The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TIMES,—It is (lift-IC*lh to read the letter of the
Emperor Alexander to the Grand Duke Constan-
tine, relieving him of his viceroyalty over Poland,
without a feeling of pity—pity for the writer, as
well as for the people who are finally consigned to
the tender mercies of Gen. Berg. There are those,
perhaps who see nothing in this document but a
piece of Imperial masquerading, and will smile con-
temptuously at the tribute offered by the Russian
Autocrat to the virtues and self-devotion of his

brother. To such persons th© profession of good
intentions towards Poland, and of regret that they

have not been better appreciated, must appear mere
hypocrisy. Read by the light of the accounts that
reach us of wholesale arrests and transportations to
Siberia, of confessions extracted by torture, of trials
and executions without form of law, the very mention
of " conciliation," of "benevolence," of "clemency,"
of a "readiness to pardon the erring," of a paternal
Government that would fain have inspired " a
sentiment of duty and devotion," can hardly fail
to shock and disgust the sympathising friends of
Poland. If we interpret the Czar's language some-
what differently, and claim for him the credit due to
sincerity, it is not because we are blind, or rather
it is precisely because our eyes are open, to his
profound misappreciation of the problem before
him. There is no reason, we think, to doubt that
the sentiments and policy here avowed are the
Emperor's own; but the infatuation which could
induce him to believe that he could pacify Poland
by means so simple is truly amazing. History,
indeed, is full of similar lessons; and Alexander 11.
will probably not be the last well-meaning Sovereign
to protest that his promises have been perversely dis-
trusted and his mercy spurned by his rebellious sub-
jects. Still the grievances of Poland are so invete-
rate, the demands of the National party have been
so definite, and the tendency of them has been so
thoroughly understood by foreign observers, that a
document of this kind, which calmly ignores the true
nature of the Polish question, grates on our ears as
though it were ironical. The Emperor's argument
is neither more nor less than this—that, inasmuch
as he was animated with the desire to reform the
administration of Poland in accordance with so-
dern notions, he had a right to expect that the
Poles would abandon their passion for indepen-
dence and cast in their lot with Russia. He assumes
that the Poles complain only of being misgoverned,
and not of being governed at all, by Russia. He
assumes their aspirations are for political liberty and
not for national existence. He assumes that the

enfranchisement of the serfs in Russia—a measure
admirable in itself, but by no means the favourite
idea of Polish landowners—was calculated to
reconcile them to the Russianising of Poland.
He assumes that there are no radical sources of an-
tagonism between the two countries in religion,
in the constitution of society, and in their respective
relations with the East and the West. He assumes
that the bare word of an Emperor ought to inspire
confidence, in face of the fact that the solemn and
repeated declarations of his grandfather, supported
by European treaties, did not avail to save Poland
from the arbitrary tyranny of his father. He
assumes that his own ungracious address to the
representatives of Poland, when he met them for
the first time, endorsing the principles of Nicholas
and the old Muscovite party, has been forgotten in
that country where nothing is forgotten that can
foster implacable hatred of Russia. Ho assumes
what Prince Gortschakoff has expressly asserted,
that the Polish revolution is a temporary revolt,
got up by the emigres and foreign agitators,
though the number of resident Poles in the
upper classes who have laid down their lives
in the cause is so great es to make it wonderful that
the movement has not died out through the exhaus-
tion of its natural leaders. Beginning with these
assumptions, the Emperor expresses the greatest
distress that " the institutions given by me for the
Kingdom of Poland have not worked, up to thepre-
sent, in a way corresponding to their object." He
deplores the postponement of " a new era of internal
prosperity and development," but still looks forward
to a time when his Polish subjects, " rendered acces-
sible to the voice of duty and of legality," by mili-
tary force, "shall free themselves from the violence
exercised by the declared abettors of treason, and
shall have recourse to my clemency." Then the
Grand Duke Constantine is to return, and to con-
summate the work so untowardly interrupted, the
success of which, the Emperor declaree, is " one of
my strongest and sincerest desires." However
little disposed we may be to adopt the Emperor's
point of view, there is one subject on which we can
not, in justice, refuse him our sympathy. Believing,
as we do, that the mission of the Grand Duke was
intended to be conciliatory, and that he was him-
self inspired by the motives attributed to him by the
Emperor, we cannot but regard the attempt on his
life as a crime without excuse. Not only is it im-
possible to justify assassination by reference to any
law, human or Divine, but in this case the authors
of the plot are debarred from the usual plea of ne-
cessity, or even of utility. Constantine was not, like
Gessler, a tyrant whose oppression had become into-
lerable; nor did he come, like General Berg,
as the representative of military despotism.
Had his life been taken, not the slightest ad-
vantage could have accrued to Poland. On the
contrary, the arms of Russia would have been
strengtiened by a natural desire for vengeance, and
by the just indignation of Europe. It would be well
if the National Government had taken warning by

the impression produced on public opinion by this
act. Instead of this, by adopting the responsibility
of the unsuccessful assault on General Berg, and by
not disclaiming that of the more recent murder
of M. Kuczinski, they have identified themselves
with a system of terrorism odious to every one
who has not studied in the school of revolution.
It is vain to say that assassinations are the natu-
ral consequences of such wrongs as Poland has
suffered at the hands of Russia. It may be 80 ;
and far be it from us to balance the guilt of
these patriotic desperadoes against the cruelties
of Meuravieff. We have to deal only with the
fact that the secret Government of Poland, rely-
ing on the moral sense of Europe for its support,
deliberately employs a method of warfare com-
parable in atrocity to that which it denounces in its
enemy. The spectacle presented by these two na-
tions at the present time is one of the most pitiable
that can be conceived. Here is a Monarch who has
shown himself capable of no ordinary sacrifices for
the good of his subjects, constrained by a fatal ne-
cessity of evil to play the part of an unscrupulous
conqueror. Here is a brave and progressive peo-
ple, who would have been fortunate to have so libe-
ral and conscientious a ruler, had he not represented
to them " the inheritance of triumphant wrong,"
driven by this circumstance into an internecine
confllet with his power. If the Poles could but
acknowledge their allegiance to him, Alexander
would, no doubt, make any concessions that would
insure peace, prosperity, and contentment in this
part of his dominions. If Alexander could but
constitute Poland proper a separate kingdom, with '
a native Legislature, even though it were under a
Russian Prince, it is possible that the wisest chiefs
of the revolution would ultimately accept the com-
promise, and give up their vague claims on the
other provinces. And yet a kind of malignant
destiny, growing out of ancient injustice, makes
either solution almost hopeless; and, what is sadder
and stranger still, an Anglo-Saxon Democracy on
the other side of the Atlantic is eagerly treading in
the steps of Catherine and Nicholas, and labouring
to create for itself, by like methods but with deli-
berate foresight, a new Poland of its own.
POST.—The intelligence which has reached us
from New Zealand, though less striking in its de-
tails than that conveyed by the last mail, will be
received with satisfaction. The Maoris have evi-
dently determined on waging, as long as possible,
an irregular war similar to that which some years
since taxed the energies and the valour of the
colonists to the utmost ; but on the present occasion
the promptitude of the authorities, together with
the active co-operation of the military under Gene-
ral Cameron, bid fair to nip the insurrection in the
bud. Although no engagement has taken place be-
tween the troops and the natives since the departure
far
from the preceding mail, the former have been
from idle. Steadily and progressively advancing
his outposts, General Cameron has succeeded icnided
se-
curing such a position as must give him a d
war es
advantage in the event of the Maoris riskihnga
ral engagement. In the conduct of such
are now
that in which our troops in New
what, for want of better terms, may
place, Fight-
engaged it is needless to observe thZaetabtehceatuaecdtiacsivoif
.
lised or scientific warfare, find
ing in detached bodies, seldedmnoc
wrests in which they find airdesa
o
oyr the sudden sur-
the purpose of nocturr.alofr eoterr,gei nx
cgc
ept tr on;
troops or colonists, the
prise of detached bodies
.12e tperomsssesosningwhuinch.
they will give or accept
icthaat
little confidence in their
doubted courage and no
valour, they not unfrequently expose
own skill andtatlet
as on th recent occasion at Koniroa, to
troops under
circumstances
the
the disadvantages with which the latter have
thheematsetalvcekss,
of the royal .
generally to contend are comparatively diminished.
But even then the natives fought under the cover
or rifle pits, and they did not at any time attempt
to receive the attack of the troops on the open
ground. Under these circumstances the General in
command is necessarily obliged to proceed with ex-
treme caation, and, if possible, to force or to induce
his opponents to accept a general engagement. It
is with this object that the late operationst' of Gen. eral
CuLeeron have been conducted, and there is every
reason to hope that they will be clowned with sue
ce.,,s. It would be difficult to convey to the public
even an approximate ides of the recent movements