The Sun.
London, England, 1830-08-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIM PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It is not necessary for ut to refer to the abler, the
vigorous, and eloquent article in the last number of
the Edinbare Review, just published, in order to
announee to ow readers that the present Ministry
must either be greatly modified, or that it must, on
the meeting of the new Parliament, resign its offices
into abler hands. The faults and the weaknesses of
the present Adminietration are universally known,
and they have created a feeling against it which
cannot be alloyed without calling to its aid such
men us lluskiason, Grant, and Palmerston.
Aided by their talent and experience—nod a report
has been prevalent for some days putt that the
Duke has summoned them to his aid—his feeble
and unskilful tohniuistration may drag on a weary
and rickety existence for some months; for: ew
Members of the Legislature could be selected,
who joined official experience totalents of such com-
manding influence as theirs; and the question is,
will they accept office ? Will they compromise their
connection with the Whigs and moderate Tories—
forming together the moat powerful party both in
wealth, influence, and talent in the country—for the
sake of forming a part of a Cabinet of which the
country entertains no favourable opinion, and which,
even with all the aid of their talents, cannot last
long? We think not. Messrs. Iluskision, Grant,
and Palmerston, must form part of the next Ministry,
whatever it may be, and fur the simple reason, that
no stable Ministry can be formed without the benefit
of their official experience ; and were we of their
counsel we should advise them to keepat a distance
from falling homes. If they have the use of . their
senses they must see that there is no chance, of the
Wellington Cabinet enduring fur six months ; and
if they are not bereft of all regard for their. own
character and influence with the country, they will
join whit those who are inclined to help it forward
to the precipice, sad to give them the place which
they ought to occupy in any future Cabinet which
may be formed.—Morning kivertiser.
It is rumoured that the result of the elections has
induced Ministers to endeavour to strengthen them-
selves in order to meet Parliament with more advati-
tage. Negociations have again, we hear, been opened.
—Morning Chronicle.
We some time ago stated that attempts had been
made to detain the Spanish exdes in this country,
by refusing to allow them to embark without. pass-
ports, which it was impossible for them to obtain.
There is no law authorising any functionary of this
country to keep foreigners
a moment longer in it
than they choose to stay ; and we are utterly at a
loss to understand on what authority Custom-house
officers demand to see the passports of persons
taking on themselves the risk of einhatking without
them. The Courier at the time chose to deny that
any attempt was made to detain the Spanish emi-
grants. It is always best to come to particulars.
We may mention' then that M. Ponce, an emigrant,
was stopped at Dover on the 17th instant, when
about to embark in the steam-boat--that a Custom-
house officer insisted on examining ltim—that papers
of an important and serious DRUM! were (alien from
him in the name of the British Goverment (and
we know nut on what law papers can him so ttilien
from passengers). Several individuals are ready to
depose on oath to the particulars we have stated
above. The poor foreigner, by this treatment, lost
the expenses of the journey anti pasauge, and was
compelled to mum—Morning Chronicle.

The Dublin li'veninp, Post of Tuesday Nit ob-
serves

" As to Scotland, its representation is a disgrace' to the
Scotch diameter—to ear anon who have endured the in-
dignity fur more than a century without complaint, and
a blot to the Constituency. And yet that Constituency
is. par excellence, Aristocratic. They are in Scotland
the most venal, contemptible, and time-serving set of
fellows in the United Kiugdum. Ls saying this we feel
we maks rather an astounding assertion. It is, however,
our decided opinion, which we shall be ready to maintain,
if our Scotch brethren feel disposed to question it.
" In Ireland the changes which shall have been made,
and which, perhaps, will amount to twenty-five., or one-
fourth of the entire, ate generally in favour of retrench-
ment and economy—and every one of then) decidedly
hostile to the present Administration. Lord Brisbaxon,
the Member for the County of Dubliu, has already ex-
pressed his derided hostility to the Government. It need
not be said that Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Sedeent Lideoy, and
Mr. A. Lefroy, coincide in these sentiments. In other
places, where such decided manifeetatione have net been
exhibited, the candidates universally declare their intention
to oppose all taxes, and to insist upon a smelt of economy
and retrenchment, Mr. Tennyson having refused these
pledges in Roscommon, was obliged to make room for the
O'Conor Don, who took them. Even Lord George
litresflird, in Waterford, promised and vowed that be
would oppose taxatiou. The Members who were gene-
rally supposed favourable to Govertuneut were obliged to
adopt the same course ; and, in short, such is the mate of
the constituency in Ireland at present, we are satisfied that
a more stubborn or restive act sf gentlemen than we shall
send to the Imperial Parliament never before! ft the Amos
of the Green Island, for the purpose of discharging their
Parlituneatary duties."
Scotland affords the best refutation of the doctrine
that the interests of the people are safe in the keep-
ing of any persons not accountable to the people.
The Scotch constituency are, as the Dublin .Even-
ing Post states, " the most venal, contemptible, and
time-serving set of fellows in the 'United Kingdom."
And yet the Scotch electors, who sacrifice without
scruple or compunction the Interests of the public to
their own, are, perhaps, in their private relations,
among the most respectable men in the kingdom. In
the last number of Blackwood's Magazine there is
a tolerably good description of the Scotch elections ;
" Shall we be silent touching the election* of Scotland,
which are fashioned and restricted its so exquisite a man-
net, that even party can raise no promiiing contest in
them, fitness of candidate cannot force itself into their un-
dee, and almost every elector cap directly or indirectly
find a market for his vote with the Ministry. Shame on
the rulers who buy Scotch burghs by *bolos:de, anti then
disfranchise and intl.et corporal punishment on the poor
English barges,' fur receiving a few pound& fin, his
plumper I If Mr. Mune may be believed, inileingnieme
and pattiotiatu can only reach the odd Live of the forty-five
Members ; and, if history may be looked at, Went end
eloquence are kept in hopeless exclusion from the whole
furty-five. On any question which is purely ter„tti.h,
anti which feels the spirit of nationality in Scothitoi, they
my show tongue sad mettle; but in rejard know,
questions, or thus. which Wang to the empire generally,
eight-ninths of them are the menials of Goverotneut, and
are separated front public feeling and interest."

andTrlieelig.Sicoouth
scpatretbefusthtehaettniiptieryr
empire;
midtheit
misoadtiffirnoctriaitl
to conceive- that they who return Members to Par.:
liatnent are distinguished by their irreligion and imp
morality from the rest of their countrymen. Yva
we here see that the most moral and religious people
do not in the least scruple to pot their hands in the
pocket* of their neighbours, when they can do so
with impunity. Are we to believe, then, that men
in England, where they have the same facility of
turning their power to account, will he one whit
less scrupulous than the Scotch ? Is an Englishman,
with a family of sons, less anxious to
.obtain Writer-
ships in India for them, cadetship* or situations
,under Government? There is no seettrity,for the
people short of such an extension of the suffrage us
shall Mika the interests of those who room the
ye
tp,hrleeoisorektitaat neighbours.vhte s
so
lidenticaliiu—u
twwihietotl
awnteyl oems
at ;lii:ttthpeople.
1
If private character were any security, we altPulit
as
an
holders ()fa Scotch county, that he will vote accord.
ing to the nature of the measures ioropomsuestlt
aiways
bYn
ulster., and they will laugh at him.standing between them is that T be u
vote with the men is power for thel ti .
me, tio matter
what they propose. The understanding is not morn
clear between a borough patron
. and his nominee,
tiscit t
etbhwri beer :tethee:rts ibttelell
el
_vsoliit :111 tothea interest of
tieleirsnedipta..ttroheir
the number of the EdStlelobut:gh hiltre vih:l f'or In
sust
pttuibtelisohfed, there is au article on the ttiiitiatry and the
parties, in which the writer, speaking of the
carrying of the embolic Question, observas, that rleu
Duke of Wellington owed hie notjoritieg la favour id
that question to the men whom every tlinister I,ey

tom Mind, and can both surely reckon upon for
friends while in office, and as surely for enemies
when he resigns. To them "he owed his majori-
ties in favour of that question which, up to letlf-past
two of the clock on the kith of February, 1820, they
had strenuously resisted—and which they crowded
the bar of the Lords at that hour of that day, ready
still to resist with might and main. When they
found that the King's speech was for emancipation,
they might be somewhat startled; but they never
hesitated or flinched. They went to their places,
cheered the Minister, applauded their old Weer-
series, and called aloud for Emancipation instead
of No Popery, as they had been doing all the rest
of their lives, and as they were quite prepared to
do that night also I The question was carried in
the Commons by near two to one, where it had
never been carried before but by some half-dozen
of majority. In the Lords, where it had been uni-
formly defeated by two to one, it was carried by a
large majority." There is nothing in these facts for
which any one who has reflected on the motives of
men is not prepared. Money and money's worth
were the levers in the 'shove case, us in the cote of
the Scotch electionsas in'the ease of a pot-wal-
loping borough hi 'England. The Clovernment of
England is in fact a confederacy of a- certain num-
ber of families, to make the property of the corm
triunity' available to the furtherance of their separate
Interest. The machinery by which this purpose is
effected is somewhat taimplicated no doubt ; and
the leaders are compelled to share the spoil with a
number of others, without whose aid they would
fail. In boroughs the patron is somewhat in the
situation of the bead of a company. The various
partners in the concern must have a share in the
profits, corresponding to their influence. In coun-
ties the leading gentry agree on individuals of their
kindred or connection, and in general the free-
holders !lace no further concern with the election
than voting as their landlords desire them to vote.
We were rather surprised that our cotemporary (the
Globe) should have demurred the other day to our
picture of the dependent condition of the <English
freeholders in general.

es Tbe CLfireTaele, we think,", he observed,. f‘ very
much exaggerates in its picture of the condition of the
county deems, and certainly doge. not apprehend the pur-
port of our argument. The great mass of the freeholders
of snosfof the counties of England de not at all 'approach
to the condition of 'sieves; and if the instances aro fre-
fluent in which men do violence •to their feelings, this is
rarely the case with -the majority of the voters. There
has long been in England a deep and rooted (and .on the
whole wise) aversion to change—a feeling which has beep
as strong among the middle us' the. higher classes, and
which was long, in the absence of political information
among the freeholders of counties, taken 'edvantage of by
those who support all abuses and profit by the extrava-
puce of the Government. We should mistake widely, it
we supposed the Tory party, or whatever else it may he
called, throughout the conntry.to be, even yet, a com-
pound only of terror and servility"
When we alluded, to •Men, in the condition of
slaver, we did not of course mean men actually
• slaves by law, But if men apprehend danger from
the exercise of their franchise in the way most agree-
able to the conscience, they may fairly enough be
said to approach to the condition of slaves. The va.
rious influences to which the different- classes of
electors are subjected in England, are indeed most
formidable. Let us analyse any one parish, and we-
shall then see that there is n chain of influence ex-
tending from the highest to the lowest elector. As
to the " deep and rooted (and on the Miele wise)
aversion to change," we cannot understand why the
aversion to change should be either wise or foolish,
if the change is for the better, it is wise to change;
if the change is for the worse it is foolish. Of
course when men are so ignorant as riot to compre-.
bend the nature of any proposed change, they will be
averse to it. The more ignorant and savage men
'are they are always the more averse to change. In
day-light a man steps forth confidently-4n the dark
he is afraid to move,--- Mitring ebroote/e.
•The sitting of the Chamber of Deputies on the
11th instant was distinguished by a- remarkable 'pro- ,
position.
. Its (NM. Was to abolish the punishment
of death in cases like that by which the late French
Ministers, if found- guilty, will be subjected to the
fearful award. The Marquis de Lafayette spoke
warmly in favour of the motion ; and no one can
oppose it, when, if it be rejected, -offenders are rooky
for the axe. The truth is, with respect to revolu-
tionary executions, France stands. in a peculiar
situation' and she evidently feels that she ought to
redeem herself in the eyes of the world. • The first
blood that should now flow upon the scaffold.would,
from the recollection of what .has already taken
place, inspire universal horror and dismay ; no one
would think or believe' that the lives of the guilty
Ministers would be the last to- be sacrificed. We
therefore hail with joy turd 'gratitude any measure
Which will relieve Europe - from the apprehensions
that past scenes are to be ic-eeted. 'the speech of
M. Martigiuscis not less remarkable in ite•lond then
the preceding proptisition. Ile says that when he
was Minister, (and his removal from that station
Will Owqs be regretted), he informed the King,
" that if measures contrary to the spirit of the up,
were attempted,Royalty itself would be endangered;"
but added the opinion of himself and his colleagues,
" that no one would }ewe the fatal courage anti the
inexplicable ignorance to recommend such measures
to the King." M. Martignise was, however, onto
taken in the ignorance and presumption of those
by whom the existing Ministry *us succeeded:
some men were found who lied the fatal courage to
recommend measure's, riot only contrary to the spirit
of the age, but violating the written organic laws of
the constitution of France at it then existed. And
behold the result I However we receive gladly rue
assurance of so sagacious a man,-since confirmed by
positive facts, that France will not suffer her liber-
ties to be trempled on. Long may she (wahine in
that mind, always recollecting that popular violence
and faction are as fatal to the enjoyment of liberty
as regal despotism. We recommend the wholes of
M. Martignac's speech to intention. It is under-
stood that General liaudrand is the bearer of it letter
from Louie Philip, the King of the French, en,
flouncing his accession : he will speedily be followed
by a regular Ambassador. There camera, of cmirsc,
be a moment's besitetion on the part of our
,Govere.
ment to recognise the constitutional • biovereign of
mem

An article appears in the number of the !Min.
/mesh Reply w just published, on which we shall be-
stow some remarks; it consists of the %Whops of
some disappointed suitor for plare, whose occasional
misgivings, between his mortification at defeat' anti
hia not quite abandoned hope of posAle promo ti°
give a whimpering vacillating tone le comp to tf osi-
tion, which excites at once our laughterend campus.
aloe, Ile is excessively angry with the Duke of Wel-
lington and Sir R. Peel for presuming to conduct
public affairs without the aid of such statesmen, for
Instance, as the author of the pamphlet entitled The
Country without a Copernment, or even as himself the
critic and admit erof that flippant production. lie then
with the infirm purpose of unsettled priticiples, begins
to eulogize these two Ministers, who may perhaps,
his vanity whispers, apply to him even at the
eleventh hour, anti whose solicitations, his cone
science ventures to tell him in a louder voice, would
ISt tiny hour be gratefully ucknowledged, In the
Jame mean spirit a fulsome panegyric is pronounced
nt. 4' that plain and mustily understanding" of the
70rcireign, who he predicts will speedily send the
Ministers " to the right about." What his Ma-
iiitnaty intends, or what the force of circumstances
araeyttarnsoa imdert_to_kdo_,.. we_ know not; but sure we
standing"
wourti+Zeirliknielga'' 41111 Mil under-
ber. or evan a helper in tit' Its otfehtilicits iedchr"
rernosstraneaa
this vnit: h 4,41 -$ to suc.l
nests
ofmotive
im4
1nv:4441:i lodited, whose mean-
be apparent to the tinderatuXtf muse'
The article is evidently wri",,,'-t-otottrtf aitt,o3,:ebitz
mind for, a coalition between
those consistent honest men who 4tia
their principles," and the ,Whigs, " the greatlll) qui't
who have a high destiny to fulfil towantsA::
try, and know that she looks to them for MlCtle

from the worst of evilg, the present Government."
,What :trash 1 The Ultra-Tories are certainly con.
sistent.—so, ,is the 'miserable Ex• Sovereign of
Fruneeconsistent in immovable prejudice,—
consistent in obstinately shutting their eyes against
the'light,---consistent in unflinchingly adhering
to false opinions and erroneous
. principles.--
As to the Whigs, we plainly, and in the face
of the peeple of England, deny that the coon•
try looks to them as its saviours in any great
emergency. The experience of nearly 50 years has
proved to the people of England the real character of
this party. At once haughty and pusillanimous, rash
and shortsighted; noisy democrats when out of
place, insolent aristocrats when in—ignorant of the
noble qualities of their own countrymen, and timid
depreciatory of their glory; while they ore ever vehe-
ment and ready to applaud the efforts and magnify
the success of foreigners : such are the men whom
we are told England is to regard with veneration
and affection. If we know any thing of the nature
of our countrymen, we say that there cannot be any
sympathy between them and these un-English self-
elected champions of England's cause. We do not
know who is the writer of this article; we do not
profess to recogn'ze the hand : it certainly is not
"tt fine Roman hand ;, but we see in every part of
'it a spirit the very opposite to that " magnanithous
policy" .which is the cant word and. pretended ob.
ject of the dissertation. Under the sounding terms
of common sense, principle, and consistency, it con.
coals weakness of judgment, personal antipathies,
and absurd inferences founded on perverted facts.
We soy nothing of its cool misrepresentation of our
own declarations—nothing of its eager adulation of
4 the distinguished talent' of the ultra Tory journals
--but we cannot refrain' from expressing some
astonishment and infinite disgust at such a passage
as the following
" One kind of support the Duke of Wellington is said to
possos, in the talk of several women of fashion, who make
themselves busy in his behalf. It is frequently said, that
the failings of the fairer part of the creation are sacred
amidst the din of party strife, and that their names ought
on no account to be brought forward. Truly there seems
little sense in all this mock chivalry. As long as women
know and feel what is due to the sex, to wound by obtru-
sive remarks, or prying into the privacy of domestic life,
is cruel and unmanly. Ilut when they make themselves
politicians, and partake, as they have an undoubted right
Of the rights of faction, whether their zeal be dis-
played in turbulent exertion, or in subserviency, they, most
unquestionably, ore to he treated like other cotnbitants,
and their sex is really no protection. Living so remote
from the great scene in which they are said to shine firth,
more eloquent than wise, we cannot be supposed to have
any means of disturbing justice in this department. But
we should no more screple, had we the materials' to ex-
pose their faults, than we should to hold up the follies of
their male coadjutors." _ _

If any Englishwomen do obtrusively meddle with
the squabbles of parties or the affairs of State, we
are, willing to allow that they are doing what they
ere equally unfitted for by education, by habits of
thinking, and by the opinion of society; their igno-
rance makes them a laughing stock; their presump-
tion a . standing joke; but, in the name—not of
chivalry (though we do not see so much harm in the
word us the reviewer does)—but of common man-
hood, let us leave the correction of the absurdities
of the silly ladies in question, either to the ramon-
. otrences of . their husbands, or the ridicule of the
dandies. The closet and the drawing-room are the
proper field- for the castigation of such offences
against true grace and dignity of female life,—not
the pages of a review. We suppose there are not
;Linke butt n dozen of these meddling ladies, and
we dare saystt couple of mot's from a couple of
" fine" men would set the absurdity at rest for half
a dozen years. When, however, we recollect the
solemn indignation,--the ,almost sacred horror,—
with which these same Whig reviewers and their
friends deprecated anti denounced some personal re-
marks on some of those very ladies whom it now
proposes to show up, we know not whether we feel
more contempt for the inconsistencies of party opi-
nioti, or loathing for the opostacies of party spites
the whole article is a mere exposition oaf personal.
and party motives why the present Ministry should
be eismissee. No measure is reprobated: no obe
*lion is raised on the ground of principle: but it
is furiously, demanded that a Cabinet is to be upset,
not for the sake of introducing good laws and bene-
ficial measures, but in order to. heal the wounded
vanity of two or three over-rated Lotds, and two
or three self.conceited CornmOners.l We thoroughly
despise the motive, and earnestly deprecate the pro-
jected, but, we think, not . very probrible, male
quence.—Tintel,
Though ,the ditties of hospitality forbid our deny-
ing an asylum to any, especially to these whom ad.'
verse fortune'reay throw upon our costs, yet such
visitant are not always welcome ones. In this, de-
scription we tire free to confess that we shall be in-
clined to number the late King of France. It is
not because we of the Prete know that he has been
the sworn foe .of our order, or that we would in.
ihilge In any unmanly triumph towards such an
enemy now fallen to the dust, but from numerous
reasons of a much. higher nature, which make us
desirous that Charles the Tenth would seek repose
among his own connections, or in , the seclusion of
some monastic retreat, rattler than that :Great Bd.
rain, :the cradle of liberty, should be the possible
focus. .of the intrigues and resentments of its most
marked and implacable of modern enemies. What
the actual, sentiments of our Government were
upon the projects of Charles and his Minis.
taro, or whether they exult in or deplore their
defeat, are points which will probably , be at
e future time better , ascertained. Men seldom
avow, either in public or private life, much sym-
pathy with ill success. But, be those sentiments what
they may, there is no doubt but a strong opinion has
prevailed in France that the Government of the Duke
of Wellington was far from being unfavourable to
that of the wretched Polignitc, end that there
were not u few who looked upon the,latter as the
mere creature and puppet of the former. We do
not state these points because we have any know-
ledge on the subject, but to show the ticklish state
of public feeling in . France towards this country.
Much, we hope and believe, has transpired within
the late short and eventful period 'to dissipate the
national prejudice. The conduct of the English in
Paris during the late sanguinary conflicts, the conduct
of the Press of this country, and the almost universal
expression of public feeling Limon every eleos of Eng-
Helmer' at the noble enthusiasm with which the
French have burst the chains which were prepared for
them, must twisty that noble-mieded people that their
oppressors found no sympathy among us; - but that,
next to themselves, the British people exult in
their glorious emancipation.. Still we do not wish
to see doniiciled among us any of the perpetrators of
so enrich wrong; and though the French nation, it is
to be hoped, will acquit us, even if we harbour the
traitor, of. emuntraging the treason, yet it is impos-
sible net to foresee that the somewhat too sensitive
disposition of our neighbours upon all occasions will
not fail to be routed to a certain degree of suspicion
on seeing the expelled Bourbons living under the
immediate protection of the Engliih Government.
Charley, -if he takes up hie residence among us, must
be either a prisoner or a feee agent :—if a prisoner,
who is to be his keeper ?—not his Grace the Con•
stable of the Tower :—lf a free agent, who is to pre-
vent our oil being contaminated by that restless
spirit of intrigue to which we have adverted 1 Nor
would it be any small aggravation of the evil that a
crafty and infatuated Priesthood musts in some
manner, swell the title of this unwelcome emi-
gration. ' Of their share in the late 'events no OM-
mon looker-on can be ignorant; nor can any
one, we should think, be ignorant that they, of all
others, belong to a class most hostile to public
liberty everywhere, or that there are among us those
who would, if they were able, increase their num-
bers and their influence in this country. Great then,
us the compliment may be to England, that she
siteuld be looked upon us the only present safe
asylum for the unhappy object of our remarks, we
cannot but regret the circumstance, and express a
""rulent hopo either that the residence of the Ex-
l(Mg hare will be of short duration, or that, if per- ',

mitted to be permanent, care will be taken to avert'
any of the evil consequences of which we fear it is
but too susceptible. Let it be recollected that, in.
our law, whoever harbours one guilty of a crime,
whether it be treason or felony, becomes thereby an
accessary after the fact, and is punishable accord-
ingly. Are the Ministers of Great Britain willing
to act in such a way, as by the principle of English
law would mahe them accetsaries after the fact to
the treason which. the Er-Government of France
committed against the nation. We hope not.—
IllorninB fierahl.