The Sun.
London, England, 1830-05-10 00:00:00

EAST INDIA MONOPOLY.

On Saturday a meeting of the inhabitants of
Westminster, arid the public generally, was held at
the Crown and Anchor in the Strand, to take into
consideration the means of resisting the .monopoly,
of the East India Company. Sir Francis Burdett
~vas to have taken the chair.

A little after one,

Mr. J. C. Hobbouee entered

the room, accompanied by Mr. Ot way Cava, M.P. ;
Mr. Pendarvis, M.P.; Mr. J. Wood, M.P.; Mr.
O'Connell, M.P.; Mr. Buckingham, Mr. lEneas
Nkedontiell, and many other gentlemen. About
250 persons were in the room, among whom was
Mr. Hunt.

Mr. BUCKINGHAM proposed that J. C. Hob-
house, Esq. should take the chair.
Mr. HUNT wi►hed to know why Sir Francis
Burdett was not present ?
Mr. BUCKINGHAM said that Sir Francis Burdett
had cordially seconded the requisition, but he had
been seen that morning by those who would attest
that he was not in a state of health to take the chair.
HOBHOUSE them took the chair, amidst una-
nimous applause. The Hon. Gentleman then read

the requisition for the meeting; after which he
stated that he had seen Sir F. Burdett that morn-
ing, who was suffering under'i violent inflammation
of the head, which incapacited him from taking the
chair. He (Mr. Hobhouse) was not prepared for
the meeting, as he had known nothing of is but
from seeing the advertisement in the newspapers.
He should therefore take the chair, as the Vice-
President of the Board of Trade had said, with
his mind like a sheet of white paper; but if his
constituents should instruct him to take any parti-
cular line in Parliament upon this subject, he
should do it, if it were consiptent with his con-
science; and as he had not hitherto had any reasi•n
to differ in opinion with his constituents upon pub-
lic questions, he did not apprehend that he should
see any necessity of differing on the present occa-
sion. As chairman, he should act with impar-
tiality, and he trusted that he should receive the
support which was usually afforded to the chair by
great independent meetings like the present.
Mr. BucKINGRam said, that he presented himself
to the meeting-in the two-fold character of pleader
and witness; for he had resided in India for many
years, and not only had he witnessed what could
riot have been seen by •ery many present, but he
had resided in India in a capacity that had given
him opportunities of knowing more than other;s,•
even in that country. With respeet to the motives
of his conduct, if a Turk met an English scientific
gentleman making observations s‘ith his sextant end
Oronometer, and were to ask him what %%as his
motive, and the Englishman were to reply, I have
no motive but a love of science, anti a hope to reap
an himourable reputation amongst my countrymen,

the Turk would turn from him with disdain, for his
mind, would not be able to appreciate any such motive.
Even in England, when a person, speaking to a
public assembly, said " I have no personal interest
in this question, my fortune is not affected by it,my
only motive is to benefit the country," persons,with
equal disdain with the Turk, would turn from him.
-He had borne this so often that he was quite in-
different to it, and people might even say, if they
phased, that he was influenced by the devil. At all
events, his motives could have no influence on the
value of facts. Some persons might say that the
public had nothing to do with this question, as it
was already taken up by Parliament, but a public
disciittion out of doors often had a salutary effect
upon questions in Parliament. Had the public kept
the Legislature to its duty, in the case of the Finance
Committee, it would not have turned out a delusion.
Of all fallacies the greatest was that of Members
not attending public meetings on subjects before
Parliament. Perhaps they thought that perfect
impartiality consisted in perfect ignorance, like
the Duke of Newcastle, who said that he came
to a judgment on the case of the Queen with
more imp irtiality than any other man, because he had
not even heard the evidence.—(A laugh.)—lf a line
were drawn between Parliament and the public, it
would be found that more wisdom lay outside the
house than within.- He would now go into the
direct question of the Indian and China trade :—lt
was about 200 years ago that Queen Elizabeth gave
the first Charter to the London merchants to trade
exclusively with India; but it contained ►words to
the effect, that if within its period of fifteen years it
was found contrary to the interests of the common-
wealth, the right of trade should return to the com-
munity. All other Charters were granted on the
same principles. These exclusive privileges of
trade were granted from twenty years to twenty
years, and on the last grant an amendment had been
moved, that it should last only ten years. India
was as much a part of the empire as Yorkshire.—
The country was immense, its population was
131,000,000, and, considering its rivers, its climate
and productions, it was a great garden and store-
house, from whence England might derive immense
weaith and happiness. But how had the Company
managed its territories ? In such a way that in
1793 their debt was 7,000,0001.; in 1813 it was
25,000,0001.; and now, in 1830, it is 50,000,0001.
The Company, in their letter to Lord Melville, the
President of the Board of Controul, had made the
extent of debt a reason of going on with the Charter.
They said, you gave us twenty years when we
owed 7,000,000/., you must give us fifty years now
we owe 50,000,0001. Mr. Vickers, who had re-
sided a long time in India, pronounced the system
of the Company to be most inexplicable. ,Sir
Thomas Munro, in his invaluable Life and Corres-
pondence, published after his decease, condemned
the system of the Company in the strongest lan-
guage. Bishop Heber bore testimony to the bad
government of the country. The 6evrterly Re-
view had said, that of all books ever written that of
Sir Thomas Munro contained the most striking de-
nunciation of the system of government pursued in
that country. China alone might relieve the dis-
tresses of England, as it was a country large, popu-
lous, and willing to exchange a commodity useful to
us, for our superfluous manufactures.—Mr. Buck-
ingham concluded amidst immense applause.

Mr. °TWAY CAVE viewed all monopolies as evils,
and *vas sorry that a system of monopolies was en-
grafted so extensively in the public business of the
country. It would be seen, when the Report of the
India Committee was laid before Parliament, whether
India was governed as well as the Company pre-
tended; and whether the suppression of the free
press, and the continuance of an absolute, arbitrary
government, were or were not necessary to the
safety and weVare of our Indian possessions.—
The question before the meeting was well worthy
of di.eussion. He was a friend to freedom, and
he hoped it would he proved that India would be
benefitted by an approximation to free institutions.
The Hon. Gentleman moved the first resolution.
Mr. PENDARVIS said, that from the nature of the
Resolution, he should second it, though he was
a Mi-mber of Parliament, and had come to the
meeting without any intention to take any part in
the discussion.

Mr. FALKLAND moved a Resolution, that it would
be of the greatest benefit to permit an importation
of tea from the Continent.
Mr. lionnousE wished to know whether this
Resolution were meant to supersede that which was
all early before the meeting ?
Mr. FALKLAND—Certainly not to do away with it.

Mr. PENFOLD THOMAS thought that Mr. Buck-
ingham had spoken to inflame the country.—(Loud
hisies and hooting.)
Mr. O'CONNELL thought that it was bat con-
sisteut that those who had robbed Mr. Buckingham
of his property, should try to strip him of his cha-
racter, which, however, was too high to be injured
by such attempts.
Mr. THOMAS continued, amidst repeated inter-
ruptions of hissing and laughter. He contended
that free trade might now be carried on to a great
extent with India, and the meeting could not bring
themselves to a conclusion that the Company was
not competent to carry on its trade, and inclined to
do so. They had in their service excellent servants
to extend their trade. The debt had been incurred
in the acquisition of an immense territory, and in
the establishment of a splendid empire, which had
not yet been able to pay the costs of acquisition.—
(Laughter.)—The India Company was character-
ised by disinterested liberality.—(Laughter.)—
Lately, when a native Prince had made a present of
3,000 rupees to the daughter of an English resident
the young lady had paid it into the Royal Treasury,
in order to prevent corruption.—(lmmoderate
laughter.)—Without despotism the Government of
India was at an end. Mr. Thomas proceeded for
some time in this strain, and sat down amidst peals
of laughter, mingled with hisses.
A GENTLEMAN now spoke against the conduct
of the Company, in very unmeasured terms.
Mr. CALLER-It had just been stated that the
East Itidia Company was liberal; but so far from
it, it was the most detestable Company on the face
of die earth—(A laugh)—and the whole tissue of
their conduct in China had been most damnable.—
(A laugh.)—After eleven years of service he had
applied for three months' leave of absence; but he
was refused and thrown oa one side. India lie knew
to be the hot-bed of patranage; and they were
liberal only where they were obliged ; the conse-
quence of which was, that their favoured servants
were able to riot and wallow in luxury. With re-
spect to the management of the army there, it was
all done by caprice, and entirely destitute of judg-
ment; so that Calcutta had nearly been left exposed
to the attack of the Burmese troops; and instead
of the debt being diminished, it rote in a treble
ratio. He again repeated, so far from the Company
being liberal, kind, or humane, never was there a
Company so damnable and unjust.
Mr. MiDoNNELL thought that all the Resolu-
tions ought to have been put together, as that would
embrace the whole subject at ones, He dissented
from the statements of Mr. Buckingham, as they
seemed to him to stand in need of proof. Nothing
'bait speeches condemning the conduct of the Com-
pany had been made. No illustrations were offered,
and on the strength of that the meeting was called
-*poll to give their vote against the Company. This
came with a particularly ill grace, when Committces
of both Houses of Parliament were engaged in in.
vestigating the subject. It was as much as saying—
you may inquire, but we will decide. The acts of
the Company had been pronounced to be hprrible
and damnable, but not one word had been uttered
to prove it. And what were the proofs—(A voice :
All the world knows them.")—go far from acting
unwisely, the care of the Company had always been
to mitigate the evils that existed in India.
Mr. HUNT said, that he should like to know'
whether the speaker had ever been in India.
Mr. MWONNELL—Heintended to ask the judg-
ment of the meeting on the testimony Of those very
witnesses to which Mr. Buckingham laud referred;

and a question so rude and unsuitable as that which
had been proposed to him, he should never have
expected from any other person but Mr. Hunt.
He never was in India, but he had only to do with
the witnesses to which Mr. Buckingham had
referred. If any business was to be done, let them
fancy themselves to be gentlemen for an hour
or so, and do it like gentlemen. The great point
on which he relied was, that what had been done
(whether good or evil) had been done by this coun-
try at large, and not by the East India Company,
for it was to Parliament arid the Government that
every important measure was referred. In 1813,
when the Committee was held, not one witness
against the Company appeared.
Mr. BUCKINGHAM-oh, yes—Mr. Richards.
Mr. IMDONNELL—He spoke in Parliament, but
he was not an evidence before the Committee; but
he contended that rlr. Richards had borne testi-
mony in favour of, instead of against the Company.
The King's Speech, too, at the close of that pe-
riod, was equally firm in praise of the management
of the East India Company. Mr. Richards cer-
tainly did assert that the trade carried on by the
Company was prejudicial—(Hear, hear)—but his
statement in that respect was contrary to the facts.
—(The meeting here began to show signs of impa-
tience, and some called out " Time, time !")—But
it was said that the country lost by the monopoly of
the East India trade. He had one short answer to
that, which was, that there was no monopoly at all.
—(Laughter.)—He would give up the whole ques-
tion if they would show him where was the mono-
poly in India. The trade had been so far opened
as to give those who were capitalks every chance
that they had a right to claim ; and, from the evi-
dence it did not appear that there had ever been any
principal who had made profit by embracing that op-
portunity.—(Cries of " Time, time !")—Mr.
Brown's evidence went to show that the trade had
latterly been very unprofitable.—(Cries of " Time,
time !")—Captain Coffin stated that the trade Iv-
tween America and India had fallen off very much.
—(Loud coughing.)--There was plenty of other
evidence to show that the trade was unprofitable.—
(A voice—" Then why are the Company so eager
to keep it to themselves r")—_,lt was a notorious fact
that many had been ruined, arid all had been injured
by entering into the trade.—(Coughing.)—lf gen-
tlemen wanted to pass the resolutions without dis-
cussion—(Cries of " You have discussed it!")
The CHAIRMAN—There could be no value at-
tached to their proceedings if they refused to hear
both sides.
A GENTLEMAN at the lower end of the room
complained that he could not hear distinctly.—(A
voice—" That is all the better for you !")
Mr. HUNT said that Mr. M'Donnell was now
quitting the topic of India, and getting on that of
China.

It was then agreed that all the resolutions should
be put at once, in order to afford the speakers an
opportunity of addressing themselves to the whole
question.

Mr. BUCKINGHAM read the Resolutions. They
were as follow :

" 1. That the British poscminns in the East Indies
might be made the most valuable dependency of the
British Crown : being, in vastness of extent, variety of
natural production, number of population, and distance by
sea, superior in their natural resources, and their power of
beneficial employment for our manufacturers and seamen,
to every other colony in the world. But that in conse-
quence of this magnificent portion of the British empire
having been for more than two centuries excluded from
the general intercourse which the British merchant has
been permitted freely to enjoy with every other portion of
the British dominions, its resources have not been ade-
quately developed—its population has not been enriched—
its commerce has not been profitably conducted; but
while the most lamentable absence of all improvement
marks the internal condition of the country, its external
relations have been fraught with loss in every department:
and thus an extensive and fertile country, which mirzht,
under able and judicious management, have been made to
lighten the burdens of England, without impoverishing its
own inhabitants, has (by two centuries of mismanage-
ment) sunk to the lowest possible condition, and greatly
added to the burdens of this already overburdened land.

" 2. That of all the various countries on the face of the
globe, the empire of China is pre-eminent in those pecu-
liarities which render it desirable to cultivate with it the
most intimate relations of trade ; and that the evidence
recently submitted to Parliament proves, beyond a doubt,
that the Chinese are not merely disposed, but most anxious
to enjoy a more extended intercourse with Great Britain,
from which they are quite aware that considerable benefits
to themselves must ensue ; but that from this vast and
itiexhaustible source, both of consumption and supply, Bri-
tish merchants and British seamen generally, are never-
theless at present entirely excluded, not by any edict of
the Chinese, but by the act of our own Legislature, which
gives up the whole of our mercantile transactions with
China to the East India Company, on various pretences
of danger and difficulty, which are alleged to stand in the
way of more general intercourse—all which pretences are
now proved, however, by incontrovertible evidence, to be
entirely without foundation.
" 3. That, therefore, while the possession of the go-
verning power in India, and the exclusive trade with
China, have been so unproductive of benefit to the East
India Company itself, as to leave them, after two centuries
of unsuccessful effort, many millions sterling in debt ; the
same causes have retarded the internal improvement of
India, kept back the commerce with China, and operated
most disadvantageously to all the varied interests, whether
agricultural, moneyed, mercantile, manufacturing, or ship-
ping of Great Britain; and that these evils are greatly ag-
gravated by the fact, that while British-born individuals
are precluded from the employment of their skill, capital,
and enterprise, by their exclusion from free settlement in
India, and free trade with China, the subjects of every
other nation enjoy unlimited access to, and intercourse
with each; thus making the East India Company's mo-
nopoly, an act which, while it does not, in the slightest
degree, benefit themselves, tends to enrich the foreigner,
whether merchant or ship-owner, at the expence of the
British-born subject, who is thus degraded in the eyes of
all other nations, and made an object of mockery and scorn
to his own. _ _

" 4. That as the period is now approaching, when the
question pf the removal or abolition of these exclusive pri-
vileges of the East India Company is to be decided on by
the Legislature, it is incumbent on the people of England
generally, to express their decided opinions on the subject,
and to entreat the Legislature to grant every British-horn
individual an equal participation in that freedom of settle-
ment—freedom of trade—and protection of person and pro-
perty—which is the undoubted right of every subject of
the British Crown. And that as the City of Westminster
and its suburbs, forming the most extensive portion of the
great Aktropolis of the British nation, has, from the extent
of its capital :Ind population, as deep an interest in this
question as any portion of his Majesty's dominions, it is,
therefore, incumbent on its inhabitants thus publicly to
manifest that interest, by this public declaration of their
s3ntiments thereon.
" 5. That for this purpose a Public Association be im-
mediately embodied, to be called The Westminster East
India Association,' of which all persons resident within
the popularly understood limits of the West-end of the
Metropolis will be eligible, on the prescribed conditions, to
become Aletribers or Directors. That this Association be
empowered by this public Meeting of the Inhabitants of
the 'Metropolis, to elect its President, Secretary, and other
officers, and to frame rules and regulations for its guidance.
And that the following gentlemen, whose experience, zeal,
and general qualifications peculiarly fit them For the task,
do constitute a Deputation from this Meeting, with full
power to join the other Deputies from the country, and to
act in concert with them for the general object of all.
" 6. That the Petition now prepared, embodying the
spirit of the foregoing Resolutions, be adopted as the Peti-
ton of this Meeting ; and that it do lie for signatures at
the place pf Meeting, until the Ist of June ; when it be en-
trusted to Si: Francis Burdett, Bart., and John Cam
Hobhouse, Esq., the i,!.lembers for Westminster, with a
request that they will each support the prayer of the Peti-
tion, on presenting it to the House of C'ynmons."
Mr, L;; DAVENPORT, M. P., said, that as the Re-
solutions embracoa fifty points, he hoped that the
Hon. Gentleman who htt4 last addressed them, and
who had not done addressing them yet—(A laugh,)
--.-would limit himself a little as to time.
Mr. IteIToNNELL.—He contended that there was
no monopoly iu the East India Company's trade,
for the mischief of monopoly consisted in the supply
and the price, and when those two particulars were
satisfactory, there was an end of the evil of the mo-
nopoly—(More signs of impatience.)
Mr. O' CONNELL then advanced to address the
meeting amidst considerable applause. lie began

by saying, that if they were not already wearied by
the Irish accent, he would beg permission to occupy
their attention for a few moments. True, he was an
Irishman, but then he trusted that he was an Irish-
man of very different principles from those professed
by the gentleman who last addressed them. He
was an enemy to every species of monopoly—an
ardent struggler for liberty in .every sense of the
word. A gentleman who defended the East India
Company, taunted Mr. Buckingham with having
come forward for the purposes of inflammation, and
with being influenced by improper motives—that
bespoke a foregone conclusion. The East India
Company had deeply injured Mr. Buckingham, and
that was the point of their offence. He was the
proprietor of a press in enslaved India—he endea-
voured to creep where he could not stand—he would
not conciliate the oppressor by a sacrifice of honesty
—he was a lover of truth, and a defender of the op-
pressed. They first imprisoned him—that was the
custom in India—he was tried and acquitted. His
enemies commenced another proceeding against him
but with that they did not think proper to go on.
They punished him, however, as though he had been
tried and found guilty. The resolutions which had
been submitted for their adoption contained
so many truisms, that he really could not con-
ceive how any one imagined the necessity of their
proving all the allegations contained in those resolu-
tions. Were the people of England so ignorant
generally, and especially so unenlightened on the
affairs of India, as to require such proof? The
matter must be to all who heard him as plain as the
sun at noon day. India had been conquered by a
union of fraud and force. One Prince had been set
against another, and pretenders against the rulers,
of individual States—thus, by violence and deceit,
the conquest of that country was achieved. It was
alleged against those whose views he supported,
that they aimed at contracting the trade of the Com-,
pany—that they wished to limit the trade of the
Company. They might trade where they pleased--
all that he sought was, to obtain a free trade for
others. What he objected to was, that the Company
sought to check other English traders. He then
read some extracts from the books produced by Mr.
Buckingham and Mr. McDonnell, for the purpose of
refuting the arguments of the latter gentleman—
proceeding afterwards to observe, that on every hand
they were told that nothing could be so pure or im-
maculate as were the members of the East India
Company; perhaps they might be so in the various
other relations of life; but of this he had no doubt,
that so evil was the system of the East India mo-
nopoly, that it could not fail to corrupt them. The
territory of British India contained one hundred
millions of human beings, who pay one-half of the
gross produce of their land; in England one-fifth
would be considered an exorbitant payment : their
oppressors bought cheap and sold dear, and then
flew homewards to enjoy the spoil ; they were birds
of passage, but, also, they were birds of prey; it
was impossible that any amount of private virtue
could stem the torrent of such a system, whatever
might be said to the contrary. It was said that the
Company enjoyed no monopoly—ne thanks to them
for that; it was said too, that the opening of the
trade would not increase the exports to India. What
were the facts ? Previous to the partial opening of it,
which some time ago took place, the exports were
augmented from one to five millions, and yet there was
not one of the arguments now used against the opening
of the trade with China which were not at the time he
spoke of used against any opening of the trade.
They had heard it said that the trade to China was
not profitable; it was in evidence that a single part-
ner belonging to an American house realised
500,000/. to his own share. There was an in-
stance of a Scotchman, which he could not help
mentioning, who resided in that country many years
in the character of a naturalized Portuguese—as a
British subject he knew he could not. Was it to
be endured that a subject of Don Miguel should en-
joy rights which were denied to a free-born Briton ?
They might enjoy all sorts of privileges as Portu-
guese, but, as Englishmen, they were degraded
slaves. After comparing the price of tea in this
country and in America, and calling the attention
of the meeting to the fact that there existed upon
that article a profit of 100 per cent.—nay, that what
cost but 2s. in America was sold for ss. 6d. in this
country, he proceeded to say, that his first intention
had been to reply in detail to Mr. Thomas, but that
gentleman had talked so familiarly of despotism that
he knew riot how to grapple with him. He told
the meeting the system of the Company could not
be maintained without despotism. If so, then
away with it. In Athens, if he might be allowed
to refer to antiquity, it was once proposed that an
important measure should be submitted to a single
citizen. It being of a nature requiring the closest
secrecy, it was agreed that the nature of the pro-
posed measure should not be communicated to any
other person, arid that the State should be go-
verned by the report of that individual. The mea-
sure was made known to him, and his report was,
that the matter would prove of the highest utility
to the State, but that it was open to the objection
that it was most unjust; then, said the people of
Athens, away with it. Then he would say, away
with the monopoly, if despotism be necessary to
its maintenance. They might talk of the slave
trade, but here was a case of white men, and Bri-
tish subjects too, who were no better than that
of slaves—they could not go ten miles from
Calcutta. Then there were 60 to 100,000 of the
half caste population, who, with good educations,
and the feelings 'of free men, were outcasts in
their native land—they could not become Maho-
metans, and they were denied the privileges of
Christians. He believed he might safely say that
there did not exist one exercise of good government
in that, for there was not one instance of self-govern-
ment. It had been urged as an argument against
the resolutions, that if the present monopoly were
abolished, new companies would start. That was
the very thing they wanted; and one of the most
important benefits from the starting of these new
companies would be the dispersion of the vast masses
of capital, the accumulation of which in this country
was the greatest bar to that industry for which fresh
fields would be opened by the destruction of the
monopoly. Were the interests of a pitiful paltry
Company to stand in the way of the first trading►
country in the world ? But the time had at length
arrived when England was resolved to rouse herself.
Let then a society be formed, which should collect
and arrange evidence, and enable the friends of free-
dom and of trade to put to flight the pretenders to
knewledge. He did not come forward for the pur-
pose of conveying information to the enlightened
people of England, on a subject with which their
interests necessarily made them well acquainted.
He came forward to aid in inducing them to act
upon the information which they did possess, and
form an assoeiation through whose agency relief
might be obtained. Perhaps some might be dis-
posed altogether to rely upon Parliament ; the wis-
dom of Parliament, forsooth. Any Road Bill, any
little job for the enclosure of a common, would re-
ceive infinitely more of the attention of Hon. Mem-
hers than would a matter of the highest public in-
terest ; then the Treasury Bench was to be attended
to, and its feelings consulted; they might easily
believe that the Parliament would not be always
right by intuition, and never wrong by accident. His
opinion was, that Parliament could not be watched
too narrowly. The subject well deserved to be the
object of vigilance; it affected the manufacturing,
the trading, and the shipping interests; and, above
all, it affected their domestic expenses. Let them
ask their wives which they liked bens •-• nay— i
ss. 6d. or 2s. ? But he would co• sr
tepics ; he desired to give thr; -
liberty and religion • to free the'
and misery ; to make these wh
Christians depart from the prac
consult the interests of 100,000
before that of 2,317 very r

gentlemen who formed the
The fact of the people of Int
was any thing but a reason f,
that situation. It was said that

411-

fession were attac.beit to precedents ; but 4111 b con-
sidered the precedents which India afforded were
evils to be wiped away, not' examples to be fol-
lowed. He had recently read some speeches de-
livered at a public meeting by natives of India, and
he had directed his attention to other circumstances
illustrative of the intellectual character of that
people, and he could not hesitate to pronounce them
inferior to none. They appeared to have as good
understandings, but more gentle hearts than other
men—no men appeared better suited to be happy, or
more deserving to be free.—(During the delivery of
his speech, Mr. O'Connell was frequently inter-
rupted by the most enthusiastic applause.)
Mr. HUNT began by saying, that those around
him had expressed an opinion that the last speaker
but one had been paid by the Company.
Mr. MTONNELL rose with much warmth, but the
uproar which his rising occasioned drowned his voice.
Mr. HUNT resumed—All around him said that
the gentleman was the hired advocate of the com-
pany; if so, they must have paid him by time.—
(A laugh.) They were asked for evidence. Did
they never hear of Warren Hastings ?—did they
never hear of Nabobs ?—did they never hear of the
Nabob of Arcot's debts ?—did they never hear that
a Nabob was kept in a cage like a wild beast ? It
was a degrading despotism—it was an atrocious
monopoly—it was ruinous to the trade of England,
and disgraceful to the character of her Government.
If the inhabitants of India bought only a blanket a
piece, it would revive the woollen trade of England.
He confessed he did not under-tand the grounds
upon which Mr. Buckingham's motives had been
called in question ; they might be good, or they
might be evil—it was not for the meeting to decide
that question. There was no evidence of their be-
ing evil—there was every possible reason to believe
them good—let the meeting look to his actions, and
there they would see just ground to entitle him to
their gratitude. They had every reason to be grate-
ful to him, as a lover of liberty and exposer of
tyranny. He hoped the meeting would not separate
witbout expressing, in a marked manner, their thanks
to Mr. Buckingham.

Mr. EDMONDS rose to support the Resolutions.
Mr. Buckingham's motives in the agitation of this
question had been attacked in the meeting by per-
sons of whose own motives the meeting knew
nothing. The speaker was a countryman of Mr.
Buckingham's (Cornish). He was glad to see the
Member for Cornwall (Mr. Pendarvis) at a meet-
ing of this description. His constituents would re-
member the circumstance. The attendance of pub-
lic men at this meeting involved the recognition of
principles of vast national importance. Members
of other counties would have done themselves equal
credit by their attendance. Mr. Hunt had said
something ahout the two advocates of the China
monopoly having been paid to speak here on this
occasion. It was a foul calumny.—(Hear, hear.)—
What those gentlemen could say would never be
worth paying for.—(Laughter.)—Mr. Buckingham
had spoken of the anxiety of the Chinese to enter
into general traffic with England. The Company
said China would not trade with England but
through their establishment. If a man from Leaden-
hall-street and a man from Parliament-street then
proceeded to China, each with a chronometer con-
structed in the same style, by the same artist, the
Chinese merchant, they were to believe, would pre-
for paying the Leadenhall-street man for his chro-
nometer twice as much in money, or twice as much
in tea, as was demanded by the Parliament-street
man. If the meeting believed the Chinese to be
idiots, and that these were their real principles of
traffic, he entreated the meeting not to pass the
Resolut ions.—( Laughter.)
The Resolutions were then put and agreed to,
only three hands being held up against them.
Mr. FORTUNE, after a short conversation with the
gentlemen near him, was induced to withdraw his
Resolution.

A Committee was then appointed, to take mea-
sures for forming the proposed Association.

Mr. HUNT then moved the thanks of the meeting
to Mr. Buckingham, and spoke in high terms of his
services.

Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the motion.

Mr. RUTT supported it.
Mr. BUCKINGHAM acknowledged the honour done
Film.

Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, and the
meeting broke up.

GERMAN AND BRUSSELS PAPERS.

CONSTANTINOPLE, APRIL 10.—Since the difference
between the Porte and Russia may be considered as termi-
nated, affairs here seem stationary, and politics are of
small importance. The regulation of the affairs of Greece
gives us occasionally a subject to talk of; but the discus-
sion of them has lost the charm of novelty, and the variety
of views formerly entertained since the decisions of the
conferences of London ; and the Porte is on the point of
taking a final resolution respecting the recognition of the
Greek state. For this purpose a great assembly of the
Divan is convoked for to-morrow, before which the Lon-
don protovols will be laid, that after mature deliberation
it may make its report to the Sultan.

Those who know the mode of deliberation in a Turkish
Divan can tell beforehand what its decision will be if they
have the least knowledge of the views of the Sultan. On
this occasion, therefore, the announced deliberation of the
Divan will most probably be favourable to the Greeks,
and the acceptance of the London protocol be resolved on
without much opposition, for the Reis Effendi lately
dropped some words to the dragoman of a great Power,
which clearly show that the Sultan is tired of the Greek
business, and will have it put an end to on any terms.
. In the annual statement of the finances, which contains
the list of all the Governments of the empire, the province
of the Morea is not mentioned, which of itself indicates
the voluntary resignation of Greece by the Porte, though
Negropont, Lepanto, and the part of the continent to be
incorporated with the new state, with all the contributions
to be paid by those provinces, are still enumerated. It is
po•sible that the Porte may object to the extension of ter-
ritory, and endeavour to obtain more indemnity, which,
however, would be labour in vain, after the principles
adopted by the European Cabinet, and would only delay
the recognition of Greece for a few months, for it seems
that the Powers think it a matter of importance that the
new state should be regularly constituted, and first ac-
knowledged by the Porte.
Several changes and promotions have been made in the
Administration, but not in the great offices. A few days
Ago several persons were executed, who were accused of
political crimes. It was affirmed they had conspired
against the life of the Sultan.

The French expedition against Algiers displeased the
Porte, which is••endeavouring to induce the Dey to yield,
and has strictly enjoined the Pacha of Egypt, who was
disposed to assist France, not to interfere or take any part
in the differences between the Dey of Algiers and the
French Government.

VIENNA, APRIL 26.—Letters from London, repre-
senting the King's health as extremely precarious, have
been shown on 'Change, and caused a considerable decline
in our funds.

APRIL 27.—Metalliquo, 102 ; Four per Cents., 97i;
Bank sharo, I,3s2.—Allgemeine Zeitung, May 3.
BRUSSELS, MAY s.—The first stone of the entrepot
at Antwerp will be laid, with great ceremony, on Thurs—
day next.

'The Ribble, Captain Beckman, from Batavia, arrived
at Flushing on the 3d.

MAY 7.—The King will leave Brussels early to-mor-
row morning, to return to the Hague. The Prince of
Orange will set out this evening. Prince Albert of
Russia, arrived on the 25th, at Warsaw, with his suite,
on his return from St. Petersburgb,— Gazette des
Pays Bas.

nit USSFLS, MAY 5.—M. Coche yesterday received
two summonses, and was interrogated by M. Van de
Venue. M. Neervort, printer of the Courier, was also
interrogated; questions were put to discover the author
of the article inserted in the Courier des Pays Bas the
morning after the condemnation, and which was the first
.cession of the public grief.
ie author of this article is not yet known.
ky 6.—A Brussels Paper announced tat the private
gondence of Messrs. de Potter and Tielman, which
s .iad, has just been published. We cannot believe
u •
notation of the secrecy due to confidential eorres-
tfm, and cannot allow that the clerk of the Court of
Could have a right to communicate the originals or
copies, except in cases provided for by the law for
eof justice. The authors of the correspondence

m

oug% to oppose this scandalous publication, which offends
all the principles of morality and property.—Le Beige.
GHENT, MAY 6.—M. Van de Weyer, in his defence of
M. de Potter, complained that detached fragments of a
certain correspondence were published Nov, to meet
this reproach, the correspondence has been published entire
and annexed to the documents of the proceedings, the
clamour is become still louder, and the publication is dis-
claimed against. Gentlemen of the Union, be consistent.
If fragments suffice, why will not M. Van de Weyer have
them detached from the whole mass of letters ? If they
do not suffice, and if there be some injustice in extracting
them, why do the Belge and Courier complain when the
letters are published entire ?—Journal de Gaud, May 7.