The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-23 00:00:00

TBE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 23, 1863.

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Times' Correspowlent.)
NEW YORK, March 6.
For the last three days there has been a panic in Wall-
street, the like of which was never witnessed since New
York became a city. It was not because the constitution

had been totally overthroirn by the Congress that separated
on Wednesday; not because Mr. Lincoln had been made

Dic'ator and lord absolute over the life, property,and liberty

of every man in the country; not because the prospects of
the future had become gloomier than ever ; not because there

was a fear that the people would rise up en masse to resist
the Conscription Act; not because of the dark impending

shadow of national bankruptcy ; not because of the fear that
Gen. Lee might pounce upon Washington and capture the

President and all his Cabinet,—but simply because Mr.

Chase had persuaded Congress to tax speculations in gold,
and otherwise to throw impediments in the way of the
gamblers of Wall-street and the Stock Exchange. Gold

had been forced up unnaturally last week to 72 per cent.
premium, and the effect of the new measure was to bring it
down in a series of leaps to 51; this was a margin of 21 per
cent. in three days, a margin wide and deep enough to en-
gulf past redemption and recovery a whole host of small
speculators, who thought themselves rich last Monday
morning, and who know this Friday evening that they ore
penniless paupers. Mr. Chase's measure, though well in-
tended, has some objectionable features,and in some impor-
tant respects will be wholly inoperative. The attempt to
tax gambling, and to declare that the loans of gold for the
purposes of speculation shall be illegal and non-recoverable
in a court of law, will prove as futile as the attempt to tax
betting-books and wagers, or to declare that the winnings
at a card-table, at whist, euerhe or lansquenet, shall not be
recoverable at law by the successful player. The code of
honour is stronger in these matters than the common law,
as Mr. Chase ought to know if he had half as much know-
ledie of human nature as a man of his age and ex-
perience should have acquired. The measure is ex-
pected by Mr. Chase's friends and by all the war party
to bring down the price of gold to 20 per cent., as its
natural maximum, while the war lasts. This, however,
will prove a very fallacious hope, unless a series of decisive
victories in Tennessee, at Vicksburg, at Port Hudson, at
Charleston, at Savannah, and at Mobile shall come to the
rescue. Mr. Chase has only scared the small fry ; and if
he have sent a few of these back again into the wholesomer
pursuits of honest industry ho will have conferred a certain
amount of public benefit. But the speculation in gold will
continue in spite of all his measures of repression. The
only difference will be that it will flow into new channels,
and be taken up by acuter and more responsible gamblers
than the men of straw whom he has succeeded in scattering
like chaff before the wind.

The sages of the Chamber of Commerce have been again
in session. These gentlemen are peculiarly unreasonable.
Mr. Opdyke, the Mayor of New York, who has a contract
from the Government to supply woollen clothing to the
army to the extent, it is alleged, of 2,000,000 dols., thinks
war has its noble side and its elevating qualities, which no
doubt it has to his mind. When, however, he persists in
calling every man a traitor who desires peace, is it his pecu-
niary interest or his patriotism that prompts his tongue to
speak so emphatically ? When again a few members of the
Chamber who have business relations with England, and
who have subscribed three•fourths of all the relief sent to
Lancashire for the benefit of the cotton operatives [it should
be known in England that the subscription was by no means
general, and that it was very slenderly supported by the
mass of the public in this or any other city of the North],
complain of the ingratitude and hostility of the British
Government in allowing the Alabama to leave the shores
of England to prey upon American commerce, they not
only exhibit a very bad temper, but a woful want of wis-
dom. General Wetmore, a prominent member of the
Chamber, and a liberal subscriber to the Relief Fund,
declared yesterday, amid great applause,—" Yes, we are
at peace with England I We are feeding her starving
population, while she is pr eying on our commerce. This
conduct of England is the disgrace of our age." The
General, in this instance, merely allowed his passion to
run away with his judgment and his good manners.
He made two gross mis-statements—America is not feeding
the starving population of Englani in the sense which his
words would convey ; and England in no sense whatever is
preying on American commerce. Mr. A. A. Low, the owner
of the Jacob Bell, recently destroyed by the Confederate-
steamer Alabama—which he and other American mer •
chants, as well as the American press, most mendaciously
persist in calling an " English pirate".—and also a large
contributor to the relief of the Lancashire cotton spinners
related to the Chamber that all the loss of the destruction
of that vessel would not fall upon him. "No, gentlemen,"
he said—" and you will be pleased to learn the fact-6,000
of the chests of tea that were seized belonged to parties in
England and France." Why should the Chamber be pleased
to learn the misfortunes of unoffending Englishmen and
Frenchmen ? And are not only all Englishmen, but all
Frenchmen, too, to be responsible for the building of the
Alabama in Liverpool, and for her escape from the penal-
ties she incurred by going to sea without her papers ? Were
England and France at war at this moment, would these
gentlemen of New York, who boast so much of their kindly
charity to the poor of Lancashire, and declaim so loudly
against the British Government for not doing what it could
not do, be restrained from building and equipping vessels of
war, if ordered and paid for by Frenchmen, to prey upon
British'commerce ? Undoubtedly not, if they could make
anything by the venture. If, instead of complaining of
the British Government, they would compel their own
Secretary of the Navy to capture, or endeavour to capture,
the Alabama, or any other Confederate vessel that preys
upon their commerce, they would stand higher in the esti-
mation of sensible men in every part of the world, their own
included.

The extreme party of Abolitionists and Exterminators,
who have broken up the Union and destroyed the consti-
tution of Washington and Jefferson, for the sake of the
emancipation of the slaves in the South, are delighted with
the reports of the Abolition meetings in England. They
point with exultation to the Exeter-hall gathering, and to
the more recent meeting at Liverpool, to prove that the
heart of the English people goes with them in their war
against the South, and think, when they strive to enforce
fraternity at the point of the bayonet upon a people who
loathe and resist it as tyranny and degradation, that they
are supported by the sympathy and encouragement of the
foremost thinkers of the Old World. They assert that their
cause is better understood than it was before the issue of Mr.

Lincoln's proclamation, and that a strong reaction has com-
menced in England, the force of which will ultimately shape
the action of the Government. " What do we care," they
say, "for the British aristocracy and the British commer-
cial and professional classes, who are all against us? The
working classes are in our favour, and it is they who ulti-
mately control the deliberations of Parliament. Their
power is irresistible, as was seen in the repeal of the corn
laws—that great measure which they compelled the
un-
willing statesmen of the day to carry under the penalty of

an otherwise inevitable revolution." The American aboli-
tionists are, it will be seen, as ignorant of British politics
as the English Abolitionists are ignorant of the true state
and bearings of the negro question. They need to be in-
formed that the working classes do not control elections to
Parliament, and that the repeal of the corn laws had for a
serious of years no greater enemies than the working men
of London, Liverpool, Manchester, and Birmingham. Mr.
Bright or Mr. Cobden or any other member of the Anti-
Corn Law League could tell the Abolitionists of America
that the working classes, organised by Chartist leaders,
systematically and pertinaciously broke into and interrupted
the proceedings at Free-trade meetings; that for a long
period it was impossible to hold an open meeting to discuss
the subject; that it was found necessary, in order to keep
the peace, to admit none but the known friends of the caust
that the Corn-law Repealers were constantly taunted with
fearing public controversy, and with admitting no hearer
without a ticket; and that when the question was finally
carried it was carried by the upper and middle chases, in
spite of the opposition of the working people whom it was
intended to benefit. If there were any hope that a man like
Mr. Bright could ever admit that he could, by any possi-
bility, be wrong on any subject whatever, it would do him
good to visit America just now. He would have a magni-
ficent reception ; and, after having studied the country and
the people for a couple of months, or even less, he might
return to England a wiser man, with more coned notions
on the subject of the negro on this Continent than he and the
English Abolitionists generally entertain. And, certainly,
that portion of the British people who sympathise with the
Federal Government and the Abolitionists in their efforts to
subdue or exterminate the South require enlightenment on
the true state of the slavery and the negro questions in this
ictouisnntroyt.
wleltlisfowr etlhl
efonir EtongroliisehumndenertgotabnedAorboiligtnioonreistths,abtu
ot
question of race as well as a question of human bondage is
involved, and that the Northern and Western Abolitionists
are greater enemies of the negro as a man than the Southern
planters or slaveholdera have ever been. Perhaps if Eng-
land had as large a negro population as the South, the ques-
tion of negro slavery would assume a very different shape in
Exeter-hall. Perhaps, too, if one man out of every three in
the streets of London, Liverpool, 14 anchester, Birmingham,
or Glasgow wore a black man, the antipathies and anta-
gonisms of race might declare themselves as forcibly in
England as they have done in America. It was easy for
Glffsrlteehas
thereat
negro
trhaoiandsl tafoov
reabolish negro
dsdone
existed
df soolfna
tvhteher slavery in
population,he
soil
ro f t colonies,hteh eB ar
British
isoul
i-
tion of slavery would not have been so easy—even though
five or ten times twenty millions of pounds sterling had
been paid for the achievement.
There are two distinct questions in America which the
English people ought not to mix up with each other lin
forming their opinion of Mr. Lincoln's proclamation and
the attitude of the North against the South. The one is the

question of slavery; the other is the question of the negro.
It is necessary to consider them separately to prevent a total
misconception of the spirit of this miserable war, which is
rapidly mining the existing generation of white men for the
sake of est ablishing an impossible equality for the black, and
carrying out a philanthropic theory in face of stupendous
moral, social, economical, and political obstacles—a theory
that did not originate in America, but was imported from
Europe, which had never any practical experience of or
companionship with the negro race, and which merely phi
losophised upon it, as it might have done any other ques •

tion of abstract principle.
First or all, as regards slaty. The founders of Ame-
rican liberty, the framers of t ' constitutions of the several
States which afterwards knelled the Union itself—that
great and noble document 'which, was finally destroyed and
abrogated on Wednesday last, when Mr. Lincoln was
made Dictator and temporary Emperor in everything but
the name—reorganised, asserted, and maintained that the
only legal power competent to deal with the question of
slavery lay in the Legislatures of the Sovereign States. In
pursuance of that right, and not by decree of Congress, the
States of %he North and West, one aften..the other, abo-
lished slavery within their several jurisfflptions. It has
been said that not one of them ever took 'that step until
slavery had ceased to be profitable. However that may be,
it was the individual State, and not the Union or Federa-
tion, that passed the Act of Emancipation. Cons9quently
the people of the North and West, in washing their hands
of the guilt or sin—or mistake of slavery, had nothing fur.
ther to do with it. They might write or preach agaiiist it
if they pleased, but they had no more right to make war
against any State, or agglomeration of States, that chose-to
retain the institution than they have at this moment to cie-
dare war against Spain for maintaining it in Cuba. If the
great Yankee nation were to declare itself the enemy of
slavery and of every slaveholding power all over the
world, would the English Abolitionists aid with their sym-
pathy, if it forthwith declared war against Spain and
Brazil ? If not, why do they not sympathise with it in its
aggression upon the constitution and laws of the slavehold •
ing States ? and why do they inflate these vain glorious
exterminators with the notion that their illegal, unconsti-
tutional, and murderous course inspires respect among any
portion of the sensible British people ? Originally the
South had a vague idea that slavery might, after all, be
wrong, and something might be done to prepare the way
for its gradual abolition. But the necessities of England
made cotton so valuable that the institution became too
profitable to be lightly interfered with. And the more pre-
fitable it became, the more the Northern Abolitionists thun-
dered against it. The result was that the South, instead of
palliating and excusing the institution on the ground of the
difficulty of removing it, was goaded first into defending,
and next into justifying it. The Northern fanatic, who de-
clared slavery to be morally wrong, produced the Southern
fanatic, who declared it to be divinely right. The antago-
nism between them produced the war, and has embittered
it. And when Dictator Lincoln issued his famous procla-
mation with the avowed ot ject of exciting a servile war and
the massacre of the white people whom his own armies could
not reach, he committed not only an act of perjury to his
oath of office and of the grossest cruelty to the Southern
people, but of treason to his nee. With that act the last
faint hope of the restoration of the Union was destroyed for
ever. It is possible that, in pursuance of his emancipation
policy, he and his party may convert the South into a new
Poland. But if they do they must hold it as Poland,
and what agony and blood and sacrifice of liberty that mode
of procedure will cost them they may calculate if they will.
The question of race is quite as important as that of sla-
very. The Southern people say, " We have so manynegroes
—nearly one-half of our population—that if they are per-
mitted to live among us we must govern them. They can-
not govern themselves. They will not work unless upon
compulsion. Loft to themselves they degenerate to paupers,
and become a burden upon us, instead of helpmates. We
understand their natures, and how to manage them. As
slaves they are docile, affectionate, and good-tempered.
They know their position, and do not seek to rise above it.
They are well-fed, well-clad, and well-housed. When
sickness and old age comes upon them we maintain them
in comfort to the end of their days, and make no diffe-
rence whatever in the care and attention we bestow
upon them. Let us alone, therefore, with them, and the
negroes will be contented, and the country prosperous ;
but if you free them our care of them ceases. We will not
be burdened with black pauperism that we cannot compel to
work ; and the result will inevitably be, however much
you and we may deplore it, that the black race will be exter-
minated as the red race has been, We could not enslave
the aboriginal Indians, or make them useful in the cultiva-
tion of the soil. We could not amalgamate with them.
The only other thing to do was to exterminate them.
North, South, East, and West all pursued the same policy
towards these unfortunates. And at this moment there are
not to be found over all the wide territories of the Union,
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, more than 350,000 Indians
—a number which is little more than half that of the popu-
lation of Philadelphia." This, in substance, is the argu-
ment of the South on the social aspect of the negro question.
The North and West take a different view of the subject.
They will not have the negro as a slave ; and, if they
would, his labour would be of a character far better and
more cheaply performed by white men, and they therefore
give him his liberty. But they refuse him the right of
citizenship. They will not ride in the railway cars with
him, nor let him eat at a public table, nor sit in the same
theatre, nor pray with him in the same church, nor permit
him to marry into their families. If a white woman com-
mits the atrocity of falling in love with a black man, she is
not only excommunicated from society, but expelled vi et
armis by the outraged populace, and runs the imminent
hazard of her life as the penalty for her crime. When
Englishmen, Irishmen, and Germans settle in America,
they come with European ideas on the subject of the negro.
These ideas seldom or never outlast a three. months' resi-
dence. The instinct of race is too strong. Were the largest
assemblage of Abolitionists that ever congregated in Exeter
hall or elsewhere to be transported to America, they would,
after a short probation, take side against the social com-
panionship of the negro, and resist as violently as a
native-born American the intrusion of any one of the
race to the privilege of their society, either at work
or play. Even the Tribune newspaper, the champion
of the race, cannot employ a negro compositor or
machinist, under the penalty of a general and indignant
strike of all its white workpeople ; and were Mr. Frederick
Douglas to be appointed assistant editor of that journal—a
position which he is well qualified to fill—ho and Mr. Greely
would be left in sole and undisputed possession of the pre•
mises. So strong is the prejudice in itself, and so much
stronger has it been rendered by the war, that it is in con-
templation in the great States of New York, New Jersey,
and Pennsylvania to follow the example of Indiana, Illinois,
and other States of the West, and prohibit the immigration
of any further negroes within their boundaries.

This feeling against the negro is entertained by millions
of people who have not the slightest desire to enslave him,
and as little to make him free. It expresses itself in a thou-
sand ways, which the inhabitants of a country like Great
Britain, where a negro is as rare as a black swan, cannot
readily understand, but which are obvious and palpable
enough in a country where the black population is so nume-
rous as to be constantly before the public eye, and to com-
pete with the whites for employment in all the inferior
kinds of labour. Right or wrong, there is a pride of race
and colour in this c untry. That pride is not to be rea-
soned with. It exists, and will continue to exist, in spite
of all the efforts of preachers, philanthropists, and theorists
to argue it down. The preachers, philanthropists, and
theorists themselves are practically as much afflicted with
it as the rest of the world. Not one of them known to fame
would marry a black wife, or suffer his daughter to marry
a black man ; and few of them would go so far as to intro-
duce the most respectable negro in the city of New York as
a guest to a miscellaneous company at his own dinner
table. It is this feeling which makes officers of the army
throw up their commissions rather than command negro
soldiers, and that drives whole regiments of Irishmen and

Germans out of the Federal service. So strong is it, and
so thoroughly does it enter into the whole texture of society,
that a prominent member of the House of Representatives,
a leading Democratic politician, who knows the people of
New York better than any man living, from the long
and intimate experience he has had in organising the
Democratic party, both native and foreign, for Con-
gressional as well as for State and civic victories ; a man, in
fact, to whom the feelings, prejudices, and interests of the
New Yorkers are as familiar as his garter—has recently
declared that if he were to convene a public meeting of the
citizens to debate the question whether Sou'hern slavery
was right or wrong, it would be decided by a majority of
three to ono that it was right, and ought to be maintained.
He would not peck the meeting or admit to it, by ticket or
otherwise, only the known partisans of the institution, but
would freely admit every person, lay or clerical, male or
female, who chose to be present. He believes that the
decision would be the same in the State of New Jersey.
Not that these people so admire or approve slavery as to be
willing to re-establish it in:the North, but that they do not
disapprove it so much as to have any wish to interfere with
it in States where it constitutionally exists. The English
abolitionists ought to study this matter more closely before
they pretend by their speeches and resolutions to declare
that the cause of the North is the cause of freedom, or that
President Lincoln is other:than an unconstitutional Chief
Magistrate, and the bitter foe of the liberties of the Southern
poople, with whose slaves he has no more right to meddle
than with the revenues of the Archbishop of Canterbury or
the throne of the Queen of England.
Nor is this the only aspect of the negro question with
which they ought to make themselves familiar. In the
south, where they are well cared for, the negroes increase
1
and multiply. In the North, where nobody cares for them
for Abolitionists never talk of the free black man, but
only of the slave—the race is perishing, The last official

census in the United States gives the figures. " In the in-
terval from 1850 to 1860," says Mr. Kennedy, the official
superintendent, in his preliminary report of Congress, " the
total free coloured population of the United States increased
from 434,440 to 488,005, showing an annual increase of one
per cent. This result includes the number of slaves liberated
and those who have escaped from their owners. . . In
Boston, during the five s ears ending in 1859, the number
of coloured births was one less than the number of mar-
riages, and the deaths exceeded the births in the proportion
of two to one. . . In Philadelphia, during the last six
months of the census year, the new city registration gives
148 births against 306 deaths among the free coloured people.
. . . In the State registries of Rhode Island and Con-
necticut, where tho distinction of colour has been specified,
the yearly deaths of the blacks and mulattoes have gene-
rally, though not uniformly, exceeded the births. . .
Owing, among other causes, to the extremes of climate in
the more Northern States, and in the 'Western States to
expulsive enactments of the Legislatures, the free coloured
race shows a decrease of numbers in Indiana, Main-., New
Hampshire, New York, and Vermont."

Naval and Military Intelligence.

THE NAVY.

The officers of the Chatham division of Royal Ma-
rine Light Infantry entertained Rear-Admiral Sir
J. Hope, K.C.8., at a banquet on Thursday even-
ing, in the mess room at the Royal Marine barracks,
ic here covers were laid for 90 guests. Col. T. Lemon,
C. 8., commandant of the Chatham division of Royal
Marines, presided. There were also present Vice-
Admiral Sir W. J. H. Johnstone, K.C.8., com-
mander-in-chief at the Nore, Major-Gen. H. Eyre,
commanding the Chatham district, Major-Gen. A.
B. Stransham, inspector-general of the Royal Ma-
rines, Capt. E. Fanshawe, superintendent of Chat-
ham dockyard, Capt. C. Wise, Aide-de-Camp to the
Queen, Col. J. Mitchell, commandant of the Wool-
wich division of Royal Marines, Col. J. 11. Gas-
coigne, C. 8., Col. J. 0. Travers, C. 8., Assist.-Adjt,-
Gen., and other distinguished officers.
The Cadmus, 20, screw, Capt. Ross, arrived at
Spithead on Saturday morning from the West Indies,
and, receiving her orders soon after her arrival,
sailed again in the afternoon for Chatham, to pay
out of commission. The Cadmus sailed from Ber-
muda for England on Feb. 28, having arrived at
that port from Charleston on the 14th with Mr.
Bunch, British Consul at Charleston, on board, en
route for England.
The screw corvette Pelorus, 21, was placed on
Friday in No. 4 dock at Devonport to be completely
repaired. . . .

The paddlewheel steam vessel Alecto, 5, Comman-
der Blake, which sailed from Plymouth on the 22d
of February for Rio Janeiro, put back to the
Sound on Saturday morning, as already reported
in The Sun. She lost her foremast at Ma-
deira when endeavouring to recover the anchor
of the storeship Egmont, 4, which parted her cable
on the Ist of March in heavy weather while lying
in the roadstead. The Alecto's mast broke into
three pieces, but no one was injured by the fall. She
left on the 11th inst., under a jury-mast, and ex-
perienced a stormy passage home. Being leaky, and
having some defects to make good, she discharged
her powder and proceeded into Hamoaze.
On Friday the water was admitted into No. 3
dock at Chatham dockyard, vacated on Thursday
by the Royal Oak, and the sailing frigate Active,
40, floated in for the purpose of having her bottom
examined. The Active was launched at Chatham
dockyard about 18 years ago, and was then consi-
dered one of the smartest frigates of the day. She
was, however, never sent to sea, and ever since her
launch has been lying useless in Chatham harbour.
A few weeks since she was taken in hand to be fitted
as a training-ship for the Naval Coast Volunteers
at Hartlepool, to which port she will be sent when
completed. With the exception of some portions
of her copper-plating her bottom plates appear to be
quite sound, and, generally, few defects can be dis-
covered either in her planking or timbers. The
Active will only remain in dock a short time, when
she will give place to the iron troopship Tamar,
500-horse power, 2,812 tons, built at Milwall,
which is to be surveyed by the dockyard officials
at Chatham, previously to being sent to Sheerness
dockyard to be completed for sea.

Directions have been received at Chatham for a
number of the mortar boats lying at Yantlett-creek
to be used as tenders in connection with the works

in progress at St. Mary's Island for the enlargement
of the dockyard.
The Fawn, 17,screw, Commander Ralph P. Cator,
arrived at Spithead on Friday afternoon from the
Australian station, and will be paid out of commis-
sion. Her pennant was hoisted on the 31st of
October, 1859.

The firing at the English and foreign ships'
armour took place at Portsmouth on Friday, The
plates consisted of a 41-inch plate, from the Thames
Ironworks Ccmpany, cut in two parts,one part bent
two inches transversely from a straight line, and
the remaining part not bent; a 41-inch plate, from
the Mersey Ironworks, and two other plates, one of
51-inch and the other of 41-inch, from Mr. Begbie,
of London. All the plates wore of excellent quality.
The bending of the half of the Thames plate did not
appear to have injured the metal any further than if
it had been rather incautiously heated. The metal
in the bent portion had a greater tendency to crumble
under the blows of the shot than the unbent portion.
The Mersey plate was also excellent, and stood
some severe pounding without penetration being
made. The two plates furnished by Mr. Begbie,
however, beat all the others. The 54-inch had five
shots planted in a space of 17 inches by 12, but no
through penetration was made, nor were there any
cracks of consequence. This plate was, however,
very imperfectly welded. The 4i inch plate had
seven shots in a space of 3ft. by 22in., with only sur-
face ci acks. This plate stood magnificently, and the
way in which the metal stretched under the blows of
the shots without cracking was astonishing. One
shot struck the plate on the edge at the upper corner,
but instead of breaking or cracking the metal, as is
usually the case under such circumstances, it merely
bent and expanded it without a sign of crack or
flaw of any kind. The indents on these two plates
were rather under the ordinary:depth. The metal,
where pounded by the shot,had a peculiarly white,
silvery appearance.
The following appointments were made on Fri-
day at the Admiralty :—M. O'N. Markham, assist.
paymaster, to the Mreander ; J. E. Ray, assist, pay-
master, to the Excellent ; J. W. Morris, second
master, to the Fisgard, as supernumerary ; T. Dun-
canson, chief engineer, to the Orpheus, for disposal ;
0. A. Davies, engineer, to the Pandora; S. Law-
ton, T. Murray, and J. Stirling, assist. engineers,
to the Sparrow ; E. Newman, assist. engineer,
to the Indus, for the Clinker ; J. Staley and J.
Grant, assist.-engineers, to the Pandora; J. West,
assist.-engineer, to the Cumberland, as supernume-
rary ; Mozart Vinnings, T. Evatt, C. J. Pawley,
and F. F. Trearher, assist.-clerks, to the Victory,
as supernumeraries; G. D. Daunt, assist.-clerk, to
the Cornwallis; C. E. Warren and G. F. M. Kent,
assist--clerks, to the Revenge ; and J. H. Evans,
assist.-clerk, to the Victory.
The following appointments were made on Satur-
day at the Admiralty :—Lieut. Jas. Hawkins, to
the Pandora ; W. C. A. D =vine, nominated to a
naval cadetship; S. Madden, chief engineer, to the
Indus, for the Ocean ; J, W. Steil, chief engineer,
to the Indus, for the Pelorus ; C. Dickson, chief
engineer, to the Asia, for the Hector ; and J. Tur-
ner, assist.-engineer, to the Asia, for the Hector.