The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It is generally understood that Mr. Hume's Bill, or
one similar in principle, for establishing boards in the
different counties for the administration of local affairs,
will be proposed in the ensuing Session. At present
the power of levying money to a large amount is exer-
cised without any responsibility, and it is high time
that protection should be afforded to the inhabitants
against arbitrary exactions. The sound constitutional
principle, that taxation and representation should al-
ways go together, can never be departed from with
impunity. At all events, the rapid increase of county-
rates demonstrates that in this country irresponsible
magistrates have not proved themselves the most eco-
nomical guardians of the money of the people. Lord
John Russell last year expressed himself not unfavour-
ably disposed towards the principle of county boards,
and if an institution of so much benefit to the people
be conceded, it may deserve consideration whether
these boards may not be placed in the same relation to
the new constabulary force, which cannot much
longer be withheld from the country, as the town
councils are in to the urban police within their respec-
tive jurisdictions. It is observed by :VII.. Miles, in a
sensible pamphlet on the subject, that at present ‘, in
the rural districts, and also in the provincial towns the
business of detection is most wretchedly performed,
because the vagabond offenders are well organized,
while the officers of justice are equally ignorant of
one another, and of the people with whom they have
to deal. And yet it is detection alone which puts the
limit to professional vagabonding and crime, and it
will decline in proportion as restraint and the certainty
of punishment are increased." So utterly unfit are
the officers and beadles of country towns, and parish
constables to detect crime, that it is notorious, when
any case occurs which excites alarm in a district, the
assistance of a police officer from London is always re-
quired. One county, however, forms an exception—
Cheshire. The rapid increase of crime, and the ut-
ter inadequacy of the existing means either for preven-
tion or detection—forced the inhabitants to apply to
Parliament for a local Act for the appointment of a
well-organised constabulary force. In each hundred
there is an experienced officer who has the superinten-
dence of the different constables, and so effective has this
arrangement proved that it has never been found neces-
sary to obtain the assistance of a London police officer,
while many cases of difficult investigation have been fol-
lowed up to detection. A constabulary force under the
supervision of rural councils would be much less objec-
tionable in a constitutional sense, than the partisan force
to which alone recourse can at present be had for the re-
pression of disorders. But the object of such a force
would not be so much affording physical resistance to
mobs, as facilitating the detection of crime by means
of a small body distributed through the different dis-
tricts of a county in communication with an intelligent
head. The new Poor-law has filled several well-
meaning persons with fears least the number of sturdy
criminals should be greatly increased. We cannot say
that we share these fears, being firmly persuaded that
hard working men seldom commit crimes. The new
Poor-law will put an end to the equivocal characters
who constituted so large a portion of the village popu-
lation, men who took care to behave so ill that no
master would employ them on any terms, and, secure
at all events of parish pay, spent their nights in poach-
ing and thieving. Had we had the new Poor-law ten
or twelve years ago, there would be much less crime
at this day. But be this as it may, it is quite impos-
sible to afford that protection to the inhabitants of the
rural districts to which they are entitled, without an
improvement of the constabulary. The existing pa-
rochial constabulary are perfectly inefficient, and a
change of system is loudly demanded from all quar-
ters.—Morning Chronicle.
The diminution of the poor rate has not been ac•
companied by an increase of crime, for a comparative
statement of the number of persons charged with dif-
ferent kinds of offences before the Criminal Court in
the years 1835 and 1836, in another column, exhibits
a difference of 140 cases in favour of 1836, though in
the 2,679 cases in 1836 are included nine persons
committed to give evidence. The Morning Herald
will see, from this account, that there is no foundation
for its assertion that the new Poor Law has swelled
the calendar of the Central Court- ; and if we
may take the liberty of offering advice to our Con-
temporary, we would recommend patient inquiry in
preference to sweeping assertion. In all changes from
one system to another there must, of course, be suffer-
ing ; but, on the whole, we will venture to say, that
so extensive a revolution as that of the alteration in the
Poor Law never was effected with so little distress
to the labouring classes. In the long run the new law
will necessarily diminish crime by diminishing idleness
and profligacy. Industry and independence, which the
new law generates, never yet tended to increase crime.
—Morning Chronicle.
The gradual change in the public sentiment of this
country towards the United States of North America
has been one which it is impossible for the statesman
of the present age to behold without solid approbation,
or the philosopher and philanthropist without the most
benevolent delight. It was not only during the imme-
diate and not unnatural exasperation produced by sue-
ces.sive wars Between the two Governments, that Eng-
lishmen generally used to indulge themselves in a spirit
of inveterate dislike towards the Western Republic,
her institutions, interests, prospects, manners, pro-
ceedings—as well towards the characters of her most
distinguished citizens. This jealous antipathy seemed
to have taken a stubborn possession of the English
mind, and to have mingled itself with the whole cur-
rent of our national tastes and instincts—nor can we
assert with truth that such an unkindly disposition
had been justly provoked by the people of North
America. Its manifestation was embittered to their
remembrance by the frequent expressions of contempt
with which it had been accompanied. Our travellers,
soldiers, sailors, politicians—all pitched their voices
in the same abusive key, until, at length, a corres-
ponding tone was heard to murmer from America ;
and even so recently as ten years ago both nations ap-
peared conscious of nothing more than of those hateful
contests wherein they had spilt each other's blood, for-
getful that they had, been rocked in the same cradle,
and that the same mother had nourished them. No
good man can have seen without deep gratification the
progressive, and latterly very rapid, amendment, on
both sides, of that baneful temper—a change which
even the most sceptical has not questioned, nor the
coldest or least generous calculator, in either country,
shown an inclination to repel. While the growth and
multiplication of ties, both commercial and personal,
between the two branches of the old British stock
move steadily, though silently, onwards, year after
year, we discover periodically the fruits of that com-
plex, continuous, and strengthening relation, in the
reception now
Igiven every six or eight months by
Englishmen to the expositions made by the President
to Congress of the general affairs of the Republic.
It is not too much to say that each successive ad-
dress of General Jackson and his predecessor to the
Legislature of the United States, intended as are
these documents for the whole civilized world, have
not merely created a respectful sensation throughout
the British islands (virulence against the people of the
Republic being now confined to the oratory of Mr.
Daniel O'Connell), but have met with a cordial and
brotherly hearing, and have excited sympathies in the
breasts of the people of England nearly, if not com-
pletely, akin to the feelings with which considerate and
upright Americans themselves are disposed to view the
several topics treated of by the message of the Presi-
dent, where those topics embrace the international
commerce between the United States and other inde-
pendent powers. As concerns England, the only
question remaining unadjusted between her and the
Republic is that of the New Brunswick boundary, in-
tricate and tedious as it has already proved, but one
which is obviously not of a character to produce
any serious difference between Governments ac-
tuated as those of Great Britatn and of the Ame-
rican Union are, and must be, to maintain unim-
paired the inestimable advantages of their existing friend-
ship. The message of General Jackson, which appear-
ed in yesterday's Times, has the characteristic common
to it with all the preceding ones of that plain-spoken,
diligent, and sagacious veteran—great industry, great
perspicuity, great firmness and apparent integrity of
purpose. The two subjects which form the staple of
the Message are the plethora of the Treasury, and the