The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-10 00:00:00

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men touched the parapets of the fort the rebels,
13,000 strong, streamed from the safe hiding•place
where they had been concealed during the day, and
fresh and strong, were prepared to drive us back.
We then found to our sorrow that the 15-inch shot
from the monitors, even when fired at from a dis-
tance of but 1,080 yards, had not injured them in
the least. Only the parapets of the fort had been
knocked into sand heaps.

NEWS pAp -r. in
Ar •-.14110:
ititopxx -LI. At
...a.c.eftain result of the undertaking in la,• .- , . : .410:4"Nrk
~./ ~.,..,. , ,
vited all to take part. It is thus that . 71_,.,14,:?..,.., ~J,:,.. .4
tr
degenerated into insurrection, and that :0":21:.. it.
turned into a revolution, under the double . ..4...-..,..!1: .-,..'
autonomous institutions granted by his 4fli.• - -11,4,4. 42,
couragements from abroad. I 4 S
"M. Drouyn do Lhuys will admit that the an
en
the Western press has not been of a nature to lessen those
encouragements, and that the very action of the Cabinets
has given rise to interpretations which may have kept
them up.
" In such grave and delicate questions the real inten-
tions of the Government escape the notice of the masses
they are frequently misrepresented by the organs of the
press; public opinion is thus falsified, and the Cabinets
thus expose themselves to serious inconvenience when they
take it for their guide after having allowed it to go astray.
It is therefore necessary that they should take into account
not only their intentions, but also the interpretations given
to them, and the influence which that interpretation may
exercise.
"That is why we have affirmed what appears to us an
evident fact, that the conviction of assistance from abroad,
kept up by the intrigues of the emigrants, was the principal
cause of the persistance and of the extension of the insur-
rection in the kingdom, and it is because we cannot for a
moment suppose that this fact has entered into the inten-
tions of the French Goveinment, that we have pointed it out
to its attention as the principal obstacle which opposed the
realisation of the wish it has expressed to us in favour of a
prompt pacification of the kingdom.
111. We cannot but maintain the observations con-
tained in our reply on the subject of the suspension of hos-
tilities.
el
There are no hostilities in Poland; there is a
revolt. There a
aligleegreanl tGs,ovbeurtnmeneonnteansidderergeulbealsr
in arms, and on thee n
other
1 authorities and an army.

,4 Under these conditions there is no arrangement pos-
sible, except the return of order and the submission of the
rebels. They must lay down their arms, or the Govern-
ment abdicate all authority. It is impossible for us to com-
prehend otherwise the question of dignity and of public
order. As to the material application, we cannot explain to
ourselves either between whom an armistice could be nego-
tiated, or by what means the execution of it could bo

guaranteed.
ct iv. As far as regards our proposition for a prelimi-
nary conference of the three neighbouring courts, it was
suggested to us, as youhave already observed to the French
Minister of Foreign Affairs, by the very principle which
serves as the basis of the diplomatic action of the cabinets
—that of the treaties of 1815. It is in conformity with
the nature of things and with diplomatic precedents. That
is why we did not think ;of assuring ourselves of the pre-
vious consent of the two co-partitioning courts ; we had
not to explain ourselves with them. We had to reply to
an exchange of ideas with the French, English, and Aus-
trian Cabinets. In return for propositions, which appeared
to us to raise serious objections, we suggested to them a
combination which appeared to us to be in the spirit and
the letter of the treaties, and which might lead to a pacific
solution conformably to our common wishes.
" The opinion which M. Drouyn de Lhuys has expressed
to you on this subject confirms us in the conviction that
the question under consideration leads to difficulties be-
cause it has been badly set forth, and because from the very
outset it has involved the dignity of the Cabinets.
" In principle, the French Government, as well as those
of England and Austria, has expressed to us a wish for the
prompt pacification of the kingdom of Poland. That wish
we feel in the same degree. We invite them to an ex-
change of friendly ideas on the basis of treaties. Different
combinations have been recommended to us to attain the
object desired. We have stated that the six articles, which
served as the basis of them, were in accordance with the
intentions of our august master. To the idea of a confer-
ence, which in our opinion had the inconvenience of lead-
ing to a direct interference of the foreign Powers, which
would have weakened our prestige. and encouraged the
exaggerated pretensions of the insurrection, we substituted
that of a preliminary conference of the three Courts directly
interested, which had the advantage of maintaining their
independent action in questions of internal administration,
while tending to the same object conformably to the spirit
and letter of treaties. That proposition was prompted by
a desire of conciliation.
" We cannot but regret the judgment passed on it by the
French Minister of Foreign Affairs.
" We have also been painfully surprised by the impres-
sion which he communicated to you as to the general tone
of our answers. The question is far too serious to admit
any intention of irony, still less of provocation. But here
we again perceive the influence of the false starting point
of the whole of this negotiation and of the questions of dig-
nity which it has unfortunately raised, owing to the pub-
licity given to it and the intervention of the passions of the
press and public opinion.
" Your reply, Monsieur le Baron, with regard to the sen-
timent of wounded dignity manifested in the expression of
our thought was most judicious.
" In presence of the outrages lavished on us, it would
have been difficult to write otherwise. We are far from
wishing to attribute to the French Government any offen-
sive intention towards us. We are persuaded of the sin-
cerity of its efforts to restrain the violence of the press, and
to moderate the expression of public feeling, which it is
bound to take into consideration at home, and also to make
allowance for abroad.
" It will certainly understand, therefore, that it was im-
possible for us to ignore the strength of the national senti-
ment which has been so energetically manifested in Russia.
under the influence of recent events.
" The Russian Government has spared no effort to calm,
enlighten, and moderate this explosion of public feeling,
deeply irritated by attacks, without example, perhaps, in
history.
" It is the duty of governments and the task of diplo-
macy to keep the conduct of public affairs unaffected by
these passionate impulses, which complicate them, and
might seriously endanger the existence of peace.
"We conscientiously believe that we have neglected
nothing which could promote this work of conciliation, and
that we have not deviated, either in word or deed, from the
desire of eoming to an understanding in conformity with
the general interest, and in particular with the relations
which have so long united_ us to the Government of the
Emperor of the French.
" But we flatter ourselves with the hope of meeting the
same dispositions on its part, and you will not conceal from
M. Drouyn de Lhuys how much more difficult our task
will become if no allowance be made in France for the ne-
cessities imposed on us by the national sentiments, which
are not merely the result of popular passions or sympathies,
but are connected with the most cherished traditions and
the most vital interests of the country, which the confidence
of the
of its
heoßsussiannaatuigonus has assovpelraeciedgu,nndAerectehp, a
the safeguard of the
GORTCHAXOFF."