The Sun.
London, England, 1839-05-04 00:00:00

ruE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 4. 1839.

the functions of Governors, which must be trusted to other
hands. He was justified by the conduct of the Jamaica
Legislature to the British Government, with whom they
had not expostulated—not remonstrated, but buldly
almost treasonably opposed. He would read an
extract from their protest, in which they state
that " the Commons' House had been accused of per-

jury , and the charge had not been refuted, and those
ho had brought forward that charge had been accused of
violation of their oaths whenever ecclesiastical matters
were brought forward. They had also been charged
with corruption in pawing private Bills." They had not
dealt more leniently with the House of Lords, for they
said that " the taxation of the colonies might be transferred
to the House of Lords, in which had been intro•
duced the infamous Bill which had been their
destruction." The Government had been opposed in
every matter of humane legislation by the colonies, and
he would appeal to the Noble Lord opposite as to the con.
duet the colonial Legislature had pursued towards him.
The Jamaica Legislature professed to be the representa-
tives of the people, as if the representatives of 2,000 per-
sons could be called the representatives of the people of
Jamaica. He was happy to oppose these men. The negro
population:felt no confidence in their Government. They felt
themselves safe under the tutelary sway of the Governor,
and that their only additional safeguard was in the councils
of the British Parliament, and in the protection of the Bri-
tish Crown; pressed by hard task-masters they would
" fly from petty tyrants to the Throne," and take refuge
beneath the aegis of the British Constitution. He believed

that this interposition was necessary, not for the Negroes
only, but for the interests of the planters. He believed that
they were bound to interfere on their account, and would
advise a suspension of powers of the Jamaica Legislature from
a conviction that we were bound to interfere not only for
the Negroes, but for the interests of the planters also.
Mr. C. BULLER said he was more than usually
anxious to explain his reasons for the vote be was about
to give, because although he supported the Bill, he dis-
sented from the gronnds upon which it had been
postponed. He denied that the refusal of the House of
Assembly to discharge the duty imposed upon it by the
passing of the Prison Bill formed any specific ground for
this proceeding. If . he had been asked to support this
Bill, on this ground alone, he should have opposed it.
Nothing could be clearer than the duty of a superior Le-
gislature to respect the authority of those to whom they
bad delegated their Legislative functions. These func-
tions had been delegated to the Assembly of Jamaica,
and now that delegation continued it was both our in.
terest and our duty to observe the compact by which
we had vested them with authority. It might be right
to take that authority from them, but while it continued
it should be respected; Matters of internal regulation
were within the province of the Assembly, and if
we intended to leave the people of Jamaica a
shadow of self-government, they must be permitted to
exercise a discretion as to the regulation of the prisons.
It would not do to upset the Government of the island to
put their gaols in order ; and if this were the only ground
of support to the present Bill in this quarrel, we should be
in the wrong, and the only way to get out of our difficulty
would be by retracing our first false step; but on an ex-
tended view of the subject—extended beyond the party
allegations of either side—he would concede that the Go-
vernment established in Jamaica must be suspended. This
brought under their attention not only the present difficul-
ties, but all the difficulties attendant upon the great mea-
sure of the abolition of slavery, and they could not leave out
of sight the duty which devolved upon them, of fit-
ting the island of Jamaica for the great alteration
produced in the state of society by the Emancipation Act.
In the decision of a question which involved the dearest
interests of their fellow men, and which also involved the
national honour, they ought to place themselves above pal-
try personalities, and the narrow views of party, instead of
vieing with each other in petty expedients to put off diffi-
culties, and to shlt upon other shoulders the duties which
ought to be performed. They no longer attempt to evade
the application of a remedy which had been too long de-
layed.—( Hear, hear.) This Bill was but a supplement to
the Emancipation Act, and it would have passed with it, if
the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire under-
stood the greatness of the task he had to perform when he
undertook that measure.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He
was sorry to offend Hon. Gentlemen opposite by saying
anything against that Statesman, whom they considered
themselves bound to follow. —( Hear.) But much as they
all admired the Noble Lord at this side of the House—
much as they recollected the ability he displayed in the de-
bates in 1833, in which he diaplayed such eminent skill—
still he ( Mr. B.) must be permitted to say there was now no
reason to congratulate the Noble Lord on any forethought
or comprehensiveness of intellect displayed by him in
framing the Emancipation Act. There never was a mea-
sure which did greater honour to the generosity of the na-
tion which urged it on—and there never was a measure
which reflected less credit on the statesmanlike views of
the Miuisters by whom it had been carried into effect.—
(" Hear. hear," and cheers.) He did not now allude to
the levity with which, during the passing of the Bill, a pro-
position for lending 15,000,0001. to the slave owners was
changed: into a grant of that sum, and then enlarged by
an addition of one-third as much—but he spoke of the mea- '
sure itself as unwise, incomplete in its nature, possess-
ing none of those characteristics which would show a facility
for immediate or gradual abolition of slavery ; but substi-
tuting a period of delay, as if for the purposes of irrita-
tion ; and instead of expediting the conversion of slaves
to freemen, substituting a system of apprenticeship which
withheld the just wages of industry, and which, showed its
signal failure by two facts, namely, the gradual assent of
parties to abandon a seven years' apprenticeship, the pe-
riod at first proposed, and the result of the act of the
planters of Antigua, who adopted an exclusive course, and
at once made their slaves entirely free. The Noble Lord
had not, when bringing about the greatest' revolution! that
had ever taken place in the condition of any people in the
world, made the slightest alteration in the political insti-
tutions of the West Indies. Nor had he done anything
since to remedy that great omission. When he passed to
the other side of the House he seemed to abandon all his
interest in the colonies, and their great difficulty ever
since at his (Mr. C. Buller's) sideß had been in
endeavouring to do that which the Noble Lord should
have done in 1833. There were in those islands a popu-
lation of 400,000, out of whom 380,000 were suddenly
raised from the degraded condition of slaves, and clothed
in the privileges and responsibility of freemen. But the
Noble Lord neglected the preparation of those laws for
them which had always been found necessary for the re-
straints and protection of freemen in a similar state. The
new relations they were about to enter upon of employer
and workmen, of landlord arid tenants, legators, inheritors,
purchasers, in a word, all the obligations and connections
of civil life to which the negroes had been strangers, were
entirely overlooked. Those omissions must be supplied by
a well-intentioned Legislature—not one which should de-
sire to perpetuate slavery by vagrant laws, or the evasion
of contracts, or the discouragement of education, or the
obstruction of social refinement. But it was the latter
disposition only which the Jamaica Legislature had mani-
fested. He believed that Legislature were deficient in
capacity as well as in disposition to frame and administer
laws in a liberal arid equal spirit. Colonial legisla-
tors Here universally defective in comprehensive views.
But the history of Jamaica, for twenty years only, showed
a ser:es of evasions of every measure introduced far the
benefit of the slaves, if not an open resistance ; and a
succession of Acts tending to degrade the negro, and to
perpetuater ctw
l a hiss T
he members
slavery, under
of the
House the secret
of
pretext
Assembly ofthe
conta
were slave-owners, out of whose hands the lash had been
just taken. While he (Mr. B.) reminded the House of
this fact, he was desirous to state that he made great al-
lowance for the feelings of slave-owners. He knew that
some persons were conscientious advocates for slavery.—
( Hear, and laughter.) He now came to rather a more
amusing field—namely, to the lamentations of the Right
Hon. Baronet, at the idea of popular rights being inter-
fered with, and the upsetting, as he was pleased to call it, of
a popular Assembly. The Hon. Baronet was perfectly
consistent in his views with respect to popular Govern-
rn ents, though it did happen that, at the same time, the Right
Hon. Baronet was stating his views of a representative
Government, a Noble Colleague/ ofl his in another place,
which he should not mention, was denouncing the Consti-
tution of Newfoundland, because the Government there
had acquired a representative character—that model of a
representative Government being one in which about 200
of the population formed the whole constituency. Though
be admitted the consistency of the Hon. Baronet, he was
bound in these days to express his astonishment that he
should be supported in those views of the Jamaica Legis-
lature by Gentlemen who entertained a sincere regard for
popular Governments. Ile put out of that consideration
the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, because he considered
him in all debates on slavery questions as the advocate
much more of the planter than the slave. He was asto-
nished that Hon. Friends of his on that side of the House
should support the Jamaica Legislature, as he looked upon
it as one of the most abominable oligarchies in existence.
He should like to know what would be said in this quarter
of the globe if 200 of the population were to have the power
of nominating its rulers? Would not storms and indigna-
tion be levelled against such a system?—(Cheers.) The
system of representation in this country before the Reform
Act was far better than the representation in Jamaica. He
could look upon it as nothing better than an aristocracy of
overseers and attorneys.—( Cheers ) He would not com-
pare the Governor and Council to such a legislature as that
of Jamaica, but he would ask the House which they
would rather trust with responsible authority—an English
Governor responsible to the English Government, or the
delegates of slave. owners ?—( Cheers.) There were some
persons who said all those evils would speedily be remedied
—that the blacks would soon acquire the elective franchise,
end that then they would right themselves. This
argument gave him no consolation, for he wished to
suspend the . Jamaica Constitution—not more for the
benefit of the whites than the blacks.—(Loud cheers.)
The more experience he bad on the subject the more he
was convinced that the best way of governing these colo-
nies was to leave them to govern themselves.—( Laughter. )
He had no belief in the doctrine of the necessary incepts. -
city of any particular race, -especially the blacks, to go-
vern themselves. They might govern themselves as well
as the whites ; but there were periods in the history of
every nation—there were circumstances of oppression, de-
gradation, and ignorance, which rendered it particularly
unjustifiable to give power to a particular race. Were not
the circumstances of the Jamaica race such at the present
moment ? They were brought up in ignorance, and was it
not to be apprehended that the first use they would
make of political power would be to revenge them
selves upon their oppressors ? He was not inclined to
lend himself to any extreme measures which would
place in the hands of men who had felt the lash
the power of affecting the destinies of those who had ap-
plied it ; because he thought thae such a power would be
calculated to excite the worst passions of mankind. Un-
der sucit circumstances what could be done with the Go-
vernment of this island ? Neither party could be trusted
with it, and though he was an enemy to despotism he felt
convinced that the course proposed to be pursued by the
present Bill was the only one that could be adopted. He
did not know whether the Bill carried out its principles in
the best manner possible, but he would venture to say the
principle was good, because it was founded upon an abso.
lute though lamentable necessity.—( Cheers.) He wished
to say a few words more, if be might trespass upon the

House.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") Hon. Members might
cry " Oh, oh," but he must be allowed to say, in answer
to those cries, that during the present Session he
had observed, from Members on the other side of the
House, towards those on that, repeated attempts at in-
decorous interruption, which he was sure the good
sense of the Gentlemen opposite would not have allowed
them to adopt if they were not swayed by party.
He was anxious to discuss the Bill entirely on general
principles, wholly apart from the quarrel which the House
had to settle. It appeared to him that the suspension of
the Constitution at the time of passing the Act had been
necessary, was necessary, and was not a bit the less necess
sary at that moment.—( Hear, hear.) He could not avail
himself of the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet to get
rid of the difficulty by a little delay—still, so long as the
present Constitution existed in the colony, it would be an
intolerable evil.—(Cheers from both sides of the House.)
He supposed from the cheering; of the Right Hon. Baronet
that he had said something injudicious—( A laugh)—be-
cause the Right Hon. Gentleman formed a singular excep-
tion to his party, and never cheered without a meaning.
Ile must, therefore, suppose that somehow or other, he
had " put his foot in it"--( Hear, and a laugh)—that he
had given him some great advantage. The Right Hon.
Gentleman appeared very anxious to get them out of the
scrape, but he (Mr. Buller) would say that he cared
nothing about the, quarrel. The people of Jamaica had
a bad Constitution and on general principles he
would vote for its being changed. That appeared to him
a perfectly tenable ground for the present proposition, and
he cared nothing for the grounds which might be alleged
for bringing it forward.. Hon. Gentlemen opposite seemed
to imagine that he ought not to vote for suspending a bad
Constitution, because the grounds on which the proposi-
tion had been originally brought forward were bad. When-
ever he had an opportunity of upsetting au oligarchy and
tyranny upon whatever pretext he would avail himself of
it.__( Hear, hear.) Putting aside the general views upon
which the Right Honourable Baronet had put forward his
motion, he would ask what chance was there of the course
he proposed getting them out of the difficulty with anything
like safety or honour?-_( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon.
Gentleman was a mediator after the oddest fashion, for he
took up the most hostile position he could against one of
the parties. He was not so good a mediator as he (Mr.
Buller) was. He was with the people of Jamaica as re-
garded the Prisons Bill,. but the Right Hon. Gentleman
would give the Jamaica Legislature a locus penitentio—an
opportunity of passing the Prisons Act, and then he
would add some contingent power of enforcing it in case
they still refused. He protested against such a course as
most unbecoming and fatal. The suspension of a Consti-
tution was matter of too great importance to be done con-
tingently instead of absolutely.—( Hear, and laughter.) It
should be done by the direct, and not by the delegated au-
thority of that House, on great and comprehensive reasons
of State.—(Tory cheers.) There, again, he supposed he
was out ; but he contended that such:a measure should not
be undertaken without well-considered reasons, and not be
left Wringing dependent upon the good temper of Minis-
ters or their adversaries. It appeared to him that whets
the Right Hon. Gentleman first made his proposition he
did it under the notion that the Government considered
themselves in a hobble, and that any proposition he made
they would be ready to catch it, while he would have the
credit of directing the policy of the Government. Perhaps
the Right Hon. Gentleman thought that the Jamaica
Proprietors being Conservatives, would accept from hint
what they would not take from the Government.--
( Hear, hear, hear.) He (Mr. Buller) had no desire to
aid the Hon. Bart. in his laudable attempt. He did not be-
lieve that the Jamaica Legislature would act so temperately.
These gentlemen had charged them with all the atrocities of
the last twenty years, and he believed they did not possess
sufficient temper to induce them to sacrifice their interests
to their passions.—( Hear, hear.) He believed the Right
Honourable Baronet miscalculated the influence of the
Tory party over the Jamaica House of Assembly--
they were determined to have good measures from
the Tory party as well as from the Whigs.
Suppose the Jamaica Legislature resisted the Bill—and if
they had the spirit of mice tl•ey would do so—would they
not have to fight the same battle over again, either upon
the Vagrant Act or some other measure ?—( Hear, hear.)
The chief reason which induced him to prefer the decisive
course adopted by her Majesty's Government, to the shilly-
shally and dubious course of the Right Hon. Baronet, was
that the state of Jamaica was such as brooked no delay ;
and there should be no doubt as to the intentions of the
Government to enforce the Emancipation Act, and all its
important consequences and results. From papers which
had been laid upon the table of the House, there was great
evidence of indisposition on the part of the negroes to
eork as hired labourers. He felt great misgivings as to the
possibility of seeing much exportable produce from that
colony. When he looked at the circumstances of the island,
there were many causes which tended to increase that dis-
position. In the first place, there was a great indisposition to
work in the capacity of labourers for those who were formerly
their owners, with whom were associated their past suffer-
ings and slavery. A tendency existed among the labourers
in these colonies to prefer obtaining a small subsistence
out of the purchase of provision grounds, to working on the
estates. There were large quantities of lands waste, but
cultivateable ; and if the negroes once exhibited a disposi-
tion to squat on their waste lands, no laws they could make,
no force they could interpose, could prevent its being
generally adopted, and there was an end to the cultivation
of sugar for one year, or perhaps for ever. Much depended
on the wisdom and vigour of the Government, and much
upon its avowed intentions towards the negroes. The
Right Hon. Baronet's proposition would go to keep the
negroes for a certain time under the dominion of a Legis-
lature which they must regard as hostile, but paralyzed by
a suspended sentence, under a Government of conflicting
authorities, the Executive and Legislature being in avowed
collision, the latter being determined to pass no laws
but those which would compel the negro to work,
under the fear of thirty-nine lashes to be inflicted at the
pleasure of a Planter-Justice, for what he might call dis-
obedience or a breach of discipline. That was the opera-
tion of such a law administered by such Magistrates. Was
it not enough to drive the negro into those mountain for-
tresses where he has no chance ofabecoming civilised ? If
thoy left the administration of such a law in such hands for
a single year, or even for such a period as was proposed by
by the Right Hon. Baronet, in order that diplomacy might
be carried on across the Atlantic, they would do that
which no future prudence would rectify—they would do
much towards impoverishing Jamaica. A good many gen-
tlemen on such occasions had implored the House to lay
aside all party motives.—(Cheers.) They had a guaran-
tee on that occasion against party motives, for the Right
lion. Hart. ( Sir R. Peel) upon a former occasion had
distinctly said that was not a party question. It was
strange that the friends of the Right Honourable
Baronet had taken such pains to prevent that
excellent intention from b.•ing carried into effect
—that the Carlton Club--( Cries of '' Oh, oh ")
He was glad to hear that denial from the Hon. Gentlemen
opposite—perhaps they would also be able to deny that
they had received such circulars from that rather cele-
brated Club as some cf his friends had received._
(Cheers.) He could not understand what was a party
question if that was not one, where the whole of a party
seemed to be drilled up for the occasion.—( Cheers.) He
trusted, however, that the House would see that this was
far too important a question to be made a party one—
( Cheers)—at all events, he was sure the Right Hon.
Baronet would not call it so.—( Cries of " Question," and
" Order.") He assured the House that he would be done
in a few moments.—(" Divide, divide.") He would
entreat the House to recollect that this question did not
only involve the truest interests of the most important
colony of the country, but also the honour of the British
nation, which was staked upon the success of the great
question of emancipation—(Cheers)—the greatest—the
most generous act, which had ever been attempted,
and one which the whole civilized world looked upon
with the greatest interest.—(Great cheering.) In fact,
it was the pivot on which turned the whole welfare of the
African race. He did not think it was in their power to
command success the issue was not altogether in their
hands, but by prudence they might go far to ensure it, and
honour was due to them fur the attempt to carry out the
great work. Great, however, as would be the honour
of success—evert so great would be the disgrace of
its failure, by any attempt to
defeat it from party
motives.—(Loud cheers.)h He would be sorry and
ashamed of a failure
; bshould take place from
Conservative unwillingness_c_
to invest a Government with
necessary authority; : but be would be far more sorry if that
failure should be attributable to any contribution
by their fears
made towards it by any one professing Liberal opinions—
(Cheers and laughter)—who were led away
of doing away with a Constitution which he conscientiously
believed had been the best established to work for the in-
terest of the few at the expense of the many.
Mr. HUM E then rose, and said he had not intended to
address the House at that time bad he not been personally
alluded to by his Hon. Friend ;but at the same time he
was bound to say that he (Mr.
Hume) could not at all
near
presumed
him were
acted upon by some e
He attributed
make out what his Hon. Friendowfohuisldfrbieenadts.
while he himself
all
had
that he ( Mr. Hume) and some
, admitted that theY
themselves they
good opinion of ; but of all who
that he was always rigjhuo.t.'
naturally a
had addressed the House, there was no one who was more
.
—w(isChheed to stand well
ers and laugh-
orri ewho
nd
F
anxious to pleastebaanllbipsaHrtoines.,
with all parties,
bl •
ter.) He began with roundlyd blaming the Government,
he went backwards an. forwards, and he (Mr. H.)
but
in r llowine• him. lie said he
felt difficulty .o was ready to
'sJamaica, yet I
the oligarchy of
destroy
which would only suspend it
vote fora Bill • He thought the
• le was to allow a people to govern themselves,
best principle
to vote for a Bill , •
yet he was readywhich would give
and
of government into the hands of
all the powers what he
called a tyrannical Executive Government of Colonies.—
(Cheers an
d laughter.) He did not know that
it was necessary
for him to take a
f his lionany more notice
of the inconsistency o • Friend.—( Cheers.)
His Hen. Friend seemed to have forgot the
proceedings of
what was usually called •
Mr Powell Buxton's Committee,
Committee strongly recommended because that mended that those
who passed the laws for emancipation should not pass laws
to canny it out. They recommended that nothing should
Defied
be done until 1840 at the earliest s • That again was
Lord Glenelg to th .
the recommendation of
by I• d e legislatures of
all the islands, as was provedon.,riieisndespatch. He did not
understand of whom his H
be well and complained ; he said
that emancipation should trulyf carried out. In
lion. Friend,
that he agreed with his or he believed that
not only was it necessary for
were y for the honour of the
nation, but
that the eyes of ml upon the experiment.
It did appear to
him that his lion. Friend wished to place
the colony under ass„
mod worst tyranny ever assi
ined by any
Government. He had no partiality for the Tory party—
(Hear, hear)—
he never had—( Hear)—and he was sorry
to see his friends, whom he had heretofore supported,
he
adopting what must consider to be a Tory system.
(Bear, hear.) Friend should recollect that if
His Hon
the colonies had duties to perform so had the parent state ;
and that it was impossible for any colony to succeed if it
was liable, on the
slightest difference, to have its legisla-
tiveeded.—( Hear,
functions superseded.—( hear.)lt was a Con-
stitutional Government, and
he believed, in proportion, as many electors among the
whites in Jam=
•a as there were in England. The law
at this moment made no distinction between the black, the

coloured, and the white. Every man by the law, as it
now stood, on acquiring the qualification, which was about
71. a year, became entitled to a vote.—( Hear, hear.) They
were told that this measure was necessary to protect the
whites against the blacks. Did the whites ask fir that
protection 7—( Hear, hear.) Was there any complaint or
fear on that subject ? If there was any fear of the Govern
ment being the agent of slave•traclers instead of the proprie-
tors of property—if there was any fear of any improper go-
vernment or improper influence, he was willing to extend
the suffrage to any extent so as to give complete power to
the population. He would consent to its being a 40s. free-
hold or Universal Suffrage.—( Hear, and laughter.) If
they adopted the course now proposed would they make
the blacks free ? Was there any mode in which they could
be employed except under their white masters? It was
only through them that the black population could be ex-
pected to rise in society and obtain the advantages of free .
dom. It was on that account that he deprecated any step
which would impede their prouress, and especially in the
unconstitutional mode now proposed, which, he believed,
would do a great mischief. Jamaica had, in common with
all the colonies, rights assigned her under the 18th of Geo.
111., chap. 12. He admitted, at that time there was no
idea that England would take the liberal course she had
taken of granting twenty millions for the emancipation of
the negroes. England had paid the money, and ought to
see the bargain completed.— (Hear, hear.) If Jamaica
would not complete the
.bargain, the Imperial Parliament
was bound to interfere, but in no other case.—:" Hear,"
from the Ministerial benches.) But did Jamaica now
refuse to do so ?—( Counter cheers.) He contended
that the preamble of the Bill was not true. He would
ask any man whether the request in the resolution of the
House of Assembly was an unreasonable one. Notwith-
standing what had been said, he was satisfied that if the
Governor of the colony had thought it necessary to make
a proper explanation—bad done that which was done in
Barbadocs, and had said, " this is not an Act affecting you
merely, it affects all the colonies, and the Government does
not intend to interfere with the ordinary internal regula-
tion of your colony," he had not the least hesitation in
saying that if that had been done there would not have
been any resistance.—( Hear, hear.) The resolution of
the House of Assembly arrived in December 1838 ; had
any explanation been sent out since ? Whose fault was that.
He considered that the Government had not done their
duty in meeting, as might have been expected, the reason-
able expectations of the colony, in explaining to them what
was the object of the Bill. They were now trying a dange-
rous experiment. He regretted that no attention had been
paid to the Constitutional right of the colonies, and he asked
if in this manner, without any explanation, they suspended
the Constitution of Jamaica, where was there a colony under
the British empire that could place confidence in the Govern-
ment ? Why was not this made a general Bill ?—( Cheers. )
This was made an attack on Jamaica alone, and not on the
other colonies.—( Hear.) He could only assure this House
that he regretted this question had assumed the appearance
of a party question, and he thought most improperly; but
it did not assume that appearance until he ( Mr. H.) had
stated his objection to it, because on the 27th of last month
he ventured to express his regret at this proceeding, and
stated that it was impossible for him to concur in the mea-
sure. He gave his vote with great regret, because it
might appear that he was deserting the party which he
wished to support; but anxious as he was to sup-
port a Liberal Administration, he could not consent
to be dragged from day to day into an attack on the best
principles of the Constitution.—( Cheers.) He was sorry
to see so many of his friends make light of a constitutional
question—so many who, when the suspension of constitu-
tional rights with regard to Ireland was in question, stood
forward and opposed it.—( Cheers.) He knew no difference
between Ireland and Jamaica in this respect.—( Cheers. )
Was there any man more desirous to stop Lord Grey's
Coercion Bill than himself? He had endeavoured to act
on the same principle in that case as on the present.
Those who were taking on themselves this extreme course
were acting most unwisely. He regretted to see this col-
lision brought on in the House, because it would be produc-
tive of such mischief, not only to the whites in Jamaica,
but to the blacks, not only in Jamaica, but in every colony
under the British Crown, if this Bill should be carried,
which he could not believe.—( Cheers.) It would be a
great misfortune if this unconstitutional principle should be
carried cut. The Hon. Member had alluded to different
subjects, but had he stated what laws were desired -o be
passed ? If the Government were prepared to rescind the
Militia Law and the Vagrant Act, why had it not been
done before ?—(Cheers.) But they had not made up their
minds to a single Bill.—( Cheers.) He thought this was
so dangerous a precedent that he could not agree to so un-
constitutional a measure.—( Cheers.)
Sir GEORGE GREY rose amidst loud cries of " Di-
vide, divide." He said I certainly did think I should have
heard from the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, or from the
Noble Lord, who is more intimately conversant with Co-
lonial affairs, some stronger reasons than have been
advanced in opposition to this measure, which has
been introduced by her Majesty's Goverment to meet
the existing crisis of affairs in Jamaica. But it
appears that the whole opposition to the Bill is to rest on
the facts and arguments adduced by the Right Hon.
Baronet in the speech in which he opened the de-
bate—a speech which disappointed the expectations
which I had formed. (Hear, hear, and cheering.)
Sir, admiring as I do, and as any man must do, the Par-
liamentary skill as well as the distinguished talent he ex-
ercises, I did feel surprised to see him labouring with a
cause which evidently weighed him down.—( Loud cheer-
ing from both sides of the House.) I will not say grap-
pling with facts which he could not controvert, but endea-
vouring to conceal. I attribute no improper concealment
to the Right Hon. Gentleman, but I do say that he must
have neglected to read the papers which were laid upon
the table, and selected his facts from the advocates of the
Assembly, who furnished him with those only which were
favourable to his cause, and suppressing others, which it
will be my duty to state to the House. Sir, lam not one
of those who blame the course which was adopted by the
Noble Lord opposite {Lord Stanley) in 1833—however
much I regret that course; considering' the difficulties with
which the case was then surrounded, at the accomplishment
of that great act of national justice and generosity, I am
not prepared to blame that course, though subsequent ex-
perience has induced me to regret that the Colonial Legis-
lature were entrusted with the task of carrying out the
principles of the Act of 1833.—( Cheers.) However,
the Government exerted all their efforts with the As-
sembly to induce them to act faithfully, and in accord-
ance with the confidence reposed in them by the Impe-
rial Parliament. The Right lion. Baronet opposite quoted,
as decisive against the Bill, a passage in his Majesty's
speech in 1834, which stated that the Legislature of
Jamaica had discharged their obligations, and come for-
ward—(omitting that they were not entitled to any share
in the compensation until they did come forward)—and
passed this Act—which was declared by an Order in Coun-
cil to be adequate and sufficient. But the Right Hon.
Baronet did not notice any of the defects in that Act—
which he might have discovered, had he looked to the
the papers'which had been laid before Parliament ; he did
not state that the Act was passed but for one year, and
that this year expired without renewal.—(hear, hear.)
Here was the commencement of that want of faith which
the Assembly, I am sorry to say, have all al,ng mani-
fested ; for they have endeavoured to tax their ingenuity to
defeat the spirit of the Emancipation Act, and to retain as
much of the spirit of slavery as possible.—( Hear, hear.)
The Right Hon. Baronet also found it convenient to
pass over the enquiries of 1836, the result of which
was, that there were great defects in the Colonial Act,
and that in the first instance an appeal should be made to
the Colonial Legislature. Sir, I did then believe that
the appeal would have been responded to, but it was wholly
and utterly disregarded.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Sligo,
having failed to obtain any remedy for the defects which
were pointed out in the Act, resigned ; and Sir Lionel
Smith, who was at first met in a more conciliatory spirit,
soon encountered as much opposition as his predecessor.
Hear, hear.) A Committee was appointed in 1836,
before which more detailed evidence was given, as to the
abuses which prevailed, and the principal evidence was as
to the state of the prisons, which were much neglected,
so as to render law inoperative. The course taken by the
Government was to send out an unbiassed inquirer, to
ascertain the real facts. But in the mean time the public
mind was roused to a just indignation by the details which
had been published. No doubt the law then required altera-
tion—and Ido not think that any measure passed with
more unanimity, considering its importance. The only
difficulty was as to making it more stringent, and
a conviction seemed to, prevail, even in the minds
of some gen-tlemen opposite, that nothing was to
be expected from the Legistation of Jamaica in the
way of impartial and just legislation.—( Hear, hear,)
The Right Hon. Gentleman has selected masses of corres-
pondence and remonstrances that have nothing whatever
to do with the subject now under consideration, and from
those documents he has endeavoured to urge upon the
House the inconsistency of the course the Government has
pursued.—( Cries of " Order, order.")
Mr. BRISCOE rose to order. During the present
Session a practice had arisen that he trusted would be put
a stop to by the Chair. He alluded to the continual talk-
ing that was always taking place at the bar.
Sir G. GREY—Sir, I was about to state several things
that passed over the mind of the Right Honourable
Baronet. Though he did not take any part
in the debate on the motion of the Honour-
able Member for York, he was present during a consi-
derable portion of that debate, and he could not, therefore,
be without a knowledge of some of the speeches made by
some of the Hon. Gentlemen who belong to the party of
whom he is the leader. Ido not now see in his place the
Hon. and Learned Member for Ripon, but I must remind
the Right Hon. Baronet of the expressions made use of
by that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, whose opinions,
from his great talents and learning, I think every one in
the House will admit are entitled to great weight. What
did that Hon. and Learned Member say with respect to
the house of Assembly, whose cause the Right Hon.
Baronet had so eloquently advocated this evening ? That
Hon. Gentleman said, and I have no doubt that many lion.
Members will recollect it, " I know of no instance in his.
tory, where there has been so audacious a breaking in upon
express intentions of the Legislature as there has been here,"
speaking of the provisions of the Prisons Bill then before the
House. In his opinion, therefore, a strong case was made out
against the Assembly of Jamaica. The Right Hon.
Baronet then alluded to the course adopted during the time
Lord Sligo was in Jamaica. and stated that the practice of
flogging females was carried on there to a most frightful
extent, and he believed that it existed in every workhouse
iu Jamaica. That was the opinion of the Hon. Member
for Ripon, and the papers on the table show that through-
out the administration or Lord Sligo case after case of
that description was submitted to the House ofs Ades:
sembly, and they refused to apply any remedy ;
that remedy however has now been applied.—( Hear.)
The Right Hon. Baronet concluded by expressing his
termination to vote for the resolution of the Hon. Member
for Yorkshire, unless he was assured that the apprentice-
ship was to cease in the following August. The appren-
ticeship has now expired, and it is to be hoped that all ves-
tiges have expired too, but that would not be the case if
the Right Hon. Baronet was to accede to this motion. If
the Right Hon. Baronet is not satisfied with the authorities
11 which I have hitherto referred to, I will call his attention
to another—namely, that of the Duke of Wellington, who