The Sun.
London, England, 1830-03-02 00:00:00

M,V4.

Mr. P. 'IIIO3ISON, in prcsent;ni; g p.aition from certain
inhabitants of Newark, apologised for being obiligizil to make
that .„-ietition the subject of some remark.. The hcro,4l
:`:waist F.6..7ltained 2,000 houses, and 10,000 inhabi,
tants. Much 'it „;roperty was held under the Duke
of Newcastle, who
wag a gie..:t proprietor there, holding,
in his own right, aiaut tvp'lsuniirp,'.l4ouses. A similar
number was held by individuat,a
.over wby,
.the Duke
could exercise an inguence, Another very large pp;;;-ion
of the property belonged to thi.! Crown, which possessed
the right of taking tolls, and had ‘Le duty of 'repairing;
roads and bridges, aiid regulating the 2isiang nn the ma-
nor. He mentioned thee eirepmstii,nce to shsw, that
however consider:2We might lie the property :of ,tlie
Duke, it could nor, under ens cirei.susisnres, possess any
great degree of power. But if such was: the stato of the
town, the lauds swum' it were A flillor4

The lands enclosed it a 3 a belt, and contained 960 acres,
which belonged to the town. Those lands not only went
a considerable distance round the town, but branched out
upon the road, especially on the London-road. He only
wished that he was privileged by the usages of Parliament
to lay the map of the place upon the table of the House.
The very privilege conferred upon the inhabitants of
Newark bad, in tact, been the cause of their recent suffer-
ings; the highest and most inestimable advantage that
could be conceded, and to obtain which such plaCes as
Leeds, Manche ter, and Birmingham, had long in vain
struggled—the power of returning Members to Parlia-
ment—had been converted into a source of the most
grievous calamity. An individual who was a lessee

Of lands and houses under the Crown had thus of

tained in Newark so immense and so injurious a
power, that he had turned the greatest advantage
into the greatest disadvantage to the people. That in•
dividual was the Duke of Newcastle, and the manner in
which he had accomplished his object was quite clear.—
The principal trade in Newark was that of dealing in
meal and malt ; and if a gentleman wished to obtain a
field for his horse—if a flourishing tradesman wanted a
garden for his family—or a mechanic a piece of ground for
recreation, he might indeed obtain it by applying to the
Crown lessee ; but on what condition. He was required,
in the first place, to pay for it its full value, a monopoly
price, but in addition he must be bound both body and
soul to the Crown lessee—be must abjure all right to
think and act for himself on questions of politics, and, in
the words of the Crown lessee, to give hi►n his entire
confidence and zealous co-operation. He (Mr. P. Thom-
son) should be the last man in the world to gainsay the
natural and mutual bond between landlord and tenant--
arising from confidence on the one side, and gratitude on
tlie other ; but here the relation was rather like that be-
tween the slave aml his West India driver. The last
Me►nber for Newark had been singularly tinfOrtunate--he
lost his seat in consequence of not being able to vote accord-
ing to the wishes of his patron, and his office for not being
able to attend to the wishes of Government. Though
unfortunate, his situation was most honourable, and his
conduct reflected upon him the highest credit. The re.
stilt was a vacancy in the representation of Newark, -and
on that occasion an individual was sent down by the lessee
of the Crown. He (Mr. P. Thomson) did not mean
in any way to accuse the present Hon. Menthe'. for
Newark (Mr. Sadler) ; but, without offence, he might
say, that l►e went down as the nominee of the lessee of the
Crown, and that in that character lie was presented by
the agents of -the Noble Duke to the inhabitants. Those
inhabitants, however, thought that they had an equal
right to choose for themselves, and they selected, as the
object of their choice, an individual of whom it might
be said, without disparagement to the present Mem-
ber, that he was well qualified to discharge his duty
to his constituents, and to communicate instruction

;0 those with whom he might have been called upon

to sit. A contested election was the consequence,
although the inhabitants had before their eyes the
woeful effects of former struggles of the same kind. One
of these occurred in 1796, and another as recently as 1826,
and he was happy to say that on the last occasion, there
were found 587 independent ►nen, who, - although their
efforts were unsuccessful, endeavoured to liberate the
borough :of Newark from its thraldom. The Crown

lessee again triumphed, and it might have been hoped
that he would have rested satisfied with his triumph ; but
those who entertained any such hope, it seemed, knew

little of the individual with whom they had to deal. Venge-
ance only slumbered—it was the slumber of the cat waiting
to seize its prey. Every voter for the unsuccessful candi-
date received notice to quit—or rather (for he would not
exaggerate), every voter but one received that notice. The
exception was remarkable ; the voter went to the agent of
the Crown lessee and stated that he voted. for Mr. Serjeant
WilJe by mistake. " Then (replied the agent) your notice
to quit was a mistake also."—(Hear, and laughter.)—The
Noble Duke, overflowing with philanthropy, had, on snore
than one occasion, lamented the sufferings of his miserable
countrymen ; but, in this particular instance, the general
kindness of his nature seemed to have deserted him. He

(Mr. P. Thomson) might attempt to pourtray the wretched
condition of those who, by this edict of the Crown lessee,
were dr ven from their once happy homes into banishment,
but it would be impossible for him to come up to the re-
ality. No term of service and subserviency, no dot ation of
occupancy could Pave the unhappy tenant from this act of
relentless power ; no rent was in arrear—the Crown lessee
had no just cause of complaint against his tenants on the
score of morality and propriety of conduct, unless he
had a right to object to the impropriety of his tenants
refusing to vote against their conviction. That deter-
mination could not lie passed over with impunity; and
in older to deprecate the wrath of his Grace, or to take
measures to avoid its consequences, a Public Meeting
was called, and letters, respectfully worded, were sent to
the Duke of Newcastle, and to his nominee, inviting them:
to attend. Neither of them did attend ; but his Grace
sent a letter, containing what he considered h s justifica-
tion. What was that justification? A bold avowal that
be considered the franchises of the voters his property:—
that they possessed the privilege of sending a Member to
the House of Commons only for his advantage ; and, in
short, that as a Peer of Parliament he had a right to do
that circuitously, which, by the Resolution of the House
of Commons; he could not do directly, without a breach
of privilege. In other words, the Duke claimed to do
what he liked with his own. He (Mr. P. Thomson)
denied that right. The Government had placed in his
possession Crown Lands, which were public property, for
the benefit of the public ; but the Noble Duke bad per-
verted that public property to the injury ef the pith; and
to do that he could have no right. Had the Patron of the
Borough but read a single passage in the work of his no-
minee, lie would have seen in direct terms a refutation of
the very right he claimed to do what he liked with his
own. " So far, perhaps (said the Hon. Member for
Newark in his work on Ireland), it will be said that the
owners of land have a perfect right to do as they like with
their own. I will not pause now to discuss it further than
to say that it has probably been the apology for more cruelty
and oppression than all other excuses put together.—
(Much cheering.)"—lt remained for him (Mr. P. Thom-
son) to show the grounds on which he was anxious that
this petition should be referred to a Select Committee, in
order that upon the Report of that body an address to the
Crown might be founded, praying that the power formerly
given to the Duke of Newcastle might not be renewed
Those grounds were twofold--1. The pecuniary loss to
the public.-2. The manner in which the privilege of
electing a Member had been perverted. As to the first, it
could not be denied that Government was bound to lease
or dispose of the Crown lands to the best advantage. The
lease to the present lessee, besides houses, consisted of 960
acres of most valuable land about Newark, quit rent., copy_
hold rents, tolls of markets and bridges, and influence over
certain charities. The first lease was granted in 1760 to the
Earl of Lincoln, by the Duke of Newcastle, then Prime
Minister—(Hear, hear, hear)—and for what an-
nual sum did the House suppose? For no less
than the enormous and extortionate rent of 361. per
annum.—(tfear, and laughter.)--After some intermedi-
ate negociation, the lease having expired nine years, it was
renewed in 1815, and the rent was then raised to 2,060/
per annum, showing, at all events, that the Earl of Lin-
coln, who first obtained it, had at least had a pretty good
bargain. Even this increased rent was not nearly the
value, which he (Mr. Thomson) believed to be from
3,0001. to 3,5001. per annum. Nor was the mere pecu-
niary loss all that should be considered, because the Crown
lessee was interested in preventing the improvement of the
Borough : no new houses were allowed to be built, because
their occupation would create new voters ; and no leases
were granted by his Grace for a longer term than twelve
months, in order that he might keep his tenants in proper
controul. A short time since, only four acres of land be-
longing to Lord Middleton were sold for no less a sum
than 4,0001.—( Hear, hear.)—He did not mean to say
that the whole nine hundred and sixty acres held by the
Duke of Newcastle were valuable in proportion, but they
were at present, worth much more than the SUM for which
they were let, and might, on a different system, be greatly
enhanced•in price. He saw no reason why the lands
should not be sold at once, subject to the right of the
present lessee. No opportunity ought to be lost of putting
money into the Exchequer, and in this case the sale would
have the additional inestimable advantage of freeing voters
from a state of political subjection. By the course that
had been taken with respect to the Crown lands, Govern-
ment had violated three great principles. Ist, They had
prevented the relief of the people from a proportion of
their burdens ; 241, They had permitted the possession of
these lands to be turned to the great pecuniary injury of
parties residing in the borough and neighbourlio«l; 3d,
They had permitted the Crown to give a Peer the power
to rOrirn a l'lember to the House of Commons. He had
no wish to call aieawn indignation upon the present Noble
Patron of the borough ; and after Iyhat had been done,
and what had been said, it was net neceasari to inv;*ke
public opinion upon his conduct. He sought no venge-
ance, he only called upon the House to interfere, to pre-
.ecti,:: the recurrence of such evils, and to vindicate the
reivea iron; the obloquy that at present attached. to it.
lie moved that the ketition be referred to a Select Com-
mittee.

Lord LOW FLIER was aware after the moit i-,wwing and
pathetic appal of the Ifon. Gentleman, that his state-
ment of a few plain facts would not be heard to advantage.
of course avec! v4th the lion. Mvuber, as to the

right of presentiq the petition; hut, he must remark, that
if it did not contain gross mis-statements, it gave such per-
versions of the truth as would tend to mislead the House.
He would not go through the allegations in detail ; but
_ _

upon two or three of them he felt called upon to make a
. .

few observations, and in the outset to mention that the
Hon. Member on some points had been less cautious than
tl:e petitioners, whose petith n contained few charges, ex-
cept by inference and insinuation. He had talked of 960
acres surrounding Newark, of tolls, of markets, and
bridges, and various other municipal revenues ; but some
of these did not belong to the Crown, and would not revel t
to it at the end of the term of the present hssee. They
were granted by Charter of Charles 11. to the Corporation,
and the whole amount of these boasted tolls and revenues
was about SO/. a year, part of which belonged to the Cor-
poration of Nottingham. The 960 acres were scattered
in villages round Newark, and part was in certain fens
three or four miles distant. The right of voting was in
the inhabitants paying scot and lot, and the possessions of
the Crown in dwellings in Newark were very inconsidera-
ble. Twelve houses and twenty-six cottages were all it
owned—(Hear, hear !)—and after the Hon. Member had
taken the trouble to visit the Office of Woods and Forest.,
in order to inspect the map of Newark, it was singular
that he should speak of the 960 acres as if they sur-
rounded Newark on all sides like a belt ; whereas, if the
place were attacked, and be defended on Crown land, on
three sides it would be open to the enemy.—.-(Hear, hear.)
There were no less than three or four other proprietors
who had larger property. What had fallen from the lion.

Member would induce the House to suppose that under
the lease the tenant to the Crown only paid 36/. a-year ;
the f tct was, that the lease was renewed in 1806, and the
rent was then fixed at 2,200/. a-year, although the actual
receipt was only 2,026/. ; but, in addition, a fine of
2,500/. was also paid. It was alleged that his Majesty's
Government were interested in supporting one candidate
more than another, as relying, in return, upon his support
in that House. Now it turned out that the gentleman
supported by the Duke of Newcastle did not generally
support the Government. He had now but to add, that
he wished all tLe circumstances of the case to come before

the House previous to its coming to any decision. Acting
-upon this view of the question, he should reserve himself
till the time should come for replying, before the petition
was brought up.
Mr. FYNES CLINTON would not follow the Hon.
Member for Dover through all the various topics upon
which he had thought proper to declaim at so much length.
He intended merely to confine himself to facts, and he re-
gretted that the petitioners had not done so. The petition
was full of mis-statements and exaggerations. The House
must have heard with much satisfaction the statement
made by the Noble Lord that the lease by which the Noble
Duke held the lands spoken of, a lease originally granted so
far back as the reign of George 11., and said to have been
conferred upon his nephew by a First Lord of the Treasury
—an observation made, he might be allowed to say, with
the view of casting imputations upon the Noble Duke—it
was very gratifying (he continued) to learn from the
Noble Lord opposite, that in 1806, the petitioners said
1815, that lease was renewed at a rant of 2,0001. a year.
He did believe that that rent was at the time a perfectly
fair rent. Such being the fact, it was rather hard that
circumstances of that nature should be made the ground
of insinuation against the Noble Duke, that he let the lied

in queetien to tenants at will solely for electioneering pur-
poses ; that, in fact, the property of the Noble Duke at
Newark was so managed as to serve those purposes and
none other. The nature of the tenure afforded no ground
for such an assertion ; any one acquainted with the county
of Nottingham, must be perfectly aware that by tenancy
at will was the customary mode V letting land in that
part of the country, and in many of the adjacent counties.
Could there, then, be a more unfair ground of insinuation
against the Noble Duke than that he adopted the mode of
managing his property usual in that part of the country ?
It was said, that in consequence of the conduct of the
Noble Duke, houses were not built in the town ; that not
one of the inhabitants was i nabled to enjoy a comfortable
house. It was said that the property of the Duke encom-
passed the town, than which nothing casuld be more with-
out foundation. It was further said, that he gave all the
accommodation land near the town. How stood the fact ?
The laud all around the town did not form any part of the
Duke's estate—the greater part of the accommodation
land belonged to other families. Indeed, the family with
which the Chair was connected possessed a considerable
portion of that land. Persons acquainted with the town
must know, that so far front its being true that persons
debiting to reside there had the slightest difficulty in ob-
taining residences, there was no town more over. built
—at the present moment there were many new houses
uninhabited, and the natural effect was, that ground
for building could now be bad very cheap, though it had
been alleged that the purchase money of one acre was
4,0001. He could state a circumstance well calculated to
cast a doubt upon that statement—ten or twelve years ago
an acre of laud for Imi'ding brought only 1,0001., and in
twelve months afterwards another lot of land was put up
to auction and there were no bidders for it—could it then
be supuosed that an acre in the present times, when
there were more houses than could obtain tenants, II ould
bring such a price as 4,0001. ? At the late contest be-
tween the present Member for Newark and a Learned
Serjeant, it was made matter of accusation against the
present Member, that he was unknown to the town—from
which one would suppose that the Learned Serjeant was
well known and well connected in the town of Newark ;
yet the fact was, that he never had been in that town till
he went there on an electioneering adventure. The pre-
sent Member was returned by a large majority ; but
though the Learned Serjeant was not successful, yet he
left behind him a large body of active and zealous partisans.
It was not, however, till Michaelmas that an opportunity
presented itself for a manifestation of that zeal and activity
when the tenants of the Noble Duke received notice to
quit.—( Hear, hear, hear.)—lt was well understood, that
a lease for a year required that notice to quit should begin
six months before the time at which the lease would ex-
pire; but a landlord was not bound to give any more than
six months notice—it was not fair to say, that because the
Noble Duke waited till the proper and regular time came
round, that, therefore his motive in waiting was to allow
the time to elapse within which it was practicable to pre-
sent an Election Petitien. Soon after those notices to
quit the Learned Serjeant circulated hand-bills, calling
together the several persons who had received ;latices to
quit in that way—they had the means of knowing that the
number did not exceed 40 ; yet it was announced to the
public that no less than 200 families were turned front their
houses. Upon that announcement a meeting was called,
and the Learned Serjeant came down—the Noble Duke was
invited to attend that meeting. It need scarcely be said, that
tint invitation was not accepted—that the meeting was
attended by few except the very lowest rabble of Newark,
and nothing but abuse was poured out against the Noble
Duke for not being present to answer for his contumacy
to the people of Newark.—(hear, hear.)—These speeches,
however, were not thought sufficient—the present petition
was got up, and he begged the Reuse to observe the mo-
desty of its prayer—it prayed that that House would ad-
dress the Crown, intreating that the lease of the Noble
Duke be not renewed. If they acceded to such a prayer
as that, the next step would be to prescribe who the par-
ties were in future to be to whom the Crown would grant
leases, and to whom it should not—and at length they
would come to tell his Majesty the persons in whom they
had confidence as candidates for the situation of Crown
tenants, and in whom not. In the end, the House would
tell the Officers of the Crown that they were not to make
the best bargain they could, and obtain the highest rents
and the most eligible tenants; it was impossible but that
the House must perceive that the present was a petition
merely fur electioneering purposes—the objects being to
destroy one interest and raise up smother. It was not
contended for a moment that there was any ground of com-
plaint—at least there was no complaint contained in the
petition, that the Noble Duke haul done wrong, otherwise
than in defeating the claims of the Learned Serjeant, by
inducing the occupiers of Clown lands to vote against him.
How stood the fact ? The electors of Newat k were in
number 1.385, the tenants on the Crown lands having
votes were only 74, seven voted for the Learned Serjeant,
yet it was said that the 74 Crown tenants decided the
election in favour of his opponent. Had the whole 74
voted in Ids favour, he would have still been far indeed
limn success. It wits one of the most novel proceedings
that had ever been proposed to that House, to interfere
with the choice of the Crown tenants—for all these rea-
sons, then, he should oppose the motion of the Honourable
Member for Dover.
Sir FRANCIS BURDETT considered that the matter
was of so much importance 3.4 to deserve the appointment
of a Committee. When a petition was presented to the
House, the statement of any individual Member was no
answer to such a petition, especially upon a subject of so
much importance. But before he entered upon the dis-
cussion of that topic he wished to say a few words upon
a subject of e. snore personal nature. The Noble Duke
had addressed a letter to tho Editor of a Newspaper,
which it well suited an idle man to have to do with, for,
fortunately, it was one requiring no answer. In what he
had said he entertained not the slightest idea of offering the
Noble Duke any offence. He had not applied to Lim per-
sonally the appellation of borouglimonger—he had simply
stated it matter of fact. In the present state of the House
he was ready to admit that he considered it no crime to
purchase tv seat iA that pope was ready to 14-

come so far the friend of corruption as to acknowledge

that the purciase of a seat was in the present times
less an evil than a palliative of an evil. The purchase of
which he spoke was made at a time when the Noble Duke
was an infant, "mewling and puking in his nurse's
arms"_long before he had attained that maturity of age
and wisdom for which he was now distinguished. At
that.time he (Sir F. Burdett) thought of nothing so little
as of coming into a Parliament; the representation of
Boroughbridge was pressed upon him by his friends. One
of the parties was an infant in law, and the other (him-
self) was, at that time uncontaminated by politics—they

were both, therefcre, entitled to be called Simon Pure.
He knew almost as little about the matter as did the
Noble Duke. Ile found himself placed in that House by
a sum of money, 40001., and no very great payment it
was, considering that the seat was secured to him for a
period of six years, notwithstanding any dissolution of
Parliament that might occur within that period. It was
a fact that he sat for Boroughbridge in consequence of the
payment of 4,000/. on his behalf to those who acted on
behalf of the Duke of Newcastle. But in stating that he
surely meant—nor did he convey anything offensive to the
Noble Duke, he spoke of a Duke of Newcastle for the
time being—Pelham, Duke of Newcastle, or any other, it
made little difference to him. Mr. Portman, the father
of the present Member for Dorsetshire, succeeded him in
that borough ; and so strictly honourable was the con-
duct observed towar's him in that matter, that in conse-
quence of a dissolution of Parliament shortly after his
return, he was returned a fair proportion of the pur-
chase-money, though he had made no stipulation to that
effect. In speaking of transactions such as that--he
meant no blame to the individual, whether called a bo-
roughmonger, a boroughmaster, a boroughforcer, or
procunque nominee yaudet—there was no blame to the
individual, the blame rested upon that House, and it
was for that House to vindicate its own privileges and
the liberties of the country. Me had listened with much
pleasure and attention to the char, lucid, strong, he might
say, irresistible statement of the Hon. Member for Dover,
and he could not understand how the House could refuse
to accede to his motion: He hardly knew in what way
to consider the petition—whether as an ordinary election
petition, or as one affecting- the rights and privileges of
that House, and the right of election particularly; and
it complained, too, of what very nearly concerned the
House—the interference of a Peer in the election of a
Member. That interference was, in the eye of the com-
mon law, a high crime and misdemeanour. A maxim of
that law was, ileetiones fiant liberce—it was an acknow-
ledged principle of the law that elections should be free.
Again, the Statute of Westminster, which was but a col-
lection and interpretation of the common law, asserted the

same principle—the offence of a Peer interfering with
elections, was specially noticed in that Act, and pro-
nounced to be a high crime and misdemeanour. It was
absurd to call aoy thing an election that was nut free—it
was either free, or it was not an election at all—not only
were elections by the law to be nominally free, but they
were to be practically so, and without interference. There
was nothing which our forefathers guarded more jealously
than the freedom of election—elections of every kind ;
for in ancient times the dignitaries of the church were
e ected, au 1 by them the interference of a Peer was re-
garded as the highest offence. Since then nothing could
be more indisputable than the freedom of elections, and in
that light, perhaps, the petition might be considered a
petition of privileges; at the same time it was substan-
tially an election petition from the defeated candidate.—
In whatever light it might be regarded, the petition
was one of considerable importance. The petitioners
alleged that the present practice was most injurious to the
interests of property in Newark—to the progress, the
wealth, and prosperity of that town. With that aver-
ment before them, the friends of the Noble Duke ought to
be anxious to have the matter inquired into. There was
a Bill before the house for the disfranchisement of East
Retford; and here was one where a Peer was accused not
only of using undue influence, but of using threats and
force. Could they, with any show of consistency, dis-
franchise the one and allow the other to escape? Further,
a crime accompanied with violence is greatly aggravated
by that violence. Now, if, upon examination, it turned
out—and examination was most necessary—that that Peer

had interfered, they could not allow one borough to escape
and inflict punishment on the other. In justice then to
all parties, he thought that the House could not refuse a
Committee.

Mr. HARVEY—Having always been an advocate for
fair play, in all things, he saw no difference between the
Duk e of Newcastle returning Members to that House and
any other Noble Duke, or Lord, or Borough Proprietor
doing the same thing. But it had been asked—Did they
snean to interfere with the right of the Crown as to what
terms Crown Lands should be let ? He answered boldly—
yes; they did intend to do so; and they ought to intend to
do so.—(Hear, hear.)—These lands were not the property
of the Crown ; for they had been bought at a perilous price
by the people of England. Ever since the time of Queen
Anne the nation had been paying 600,0001. or 700,0001.
year for what did nut produce as many pence. It had also
been asked, whether, except in the times of the Common-
wealth, there had never been an instance of the House of
Commons interposing -in this way ? He would give an
instance of such a thing. After King William was esta-
blished in this country, he proposed signing a Grant,
giving to the Earl of Portland five-sixths of the county of
Denbigh. In that case the House had interfered, and ad-
dressed the Crown, praying that it would not so deal with
the public property ; and, in deference to thisfeeling, Ki❑g
William undertook to compensate the Earl in another way.
lie only wished to have this dealt with in the present in-
stance as a mere question of finance ; and this petition
having reached the House, he thought that the Noble Lord
should seize the opportunity of advancing the produce of
the Crown Lands. Had not the petition been presented
somewhat earlier than he had expected, he would have been
provided with a letter front a respectable inhabitant of
Newark, who in it expressed his opinion that the Crown
Lands there, if now sold in toto, would produce 200,000/.
—(Hear, hear.)—The people there were now cons-
plaining of manacles which they wished to throw off;
therefore, a sale effected at the present period would
pruve pre-eminently advantageous. But, perhaps, it
would be said, that though individuals might thus
eventually have a claim to property, they might for the
next five or six years be expelled front what was virtually
their own by the Duke of Newcastle. Tu avoid this the
House should interfere, and pass a Bill, fur the purpose
of enacting that the tenantry should not be thus violently
divested of their rights. But let him ask one question.
Why should they not buy up the Duke of Newcastle ?
(A laugh.)—A man who would sell a seat for 4,0001.,
could of course have no objection to sell any interest he
might possess.—(A laugh, and hear, hear.)—The Sur-
veyor of the Crown lands would easily be able to find out
the value of the bargain, as his experience in the neigh-
bourhood of St. Martin's-lane had given him sonic oppor-
tunities that way.—(A laugh.)—Thus two or three
hundred captives would be set free, and a substantial value
would be given to the Crown property. He would not
now say further on the subject, as he should on the 30th
of March take an opportunity of unfolding such a train of
abuses and corruptions as would astonish every one—even
those best acquainted with the system.
Mr. SADLER begged to ask the Hon. Member far
Dover whether the petition he had presented was carried
at a town's meeting, and whether the full notice of that
meeting had been given ?
Mr. P. THOMSON—The petition was carried at a
public meeting, convened after full notice, not only to all
persons residing in the town, but one of the notices was
even sent to the Hon. Gentleman himself.—(A laugh.)—
The letter, however, which contained it, travelled in the
most extraordinary way about the country, and it was not
till long after that the Hon. Gentleman wrote a letter to
the Chairman of the Meeting, stating that he should have
written before on this subject had the letter come to hint
so:iner.

Mr. SADLER—The Hon. Gentleman, in his opinion,
had not given a specific answer as to whether the petition
emanated from a public meeting—(A loud laugh.)—lt was
of importance to ascertain this point, because the principal
p of tilt voters of Newark had already expressed their
opinion of the petition, as he looked upon it to be to all
intents and purposes an election petition. As the Hon.
Gentleman in answer to the question just put, had alluded—
and somewhat facetiously—to the circumstances by which
the notice was prevented reaching hint (Mr. Sadler), he
would say a word or two on that subject. All the travel
that that letter had had was entirely owing to accidents;
and had it reached him in time he should have hail no he-
sitation in answering it in the negative. Besides which
he said that he should have had to appear before a Com-
mittee, every one of whom. had been his opponents at the
deetion._(Hear.)—The letter, however, as he had al-
ready stated, was delayed by sonic mistake ; not that he
made any accusation against the postmaster.—(A loud
laugh.)—But first it had gone to Leeds, and then to Man-
chester ; then it was sent en to Gaineborough, by !nig-
take—(A laugh)—and after a delay at all these places he
Lead got the letter. He hp.d now to make a few observa-
tions nn the conduct of the Hon. Gentleman himself, who,
though he, no doubt, intended to be courteous, had not
been very much so in this instance. It was not till the
Wednesday that he had received notice from him that he
intended to propose the petition ; and he certainly had ex
peeted that a copy of it would be sent to hint ; he, how-
ever, had had no opportunity 9f perusing it till that

evening. That petition representeJ that he was not knoll
in Newark : that, however, was not true, for bed
been known to several influential persons there for
many years. It was erroneous—it was false.—(Hesrp
hear, hear.)—He thought, as the petition had been
concocted in London—sent to Newark to canvass for
subscribers—and then back to town—he might have
been furnished with a copy sooner, so as to have been able
to make some inquiries on the subject ; in which'ease be
should have been able to approach the House with some'
thing beyond mere impressions. What had fallen front
the Noble Lord coincided with the impressions on his
mind. It was certainly not fur the House to deal with
leases already in existence; they could never admit an ex

post facto law, such AS the Hon. Member for Colchester
had proposed. There had been a great deal of gross ex-
aggeration about the conduct of the Noble Individual to
whom so much allusion had been made. If that was the
proper place for explaining, he could state many circum-
stances infinitely to that Nobleman's honour. The quota-
tion which had been made from his book had been unfairly
applied, because it was only levelled at the prituiple of
clearing. The inju►tice that had been done to the inha-
bitants of Newark had been dwelt upon by the Hon. Gen-
tleman in strains " most musical—most melancholy." 16
however, he (Mr. Sadler) were anxious to mike apologies
for what the Duke of Newcastle had done, there were
many at band which he was sure would appear valid if
addressed to any landlord in the kingdom.—(Hear, hear,
and a laugh.)—He had been represented as a mere no-.
mince ; but he begged to deny this, though he would nal
disguise that when he aspired to the honour of represent-
ing Newark, he ha I been favoured with the good opinion
and influence of certain individuals.—(A laugh.)—He had
sought the influence of the property of the town and the
neighbourhood, and he had gained it ; and he would
boldly say, that if all the Noble Marquis's measures oa
Reform had been carried into effect, be (Mr. Sadler) should
still have been the Member for Newark. They had heard
much vituperation of the Noble Individual alluded to, and
from the commencement of the late election to its termina-
tion, the character of that Noble Person had been made
matter of unceasing abuse. It should be remembered that
Newark was not a close or corrupt borough ; it.contained
10,000 inhabitants, and all above the condition of, a mere
pauper had a vote. All this taught them a very different
lesson, and showed that the only influence which the Duke
of Newcastle bad was through kindness. During his
(Mr. Sadler's) canvass in Newark, he had ample opportu-
nities of seeing. this, and that his property was not de-
based or made use of for election purposes; he knew of
many of the Noble Duke's tenants who gave no vets,- be-
cause they had no vote to give.—(A laugh.)—And why
was this ? Because they were widows whom the Duke
did not clause to remove for the sake of strengthening hi'
numbers at the poll.—(Hear. )—Of that Noble Person it
might be said that there was no act of hie life which re-
flected the slightest dishonour on his character. The Duke,
consulting the pure principles of his own unsullied mind,
had had respect for his (Mr. Sadler's), and left him to the
free expression of 1114 own unhiass:d opinions. If the
House intended to destroy that Noble Person's influence,
they must destroy the influence of a man seated in the

hearts of every one in that neighbourhood If there was
. anything in this that could be regarded as corrupt, there
was not a sound spot in the kingdom.
Lord HOWICK would confess, that were he a borough
, propiietor, lie should, while the prexent system continued►
use the power he thus possessed, for the purpose of se-
. curing the return of himself or his nominee. lie, there-
fore, did not wish to deprive the Duke of Newcastle, as
the case stood at present, but he would ask whether it
was not exercising a right greatly to the prejudice of the
country ? The Hon. Member for Colchester had stated
that the Crown lands could be let at much greater advati-
tage.—(Louil cries of " Question, question.") He took
it for granted that the House intended to adopt the motion
of the Hon. Gentleman.—("Question, question.")
Mr. HOBHOUSE.—It appeared to him that the Hon.
Gentleman who had spoken last but one, and the Nel'l'
Lord (Lord Lowther), had left the question exactly where
they found it. In the early part of the speech of the Hon.
Member for Newark, he began to think that that non'
Gentleman was about to proclaim that he was setting tiP
for himself; but at the latter end he bad fairly confessed
that he came in on the interest of the Duke of Newcastle,
confessing at the same time that he was sitting there iu
defiance of all the rules and regulations of Parliament.--
(Cries of "No, no," and " Hear, hear.") The Hon.
Gentleman had been sent there by a Peer, am! had avowed
it.---(" No, no.") Did not the Hon. Gentleman tell the
House that he had received his seat from a Peer of Par-
liament 2—(" Hear, hear," and " Order, order.")
Mr. SADLER—I did not say sc.
Mr. HOBHOUSE.—I will make bold to ask the Hon.
Member is it so ?--(Order, order—question, question.)--•
Did not the Hoe. Member say, on a former occasion, that
his Grace the Dike of Newcastle had allowed him to vote
as he pleased ?—(Loud cheers.)—What was the inference
(Mr. Hobhouse continued) to be drawn from this? Whet
other inference could be drawn from this declaimer other
than that which the petitioners say—that the lion. Member
is returned by the Duke of Newcastle? He would not say
whether it was by 79 votes or any other number derived
from the Crown Lands, of which the Duke was the lessee,
but he would say that by the admission of the lion. Member
the allegation of the petitioners was proved, and that a cabs
was made out that a Peer of Parliament bad dared, in via,
lotion of the privileges of the Commons of England, to use
his influence in sending a Meinber to that House. —(Hear,)
This was the question ; and his Noble Friend, at the heal!
of the Woods and Forests, had not properly considered it.
It would have been proper to give the Magistrates of the
town all the details which were to be found ex.utficio i 0
the office of the Woods and Forests, but that had nothing
to do with this constitutional question. his Noble Friend
was not disposed, as he ought to be, to acknowledge the
fact of a Member having been sent into that House by the
influence of the Duke of Newcastle. That was the fact, and
he would not say that other individuals had not also been
sent there by the influence of other Peers. That assertioo
however, was no defence of the single instance, but rather
an increase of the offence. He was sorry that the Right
lion. Gent., (the Member for Liverpool) was not then
present, for he had stated that when the House found 0
blot, it should take care to hit it hard, and take care that
the people had no reason to reproach the House. Here
was a blot, and if it were not hit—if the great Duke of
Newcastle, though lie were the best of all possible Dukes,
and the best, too, of all possible patrons—if he were
allowed to escape, the House would tell the people deprexti4
miserum est ; and it might as well at once tear up the
resolution which was then lying on the table, and put the
mace under the bible, and not allow the resolution to he
repeated Session after Session, that no Peer of Parliament
ought to have any influence in returning Members t°
that House, nor ought to dare to meddle with the elec-
tions of the people. He was sorry to hear the Noble
Lord—wkom he had long known, and the kindness a
whose nature he was well acquainted with—he was
sorry to hear that Noble Lord make a taunt of hie
Honourable Friend's pathetic account of the suffer-
ings of the men banished from their homes, and represent
the picture lie had drawn as not connected with the quee-
tion. Ile was not astonished at what had fallen from the
Learned Gent.—it was hiscalling—he was bound to advocate
a particular cause; but the Noble Lord was nut sent to Par-
liament for such a purpose. It was well to talk ; but be
would put a case which would illustrate it. He would
suppose that the Kiab&s? Government should send a rues-
sage to his Grace the Duke of Newcastle, that he should
no longer be the beneficial lessee under the Crown, and
that all his valuable possessions should be contracted 0
960 acres. He would suppose that this individual should
be ejected because he bad given an adverse vote On t'W
losing side of a defeated question; and if this were done 0
the Duke of Newcastle, how would they hear of violated
rights, of an infringement of the best birth-right of Erie'
lishmen—the right to do with his own as he liked.—(A
laugh.)—lle would compare this case with the conduct
charged against the Duke of Newcastle. Tht people 01
Newark were turned out of their houses because they did
not vote as his Grace wished. The Hon. Member said/
Let them go to the other untenanted houses in Newark‘
that had been thrown up on the occasion. They were to
leave all that was clear to theme—their own housed, their
own homes and happy fire-eides—(Question, question)/
which were, perhaps?, all their comforts--because thel
did not vote as his Grace bade them. Was this a picture
that the Noble Duke would like ? Could it be coin'
pared to the case of his Grace, whom he had
posed ejected from the Crown Lands ? lie could
an it(o.ctwo
rascdoi
nntglill)eattov.4ttniliee persons, i
rtob ,ir.ing. v7ti t
givenMayes were
their similar'
? end not according to the
wishes of another. His Grace might find other houses tf
he were ejected, and find other lands ; but when tliceo
ejected,banjs banishment
where
weres ve were they
severe t o
punishmentfin d other
tipfnariersPice?hmnE:alni,lveebarenudt to a poor man it might be death--it
might deprive him of all the means of subsistence, and was
so severe that no person could wish to inflict it. The
Hon, Gentleman said that the case was exaggeratede-tbat
it hail been represented that 200 persons had been ejected,
and that in fact only forty hail been made miserable; Sup
pose there was only one, that would be sufficient to
make out the case, and would prove the interference of his
Grace. lint the allegations in the petition had not been,
end could not be denied. His Grace might say with 0 '
turnout tagi of antiquity, exam vellrut ltescire Woven...

it would
Paper.

Were all,
of that
• 11.esoItiti
'ere otl
in 1701
tl.at Ha
that he
the persi
the Ho"
Bishop
Bishops.
and an

tram ref
reported
terferenc

Pol ved I

Crown,
• of his
could be
Anne?

6 there' ie

Worcesti
longer er
•hut anol
tl
served, a
kind cou
oat the
Were oth
Wards ea
roaster o
of &Ara

ter ferenc,

influence

twined N
Whole to
was pass
roan was
Dukes 0

the Pe11:,
Alernher
so great ,
,Presented
voted for
Case.
election
county;
Placed or
plieated,
in a C►n
which yr
. Rouse, i

gent,- pal
them wa
things
reoriedyi,
sion on t

to sendil
the Duki
to send ii
was that
the covet

gation lii

freemen
vented tli
true ?
people of
greatest 1
badge of

eery of the
Au Excise
di) so, wa
with infa
Crown wt
that q per
Noble Du
Noble Du
deprive al
their own
. Petty ae ti
secured to
en) oy 'nem t
be proved
proved—i
not take t
how it cot

liinyid4iluaerinrcees4ll(l-
the 1,
u.,etat
iulluenCe c
Sir
the cue, 1
11'". "I

appropriat'
"Yo,
niikt
ThiLett
Le k,
nitik,t,,

44 vi
Fie rr,
lie st
lie would
had been
a view to
Ferrel to a
Mr, sec
f:Tt makin
of 4,0
ofeweio'
hchtvoura'
at the sato
a d itteren t
go to vote
!ion. The
in relation
bee!, made
and the ut
ierence of
it:voCt to 1

A not howl'
for be hid
tbere for
)n had been
canvass for

might have
are been able
rhich ease be

with some-
! fallen from
ohms on hi 6
to deal with
adroit an ex
n. Colchester
of gross ex-
'ndividnal to
that was the
'any eireum-
The quota-
been unfairly
pricuiple of
to the iuha-
e Hon. Gen-
Ineholy." If,
tire apologies
, there were
pear valid if
'L Hear, hear,

a mere uo4
ie would net
of represent-
ood opinion
h.)—He had
wn and the
d he would
measures on
idler) should
7 had heard
ided to, and
its termina-
been made
=bored that
it' contained
nr of a mere
try different
ch the Duke
During hie
ple opportu-
vu not de-
he knew of
lo vote, be-
-And whY
the Duke
:thening his
e Person It
e which re-

The Duke,
allied mind,
t him to the
ins. If the
's influence,
ated in the
F there ivy'
rrupt, there

a borough'
I continued,
aose of se"

He, there'
weastle, 114
whether it
[dice of Oa
had stated
ater ;16'0'
Tie took
the mot ion
3• ")

it the floe•
the Noble
tetly where
of the flu°•
that llun•
setting uP
y confessed
Newcastle,
1g there ill
The Hon•
lad avowed
lan tell the
er of Par-
")

k the Hon-
kteotion.)--•
tasiou, that

, and wag
it. The
:ad—that
n rjected,
Ae; Sup
licient to
nee of 1119
not been,
Ly With o