The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-25 00:00:00

THE ARMY.

A general order, issued from the Horse Guards by
command of the Duke of Cambridge, expresses the
pleasure he has expezienced in perusing the official
report of Major-General Bloomfield, Inspector-
General of Artillery, and his gratification at finding
the Royal Regiment of Artillery is in such a high
state of efficiency.

The Deputy Adjutant-General, Col. Charles
Bingham, in a general regimental order of the Royal
Artillery, dated the 21st inst., promulgates the sub-
joined items of information:—.Capt. and Brevet
Major George T. Field, R.A., to be Acting Gover-
nor of the General Hospital at Woolwich; Second
Capt. Walter C. Nangle to be Deputy-Assist. Quar-
termaster-Gen. at Woolwich, vice Capt. and Brevet
Major Field. The undermentioned officers are
raised to increased pay—viz., Lieut.-Col. James
Robert Gibbon, C. 8., 16th Brigade, vice Turner,

I promoted ; Lieut. Price Frederic Blackwood,
9th Brigade, vice Straubenzee, promoted ; Lieut.
Colonel M'Crea will remain at Newfoundland in
command of the Royal Artillery serving at
that station. An exchange of brigades has been
ordered between Lieut.-Colonel G. V. John-
son, of the 10th, and Lieut.-Col. R. B. 111‘Crea, of
the 7th brigade. Capt. Purvis removes from Gib-
raltar to St. John's, Newfoundland. Lieut, Clarke
will join at Woolwich on April 1 next, and do duty
with the depot brigade until required to embark for
India.

The 32d Regiment, quartered in the Raglan bar-
racks, Devonpert, will leave on the 4th of April for
Dublin. The 78th will succeed the 32d at Devon-
port. The 73d Regiment, in Plymouth citadel, is
expected to leave in two divisions on the 22d and
27th for Aldershot, and will be replaced by the 2d
or Queen's Own Regiment from that encampment.
Detachments of the brigade of Guards, numbering
about 350 men and 15 officers, have arrived at the
camp at Aldershot to undergo a coarse of musketry
instruction. The detachments consist of 64 men of
the Ist battalion Scots Fusilier Guards, 34 of the
Ist battalion and 67 of the 2d battalion Coldstream
Guards, 87 of the 2d battalion and 98 of the 3d bat-
talion Grenadier Guards—the whole under the com-
mand of Lieut.-Col, A. C. Cure, of the 2d battalion
Grenadier Guards. The detachment is quartered
in E lines, North Camp, and is attached to the 3d
brigade.

The officers and men of the division at Aldershot
having returned from leave and furlough, an annual
spring drill has commenced.

THE POLISH INSURRECTION.

MEETING AT MANCHESTER.

Yesterday a meeting of the citizens of Manchester,
convened by the Mayor, in accordance with a rd
quisition, was held in the Town-hall with a view to
a, manifestation of sympathy with the Poles in their
present struggle for freedom. There were on the
platform General Count Ladislas Zamoyski, Mr.
Hennessy, M.P., Mr. N. Zaba, Dr. Gottheil, Dr.
Watts, &c. ; and the large room of the building was
well filled.
The Town Clerk stated that letters had been re-
ceived from Mr. Bazley, M.P., Mr. J. A. Turner,
M.P., and Mr. George Wilson, regretting that other
engagements would prevent them from being pre-
sent. Mr. Bazley wrote that he should be glad to
serve on any committee that might be formed, or to
be useful in any degree to promote the freedom of
the Poles. In Mr. Wilson's letter he said his sen-
timents with regard to Poland had long been known,
as he had the good fortune to be acqaainted with
the late Lord Dudley Stuart. (Applause.)
The Mayor of MANCHESTER having taken the
chair and opened the proceedings,
Mr. W. R. CALLENDER, jun., moved, and the
Rev. Canon TOOLE (Roman Catholic) seconded the
following resolution :
" That Russia, by the violation of her engage-
ments to Europe on behalf of Poland, and by the
system of confiscation, exile, and massacre which
she has substituted in their place, has forfeited all
right to the possession of Poland, and by the condi-
tion of normal discontent which she has thus created
in the breasts of an oppressed and gallant people
exposes the peace of Europe to constant danger,
which it is the interest of all to avert."

Mr. HENNESSY, M.P., on rising to support the
resolution was loudly cheered. He said the citizens
of London had been assembled by the Lord
Mayor, and the chief magistrate of Manchester
had convened the citizens of the metropolis of
the commerce of the world for the common ob-
ject of expressing their sentiments on the cause
of Poland, more especially because this was,
as he had always maintained, an English question.
(Hear, hear.) Poland was tied to England by
obligations which England was bound to see ful-
filled. He agreed entirely in the declaration that
Russia had no longer any rights in Poland. Russian
rights, or, rather, Russia's claims to rights (hear),
assumed the semblance of legality in the year 1815.
Lord Castlereagh, representing England at the
Congress of Vienna, failed in his endeavour to ob-
tain the independence of Poland, but he obtained
that which he himself and the English Parliament
and Government then thought was almost as good—
its national existence under the treaty. Lord Pal-
merston, the highest authority in this country, not
only in official rank, but in everything connected
with the interpretation of treaties, had told us that
that treaty was violated by Russia almost as soon
as concluded, and within the last few weeks he had
told us in the House of Commons that this violation
by Russia was systematic. His lordship added that
no treaty in the history of the world had been so
deliberately violated. (" Shame !") Whatever
rights, then, Russia had under that treaty were
gone. (Applause.) It was to be hoped that Euro-
pean statesmen would no longer look upon it as a
question of treaties, but as a question of the com-
plete independence and restoration of the Kingdom
of Poland. (Prolonged applause.) In the year
1861 events took place quite as black, tyrannical,
and oppressive as the recent atrocities there com-
mitted. Poland was then put practically in a state
of siege. For three months the churches of every
denomination—Protestant, Romish, and Jewish—
were all closed, and not merely by the four millions
in the Duchy of Warsaw, but the 16 millions of the
so-called Russian subjects, no costume was worn
except black ; not even a riband of any other colour
was sold in Warsaw, but from one end to the other
of a country more extensive than this we beheld a
whole nation in mourning. That was some proof of
the universal feeling in Poland in 1861. (Cheers,)
Now we saw that there was a nation in arms. The
movement was not confined to what were popu-
larly called the people, but all the leaders and
landowners of Poland, and even those who held
judicial authority and public functions, had joined
the insurgents. In the enormous province of
Lithuania every one of the judicial functionaries had
within the last few days resigned en masse. He bad
an opportunity of asking Lord Palmerston on Mon-
day night in the House of Commons a question about
Poland, and then had the opportunity of mentioning
a few facts which he was very happy to hear had
given great satisfaction to a large body of members
on both sides of the house. (Applause.) General
Langiewicz was a prisoner, but that gallant man
had commanded over an area in Poland not wider at
any point than 40 or 50 miles, while from east to
west we could trace a straight line of 700 miles of
insurrection, and going north from about the centre
of that line we could trace 500 miles of Poland still
in insurrection ; whereas the area in which Langie-
wicz had operated was about 1,600 square miles, the
total area of insurrection was over 150,000 square
miles. (Cheers.) It seemed evident that all classes,
nobility, clergy, peasants, and shopkeepers, were
united in the struggle. (Cheers.) It was remark-
able that the Grand Duke Constantine's order as to
the conscription directed it to be levied not against
the ordinary classes from which soldiers were taken,
but against persons of a class similar to those who
attended this meeting—the intelligent classes. In
Warsaw it was generally speaking the middle class.
The Grand Duke hoped by that means to put into
his fortresses and barrack-rooms all those who, he
thought, might lead the people. (Hear.) This:was
an English question, not merely on account of treaty
engagements, but because of the commercial inte-
rests connected with it. In 1842 it was pointed out,
that, in defiance of treaty stipulations, Russia had
extended a prohibitive system throughout her Polish
dominions. This was done, he feared, not so much
to carry out the mere policy of protection, but, like
the conscription, as a means for crushing the peo-
ple. This town-hall was familiar with the voices of
friends of commercial as well as the friends of poli-
tical freedom, and he thought it was a fitting place
in which in reference to this question they might
vindicate the principles that they had advocated
there so triumphantly for England. (Cheers.)
Now came the practical question--What was to be

dune ? All that the British nation could do was to
strengthen the hands of the Government, and that,
could be done efficiently. The public opinion of
Europe had pronounced on the question ; in France
all parties were united ; in Austria there was the
same devotion to the cause of Poland ; and if Eng-
land, France, and Austria were united, would Rus-
sia be able to oppose them with success ? (Cheers.)
The petitions from the French people had produced
a most remarkable debate in their Senate. Prince
Napoleon had spoken in favour of the Poles, and
boldly counselled war. He (Mr. Hennessy) thought
there was another alternative. The senator who
officially represented the French Emperor said that
the policy of former Governments with reference to
Poland was a policy of many words and little action,
and that that would not be the policy of Napoleon
111. (Cheers.) The same Minister spoke of the
contingency of a European congress. That serious
word congress would hardly have been mentioned
unless the senator knew the Emperor would make
that proposal to the other powers of Europe. He
(Mr. Hennessy) believed it would be made, and that
was the alternative. If England, France, Austria,
Spain, Italy, Sweden, and all the parties to the
Treaty of Vienna (and he would include some who
were not, because this was a European question)
met in congress and pronounced what was the pub-
lic opinion of the world, Russia must yield. It was
as a friend of peace that he counselled our Govern-
ment to unite with France and Austria on this oc-
casion. He did not complain of Lord Palmerston
for telling him in the House of Commons that he
did not think the time was yet come for stating there
what was the policy of England. In one respect that
was an advantage, because the people were enabled
to express their opinions without any party feeling
as to what the conduct of the Government ought to
be. The debates in the French Chambers led to
tithe belief that the French Government had
asked ours for joint action with Austria. He
was strongly in favour of that joint action.
(Cheers.) He believed that any other action would
be a total failure. All that Russia wanted now was
to divide the Powers of Europe. Any shuffling, un-
meaning, isolated policy would be most dangerous
to the peace of Europe, for he felt convinced, if we
allowed France to go unaided into the negotiations,
war was certain. The people would not allow the
Emperor to draw back; he was himself said to be
anxious to get rid of a disagreeable undertaking the
other side of the Atlantic, and now for the first time
he found the whole of France united. War was in-
evitable, unless Russia knew she was opposed by a
too powerful force. He could not believe that Lord
Palmerston would refuse this joint action, and this
was really all that we could do. Upon the nation
devolved the responsibility of strengthening the
hands of the Government in that course. He had
never counselled any other action for England than
diplomatic action in concert with the other Powers,
but diplomatic action would be idle if we went out
of our way to say that under no circumstances war
would arise. He offered no opinion on that con-
tingency. It was our duty to leave to the Govern-
ment the mode of action ; let us express our opi-
nions. (The hon. member sat down amid great
applause.)
The resolution was passed unanimously.
The Rev. Mr. STREET moved, and Mr. BISHOP
seconded—" That it is the duty of every English-
man to labour to obtain the cessation of all diplo-
matic intercourse with Russia until such a state of
things (the state of things indicated in the first re-
solution) is put an end to."

The MAYOR, in calling upon Count Zamoyski to
support the resolution, said he would introduce him
not as an exile but as an Englishman, the Count
having been presented with the freedom of the city
of Edinburgh. (Cheers.)
Count ZAMOYSKI, on rising, was warmly cheered.
He waL glad to have the opportunity of expressing
his belief that Gen. Langiewicz had not retreated
from the field because he had shrank from the
extremity of his duty, but in an endeavour to
repeat his former manoeuvre of suddenly re-
appearing at another point, This had been
frustrated by some Austrian official perplexed
by contradictory orders. He (Count Zamoyski) as
a Pole, declared that he would rather see his coun-
try submit 20 years longer to Russian rule than be
assisted by foreign military force. (Cheers.) His
strong conviction was that his country was nume-
rous, powerful, honest, devoted, and, he would say,
virtuous enough to gain the victory by her own
strength, humanly speaking. (Hear, hear.) Poland
would triumph over Russia either now or hereafter.
(Cheers.) After 30 years of silence like death, she
now showed more life than ever before. In the jus-
tice of her cause, Poland was certain to triumph
over her enemies. What had she done in 1831 ? With
40,000 men they fought several battles, and gained
complete victories over the enemy, secaring 20,000
prisoners, while the allied armies never had 3,000
prisoners. The reason was that one-fourth of the
Russian soldiers were Poles. (Hear, hear.) He com-
plained that after their success in 1831, they re-
ceived no word of encouragement from the Govern-
ments of Europe. (Hear, hear.) This statement,
when made by Mr. Hennessy, startled the house,
and it was hardly understood, but it was what he
(the speaker) had been saying to the British Minis-
ters for years; and they were not very courteous in
saying that they could not send ships to Warsaw.
He answered no, he did not expect that, for he was
not mad ; but if they were to send to the Polish
National Government a messenger of the Foreign-
office in his official dress, with an official despatch,
saying that we acknowledged them, this would be
worth more to the Poles than a hundred thousand
bayonets. (Cheers.) The resolution asserted that
Russia had forfeited all claim on the dominion of
Poland. (Hear.) This sentence implied the recog-
nition of such rights as the Poles could establish by
their own efforts, and such a security would be the
foundation of certainty for the resurrection of Poland.
However much he might applaud the cessation of
diplomatic intercourse with Russia, it would not be
nearly so effective as the proposed recognition ; the
former would be a satisfaction to England
by washing our hands of the offender, but
it implied no consequences—it was not open-
ing diplomatic relations with Poland. He
hoped this recognition of rights would be in-
sisted on by the meeting, and that every English-
man would feel it a point of honour that there
should be a cessation of intercourse with Russia.
(Hear.) He entreated the people of England to press
upon the Government that it ought to withdraw the
sanction it gave in 1815 to the domination over
Poland. He proceeded to show what would be the
effect of this on the other nations of Europe. France
had proposed joint action. What for ? To pass a
verdict in the trial of " Russia v. Poland." That
verdict must be that the sanction to this wrong
hitherto granted must be withdrawn. Russia must
be treated as the felon had been who was presented
at the late levee, and whom the Duke of Wellington
would kick out of doors if he again showed his face.
(Hear.) The speaker contended that there was no
advantage in concerted action, but there would be
the certain evil of delay. Why wait for concert in
doing our duty ? The partition of Poland was ac-
knowledged to be " the crime of the age ;" there was
not a man in Russia who did not acknowledge that
it was a crime ; and it was hardly less a crime in
those who remained the passive witnesses. (Cheers.)
Prince Talleyrand admitted that the partition of
Poland was the prelude to the many subsequent
crimes, and partly their excuse ; the crimes of the
kings led to the crimes of a maddened people in
France, and to many revolutions. This participa-
tion by England remained a crime so long as it was
not atoned for and restitution made. If Poland
were dead there would hardly be a means of atone-
ment, or of freeing the national conscience. The
religious people of England admitted that crime
was punished, and generally punished
this world.
He therefore claimed life for his country in order
that England might be enabled to free herself from

---t- -

NEWS P,PER

vi .17.17:3-.k
Ithis stain. :Poland had been tql,klKeT .
.—.!;z' r,#,:q
thank God, she was not dead. (CO ei-,.-''J..3il wlti.'"•,..Q,,
)
ought to be thanked for this, for iegave us ,."';'-(---` -
hope of escape from punishment. He utild inS.; ntS
action the simple ground of duly, for great Powers
werejealous cf each other, and delays were danger-
ous. The French treaty &c.,had done much, but he
almost despaired of seeing the two countries unite.
Moreover, if England led the way, France and
Austria would be sure to follow. Fr avec had in her
..
_.
proposal left it to England to name the means and . .
their amount, and he thought that the English Go-
vernment had neglected a most favourable °rpm -
tunity. He repeated, let England move first, and
she wr,s sure to have France N% ith her. The French
people had said, " Hour governor NS ill not make us
go to Poland we will make him go." (Hear.) Eng •
land was in these moral matters mistress of tho
world, and if she moved other nations would follow,
and the result would be the salvation of his coun-
try. (hear.) The position of Galicia and her Geo-
graphical tic cessities would compel Austria to join
with Franco and England. Austria could do no
more than look left and right and keep Silk_ She
could not fight three Powers. There were also
Sweden, Turkey, and Circassia burning to be
avenged on Russia. The freedom d the Black Sea,
was guaranteed by the Powers of Europe, hut Russia
had blockaded the coasts of Circassia. If England,
France, Austria, Sweden, and Turkey all united--
not for war with Russia, but for unity in speech—
the freedom of Poland would be secured. The Cir-
cassians were a noble people, and had defended
their independence for 80 years against, the mighty
power of Russia—mighty it was, but it was mighty
no more, thank God. (Cheers.) The Circassians
had lately received an offer from Russia, but they
scornfully rejected it, having no faith in her pro-
mises. He therefore hoped that in raising funds to
aid Poland, Circassia would not be forgotten, for she
was their sister nation. (Hear.) He concluded by
calling upon them to press the English Government
to give a verdict against Russia, both in justice to
Poland, and that England might thus be enabled to
redeem the fault she had committed. (Cheers.)
An addition was made to the resolution of the
words " recognise the belligerent rights of Poland,"
and it then passed unanimously.
On the motion of Alderman GOADSBY, seconded
by Mr, R. COOPER, a resolution was passed, calling
upon the meeting to give effect to the preceding re-
solution. The following memorial was then adopted:
"To THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OP THE UNITED
KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND IN PAR-
LIAMENT ASSEMBLED.
t' The humble petition of the undersigned sheweth,—That
the Poles, after having long exhibited, ander circumstances
of the most cruel provocation, a calm and dignified demea-
nour in the firm but peaceable vindication of their rights,
which entitled them to the respect and admiration of all
civilised nations, have been forced into their present insur-
rection by acts of continued and intolerable oppression and
insult on the part of Russia, and by the absolute necessity
of taking up arms in self-defence, and in order to preserve
their national existence from being exterminated, and their
own lives barbarously sacrified in the forced and ignomi-
nious service of their oppressor. That for the last century
it has been the constant aim of the Russian Government to
denationalise the people of Poland, to degrade her
nobility, and to efface the remembrance of her former
greatness and freedom, and this nefarious policy has
been pursued by means of constant confiscations, exiles,
and massacres, wholly without a parallel in the history
of any other country, Mahommedan or Christian. That
the anarchy which this system has naturally produced in
Poland is dangerous as well as disgraceful to the civilised
States of Europe and an insult to the majesty of interna-
tional law, on a gross violation of which the dominion of
Russia in Poland was founded. That the Prussian Greeern-
ment is bound by the Treaty of Vienna to cherish and pro-
tect the nationality of Poland, and that by permitting Rus-
sian troops to pursue Polish insurgents on her territory, and
by giving them up to the Russian Government, she has not
only become an accessory after the fact to its tyrannical and
atrocious proscription, but has released the other contracting
Powers to the Treaty of Vienna from the stipulations con-
tained in that treaty in her own favour, and that the Prus-
sian people, if they acquiesce in this base and disgraceful
conduct of their Government, will be considered by the
rest of Europe as occupying the last instead of the first
place among the people of Germany. That England, in,
order to purchase the adhesion of Russia to the 14 first articles
in the Treaty of Vienna in favour of Poland, agreed to pay
the Russian Government the sum of £7,000,000 sterling—
a payment which was spread over the space of a century,
with the express view of rendering it the interest of Russia
continually to observe the treaty; that the treaty having
been, as stated by the Prime Minister of England in his
place in Parliament, systematically violated by Russia, to
continue the payments any longer is simply to render tribute
to Russia ; and therefore, it affects as well the honour as
the interests of England to put an end at once to our present
relations with that country. We, therefore, entreat your
honourable house will be pleased to present a humble ad-
dress to her Majesty, praying her to take, either alone or in
conjunction with her ally the Emperor of the French and
other European Powers, such measures as she may in her
wisdom think most suitable for securing the national and
political rights of the Poles, and thereby establishing the
peace and welfare of Eastern Europe. And your petitioners
will ever pray."

The mcieting closed with thanks to the Mayor, on the
motion of Mr. Hennessy, seconded by Mr. N. F. Zaba4
Polo.

HEALTH OF LONDON.

(From the Registrar General's Report.)
The mortality in London was high in the second
week of the current month; it rose still higher in
the third week (that ended last Saturday) when the
deaths numbered 1,624. The average number of
deaths in the weeks of ten years 1853-62, corres-
ponding with last week is, with a correction for
increasing population, 1,416. The public health
has been so unfavourably affected, that the deaths
were more numerous by 208 than they would have
been if the average rate of mortality had ruled. In
the last three weeks the deaths were successively
1,370, 1,561, and 1,624. The mean temperature of
the air in the same periods was 47.3 deg., 38.1 deg.,
and 41.0 deg.
The retur❑ of the previous week exhibited an in-
crease in the deaths of young persons (under 20
years), and also of the old (60 years and upwards).
The return of last week shows no further increase
in the deaths of the young, but a further increase
of considerable amount in the deaths of the
old. IR the last three weeks the deaths of young
persons were 702, 806, 793 ; those of the old. were
275, 305, and 351. The increase has arisen chiefly
from pulmonary complaints. The deaths at al/
ages from phthisis were in the three weeks 149,
191, and 180; those from bronchitis 144, 170, 204;
those from pneumonia 88, 114, 102 ; those from
heart disease 56, 50, and 72.

The deaths from pulmonary complaints last week
were 366, against a corrected average of 315.
There were 45 deaths from smallpox.
Seven nonagenarians died in the week, the oldest
of whom was a widow, aged 97 years.
Six women are returned as having died on the
10th inst.—four at Ludgate•hill and two at the
Poultry—from suffocation in the crowds attracted
to witness the illumination, or from heart disease
accelerated by the great pressure and excitement on
that occasion. A woman died on the 13th inst. from
disease of the heart accelerated by the pressure in a
crowd on the 7th inst.

I Last week the births of 1,129 boys and 1,102 girls,
in all 2,231 children, were registered in London.
In the 10 corresponding weeks of the years 1853-62
the average number (corrected) was 1,980.
At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean
height of the barometer in the week Was 29.774 in.
The reading fell to 29.08 in on Sunday ; it rose to
30.06 in on Tuesday ; and after various fluctuations
was 30.07 in at the end of the week. The mean
temperature of the air in the week was 41 deg,
which is 0.8 deg below the average of the same week
in 43 years (as determined by Mr. Glaisher). The
mean daily temperature was below the average till
Fridi,y. The night temperature was twice—viz.,
on Wednesday and Thursday—below the freezing
point of water; the lowest Was 28.1 deg on the
former day. The highest day temperature vas
57.9 deg on Friday. The range of temperature in
the week was therefore 29.8 deg. The mean daily
range was 15.4 deg. The mean of the highest
temperatures of the Thames was 45 7 deg ; the,
mean of the lowest was 42.7. The difference
between the mean dew-point temperature and air
temperature was (3'9 deg. The mean degree of
humidity of the air was 77, complete saturation
being represented by 100. The prevailing direction
of the wind was north east. The amount of rain
was 0.23 in, almost all of which fell on Sunday.

I

The Weather--• Sun Office, March 25, 1863.

THERMOMETER.

Highest since Noon yesterday
Lowest during the night
This day at Noon— .. 5l
Wind—S.-Westerly ; light, with fine weather.

• 1,-15
'
P 414.014 1111
Ze t 410^N 4444 JP

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 25, 1863.

In the _souse of Lords yesterday Earl RUSSELL,
i❑ answer to a question from the Dui of SHAFTES-
BURY, said that the only information he had re-
ceived concerning the arrest of Poles in Prussia,
and the demand of the Russians for their surrender,
was contained in a despatch from Sir A. Buchanan,
who said that two Polish students had been
arrested and demanded by Russia, but that the
French Ambassador had claimed them as natura
lised subjects of France, and that it was, therefore,
hoped the Russian demand would be refused.
The Births and Deaths Registration (Ireland)
Bill passed through committee, after some dis-
cussion on the Plauses. _ _ .

Several other bills wore forwarded a aage.

Lord LYVEDEN asked whether the Government
intended to reconsider that part of the act consti-
tuting the new administration of India as related to
the nomination, election, numbers, salaries, and re-
tiring ailowances of the members of the Council of
lle tt ought the present opportunity 1+
favourable one for revising the act and remodelling
it where it had proved faulty.

The Duk© of ARGYLL said that the Government
did not propose to make any change. The act had
been fully considered by Parliament, and he thought
it worked well:

,
The r.ari of ELLENBOROUGH expre3ied his satin
faction at the statement of the noble duke.

Earl GREY presented petitions from inhabitants
of Australia praying for alterations of the boun-
daries of the Australian colonies.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE, said that the applica-
tions made for the formation of distinct colonies in
Australia were so numerous that it would be im-
possible to comply with them all until the different
districts should become more settled and more
populous. The progress of explorations, however,
had of late been so rapid, that he believed it would
in a short time be desirable to create the territory
to the south of the Gulf of Carpenteria into two new
colonies, one on the Albert River and the other on
the Victoria River. But, in the meantime, the for-
mer district would be annexed to Queensland, and
the latter to South Australia.
Their lordships then adjourned,

In the Howe of Commons,

Sir C. Woos, in reply to a qucstioza from Mr.
Vansittart, stated that he had not issued instruc-
tions for the removal of the seat of Government in
the North-Western Provinces of India from Agra
to Allahabrid.

On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the Ex
(11EQUER the Tobacco Duties Bill was read a third
timed and passed.
Mr. CAVE, in moving for papers respecting the
condition of natives of British India held, to labour
in the Island of Reunion, said that he had learned
that they were reduced to a state of practical ala•
very.
Mr. LAYARD said that it appeared from the re-
ports of the British Consul that the condition of
these labourers was lately much improved ; and the
Consul neglected no opportunity of securing better
treatment for them. It was not desirable to pro-
duce the while of the papers, but he was willing
to submit them to his hon. friend, and try to
arrange with him what portions should be made
Public.

After some remarks from Sir M. Farquhar, Sir
J..E.lrphinstone, and Mr. Seymour,
I'l
CAVE expressed his willingness to accept
.Air. Layard's offer.
The otiou
Mr.
HuttAplas
rn then withdrawn.
moved the following resolution :
" That the incidence of an income-tax touching the
products of invested
property should fall upon net
income, and that the net amounts of industrial
earnings should, previous to
eeqsusimt
bent, be subject
to such an abatement as ay as
burden thrown upon intelligence y adjust the
hand skill as
compared with property," The on gentleman,
after having adverted to the great unpopularity of
the income-tax in its present form, argued at
n
siderable length in favour of the justice and oth:
expediency of the change set forth in his present
proposal. He disclaimed any desire to embariasi
the finaucial arrangements of the Government, and
contended that the House could accept his proposi-
tion without in any way compromising the projects
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Mr. LEATIIAM .9..,c011ded the motion.
The CIiANCELLoa of the EXCHEQUEit said that it

was not thmsible to siLyi6e an income tax that should
not be full of injustice and irregularities. Any site•
ration bud' as that propostd by .Mr. Hubbard wool i
not only be contrary to the authority of the most
experienced financers that had ever sat in that
House, but would merely substitute inequalities
that were novel for those that were well known, ane
tin that acciJmt borne with less discontent. lit
ninin..3ed the House that select comtrittees, after
the fullest inquiry, had been adverse to the pro-

posed reform of the income tax, and had become
convinced that it was unwise to encourage schemes
that were impracticable. He objected to relieve
one class of the community at the expense of
another, and to putting his hand into the pocket
of one man for the purpose of placing its contents
jat the disposal of another. It might be urged that
a surplus revenue might enable the matter to be
adjusted, but he held that when a surplus ap-
peared it should not be employed in exempting in-
dustrial incomes from taxation, but in doing jus-
t:ea to all classes who contributed to the public
revenue. The proposition of Mr. Hubbard would
entail a mass of inequalities and injustice from
which the present system, defective as it was, was
free, and he recommended the Louse not to sanction
so dangerous a principle.
Ater a few words from Mr. HUBBARD in reply,
who complained that the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer had wholly omitted to answer any of his
arguments,
The house divided, and the resolution was
rejected by 118 to 70.
Lord R. NIONTAGU moved two resolutions re-
specting the Appropriation Bill, which, after some
discussion, were carried.
The Limited Liability Amendment Bill was read
! a second time.
Other business was then disposed of, and the
j house adjourned at one o'clock.

As we anticipated, the debate on Mr. HUBBARD'S
motion terminated in its decisive defeat. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer has always supporters
enough in the Commons to enable him to resist
without much difficulty the attacks of adventurous
reformers upon his favourite hobby of direct taxa-
tion. The scheme of Mr. HUBBARD may not be
without imperfections. It may present inequali-
ties of its own, and be open to considerable im-
provement; but why does the Chancellor of the
Exchequer refuse to admit the justice of the prin-
ciple involved in it ? As a triumphal overthrow
of his adversary's arguments in favour of recog-
n7sing a distinction between the incomes derived
from trades and professions, and drawn from
permanent sources. Mr. GLADSTONE cited an ima-
ginary instance of a widow, with half-a dozen chil-
dren to educate, deriving an income of £2OO a-year
from the funds, and a City merchant with a clear
annual rental of £20,000, and gravely asserted that
it was proposed to increase the tax oil the means of
the one for the sake of diminishing it on the other.
That this is an extreme case the warmest advocates
of Mr. GLADSTONE can hardly venture to deny,
but, even taking it at his own reckoning, the
principle remains the same. Ten years hence the
income of the widow will be unchanged: ten years
hence a commercial crisis, a sudden panic, a
rash speculation may have left the merchant
prince a beggar. It is useless for the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer to take refuge in
convenient generalities, in assertions of the
injustice as well as impolicy of "taking from
one mun to give another." The common sense of
mankind is against him, and the difference between
a secured rental, which no fluctuations of health or
commerce can affect, and an income wholly depen-
dent on the changes of trade, the vagaries of
fashion, the vicissitudes of health and strength,
is too self•evidant to be disproved ; and the in-
justice complained of by Mr. HUBBARD and Mr.
LEATIIAM has been too widely felt to be disposed of
by the eloquent platitudes of Mr. GLADSTONE. We
agree with Mr. HUBBARD in anticipating a
final triumph for his cause, for the argu-
ments of his opponents cannot redeem the
present system of assessment from the charge
of cruel inequality. " I will never," said Mr.
HUBBARD, " acknowledge a defeat in numbers to be
a defeat in principle," and whatever the incomplete-
ness of Mr.HuenAßD's proposed reform, we consider
the principle on which he based his motion to be
incontrovertible. Its justice hes already been ad-
mitted by one financier, and we may surely hope
that is possible to combine due regard for
the interests of the national exchequer with
some consideration for the hardships of the
struggling professional classes. It is the obstinacy
of Governments in refusing to admit the manifest
inequalities of the existing system, tliat renders the
income tax the most odious of all financial burdens.
Its imposition is felt, as an eminent statesman of the
present day once said, to be " iniquitous, impolitic,
and unjust," and until our Chancellors of the Ex-
chequer show a little more readiness to redress the
grievances of the people, we can scarcely anticipate
that the Income-tax will be looked upon with more
favourable eyes.

It is satisfactory to find that notwithstanding the
capture of LANGIEWICZ, the Poles are continuing
the contest with unabated ardour, and with at ]east
partial success. We learn from Posen that two
engagements have taken place in the Palatinate of
Kalisch and Apatuova, in both of which the Poles
were completely victorious. This proves an indo-
mitable spirit, that hopes against hope, as it were,
and perseveres, with the courage that is born of
despair, in advocating its just claims though sur-
rounded by unpropitious adjuncts. Europe looks
coldly on while the brave people are pouring out
heir life blood to gain their independence, or at least
to offer up with their lives a protest against its vio
lation. It appears that another engagement has
also taken place at Makorowo, but the result
is not yet known. It has, however, been ascertained
that a great number on both sides have been killed
and wounded. It is to be deeply regretted that it
appears evident, from the news received from vari-
ous quarters, that the unhappy dissensions that of
old militated against the cause of the Poles still
exert their fatal influence. This is most lamentable,
and every means should be used to obviate the
least dissension prevailing, when, if ever needed,
unanimity is indeed wanted. No cause can thrive if its
supporters cannot agree, especially one so environed
by dangers and beset with difficulties as that of the
Polish insurrection. A house divided against itself
cannot stand, we are told on the highest authority,
and these men should take this lesson to heart
before they attempt so arduous an undertaking. It
is a thousand pities to mar by their own fancies
or prejudices so noble a task, and so glorious an
endeavour. One thing, at all events, seems to prce
miss well, and that is that the fall of LAN GlEwicz
has not damped the expectations of the troops. It
is stated in the Presse of Vienna that " all the chiefs
of the insurrection are convinced that it will hold
out for a long time yet. It was foreseen that
LANGIEWICZ would be beaten, but this does not
take from the insurrection anything of its intensity."
This is very satisfactory, since nothing could be more
disheartennig to the gallant chief himself than to
learn in his captivity that the star of the good cause
had waned on his defeat, and was threatening to
set altogether. The Czas of Cracow also refers to
the event in the same tone :—" We know not who
will replace the Dictator, bat the incident of the
19th is only an episode,
nation of the strife." and by no means the termi-
'Whatever may be the final re-
sult, for the present at all events, we see no reason
to fear the ignominious termination
;he part of the Poles. At all u they a
e von
ts of the
i f
strife on
e:
uwaliisltrhifaev,eawndoneetahsee
forced to retire fronagtghle:
ei tuhueeyq
their arduous stru
spplause and approval of all true hearts; and no
civilised nation, and no free people in the world,
hut so2ord them their sympatk-, aLd pray tha
on another occasion they may succeed better when