The Sun.
London, England, 1839-03-16 00:00:00

MARCH 10, 1839

upon it that if they made other countries rich they would
make them better customers, and nobody had a right to
complain if, in seeking advantage to others they vre:e seeking
their own.—( Hear.) All they wished was to carry out that
honourable principle laid down in the Scripture of Truth,
" That which a man pours into the bosom of his friend he
is sure to receive back in his own bosom tenfold." He would
fling back the imputat;on of selfishness upon thosewho made
it. They did not want to injure even the landlord, and often
as he had spoken on this subject, the language of vituperation
with respect to that body had very seldom fallen from his
lips. —( Hear, hear.) He had remarked that even in the
House of Commons the same course had been adopted.
He trusted that that course would still be pursued, for they
might depend upon it that they would succeed against the
selfishness of the landlords much in the same way as they
overcame the enmity of a man "by heaping coals of fire
on his head," not by destroying him, but by melting him
to kindness.—(Cheers.) He trusted that having been so
ur.expectedly called upon, the few observations he had made
would be kindly received.—(Cheers.)
Mr. COBDEN rose to propose the health of a Statesman
which he was sure they would all respond to with the ut-
most enthusiasm. Were he to enter into that Nobleman's
career, he would have to go through the last five and thirty
years of this country's politics. He would have to go
thrcugh the history of the fight for the emancipation
of the Negro( s the advocacy of National Edu-
cation, he should have to describe the man who took
the lead in advocating injured female royalty, and the states-
man whose genius was now actually at work in the cause
of fret dom of trade. He need not say that he had to pro-
pose to them the health of Lord Brougham.—( Immense
cheering. )
This tcast having been drank nithnine times nine,
The Cuaremstr then gave the health of Mr. Villiers.—
He found it difficult to express his admration of the very
able manner in which that gentleman had advocated the re-

peal of the Corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Villiers was
one of the most rising men of the present day—(Cheers)
—and he looked forward to the day when the Hon. Mein-

ber for Wolverhampton would occupy an important station
in the councils of the nation ; he hoped that time would
come soon.—( Cheers ) The toast was drank with great
enthusiasm.
Mr. WEIR, before proposing the next toast, would state
that he had had the pleasure of knowing Mr. V:lliers for
some years; but that be had never known any one who
possessed, a greater moral courage, or a more compre-
hensive mind, blended with that judicious caution, which
was the best warrant of future eminence—never to grapple
with a subject of which he was not perfect master.—
( Cheers.) He was a most efficient advocate of their cause,
and he believ,d the country would find in him one of those
who were now pursuir, a career of public life, and who
weuld take a bold and decided lead in advccating the cause
of humanity and justice—(Cheers.) And now for the toast
he had been requested to propose. It was luckily one that
could speak for itself; and its importance could not be di-
minished by the inefficiency of its advocate. It was the
Press—that portion of the press who had advocated their
cause—(Loud cheers)—and he was happy to sec among
them one who had been their most efficient and devoted

friend, Mr. Murdo Young. (Great cheering,.)
In all ages had there been men who thought and felt for
the interests of mankind, and had left on record words and
thoughts which would pass from generation to generation,
but before the invention of the Press there was a difAculty
of communication to any great extent. The instrument of
which he was now speaking bad been the means of ea-
abling men in their private circles to speak to millions, and
had enabled them to secure against the perishing tooth of
time those words and those thoughts which were more valu-
able than any material objects could be.—( Hear, hear,
hear.) Scarcely bad this engine started into existence when
it was brought to struggle against a dominant hierarchy.

hat ruled CverEuroiewithuncontroulable sway. Tb-is

implement win brought into the field against them, and it
raised a cry in Germany, which echoed back a louder
strain in the island of Britain, shook to its centre, and
emancipated millions.—( Cheers. ) Nor was it alone in
this respect, that the Press was an important engine. But
in the present day, when different districts had one com-
mon interest, and it was necessary they should act toge-
ther at the same time to attain the same end, this instru-
ment acted like an electric chain, along which the sparks
of the mind were carried in one moment.— (Cheers.)
From the Land's End to John O'Groat's [louse
one simultaneous movement in behalf of a good cause
could be effected by its instrumentality. Those who were
in the South could have sentiments echoed back from the
" Far North." It was a series of echoes which vibrated
the thoughts, the feelings, and the energies of collective
millions.—( Cheers.) It was the life's breath of freedom,
and without it we perished. They were bound to preserve
it, and to maintain its freedom and independence.—
( Cheers.) It was desirable that every thought and opinion
entertained by it should have fair and free utterance. It
was important that every one who was adverse to them, as
well as those who acc,rded with them, should have the power
to come into the field of discussion. At the same time it
was necessary, as well as important, that those who had the
wielding of this powerful engine should perform that task
with thorough consciousness, with deep and honest convic-
tions, and support the sentiments they entertained.—
(Cheers.) Whether they agreed or disagreed with them
it was alike their bounden duty to support them in the free
expression of their thoughts.—(Cheers.) They wished
that those who differed with them should have a hearing,
and all they asked in return was that the men who did un-
dertake this task should prove by perseverance in one de-
voted line of conduct, by freedom from all undue bias, by
their consistency, that the sentiments they did advocate
were their honest sentiments. That was all they asked.
He claimed for all who were engaged in this profession
the same free right of speech, and the same respectful at-
tention. It was natural-that they should feel more warm for
those who agreed with them than for those who differed with
them. They owed a debt of gratitude, not only to those
who in the laborious retirement of their closets, threw off
from day to day arguments in support of the current topics
of discussion, but to those who elaborated and faithfully re-
corded the principles and efforts of those engaged in dis-
cussion.—(Cheers.) lie would mention Smith, Ricardo,
and others, to tihorn they owed a feeling of deep
gratitude. There were many engaged in the periodical
Press who deserved their sincere thanks, and cordial
support. It would appear invidious were he to name some,
because he might exclude others, but there were few men
who had done more in pursuing an independent and
unshackled course, than the gentleman he had named in
connection with the Press, to render more efficient and pow-
erful the instrument which be so powerfully wielded.—
(Cheers.) They could not forget the time when Britain
stood up as one man in the great struggle of 1831, and
when, through the medium of The Sun, they received
intelligence with amazing speed from all parts of
the kingdom. The Sun had gone on with increased splen-
dour, and its talented Proprietor had gone on in his bril-
liant career, daily increasing his energy—daily increasing.
his activity—facilitating the interchange if thought be-
tween all ends of the empire, and uniting all as one body
for the great ends of equity, truth, and justice.—(Cheers.)
Almost before the blow was struck at Manchester, did The
Sun cast itself into the ranks of free trade, and raised that
cry which he hoped would be persisted in till their struggle
was at an end—the total and unconditional repeal of the
Corn- laws —(Cheers.) Much did they owe to him who
first raised that cry, and he called upon them, in expression
of their own sentiments and the sentiments of those who
sent them there, with flowing bumpers to drink the health
of Murdo Young—long life and prosperity to him.—
( Loud cheers.) In conclusion, he begged to pro-
pose " The Press which advocated the cause of free trade,
and Mr. Murdo Young."

This toast having been drunk amidst great applause,
Mr. Melte° YOUNG rose to return thanks, and was loudly
else( red. He was not much accustomed to public speaking,
but the speech of the gentleman who had just sat down was
enough to make a stone speak, and the warm reception
with which his name had been received had quite over-
powered him. They had been pleased to couple his
name in connection with the Press, and had alluded to
the illiberal part of the Press. Now he would beg
leave to return thanks for the illiberal as well as the
liberal Press ; thanks for the liberal Press who sup-
ported their cause, and thanks for the illiberal Press
who opposed it ; feeling that good sense and discretion
would very soon induce them to turn round and advocate
their cause.—( Cheers ) With respect to himself little
merit whcaisomudlwudehdotoos.
supported
iptimoerfttsiceredrwthaliiimantiyhaenpodhswasdehsodseowdn
re—ostoemlimeeuheandbmetatney
athroanunhde
manage-
ment and some little energy, but his friend Mr. Weir had
28C, ibcd to him more merit than he deserved.—(Cries of
" No, no.") He supported all measures that were for the
good of the people at large, on the principle that what
benefited the great body must benefit individuals.—
( Cheers.) He had supported free trade in other departments
as well as corn, because he was certain that the
more the benefits of life were diffused amongst us,
the more happy should we be.—(Hear, hear.) On that
inciple be had hitherto proceeded, and on that principle
he should continue to proceed.—(Cheers.) It was un-
necessary for him to speak of the merits of the Press,
especially after the eloquent and poetical disquisition of his
friend Mr. Weir, who had shown that he was both a poet and
a philosopher.—( Cheers.) With respect to the cause
they all had at heart, he sympathised with them and with
the great masses they represented, and he had long felt
that the Corn-laws were an unjust and odious
impost on the energies and industry of the people. He
was glad that such a strong feeling now existed on this
subject, which he believed had latterly increased in con-
s, quence of the high price of corn.—( Hear, hear.) With
all their exertions he was afraid the Anti-Corn-law party
were only at low water mark.--( Hear, and laughter. )
They could be no lower let the enemy do what they would,
and when things were at the worst, it was said they were
sure to mend.—( Laughter.) They ought to take courage
from that ; they could be in no worse situation, but were
sure to be in a better.—( Cheers.) He thought that in
some instances they had taken a wrong course, for they
hod tried to convince those who were convinced before
hand.—(lleac, hear.) They had sought permission to
appear at the bar of the House of Lords to tell the truth,
but the Lords knew the truth—yes, like congenial spirits
they believed and trembled—and did not want
to be told that which they already knew too well.—( Loud
cheers.) The thing that galled them most was to be told
that they were interested individually—that they did not
act for the general good, but that selfishness guided their
conduct. It was said that from time immemorial the land-
lords had ruled. No doubt they had always made laws for
the many, but they always left a loophole of escape for
themselves, as the lawyers did in all Acts of Parliament.—
( Laughter and cheers.) The landed aristocracy certainly
appeared to think that they had a right to devour the
people ; and the young aristocracy taking example by the
old vultures, thought they had an hereditary right to
plunder.—( Laughter.) They appeared to think they
were born to the right of doing wrong.—( Continued
laughter.) He would advise the gentlemen assembled,
humble as he was, to take a leaf out of his book. The ,Sun
Newspaper at one time was at just as low an ebb as the
Corn law question was at the present moment, but he had
succeeded by perseverance, always believing that nothing
was impossible. —( Cheers. ) In nine cases out of
fen he had accomplished what all the world
said was impossible and useless to attempt. The
landlords said it was impossible to carry the repeal of
the Corn-laws, and therefore that the opponents of those

. I laws need not go on in their agitation. But he (Mr.
M. Young) would say, " Agitate ! agitate ! agitate !
and you will improve at every step."—(Loud
cheers.) They had only to return to their various con-
stituencies—tell them how they had been defeated, and
how determined the landlords were that bread
should remain at a high price. Perseverance would
achieve miracles.—(Hear, hear, hear). It was all
very well for Lord Melbourne—feasted with all the
dainties of the Palace—( Hear and a laugh)—to tell starv-
ing men that corn was not too dear !—to exhort them to
be quiet—to say that agitation, forsooth, was unpleasant
—unpleasant enough, doubtless, it was for Ministers.—
( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") But politics apart—
whether Whig, Tory, or Radical were in office,
the people would assert their rights, and that in no
ht.mb!e tone. Let them show the Ministry that they
were not only ardent, but determined in the cause of
justice.—(Hear, hear.) Governments, indeed, were
ready enough to encourage agitation to keep themselves
in power and the Tories out, and when that object was
a'tained, they would wish ag,itation to cease, and then it
would be but just to tell Lord Melbourne and his brother
W logs, " Fight your own battles yourselves without the aid
of the manufacturers."—( Hear.) The Tories were entitled
in some degree to respect, for they did not disguise that they
were rogucs—( A laugh)—the‘,- did not say one thing and
mean another—(Hear)—though with all their cleverness
they had shown themselves great fools, for if they had
carried this, and three or four other questions of national
importance, they might have been in office now, and no
Corn-laws to oppose.--( Hear, hear.) The Tories, like
the despots of the Continent, knew well thati the people
were well fed the reign of tyranny might continue.—
( Hear, bear.) In whatever event, however, the oppo-
nents of the Corn-laws had but on:: course to pursue—
to agitate !—(Cheers)—and in any case they must
succeed, for if Lord Melbourne remained in power, it
could only be by granting the repeal of the Corn-laws.
If the Tories came in, they would never be able to stand
against the cry for that repeal.—( Hear.) And as to the
Radicals, they did not intend to take office at present.
—(Cheers and laughter.) He hoped that they would
soon see the error of their ways, and make common cause
with them for the attainment of that great object, which
they avow as their principle.—(Loud cheering.)
Mr. lIYLEE; (of the Bradford Observer), begged to be allowed to
take a part in returning thanks for the compliment which had been
paid to the ss, and to express his determination, so far as lay in
his power, to co-operate in promoting the great and good cause in
which they were all enlisted.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN said the meeting could not do better than drink
the health of another free-trader, " The Lord Mayor of London,
and free trade in coals."—(Cheer s.)
Drank with considerable applause.

The Hon. E. MURRAY said that although he came from a very
distant part of the country, and not connected with the City of Lon-
don, lie was much interested in th-e destiuctioa of thecoal monopoly,
which had been so vigorously opposed by the Lord Mayor. lie
might just mention one fact, that a few weeks ago a tenant of one
of his colleries happened to send some vessels to the Thames laden
with coals, and afterwards wrote to say that he had laid there fur a
fortnight, and not a sack ot coals had been delivered.—(Hear.)
The CnsinusN next gave " The Metropolitan Delegates."
Drunk with liud cheering.

Mr. G. A. YOUNG, the Delegate for Marylebone, in returning
thanks, said lie came from a borough, the inhabitants of which were
most anxious to promote all questions affecting the cause of Reform,
whether political or economical. He had been requested at the af-
ternoon sitting to make some observations—which, however, in
consequence of the many interesting speeches which had been de.
livered, he had not been able to make—upon the speech of the Right
Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke (Sir dames Graham)—
a speech replete with misrepresentations of facts and illogical
deductions. The Right Hon. Baronet was pleased to state some
peculiar opinions upon the subject of wages and free
trade, and our foreign trade, and more particularly with reference
to the cotton trade. The Right Honourable Gentleman
stated that all over the werld—a low price of corn led to
low prices—and what illustrations had the Right Honour-
able. Baronet to produce to establish that proposition ?
Hindostan and &icily !—(Hear, hear). It would seem then that
there were no such countries as Ireland and America.—(Hear,
hear). Did the Right Hon. Bart. know what were the relative
prices of food and of labour in the free States of America.—(Hear,
hear). Some Hon. Gentleman had sneered at Dr. Bowring
as a " Philosopher," and no doubt the most sovereign
contempt was entertained for philosophers by Agricultural
dumps.—(Hear, hear, hear). But would it not be
worth while for such statesmen to inquire whether
there were no reasons in the actual state of India sufficient to
account for the impoverished condition of the natives other than the
amount of food ?—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had
fallen into the common error of mistaking effects for causes.—
(Hear, hear.) Did the Right Hon. Baronet suppose that the im-
poverishment of the natives was caused by the amount of food, and
not by the nature of those institutions which had brought them so low

in the scale of humanity—bound down as they were by ancient customs
and ancient laws from the free exertion of human labour, whether
mental or physical.—(Hear, hear.) having travelled both in India
and in the United States, he (Mr. Young) was hound to say that he
could not take the Right Hon. Baronet's opinion upon these points.
—( Hear. hear.) Another question had been brought forward by
some Hon. Members—the extreme danger to this country of our re.
lying upon foreign countries for the supply of the raw material in
the cotton manufacture, and this was alluded to, as showing the
danger of depending upon foreign nations for the supply of corn.
The Right Hon. Bart. the Member for Pembroke had-recommended
the cultivation of cotton in our East Indian possessions, being more
confident in a supply from those possessions than from America ;
but he (Mr. Young) thought that there was much more probability
of a certain supply from a free and intelligent people than from
100,000,000 natives kept down only by the power of the bayonet,
and our dominion over whom might perhaps be wrested from
us.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The most extraordinary part however of
the Right Hon. Bart.'s speech was the conclusion in which he spoke
thus. "It has been alleged that the repeal of the Corn-laws was
only a question of the diversion of capital into a new channel, and
that labourers might be dealt with as a commodity without feelings
of attachment and fond associations—as a commodity which might
be transported from one part of the country to another, without in-
convenience or injury. But how much suffering and sorrow
lay under such smooth and soft and gently flowing words. The change
that is contemplated would affect the manners, the habits, and the
existence of those labourers. A change more cruel could not be
attempted than from the breezy call of incense breathing morn,'
to the sad sound of the factory bell, a change from the thatched
cottage, the blooming garden and the village green to some dark
garret or dark cellar in a noisy alley of a crowded city,' a change
from the rural walk and calm enjoyment. of the rustic Sabbath to
the pestilential debasement and debauchery of congregated mul
titudes."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Why, in looking over
the 3d Report of the Poor-law Commissioners, he (Mr-
Young) found that in answer to a certain question proposed
by Sir James Graham, an agricultural labourer stated that he had
to maintain himself and family upon 9s. 6d. a week, of which he had
to pay To. 6d. for bread.—(Hear, bear.) Would a repeal of the
Corn-laws, and a return to the principles of free trade, reduce
those labourers to a worse condition ? It could not be.—(Hear,
hear.) A great deal of that poetical picturing which had been re-
sorted to by the Right Hon. Baronet and others upon ibis question,
was somewhat misplaced—a great deal of the " poetry of rural life"
was to be traced to the capital invested in land by t he manufacturing
and commercial interests,—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.")
In all countries it would be found that the refinements and en-
joyments of rural life were produced from other sources than
mere agriculture.—( Hear, hear.) A large portion of Eastern Eu-
rope exhibited two classes—a democratic nobility, arrogating all the
powers of the State.—and a rural peasantry, between whom and
the other class existed none of those common interests and mutual
pursuits which linked together the extremes of society.—(Cries of
" Hear, h'ar.") Why was it that in the commencement of the mid-
dle ages in the midst of a broken and shattered people—a mere frag.
merit of the vast mosaic of the Roman Empire—from a few muddy
huts at the mouth of an Italian river, arose the vast fabric of
the Venetian Republic—in spite of the most tyrannic LI and un-
just of Governments. To what was this to be attributed, but to
that spirit of commerce which gave birth to the " Queen of the
Adriatic."—Cheers.) And how was it the peasantry of Holland
converted their native morasses into abodes of the Arts, and of
wealth—was it not by the spirit of commercial enterprise—but
for which there would have been the indigence, and the ignorance,
which characterizes mere agricultural communities.—(Cheers.)

Mr. PUNT remarked that as a vast deal had been said about the
necessary connexion between a low price of food and the distressed
condition •f agriculture, he wculd ask gentlemen present con-
nected with cotton, woollen, silk, and flax manufactures, whether

they had ever known a more prosperous reriod in our commercia
history than 1830 to 1836.—(Elear, hear)— aril yet during tha'
period there had been the most extraordinary run of good seasons
Mr. COBDEN wished to advert to a point much dwelt on, both by
the aristocrats and the " tail end," that a repeal of the Corn-laws
would render necessary an adjustment of the national debt—the ave-
rage price of corn f.,r the last three years of the period which had
first been tram,' had been heavier than for half a century before,
and that the revenue had never been more prosperous.—(Hear,
hear.)
Mr. NURSEY would observe that, from 1815 to 1820, there were a
series of bad harvests, and labourers were in a bad condition. From
1820 to 1825 there were good harvests, and the labourer could ap.
ply a larger portion of his wages to other purposes. The low prices
of corn in 1833, 1834, and 1835, produced the same effect as low
prices from 1820 to 1825.—(Hear, hear) In 1835 there was ex-
treme difficulty in obtaining hands, and wages began to rise, and
if the same course had continued wages would have soon been as
!nth as in America, and the prosperity of the country would have
been doubled.—(Hear, hear.) When bread was dear more of the
wages of the labourer must be applied to the obtaining of food, anti
their consumption of manufactures must be diminished—trade
would be depressed, and wages lowered. On the contrary, when
bread was cheap, the labourer could purchase more of other articles
—trade flourished, and wages rese.—(Hear, hear.)

The CIikIRMAN then said, as one of the legal advisers of the Dele-
gates was present, to whom they were much indebted—Mr. Parkes
—he would give that gentleman's health.—(Cheers.) The petition
which had been prepared by Mr. Parkes for them had been spoken
of in the highest terms by men of all parties as a document remark.
able for its temperate and argumentative character.— (Cheers.)
The toast having been drunk with great cordiality,
Mr. PARKES expressed his grateful sense of the toast. Ile re-
gretted that his professional aid of the great national object of the
Delegates—the repeal of the Corn-laws—had been so limited by the
refusal of the House of Commons to hear evidence. Had the legis.
lature allowed an inquiry he should zealously have contributed his
humble exertions to present the case in the most convincing
form. But, separating his professional and individual rela-
tion to the Delegates, he might say that, before the
past and present year, and when not professionally
,• interested, ha had been a sincere and ardent advocate of the rcapeal
of the Corn-laws. He would also add that, before he was retained
he had ado iscd members of the Delegation of the certain unsuccess-
ful result of their labours. He (Mr. Parkes) was well-informed on
the constitution of the existing representative system. Ile had no
hopes of any real modification of the Corn-laws, much less of any
repeal of those iniquitous statutes, from the defective consti-
tution of the Legislature. What that constitution was before the
Reform Bills of 1831.2 all of them present well knew. Ile con-
fessed that he had fallaciously hoped that the amended representa-
tion of 153'2 would h ave led to the repeal of the laws. But he was
deceived, and why was lie deceived ? From the notorious alloy in
the original Bill of Lord Grey for improving the representative sys-
tem. One of the best provisions of the original Bill was the proposed
reduction in the numbers of the House of Commons. On the fatal result
of General Gascoigne's motion the original numbers of the Com-
mons were maintained ; and the portion intended to be reduced
was given almost exclusively to the counties. Then the franchise
was swamped with the Chandos clause— deluge class of 100,000
electors whereas all other classes enfranchised slid not
amount to half the number. The result was an over-
whelming addition of the agricultural interest in the
gross representation. Thus the numbers of the Representatives
and the franchise were delivered over to a class. And what
was the result of Borough or Town representation ? Lord John
Russell in 1531, proposing the Reform rills had stated
three hundred as the minimum constituency of a town.
To effect this rural boundaries were added to the
ancient town electoral limits, thus patching on to little
towns an addition of agricultural influence.—(Hear.) And
with all this patch-work we had now upwards of 40
Members of the House of Commons returned by less than 300
constituents. Ile had calculated to Mr. Cobden the majorities
and minorities on the Corn-laws, to a dozen weeks before Parlia-
ment met. No Ministry could "tarry the question of repeal
in Legisl Aures constituted as the present Houses of
Lords and Commons. Ile (Mr. Parkes) at no public meeting
would deceive his friends and brother advocates. They had no
i-sauce of obtaining their object of free trade in coin under the
llpresent constitution of Parliament. The Deputies must turn
their exertions to a further reform of the Constitution

EVENING EDITION.

of the House of Commons, and a short time would soon t
combine the nation in one unitcd and practicable plan of
a more improved and popular representation.—(Loud cheers.)
They had no jury before whom they could state their case for
honest and impartial decision. They would never really alter I
the Corn-laws without a more real representation of the people un_ i
less extreme scarcity produced a "sedition of the belly,,,
—a mode of legislation by agitation and brute force !,
highly to be deprecated and deplored, but which might t
accidentally and dangerously compel consideration of the question,
and perhaps repeal. He, however, only expected a repeal of the .:
law from a further reformation of the Commons House of Parlia. 0
ment, ni vilely, a reduction of the number of Representatives, an
equalization of the electoral body into equal divisions, a limited
duration of Parliaments, and the extension of the Suffrage to all
classes morally and intellectually qualified to exercise the elective
franchise with a‘lvantage to their fellow countrymen.
(Loud cheers.) When this was effected—and a few years
would bring such a representation—then he should not
fear the House of Lords, however selfishly constituted or blindly
disposed. The Lords would yield to the voice of such an amended
constitution of the Commons; the Lords would and must succumb
to public opinion.—(Loud cheering.)

Mr. JOHNSTON': said he cordially concurred in the opinions which
had been expressed by Mr. Parkes, and he believed that such were
the opinions of the intelligent people of the north of Scotland.—.
(Hear, hear.) Nothing could be hoped for from the present con-
stituency, who had proved themselves unworthy of the electoral
franchise by returning unworthy members—(Hear, hear)—and he
considered that no beneficial object could be attained for the
country till, by an extension of the suffrage, more honest and
faithful members were introduced into the House of Commons.
(Hear, hear). He thought the speech of Mr. Parkes a most valu-
able document, and trusted that it would be extensively circulated.—
' (Hear, hear.) He had stood last night five hours in Noe House of
Lords, and had never blushed so much fur his country, as when he
heard Lord Melbourae speak upon this great subject in a manner,
which in his (Mr. Johnstone's) opinion, unfitted the Noble Viscount
for holding the high office which he did an this commercial state
(Hear, hear) The increase of population could not be put a stop to,
and how could food be obtained for that increase, unless this country
could exchange its surplus industry for the productions of other
tra ries.—( Hear, He was happy to find that there were
a few Noble Lords in the House of Peers who supported the Anti-
Cern-law cause, and he begged to give their healtlis, naming more
particularly the Earl of Radnor.
The toast was drank amidst great cheering.
The Hon. E. Munitav, in returning thanks, said he thought the
Earl of Radnor entitled to respect and to gratitude for his long
advocacy of Liberal principles.—(Hear, hear) Now, as to thos
other of the agriculturists who supported the repeal of the Corn_
laws, some did so from a regard to the interests of all classes, and
some from a mere regard to their own interests. He supported the
repeal for both of these reasons, believing that the repeal would
benefit the whole community, and therefore, of course, the agricul-
turists as a class.—(Hear, hear ) The agriculturists in their ptose.
perity derived great benefit from the produce of wool,
the light soils were receiving high profits, and any
measure injuring manufacturers, would recoil fearfully upon those
gentlemen whose property was of that nature.—(Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Gentleman having been voted to the Chair, on the
retirement of Mr. Smith, proposed the health of that gentleman,
which was received with all the tumours and great cheering.
The company then separated.

PLATE FOR THE LORD MAYOII.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
Sitt,—l beg to inform you that at a public meeting held last
evening, of the gentlemen who have subscribed to purchase
a piece of plate which is to be presented to the Lord Mayor,
for his exertions to suppress the monopoly in coals, it was
unanimously resolved, that the warmest thanks of the meeting
be presented to you, for your kindness in giving publicity to the
objects of the subscribers.—l am Sir, your most obedient
servant, J. WALKER, Chairman.
Prince Regent, Liverpoo-road, Islington, March 1, 1339.