The Sun.
London, England, 1863-04-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—From the debates which took place in
both houses last night the American Government
and their more zealous than wise representative,
Mr. Adams, may learn the feeling that their acts
have produced among all classes of the English
people. It cannot be denied that very great irrita-
tion exists. In the Commons' debate the temper of
the house was very conspicuous. We do not allude
to Mr. Roebuck's acrimonious remarks, but to the
evident impatience and indignation with which
the assumption of the Federal Admiral and his
supporters at Washington are regarded—a feeling
which showed itself both in speakers and listeners
all through the debate. Indeed, it is impossible
that there should be two opinions on the subject.
Even the Federal partisans, who are not easily
daunted in their advocacy, had nothing to say on
this occasion. It has been proved by the clearest
evidence, and is not contradicted, that at least three
British vessels have been seized while trading be-
tween neutral ports ; that one, which was actually
captured in British waters some months since, has
never been restored, and, in spite of reclamations,
still remains in the hands of the captors; that an-
other, the Dolphin, trading between Liverpool and
Nassau, was not only captured, but her crew takes
out, and, contrary to humanity as well as interna-
tional usage, turned ashore destitute on the foreign
island of St. Thomas. The case of the Peterhoff is
scarcely less indefensible. The assumption of the
Federal Admiral to capture vessels trading to the
neutral port of Matamoras,on the ground that a part
of their cargoes may possibly reach the Confederates,
is one which can never be allowed by a commercial
Power like England ; and the case of the Peterhoff
is the more flagrant, inasmuch as it is affirmed that
,he carried nothing that was contraband of war.
Last of all, the extraordinary conduct of Mr. Adams
has increased the irritation of the public, by appear
ing to reduce to a system the aggression on British
vessels. No one who remembers the career of Lord
Palmerston and Lord Russell will think that either
requires much encouragement when the dignity
of the country is in question. If, however, there
were any doubt of the spirit in which the Govern.
ment would meet the Federal assumptions, it is
removed by the clear and energetic statement made
by Lord Russell last evening. While decLring that
England is ready to maintain the law of blockade,
now that she is neutral, just as fully as when she
was a belligerent supreme on the ocean, and while
admitting that the presence of contraband goods
may be taken into consideration by a Prize Court,
as showing the destination of the vessel, the Foreign
Seeretary declared his opinion as to the illegality of
the late seizures. The most important passage of
nis speech related, however, to the United States
Minister in London. That Mr. Adams has been
guilty of an act of signal misconduct is beyond a
doubt. It was something more than a diplomatic
discourtesy for a foreign Minister to give a pass to a
British vessel for a voyage from a British to a neu-
tral port. Tne logical inference, of course, must be
that other vessels, unprovided with passes, would
be captured, and Mr. Adams accordingly assumes
that his Government will be guilty of an act wholly
indefensible. With reference to this affair Lora
Russell speaks in terms sufficiently precise. " There
Can be no doubt," he says, " that the conduct of Mr.
Adams was entirely unwarrantable; but I should
not think of complaining to Mr. Adams. I shall
bring that conduct under the consideration of the
United States Government. It is for them to say in
what manner such an act should be visited." This
tone is worthy of the country and the Minister. It
shows that, while making every allowance for the
aifficulties of the Federal Executive, our Govern-
ment will allow no invasion of our rights to pass
unredressed.

HERALD.—Many of those who spoke from the
Opposition benches expressed their belief that the
debate raised by Mr. Bentinck, in regard to the
treatment of English commerce by the American
Government and by American cruisers, would prove
extremely useful. On the other hand, all the
speakers on the Ministerial side denounced it as in-
,pportune and mischievous in the highest degree.
We are inclined to agree to a certain extent with
both parties. We conceive that the discussion of last
night will do good at home and mischief abroad.
We believe, moreover, that the good will be entirely
attributable to those who promoted the discussion
and predicted its usefulness ; the mischief, solely to
the speeches of those who denounced discussion on
the subject as dangerous and untimely. It is ex-
ceedingly unfortunate. that anything should be said,
.n or out of the House of Commons, which may tend
to provoke the Americans to acts which must inevi-
tably lead to a collision. And the character of the
Americans is unhappily Such that nothing is so
tikely to provoke them to acts of intolerable wrong
And unendurable insult as the belief that wrong and
insult will be patiently borne. If the Federal
.
Government is induced to fancy that may safely
encroach on the rights of British subjects and on
the freedom of neutral commerce, it is certain very
soon to carry its encroachments to a point at
which retractation on its part and forbearance on
ours will become alike impossible, and at which war
must necessarily ensue, And even supposing that
the Federal Government is sufficiently informed of
the danger of such a course—suppose that the
despatches of our Foreign-office warn it that we can
endure no more, and that the reports of its spies
assure it that the Foreign-office is incurring the
displeasure of the nation by its excess of forbearance
—still, if the Northern people are allowed to believe
that there is no limit to the patience of England,
.t
or that limit has nbeen reached, it is to be feared
that their clamours will hurry the Government into
acts which must kindle the flame of war. The only
hope of peace lies in convincing, not merely Mr.
Lincoln and Mr. Seward, but the press, the pulpit,
and platform demagogues, and the people of the
Northern States, that England is prepared for war;
that the reluctance of her statesmen to engage in
it springs simply from a conscientious anxiety to
avoid the heavy guilt of unnecessary bloodshed;
and that any further outrages on our flag, any more
insults to our ports, any more captures of British
vessels while engaged in lawful voyages, any more
acts implying an assumption of
dominion on the
nigh seas—may provoke a feeling of irritation
throughout the country which will sweep away all
considerations of prudence and peaceful preuilec-
tions, and permit to the Government no choice but
to vindicate the national honour.

POST.—Lord Palmerston's reply to Mr. Roebuck
last night on the question of the seizure of the
Peterhoff, and on our Western trade in general,
implies, what we already know, that while all mea-
sures affecting the security of our commerce in the
Gulf of Mexico are matters of the deepest interest
to ourselves, it is nevertheless impossible for us
to anticipate the decision of an American Prize
Court, which is presumed to be governed by a faith-
ful regard for the principles of international law.
So far as the vessel already seized, and now under
judicial process, is concerned, it is obvious that the
time has not yet arrived for any Parliamentary dis-
cussion of the subjtct. We feel persuaded that
perceive the neces-
sityaction towards neu-
oilflwish to increase
ttrhaeo
neu-
tral American
traders,
moderating
ifGovernment
itsc
t really
noise:vs
not
the ill-feeling it has, unfortunately for itself, pro-
voked. Indeed, there is already some evidence
of a distinction between the views of the
Cabinet of Washington and those of its naval offi-
cers afloat, to which we have already adverted.
We have seen that when Aamiral Milne
intimated to the American authorities that he
could not continue a neutral spectator of such
reckless interference with our trade as had lately
taken place, the Washington Cabinet immediately
despatched orders to its own admiral to be more
prudent and circumspect. There have, moreover,
been many instances in which the British Govern-
ment has had occasion to demand compensation of
the American Government on behalf of its owners
of vessels unjustly seized by American cruisers.
It is certainly no more than due to Mr. Lincoln
and Mr. Seward to acknowledge that they have
granted the compensations required; and even if the
American Prize Court should so forget its solemn
duties in the eyes of the civilised world as to per-
vert justice—a contingency which we can hardly
anticipate—we have no more ground to apprehend
that the Washington Cabinet would ultimately re-
fuse to redress this grievance than the many others
for which it has from time to time granted com-
pensation. The question of the Peterhoff, as a

matter of diplomacy, is altogether therefore in nu-
bibus. But at the same time it is necessary to re-
pcesent to the American authorities the difficulties
which either their own policy or the indiscretion
of their naval officers are interposing to the legiti-
mate commerce of this country. We trust that
they will see the great importance of lessening them
to the utmost possible degree that is compatible
with the maintenance of warfare on the coast of
North America.