The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING,

of Poland by Russia, Austria, and Prussia, the three
great robber Powers of modern Europe. The part
played by England was one not of active participa-
tion, bat of abstention from active advocacy even of
the treaties to which they were parties at Vienna,
Lord Palmerston said the treaty had been systema-
tically violated by Russia. He said that every man
and woman in the empire was responsible for the
observance of the treaty, which at all events sought
to do Poland some good, and the question was,
what would the British Government do? In 1830
ts
oe du
nt t
eLordin t
hPea limo
ienrts tient;
e,
rt
vheenn t
io
n proposed Foreign Sec rbey-
and 1831, when the Pales last rose, Louis 1 Ph.ll" ippe
Pt
arroyp,o
France, which he refused to do, though Austria and
Prussia were
willing. For 30 years the despatch of
Lord Palmerston in reply was concealed, and it was
only last year that its production proved Lord Pal-
merston had thrown the weight of this country on
the side of Russia when Poland was in arms 30 years
ago. (Hear, hear.) As the noble lord had truly
said, the sis points lately proposed asked for far
less than was guaranteed to the Poles by the treaty
of 1815. (Hear, hear.) But the contemptuous
and contumelious tone in which Prince Gortschakoff
threw back the demands of the British Government
was in fact invited by the statement in Parliament,
that under no circumstances would they go to war
for Poland. Sinoe then Lord Russell,at Blairgowrie,
had announced that Russia by its violation of the
treaty of 1815 had forfeited its sovereign rights
in Poland ; but he had followed that up by a de-
spatch the weakest, the most inconsistent, and
the most discreditable ever penned by a
British Minister, descending even to state that her
Majesty's Government had received with sincere
pleasure the assurance that the Government of the
Czar was animated by benevolent intentions towards
Poland. (Oh, laughter, and shame.) That might
be the end of Earl Russell's Polish diplomacy, but
they had not therefore come to the end of ehe Polish
question. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman after
referring at some length in condemnatory terms to
the London treaty of 1852, said that the writers
who deprecated war to uphold the treaty of 1815,
urged a war to enforce that of London, which on
the Continent was called the treaty of Russia.
What was the cause ? Was there not some Russian
influence at work here also ? If so, would the
people of this country who really ruled the ruling
classes, take care that a different policy was not
pursued in two questions resting upon treaty obli-
gations ? (Hear, hear.) It was the duty as well
as the interest of this country to support the cause
of Polish independence. The Emperor of the
French had declared, like Lord Russell, that Russia
had forfeited its rights in Poland. If both France
and England joined in a formal declaration to that
effect, what remained ? Why, the independence of
Poland. The weak and small voice of the Foreign
Minister had been since backed up by a stronger,
who would certainly write no weak notes. (Hear,
hear.) He had been asking this country to join
him in intervention on behalf of Poland, but in his
humble opinion the Emperor was strong enough
by himself, and he believed in due time he would
follow words by action. Our own Government
were in a very uneasy state at present, the number
of Cabinet Councils showed that ; but their only
object was to do nothing and keep themselves in
office. The interest of England, on the contrary,
was that either with France or any other honour-
able ally we should aid in making Poland a free and
independent nation. (Hear, hear.)
_ _

Mr. FREDERICK LAWRENCE seconded the resolu-
tion in an eloquent speech, which was frequently
and warmly applauded.
Mr. COLLETT said while he approved of the course
taken by the League in submitting the questiou to
the separate metropolitan constituencies, he totally
disapproved of the way in which the agitation was
conducted. They must go to the root of the matter,
which was to be found in the pro-Russian policy of
Lord Palmerston, who ought to be impeached.
(Loud cries of " Oh," and " Question," in the midst
of which the speaker proceeded at some length to
review Russian and Polish history, amidst frequent
interruptions, and concluded by moving the follow-
ing as a rider to the resolution) :—" That the mari•
time strength which enabled England to coerce
Russia in 1801 having been
placed in abeyance by
the illegal surrender by the British Government of
the right of search in 1856, the power to restore
Poland can be recovered only by reversing the De-
claration of Paris, which is happily still unsanc-
tioned by the Queen and Parliament."
Mr. M ILES seconded the rider, which was lost,
only four hands being held up for it, and the reso-
lution was then unanimously agreed to, as was the
next, moved by Mr. Beaks, president of the League,
and seconded by Mr. NV allarge, " That in the opi-
nion of this meeting, her Majesty's Government
would be fully justified in granting the demands of
the insurgent Pules by acknowledging their rights
as belligerents, and by protesting against the title
of the Czar to any further dominion over Poland."
The proceedings closed with a hearty vote of
thanks to the noble chairman.

Sir B. Bridges and Sir E. Dering at Ramsgate

RAMSGATE, Wednesday,

The annual dinner of the Isle of Thanet Agricul.
tural Association was held last night at the Royal
Hotel. The Most Noble the Marquis of Conyngham
presided, and there were present Sir B. Bridges and
Sir Edward Deering, members for East Kent ; Mr.
Knatchbull-Hugessen, M.P., Sir N. J. Kuatchbull,
Bart., H. B. Sheridan, Esq., M.P., and about 80 of
the magistrates, leading inhabitants, and tenant
farmers of the Isle of Thanet.

The CHAIRMAN proposed " The health of the
County Members."
Sir BROOK BRIDGES, in responding, adverted to
the important subject of providing suitable cottages
for the labouring population. He contended that
the subject was one for landlords rather than their
tenant farmers. The latter were not expected to
provide dwellings for their labourers. As a rule
they had no land of their own on which to erect
dwellings. He thought the landlords ought to pro.
vide cottages on their farms without looking for a
direct return in the shape of rent from the occupiers
sufficient for the money expended. Such cottages
would be of advantage to both landlords and tenants
and the farms would bl proportionately increased in
value. (Cheers.)

Sir EDWARD DERING, who was very warmly re-
ceived, also returned thanks. In the course of his
remarks he said, speaking of the proposed Congress
—Whether that Congress will take place seems to
me very much more than doubtful. If it should be
destined to take place, I only hope that, before our
Government accept the invitation, they will have a
distinct understanding as to the subjects to be
brought forward for consideration. (Cheers.) It is
self-evident that if there is one thing more than an-
other which is likely to lead to confusion, discontent,
and everything of an unsatisfactory nature, it is the
entering upon diplomatic negotiations without hav-
ing a distinct and definite object in view. (Hear,
hear.) Gentlemen, the special object for which this
Congress is to be called together—l use the words
of the Emperor's letter—is to regulate the present
affairs and insure the future peace of Europe.
(Hear.) The regulation of the present affairs might
not be very difficult. It is understood that the Con-
gress would confirm the changes which have taken
place since the treaty of 1815. This may not be a very
pleasing task tosome of the assembled potentates—to
the Emperor of Austria, for instance, who has been
deprived of a large tract of territory. (Hear, hear.)
But the Congress would deal with whatever has
taken place as accomplished facts. (Hear, hear.)
But when you come to the future, then the difficul-
ties and embarrassments that must arise will be
',.ery great indeed. The only allusion made to the
oin thatare
ss withoutrtion wa
nhye rper he
-ec
os anye
iust.unre by the Emperor of the French in his letter
tnot op the
ho
esihveodslisyasl itegmo
Pose, and in the
spirit
of justice and moderation.
(Hear, hear.) I
do not find fault with the words,
which sound l
be possible to Pt.:ausible enough; but it would hardly
a
declaration in language more
indefinite and better ca
intentions that thewriter
to disguise the real
has with regard to the
subjects to be brought forw
ard. (Hear hear ) When
y.
we come to think of it, what a , •
e to assume would
be done in the case of Russia, a power possessing a
million of wen, and which has airead_
y retusecCto

discuss the Polish question ? Is it to be supposed
that Russia would at once surrender her indepen-
dence, and submit the future fate of Poland to be
decided by the Congress P Then look at Austria. Is
it likely that she will permit the fate of Venice and
the quadrilateral to be determined by a majority of
votes ? And even with regard to the Emperor of
the French himself, is it in the nature of things
that, with the finest and best-appointed army in the
world, he would withdraw his troops from Rome at
the bidding of any Congress? These are the ques-

tions which at this moment excite the greatest
interest, and which are likely to convulse and agi-
tate Europe from one end to the other. (Hear,
hear.) Until these questions are satisfactorily set
at rest there can be no reduction of the large arma-
ments now maintained, nor any alleviation of those
heavy burdens which in every country in Europe
press so heavily on the industry of the people.
(Loud cheers.) In two words, gentlemen, the posi-
tion stands thus. In the face of those great events
which are every day occurring, and which press
for solution, the Emperor of the French calls a
Congress of the Powers to discuss the general state
of affairs. When that Congress assembles, if it ever
should do so, there are two courses open to be pur-
sued. In the first place, they may abstain from all

those vital questions which are in fact the very
apples of discord. If they do this they will nullify
their deliberations. (Hear, hear.) But on the other
hand, if they do discuss these matters, they will
have to deal with questions which, as no man
knows better than the Etnieror of the French, will
be very unpalatable to the great Powers of Europe.
(Cheers.) There is no middle course. If the Con-
gress meet, they must adopt one of the alternatives
I haveopt,
Inamed;
am at
t a andss I
to confess,
whichever they shall
ad
see how it is calculated to
solve the difficulties which exist, or in any way
lo
guarantee the peace of Europe. (Cheers.)