The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-16 00:00:00

ANOTHER MHOW COURT MARTIAL.

(From the United Service Gazette of July 11, 1363.)
The public will, perhaps, be surprised to learn

that Lieut.-Col. Crawley, not contented with his
" great go" against his paymasters and sergeant-
majors, has also had a " little go" against one of his
corporals, which, however, if we mistake not, will
have a considerable influence on the judicial pro-

ceedings that are now pending. It will be remem-
bered that Col. Crawley has more than once hinted
that he was not responsible for the imprisonment of
the sergeant-majors, and that, with especial em-
phasis, he has sought to clear himself from the
charge of having placed a sentry inside of Lilley's

room during tl:e confinement of the latter. His
friends in Parliament have repeatedly denied his
responsibility for the imprisonment, and, as for the
inside sentry, they have repudiated it altogether as
a malicious figment not requiring contradiction.
We believe that Lieutenant-Colonel Crawley's
specific statement respecting the position of the
sentry was that he was not aware, on the 7th
of May. of his having been posted inside the
room; but what are the facts? The non-commis-

sioned officer whose duty it was topost the sentry was
Corporal Blake, at the time corporal of the guard,
and he in the first instance posted the sentry at
the door of the sick-room, presuming that there
the soldier could not " lose sight of his prisoner

night or day," as the order of arrest expressed
it. Blake, it appears, had some bowels of compas-
sion for the imprisoned sergeant-major and his sick
wife, but he was soon taught that such maudlin
sentiments were sot to be tolerated in the Inniskill-
ing Dragoons. On the sth of May—mark the date
—his colonel brought him to regimental court-
martial for disobedience of orders, and unhappy
Blake was sentenced to 42 days' hard labour,
becauseour,and
the loss of his good-conduct stripe, simply
he hsd attempted to reconcile the exigencies of a
sickroom with his duty as a non-commissioned officer.
The non-professional reader must take notice that
this court martial was Lieut.-Col. Crawley's own
doing from beginning to end, and that he can on no
pretence attempt to shift the blame on his military
superiors, as he has sought to do in Lilley's case.
He summoned the court himself, he selected the
members, and he approved of the finding and sen-
tence; and this was on the sth of May, whilst on
the 7111 he stated that he was not aware of the po-
eition in which the sentry had been placed. It will
be seen, therefore, that in the coming investigation
this regimental courtmartial on Corporal Blake will
be a most important feature. The two points upon
which Lieut.-Colonel Crawley will rest his defence
have already been pretty clearly indicated by him-
self and his friends. With respect to the arrest of
the sergeant-majors, he will, no doubt, rest on the
approval of Sir W. Mansfield ; but the Court
will have to look narrowly into the circumstances
under which that approval was given, and to give a
specie, weight to the fact that Sir William, when
approving of the arrest, was under the impression
that the court-martial was only to be an affair of
two or three days' duration. It was Lieutenant-
Colonel Crawley's duty, when referring the matter,
to have pointed out the ti'me that the imprisonment
was likely to last, as time was everything when the
question was confinement in an Indion casemate at
the hottest time of the year.
But, even supposing the responsibility of the
arrest to be divided, Lieutenant-Colonel Crawley
may triumphantly claim the manner in which it was
carried out as being all his own. The court-martial
on Corporal Blake nails him to the responsibility of
the inside sentry, and the posting of that inside sen-
try is the worst feature in the whole of this transac-
tion. The minutes of the court-martial on Blake
must be moved for immediately in the House of
Commons, and must form one of the leading docu-
ments in the approaching trial, for it is not only of
the highest importance in itself, but, contradicting,
as it does, one positive statement of Lieutenant-
Colonel Crawley's, it must materially affcct the
credit to he given to other portions of his defence.,
We fully anticipate that both Sir Hugh Rose and
Sir William Mansfield will be able to show that
they had no personal knowledge whatever of the
circumstances of Sergeant-Haler Lillry's arrest, but
gave their approval—if they have given it—solely on
the represclitation of Lieutenant-Colonel Crawley.

CHEAP SALMON,—DaTiug the last week there
were captured at Mr. Eaglesham's fishings, at Isle
of Roes, the produce of which is leased by Messrs. Gal-
lecher, the large amount of 2,5001 b. of salmon and grilse,
the greatest catch made for 20 years. In consequence the
prices have fallen from 10d to Sd per lb for salmon and
grilse respectively, and the demand has been so great that
yesterday about 3001 b of fish was disposed of in a very brief
space of time. Salmon run from 121 b to 141 b, and., grilse
from 81b to 91b, and both kinds are in the finest condition.
The price of salmon has not been so low for maul 'years.—
Greenock Advertiser.

LONDON, THURSDAY, JULY 16, 1863.

Everything concurs to show that, in these last
conflicts to the north of Washington, the advantage
remained (when the latest advicesleft) with the Confe-
derates. Nothing demonstrates this moreclearly or
more significantly than the tone of the closing para-
graph in President LINCOLN'S message or procla-
mation. if it is expressive of anything whatever
it is expressive of profound despondency. There
is no glimmering through any one syllable of it,
of that old and at length obsolete exultation which
need to characterise every individual document
emanating from the Government authorities at
Washington, from the PRESIDENT downwards to
the veriest underling. The last fighting—to which
this most exemplary and most " resigned" pro-
clamation of President LINCOLN has especial
reference—took place at the commencement of this
present month of July at Gettysburg, in Pennsyl-
vania. As to the result of the conflict, so far as it
could in any way be learnt before these last de-
spatches left by the Bohemian—the advantage, we
must still insist, quite manifestly remained on the
side of the Confederates. True, that the very few
English journals yet contriving, we presume by the
simple device of hoping against hope, to maintain
their consistency by continuing down to the very
last to be the persistent thick-and-thin enpporters
of the North, argue with the most amnsingl3-
naive confidenoe that black is white, that defeat
is victory, that at the very least discomfiture
is success for the Federals. A fortnight ago, they
complacently remark, there was hard fighting at
Gettysburg, in Pennsylvania—the result of this
hard fighting being, according to their distorted
view of the very facts they themselves relate, that
the Confederates had been " repulsed" at all points.
Mark that—repulsed ! According to their inge
nious narrative of events, moreover, the conflict
beginning thus and ending thus on the first of July,
was renewed on the second with, if possible, still
greater fury ; a " tremendous cannonade" con-
tinuing, we are told, on that morning for three
hours without intermission. With what result, is
it asked ? The Federal apologists shall answer in
their own words—" with the same result as before !"
Meaning, that is to say, nothing less than
the repulse at all points of the army of the Con-
federates. Now mark well how plain a tale shall put
them down. By their own summary, in effect, of
the particulars thus flagrantly distorted ! " At the
close of the day "—that is of the second day's fight-
ing at Gettysburg, in Pennsylvania—" at the close
of the day," says to-day's issue of the chief organ of
the Federals among onr morning contemporaries,
" General MEADE held his ground at all points !
A very different matter indeed from the immedi-
ately preceding account given by the same journal,
namely, its account of " the repulse at all points"
of the army of the Confederates ! No—without
putting any gloss whatever upon it, the
news furnished by the telegrams is sufficiently ex-
plicit and sufficiently comprehensible—.proving
quite plainly, if it can be said to prove anything
whatever, that the
days'
Federals
in the two
battle at Gettysburg, and that, by
the close of the
second day (both of the month and
of the battle), the
advantage was left with the Con
federates. The right
flank of the Federal army
was turned—the like being done with the left flank
shortly afterwards---in other
words the northern
forces were effectually. the
Corps
was
by the Confede-
rates. REYNOLDS'S
to give
way, with a loss of 1,600 men compelled.
their
including
unfortunate commander. Howaltrt,
followers
were obliged in like manner to yield
victorious advance of the Southerners.
Both corps before the
together fell back so unmistakeably as to eeespy
a position " south" of Gettysburg—Gettysburg -1.-
maining, in point of fact, in the Possession of the
Confederates. When the later fighting " to the
right of Gettysburg" is referred to afterwards in
the exceedingly confused narrative of events com-
ing to us through New York—when that later
fighting i 3 spoken of at New York in signi-
ficant words like these, " it is impossible
to say what has really been the result
of the coefi:et," we mey be absolutely certain
of this, that the result is not by any means in favour
of the Federal cause. No doubt we have to read, at
the head of General MEADE's Report, under a date
as recent as eight o'clock on the morning of the 3d
inst—" Repulse of the Confederates !" But—look
at the Report, itself, so headed in the telegrams .
Read what it is that General MEADE himself states
therein—" Thus far the enemy has made no impres-
sion on my position!" And in the telegram sum-
mary we read—" At the termination of the
battle each belligerent appears to have held
the same position as at the commencement."
Not very much—all this—like a repulse at every

point of the Confederate army ! Add to the state-
ments contained in General MEADE'S own report
and to the corroborative intimations conveyed
piecemeal by the telegrams, add to all this the
profoundly despondent tone of the closing passage
in the PRESIDENT'S message already alluded to,
namely, when he "claims the condolence of all for
the many gallant men who have fallen, and for
this especially desires that on this day He whose
will, not ours, should ever be done, be everwhere
remembered and reverenced with the profoundest
gratitude !" Reading all which, who shall deny that,
when these last advices left, the powers that still
were at Washington were then, indeed, in fearful
jeopardy ?

The brief debate on the subject of Prize Money,
the other night, called attention to a subject which
especially deserves consideration. Colonel NORTH
moved an address to her MAJESTY to issue a Royal
Commission to inquire into the realisation of army
prize property and its mode of distribution. He
said that his attention was called to the question
pressed throughout the army
by the great dissatisfaction wbhoicthh
bliyaod been ex-
ande
and the result was that they
men. They had taken a part iwn
eglorioust
lceadmtpoapi grinzse,
money. The cause for comb enpeltawinetwtahse capturetheimm and
time which had intervened
the time when the captors received the money. He
would cite several instances in which moat unrea-
sonable delays had occurred of late years. In the
Burmese war he found that the first order for pay-
ment was issued ten years after the war was closed.
In 1839 the capture of Ghuznee took place, but no
prize money was distributed until nine years after-
wards. The prize money with regard to Pegu was
not received for ten years. Colonel NORTH truly
declared that no one could be surprised at the
soldiers being disgusted. What the object of this
absurd dilatoriness can be, must puzzle the most
astute to account for. If the object in view was
to disgust and dissatisfy the army, it might be
comprehensible. But presuming that all in autho-
rity in such cases are willing to do their utmost to
satisfy the defenders of their country, it remains
an inscrutable problem. Colonel NORTH also ad-
verted to the real appropriation of forfeited and
unreclaimed prize money. A large sum arising
from soldiers' prize money had been expended on
the purchase of land near Chelsea Hospital. "No
less a sum than £40,000 Lad been paid to Commis-
sioners in virtue of an Act of Parliament for the
purpose of purchasing a site for the Royal Military
Asylum." Also, it had been represented to the
House in 1854 that a large number of boys had
been turned out of Chelsea Hospital to enable tho
schoolmasters for the army to occupy their apart-
ments. This was disapproved of by the House, and
the boys were restored to their rights ; but now it
appeared that a considerable sum had been taken
from the soldiers' prize money to build a place for
these army schoolmasters. This is really a scanda-
lous proceeding, and requires investigation of a
searching nature. Colonel NORTH referred in con-
clusion to the capture of Delhi, where the soldiers
could have carried away immense booty, but at the
command of their officers they gave it up. Hence
it was the more to be regretted that the sum
received as prize money was so miserably small as
to cause great dissatisfaction. He left the matter to
the noble lord at the head of the Government, and
trusted he would appoint those who " from their
services, their ability, and their name would be
qualified for the task." Colonel NORTH acquitted
himself very creditably of his arduous endeavour.
It is all times an invidious task to bring forward
these claims ; but in the present instance, happily,
there was no opposition to the fulfilment of the
laudable suggestion that was made. Lord PAL-
MERSTON said he had no objection whatever to the
motion of the hon. and gallant officer. The noble
lord very forcibly demonstrated the evils arising
from the present system. He said that when a
period of ten years elapsed before prize-money was
received, men die, or get dispersed, and then their
families have to prove their right of inheritance.
Again, the men often sold their claim at a great
loss, and thus the parties who eventually receives
IL
2. were speculators, and not they whose meritorious
services had earned the reward. It reflects honour
on the noble lord that he should so readily have
acceded to this demand for investigation, and,
doubtless, he will gain the thanks of many who now
suffer most undeservedly great inconvenience from
1 the harassing delays and vexatious obstacles that are
so constantly interposed. Sir S. NORTHCOTE was not
so fortunate in his attempt to inquire into the Banda
and Kirwee booty. Lord PALMERSTON did not
take up the idea at all, and seemed indignant at the
suggestion. He said that there was no rule on the
subject, and the motion was withdrawn. Colonel
DICK, thereupon very properly observed that it
there was no law for the distribution of prize money,
the sooner one was made the better, for it was mon-
strous that our soldiers should for years be kept out
of a reward that they had earned with their blooa
and valour. Lord PALMERSTON promised that this
fund should not be dealt with until the papers re-
lating to the affair should be laid before the House.
This is a satisfactory conclusion to have arrived at,
and thus the contending claims of the troops under
Sir G. WHITLOCK and Sir HUGH ROSE will have
au opportunity of being adjusted iu a manner that
will do justice to all. It ie to be trusted that these
discussions will eventually result in benefit to the
officers and soldiers of our army, who are the chief
parties concerned in this affair. If their interests
are well
trotected, and their gallant services suit-
ably requited, it will be a matter of very little im-
port if some
official rules are violated, and some
a
re
engendered on the part of those who
ogry feelings
now rule with arbitrary sway in these complicated
affairs. The mistake is too often made of tolerating
grievancea and sanctioning injustice rather than
offend prejudices or alter existing
tabrerabnegtetemre,ntz.
Tae sooner such ideas'areexploded
yhe. inculcation of
goodtthe
an
d maintenancerigbt fe
eol
ifn.
go r
idne rt aenadr
mt

Mr. CHILDERS' resolution regarding the en-
couragement of emigration from the distressed dis-
tricts of Lancashire was fully discussed the other
evening. The arguments on both sides were in a
great measure the same as those formerly brought
rorward. Mr. CHILDERS' motion was to the effect
that any moneys raised uader the Union Relief Aid
Bill should be app
eaolaiic
odanb
ieles
atosmthigehatsbsiestwanileleingoftoec
n p e emi-
grationramte
moderation
rt haat:eth effort. •The hon. gentleman spoke
brought forward a long
g
with -
temperance of tone, and ht
of his proposal.
He
8a
la
r lthatouthfx dfiougfrui labouregspi
s support
pt
the
manufacturing years there was a
grieultural
manufacturing districts from
e
that the present oheck wrashurtful to both. ;na tnhde
prospect of the abundant harvest we have reason to
hope for, this is, however, scarcely the time or sea-
son for such a complaint. He remarkedontthhee amount of emigration from this country
during
last few years, and said that his proposal granted
only a permissive power, and the guardians need not
make use of it unless they chose. The Southern
colonies of Australia were, he maintained, especially
suitable for emigrants from this country ; the cli-
mate being wild and the colonies being very ready
to come forward and assist. Victoria, according to

hie statement, has received 70,000 or 80,000 per-
sons in one year without the rate of wages being
affected. Wo readily grant the great amount of
labour that can be absorbed into the vast colonies of
our Southern continent, but several drawbacks re-
main to be considered, and this is a question
on which hasty legislation is especially to be depre-
cated. Mr. VILLIERS stated that he had that very
morning heard from the Emigration Board the
rules and restrictions under which they
acted on behalf of the colonies. He
had inquired whether there was a likeli-
hood of the cotton operatives being selected
for assistance to the colonies. He was assured
that the rules of the Board would prevent their
sending them. The emigrants must not be above
40; they must not have more than two children ;
and they must have been employed as either
mechanics or agriculturists. These rules are espe-
cially enforced with regard to the corny of Victoria.
The colonists have, of course, a perfect right to
stipulate what 'kinds of persons are to be sent out
partly at their expense, and their restrictions must
be seriously considered, as it is evident that per-
sons who do not approach the description given are
not suitable to send, as the colonists must naturally
he the best aware of what class is likely to succeed
and thrive in the new land, and be a source of pro-
fit to themselves and the colony. The most serious
difficulty in the case is the one that has often been
pointed out, and was especially dwelt upon on Tues-
day evening by two gentlemen who ought to know
something of the matter—Mr. VILLIERS and Mr.
COBDEN. They both insisted on the impropriety,
and even the cruelty, of despatching a large num-
ber of families to great distances unless some secu-
rity is provided for their obtaining employment at
the end of their journey. Mr. CHILDERS had spoken
of the eagerness of the people to emigrate, and had
cited, in support of his assertions, some lettere
written by Mr. KNIGHT, who visited Manchester
as an acting emigration agent this spring. This
gentleman described his office as perfectly besieged
with applicants, and expressed his belief that he
could have booked 1,000 per day for a considerable
time. The hon. member for Rochdale, however,
replied by saying that Manchester was a metropolis
!la its way, and that there was by no means the
same anxiety felt in the purely factory towns. He
also pointed out that the proposed resolution
would not come into full effect until the terrors of
the winter were half over. We have good grounds
for hoping now that the face of affairs is changing.
The aspects of the American war encourage us to
hope ; and it should never be forgotten in discus •
sions of this nature that we are legislating for a
temporary and exceptional state of things. It is
wise, no doubt, to lighten the ship in times of
danger; but let us not throw overboard our most
valuable cargo just as the harbour is in bight.
There was no surplus of labour before, as the high
rate of wages testified very plainly. It is, there-
fore, a doubtful kindness to transport families to
a new life and a new world, when, in a few
months, their old source of profitable occupation
may be again open to them and needing their aid.
The truth was fairly stated by Mr. VILLIERS when
he said that some temporary provision is necessary ;
and people should be left free to emigrate if flit),
wish ; but for the House to encourage, direct, or
compel them to do so is contrary to ancient prac-
tice and good policy. Partial schemes to aesist
these anxious to emigrate have long been on foot,
and are at this time especially deserving of assist-
ance, provided they arrange for the reception of
their members, but the wisdom of wholesale mea-
sures of the kind is always doubtful. Mr. CHIL
DERS, becoming sensible of this, withdrew his
motion, and the Union Relief Aid Bill was allowed
to pass finally through committee, and will, we
hope, prove a substantial amelioration of some
part of the still existing distress.