The Sun.
London, England, 1839-04-20 00:00:00

thought it right to have a fixed principle. With them it was
nothing but change, one question was brought on the stage
one day, and on the next it was thrown over. He
could place no reliance vhatever on Ministers, and he had
been puzzled to find out who could.—( Laughter) Their
conduct had tended to lower the character of public men.—
( Cheers. ) It was true that they were the Ministers of the
Crown, but he denied that they could carry any mea-
sures if their opponents thought proper to resist
them—( Hear.) The Noble Lord opposite plumed him-
self upon his Irish policy of late years.—( Loud laughter.)
What had he to say to the abandonment of the Appropria-
tion Clause, accompanied with the retention of the offices
and emoluments,which they never could have recovered. In
his ( Sir G. Sinclair'a) opinion that constituted an instance
of callousness and weakness he had never before witnessed.
—( Hear, and cheers.) He ( Sir George Sinclair),
had been called by the journals of the day a renegade,
which be believed, according to their construction,
meant in the first instance preferring principle
to party, and in the next place to principle.—(Cheers.)
He did not consider that he deserved that appellation, be-
cause, in his place in that House, he had always expressed
his determination to oppose the Appropriation Clause, as
firmly as the Noble Lord had stated his determination to
stand or fall by it. The opinions he entertained were still
against such a clause , but the Noble Lord, notwithstanding
the declaration he had made had given up the clause but
retained his office. —( Cheers.) In fact, the two great
pivots on which the present Government turned were dig.
ingenuousness and procrastination : it was lamentable to
observe the manner in which the public business was
tray sacted in that House. The general opinion was
that Ministers did nothing, that the Radicals helped
them, and that the Conservatives looked on.
Why was this policy adopted? Why, because Ministers
might enjoy as long as possible the loaves and fishes. To
every appointment which the Ministry made might be ap-
plied the words of the poet relative to mercy--
" It is twice blessed;
It blcsseth him that gives, and him that takes."
—( Cheers.) He believed with the present Ministry, the
appointment of a Tory letter carrier would cause more ex-
citement than giving up the appropriation clause. He would
now take a review of the past condition of Ministers, the
circumstances in which they were at present, and their
future prospects with respect to the first. In what a galling
situation had they not been placed, they bad been living
from hand to mouth, they were the objects of derision and
distrust, one day cringing to the Radicals, the next crouch-
ing to the Conservatives, and the following day probably
requiring the assistance of both.—(Cheers.) Their play-
bill might be something like the following :—Theatre
Royal, St. Stephens, under the especial patronage of Sir
Rabert Peel, Lord Stanley, Mr. O'Connell, &c.—
( Laughter. )—and the play might be the Popish Radical
Justice.—( Laughter.) Her Majesty's Ministers had been
sitting for the last three or four years for their pictures,
and he had been fortunate enough to pick up a gem from
the studio of the Hon. Member for Finsbury, who probably
would soon have to hold an inquest upon the mangled
corpse of the present Al iniaers.—( Great laughter.) !.The
Hon. Bart. then proceeded to read a speech of Mr. Wa-
le) 's, in which be commented in strong terms on the course
of policy pursued by the Noble Lord at the head of the
Home Department. That picture had been finished in
that eminent artist's first sty le—(Great laughter. )—in a
rhetorical sense the Ministers had stood in the pillory
every month since they had been in power, and they had
cats, oranges, and orange mud, thrown at them in abund-
ance, and yet in spite of all these things they condescended
to be everything by turns; first they turned their backs
on their friends, then upon themselves, and lastly
they found it hard to keep their places.—( Hear, hear.)
His Right Hon, Friend, the Member for Tamworth, would
prefer the treadmill to the misery and degradation of such
Ministerial existence. With regard to their present exis-
tence, what was the result of the last general election?
No man had ever expecte dso much, and no men had ever
experienced so great a mortification. He knew not whether
they were most galled by the British defe its or degraded
by the Irish victories. They now depended for their ex-
istence oa the forbearance of the English Radicals, and on
the support of the Hon. end Learned Member for Dublin,
to whom they were obliged to offer up a whole hecatomb
of official appointments. They dared not bring forward
any ine,,ure without that Hon. and Learned Member.
"Le R ile rcut." Justice to Inland in that lion. and
Leal ned Mombea's vocabulary, meant, giving to him the
appointment of Justices and of Cisief Justices.—( Laugh-
) lie said to the Ministry, .• Do as I hid you, and as
lung as you do so, you sh4ll base my support." The genus
Radical might be divided into two species, first, the straight-
forward, uncompromising Radical, wl-ro said what he meant
and thoutll t, what he said without respect to persons or
places—( Hear, hear)--tbe other was a more wily class,
who made professions of all sorts on the hustings—,a
dice! of this class, when before his conaituents—
“ As-,Elies the god,
AiT'cts to nod,
And seems to shake the sp'aeres ;"
. _ .

but when he conies within the bilis of mortality he puts his
thunder into one pock t, his lightning into the other, and
leaving his principles, with his coat and umbrella, in the
lobby, sinks down into a quiet supporter of the Ministry.
Turupilte-gale keepers put over their doors, " Pay to-day
and trust to-morrow." Her Majesty's Melisters reversed
this—their motto was, T,ust to-day and.pay to-morrow."
—( Laughter.) Ile would suppose a couventton held at the
Home-effiee.—(" Questien," and cheers.) The Noble Lord
opposite would ask fur Radical support, which some sturdy
Radical might refuse, and they would then apply to the
House of Lords, which he congratulated on the glorious
triumph they had achieved, with the piteous exclamation,
" Dui.'t throw us back to the Radicals." With regard to
the Irish question—(Cheers from the Ministerial side)—
he would like to know what advantage could be expected
from the reform of the Municipal Corporations, or the de.
struetion of the Church. They had all heard of an an-
cient patriot who insisted on being Viceroy over the King,
but the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin seemed de-
termined to be King over the Viceroy. The Ministry
were daily sinking lower and lower, even in the genial
clime of Devonshire they had suffered blight, and in the
course of the next winter a severe frost might destroy
them entirely. It was just possible- for them to go on a
little longer, relying one day on the Radicals, and another
en the Conservatives ; but eventually they would: be driven
from the helm by the people, whose hopes they had dis-
appointed. —(Cheer s )
Mr. INGHAM feared that he should not succeed in
obtaining the attention of the House, as the Hon. Bart.
had done, and, considering Low many days this question
had occupied the attention of the House, and how many
adverse topics had been advanced on both sides, he consi-
dered it difficult for any individual Member to give his
unqualified approval to every argument advanced on either
side the question. He said this, because although he felt
it his duty to vote for the resolution cf the Noble Lord—
(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches)—he could
not say thet he concurred in all the arguments which had
been advanced in support of that resolution. As a
Member not admitted to the conclave of parties, he was
bound to look at that resolution in its plain and obvious
meaning, and in that resolution he could not discover any-
thing either questioning their authority or censuring the
discretion of the House of Lords. He said this, not from
airy desire to please both sides of the House, by giving hi 3
vote on one side, and by finding arguments for the course
pursued by the other. His firm belief was, that the laws
had been administered by Lord Normanby with benefit to
the great mass of the population.—( Hear.) He felt it
his duty to act upon that conviction by giving his support to
the resolution of the Nob!e Lord. Ile hoped the example of
the late Government in Ireland would be followed by who-
ever would be appointed to the same important situation
hereafter. After the Catholic Relief Bill had been passed it
was the bounden duty of those Statesmen at the head of
affairs to act in the spirit of that measure, and he conscien-
tiously believed that Lord Normanby had done so. What
had been the principle measure of that Noble Lord's Go-
vernment—that which had attracted most notice was the
appointment to the Magistracy and the bench of gents.
men of Roman Catholic persuasion ; that was, in his
opinion, a most just and equitable course, and he hoped it
would tend to the future welfare of Ireland.—(Ministe-
rial cheers.) What was the great grievance of the people
of Ireland of late years? Had not the dissatisfac-
tion of the people arisen from a want of con-
fidence in the administration of the laws? It was not alone
necessary that the laws should be administered, but that
the people should be taught to place implicit confidence in
his Administration. A Roman Catholic suitor might re-
ceive equal justice front a Protestant magistrate, bnt in
that country it was impossible to divest him of the
idea that there would be some tinge of political or reli-
gious feeling in his decision. He was confident also that
the Roman Catholic offender felt the confidence of the law
descend with far superior weight upon his head when it
proceeded from one possessing the same religious feeling
as himself. On these grounds, he thought Lord
Normanby had exercised a sound discretion in rais-
ing to the judicial office persons of unsullied reputation
anti high professional attainments, The other argu-
ment which had been brought forward in opposition
to the policy of Lord Normanby was the liberation of pri-
soners from confinement. He would not enter into the
details, but in all those cases which had been brought be-
fore the House, he thought a very satisfactory case had
been made out on behalf of Lord Normanby.
(Loud cheering.) He (Mr. Ingham) had visited the town
gaol (Cork) from whence a-great many persons had been
discharged ; and on making inquiry he bad ascertained
that the strictest investigation of each case had been en-
tered into by Lord Normanby previous to their discharge.
On these grounds he should certainly feel it his duty to
support the motion of the Noble Lord.
Mr. 11 0 B/10 US E thought the speech of the Ho-
nourable Member who had just sat down was extremely
satisfactory to the Government, when they found an
Hon. Member sitting on the Opposition side of the House,
coming forward in the most ingenuous and manly manner
to bear testimony to their course of policy.—( Loud
chcess.) Ile could not, however, say the same of the
lion. Member who had preceded him. If ever there was
a melancholy exhibition in that lieuse—if ever there was
a spectacle calculated to degrade that House in the eyes of
the public—if ever there was a mixture of buffoonery with
the most important question that could agitate the country
—if ever there was an exhibition of a diseased imagination,
accompanied by an utter deficiency of judgment, it would
be found in the speech of the Honourable Baronet the
Member for Caithness.—(Much cheering and laughter. )
The Honourable Gentleman complained of protracted de-
bates when he had occupi«l the attention of the House so
long with words not eorth hearing—with assertions
without proof, and arguments entirely destitute of founda-
tion.—( !leer, hear.) lie was astonished tint the Hon.
Baronet dared to insinuate and presumed to charge the
Government with the ex: rcise of undue influence, when
he knew—when the house lere'w—•.vhen the country knew
_and when all Europe knew, that nothing could exceed
the coercion—that nothing could exceed the •otimidazion
—that teeierg could exceed the undue influence—that
nothing could exceed the bribery and corruption which
had been te actised by MeinLiers on the othor side of the
Mouse.—( Loud cheering.) Ile defied the Hon. Baronet
oe nd o u
tor toberepresentd
•
ona
bbyorco3uog,lti,,l:l•:ini t
itivdaisicne, ;
Baronet and the Hou.se, tint of all the voters who were
likely to be influenced by Government, twenty-two