The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUARY 17, 1837.

credit of Reformers who stand at the present hour upon
those very principles upon which the Grey Administra-
tion, through the mouth of his Majesty, introduced the
subject of the Reform Bill itself in the year 1831 ?
But the King's speech—the speech of his Whig Mi-
nisters—went further than the above passage ; for,
says his Majesty, " In recommending reform to your
consideration, it was my object to give additional
security to the settled institutions of the State." When
the settled institutions of the State are talked of, are
the Church of England and the House of Lords ex-
cluded ? When consistency is talked of, are we
to be told that the Whig reform policy of 1830 is
nought better than rank Toryism in 1836 ? This ap-
peal of the Right Hon. Baronet is conclusive.—Times.
Having commented at some length yesterday upon
the able and eloquent speech of Sir Robert Peel at
Glasgow, we return to that subject to-day only for the
purpose of impressing upon the minds of the Conser-
vatives of the empire the immense accession of moral
power which is gained to their cause, by connecting it
inseparably with the fate of the Protestant Establish-
ments of the country. We know that the manly, ex-
plicit, and unequivocal declaration of Sir Robert Peel
to stand by those Establishments has created bitter
disappointment, and an increase of that despondency
which has been coming over them of late in the
Ministerial quarters. The Whig journals had fondly
anticipated that the Right Honourable Baronet would,
upon the great and vital questions of ecclesiastical
and constitutional policy which are now agitated, have
expressed himself at the Glasgow meeting in a tempo-
rizing and equivocal manner. Had that been so,
we know that a division, much more detrimental to
the interests of the country—a division more fatal in
its consequences than that which took place in the
Conservative ranks relative to the Bill of unqualified
Roman Catholic Emacipation would have ensued.
The Protestant Conservatives—we mean those who
are so in truth, and not merely in name—are re-
solved to follow no expediency-leader. They are not
man-worshippers, but venerators of principle. On a
former occasion, when Sir Robert Peel had resolved to
make that experiment which has proved the extent of
Popish gratitude and good faith, he responded not to
the call of the Protestants of the North. Now he has
nobly responded to the call of Protestantism through-
out the empire ; and having made the explicit decla-
ration that he has, there is that confidence in his
integrity that no man suspects his conduct will ever
falsify it. An apprehension, it cannot be denied, was
entertained for some time past, by many of those who
greatly admire the talents of Sir Robert Peel, that he
was too timidly cautious and prudent for a crisis
like the present ; for even an excess of that valu-
able quality called prudence may assist to ruin an
empire, where the bold determination of genius,
confiding in its cause, like Cmsar in his fortunes,
would save it. The Ministerial prints had eagerly
seized upon the occasion of Lord Lyndhurst's cele-
brated speech in the House of Lords, to draw an
invidious contrast between glowing and energetic
style, and the more quiet, perhaps the colder dic-
tion of Sir Robert Peel's speeches in the House of
Commons. Hence they would have it inferred that
the principles of those two great Conservative leaders
were not in accordance ; but they might as well infer
discrepancy of political sentiment from the difference of
their features. Each expressed himself on the same
questions with more or less of that characteristic indi-
viduality of manner which only shows how the consti-
tutional temperament of one man of genius differs from
that of another, even where their moral convictions
are the same. When Sir Robert Peel thought
that the time had arrived, not only for a most decided
but a most energetic declaration of political opinion,
upon all that concerns the great interests of our consti-
tutional Monarchy in Church and State, he did not
hesitate to make that declaration which, under Pro-
vidence, has sounded the death-knell of the no-prin-
ciple Ministry and their destructive allies. Had he
acted on this occasion as the Ministerial Journals led
their readers to believe—had he spoken in a manner not
calculated to impress the Protestants of the empire with
the confidence that he would take his position in
front of the altars of the reformed faith, to fight the
battles of the Constitution—the Ministers, and their
Popish and infidel allies, would have had good reason to
rejoice in the consequences. We should be sorry to be-
lieve, and, indeed, it savours too much of idol-worship to
he a Protestant doctrine, that the destinies of this great
country depend upon the existence of any one indivi-
dual. The Protestant people offer no such incense of
adulation to Sir Robert Peel, which, indeed, would be
sufficient to intoxicate the most masculine understand-
ing ; but they are glad, as we are, that he consulted
well for his own fame, and that, flinging all pets_,, party
considerations to the winds, he expressed with a gene-
rous devotion his fixed resolve to " support the na-
tional Establishments which connect Protestantism
with the State in these three countries." The antici-
pation which had gone abroad of a much less decided
expression of opinion on the part of the Right Hon.
Baronet at the Glasgow dinner, was not indicated only
in the Ministerial Journals. In a Conservative perio-
dical, conducted with very considerable talent—we
mean Fraser's Magazine," in the Number for the pre-
sent month, it was thought necessary to allude to that
impression, for the purpose of endeavouring to remove
it from Conservative minds—for among them there
were those who had their misgivings on the subject.
The able writer of an article in that Magazine, enti-
tled " A Point for the Consideration of the Conserva-
tive Leaders," thus expresses himself on the subject to
which we are alluding—
" Sir Robert Peel has accepted the invitation of the men
of Glasgow, and can it be imagined that one so cautious and
so reflecting as the Right Hon. Baronet has raised the
hopes of his admirers in the West of Scotland, merely to
disappoint them ? He knows full well that he owes the
honour of that invitation to the zeal of the men of Glasgow
in the cause of Protestantism, and in the cause of their
Protestant Church. It is as the recognised champion of
Protestantism, and of the Established Churches, that they
have called upon him to meet them, and behold their goodly
array. To obey their call, and then to deny or question
the truth of the principles in behalf of which they are em-
battled, would be an act of irrationality, and even of suicide,
which can be expected of no man, and still less of Sir R. Peel.
But Glasgow is only a sample of the empire. What
constitutes the impelling principle—the rallying cry of the
vast Conservative body throughout the kingdom ? What
but a zeal and alacrity in defence of that Protestantism
which, in its embodied form, the Church, is now seen to be
in danger. Remove this cause of alarm, and the mere
question of whether this or that set of men should reside in
Downing-street, would not excite one man to interest, where
a dozen are now toiling in the Conservative cause."
We quite go along with this writer, in believing that
the only sure and certain way of safety for England
through its present dangers is to rest the Conservative
defence of our Constitutional Monarchy upon Pro-
testant principles. The apprehension that Sir Robert
Peel would have taken any other course in the ensuing
Session of Parliament has been shown to be ground-
less by his speech at the Glasgow festival. He has
declared that he will stand by the Established Church,
the Peerage, and all those ancient and noble institu-
tions which have stamped England with the glorious
character of moral and political pre-eminence among
the nations of the earth. The battle is half won which
is commenced upon such a vantage-ground of principle,
and under a banner emblazoned with such words of
inspiration.—Mornth g Herald.
In order rightly to estimate the triumph which Sir
Robert Peel has achieved by his transcendant speech
at Glasgow, we must consider the variety and the extent
of the expectations regarding it which 'the public had
formed. We believe we are quite within the bounds of
moderation when we say that all these various expec-
tations have been satisfied and more than satisfied.
They who have taken up that spsech with a willing-
ness to approve for the sake of the speaker have lain it
down with sentiments of the strongest admiration—
and even they who have commenced its perusal
under the influence of political impressions unfa-
vourable to Sir Robert Peel have finished with a
concession—an honest concession—of the understand-
ing and the heart to the signal merit of a composition
so powerful in the advocacy of the political princi-
ples of the speaker—so void of offence to the poli-
tical principles of others. We have stated that a great
variety of expectations were formed respecting this
political address. Some there were who looked for
that glowing eloquence of the practised orator which
stirs the blood, and seeks to stamp impressions on the
mind while warmed with excited passion, or softened

by the touch of pathos. Others, of a different tem-
perament, were anxious to see the arguments—the
logical concatenation from indisputable facts to asserted
political theories—which such an address, from such
a speaker, was likely to furnish. One body of men
were eager to behold a defence of institutions which
they revered, and political acts which they applauded ;
another, going deeper, wished for a vindication of
those principles which, as Bmrke says, " bind the
moral elements of the world together," and out of
which grow those institutions which we maintain to
be conducive no less to the well-being of political so-
ciety, than to the virtue and happiness of the hu-
man race. Of these various classes of expectants,
we venture to affirm that none have been disap-
pointed. However high, however distinct, however
various may have been the standards by which this
speech was to be tried before it gave general satis-
faction, we do not hesitate to say, from all we have
been able to trace of its reception by the public, that
the trial has redounded to the honour and the praise
of the distinguished leader of the Conseryative party.
When we contemplate the exhibition of political sen-
timent, not at the dinner alone (splendid and fitting
climax as that was), but in the proceedings of the two
or three preceding days, when so many respectable
men, of various ranks and classes of society, pressed
forward to offer their congratulations to Sir Robert
Peel, we shall be excused some feeling of exultation.
The political principles of Sir R. Peel are those which
we have advocated through good report and through
bad report. They were our principles when the popu-
lar frown was upon them, and when fidelity to the an-
cient ways of the Constitution was a thing of little
profit and less thanks. We recal those days in no
spirit of reproach—the popular mind mistook fidelity
for bigotry, and resistance to hastily and violently-
adopted change for resistance to improvement. The
progress of events has done justice at length to those
who 'bided the pelting of the storm when there was
almost no shelter. We shared in Sir Robert Peel's
unpopularity—may we not, without presumption, be
permitted also to share in that triumphant vindication
of the just and honest character of his policy to which
we are now adverting ? In what place did the tempest
rage, and the torrent roar, more than in the west of
Scotland ? Where was the ardour of hostility to
everything bearing the name of Conservative more
strong ? It is not so now—the disposition of that
rich, industrious, and intelligent portion of the United
Kingdom towards Conservatives is changed ; not, we
believe, because the political principles of the men of
the west of Scotland are changed, but because they
now do justice to our principles which then they did
not. They have found out that our fidelity is not bi-
gotry—that our resistance to violent change is not re-
sistance to improvement. But to return to the speech,
from which no one who has recently heard or recen:ly
read it can long wander : Who can doubt that the
appeal to the understanding and the consistency of the
people of Scotland made by Sir Robert Peel must be
productive of the most important consequences ?
Who can doubt that when these reflecting men per-
ceive, as they must perceive, that the Constitution,
as settled by the Reform Bill, has but one source
of stability, and that source the support of the
party of which Sir Robert Peel is the leader—who,
we say, that respects the character of these re-
formers will hesitate to admit that they will
feel the force of a deep persuasion upon them to join
Sir Robert Peel ? Will they not say, in reply to his
observation, that " if they adhere to their principles,
they ought not to leave to him and to those who think
with him the defence of the Reform Bill ;" that they
trill adhere to their principles ; and that they will not
leave him, in order to assist a Government which op-
poses itself to that religious system which they revere,
and those constitutional principles which it was the
design of the Reform Bill to establish ? We cannot
doubt that this must be to a very great extent the effect
of Sir Robert Peel's address in Glasgow. His speech
will not be a voice, and nothing more. It will produce
practical effects of an important nature. It must do so.
We could not believe the contrary without believing that
of the people of Scotland which all they have been doing
shows that we ought not to believe. We do not refer
to any mere courtesy of good will, or even enthusiasm
of hospitality ; but to the sound serious principle of
the Scottish nation, which must look for some foun-
dation of political conduct other than that which the
present Government can pretend to. When they con-
sider the principles laid down by Sir Robert Peel, and
the arguments by which he justifies his adherence to
those principles, and when they compare these with
the loathsome O'Connell alliance, and the abandon-
ment of all principle which is the bond and condition
of that alliance, we deem it to be all but impossible
that the men of the west of Scotland should fail to vin-
dicate their own character, by continuing in that politi-
cal temper which they have just now so splendidly
commemorated.—Morning Post.

TIIE EARL OF DURHAM.—A paragraph is going
the round of "the newspapers, stating that Lord Durham's
Mission to St. Petersburg!' is drawing to a close, and that
his Lordship will shortly return to this country. We know
not what authority the Tyne Mercury, in which the state-
ment originally appeared, had for makinc, it ; but we find,
upon inquiry, that no expectation of such an event is en-
tertained in those quarters where the most correct informa-
tion of his Lordship's movements is likely to be obtained.
It would gratify us, however, in common with the public at
large, to see the Noble Earl once more on the shores of his
native land, fighting with his countrymen, on British soil,
for those rights which have no more faithful or more in-
trepid champion than himself.—Durkam Chronicle.

A letter of the 7th inst., from Toulon, gives the
following :—" Last night a fire broke out on board the
steam-boat the Mentor, built here on account of the Minis-
ter of the Finances. During the day the engines had been
tried, and it appears that the coals used had not been pro-
perly extinguished. Some plates of sheet-iron on which they
had been placed in that state had become red hot, and had
ignited the hull of the vessel, which was obliged to be sunk
in order to extinguish the fire. The damage has not been
very considerable. Carpenters have been sent from Paris
by the Minister of the Finances to assist in the fitting-out
of the steamers being constructed in the different ports. It
is in contemplation to arm some vessels cn flute, for trans-
porting troops to Bona. A division from Lisbon, consist-
ing of three ships, is expected. When they arrive we shall
have seven ships of the line, one first-rate frigate, five trans-
ports, four store-ships, and several brigs. This fleet will be
able in two voyages to convey 21,000 men and an immense
quantity of stores to Africa. The store-ship Emulation,
which has returned from the coast of Spain, will sail to-
morrow with the letters, 20,000 rations, and some detach-
ments of soldiers, who are going to join their regiments.
It is said that General Bugeaud will command a divi-
sion of our troops in the new expedition against Con-
stantine. The 59th Regiment is on its return to France,
after four years' service at Bona. One battalion has arrived
by the Caravane ; the rest will follow by some other vessels.
The 59th has much distinguished itself, and has, during the
above period, lost upwards of 1,000 men. Marshal Clausel,
on returning to Algiers, issued an order of the day, thanking
the brave sailors who concurred in the arrangements which
preceded and followed the movement of the troops against
Constantine, for their active and efficient eo-operation.
The Marshal is endeavouring to bring Abd-el-Kader to a
treaty, and has sent to him the brother of the Jew Durand,
who exercised such pernicious influence in the time of Count
d'Erlon. According to the accounts of prisoners who have
been long detained by the Emir, the latter is in the utmost
want of money, which frequently renders it impossible for
him to act as he wishes, and will probably induce him to
sue for peace. Marshal Clausal was still at Algiers on the
3d, and was not expected to embark till the sth, by the
Pepin, steamboat. When the last accounts came away, the
state of the colony was as satisfactory as possible after the
check of Constantine ; that is to say, the Arabs had not
taken any advantage of that event to assume a more hostile
attitude • on the contrary, some of the tribes had offered
their sumission." _ _

I---
Amongst the numerous curiosities deposited in our
most interesting exhibition, we noticed one of that extra-
ordinary species of animals called the " Ornithoryncus Pa-
radoxus," brought from New South Wales, and sent to
the Museum by Captain Pipon. Naturalists have been
much puzzled how to class this singular animal, combining
as it does the bird and quadruped together in its outward
form, laying eggs, and hatching them like the one, and
rearing and suckling its young after the manner of the
other ! It is covered with a double coat of fur, like aqua-
tic mammalia in general. The head, instead of terminat-
ing in a snout, is continued in a beak, resembling that of a
duck, being broad, compressed, and rounded at the tips. It
is provided
sharprosid claws.—Jersey/ edlaithsfou r
eliesgey Amos.
s,
iu.
whichsare webbed and furnished
with
In a garden belonging to Mr. Thomas Edwards,
senior, of Lyhead House, near Bewdley, 23 sets of pota-
toes produced 18 score 81b., and 14 potatoes produced 14
score Sib., making together 32 score 161 b. Some of those
potatoes weighed 31b. 2oz. each. I

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTERSALL' S-YESTERDAY.
THE DERBY.

The room was thinly attended, and betting flat. The only al-
teration was in Defender, who has advanced several points above
the price quoted against him a week ago. Several parties seem
anxious to back him. Closing odds :-
8 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's Jereed—offered
8 to I agst Lord Jersey's Bro. to Bay Middleton—offered
13 to 1 agst Captain Gardner's Phantasima colt—taken and af-
terwards offered
14 to 1 agst Mr. Sadler's Defender—taken
16 to 1 agst Mr. Wreford's Wintonian—offered
20 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Flare-up—offered
20 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Dardanelles—offered
25 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Clifton—offered
30 to 1 agst Lord Lichfield's Cartoon—taken
33 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Hybiscus--taken
40 to 1 agst Mr. Osbaldeston's The Pocket Hercules—taken
40 to 1 apt Lord Stradbroke s Caravan—offered
1000 to 30 agst Lord Chesterfield's Sambo--taken
1000 even between Pocket Hercules and Caravan
1000 to 10 agst Colonel Anson's Jereed wirnaing the Derby and
Leger, and Vacuna the Oaks and Porland Han-
dicap—p.p.
TILE PORTLAND HANDICAP, P. r. (ACCEPT OR NOT.)
2 to 1 agst Mr. Mostvn's Birdlime—taken
The addition to the Gold" Cup at Epsom races will be 100/. in-
stead of 20, as heretofore.

There will be a Coursing Meeting at Epsom on Tuesday next,
for a silver cup.
PROPOSED PACK OF STAG HOUNDS AT CHELTENHAIL—A
project is at present in agitation in our sporting circles, for the es-
tablishment of regular stag hounds, to be supported by a town sub-
scription. A preliminary meeting took place on Wednesday, at
which Lord Segrave and other gentlemen of the hunt attended.
His Lordship promised, in the event of the project being carried
into effect, not only to subscribe liberally, but to furnish the deer.
The harriers, it is suggested, shall be given up, and the stag hounds
substituted to hunt alternate months with the Segrave fox hounds,
and also once a week when the latter are in Cheltenham. The
establishment of an efficient pack could not fail proving a great
additional attraction to the town, particularly in the winter season,
when some rallying points are wanting. It is estimated that 500/.
per annum would be required for the purpose contemplated.—
Cheltenham Looker on.

We understand that the Jockey Club recently established at
Paris, in the Rue Grange Rateliere, is just now threatened with a
dissolution, owing to the invasion of political discord. An applicant
for admission having been black-balled, the members of the Roya-
list party, to which he belongs, have determined to retaliate by
black-balling every other applicant.