The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TUB PtilitlC JOURNAta.

The Gatette de Prance, the' great sepporter of
Court prieciples in France, contains, in its pubbca-
tion of Monday, which arrived yesterdey„another,
remarkable article on the course of policy, required
at the present crisis. This paper, along with the
Cabinet and all its organs, assumes, that the address..
of the lute Chamber of Deputies, in expressing to
the King its want of confidence in his Ministers,
was an attack on the prerogative, of the Crown, in
which the selection of its servants is vetted by the
Charter. From this original error in constitutional
doctrine proceed others still more dangerous, because
they tend to make the breach between the Crown
and the national representation a breach between
the Crown and the national constituency. At first,
the Chamber only had declared its distrust of the
Royal choice. His Majesty, in the lawful exercise
of his prerogative, dismissed that Chamber instead
of his Ministers, and appealed to the nation to eons
tirm his decision. The nation, through its regular ,
institutions for collecting 'the expression the
general will—the Electoral Colleges—has taken the
part of their Deputies, and signed their protest
against the Ministry. The Royalist journal there-
fore argues, consecutively enough, that if the
Crown was stripped of its power to select its
servants by a vote of the Chamber of Deputies, it is.
now plundered of its prerogative to dissolve the
Chamber by the votes of the nation ; for the
nation, by returning the same obnoxious Members
whom the King had dismissed, has mad* thaexer-
eise of the prerogative an unmeaning farce. After
enlarging upon this inference, the journalist proceeds
to announce, that the Royal prerogative, which has
thus, according to his own account, been invaded-
by one of the powers of the state, can Wens time
the representative government by usurping the fun&
Lions of the other two. By such reasoning is this
Crown urged to undertake the alarming experiment
of altering those national institution; to which it:
had just made so confident an eppeal; by such pue-
rile sophisms, founded on false prenneekowe the.
Ministers to be justified in retaining their places,
though at the hazard of a national convulsion'; and
by such expedients is a party, which has just ; been
proved to be in a decided minority, to &pries the
notion of the rights conferred upon it by the charter
or to provoke a crisis in which the dynasty huh
may be endangered ! In looking at the present situ.;
ation and recent history of France and the border-
ing kingdom of the Netherlands, we cannot but be
struck at the contrasted results produced in the
course of a fe% months by a difference in dte
measures and presiding genius of Government
in the two countries. About six or seven months
ago, all Belgium was in a ferment of alarm and die.
affection, arising not so much from any insult offered
by the Administration to the people, as from a jea-
lousy against that portion of the nation to which
the Sovereign was supposed, from origin and reli-
gion, to be most strongly attached. Every meas
sure of the Government MU therefore opposed;
every suggestion of power was viewed with suspi-
cion, and factious violence seemed to prepare the
way for treasonable resistance. More than 300,000
petitioners addressed the legislature, in language
expressive of their alarm for their national rights
and religious privileges; and, in the popular chant-
ber, the budget was at first rejected by a Belgic
majority. The Government saw its danger, and,
instead of braving public opinion, or-attempting to
overthrow the fundamental laws of the monarchy,.
endeavoured to conciliate excusable opposition by
timely concession. The budget was withdrawn,
and altered according to the sense of the majority;
the bill, or project of law, on public instruction,
was likewise withdrawn, in order to be modified;—.
the law on the press was greatly reduced in its seves
rity ; and the session which began in storms tenni-
tuned in serenity. The doors of the legislative
Chambers were no sooner closed, than the Kitt, by
an ordinance, abolished the galling deerte which
(for politic objects no doubt) he had issued several
years ago to impose upon the Belgian; the use
of the Dutch language. The effect of these ju-
dicious concessions has been to allay every angry
feeling against the Government, and to procure
for his Majesty an acoessioo of loyal attachment
mingled with gratitude. All the provinces which
met last week in their assemblies called provincial
states, have testified their confidence in the pateroal
views and intentions of his Majesty. These swims.
blies, which elect the Members for the Second
Chamber of the States-General, have, M retiewing
a third of the latter, either returned the former
Deputies of candidates equally devoted to the Mo-
narch. In the Netherland Legisiature, therefore,
the Government has gained rather than lost by the
recent elections. And now, to gratify the taste of
is manufacturing and commercial people, the Go-
vernment has opened the exhibition of works of
useful art at Brussels, and given the Belgians what
they call their " festival of industry." lo Frunce
we Heed scarcely point out how completely this
order of things has been reversed--how far chicon-
tent and dissatisfaction here been increased, by a
contemptuous disregard of public .opinions—and
how fast that tempest seems gathering, which was
prevented or allayed by the more prudent oonetio-
%ions of the Belgic Court. The appeal made to
the nation has consequently returned a more re,
fractory Chamber, and event a striking military sue-
cess, sufficient at any other time to have gained the
hearts of a gallant and vainglorious race, ha; wort
for the Administration no more eclat than a sham
victory lit a military review. It is scarcely ecru.,
ceivable, that with these facts before him, his toast
Christian Majesty will persist in maiutaining his
Mii,istry at the hazard of the public; puce, or that,
though brave and bigotted, he will signalize hie
courage or his zeal in resisting his people, and des
stilling the institotions of his brother.—imes.

It was many years ago, and still is, the feshir4 to
smile at Sir John Sinclair and his polities, This
worthy and indefatigable Baronet was acensetl of
being always mounted on some hobby, which he
not only worked to death, but in exercising which
he contrived to, hunt down and persecute ,eit
whom he could prevail upon to listen te.bint. We
do not recollect !Wittig joined the 0111110gratil against •
the worthy Baronet. He wits, in his political
notions, somewhat too stanch end thorough-paced a
Tory for us; the woollen threads which he busied
himself in spinning wore charged with somewhat
superfluous prolixity l his agriculture was too minute
—his political economy too sordid; the" humdrum"
principle was, perhaps, too conspicuous and
dominant in whatever he suggested t nevertheleas„
the worthy Baronet lute been, in his generation, are
active and not altogether an useless than, Our pre-
sent recurrence to a man whose celebrity had been.
so long forgotten, is for the sake of thanking
the Right ilon.Baronet tbr a new end curious little
piimpluet, of a down widely-printed pages or so,
wherein he touches a subject of the very highest
and most urgent importance with remarkable con-
ciseness and ortiginalio a, . This subject of the slow
movement of business in the House, of. Commoila

forms the teat
, k
winch .
k 4
of this short parnthieit in
/
OW m of a latter to,Sir Robert est. su ,tracing
the causes of this national utistihrtune, the worthy
Baronet, we are afraid name* near the truth. when
he statea that the .litrittalt empire is "too criensitn!
to be govcruotil /44,11." He affirms that the Unitid
Kim/4Am of itself " it as large an empire tta any
Government call manage with advantage to its sub.
.jects;v hut, admitting the extream difficulty of pre.
upon any people to renounce voluntarily u pas:-
Gessiona on which much treasure has been expanded,"
tom n which national greatness is ifritlimeth
however orromonsly, to cont, toe iSlithor
C 111,109 TUOYelent4ti°ll by offering the sitetoh of eona
plan (Which, if we did not know Sir John to bo a
grave man, we should say as a haisa) fur enabling*
the House of Cornrows* La carry on the public virt,
the of the cootty, unmolested by private Dills
by Election Committees, through the meani ofor
SOCOkid Ca' supplementary Ilouse of 6mrtionA4
posed of 200 members-100 -chosen by couiitit.4,
50 by cities, and ;4 snore by Ilanelterters
tnitighero4 mid other toms Unrett.kilitti, tlaua, is

well entitled to the franchise. The plan is pre-
posterous apd impossible. Indeed the Right 110.
nourable 'tistriniet himself does not say by what
proportion or, description of electors the sub-
altern Parliament .
is ;to be, chosen. If by universal
suffrage; it will soon surneriede the old House of
Commons; if in ' ceunties and other places which
already return members, the -new gentlemen be
elected by the same constituents as those to whom
the country is indebted for its present ones, it may
be questioned whether such an addition from such a
source will be considered any public benefit. The
House of Commons is, in fact, too numerous
already. If the business were well distributed, half
the number of representatives would get through it
with more ease and effieacy than the 658 sages to
whom it is now entrusted.; lint at all events there
is too much. to be done, end the new House of
Common's 'recommended by Sir J. Sinclair would
tun theriek of being an assembly where, instead of
jobs booming the incident or by-play 'of the Session,
they must be st evicts established as its chief or ex.
elusive bpsinesi. We give the plan in the very
words Of the projector •
"1 do not ;think that the British House of Common*
would be prevailed upon to give op any part of its privi-
leges to any body of then that was not in some measure a
part of itself, end elected by the people. My plan there-
fore is, that there shall he a second chamber of the House
of Commons, chosen in the same manner as the first
chamber, consisting of a number not exceeding 200 mars-
bers ; and that to a chamber thus constituted, 'the decision
of all private BIN, and of all contested elections, shall be
delegated.'
" If the general principle is approved of, there can be
no material difficulty in filling up the details. I should
consider 200 members quite enough fur this new branch
of the Legislature t 100-. members to be elected by the
counties of England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland; 60 by
the principal cities, in the kingdom ; and the remainder to
be amen by Menchoeter, Birmingham, and other towns
which are not represented in. the first chamber. The
lipeaker of the first clamber to nominate a deputy to the
second; all &irate Bills tribe sent from the second to the
!tree chamber, thence to be sent to the Lords; private Bills
originating in the Lords, to be sent from the het to the
second &Amami., and roamed to the first, to be transmitted
so the Hone °Oars.
" It in evident 'that a body of men, elected 'for special
purposes, eould carry through the business with which it
VAS tattested mach more , effectually, and would be more
likely to give gaunt satisfaction, than say other tribunal
that could he thought of, or that might be appointed in any
other way.
" it would hoof immense consequence to have an addi-
tional number of aide men, thus interested in support of the
constitution, who would be early trained to public busi-
near, and who would likewise have an opportunity of esta-
blishing their characters for diligence and capacity.
" The first chaniber of the House of Commons, being
thus freed front a load of subordinate matters, would be
Able to direct its undivided attention to public concerto!,
and would be enabled to carry on the business of the nation
with much greater attention and success.
" The principal objections to the manner of conducting
the business in the House of Commons being thus removed,
there is every reason to hope that the character of the
House would be raised, audits efficiency augmented, while
the Miniatere would haie snore time to attend to r the
.arduu mut" than it is possible fur them under the present
system"— Times. •
It hes been sometimes said that all which is to
be found in the pages of history ought to be received
with distrust and suspicion, except the mere exist-
ence of its leading events. The causes of these
events, and the character of the actors in them, are
carefully handed down by the historian to posterity,
but it has been said that the pages of the novelist
might as well be consulted for authentic information.
Horace Walpole tells us, that having been asked by
his father, Sir Robert Walpole, on some occasion,
to cad to him, on his inquiring what he wished
hitn to read, Sir 'Robert answered, any thing but
Jiistory, for that must be lies. It may be said that
moo reliance 'may be placed on history since the ge-
neral ,?Stablishment of Journals, in which transac-
lions are recorded when they take place. It is sin-
gular that this view should have been most stre-
nuously controverted by an individual who of ell
great public characters was the most devoted to the
liberty of the Press, and who had the merit of show.
ihg, hi his example, that the Oovernment of a
great State could be conducted without calling law
to its aid against newspapers. We allude to
Thomas Jeftersett. Writing to a friend in 1807, he
observes
" It is a melancholy truth, that a suppression of the
Press could not more completely deprive the nation of its
benefits thin is done by its abandoned prostitution to false-
hood. Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a
newspaper. Truth itself becomes suspicious by being
put into that polluted vehicle. The real extent of this
state of misinfortnetion is known only to those who are
is situations to eonfrout facts within their knowledge with
the lies of the day. I really look with commisserutiou
over the great body of my fellow-citizens, who, reading
newspapers, live and die in the belief that they have
*sumo something of what has been passing in the world
in their Woe; whereas, the accounts they have read in
newspapers sre just as true a history of any other period
of the world se the present, except that the real names of
the day are affixed to these fables. Cienerel facts may, in-
deed, be collected front them, such as that Europe is now
at war ; that iluonaparte has been a successful warrior ;
that be has subjected a great portion of Europe to his will,
Sic. Ste. ; but no details can he relied on, I will add,
that the man who never took' into a newspaper is better
informed than he who retitle them ; inasmuch as he who
knows nothing is nearer to truths than he whose mind is
filled with falsehoods and errors. lie who reads nothing
will still learn the great facts, and the details are all
false."
We would not tie President Jefferson too closely
to these sentiments, which indicate rather a woueded
sensibility than a dispassionate exercise of judgment.
Still, however, what lie says with respect to
history is not without some foundation in truth.
We have been led to this train of remark by a
perusal of the various effusions to which the death
of our late Sovereign has given birth. Of the
various historians of the day, no two agree in their
ac.eounts of the character of the Monarch, in their
representations of the state of public feeling during
his illness, when he breathed his last, or when his
remains were deposited in the earth. Our own
statements are in the recollecton of our reader%
Otte of our Aiming Contemporaries, speaking of
the day of the funeral, observed that—
" Never wee public feeling more universally or im-
pressively disployell than on this occarlion. Throughout
the whole of yesterday the Metropolis exhibited one con-
trast emu of deep regret...a regret evidently manifested,
not merely at the loss of a great and at good King,
but at the'bereiteentent se it were of a beloved father or
toethee.....an aeeoraptielled companion soil art eieleaßsi
friend; the latter he wilt to ail who knew his:private
worth," lea.
" The melancholy interest felt on the occasion of the
last obsequies paid to the illustrious mimes of such a
Prince was naturally of the most intense deseription—
alike just to the glorious departed, and creditable to the
grateful living."
Another Morning Contemporary obeerved of the
same day—
" The troth ia—eod it speaks volumes about the man
.....that there never was en individoul lean regretted by his
fellow-creatures than this deceased King. 'Whet eye has
wept for him? What lutirt has heaved one throb of
enmercenary sorrow ? Was there at any time a gorgeous
pageant on the stage more completely fort/00;0i than he
heent even (Mtn thin day on which this heralds pro.
claimed his successor? Has not that successor pitied
nit" sat bittsultjects, be the blunt and unarmed—even
should it be the groteeque—cordiality of his demeanour,
within It, few hinge weeks, than Cleorge IV.—that Le-
viittbsu of the ;:laut ears-ever did dialog the (8 years of
las existence?"
Eiyoning Centempontry, endeavouring to re,
corile these two eeeflieting statements, observed—
Scsreeiy any men who has filled a hi 1 station 't
fall under the common eta:lams or 1, -• `gyl without 4..4
Litaittut Etilett; i
sh ilztte,Aniitzt,rktenctiAbit istiner:re..
the Morning PostTatioisnatmettembot„47,l t*4lliciturlitin"
Eris death or life could nat. have 'hem or the' slightest
queued; eonrnn
but the iustaurApt aro cus intirvhaiislt w,
and fortunate-4A millo-iteal for masyl,„4: 117"10
testy tat_,
co eaubjeetionable a King Ilea hem fvllstvvwl t„, thrr
with less heartfelt sorrow. T 1414 was more telf.l7l.
gray,
rot t 411 m eli
any popular Monara we do- not thelievlit;
but his eelf-indolgence took at lest tot unsocial diremien ;
he oufartaustely kept too touch fact, D1t„,8444,t