The Sun.
London, England, 1830-11-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.,

The two gousef of Parliament met last night, but
their sitting was short, awl Wel'. {►rnceedinga unimportant.
As yet the business is but preliminary, but the parties are
fast marshalling their forces, and the aspect of the House.
forebodes a bustling, if not a tempestuous Session. Th
notices of mot'on already given must soon bring into col.
lision those jarring elements which have but yet slightly
shown themselves. In the House of lauds the Earl of
Winchilses gave notice that on Thursday next he should
submit a Bill for their Lordships' approbation, having for
object a mode of relief for the agricultural labourer who
is unable to obtain work. The Noble Earl took occasion
to comment upon the observations made, or supposed to
have been made, by the Duke of Wellington on Tuesday
night, with respect to Parliamentary reform, awl avowed
his intention of supporting that question when brought
before the House, of Peers. In the House of Commons the
Speaker reported his Majesty's answer to their Address,
which was in the usual courteous terms. Sir George
Murray gave notice of a motion on the subject of negro
slavery for Thursday next, and Mr. Sadler for the intro-
duction of poor taws into Ireland. Sir Henry Harding.,
grave notice of four motions relative to Ireland, upon the
Grand Jury system, the Vestry laws, the Subletting Act,
the Courts of. Conscience in Dublin ; and threatened twice
as many more, so as to, make his hands quite full of bitsi-
new Mr. Wynn obtained leave to bring in a Bill to re-

peal the Acts imposing the oath of abjuration, and the
Oaths which Members take before the Lord Steward. Mr.
Hume moved for copies of all existing treaties between

this country and foreign Powers respecting the Netherland.
and Portugal. Sir It. Peel did not object to the prodoce
tion of the papers, but thought the motion unnecessary,
as,the information was contained in documents to which
there was alreetly easy access. lie moreover objected to
the expense of employing additional clerks to copy matter
which was already in print. The House then adjourned.
Mr. Tennyson complained last night in the House of Com-
mons of a misrepresentation in our report of his speech
on the previous evening. We admit that the lion. Mem-
ber is right in the correction. The sentence as reported
stood thus :-...." His Majesty's Government was afflicted
by that blindness which usually preceded destruction."
in the pressure of business at a late hour, the word " Go.
vernrnent" was omitted, and the word " destruction" was
altered to " despotism." We need not add that the misre-
presentation was not wilful.—Morning Herald.

It appears, after all, from the statements of Ministers
theniselves, that they have met Parliament wholly unpre-
pared to !submit any measures of a remedial nature to alle-
viate the distress of 'the people and relieve the embarrass-
' mente of the country. Of intended plans ef coercion we
have heard a good deal, both in the Speech from the
• Throne, and in the speeches of members of the Admini-
stration in both Houses; hut, inasmuch as coercion can-
not supply food and employment to the distressed pnpula-
tion, nor bring hack to the agricultural and the manufac-
turing classes the prosperity which they have lost, it
cannot extricate the country from the state which lola
produced so many evils, and which threatens eo many
snore. We admit that, where popular violence is com-
mitted, the Executive must put forth the vigour of the
law ; but though it is well that a Covet mnent should have
energy to repress disorder, it is better that it should have
wisdom to prevent it. Of such wisdom our Ministers
have not yet given any proofs. We have looked in vain
into their reported speeches fare any evidence of that intel-
ligent and capacious policy which is calculated to grapple
with the difficulties of the times and overcome them.
The physician who would apply himself to remove
the external symptoms of some eruptive distemper from
the human body, without attempting to repair the consti-
tutkhssl derangement of the system out of which they pm-
ceeded, would be justly considered a quack; yet he could not
betray more ignorance or incapacity in the science which
be- professed, than the Statesman who thinks it enough to
put down by force the ebullitions of 'discontent among the
people without inquiring into and removing its causes.
The consequences of the mischievous policy which has '
Lone been pursued by those who bold the direction of
affairs in this country, was, indeed, alluded to in the
Speech from the Throne, but only for the purpose of
threwhig out menaces of coercion and punishment against
those who did or might dist Orb the peace of the country,
umureampenied by any gracious promise of relief to the 1
great 'mass of suffering people, who had not allowed the
pressure of want and misery to drive them into any acts
of guilty desperation. But while our Ministers thus ne-
glect the most Important part of their responsible duty-,..
nainelY, to inquire into the causes of the great and extensive
• discontent among the people at home—they find time to
take upon themselves the officious and dangerous task of
intermeddling in the disputes of the King of the Nether-
lends and his subjects, and that too in open defiance of the
principle of non-intervention on which they had hitherto
professed to act. It was only the other day that our Go-
vernment, by appealing to this principle of strict neutrality
induced the French Cabinet to issue orders for the disarm-
ing and dispersion of the Spanish refugees,who were prepar-
ing on the frontiers to invade the territories of their inex-
orable tyrant. whose throne the armies of France had pre-
viously established on the ruins of the Constitution. But
this was the case of persecuted people endeavouring- to re-
cover their rights and liberties from the grasp of a despot.
We prevented France from, even by connivance, affording
any autistallett to that Spanish Patriote, thought it was
France which had brought all the misery which they
suffer upon them. We prevented France from even al- •
lowing these victims of her frieuter oppressive and peril-
'Untie policy to collect upon her frontier, for the purpose of
invading Spain, even although they did not iesk any usaist-
ance from the French authorities. We represented the
passiveness of France in such a case, ae a violation of the
principle of sop-intervention, and persuaded the French
Government to take active measures, as far as her own
territories were concerned, to preserve the '1 sanctity" of
Ferdinand's despotism from the retributive stroke of po-
pular justice. But when a King had tried his strength
against a people and suffered a signal defeat, the same Mi-
nisters, who were so sensitive lest the French Government
should violate the principle of neutrality with Spain,
do not hesitate to initr themselves up with the affairs
of the Netherlando, and talk of concerting measures
with their Allies to restore the ficeptre of a King
which bad fallen from his hand, stained with the blood
of his subjects. We are glad that Mr. Holihouse has
given notice of a motion on this subject, with a view
to preventing our Government from entering into a mi.;
inulewhich must endanger the peace of h'airope. It is
ridiculous in Sir Hobert Peel to attempt to explain away
the foreign interference threatened in the King's Speech,
on the ground of an amicable interference. If Ministers
meant nothing more than mediation, they surely would
not have taken pains to disqualify then-melees from being
accepted in the capacity of mediators, by prejudging the
carte, and speaking in high terms of eulogy of one party,
and passing a sentence of unqualified eondemnation on the
other! It is quite clear that the Belgians, if they even
contemplated negotiation, cannot accept our Ministers in
a mediatoriel character after this. If, indeed, they mean
to force their mediation upon a people who do not want
it, they must justify, by a new process of logic, this new
principle of non-intervention. Mr. 13roug hum —w ha is
not accustomed to read history in vain—showed that even
Mr. Pittalid not introduce into the King's Speeches any
opinion upon the mer:te of the qoarrel between loolia XVI.
and his eubjectie until an case of war arose. We have
still one hope interposed between the infatuation of
Ministers and a Continental war, the consequences of
which it is impossible to foreeee—that ;.ope'is Perliament,
which can withhold the supplies forsuch a war. If it
fails in its ditty, it will be the greateitit argument yet ads
vtutced to prove the necessity of refours—liforn. Herald.

The alarm caused by the King's Speech has not been
dispelled by the subsequent recantations of Ministers. The
Funds yonerday again fell nearly two per cent. We tin
not believe that Ministers contemplated an appeal to farce;
but the fear is, that they will he entangled by the Treaties
which they profess a determination to uphold. Men are
more (Reposed to look to the legitimate deductions from
their written manifesto, thin to rely on their subsequent.
explanations. In the Rouse of Lords, lett night, the Earl
Of Winchihrea hoped fleet:lenient " would have the good
sense to adhere to the great principle of non-interferenee."
This observation was loudly cheered. his Lordship, ad-
verting to the Duke of Wellington's fainowa declaration aft
to the impernihility of Improving Parliament, which, its
printent constituted, was all ezetllence, all perfection.
observed, " that if Reform—moderato Reform—did not
take place, he would himself speedily witness the tic.
"traction of the beet inatitutions of the tooutry."—•
lie added, that " if that passage of the Noble
Duke's speech which related to Parliamentary Re-
form had been framed with a view of eoneiliating the
high-minded Noblemen with Whom he was mortally
united, he could tell the Noble Doke that be might es
ettempt to take high heaven by storm." The Noble
Earl has a vary ht idea of i I exit e r tt" it OL.VI with,
wham be usually aela. We a/Java, however, that the ,
Duke of Wellington has fernied a men, ,accurate estimate
of their virtue; end Omitting, with his L(4444, that
without the inflikore of nitee iria at4ce might nut obtain
fifty vows, he will not on that suaunint experience any
want of cokes SO long as be iy its office. We will answer
for it, at ail events, that he wilt not lose merry 'meg by hia
declared hostility to reform in every shape. In the House
GGI Commona, iset niKlit, Mr. flume alluded 10 the op..

Aternation And alarm in the Money Market, produced by
the King's' Speech ; and, with a view to prevent the de-
s'ructiop of property to an incalculable amount, he wall
. .

.0 suggest to his Majesty's Government, when they called
upon the !louse for Supplies, to be prepared with a state-
ment of the course of conduct which it was likely they
would pursue.
" As far in the country," he observed, " as the King's Spiech
had reached, it had alarmed the people with the apprenhension,
that his Majesty's Government, by their interference with
fbreign States, were about to plunge the country into war. lie
himself was satisfied, from the explanations which had been
made, that his Majesty's Government had no intention to awed
to force, or to risk being driven to hostilities. But, although he
was satisfied with reference to the intentions of Government, he
could not, in common with other persons, divest himself of all
anxiety, that whatever might be the present intentions of his
Majesty's Government, it was not impossible, on entering into
my negotiations, that those negeciatlons might end in an un.
expected manner."

Moneyed men are quick in anticipating danger. They.
perceive, too, a good deal of the manoeuvring which; at
the commencement of the French Revolution, led us step
by step into the ruinous. war which,. at one time, threat-
ened our very existence as an independent nation, and
which terminated in a manner which we were hardly
entitled to expect. The Duke of Wellington is, we
believe, averse to war. But so was Mr. Pitt. The
King had even gone so far as to express in a speech
at the Levee, his disapprobation of the pacific po-
licy of Mr. Pitt, declaring " that if the Government
could nut be properly conducted by Mr. Pitt, it might
be done by others; for be was not wedded to him." The
great Whig families drove Mr. Pitt into the war: for
' he knew that after their concurrence with the views of
` the King, to stand out longer was impossible. Besides,
' when the Duke of Wellington once commits himself
to negneiatione oonducted by Powers, more exasperated
' perhaps than ha is against Francs and Belgium, he may
not be able to shake himself free of the connection, when
! prudence may demand such a course. And the insolent
pretensions of the Imperial anti Royal expounders of trea-
ties may, in.turn, precipitate the Belgians into acts of im-
prudence, calling in the opinion of our oligarchs far a
' vindication of the national dignity. We have a prodigious
dislike to these same treaties, deeming the principle of in-
tervention one of extreme danger, whatever the pretext.
A speech made in the House of Lords on Tuesday night,
by Lord Farnham, is believed by many to be a tolerably
correct representation of what is passing at present in the
minds of many of our, burdened Aristocracy. Lord Farn-
ham is a considerable authority with the class alluded to.
The winding up of the last war ha not been altogether
to their taste, and they would be not sorry for a pretext
to relieve themselves at the expense of the moneyed inte-
rest. 'War might still be carried on, his Lordship observed,
provided Peter were robbed to pay Paul.
" Could the country (he observed) afford to make preparations
for carrying on a war vigorously and with prospect of ultimate
success P
species of taxation had reached its ultimatum; but in his opinion
the dittleultita of our financial situation arose less from the ge.
neral weight of the taxation than from its unequal pressure,—
The landsd interest for instance, was loaded to such an extent
as to be completely incapable of enduring any ftirther burdens,—
If, then, the land could endure no more, where could the her.
dens be laid—on manufactures or commerce? No • he would
say upon the moneyed interest ; and by the moneyed he
slid not mean those alone who had property in the funds, but
all who could legitimately comae within the meaning of the term.
To explain his meaning, suppose any man had an estate worth
ten thousand ponndsa.year, such was the unequal pressure of
the burdens affecting it, that if it were liable to a mortgage the
interest of which amounted to SM/4, the mortgagee eietnj net
his interest money, while the owner of the estate would not
clear above t,txsti. it-year. They might rest perfectly assured
that a perseverance in old systems would never put them in a
state of warlike preparation—economy would never meet the dif.
acuities with which they hail to contend. They roust relieve the
land from the unequal pressure of poor rates tithes, and land.
tax, or they must abandon all hopes of seeing Melr finances
placed upon a sore and creditable footing."
This is admirable ! As if, in purchasing an estate,
allowances were net mode for the various burdens to which
it is liable ! And as ii the man who invests his money on
mortgage rather titan in the purchase of land, does not
calculate the relative advantages and disadvantages! The
relief from burdens by giving a greater net income would
of course add to the amount of the purchase-money. But
this tine scheme would of course he extremely palatable to
the Aristocracy, for it would enable them to provide for
their sons nut of the estates of the moneyed men. The
loan would be exclusively for their benefit. Another de-
preciation would, of course, raise rents, and thus relieve
many landholders, whose rents are now swallowed up by
mortgages. And et the close of the war, instead of re-
' storing the currency, the depreciation might be ascer-
tained; the value of the denomination. might then be
lowered accordingly, For instance, the pound might be
reduced to fifteen shillings. We would not have our
moneyed men too confident that they who have the politi-
cal ascendancy may not some day play them a slippery
trick of this • sort. They cannot be too much on their
guard against all that may lead to war. Belgium may be
an admirable nest-egg, it' well managed. They should
take warning in time. Let them he assured that it is not
so much the interest of the Aristocracy to be at peace as
they may think.—Morning Chronicle.
As Republics are to be now the bugbear, M. de Pot-
ter's preference of a republic for Belgium, as most suited
to the state of property in that country, is of course the
object of great vituperation. What have we to do with
the inclinations of the Belgians ? Have not we a mo-
narchy? Ave we not gratified with its splendour? If
our neighbours have more humble tastes, why should we
quarrel with them on that account ?...-.2llorniray Chronicle
The public generally will learn with some surprise what
was the opinion in the city yesterday in consequence of
the several &bidet; on the King's Speech. It was, that
the Duke of Wellington was about to resign, or even moat
resign, in etinosequence of the differences between himself
and hie colleague* on the subject of Parliamentary reform.
However, between Sir Itebert Peel's opinion, who "does
not at present see any prospect that such a measure of safe
moderate reform 419 his Majesty's Government might be
inclined to sanction, would satisfy the demands and ex-
pectations of the reformers ;" and of the Duke of Welling-
ton, who thinks the present system the best,—though
there may be a great theoretic, we tin not see that there
is much practical differentia: and something similar may
ho said, on a comparison of his Grace's Opinion with that
of Sir Goorge Murray. The three Statesmen will pro-
bably think, Vote, and act together impost any propo-
sition of idiom' brought forward by another, and moms
of them has a system of his own to introduce or re-
emnroend. The subject of lielgium is another Mini-
touchstone. Its the King's Speech all the Ministers,
no doubt, united ; but the principle of non•intetference
has been more atrongly avowed since by Sir Robert Peel '
and Sir George Murray, than it is in that document : and
non-Interference is all, we Presume, that the public want, '
whether avowed or not. But an opinion is given on the '
merits of the (position, inasnutch as the Belgians are said,
in the King's speech, to have "revolted," and the rulmi-
nimirtstion of the King is styled an "enlightened" one. '
The animel that bears the burden knows best where it '
pinches and presses ; and if a whole nation determines
with unanimity no longer to endure a particular form of
government, without assigning any cause whatever for the
change, we know not who has right to control its will,
always provided the peace of other states be respected.
But we can bring to mind no instance wherein so few
causes intelligible to other nations were assigned for a re-
volution : and we well recollect the frequent and uncon•
tradieted praises which were bestowed by all parties upon
the King of Holland (his affability, his moderation, his
frugality) befiorc the explosion took place. However, that
it bas taken place must be accepted as a proof that some-
thing was materially wrong.— Tintes.
It seems to us, that if the erlsia produced or threatened
by the new course of agitation now exhibiting itself in:
Ireland, be managed on the part of Ministers with but
moderate judgment, little of any harm is likely to result
front it; but on the aontrary, much permanent good.
„„thi„g more obvious than that, at present, the
groat mass of intelligence anti prOpeety in both countries
clings to the legislative Union, as to that key-iittotoa of their
common prosperity, without which the whole edifice
would mumble loco utter degradation and ruin. We do
not refer merely to the sentiments expressed by Members .
of the House of Commons on Tuesday evening-no
matter on whittli side of the Speaket'a chair they mighs
have ranged theinvelves—but to volumes of letters which
we have seen from every part of England, and from toon
of all creeda and all divisions of party, avowing the one
unanimous revolotiors to stand or fall with the Union,
Ar the actual partisans of the " repeal of the Union"
aro eontined to Mr. O'Connell, a few subaltern agi»
tattles, arid the mere mob, whom a glaaS of whiskey
would excite, or u pipe of tobacco quiet, pains have
been taken tel enlist as unity of the priests as could be
prevails,' upon to add the perverao influence of their call-
ing, and to reioforce the cry of sedition, by a revival of
the ancient religious fesiti, It is said that some, rusk forty,
Popish tcolesiattics, men of She Maynooth (as contrailia..
tinguithoi from the foreign) ecloiol, and of a kidney prone
to turbulence, 44 at first enlisted themselves' under the
new factious banner. Ent the Catholic Bishops, with a
proper beroe of duty, and by a ;lost end seasonable cur-
clots of aotbority, forbade their clergy to msdille in apy
affair of politlea. We apprehend, therefore, that unless
great folly gull he manifested by those who have the gui-
donee of the national intereate committed to them, the
question may be permanently oat rowed in int character, to
one between intelligence, property, anti eight feeling on
one aide, and on the other, the pure desperadoesss-iyno
gering, the chichi for power, the wretched multitude for
bread. In that condinoti of things, we yet trust that there
is nething at which the netieSt'coght, to feel any ultimate

alarm. The poor and ignorant being the material on which
O'Connell and Co. have to work their unworthy ends,
the plain and wise polls), of the Government is, to di •
minis]) the numbers of the unenlightened and the desti-
tote, and thus consume the proper pabulum of revolution.
We find that in many of the letters addressed to his Grace
the Duke of Leinstor, accepting or declining his invita-
tion to meet him and devise means for counteracting the
anti-union plot, much stress is laid on the dreadful situa-
tion of the poor, as that single circumstance, which
tends most to encourage intriguers, and to facilitate and
promote their machinations. If something be not done
On behalf of the Irish poor, it is not impossible that there
may he a general and reckless attack on property of every
description—not with any distinct political purpose—for
reform—for a repeal of the Union—for a republic—least
of all for Popery—but for food and shelter, or the means
of buying them. Here, then, is one practical object re-
commended equally by humanity and foresight: let the
Legislature take the poor of Ireland under its protection,
and ensure a transfer of their allegiance from the ain.
turbers of the public peace to its natural and faithful
guardians.— Times.

We resume the subject of the new police, and that but
briefly, as we have more important matter before us. It
is very probable that it may be found burdensome to par-
ticular parishes ; but its superior protection cannot lys
doubted. Let parishes and districts meet, then, and dis-
cuss its merits, or propose the means of improvement. We
have little doubt bet that improvements, and perhaps
economy also, may be introduced, not by dimiuishing the
pay of the men, which will not bear reduction, but by
proposing more convenient stations, and other methods of
a similar nature. In the mean time, the individuals
composing the establishment ought to receive countenance,
support, and protection from the respectable part,of the
Publics—from all who have property to lose. By whom,
indeed, are the police hunted down ? The act itself indi-
cates the persons concerned in it,—drunkards, pickpockets,
and other thieves. It is with such miscreants as the
two latter classes that the cry always begins : the former
join without knowing what they are doing; a mob ii eel.
lected, and it is the high and unalienable privilege of a mob
when once collected, to inflict wrong and to do mischief.
If a policeman misconducts himself, spare him not; but
between thieves and those who are employed in 'appre-
hending and bringing them to punishment, surely it can-
not be difficult to know where one ought to choose. It
was for the capture of a pickpocket that all the disturb-
ance took place in St. James's-park, and was moved on
into Bond-street. Can any thing be conceived more de-
testable, than that a public officer is not to take up a pick.
pocket without finding his life exposed to:danger ? We
hope the police will show due courage when they are
assaulted in the discharge of their duty.— Times.
Before proceeding to discuss any other matter into which
the contents of our Paper may lead us, we beg to enter
our protest, once for all, against the insinuation, or rather
accusation, preferred by some of our cotemporaries, the al-
leged organs of Government, against the people of Eng-
land, as being either disaffected, or likely to be guided in
their conduct by occurrences in other countries. It would
serve the purpose of the Ministry, no doubt, admirably
well, to have the aristocracy of this country impressed
with the idea that if any species of Parliamentary reform
were to be granted, or the people of other countries al-
lowed to form free institutions for themselves, there would
be no safety for the altar, the throne, or the landed inte-
rest; but we reply, that although there is discontent here,
because the affairs of the State are not well managed. and
the Ministry is only a Ministry of sufferance—there is no
disaffection—no disloyalty—no tendency to „revolution—no
inclination to be guided by the example of other countries, and
other people. With regard to loyalty, there never was a more
loyal people than the people of England, and never was
there more loyalty among them than under our present
most gracious Sovereign ; while, as to a tendency to revo-
lution, or inclination to follow the example of other people,
we are at a loss to know where the proofs are to be found.
The people of England set the example, 150 years ago,
of throwing aside a dynasty, whose principle was to
trample on their liberties, and to abrogate the Constitu-
tion ; and did the same causes exist for a change now that
forced themselves upon the attention of all patriotic and
reflecting men then, they would give a new and brilliant
illustration of the principles of that revolution. But the
causes do not exist, and there is therefore falsehood, as
well as great mischief, in the alarm attempted to be ex-
cited. A great portion of the population is distressed; but
there is no general disposition on their part to better
their condition by overthrowing the establishments of the
country—the evils of our system of representation are as
universally felt as the speech of the Duke of Wellington is
universally deprecated ; but it is only reform that is
wanted, not change—it is only improvement, not revolu-
tion—it is only an extension and purification of the repre-
sentation, not an overthrow of the Constitution. With
regard again to the changes which may take place in
the Governments of other countries, we beg to ask what
are they to the people of this country ? What matters it to
us that there should be a King of Holland and a King of
Belgium, instead of a King of the Netherlands? What
signifies it to tos whether there be, or be not, a change
of Ministry in France—whether that Ministry be radical
or moderate? Is there not force sufficient in Eu-
rope, both moral and physical, to put down any attempt at
a general revolution ? And if there were not, what signifies
it to the people of this country ? Are they not sufficient
for themselves? Before we conclude, let us just add, that
there are two things specially wanted by the people of
England—a Reform of Parliament, and an equalization of
taxation—and that these two things they will have, sooner
or later. A wise Government would therefore see at once
the policy of preventing the possibility of a collision he-
tween any classes of the community, by granting what is
only immediately wanted, instead of endeavouring to put
off the evil day until greater demands are made., and greater
danger accrue to those who may dare to oppose them.--
Morning Advertiser.