The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-23 00:00:00

THE SUN. LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, OCIIMER 23, 1863.

Frank Blair, a General and a member of Congress,
the last two or three weeks addressing from St.
an accomplished and ambitious man, has been for
Louis very deliberate attacks against Mr. Chase and
the President, ignoring their policy in general, and
ing especially against those obstacles
raised
by nve
the
ighofficers of the Customs against the naviga-
tion of the Mississippi to which I alluded in one of
my letters from St. Louis. More lately, Mr. Blair's
brother, the Postmaster-General, a member of the
Cabinet, has spoken out and written in the same
sense, and his long-smothered hostility to Mr. Chase
and to the Ultra-Republican faction in the Cabinet
threatens to come to an open outbreak.
The Western merchants endeavour to explain the
recent rise in the price of gold—which is now at
1471—by the fact that Mr. Chase has effected large
purchases of it at the New York market, and will
endeavour, by further purchases, to keep it up at
150, with a view to prevent its exportation to
Europe, and to compel the merchants to export pro-
duce instead.

the trumpery one relating to the purchase of perfumery,
soap, and articles of that description. He might mention
that, instead of the amount paid for those articles being
£lOB it was only LOS; and the committee, in reference to
this matter, had acted precisely in the same manner as
the committee who had the management upon the occasion
of the entertainment to the distinguished guests of the In-
ternational Exhibition, Similar articles were provided for
that entertainment, and the amount that was paid for them
was £6B, but at the Royal banquet there were several addi-
tional rooms, and this would account for the increased
amount. The Court would not forget that the committee
were entrusted with the duty of providing for the comfort
and accommodation of a great number of distinguished per-
sons, and he told them frankly that he, as chairman of the
committee, and having regard to the duties that were en-
trusted to him, resolved that nothing that money could
purchase should be wanted, The hon. member, in the
course of the speech he had made on the previous occasion,
had made a graceful allusion to the King of Dahomey and
his negro wives ; and all the notice he (Mr, Truscott)
should take of this part of his speech was, to express a
sincere hope that if ever the King of Dahomey and any of
his wives should pay a visit to this country that the hon.
member might be appointed chairman of a committee to
provide the necessary accommodation for them ; and he had
no doubt that if he were so appointed he would then en-
deavour to turn black into white, as he had on the present
occasion endeavoured to turn white into black. (A laugh.)
Another charge that was made against the committee
was, that they had purchased china and glass to the amount
of £6OO from a member of the Corporation—Alderman
Copeland. The answer to this was, that it was left to the
committee to take care that everything was done in the
best manner, and that the most tasteful and elegant articles
were provided for the entertainment ; and they looked
about and obtained tenders from the best people in the
trade, and six houses sent in such tenders, and they
selected what they thought were the best articles. These
were all manufactured especially for the purpose, and he
could inform the hon. member that by the price that was
realised for them the Corporation was a gainer to the ex-
tent of £lOO by the difference of what would have been
paid if such articles had been obtained upon loan ; and
he might remind them that this sum would pay the
whole cost of the perfumery to which the hon. mem-
ber made so much objection, (Hear, hear, and a laugh.)
He would next allude to the charge of having improperly
disposed of what the hon. member called " waifs and
strays," He had estimated the value of these articles at
£6OO, but he (Mr. Truscott) would inform the Court that
the utmost value of these articles was £l5O, and out of that
was to be deducted the value of some ivory brushes orna-
mentally engraved with the Princess's arms,
which were
delivered to his wife under the resolution of the committee
to which he had referred. The other "waifs and strays"
consisted of some ivory hairbrushes, some bottles of eau-de-
Cologne, only partly full, some perfumery, some scent-
bottles, from which a
portion had been taken, and soap
that had also been used. All these things were laid before
the committee, and they considered what was best to be done
with them ; and he would tell the Court that they considered
it wasnot advisable, and that it would not have been credit-
able to the Corporation of London, or to its dignity, that
such articles should have been disposed of by public auction,
and they therefore did what was usual in such cases, divided
them by lot among the members of the committee. (Hear,
hear.) The hon. member also taunted them with having
spent £l5O in personal decorations, and £2OO in luncheons,
and dinners, and the Court would judge what was the value
of this charge. His horn friend must have been aware that
the committee were ordered to provide themselves with
Court dresses, and if be did not know what the expense of
this was he could tell him, that it cost the twenty mem-
bers of the committee one thousand pounds to carry out
this order of the Court, and to uphold the credit and
dignity
of their position. This being so, ho would ask the
court whether it was not really a monstrous thing to
make a grave charge against the committee because they
had taken thirty or forty shillings' worth of such miserable
articles as had been referred to. The next complaint he had
to answer was with regard to £2OO having been paid for
luncheons and dinners, and to no larger a sum being allowed
to other committees for their services during an entire year.
Had the Court, however, any idea of what this committee
had to do ? They had actually met seventeen times, they
were always engaged from an early hour in the morning
until 4 or 5 in the afternoon, and upon some occasions they
had sat as late as 12 o'clock at night, and under these cir-
cumstances m ould the Court consider that this charge is
anything more than reasonable ? (Hear.) The hon. mem-
ber had also talked about the conduct of the committee be-
ing " nuts" to Sir George Grey, but he would only observe
that, if there were any nuts at all in the case, his friend had
provided them, and not only the nuts but the crackers; and
he would add that when they were cracked he believed they
would be found as empty as the charges he had made against
the committee. He had also referred to the "handle" the
Metropolitan Board of Works would make of the transac-
tion, and said that they would make it a ground for saying
that persons who acted in the manner the committee were
alleged to have done were not fit to be entrusted with the
carrying out of great public improvements; but in reply to
this he (Mr. Truscott) would say, in conclusion, that they
did not care for the Metropolitan Board of Works; but
would appeal to the public, and refer to their bridges, the
streets they had already opened up, the gaols they had built,
and the markets they had erected. He thought also that,
notwithstanding the unfounded charges which had been
made by the hon. member, the Corporation might point to
the entertainment given on the Bth of June as one that
would for all time redound to the honour and credit of the
Corporation of the city of London. (Hear, hear.)
At the conclusion of the speech of the hon. gentleman
there was a burst of loud and continued cheering.
Mr. Deputy DE JERSEY rose and suggested that it would
be better, at that late hour of the day, and as there was a
good deal of other business to be done, if there were to be
any debate, it should be adjourned.
Mr. TRUSCOTT said he was not aware whether there was
to be any discussion or not. His only duty was to ask the
Court to receive the report and agree tc it, and the Court
might take any course it thought proper.
Mr. ROWE then moved that the report be printed and a
copy sent to every member of the Court, and that its further
consideration be adjourned, which was agreed to, and the
subject then dropped.
THE IRISH SOCIETY.

Deputy RATHBONE moved that the Lord Mayor be ap•
pointed Governor of the Irish Society in the room of the
late Alderman Humphery.

Alderman DAKIN seconded the motion, which was car-
ried unanimously.
The LORD MAYOR briefly thanked the Court for the
honour it hsd conferred upon him by appointing him to this
important office, and he said he received it as an additional
proof of the satisfaction they felt at the manner in which
he had performed the duties that had devolved upon him.
(Hear.) He said he could assure them that the took a very
great interest in the prosperity of the ancient Irish colony
of the corporation, and in the important post to which they
had elected him he would do all in his power to develop the
resources of their Irish property and to enhance the inte-
rests of the Corporation. (Cheers.)
THE GoVERNORSIIIP OP ST. BARTHOLOMEW'S HOSPITAL.
Deputy SCAMELL brought up a report from the General
Purposes Committee, having reference to the appointment
of Mr. Cubitt, M.P., the late Lord Mayor, as one of the
Governors of St. Bartholomew's Hospital.
The Corporation, it will be remembered, claim under
their ancient rights to appoint an alderman as ono of the
governors of the four Royal Hospitals; but it appears that
at the time Mr. Cutitt was appointed lie had resigned his
aldermanic gown, and a case was submitted to Sir F. Kelly,
Sir Hugh Cairns, Mr. Bovill, Q.C., the Recorder, the Com-
mon Sergeant, and the Comptroller, as to whether the ap-
pointment, under those circumstances, was a legal one. The
report stated that these high legal authorities had given an
opinion that it was not, and they advised that the question
should be tried by a writ of quo warranto.
Some little discussion took place upon this question, every
one of the speakers disclaiming the slightest intention of
doing anything disrespectful to the late worthy alderman,
who, they said, no one could be acquainted with without
entertaining for him the highest esteem and respect; but it
was urged that, as the Corporation had, at various times,
subscribed in hard cash towards the maintenance of this
hospital no less a sum than £ 153,000, in addition to other
which might be infringed by
privileges of
tthhee Ccoourprtowraatsjobno,und to protect the rights and
other parties if the present election was allowed to form a
precedent.
The report was agreed to, and the City Solicitor was
directed to take the necessary steps in the matter.
Alderman Dakin was appointed one of the Conservators
under the Thames Conservancy Act, in the room of the
late Alderman Humphery.
The Court then adjourned, after a protracted sitting.

Full benefit of reduced duty obtained by pur-
chasing Horniman's pure Tea; very choice at 3s. 4d. and
48. "High Standard" at 4s. 4d. (formerly 4s. Bd.), is the
strongest and most delicious imported. Agents in every
town supply it in packets.

- - -
RELIEF OF TUE DISTRESS IN LANCASHIRE.--
The Times gives the following as a compendious account
of the recipients of relief at successive periods of the cur.
rent year :-
From Guardians From both From Local Total
(out-door) Guardia,94and Committees Number
only. Local Committees. only. Relieved.
January 82,156 .. 133,839 .. 235,741 .. 456,786
February 65,946 .. 141,019 .. 233,564 .. 440,529
March 70,500 133,002 222,909 .. 426,411
April 69,515 114,6 • • 180.247 .. 364,419
May 67 766 .. 93,124 .. 133,391 .. 294,981
June 73,263 78,176 104,792 .. 256,230
July 78,417 56,618 . • 78,933 .. 214,115
August 85,264 49,594 • • 70,493 .. 205,261
September 87,079 .. 41,916 .. 55,630 . • 184,62:5
Thouzh th', Board of Guardians are now relieving 87,000
persons instead of 82,000, the total numbers relieved from all
sources have fallen by successive decresements from nearly
half a million to 181,000. In December last no fewer than
247,230 cotton operatives were out of work altogether, while
165,600 were on short time and 121,129 only on full time.
At the end of last month these proportions were reversed,
for 257,962 were in full work, 104,198 c Short work, and
only 160,835 out of wort' entirrAy,

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—It is an ill wind that blows no good, and
the garotte robberies of last winter have certainly
given rise to a reconsideration of the whole question
of Prison Discipline which bids fair to restore it to
its simple and natural use. The subject was imme-
diately taken up at some of the Quarter Sessions,
and the matter does not appear to have been allowed
to drop. The Hampshire justices appointed a com-
mittee last Epiphany Sessions to consider the subject,
and we published their report onTaesday, illustrated
by some excellent remarks from Lord Carnarvon,
who appears to have been the principal member of the
committee. Like every other improvement, the sug-
gestions of the report seem likely to be contested in
the interest of the ratepayer, for one gentleman
" thought it incumbent on him to raise a voice of
solemn warning" that, if the magistrates adopted
the scheme, they might be called upon to sanction,
" not a three-farthing, but a penny rate." The
dread of so awful a consequence, even for a time,
will probably make it" incumbent" on some gentle-
men, who think immediate economy the first duty
of administration, to do their best to oppose the
scheme; but it would be a vast improvement on the
existing system, and the considerations which have
led to it deserve general attention. Lord Carnarvon
proposes, in the first place, to inflict hard labour
much more severely, and for a longer time, than has
hitherto been the custom in Winchester Gaol. The
maximum length of labour has hitherto been only
eight hours, but it is proposed to lengthen this to
ten hours, and to make eight of these severe labour
on the treadmill. At the same time the prisoners
are to be divided into classes, according to the
length of time that they have been under sentence,
the lowest class containing those who are suffering
the first month of their imprisonment, and the
highest those who have been in gaol 12 months ;
and when we say that the report only requires this
last class to leave three hours a day of treadwheel
or crank labour, the remainder of the hours of work
being employed in lighter work or industrial occu-
pation, the scheme will not be considered excessively
severe. It is proposed, then, that the lighter or
industrial labour should gradually take the place
of the harder and mere penal kinds, but that
this alleviation in a prisoner's punishment should
be made entirely dependent on his good conduct
in the lower classes. The report, also, very wisely
insists that this good conduct shall be estimated,
not by the facile judgment of sanguine and good-
natured officials, but by the prisoner's actual exer-
tion in voluntary industrial work. He is supposed,
in short, to earn his relief by steady labour beyond
what is imposed upon him. The Report contains,
at the same time, suggestions for increasing the
severity of all the concUtions of prison life. It pro-
poses to diminish the hours of sleep ; to put a stop
to, or greatly limit, the habit of outdoor exercise;
and to reduce the diet, by eliminating from it, as
far as possible, all animal food. It aims, in short,
at making the punishment of imprisonment as sharp
and severe as possible, and, at the same time, giving
the prisoner the opportunity of softening it by pre-
cisely the same means as those by which a man earns
a position and a character in actual Efe—that is by
honest and steady labour. It is quite certain, from
the nature of the regulationswhich these suggestions
propose to supplant, that some great increase in the
severities of prison life had become necessary. It
would be hardly credible on any other authority
that open air exercise has become of late years a
substitute for hard labour ;" that " in all graver
offences the food of the prisoners is very superior
to that of the poor population;" that as much as
ten hours was regularly allowed for sleep; and
that, finally, " a library has been established, in
‘;which secular books of an interesting character are
lent to the prisoners." Aed to this that the
rule of silence has been so laxly enforced that
a mutinous combination was detected in the prison,
and we certainly have a state of things which re-
lieves solitary confinement of half its terrors. We
have the picture of a prisoner who does a small
amount of task work in the course of the day, re-
lieves himself by an easy amount of out-door exer-
cise, enjoys more rest at night than is possible for
any labourer or man of business, and more, indeed,
than is good for his own health, and diverts the
monotony of his leisure hours by reading "secular
works of an interesting character." If the county
magistrates themselves have not the common sense
to change such idle regulations we can only say it
must and certainly will be done, sooner or later, by
public authority. This report rightly declares that
penal discipline is, after all, the first and principal
part of the treatment of a prisoner. The sentence is
a punishment, and it is only an adaptation of its
terms which enables it to be used for any other pur-
pose. It cannot possibly be pretended that the only
object which the law has in view in its penalties is
the reformation of the criminal. Such a considera-
tion would make all capital punishment, and even
penal servitude for life, an absurdity. The simple,
undeniable object of affixing penalties to laws is to
deter criminals by the fear of punishment, and
consequently the first duty of those who have to
administer the law is to make punishment real and
painful. If, besides this, they can employ the
opportunities given them by having the prisoners
for a long time under their control in extir-
pating their bad habits, so much the better, and
an extra farthing rate for the purpose, if it can be
carried out, ought not to be grudged. But this is
merely a right and prudent use of an accidental
advantage, and ought to be kept strictly subordi-
nate to the first purpose. Let the justices first carry
out the intention of the law, and then indulge
their philanthropy. Besides, the practice recently
grown up defeats its own ends. To a thorough crimi-
nal, such as most of those who are committed to our
county gaols, there is no such reforming agent as
severe punishment. Lord Carnarvon draws, perhaps,
too marked a line of distinction between penal and
reformatory discipline. Penal discipline by its very
nature is reformatory, wherever reform is possibie.
The cases are very rare, if they occur at all, where
a man once committed to bad habits is induced to
stop in them by any other reason than the fear of
the consequences—that is of punishment. A burnt
child fears the fire, but it only learns to fear the fire
because it burns, and there are hundreds of men and
women who only learn wisdom by experience,
which in most cases is punishment. The tread wheel
and the crank are as wholesome and natural conse-
quences of forgery as a burn is of putting one's hand
in the fire, and if children or criminals were to find
that they could play with fire with comparative im
punity we should soon be involved in a general con
fiagration. This report, therefore, wisely proposes
to commence in all cases with a sharp and severe
punishment, and only to lead the prisoners to new
courses when they are thoroughly sickened with the
consequences of the old ones. Let them find they
have burnt their fingers, and then learn to employ
themselves with more harmless things than fire.
We trust that none of the paltry economy we
have referred to will prevent the adoption of
such principles as these. From some statements in
the course of the debate on the report it really seemed
as if the relaxation of the prison rules had arisen to
a considerable extent from some such foolish motive,
The want of a sufficient number of cranks, and the
bad construction of those which existed, seem to
have led to the gradual diminution of hard labour,
and it appeared that a stricter discipline in the pri-
son could not be enforced without a larger number
of warders. But to hesitate to introduce these re-
forms from dread of a penny instead of a three-far-
thing rate is, not to be penny wise and pound
foolish,—it is to be penny foolish and pound mad.
Under the present system we pay much more thah
a farthing rate in an increased number of criminals,
an increased loss of property, and an increased inse-
curity. To secure an efficient administration of
criminal law can never be anything but a sound
economy.
DAILY NEWEL—When the Southern party was
dominant at Washington, and conquests, annexa-
tions, and filibustering expeditions were the en-
grossing occupation of American statesmen, a phrase
was current by which it was imagined that all law-
less aggression was excused and justified, or rather
by which the blame was wholly transferred to the
weaker resisting party. Mexican wars, Texan
annexations, Nicaragua expeditions were not to be
imputed as a fault, for it was the " manifest destiny"
of the United States to overpower and absorb its
neighbours. The phrase, we believe,was pi egiarised
from a customary expression of the First Napoleon.
It did not, however, impose on the understandin g
of honest men either in the New or the Old World.
The " force of circumstance" is a plea as old as the
race, and may be employed to excuse every act of
wrong. Nothing is easier than for States or indi-
viduals to place themselves by. one irrevocable step
in circumstances which make a certain course of
conduct inevitable without making it right. Recent
events are suggesting the inquiry—has ~,treat Bri-
tain, too, a " manifest destiny ?'"flaat her general
policy at all resembles that which is identified with
the American Presidents of the last thirty years her
bitterest enemy will not allege. But her best friends
may well be anxious when they hear particular lines
of national action which have led to events with
which nobody is satisfied, palliated with the same
equivocal faltering excuses which they have rejected
when urged to cover the acts of other nations. Take
the latest news from Japan. A squadron of the
fleet of which we are so justly proud has just visited
Kagesima, one of the cities of that country, to de-
mand satisfaction' of Prince Satsuma, who appears
to be master there. Not receiving a suitable
reply, our Admiral opened fire, and in a few
hours was able to report, "
Wholetown in flames ;"
and again, on the following day, City one mass
of ruins." Kagosima.
which we have destroyed
so easily, was the home of an immense population,
said to number 180,000 people. It would be a
considerable relief if some great Minister, or in his

default a great Minister's journalist, could assure
us that he is delighted with this brilliant feat, and
would give us some reasons for sharing his satisfac-
tion. is it honour or profit that we are to reap
from the destruction of Kagosima ? Whichever it
may be we could better have spared it. It we exa-
mine the steps by which we have advanced to this
catastrophe we find that—assuming that we did
right in the first place to force ourselves on a nation
that was known to dread intercourse with foreigners
—we find that they were all unimpeachable. We
have not been hasty ; we have not been angry. Our
deportment, in fact, has been most exemplary. We
have advanced with a calm air and words of mode-
ration to do a deed which is terrible to think of.
One of our countrymen had been murdered in Japan,
and the Government was too weak to seize the mur-
derers, believed to be the retainers of Prince Sat-
suma ; so we resolved to take the redress which caul d
not be given. We have destroyed a city, and with
it a great number of innocent people ; it is not said
that we have destroyed Prince Satsuma. " But
what were we to do ?" it is asked. What indeed !
It was " manifest destiny."
HERALD.—We have no difficulty in giving Lord
Russell credit for a sincere desire—subordinate, of
course, to the all-engrossing love of distinguishing
himself—to see Poland pacified and the Poles in the
enjoyment either of the absolute independence they
claim or of the privileges which were accorded them
by the Treaties of Vienna. At the same time we
have not the slightest hesitation in saying, and
shall not have the slightest difficulty in showing,
that his lordship, in his efforts to help the Poles, has
done them as much injury as it was possible for an
English statesman to do. His despatches to St.
Petersburg, his active exertions to obtain the assent
of his allies to the presentation of a quasi-ultimatum
to Russia, encouraged the insurgents with the hope
of European intervention, and stimulated them to
carry on the war by immense sacrifices, only to find
all their hopes disappointed and see themselves left
to contend alone with the gigantic resources of
Russia, embittered by the prolongation of the
struggle and the interference of foreign Powers.
Sad as have been the consequences for the Poles,
an indulgent critic may find some excuse for these
mistakes of his lordship in the popular outcry that
something should be done when circumstances ren-
dered it impossible to do anything useful. Bat his
last grand coup—his parting fling at Russia—can
find no excuse. It is the heaviest blow yet struck
at Poland, the greatest possible concession to Russia.
It is the renunciation of the right of England to re-
monstrate at St. Petersburg on behalf of the Poles ;
the release of the Emperor of Russia from all the
conditions on which he holds Poland; the deprival
of the Poles of all the remaining safeguards of their
national independence and existence; and his lord-
ship actually fancies that all the while be is dealing
a heavy blow to Russia, paying off Prince Gods--
chakoff for his rebuffs, and helping the Poles. The
Foreign Secretary has declared, in the name of
England. that the Treaties of Vienna, so far as they
concern Poland, are null and void. He intimates to
the Russian Government that the sanction then
given to its possession of a portion of old Poland is
withdrawn, and that no further right than that of
conquest can be recognised. It may be that his
lordship has not remitted the formal decree of for-
feiture to St. Petersburg, as has been stated with
great confidence in quarters likely to be well in-
formed. He may still hope to overcome the reluc-
tance of Austria to commit herself to so dangerous a
measure—dangerous to her not only in its immediate
consequences, but in the precedents which may be
drawn from it. But it matters very little. The
Russian Government must take note of his words at
Blairgowrie ; it must take note of the efforts he has
made to obtain from France and Austria an identi-
cal declaration of forfeiture. And it must take note
of them with a pleasure which it may be too politic,
too polite, to eApress, but which must nevertheless
be excessive. Poland no longer exists as a separate
country; the Poles are no longer a nation, except
in the eyes of ethnologists. Politically they disap
pear from the face of Europe with the winds that
carry away the torn fragments of the Treaties of
Vienna. Austria, Prussia, and Russia will have
Polish provinces and Polish subjects, but there is no
kingdom of Poland. Posen and Gallicia, and War-
saw, or however else it may be called, will show
where once Poland was. The treaties of Vienna,
sadly violated as they have been by all the Powers
partitioners of Poland, have kept alive the Poles as
a nation. The kingdom of Poland was there—a
visible sign of its existence—a sign which Russia
did not venture to remove. If the Russian Govern-
ment violated, or as it says, interpreted in another
way from the other powers, the treaties of Vienna,
it never ventured to disregard them. It always re-
cognised that it held Congress Poland upon other
conditions than the rest of the empire. It always
maintained the distinct administration stipulated in
the treaties ; it never ventured upon such measures
against the Polish language as were employed in
Posen, and the vast majority of its officials have
always been Poles. Had the treaty not existed
the Czar Nicholas would certainly not have waited
a month after the suppression of the insurrection
of 1830 to incorporate the kingdom of Poland in
the Russian Empire ; to have removed all distinc-
tion between its provinces and the rest of the em-
pire, and to have suppressed as far as suppression
was possible the Polish language, habits, and reli-•
gion. It lay then at his mercy. No Power would
or could have interfered. But he felt that he held
that part of Poland at least upon conditions, and
although he interpreted some of those conditions in
a different sense from Lord Palmerston and Lord
Heytesbury, Count Sebastiani, and Prince Talley-
rand, he did not repudiate any one of the obliga-
tions they imposed. It is due to that recognition
of his treaty obligations that Poland still lives. Thirty
years of incorporation with Russia, 30 years of go-
vernment by Russian functionaries, 30 years of sup-
pression of the Polish language and the energetic
prosecution of measures which would have killed
the national feeling, and Poland would have been
forgotten. She might have rebelled as now, but what
power would have interposed on her behalf ? Lord
Russell had no other ground than the treaties of
1814-15 to justify his intervention ; without such
a justification no English Government would have
offered a word of remonstrance against any mea-
sures of Russia. Now the Poles, by the act of their
warmest friends, are deprived of all this protection.
Russia is declared to have forfeited all the rights
which the treaties gave her to Poland, and losiiig
all the rights so given she is released from all the
obligations which were the conditions of those
rights. She holds Poland now, Lord Russell de-
ciares, by conquest. With that de facto possession
he has no thought of meddling, It is now, there-
fore, perfectly within the competence of Russia to
suppress the Polish kingdom as such, to incorporate
its whole territory in the empire, to subject it to the
common Russian administration, to suppress every
national institution, to put Russian officials in every
position, and make Russian the language of all
administrative acts. The Great Powers—for France
will no doubt follow the English example ; she has
reasons of her own for aiding in every blow at the
treaties of 1815—have cut their only ground for
interference from under their feet, and can offer no
remonstrance. Thus the Poles are left, in the sup-
pression of a struggle which has cost them enormous
sapprr coe rttieefine ctceoesr ,soafhboahs
ve
ell
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Lion of their forfeiture is the
It may be better for the Poles that it should be so.
Better that an end should be put once for all to
hopeless struggles which perpetuate a misery they
cannot cure. Better that, abandoning dreams of
Polish national life, they should submit to their
destiny, and take the civil and religious liberties
they will once lay aside their national
aspirations, are to be had for the asking. But that
is not their opinion now ; it is not the opinion of
Lord Russell; it has not been the object of the Eng-
lish Government; and even those Englishmen who
have never seen the slightest chance of Polish
triumph, who have regretted the useless slaughter,
and have hoped that the Poles would seek liberty in
the only way they can find it—in the acceptance of
the fate which has made them Russian subjects—
must feel ashamed of such a blunder.

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