The Sun.
London, England, 1839-10-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 9, 1839.

LITERATURE

FOREIGN QUARTERLY REVIEW.
No. XL VII.
Black and Armstrong, London, 1830,
The views and objects of lgahomet in the com-
position of his famous " Koratm" forms the sub-
ject or the first article in this Number. We highly
approve the spirit in which it is written, for it is
free from all sectarian prejudice, and does fearless
justice to the character of one of the master-minds
of the world. It is impossible," observes the re-
viewer, " to degrade Mahomet as a prophet, with-
out exalting him as a man. If superiority to
the prejudices of age and country ; if perseve-
rance in a sacred cause, despite persecution and
ignominy, if clemency in the full career of con-
quest, if unequalled influence over the minds and
passions of mankind give a title to the admiration
of posterity, w here shall we find, short of Mosaic
dispensation, a claim so undeniable as his ?" Of
his celebrated Korann, which even now regulates
the belief of half the world, we have the following
pat ticulars :
" At our first step we plunge at once into the awful.
ness of the general question. With the exception of
prayers, a few of r, hich only occur, the Korann is writ-
ten throughout in the person of the Almighty. Re-
monstrances and instructions, promises and threats,
blessings and curses, are all represented as proceeding
directly from him. And though sometimes the cur-
rent of enthusiasm and indignation seems to lose sight
of its sacred source, the connection is constantly re-
called at the end of the period. Though a good deal
of what may be strictly termed poetry occurs in the
early chapters, the bulk of the work is prose with
rhymes. To preserve the concluding cadence, a few
words of similar import and construction are constantly
made use of, and it is this continual recurrence of al.
most identical phrases after sentences of prose, which
renders translation such a d:fficult task. Without the
licence of poetry and without the plainness of prose, it
is impossible to preserve its effect without sacrificing its
identity. Were any one bound in translating Homer,
or Hesiod, to render strictly all the complimentary and
terminating epithets that have such fine effect in the
original, his version would be nearly as unentertaining
as Sale's translation of the Korann. Yet in this there
would be less difficulty, because in them every part of
every line has all the freedom and fancy of poetry. It
would seem, however, that the sentences have a rude
species of rhythm independent of the terminating ca-
dence ; but one which is unattainable to a European
ear. Our cathedral chaunts, in which verses of very
different length are all adapted to the same melody,
will enable us to understand how this may he."
Among the extracts from the Mahometan Bible
with which the Reviewer furnishes us, we find the
story of the " Hermit," which Voltaire, it may
be remembered, has closely imitated in his " Za-
dig," and Parnell in one of his earliest and most
pleasing poems. We little thought at the time we
read the story in the works of these writers, that
the original wwas to met with in the " Korann."
" Mailath's History of the Magyars" is a careful
notice of an historical account of Hungary, lately
published by a Hungarian noble, of one of the
oldest families in the country. There are many
curious facts stated in the course of this re-
view, and not the least curious, is the circumstance
that Koloman a Maygar Monarch, who was nearly
contemporary with our King John, " prohibited
the persecution of witches throughout his
Hungarian dominions, because witchcraft has
no existence." Strange, that the Sovereign of a
remote, semi-barbarous State, should, in the twelfth
century, have had sagacity enough to see the rank
absurdity of that superstition, which in the seven-
teenth century, was adhered to as a serious truth,
by some of the first lawyers and philosophers in
England I The illustrious Sir Thomas Browne,

the redoubtable lawyer Coke, and the deep-thoughted
Lord Chancellor Bacon, all firmly believed in witch-
craft. Such are some of the " !ears of the brave
and follies of the wise !" The essay headed
" German Influence upon the Civilization and
Progress of Uncultivated Nations" is acutely rea
soned, but we think rather too much stress is laid
on the results _of the labours of Herder, and the

philosophers of his school. " Industrial and Moral
State of Belgium" enters into a variety of statis-
tical details, whose object is to show that this
country is fast advancing in commercial and agri-
cultural prosperity, but that it is still deficient in
national institutions for the purposes of education.
We quote a passage from the introductory portion
of this article :

" The kingdom of Belgium is in some shape, and in-
dustrially speaking, the most satisfactory result of the
revolutionary movement which eight years ago shook the
thrones of Europe. Whilst in France a mistaken po-
licy has hitherto prevented the realization by the na-
tion of the full practical benefits for which its blood was
spilled in the three days of July, and whilst the un-
happy Poles rue the day when an evil destiny tempted
them to lift their arms against their too powerful op-
pressor, the Belgians are in the enjoyment of as sub-
stantial advantages as ;heir most sanguine hopes be-
fore the struggle of September ever ventured ,to antici-
pate. Their country is delivered from a foreign yoke ;
their Constitut►on is based on the most liberal princi-
ples ; their Sovereign is of their own choice ; and
their laws and institutions, though not yet in perfect or-
ganization, are in that state of progression which pro-
mises well for the prosperity and happiness of the
people."

The " Philosophy of Kant" is an essay whose
course lies among the thorns and briars of meta-
physics. The Reviewer is evidently impressed
with the very highest opinion of the German philo-
sopher, but he scarcely makes out his assertion,
that in reading his works, we " become aware of
the dignity of human character, and of the glory
of our ultimate destiny." In the " Opium Trade
with China"—which the Reviewer does not hesi-
tate to pronounce " one of the most abominable
and mischievous systems now in existence, and re-
flecting the greatest dishonour on the British flag"--
we find some interesting particulars respectng this
trade. "It has," we are told, " risen into im-
portance altogether of late years, and has increased
to a most surprising extent. An instance of such
rapid augmentation of a single branch of commerce
is hardly on record. Some years back, about the
time of the embassy of Lord Macartney, scarcely
any mention was made of it, as opium was then
used merely as a medicine. Afterwards it was em-
ployed as a luxury, and from that time the consump-
tion rapidly increased." It. is now producing, we
learn, the most demoralizing effects on the Chinese,
so much so, that the Emperor has at length been
compelled to put his formal public veto on the im-
portation of the fatal drug. In the concluding part
of this instructive article, there is a most impres-
sive description of the action and re-action that
opium produces on the human frame, which, for
breadth and vigour of colouring, may almost vie
with De Quincey's graphic sketch in the " Con-
fessions of an English Opium Eater," and Hope's
equally striking sketch in " Anastasius." The
" Arabian Nights" is a pleasing, gossiping notice
of the most recent translations of these fascinating
works of fiction; and .‘ Paul de Kock's Novels"
speaks in terms of deserved praise, of the writings
of the cleverest French novellist that modern times
have produced.

.MRS. .HEMANS'S POEMS. Vor.. V.
.Blackwood, Edinburgh, 1839.
The contents of this volume arc more than
usually interesting, consisting of Mrs. Hemans's
most successful dramatic attempt, the " Vespers of
Palermo," respecting whose representation at Co-
vent Garden we have some amusing particulars in
the ably-written memoir in the first volume ; the
series of striking poems entitled " Records of Wo-
man," and several miscellaneous poems, among
which is the " Voice of spring," the most popular
little gem that the authoress ever wrote. The vo-
lume is embellished with an elegant engraving of
" Cwm, near St. Asaph," from a sketch drawn by
Mrs. Hemans herself.

SMITH'S STANDARD LIBRARY.
Smith, London, 1839,
Contains the autobiography of the celebrated Flo-
rentine artist, Benvenuto Cellini, together with illus-
trative notes, and an appendix. The number is in
medium octavo, and is got up with much neatness,
and at a remarkably cheap price.

FABLES, ORIGINAL AND SELECTED.
Tilt, London, 1839.
An amusing work, well calculated to suit the
tastes of the lovers of light literature. The engrav-
ings are of more than average merit.

MINE ACCIDENT.—Last week an old man,
called Benbow, met with his death under very distres-
sing circumstances at Tresaven mine in Gwennap. He
was employed in adjusting the machinery of a whim,
when the crank of the fly-wheel struck him, and literally
severed his head from his body.—Falmouth Packet.
A VALUABLE DUCK.—James Laycock, of
Hoyland, near Wentworth, has in his possession a duck
which has laid 63 eggs, sat twice and hatched 22 birds,
in the space of 19 weeks—viz., from the 4th day of
March to the 13th July last.—Doncaster Chronicle.

STATE OF THE CURRENCY.

[We publish the following remarks in connec-
tion with Mr. Solly's petition, which appeared in
our paper of Monday, on the state of the cur-
rency.J _

THE THEORY OF MONEY, &c. &c.
Although the theory of money forms the most
essential part of the science of political. economy,
it appears never to have been sufficiently, consi-
dered, even by the most eminent writers on the
subject.
And thence it was that the advocates of the
bullion syslem were enabled to argue their case, by
a reference to the imperfect view taken by some of
the first authorities.
Adam Smith tells .us, that money had its origi
_ _

in the division of labour, and that 'its object is to
facilitate the exchange which arises out of it.
He supposes that money promotes this division
and exchange, by being a standard and represen-
tion of value.
But his confined view presents us only with a
more complicated speci.ls of barter. In attempting
to illustrate his positron, he adduces the case " of
a butcher who has more meat in his shop than he
himself can consume, and the brewer, and the
baker, would each be willing to purchase part of it.
But they have nothing to offer in exchange but the
different productions of their respective trades, and
the butcher is already provided with all the bread
and beer which he has immediate occasion for. And
therefore, the baker and the brewer must, as he says
all prudent men must, have some other commodity
besides their own peculiar one, which they ima-
gine nobody would refuse."
This would be merely barter, the exchange of
one commodity for another, meat for gold, and the
latter possessing merely, as he expresses it, the
imaginary quality that nobody would refuse it.
Now the object of instituting money was to su-
persede barter, as being inefficient for the pur-
pose of that extended division of labour, which
results ad infinitum from the increase of population
and civilization.
Adam Smith would have made his illustration
more to the point if he had continued it through
the whole range of the division of commodities,
proceeding to state, that the butcher supplied the
hatter, the tailor, the shoemaker, the grazier, the
landlord, the annuitant, &c., with meat, and they
again him with their commodities.
But the butcher wants but one hat, two suits of
clothes, four pair of shoes in the course of the year,
whilst he supplies the meat perhaps daily. He is
under engagements to pay rent to the landlord, and
taxes for the annuitant. The grazier again con-
sumes but a small part of the meat in return for the
cattle with which he supplies the butcher ; but the
landlord, annuitant, and grazier, take their hats,
clothes, shoes, beer, and bread of the respective
tradesmen, thereby enabling these to balance their
account with the butcher, by means of the balance
the latter owes to them.
Thence arose the system of mutual debts and
credits, which is what is called money.
Money is in its essence simply the debtor and
creditor account of the arithmetical division, which
arises out of the division of labour. In various
countries and at various times, the debt has been
scored with chalk, or notched on a stick, counters
of leather and other materials, promissory and
bank notes, and bills of exchange have been used
to admonish, to dun, the debtor, as the derivation
of the word money shows.
To say that these arithmetical figures should be
of gold or silver, is to say, that foot measures should
be of gold or silver, as these metals. form merely
an extraneous quality.
Many persons, however, are from habit accus-
tomed to identify in their own mind money with the
coin that circulates, and do not reflect how small a
proportion this latter forms of the money con-
cerns of a nation ; whereas in fact the money con-
cerns of the world at the present day have long out-
stripped their relation to gold and silver. Take as
an example the national debt of eight hundred
millions—can anybody ' say, that there are eight
hundred millions of sovereigns, or the same amount
in bullion, in existence in the whole world,
still less in England ? Do not the farmers un-
dertake to pay annually fifty millions for rent ; and
have they not to pay twice that sum for all
theirlother outgoings ? And to what amount arc
the annual undertakings of merchants, of manufac-
turers, of shipowners, and of tradesmen ? Wil'

two hundred millions suffice ? Do not a popula-
tion of twenty-two millions in Great Britain spend
four hundred millions in, the year ? And when
you sum up 'the value of,all the individual proper-
ties of the kingdom, will two thousand millions be
sufficient?
And what, then, is the national debt of eight
hundred millions of sovereigns that do not exist,
but after all a species of abstract currency ; that is,
abstract as regards gold, for in spite of the abused
term, an absolute abstract currency no more exists
than an abstract creditor, or a creditor without a
debtor.
To affect therefore a return in fact to gold pay-
ments with a coinage of ten to twenty millions of
sovereigns, is to attempt an impossibility, and thus
every effort is made to evade the necessity of using
them.

Now the very success which has hitherto attended
the efforts of ingenuity to supersede the use of bul-
lion, is brought forward as an argument to palliate
the enacting a return to it, by presuming, that in
consequence of these evasions, the circulating me-
dium is no ways circumscribed by the Bullion Act.
There certainly have been periods %Olen the
Bullion Act has not been in active operation, but
they have been the deceitful calms that forerun the
storm ; and when all was hushed in sleep, the Bul-
lion Act, like a thief in the night, overwhelms the
country with distress. For who, of the many, can
watch the various fluctuations of the foreign trade,
or foresee to what extent these or bad harvests may
be draining the country of coin ? Or who can cal-
culate what sums are carried abroad by travellers ?
And thus, when least expected, such a scene of
stagnation and distress ensues as was witnessed in
December 1825, and threatened to ensue again this
year.
Writers in favour of bullion have gained over the
annuitants to their side by the notion, that if the
quantity of money is increased the price of commo-
dities will be enhanced to them ; and they oppose'
paper money, from the supposition that it facilitates'
such enhancement.
Now as money arises out of, and is in fact a 'debt,
for which some commodity or other is aniwerable,
and to meet which the commodity must sooner or
later be sold, how can the increase of debt enhance
the price of commodities ? Even though the hold.
ers of a commodity are enabled to demand a 11gbvr,
price by borrowing upon it, if there is no other ground'
for raising the price the attempt to raise it will. be
defeated in the end, for the higher price will induce
an increased supply of the commodity by means of
increased production or importation.
An extension of paper money does not alter the
position of that which regulates price, namely, sup-
ply and demand.
Over speculation may exist with bullion payments
as well as with paper money, and is in both cases
as readily disappointed.
There cannot be a bitter' guarantee against an
than what results from the
unnatural rise of price,
real nature of money, that is the system of debts
and credits, when unshackled by bullion ; whereas

speculators had if golden dreams of some mining
been realized, we should by this time have been in-
undated with bullion ; and what would have been
the effect of an additional ,supply of fifty to one
hundred millions of sovereigns brought into the
market on the price of commodities, I leave to the
bullionists to explain to the annuitants.
The most important feature, however, in the
theory of money, and also of finance, is the conti-
nued increase of population and concerns, which is
the legitimate cause for the increase of money, and
which is generally left out of the calculation in die-
cussing those subjects.
Thus the bullionists are satisfied to show, that
estimating the gold circulation, before the Bank
Restriction Act, to have consisted of thirty millions,
and the Bank of England notes at ten millions
more ; that as the country is now furnished with ten
to twenty millions of sovereigns and eighteen mil-
lions of Bank of England paper, therefore, the in-
dustrious classes have no reason to omplain of a
deficiency of circulating medium.
Now from the first institution of bullion counters,
there has been a continued struggle between the
and the growing wants of
inefficiency of the supply
an increasing society. Thence the repeated altera-
tions, and the making more counters or coins out
of the same quantity of metal, which occurred at
different periods, till the reign of Queen Elizabeth,

when the discovery and working of the mines in
South America, for a time afforded a more exten-
sive supply; but ever since, the complaints of a
deficiency of coin, and the consequent employment
of substitutes, have repeatedly occurred. But such
an instance of retrograding, as after erecting a
fabric of eight hundred millions of debt on the basis
of a free paper currency, and then the withdrawing
the foundation, is, I believe, without example.
Austria and Denmark despotically reduced a debt
created in paper money to one-third the original
sum ; these are examples of injustice to creditors,
whilst ours is one of hardship to debtors. If this
debt of ours was provided for by a property tax, it
would not have been so directly affected by the
Bullion Act ; but Government writers make it a
matter of vaunt, that the revenue derived from the
Excise is still as productive as before, although so
large a proportion of its payments are wrung from
the labouring class.
The population of this country is stated by
Pinkerton as having amounted to thirteen millions
for the three kingdoms prim to the time of the
Dank restriction; these thirteen millions had a circu-
lating medium, independent of country banks, of
forty millions, as already mentioned. The popula-
tion is now said to be twenty-two millions, with a
circulation of gold and bank paper of from thirty
to forty millions. If the individual circulation
was in the first period three pounds, it may now
fairly be taken at double, and therefore the twenty-
two millions at six pounds each would require a
circulation of one hundred and thirty-two millions
at present, and this ratio ought to go on in-
creasing with the same causes. It is, however,
not the object to enter into the calculation of the
amount of money requisite, it is only intended to
impress this truth, that the increase in the quan-
tity of money does not necessarily enhance the
price of commodities, but that its increase is ne-
cessary towards an extension of the distribution of
comforts to the whole of an increasing population.
For it is one of the great cruelties resulting from
a contraction of the currency, that the hardship
falls particularly on the laborious and poorer
classes ; they in the conflict have the worst of it.
A contraction of the currency must be attended by
a contraction of concerns, and a consequent diminu-
tion in the demand for labour, in the proportion
that it is more difficult to evade the effect of the
Bullion Act ; and this is more difficult in the
country than in the towns ; so that the effect is felt
first by the agricultural class, and subsequently it
reacts on the industry of towns.
It in vain to decry free trade and foreign corn
as the cause of agricultural and manufacturing dis-
tress ; the distress has occurred, and will again
occur when both foreign corn and manufactures are
excluded.

And it is not the principle of free trade that
should be attacked, but the partial application of
it. But instead of looking at home, and recom-
mending the relieving the internal commerce of the
country from the despotism of bullion, writers are
conjuring up visions of remedy by means of a free
trade to India, in order to blink the question of that
which is the main and lasting cause of the evil,
namely, Mr. Peel's Bill.
In the natural course of things the increase of
money, that is of debts and credits, should be en-
abled to go hand in hand with the increase of popu-
lation and commodities ; and an endeavour to im-
pede it by a Bullion Act is an attempt at suicide
on the well-being of the community.
As it was principally in the country that paper
money was most in use and most wanted, country
banks, instead of being abused and persecuted
should have been upheld and fostered for their
utility.
On a former occasion I have shown, that ac-
cording to the documents laid before the Bullion
Committee, in 1810, the annual supply of gold
from all quarters of the globe does not average more
than one million sterling per annum for the use of
the whole world, and that a gold circulation for
this country of fifty millions would absorb the pro-
duce of the mines for fifty years. Independent of
the claims of other countries for their share of this
produce, it is worth while to inquire, what is the
present annual consumption of gold in the whole
world for gold plate and gilding ? and whether half
the annual production of the mines will suffice for
that ?
But if the increase of population ought to be
considered in estimating the quantity of circulating
medium requisite for a country, it shoUld no less be
taken into consideration in estimating_ the produc-
tiveness of taxes on consumption. And wherever
it is shown, that the revenue derived, particularly
from taxes. on the consumption of articles of more
or less necessity and comfort, does not correspond
in increase with the increase of population, it proves
that the ratio at least of the tax is oppressive.
Thus, if the produce of the tax on beer and malt
remains stationary for ten years, we may calculate
the number of those who are prevented by the high
tax from the same enjoyment as their fellow crea-
tures. In anything like a fair mode' of distribution
in the taxation, the increase of population ,ought
to form an effective sinking fund for the debt.'
It would be easy for Ministers to place taxation
on such a footing at the present time. For if loans
were raised at a time when only fifty pounds were
received against the obligation to repay one
hundred, and the interest thereon exceeded six
per cent., why should they not be resorted to
now that Government may have money lent them
on such moderate terms as at present, the object of
the loan in both cases being to lessen the imme-
diate burthens, and particularly now, when the ob-
ject would be, in addition, that of procuring an
increasing revenue ? As an annual loan of ten mil-
lions would admit of the reduction, to an equal
amount, of the taxes on the consumption of such
articles as are equally an object of necessity or
comfort to the poorer labouring lass as to the
wealthy class, such as the taxes on beer, malt,
sugar, tea, candles, &c., and if these were lowered
to one half their present rate, as they are objects
of such general use, there would in all probability,
if Mr. Peel's Bill be repealed, be such an increase
of consumption, and consequent increase of reve-
nue, as would not merely provide for the interest
of the new loans, but also go far towards providing
them with a sinking fund.
And should a property tax, as the fairest of all
taxes, be deemed advisable or necessary to pro-
vide. for the interest of such new loans, they
!night be continued for twenty years before a pro-
perty tax of ten per cent. would be absorbed.
In fact, the annual accumulation of the wealthy
and the penurious in this country is so great,
that it requires an annual supply of new stock;
and annual loans would give new life to all con-
cerned in, such transactions, while it would be a re-
lief to the industrious classes.
There has been a report, that the Duke of Wel-
linaton has it in contemplation to introduce mea-
sures to this effect, and should he persevere, he
will well deserve the thanks of the country, by pro-
curing a free unshackled paper currency, lie will
restore the internal commerce of the country to its
natural vigour ; he will carry comfort to the dwell-
ings of the industrious peasantry, by the increased
employment which will result from such free currency;
and by placing comforts within their reach, in low-
ering oppressive taxation, he will be rewarded, in
addition to the blessings of the nation, by being re-
lieved from the embarrassment which a decreasing
revenue and loud complaints of distress must in-
volve him in.

MARLBOROUGH-STREET.

(THIS DAY.)

MILITARY OUTRAGE.—John Hewett and Thomas
Rosselton, privates in the 7th company of the Grenadier
Guards, were placed at the bar, before Mr. LONG, the
sitting Magistrate, on the following charge :-
I\lr. James Pearson, a respectable tradesman, residing
in East-street, Golden-square, stated that about half-
past nine o'clock last night he was proceeding along
Regent-street, when he observed the defendants walk-
ing arm-in-arm on the footway pavement, with swagger-
ing gait, and evidently intoxicated. The prisoner
Hewett was flourishing a heavy baton (or turned walk-
ing-stick of solid chesnut), and rushing from his com-
panion, commenced an indiscriminate attack upon per-
sons he met with. Men, women, and children were
prostrated with dangerous contusions by the prisoner in
his drunken furor, and witness was about being attacked
when he sprang forward, and, seizing the prisoner by the
throat, secured him. The other prisoner was also given
in charge to the police, after which he behaved in a
riotous and disorderly manner, and attempted to rescue
himself and his companion.

Mr. LONG said he should fine the prisoners 40s. each,
or one month's imprisonment.
The Sergeant of the company to which the prisoners
belonged said that no means would be afforded them
from the Regimental Fund to pay their fine.
The prisoners were removed, chap•fallen, to the lock-
up cells, to await the arrival of the prison van.

~ SERVILITY OF THE HOUSE OF

COMMONS,"

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
London, October 5,183 g.
SlR,—Conversing lately with an intelligent fo-
reigner about the supposed efficiency of the House
of Commons, my attention was awakened to sundry
matters which had passed unobserved by me. As
an Englishman, proud of the country to which I
belonged, I ventured to boast of the vast importance
of the House of Commons ; whereas the Foreigner,
who had no national prejudices to overcome, gave
it as his opinion, that, as compared with other simi-
lar assemblies, the British House of Commons is
the most contemptible of any. " Show me," ex-
claimed my Friend, very earnestly, " show me any-
where else a Chamber, the representative of the
nation, which is treated by the other branches of
the Legislature as is your House of Commons ?"
He then pointed out very forcibly the uncourtcous
deportment of the Lords, whenever the two Houses
come in contact with each other—how, even the
Sovereign does not treat them as equal to the Lords,
nor with the accustomed attention to which as
gentlemen the Commons have as good a claim as
the Lords—and lastly, he defied me to produce an
instance out of England, Where the Chamber of Re-
presentatives submitted to the appellation of " the
Lower Chamber," or of " the Lower House." I
must confess, Sir, that I was silenced for a time :
and I felt much ashamed both for my country and
for its Parliamentary Representatives. But, on
turning these matters in my mind at leisure, I soon
saw reason to cease wondering any longer either
at the impotency of the Reformed House of Com-
mons, or at the growing importance of the House
of Lords. For, as in the ordinary occurrences of
life, a person who is not alive to the indignities
offered to him, cannot be treated otherwise than
with contempt ; so, too, an Assembly which can
submit patiently to sundry doings (which shall be
here nameless), must be satisfied to play second
fiddle only, if permitted to play any fiddle at all.
Your readers, Sir, who are acquainted with the
treatment of the House of Commons from
the very first day that a new Parliament
is assembled until the period of its last prorogation,
will know well enough to what practices I allude ;
practices which must be corrected before we can
hope to derive much benefit from Parliamentary
Reform. As long as they continue, it matters not
by what name the Commons ate distinguished ;
whether as the Lower House, or as no House at
all. By allowing the antiquated customs of the
feudal times to remain, we are now paying for our
blind veneration of what is a disgrace to the pre-
sent age ; yet, let us not despair, that there may be
still found a few Members out of the six hundred
and fifty-eight, who, when Parliament meets again,
will pluck up spirit enough to call for an imme-
diate change ; so as to save the Commons from all
future indignities, and put them upon an equality
with the House of Lords. That accomplished, we
may then hope to find the Bills passed by the
Commons treated with the respect and defe-
rence to which they are entitled, but of which
hereditary privileges, and absolute irresponsibility,
have hitherto deprived them. The very first step
taken by the House of Commons after its Reform
seven years ago, ought to have been that which

now recommend but, unfortunately, no person
seems to have thought of it, perhaps, because it
had never been pointed out to them.
I remain, Mr. Editor,
Your most obedient servant,
BRITTANICUS.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Morning Ckronirle.)
After its own peculiar fashion, the Tory press is do-
ing very good service by its daily harping upon the ap-
plication of the education grant, and the recent Minis-
terial appointments. The abuse which it ceaslessly
pours forth on these topics was requisite, in order to fix
public attention on their importance, and render them
duly appreciated. In both instances the character and
worth of the movement were liable to a disregard that
is most effectually removed by these demonstrations of
rage, hatred, and mortification. The impression had
been produced that Ministers either feared or frater-
nized with the Tories too much for the interests of
the reform cause to be prudently entrusted to their
hands. Many circumstances had rendered that sus-
picion by no means unreasonable. The extent of the
counteraction afforded by their conduct, in the
cases referred to, was not at first felt. The
education grant is small in amount, and aggran-
dized by none of the " pride, pomp, and circum-
stance" of a great national measure. It did not, nor
could it, awake anything, like enthusiasm ; nor could
this be expected of appointments which resulted from
no party struggle, and evinced no party triumph. But
both events struck at the root of the disaffection towards
the Ministry that had spread amongst Reformers. Both
breathed defiance to Toryism. This was the very thing
wanted of Ministers, and of which the hope had been
too often disappointed. The danger still remained that
the public might not perceive how much was done ; and
this peril has been averted by the Tory press. With
unwearied labour and unmitigated ascerbity of feeling,
it proclaims how deeply it has been outraged, and how
effectually it has been thwarted. On both points the
testimony of Toryism continues to be borne most satis-
factorily.

(From the Times.)
There are among the Irish Liberal party, as it is
called, several Protestants, whose station and character
are not inferior, and whose capacity for the transaction
of business is greatly superior to those of Mr. O'Fer-
rail, Mr. Wyse, or Mr. Sheil. The public, therefore,
cannot be deceived by the assertion that these promo-
tions have been made with a view merely to admit
the poor Irish Liberals to a participation in the
crumbs and pickings of loaves and fishes when the
Whigs have satisfied their own appetites, and stopped
the mouths of their hungry hangers on, and needy
nephews, &c. No, these promotions can only betaken
as a proof that Lord Melbourne is still determined to
give " heavy blows and great discouragements to Pro-
testantism," as often as opportunities present themselves ;
and we arc not surprised that all intelligent Protestants
throughout the empire are rising to rebuke this insult-
ing and unconstitutional conduct. But they must do
more. They must make signal examples of their un-
principled Ministers, and not suffer them to escape with
the mere loss of their places and their pay, however
heavily that deprivation may fall upon the sordid and
selfish slaves of the great patron and protector of the
worthless Whigs—O'Connell.

(From the Alorning Advertiser.)
We fear that the unfortunate youth, now lying under
sentence of death in Newgate, is destined to undergo
the execution of his rigorous sentence ; and yet most
willingly would we hope, though it be against hope, that
the Noble Marquis will not commence his Home Ad-
ministration so inauspiciously as to sanction, and to
sanction, too, in the face of the recommendation to
mercy given by the jury who tried the wretched youth,
the execution of the capital sentence pronounced upon
him by the Judge who presided at the trial. In Ire-
land the Noble• Marquis got credit for being one of the
most clement representatives of Royalty that ever set
foot in that island ; it is impossible that the mere cir-
cumstance of having crossed the water should thus
suddenly have transformed the clemency of his cha-
racter into an attribute of a totally opposite nature.
The day appointed for the execution of Barker is Mon-
day next. First of all, let us earnestly impress on
the Noble Marquis, the extreme youth of the unhappy
person sentenced to have his blood shed on the scaffold.
on Monday next. He is only in his nineteenth yei.r ;
and can therefore be scarcely raid to have fairly emerged
from his boyhood. Secondly—The crime for which he
is appointed to suffer, is not the murder of a fellow-
creature ;it is only for the crime of rape—a crime the
turpitude of which we would not, on any account, at-
tempt to lessen in public estimation, but which surely
cannot be compared with that of murder. Thirdly—
The crime was not premeditated. It was proved
in the most conclusive manner, that the party com-
mitting it could not have entertained the idea until
within a few minutes of the circumstance having
taken place. Fourthly—lt was attended with no
violence. The prosecutrix made no complaints on this
head ; it was proved that no grounds existed for
any. Fifthly—The prosecutrix was proved—indeed she
did not deny the fact—to have had frequent illicit in.
tercourse with other persons. In other words she was
not a chaste or virtuous woman. Sixthly—There is
every reason to believe that the prosecutrix encouraged,
by her langutw improper
advances or conduct, if not by both, the
advances of the unhappy youth ; and that but. for her
having done so he would never have entertained the
idea of taking liberties with her. Scventhly—The Jury
hesitated nearly an hour before they returned a verdict
of guilty, evidently showing that they had doubts in
their minds as to whether they ought not to have ac-
quitted him. Ei ghthly—The Jury unanimously and
earnestly recommended the wretched youth to the
mercy of the Crown. Lastly—lt was proved that his
previous character was irreproachable. Shall, then,
the sentence of d‘eath be carried into effect in a case
in which tb ere arc so many mitigatory circumstances ?
Shall the public mind be outraged on Monday next by
the legal butchery of Barker ? These are questions
which car only be answered by the Noble Marquis at
the head -of the Home Administration.
(From the Morning Herald.)
The operation of the Poor-law in Ireland, is, natu-
rally, looked to with considerable anxiety. The Poor-
law which ha,, been introduced into that country by our

!WES INL EDITION.

1
e
~i

present rulers, is objectionable in many most importan t )
respects. In addition to the imperfections and vioes in I
the law itself,—vices and imperfections which must, 1'
naturally, obs:ruct its effectual operation—a large body
of the landowners of Ireland have viewed the immure
with dislike ; and will, indirectly, as far as they Ivey,
combine to render it unproductive of benefit. The
great principle of the measure however—the principle
that the poor of Ireland, when unemployed, have a
right to subsistence from the soil of Ireland—has been.,
at length, distinctly recognised by the Imperial Legisla-
ture ; and from the recognition of that great social
truth, results of a highly beneficial kind are destined,
ultimately, to flow. In order to alleviate that pressure
on the resources of Irish landowners, which has been
anticipated from the sudden introduction of a Poor-law,
emigration on a large scale has been recommended by .1'
the Commissioners, whom Government employed to
prepare materials for legislation on this subject.
(From the Morning Post.)
There is a certain flash or cant language of Radical
and Ministerial politicians which it appears that they
find very convenient for deluding the dull and vain
among their votaries. Of this cant language we may
take as an example the phrases continually in the
mouths of political quacks, to the effect that such and
such persons are "behind the country," and other per-
sons again "in advance of the country," in their politi-
cal views and opinions. Now, this is nothing but the
"flash language," the slang and gibberish of political
sharpers and mountebanks, who have so long used it
with a kind of success, that in the grossness of their
seliconceit they begin almost to imagine that there is
something in it. These quacks say that "the
opinions of the Tories are behind the coun-
try." Behind the country ! We beseech any
one of common sense just lo try for one
moment what he can make of this gibberish. If ,
it were said that the opinions of the Tories differed
from the prevailing opinion of the country, or more
agreed with the opinion that prevailed formerly than
the opinion that prevails now, the proposition would be
intelligible, though it would still remain to be inquired
whether h were true. Again we are told that the
opinions of the Radicals are "in advance of the coun-
try." Here is gibberish more unintelligible still. "In
advance of the country !" Advance towards what ?
Who pronounces the judgment that the Raicals are
wiser and more farseeing than the rest of the country?
Who but the Radicals themselves ? Marvellous mo-
desty ! Most trustworthy evidence!

SECOND EDITION.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Courier.)
There is no country perhaps, in the world, less fitted
at the present time, than France for an extension
of the elective franchise. The French people, with-
out the exception even of the greater part of the
elective portion, arc almost entirely i.norant of
the true nature of a Constitutional Government.
Their present electoral privileges are not the result of
time and circumstances, grown up with the general in-
crease of the wealth and the constitutional knowledge
of the nation. The French passed per sauton from the
most slavish condition of despotic monarchy, to free-
dom. They are neither accustomed by habit to the
forms and working- of a representative Goyernment„nor
by time and reason to the characteristics of a constitu-

tional Monarchy. They still seek to effect reforms by
the pike and musket, instead of trusting to the agency of
a system of Parliamentary representation. What are
franchises, what is a political code, to a people who have
not yet learned their true meaning ? It cannot but be
considered a great misfortune to France that the 'peo-
ple are hurried on from one political change to another
before they have acquired any habits of order or of
submission to the laws. Even as it is, there is sufficient
excitement and turbulence in the Chamber of De-
puties, in which there are alrerdy a sufficient num-
tuber of political quacks without talent or for-
tune. In what condition would the Represen-
tative Chamber of France be, were the adoption of
the Electoral system of the Radical Reform party
to array numbers against intelligence and to admit as a
member any man without education, without property,
without, in short, any qualification but that of being an
elector ? It is a good while since that one of the first
statesmen in France, M. Guizot, observed that the true
progress of a nation, " lorsqu'il sorti de
l'ordre, d'y rentrer." We quite agree with M. Guizot
in this maxim, which is quite as applicable to England as
to France. It is religious education, and good habits
that the French people want, and not an elective reform.
(From the Globe.)
The Corporation of London, like the House of
Commons, possesses within itself the power of reform-
ing itself by amending the system of representation by
which Members are returned to its Common Council.
When the citizens obtained the privilege of electing their
Representatives the numbers ofthe Common Councilmen
were regulated by the number of inhabitants and the
amount of property in the several Wards. Various cir-
cumstances have in the course of time materially
changed the condition of the wards ; and the dispropor-
tion thus occasioned between the numbers of the inhabi-
t Ants and the members they return, has prOduced cOtii:-
derable dissatisfaction in the citizens, and has been found
to present serious obstacles to the reform of the numerous
abuses which, in common with all the old enrporatiOns,
have been found to exist in that of the city of London.
Leave was obtained to bring in a llill fqr.tile rfrinov4l of
these inequalities in the representation .of the eltiiens
in their corporate chamber ; thitt all the forms might
be observed, the Bill was prepared under the direction
of the civic legal authorities, and provided that the
following should be the number of reinesei4tiVes to
be elected in future, the number of representatifee
being proportioned to the number of electors.;
Aldersgate, 8 ; Aldgate S ; BasshishaW, 4; Billini4gate,
6 ; Bishopsgate, 14 ; Bread-street, 6 ; Bridge,,6; Broad-
street, 8 ; Candlewick, 6 ; Castle Baynard, 8,;
8 ; Coleman-street, 6 ; Cordwainers, 6';
Cornbill,'.6 ;
Cripplegate-within, S ; Cripplegate-without, 8 ; Dow-
gate, 6 ; Farringdon-within, 12 ; Farringden-without,
16 ; Langbourne, 8 ; Lime-street; 4 ; Portsolten, 8
.;
Queenbithe, 6.; . Tower, 8 ; Vintry, 6 ; WallbroOk;6.
The measure came on for discussion yesterday, and
was introduced in a plain matter-of fact speech by M.
Wheeler. The opposition to the measure frern this
Anti-Reformers was as determined and unreasonable as
was manifested by the Tories to the Reform Pill ;
,in-
deed it was a Lilliputian edition of the Brobdignag re-
sistance to reform in the national representation.

(From the Standard.)
. Time was when meetings, having for their object
,the
protection of the Protestant religion from the jesuitical
artifices of its Popish assailants, were considered not only
strictly justifiable, but even laudable. In those days it was
neither " factious" nor disloyal to express a hope that the
contract entered into to maintain the Protestant Ascen-
dancy by the monarchs of Great Britain en their accession
to its throne, will never be violated. The times, however,
have strangely altered since then ; and if we go on in
the same track much longer, we may expect that every
public declaration of opinion on the part of a Protestant
will in due time become a statutable offence. Protestants
are now, according to the Morning chronicle, "fanatics,"
and Protestant Associations, instituted to protect the re-
formed religion of the land from Popish encroaChmeot,
"perambulating firebrand societies." The late-meet-
ings at Manchester and Liverpool, comprising three-
fourths of the wealth and respectability of those impor-
tant districts, were, we are assured by the Ministerial
organs, mere assemblages of " bigot -agitators." The
Protestant faith is, to be sure, still the national reli-
gion ; but a Popish ban is already upon ProteStants,:if
they arc no longer allowed to meet togetheril9i.. rho
purpose of devising measures for their mutual security,
without being proscribed as " theological sava,res,"Msl
sole object is to " coquet with the fiend n'r:perpeicu7
tion," and to " reduce the great mass of the :frisli
people to " a degradation less tolerable than that 'of
negro slavery."

THE FUN DS.---(CLOSIN G PRICES,.)'

Bramll FUNDS , . ,
llank Stock • India Stack ' • '
3 per Cent. lied
. ,
3 per Cent. Ct.i15.......
:3!,(2 per Cent. Red Ditto New Annuities
New 4', per Cent
New 3 per Cent. Ditto ,:iio./...-„,,,. . , ... „ !.., ais,
Long Annuities to expire Ditto 500/...........„„
~ ~
Jan, ISM — Bank Stock for 0m.., - ' Pin
Oct. iSS9 ......... —.
India Stock for Act ~.
Jan IWO lt '!-II Consols for Act ..... ........ ......... 0-6/4.,,-.
/DREW N FUNDS

hper cent. -' :
Portuguese Bonds,
... r.. 1.,,5, a per cent ...111
Austrian, 5 per cent.
,53
Brazilian Bonds
' Rus,i,'i flo • 1 - ...........
Belgian, 5 per cent. .73
ID)ritutsosiaNne:sl,
iDeirtt.eoeL,t
...... ......„ .3E4.
!Ditto, Metallic ..
per cent — Spanish, 5 per cent '
Colointban, 6 6 per cent
?Oa
Buenos Ayres,
Ditto, Deferred Ditto, 1624
14,*
Chilian,
Danish, 3 per cent_ , —i French, 5 per cent ...... ... —C. ,—r.
6 per cent
Greek Bonds, 182 a, aver ct — ;Exchange
—, —c
Mexican, 5 per cent. 27 !French, 3 per cent —4. —r.
Ditto,6 Per cent., 1825 ......... Dutch, " per cent. .. 53%
'eruvian, 1825,6 per cent — i Ditto, 5 per cent. " ........
101
SHARES

Great Western Railway
Ditto New Shares
Grand Junction RailwaV 19656
London and Brighton lt:olw,y
London and Birmingham Railway l:2
Ditto New :,hares •il!4
London and Greenwich Railway l4
London and Southampton Railway
London and Ctoydon Railway (Trunk) DK,
Manclies.ter and Birmingham Railway I6N,
SI%
North lltdland Railway
37,)g
York and North Midland Railway

The young man, Barke:, who was sentenced to
death at the last sessions of the Central Criminal Court,
for a capital assault on a female at Barnet, has received
a commutation of his sentence, and is to be transported
for life. The communication to the Sheriffs, announcing
the extension of the Royal mercy to this convict, was
signed by Lord Norrnanby on Saturday evening.
The eldest daughter of Maria Louisa, Atch-
ducess of Parma, by Count Neyperg, with whom her
Imperial Highneis contracted a morganatic alliance,
after the decease of the Emperor Napoleon, is about
to be married to an Italian gentleman.—Galignaui.
Lord Langdale has purchased Tiepleton-house
and its domains at Roehampton.
All the accounts of the vintage in France-are.
favourable. The wine is of a quality equal, it if, said,
to that of 1834, and the quantity is abundant.