The Sun.
London, England, 1839-03-13 00:00:00

have the measure carried brought that 'louse before the
acii,urnment took place.
The dropped notices of motion were then called over
for the purpose of being replaced on the hook.
RAILWAYS (IRELAND).
Viscount CASTLE REAG wished to ask what
course the Governau.Aat intended to pursue with respect to
the proposed plan of Irish Railways ?
L.rd MORPETH said he intended to brkg up the
resolutions adopted by the House of Commons en the ear-
liest day after Eas.e-.
SUNDAY DELIVERY OF LETTERS.
Sir ROBERT INGLIS, seeity, the Chancellor of
the Exchequer in his place wished to ask him a ques-

tion respecting a mexiorial presented by 1,600 solicitors
against the proposed plan of opening the Post.office on
Sundays. As the receipt of that memorial had not
been acknowledged, the memorialists were anxious to have a
statement from the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the
views of the Government on the subject.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
that no disrespect towards the memorialists had
been intended by not aeknowl,,dging the receipt of it.
With respect to any intention on the part of the Govern-
ment of opening the Post-offiee on Sundays, there was not
the slightest p,issible shadow of a ground for supposing
th'tt they had ever entertained the idea of opening the Post-
office for the receipt and delivery of letters oil Sundays.
But with respect to delivering letters to those parties
who might apply for them, that was a question
that might be entertained without at all infring-
ing on the due observance of the Sabbath.—( Hear.)
DISTRICT SESSIONS BILL.
Mr. P AKING TON wished to know whether it was
the intention of the Noble Lord to press the above Bill to
a second reading before the Magistrates had an oppor-
tunity of discussing its merits at the ensuing Quarter
Sessions.

Lord J. RUSSELL said it was not his intention to
press the Bill before Easter, but he would take an early
day of asking for its second readily,- after Easter.
CORN-LAWS.

Mr. P. THOMSON preseOted ;petition from Man-
chester numerously signed against the existing system of
Corn-laws.

Mr. VILLIERS then rose, and silence having
been restored, he proceeded to say—Sir, it is in pur-
suance of that course which I ventured to suggest
in the early part of the Session, that it would
be convenient to discuss the subject of the Corn-
laws, that I now rise to bring under the consideration of
the House those more general consequences of the law,
which upon the last occasion were kept out of sight.
Certainly, Sir, I do consider that it is far mere
preferable to judge a measure • by its general ef.
fects than by what may be deemed its special or
particular effects ; and more particularly, Sir, is it
necessary in this case, because it is impossible to do
justice to the subject without taking the most comprehen-
sive view of it. Still, Sir, lam decidedly of opinion,
that any law which is alleged to be prejudicial to the manu-
facturing or mercantile interest of this country, is well
worthy of being the subject of distinct deliberation in this
House; and notwithstanding the aspersions which have
been cast on the manufacturing interests of this country,
for their impatience, for their want of feelings, still,
Sir, I cannot but think that they have taken the
'Hover steps ; in my opinion they have pursued the only
proper course. In my opinion, Sir, they have not
only pursued a course which was reasonable and becoming
in them to do, but whether as regards the present or the
future prospects of this question, I have no hesitation
whatever in saying that their course has been the
most judicious that could have been pursued.—( Hear. )
But, Sir, I have only to regret that those who openly op-
pose this question, do so far forget what is generally ex-
pected in this House, that you should hear before you
decide.—( Hear, hear.) But the manner in which this
question is proposed for discussion this night, will clic t
upon what grounds it was that the House thought it ex-
pedient to refuse to hear the information that was ten-
dered, and whether it was that that information was
possessed, and needed not to be sought, or whether
that information was in dispute, and it was thought
wise so to leave it. Sir, the manner in which the
question now comes before the House will open the widest
field for the display of all the intelligence that can be
brought into its discussion, and there will be this advan-
tage (I fear it may be the only one), that it will at least
allow the country to know upon what ground it is that the
majority of this House and the legislature of this country
do intend to maintain these laws, against the feelings and
the wishes of the community. —( Cries of " Hear,
hear.") Sir, I am glad to observe, moreover, the eager-
ness which our opponents manifest for the discussion.
There is one that is so anxious to be heard that be has not
only proposed to negative my motion, but he has recorded
his aguments Mono- with his notice ; and it is one of so
bold a character thatb I own I feel curious to hear him ex-
plain its policy.—( Hear.) I hope, Sir, that upon this oc-
casion also we shall hear chose more general views taken of
this subject, that we are reproved on this side for not
having taken ; and that when we are told that this is not
only an economical question, but one that is far wider, I
trust that we shall hear what are more political, social, and
moral considerations, which can justify the support of such
a law.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") Ido not deny that
the question will be so regarded, and most certainly I
shall not shrink from so regarding it, because I be-
lieve that the more extensively this question is viewed,
the more minutely its consequences are examined, the less
will persons be left in doubt as to its policy or its tendency.
—(Hear, hear.) But still, Sir, lam of opinion, that this
is a very simple question, and it is as simple as many of
those questions that have been already decided in this
country. It appears to me, to resemble such a question as
that of personal liberty, or as freedom of opinion. There
seems to be even less difficulty to decide it, and it
seems a matter of surprise that it should be left to this day
to decide a question so little difficult as this seems to, be.
It really appears astonishing to me, that we should be in
this period of our history, gravely discussing whether a free,
industrious, and commercial people should have the right to
exercise their calling in any manner they pleased—that they
should hare the liberty to carry on their trade in any man•
ner that should be most profitable to themselves and advan-
tageous to the State, or whether they shall be allowed the
liberty of obtaining the subsistence which they require at the
least cost to themselves and the best advantage to the coun-
try. It is difficult, I say, to conceive that we are at this
period discussing a question of that kind, and it will ba
a curious sign of the intelligence and integrity
of this House, that it shall be found that one
Member, who deemed it important to move that it is the
privilege of the people to exercise their industry with
perfect liberty, and that another Member of this House
(and perhaps the more successful one) should have
moved that it is important that the people should be
restricted in the exercise of that liberty, and that the law
which had limited the amount and raised the price of hu-
man subsistence, had worked well for the interests of the
country. Sir, if it occurred to the Noble Lord to think that
we must slumber pending an inquiry into the consequences
of such a law, it seems to me to be no stretch of the imagi-
nation to suppose that those who resisted the motion which
is to be made to-night should heartily laugh when they went
forth to a derision at the imbecility and ignorance of the
people who could subunit to such a law as the
present.—( Hear, hear.) But, Sir, not to expose
myself again to the charge of arguing this question
upon too narrow a ground, and as it seems, by the
author of the amendment to be proposed, that we should
consider its import upon the productive industry of this
country,it does not seem to me inappropriate that I should at
once proceed to consider this question in its effects upon
the most numerous and important class of the com-
munity, and that class I consider to be the working
class, for upon their condition and upon their content-
ment must the stability of the whole social fabric
depend. And here, Sir, I contend that I and the
author of the amendment, are directly at issue, for al-
though his language is not quite so plain as that I should
be disposed to use, I conclude that when he uses the term
of productive industry, he means only what I mean—he
means only those persons who labour in the business
of production.—(Cries of Hear, hear.) And here
I would suggest to the Hon. Member that he should be as
clear and explicit in the language be may
pos-
sibly can ; because, although nothing new can be
alleged
cm this subject, whether in the shape of fact or argument,that
that has not been already heard, there is this new,
use as he
and I expect that no fact, or argument,
closely and
stated in the discussion that will not be so
the attention of the public is directs
o n uwbi. lel cbt e;
severely examined by those who are
the intention of the Hon. Member to move, and which I
understandtiiese
laws—thatt h nowdortoo interestedpinei
e mtehned mleanwt
whose
h ten-
have ni
Istua bvjee cr
read, d , Ni
is that if
dency is to increase the price of p
beneficial to the working-classes of this country.rovisions, has been
I will venture to say that a proposition more contradictory
to whatever has been proved by experience, as well as to
what is expedient and right, has never before
to been pro-
Hon. Gentleman, and those with whom he acts upon this
mulgated. In the first place,
Hon. I w ven tell the
facilitate the production,
whatever tends to
question, that I will lay down as a principle that
an increase in the amount of. all objects of necessary
other articles of
increases the wealth . country—increases the
es the
consumption, confers a blessing on the community
means of consumption—increases demands of labour,
is `nothingt e article of fuod, that
and improves the condition ginvhy member of the commu-
it from
can possibly distinguishnotwithstanding the a
consumption, and
•ed by the rguments that
have been generally I will Hon. Member and
nity. Tlnere
the party with
whom he
venturebaecdsi;coveredfor to tell him
that if any means could
ifthepresent methodincreasing the
produce of the land,
anyof cultivation
admitted of any improvement, it:h methodf could be in-
troduced to increase the produces the land and
to dispense with the i__ of cultivators,
I tell the Hon •
°usable Member
or of labourers—
hat they would instantly resort to
and his party, t
ell to scorn any persons
those means, and laut,who should
for the
venture to tell them that purpose of protecting the
to forego a these adv
labourers they
"ghtunderstand the Hon antages,_
( Hear, hear.) It I ember right,
these laws •
he resists the repeal of , on the ground of
crated for the advantage of the
these laws having operated ,
wouel propose to
productive classes•. divide the
into two
divisions ; the first division,
productive classes
the production of food, and
those employed in the last,
production of other articles; and I
those employed in the
Pnrat it is utterly
teit tine lion. Nlernber t, impossible for him
high price of food ever has
to prove that the been, or
ies reeve to tilt, agricultural
ever can be, of 4( r‘,-= . itural p0pu-
1ati0n.......( tion to
lation.--( Hear.) NT; el y /lon. the Gentlemen
9Pinion on this
subject which is entertsin 'u
the opposite,
I will ask the House to consider result of the inquiry
set on foot by the Poor-11
toCommissioners.in. Those
gentlemen, who were empl:c
d Poor•lavweetigate and inquire
'°.tti-1 the operation of toe r whic.prior to its aboli-
tion,s trace all ttie OPPP"'T , • ou..s.l),the country then
suffered, which had reduce ton t • 1.) • tee to 140 to a state
more degraded than that of the negro_ slave—( Cheers).—
they refer all this pauperism, I say .veto the high
and the low pr of labour.
PYic^c• provisions
e"r"
Was !Ir een,-n-ent tea
that in 1705and170, when ike price of • • provisions rose
to a great height, that they first resorted to the plan of
payitig labourers out of the rates,' for the pur •of
pose
ofthe