The Sun.
London, England, 1839-07-06 00:00:00

LONDON. SATURDAY, JULY 6, 1839.

DEATH of LADY FLORA HASTINGS.
For Interesting Facts relative to Lady Flora Hastings,
see the COURT GAZETTE of THIS DAY, published at
343, Strand, price Sixpence.

THE LANCET, JULY 6
Edited by Mr. WAKLEY, M.P.

CONTENTS:-

1. Dr. Carswell on Pulmonary Consumption-2. Dr. A.
Thomson on Phlegmasia Dolens-3. Mr. Quekett on the
Ergot of Rye-4. Mr. Gibson on Spinal Irritation-5.
Prospects of Medical Reform-6. Coroners' Inquests : a
Patient Blown out of the World-7. Formula of Dupuytren's
Hair Pommade-8. Moral Treatment of the Insane-9. Boer-
haave and Heberden-10. Hospital Reports, Reviews, &c.
Lancet Office, Essex-street, Strand ; and all Booksellers and
Newsmen.—Price Bd.

GREAT SALE OF CAMELLIA JAPO-
NICA, RHODODENDRONS, AZALIAS, AND
GREENHOUSE PLANTS, STAFFI( )RD HALL, CHIS-
WICK, by PROTHEROE and MORRIS, WEDNESDAY
NEXT the 1011 inst. ,
Catalogues, Is. each, at 343, Strand, and 76, Cornhill.

.. .
On View from Twelve till Five Daily, no admission withcut
Catalogue.
Plants must be cleared by the 11th, to make way for the
Public Fete and Balloon Ascent.

.EWIS-IZING THE HAND,
AT 113, NEAR EXETER-HALL, IN THE

STRAND.

The Education of the Hand, for the various purposes to
which writing is applied, may, with ease and certainty, be
acquired in the most. complete and satisfactory manner, at the
" STRAND INSTITUTION, FOR THE-PROMOTION

DISTURBANCE AT BIRMINGHAM

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.
BIRMINGHAM, FRIDAY.
Birmingham last night presented a frightful scene of tumult
and disorder, stained with bloodshed. The people, as usual,
were assembled in the Bull Ring, listening to a working mai
reading a newspaper. By the nine-o'clock train a squad of
the Metropolitan Police, under the command of Inspectors
Partridge and Martin, arrived at the Railway station, where
amnibusses were in readiness to convey them to the Public-
office. On reaching the office they were marched, three
abreast, to the Bull Ring, with two Magistrates at their head.
As soon as they reached the centre of the Ring they (most
unprovokedly) commenced a simultaneous attack, right and
left, upon all present—men, women, and children. The
people, being unprepared for such an attack, gave
way at first, and fled in all quarters. The triumph
of the police was but momentary, as the men immediately ral-
lied, and in turn attacked the police, who were compelled to fly
in all directions, but not before several fell weltering in their
blood. Three have been dangerously wounded, and were car-
ried off in a hopeless state, one being stabbed in the abdomen.
and another in the thigh. Several were slightly wounded. Dr.
Taylor, unfortunately for himself, at this critical mo-
ment rushed to the rescue of two policemen whom the people
were sacrificing to their fury, and would have effected their
purpose but for the Doctor's interference. The military, with
the Mayor at their head, and accompanied by Colonel Chatter-
ton, were promptly on the spot, and the Mayor read the Riot
Act. Supported by the military, the police again charged the
people, and immediately captured about twenty prisoners.
I'he crowds were now exhibiting a most formidable appear-
ance, and the Magistrates, in order to divide them, ordered
the troops to clear the streets, which they did most effectually,
the Rifles leading the advance, supported by the Fourth Royal
Irish Dragoons, with the Metropolitan police in the rear. De-
tachments were then placed at the corner of the following
streets, which are in the vicinity of the Bull-ring, Moore-
street, Park-street, Spiceall-street, Bell-street, New-street,
and High-street. The people were not allowed to pass those
streets under any pretence. A cessation of hostilities between
the military, police, and people, took place about half-past ten,
but were shortly interrupted by the people, who evinced, by
their shouts, and chaunting the Chartist anthem, " Fall, tyrants,
fall," and their menaces, a determination to renew the attack.
However, the movements of the soldiers discomfited all their ar-
rangements. The weapons used by the people were short clubs,
batons wrested from the police, short daggers, or knives, and
stones. Inspector Partridge suffered severely from the
last missiles, being a regular mark for the people, from his
being in full uniform and white trowsers. However, he was
exceedingly remarkable for his forbearance, which, we are sorry
cannot be said of all the men under him. Inspector Martin
received a desperate wound under his right arm.
Between 11 and 12 o'clock there was a general cry of " Hol-
loway, Holloway." The. people immediately marched off for
Holloway Head. They then indulged in the most violent
threats against the Metropolitan Police, whom they charged as
being the authors of all the rioting and bloodshed that had taken
place, and finally determined upon converting the iron palli-
eades of St. Thomas's Church into offensive and defensive arms.
No sooner was the thought conceived than it was acted upon ;
and inslantly 70 feet of this cast iron railing were, with all the
masonry work, torn down, and the long rails converted into
short weapons of about 3 feet long. The iron gate's sere
wrested off, and the large blocks forming the pillars
on which the gates were swung, were, as if by a convulsion of
nature, twisted from their positions, giving an awful instance of
the power of popular fury and undirected brute force. Thus
armed, they were again rushing to the deadly conflict, when a
friend to the Chartists hastened to the Convention and in.
formed it of the fact. Drs. Taylor and .111‘Dowall hastened to
meet them, and with the greatest difficulty persuaded the in-
furiated mob to throw down their weapons, which they had
shouldered in regular military style. During all this time, the
military were engaged in advancing on the people and gra-
dually driving them from the streets.
At two o'clock Dr. Taylor returned to his hotel. Shortly
after, a tall military-looking man, who was said to he
an officer in the Rifle corps, but was then in coloured clothes,.
entered the same hotel, on leaving which he entered into
conversation with the metropolitan and some of
the Birmingham police. A short time a few of the latter
accompanied by three sergeants of the Metropolitan Police.
rushed into Dr. Taylor's hotel, seized him, and in a very brutal
manner actually dragged him out, although he repeatedly said
that he would go quietly with them. .The Birmingham police
acted with greater urbanity towards this gentleman. He was
arrested without a warrant. On being brought before the ma-
gistrates, the latter, without specifying the exact charge against
him, required bail for his appearance at ten o'clock, himself in
5001., and two sureties in 250/. each. On refusing to put in
that bail, he was locked up, and was, with ten others, com-
mitted to Warwick gaol at an early hour, the magistrates hav-
ing taken depositions as early as six o'clock. The charge against
Dr. Taylor is riot. The following are the names of the other
prisoners : —Eleazer Hughes, assault on a constable ; Thomas
King, riot ; J. Rhodes, riot ; J. Taylor, riot ; J. Neales, riot ;
Storey, riot ; Sheares, riot ; Eads, riot ; Drankworth, riot ;
palter, riot. All the melancholy occurrences are generally
attributed to the unnecessary introduction of the Metropolitan
Police, as there was more than a sufficient mil.tary force to
meet any contingency. At three o'clock in the morning the
military were withdrawn from the streets, but a strong force,
both of military and police were retained at the Public Office.
The military and police are out again, and are clearing the
streets. They have arrested one person in the Bull-ring, and
three others at Holloway Head. It is expected that Dr. Taylor
will be bailed out this evening. When in the Public Office he
was treated with the greatest kindness, ceteris paribus by the
Magistrates and the officers. The town at this hour presents
more the appearance of siege than a place where the industry of
man has been worked to its acme.
MEETING OF DELEGATES.

At nine o'clock the Delegates assembled at the Golden Lion,
Mr. RicnAung in the Chair. Each Delegate delivered his
sentiments on the occurrence of the previous night. Their
language was firm, but temperate ; and the late arrests, far
from diverting them from their resolves, appear to have no other
effect than that of strengtheninF them in their determination
of standing or falling by the rational Petition. Their most
determined opponents must admire their brave bearing and un-
daunted courage.
Messrs. Neesom, Cardo, Pitkeithly, Collins, Marsden, Dr.
Fletcher, Mr. James Taylor, and Mr. Deegan addressed the
Convention, but confined their remarks to abide the result of all
their former acts, and to an expression of sympathy with Dr.
Taylor, and a determination to persevere in the struggle to the

ast.
Dr. 111‘DouALL moved the following resolutions, which
were seconded by Mr. SMART, and were carried unanimously,
and ordered to be printed for immediate circulation in Bir-
mingham. The walls will be placarded with them.
" That the summary and despotic arrest of Dr. Taylor, our
respected colleague, affords another convincing proof f all
absence of justice in England, and clearly shows that there is
no security for lives, liberty, or property, till the people have
some control over the laws they are called upon to obey.
" That this Convention is of opinion that a wanton, flagrant,
and unjust outrage has been made upon the people of Birming-
ham, by a bloodthirsty and unconstitutional force from Lou-
don, acting under the authority of men who, when out of office,
sanctioned and took part in the meetings of the people, and
now when they share in the public plunder, seek to keep the
people in social and political degradation.
" That the people of Birmingham are the best judges of their
own right to meet in the Bull Ring or elsewhere—have their
own feelings to consult respecting the outrage given, and ARE
THE BEST JUDGES OF THEIR OWN POWER AND RESOURCES TO
OBTAIN JUSTICE.
By Order, " W. LOVETT, Secretary."
All the Delegates having requested leave to sign these reso-
utions,
Mr. LovErr said that they could not spare victims, and that
a sacrifice of one being sufficient, he would alone sign them.
Mr. PITKEITHLEY moved that Messrs. Moir, Jame:
Taylor, and Dr. Fletcher, the Committee about to depart
for London, for the purpose of conferring on the subject
of introducing the People's Charter into the House of Commons,
be empowered to make such arrangements as may seem to Mr.
Attwood and themselves best calculated to get a full attendance
of the House, an the 12th, when 11r. Attwood introduces his
motion on the National Petition.
Mr. BURNS seconded it.
The Committee leave here to-morrow for London. Ad-
journed.
The Magistrates have offered 1001. reward, for such informa-
tion as may lead to the arrests of the persons who stabbed the
two policemen in the Bull Ring.
Mr. Richardson, a Delegate, and Mr. Guest, printer, Steel
House-yard, offered to qualify themselves to bail out Dr.
Taylor, but have Leen rejected.
A Reittort is very prevalent that the policeman stabbed in
the abdomen has just expira, and that the other policeman
cannot survive long. The militazy have dispersed the people
assembled at Holloway Head. Affairs wear a very threatening
aspect.

BIRMINGHAM, FRIDAY NIZIIT,

Military Law has been proelaimed. All business is at a
stand. it is said that treason exists in the Convention ; and
that there will be fresh arrests.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, .1177. r 5.
Earl SHAFTESBURY sat as Deputy Speaker shortly be.
fore Five o'Clock.
Lord PORTMAN presented a petition from Shepton
Mallet in favour of the Copyhold Enfranchisement Bill.
Mr. BERNAL, and others from the Commons, brought
up the Brick Duties Bill, the Paper Duties Bill, the
Prisons (Scotland) Bill, the Borough Courts Proceedings
Bill, and several other Bills.
On the motion of Lord PORTMAN the Borough
Watch Rates Bill was read a second time.
The Bishop of BANGOR presented several petitions
against the Government plan of national education.
The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented seve-
ral petitions to the same effect.
The Earl of ROSEBE RY presented petitions from
Edinburgh ; the Committee of Supply of Linlithgow; the
Provost, Magistrates, 81c..0f Stirling; the Lord Provost,
Magistrates, &c. of Edinhorr_rh and Linlithgow—in favour
of the Prisons (Scotland) Bill.
Petitions against the Government scheme of education
were presented by the Duke of Rutland and Earl Devon.
JAMAICA BILL.
The Marquis of NOR.MANB Y, in moving the third
reading of the Jamaica Bill, said he must repeat his regret
that their Lordships had withdrawn from it those enactments '
which he and his col leagues bad thought absolutelynecessary.
As it was, the Government would give such instructions to
tho new Governor as, he trusted, would prove entirely
conciliatory to the House of Assembly.
The Bill was then read a third time, and passed.
The Bills brought up from the House of Commons were
severally read a first time.

called an arrogating to themselves the conducting of the
whole education of the country ; they had never advanced
any pretensions of the kind ; he knew that injudicious
language on this subject had been made use of, which
might have been misconstrued, but such bad not been
the language or the conduct of the Clergy generally.
A large and liberal grant of 20,000/. had been given by
the Government to the National Society and the Lan-
casterian Society. Had the Church ever objected to this
grant to the Lancasterian Society? No 1 they had taken
the share belonging to them with thankfulness, without
making any minute enquiries as to how much each society
might be entitled to. They were satisfied with that as a
temporary expedient, and Lord Althorp, when he made
the proposal, stated that it was merely an experiment. But
when a permanent system was about to be established, they
conceived that it ought to be referred to the full Parlia-
ment, and trusted that the wisdom of Parliameat would
distribute the grant impartially between the different par-
ties who were entitled to it. But they viewed the present
state of things with suspicion and jealousy, and the state in
which the country now was had been produced by the ap-
pointment of the Committee of the Privy Council. This
they considered as laying the foundation of a permanent
eystern of education, without application to Parliament.
They saw that the Board was exclusively composed of her
Majesty's Ministers, who were invested with large discre-
tionary powers, and disposed to introduce many changes ;
and this had been established by a proceeding which en-
tirely excluded their Lordships' House from all participa-
tion in the matter. These apprehensions had been greatly
increased by other circumstances. It was impossible not
to look at the wild and extravagant schemes of education
which had been entertained in various quarters. In some
of them religious education had been entirely excluded,
and in others a system of general religious instruction had
been proposed, by which the Creeds and the Catechisms
would be banished. The method of carrying this scheme
into execution, without the intervention of Parliament,
had been proposed in a work from which he would read an
extract, not with a view of implying that the Committee
agreed in opinion with the propounders of this scheme, but
merely to show that the plan which had then been proposed
had been adopted by the Committee. The publication
alluded to had emanated from one of the large Societies
for the promotion of general education.—( The Most Rev.
Prelate here read the extract alluded to, which stated that
although it might be some years before a satisfactory Edu-
cation Bill would pass the House of Lords, the Ministers
had it in their power by the help of a vote of the House of
Commons to establish, by means of granting or withhold-
ing the necessary funds, a uniform system of superin-
tendence over the charity schools throughout the
country. He hoped he should not be misunder-
stood as charging the Committee of the Privy Council
with any designs of this nature; but he read the passage
to show what extensive powers were by means of this grant
vested in the Committee of the Privy Council. No doubt
if this person had had the selection, he would not have
selected the President of the Council and his colleagues
to carry his scheme into execution ; but still the power
was lodged in their hands, and such power might pass by
a change of circumstances into other and more dangerous
hands. He should now be obliged to go back a little into
the history of grants for education, as it would be found in
the papers before the House. When this grant was first
moved for, Lord Althorp had stated that no portion of, it
should be applied to any purpose except to the erection
of school-houses, and no application should be enter-
tained unless one-half the funds had been raised by private
subscription, and the case was reported as a fitting one
for aid by the National Society, or by the British and Fo-
reign School Society. No misapplication of money had
taken place under this plan. The next year it was re-
ported that 62 schools had been erected, giving instruction
to 12,191 scholars, that the subscription had amounted
to 19,0001., and from the Government grant 8,000/.
So far these grants had produced great advantages,
and the Report of the next year stated that there existed
throughout Great Britain a desire to make the funds thus
granted available to the utmost, and that private charity
and liberality had greatly increased in consequence. The
applications of these Societies had becsme so numerous for
aid to schools, that they were obliged to add several new
resolutions, and the total number of schools assisted by the
Netional Society was 10,674, while those receiving aid
from the British and Foreign School Society was 7,600.
In 1834, the further sum of 20,0001. was granted by Par-
liament in their aid ; and it was continued on the same
principle through several succeeding years. On the sth
of July. 1838, the Chancellor of the Exchequer alluded
to the necessity of receiving more precise information
respecting those schools. The Right Hon. Gentleman
also proposed the erection of a National School, for
training teachers, provided that the principles which al-
ready governed the Board should be strictly adhered to.
(In this part of his speech the Most Rev. Prelate was
with great difficulty understood in the gallery.) The
Board proposed by the Privy Council appeared to have been
selected without any regard whatever to their fitness ; thoueli
in saying this he did not mean to say that the gentlemen
who were now proposed to constitute it were not fit for
their duties. They seemed to have been chosen solely on
account of their official station. It was strange, indeed,
that while the two Archbishops and one Bishop were
Members of the Privy Council, they were not consulted.
Perhaps it was because it was known that they did not
give their consent to the measure.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
The scheme, in dwelling on the comprehensiveness of its
plan, said that instruction should be given in general
and special religion. --14TOw he (the Most Rev. Prelate)
confessed that be was at a loss here. He could not if he
were called upon explain the difference between general
and special religious instruction. There was, however, a
passage elsewhere, complaining that in the gaols many of
the convicts were not instructed in the truths of natural
religion, which, perhaps, threw some light upon this diffi-
culty. He thought that general religion meant natural
religion, and that special religion meant special religion
This was the best interpretation that he could put upon the
passage. He should ask any Noble Lord what was meant
by general instruction in the truths of revealed religion,
but instruction in those peculiar truths of which Chris-
tianity was composed, but which were differently received
by the various denominations of which that body consisted ?
But, then, there could be no real instruction in Chris-
tianity without instruction at the same time in those pecu-
liar doctrines which had been communicated to the Church
from on High. He found also that the scheme proposed
that each school should be provided with a chaplain con-
nected with the Established Church, but that Dissenting
parents and guardians might secure the attendance of cler-
gymen for the peculiar instruction of children of their re-
spective persuasions. This would create a confused system
of instruction in several conflicting forms of faith. He
had good authority for stating that such a system had been
already given up in most of those foreign countries where
it had been tried. He found yesterday a German work,
which was not yet translated, tbat the system bad turned
out most unsatisfactorily in Prussia, and had been given up.
The schools were now separated in that country according
to the religion of the scholars. The same writer (Seherz
we understood) gave much valuable information confirma-
tory of the general failure in France and Germany of a
system similar to that propos, d here. How could it be
otherwise than a failure, when it permitted one clergyman
to teach what he called the true doctrine to one child, and
another clergyman to teach the companion of that child
that those doctrines were false.—( Hear, hear.) And he
would remind their Lordships that when a clergyman
taught a child he addressed himself, not to its reason, but
he spoke from authority, and the child implicity believed
what he was told. But what must his feelings respecting
religion be when he found one clergyman teaching another
child to believe false that doctrine which his own clergyman
had taught it to be true ? Let their Lordships imagine
what must be the operation of such a system in this
country, amongst a school containing children
of five or six, or eight or ten different reli-
gious persuasions. The result must be, that the
children would grow up in scepticism as regarded reli-
gion altogether, or in indifference io any form.---( Hear,
hear.) The Order in Council approved of the Iteport of
the Committee ; the Committee recommended that out of
the Parliamentary grant of 1835, 10.000/. be divided
into equal partions between the National and the
British and Foreign School Societies, and that the
remainder of the grants of the years 1837 and 1838,
and any for the present year yet unappropriated should be
applied in aid of the subscriptions for building schools.
This was a proof of the confidence that was reposed in the
Societies. It was a great error to propose to remove the
responsibility, under this measure, from the Lords of the
Treasury and the members of the Committee appointed
by the Privy Council. The discretion which was to he
vested in the Committee was of an undifined extent. He
would not say that it would be abused, but it might be
abused, and the most grievous results must be the conse-
quence. Certainly he did not wonder at the alarm which
this measure had excited amongst all the clergy—amongst
a great number of Protestant Dissenters—and amongst the
great body of the well-wishers-of the Church in connec-
tion with religion. The Committee recommended that no
further grant be made now or hereafter to a national or
other school unless it agreed to give the Committee the
right of inspection and of insisting upon compliance with
its regulations. This was a dangerous and extensive
power which it was proposed to place in the hands of a
Committee who were not Members of her Majesty's Go-
vernment.—( Hear, hear.) No one could foresee to what
extent it might be abused from political prejudices and
through partiality.-- (Hear, hear.) A most reptilsive cha-
racteristic of the scheme was that it proposed to exclude
their Lordships from any controul over a system so inti-
mately connected with the best interests of the people._
( Hear, hear.) Was not this a proper subject of Parlia-
mentary discussion in one branch of the Legislature as
well as the other ?—( Hear, hear.) Was it just to exclude
their Lordships spiritual and temporal from the discussion
of a question so vitally connected with religion, by keep-
ing it out of that House, where alone the heads of the
Church and the direct representatives of the Church
could be heard ?—( Hear, hear)—and wheie they assem-
bled ready to vindicate and to explain their sacred duties
and obligations.—( Hear, hear.) This was a very great
impolicy, for the people were nowhere better instructed
than by the ministers of the Established Church, and if
the Church were not prepared to give the people the best
instruction in religion, and in every moral duty he
advised their Lordships to cast of all connexion with
it. And he would advise the Government not
to undertake any measure calculated, as the present
most diminish the influence of the Church, and to weaken
that connexion which it should hold with the State.
The Government should consider it to be its first duty
to• maintain and defend the religion of the State.—
( Hear, hear.) The money which they proposed to give
towards the edutration of Dissenters, would tend rather to
promote Dissent, and Dissent was a great evil. He had the