The Sun.
London, England, 1839-10-02 00:00:00

is a

UNITED SERVICE JOURNAL.

To those who know the great and commanding
talents which distinguish this periodical—and who
is ignorant of them—little apology will be needed
for the unavoidable brevity of our present notice of
its contents. Limiting ourzelves, then, to an
enumeration of the papers, we shall, by our general
declaration of their respective and varied excellence
save our readers the superfluous task of perusing a
crude criticism on productions deserving of a less
curt, and more courteous consideration than time
and space to-day will permit us to bestow on our
sailor and soldier friend. Amongst others the fol-
lowing articles will be found in the present number :
—" England's Wooden Walls," " A Journey to
Bagdad," " Take the hills before Dark," New
" Notices of the Cane and Southern Africa,"
" Recollections of Nelson," " Memoirs of E.
Costello, K.5.F.," " Workings of the Coast
Blockade Service, with Anecdotes of Smuggling."

GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. PART I.
Hayward and Moore, London, 1639.
This is the First Part of a New Edition of " Gul-
liver's Travels," which it is proposed to complete in
eight Monthly Parts, price two shillings and six-
pence each. The specimen before us is a highly
favourable one, being copiously illustrated with
clever wood engravings, and enriched with a variety
of notes in which all the political allusions made by
Swift in the course of his masterly fiction arc ex-
plained at fitting length.

BANKRUPTCY COURT.-TUESDAY.

IN THE MATTER OF GRAVES.

This was the day fixed for the adjourned final exami-
nation of the bankrupt, who carried on the business of a
tailor in the Strand, where, in the course of two years, a
sum of 13,172/. Bs. sd. passed through his hands, and
his deficiency was upwards of 3,0001. While carrying
on this extensive trade, the profits of which he stated in
his balance-sheet to be 2,6321. 17s. 10d., he became ac-
quainted with a person of the name of Hamilton, and
it was agreed between them that they should take
out a " venture" to Montreal and Quebec—a quantity
of goods were purchased for that purpose, and taken
away from the bankrupt's shop to Hamilton's office
in Cornhill, where they were made up in larger
packages, and from thence shipped on board the
Cockburne, which was wrecked en her passage, at a
short distance from Montreal. When his departure
was ascertained, a fiat was issued against him, and after
some time he returned and surrendered to the fiat. He
has undergone several examinations as to his connec-
tion with Hamilton, his object in leaving London, and
the reason why he did not inform his creditors of his
intended speculation in America ; and to these in-
quiries, he generally replied, that being in want of
money, he obtained it from Hamilton, who was intro-
duced to him as a man of fortune ; that he thought to
benefit himself by taking out some of his stock to Ame-
rica, and there establishing a concern, and he had not
informed his creditors generally of his intention, be-
cause did not think it to be necessary.
He was this day examined at great length and con-
siderable severity by Mr. Chambers, and stated, that in
August, 1838, when he made purchases of goods for
his American voyage, he did inform Messrs. Robson
and 111‘Gregor, of Cheapside, of his intention.—(Here
Mr. Robson positively contradicted the statement.)
When the ship was wrecked he communicated the state
of his affairs to some friends in Quebec, and left the
original book, containing a detailed account of the goods
which were lost, together with the bills of lading, in the
hands of Fraser and Co., and that he had himself
brought home the invoices. He left an exact copy of
that book in his shop at home with his foreman, West-
lake, in order that it might be open to the inspection of
the creditors. Hamilton did not accompany him from
Liverpool to America, as shortly before he went
he
gave him a check upon Glynn's bank for 450/., which
was dishonoured ; but as Hamilton promised to advance
that sum in the course of a few days, and thus leave
provision to meet his coming payments, he proceeded
on his voyage alone. The money, however, was
not procured, and hence the main cause of his difficul-
ties. He discontinued keeping a private ledger of his
entire receipts and expenditure about March, 1838,
when he borrowed 3001. of a Mrs. Ovington, and with
which he opened a banker's account. He would posi-
tively swear that all the entries in black ink in the
ledger were not written in at one time ; but. he could
not tell at what intervals. His personal expenses in
two years were 287/. 125., including 261. 10s. 2d. for
insurance on his life, and 401. for clothes.
Mr. Chambers then submitted that the answers of
the bankrupt had not been of that satisfactory charac-
ter which should entitle him to the protection of the
Bankrupt Act.
The bankrupt said that his final examination was ad-
journed over in order to give the creditors time to make
inquiry of Messrs. Fraser and Co. of the accuracy of
his statement ; and, although three months had elapsed,
and though a messenger had been sent for that pur-
pose, yet his (bankrupt's) accuracy could not be ques-
tioned, although the Learned Counsel had thought pro-
per to impute fraud to him.
Mr. Commissioner EVANS said that undoubtedly this
case was presented to the Court under very suspicious
circumstances, but the only question for him to decide
now was, whether or not the bankrupt had rendered
satisfactory accounts. There could be no doubt but
that for the venture to America, the creditors would
have had 20s. in the pound, and the fact of his leaving
London at all when he was carrying on so profitable a
business could not easily or satisfactorily be accounted
for. The statement of his expenditure, however, was
as accurately made out as it was in every nineteen out
of twenty similar cases, and therefore he would pass
his accounts ; but as to protection, or a certificate being
given him by the Court, he would do no such thing ;
and upon that point he must apply to the assignees.

The Hon. J. E. Elliott, M.P., has left town on
a visit to the Earl and Countess of Mnts), at Minto
Castle, Roxburghshire.
A man named George Parker, in the employ of
Mr. Atkins, a lime burner at Coulsdon, was summoned
before the Magistrates at Croydon yesterday, for riding
in his waggon. Richardson, one of the Croydon police,
deposed that he fbund the defendant fast asleep in his
waggon at Thornton Heath, at a late hour of the night.
The defendant admitted the fact, but said that he could
not help it. He was obliged to start with his team
every morning between eight and nine o'clock, and go
to London, and he then had to go to different wharfs
and docks, and generally took home a load of coals,
and he frequently did not get back until it was time to
start off again to London with another load. The man
also said that it frequently happened that the horses did
not have their harness taken off for a whole week, and
th had no rest except by standing about. Coiling-
ham, the Inspector of Police, said he had made inquiries,
and he had reason to believe that neither the man or
the horses has the proper time allowed them for rest,
aattldaltihe teams might be zeea comine• through the town
hours of the night, with t 1313 drivers fast asleep in-'
• master contrived to
side. The Bench remarked that it appeared that the
do the work of two.
Magistrates, the defendant
sixteen shsll.ings per week. .
makein one set
that nothing de.oold be more dangerous man
from tile
nnstwer to a question
' of hories aad one
741 that his wages were
serious
wag-
goes and horses attendedim inthis than
The litagistrates then said
fgaving wag-
aanceidents. They
manner, and 4 was
constantly the occasin ,of
added, that they considered the defend,izousntdnatsnter more
to blame than he_ was, but they were
protect
the public, and tlieY felt themselves called upcna to in-
flict a fine of five shillings and costs. _

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

(Front the Morning Chronicle of Wednesday.)
We can find as little evidence in Tory festivals as in
the 'Cory press of the disposition, gratuitously attributed
to the faction by Lord Brougham, to concur in the edu-
cation of the people, so that some ostensible superiority
be secured for the Church in the practical arrangements.
On the contrary, there is either a dead silence upon the
subject, or the silence is only broken by unequivocal ex-
pressions of hostility towards what has already been at-
tempted, or towards what, it is apprehended, may be at-
tempted. For anything that appears, the Tories are about
as likely to assist in untaxing the bread of the poor as in
obtaining for them the advantages of education. Were
the feeling distinctly implied at these festivals to be as
distinctly expressed, it might be condensed into the
sentiment of starvation to their bodies and destruction
to their souls, so that our party get into power. At the
Northampton " demonstration" on Monday, the only
allusions to the education of the people were indicative
of triumph at the obstructions hitherto interpose:l, of
determined misrepresentation of the friends of education,
and of a demoniacal hope that even yet Ministers would
not proceed to act upon the grant voted by the House
of Commons. And this feast was distinguished for the
numerous gathering of clergymen at its orgies, to the
shame of their spiritual profession, their nominal reli-
gion, and their feelings of humanity. If clergymen do
not stand altogether aloof from the conflicts of the poli-
tical world, it is very clear what should be the character
of their interference. They should interpose to mitigate
animosities, to allay the virulence of party strife, to sustain
a pure and practical morality, and to uphold union, peace,
and order. And what was the boast of the spokesman
of the Northamptonshire clergy ? Why that they are
able and successful electioneerers. He claimed for
them the laurels of victorious champions in contests,
the character of which, according to his own descrip-
tion, is " to set neighbour against neighbour, and party
against party," and "to demoralize the population of
that district with the drunkenness and vice incident to
contested elections." Such are the fields on which the
Tory clergy glory to take their stand and win their
wreaths. Amongst the countless paradoxes of Lord
Brougham he never vented a greater than that of his
professed conviction of the co-operation of this
class of persons in any efficient scheme of National Edu-
caution. The meeting to which we allude commenced its
proceedings with the disloyal toast of " Church and
Queen." The Church is an inestimable institution, so
far as it accomplishes its professed object of teaching
true religion ; but the divinity of religion does not
extend to the machinery of its inculcation. As hu-
manized by the agency, the Church is simply one in-
stitution or corporation out of many institutions and cor-
porations ; and with less right than many to be thus
coupled with, and take precedence of, the name of the
Sovereign, inasmuch as it only includes a minority of the
people under her rule. There is an insolence of pre-
tension in the collocation of words which every sincere
and sober-minded clergyman ought to repudiate. The
more so, as the phrase is not merely a blundering and
extravagant compliment to the spirituality, but has be-
become the bitter war-cry of a desperate faction.
(From the Times.)
A single grain of common sense or shrewdness would
have satisfied the hired advocates of Lord Melbourne's
morality and Mr. Spring Rice's disregard of pelf, that
their only game with respect to the Rice-Newport job
was to shut their ears and hold their tongues, and wait
until time and accident should engender some fresh
villany, under the prolific incubation of the Whigs,
which might swallow up the remembrance of the present.
We had, to employ the last night's expression of
those persons who are commanded on the part of
Ministers to reopen this unsavoury question,— we
had " founded on official documents," furnished by
the records of the Whig Cabinet itself, a statement of
facts, which being on public record, and of sums which,
being matter of arithmetic, cannot be refuted, and
have never in any shape been impugned,—viz., that
Mr. Henry Ellis, in 1834, did the whole business of the
Fells-office for 1,4001., but was then deprived of the
business and the salary, but given in lieu of both a pen-
sion of 1,4001. a year, ss ithout any business whatever—
a pension at the public expense. That Sir John New-
port, who before the period referred to had neither
public business of any sort to transact, nor public
money to rejoice in, was shoved into Mr. Ellis's office,
and garnished with a salary of much greater amount
than that of Mr. Ellis—to wit, 2,000/. a-year, instead
of 1,4001., and all at the public expense. That in Sep-
tember, 1839, it being found convenient to get rid of Mr.
Spring Rice out of the Cabinet, and to faci-
litate that movement to shuffle Sir John Newport
out of the Exchequer, the former personage takes
possession of the 2,000/. per annum heretofore en-
joyed by the antediluvian Baronet, and bestow
a pension of 1,0001. a year for. doing nothing on Sir
John Newport, as there had been in 1834 a pension of
1,4001. a year, for doing nothing, settled on Mr. Ellis,
and all at the public expense. This constitutes our
statement. Is there one particle of falsehood or decep-
tion in it ? Has one syllable of it been denied ? Has
the shadow of an error in it been detected ? As be-
tween Mr. Ellis, the suffering party—the public, a still
more extensive sufferer—and Mr. Spring Rice and Sir
John Newport, the two loose-fingered winners—was
there ever any fact more palpable, than that the coun-
try in times of Toryism used to pay 1,4001. a year for
the office of Clerk of the Fells, and that, since the
" Pells" has been transmogrified into the " Controller-
ship of the Exchequer," the same country now pays
4,400/. " Official documents," quotha ! Why it is all in
theirown Gazette, or in formal announcements from Down-
ing-street. But we are desired to look at the whole
department of the Exchequer, and see "what retrench-
ments have been made therein as compared with 1834."
They tell us 30,0001., or some. such amount, which we
declare at once, without an atom of circumlocution, to
be, in the sense and for the purpose according to
which it is now affirmed by the Whitehall scrubs—to
be a downright, audacious, and brazen falsehood. Do
they fancy they can inveigle us by their voluminous
mystifications into the surrender of one simple damn-
ing charge—a charge which no power can refute—for
the sake of entering upon whole columns of slippery
Downing-street returns, such as this same Mr. Spring
Rice has made a name for himself by shovelling in
at the end of a Session upon the table, and thereby
puzzling the most dexterous public accountants ! When
they assert that charges for the " Exchequer" have
been reduced, do they mean by Exchequer that depart.
ment of the Exchequer which was formerly compre-
hended within the office of Clerk of the " Pelts ?" If
not, they talk for the sake of fraud, not of elucidation.
When they say that the Exchequer now costs only " so
much," how do we know, or who will be able to wring
out of them, how much of the business which formerly
appertained to the Exchequer may have been withdrawn
from the department which bears that name, and been
transferred to the Treasury or some other public office,
thus continuing the same amount of busines, and the
same, or a far greater, extent of patronage, though fur-
tively under a different naniefrom that of "Exchequer!"
(From the Morning Post.)
The circumstances of the late contested election at
Manchester have shown the public how great has been
the progress of Conservative opinion in that populous
town within the last two years. We rejoice to think
that, within the last few days, that progress must have
been considerably accelerated. The great Protestant
meeting at Manchester on Monday last produced a very
earnest development of practical truth, which cannot but
be productive of a large increase of Conservative senti-
ment, and a proportionably wholesome addition to the
feelings of hostility with which thoughtful and honest
people in all directions are becoming more and more
habituated to regard our frivolous and mischievous
Government. The speech of Doctor O'Sullivan at
the Manchester meeting was a remarkably able and
lucid, as well as earnest and temperate, exposition
of the real state of public affairs, and the true com-
plexion of Ministerial conduct. As regards Ireland
especially, it was more instructive in the bringing
forward of important fiats, and in the critical acumen
with which it dissected the statements relied upon by
the Ministry, than any speech or document which has
been published since the inquiry of last Session by the
Lords' Committee. We shall do a service to the cause
of truth by abstracting and stating separately the va-
rious circumstances of the country, in relation to the
conduct of its Government, which Dr. O'Sullivan ra-
pidly enumerated as the grounds for believing that an
evil influence predominates in the nationalcouncils. They
are as fellow ;—That theGovernmcnt of Great Britain is
found, so far as it had power, to have established Hu-
manism in our colonies, and to have discouraged and de-
pressed the Catholic religion abroad and at home.
That to retain the Bible in our schools is pronounced an
offence punishable by forfeiture of the national favour
and support. That public support has been diverted
from schools where God's Word is taught, and directed
upon schools which have become national, by ceasing. to
be scriptural. That in order to purchase the admission
of scriptural extracts into these places of instruction, a
price is paid in the concession of the Romi-li principle,
that the Scripture as a whole may be righteously ex-
cluded. That the Press can announce through a
favoured Government organ, in eulogy rather than in
defence of the policy which now prevails, that changes
have been made in Ministerial arrangements—it does
not say for the good of the country—but it boasts
ire manifrstation of defiance against the great Conser-
vative body, the Protestantism, it might be said, of
the land. That because of the exercise of his powers
in Ireland for which Lord Normanby is said to have
been threatened with impeachment, the domestic affairs
of England are committed to his keeping. That be-
cause the it,. ople and the Parliament had exhibited un-
equivocal testimony of their want of confidence in Lord
John Russell's Canadian policy, Lord John Russell is to
sake charge of all the colonies. That because the mer-
cantile views of Mr. Poulett Thomson were pro-
nounced ruinous by the merchants of England most
concerned with Canada, the Canadas are aban-
doned to the government of Mr. Poulett Thomson.
'That l;eeause the No Popery cry is loud in the
extorted from the people by Popish prac-
ticesia nd7ac,a cry
and wrung from a country which Popery has
rent and strained upon its tortare),-,lier Majesty's Go-
..