The Sun.
London, England, 1839-10-31 00:00:00

EVENING

the calumniators of the Queen knew from tb4 '
she could not, from the n.-oition iri 'which she is placed,
have recourse to a s:,-,oilar 'expedient, for the puer.ds'e
of repelling and sYlepro•:',ng their charges. Whore then,
let us ask, e!aall we find language sufficiently forcible to
denounee ought to be denounced, the conduct of
thr.,se who could be base enough thus to take advan-
tage. of the defenceless position of a virgin Queen, to
7l•ad her with a double portion of their heartless Ca-
lumnies? There is not, we repeat, an iota of evidence
to show that the retort, that Lady Flora Hastings was
enceinte, erigirated v,ith the Queen. The assumption
that it did so, 13 not only purel.y gratuitous, but has,
h ippily, beet confined to a fsw persons who have
had either private or poe,itd o' lasts in view through-
out the whole of the business, ad whose wishes must
hev'e been father to the thought, that is to say, if they
(even believed the thing at all, which it is exceedingly
doubtful if they ever did. Nay, we are persuaded, that
the very individuals who have been most persevering
and zealous in their efforts to damage the character and
diminish the popularity of her Majesty, by either cun-
eengly insinuating, or broadly asserting, that she was
the first to express an opinion that Lady Flora was
pregnant, have never themselves for one moment. believed
that such was the fact. Our firm conviction—and that
conviction, we know, is shared by the great bulk of the
community—is, that no particular individual in the
Palace c m, with any regard to justice, be charged with
having been the first to set afloat the rumour respecting
Lady Flora's supposed condition. The very appearance
of her Ladyship must, in the nature of things, have at-
tracted the attention of every one who had an opportunity
of being in her company, though no one would, in
elle first instance, have been likely to account for that
appearance on the supposition of pregnancy. It could
on'y have been when the symptoms which usually ac-
company that state became more and more marked,
instead of disappearing or diminishing, that the con-
clusion of pregnancy could have been come to ; and
that conclusion must have been simultaneously arrived
at by almost every person in the Palace, and been ar-
rived at some time before—Lady Flora being unmarried
—any one ventured to embody it in words. Who the
individual was who first gave utterance to the general
impression is not known, and possibly never will ;
but it by no means follows, that such individual was the
first to entertain that impression. And so far from
any blame being attached to the party who first hinted
her suspicion of Lady Floras pregnancy—that suspi-
cion being, we repeat, as it must in the circumstances
of the case have necessarily been, universally enter--
tained in the Palace—such party is entitled to the
highest commendation for straightforwardness and can-
dour ; and proved, moreover, the greatest friend which
Lady Flora had at Court, inasmuelt as when the suspi-
cion was embodied in words, it at once enabled Lady
Flora to prove that it was groundless ; or, in other
words, to establish her own innocence, and restore her-
self to the favour of her Sovereign, and the friendship
of the ladies of the Palace. The utmost extent of her
Majesty's participation in the mutter was simply her ex-
pression of a wish, after the alleged pregnancy of Lady
Flora had become the topic of general conversation in
the Palace, that she should not appear in the Royal
presence until the point had been set at rest. And
does any blame attach to the Queen in having expressed
such a wish ? Assuredly not. On the contrary, we main•
tain that her conduct was commendable in the highest
degree, and that to have acted otherwise would indeed
have been to expose herself to censure. Let it never
be forgotten, that the Queen wes not precipitate in
conveying the intimation in question to Lady Flora.
she acted with the greatest deliberation ; for it was
not until the other ladies were making Lady Flora's
condition the subject of unreserved conversation, and
the married ladies had openly expressed their entire
F.anviction in her Ladyship's pregnancy, that her Ma-
jesty sent that message to her. And believing, as the
Queen must have done, from the confident statements
of the married ladies around her, that Lady Flora
was actually enceinte, shy was bound, from respect
for herself, and a desire to maiat4in unblemished the
character of her Court, thus to mark by her disappro-
b ,tion the error on the part of Lady Flora Hastings
which her supposed condition necessarily implied. IF,
with such a conviction fore,ad on her mind by those who
might na.o al y ba expected to be the most competent
judges in such matiers, the Que,n hail continued to as-
sociate in the same Tnanner as before with Lady Flora,
the very seine plights who now so groEsly traduce her
woti4l have hecn the very fir:.t to assail her for conti-
nuing to have any intercourse with her Ladyship. Her
Majesty eculd, io such a case, have been charged by
the parties in question vvitit 'virtually giving her sanction
to immoralities in her twat Court. in all the circum-
stances, therefore, of tlai.s unfortunate case, her Majesty
acted in a manner which reflects the highest honour on
her. Her conduet not only proves the spotless parity
at her own mina, but her deep and most commendable
solicitude that. 'not even the slightest suspicion should
entertaAsed respecting the purity of her Court.
That her 'Majesty was actuated by no unkindly feel-
ings towr,rais Lady Flora, but solely by a sense of
what wigs due to herself and her Court, is sufficiently
proved by the testimony of Lady Flora herself. The
very moment that her Majesty was apprised of the
groundlessness of the suspicions which had been enter-
teined respecting the condition of Lady Flora, she
m•lde every reparation to the latter in her power, by
assurances of the deepest concern at the mistake which
bad been committed. To use Ledy Flora's own words,
she expressed her sorrow "handsomely, with tears in
her eyes ;" and it is well known that she afterwards
lavished her attentions and kindnesses upon Lady Flora
in every way which a generous and ingenuous heart
could have prompted. Such arc the real facts of the
case, and it affords us infinite pleasure in being able to
say that, notwithstanding all the misrepresentations
which have been made use of, and all the calumnies which
have been heaped upon our youthful Queen, the nation
view the subject in its true light. We can bear our in-
dividual testimony to the fact, that on ,every public assem-
bly of her subjects, when the Sovereign's name is men-
tioned, it is received with the me-st_rnarked demonstrations
of applause. In fact, the very. efforts which have been so
assiduously and pertinamowAy made by a section of
the Torino, in conjunction with persons who are
actuated by p-ivate anineoeities, to wound her feelings
and estrange the affections of her people, have, as re.
gartis the latter object, not only signally failed, but
have produced th.e very contrary effect. Instead of
diminishing, the. result has been to increase the popu-
larity of her Majesty. And thus it always has been
and will he ; those who play with the weapons of
calumny and injustice, invariably find in the end that
they have oversloot the mark. The public odium
which the traducers of the Queen have so strenuously
laboweed to direct against her Majesty, is now, by a
rie.teous retribution, directed against themselves.
(From the Morning Herald.)
A general election will, in the present state of par-
ties, secure, beyond question, a vast majority in the
House of Commons to the Conservative party. Even'
without a general election, the balance bids fair to be
turned in favour of the Conservatives, by the results of
single elections. The Whigs and their principles are
fairly worn out. The present occupants of place have
tried all the shifts, which circumstances have placed
within their reach; and fortune has favoured them to a
remarkable extent. They came into office, loud brawl-
ers in favour of " liberalism "—fierce champions of
" principles" destined, in their operation (as the
Whigs of 1830 alleged) to regenerate society.
Within a short period, their lofty pretensions disap-
peared ; and they were glad to solicit popular support,
not on the score of any active merit which they
ventured to claim for themselves—ht on the strength
of that unpopularity to which th# intrigues of the
Reform Bill period had subjected the Conservatives.
Duriog the last five years, the highest position which
the partisans of the present Ministry have ventured to
take, has been involved in the assumption, that it is
necessary " to keep out the Tories." Even that ground
is now cut from under their rt..et. The Whigs have
exhausted their long list of " aeie!es" and professions.
They have prated about " keeie..g out the Tories,"
until all the world laughed at them ; and now they exist
as placemen, simply in virtue of habits of courtiership
of the most despicable and debasing description. The
preseht Ministers of State rank amongst the mere
toadies-of the palace. They have degraded their high
offices, as no responsible advisers of the Crown ever did
"for'• They exist under a daily-accumulating load of
contempt ; and they strive to sustain the loss of public
Sovereign,
by abusing the personal sympathies of the
7fieri6r.o. If aught were wanting to establish the utter
SC_-4.111e51 a the Whig_ party, the,
required proof might
be supplied
Melbourne by i:eference to the mode in which Lord
"4 his associates have covered their Royal
Mistress with
re tortion own unpopularity Let the Monal,)s !
predilections be what they may,
still no measures of Courth favour will be able, long, to
whom
sustaina
infe e plble majoritythe
use of Commons has
barely endured for two year's
plat. The Ministry
cannot outlive the next. Session.
tthhee
Queen's Conser-
vative leaders even abstain from aqackino-
railpaec,r,,itybiunt
obsequious advisers, these worthi,s can no longer be
prevented from displaying their native
s kt
" The pear" is in fact, not merely
It will tali, even if the free should not be shaken.
whig. princ'iple's have have passed away. o Knepiii_
the
Torie 6 out" is a game that is exhausted. The wine
off Court favour is on the s The dire it of a Popr."
rebellion in Ireland will not avail much longer, we
trust that as soon as the
Cons-rvatiyessliall return to
power, the la, will he invindicatedthe cue of
O'Connell, and of all th brawlers who now
preach fo ;:.:duce these cowardly
preach treason with impunity.
boasters to a state of harmlesstess :would be one of the
easiest tasks imaginable. The hewer of the agitator
to do mischief has arisen solely from the non-enforce-
ment of the law. No man has a nicer sense of personal
danger than O'Connell. Let the bully be fairly con-
fronted by the Protestant guardians of our Protestant
iastitutions ; and the threat of a Popish rebellion will
soon oease to be employed for the benefit of her Ma- j
jesty's. Ministers, by their especial friend end protector.
Sir• John Campbell adverted in Edinburgh, last week,
to the Ffacioney of the old laws of England towards the
repression of Chal tam. Sr John may rest assured, that

hte lags of England, honestly administered, will be
found quite as efficient to put down the sillanies of his
masters' master—the cowardly ;,;Itator of Ireland!

PROM FIE EVENING ---PAPER3 OP YESTERDAY,

(From the Globe.)
While the Irishman utters treasot, who calls the
Lords the enemies of Ireland, and leads the minds of
his hearers, though only by tacit inference, to the re-
storation of a Local Legislature, the Englishman
utters no treason, but " much bold anti useful truth,"
which it is right " should be known in the Palace,"
who speaks as Mr. Bradshaw has done in Canterbury.
This Mr. Bradshaw, whose electioneering renuvvn, which
is all that he has in Canterbury, is simply that of an
able-bodied and long-winded political bravo, uttered bold
truths certainly, which we are far from wishing to confine
to the Palace, but are anxious to give our assistance in dif-
fusing throughout the United Kingdom. The Standm dhas
sufficient shame left to disapprove the spirit of the speech,
so far as " it is unjust to the Sovereign and her family."
Unjust! The phrase is a gentle one from a journal
prompt to denounce treason, when any one attacks
the collective character of the House of Lords! Still,
though unjust to the Royal Family (or imprudent in
those who would gain its favour), the speech tells so
much " bold and useful truth," that the Standard
would have it known at the palace. For once we
are of the same mind with our Tory Contemporary.
We would have it known at the palace, and in the
coffee-room, and in the cottage. It does tell " bold and
useful truth? of the spirit of Toryism—truths the
timely knowledge of which may tend to prevent the re-
alisation of the object of the Standard's professed horror
—the dismemberment of the empire. What the
Standard treats with "disapprobation," is the injustice
to the Queen and the Royal family. What it regards
as " bold and useful truths," are the views of policy
towards Ireland. Now the " spirit" which prompted one
part of the speech is the same as prompted the other.
If the one part is just, the other is only unjust by cour-
tesy. It is most certain that her Majesty does approve
of the policy of governing Ireland with consideration
of the wants and feelings of the bulk of its people. We
have as much right to assume this, as the Tories ever
had to assume the personal adhesion of George the
Third to an exclusive policy. The Royal mind has been
frankly expressed, in the one case, as in the other.
Therefore, if Mr. Bradshaw's views about Ireland are
bold and useful truths, her Majesty is the queen of a
faction, and all the rest Mr. Bradshaw calls her.
(From the Courier.)
It is a common cry with the supporters of Ministers,
that the condemnation of Mr. Shell's appointment is
caused by the circumstance of his being a Roman Ca-
tholic, Nothing can be more false than this. It is not
of Mr. Sheil qua Roman Catholic that the condemna-
tion exists, but of Mr. Shell, a Roman Catholic,
who has expressed his determination, with all
the eloquence of which he is so great a master, and
with ail the virulence with which his Church inspires him,
to destroy the Protestant Church in these realms.
It is against the appointment of the zealous,
proselytising, and exterminating Roman Catholic,
that the cry of indignation is raised by the Protestant
community. When the Catholic Relief Bill was con-
sented to, it was the understanding of the people of
aigland, that the oath which would be imposed on Ro•
man Catholic Members of Parliament,and also on Roman
Catholics taking offices of trust in a Protestant kingdom,
would be a sufficient safe-guard to prevent them from
attempting to commit damage on the Established
Church. It may be that the oath to which we allude,
was not worded with sufficient care, nor made suffi-
ciently clear and stringent to effect the purpose in-
tended. Whether that may be so or not, we are
quite sure, that the Protestant inhabitants of these
realms intended that the oath should have the effect of
restraining Roman Catholics in Parliament, or in
office, from attacking and from endeavouring openly
or covertly, to destroy the Protestant Church in
England or in Ireland. Such was the intention of the
oath ; there can be no douhr, of that ; it was on the faith
of that guarantee that the Roman Catholics were ad
mitted by the Protestant Parliament and the Protestant
King of Great Britain, to a participation in their legis-
lative and administrative privileges. Little was it then,
imagined, that within ten y ears after the passing of
that Act, that a Roman Catholic Member of Parliament
would openly exert himself in Parliament to inflict dis-
couragement and damage on the Protestant Established
Church ; still less was it imagined that the Protestant
Ministry of a Protestant CroWn would dare to place in
high office a member of the Roman Catholic Church,
one of whose principal objects in taking office must be,
according to his notcrious opinions and his recorded
acts, TOTALLY to destroy the Protestant Church in
Ireland !

(From the Standard.)
As we anticipated would be the case, the speech of
Mr. Bradshaw, at Canterbury, at the Kentish Conser-
vative meeting, has been made the theme of long and
violent invective, combining the whole Conservative
party in one comprehensive charge of "filthy disloy-
alty." We have already freely given our opinion
of the improper spirit of a part of Mr. Bradshaw's
speech, and of the injustice of some of its allusions ;
but we utterly deny that a single proposition of it
is either indelicate or disloyal. It may be well, mean-
, while, in order to correct some prevailing errors, errors
which we fear are rapidly gaining ground, to consider
the matter a little more at large. It is the constitu-
tional theory of this country that " the Sovereign can do
no wrong ;" and this theory is not limited to the techni-
cality of law. It is, if we may say so, a moral principle,
pervading all considerations of our own relations to the
wearer of the Crown ; and the principle, in the sense in
which it has been universally received, is a wise and a just
one. While the practice of the Sovereign is adjusted even
to theArnis of the Constitution, we can know nothing,
certainly, of that Sovereign's motives or conduct, and
we must therefore run a great risk of committing in-
justice in the attempt to form an opinion of either.
In matter of opinion itself, as well as in legal respon-
sibility, the Ministers are to stand between the Sove-
reign and the people, if we would preserve the
respect due to the monarchical institution. When
the Sovereign violates the forms and substance of the
Constitution, as was done by the second James, then
the case arises which, as Mr. Locke truly says, it
is indecent to anticipate, but which must be
met by a remedy pro re rata. If, however, it is in
any but extreme cases improper, and even unjust, to
charge the Sovereign with wrong, it is more emi-
nently improper and unjust to do so, before the
people have exhausted all efforts to guard against the
wrong complained of. We must first do our duty
before we complain of laxity or perverseness in the dis-
charge of their duty by others. Now the bare fact,
that, having the power to remove them, we still permit
Lord Melbourne and his collergues of the O'Connell
Ministry to surround our young and inexperienced
Queen, and to fill her Court with their creatures, proves
that we have not done our duty ; and it ought to ope-
rate as a protection to her Majesty against even unfa-
vourable opinion.

DESTRUCTIVE FlRES.—During Monday night
the following fires occurred in the Metropolis :
About half-past five o'clock a fire, which at ono time
threatened very great destruction of property, hap-
pened on the premises of Mr. Felt, oil-boiler and mer-
chant, situated in the Grove, Great Guiloford-street,
Southwark. It originated in the boiling-house, by one
of the coppers bursting, and the contents flowing into
the furnaces beneath, which instantly ignited, and in
a few moments the premises were enveloped in flames.
Very fortunately at the time the work•people of a
neighbouring foundry were passing by the place ; they
with one accord tendered their assistance to extinguish
the fire, and exerted themselves in a manner highly
praiseworthy. Two engines of the fire establishment in
the Southwark-bridge Road soon arrived, and after the
lapse of about half an hour, the flames were got under ;
part of the roof is burnt off, and a great quantity of oil
destroyed. The building is insured in the Royal Ex-
change Fire Office, but the property in it is not in-
sured. Shortly after midnight another fire broke out in
the house of Mr. Long, No. 35, Skinner-street, Bishops-
gate, but happily for the proprietor, it was got under
before any serious damage was done—not insured.
About half-past three o'clock in the morning, a house,
occupied by several families, situated in Glasshouse-
street, Rosemary-lane, was discovered on fire by the po-
lice. Engines were speedily on the spot after the
alarm had been given, but much property was destroyed.
FRANKLIN.—If, then, all ports were always
open, and all commerce free, every maritime country
would generally eat bread at the medium price, or ave-
rage of all the harvests, which would probably be more
equal than we can make it by our artificial regulations,
and, therefore. a more steady encouragement to agri-
culture. The common people do not work for pleasure
generally, but from necessity. Cheapness of provisions
makes them idle ; less work is then done ; it is more in
demand proportionally, and, of course, the price rises
Dearness of provisions obliges the manufacturers to
work more hours ; more work is done than equals the
demand ; of course it is cheaper, and manufactures in
consequence. It would be better if Government med.,
died no farther with trade than to protect it, and let it
take its course. When Colbert esq-nibled some of th
wise old merchants of France, and desired their opinion
end advice how he could best serve and promote com•
coerce, their answer, after consultation, was, " Laissez
710 US faire." (Let us alone.) It is, therefore, to be
wished that commerce were as free between all the
nations of the v;erld as between the several counties of
England. These counties do not ruin each other by
trade ; nor would the nations. No nation was ever
ruined by trade.
LEICESTER.—The South Leicester Liberals
have gained 211 votes on the years' revision, according
to the Mercury, a Liberal journa ); the Liberal gain
in the borough is stated by that paper at five, in addi-
tion to Mr. Ellis's rnajirit last Y election of 297, besides
Liberals than unpolled.
Captain Deans Dundas, who has been here
during the week on an official visit, was invited to be-
come a candidate ; and, we understand, would have
accepted the invitation, had he not been pledged to con-
test Greenwich.—Devouport 7'elcgraph.