The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PITBLIO JOITRNALS,

HERALD.—The vote to which the German Diet
came on Monday will, we may fairly hope, remain
without effect. If, as the telegram would seem to
indicate, the smaller states have carried, against the
opposition of Austria and Prussia, the motion of
Saxony for the sequestration of the Duchies until
the Diet shall determine to whom they belong, we
can hardly suppose that those two great Powers
will lend their aid to the execution of such an un-
warrantable and foolhardy step. They have recog-
nised the absolute, unconditional right of Christian
IX. to Lauenburg—they have recognised his right
to Holstein, subject to the fulfilment, according to
their interpretation of them, of the engagements
made by Denmark in December, 1851, and they
cannot, therefore, without a most flagrant repudia
tion not only of the Treaty of London but of their
recent declaratioss,_ assist to carry out a proposition
to " occupy the Duchies .until the Bund shall see
itself in a position to give over these Federal terri-
tories to the administration of the successor recog-
nised by it as legitimate." Nor could the other
Powers signataries of the treaty allow such a mea-
sure to he carried into execution. They may admit,
perhaps, the technical right of the Bund to enforce
by execution in Holstein the withdrawal of a law
which it deems repugnant to the Federal obligations
of the King of Denmark as Duke of Holstein, and a
violation of the engagements made with it for the
regulation of the position of that duchy in the
monarchy ; but they cannot allow it to upset a set-
tlement which has an international character, and
to deprive the King of Denmark of duchies which
Europe has recognised as his, not on the ground that
the conditions of that recognition have not been ful-
filled by him, but on the pretence that it is the su-
preme judge in the matter, and entitled to set at
nought the determination of Europe. To occupy
the Dachies under such a pretence would be to
exceed the competence cf the Diet. It would
be to declare war against Denmark, and to en-
title her to call upon Europe to assist her against
an unjustifiable aggression. Austria and Prussia
cannot permit Germany to do such a foolish thing,
and if they pretend that they cannot hinder the
Diet, the other Powers must step in and stop it.
If, on the other hand, the Diet has resolved upon
carrying out the execution already ordered to
obtain the withdrawal of the ordinance of the 30th
March, as Austria and Prussia strongly urged it,
we may assume almost as confidently that the re•
solution will not be carried out. The professed
object of the execution has been attained. The
patent has been withdrawn_, and the Diet must wait
to see what measures the Danish Government pro-
poses to introduce to fulfil its obligations to the
Holsteiners and to Germany. The mere withdrawal
of the ordinance does not, indeed, satisfy all the
demands of the Diet. It has insisted that the ordi-
nance should be annulled, and that the Danish Go •
vernment should undertaire to propose without
delay some measure for giving all parts of the
monarchy the equality promised according to its
interpretation by the engagements of December,
1851. But it cannot refuse to allow the King time
to prepare a measure which would be beset by so
many difficulties. Necess arils, therefore, according
to its owa lams and rules of procedure, execution
must be stayed for a time, and the Diet can only
proceed with the measure if the Danish Govern-
ment presents a project which it deems unsatisfac-
tory, or after a reasonable delay, presents no project.
The attempt may be made, indeed, to justify execu-
tion even now upon the new common constitution
for Denmark and Schleswig, which in Germany is
regarded as practically that incorporation of the'
duchy which th, King of Denmark promised should
not even be attempted. But it is quite impossible
for Europe to tolerate a measure which would be so
plainly illegal—so completely, by the admission of
the Diet itself, beyond its competence. The promises
the King of Denmark made with regard to Schles-
wig are of an international character. Any measure
the Diet may take against him for a breach of them
must be of the same character that it would take
against a foreign prince who had violated his treaty
engagements. It may declare war of course. It
can decree the occupation of Holstein ; but
although such a measure might be styled a Fderal
execution, no Power in Europe could recognise
such a title, and the German Confederation thug
be then considered as at war with the kingdom of
Denmark. We sincerely hope that prudential con-
siderations will at last make themselves felt in the
German Diet, and that if the smaller Powers still
press on measures which may, we might say must,
involve Germany in a war with Europe, Austria
and Prussia will have the firmness—the superiority
to the temptation of gaining a petty advantage over
each other—to restrain them. All that can fairly
be asked for the German subjects of Denmark may
he obtained now. King Christian will be but too
anxious to secure a general recognition of his title
to refuse any concession which may justly be asked,
and the influence of England and the other Powers
will be exerted everywhere to overcome any oppo-
sition which he and his Government might be dis-
posed to make. The withdrawal of the ordinance of
March is a concession to the wishes of England—a
concession which may create some discontent
amongst the Danish people, but will ensure • them
powerful support, If the Danish Government, in
deference to the desires of the great Powers who
interest themselves in the maintenance of the Danish
monarchy, makes the concessions Germany has
before demanded, and shows itself willing to make
sacrifices for the sake of peace, those Powers con-
tract an obligation to protect Denmark against un-
just demands from Germany. If Germany shows
that no concessions will satisfy it, that it will prac-
tically disregard the treaty, and has resolved to
wrest the German Duchies from the Danish Crown,
the Weatern Powers have no alternative but to
throw their protection over Denmark, and against
that bulwark all the strength and fanaticism of
Germany will dash in vain. If war breaks out in
Europe Germany will, as usual, have to bear the
bulk of its evils. Will she be mad enough to wan-
tonly kindle it ?
POST.—The custom of an annual meeting between
members of Parliament and their constituents,
which has come into fashion of late years, has so
much to recommend it that it is to be regretted that
members themselves should do so much, as many
do, to depreciate the dignity and narrow the im-
portance of the occasion. It is undeniable that a
member backed by a large constituency has only
himself to blame if he do not rise to considerable
influence in the House of Commons. The houmsebel
rd
sensitively alive to public opinion, and th
which the
who can stand up confessedly supported beymteens of
thousands of constituents
representatives of small borhoausghnspitenitwoair
sits in
This is all as it should be. well envy.
Par-
liament by representation.
of the national mind. The representative derives all
Thel'he nation
is the reflex
those whom he represents,
ahnisdpiotiiistictahlerfo:tocerefrvoaer)y
natural
min
that between the two there
shouldexist the best
possible tie
derstanding. And as they have a .
and very desirable
mon interest in the transactions of a session and in
the political situation of the day, a friendly inter
seemsb from
th
that wretched
change of opinions is good for both parties. But
it toe
a distinct thing
laerrg'ielictoYnstituencies to exact from the pride of most
this is
whichquite
gentlemen
whom they return to Parliament. A meeting of
constituents for the purpose of heari •
ng a frank ex-
position of public affairs from their representative
is not only tolerable, as it is wise and useful. But
a meeting to receive from their member " an ac-
count of his stewardship,"
as ii is commonly called,
is a very degrading thing.
This annual account of
stewardship, if persisted in, and carried to the

lengths which some constituencies do not scruple to
insist upon, and to which some members do not re-
fuse to stoop, will soon take away all independent
action and seriously compromise the respect which
is now so readily acc n.ded to active members of the
house who sit for important boroughs. We do not
quarrel with the doctrine which represents a seat in
Parliament as a stewardship. No doubt every re-
sponsible position, from the Crown downwards. is
a stewardship in some sense, but we do
quarrel with
the practice of summoning members of Parliament
before their constituents and exacting of them a full
account of all their conduct, and a reason for every
vote and every absense. Every one who snows
bow the business of the House of Commons
conducted ; every one who knows anything 01
the tactics and exigencies of party, and who knows
how men confessedly of no party are often obliged
to shape their Parliamentary conduct in order to
give effect to the opinions they hold, or to secure a
triumph for the principles which they are promoting
or defending ; every such person knows full well
that it is as impossible sometimes to avoid being
mixed up in certain combinations as it is at others
to avoid standing aloof altogether from those with
whom under most circumstances there would be the
most perfect accord. There must also arise many
occasions when a member feels bound to vote other-
wise than the majority of his constituents might at
the moment approve. Many reasons enter into the
decision of a Parliamentary question which the ma-
jority of persons out of doors never know, and re-
specting which they have not the means of forming
a sound judgment. It is therefore as absurd as it
is humiliating to tie up the discretion of a member
of Parliament, and to call him to a minute account
of his Parliamentary conduct. Independent mem-
bers owe it to themselves and to their self respect to
refuse to submit to annual inquisitions of this sort.
They have it in their power to put down the nuis-
ance by standing upon their own dignity, and
simply refusing to be badgered and bothered by
every unwashed 40s. freeholder who may choose to
make himself conspicuous at a political meeting. 21,
wholesome habit may by abuse become a vice, and
so it seems likely to be with some boroughs. Even
men of the calibre of Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright
are content to forget the attention shown them In
Parliament, and to drag their self respect throngit
the mire when a public meeting of constituents le
to be propitiated. Everything that can humble the
accounting member is submitted to, lest by an);
chance the much coveted vote of approbation and
confidence should not be forthcoming. For our part
we admire the pluck of Mr. Horsman, though we
differ in tote from the line he took on the occasion
to which we refer. The people of Stroud would
not give him the usual vote of confidence. He
would not truckle to them for it. He went down
and gave straightforward reasons for the opinions
he held, the speeches he had made, and the course'
he had pursued. The constituents disapproved ad
called on him to resign, but he, knowing that the 9
had no adequate means of judging him, stood upon
his right co form an independent judgment on Pub-
lie questions, and refused to resign. Despite the
absence of the vote of confidence he is member for
Stroud stilt, and has recently addressed them %sill:LA
great acceptability and effect, We should be glad
to see something like this moral courage displayed
by members who at this time of year are expecte
to address the electors who have sent them to Per'
liament. Let them put their annual appearance
before their constituents on a right footing--the
footing of mutual confidence and frank explanation
—and let them rid it of all servility and blind BO
hypocritical reverence for uninformed public
opinion ; and then we may hope to see one great step
taken in the direction of the elevation of large
metropolitan constituencies out of the depths into
which they have of late years been gradnalli
sinking.