The Sun.
London, England, 1830-05-20 00:00:00

SPORTIN(4 INTELLIIIIIMIC.

YORK SPRING MINTING.
YOLK, 111111111 AT NIGER.
Pursuant to notice, a meeting was geld this morning at
Etridge's Hotel, to take measures fee the improvement of
York races, and we ate happy to state that fliers is every
reason to expect that the object will be filly attained. la
the absence of the Hon. E. Petra (through the inelisposi.
tion of his mother, Lady Julia Petro), the chair was taken
by his Grace the Duke of Leeds, who was supported by
General Sharpe, Mr. S L. Fox, Mr. Fetelis, Mr. SWIMS
(for Mr. Petre), and some members of the sorporation,
who stated that it was the intention of the city to give
every possible assistance to the proposed measures. The
resolutions were proposed by G. Baker, Ess,, on. of tt:s
oldest and stanchest friends to these meetings, who very
properly reprobated the attempt to force every thing into
Doncaster. He was convinced that they had the mean, of
improvement within themselves, and concluded a short ap-
propriate speech by recommending the establishment of
York, Derby, and Claret stakes for the spring meetings,
for the same sums and upon similar principles as the stake.
run under those titles at Epsom and Newmarket, and the
Wentworth stakes, of 200 1101% each, for the August ra;:ea,
upon the same conditions as the Newmarket Riddleswortb.
This 'proposition was received with aeslarnations, and in
less than five minutes the Derby stakes for 1832 and 1833
(the first two years) received fourteen or irteen subseribeti,
and the Wentworth stakes of 1834 not less than sight or
ten subsctibers; the litAkte will close in the ensuing August
meeting, when the horses for the Derby of 1b32, being
now yearlings, must be named, and ►he feels if this year
roust be named for 1833 ; the stakes to be renewable as
for the Epsom Derby: the horse for the Wentworth will
be named next year, being then foal'. The Duke if Leeds,
Messrs. Petre, Walker, Ridsdals, Fox, ks., subscribed

liberally to them ; and front ►he protniose held eat, we
have no doubt that the Derby and Wentworth will each
receive forty or fifty subscription.. 14 well for the above
purposes, as for the immediate improvement of the race:,
a local committee has been formed, &nil a liberal subscrip-
tion entered into. Mr. Petra sibeerikos 401. to the fund,
and gives a gold cup of 100 guineas ♦aloe, to be run fi,r
the next August meeting (a handicap stakes being added tc.

it). At the same races there will also be a gold cup given
from the fund, besides plates, &a., so that we may fahir
conclu•'e that the York races are coming again. Several
important alterations iu the race-sontse are mellitatod.

Two-year-old Stakes of SO somas. oasis, 10 h. ; far two.
year-old colts, Set. 51b., and illiev, ass. CIL T. y. c.
(26 subicribara, )
Lord Cleveland's b. e. Chorister, by Lottery (Lye\ 1
Mr. Walker's ch. t Victoire
The following also started, bat ware act ducat :
Mr. Fox's b. c. by Tramp
Colonel Crawford's b. f'. by \MLA's'
Lord Scarborough's bl. e. by Cantu
Lord Sligo's b. c. Cube, brother is Cast
Duke of Leeds's b. E by Whisker
Hr. Singleton's Tremaine
Mr. Wormald's ch. f. sister is Graaiy
Lord Queensberry's b. f. sister is Eutaw
Mr. Kirby's br. f. by Alexansler

Betting-6 to 4 aget. Chorister (taken), 4 se I apt.
Mr. Fox's, 9 to 2 against Tremaine (taken), and 9 to 2
agst. Victoire.—After several false stark, they came away
at their best pace, sister to Emma and Rhodarantlia lean-
ing, Fox's f., Calypso, Chorister, 1411 Vistoire well up,
and the rest at their heels in rather a niserdeily ►style..
Emma and Rhodacautha kept in front till about bill-way
between the gravel road and the stand, ani there they cut
it, the pace being too much for them. Citoria:er then
took up the running, and at the stand Victoire challenged;
a tremendous struggle between these two was won by the
horse by about half a bead, with extreme difficaltv. We
never saw a race so near a dead heat. Mr. Fox's and
Colonel Crawford's ran 3d and 4th, but were beat two or
three lengths; the others were heat a long way ea; zinit
Tremaine, who defeated Victoire at Mahon, was uowheve.
The Shorts, a Sweepstakes of Ibo sem each, h. ft. ; tots
two-years-old colts, Sat. 41b., and fillies, Sat "*lis. Last
mile. (Five subscribers.)
Mr. Riddell's b. c. Emancipator
Mr. Watt's b. c. Apuntatior
Duke of Leeds's h. by Whisker

Betting-5 to 4 agst Apuntador, ito 4 agst Xmanci-
pator, and 4to 1 agst the Duke of Leeds's. Wan by a
length very cleverly. The winner rode by Johnson,
Apuntador by Nicholson, and the other by Temp!man.
The Filly Stakes of 20 sore. each; for three-year-olds,
Sat. Slb. each. Last mile aid half. (Sever subscribers.)
Duke of Leeds's ch. f. Lady Mowbray
Lord Sligo's Drudge, sister to Sligo
_ . S 3

GasCoyne's cli, iby Whisker 3
Lord Scarborough's b. f. by Ostashas
sto 2 and 3tol on Lady Mowbray. Drudge made
all the work, leading two full lengths, Melrose amending
her, and Lady Mowbray third, and pulling hard ; at the
Middlethorpe corner she passed Melrose, at the gravel
road was at Drudge's quarters, and at her head immediately
after. The run home was ♦ery severe between these two;
Contilly began whipping Drudge at the stand, and here
it seemed as if Lady Mowbray would win easy ; but
directly after Templeman found that she also required per-
suading, and she took plenty of it to make her win half
a-head.

The following are the fixtures for to-marrow:—
The Sapling ;Stakes of BO sere. each, h. ft. ; fir bolts,
Eist. 51b. Mile and three quarters; Sib. alloweei, ka
(Ten subscribers. )
Lord Scarborough's b. e. brother to Torun
Mr. Watt's b. c. Doctor Olorose
Mr. Gascoigne's ch. c. by Maskleek
Mr. Jaques's ch. c. by Swiss
Mr. Dowbiggen's ch. c. by Fiore
The Constitution Stakes of 20 sees. each.
Lord Scarborough's b. e. Cistercian, 4 yrs.
Duke of Leeds's ch. e,--Ithodscantha, 4 yrs.
Lord Milton's b. h, Medoro, 6 yrs.
Lord Kilburne's Retriever, 4 yrs.
Mr. Powlett's c. by Oiseau, 3 yrs.
Mr. Petre's Apollonia, 4 yrs.
Mr. Ridadale's Hermione, S yrs.
Major Yarburgh's Laurel, 6 yes.
The three first expected to run.
The Stand Plate of bOl.
Mr. Walker's Cadwal
Mr. Metcalfe's eaglet
Mr. Gascoigne's Louisa filly
Lord Scarborough's Waverley colt.
Lord Fitzwilliam's Dora
Mr. Shepherd's The Cardinal

Owing to the improvement of his MAJESTY'S
health, the several branches of the Royal Family will, we
understand, no longer refrain hom seeing company.
SHOOTING EXTRAORDINARY.-011 Wed-
nesday the sth instant, the inhabitants of a village south-
east of Cambridge, were awake from their sleep a little
before eleven o'clock, by the report of a gun in the village,
which report was repeated twelve times; on rising from
their beds and going into the street, they saw three gen-
tlemen in a carriage, two of them with guns, who had
been rook-shooting by moonlight; not content with the
sport, ons gentleman fired his gun close to a thatched cot-
tage and set the thatch on fire. The report of a gun so
near a house inhabited, aroused the family, who, fortu-
nately were not in bed, bat went out immediately, and
with a pail of water, applied at the critical moment, ex-
tinguished the fire. Had the family been is bed, probably
their house, with many others, would have been consumed.
The inhabitants pursued these gentleusen (as they call
themselves) and brought them before the heads of the
parishofiltho insisted on having their names and places of
abode; however, it turned out that they came from the
University of Cambridge, and, on the following day, apo-
logi>ed to the parties concerned, acknowledging, their con-.
duct to be very wrong, and left twenty shillings for the
men who apprehended them : thus the business ended.—
Boston Gazette.

A Prussian of high distinction, and a French
General, whose sister is attached to the Court of Berlin,
have requested us to express the astonishment with which
they read in a weekly journal that Mademoiselle SONTAG
had been hissed at the Royal Theatre. No newspaper,
no letter whatever, have made mention of a fact, which
would for ever stamp the inhabitants of Berli■ as barba-
rians. On the contrary, all reports agree that tkis great
and amiable cantatrice never appears on the boards with-
out obtaining triumphs as brilliant as those s' e so fre-
quently obtained on the Paris Theatres.—Afoniteter.

- -
On Tuesday morning, at an early hour, a dog
of the mastiff breed, in a frightfully rabid st,tr, was seen
to pass up High-street, Kensington, snapping at every
object, whether living or inanimate, in his way, and was
followed by several persons armed with sticks and other
weapons ; but between that and Knightsbridge he con-
trived to escape from his pursuers.

MAD DOGS.—On Tuesday, in consequence of
an application having been made at Bow-street Office, by
Mr. Tnoxas, the Superintendent of Police of Division F,
respecting the number of dogs that are permitted to go
about the streets, which he was of opinion was dangerous
to the inhabitants, in consequence of the prevalence of hy-
drophobia, the Magistrates having consulted on the sub-
ject, ordered hills to be circulated, stating that unless the
owners of dogs kept them tied up, or properly "retrained,
the a.intnals would be destroyed.
.04016
On 12th it tst. a young woman ca,,
by a wol; far' vard situated on the t.kirts. elf he
fopiest of

tifila
Al
kI fa; a.
, all
. 0
, c ~ , . ?•:mamal ' A
' 1,`!". 4eytilly 1 r
iriu s," came g:w
lip e ii°la,ge t,

,uiret), and legs ,Oera to pieces by
wan vrko haiiened to her asrist-
erated, having rued more thou 80
to champetre, bromi the nrith.wOring
the mllE—French Paptr.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The number of old women in the Court of
Common Council would seem to be much smaller

than the number in the House of Commons. The
motion of Mr. Pellatt, "that it he referred to a
Committee to prepare a by-law that every person
otherwise entitled to the freedom of the City be

admitted upon taking the Freeman's Oath according
to the forms of his own religion," was yesterday
carried by a majority of 56 to 31. Not that the
Court of Common Council are without sages, who
may very fairly take precedence even of Sir Robert
loglis. Sir Peter Laurie's mind, for instance, may
be termed one of the most capacious receptacles of
twaddle of which this country can at present boast.

The prejudice must he very gross indeed if he he in-
duced to abandon it. He is the very genius of

..—.. ... . „
common place, and possessing that sort of shrewd-
ness of manner which men who have risen from small

beginnings to some consequence in the world are
seldom without, he is naturally viewed as an ad-
mirable representative by the tolerably numerous
class to which he belongs.—Sir Peter objected to
the resolution, " which would (he said) sanction the
admission of the principles of Mahomet, or South-
cote, or Carlile, or Taylor. He believed these
persons had a religion, though it might be said
they had not, for he believed they worshipped moral
truth. Ile did not wish that those who had no re-
ligion that could he understood should he indis-

criminately admitted. He was against breaking down
all the barriers of the religion of the country." The
disciples of Southcote, and all the Jumpers and
Fanatics of the country who choose to call them-
selves Christians, if they take any oaths at all, will
have no objection to that of the Corporation of
London ; so that Sir Peter is not very fortunate in
his instances. Neither will the oath keep out men
who have no religious opinions; for, believing those
who have more faith than themselves to be fools,
they argue that there is no reason why their own
wisdom should give fools an advantage over them
when good things are distributed. We suspect that
in the present day, few men ere deterred from ac-
cepting lucrative offices Gn account of oaths or tests.
In Doblado's Letters, mention is made of a dispute
in a Convent in Italy, between an English gentle-
man and some of the inmates. " After the greater
part of the company had retired, a young Monk, who
had supported the tenets of his Church with great
ability, turning to his English guest, asked him if he
really believed what he had been defending. On his
answering seriously in the affirmative, the Monk ex-
claimed, Men, Sir, you believe more than all the
Convent." It is now pretty generally admitted by
all whose opinion is worth anything, that belief is
not voluntary, and consequently that there is no
merit in entertaining any one- opinion more than
another. A man cannot refuse his assent to a
proposition, if the evidence for it carries convic-
tion to his mind, and neither can be give his
assent :o a proposition which appears to him unsup-
ported by evidence. To admit those only to
certain privileges who entertain certain opinions,
supposes a power to take up or abandon opinions at
pleasure—a supposition contradicted by all experi-
ence. The only effect which tests can possibly
have is to exclude from office those scrupulous per-
sons who are not to be induced by motives of inte-

rest to affect an opinion which they do not entertain.
The insincere are not to be excluded by any tests
which the wit of man can devise. It was the con-

'fiction of belief being beyond the reach of tests,
and the utter worthlessness of tests as a security
for the Established Church, which induced Minis-
ters to consent to the admission of the Dissenters
to the full privileges of citizens. If they did not
act on this principle they acted on none. With re-
spect to the Catholics, indeed, they owned that
they had no choice—hut their opinion that Catho-
lics ought not to be admitted within the pale of the
Constitution remained unchanged, but that it was
no longer safe to exclude them. The Jews form,
indeed, but a small part of the population of this
country ; but the
.principle which has been violated
in their case is one which it is the utmost impor-
tance to assert on all occasions. The object of the
Social Union is protection from foreign and domes-
tic aggression. To declare that any patticular opi-
nion entitles the person who entertains it to any
ad vantage over his fellow-citizens, is contrary to
the object of the Social Union, and is, in fact, a
most unwarrantable aggression en those who enter-
tain the opinions not held in favour. If we depart
from the principle, that as belief is not voluntary,
every man ought to be at liberty to profess the opi-
nions he entertains, without thereby subjecting him-
self to persecution, we open a door to violence and
strife. Power alone can determine which of the opi-
shions is to be the favoured one; and thus a founda-
tion is laid for endless struggles for ascendancy. Be-
tween the Spanish Inquisition and an abnegation of
all pretension to connect political privileges with
religious opinions, there is, in fact, no intelligible
medium. No Inquisition can effect conviction ; but
a certain degree of severity will serve to intimidate
those who entertain any other than the legitimate
opinions from making converts. Men imbibe the
opinions current in the country in which they are
feared, and do not renounce them when they never
hear them called in question. In this way an uni-
formity of opinion is produced. But to allow a
full liberty to prophesy, and then to disqualify, or
otherwise injure those, who, seduced by that liberty,
have acted on their conviction, is a piece of gross
inconsistency. If uniformity of opinion be desirable,
no opinions should be taught but those which are
favoured. Hypocrisy and insincerity are the only
results which are to be expected from tests. No
tests can exclude insincere men. All those who are
without principle will always profess the principles
which are profitable. The favoured religion will
be the religion of all the knaves of a country. If a
Sovereign were anxious to discover the honest men
in his dominions, he could not do better than pro.
pose tests and the subscription of articles. They
who refuse to subscribe or take tests, if anything is
to be gained by it, may be set down as honest men;
hut of the subscribers and test-takers, at least nine-
teen-twentieths, if not ninety-nine in a latidred, may
be safely set down as men of most accommodating
principles, or, in other words, men who require to
be well watched. We have a pretty good proof
of this in rhe Clergy of the established Church of
England going clean round three times in a dozen
years.--Morning Chronicle.
There must have been some sinister influence of
all-commanding power in operation, to have left a
measure unaccomplished until this period of the
nineteenth century, which Sir Matthew Hale and
Sir William Blackstone, as well as Lord Redesdale,
and all the other eminent characters who have di-
rected their attention to the improvement of our ju-
dicial system, have considered of high importance
to the community—namely, the facilitating the ac-
quisition of justice upon demands of a certain
amount, and the redress of wrongs within a limited
extent. That influence, since the promulgation of
Mr. Brougham's plan, has been actively employed—
it is no other than the combined activity of West-
minster Hall. It is apprehended, and not without
reason, that there will not be the same opportunities
of amassing splendid fortunes at the bar, if local
Courts should be established, as have hitherto
existed. In consequence of this conviction, the
bar, as a profession (with the exception, indeed, of
a few individuals, who on all occasions are found
acting most disinterestedly, honourably, and pa-
triotically for the public good), are giving the pros
posed measure openly as well as covertly, their most
decided opposition. The objection that is most
fretikently repeated is, that the dignity, respect-
ability, and uniformity of the judici system of the
country will be endangered by tl w-fangled in-
stitution. But surely this is u ning verbiage,
when contrasted with the positive deni itjustice
that is intended to be remedied; Tor :What is
it but a denial of justice, when the costs
of litigation necessarily swallovt up the sum.reco-
vered ? It is not, however, an innovation of the
law that Mr. Brougham ;recommends, but a renova-
tion of the ancient and constitutional jurisprudence

of England ; the objection of novelty, therefore, is
utterly without foundation. The Statute of Gl:in-
cester passed between five and six hundred, years
ago, provides that there shall be no suit in the
King's Court under forty shillings. The County
Courts were, in truth, the chief Courts of the
kingdom before the Courts of Westminster were
erected ; and at this day their jurisdiction is unli•
mited, though rendered useless where the superior
Courts have a concurrent authority, in consequence
of not possessing an adequate .Judge, or the same
means of enforcing its judgment as belong to the su-
perior Courts. If, in the year 1278, forty shilling.;
were deemed the proper boundary between the ju-
risdiction of the superior and inferior Courts, one
hundred pounds cannot be too much now, when the
alteration of circumstancesespecially the depreci,-
tion of the value of money in the many centuries
that have elapsed since that boundary was fixed—is
taken into consideration.—Morning Chronicle.
In lately making some remarks upon a pamphlet
of Mr. Potter Macqueen, the Member for Bedford,
entitled " Thoughts and Suggestions on the present
Condition of the Country," we stated that the hints
of the Hon. Gentleman, on the subject of colo-
nization and the treatment of transported convicts,
well deserved the attention of his Majesty's Go-
vernment. Without entering into the much dis-
puted
question of the existence of a redundant po-
pulation, he considers all those who cannot obtain
work, though willing to be employed, and who,
consequently, cannot maintain themselves on the
fruits of their labour, as redundant in the present
circumstances of the country. The very admission
of inability to obtain employment is an expression
for redundancy of labour, from whatever cause
that redundancy may arise, or with whatever faci-
lity it might be corrected under a different sys-
tem of laws or with a different distribution of
property. All " paupers" able to work, but unable
to obtain support except from the rates, would,
according to this definition, compose a surplus of
population. As to all present purposes, however
necessary and just it is to support them, they con-
tribute nothing to the State, and therefore the only
consideration for the State is, how to better their
situation with the least expenditure of the public
resources. If the whole of the British dominions,
including the British colonies, were put on an
equal footing of constitutional and civil rights, and
greater facilities opened for transferring unemployed
persons from one quarter to another, there can be
no reason why there should be a redundant popula-
tion in one part, with a scanty population in ano-
ther ; why in one district we should find hands
without employment, and in another employment
without hands ; a supply of labour without demand,
or a demand without supply.
" As a general principle," says he, " of colonization,
and in fact as an inducement, without which it can never
be effectively applied, I should assume that sound policy of
action would be to extend to such selected portions of our
empire as broadly as possible the theory and practice of the
British Constitution; that whether a man awake in the
morning, and find himself in Exeter or Paramatta ; on the
banks of the Thames, or on the side of the St. Lawrence;
his security in person, in property, in liberty, and in con-
stitutional rights, be as nearly as possible the same. The
only natural obstacle which has hitherto existed to the
adaptation of British population to British territory, has
been the distance; that obstacle is now rapidly diminish-
ing under improved science, and the applications of powers
formerly unknown ; and in all human probability, before
many years elapse, time and space, which have already
been so wonderfully reconciled, will be brought still nearer
together."
. .

-This reasoning, it is evident, applies only to vo-
luntarary changes of abode from one part of the
British dominions to another, or a voluntary equali-
zation of labour and labourers over the wide extent
of our empire; for, as we cannot, without the ex-
ercise of tyranny, or the sentence of a court, compel
a man to exchange one county for another in Eng-
land, much less can we compel him to exchange the
mother country for a colony. The conveyance of
the unemployed poor or parish paupers, without
their own consent, even to " a land flowing with
milk and honey," would be, to all intents and pur-
poses, transportation, under whatever pretence dis-
guised. On the other hand, if by the inducement,
which may, without deception or exaggeration, be
held out to emigration, those whose labour is noto-
riously so redundant as to find no demand at home,
and who, consequently, are thrown on the parish
for relief, could be voluntarily transferred to another
part of the King's dominions, where their labour
would be employed in the production of wealth and
comfort, it is plain that all parties would be gainers.
The only question then to be considered would
be, whether their maintenance in idleness at home
was more expensive than the purchase of the means
of conveying them to the region of their choice ;
or, in other words, whether the poor rate annuity
was of less value, measured in money, than the
price of transport. This would perhaps appear a
truism, were it not often contradicted in practice.
We are no advocates for extensive emigration, pre-
ferring, as we do, such a change of system at home
as would render emigration unnecessary. But if it
is to be resorted to at all, it should be rendered de-
sirable by such an equalization of our colonial laws
as would render all parts of the British dominions
equally secure, and should first be directed to the
most eligible unpeop!ed countries under the Crown.
New Holland probably offers the greatest induce-
ments to colonization, in the fertility of its soil and
the temperature of its climate. Thither, therefore,
in the opinion of Mr. Macqueen, the stream of emi-
gration should be directed ; and in order to remove
some of the prejudices against it, its character of a
convict colony should be, as much as possible,
effaced, by relieving it from any farther accession of
notorious or infamous offenders. Our author very
properly divides the subjects of penal transportation
into two classes—first, those who commit the crimes
for which they are condemned, from free inclination
and long habits of depravity; and, secondly, those
who are driven to evil courses by want and destitu-
tion. For the former, comprising those guilty of re-
peated offences,—those who have committed depre-
dations in gangs,—gentlemen convicts and London
pickpockets, he would find another punishment than
Botany Bay. The reformation of the latter, in-
cluding those driven to the commission of crime by
want of employment, will be best promoted by being
placed in new circumstances, and therefore, under
certain restrictions, they may be transported as
colonists for life. The wife and family of the con-
vict might be induced to accompany him. The
expense of transporting and maintaining them till
able to provide for themselves would be less in
the colony than in the hulks, gaols, or poor-houses,
as the following abstract will show
" The average annual expense of a culprit on
board the Hulks, from the year 1818 to
X 34 0 0
1821
Of a culprit in Millbank Penitentiary 56 15 0
Ditto, Refuge for Destitute . 37 2 3
Ditto, Philanthropic . p.„ 36 17 6
32 15 7
Ditto, Newgate

Ditto, Coldbath-fields and Clerkenwell
(without clothing) 3l 2 0
Ditto, Bridewell 42 5 8
' Ditto, Worcester Gaol 2B 2 4
'' Ditto, Maidstone 39 5 10"
Another useful hint for at once relieving the
country of a part of its useless population, and
promoting the prosperity of the colonies, is given
by Mr. Macqueen in a proposition to offer able-
bodied pensioners of the State the amount of five
or six years of their annuity, with a tender of land
in the colonies, for a surrender of their pensions.
By the Parliamentary returns, it appears that the
sum of 3,773,7001. is annually paid, in the shape of
half-pay allowances and pensions, to the officers and
privates of both services.
" If," says Mr. Macqueen, " a proposition to this
effect were submitted, that to persons producing certifi.
catts of good health, and within certain limits of age, an
advance of perhaps five times the annual amount of the
annuity, together with a liberal grant of land, would be
tendered in commutation of all demands, I have reason to
believe that such terms would be accepted by numbers;
and although the redeeming fund might, at first sight, ap-
pear large, still it would be entirely expended in channels
which would revert to British industry; and it would

introduce a very valuable description of settlers, who
would fill up a most important rank in society, and would
encourage emigration, by causing an increased demand for

labour."
This passage contains a very useful suggestion,
and proceeds on a very probable estimate of human
motives and conduct. When it is considered that
about 150,000 persons are thus supported by the
country, the relief to us would be considerable, and
the advantage to the colony no less so. The ex-
ample set by this class of settlers would be followed
by others, and parishes would thus be enabled to
get rid of their paupers without incurring the charge
of subjecting them to the penalty of transportation. ,
While on this subject, it would be an act of injus-
tice to omit all allusion to a very able pamphlet by
Mr. Gouger, entitled A Statement of the Principles
and Objects of a proposed Colonization .Sebenze ;—a
pamphlet, the perusal of which we can recommend
with the less risk of being accused of partiality,
that we ourselves are opposed to all general schemes
of emigration which we have yet seen.—Times.
We stated yesterday our hopes and belief that the
Greek arrangement was completed. We trust,
though we confess we have some misgiving, that
our announcement was not premature. Can it be
true--we sincerely hope not—that the Sovereign
elect is making difficulties and putting forward pre-
tensions, as unreasonable in themselves as they are
unseemly from him ? Surely we cannot seriously
maintain such propositions ; it cannot, surely, be
true that he has been induced by some bad adviser
to put forward pretensions which those with whom
he has had to negociate are little prepared to expect.
We repeat, that though from the confidenc of public
report we are not without some misgiving, the very
nature of the case, the principles of common sense
and common justice, make us incredulous as to the
probability of any but one result. His Royal
Highness cannot, on slight grounds, delay the
execution of an important treaty ; he cannot, on
trifling pretexts, defer his journey to Greece, where
he is to assume those noble functions which have
been generously committed to him for the regene-
ration of a renowned and ancient nation. Our re-
spect for this illustrious person forbids such a sup-
position : yet we must confess that a party,—chiefly
a French and stock-jobbing party,—who call them-
selves his friends, boldly allege pretexts frivolous, or
worse than frivolous, for his delay. A Prince ap-
pointed to such high duties must not, cannot be
influenced by such motives. Let him " sweepaway
the indignity" which such rumours imply, by at
once sailing for what those who elected him feel, and
what we have no doubt he feels to be, the highest
and most dignified office,—the resuscitation of a
horde of slaves into a free and independent people.
—Times.

By the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies,
and the convocation of a new assembly for the 3d
of August, France will for the next two months be
occupied with the business of the elections and the
character of the new Members. To this element
of popular interest and excitement, in itself suffi-
ciently pungent, will be added the flying rumours or
certain intelligence of French success or failure on
the African coast,—the reports of changes in the
Cabinet, or of sinister designs in the Government,
—and, in short, the numberless inventions with
which the French opposition Press :las of late

teemed. That there will be no abatement in the
violence of faction, and no relaxation of that activity
by which each expects to gain the ascendancy, is
evident from the causes assigned by each for the
dissolution, from the circumstances in which
the elections take place, and from the exasperated
temper or exaggerated alarms of those who
pretend to be the champions of the opposing political
opinions and interests. The electors are told that at
the present crisis the Court and the country are
placed in direct hostility to each other ; that the can-
didate of the Ministry must be the enemy of the
charter ; that out of the electoral urn must issue the
fate of the Bourbons or of free institutions; that there
is no middle course between a rote for counter-revo-

lotion and liberalism; and that the colleges now
convoked must either return a Ministerial majority
or seal the doom of representative Government.—
The Gazette de France takes a review of the deeds
of the last Chamber,and denounces them as factious,
democratical, and revolutionary, while its leading
members are called demagogues, Jacobins, and
levellers ; the enemies of the monarchy, of reli-
gion, and of the King; the perfidious turn-
coats of the hundred days; the apologists or
partisans of regicides and anarchists. The law
for extending the liberty of the Press, and that
for securing the purity of the electoral lists—
the vote for impeaching the Villele Ministry—the
ordinances for expelling the Jesuits or regulating
ecclesiastical education, provoked by the demands'
of the legislature—the bills for establishing munici-
pal and departmental councils—and the language of
the late address to the Crown, are all pronounced
so many crimes or attempts at treason against the
Royal authority. The electors are, in consequence,
invited and besought, as they value the principles
of loyalty and the blessings of established order, to
reject with horror the claims of every candidate who
gave his vote for any of these detestable measures.
It is expected that a Royal proclamation will appear
to strengthen this advice, and to point out to the
electors proper subjects of their choice. Mean-
while the prefects, sub-prefects, and all the
agents of power, from the highest functionary
down to the village mayor, have received in-
structions to exert themselves in the cause
of royalty and religion against revolution and
impiety. On the other hand, the liberal or
popular party are equally active. The society,
which has got the name of the " Directing Com-
mittee," has published an analysis, or rather a
manual, of all the electoral laws. This little work
has been copied into all the Journals, and is pro-
bably by this time in the hands of every French
elector. Comprising every clause of every act which
regulates the electoral qualification, which directs
the mode of placing true electors on the list even
against the will of the Prefect, or of erasing the
names of such as have not the requisite titles, which
fixes the constitution of the Electoral Colleges, pre-
scribes the manner of voting, and describes the forma-
lities of completing the return, it cannot fail to be
useful as a guide to the elector and a check upon-the
agents of the Government. The liberal journals at
the last general election contained lists of the can-
didates whom their party recommended to the col-
leges. The same tactics will be employed on the
present occasion. So that, with the manual of the
electoral law in one hand, and the list of candidates
in the other, the constituent body will be amply
provided with the means of giving efficacy to their
rights, and rendering their suffrages the index of
their opinions. The trial of strength approaches.
The colleges of arrondissement, or what are called
the smaller colleges, are convoked for the 23d of
next menth. In these colleges, where the qualifica-
tion is lowest, and where popular influence chiefly
resides, the liberals expect to succeed. If they fail,
the battle is lost, as their antagonists are sure of a
majority in the richer colleges of departments, which
meet ten days later.—Tintes.
We do not see why Sir James Graham should
have limited his motion, the other night, to an ac-
count of the places and pensions held by Privy
Councillors. It has elicited, it is true, this extraor-
dinary fact, that 113 of these persons receive on an
average nearly 6,0001. per annum each from the
'public taxes. This certainly is to be " Right
Honourable" to some purpose, and yet would fall,
we suspect, greatly below the mark, if the public
emoluments of the immediate relatives and connec-
tions of the persons in question were brought into
the account. What the public really desire upon
this subject is the knowledge of the whole extent
of salaried extravagance, not merely a part. The
situation of Privy Councillor is merely the adjunct
of some other rank or office ; and the incomes
which Right Honourable Gentlemen receive from
the public can have, in fact, no direct connection
with their high appointment as Privy Councillors.
We have no desire to join in any thing like a sense

less and indiscriminate outcry against all persons
who are in receipt of incomes from the public purse,
whether as rewards for their own:services or those of
their ancestors. No man of right feeling can grudge
whatever allowance a grateful country may bestow
upon a Marlborough or a Wellington, a Rodney or a
Nelson, or upon the crowd of other brilliant names,
made unceasingly so by the splendour of the
achievements with which they are associated. But
what the country both grudges and detests is, that
a tribe of lazy, unproductive drones should plunder
the honey from the hive, and that their unworthi-
ness should, in too many instances, be more libe-
rally rewarded than the most useful and splendid
services of the laborious and deserving. The Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer's amendment upon Sir Jas.
Graham's motion limited the proposed returns in
amount, as the other did in rank. Why should the
information be confined to persons having incomes
from the public of the amount of 2,0001. a year ?
Is it to bring the returns within some reasonable
compass, and that, if made more extensive, the table
of the House of Commons would groan beneath
their weight ?—or are Ministers ashamed to pro-
duce evidence of the wasteful expenditure which
they countenance, in the teeth of their repeated pro-
mises of retrenchment and economy ? Be that as it
may, we again say, let the public know the whole
truth. They have a right to know it. Why
should not returns be annually prepared and
published of the name of every man, woman,
and child (exclusive of the public creditors),
who receive any sum, whether great or small
out of the public taxes ? A list of this sort would
necessarily embrace some of those sinecure Levia-
thans in our Courts of Justice, and elsewhere,
whose places are not only a grievous tax upon the
community, but also present an insuperable barrier
to any reform of legal and other abuses, by which
they, and they only, prosper. Such a list would
shame only those who ought to be ashamed of the
stations they would hold ill it. The really working
bee, the deserving servant of the public, would stand
distinguished from the drone; while the larger fa-
mily, who have no share except in the labour of the
hive, would at least know to what amount the pro-
duce of their industrious exertions is squandered
upon those predatory things, that, while others are
contributing to the common stock, bask in the sun-
shine, or idly flutter among the flowers—vain of
their glittering and despicable uselessness.—Morning
Hereld.

The French Ministry have at last resorted to the
long-expected measure of a dissolution of the
Chamber of Deputies, in the natural and reasonable
hope that the middle class of the people of France,
upon whom the result of the new election chiefly
depends, will be indisposed to place in hazard the
advantages they and the nation at large unquestion-
ably and securely enjoy under the existing Govern-
ment, in pursuit of benefits so precarious and equivo-
cal as any they can hope to obtain by assailing the
constitutional prerogatives and annulling the legal
rights of the King. The question to be decided
by this election is in substance, whether the class
of persons who form the constituent body in France,
according to her existing Constitution, are satisfied
with the Constitution whence they derive their
power, or are desirous on the contrary of divesting
it of its monarchical character, and of making it in
spirit and effect a Republican Constitution, in which
nothing of Monarchy will remain but the name and
the forms. This is a question of awful importance,
not to France only but to Europe, for, indepen-
dently of the danger of an immediate convulsion,
which, in the event of a democratic Chamber
being returned, would not be inconsiderable,
it is certain that the character and temper of the
Government established in a country so great and
powerful as France, cannot fail to influence mate-
rially, and at all times, the politics and destiny of
surrounding nations. It is quite clear that the elec-
tion of a Chamber of Deputies, the majority of
which are actuated by the same spirit as that which
dictated the famous address to the Throne, will
place the King of France in direct collision with
the popular branch of the Legislature, and reduce
him to the alternative of attempting some change
in the constitution of that branch, or of submitting
to be in all future time its passive, obsequious, and
unreflecting instrument and agent. We should he-
sitate if called upon to pronounce which of these
alternatives involves the greater amount of national
danger and calamity. If Charles the Tenth were
to adopt the former, a political revolution would be
commenced of which no man could see the end.

If the latter, a political revolution would al
ready have been silently completed, of which no
marl could calculate the effects. That the necessity
for such a decision will not arise is, however, our
ardent hope. The electors of France must, A% e
think, be too sensible of the advantages of a mild,
equitable, and settled Government, and too well
qualified to compare them with the most favourable
chances which revolution affords, to be willing
to forego the former, in the giddy admiration and
hazardous pursuit of the latter. It any proof were
required, in addition to the growing prosperity of
France, that the country is upon the whole well go-
verned, one more conclusive could not be adduced
than the fact that in the turmoil of party disappoint-
ment, jealousy, and indignation, by which the nation
has been agitated for several months, no distinct
and tangible accusation of any kind has been made
against the Government. A host of ingenious and
eloquent writers have been labouring daily, for more
than half a year, to excite national scorn, jealousy,
and hatred against the Court and the Ministry, and
no single act of delinquency has been brought to
light—no criminal omission of an obvious or import-
ant duty pointed out—no palpable and inexcusable
indiscretion ever exposed. The test which has been
applied is a severe one, and it is but justice to the
French Administration to say, that there are few
Governments that could have sustained it so well.
Those only can suppose that the electors of France
will betray a revolutionary tendency (as they cer-
tainly would by the return upon this occasion of a
Chamber as democratic in Its views as the last)
who are prepared to contend that France differs
from the rest of the world, for that there the good
qualities of a Government afford no guarantee of its
stability, or give it any valid claim to public grati-
tude, affection, and support.—Morning Post.
The Birmingham Political Union, of the meeting
of which we gave an ample report yesterday, ap-
pears to be viewed with no very considerable por-
tion of favour by the majority of our cotemporaries.
We shall not, however, be therefore deterred from
delivering a contrary opinion of it, and declaring,
i
without the slightest reserve, that " t 13 worthy of
all acceptation." The speeches which were deli-
vered by its principal members, were not only sen-
sible, temperate, and eloquent, but the objects pro-
posed to be attained by the Union, highly loyal and
strictly constitutional. No wild theory is broached
by it—no impracticable or interested object sought
to be attained.; but only such a reform of the Com-
mons House of Parliament as all rational and dis-
interested men would wish to see realised, for the
better government of the country, and the greater
happiness of the people. The Union, in fact, only
seeks to obtain a restoration of those rights and
privileges which the people formerly enjoyed, and
which have been taken away from them by a series
of most unconstitutional encroachment on the part
of their representatives; and not any new right or
privilege, or any possession not enjoyed by them in
the best days of our glorious Constitution. These
ends, also, be it observed, the Union endeavours to
obtain by fair argument—by meetings for the pur-
pose of disseminating the opinions which it em-
braces, and for petitioning the Legislature; and will
any one have the hardihood to say that either the
matter for which it has been eemdied, or the man-
ner in which it seeks to obtain it, are disloyal, or
unconstitutional ? They are the very reverse ; and
we would beg those who condemn the Union in
toto, to remember that the greatest Statesmen whom
the country has ever known, and whose memory it
still cherishes, were reformers of the same school,
and converts to the same opinions which are em-
braced by it. The fault, indeed, of not having

gone far enough in its views of reform, may be
found with it by many; but he must have peculiar
views indeed of the constitutional rights of British
subjects, who would say that it had gone too far.
—Morning Advertiser.

`'SOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, MAY 19.

Mr. Edward Graddon, the father of Miss Mar-
garetta Graddon, the celebrated vocalist, came up
to be heard upon his petition.
The insolvent was not opposed, although an
opposition had been entered against him. In his
examination by the Court, it appeared that he was
discharged under the Insolvent Debtors' Act only
two years ago, and that his daughter, Miss Graddon,
had been recently discharged by the Court. The
chief part of his present debts arose out of bill
tran-actions for the benefit of his daughter, he hav-
ing received no consideration for them himself, ex-
cepting his subsistence, which he derived from his
daughter. He had been for a long time without
occupation.
The COURT, upon inspecting Miss Graddon's
schedule, which had been sent for, observed that it
was a case which required the consent of three-
fourths of the creditors before the insolvent could
be heard.

Mr. CooKE hoped the Court would think other-
wise, for, from the peculiar situation in which the
insolvent and his daughter were placed, he was
obliged to relieve her, and to enable her to fulfil her
engagements, to put his name to the bills; she got
the money, and it was spent in housekeeping, he, as
flying with his daughter, receiving his support from
the proceeds.
Commissioner lIARnIs—Mr. Cooke, can you say
upon this evidence that, according to the terms of
the Act of Parliament, he had lived frugally and
economically, and contracted no debts but those
which were unavoidable ?

Mr. COOKE submitted that he had, for it was to
relieve his daughter from difficulties, and he derived
his support from her exertions. The Court must
observe that there was not a butcher, a baker, or
any such tradesmen on the schedule, the whole pro-
ceeds of the bills having been spent in house-
keeping.
The COUKT, however, decided that the insolvent
having applied for his discharge the second time
within five years, he had not made out a case within
the terms of the Act; they therefore remanded him
to obtain the consent of three-fourths of his cre-
ditors in number and value previous to his being
again heard.
Mr. COOKE had already the consent of two-thirds
in value but not in number.
The insolvent was then remanded.

AN APPARITION.

(From Warner's Literary Recollections.)

My sincere respect for the memory of the
Rev. Joseph Townsend, would, were I to follow
its impulse, lead me into a length of remark upon
his character and attainments, incompatible with
the nature of my work : I will therefore close
this biographical sketch with the communication
of a very singular fact, related to me, in the first
instance by him ; but which has since been con-
firmed, by a voucher scarcely to be resisted—an
indisputably true report, of Dr. Alsop's viva
voce declaration on his dying bed.
Lord William Petty was the third son of the
old Marquis of Lansdowne, and brother of the
present highly-gifted Lord of Bowood. He
had attained the age of seven or eight years ;
as remarkable for the precocity of his understand-
ing, as he was unfortunate in the delicate state of
his constitutional health. The Marquis, called
to London by his Parliamentary ditties, had left
the child at Bowood, for the winter, with Mr.
Jarvis, his tutor, and suitable domestics. The
late Dr. Priestley, also the Marquis's librarian,
made one of the party. On an ill-omen'd day,
beautiful and brilliant, but intensely cold, the
game-keeper, in compliance with Lord William's
request, took the lad before him on horseback.
His Lordship rode with his waistcoat open, and
chest exposed ; and an inflammation on the
lungs was the immediate consequence of this in-
caution. On the first appearance of indispo-
sition, Mr. Alsop of Calne, the family apothe-
cary (himself much attached to the child), was
summoned to attend his Lordship. His treat-
ment promised a favourable result, and after a
few days he left him, in the forenoon, apparently
out of danger. Towards evening, however, the
symptoms becoming decidedly worse, the family
were alarmed ; and Mr. Jarvis thought it right
to call for Mr. Alsop's immediate assistance. It
was night before this gentleman reached Bowood ;
but an unclouded moon showed every object in
unequivocal distinctness. Mr. Alsop had passed
through the Lodge Gate, and was proceeding
to the house, when to his utter astonishment,
he saw Lord William coming towards him, in
all the buoyancy of childhood, restored, ap-
parently, to health and vigour.—" I am delighted,
my dear Lord," he exclaimed, " to see you ;
but, for Heaven's sake, go immediately within
doors ; it is death to you to be here at this time
of night." The child made no reply ; but, turn-
ing round, was quickly out of sight. Mr. Alsop,
unspeakably surprised, hurried to the house.
Here, all was distress and confusion ; for Lord

William had expired a few minutes before he
reached the portico.
The sad event being, with all speed, an-
nounced to the Marquis of Lansdowne, in
London, orders were soon received at Bowood
for the interment of the corpse, and the arrange-
ment of the funeral procession. The former
was directed to take place at High-Wickhatn,
in the vault which contained the remains of Lord
William's mother : the latter was appointed to
halt at two specified places, during the two nights
on which it would be on the road. Mr. Jarvis
and Dr. Priestley attended the body. On the
first day of the melancholy journey, the lat-
ter gentleman, who had hitherto said little on
the subject of the appearance to Mr. Alsop,
suddenly addressed his companion, with consi-
derable emotion, in nearly these words. " There
are some very singular circumstances connected
with this event, Mr. Jarvis ; and a most re-
markable coincidence, between a dream of the
late Lord William, and our present mournful en-
gagement. A few weeks ago, as I was passing
by his room door one morning, he called me to
his bedside. Doctor,' said he, what is your
Christian name ?'—' Surely,' said I, you know
it is Joseph.'—' Well, then,' replied he, in a
lively manner, if you are a Joseph, you can
interpret a dream for me, which I had last night.
I dreamed, Doctor, that I set out upon a long

journey ; that I stopped the first night at Hun:
gerford ; whither I went without touching the
ground : that I flew from thence to Salt Rill,
where I remained the next night ; and arrived at
High-Wickham, on the third day ; where my
dear mamma, beautiful as an angel, stretched
out her arms, and caught me within them.' "
" Now," continued the Doctor, " these are
precisely the places where the dear child's corpse
will remain on this and the succeeding night be-
fore we reach his mother's vault, which is finally
to receive it:'

I make no further remark on this singular nar.
rative, than to assure the reader of my own so•
lemn belief of the truth of all its particulars.