The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TUE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It was truly stated, in the resolutions passed at
the' meeting of the freeholders of Middlesex, that
" the distress among all the productive classes of,
the community hue been for some time past gradu-
ally increasing, and has, at length, arrived at such
an extreme as can be no longer borne." To the ac-
curacy of this statement, Mr. Hume, the represen-
tative of that county, gave his tospialified assent,
and emphatically declared that he " hailed the de-
monstration of public feeling that day." What, we
Kelt, made that demonstration of public feeling ne-
cessary ? It was tlos falsification—the utter, com-
plete, and most deplorable faleitication—of those
statements of national prosperity which the Duke
of Wellington, his parasites in Parliament, and the
London newspapers, repeated, ad zususeam, last
year ;—aye, and even during a greet part of the
present year, until they were silenced, not by
any penitent feeling of shame for having prae•
ti-rd so gross a system of delusion on the
public, but by the irrepressible ru'hing of the
distress, whose eeistence they denied, over the
barriers of all law and order. Nor should it be
forgotten that Mr. Joseph Hume hithself supported
the Duke of Wellington in his view of this very
subject, so recently as the commencement of the
Session of Parliament last Spring, when. he, with
27 Members of the Opposition, voted against the
amendment to the Address, and thereby denied that
the distress was general or progressive. We do not
impeach the patriotism or honesty of Mr. Hume in
giving his vote on that memorable occasion to the
military Premier, hut we do impeach his sagacity.
Bad it not been for the Members of Opposition-
-28 in all, who bore the tiame of Whig,, who then
voted with Ministers the Duke's Government
would have been at that time in a minority, and
meet have resigned. Great calamities would have
been thereby spared to this country and Europe.
The peasantry of time counties which are now in a
state of fearful insubordination and outrage would
not have been driven, by a despair of peaceable re-
dress, to acts of violence and terror. We do not
mean to say that edi who take a part in those die-
turbancee are distressed. There are turbulent spirits
whose instigation to disorder is a restless desire of
change, who are to be always found ready to take
advantage of a crisis like the present, and to fan the
flames of civil fury, with the hopes of profiting by
the coufuion. But we do contend that such
disturbers of the public peace would not have
found the materiel to work upon, if it had not been
for the hopele-a misery to which the labouring classes
were driven by the refusal of the late Government
either to remedy their distress, or even to inquire
into it. When the Duke of Wellington and Sit
Robert Peel were going about on their shooting
parties, and eliewing how easy a thing it was to
direct the affeira of a great empire, the vol-
canic tnetter was collecting, beneath the surface of
a fallacious prosperity, for that eruption which has
suddenly terrified those sporting statesmen from
their high places, lint which could not have oaten
them by surprise if their incapacity as Ministers
had not been equal to their conceit. We must heat
observe that the resolutions of the Middlesex
freeholders, when they came to speak of the causes
of the distress, do not mention all the causes—
for instance, not a word is said of that destructive
system recommended by the " political economist,"
which caused landlords to believe their individual
interests would lie promoted by disconnterrancirq
small terms, and taking away from the labouring
population their cottage garden, and little patches
of land, which gave them the means of comparative
comfort anti itidependence. They also speak of the
" excessive amount of taxation for the maintenance
of enormous and useless establishments, and for the
payment of townerited.pensions and sinecures ;" but
tog a word is said of far the greater portion of that
taxation---namely, about 30 millions out of about
.L..io—ewhielt goes to pay the mutual interest of the
debt, which is the price of military glory l—and
/wetly one-half of which debt was contracted in it
depreciated, and roust be twirl in an enhanced, cur-
reticy.—elfiffning Herald.
The subject of tithes comes so frequently before
Parlinment and the country, that in the midst even
of political matters of more pressing urgency we are
inclined to interpose a few words on the subject•
Lord King attacked the whole system on Tuesday
evening in the Howie of Lords, ridding divers coo-
eiderietiong also en deaneries and prebendaries,
though not connected with the principel matter, or
touched on in the petition which his Lordship then
pretented. There is always a vivacity Lord
King's manner which amuses, even when his logo-
ments, though always urged with ability, ere not
altogether conclusive, and is therefore parboiled),
agreeable when diffused over opinions which coin-
eide with the popular taste. Tithes, it is wait!, are
injurious to agricultural improvements; they press
heavily upon the face ofthe earth—they prevent
the enthathing of capital in farming speculations---
they impede the bringing of more land into cultiva-
tion, end they even driver sonic elready under
the plough out of cultivation. Now the fact, strange
es it may seem, is, that the operation of tithes
putt the land is metier of very easy proof, for it is '
absolutely " oculis suldecta fidelibus." There are
plenty of tithe-free farms in the country. Are ouch
films in a better state of celtivation than others
close to them, which arc eobject to pay tithes either
by composition or in kind is the tonna more
disposed to lay out money upon the former than the
latter, itt improvements that make a slow return,
much as trenching, hollow-ditching, fac.? We have
• a large tract of country Within our tnind'e view itt
this moment, would give a decided and very painful
negative to the question; and we know also
another case in which three tithe-free farms were
thrown upon the hands of the landlord (one land-
lord !) at the beginning of these difficult times, while
the farms around them, subject to tithes, were
retained, and are still retained, in a good state of cul-
tivation. We will heir further, also, in the late (we
fear we may call them still, the present) distresses
tit. the lehourieg poor, has it appeared, or does it ap-
petite that the holder' of tithe-free farms have em-
ployed a greeter nutnber.of Mowers, or .paid them
nigher wages, than their neighbours who had taken
lands *object to tithea ? If it does, this is an
moment against • tithes. Again, whatever has
been 'aid reepteting titheetree fetus will apply
also to land' subject to a modus, rim a fixed
sum in lieu of tithes. Are such lends better
cultivated ? It is trizeel Matter of fact, yea or no.
Are more hands employed upon them ? Anti are
those heeds 'better paid ? fill all these question*
cast be answered in the affirmative, argumentritien
is 1101111,,C against tithes, at least. Bach gumenta-
tioti as is derived either from the condition of the

land or its capacity to employ and pay a greater
number of labourers. The truth, however, still is,
that ;t4 tithes give occasion to endless squabbling be-
tween the pastors and their flocks; it would certainly
be better, as the Bishop of London observed irr his
judicious and candid speech, that. some commutation
shotild take place—some arrangement be devised.
The sothien relitiquislunerit of tithes would, no
donbt bineficier, so long as existing leases run;
:hot ttflerwards :the ease afforded would ho heavily
visited by increase of rent—that is, if rents conti-
nued ; but there can be no reason whatever why rents
should remain, if tithes be abolished without com-
pensation; for, however neglected a parish may be,
the clergyman does perform something for his tenth
bart of the produce; the landlord nothing whatever,
ut more fieeuently commits every kind of oppres-
sieti upon `own end all surrounding tenants for
the preservation of his game. tenths score of mo-
-4'',4000, 141000 'kW, the 44fourit of demand between
tithe tool rent, the lictullOrd may fix his sum, and re-
fuse the 1114,11 altogether who offers less; and much
of the diffieulty *Nib the farmers now experience
frig resulted font their awn eagerners in bidding
thluing the piusperous tunes over eseh other's heads;
bet the tithe7,:ttiner must take such tenant an he
and agree with him es he can If he even
lets his tithe, there to an: intermediery person tq
live or make a gain out of them at his expense; The

landlord may require more than the land is worth;
the incumbent, or his lessee, can but have their
tenth ; the land is let upon the principle that Mat
tenth is required,and wherever less is paid (and where
is the ease where less is not paid ?) it is so much
saved to the farmer from the grasp of the landlord.
We know exactly what is meant. There is, in
these difficult times, a just cry that rents and tithes
should come down. Let them come down ! we
say; but let not the rent-owner, who has not a
better right to his property, throw the whole burden
of the crisis upon the tithe-owner, and so deprive
the country of proper religious instruction. Or if
tithes are to be abolished, let the beginning be made
with lay impropriations, in which whatever there is
of mischievous or odious in the tithing system exists
in a tenfold degree, and no gum! whatever rendered
to people, no duty whatever discharged to compen-
sate for the wrong ! In fact, in the halcyon
days of high prices, and the cruel rage for
enclosures, so many compositions, either by addi-
tional glebe or corn-rents, were made for clerical
tithes, that but a small portion now remains
in the hands of the clergy; and Lord Bute in
the House of Peers, its the debate which gave
occasion to these remarks, " declared as a land-
owner, that tithes were collected from him by
the clergy with much less rigour than by corporate
bodies and lay-impropriators ?" We wish some
Noble Lord, or [kn. Member of the other House,
would move for a return of all the lands or parishes
rendering tithe to the clergy, with cure of souls;
and those rendering tithe to the laity, with no cure
' whatever, except that of game, and of their own
bodies and estates; we believe the preponderance
would be greatly on the side of the latter. This
►em it be the first step towards the commutation of
tithes, and the sooner it is taken the better. 1... et
it be ascertained what quantity of clerical tithes re-
main, and what quantity of tithes paid to laies,and
let both be dealt with as the exigencies of the state
require. To conclude, we reprat that we should
be glad to see as arrangetnent which would remove
Unmerited odium from the clerical body, and which
would, therefore, serve the cause of religion. But
let the subject be fairly investigated, and, instead of
a mere partial statement, let the whole truth be ho-
neatly made manifest.— Times.

Some of the French Papers of Wednesday ring
with the praises of Marshal Stink for throwing his
energy, talent, and activity into the business of the
War Department. All the languor which used to
evsil in the bureaux and corridors of the War.
office is said to have disuppeared. There is now
touch less writing, but more decision, than in any
former Ministry. The Papers prepared by clerks
are not so voluminous, but the highways are covered
with recruits, and the garrisons are filling- with de-
fenders and provisions. The young conscripts are
not now led along the roads by gendarmes, but pro-
ceed to their respective depots, singing the Marseil-
lois Hymn. To trim)), of the corps volunteers offer
themselves in such abundance, that choice is the
only difficulty. In the country so great is the en,
thusiasm of the people for warlike exercises under
such a Minister, that the peasants make the manage-
ment of arms, and the discipline of a march, their
common pastimes. In short, every where is seen a
preparation fur war, and an ambition for military
glory. This disposition of the nation is encouraged
by that part of the Press which desires to see it t. 111..
ploy ed in foreign aggression. It is no longer pre-
tended that the Russians are coming to attack
Frailty, but there are Journalists who now urge
the French Government to go and attack
Russia. They forget that they could only pass the
Rhine and the Elbe on a principle of political prose-
lytism or military dictation, which rouses all their
indignation what applied to an invasion of their
own country. Russia has as good right to maintain
by force of arms the possession of her present terri-
tories, as France has to keep Algiers; and probably
a somewhat better. We shall not stop to inquire
how the predecessors of the Russian Emperor came
by his Polish States. It is sufficient to say that his
tight to the crown of Poland was not disputed by
the French till the Poles themselves objected to
their subjection. Even those chempioes of the
,Journals, in it similar ease, did not object to the un-
assisted efforts of the King of Holland to regain his
Belgic provinces. The same argument applies to
Prussia and Austria for the portion which they
respectively hold of the infamous plunder of a
gallant but unfortunate nation. Suppose they should
remain quietly within the limits of their acquired
Polish territory, nobody but Li political knight-errant
of national rights--a Quixotic redressor of national
wrong,—would propose to traverse Europe, and
incur all the frightful hazards of war, to dispossess
them. And is there any prospect of their assistance
being required to support Russia ? But even
though they were to make common cause to pre-
serve un order of things which Europe has several
times sanctioned, would their compact warrant
France, or any of the Southern nations of Europe,
in sending troops to the Vistula to drive the Russian
and Prussian eagles from the prey which was given
up to them by ell indifference nearly as culpable as
their own cruelties and outrages ? No, certainly
not. It was One thing to prevent the partition of
Poland by a war for its defence, and another thing
to commence a war to restore its union and hide-
rendenee after forty or fifty years of subjection.
France has too extensive an idea of her duty, if she
imagines herself called upon to prevent intervention
in every part of the world as well as in Belgium.
The new state of Belgium borders upon her terri-
tory, mid an aggression on her neighbour to put
down principles of government which were
common to both, would have been an aggression
on France. But Poland is not in the some prediva-
ment. It lies at a distance of several hundred
toilets from France, with the barrier of Ger-
muny interposed. To send an army to Warsaw
would, therefore, necessarily kindle the flames of war
over a whole continent. If Don Quixote had re-
dressed only the wrongs of his own village, he
night not have been a hero—but he would have
avoided the commission of mischief and the charge
of madness in his erratic excursions to find and re-
dress them. We have been induced to make these
remarks, not so much in answer to the proposals of
the chivalrous and coxcombical youth who direct a
great portion of the Paris press, and are continually
urging their Government to become the armed
apostles of freedom, as to express our dissent from
the doctrine preached on this subject by the amiable
Lafayette, in his speech in the Chamber on Tuesday.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs was silent; but we
hope, for the peace of Europe, that his c'silence
was not consent." ---r.llmea.

We know not whether it is painful, or the reverse,
to observe in how unsettled a state Europe is at the
present moment. The young, who are ardent and
full of hope, may view the crisis with pleasure as
one out of which freer institutions and happier days
may emerge; the more aged will inevitably be pos-
sexsed by fears, jealousies, and suspicions. The
Poland business is not well understood yet in the
west of Europe : the storm rages at a distance, and
its murmurings are low and indistinct. But what
hes occurred shows us beyond contradiction how
rashly Buonaperte's northern expedition was pro-
jected, and how lamentably he failed of availing
himself of the means which wore ready prepared to
his hand for the annoyance of the Russian Emperor
and the agitation (to use a very gentle word) of his
empire. Had the present disturbances in Poland
also taken place before or at the time of the Russian
expedition across the Balkan, very different might
have been the fate of Turkey. Of that coun-
try and of Greece we hear nothing at presents
and the Belgic troubles are lulled for awhile,
But the north of Italy is in a feverish state ; Swit-
zerland disturbed, and swelling to insurrection ; and
France, like a drunken man in a fair, is determined
to fight, without. well knowing wherefore, or with
whom. Beware of attacking her independence !
Nobody thinks of it,—no one strikes her ! But they
' meant it, and tospere them the trouble of aggression,
she will arm herself and give the first blow. There
is a nearer and dearer country than France, where
matters are not in the most assuring state—the

turbulent spirits far from composed or tranquil. To
this country we would give the advice to wait in
patience ; it will not be long till the Reform mea-
sure is brought forth. Let it be observed, that this
is the first reforming Ministry we have ever had.
Should its project succeed, other benefits will
follow in the train : should it fail, it will not have
been worth the while to coniend for objects of
lesser importance, for that failure, as every one sees,
will be the signal for a grand movement—the revolu•
ion in England will be begun. It is totally impossible
that Peers and others should beany longer suffered to
nominate mock representatives to Parliament. We
would only advise moderation in the Reform. We
should say, let no new theory be tried: this is not the
time for experiments. The correction of glaring
abuses, and a return to the principles of the Consti-
tution, according to which property and persons are
to be represented, may and will suffice. One of
the greatest incitements to personal industry, and
consequently one of the main springs of national
wealth and power, will be lost if clamour ons indi-
gence may assume first-rate importance and weight
in the political scale. As to the present moment,
there are a variety of subjects that press upon us
which it might, perhaps, be as well to treat in the
same manner that Buonaparte's private secretary,
Bourienne, (who, by the way, has written the only
Life of Napoleon the Grand worth reading,) was
wont to treat a great part of his master's correspond-
ence : he neglected it entirely for u day or two, by
which method it was found that many letters had
answered themselves; ninny needed no answering
at ell; and the subject-matter of many passed over
in the way that was wished, without any directions
being given. Mr. Hunt has been elected for Pres-
ton, and Cobbett says that he will, in consequence,
forgive the new Member all the injuries which he
has done to him, the old periodical miter—that is,
he will pass them over for the present ; but along
with this, he hints that Mr. Hunt's power of in-
juring him was not equal to his malice (" all the
things intended to be injurious to me shall be
blotted out of my mind ;") and likewise utters
a ievous threat that he will watch and
way-lay Hunt for the future. This is something
like one of the King of Portugal's acts of indem-
nity. It is a much more serious affair to state that
the new Commission opens at Winchester this day,
and that the trial of the incendiaries and rioters then
begins. We do not regret this on the score of hu-
manity, for we are sure that of the hundreds now
confined, not one in ten can be found guilty ; and
how cruel to keep all the rest in prison till the Lent
Assizes, during the inclement season of winter !
To be sure, poor creatures, the gaol and gaol allow-
ance is no bad change for their ordinary lodgment
and fare ; but still they are parted from their wives
and families, and we heard what tears and heart-
rending the separation occasioned. On their trial it
is certain that no intermediate sentence can be pro-
nounced between guilty or not guilty ; but still we
hope it will be ascertained during the process, and
marked in the sentence, whether the party were
sutTering under the severe infliction of want from
inadequate wages ; and we press this the more, be-
cause we fear that there is a spirit of menace, an
unbounded revolutionary rage springing up, which
will have a greater tendency to provoke repressive
measures, then to intimidate either Judges or Juries.
there is the vote by ballot. A foolish man
has sent us a most pedantically foolish article on the
subject, which, niter a brief perusal, we conveyed to
its proper place. We know not what is expected
on this subject, but we suppose Lord Grey, in the
plan of Reform which he is now concocting, has no
idea of election by ballot, and the propositions to
that effect eau therefore have no other meaning
than to provide a plea for expressing dissatisfaction
with the forthcoming measure, whatever that may
he ! Timer.

It is a curious fact, as indicative of the influence
of long confinement to study and practice, exclu-
sively professional, on the minds of certainlawyers,
that Mr. Campbell's valuable and most praiseworthy
proposition for the establishment of a general re-
gistry throughout Englund should have been op-
posed in liminc by two such me►► as Sir E. Sugden
and Sir C. Wetherell, as mischievous innovations
upon the law. At the same time it is satisfactory to
add, that the former Solicitor-General did not think
proper to hint, even by anticipation, at the shadow
of a reason for his threat of future hostility to the
measure; and that the objection of Sir Charles
Wetherell was not of a legal, but wholly of an
architectural nature. " Who," lie asked, was to
build that immense parchment mausoleum ?" Now
to this we may answer, that Scotland possesses
a register-office for all transactions affecting real
property ; and Ireland also, and almost evary coon-
try in Europe, with the exception of this in which
we live. The consequence, moreover, of this bar-
barous and disgraceful defect in the institutions of
England, is characteristice of a country where civili-
zation was unknown, or where chicane and fraud
were considered essential to the well-being of society.
No man—save only in the register counties, as York
and Middlesex--can tell what sort of thing he be-
comes possessed of when he buys what is offered to
him as an estate, or can be sure of the security on
which he lays out his money when he lends it on
mortgage of an estate in land, unless it be a first
mortgage, which enables him to lay hold of the
title-deeds. Nor even then can he bu deemed alto-
gether safe. Old incunibrances pop out from divers
holes and corners—adverse titles present themselves
which were before unthought of—an infinity of risks
and embarrassments arise out of the want of a pub-
lic record of all transfers, actual or contingent, of
real property, which would be one and all got rid
of if such an official register were ►nade neces-
sary towards giving those transactions validity
and effect. Is it found that the registry of sales or
mortgages works ill in Yorkshire, or in this metro-
politan county ? In Scotland, or in Ireland ? Then
why refuse it throughout the entire kingdom ?
Timer.

Lord King presented last night some petitions
from Scotland, and among others one from the
county of Renfrew, worded in a manner not very
complimentary to the House, which he was pre.
veiled on to withdraw. " In one passage," said his
Lordship, " the petitioners entreated their Lord-
ships to counsel the people (' and that,' said he, is
what your Lordships do not very often do') not to
submit longer to the exaction of unconstitutional and
oppressive taxes." "The petitioners," he said,
" further prayed their Lordships to counsel the other
branch of the Legislature not to impose taxes on
the people for the purpose of supporting the fami-
lies of the Aristocracy, whereby their Lordships had
been brought into great discredit with the people;
arid the petitioners further prayed their Lordship*
each to counsel his neighbour to refrain from ac•
cepting the public money, unless in return for ade-
quate public services." This is petitioning with a
vengeance! Lord Haddington took the opportunity
' to enlighten their Lordships with respect to the
state of opinion in Scotland. " There had of late
been growing in the manufacturing districts of Scot-
land," he said, " a strong feeling in favour of Reform
in the representation ; but he believed that the feel-
ing was confined for the most part to these districts.
Men's minds had of late been violently turned
to that subject. But he thought that the descrip-
tion of that feeling was somewhat overcharged in
the petition, if his Noble Prie.rel (Lord King) would
allow him to say so. He did not think the feeling
even in the manufacturing districts of Scotland so
strong as that which unhappily prevails on the sal,.
feet in England." Unhappily prevails 1 He
added, "that the mode of representation in Scot-
land worked well, in spite of the anomalies, or he
might say, in consequenee of the anomalies which
were said to characterise it. Lord King, in reply,
observed, that " it worked well for those who had
it all to themselves—to those.
money; but it did not
upon whom it bestowed
twhoerkp:lvretiltlifooc' theof people. the public
1 he people of England
are mor interested in the Reform of the Scotch
representation than the Scotch themselves are.
The Scotch representation belongs as much to the

Ministers for the day as the Treasury boroughs ;
but the Scotch share in the protection which the
empire derives from the British Parliament. They
are as much under the protection of Parliament as
the English. But they have all the benefit of Par-
liament without the tlisativantages attendant on the
state of the franchise in England. The people in
Scotland have nothing to do with the representation.
But in England, in order to enable powerful families
to compass indirectly what they cannot compass di-
rectly, crops of paupers aro maintained in decayed bo-
roughs, exhibiting in the most hideous manner the
spectacle of corruption and prostitution of mind. The
tenantry of large estates are kept in a state of de-
grading vassalage, forced at every election to per-
jure themselves for the sake of their landlords, or
expose themselves and their families to beggary.
Corruption and prostitution meet you in England at
every turn. If a man wishes to see all that is base
and dishonourable---all that exhibits our nature in
the most loathsome points of view—let him proceed
through England at a general election, and witness
the orgies to which it everywhere gives rise. In
Scotland the corruption is monopolized by a body of
electors not so numerous by one-half as the freemen
of Liverpool, who have lately made themselves no
conspicuous. The plague does not in Scotland reach
the farmer or the artisan. But England and Scot-
land together have a common interest in improving
the representation of Scotland, because both the
English and Scotch suffer in their properties, from
the facility which the baseness of the Scotch repre-
sentation gives them in carrying bad measures. It
is is mistake, however, to suppose that the English
are not as deeply interested as the Scotch, in im-
proving the Scotch representation; nay, more deeply
interested ; seeing, as we have observed, that the
Scotch have, at present, all the benefits of the Eng-
lish representation, w idiom the degradation at-
tendant on 4.-3:fuming Chronicle.
At the Reform meeting of Liverpool, on Tuesday
last, resolutions were passed, in one of which it is de-
clared, that
"The town and immediate vicinity of Liverpool (they i
state) comprise a population of about 180,000 souls. The
number of burgesses who polled at the late election, in-
cluding out-voters, was 4,401, consisting principally of
persons dependent for their support on their daily wages,
and therefore, front their station in life, liable to he actuated
by every variety of undue influence ; while nine-tenths of
the substantial householders have no voice in the election
of their Representatives."
They state, also, that about 100,000/. was spent
by the partisans of the two candidates. We may see
from this example, that if the extremes of wealth
and poverty be allowed to come into contact, a
number of voters corresponding to the whole male
population of age in a town of 20,000 inhabitants
would be no security against corruption. The Liver-
pool meeting agrees with every other meeting, that
without ballot the exercise of the franchise would
be illusory. On other points there may be diverity
of opinion—On this all ere agreed. To an honest
Man, without the protection of the ballot, the
franchise would be the heaviest of all curses. It is
well observed by a contemporary (the Globe) that—
" The friends and opponents of the ballot have put
themselves upon the country, and a verdict has been given
in its favour. There never was a question decided under
circumstances less likely to sway people in favour of the
ballot, unless the common sense and experience of man-
kind afforded irresistible proof* in its favour. For many
years past a great pat t of the oratorical talent of Parlia-
ment, a great majority of the aristocratical and fashiosab!e
part of the friends of the people, have been hostile to it,—
all sorts of clap-trap arguments on the manhood, frankness,
and openness of Englishmen have been arrayed against it,
—but the people have decided .una vote in its favour. it
has been sweetened by flattery—it has been frothed up by
oratory—it has been perfumed by the reputation of the ut-
terer. ; but the proposition that the mode of voting which
exposes men to threats, and solicitations, and Inibery, is
best suited to the freedom and virtue of the nation, will not
go down ; the gorge of popular sense heaves against it
with more convulsive violence on account, perhaps, of the
disguises under which it has been attempted to induce the
nation to swallow it."—Afornin9 Chronicle.

The state of Europe at the present moment is a
question of the ut must importance, to which it is
no exaggeration to observe, that all eyes are turned ;
but that of our own country is of infinitely more im-
portance, and its present state one, par excellence
on which no one, who is anxious for its welfare,
can look with indifference. it is, indeed, a strange
state 1 The tables have been turned—the Adminis-
tration, now almost forgotten, which lately ruled the
country, has been dismissed, and another appointed
in its stead, which goes even more strongly along
with the people than, previously to its appointment
to office, could have been expected from it—the
people and the Government appear to be united in
feeling, and the only dissentients, or opponents, are
the borouglimongers—the place-bunters---the pen-
sion-holders—and the tithe and tax-eaters. Let the
latter beware of interposing objections to the march
of Reform in Church and State. Their interest was
once opposed to it ; but the times are now diffe-
rent, and the sooner they make a merit of necessary
concession the better for them. Even delay in the
matter, us was justly observed in The Sun of Thurs.
day, is dangerous ; for " it is," and we join cordially
in all its observations, " at variance with the temper
of the age, and injurious to the cause it pro-
fesses to serve."
" If ever there was a time," continues it, " when the
utmost determination and unanimity on the part of the
people were requisite, the present is that time. The
enemies of Reform—of retrenchment—of the best interests
of the country, have but just quitted the helm they are
naturally exasperated with their defeat, thought for a time
they may keep up a show of moderation, and will as na-
turally make every exertion, and put in practice every
manoeuvre, to ensure them a return to office. Just as
naturally will the boroughmongers join them, and thus
we shall have a new Holy Alliance, combining toge-
ther heart and hand to depose the present Ministry.—
What then have these last to trust to bet the support of
the people, and how is this support to be obtained, if one
district, at the instigation of a few influential, but ti-
morous individuals, hangs bark ; another refuses as-
sistance ; a third declares in favour of delay. The
very word delay' is ominous at the present crisis. It
implies that Reform is not imperative, and that its
discussion may be postponed with advantage. Once for
all, we protest against such tame, lethargic, and injurious
conduct. Day after day—week after week—month after
month—the grand paramount question should be the sub-
ject of agitation among all classes. Is it a reason for delay
when the country, from one end to the other, is an Etna
of volcanic matter—when the labourers, the operatives,
and even the farmers, and the smaller manufacturers, are
all equally discontented, and all equally bent on having
justice clone them—when fires are blazing in upwards of
sixteen counties--when millions of the public money are
places and pensions—when the tithe
swallowed lup in
system is at its last extremity—and the Constitution
itself is if, jeopardy ? Is it, we repeat the question, a
time for delay, when the spirit of wholesale innovation is
every where abroad—when the signs of the times are
developing themselves with unparalleled rapidity—when
in Suffolk the farmers refuse to he sworn in as special
constable*, and in Kent to be enrolled among the yeomanry
--when at Preston a stranger, with no claims to support
hut the extreme energy of his hatred to all aristocratical
iolluence, is enabled not only to beard, but (as we antici-
pdtej even to overthrow the most powerful family in the
country? Above all, is this the proper season to delay the
discussion of Reform, when the ballot—though, as a great
public question, it has been known only within the last
few months to the people—has spread among them with
the swiftness of wildfire, is now uppermost in their minds,
and is even sanctioned by some of the Ministers themselves?
• We have no patience with such absurd, mipardonable
lethargy. If the country really desires Reform, it must
I itself put its shoulder to the wheel, and come forth to a
man to demand it. Half measures will never do. The
time is gone fir dallying with the question. Agitation—
daily, weekly, constitutional agitation—this, henceforth
must be the order of the day. Government has much to
contend against. It has false friends and open enemies,
equally leagued to its destruction ; and if the people do
not now come publicly, resolutely, and, above all, unani-
mously forward in its support, they will have only therm-
selves to blame."

--To these observations it is only necessary to add
another, and that is, that the views of Ministers are
not only accordant with the public feeling, but that
the Ministers are supported by it—nay, that meet-
ings of the must independent character are held
for the express purpose of supporting it. And

what more need we say ? Such a thing was never
known in the times of the Duke of 'Wellington and
his military Cabinet ; and why ? Because the Go-
vernment was at variance in all its pol!cy with the
feelings of the country, and no one who did not
form part of the brazen pension and sinecure list
would raise his voice in its favour.—Morning
Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

GUILDHALL.

The collector of the tithes for the. Rector of St. John
Zachary, in Aldersgate-ward, applied yesterday for a war-
rant of distress against un inhabitant who had refused to
pay a sum of 1/. 11s.
Mr. Alderman FAKILBROTHEM asked upon what ground
he required this?—lbe collector replied,:beeause two sum-
monses had been served upon the party, which had been
treated with contempt.
The Alderman would not grant awarrant on such ground
only, without knowing the consequences. "if I sign the
warrant, will you piy the money?" continued the Magis-
trate.—" Me !" cried the astounded collector. " No, Sir,
I come to you because the party will not pay me."
" I understand that," observed the Alderman, " but
perhaps the party is already in distress, which would he
greatly aggravated by granting thin warrant."—Oh, Sir,
the consequences would not be very ruinnus, for the amount
is only 11. 11 e. Besides, the house is, I know, in good
circumstances, but refuse to pay because the demand is so
large. I was offered 1/. 50.
Alderman—l do not know the money has not bee• paid.
Collector—l collect the tithes, and can swear that it has
not been paid.
Alderman—lt may have been paid to the Rector. Ile
ought to be here to prove that it has not been so paid.
Collector—There was never such a thing known as that
the clergyman should personally collect his tithes, If yon
do not grant this warrant, all the other inhubitants, will
refuse to pay me.
Alderman—Well, perhaps he bad better discharge you,
and by collecting the tithes himself, he would save the
per centage he now pays to you.
Collector—Then he must starve.

Alderman—Who ?—Collector—The Hutchins.

Alderman—No, Sir, but a clergyman is as much bound
to come here and prove his title, as any other party. The
amount might have been received by him.
Collector—l am ready to swear the sum is unpaid. Do
ycu discredit my oath ?

Alderman—(:6ll nn the next ease.
And so the application was di‘missed.
14 A ItI.BOROUG 11-STREET.

Yesterday two men named 117//innt Newman and
Thomas Lyons, who have been some days in cu.tody,
charged with obtaining money from various noblemen and
gentlemen under filae pretences, were brought before Mr.
line, the Sitting Magistrate, for final examination.

It appeared that the prisoners had been for some weeks
past going round through the west end of the town will a
petition, purporting to be the humble petition of " Jobn
Spring," late box-keeper at Drury-lane Theatre, repre-
senting that the petitioner was in a state of great indigence,
and begging for some pecuniary assistance.
Amongst other houses to which the prisoner Newman
went, was that of Sir Thomas Mostyn, in Park-place, St.
James's, and Sir Thomas, on inspecting the petition, im-
mediately suspected a fraud: he had a sovereign given to
the prisoner, and then had him given iuto the custody of
a policeman, when, on being questioned, he said that he
had been Pent round with the petition by Mr. Spring,
although, when he received the sovereign just before, he
represented himself to be the person named in the petition.
The prisoner Lyons was given into custody by Colonel
Keith, one of the aides•de-camp of his Royal Highne►s
the Duke of Cambridge, at Cambridge-house, Piccadilly.
where he presented a similar petition, also i❑ the name of
" John Spring, late box book-keeper at Drury-lane
theatre." The prisoner, however, not having received
any money at the Duke of Cambridge's, it was necessary
to go into another case against hint; and he was therefore
charged by the Mendicity Society, one of whose officers
attended, with having obtained a sovereign from a lady
residing in Grosvenor-street, n here he presented a peti•
tion, not of " John Spring," as in the present case, but
one purporting to he the petition of Mr. Brandon, for-
merly box book-keeper at Covent-garden theatre, but who
is long since dead.
Sir Thomas Mostyn, and his servant, who paid the
money to the prisoner Newman, attended, as did also one
of his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge's servants,
and the servant of the lady who paid the money to Lyons;
and the charge having been clearly established against both
prisoners they were committed for three months each to
the house of correction.

Mr. Samuel Spring, the late box book-keeper at Drury-
lone theatre, who, although his christian name was not
nerd in the petition, was yet clearly the person intended to
lie represented, attended at the eximination, and, of course,
disclaimed all connexion with or knowledge of the pro-
ceedings of the prisoners, but after approaching very near
to the bar where the prisoners stool, and looking at them
very closely (for Mr. Spring's sight seems to be greatly
impaired), he recognized the prisoner Lyons as having
been employed by him at Drury-lane theatre, as a seat-
keeper, about fourteen years ago, hot was dismissed from
his situation before he (Mr. Spring) quitted the theatre.
There was also, Mr. Spring said, in the theatre, at the
same time, employed in the same capacity as seat-keeper,
a man named John Spring, but no relation whatever of
his, nor does he know whether sir not he be alive.

Lyons admitted that he had been employed by Mr.
Spiing at the theatre, as stated ; but said that it was the
man named John Spring, spoken of, that engaged him to
go round with the petition.
There was is long list of names of noblemen and others
attached to the petition found on the prisoners, with vari-
ous sums placed opposite as subscriptions, and it is under-
stood that the prisoners have collected large sums by these
fraudulent means.