The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-26 00:00:00

barbarous and monstrous thing to interfere at all
with a power like Japan, if our only purpose in in-
terfering is to thrust in one hand, laden with mer
chandise, through the door of unwilling communi-
cation, and take revenge with the other for injury
then inflicted by such frightful acts of retaliation as
this. In what we have just done we were reveng-
ing the murder of Mr. Richardson. The Centrist
Government of the Tycoon had paid the fine de-
manded, but had pleaded its inability to give up or
punish the murderers in consequence of the great
power of the Prince Satsuma, who sheltered these
murderers. The fleet therefore immediately goes
down to Kagosims, a city in the territories of this
semi-independent noble, and demands the rendition
of the murderers, which is refused. The shore bat-
teries opened on the fleet, which thereupon bom-
barded the forts and town, and the last report was,
" The whole town is in flames. The city is one
mass of ruins—palace, factories, arsenal, &c. Three
steamers of Satsuma are destroyed completely. Such
is the result, and, probably, not the worst result,
of forcing a commercial treaty from an exclusive
and reluctant people, whom we are not prepared
to conquer and govern, and whom we only
wish to force into an exchange of merchandise.
The chain of moral necessity is this :—We insist
on a treaty with an overawing force, and get the
treaty ; the reaction naturally sets in in Japan, and
the party hostile to foreigners comes into the as-
cendant; outrages are committed on cur subjects;
we demand redress, do not get it, and make an ex-
ample of a recalcitrant Prince by burning down a
large city, and driving all its inhabitants to despair.
Is it possible for any man with the slightest preten-
sion to Christian politics to justify such a policy—
foe the sake, not of civilising the Japanese with any
of the higher resources of a European Government,
but of compelling them, against the will of a large
party, to trade with us? We should assuredly not
scruple at any attempt of the English authorities to
inflict condign punishment on Mr. Richardson's
murderers. But on what possible principle can we
inflict such wide-spread misery on a great city which
is accused of nothing but lying in the territory of a
man who screens these murderers? Even in Euro-
pean and American wars, the bombardment of cities
is thought discreditable, and we have heard no
slight denunciations of the American generals for
bombarding Charleston after a six months' notice.
But how infinite is the gulf between the responsi-
bility of the Southerners for the events which led
to the bombardment of Charleston, and the respon-
sibility of the Japanese of Kegositna for the murder
of Mr. Richardson ! War in Euro, e and America
means war with a people who have, at least, freely
and intelligently taken the steps which they knew
would lead to war—taken their side, and prepared
for the sacrifice—and yet we hesitate to inflict such
wholesale injuries. War in Japan means war at most
with an individual, while all the misery is inflicted
on creatures who, probably, know and understand
nothing of the cause. Nor is .t even fora political
end. The only political result will be to shake down
the exiating Government, as we have done in
China, while we repudiate, and have, perhaps, never
even thought of sialastitutin*, anything better
and stronger in its filice.'` Is 'there no limit at all
to the duty of national retaliation on these Oriental
peoples ? Would it really be held a crime rather
to have let Mr. Richardson's murderers go uu-
i
punished—there is, indeed, no proof that they were
punished, even at last,—than spread this wholesale
murder among an inoffensive people ? Would it
not be better a thousand times to give up commerce
where commerce necessitates such crimes, if it is
only for the sake of commerce that we go there ? A
civilisation which only demands, at best, the right
to exchange English linen and cotton for Japanese
copper, and enforces that demand by destroying
cities on the first outbreak of barbarian malice, is
not a weapon of which we need be proud. If we
were prepared to rule even a portion of Japan, as
we are now ruling India, and beginning to rule
China, we might have something to give worth
fighting for, though not worth fghting for in this
way. But to civilise only by selling cotton and
hardware, and following them up with gratuitous
bombshells whenever the barbarian spirit bursts
forth against us, is to present Japan with a type of
Christian civilisation it may take many generations
to forget.

SATURDAY REVIEW.—If her Majesty could, with-
out disrespect, be supposed to share the crotchety,
ambition of the King of Prussia, she might con-
gratulate herself on the remarkable exemption from
hostile attack which her Ministers at present enjoy.
Without waiting for Royal exhortations, which,
indeed, might not produce the desired effect, con-
stituencies and public meetings almost unanimously
approve the foreign policy and domestic inaction of
the Government. It matters little whether the law
officers are addressing the electors who have just
confirmed their appointment, or Major Beres•
ford is lamenting at an agricultural dinner
that he can find no political ground of com-
plaint. On the whole, perhaps, the Ministerial
members approach more boldly than their oppo-
nents to the limits of criticism. Mr. Collier
reminds his constituents that he has once or twice
weed against the Government; and Mr. Lefevre
hints, with the hasty irreverence of youth, that it
is Lord Russell, and not the country, which ought
to rest and be thankful." In the long and useful
career to which Mr. Letevre may fairly look fort
ward, he will probably pass through seasons of
agitation which will contrast more or less agreeably
with the present calm. Lord Russell, who was the
last of his contemporaries to acquiesce in the expe-
diency of letting things alone, represents for the
moment, more accurately than his impatient cen-
sors, the wish or instinct of the community. It
may be perfectly true that dormant liberalism is
not altogether intelligible to eager partisans, but
the country at present cares little for party. It is
hard on Major Beresford to have to discuss the
price of flour and the construction of labourers'
cottages, instead of denouncing the misconduct of
the Government ; but the attention of politicians
has for several years been directed almost exclu-
sively to foreign affairs, and Lord Palmerston and
Lord Russell have interpreted with unusual success
the spirit of: the national poiicy. It may be a
matter of conjecture whether the majority of Eng-
lishmen incline to the North or to the South in the
American quarrel, and perhaps the' dispassionate
observers who suspend their prepossessions and
opinions may claim to be the most faithful expo-
nents of public opinion; but as to the practical re-
sult of perfect neutrality there is really no difference
of judgment. The few who profess to understand
the affairs of Schleswig and Holstein agree in
deprecating an unintelligible war ; and as to
Poland, there is a general consent that- Russia
is wrong, and, at the same time, that it is not
the business of Englaed to correct the in-
justice. Sir Roundell Palmer, who was not
long since reckoned by many persons as a mem-
ber of the Opposition, gives the strongest or
most zealous evidence in favour of himself and
his colleagues. He would not consent either to sit
in Parliament or to hold the most lucrative office in
the gift of th© Crown, except with a view to the
pub tic services which he is prepared to render, and
the good which he intends to effect. He will "never
for a moment have the feeling which would prevent
him from preferring the interests of the country to
the interests of party, or to any personal interests
whatever." It is gratifying to know that the At-
torney-General is so conscientious, nor is it possible
to doubt his testimony to the kindred virtues of the
Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, and the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. "If ever there was
a man who loved his country, that man is Lord
Palmerston," and Sir Roundel! Palmer is "proud to
serve under that. man." Lord Russell has adminis-
tered foreign affairs as they were never adminis-
teredof ami
before, and"iiinistoeurrt.,•revenue we have the ad-
vantage the object of perpetual
obloquy to his opponents, who triumphs over that
obloquy by his disinterestedness and success." It
would not be easy, to quote any attempt during the
last two years to throw obloquy on Mr. Gladstone's
financial policy, and there is much reason to hope
that in the next session it will once more be his
pleasant duty to reduce taxation, with the certainty
of receiving universal approbation. Yet it is, per-
haps, not altogether judicious to eulogise Hercules,
or to proclaim with too vociferous a repetition the
justice of Aristides. The Ministers are very. tolera-
ble. Ministers, and Sir Roundell Palmer is a. highly
competent Attorney-General;
.but a reaction. may
sooner or later be provoked,
.it the country is, ex-
tptenc taeadntoo
dbeesiirnecetossdani:lna.d themAirminegre aaccident
irduelne rtsinwanyom.
at
any time produce a change of government,. and it
is extremely doubtful whether the dominant party
could hang together in the absence of the present
Prime Minister. The recent elections have in-
creased the strength of the Opposition by two or
three votes, although Richmond and Plymouth
and Devonport remain faithful to their customary
allegiance, and although Barnstaple has par-
tially compensated the reverses of Coventry and
Tamworth. The general election which must take
place at furthest within two years may possibly
substitute a hostile majority for the fine balance of
parties which has prevailed for several years.

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