The Sun.
London, England, 1837-02-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

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The Times is evidently preparing for a new tack.
We think this is tolerably apparent in a long article in
that journal on Saturday last, in which there is taken
for a text a pamphlet just published by Saunders and
Otley, under the title of " The Time to Speak ; or
What the People do say, prior to the Session of 1837."
The object of the pamphlet is a coalition between Sir
Robert Peel and the Liberal Tories and Lord Grcy
and the Moderate Whigs, and the writer says that
" the wishes of the people would meet their full accom-
plishment." " From the period of the agitation of the
Municipal Reform question," he states " that Lord
Lyndhurst has pursued a fatally mistaken course. Un-
like Sir Robert Peel, who has taken his manly stand
upon the firm but open ground of liberal Conservatism,
Lord Lyndhurst has, in an evil hour, adopted—or,
we trust, only appeared to adopt—the narrow and
vicious principle of obstruction. Upon this ground
rests our censure." The extracts from this pamphlet
and tho comments on it form nearly two co-
lumns of a leading article in the Times, which
seems to contemplate with considerable partiality
the views of the writer, and evidently would be glad of
some pretext, such as a good set quarrel with Mr.
O'Connell, to he able to abandon the Tories without
a downright Jim Crow wheel. This softening clown
from coarse abuse and invective to a conciliatory tone,
shows pretty plainly that, in the estimation of the
Times, the cause of Toryism is hopeless, and the
faithless renegade is preparing for the evolution, find-
ing that the party which it has been supporting for
the last two years, and which we were told has the
support of all the respectability of the country, is
still so offensive to the people, that there can be no
hope of their being able to constitute a Government
with their own unaided forces. The fact is, the
late Orange demonstration in Ireland hai been de-
cisive of the Tory fate. The game was by no
means so well masked as on the former occa-
sion when. Sir Robert Peel usurped the reins of
Government. The natural and irreclaimable fe-
rocity of the Orangemen broke out prematurely, for
they disdained to assume even the semblance of libera-
lity and good-will towards their Catholic fellow-sub-
jects. No man knows better than Sir Robert Peel
that men avowing such ferocious opinions as were
delivered at the Orange Protestant meeting could not
possibly govern Ireland. But it would appear from
the letter from Mr. Corry, late Comptroller of the
Household under Sir Robert Peel, published in the
Observer of yesterday, addressed to Lord Castlereagh
respecting the grant for national education last year,
that even then the ostentatious declaration of Sir Ro-
bert Peel that he was prepared to carry on the Go-
vernment on the principles of Lord Grey was
either delusive or found impracticable, as his fol-
lowers were mutinying in the camp, and his Admi-
nistration must either have broken up from intes-
tine discord, or he must have thrown off the mask of
liberality, and ruled according to the will and pleasure
of his Orange followers, in reality masters. The
writer of the pamphlet observes that though names
change, principles are immutable and eternal.
" In the distinctive tenets of Whiggism there can be no
variation, and there is none, we positively affirm, in the de-
gree of favour and estimation in which those principles con-
tinue to be held by the people. It is, indeed, represented
by journalist writers of sprightly parts, and of great talents
for declamation (and by some others of larger bore) that in
the political race the Whigs are nowhere—that at the post
they will not be placed, having tailed of in the rear of
O'Connell ! You may search for them,' say these orators,
and cannot find them' (as when Diogenes looked for an
honest man with a lanthorn) no trace is left of them
(except in the institutions of their country !). They
are to a man departed; and clean forgotten ; (as they
must be before the enemies of the Constitution can pre-
vail. But is it so indeed ?)—Are the people so unmindful
of benefits—so fickle—so ungrateful ? Are Somers and Marl-
borough, and Addison, and Locke—are Walpole and
Chatham—are Fox, and Burke, and Windham, and Ers-
kine, and Sheridan, and the living Grey, the father of Re-
form, and honest Lord Althorp'—no more embalmed in
our memories, or household and familiar words in our
mouths ? Indeed, these gentlemen are inventive. We
must not say they assert the thing which is not ; but we
contend they discover what is invisible to mortal ken. In
the fervour of their videor videre,' they decidedly incur the
reproach addressed by the governor to Tilburina
Daughter, the ships thou can't not see,
Because they're not in sight.'
Like Gulliver, they are ' delighted to observe a young girl
threading an invisible needle with invisible silk.'
" Au contraire, it is Toryism which is effete—utterly de-
cayed, and, as is the way of the world, deserted at its
utmost need.' Who, in our days, ever hears its professors
venture to broach the antiquated doctrines of non-resis-
tance'—'passive obedience'—or the principle of sole sove-
reignty,' and absolute monarchical sway,' in these realms ?"
Such is the writer whose views the Times has been
at such pains to place before its readers. And this is
the way in which it speaks of the coalition :
" The difficulties in the way of such an arrangement will
suggest themselves at once to every observer of public
affairs. One thing is, we presume, certain—namely, that
no Whig who has suffered himself to be contaminated by
the O'Connellite connexion, such as the Russells, Rices,
Mulgraves, Morpeths, &c., can, unless after a correspond-
ing political quarantine, be associated with public men of
any character. Lord Melbourne, who cares nothing whe-
ther O'Connell be a spirit of health or goblin damned,'
and wholly disapproves of the Popish Parliament in Dub-
lin ; Lord Lansdowne, who hates him as heartily as poor
Lord Howick has so much cause to do—these noble per-
sons, on promise of future good behaviour, might possibly be
treated with ; but we fear, even in their case, the people
would feel great distrust, they having all recently voted in
favour of a Bill, calculated, by their own admission, to (real
a heavy blow and great discouragement to Protestantism in
Ireland."

The Times could not, without some show of coy-
ness, recommend a coalition ; but having broken ground
we have no doubt the difficulties will diminish rapidly
in its hands. We hail the article, however, as a proof
that our contemporary, which has much of the in-
stinctive acuteness of the rat in its composition, be-
gins to feel uneasy with the Tories, and to see that
a Tory Government 'is impracticable. We look
upon it as the signal of distress which Sir Robert
Peel holds out to all those who may be willing to
come to his succour, and it may perhaps be considered
as the avant-courrier of the repudiation by the wily
Baronet of any sympathy or concurrence in the atro-
cious Resolutions which the Orange confederation at
Dublin, who were presided over by his former Lord
Steward of the Household, have promulgated as the
principles alone on which Ireland shall be governed,
at least with their concurrence. The cry shows the
distress of the Tories, and as such we hail it ; but
their signals remain unanswered, and the stranded
wreck of the once gallant but now dismantled Stanley,
and the shapeless hulk of the once swamped Graham,
present too conspicuouS a beacon of the broken for-
tunes and lost characters of deserters from the people's
cause, to induce others to follow their unhappy
example, even if the disposition existed anywhere
but in the pages of the pamphlet of the would-be
Whig, or the columns of the journal which has be-
trayed every one it has supported, though it is keenly
alive to the hopelessness of the cause which it is con-
demned to advocate. —Morning Chronicle.
The lull with which this session opened is on the
eve of its termination, and, to all appearance, a gale
will succeed. Lord John Russell, as so called leader
of the House of Commons, established the first pre-
cedent within human recollection, and For an ostensi-
ble Minister of the Crown, of a silence ludicrous and
indefatigable on the first day of a session of Parlia-
ment, when his predecessors have 1.-Ivariably come
forward in defence or explanation of the language
addressed by themselves and their colleagues to that
body, to be circulated in the King's name- through all
classes of his Majesty's subjects. It cannot be said
that a defence of the Ministry on that occastin was
uncalled for. An attack had been made upon its
measures, its motives, its honour, and reputation, by
certainly not the least able of those members, or on
beWalf cl; the least formidable of those political factions,
to whose support during the two last sessions it had
Oived, as a Ministry, its continuance in office, and the
greedy oligarchy which formed its nucleus had stood
indebted for an unblmhing monopoly of place and
plunder. Once again we disclaim any particle of sym-
pathy with the political creed of Mr. Roebuck. That
tidgibtAipitli which he proclaims his love is our abhor-
we believe it to be nothing better than
t, and uncivilized tyranny, and the too
of another and more lasting species of
reached through the paths of political

and social confusion. But let every man have his duo.
Of that rancour, venom, spleen, &c., towards the Go-
vernment which he stands charged with, we have not
found any. On the principles, and with the opinions
of the Member for Bath, opposite as they arc to ours,
we do not see how he could have expressed what ap-
peared to him plain truths in more measured phrase-
ology. He abused the Conservatives as broadly as the
Whigs ; but have they accused him of wanton or
splenetic malignity ? He told the rump Ministers un-
disguisedly, that they had no genuine taste or tolera-
tion for reform, and cared for nothing but their offices,
with the " proceeds" annexed to them. Is this a
" splenetic effusion ?" If so, three-fourths of Britain
are affected with the spleen. We repeat every word of
the accusation so complained of, and have often declared,
not our own conviction only, but that of the great bulk
oflobservant and enlightened Englishmen, that the history
of Whiggism for the last six or seven years had been that
of a peddling, mercenary speculation—that names had
throughout been fraudulently substituted for things,
with no purpose but to obtain a false credit and cur-
rency amongst Englishmen . for those Ministers who
had thus perverted them--that the Reform Bill itself
had been projected and framed for the mere promo-
tion not of popular right, but of Whig ascendancy
over a rival paity—that the pretence of " governing
without patronage " was a brazen and audacious cheat
upon the country—that more public money has been
wasted, and more administrative power abused, for the
profligate support of an army of necessitous retainers,
within the last 18 months than in any half-century pre-
ceding—that principles avowed by the very individuals
now in office, and contended for by speech and vote
not more than three years ago, have since been shame-
lessly bartered for the protection afforded to these same
men by a turbulent conspirator against the State, and
bitter slanderer of the British name and nation, and
that political objects are now professed, and principles
destructive of the national church are in their rapid pro-
gress towards enrolment among the laws of England,
so far as depends on the King's Ministers, which prin-
ciples were pronounced in the summer of 1834 to
be unfit subjects of legislation and finally, that
such change in the policy of the Government
has been attributable to no cause under heaven,
but that the rump Ministers are furious at the possi-
bility of the Conservatives coming into. office, andra-

paci-ous of its advantages for themselves and their
family dependents. Now, much the greater portion
of all the above charges were brought agaiust the Rus-
sell Ministers on the first day of the session by the
representative of a populous and important city, occu-
, pying the same benches with themselves, and listened
to by the " leader" in dogged or despairing silence.
Had a difference of opinion arisen between his Lord-
, ship and a colleague in another house ? Had he been
outvoted in the Cabinet, and taken refuge in sulky
taciturnity ? This is what many others express them-
selves curious to discover, but what in our esti-
' mation is not worth a straw. Let us look at Lord
John Russell's demeanour from last Tuesday down-
wards. On the first day of the session Lord Mel-
bourne pronounced a respectful reprobation of the
rebel meeting in Ireland. A day or two after-
wards that exalted personage, Lord Cloncurry, debtor
to the Whigs for an English Peerage, and for
a sort of admission into political society, flew in the
face of his patron, the Prime Minister, and passed a
flagrant panegyric on the " Association," which he
declared a single " word from his Majesty would
have been sufficient to dissolve." Then it must oc-
cur to every honest man to ask, why Lord Melbourne
has not advised his Majesty to speak that talismanic
word, which would at once dissolve the body that he
professed to disapprove of, and abate a nuisance for
whose existence he " saw no sufficient grounds ?''
Answer us that question, my Lord Prime Minister.
Why did you not profit by Lord Cloncurry's hint, and
in the King's name direct the associators to go about
their business ? Does your Lordship, in your indivi-
dual capacity, resemble your Cabinet in its collective
reputation for hollowness? Are you insincere or im-
potent ? Have you, too, in your turn, been outvoted ?
We shall see. Lord John Russell on Friday was
pushed by Serjeant Goulburn for a reply on the sub-
ject of this same rebel association. Does your Lord-
' ship agree with Lord Melbourne in considering it a
nuisance to be tolerated if it cannot be abated, or an
instrument of good government and social peace
I throughout Ireland ? The answer is " Nil." Not
a syllable was uttered by the Secretary for the Home
Department. He cried out for a little breathing time.
" Give me but till Tuesday, and I will tell you all."
To us it appears natural, that had Lord John Russell
been provided with constitutional feeling to support
Lord Melbourne, or with nerve to do so, under the
castigating scowl of O'Connell, he could not, for
common decency, have failed to echo the sentiments of
his chief. But it was clear that he could not say
" amen" to Lord Melbourne, or that he durst not.
It was manifest to all lookers-on, that from some in-
ward consciousness or other, " amen stuck in his
throat ;" ,and such is the awe which this " puny whip-
ster " of a statesman stands in towards the birch-armed
pedagogue within a few yards upon his right, that we
are fully prepared to hear him before six o'clock to-
morrow evening declare himself the apologist, if not
the admirer—nay, the partner, of that revolutionary
band in Dublin which has assumed to itself the func-
tions of Parliament, and which supersedes magistracy,
government, and law. Mr. Frederich Ponsonby hay-
ing already announced that the co-operation of the
Ministers with the rebel associators was that " out of
which justice to Ireland " was to emanate, it well be-
comes my Lord John Russell, representing the revo-
lutionary section of the rump, to bolt Lord Mel-
bourne's languid attack on the Association, as he has
already bolted his own objection to " legislate on ab-
stract principles " for the sake of spoiling the church
of Ireland, as he is about to bolt his last year's ac-
knowledgment that the recognition of a church establish-
ment supposed the payment of Church-rates by the
state, and as his Lordship, with a certain portion of
his colleagues, is ready at any hour to bolt pledge or
principle without choking, if there be salary sauce to
help it down. There is one gross delusion for some
time east encouraged by the panderers to the Mulgrave
system of licentious misrule in Ireland which requires
a word or tsvo of exposure. They boast that Ireland
never before enjoyed so much tranquillity as at present ;
that breaches of the peace, attacks on property, de-
struction of life, predial disturbance, and crimes of an
insurrectionary character, have been less frequent than
under the predecessors of the actual Viceroy. We do
not stop to ask whether this account be true, though
true it is not. But, granting the truth, what is the
inference ? Is the stillness natural ? Have for or five
millions of semi-barbarous peasants, prone to turbulence,
and habituated to acts of brutal and ferocious vengeance
—have they, is it possible that they should have become
within a year or two a civilized and orderly race of men,
imbued with reverence for the laws, and with charity
towards their Protestant neighbours, whom it has been
the business of their priests, for half a generation, to
hold up to them as proper objects of fierce and outra-
geous cruelty ? The thing is a physical impossibility
—it is obviously absurd. The quiet boasted of is skin
deep only. It is an organised tranquillity, a factitious
repose—the result of discipline, of calculation, of
orders from those who hold in their hand the bridle by
which the peasant is restrained, and on their heel the
spur which drives him forwards. When the hound is
in the leash no man will pretend that his eagerness for
the prey is extinguished ; when the pirate, hoping to
decoy a merchant vessel within reach of him, commands
his crew to disappear from deck, and stow themselves
under the hatches, the " peace" that reigns on board is
most edifying to the unwary ; but are the skulking mur-
derers less savage than before ? Will they more spare
the lives of passengers or traders who trust them than
formerly ? Is there less plunder or less butchery in
their meditations ? It is a falsehood to represent the
superficial peace of Ireland, under the nominal gui-
dance of O'Connell's delegate, as a fitter subject for
praise or rejoicing than any other stage-trick in the
some vile farce. He tells his banditti—" Silence, or
we lose our quarry ; don't spoil my game by premature
and unseasonable movements. Kennel up, dogs—
kennel up, I say." Let us, Protestants and English-
men, wait a little until the purpose of all these tran-
-suillizing tactics has been gained, and then boast of
improvements in the Irish character effected by that
grand master of morality—Lord Mulgrave. We can
name a period of history when the Irish multitude ex.

hilted incomparably more external show of sobriety
and subordination than they have done at any time
since Lord Mulgrave went among them--a time when
there was no outrage, no rolo)ety, iid ?thtrckr, nb
drUhkeiiness, but a masquerade of extempore civiliza-
tion spread itself over the whole island. It was while
the executive directory of the United Irishmen were
not yet seized as traitors by the King's Governmeni.
It lasted for many months just preceding the outbreak
of the rebellion in 1798. What a theme for congratu-
lation were those halycon days of Irish obedience and
" tranquillity !" Lord Mulgrave was scarcely at that
time born, though " justice to Ireland" was then, as
now, the watchword of clamorous and wily rebels.—

The benefits arising fro.n the practice of occasional
intercourse or correspondence between INltinkrs of
Parliament and their constituents are too obvious to
require illustration. While recognizing the right of
electors to be watchful and inquisitive respecting the
conduct (without compr, mising the moral freedom) of
theii representatives, it not only cherishes a sense of
responsibility on the part of the independent senator,
but affords him a desirable opportunity of giving those
explanations of his votes, which the multifarious busi-
ness of the House of Commons may have prevented
him from justif‘ ing in the course of Parliamentary de-
bate. An address of this description has just been
put forth by Major Fancourt to the electors of Barn
staple, Newport, and Pilton : and whether we regard
the sound and enlightened views contained in it, or the
becoming deference which it pays to public opinion, or
its political discrimination and literary ability, we are
bound to say that it is creditable in no ordinary degree
both to the Hon. Gentlemen who penned it, and to the
discerning constituency who selected such a represen-
tative. Major Fancourt is at once a stanch Conser-
vative and a thorough Reformer. It is highly im-
portant that the country should attend to this fact,
' especially as the incompatibility of these charac-
teristics has been urged by the Whig-Radical press
with the most stupid and obstinate pertinacity.
Contending, in spite of the example of Mr.
Burke, that the policy maintained in given cir-
cumstances by the Tory party must necessarily be
pursued by them in all circumstances whatever, the
servile journals are labouring night and day to charge
upon modern Toryism an adherence to doctrines no
longer applicable to the altered state of the country ;
and, vainly imagining that their attempt to confound
the Tory procedure of a former period with its capa-
city to adapt itself to the different exigencies of the
present time will brinat! upon Toryism that imputation
of blind and bigoted immutability from which these
same writers are so anxious to vindicate their Popish
allies, it is their favourite trick to speak of the consti-
tutional public as " the old Tories," and (carefully
concealing that the new Conservancy is a mighty com-
bination of patriotic Englishmen of all parties) to ca-
lumniate them as enemies to the rights and liberties of
the people. This paltry ruse, we take leave to tell them,
will no longer do. Their talent for inventive ingenuity
must exercise itself in another direction. In short, if
these honest journalists expect to maintain their proper
character and credit, they must either concoct forthwith
some newer lie of more plausible quality, or submit to the
twofold ignominy of being too base to tell the plain
truth, as well as too doltish to fabricate a decent im-
posture. In connexion is ith the truly liberal and discri-
minating views advocated by the Conservatives in both
Houses of Parliament, the crafty owls whom we are
tormenting will do well to take a peep at the senti-
ments of the gallant officer whose address to his con-
stituents has occasioned these remarks. Major Fan-
court is, as we have said, a stanch Conservative.
Nevertheless, the propriety of his accounting to the
Barnstaple electors for the votes he has given in
Parliament is distinctly recognized by him, and man-
fully acted on. Like his fellow-senators of congenial
opinions, he assumes no haughty airs of being above
the necessity of deferring to public opinion. Super-
cilious independence and absolute irresponsibility are
no more claimed by 'Major Fancourt than by Sir R.
Peel, when he submitted himself to his constituents
in that more memorable address of his, which, as
propounding his views on assuming the government,
is emphatically called. the Tamworth one. But, more
than this, the Major honestly tells his supporters that
he has voted, and will still vote, not only against the
Irish Corporation Bill, as substituting Popish domi-
nation for Protestant ascendancy, but against the Irish
Tithe Bill, as virtually destroying, by its appropriation
clause, the existence of the Irish Protestant Church.
Yet, with all the Toryism thus proudly confessed by
him, what has he done in the cause of sound discrimi-
nating Reform ? Just everything that a constitutional
Englishman could wish. He divided against the Irish
Coercion Bill under Lord Grey's Government ; he
voted against the Pension List ; he opposed military
flogging (to the shame and scandal of Sir J. Hob-
house) ; and, as far as family affliction did not interfere
with his parliamentary duties, he joined Mr. Cobbett
not only in resisting the new Poor Law, -but in that
memorable exclamation of Cobbett's, Thank God,
we have a House of Lords." This is, as we conceive,
thorough and useful Reform, controlled by sound con-
stitutional sentiment. If such be the Toryism con-
demned by the democratic journals, perhaps they will
have the goodness to tell us so.—Times.

Our readers will find elsewhere a requisition from
several hundred of the electors of the great and influ-
ential borough of Marylebone, to Mr. B. Hall, the
present Member for the Monmouthshire boroughs, and
an answer thereto from that gentleman, accepting the
invitation to come forward to represent it in case of
the occurrence of a vacancy. When that vacancy
will occur, can be a matter of but little donbt. One
of the sitting members is absent on foreign duty, and
of course incapable of doing that justice to the interests
of his constituents which is not only desirable on their
own account, but on account of the cause of Reform,
which cannot afford a deserter from its camp—the
other, it is generally thought, will either not come for-
ward, or in case of a superiority of votes, surrender his
own private wishes to those which may be expressed by
a majority of the constituency. That Mr. Hall,
upon his declining to stand a fourth time for the
boroughs which so honourably to himself he now
represents, should have been called upon to fill
up the expected vacancy, can be no matter of wonder
to any one who is acquainted, on the one hand, with
the excellence of his private character, or, on the other,
with the principles which he has uniformly professed,
and for the promotion of which he has made such
ample sacrifices. Mr. Hall made his appearance in
public life in 1831, when, in consequence of a numerous
and respectable requisition, he came forward as a candi-
date for the Monmouthshire boroughs, in opposition
to the interests of the Duke of Beaufort, Sir Charles
Morgan, and the whole of the Tory interest, and was
returned by a majority of 19—a majority which would
have been infinitely greater had not [VIr. Hall been
then, as he still is, the avowed advocate of the ballot,
which was a question of infinitely greater unpopularity
at that period, than it has since become. A petition
was presented against his return, and his majority so
reduced as to compel him to resign his seat ; but so
popular was Mr. Hall, that in 1832 he was again
required to come forward for the same boroughs, and
was again elected, in opposition to the same interests.
In 1835, upon occasion of Sir R. Peel's dissolution,
he was also returned, although absent from England ;
but so persevering were his Tory opponents that a
petition, which proved, however, to be unsuccessful,
was again presented against his occupancy of the
seat. To conclude, however, the enormous ex-
penses incurred through these contested elections, on
the one hand, and, on the other, a constitutional un-
willingness to sanction the treating and corruption
which had attended them, and would, no doubt, at-
tend them upon another dissolution of Parliament,
determined Mr. Hall to give up his seat as soon as
such an event should occur ; and he now comes for-
ward, not only upon a numerous and highly respectable
requisition being presented to him, but as a well-tried
Liberal, to solicit the suffrages of the electors of Mary-
lrhone. He may lay full claim to the merit of being
the chief instrument, at his own personal saciifice, of
opening the county and borough of Monmouth, which
fot a century previously had been wholly under Tory
domination ; and it is but just to add, that his five
hundred pounds have never been wanting, either to
head a subscription for the same purpose,
or to in-
duce others to follow his example. th is also Chairs

man of the Liberal electors of the same county ; and,
as Chairman, a similar subscription heads that of his
fellow-countyrnen. Such is a portion of the public
elairris df Ir. Hall. They are neither few or small ;
but if any thing could add to them, it wad be his de=
termination, as evinced in the following passages of
his address, not to create disunion in the ranks of the
Reformers, or to advance the objects of their political
adversaries
" I understand," says he, " that you take this step in an-
ticipation of a vacancy occurring in the representation of
your borough at the next dissolution of Parliament. Whe-
ther this expectation be realised or not, I venture to impress
upon you the necessity of preserving that perfect unanimity
which should characterise the proceedings of the Liberal
party. Our political opponents are ever active and well
organized ; and the only possible hope they have of success
in the present instance is built upon the chance of a
schism taking place amongst them. As regards myself
that hope shall not be realised. I have no desire to create
disunion in your ranks, or to advance the objects of your
political adversaries. But should the electors generally
desire that I should represent them, and will honour me
with their suffrages, I will use my best endeavours to secure
their political rights, and by residing in your district, and
thus becoming more immediately connected with you, en
deavour to promote your local interests."—Montinj
Adve: fiser.

The encouragement which Ministers afford to that
public nuisance the " General Association" of Dublin,
makes it difficult, if not impossible, to give Lord Mel-
bourne credit for sincerity, when he expresses his
" regret and concern at beholding the existence and
the proceedings of such a society." In fact, we can
only believe him sincere upon the supposition that he
is not the head of his own Cabinet, or that sanctioning,
the conduct of the Irish Viceroy, he thinks it expe-
dient that he should crouch and truckle to a political
usurpation in Dublin, whose tyrannical ascendancy
over the constitutional advisers of the King he con-
fesses, in his place in Parliament, to be both painful
and degrading—for when he admits that the existence
of that illegal body causes him pain, and its proceed-
ings excite his concern, he impliedly confesses the state
of vassalage and consequent degradation to which the
British Government is reduced, which dare not make
a struggle to liberate itself from the thraldom of that
tyrant-agitation of which it ignominiously complains.
The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland has not and cannot
have a political will of his own. If he should pre-
sume to think and act for himself, he would soon learn
that he is arrayed in the attributes of a moonshine
Royalty, only to reflect the policy of the Cabinet of
which he is a satellite, and that he mistakes his posi-
tion altogether, if he ventures to move in an indepen-
dent orbit. When the Marquis of Anglesey went
beyond his instructions in his dealings with the agita-
tators, under the Duke of Wellington's Administration,
the Duke, who disclaimed his conduct, thought it
necessary at the same time to recall him. It is impos-
sible to believe that if Lord Melbourne really regretted
the existence of the Dublin Intimidation Society, he
would not, in the same moment that he disclaimed its
proceedings, feel it his duty to recall Lord Mulgrave,
who gives it every possible support and encourage-
ment ; making almost every law appointment from
among the members of a body combined against the
law, and inviting to the hospitalities of the Vice-
regal table the honoured disturbers of the public
tranquillity, who, hot from the unhallowed work of
agitation, carry into the presence chamber and the ban-
quet room of the King's Representative the noisome
effluvia of the Corn Exchange. There is no doubt
that the expressions which fell from Lord Melbourne,
in his place in Parliament, relative to the General
Association, were, in effect, a disclaimer of Lord IVlul-
grave's policy, which is as submissive as it can be to
the unelected Parliament of Dublin. But the dis-
claimer which the Premier pronounced in the Lords,
the Ministerial leader, Lord John Russell, dared not
repeat in his place in the House of Commons. It
was in vain that Sergeant Goulburn obligingly gave
him the opportunity, as he said, of expressing his con-
currence in the sentiments which Lord Melbourne had
expressed elsewhere, and which had given great satis-
faction to a large proportion of the people of this
country. Lord John had the fear of the master-spirit
of agitation, not merely before his mind, but before his
eyes. He sat in actual presence of the grim idol of his
Majesty's Government—to whom he and his colleagues
offer sacrifice, in much the same spirit with which cer-
tain Indian tribes propitiate the image of the Manichean
deity, worshipping what they hate, and pampering the
object of their inmost terror. Is it possible there can ever
be any sincere coalition—any cordial friendship between
the Whig Ministers and the man whom they de-
nounced as the enemy of his country in the Speech
from the Throne, and who placarded them all through
the three kingdoms, as the " base, bloody, and brutal
Whigs ? " The thing is impossible. Neither of those
coalesced parties can entertain the least affection or
confidence, or respect for the other. The alliance is
one generated by that political selfishness which ex-
cludes all those sentiments of manly emulation in pub-
lic life that "make ambition virtue." The Whigs
rather than not beat their political rivals, solicited the
aid of an ally, who has become their tyrant task-master,
and the price of whose support is the surrender of the
Constitution. From such an ally, upon such terms,
the Whigs of a former time would have turned away
with indignation, preferring any length of exclusion
from power that saved them from such dishonour.
Lord Cloncurry, an amiable and worthy man in the
private relations of society, and an undoubted believer
in the beneficial efficacy of those quack nostrums
which he takes various occasions both in and out of
Parliament to prescribe for the distempered body politic
of Ireland, has generously Stepped forward to defend
the " General Association" from all imputations upon
its legality or patriotism, and even to repel the shaft
of official reprobation discharged at it by the Premier
himself—we say " generously," because the time is not
far distant when this very Lord Cloncurry, whose un-
derstanding is unfortunately not as strong as his inten-
tions are good, was the victim of the reckless system of
agitation which he now upholds. At that time Lord
Anglesey, his most admired friend, and in his opinion
then as great and good a viceroy df Ireland as he consi-
ders Lord Mulgrave now (being for the second time
chief governor of that part of the united kingdom) was
engaged in endeavouring to extinguish the system of
political agitation which Lord Mulgrave supports, and
was of course denounced by the man whom the same
Lord Mulgrave honours with his particular intimacy and
feasts at the vice-regal board. Deeply did Lord Clon-
curry resent the insulting language and coarse vitupe-
ration which the Agitator used to pour forth upon his
friend Lord Anglesey, who employed the then Attor-
ney-General, Mr. Blackburne, to hunt the honourable
and learned violator of the law through all the devices
and shifts of his multifarious agitation, until he fairly
ran him down at last ; but the expiration of the tem-
porary Act under which he had been prosecuted saved
him from the penal consequences. How was it then
that Lord Cloncurry approved of all the proceedings of
Lord Anglesey's government, including the prosecu-
tion of Mr. O'Connell, and of several tithe conspira-
tors, now agitating with impunity in the General Asso-
ciation ? How was it, we ask, that Lord Cloncurry
approved of all those proceedings, and ventures now to
assert that Lord Mulgrave is the first Lord Lieutenant
who has endeavoured to do justice to Ireland ? If jus-
tice consists in numerous prosecutions being undertaken
against one party for walking merely in procession,
without committing any breach of the peace, while the
antagonist party are allowed to apply to the passions of
an ignorant populace the stimulants to incessant excite-
ment and resistance to the law, then, indeed, ample
justice is rendered to Ireland. But if a just adminis-
tration be that which puts down all factions with equal
energy, there never was a greater abuse of language in
this world than the words " justice in Ireland," as ap-
plied to the actual treatment of political parties in that
country. Were the political " breakfast parties," the
" volunteers," and the agitation, under various other
shapes, which Lord Anglesey put down, and which
Lord Cloncurry admired him for putting down, a
whit more daring, or dangerous to the peace of society
opposed to the authority of the law—more in-
consistent with the security and dignity of regular go-
vernment, than the agitation which is embodied in the
great normal school of seditious excitement—the General
Association ? To secure society against the mischievous
proceedings of such a body—a body avowedly assisting
to uphold a rank conspiracy against the law, under a
fraudulent pretence for the interests of the starving pea-
Santry, which even Mr. Roebuck, no great friend to the

Church, has admirably exposed—to secure the peace
of society, we say, against the dangerous proceedings
of such a body, there is no necessity for calling into
existence any lieu, penal statute, nor even for putting
into inotiou any statute now la eAistence. A statute
has bah referred to, as we stated the other days by
Sir F. Macnaughten # but we say that, according to
the strictness with which penal statutes must be con-
strued it does not apply. We rely upon the power of
common law. We wait to see whether Lord John
Russell, when he makes his statement on Tuesday,
will deny that the law, as it stands, is strong enough
to reach these political abettors of resistance to the
law, while misguided peasants are shot and hanged for
tithe resistance and agrarian outrage. We shall then
have an opportunity of inquiring how fa' the ministe-
rial view of justice in Ireland, is consistent with the
common law of England.—Morning Herald.
We present in another part of our paper a report
which has appeared in the Ministerial journals of the
interview on Friday last between the Premier and the
deputation of the Dissenters, on the subject of Church-
rates. It is manifest from this report, the general ac-
curacy of which we see no reason to doubt, that Minis-
ters have resolved to comply with the demand of the
Dissenters, and if the Legislature can be persuaded to
concur in the design, to withdraw from the Church of
England whatever direct support that establishment now
derives from the State. We are of opinion that the
Legislature will not, because we know that it ouLdit not
to, consent to a measure which would proclaim, for the
first time in Great Britain, that the State has no in-
terest ill the maintenance of the Church, and no duty
to discharge towards it other than that of exhi-
biting a cold neutrality between the Church of
England and the various religions sects which
have started, or may hereafter start, into existence.
That the principle to which Ministers arc thus
about to give their public sanction will be satisfied
by the abolition of Church-rates, that it will be barren
of other and more enormous claims on the part of the
enemies of the Church, no man in his senses can af-
fect to believe. Let the Dissenters obtain a legisla-
tive acknowledgment of this principle of neutrality and
indifference on the part of the State, and let them
have the opportunity of combining it with another
principle, which Ministers are also labouring to esta-
blish, namely, that the whole property of the Church,
without reserve or limitation, is in the disposal of the
State, and it will be strange, indeed, if it should take
persons so dexterous, and earnest, and persevering as
the Dissenters have heretofore proved themselves to
be, many years to work out from these two principles
a demonstration most complete and krefragible that
the ecclesiastical revenues of every parish, instead
of being appropriated to a single Clergyman, ought,
in justice, to be divided in fair proportions between
the Episcopalian, the Presbyterian, the Independent,
the Baptist, and the Unitarian Minister, and that
they, the Dissenters, are the most oppressed and per-
secuted men upon earth, if the State does not ordain
that the spacious aisles of St. Paul's and Westmin-
ster Abbey be divided into convenient compartments
for the simultaneous performance of Church of Eng-
land, Presbyterian, Independent, Baptist, and Uni-
tarian worship, not omitting in the arrangement suit-
able nooks or divisions for the accommodation of the
Southcotians, the Irvingites, the Muggletonians, the
Jumpers, the Swedenborgians, &c. It is not, how-
ever, the absurdity or the danger of the principle
whicfi Ministers are about to proclaim and enforce
which alone, or which chiefly, redounds to their dis-
grace. It is the notorious fact that in this transac-
tion they accept a principle pregnant, as they know,
with consequences so important as to defy calcula-
tion, manufactured for their use by other men,
and utterly repugnant to their own convictions,
repeatedly and strongly expressed. We are ut-
terly at a loss to conjecture how Lord Melbourne
and Lord John Russell can attempt to recon-
cile the principle upon which their measure, which
is to satisfy the Dissenters upon the subject of
Church-rates, is founded, with the principle of another
measure upon the same subject, which Lord Melbourne
and Lord John Russell approved and supported a year
or two ago ; or how they will explain the mental pro-
cess by which they have been led to the abandonment
of one principle and the adoption of its opposite. We
do not expect them to be so candid as to say that the
change of principle is a mere matter of traffic or barter
between them and the Dissenters—so much principle
against so many votes ; yet they might as well frankly
and at once acknowledge this—not because it is the
truth, for with them we fear that would be a very
bad reason—but because it is a truth of which they
cannot hope by any thing they may say to shake or
impair in the slightest degree the perfect and universal
conviction of mankind. The most ingenious eva-
sions here can have no other effect than to increase
the disgust with which all honest men must regard
an attachement to place so inordinate that for sake of
this sordid object the suggestions of honour and the
scruples of decency are equally set at defiance. Last year
the Ministry brought forward measures regarding Ireland
which they knew would not receive the sanction of the
Legislature. But what was it to them that their pro-
jects should fail to become law ? The projects an-
swered their purpose quite as well, by the agitation they
were sure to produce, for 'Ministers desired nothing
more than to be kept afloat for a year upon the tide of
Irish agitation. This year the Ministerial scheme is
the same in its general character, but somewhat diffe-
rent in its detail. Ministers bring forward a measure
relating to England which they know will not receive
the sanction of the Legislature, but upon which they
also know they may confidently reckon for a certain
degree of agitation. If it keeps them in place for
however short a period, or if it merely serve as a
source of new difficulty or embarrassment to their
successors, it will have sufficiently answered its
purpose. To keep in is everything —to legislate
successfully nothing. And it is thought conducive
to the sordid object of keeping in, that Irish and Eng-
lish agitation should be combined—that the Irish and
English enemies of the Church and Constituticn should
each be supplied with their proper stimulus to active
and zealous exertions on behalf of Ministers, that the
legions of Popery and of Puritanism should be united
into one body, for the maintenance of Lord Mel-
bourne and his colleagues in office. This scheme, how-
ever, clever as it is, will scarcely succeed. The Eng-
lish nation will see through the trick much too clearly.
It will not tolerate a Ministry which brings forward
important measures, not with any expectation of carry-
ing them, but merely to gratify and excite the passions
of its followers, and upon the unworthy speculation of
of keeping itself in place by the propagation of tur-
bulence and discontent. We venture confidently to
predict that, whatever agitation Ministers may pro-
duce in England by their unstatesman-like contrivance'
of introducing measures to Parliament in order that
they may be rejected, will encounter such a re-action
as the official agitators are little prepared to expect._
Morning Post.

GERMAN POLITENESS.--011 no occasion will you
see two citizens of Gottingen pass each other without a full
and formal exposure of the head, which is often so long a cere-
mony, that before the re-adjustment of the fine old three-cor-
nered hat has taken place, the performers will have receded
from each other a considerable distance.

••---
AMERICAN SERVANTS, .I I am quite convinced
that American servants work harder and quicker than even the
English, and that from their greater intelligence, they are on
the whole more useful. An American gentleman has seldom
more than one man-servant, who is at once porter, footman,
butler, and, if necessary, coachman to the family. lie cleans
the boots, brushes the clothes, washes the windows, cleans the
house, waits at table, goes to market, keeps the reckoning,
and is, in one word, the factotum of the household. He is
always at home, always busy; and hardly ever spending his
leisure hours at a public-house.—Grand's Americans, in their
Social, Moral, and Political Condition.

General Jackson► continues to improve in health ;
but he is old and feeble, and it is not at all unlikely that he
will die before the end of hii term, which expires on the 31
of March. The recent death of Mrs. Donelson, his late wife's
niece, a very lovely woman, to whom he was much attached,
has affected him severely. Of his own blood, he has not a
relative in the world, so far as is known.

The roads in the north of Italy are still in a dan-
gerous and almost impassable state, from the quantity of snow
which has fallen, and the threatening aspect of the avalanches.
The cholera is quite at an end at Naples.—Fraillelbrt Paper.
The Tribunal of Correctional Police has been for
some days occupied with the hearing of the case of the re-
gular apothecaries of Paris against certain individuals calling
themselves physicians, and selling secret remedies. On Sa-
turday the Tribunal, after hearing the arguments on both sides,
sentenced the defendants to fines, varying from 25f. to DM.,
with other amounts of damages.