The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-10 00:00:00

Sf'IRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Reformers have gained—
In Cumberland (East) . Aglionby for Graham.
and lost—
In Huntingdon . . . . Rooper for Thornhill.
In the Isle of Wight . . Simeon for Holmes.
We must caution our readers against the pretended
lists of gains to the Tories given by the Times and
other Tory papers. They swarm with obvious errors
for instance, in Carrickfergus the return is given
to Kirk, a Tory, instead of to Rennie, a Reformer.
A number of good Reformers are entered as Tories ;
and, what is still more ludicrous, the same man is
sometimes entered in one place as a loss to the Re-
formers, and in another as a gain to the Tories. Sir
James Graham receives from the Standard the re-
ward he richly deserves. Having been a Whig and
something more, a more than usual measure of degra-
dation is necessary in his case, in order to entitle him
to Tory support. The Conservatives in East Cum-
berland must have " more distinctly remembered his
injurious declaration on the hustings in 1835, that he
had, and could have, no confidence in Sir Robert
Peel's Government, than the many excellent votes and
speeches by which his refusal of confidence has been
shown to be rash and groundless." Bravo ! Besides,
an apostate's conduct is always liable to be viewed with
suspicion. The Duke of Wellington spoke warmly in
favour of the new Poor-law Bill ; Sir Robert Peel
spoke warmly in favour of it ; but Sir James is on his
probation, and " we cannot shut our eyes to the fact,"
quoth the Standard, " that in the Right Hon. Baro-
net's rather violent support of the new Poor-law Bill
he gave countenance to the suspicion that he is not
yet free from the leaven of Whig arrogance and
Whig inhumanity, while his former conduct as a
Whig was so extreme as greatly to aid such a suspi-
cion, however arising." We squeeze the orange and
throw away the skin, said Frederick of Prussia. The
fate of Sir James Graham, treated with insolent con-
tempt by the: organs of the party he sought to pro-
pitiate by mean and malignant attacks of his former
Colleagues, ought to be a warning to all men whom
higher motives might not restrain from imitating Sir
James Graham, to secure themselves from insult, by
preserving a proper feeling of what is due to themselves.
Sir James now finds that having lost the regard of his for-
mer friends, his former opponents have more at heart the
insults they once received from him than the services he
has since rendered to them. Having lowered himself
in the general regard, he is treated as a man whose
' services may be received at whatever price the Tories
may choose to put on one who is entirely at their
mercy. By the by, whom does the Standard seek to
mystify by its cock-and-bull-story of Lord Melbourne
having declared that he would no longer hold office
should there he a majority of English and Scotch Mem-
bers against him ? Such a declaration would have
been so prudent on the eve of an election, in order to
induce the Tories to empty their pockets and exert
themselves in the other ways known to Sir Robert Peel
to obtain a majority in England and Scotland. His
Lordship must have applied to the Standard for a
short-hand writer to enable it to give his speech so
fully as it appears in its' columns. Of course the
Standard expects that the whole Reformers of Great
Britain and Ireland should be thrown into consterna-
tion at this revelation and we have no doubt in-
quiries were made by Horace Twiss at Downing-street
whether preparations were making for the Ministers
goilw_: out. This is rather too barefaced an attempt
on Tory credulity. The Standard should keep
within something like the line of probability.—
Morning Urr)nicte.

It is difficult to determine whether the disapproba-
tion which the electors of England, especially in the
more intelligent chases, arc now in the progress of
recording against the Cabinet of the present hour, be
founded more upon the apprehension of what these
Ministers are attempting, than upon the experience of
what they have left unattempted. Looking hack to
the sessions of Parliament which have glided fruit-
lessly away since the Reform Bill, the people see a
doleful history of time misspent, of fair occasions lost,
of promises broken, of bright hopes overcast. For
the rake of this blank result, if that may be called
a blank which in truth is rather a chaos, a. confusion
of all the elements that should engender good into a
mass of undistineuished crudities—for the sake of all
this abortion it is, that the English nation has quar-
relled with her natural leaders, has withdrawn the sway
of the land from its great sta!:eliolders, has displaced
the accustomed powers of rank, and birth, and pro-
perty, and education, and substituted the strange
energies of new and overweening men. For
the tenant has fallen out with his landlord, and
he tradesman with his customer, and the work-
man with his employer. The people balance their
account ; they realize their disappointment ; and it is
no wooder that they make their just displeasure audible.
With each Government of the elder time the guid-
ing principle was, to admit as little change as possible;
to act rather the part of a trustee, whose whole duty
is to keep' the estan: unimpaired, than of a steward
who is emplo► ed to improve it. That principle o.as a
tolerably safe one in times of (imputed succession or of
foreign ..war, and it endured, thou4h with yearly in-
creasing relaxation, till the peace which succeeded the
great day of Waterloo. But when the minds of men,
relieved from the anxiety of foreign conflict, had time
to coricentre theta ;elves anon home and homely sub-
jects—when the long and heavy score which the war
hal run up Came in to be settled. and the difference
began to be apparent between the temper in which
men contract a debt and that in which they meet its
payment, the people, chafed by pressure, and grow-
ing daily more and more uneasy as they found their
numbers increasing without any proportionate in-
crease in their resources, began to require a different
mode of administration from that which in easy
circumstances or external excitements had con-
tented their fathers. The Whigs perceived and fos-
tered this new feeling in the mass of the nation.
They helped to raise the discontent, that it might
help to raise them. They taught the people that the
crowing difficulties of each individual's family and
fonds were owing to the profligacy, corruption, and
idleness of public men ; and that a new, or, as it. was
called, a reformed system of management by Minis-
ters would cure the evil and revive the country. But
then they said it must be by other Ministers than those
who had been misgoverning for half a century : it must
be by Ministers of the Vt'ing, party. They alone, who
had been so acute in detecting the disease, could ade-
quately apply the remedy. Discontent became stronger
and stronger ; the people took them at their word, and
lifted them into office. Now was to begin a new order
of things. The representation of the people being
once remodelled as a means to the great end in view, a
career of improvement was instantly to open, as bound-
less as the genius and philanthropy of the patriots who
developed it. lii Great Britain, in Ireland, in the co-
lonies, in Church and in State, in the army and in the
navy, in law and in medicine, in agriculture, in com-
merce, and in finance, improvements under the one
generic name of Reform were to spring and flourish.
By a touch from the wand of the conjurors, our worn-
out decrepit institutions were to leap up into youth
and vigour, and the English people had only to
come forth, rejoicing, like the mighty man, to run
their course. For a history of the works that were
frought by the Whig autocrats in those two memo-
rable years of their ascendancy which followed the
Reform Bill, we refer to the Parliamentary speeches
of their present partial friends—the gentlemen by
whose bounty they have lately been living, but whom,
.n 1833 and 1834 (then haply foreseeing no probable
occasion for such assistance), they were wont to meet
with a frown, a sneer, or a snort. We leave Mr.
O'Connell and Mr. Hume to be the biographers of the
Whig Ministry throughout those two palmy seasons of
their new honour. But on the dissolution of the first
reformed Parliament by William IV. the face of things
and the manners of men became strangely altered.
The Conservative party, who were supposed to be
irrecoverably trodden down, had increased their force
by 150 seats in the general election ; and the Whigs,
unaided by the Radicals of Ireland, as well as of
England, stood powerless, helpless, and effete. Now,
therefore, in order to secure popular support, the
promises of real reformation, which had been
rusting for the. two preceding years, were brought
again into use, and burnished to look as bright
ever. Not only was England to have all she

could need, but Ireland was to have a great deal
which she did not need ; and the Whigs and the Ra-
dicals, like the two kings of Brentford, were once
more to sit cheek by jowl and smell at one nosegay.
And did the Whigs, then, on being thus again ex-
alted into place, address themselves in earnest to the
improvement of the people's condition ? Not in the
least. They did, indeed, prudently doff a little of the
haughty hearing which had marked them in the flush
of their first fortune ; they were obliged to keep an
unmoved nostril when the tail was wagged " between
the wind and their nobility ;" nay, more, to do them
justice, they did faithfully drive onward those stipu-
lated projects of democratic aggrandizement which
were the price of the daily support of the Parliamentary
quota to be furnished to them by their savage auxi-
liaries. Party measures, devices for strengthening their
own faction in future elections, contrivances for the
diffusion of patronage, political and municipal, overt
acts of spoliation, civil and ecclesiastical—these in-
stalments were not withheld from their craving and
ever instant confederates. The victims demanded
by the Evil Spirit, as the price of their prolonged
existence, were duly betrayed and surrendered for
sacrifice, !.and if, happily, at the last moment, a
better power interposed for the rescue, the demon
could fix them with no wilful breach of the bargain.
But, meanwhile, there has been, and is, another party,
quite unconnected with the compact (or, as Mr.
Sheil prefers to have it called, the compact alliance)
between Downing-street and Derry nave ; and that
party is the people of England. That is the party
we belong to, and for that party we speak. On their
behalf we say to the Ministers, what have we to do
with, or what have we to gain by, the multifarious
projects with which you waste your own time and the
time of our representatives, all of which is, or ought
to be, our time? Your schemes, no doubt, have been
very well devised for keeping yourselves a little the
longer in office ; as you have felt the intelligence and
property of the great mass of the people departing from
you in disgust, you have addressed yourselves to spe-
cial interests, and tried to make particular classes your
own, at the expense of the community at large. Wise in
your generation, you have taken up, as matters of pa-
ramount importance, the gleanings of grievance which
the Dissenters could contrive to rake together, after
every serious cause of complaint had been confessedly
removed from them by the repeal of the 'rest and Cor-
poration Acts. With a similar perspicacity you have
found out that the Irish Catholics—who, by their own
account as well as yours, had all they were entitled to ask
in obtaining the great measure called Emancipation—
have further rights to carry out, which you alone have
the virtue to assert for them. These bounties of yours
to certain sections of religionists who dissent from our
established faith may be vastly useful in attaching to
you those peculiar bodies, and so helping to support
you.in the elections ; but what advantage does all this
bring to the Protestant Churchmen, the mass of the
people of England ? If your whole attention is to
be engrossed with the means of keeping yourselves in
your offices, instead of being occupied with those pub-
lic ends for which alone any office ought to exist—if
you are to go on from year to year with objects
which you know you cannot carry, and which, if you
could carry them, would profit only yourselves and the
restless few, to the loss of the quiet many—partial

objects,
" Which steal us from ourselves, and still delay
" Life's instant bus'ness to a future day,"
be assured, that neither the recollection of Lord Grey,
the pilot whom you slipped overboard, nor the hopes
attaching to the young Queen, whose image you dis-
play so ostentatiously at your vessel's head, will save
you from the disgrace and punishment due to the cap-
tain who, sailing under his Sovereign's commission,
employs his ship in a contraband run, and gets her
aground in the venture.—Times.

Captain Erskine Wemyss has been returned for
Fifeshire by a large majority. He is a thorough Re-
former, and the people have won a double victory by
the return of the. triumphant candidate. Captain
Wemyss is another convert to the necessity of ballot.
In the speech which he made on his election he said :
" I have changed my opinion on no subject but one
since I last met you here ; and that is on the ballot.
I am now a convert to the ballot, and, as I told you
before, a reluctant one. But after what I have seen
personally in this county—after witnessing the op-
pressions exercised by factors and writers, in herding
the tenantry as they would drive a lot of cattle to
Kinross-market—after seeing the manner in which
shopkeepers and tradesmen have been threatened
with loss of custom, I think there is nothing left to
cure these evils but the ballot." Experience and
deliberation have converted him to the ballot. This
is the manner in which Lord Nugent (whose remarks
on the invalidity of the objections to the ballot ap-
peared a few days since in the Advertiser) convinced
himself of the same necessity, and became a convert to
it seven years ago. It was by a similar process -that
Lord Ebrinf,ton, about the same time, became also a
convert ; and perpetual accessions have been made to
this only reasonable mode of protecting the suffrage up
to the present day. We apprehend, now, that few of
the liberal opponents of the ballot will any longer make
a stand against the convic:ion brought home to them
by the present election—of the immediate and vital
necessity- of that great remedial measure. We are satis-
fied that the Administra ion has lost from 50 to 100
votes b'• the want of its timely adoption. Unless it be
adopted, freedom of election will be a mockery, and
the shadow of a name. What is the use of talking of
extending the suffrage, while the present unextended
state of the suffrage is rendered useless by its unpro-
tected 'condition I' The extension would be an injury
to the people. Even the gift of the suffrage is it
bane to them, unless it can be freely used. There
is no use in mincing truth, nor in using " holiday
and lady terms." The fact is undeniable—that a
more gigantic system of corruption and bribery has
barked the free voice of public opinion, and perverted
the freedom of election than even prevailed before the
extinction of Gatton and Sarum, anti the consienment
of the old rotten boroughs to schedule A. Truth is
truth, and ought to be spoken. The Reform Bill,
without the ballot, is a frustrated measure. Between
corruption and corruption, each of the same shameless
character, we want to know the substantial difference.
' What real distinction is there between a seat belong-
ing by purchase to an individual, and returning Mem-
bers at his dictation, or a borough put up to auction
between two bidders, the most corrupt or long-pursed
of whom beats his opponent, and purchases a seat in
Parliament ? The people equally suffer, whether they
are purchased by open auction, or whether they are
purchased by private contract. We believe, however,
that the souse of Reform is heallt-whole, notwithstand-
ing these flagitious proceedings. Whatever may be
said about reaction, there is full evidence that the peo-
ple are as fixed as ever upon the progress of Reform,
and upon the acquisition of cheap and good Govern-
ment. The anti-Reformers have triumphed only in
constituencies so small as to render them liable to cor-
ruption, or where the leaven of the ancient corporate
corruption, as in Liverpool, was permitted to remain;
50 boroughs, which have returned representatives on the
Tory side, could be named, whose united constituencies
are not equal to those of Manchester. The true test, whe-
ther there is reaction against Reform is to look to populous
and commercial constituencies ; where there is no
chance of bribing the electors, on account of their
numbers and independence. There are now, beyond
question, 38 Members returned on the popular side,
for places which may be fairly said to represent five
millions of people. Look to London and the metro-
politan districts ; to Nottingham and Leicester ; to
Leeds, Manchester, and Salford ; to Birmingham and
Sheffield ; to Edinburgh, Dundee, and Aberdeen ; to
Glasgow, Paisley, and Greenock 1 Here is a consti-
tuent body representing the commercial wealth of the
country, and comprehending one fourth of the whole
population of the United Kingdom, which has pro-
nounced in the most decided manner in favour of
Reform. There is and can be no mistake in this deci-
sion. The Tories talk nevertheless of reaction. Let
us define terms : for reaction against Reform, read
want of protection for Reform. No ; there is no re-
action. The people are as determined in favour of
Reform as ever • but public opinion has been partially
suppressed by want of due protection : that protection
must be granted to the people in the form of vote by
ballot. The reverses which the good cause has sus-
tained will thus.be beneficial to it, and the perpetrators

of corruption will enforce the application of a remedy
which will preclude them from the exercise of the
same guilty aggression in future. By the excess of
their corruption, the Tories will eventually make a rod
for their own backs.—Morning Advertiser.
Of the many reasons which there are for coming to
the opinion that the enemies of our Church and Con-
stitution really feel themselves to have received a sound
drubbing in the late election contests, there is none
more cogent than the general bitterness of their ground-
less complaints, that bribery, intimidation, and other
unfair means have been resorted to by Conservative
candidates. We believe, and we very much rejoice to
have reason to believe it, that, putting the exercise of
Government influence out of the question, there has
been no general election of modern times which more
fairly represented the deliberate judgment of the electors
—there has been none in which coercion or corruption
by bribery has been less resorted to. This statement
applies, so far as the county elections are concerned, as
well to the conduct of those opposed to existing insti-
tutions, as to the Conservatives, except that on the side
of the former was that government influence which, on
the present occasion, has undoubtedly been used to an
extraordinary degree ; and on that side also, if we turn
to Ireland, must the whole statement be reversed. The
Irish elections are an utter disgrace to sense, honesty,
and civilization. Brutal violence, and (if that be pos-
sible) yet more brutal superstition, have made the Irish
elections on this occasion, as they have been on other
occasions, not acts of deliberate and honest judgment
on the part of reasonable beings, but acts of igno-
rance, passion, and hatred. It is not for the interest
of the Romish priests in Ireland that calm reason and
independent judgment should have any sway at all,
therefore among the mass of the people they have no
sway and hardly any existence. But looking to the
results of the elections generally, we may infer the
Conservative triumph which they indicate from the
extravagant ill-humour with which the legal means of
electing Representatives, as settled by the Reform
Act, are regarded at present by the Whig-Radical
party. Nor is their bitterness of spirit confined to ran-
corous censure of the law ; in almost every case where
a Conservative candidate has succeeded in turning out
an enemy of the established Constitution, every malici-
ous slander which vexed hearts and mean minds can
imagine, is trumped up for the occasion by the defeated
party. Men of honourable minds take even defeat
with kindly equanimity, but the exasperated Whig-
Radicals, after being beaten, seek the wretched comfort
which virulent minds have the misfortune to take, in
blackening, or endeavouring to blacken, the characters
of the victors. This was particularly apparent in our
own county. No sooner was Mr. Hoene beaten, than
the mortified partisans of that candidate went about
from place to place, telling the most extravagant tales
not only of bribery and intimidation, but asserting such
things of the successful Conservative candidate as, if
they had been true, would have reduced him to a level
with some of the favourite Radical candidates in the
metropolitan districts. But there was not any truth,
nor even colourable foundation for the stories told by
these mortified, because beaten, partisans ; and a snore
triumphant, honest, free, bold-hearted, and, to crown
all, kindly vindication, was never pronounced any-
where, than that of the Conservative candidates at the
declaration of the poll at Brantford. No man, whose
heart and understanding are not entirely vitiated by
bad principles, can read the speeches of Captain 'Wood
and Mr. Pownall without feeling that, whatever other
merits they may have, or may not have, they are honest,
fair-dealing Englishmen in election affairs, who would
scorn to use those mean devices for success which Radi-
cals, who rail against them never fail to use, if they be
able. " My friends," said Captain Wood, in the face
of the assembled electors, " I must declare, as far as
the conduct of this election is concerned, that there
never was a contest more fairly fought. There has
been, at all events on our side, no attempt at intimi-
dation, at treating, or at bribery, and even the ex-
oense of the contest has been comparatively of the
most moderate kind. I feel almost disposed to say,
though it is far from my wieh to utter an uncivil ex-
pression, much less to give offence to any one ; hut I
feel almost disposed to say that any man who would
assert to the contrary would not speak the truth."
We need scarcely ask, whether any man conscious of
having used any undue means, could thus have spoken
openly as he did before .the assembled county ; or that
if such undue means had been used, he could have
spoken in such terms without contradiction, and with-
out question. Indeed, the whole of Captain Wood's
speech, and of Mr. Pownall's also, was animated by
a spirit which serer yet visited the thoughts of men
capable of dishonourable acts ; that free, firm, good-
natured spirit, which is characteristic of high-minded
Englishmen, and which is the very opposite of the
radical spirit of self-conceit, and rancorous hatred of
old feelings and old habits. As to the aspersions
which paltry malice had thrown upon the private cha-
racter and habits of Mr. Wood, we should be ashamed
to allude to them, but for the lofty good humour with
which he crushed them down, never to rise again.
These poor calumnies scarcely lived even their hour.
They are now dead, and the offensiveness of their
corruption turns against their authors. From a coin-
prison of the Acts with what the mortified Radicals
have said in Middlesex, we may come to an accurate
estimate of the amount of truth which there is in their
comnplainings generally.—Morning Herald.
There are two points, one of a negative and the
other of a positive character, upon which the friends
of Minieters appear principally to rely for comfort
under the somewhat untoward circumstances which
have attended the general election in Great Britain.
In the first place they proclaim that they have not
been beaten in the towns of Great Britain, taking them
as a whole ; and in the second they boast (though
they ought rather to be ashamed) that the Irish re-
turns in their favour compensate fer the reverses which
they have met with in England. Let us take these
two points in their order, and consider how far they
may merit that favourable consideration from the,
public which the friends of Ministers are so willing
to award them. With regard to the first, we hold it
to be partly nonsensical and partly false. We do not
see—nor did we ever meet withny one of truth, and
honesty, and experience, -Who.ilOuld tee—that the oc-
cupiers of ten-pound houses--t'i'e crowded, sickly de-
nizens of nasty lanes in the nastiest parts of big towns
—were better qualified to select good Members of
Parliament than people who live in the country,
and who must be freeholders,
.or leaseholders, of
some property, or who, if they be but tenants at will,
must at least be in such a condition of life as to pay
a rent of 50/. a-year. The mere statement of the
matter, without any argument upon it, seems to be
enough. If we take a squalid weaver from his
loom, or a petty shopkeeper from behind his counter,
and place either of them beside a jolly blunt farmer,
who has been summoned from holding his plough,
it would seem absurd to enter upon an argument as to
which was the " better man" of the two. An ounce
of observation in such a case is worth a pound of
logic. We do not ask a particularly favourable spe-
cimen of the countryman, or a more than usually
dingy representative of the 101. a year town consti-
tuency—we only desire a fair average specimen of
each ; and we say that, as to manliness, there can be
no comparison between the two creatures. The
countryman has it hollow on the very first glance.
Now, let us grant that the weaver, or greengrocer, or
beer-shopkeeper (and of such persons is the Radical
strength of the towns composed)—let us grant that
they are not manufactured voters for the occasion—
that they are neither bribed, nor coaxed, nor threatened,
but bona
.fide patriots, possessed of an average share
of town magnanimity, and a dwelling for which they
actually pay three shillings and tenpence three farthings
per week. They are duly qualified to vote under the
enlightened enactments of the Reform Bill, and they
do vote for the candidate who promises to do his best
to upset the British Constitution in Church and State.
On the other hand, let us take the lowest sort of qua-
lification in the counties—the tenancies at will. Those
who vote out of that qualification must be occupying
tenants, and they must pay for their holdings 501. a
year.
the
t 0 w 'urhe
tenants
y d o
atnot
willpay
do,b but the
ile
fv
they ek, a
did
so many
idtbey of
would
pay, not within a fraction of four shillings, like the
town patriot, but within a fraction of twenty shillings.
It is a certain fact, that there is scarcely a man who
votes out of an occupation of land worth 501. a
year who is not possessed of a thousand pounds' worth

of property of his own. He could not carry on his
business with less. We should like to know how
many of the Radical ten-pound roters in large towns
are worth a thousand shillings? They are mostly
needy men, to whom no change—no political revolu-
tion—could bring any harm as respects property, but
might bring plunder. Hence they are Radicals. And
shall it be said that it is more creditable to a Govern-
ment to be supported by the Members of Parliament
whom these wretched beings elect than by the Mem-
bers whom the country people'electway with such
nonsense ! But, besides the nonsenMlf the
Ministers rejoice
we
•
are persuaded that it is false that
being supported by the constituencies of towns ra-
ther than by those of counties. Much, indeed, is
now salt' against the rural districts, and the manly
Lord John Russell delights rather in Stroud, while
honest, honest Lord Palmerston is too happy to be
chosen by independent Tiverton. But how long has
this been so ? How long have the country grapes
been sour to the palates of these two mighty Lords ?
Ever since they were beaten out of the counties,
but not before-0 ! not at all before ! When the
" Reform Ministry" boasted that all its principal
Members in the House of Commons were represen-
tatives of counties, which was at one time true, they.
did not say, as now their friends say for them, that
" the returns in counties afford little indication of pub-
lic opinion." They were by no means of that opinion
until it served their own purpose so to be. They did
not hold out that falsehood as an excuse so long as it
was profitable for them to assert exactly the contrary.
So much for the negative point of Whig-Radical con-
solation. A few words now upon the positive, that is
to say, the Irish returns, which are to compensate
Ministers for their English disappointments. We

yesterday expressed in— terms—not, we think, too
strong for the occasion—what we think of those
Irish seats over which Mr. O'Connell and the Irish
priests possess an almost unlimited controul. We

believe • them to be the receptacle of all that is
most vile in a political era infamous for the vile-
ness of the men who have appeared under the ban-
ners of revolution upon the public scene. The po-
litical profligate, though he be so unbearably bad
as to be driven from the places where such friends as
political vice creates might be supposed most powerful
_ .

in his behalf, finds a congenial home in the Parliamen-
tary seats which, by a gross abuse of all that is con-
stitutional and decent, Mr. O'Connell holds at his
disposal. We do not think that any number of suc-
cesses in such seats could compensate to a respectable
British Administration for one overthrow in an English
county, where the contest was fairly and honourably
conducted. But we appeal to those who may think
much more favourably of Irish returns than we pos-
sibly can. We put it to the common sense and honest
judgment of every man, whatever his political bias
may be, whether it is at all likely that popular deci-
sions in Ireland are more wise, more temperate, more
honest, and more independent than those whiCh have
been made in England ? The friends of Ministers
admit reverses in England—especially in the counties
—but they triumphantly exclaim that these reverses
are balanced by returns favourable to them in Ireland.
How can this he ? Unless we regard mere votes in
the House of Commons as everything, and the cha-
racter of those who give the votes, and of those who
chose them to be Members of Parliament, as nothing,
how can we think that a return from the great O'Con-
nell borough is an equivalent for one from an English
county ? Very much more might be said upon this
point, but we forbear the argument, and we restrain
the indignation which we might naturally pour forth
on such an occasion, merely to put this point to the
calm consideration of the public—have the selections
of the Irish voters, such as they are, a right to be put
by the Government in triumphant competition with the
selections of the English electors, such as they are
We leave it to every Englishman to reply as his judg-
ment dictates. If his reason (we say nothing of taste)
lead him to prefer Irish Government to that which pro-
ceeds from his own countrymen he will of course reply
in the manner most favourable to the present Admi-
nistration.—Morning Post.

Mrs. Gore's new novel, " Stokeshill Place," may
be considered the best work Mrs. Gore has hitherto pro-
duced. While retaining all the quaint but sparkling hu-
mour of her earlier novels, the story of her new work, like
that of " Mrs. Armytage," exhibits higher purposes, and
forms an exemplification of the noblest and purest morality.
A happy sympathy with the best feelings and instincts of
human nature predominates in the book ; and we lay it
aside gratified for the valuable lessons we have unconsciously
and laughingly imbibed.
A :MEDITERRANEAN TWILIGHT.-Lovely IS a
Mediterranean twilight in those balmy months that breathe
the odorous incense of exulting nature in all its richest per-
fumes ; then is the hour for contemplation ! It is then the
mind ranges over its best affections ; and hearts, though
oceans divide them, hold a mysterious cummuning with
each other.

" Deeper, oh twilight, let thy shades increase,
Till every feeling, every pulse, is peace."
It is the poet alone that can describe its influences, for the
art of the painter is baffled ; he cannot produce the deep-
ening tints as the web of darkness appears to be progres-
sively weaving over the face of the heavens.—Nights at
Sea, in Bentley's Miscellany for An7ust.
FUNERAL CERENIONIES.—WhiIe we were at Brass
To•.vn I had an opportunity of witnessing a native funeral.
An elderly man had died a few days before, and was laid
out on the floor of his hut. He had four wives, who were
crying and making a great noise over the corpse, as usual
On these occasions, and apparently in great distress. The
corpse was enveloped in upwards of 100 fathoms of calico-
-200 yards ! It had been rolled round the body very tightly,
from the neck to the toes ; the Lead wns uncovered, and
the whole corpse presented the appearance of a black man's
head stuck upright in a bale of cotton. At the head of the
corpse was a bottle of rum, a calabash of palm wine, two
live fowls, and some bananas—all which were to he interred
with it, to keep it from starving in another world ! On one
side of the hut, which was not capable of containing more
thasip4 dozen people, was a grave, about two feet deep and
fourele, with water at the bottom of it ; being so near the
'tank of the river, it was impossible to dig deeper on account
of the appearance of water. Several singing-men and women
were outside of the hut, following their avocation, beating a
broken piece of canoe with sticks, and making the most
stunning noises ; on the other were some traders just ar-
rived from Bonny to buy palm oil, and who were serving
out rum with an unsparing hand ; while at the back part of
the house people were continually firing muskets, and two
old honey combed four-pounders, in a barracoon or slave
house, much to my terror, lest they should burst. I un-
derstood these ceremonies would be continued several days ;
and on the last day one of his four wives, would be thrown
into the river as a sacrifice, instead of being buried alive
with the corpse, as is :the custom at Calebar.—Laird's
Narrative of the last Expedition into Central Africa.
M. Audi** the distinguished ornithologist, ar-
rived at Liilpool, by the New York packet England, on
Saturday last, after a year's absence in America, where he
has been engaged in collecting specimens for the comple-
tion of his magnificent work, " The Birds of America." A
great part of the time .he was occupied in visiting the shores
of the Gulph of Mexico, and we understand he has pro-
cured several species of birds hitherto unknown to natu-
ralists.

--------
LIGHTING THE STREETS IN THE INTERIOR OH
New HOLLAND.—On our return Mr. Muller asked us (this
was about eleven o'clock in the morning) what we thought of
the lighting of the streets. We answered, that we observed
neither any lighting of them, nor need of it, as it was a bright
sunshine. " And is not this," said he to the explorists, "as
good a light as your gas ? We have not, added he, gone so
far as you in the arts ; but we have the advantage of you in
availing ourselves of the gifts of nature ; for,ae you must have
observed, we are all alert, and about our busines at day-break,
while you, by your own account, allow three or four hours of
daylight in the spring and summer to be utterly wasted, while
you are a-bed, and then go about yonr business at night, like
owls and bats, but without their advantage of being able to see
in the dark ; so that you are forced to light yourselves with
gas." The adventurers endeavoured to explain the causes of
late hours, but they were astounded when Mr. Muller made
there compute the saving in oil, as gas, and tallow, which
might be effeeted by a general resolution to use daylight as far
as it would go.—Lady Mary Fox's Expedition into the Inte-
rior of New Holland.
A night or two since Mrs. Raynor, laundress at
Lincoln's Inn Chambers, was crossing from Carey-street to
Gilbert's-passage, when she was hustle by some fellows, who
succeeded in picking her pocket of a sovereign, and fifteen
shillings in silver.
We learn that a second individual has died in con-
sequence of the injuries he received at Wakefield, in the riot
that occurred at the nomination for the West Riding.
Saturday afternoon, a dog, evidently in a rabid state,
was observed making his way through St. Margaret's Church-
yard ; the door of the lobby of the House of Lords being open,
in consequence of repairs being in progress,
.the (animal, very
much to the astonishment of the workmen, entered the place,
and it was with great difficulty that he was ejected. One of
the workmen followed him into Palace-yard, and with a ham-
mer prevented him from doing any mischief.

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.

HOME ClRCUlT.—Cnorllox, dogs. 9.
GEDGE V. YOULE.

This action was brought by the plaintiff to recover corn-
pensation in damages from the defendant for an assault.
From the evidence of the maid-servant of the plaintiff it
appeared that on the evening of the 3d of June last the
defendant, who is a collector of church rates, called at her
master's house. After he had been there some little time
she heard violent words, and one say to the other, " Who
are you ?" Her master then rung the bell, and directed
1e
' rto 9pen the door, which she did. Her master then
id the defendant several times to leave the house, but
. refused. The plaintiff, after some time, placed his
hand upon his shoulder to put him out, upon which the de-
fendant struck him a violent blow on the arm with a stick.

The Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff, with forty
shillings damages.
CROWN COURT.—T. Chitty and Wm. Penfold, la-
bourers, were placed at the bar charged with a hizhway
robbery on one James Grinstead, on the 23d of last July.
On the part of the prisoner Chitty three witnesses were
called to establish an alibi, and they proved that they ac-
companied him borne on that night, which they reached by
twenty minutes to eleven o'clock. Some doubt also arose
as to the prisoner's identity.
The Jury gave them the benefit of the doubt, and re-
turnral a verdict of acquittal.
John Phillips, aged 11, was charged with stealing a pair
of boots belonging to Evan Vaughan. The prisoner pre-
viously to stealing the boots went into the prosecutor's
shop and tried them on ; he then went out of the shop.
The next day he stole the shoes. A policeman saw him
take them, and apprehended him with one of the boots on
his foot.—Verdict, Guilty.
The prisoner, though young, had been before convicted.
Sentence deferred.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

A boy, 13 years of age, named Henry Ilooper, was
brought before the LORD MAYOR, charged with having at-
tempted to pick the pockets of several gentlemen.
Two policemen stated that they had observed the boy,
whom they knew to be a clever hand, try some pockets in
quite a tradesman-like manner. At last they took him into
custody to prevent mischief.
The boy, who appeared to be up to Old Bailey practice,
undertook his own defence with great spirit, and occasioned
some surprise in the Justice-room.
" You say," said he to one of the policemen, "that you
know me ; I'm like other boys, au't I ? nothing extraordi-
nary about me."
Policeman—l saw you distinctly try two or three pockets.
Boy—Mind what you say ; there's somebody here knows
that you are telling a whopper
The LORD MAYOR—We'II have your witnesses pre-
sently.
Boy--I don't mean sich witnesses as him, please your
Worship. I mean the witness that won't be seen.
The LORD MAYOR—Then, you mean to appeal to God ?
Boy—And no mistake. I'd be glad to know what chance
that policemen will have in the other world if he tells sich
lies of a poor innocent boy ! Well, what did you see me
do besides ?

The second policeman said that he saw the prisoner ac-
tually put his hand down into the pockets of passers by.
Boy—l'd be glad to know whether you have any idea of
another world ?

The LORD MAYOR—Why, you see you are known.
Boy—Known ! Your Lordship won't believe what
they 'ay of me, will you ? lam sure I would not believe
what they say of you.
A third policeman—l turned him out of Aldgate in the
morning, my Lord. He was looking in at a shop, no
doubt to ascertain whether he could not make a grab at
something. . .

Boy -6 dear, oh dear ! I just went to look in at a shop
windy to see whether there was any notice up for an errand-
boy, when this man comes up ; but I walked away without
a word from him, for I suppose I may use my legs at any rate.
The LORD MAYOR—Certainly ; but these men say that
you have a very awkward way of using your hands.
Boy—They don't consider, my Lord, that there's some-
body up above as is listening to 'em this blessed minute.
They never saw me in trouble in their lives. I'm a poor
hard-working lad as ever was, and I never put a hand in
any pocket but my own.
The LORD MAYOR—Why did you not send for your
friends if you ar• so good and so industrious ? Boy—
There's no use in it. I've told these policeman a dozen
times where to go, but they don't do anything without
their whack.
The officers said that the prisoner had given them half-
a-dozen wrong directions, and although he had been locked
up for some days, there bad been no inquiry after him.
A fourth officer, who had jest entered the Justice-room,
said I know the prisoner, my Lord, to be a common pick-
pocket. He is not six months out of Bridewell.
Boy—Make room there, and let me have a look at that
'ere man. Now, mind what you say, my good gentleman.
Are you sure it's me you mean ?
Policeman—No doubt of it. I have had you myself.

By—Please you, my Lord, 3ou've got some shocking
bad people about you. If ever I seed this individual afore
I hope I may never go to Heaven, that's all.
The LORD MAYOR— Why almost all the police know
you. Depend upon it if you go on in this way you will be
soon transported.

Boy—They may poke me about in this world, my Lord ;
but I'm blessed if somebody won't poke them about in the
next. They've all come forad and swore agin me, and not
one of them, I'll be on my oath, told a word that wan't a
whopper.
Some other policemen added their testimony to that
already given as to the character of the prisoner, and said
that he was an incorrigible rogue.
The LORD MAYOR—You must go to Bridewell. You
are a very clever fellow, and, of course, the more dangerous.
Boy—Don't send me to Bridewell, please you, my Lord.
The LORD MAYOR—Oh, you don't like Bridewell ?
Boy—l don't like the name of it.
The LORD MAYOR—But they know you there, and will
know how to treat you. I made inquiry about you before
you were brought up to-day, and I learn that you are one
of tha worst boys about the City. lam sure you are.
Boy—Please you, my Lord, if it wouldn't be too bold,
where do you expect to go when you're past the doctor ?
I'm sure there an't room in heaven for sich.
The LORD MAYOR—You have had every opportunity
to prove that you get your bread honestly, if such were the
case ; but, on the contrary, every day produces fresh evi-
dence of your bad character. I am sorry to send 80,able
a Counsel to prison.
Boy—Mind what I say about somebody else as hears all
on us—somebody above. God send us all a good deliverance.
Committed.