The Sun.
London, England, 1837-10-21 00:00:00

THE LEEDS ORGAN.

Last evening a very respectable and numerous audience
assembled at the Music-hall, Store-street, to hear Mr.
Adams perform on this superb instrument. Considerable
interest was manifested for the appearance of the performer,
the company which had assembled on the former occasion
having been disappointed by that gentleman. Seven o'clock
was the hour announced for the commencement of the
musical entertainment, and half an hour having elapsed
beyond the time appointed, considerable impatience was
manifested for the entry of Mr. Adams. A gentleman,
however, came forward, and made the formal return to the
call for Mr. Adams, non est inventus. This gentleman ap-
pears to have the fault attributed to all great performers,
whether vocal or instrumental, delineated by Horace—
" Omnibus cantoribus hoc victium est at inter amicos nun-
quam inducant animum cantuse sogati." In this dilemma
a volunteer undertook to entertain the audience with a per-
formance ; but he had no sooner poured forth a full peal
from this powerful instrument, if not sufficient to " call spi-
rits from the vasty deep," was powerful enough to evoke
the spirit of harmony, in the person of Mr. Adams, the
desire, who, having taken his place at the organ, like his
prototype, Tigellius, amply compensated, by his admirable
execution for his previous absence ; in fact, it rained music
on the delighted ear. The principal part of his performance
consisted of extemporaneous pieces, among whieli he intro-
duced a beautiful piece from " Haydn's Seasons," and an-
other from Corelli, the " Harmonious Blacksmith," and the
overture from Zauberflote ; all of which lie executed with
the utmost skill and effect, which elicited 'the plaudits of the
assembly. The instrument itself is of the first character, its
tones are powerful, full, anti melodious, and is an admirable
specimen of the perfection to which organ-building has been
brought in this country, It certainly lost nothing on this
occasion, as Mr. Adams took care to exhibit its power and
effect by the variety and character of the music which he
selected for performance. The company was highly de-
lighted with the performance, and though at first rather out
of humour at the delay which took place, showed the power
of music "to seethe the angry breast." We would, how-
ever, recommend the proprietors not to trespass again upo.l
the good -nature of John Bull—punctuality on these occa-
sions is everything.

A house largely engaged in the India and China
trade, that during the late panic was compelled to suspend
its payments, has concluded arrangements for the early
liquidation of all its engagements. Not only will it pay in
full, but it is said in well-informed circles that there will
be a very considerable surplus, without. touching the lei
rate property of the partners. The respect in which this
firm has long been held has made this a matter of very
general congratulation.—Morning Chronicle.
Another very encouraging circumstance connected
with the liquidation of the affairs of the American firms in
London, iias come to our knowledge, and is additional evi-
dence ad' the integrity and uprightness of the merchants of
New York. The same firm which we stated yesterday bad
been apprised by one of their correspondents of his ability
to take up his bills, to the amount of nearly 100,0001.,
'has recently received 45,000/., entirely in gold and silver,
from another merchant in the United States, to cancel
bills to that amount which had been accepted on his ac-
count, although he was aware that not one shilling's worth
of the goods against which he heal drawn had been sold
while, moreover, it cost him no less than 6.000/. to export
the specie ; so that he not only procured 51,000/. in hard
money to maintain his credit and relieve his correspondent
in this country, bat is obliged to wait a considerable time
before he can receive any return for the merchandise trans-
mitted to England anti elsewhere, besides being deprived of
the use of money and '(-roods, to the value of nearly
100,000/. One establishment, therefore, has been able to
liquidate its liabilities to the extent of nearly 130,000 i., by
the: exertions of two individuals. Could a stronger proof
titan this be adduced of the disinterestedness and good
feeling ed the American merchants, as well as of the ex-
teesive sacrifices which they .readily make to discharge
their debts ? Every day, in fact, brings further proof to
light of the handsome manner in which all parties are act-
ing ; and we feel confident in stating that the losses at the
ultimate adjustment of the accounts will be found compara-
tively trifling, while the different partners of the three great
firms will find themselves in the possession of ample means
to recommence active operations, if they think proper.—
nine Ckaonic/a.

I SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Lord Stanley only spoke as a statesman when,
some days since. he declared that the real security of
the Church of England consisted in the love of the
Ero_Oish people. " I have no fears," said his Lord-
Lhip, " for the Established Church, because I believe
it to be grounded on the love of the English peop:e."
Now, so long as this can be truly predicated of the
Church, that it possesses the heart of the country, so
lone may it laugh to scorn the worst efforts of the
infidel or the revolutionist. But let us 'see how far
Lord Stanley's principle of security applies to another
Establishment which he has taken under his peculiar
care, for the avowed protection of which he would be-
reave a third portion of the British empire of those
privileges which improve and illustrate the remainder.
and expel from power a Government on which theaffec-
tions of six-sevenths of its subjects are fixed. !Alt
us compare the claims of the Churches •of England
and of Ireland upon the love of the people, and
see whether there be a solitary circumstance
the nature, origin, or subsequent history of these
establishments, which has gathered round the one the
affections of the English people, that has not tended
to alienate from the other the hearts of those for whose
conversion from deep-rooted and inveterate opinions it
was originally instituted ; an object only to be arrived
at by making captive their affections, in which it has
egregiously and notoriously failed. The establishment
of the Protestant Church in England was the conse-
quence and result of a mighty change—the growth of
many years—which had taken place in the dispositions
of the English people ; they had " thrown off the old
and wrinkled skin of superstition, and entered the
glorious ways of reformed Christian truth." From
the moment of its establishment the Church of Eng-
land had a people for its flock, and reposed upon
their hearts as its best and surest foundation.
From that hour to the present, however abuses
may have crept into its institution—however greedy
wolves may have sometimes climbed into its fold—
however, on some occasions, its Ministers may have
assumed an attitude of hostility to the spread of
knowledge and of public rights, yet has ft ever nou-
rished on its altars a fire of devot:on so steady and
so pure—the opposition of its pastors to the public
weal has, with some sad exceptions, so rarely over-
stepped the bounds of decency, so seldom have the
privileges of the people been sacrificed avowedly to its
security—that it still maintains the character of a na-
tional Church, not alone as owing its.existence to the
law, hut as resting for support upon the approbation
of the people. But what resemblance does the Irish
Church bear in its origin to this institution, or with
what pretensions does it aspire to that which alone
constitutes the security of the English Church, namely
the regard of the people ? When the Protestant
Church was planted by Elizabeth in Ireland," says
Mr. Hallam, " the reformed faith had made but little
progress. The disciples of the Reformation were in

the most inconsiderable proportion among the Anglo-
Irish colony, as well as among the natives ; their
Church was a government without subjects, a college
of shepherds without sheep." Thus the Church of
Ireland was not like that of England--the Church
of the people, but that of a faction—of an incon-
siderable portion, who were known in no other light
than that of conquerors and persecutors, and accord-
ingly was regarded on its first establishment as the

badge of oppression, not as the means of enlighten-
ment, or the source of Christian truth. " Scarce
any pains," continues the same authority, " were
taken in the age of Elizabeth, nor in the subsequent
ages, to win the people's conviction, or to eradicate
their superstitions, except by penal statutes and the
sword." To judge of the amount of popular esteem
to which such an establishment, as far as its original
institution goes, is entitled, we have only to ask our-
selves with what veneration we should regard a Popish
Church, were it planted in England by foreign agency,
and upheld by penal statutes and the sword. The
Church thus forced upon a dissenting people, and
being an institution from which that people, to
use the language of Edmund Burke, " derive,
living or dying, not the least of instruction
or consolation," let us see what means were
adopted to gather round it the hearts of the
community. Its establiShment was a signal
for a refinement of persecution the most appal-
ling that ever yet degraded the fair cause of
truth, or gave life and vigour to that of error. Not
only the Catholics, the immense majority, were ex-
cluded from every office of Emolument and honour ;
not only was the exercise of their own religion for-
bidden by the law, but they were compelled, under the
dread of terrific penalties, to kneel at altars which
they always deemed, ond now hated, as profane. The
Catholic priests were ordered to quit the realm, while
the benefices fell into the hands of " Protestant
strangers or conforming Ministers, dissolute and igno-
rant, as careless to teach as the people were predeter-
mined not to listen." To go through the catalogue of
frightful statutes enacted since the establishment of

the Church in Ireland to uphold it against a dissenting
people, and for the sake of a faction who looked to it as
a source of revenue and an instrument of oppression,
would be a gloomy task. " To have exterminated the
Catholics by the sword," says Mr. Hallam, speaking
of that penal code, the enactment of which was sup-
ported and its repeal opposed for the avowed security
of the Protestant Church, " or expelled them like
the Moriscoes of Spain, would have been little more
repugnant to justice and humanity, but incomparably
more politic." To preserve the Church of a handful,
the Catholic was robbed of, and declared incapable of,
property ; the Catholic schoolmaster was declared a
felon ; the Catholic who sought education abroad was
made an outlaw ; and to crown this system of inso-.
lence awd persecution, the reasons now assignei by
the genuine descendants of the fiend-like legislators
who forged this hellish code, against admitting Ca-
tholics to British privileges,
.are, first, their want of
knowledge ; next, their want of property—knowledge,
from which they were excluded—property, of which
they were robbed by a code framed and supported
up to the moment of its extinction, as essential to
the preservation of the Established Church. Such,
then, are the institutions of which the one
has reaped the harvest of national esteem, and
stands secure in that rich possession ; while
the other, though declared by the Tories to be an ob-
ject of undying hatred to six-sevenths of the people—
though its existence (to follow the same authority) is
struck at by a Protestant Ministry, encouraged in their.
destructive measures by two-thirds of the Scottish
nation, and supported by the almost unanimous voice
of every constituency in England, conspicuous for
wealth, enlightenment, or virtue—is nevertheless still
considered so secure in popular respect as to be held
forth on all occasions as the plea for eery blow
levelled at the liberty of the Irish people, and declared
to be the only obstacle to their attainment of the en-
nobling privileges of British subjects. The Estab-
lished Church of England was the Church of the
people, and represented in its first origin their religi-
ous sentiments ; the Church of Ireland was that of
a faction flushed with victory and insolence, and
forged, by the help of a foreign sword, upon the
necks of a dissenting people. The Church of Eno-
land has been supported by no terrific statutes levelled
at the property, the enlightenment, or the liberty of
the people. The Church of Ireland has leant upon a
bayonet or a code, more cruel still, unparalleled, says
Burke, as an instrument for impoverishing and barba-
rizing a people, and degrading in them even human
nature itself. The Church of England has enrolled
among its votaties millions of the people ; while the
empty temples of the Irish Church stand among a
people who deny its doctrincs, at once the plc-a for
every new oppression, ant the awful proof that truth
and persecution cannot thrive together. -What, then,
can save the Irish Church, beresved of that security
_which constitutes the strength coed safety of the English
Church ? What but the removal of those causes
which excite against it the animosity of the country ;
what but declaring that its existence is not incompatible
with those privilve exalt a nation ;
ea which ennoble andl
what but dseelaring that the sap and nutriment of a
land, ininoveri9hed hitherto for its support, shall no.
longer applied to any purposes beyond the spiritual
wants of. thosz it represents, but shall return to afford
people from whose blood and
vitalsso ltiit,telye bhcaeiyeefit,t
been
a n
wrung
?-31orning Chronicle.
We have w9tked to little purpose, if the mass of

political knaveries, at once complex and systematic,
by which Ireland has been cursed for some years past,
be not already in its outline pretty well understood
throughout the empire. In fraud, no less than in
other walks of industry, experience has shown to its
practitioners the expediency of employing a division of
labour towards producing one grand and harmonious
result. The Irish gang of swindlers, therefore, have
formed themselves into two sections, who play adroitly
into each other's hands—the first of which disturbs
the nation by an unceasing outcry about what it calls
" grievances," while the second shares the public
money with the shouters, and that it calls " redress of
grievances. "The first of these confederate bands, again,
are the " patriots," who, without saying " by your
leave, or with your leave," have christened themselves
" the people of Ireland." The second are those mem-
bers of the Whig Rump Administration, whose parti-
sans and accomplices out of doors have been used to
celebrate them as the " Liberal Government of Ire-
land." There is one quality common to them both—far
more lawfully their own, indeed, than the food which
they devour, or the houses they inhabit, or the clothes
that cover them, or the cash which, quarterly, they
pocket—to wit, an amouut of impudence more immea-
surable than ever before presented itself to human ob-
servation. Under all the noise and dust which these
many-coloured cheats arc for ever stirring to deafen
and blind, and throw the community off its guard, the
main truth at the bottom of the whole has long since
been detected—namely, that there is neither patriotism
in those who clamour against grievances, nor liberality
in those who profess to cure them—that there exists
not the shadow of principle on either side, but that the
real gravamen with both is unappeased cupidity—that
the support claimed from the " patriots" by the Rump,
on condition of redressing grievances, and promised by
the said patriots to the said Rump on the same ostensi-
ble understanding, is all parcel of the one code of base
and villainous hypocrisy !—the real pledge being one
of thick and thin support by patriotic votes, in return
for profuse patronage by Liberal Ministers in the shape
of public money, and the entire scheme beine simply
one for " rdsing the wind," after the fashion of a gen-
tleman extensively known by the name of " Jeremy
Dildler." A correspondent, whose means of information
Lave enabled hint to nnkennel no small numher of
those mysteries which the craftsmen holding office and
aspiring to it would fain wrap up, like so many gem's,
in cotton—writes us an exposition of that branch of
Irish proceeding to which we have adverted, well
worthy of universal notice. In his article, the patriots
—or, to use their own term, the " people of Ireland"
—undergo a surgical process, which may considerably
advance the cause of political science. The dissecting
knife is dexterously applied to the whole band of S 3--
called " Irish Refono:l-s," and we scarcely think that
any museum in Europe exhibits a finer preparation
than our friend and correspondent has produced. " Agi-
ta•ion," quoth he, " is kept up by a very limited class
of persons in each county. Theee men are the orators
and leaders at repeal myetin,;s, anti tithe assemblages,
corporation questions, and, above all, at elections, or
at tae registrations with a view to the elections. They
mire chiefly attornies and mid llemen ; the. former are
looking for office through the influence of the Radical
and O'Connell members, whose creatures they are ;
the latter hope to SeiZ 0. on the constabutarg situa-
tions as their particular source of emohunent and
plunder." Now, we ask, could a more strikingly
just or graphic description be imagined of the true
gri.ius and moving power of Irish Liberalism, and
cotepressed into fewer words ? Fer " three tailors in
Tooley-street," who placarded themselves as " we
the people of England," read " three pettifoggers in
Tipperary," or " three landserews in Kerry," and
you have at Once the toaster-key to the " misgovern-
nenit of Ireland for seven centuries," " the oppres-
t:ion and persecution of the whole Irish race." and
the " intolerable suarings of seven millions of
people." It is accurately nothing more than a mo-
dern adaptation to present circumstances of those old
instruments of extortion the " sturdy beggars" of Ire-
land, who gained their livelihood by wandering over
the country whining to the powerful and bullying the
feeble, but who now, after a mere change of costume,
appear in the guise of agitators, rebel associators, radical
Nitnts, electioneering ruffians, horsewhipping priests,
stipendiary O'Connellists, Tipperary rhetoricians, and
the voluminous tribe of turbulent and hungry Papists,
disgracing a creed which is none of the best by
diabolical practices, which, so far from enjoining, that
creed, in words at least, if not in spirit and in truth,
prohibits. Such is the e_ennine character of that sys-
tem of which Mr. Daniel O'Connell and Mr. Richard
Shiel are now the organs, or, more properly speaking,
the bellows ; it is falsehood, dishonesty, hypocrisy,
and treachery, from its first inception, to the only con-
summation which it meditates, and which it dares not
avow. The allusion of our correspondent to the fila-
cership of the Irish Exchequer, recently bestowed on
one of the local wasps of agitation, of the name of
Power, connected, in some way or other, with that lo-
quacious patriot, Mr. Lalor Shed, affords matter for
reflection, though not very novel matter, upon the prin-
ciple of government which now prevails in Ireland.
A Repealer, a tithe agitator, an electioneering jackall
of Mr. Tipperary Sheil, a man with neither talents
nor propensities, but for selfish aggrandizement through
mischievous exertions—this man is made filacer of the
Queen's Court of Exchequer, with a salary of 800/.
a-year. It is insinuated by our correspondent that the
Plunket interest has on the occasion succumbed to that
of Mr. Richard Sheil—a contingency not, we suppose,
contemplated by the Learned Lord when he stood up
so perseveringly for the Catholic Bill, or swallowed
so successfully his qualms about Irish Parliamentary
Reform. We recommend the whole subject treated of
by our correspondent to the attention of sober-minded
men.—Times.

In recurring to the subject of juvenile delinquency,
which, from its continually growing increase, has be-
gun to attract such general attention, it is impossible
not to be struck by the singular fact, that the little
which has been done in the shape of reform and pre-
vention has been wholly the work of individuals, and
that, as far as the Government and Legislature are
concerned, " how to punish!' has been the sole object
of their attention. It is of the nature of things that
the dense population of the metropolis, and other
large towns, should produce the evil we are discussing,
and it is impossible for the most casual observer to
pass through the lanes, streets, and alleys of London
and Westminster, and their suburbs, without seeing
crowds of children, on whom parental care is little, if
at all, bestowed, and who are, on the contrary, train-
ing up to those paths of wickedness which render
them, in early life, a curse rather than a blessing
to their country. Among the charities for which
this metropolis is so renowned, there is more than
one supported wholly by voluntary contributions,
which is dedicated to the protection and reform
of these unfortunate children. And when we
see the good which individuals, with their slen-
der means, are capable of effecting, it surely be-
comes a question as well of policy as of duty,
whether the Government might not be better employed
in following up and enlarging upon these admirable
institutions—such as the Marine Society, the Philan-
thropic, the Refuge for the Destitute, &c., than in
merely discussing whether children shall he tried by
magistrates or juries, and whether they shall he con-
signed to prisons in London, the Isle of Wight, Dart-
moor, or the hulks. Considering how fragile even the
parental tie is too often found to be, it would, perhaps,
be a dangerous principle to recognise, that the State
should adopt all the children who, from poverty, vice,
or any other cause, are neglected by their parents ; yet
it becomes, on the other hand, not merely a question
of duty, but •of policy and pi udence, whether it is not
wiser in the State to hold out an early hand of protec-
tion to such children, than to wait till, as criminals,
they become expensive objects of its vengeance. In
the present age of statistics, we should like to see
a calculation of what the expense would be of making
our juvenile delinquents good and useful members of
society, compared with what it costs to maintain them
in gaols and as transports, together with a separate
head of the tax upon society of each one's plunder.
It seems undeniable, then, that the care of a large
proportion of children who become criminal of neee:,-
devolves upon the Government. When they reach
that point the parental tie, at all events, becomes dis-
solved ; and it is surely then well worthy of considA-a-
tion whether the care of the Government should not

occur much sooner, and become of a very different cha-
racter to what it is, especially when we bear in mind
that our present vindictive proceedings are taken
against those who have, for the most part, been ori-
ginally led into error and vice from no fault of their
own ; and that they contained, if earlier attended to,
the seeds of private virtue and of public usefulness.
Instead, then, of appointing a Parliamentary Com-
mittee to inquire into various modes of punishing,
liuw much better would the Government and Parlia-
ment be employed in devising means of preventing an
accession to the costly and increasing host of juvenile
delinquents, and of reforming and reclaiming those
who, in spite of every effort, will still become such.
They have before them, as we have already said,
proofs of what individual exertion and individual funds
can do towards these desirable objects. We are shy,
after our recent experience, of recommending Com-
missions, but still we think that out of the many ex-
cellent and intelligent persons who belong to the
institutions we have alluded to, a Board might, at a
very small expense to the country, be formed. whose
deliberations and suggestions upon the subject would
prove of infinite value and importance, and from whom
a plan might emanate of accomplishing that upon a
large scale which they have so successfully carried on
upon small ones.—Morning Herald.

The Government prints have announced that the
Queen has been pleased to bestow on Mr. George
Villiers, the British Minister at Madrid, the Grand
Cross of the Bath. We are sorry that her Majesty's
Ministers have advised the Queen to confer so proud
a distinction on a public servant so little deserving of
the honour. In the name of common sense, what has
Mr. Villiers done in Spain to call for this unnecessary
display of favour ? He has failed in every part of
his mission, and, through ignorance, or the love of mis-
chief, has reduced the cause he was sent out to uphold
to the lowest possible ebb. Never has there been in
the diplomacy of this country a more contemptible ex-
hibition than Mr. George Villiers has made ; and it
really seems as if Queen Victoria's Government was
desirous of holding him forth as the laughing-stock
of the whole diplomatic circle, by investing him with
Honours as a " sequel to his Spanish policy." ' Surely
it must he with that object the Grand Cross of the
Bath has been sent out. Lord Palmerston is de-
termined to follow the example of the Minis-
ters of Donna Isabel, anti as they have loaded
their beaten officers with crosses and orders in
proportion to their demerits, so he burthens Mr. Vil-
hers with a decoration so unworthily earned. The
starving wretches from the British Legion who lately
appeared at the Mansion-house had each their bit of
rihband to display, which Mendizabal had given them
in lieu of more solid remuneration. Is it possible that
his Lordship is treating Mr. Villiers after the same
fashion ? Is this young Protector's career to be cut
short with this single decoration ? Is he to be turned
over to the public compassion as the disgraced and de-
corated champion of Spanish constitutional liberty ?
Mr. Villiers is a very respectable man in private life.
but without talent, nerve, or knoWledge—totalle un-
fitted for the mission which lie was promoted to over
the heads of older and abler men. The family title
which awaits him would have been a sufficient distinc-
tion in the retired life which of necessity he must be
consigned to when his Peninsular campaign is at an
end, and it is only exposing in the most remarkable
manner his frailties to force upon him a badge of ho-
nour which has hitherto been reserved for those who
really distinguished themselves in the service of their
country.—Morrring Post.
The third report of the new Poor-law Commie-
sioners has just made its appearance. It is a work
which must put to silence the opponents of that mea-
sure ; for anything more conclusive as to its salutary
operation could not have been desired by its greatest
friends and most strenuous supporters. It appears at
a most seasonable time, as it triumphantly exposes, by
the unanswerable logic of figures and of facts, the mis-
representations made at the late elections as to the
working of the measure by the enemies of Ministers.
Of the conduct of the Tories on that occasion in en-
deavouring to embarrass Lord Melbourne, by appealing
to the worst and most powerful prejudices of the
lower classes on the subject of the new Poor-law
Bill, we cannot trust ourselves to speak in such
language as the circumstances of the case would
justify. They had the baseness first to ascribe
effects to that measure which it had never pro-
duced, and then to represent the Melbourne Mi-
nistry as being alone responsible for it. They had, we
repeat, the unparalleled profligacy to do this, while
they knew, as well as we did, that the New Poor-law
Amendment Act was a measure which had no con-
nexion whatever with party politics, but was as zea-
lously supported by the Duke of Wellington and others
of the leading Tories in both Houses, as it was by
Ministers themselves. The delusion which these per-
sons have so long laboured, and with some degree of
success, to practise on the lower classes, will be dissi-
pated for ever by the Report before us. It proves to
demonstration, that the New Poor-law measure is pro-
ducing the most beneficial results in every place within
the sphere of its operation. Not only has it already
reduced the poor-rates to the extent of nearly one-half
of what they were under the old system, and thus re-
lieved the property and industry of the country from a
pressure which threatened their destruction, but it has
at the same time raised the moral character of the poor
themselves. It has inspired them with notions of
independence, and taught them to trust to their own
labour and their own resources, rather than degrade
themselves in their own eyes, and in the estimation of
every one else, by throwing themselves as paupers on
the funds of the parish. It has impressed them with
a sense of the injury done to their means, as well as to
their morals, by debasing indulgences, and instilled
into their minds principles of steadiness and economy.
It has, in one word, effected, or is in the course of
effecting, one of the greatest and most beneficial moral
revolutions recorded in the history of the world. The
Whigs have been charged with the want of moral
courage, and of the decision of character anti energy
requisite to carry their views into effect. Never was
there a more unfounded accusation. If they had done
nothing more in the six or seven years they have been
in office than the carrying of the Poor-law Amend-
ment Act, that of itself would have been sufficient,
not only to prove them the greatest benefactors of
their country, but that they possess a moral courage
and energy of character which have never been sur-
passed by any other Government in this or any other
nation.—Morning Advertiser.

LEIPSIC, OcT. 7.---Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdv,
decorated with the laurels gained on the Rhine, in Lon-
don, and in Birmingham, was received with enthusiastic
applause at our first subscription concert on Sunday last
by his friends and the many judges of music now assembled
here. This compliment was partly intended as an acknow-
ledgment of his prompt appearance among us, and of the
sacrifice of a benefit concert offered him in London, but
which would have interfered with his duties as musical
composer.

A new telegraph has been invented in Austria by
a M. Kieninger. It is an acoustic telegraph, consisting of
a tube in the form of a speaking trumpet six feet five
inches long, which conveys the sound in 11 and 1-10th
seconds to a distance of 12,000 feet. A trial made of this
instrument at Vienna proved
i very satisfactory. The Go-
vernment intends to employ tin the army for the purpose
of conveying military orders to troops dispersed over a
great tract of land, &c.—National.

REVERSING AN OLD -PROVERB.—One of the
Owenite tracts, just published, is devoted to a disquisition
on an infallible method of making a pleasure of a toil, in
other words, of rendering work a matter of amusement.
The Mendicity Society seem to have discovered this
grand secret ; for on the placards which they circulate
about the 'streets, cautioning the humane against the im-
positions of street-beggars, they announce that deserving
objects, on application at the Society's offices, are " supplied
with food, work, or other relief."

The Diario di Roma complains bitterly of the
articles in the Al*limbic Zeilunq on the appearance of
Rome during the cholera time. The Allgemeine Zeitumg,
however, in reply, gives it pretty plainly to be understood,
that it places more reliance on its own correspondent than
on the semi-official contradiction in the Diario.

At a fleeting of the Merchant Company held on
Monday, it was unanimously resolved that a memorial
should he presented to Government, urging upon them the
policy of bas,ing a survey made, under the direction of the
Ordnance, of the best line for a Railway wherewith to con-
nect the capital of Scotland with one of the great leading
English lines, now being constructed.—Scotsman.

VIE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1837