish
enemies of England and freedom.
Men of Westminster ! the eyes of the British empire, and
indeed of the civilized world, are upon you. Will you, on the
present occasion, act a part worthy of your former reputation
and high renown in the cause—the srxred cause of civil au::
religious liberty ; or shall it be said that you are so insensible
and unwise as not to be able to see the distinction between the
name and the thing itself? The name of Burdett was hitherto
connected with your best and most glorious struggles for
freedom. Did you struggle then for the name only or for
freedom itself ? Yes, it was for constitutional freedom you
fought the good civic fight. Burdett was then inscribed
on your banners, because he was then the champion of
Liberty. His name is now emblazoned on the black and
bloody statylard of Peculation—of Bigotry—of Tyranny.
If Burdett now succeeds, the despot of Russia, snorting
over the indigested gore of plundered Poland, will raise his
ferocious head and smile upon you. If Burdett succeeds,
the paltry tyrant Don Carlos, red with the blood of mur-
dered Britons, will shout with joy. If Burdett succeeds,
every enemy to freedom of conscience—every enemy to the
extension of civil liberty all over the world—will rejoice
and be glad.
Alen of Westminster—is it to such beings as these that
you desire to give a triumph ?
If Burdett fails, the friends of the peaceful amelioration
of the human race—the supporters of the mild and bene-
volent principles of just and democratic liberty all over the
universe—will be gladdened with a holy joy. The slave in
every country and clime, and of every cast and colour, will
feel the inspiration of renewed .hope. The oppressed all
over the world will expect a better day, and the advocates
for cheap and good government, wherever they are found,
will bless the honest men of Westminster for giving one
blow more to the system of political tergiversation, and one
more proof that political integrity and consistency can along
secure continued confidence and certain victory in the great
struggle now going on for permanent freedom.
Men of Westminster ! wishing, hoping, and firmly he-
lieving that you will act in a manner worthy of yoursel,cs,
and of your great and glorious country,
I have the honour to be your very faithful and obediei.t
servant, DANIEL O'CONNELL.
Pall-mall, May 8, 1837.

WESTMINSTERREPRESENTATION.

The large room of the Crown and Anchor Tavern was
last evening crowded almost to suffocation, by a vast body
of the electors of Westmins!er, who had been convened
by public advertisement to meet Mr. Leader, and hear the
exposition of his sentiments with respect to the various im-
portant political questions of the dayd We never wit-
nesiod that celebrated room so crowded, or saw a meeting
more enthusiastic.

Mr. WAKLEY, M.P., was to have presided, but at eight
o'clock a communication was received from him to the effect
that he would be detained for an hour longer in the House
of Commons. It was, therefore, deemed advisable that the
business of the meeting should proceed, and
On the motion of Mr. PROUT, it was resolved that Sir
Samuel Whalley, M.P., should be invited to take the chair
until Mr. Wakley's arrival.
Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY having explained to the meeting
that Mr. Wakley was detained in the House of Commons,
by his do‘ire to give his vote in favour of the repeal of the
Septennial Act, which was at that moment under discus-
sion, proceeded to say—it is no light occasion which has
called you together this night. You have met to fight a
great Constitutional battle, and to read a great moral lesson
to the people and their Representatives. I cannot but
look back with regret to the public life of your late Repre-
sentative—not with regret that you have lost him, but that
ho has lost you.—(Hear, hear,) He says that he has not
changed—that he has stood still when all has been moving
around him. Gentlemen, that assertion alone proves his
utter unworthiness to be the Representative of West-
minster.—(Cheers.) What ! shall the Representative of
this great city say that he has stood stil! while freedom has
been making such rapid advances around him ? Stand still
in times like these !—(Cheering.) But no ; he has not
stood still ; he ha's been sliding backwards ; he it is who
has retrograded, and become utterly undeserving of your
confidence,vand not you who have shown any fickleness in
desiring to get rid of him.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. PROUT said that it was not with pleasurable feel-
ings that he rose to address that meeting. He had taken
part in the first election of Sir F. Burdett for Westminster,
and until within the last few years had been a very great
admirer of the political conduct of the Hon. Baronet. Foi
five and twenty out of the thirty years he had known him,
he never could have believed that Sir Francis would have
placed himself in such a pitiable predicament. 'The Hon.
Baronet said lie had not changed. It was clear that he
was a Tory now, and if he had not changed he must always
have boon a Tory ; - and yet he bad advocated Annual
Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot. Did
his advocacy of such measures bespeak the Tory ? and if,
being a Tory, he supported these measures, bad he not been
an arch hypocrite ?—(Cheers.) He could nut escape from'
this dilemma, and he (Mr. Prout) gave him the choice of
either horn of it.--(Cheers.) Mr. Prout concluded by
moving a resolution to the effect, that the late declaration
of Tory principles on the part of Sir F. Burdett was most
unsatisfactory to the electors of Westminster, and that he
was no longer worthy to represent that city in Parliament.
Mr. STURGEON seconded the resolution.
Mr. WARD, M.P. for St. Alban's, wished to say a few
words before the resoltition was put. He said he would
offer no apology for addressing them on the present occa-
sion, or fur deserting his duty in the House of Commons
to have an opportunity of doing so. Whatever might be
the questions under discussion in that House, the question
at issue in Westminster was ten times more important.—
(Cheers.) It was fortunate that it was upon such a con-
stituenev as the electors of Westminster that it had fallen
to decide, by their votes in the approaching contest, whe-
ther or no the. principles of reform were to be carried out.
Disguise it as they mght, that was in reality the question
at. issue, It was not, and it ought not to become, a per-
sonal question. They should forget all their former personal
partiality, and remember that they. had a solemn duty to
discharge to themselves, to the city of Westminster, and to
the empire at large. The electors of Westminster were bound
to say " ay," or " no," to the great question whether or not
justice should be inflicted upon the greatest political, apOstate
that had ever lived.--(Cheers.) It was with great pain and
reluctance that he saw himself under the necessity ot speak-
ing of Sir Francis Burdett in that manner, when he was
not present to defend himself, but lie would say the same
to his face, and wherever ho met bins, that his was the most
remarkable instance of political tergiversation he had ever
heard of. Even in the days of Fox, Westminster had been
the stronghold of liberal principles, and would the electors
desert those principles now ?—(Cries of No, no.") He
thanked them for that response. He. would go back to a
' more recent period, and remind them that they had -rejec-
ted the liberal Sir John Hobhouse, because in their opi-
nion he was not disposed to go far enough. The case of
Sir; Francis Burdett was ten thousand times worse than
that of Sir John Hobhouse ; and would they so far belie
all their former deeds as ever to return Sir
.Francis again ?
—(No, no.) He was sure they would not. The Hon. Baro-
net said he had not changed, but lie (Mr. Ward) would ask
on what point had lie not changed? When the Reform Bill
was bearing its legitimate fruits—when real practical ame-
liorations were submitted to the consideration of Parlia-
ment, the Honourable Baronet turned round, and said all
these healing measures were crude and ill-concocted. Sir
Francis said he had always entertained the same sentiments
as he now professed—if so, then his public life had been
one vast political lie.--(Cheers.) Yes, he would repeat it,
one great political lie.—(Renewed cheering.) The Hon.
Gentleman concluded amid prolonged cheering.
Tho resolution was then put from the Chair, and carried
without a single dissentient. _
Mr. WALKER, in a short speech, proposed the second
resolution, to the effect that the meeting had witnessed
with the greatsst satisfaction the public conduct of Mr.
Leader, both in and out of Parliam:mt, and that it pledged
itself to use every exertion in his support at the approaeh-
ing election.

Mr. CLEARY seconded the rc-ikhaton, which was carried
unanimously.

Mr, I bML then presen!ed himself; awl MO received
with several rounds of the most oukhusiastic cheers. In
the midst of the applauso, which lasted several minutes,
Mr. I'Vakley areived, and took the chair, Which wal, va-
cated fbr him by Sir S. Whalley. the applause had
in some degree subsided, Mr. Leader proceeded to address
the mectinE ;—" I thank you most cordially," said the
Right Hon. Gentleman, "for the very entimiastio re cep-
ti" with ‘vhich you have Wok Of all the meet-

112
ings at which eve been pr t, and I have atten led
aea od meny airing the p week, the present is 'he
mist numerouq. and in it I have. if possible, been Cie
est received. There is a great advantage in this, for it
bppears that the more I am known the better you like
e, and I can ou:v add, that the feeling is mutual.
(Loud cheers.) My opponents bring against me there
very serious charges in the first place, they accuse me of
being very young ; iu the second, of net belonging to the
aristocracy ; and, in the third place, of tieing a molt*.
tionist. i havc„a few words to ?say in answcr to each of
these serious charges. To the first I must at once ple.t.i
guilty ; but although there is a ditTerence of about 40 lea
bet:seen my age and that of Sir Francis Ruftlett, I will Iles
you which you like beat, an honest Reformer of twenty-
seven, or a respectable old Tory of sixty-seven ?—(Cheere
and laughter.) To the srcotel charge j not onli
guilty, but most aggsevate my gtl;it 11! ").IPg that or
in it.—(Cheers.) As to the aird charge brought aglymit
me, that of being it revolotionst, I en Otliy 3,1 V that if I
am a revolutionist d 1 the 71):':i in the Hothil Of COMMON
in whom the people hate any eentidoCce are revtillt-
rionists also.—(Cheers.) I must now say a few tweeds as to the manner in which some of the suppe,ters of Sir Francis Burdett have thaw' ft to tiro{ yam; ng:tinst me. Several friends of the lion. Baronet he .e ;;out ;onrel to
the tradesmen with whom they 1:4„pr„,„to deal, ruia
have threatened that if they deee t„
me they will
withdraw their custom.,(Crios of Shaine, shame.") It
was chiefly in the pa..isn of St. George, where the aris-
tocracy love to exhibit themselves and get what they tvant
—I say get, because I am not sure that they pav foe
:t.—( Laughter.) I am sorry to cay e word aeein'it the
la:lies—l like them too much—(Laughter).—but still I
must say, that when these great ladies leave their firesides,
their domestic hearths, where alone they are fitted to shine,
and came abroad to mix themselves up with the turmoils of
polities, mid spread distrust and mischief, they ouebt to be
held up to scorn and reprobation.—(Hear.) 1 will now tell
you another fact. One of my own canvassers told me to-day
that he had met with some good honest Dissenters, who,
being applied to, said they were very sorry they could •aot
vote for Mr. Leader. They admired Mr. Leader's `abbe
principles, and would be happy to vote for him if they con-
scientiously could, but they had been told by the canvassers
of Sir Francis Burdett that Mr. Leader was ark atheist !
(Cties of " Shame, shame.") I must say thee my. Wool did
boil when I heard this—when 1 heard that these reptiles—
these patterns of the aristocracy, went about in this man-
ner taking away my character, not only hurting your cause,
which is the cause of freedom, but doing the greatest
injury to a man's reputation, which, in a Christian country,
it is possible to inflict.—(Shame, shame.) It is base
and unworthy, and tne action of none but dastardly and
cowardly detractors.—(Loud cheering.) Gentlemen, I
have done with than.-(Renewed cheers.) lam glad to
see that the Tory party has had recourse to such ditty
practices ; it proves that they are in despair, and that in
their despair they go grovelling about in cone6enial mire,
and try to bring me down to their own base
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I think my political opinions are
well known, and if they are not, it is not my feult. 1 ant,
in the widest sense of the word, a Ratheal Reformer.—
(Cheers.) My notion of the House of Lords is, that it is
an institution not for the Lards only, but for the good of
the cortrmunity at large ; and when. we find that it is
not acting for the good of the community it is time to
think of improving it.—(Loud cheers.) Same people
assert that the Reform Bill was a final measure. To
stop at the Reform Bill would be to set up a machine,
and never work ie,—(Lauhter.) I want to see
the Reform Bill made use of, and, to enable the people
to make use of it, some further improvements arc necessary
in the House of Commons. To effect this, the suffrage
must be extended, the duration of Parliaments must be
limited, and every man must be enabled to give his vote
without hope of reward, or fear of detriment, and that can
only be done by the Ballot.—(The Hon. Gentleman sat
down amid loud and protracted cheering.)
Colonel THOMPSON, M.P., in a very short speech, moved
a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was seconded by
Mr. CARPUE, and carried unanimously.
Mr. WAKLEY, in returning thanks, impressed upon the
meeting the necessity of agitating till they procured the
repeal of the Septennial Act, :Oriel' would be suffered
to continue a disgrace to our statute-books as long as
the people of England remained inactive upon the ques-
tion.—(Dear.) The people must agitate—it was their busi-
ness to set the House of Commons in order ; and if they
took his advice they would not trouble themselves much
about the other place, until they had made the House of
Commons a little better. There were at present as many
as three hundred Burdettites—he meant three hundred
Tories—in that House, and while that was the case they
could not expect that the cause of good government would
make any rapid progress. They ought to send five hun-
dred lenders there—(Laughter)—and then the Lords
would come to reason of themselves—it would not be in
their power to withstand. With regard to the present con-
test, he must say that Sir F. Burdett's associates were
enough to ruin his cause. The return of Mr. Leader tvgs
secure. Mr. Wakley concluded ::mid much applause, And
the meeting separated, after three cheers tin Leader and
one cheer more.

At four o'clock yesterday afternoon, a meeting of the
electors of the united parishes of St. Paul's, Covent-garden,
St. Mary-le-Strand, and St. Clement's Danes, was held at
Evans's Grand Hotel, in Covent-garden, for the purpose of
taking such measures as might be ileerted necessary for in-
suring the election of Sir Francis Burdett.
Mr. CRIBB, having been called. to the chair, briefly stated
the objects for which the meeting had been convened.
Sir GEORGE StNcLair. said it was with unaffected diffi-
dence, but at the same time with genuine satisfaction, that
he presented himself before them on that occasion as the
representative of his enlightened and respected friend Sir
Francis Burdett, with whom he had the honour of being in-
timate for the last 30 or 40 years. The letter which he
held in his hand he had received from Sir Francis Burdett,
at the central Committee, a short time before, and with the
permission of the meeting he would read it.

" DEAR SINCLAIR,—I wish I could have attended the meet-
ing- at Evans's, but I cannot even move fmnt my own sofa
without pain and the aid of crutches. I r.m in hopes if Ido
not get well through the business on Wednesday that I shall
at least get through it'alive. How much 1 regret that lam
unable personally to aid the great cause, but I am highly gra-
tified that there are so many hind and active well- wi,liers, who
will more than make up for all my deficiencies. I trust the
efforts of my friends will entitle, and that the state of my
health will enable me in Parliament to defend our. institutions,
with as much zeal as my supporters have evinced in promoting
my success.—Ever yours,

" F. BURDETT.

" Sir. George Sinclair, Bart."
(Che rs ) It was something new to find it necesPary, in
the city of Westminster, to defend the character of Sir
Francis Burdett from contumely and aspersion ; but he
(Sir G. Sinclair) dared to say they all had seen that the
Sabbath pismires of the press—the Examiner, the Specter-
to;-, and other Sunday newspapers—had been at work, ca-
lumniating Sir Francis Burdett and reviling and rdicuiing
his friends.—(Hear.) But he (Sir G. Sinclair) defied the
malignity of those who cast such aspersions to point out
one single principle from which Sir Francis Burdett had
swerved in the whole course of his political life.—(Cheers.)
It was impossible for Sir Francis Burdett, or, indeed, any
other public man, to account for expressions which he might
have used in the heat of debate at a remote period. Neither
ought he to be called upon to do so ; because, however much
the public were indebted to the reporters for the faithful
manner in which the reports in the newspapers were
given, yet errors would sometimes creep in, and nut on-
frequently the introduetion or omission of a single word
would have the effect of riving a turn to a sentiment
that the speaker never intended. This tact he thought would
show the unreasonableness of calling on a public man to
account for what he was reported to have said in a speech
delivered 20 or 30 years ago.—(hear.) There were
many it was well known, who prepared their speeches
before they delivered them, while there were others
again who, after their speeches had gone to the press,
were at the pains of retising them ; but this was not the
case with Sir F. Burdett, because he delivered only the
extemporaneous dictates cf his owe mind and there-
fore lie (Sir George Sinclair) would appeal to the
good sense of the meeting, whether, antler such circum-
stances, it would be fair to require hint to account for
every expression which he might or might not have used
years ago ?—( Hear.) Mr. Leader was reported in the
newspapers to have stated that he pitied Sir Fran-
cis Burdett for having him (Sir George Sinclair) for
his chairman.—(Hear.) Ha might retaliate he might say,
and with truth„ thin he pitied Sir Francis Burdett for
having such an opponent—that he pitied the electirs
of Westminster if they should prefer a Destructive
for their represensative to a sound and constitutionat states-
man.—(Cheers.) He (Sir G. Sinclair) under:i.ood that his
Nlaje3ty's Ministers had taken the field against Sir Francis
Burdett ; but, to be sure, they had liobson's choice, for ha
had refused them his support, bec:iusc he considered them
vaccillating and weak. T:iis lie had declared of theta ; but
what he had said Was milk and water to what was said of
ham on the c.olada questioa by Mr. Leader, Mr. Roebuck,
and the other Radical leaders, every one of whom had spoken
of the Government in terms of unmitigated contempt. But
what could his Majesty's Ministers do under the circum-
stances in which they were placed? They must kiep their
places at any price, because they could not go on without the
means they derived from the public purse. Ile trusted
that hi what he had said he had not spoken disrespectfully
of Mr. Leader ; but the reason lie had come forward to
espouse the ,m 4., of his old and alued friend (Sir Francis
Burdlt'tt) was because he bad had the good tort one to enjoy
his frieudship fiir matv peers.
After resolutiwas had bi.;:n moved, tthaillis were voted, to
the cliktirWiul/4 i.te meeting separ.-.tcd.