The Sun.
London, England, 1839-03-09 00:00:00

manufacturing town:, and not the agricultural.—( Hear,
i
rear- ) They could not disp.rnse with the foriegn trade.
IL "es very true that they might go back to sheep-skins
1 and leather clothing if they pleased, but be fancied that
as long as the people of Eng lend could import fine sheep
weal and flax, and could depend on fereign cou itries for the
suPPly, that they would not resort to coarser clothing. If
they could not meet France and the other Continental
testes on equal terms in the manufacture of goods, the re-
sult would be that a great mass of the population would be
thrown out of employment, end an intensity of distress
would Le created which the world had never witnessed
before.—( Hear, hear.) He would endeavour to show, as
far as his humble ability would enable him, what would be
the effect of a repeal; and, first, he would endeavour
t's demonsteate what would be the advantage of
Proceeding in the, present system, supposing the com-
petition of the Continental manufacture was going on
.increasing. They all remembered that about 60 or 70
Years ago there arose men of great inventive genius, such
as Watt, Arkwright, Crompton, and others. Those men
Invented steam engines, and enabled one man to multiply
commodities. The peace of 1814 and 1815 came, and
the nations of Europe began to reflect upon those circum-
stances that would make them great and powerful. The
foreign manufacturers had by degrees gone on increasing
hi skill and industry, and they were approaching us so
cloi eg • • •
y it, their manufactures that if we allowed the pre
sent state of things to continue those bad effects would
follow which he had endeaveured to point out. No one
could tell them better than the Chairman what an eaten
eve competition was still going on upon the Continent.
It the Corn-laws were continued, and that competition
increased year by year, the effect of it would be to due
the price of every manufactured article, and the prices in
the kingdom would consequently have to be reduced to
the level of the Continental manufacturers. What would
be the next consequence? Why, either the profit of the
capitalist must fall, or the wages of labour must diminish.
id at the effect would fall on the wages of labour most inevi
tably,i. and nothing could prevent it. What would be the et-
:et of diminishing the profits of the ;capitalist? Why, he
ouid no longer embark his capital in any new specula-
th'lla• If, therefore, the Corn-laws were continued, the
foreign manufacturer would be able to accumulate capital
and to purchase machinery, so that by and bye, the repeal
of the Corn-laws would avail the English manufacturer
inthing. If the Corn laws were repealed at this time,
the progress of foreign manufactures would be stopped.—
(Hear hear.) His conviction was, that if the Corn-laws
had been repealed 10 years ago, there would not have been
any fall in the rate of wages. But if the Legislature de-
termined to maintain the Corn laws, they might depend
upon it, that every day that was passed over without
' their repeal, would be giving to the continental menu-
lectures such a power, that when the repeal did
tke Place, the advantage would be nothing. Mr.
,flint then refer red to a work entitled " British Hus-
erandry,” published by the Society for the Diffusion of
formers
Knowledge, for the purpose of showing that the
isrmers were extremely ignorant as to the best and most
Improved methods of cultivating their land. The agricul-
tur:sts were so stupid as to adhere to the old methods of cul-
tivating their land—they said " their fathers had cultivated
On such a plan, and they would do the same." What he
would ask would be the effect of a free competition with
Goe foreign markets ? Why that each country would be
pelled to adopt the best method of cultivation,
laill would thus be better able to pay their
vents; and then, instead of being, as at the present mo-
env, the slaves and dependants of the landlords, the
formers would be free and independent men.—(Cheers.)
one great effect of the repeal would be to lift the conti-
nental prices—it
b 1 would remove continental capital from
ug employed in manufactures for the purpose of agri-
culture, atid they would then be induced to change their
corn for the manufacture of that country, and the upshot
of the whole would be that they would be placed on an
r'equality with the continental nations as to the price of
a 00,1
..."-( Hear and cheers.) They would then be able to
eempete with the continental manufactures and go on is an
equal and fair race with them instead of racing with them
°"rweighted as they now were.—( Hear, hear.) He was
glad
, to hear the statements made by Mr. Edmonds, as to
tue efforts made by certain classes to defeat their objects,
tab' though they bad separate and distinct interests from
:ri• There was no separation of interests, or, if there
pa reee, it arose from unequal and unjust legislation, which
°„d the two classes in an unequal position. The effect
aI the Cora-laws was to diminish the demand for labour,
t!ti it they would remedy that state of things, the markets
Tne all the world ought to be thrown open to them.
ie capitalist was always best off when giving the
'"ghest price he could afford for labour, and that was
wae,..
du' the demand was at the greatest—when trade was con-
vir 'led on safe principles, and the accumulation of capital
aasufricient for the advantage of the whole community. It
mattered, little to whom the capital of the country belonged. ,
ci,naePkistal the y must have, either in machinery, or ships and
hay • e hese they must have, and these they could not
means
unless there was in the hands of the capitalist the
Paying for labour. One other remark and he had
done.rs of
He protested against the question of the
repeal of the Corn-laws being considered a ques-
tion affecting a c 1 i
-mem e„ass —it was not a '
question affecting the manufacturers, or those merely en-
gaged in trade—it was a question affecting the whole com-
'nullity, be they connected with trade, commerce, or
re agri-
eeuleure.......e
k -ear.) He protested against its being consi-
`lerc 'I even a national question—it was a question affecting
theri, iaterests and happiness of all mankind.—( Cheers. )
They were endeavouring not to injure the commerce or
r QsPeetty of any other country by repealing the Corn-
:18, but they were endeavouring to give every encourage-
i
e t to increased manufactures and commerce at home,
lel through that increase to promote the diffusion of know-
u.e, and civilization, and happiness.--( Loud cheers.)
Lionlr- TAYLOR, from St. Pancras, supported the resolu-
Cor.„ , The arguments in favour of the 'abolition of the
waii-Jaas, had been frequently re-echoed within these
theirS and he would now occupy but a small portion of
weme.
He would address his observations to the
b°takiang classes, and would divide them into two
tar4-hui es- First of all it was said this tax was not
siente'ag that required to be repealed, that the
advo subject had been got up by a class, and was
.Ic:atral only by an interested class for certain pur-
ee this They believed the commencement of the agitation
iiia, Is subject was nothing more than a Whig subterfuge—
eiVbe whole question had Leen originated by the present
p tt'trY for the sake of swamping a question of ereat im-
aZia;?,"--the question of Universal guilt:age. great baa-
itdhVjfl the question of Universal uiTrage. To those
app,,v''urtla he would address his first observations.
.;It
ta -t'illr.ed to him, that if those individuals were prepared to
tiljs' Is was a question that did net bear on their interests,
ga? roust be prepared to contend for a series of conse-
thrinackes which ha thought the boldest of them would
geese "In, because the question of the Corn-laws was la
tean lea as to the imposition of a tax—it was nothing more
to 4 La: tax on the food of the country, and which raised it
riisrkeligeer price than that food was worth in any of the
or kae`aof the whole world. That tax was merely laid on
If th_ benefit of the landed proprietors.—( Hear, hear.)
eallse). Were prepared to say " do not takeoff this tax be-
teia ,e_it .You do it will injure our condition—if you take off
agsai"',l Yeal will lower our wages "—that was an argument
thern't the taking off of all taxes. But what man was
di t e who woisld stand up and contend for such an ahsur-
kYt as that?—(.scar, bear.) Theta it was said the manu-
thstilre„ra bad a sinister interest in this question—
tat the
had an object in the taking off of this
vide (Hear, hear, hear.) If they had, it was quite
"ecea; they were mistaken in the whole of their object,
ers„ 0 they could have but one interest, which was to in-
faii4 tbe demand for that which they produced. If they
~„„if
v_in that object, they failed altogether.—( Hear, hear.)
incr. °ere was an increase in manufactures there must be an
its ieate in the demand for labour, and then there must be
esaseaenresse in the price of labour.--( Hear, hear.) There
pose tither rlther class. The Chartists said they were not op-
they Rio doing away the Corn-laws—on the contrary
Ito ere the
're in favour of doing away with them, but this was
hoe de Proper time for agitating the:question. This ques-
qaer
.cstracted the mind of the public from the pre-eminent
lea, °re of Universal Suffrage. He was one of those who be-
lee lea' that the political views of the Chartists were sound, and
th rse•ltlextted very much that the question had been agitated by
that' eartists in the manner it had been. Thatihe was satisfied
inter if there could be a question which was of mutual
Was inter
with the working and the middling classes—if there
ltts,t'ae eetestion, which independent of political party,
alio Verthefeiss strong in political feeling and interest,
Was tis-' have unanteel the working and middle classes—if there
er4-oreething where by a common interest could have been
hay -ted, and - .
of .',existed, that epsesseo would have been. the question
'Oahe Corn-laws because here was an universal inte.rest
tae., e.onanion object, to attain-*
ae'eat,ie best effects from that unto r: high they must be united,
prea,:'-( Hear }Tear. ) It was q n would have been pro-
uitt; clear that, with the
ricieh-eant
oeeonosftistuu'eticoens of the Hou!e of caomons, there was
which be
rileh teat
good
.self-government was h
govern-
that'ttzbelieving, as he did, that all the class interests
that thw Pervade societ would be swept away—believing
grouede absurdity of heyreditar legislation muse fall to the
sound
1.--titibe.lieving that nothing but a philosophical and a
„latent ia tend
democracy could ever finally be a govern-
': "e divas :'and in a civilised country—he did mourn over
1 Iklrt "s which an honestjudgingHear,
hear.eanddesvipaeilriediptneolittio°futehde
anti a,,; ~T knew—quite well that in the everlasting dispen-
eeuedyrovidence the government of sound sense and
*that tilPinicku must prevail ; but he could not but mourn
!1). ethapset4Prroolveneebdings of an honestdb.ut .mistaken party had
Villuarter of ack this great an . important question for
f " Hear, hear.")
peen'' had been 4 centurY--(Loud cries
fra. building up a wall of separation, and had
tale thatt.etful of one great circumstance. It was quite cer-
.to les , In the vessel of the State they bad proved themselves
the "°Perfe 1 ignorant usiadie et yi of navigation, that he was afraid_
• nasi,a,:_ t classes would not accept of their power of
`---(fie`a'ng the vessel of the State for many years to come.
klk her r' hear.) With respect to the agriculturists, the
194 5 great
tegnired
opposing body the repeal of the Corn-laws,
,the quest: snore enlightenment than any other class,
oat- h I°,l that lay atthe root of the evil was this,
tit'a LeY,,Weere eternally bringing forward the ques-
-I,e,tes,st
Was
public papers, as if the agricultural
:her, nesrne.. the basis of the prosperity of the country.
aßricainar,`,` was a greater error committed than that. The
etre. es pert of a country never could promote its pros-
Ts -T. It ,emust receive ;-;repulses--it could not give them.
try thatwas an instance est a
, Levee • ' r purely agricultural coun-
t,e Makewaa a wealthy o„. They had nothing with which
4ideS And they had nothing" but their cumbrous
and tallow which , e ear
.'°) they could expo.'k---(Lisudche!rs,
Ittilltreiteata
could
d)al The austainmeut of the. setat.m.faact:retung_
int:::.......( Heat, obneearuppolTdbtehdeeperaoysopfertabtye omfatituoefaogtcirinig
ligrieultso Inns! be attended with the decline of the
kust b oral Interests. The prosperity of tbe one
eqher. be attended wish the utter destruction of the
..tlade ire "c
n agriculturists were bad tradesmen—they
- - me dous mistakes. They fancied they could ro-
le
Zia/to:l4e interests by diminishing the ability of tbe.con-
,,, to Purchase of them. Did any other individual
atil:anr;that be could promote his own interests by injuring
The
1 revperity
• itt'y have got the?
of the eustotiv,r that purchased of hire ?
oce-law and have got the absurdity of build-
i ter'e bastiles througaout the 'country, and giving them corn for
°thine, because they will net give them the power to pay for
••••-e-----_

it. What was to be done ? Their representatives were going
to tell the Legislature—to tell them misery was stalking and
staring them in the face. If they failed in their attempt, he
hoped from every village, hamlet, town, and "valley there would
arise a voice of thunder, loud as:the trump of the Archangel
who is to awake the dead; a voice declaring that the accursed
system shall be put an end to.
. A Wortsa NG MAN got up and said he thought the object of
the Delegates would not produce the effects anticipated.
Mr. Beiteita, of Preston, came'forward and he would be
very brief, but the facts brought forward had been so clear, that
if the Duke of Buckingham had beeu here, he must have been
made a convert. With respect to Sir R. Peel he had declared
his conviction that the present system ought to be maintained.
And as to Sir F. Burdett, he (Mr. Barker) heard Sir F.
Burdett say, he was convinced that the facts stated by Mr. Vlll-
hers, and that the agricultural people with whom he was con-
nected, entertained erroneous views on the subject. Lord
Howick had thought that there was no necessity for inquiry, his
mind had been made up long ago, that the Corn-laws ought to
be repealed, whilst Mr. Cayley and others, opposed the repeal
a'together. Taking all these things into consideration, he asked
whether this did not prove the necessity for inquiry. He
trusted that the Delegates would be able to watch the proceed-
ings of the House of Commons on Tuesday next, and see how
those Members voted, who said they were convinced that no
inquiry was needed, for the Corn-law should be repealed. In
conclusion, he declared that nothing would satisfy him but a
total aild unqualified repeal of the Coen-laws.—( Loud cheers. )
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which was passed.
Mr. COBDEN then moved the third resolution, but would not
detain the meeting, inasmuch as there ,vas a Gallant C olonel
present, whose Catechism on the C-ern-laws he hoped they
would not be deprived of on the prese'nt occasion. He hoped
that before Col. Thompson left town he might be prevailed upon
to give lectures in that room to some three or four thousand
individuals,when he would, peaceably but effectively,answer the
allegations of the working man who had just spoken. Besides,
the Ministers owed responsibility as Representatives of the
People, as well as Cabinet Ministers. First of all, there
was Mr. Poulett Thomson, who sits for Manchester, but who
held his seat upon honourable terms, because he gave up one
seat to take the one for Manchester.--( Hear, hear, hear. )
He was brought forward by a party upon whose banners were
the words" The Repeal of the Corn-laws." There then wee Lord
John Russell, who had been rejected by the landed aristocracy
of North Devon, whO had now taken refuge amongst the manu-
facturers of Stroud. There was Lord Palmerston, who had
been driven from South Hampshire, and had taken refuge
amongst the lace manufacturers of Tiverton. Lord
Alorpeth, who had been returned by the manufac-
turers and spinners of Yorkshire. Lord Howick sat
for Northumberland, and it was not difficult to believe that he
was sent there by the towns of Newcastle, Gateshead, and
other places. There was Mr. Spring Rice, the representative
of Cambridge, who had been sent by the traders there. There
were other members of the Government, who were not in the
Cabinet, such as Mr. Wood, the Member for Halifax, who, he
thought his friend Mr. Ackroyd would say, was not returned by
the landed interest. There was Mr. E. J. Stanley, the Member
fir North Cheshire, who had been returned by the manufac-
turers of Stockport, Hyde, and the neighbourhood, and not by the
landed irate, s-, They must see that these Members did their
duty as representatives of the people, and then they would not
want their services as Cabinet Ministers.—( Cheers.) He would
rather see the Ministry go before the country on this question
and consult the interests of those who sent them to Parliaments
Mr. HOLLAND, of Liverpool, briefly addressed the meeting
and spoke against the principle of the Cabinet standing neutral
on this question; and the landed interest having passed the
Poor-law Amendment Act, justice required a repeal of the
Corn-law.
Mr. WEIR, of Glasgow, next came forward and said that the
resolution recognised most important principles, declaring the
fact, that whoever undertook to wield the destinies of a mighty
empire, ought to possess sufficient knowledge and sufficient
strength:of character to enable them to discharge the high duty
and office to which he aspired. This was a question which would
shew whether or not the Ministry were capable of seeing
the truth,—and seeing the truth, show their desire to
act upon it, or at once aelmit their incapacity to fill their high
station.—( Cheers.) Well did he remember the fesment which
pervaded the little provincial town in which he was bred, upon
the passing of this abominable law, and increasing years h.d
enabled him (Mr. We'r) to understand that there had
been passed by an aristocratical oligarchy skulking behind
the military living on the vitals of the people.—(Cheers.) For
many years had this country groaned under the burdens of a
war—a war commenced for no national purpose—a war under-
taken by the aristocrats of Burnie against the rights of the
people. For years had the people seen blood shed like waters,
and when peace arrived what was the fruit? The first step of
the oligarchy was to remove, by an enactment of the Houses of
Legislature, toremove the burdens which formerly rested upon
their shoulders, in the shape of the property tax, on to the
shoulders of the people, by enacting the Corn-laws. They were
so blind as not to bear in mind the old proverb—" 11l gotten
money cannot prosper ;" words of wisdom were spoken by a few
only of the Members who dared to assert the people's rights in the
House of Commons. They were told that if this additional burden
was imposed upon the manufacturer, the country would suffer,
but they killed the goose that laid the golden egg in searching
for the hidden treasure, and now found out the consequences.
He (Mr. Weir) was in Frankfort, in Germany, some time,
where in the ;ime of war Napoleon ordered all British made
goods to be burnt, and he began to wonder how the people of
that country contrived to manage without the English goods,
but he was informed by his friend that Napoleon himself
could not prevent the introduction of the English manufactures,
for the shops were again speedily supplied, but that which Na-
poleon with his army could not effect had been fully
accomplished by the suicidal enactment of the Corn-laws,
by the English Legislature. He (Mr. Weir) had
spoken to some of the medical men in large towns upon the
subject of the occurrence of the typhus fever amongst the pcor
people, and those gentlemen were of opinion that the cause of
the more fatal nature of the disease amongst the labouring
clae-es was their spare diet, which did not give them strength
to withstand the typhus.— (Hear.) This was one of those
questions which the Ministry dare not blink under the name of
an open question ; and by it they ought to stand or fall.—
( Cheers.) If a question was an " open question," it was a
symptom of something being rotten in the state of Denmark.—
(Cheers.) He warned the Ministry to reflect upon the course
pursued by Mr. Canning, and he thought that he needed
scarcely to apply this observation to any body of men more than
to the Ministry on sufferance. Ministries might fade, factions
might rise or fall to ruin, but truth and justice must prevail.
(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which passed.
Mr. WHIGHAM moved the fourth resolution, which was se-
conded by Mr. AKROYD, of Halifax.
Colonel Teromesoo came forward amidst loud cheers, and
supported the resolution. He said that from the resolutions
which had been passed, it was quite clear that they would be
met by the perplexing question, " What is to be done next ?"
In point of fact it was clear that they were to go back to Lon-
don to push, to the best of th'eir united ability, such portions
of the question as might yet remain to be brought
before the House of Commons. But after that, what next?
They, of course, formed expectations according to their peculiar
habits and mode of thinking. It was hard to expect of any man
that he would be able to foretell, or that he should look into
futurity; but it would not be difficult to say, that there must be
something more. In point of fact, he would rejoice to see
something like the establishment of an arrangement
for a Committee—annually, half-yearly, or, perhaps,
even quarterly, which should assemble in some of
the principal commercial towns of the country, in the
same manner as had been adopted in the scientific societies.
He should hope to see troops of lecturers go fo th,—oh, how
could any ardent, highly talented young man employ himself
better than in fitting himself for such an occasion ! Bright and
cheering was the prospect for such an undertaking, for " the
harvest was large and the labourers were few."—(Loud
cheering.) Neither was it amongst the manufacturing
population alone that such information would be desirable.
He could assure the meeting, from some small experiments
that he (Colonel Thompson) had been able to make, that
the first fore-knowledge of the subject was as nearly the
same in the agricultural labourer as it was in the manufac-
turing labourers. They had began to find that they had been
,kept in the dark ; they were puzzled by the question being put
whether their condition had been made worse by the operation
of these laws, and they were ashamed to say " Yes." They
invariably admitted that they had been brought to a state of
suffering by that which we complain of as being universally
unjust. —(eTheers. ) He felt proud to say that he had fol-
lowed in the wake of the landedinterest, and would agree with the
Member for West Yorkshire, who suggested that they should
endeavour to make allies and not enemies of the agriculturists.
He referred to a case of a recent agricultural meeting, which,
although it was held in the principal market town of an agri-
cultural district, the number of attendants amounted to the
astonishing number of seventeen souls. So that it appeared
that although the landlords could drive the farmers to sign peti-
tions in favour of the Corn-laws, they could not drive them to
make them hear their talk. The Galiant Colonel, after
other observations, censured the conduct of the Chartists, whom
he termed " politicians in disguise, or disguised politicians," and
replied to the remarks of the Chartist who had spoken. They
tried their hands at attempting to get their demands, and had
done but badly, and the best course for them to adopt would be to
give up some of the extremity of their demands, and see if they
could then find in the other classes a disposition to go along
with them ( Hear, hear, and cheering)— and say " we must
have something; if one thing is not to be had we must take
something less." In conclusion he called upon all persons to unite
for the accomplishment of the great object which they had in
view.—( Loud cheers. )
The resolution was then put from the chair and passed.
Mr. KINLOCH, of Kinloch, delegate from Dundee, moved the
fifth resolution, :which was supported by the Mayor of Man-
chester (who was loudly cheered) the Hon. J. Erskine Murray,
of Edinburgh, and a working-man, named Patrick Spence, and
passed unanimously.
Mr. PAOLTON having responded to tl.e call of the meeting,
the Chairma i left the Chair, which was taken by Mr. John-
etone, of Glasgow, and the thanks of the meeting were voted
to Mr. Gregg for his conduct in the Chair.
The meeting separated at 20 minutes before Eight o'clock.

The following are the remaining resolutions :
" That the statesmen who undertake to administer the affairs
of this commercial empire ought to bring to the responsible
task not only a comprehensive knowledge of its interests, but
also a decision of character adequate to the due application of
their principles in all great emergencies. The repeal of the
Corn and Provision-laves being a measure admitted, not only
by its advocates but by its opponents, to be of the most vital im-
portance to the empire, cannot with justice or safety be made
an open question by any Administration. This meeting, never-
theless, beheld with regret that upon the late division on Mr.
Villiers' motion the Queen's Ministers declared their neutrality
as a Cabinet upon this great national question, thereby abandon-
ing the exercise of one of its most important f unctions."
" That the Delegates having received fresh powers from their
constituents to adept whatever ulterior measures they may deem
conducive to obtaining a total and immediate repeal of the Corn
and Provision-laws, and learning that on Tuesday evening Mr.
Villiers brings en a motion in the House of Commons, the de-
legates forthwith adjourn to London, and that the first meeting
take place at Brown's Hotel, Palace-yard, at eleven o'clock, on
Monday morning next, the 11th instant."
" That learning that on Tuesday evening Mr. Villiers brings
on a motion in the House of Commons, the Delegates do forth-
with adjourn to London, and that the first meeting take place
at Brown's Hotel, Palace-yard, at twelve o'clock on Tuesday
morning next, the 11th instant."

MANCHESTER, MARCH S.—THE COTTON
TRADE.—The improvement in the value of goods, which
was obtained on Tuesday still continues, but since that
day the sales have been comparatively nothing, arising
however from the circumstance that manufacturers are
demanding still higher prices, but which buyers
are unwilling to pay. The tendency for cotton
in Liverpool to go still higher makes it extremely
uncertain for either spinners or manufacturers to
make their calculations. In Yarns, the same re-
marks apply ; hut a large business indeed might be
done at Tuesday's rates, These, however, the spinners
steadily reject, feeling quite confident that the greatly re-
duced production will enable them in a few weeks to com-
mand their own terms.

1„
STATE Or TRADE.-WOOl is firm ; uo altera-
tion in yarns or labour. A little more business is doing in
the warehouses, but upon the whole the general trade 14
dull. It is anticipated that the Grgqt Western, which is
daily expected from America, will bring some orders fur
fall goods, in which case we may hope for a little more ac-
t ivity for two or three months..—Leicestershire Mercury.