The Sun.
London, England, 1830-05-19 00:00:00

by the people to-morrow. Whatever power the
Council held, therefore, was held strictly as the
power of the people, and left entirely in the hands
of the people, in order that they may correct any
misapplication of that power, by correcting the COUII-
- 1 or any individuals among them whenever they
pleased. Since, therefore, the Council depended on

he will of the people in exercising this great power,
,bey were the better enabled to execute that will,

n Order to show the extreme importance of this

purer, he would quote a few lines from page 20:
—" We have given great power to the political
Council. In all organised bodies power must exist

somewhere, or there can be no order, no discipline,
no unity of object or operation. Under the present
operation of the public opinion, every thing is dis-
juinted and inefficient. One man petitions for one
object, a second petitions for another; a third
moves to-day; a fourth moves to-morrow; a fifth
recommends one line of conduct; a sixth recom-

mends another. AU this is fmtile. What, fur

example, could be expected in a military body, act-
ing upon principles like these? The exertions of a
whole army would come to nothing. So it is with
the moral army of public opinion. To become effi-

cient it must ti:tveOrganisation,order, discipline, and

unity of object and operation. It must be animated
by one common mind. It must move to one com-
mon object. It must move through the same road,

and at the same time. Without this we can do no-
thing. By a moral discipline of this kind, if we
have virtue to act upon it, we can do every thing
that is just and proper for us to do. It is, there-
fore, that we have made obedience to the Council
an indispensible rule of our Society. But, in re-
tuin for this, we have made the Council entirely

dependent upon the general meetings of the Union.
By these means, we hope that we establish a system
wlt;elt combines the order, unity, and effect of di-e:-
pline, with the force and freedom of popular ealtu-
siasm." It gave him great pleasure to find
that the Report had been passed by that
immense assembly very near unanimously, be-
fore he had had occasion to make these quo-
tations; because it showed the unbounded CP11••
fidence and affectionate attachment which they felt
towards the Council.—(Cheers.)—He could asure
them there was no fear of that confidence being
abused. He was sorry to hear remarks made

ing to alienate the lower f orn the middle classes,
and to represent the latter as by no means the friends
of the former. All classes were bad enough, and,
probably, the middle classes were no better than
others. All men had hearts in their bosoms, at.tl so
long as that was the case they would be liable to
human frailties and infirmities ; but this much for
the middle classes he must say, that although they
had not had spirit enough to come forward openly
and join the Union, he had the satisfaction of s
from his private communications with individuals is
the town, that nine-tenths were cordially attached to
its objects. They were kept back by the nutnerous
causes mentioned in the report ; Vat let them have
patience; the time would shortly come when all
these timid, weak-nerved people would roll up their
strength into a cordial support of the Union. lie
had also received letters and messages from many of

the Nobility and Aristocracy of the land, expressing
their cordial approbation of the Political Union ;
and he doubted not, but in a very short period,
not only the middling classes of the country
generally, but all the upper classes also, who
were not interested in the national plunder,
would tender their powerful assistance in its
support. He had no doubt, from what he saw and
knew of the public opinion among all classes, that
the Government would shortly be compelled to
grant their just and rightful demands, and to give
them a just and fair representation of the people in
their own House. He knew principles were at
work, that if this .act of common justice were re-
fused, the public mind would be brought to such a
state of excitement, that the dying father would
call his children to his bed-side, and taking the holy
Scriptures in his hand, he would make them swe.te
eternal hatred to the borough system.—(Cheers.)--
There could be no doubt of the truth of this; the
spirit was gone abroad; it was rising from the lower
t•o the higher classes, and, like the influence of
Palafox at Sarragosa, was certain to awake the dead
heart and to arouse all classes in its support.—
(Cheers.)—By these observations he had been led
astray from an important point, which was to assure
the lower classes that whatever vices might exist
among the middle classes, there was this one con-
solation for the lower—if the middle classes ever
got into power, it would be utterly impossible for
them to promote their own interests without pro-
moting those of the lower at the same time.—
(Cheers.)—The middle classes had no interest worth
a rush, but that of getting a good trade, with-
' out rendering the workmen as independent as the
master, and securing not only profit to themselves
but ample wages to the labourer.—(Cheers.)—To
come, however, to a plan of reform he would say
that it was not so wise to go into the consideration
of abstract rights as into that of clear, undisputed,
constitutional rights.—(Cheers.)—Annual Parlia-
ments, Universal Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot,
might possibly be beneficial ; the Political Council
had not said a word against them—they only denied
the propriety of claiming them, because they were
not clear, acknowledged, indisputably constitutional
rights.—( Cheers.)—Out of 100 lawyers of unde-
niable integrity, nine out of ten whom he had con-
sulted, altogether denied that Universal Suffrage
had ever existed in England, and he was most cer-
tain that it never existed in any other country in
the world. En passant with regard to what had
been said by the gentleman on the left, about
an Act of Henry the Sixth, four hundred years ago,
he thought it his duty to state that a great error
existed. In that very Act, within three lines of the
passage wherein it was declared, that men who
could expend forty shillings per annum, should have
a vote in the election of Members for Parliament,
the words " as afore is said" were inserted,
expressly meaning that the expenditure of the forty
shillings per annum must be an expenditure derived
from freehold property only.—(Cheers.)—Mr. A.
then went on to state that the internal sufferings
of this country were unparalleled, and that they
had not even the consolation of national honour to
comfort them. Tt►is great and glorious nation► had
been accustomed to dictate to the whole world; but
now it was become the contempt of all the nations
of Europe. It was kicked about and spit upon on
all sides. The Austrians insulted us in Italy--the
French insulted us in Spain—the Russians in
Turkey—and even the ass of Portugal threw his
heels in the face of the British lion► ; and yet this
degraded nation, with every feeling bursting at its
heart's core, was compelled to pocket the affront.—
(Cheers.)—ln speaking of a plan of Reform (said
Mr. A.), how should they agree upon it ? Should
they apply to the three hundred gentlemen who re-
turned the majority of the House of Commons ?
They, no dotr:t, would say no Reform was needed.
—(Laughter.)—Should they apply to the fifteen or
thirty thou,and individuals who had their fingers
pretty deeply in the national pie ? Those gentlemen
would probably gravely assure them, while picking
their pockets with both hands, and looking them se-
riously in the face, that indeed they could see
nothing very wiong in the present state of things.
--(Loud laughter and cheers.)—lf, however, they
asked the middle classes, the 500,000 families of
plundered manufacturers and farmers, these gentle-
men would all agree that there was something
wrong in the state of things, and that something
must be corrected, although they could not pro-
perly tell what. There were materials of dis-
content enough ; the only difficulty was in
making them harmonise and unite in some
common remedy. Many now entertained fears of a
revolution, and, undoubtedly, a revolution was the
most dreadful calamity that could possibly happen
to this nation; and he begged to assure them, that
under such a Calamity the interests of the mass of
the people, hard as was their fate now, would be
ten times worse than it was. Let them only think
of the state of distracted misery among the lower
classes which must be produced by a state of
ariarchy. In their complicated state of society,