The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-11 00:00:00

difficulties might arise in the way of future negotiations on
public questions. Thus much on the general question
but this proposed Congress has difficulties of its own.
The ostensible object of it is the reconsideration of
certain treaties in their relation to the present condition
and necessities of Europe. The real one is to endeavour to
effect a solution of the Polish question. It would be impos-
sible to fix upon a more intricate topic wherewith to inaugu-
rate a new mode of dealing with international interests. The
American question is in a nutshell compared to that now on
the tapis. There is a proud and noble-hearted people tol"
dergoing an oppression that is simply exterminating, in de-
fiance of a treaty that was intended to preserve to them their
liberties. The cruelties, the butcheries, and the profligate
outrages which they are daily enduring at the hands of their
nominal protectors, are a scandal to civilisation and hu-
manity, and a violation of the original compact. The hu.
manity of Europe revolts at the conduct of Russia. The
conscience of Europe condemns it; the earnest remon-
strances of three of the Powers have deprecated it in the
strongest terms admissible in diplomacy; while all European
statesmen out of Russia, unless it be Count Bismark, see
only too clearly that the existence of such a grievance as
the Poles undoubtedly suffer is dangerous to the very root
and principle both of royal authority and popular liberty.
The friends of revolution point to the tyranny of Russia es
a fair exponent of imperial government. The advocates of
the Divine right of kings retort that Poland is a specimen of
what popular liberty leads to. The case in favour of doing
something to rid Europe of this monstrous evil is not dis-
puted or disputable. But what is to be done ? That is the
whole question. A Congress, unless backed by ultimate
purposes of a co-active character—in case of the failure of
reason and moral suasion—is not likely to have much more
effect on Russia than the remonstrances already ad •
dressed by the three Powers. Let us imagine a Congress
laying out a simple, just, and practicable scheme, and Russia
flatly refusing it—what then? Is the Polish cancer to go on
festering, and Russia to be allowed to snap her fingers in the
face of the assembled Powers of Europe? This is a ques-
tion which must be gravely entertained. Are the Powers
who may be favourable to a Congress prepared to go to war
for Poland, if more moderate counsels fail ? or, short of
war, to withdraw for a time their representatives from St.
Petersburg, and put the oppressor of Poland out of the
comity of nations ? Either of these would be strong mea-
sures which we can hardly conceive probable, but which
must be forecast as possible. Before anything is done in
any of these directions, the friends of Poland ought to make
up their minds as to what they mean by justice to Poland,
and what result would satisfy them, before they agree on
terms which, if not accepted, must seriously compromise
the dignity and peace of Europe. If the Poles are a noble
and oppressed, they are also an impracticable, people. They
have never governed themselves well when they have had
the chance. They have moreover no frontier of their own.
If erected into an independent State of the old limits they
would have no way out of their own borders, but across the
territory of other Powers. They could, therefore, pursue
no independent policy in Europe, and must be ever at the
mercy of other Powers. Grand and beautiful as the vision
of an independent Poland may be in the abstract, it is full
of difficulty in reality; and, if we are to have a European
Congress, it must not be to agitate for beautiful dreams,
and all invited to it will do well to ponder on its prelimi-
naries, and to settle definitively at what point its functions
are to terminate. We may otherwise find confusion wore°
confounded than ever.