The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-21 00:00:00

ment had been entered into with regard to troops
being permitted to cross the frontier in pursuit, but
he did not know that the agreement extended to
the employment of force by either side in assistance
of the other.

On the order for a Committee of Supply, 1
Mr. GRIFFITH haying put a question respecting 1
the Employment of forced labour in Egypt,
, I
Lord PALMERSTON said that he understood toe
present Pasha intended to abolish the system alto-
gether, which her Majesty's Government thought a
wise and humane proceeding.
Sir L. PALK called attention to the distress in the
manufacturing districts, and considered it was the
duty of Government either to end it by recognising
the Confederate States, or else to stimulate, as much
as possible, the culture of cotton in Queensland,
Jamaica, and other colonies. He thought a Royal
Commis?ion should consider the best means of
obtaining a permanent supply of cotton. He con-
cluded by moving an address to the Crown to issue
such commission.
Mr. MILIqEII GIBSON opposed the motion, as a
commission could do nothing more than had been
done. It was necessary that cotton should be cheap,
as well as constant ju supply. It was better left
to private enterprise.

The motion was withdra;Yf•
Mr. MAGUIRE remarked on the distress in Ire-
land, and asked the intentions of the Government
for its relief.
Colonel DICKSON endorsed the statement of Mr.
Maguire.
Sir R. PEEL admitted the distress produced by
three bad harvests, but said the total number in re-
ceipt of relief was 70,000. The Government could
not, therefore, apply the public funds, as they hoped
the distress was temporary.
After some discussion respecting the new rail-
way schemes, the other business was disposed of,
and the House adjourned.

The debate in the House of Lords last evening can-
not fail to be read with deep interest by all classes of
Englishmen, and, we may also add, with satisfaction,
at the unanimity with which all sides of the British
Upper House of Parliament joined in denouncing
the conduct pursued by Russia and Prussia. Lord
ELLENBOROUGH, in rising, said that his intention
was to ask whether the Government could commu-
nicate any information respecting the origin of the
outbreak, or the terms of the Prussian convention.
He purposely refrained from asking for any com-
munications which had been sent out by the Go-
vernment, as under the circumstances it might be
injudicious and inconvenient. He then proceeded
in fervid and eloquent language to express that
feeling of indignant sympathy which has so strongly
stirred the hearts of the people of this country. In
alluding to the unhappy conscription, he justly said
that it drove the people to uncalculating despair,
but if they had had time for reflection they could
have come to no other conclusion than that which
despair itself suggested. In fact the great argu-
ment_ against rebellion was gone. Men were com-
pelled to become soldiers ; to leave their families
unprotected, perhaps unprovided for ; to forsake
their estates, their trades, or their professions.
They were forced to enter a service which is hard
and unprofitable even to those who voluntarily en-
list in its ranks, but which to them was likely to be
little else than a prolonged punishment. All feel-
ing of security, of settled home life was gone.
How could plans or schemes be made even for the
morrow, when at the midnight hour the armed
Russian might suddenly enter and drag his
victim away for ever. Military service, however
distasteful, was inevitable. How much better then
to strike a blow for the cause of his long-trampled
country, and feel that the sacrifice of home, and
wealth, and family were at least made in a noble
cause, instead of at the bidding of her ruthless op-
pressors. Lord ELLENBOROUGH, referring to the
conduct of a previous Administration, expressed his
hope that the British Government would come for-
ward and declare that in their opinion the insurrec-
tion had been provoked, "and thus place themselves,
where the Government ought to be, at the head of
public opinion." That is certainly the attitude
which an English Government ought to assume at
the present crisis, and it is one which rumour in-
duces us to hope will be taken by the Imperial Go-
vernment—in this intervention at least cordially in
unison with their gallant and generous people.
When Lord ELLENBOROUGH came to speak of the
conduct of the Prussian KING and his Ministers,
he expressed the general feeling of indignant asto-
nishment. The very Power which, half a century
ago, rose, as it were, from its grave by the force of
the noble spirit of its people—their independence,
their determination to preserve their nationality,
—now, after celebrating the anniversary of that re .
surrection, proposes to lend all its energies
to crushing out a similar movement in a
neighbouring people. Well might Lord ELLEN-
BOROUGH prognosticate that in the event of
the KING putting a climax to his arbitrary con-
duct by sending his army against the Poles, a crisis
would be produced which would disturb Europe.
Let WILLIAM take warning from ALEXANDER that
rulers may try their people too far, and that when
once the chain is broken it is not easy to rivet it
again on the neck of an unwilling and indignant
people.
Lord RussELL's answer, though temperate in its
tone, was all that could be expected. A statesman
holding the responsible office of Foreign Secretary,
must weigh his words on such an occasion before
they go forth to be examined in the Cabinets of
Europe; but, nevertheless, he could not avoid some
expression of his indignation. "In conversation
with the Russian Minister, and in writing to the
Russian Ambassador," said Lord RUSSELL, " I
could not forbear to express my opinion on the im-
prudent and unjust step which the Russian Govern-
ment had taken." The intelligence which the
noble lord at the head of the Foreign-office gave the
House was little more than that which they were
already in possession of, owing to the objections
which presented themselves to the production of the
reports supplied from time by our Consul at War-
saw. We concur with Lord RUSSELL in his opinion
that the outbreak of the revolution was not alto-
gether unexpected. It was not difficult to foresee ,
the risk which the Russian Government so rashly
encountered by driving the Poles to extremities ;
and, as Lord RUSSELL observed, considerable mani-
festations of national feeling lied been made for
some time past, although the attitude of the people
was peaceful. The gathering in the churches, the
mourning robes, the patriotic hymns, all were
signs of that deep undercurrent of Polish feeling
which the Russians are now striving to repress.
Then followed the harsh proceedings of the Russian
Government on receipt of the Polish address, and the
exile of Count ZAMOYSKT, to be soon succeeded by the
cruel and iniquitous conscription. According to Lord
RUSSELL it was by the advice of Count WIELO-
POLSKI that the conscription was enforced, and if
so we need not wonder at the hatred of his country-
men. The terms of the obuoxious convention Lord
RUSSELL could not give literally, but the substance
as reported in the daily journals is evidently cor-
rect. Russian soldiers entering Prussian territory
whether in flight or in pursuit, are to retain their
arms and turn them to what account they can
against insurgent Poles; while in case of an up-
rising in Prussian Poland, similar advantages are to

be accorded to the subjects of King WILLIAM. No
wonder that the English Minister on hearing these
details told the Prussian envoy that his Govern-
ment by its means made itself an accessory to the