The Sun.
London, England, 1830-01-27 00:00:00

Mlt. OWEN.

ADDRESS TO THE AGRICULTURISTS AND
MANUFACTURERS OF GREAT BRITAIN.

FIILLOW-COUNTRYMEN,—I have been for some
time waiting to see if the stimulus, created by your
downward progress in society, through your own
competition ; or the misery, which by that progress
you arc obliged to inflict upon the labourers and
operatives whom you employ, would enable you to
discover the hopeless prospect before you, while the
system, which renders that competition necessary,
shall continue to govern ycur transactions. But, it
seems, the distress which you have experienced, or
your desire to accumulate individual gain, by an in-
creased competitio❑ with those who tiling forward
similar productions with your own, has hitherto
prevented you from detecting the uselessness of your
contest, or from perceiving the degrading and inju-
rious character of the system in which you are in-
volved.

You invest large capitals in your business ; you
employ all the producers of wealth in Great Britain
and Ireland ; you use much skill, and apply great
personal industry in your operations, and yet, very
generally, your capital is depreciated ; you are
obliged to reduce the wages of labour; and then,
after your utmost toil, and being subject to the most
corroding anxieties, you frequently experience an
entire loss of your property, and are reduced to
poverty, without any hopes for the future.
This is your present situation; while you, and
those whom you employ, are the producers of all the
wealth which is annually consumed in the kingdom.
You can create a supeilluity of wealth for the non-
producers in society; you can overstock all the
markets in the world open to you, not only with
useful but with the most useless productions ; and
yet you cannot prevent yourselves and those whom
you employ from sinking in the scale of society, or
from often experiencing an actual want of the
common necessaries of life. Surely these results
are sufficient to call your avention to the system
itself in which you exist—to those perpetually re-
curring circumstances which proceed from it, and
which disappoint all your skill, exertion, and perse-
verance. Does the thought never occur to any of
you, why it is that we can and do bring forward an
overwhelming amount of wealth, which we annually
increase, and yet that we are compelled, by an
irresistible necessity, to use less and less of it our-
selves ?

Why, my friends, if you could be enabled to look
out of the confused and perplexing system in which
you are involved, and calmly examine the cause of
such absurd anomaly, you will discover that you are
troubling yourselves in vain ; and that there is no
real necessity for any risk of capital for so much toil,
or for any anxiety whatever.
You have it now in your power, without any of
these evils, to produce, first abundantly for your-
selves and families, and then abundantly also for all
those for whom, beyond your own supply, there is
any necessity you should produce. You, and the
labourers and operatives whom you employ, now
create all the wealth which the whole population
annually consumes ; while a very large part of your
capital, skill, and industry, is most injudiciously or
injuriously employed. Produce for yourselves; and
exchange your respective commodities and services.
for equal labour in other commodities, or for equal
services, and you will perpetually superabound in all
things that the human heart can desire. And such pro-
ceedings, were you once trained in the practice of
them, would be simplicity itself compared with tba
involved and perplexed transactions in which, ender
the existing system, you are hourly engage;i.
Those whom you employ are now the slaves of
the non producing classes in society ; and you are
no better, under this system, than mere slave drivers;
with this difference upon the part of your slaves,
compared with those 1 have seen in the West In-
dies, and in the Southern States of North America,
that your slaves have no legal claim upon you, when
you do not require their services, for houses, food,
clothe,, medicine, and medical advice, when neces-
sary all of which coloured slaves have, and are
therefore free from the excess of anxiety and cor-
roding care with which your white slaves are over-
whelmed. But there is in this case, as in every
other, a sufficient cause for the irrational state in
which, apparently without hope of relief, you are
now entangled.
You exist in the midst of circumstances the most
irrational ; and therefore the most opposed to your
well being, and to the happiness of the whole com-
munity, in which are a few individuals for whom
you toil so unremittingly, without adequate remune-
ration for your skill, industry, and capital. Your
expectations of happiness are continually Waged by
a system, the foundation of which is on error, the
most lamentable that can afflict the human race. It
is in consequence of this error that you are unable to
relieve yourselves from the difficulties which sur-
round you on every side—that you are compelled
to continue the wretched practices of an overstiatined
attempt to buy cheap and sell dear ivel;ile the sole
effect of such efforts ie to compel you to sell every
thing at the cheapest rate possible, to the non-pro-
ducers ; and to buy every thing from them, in re-
turn, at the dearest possible rate; where you do not,
in reality, obtain one per cent. in return for your
capital, skill, and industry.
Through this error, you are made tco `{rational to
perceive or to pursue yot4r real,interest. You are
made to imagine ;hat it lies in one course, when it
is to be found only in an opposite direction; and
until this error shall be removed, your condition
must remain as hopeless as that error has made it.
No parties, therefore, have a greater interest in de-
tecting and removing that error than YOu, and those
whom you employ. F'cr, while this error shall be
suffered to remain, to compel, as it does, all men
feel, to think, and. to act, irrationally, you cannot
unite in 409;14 0191004 wi actions, with

You will naturally inquire what is this error, the
consequences of which are so calamitous to ourselves
and to the human race ? It is the supposition
" that man has been formed by nature to feel as he
likes, and to think as he pleases :" on which suppo-
sition alone all the religions, governments, codes of
laws, and institutions in the world, have been
founded ; arid from which supposition alone, all the
circumstances in human society, of man's forma-
tion, have arisen. Hence the disunion, vices, and
irrationality, with which those circumstances have
afflicted the human race.

Detecting this error, and understanding all the
direful consequences which follow in its train, it is
for you to break this spell of iniquity; for it is you,
and those whore you employ, who are the first and
greatest sufferers from these consequences. You
coin the wealth and keep the purse-strings of
society ; and therefore you possess the power now
to say to ignorance, and to poverty, and to the innu-
merable afflicting evils which they generate—
" Thus far you hare advanced ; but your race is
run, your origin is detected, and you shall proceed
no further."

For, henceforward, the foundation of society
shall be laid deep in real knowledge, and, in conse-
quence, its practice will be alone, until, sincerity,
union, charity, and kindness. The motives to
induce any to buy cheap, to sell dear, or to obtain
any advantage whatever over their fellows, will
cease to exist, and will be for ever extinguished.—
All such irrational motives will give place to those
which are rational, or, correctly speaking, to those
only which are strictly virtura., or in accordance
with nature. If you were in possession of the
requisite knowledge to direct your conduct, you
would have the power to effect this great change,
for the benefit of the whole population, in a short
period, and more effectually, than any other class.
Truth is always simple; and the knowledge of it,
when honestly stated, is easily acquired by any por-
tion of the human race. You hare, therefore, but
to examine the Lets which will be given to the
public, on these important subjects. You will tied
them all in unison with one another; for when you
discover inconsistency of any description in what is
placed before you, there must be an error some-
where. And fortunately there is a certain criterion,
both of truth and error ; the former being always
consistent with every other fact in the universe,
while the latter is opposed to some, or many, or all
of them. By this criterion we know that man has
not been made to feel as he likes, and to think as he
pleases ; and that every system, founded on the sup-
position that he possesses the power to do other-
wise, must lead to endless errors in human conduct,
deceptions of every kind, and consequently disunion,
to continual irritation, and to every kind of misery.
That you may acquire moral courage sufficient to
examine these subjects fairly and honestly, and thus
be enabled to relieve yourselves from the difficulties
which now oppress you, is the sincere wish of your
friend,

ROBERT OWEN.
49, Bedford-square, January, 1830.

BIRMINGHAM TOWN'S MEETING, JAN. 25.

This morning the largest meeting ever assembled
in this kingdom within the walls of a building, took
place at Mr. Beardsworth's Horse and Carriage Re-
pository, for the purpose set forth in the requisition
Published in the newspaper:, and signed by 200
respectable inhabitants of the town. There were at
least from 12,000 to 15,000 persons present, and
although the Chair was taken at half-past ten in the
morning, and the meeting:didjnot separate until near
five in the evening, the mass of spectators was so
immense, that hundreds were compelled to retire in
consequence of not being able to get sufficiently near
to hear the proceedings. The High Bailiff having
refused to convene the meeting, G. F. Munta, Esq.,
was called to the Chair.

Mr. MuNTz, in taking the Chair, observed, that
before reading the requisition, he could not but ex-
press his sorrow at being called to the situation, as
he felt incompetent to its duties. He was not
ashamed of presiding at a meeting the object of
which was the proposition of Radical Reform, as he
had been a radical reformer fer the last 15 years.—
(Cheers.)—He did not mean radical reform in the
sense that some did : he was an advocate for aboli-
tion of abuses, not for revolution,—no honest man
could be an advocate for revolution,—no doubt every
holiest may must be a reformer.—(Cheers.) lie
had nothing more to say, than he hoped every gen-
tleman who presented himself would have fair and
impartial hearing.—(Cheers.)
Jostica SCHOLEPIELD, Esq., then rose to propose
the first resolution, and spoke as follows :—The re-
solution which I hold in my hand is almost simply
declaratory ; and as I defy any man to deny that the
deepest distress imaginable pervades the town,
there will be the less occasion for argument to sup-
port the resolution. It is for myself, too,
that the next resolution will be brought forward by
my friend Mr. Attwood, who will fully exoleia tii
objects we all have in view. I hope that will be
believed that we have higher objects than mere
local ones in view; our wish is, that our fellosv-
sufferers in the manufacturing districts of Yorkshire
and Lancashire, Nottinghamshire, and all other
places where commercial or agricultural distresa
exists, may timid relief. It is not my ieteation to
enter into any details of the grintki,:74 distress of the
present period; but I 01,41 silk your permission to
read one or two extracts, which convey a picture,
the troth of which every candid person must edmit,
and shows completely, as I think, the necessity of
our passing the measores ahoet to be recommended
for your adoption to-day. 'the first is from the cc-
lebreted philanthropist, Robert Owen. (Mr. &hole-
field here read from one of Mr. Owen's letters.)
Gentlemen, I come next to the distress of our toarv,
and of which you are the best evidets,e4, We are
indebted to the spirited proikrictor of the SA-
turday's journal fns t,n accurate rep,ort, which
otherwise they woyld never have WO, of a meet-
iag which to place 'lest ‘reek, for the establish-
, mot of a soup society. It was there stated by Mr.
411 extensive manufacturer, that betweeu iwg
hours of eleven on the Monday, and thi. saw .e 404 r
on Tuesday, he had no less dm; 'N apisicatious for
work, and that lie m,:er i..perienced greater diffi-
culty in the eo'A,l.eetipu of money. The following
were ray. :ahaa'v''s words :—lle said " That he
koairily attributed the distressed situation of the i;ie,e4
to the present deplorable state of trade, I:ur some
time past the manufacturing irAte;;sis of the town
had been at a very low e!;..1.:e but within the last
izetl
tli : ,;. ela iiti,iloir uifa 6
t l for em
townploy
days, the trade M.,9, 411 it were, entirely susi,,,dcd.
es-
A s _ s Qt what he had advanceA he. infortne4
them that from nine ocle4 yeaterJay (AlowNy)
morning, to twelvq Q 149.4, todayaitte-aday), 70
per sons 4;4 tctirliein rs in the
v.;)qt, I,lgst o£
sera situated; the depression in trade :34.t4 Lull y 60 per cent, below what it was irk tlae
of fast Dscember; in additiga 49, IxLicit tut vouid

add, that the difficulty of collecting money was
beyond all precedent." The next is the leading
article of the Times, of Wednesday, the 20th inst. :
these were the expreysions of the writer :—" But it
is the peasantry we pity—it is for them we feel.
They, with their wretched rives and children, ate
really an oppressed and ruined people ; their i:oilily
powers are impaired, their moral qualities are de-
graded, innocence and cheerfulness have fled with the
last vestiges of self-dependence and comfort from their
humble dwellings. Begin by reviving the mice
frank peasantry of England, sacrificed as they have
been to the rage for enclosure-bills, for emus-
preservation laws, for parish domineering, for petty
legislating, for enormous rents, for mechanical pro-
duction;'--restore that labouring population to its
level, and you raise all above it in due proportion ;
for the country gentlemen, arid even the farmers,--
even the atter, comparativelv,—can take care of
themselves." With regard, however, to Birminfr-
ham, should any of the overseers of the poor be here
I wish you could ask them the state of affairs ot. the
poor-hous,r. Inquire if they are not over head sad
ears in debt, and arc not able to meet the just de-
mands of the persons who have supplied provisions
and clothing to the poor-house. A.k if they are
not unable to collect a great portion of the levic.,
and afraid almost to enforce payments, 1,4 they
should convert rate-payers into paupers. Mr. Schole-
field concluded by hoping, with a writer in the New
ltionthly, that the nation would shortly have to ex-
claim, " It is good for us that we have been ancteil."
The following resolution, moved by Mr. SCHOU:-
FIELD, was then seconded by Mr. THOMAS TODD:—
" That the ruinous depression of the trade of the
town of Birmingham has been progressively increas-
ing fur the last four years, and has now arrived at an
extent never before equalled ; and when we look
around us, and see that all the treat productive in-
terests of the nation are suffering and have been suf-
fering equally with ourselves, we are convinced that
the hopes of amelioration, which have been so long
and so frequently held oat, are altogether fallacious
and delusire."

Previous to the motion being put, Mr. \V. RED-
FERN rose, amidst great confusion, and spoke to the
following effect :—Fellow townsmen, I ant a rc-
former—a reformer by blood, by birth, by educa:ion,
and by early instilled principles ; for both my father
and my grandfather, whom many amongst you must
have /culler), were reformers before rue, and were
not wanting in their days in efforts to forward the
cause, which we, I trust, shall live to see acrom-
plished in ours. What is more, fellow•townsmen,
I am a reformer from the matured and deliberate
convictions of my own mind. Nay, though younger
in years, I scruple not to say, that I am an older
reformer than Mr. Attwood himself; and with respect
to the gentlemen by whom he is surrounded, I see
hardl,. any, with the exception of my respected re-
lation (Mr. Scholefield), who have, I will not say
been noted by their zeal for this cause, but who have
been in any degree known to entertain the principles
which they now for the first time profess. 1 tell you,
I suspect the sincerity and zeal of the gentlemen
who now bring forward these measures of reform.
(This expression occasioned a sudden burst of dis-
approbation throughout the whole assembly, which
lasted for some minutes.)
Mr. G. EDMONDS hoped the meeting would riot
give their enemies an opportunity of saying that they
were not fairly heard. Let Mr. Redfern have an
opportunity of saying the most iriprudent end (Alen-
sive things, and then afterwards call upon hien for
facts.—(Cheers arid hisses.)
Mr. REDFERN—I never hesitate to speak thp
truth, and 1 say again, I suspect the sincerity and
zeal of the gentlernen.—(Overwhelming hisses.)
Mr. T. ATTWOOD appealed to the assembly to
hear Mr. Redfern out.

Mr. REDFERN—Far be it from MC to attribute
any sordid or pecuniary motives to the gentlemen;
my imputations are of a very different description.
I believe that the cry for Parliamentary Reform is
a mere varnish for some other design.—(llisses.)
I wmillintaiotiwo,nc,or
fientdottihmmet gtrioieungdesnftolremtheenelmmorgiet.retOivr
exa
er
in this measure, are the very same individuals who
for the last 1.5 years hare walked about our streets,
and frequented our public places, prophesying about
the currency ; arid in whose opinion eve.ty other
stirring subject to a free people has been as nothing.,
and has been utterly drowned in the ona over-
whelming question.—(llere Mr. Redfern WWI again
interrupted by disapprobation, and NYC; unable for
some minutes to proceed. When order was a little;
'
restored, he resumed.) Is it not, think you.
most
strange and ominous, that the high Trre party,
which for the last 60 yetes has so ~tifi!y and
in-
variably opposed reform of P-arliament,—which,
rather than make the sliertest coneession of po-
pular rights, engaged the nation in u war
with her American Colonies,—which afterwards,
in order to strangle liberty abroad, plunged us intq
a protracted war with France,—which, v;nen
in 1819 and 1820 we called aloud for reform and re-
trenchment, answered us by a suspew;tori of the
Habeas Corpus Act, and by rendering at second con-
viction for political libel liable to transportaion
it not, I inquire, most strange and ominous, that
this high Tory party, the ancient enemies of the
people, should have recently entered throughout the
whole kingdom into a league, offensive and dace,
sive, with the liberal currency men„ and should now
so strenuously advocate Incas:aes which they have
hitherto pursued with the most vindictive anima-
sity.—(Hisses.)
Mr. JONP-,--lou don't know what those Thee.
sures are.

Mr. EDMONDS submitted, that althoti'gb Mr. Red-
fern had x right to reply to spe'"'aers, he had no
right to anticipate the busines-, of the meeting.—
(Cheers.) It was right m,..ttuttres should be proposed
before they were opposed.—(Cheers) But he
must say, that if aftterwArds Mr. Redfern should.
think proper, he ought to be heard, and not sub_
jetted to what hc, could term nothing else but a
cowardly and I'measily interruption.—(Cheero
Thti (ktAtttstvs considered Mr. Utdfer►y out
order.

The first motion was then, put, and carried un-
animously,

inters
Mr. ATTWOOD O w) nose, and said they had met
to discuss aintersimportant, important, not only to them-
selyca, 41111 to t children, but to the country
;;e-oerally, and to generations yet unborn ; he should
not, therefore, trespass much upon their time in dis-
cussing trifles, lie had, however, a few remark; to
make upon the conduct of the High Bailiff of Bir-
mingham, in refusing to comply with a requisition
signed by 200 names equally as respectable and as
competent to form correct, opinions as himself,
(Cheers.) Every mar, had a right to discuss sub-
jects as he pleased', and he could have wished that
the High Bailig had thought differently. Notwith-
standing, he (Mr. Attwood) deemed it proper to
;say, that although they, out of courtmy, presestted
i;eqttisition, the High Bailiff had no more legal
light
to Convene a town's meeting than any Oaten inha-
bitant. In May last, witt-4 he requested the late
High Bailiff to call the meeting subsequently held,
he refused to do so, unlesg he (Mr. Att wood) gave
him hitt per4P-a-i•-1 security for the expences,
viva g
v king, that security with pleasure; but be
'must
-
remark, that if one High Bailiff Whited to call a
meeting unless guarantee'A fisr the expences, and
another refused to call a meeting at all, it would ha
well for the futeao to bear these examples in minds
and never twohle the High Bailiff on any such oeca-
siW.ka.,---Cbeers.) The present meeting was a proof
that a meeting not hwioured with his sanction would
ever be as numeously attended as any which be so
honottredl and, it was satisfactory to reflect that it
was, quite its legal.--(Cheers.) lie (Ms, Attwooj)
tb.,ere o,rfzi hoped that for the fwtkre, shouVt any
mewing be desirable, insteat of applying to the
High Bailiff, twenty oar thirty respectable ;ring:-
bitants would r.j44.k their names to a public
requisition, AttAother gentleman hads
pron,4 t-4 throw a slur upon_ Ow present
meeting, by publishing a dechtsAtiou to the effect
that he was not a party to the rw.m_
gentleman be alluded tg Was, Mr, Tuner, of lieu t_-

eld. lie (Mr. Attwood), in July last, thou ght it
proper, out of respect to his talents and character, to
wait upon this gentleman, and request his co-opera-
tion in the establishment of the political union.—
Upon that occasion, Mr. Turner solemnly and se-
riously addressed him in the following words :—" I
do upon my conscience solemnly believe that we are
on the verge of a most tremendous convulsion ; I do,
on my conscience, believe that your society only can
possibly prevent it ; and yet I will not join your so-
ciety."—(Cheers and laughter.)—Mr. Turner did
give a reason for this inconsistent determination, but
lie (Mr. Attwood) would not repeat it, as it might
raise a smile at the expense of a gentleman for whom
he had a great respect and esteem. It was well
known that the meeting in May last produced a very
important effect throughout the country. lle had
heard it spoken of iu at least 100 companies, in all of
which he never heard one word of censure on its
objects or resolutions dropped. In fifteen or twenty
newspapers their resolutions had been advertised gra-
tuitously ; and it was satisfactory to reflect, that 110
document, in the recollection of any man, produced
a stronger impression upon the public mind than the
one issued by them on that occasion. He must,
however, say, that although it produced so beneficial
an effect upon the country, it did not produce the
same upon the legislature. Lord Carnarvon, in in-
troducing their petition to the House of Lords, acted
a manly and consistent part. Mr. Brougham,
although he could not support one part of our
plan, undertook its presentation to the House of
Commons. He told us that he did not agree
with us that it would be adviseable to lift up our
meaes to the level of our burdens; but he would
fight to bring down our burdens to the level of
our means, He (Mr. Attwood), however, was
sorry to say that Mr. Brougham never fought at all,
and the petitioners were much disappointed. The
Duke of Wellington, of whom he (Mr. Attwood)
Wished to speak with respect, when the petition was
presented to the Lords, had made one or two curi-
ous observations. He said, " You have been ac-
customed to a fictitious wealth—your habits are
above what they ought to be—you must go back
to the ancient mode of thinking and acting." This
was what he was reported in the public papers to
_have said, and he (Mr. Attwood) had no doubt he
had said it. No nobleman was, however, found to
tell the Noble Duke that his 700,000/. was granted
ie fictitious money.—(Cheers.)—No nobleman was
present to tell him, that if the middle and lower
classes were to return to the ancient level, it was
just that iris salaries and grants, and the pensions of
iris family, amounting to about 60,0001., should be
reduced to the same standard.—(Cheers.)—No no-
bleman was found to ask, whether it was not
equally just that salaries, grants, and places, should
be /educed with the wages of labour ?—(Cheers.)
The Duke of Wellington still acted the great ge-
neral ; fee he (Mr. Attwood) could not believe that
he was sincere in what he said. He had been so
accustomed to feints of war, that now in civil mat-
ters he demonstrated one way while he. meant to act
aeother,---(Cheers and laughter.)—Mr. Peel had
likewise made some curious observations in the Com-
mons on the day, he (Mr. A.) believed, the Birmine-
barn petition was presented. On that occasion the
Right Hon. Gentleman said, one great dillieuhy with
which they had to contend was, the accumulation
of wealth into great masses, and the extreme poverty
of the lower enseses of the people. Ile ( Mr. Att-
wood) thought this assertion of Mr. Peel's peculiar,
because ha had, in a letter to him so far back 219
1820, showed to him that this wee the natural effect
of hie own bill; that it necessarily created a starving
population, while it filled the pockets of the monied
expitaliste,—(Cheers.)—He (Mr, Attwood) at the
came time eatiels " To those who have already much
you are giving mare, while from those who have
little you are taking the little they have." These
were his words ten years ego, He would say no
more, but now go to the business of the meeting.
The requisition attributed the general dietrees now
pervading all interests to the gross mismanagement
of public atfairs, and that such distress could only be
effectually remedied by a reform of Parliament. He
(Mr Attwood) had always heen an advocate for re-
form, anti he would defy any one to deny
(Cheers.)—Whea estate of national prosperity—
when there was abundance of trade for the manufac-
eurer, and abundance of !about- for the workman—
when humble wages were the reyeaed pf humble
labour, he did not eome publicly forward as ;Se seise-
eats, he did not run his head against a wall, nor, like
Dorn Quixote, hunt windmills, He had, however,
always expressed a wish for reform, Gentlemen,
however, argued, that because, twenty years ago,
they were not public reformers, they were inconsistent
in being its advocates now. Was he (Mr. Attwood)
slow Ire had with him at least nine-tenths of all the
respectability of the kingdom, and 00 out of every
.100 of the assembly around him, riot to come for-
ward ? He (Mr, Attwood) should not sleep sound
;n iris bed if, at the present crisis of national affairs,
be did not lend his assistance to avert the awful
eonsequeneee which he antic;pested.—(Cheering.)
—The resolutions which they passed ;n May, 1829,
had never been impugned. They stated thee within
15 yearn the rent and taxes had been doubled. This
was the language they now again uttered; nor was
this opinion confined to them ; the same was ac-
limowledged in every county in England, In their
petition they prayed, either te be lifted to ties level
of their burdens, or for their burdens to be reduced
to the level of their means. He (Mr. Attwood)
stated in May, that he did not ear', 3 rush which
mode was preferred, if only that was adopeed which
would severe the property of the country. The
Duke of Wellington, whose hew he was sorry to say
'seas the law of the land, refused te jilt 113 to the
level of our burdens, Be it se; but ought not their
burdens then to be brought down to the level of
their means ? He (Mr. Attwood) abandoned all
thoughts that the Legislature aver would lift them
tip; hut, weary and rugged as was the road through
which they had to travel, he (Mr. Attwood) with
the assistance of his countrymen would compel the
Government to do justice to the people.—(lmmense
cheers.) Government had made their own bed;
they had planted theme in the pillows of millions ;
it was but just that they should be compelled to lie
in the same bed with the I.;zople.—(Cheers.) It
might be thought that because the national waggon
as stuck fast in the ditch, they ought to pray to
Jupiter for assistance ; he, however, said :;o; let
them all put their shoulder to the wheel, and they
ghoul(' soon be able to relieve it from its difficulties.
By the assistance of those whom ire wee addressing,
he (Mr. Attwood) hoped they would plant an
acorn of British oak, which would, one day, grow
up into a mighty tree, under whose foliage the poor
of the kingdom should find shelter during the piti-
lees .storm. Dr. Henry, in his interesting " His-
tory of England," said that when their SilKi;il
ancestors were attacked by the Danes, they sla-
vishly threw themselves with theie faces on the
ground, and prayed aloud, " Lord, look !IOW they
encompass me," instead of taking the bow, the
spear, arid battle axe.—(Laeghter and cheers.)—
He (Mr. Attwood) hoped they should not imi-
tate the example of their degraded axon ances-
tors, but that, although they should not use eke how
or the spear, they would vdel4 the weapons of truties
reason, and justice, and by these ceecessfully drive
before them the Philistine', the Teepees, eend Jaws.
(Cheers.) He would make his address as short
possible, and give them out instance of mismanage-
ment of public affairs. When God laid the foundas
lions of the world, he ordained that mews should live
by the sweat of his brow—that he should receive
bread as the reward of his labour. Now, however,
they prayed for labour, and were without bread.
He (Mr. Attsveod) was sorry to saythet there were
gentlemen sell°, from ignorance, or front coneeleing
all books but the book DC life, told them that pro-
*verity was not the natural ressele of good government :
that it was perfectly natural that we should have
prosperity one day and adversity to-nmerow, The
doctrine that labour acrd industry under a wize go-
vernment worth! always Ir±et with its proper pay-
:Dena and reward was too good news to be true.
his Was too absurd to require refutation. Industry

end labour, unless there was gross mismanagement,
would ever receive a proper remuneration. The
years 1824• and 1825 were considered years of great
prosperity. Trade flourished—there was abundance
of business—profits were good—capital was plCnti-
ful, end there was plenty of employment for the
worki tg classes. The consequence was, the la-
bower received an abundant reward for his labour.
He (Mr.Attwood) did not know any two years when
things wore a more cheering aspect. The only draw-
back was the little that wee said c r done towards
reform : this, however, was to be :attributed to
that general absence of complaint, always charac-
teristic of times of prosperity. In the autumn
of that year, the Government told us by Mr. Ro-
binson, that " our prosperity was derived through
the ancient portals of a constitutional monarchy,"
meaning the borough-mongering influence. He
(Mr. Att wood) would tell the Meeting how that
prosperity passed away. At that time there were
no less than 400,000,0001. in bills of exchange in
circulation, payable, when due, in the coin of the
realm, orßank of England Notes. Now,the course of
exchanges and the balance of trade carried all the
gold out of the country, during the year 1825;
thus, as it were, streaming out from the right arm
of the nation. The Government, at the same time,
compelled the Bank of England to confine their
circulation of 1/. notes ; thus again draining the
nation through its left arm. What did they think
would be the fate of an individual, if he had an
artery opened in each arm ? Migi t they not ex-
pect that, from exhaustion, he would naturally die ?
'I he consequence of this was, that the 400,000,0001.
of bills were left without sufficient money in the
country wherewith to pay them ; they were re-
turned, and every tradesman in the country imagined
that the Philistines were upon him. This was the
nature and true cause of what were termed the
panics. They would see how the foundation of faith
slided from under the feet of the cormsiercial men.
lie would tell them how the Government then
acted. They found it necessary to interfere, and
they issued, in the purchase of national debt, in the
course of ten days, full 9,000,0001. of large Bank-
notes. They wished to subject the nation to the
arbitrary notions they had derived from musty lass-
books, rather than make arbittary notions give way
to the public interest. In the midst of this dis-
tress, Government never interfered, until they found,
according to their own confession, that the nation, if
they persisted, would, in 48 hours, be reduced to a
state of barter,—meaning,by barter, that society would
be in a state of chaos, in which those who lived at all
must live by Woodland plunder, Ile (Mr.Attwood)told
the Ministers to their face that they were within
seven days of such a state of things, when Mr. HIM..
kisson afterwards stated they were within 48 hours.
Every one would allow that this was a most despe-
rate crisis for the industrious loyal people of this
nation to be brought to. How did Government
act ? At his (Mr. Attvrood's) instance, he believed
the Bank, by order of Government, issued one-
pound notes; but he told Ministers that the issue of
these notes had aced as mere driblets, and did but
add fuel to the flame, as it were; but that the
country wanted masses of money to meet the masses
of debt which were pressing ni.on the market for
payment, and that unless these masses of money
were instantly provided by purchases of the national
debt, it would not be possible for the Government
to exist in England for another week. The istie of
Bank of England notes, by the purchases of national
debt, was accordingly increased from 17,000,0001.
to 26,000,0001. in the course cf ten days; besides
6 or 7,000,000 more of sovereigns, which were also
issued in that period ; and for these sovereigns they
were mainly indebted to the favour of the Bank of
France. Thus, having saved themselves from a
state of barter, or universal plunder, by the assist-
ance of paper money, Lord Liverpool, within a
little month, came forward end, to the astonishment
of all rational minds, proclaimed the abandonment
of that very system which, but a month before, he
declared saved there from destruction.—(Cheers.)
He (Mr, Attwood) at that titne, in January, 1826,
in a pamphlet, denounced the madness of this mea-
sure.—[Here Mr. Attwood read an extract from his
letter to Sir John Sinclair, describing the tempo-
rizing policy as leading to the same ruination in the
cud, though operating through the slow and distress-
ful operations of 1816, instead of acting with the
swift destruction which threatened the existence of
the Government in the late panic. The one was
dying by inches, the other by a cannon-ball.]—
lie, r. Attwood, need not say how these pro-
hecies had been fulfilled. It was known, and now
acknowledged by all parties, that Mr. Peel's bill had
literally doubled the real weight and the real value
of every tax, debt, and monied obligation in the
kingdom ; and that the fall of the prices of labour
had been full 10 per cent. instead of 5 per cent as
had been foretold. His friend, Mr. Dobbs, hed wit-
tily placed this subject in a proper point of view.
He supposed John Bull to be a manufacturer of
saticepens,and he borrowed 100 saucepans when such
were selling at a shilling each. But, by a hens
poet's operation of Government, these pans were re-
duced to sixpence each, and thus John had two to
pas instead of one. But this was not all ; poor John,
same time, obliged to pay two for one, is, by
the saw'e operation, deprived of his employment; arid
thus the burdens of poor John, whether public or
private, were confessedly quadrupled. In 1819, the
city of London, and the merchants of Liverpool, re-
meastrated against this destructive measure. Mr.
Cohtiett denounced it, and stilted that he would be
broiled upon a gridiron if it were possible to carry it
into full effect, and that in the very attempt, if per-
severed in, two millions of men must literally die of
imager, unless taxes and obligations were reduced in
the same degree as the value of money was raise 1.
Wonderful it was to say, that this deadly and de-
structive measure had never been efficiently inquired
mie; but that a deadly and fatal silence had pervaded
the ieg:eletive :councils from the moment it was
adopted until the present day. lie (Mr. Attwood)
would not throw asperaion unon any body; but when
he reflected upon this wonderful secrecy, he could
nut bet call to mind the words of the great painter
of nature, ss!eo, when he represented a man attempt-
ing an object whieh nature shrinks at, makes him
tall upon elemental darknese to shelter his designs
fro;:: his own eyes and from those cf !leaven

Come, thick night,
" And pall thez in the dunnest smoke of hell!
" That my keen knits szT. not the wound it makes,
" Nor heaven peep through th:; Llsnlet of the dark,
'4 To et). hold, hold !'
lie did not mean to say that any Members of the
Ministry or of the Parliament were animated by any
diabolical motives of tiii2 kind—upon his honour
he believed not ; but still he would soy, had it not
been for this deadly secrecy which had been ob-
served—if due notka had been given of the fatal ef-
fects of this fatal measure, the people of England
wound have broke in upon their deliberations, with
a voice a thunder, crying, " Hold, hull !" He
(Mr. Attwoodj vies sensible the day was getting
very short : he had an deal to say in defence
cti the measure he had the honour to b:•ing forward,
but he paceiyed the Meeting were satisfied already,
and therefore he ws_it4d cut short the business of the
day, and immediately propose the plan of the Poli- '
tin! Union. [Here the plan of the Union was read,
the ,;;.ding of which occupied a full hour, and was
listened to t:ot,,,i_rhout with the most profound at-1
tention.] Mr. Attwo.-,4. resumed. They had heard
the plan of the institution read; which had already
received thc, signatures of 36 gentlerneli. Mr, Att-
wood here eigtail4 r!te several provisions, allowing I
of such alterations as wi•igifi; suggested upon fu-1
ture consideration. He bad only oppremark further
to " I feel it my duty (continued Mr. Att-
wood) to dealore to you, that I know the country to
be on the verge ol dreadful calamities. It may be
thought, because I come forward now, that I shall
be tez.d;r, come weal come woe,' to head you
through thick apd thin—through the dark and
dreary scenes which are approaching. As far as law
will justify me I will go with you.—(Tremendous
cheers.) When 1 say I will go with you as far as
law will allow, I declare to you, most solemnly, I will
not go further one inch, I know that a great crisis

is approaching. I will do all I can to avoid that
crisis ; but if the nation is to go through the ordeal
of political convulsions, I will not interfere in those
convulsions but legally and peaceably ; and I wish
you to bear this in mind, when those dreadful cir-
eumstat;ces arise. I know you swill conic to me and
,ay, ' Lead us.' My friends, I will not lead you ;
[ will go with you as far as the law will justify, but
if the elements of law and order are disorganised, I
ciii go with you no further." (Mr. Attwood re-
tired amidst loud and vehement cheers.)
The following motion, previously read by Mr.
Attwood, was seconded by Mr. Betts :—" That in
the opinion of this meeting the general distress
which now afflicts the country, and which has been
so severely felt at different periods during the last
fifteen years, is entirely to be ascribed to the gross
mismanagement of public afftirs, and that such mis-
management can only be effectually and permanently
remedied by an effectual reform in the Commons

House of Parliament ; and this meeting is also of
opinion, that for the legal accomplishment of this
great object, and for the further redress of public
wrongs and grievances, it is expedient to form a
general political union between the lower and middle
classes of the people in this town."
Mr. J. PARKES then presented himself to the
meeting. Ile had ever been a sincere and ardent
advocate of Parliamentary Reform, but could not
conscientiously sign this requisition which convened
the present meeting, when the requisition, in such
sweeping, and, in his mind, incorrect language,
attributed all the distress of the country for the last
fifteen years to the gross mismanagement of public
affairs. In the first place, national prosperity was
not singly dependent on the government and internal
trnde of its country; the foreign relations of other
States ever had, and ever would operate materially
on our adversity and prosperity. Seasons of com-
mercial distress and revulsion were also inseparable
from such vast commercial and trading transactions
as those of this country. God forbid that he
should slight or deny the pressure and increasing
severity of that deep rind general distress which
now pervaded the commercial and agricultural
iroerests of the kingdom, and in which, unfor-
tunately, Birmingham so largely suffered. In hi
profession he could not be supposed to be competent
to enter into all the topics addressed to the meet-
ing on commercial :matters by his friend Mr. Att-
wood; but it was competent to him, as an inhabi-
tant of the town, convened in common with other
of his fellow-townsmen, to consider the general pro-
priety of the resolution now proposed. In the
second place, he could riot agree in the words of a
requisition which passed so sweeping and indiscri-
minate a censure on the illustrious individual at the
head of his Majesty's Government. He could not
review the acts of his short administration without
feelings of the deepest gratitude, that through his
wise and uncompromising measures union had been
restored to Ireland; and, as a Protestant Dissenter,
he should he unmanly and base if he did not admit
the debt of gratitude for his enjoyment of equal
rights and civil privileges; and the Duke of Wel-
lington had added to his glory as a warrior the far
surpassing glory of having rent in twain the veil of
the temple of bigotry. [Here Mr. Parkes was in-
terrupted with loud shouts and yells, and the chair-
man and several gentleman in vain endeavoured to
obtain order. Mr. Thomas Attwood replied that
all these measures alluded to were trifles and rushes;
that religion and priests were not wanted, but beer,
bread, and meat.—(luzzas.) At last Mr. Edmonds
appealed to the impartiality of the meeting, and to
give Mr. Parkes a patient hearing, as he was a real
friend of reform, and he obtained another hearing
He trusted, as he should be brief and pointed, and
wholly relevant to the object of the meeting, that
they would give him a dispassionate and quiet hear-
ing. The currency had been stated to them as one
great and paramount cause of the present distress.
He might not agree with gentlemen who had pre-
ceeded him, that the currency, as explained by them,
was the proximate cause; but he did assert, that the
roots and cancer of the present evils were, that
shameful act of the legislature in 1797, which lega-
lized arid imposed upon the country art inconverti-
ble currency, the evils which were then fully
predicted ;—which had subsequently piled loan
upon loan, and debt upon debt ; which had in its
direful consequences, corrupted the springs of public
government ;—which had originated crusades against
the liberties of the world, deluged the rivers of Eu-
rope with blood, and whitened its plains with the
bones of the slain.—(Cheers.) Was it the perpe-
tuation arid return of this base system which is de-
sired ? If so, he was here its utmost and most ve-
hement opposer. He admitted that the great public
measure of Mr. Peel in 1819, to remedy these evils,
might have been too hasty ; that the questions of
depreciation, and the standard, might not have re-
ceived that attention they deserved. He would
admit that the question of the euirency had now a
fair claim to the re-consideration of the Legislature;
but he preferred the evils, had or fatal as they might
be, of a metallic currency now restored, to the pre-
dicted benefits of a base, incontrovertible, and de-
yreciated paper medium. He then proceeded to the
more immediate consideration of the reeolutioe, on
which he proposed to found an ainendment.—(Yells
and hooting.) He did conscientiously oppose one
main object of that resolution. He opposed the
formaticn of fl union or club, because he did not
consider it the legitimate or successful mode of sup-
porting or advancing reform of Parliament. That
Parliament required reform, and the same principle
of amendment extended to all other institutions of
our country, few now pretended to deny : the time
and mode of reform only were the subject of differ-
ence. Had time rio operation on the constitution
of the British Legislature ? Were the opulent and
populous masses of society, called into existence even
since the last revolution, not to partake of the rights
and benefit of representation ? Vas it not a scandal
and a shame that they should continue bereft of
political power ? And were three or four hundred
Members of the House of Commons not emanating
from the people, to control the fate and commercial
policy and interests of this great nation ? But a
political club or union, as proposed, was not
the mode of promoting these great ends. Poli-
tical clubs were generally composed of the ex-
tremes of different parties, with different ends in
view. Excepting the Catholic Association, an excep-
tion to the general:rule, they did not succeed in their
pretensions. They were landmarks of division
among common friends ; they were always perverted
from their original intent, and they had this general
effect—that they tempted Government:to make laws
which invariably abridged the liberties these dubs
intend to promote. It did not require the gift of
prophecy to foretcl that the projected Political
Union would riot survive the duration of the present
Parliament. The Society of Friends of the People,
the Constitutional Associations, all shared this com-
mon fate of inutility and dissolution. It might be
now asked of him by what means, then, he proposed
to attain the object of Parliamentary Reform. He
proposed the use of the rights of. the press and of
periodical public meetings and petitions to the legis-
lature; not reliance on the effect of such meetings
alone on the legislature, but in their operation on
public opinion ;
he proposed the support and ex-
tension of everyinstitution and means of public
education which spread knowledge among the people,
and which alone could fit the people for the exer-
cise of the elective franchise. He proposed inform-
ing them on the first and great principles of govern-
merit, of trade, of capital, of labour ; awaking them
to their true interests, turd the use of their political
rights. With these vierve, Lorry as he was to differ
from the friends around him, he proposed tire fol-
lowing amendinent—(APPli!ii3e)
" That the great and increasing distress of the commer-
cial and agricultural interests of the country demands the
urgent and paramount attention of the Govcrument and
Legislature, and every possible economy and retrenchment
in the national expenditure, consistent with the preserva-
tion of the ne.tioisal faith to the public creditor.
6, That the population, intelligence, and opulence of the
town of Birmingham, and the spirit of the British Con-
stitution, entitle Birminsibam to send "'epl'eeentatives to
Parliament.

" That the operation of time on the constitution awl

purity of the Commons' }Tom of Parliament requires re-
form in the amendment of the representation of the people
--to equalize and sitnplifi the elective franchise,—to make
ate body of electors too larqe for individual corruption,
and the period of choice too short for temptation, and, by
the subdivision of the places of election, to bring the elec-
tors together without confusion, and within every man's
reAch.

" That petitions, embodying these resolutions, be sig,ned
by this meeting, and
.pre,,ented to both Houses of Par-
liament."

Mr. W. REDFERN, on rising to second the amend-
ment, said, when interrupted, he was in the act of
warning them against the ulterior views of the gen-
tlemen who were the framers of the union.—
(llisses.)—What he predicted had come to pass.—
Mr. Attwood, who had introduced the principal
measure, had favoured them with a small cast, but
had given them a ponderous volume on currency.—
( Hisses.)—" I u►:,," continued Mr. Redfern, " an
advocate for retrenchment to the uttermost farthing,
consistent with national honour and good faith.—
Yes, if there be a single troop of horse or foot re-
tained in the service of Government which is not
necessary for national defence, let it in God's name
be disbanded. If there be a single vessel of war not
required for the protection of our shores, let it be
given up. If any Government offices be retained,
not with a view to national good, but simply as ap-
panages to some noble families, let them be swept
away. If any colonies be retained, not for the ex-
tension of our commerce, but as convenient appoint-
ments for the haegers on of Government—let them
be abandoned.—(Cheers.)—lt is not fitting, it is riot
seemly, it is riot just, that the money wrung from
the nation, " from the hard hands of peasants,"
should be squandered away in useless profusion,
should be otherwise expended than for strictly na-
tional purpose. Fellow-townsmen, submit to me a
motion to this effect, and with the qualification
which I have before suggested, " I will applaud it
to the very echo that cloth applaud again." Pre-
sent such a petition to me, and I will sign it with
both my hands !—(Laughing.) Are you aware at
what time, under what circumstances of peril and
of danger, this national debt so much decried, and by
none more so than by those who least understood
its operation, was contracted ? Many amongst you
must surely recollect the time when the whole of
England was in arms,—when the country from one
extremity to the other looked like a vast garrison,—
when the peasant from his plough, and the mechanic
fro►t his shop, were alike fired with a patriotic and
martial ardour,—wLen the thronged camp, and the
numerous squadrons of the enemy, could almost be
discerned from our own coasts on the opposite shores
of France,—when, after five centuries of freedom
from foreign invasion, English►nen anticipated the
►notnent when they could be called upon to fight on
their own soil, in defence of their wives and chil-
dren, their hearths and altars. It was—yes, it was
at this time, and at such times as these, that no in-
considerable portion of what now constitutes the
national debt was advanced for the sacred purpose
of national defence. But you may perhaps say, we
are willing to pay what we have borrowed; ought
we, is justice, to pay more ?—(Cries of certainly
not.) This is my reply—you ought to pay what
your engaged,—you ought to fulfil your contracts.
But the value of money has been raised by artificial
meens,—hy an Act of Parliament. Granted ; but
the knowledge of this is no new matter; it was un-
derstood when the contracts were entered into, that
cash payments would be resumed.
Mr. EDMONDS again interfered in behalf of the
speaker, but finding all intercession unavailing, he
put it to Mr. Redfern whether he would continue.
The CHAIRMAN', at length, put it to tine Meeting,
whether they would hear Mr. Redfern ? when the
negative was carried by a majority of least ten to
one.—(Cheers.)

Mr. ArrwooD, in reply, said he had occupied
so much time already, that he should say little in
addition. If all the ten thousand present were al-
lowed to speak for hours, they would be kept for
days and years. He was not sorry, therefore, that
his friend, Mr. Redfern, had requested that the
sense of the Meeting as to his proceeding should be
taken. Mr. Parkes had designated the Union a
club. A club, in his opinion, was an association of
a few individuals for party purposes; but what they
proposed was nothing snore nor less than the union
of the people of England. Ile would concede to
Mr. Parkes that the club of olden times to which he
alluded—the Whig Club—had never done any
good, nor ever intended to do any good.—(Cheer-
ing.)—From the days of King William, when we
were ruled by a Wiiig party, to this time, the Whigs
had done nothing to forward the canse of public li-
berty.—(Cheers.)—He (Mr. Attwood) never be-
longed to that party—he was always a Tory, and a
real friend to the privileges of the people.—(Cheers.)
If the public interests at the present crisis were left

to a mere desultory town's meeting, as Mr. Parkes
recommended—one at Manchester proposing one
object, another at Birmingham proposing another,
and a third at Leeds another,—no good would be
done until this great and glorious nation was
reduced to the state of Israel in Egypt.—( Loud
cheering.)—He wished to see the bull taken by
the horns ; he wished to Fee public opinion pro-
perly organized ; and he would ask his friend, Mr.
Parkes, if they were able to bring two millions of
people to thitdc, speak, and act as one man, did he
not think they should be able to effect more good
than by the plan he proposed ?—(Cheers.) It had
been said that he had attacked the fundholder. This
he denied. Three of the first fundholders, viz., Sir
Robert Peel, Mr. Rothschild, and Mr. Baring, at
the time Mr. Peel's Bill was before the House,
supported him in his views. These authorities all
said that its effects would be felt at the utmost cor-

tiers of the kingdom. He (Mr. Attwood) was as
much the friend of the fundholder as be was of the
landowner; anti he firmly believed that unless there
was a speedy alteration, the property of the fund-
holder would not be worth a rush.--(Cheering.)
The God of nature had not provided that mass of
gold which was required to pay off the national en-
gagement. Eight thousand tons of solid gold was
equal to 800 millions of pounds sterling; such an
amount was not within the bowels of the earth.—
lie (Mr. Attwood) would make one other re-
mark, to show that he was no enemy to the fund-
holder; Consols had risen from 60 to 93, while the
rent of land bad been reduced from 63 to 30. Dur-

ing the war the two interests were upon a footing
of equality ; now one was three times larger than
the other. In addition to this the landholder had his
land subject to settlements, mortgages, and incum-
brances, which when reduced from 65 to 30, reduced
it still further to 15. Thus it would be seen, that
what with the land-holder was GO was now only 15;
while the fund-holder was risen from 60 to 90.
This was what he called turning the country topsy-
turvy. It was taking the flesh from round the legs
of John Bull, to wrap round his head.—(Cheering.)
With regard to maintaining faith with the public
creditor, he knew an interested party in the House
of Commons were in the habit of talking of the
Act of Parliament—the bond by which the country
was bound to pay in a metallic currency. He (Mr.
Attwood) did not believe this bond existed ; but if
it did, let them have the forfeit of the bond. Let
them take it front nearest the heart of the country
but if, in doing so, they took one drop of Christian
blood, let their goods be forfeited to the state of •
Venice.—(Cheering.)—Mr. Attwood concluded by
referring to America, as a proof of the manner in
which a paper currency might exist consistent with
the security and happiness of a state. He sat down
amid loud and continued cheering.
Mr. G. Eoanmos rose to warn the assembly
against voting for the amendment. Of itself it
was unobjectionable, but it was introduced for the
purpose of cutting off the most important object of
the meeting. He (Mr. Edmonds) could easily
bring forward proofs to show that clubs had pro-
duced the most beneficial effects. What they pro-
posed, however, was not a club : they merely
created a channel for the conveyance of the united
sentiments of the people—they merely proposed to
establish a system by which to exhibit what he
could not better term than that electrical sympathy

which glowed in the hc.som of individuals from
common sufferings to the head of affairs.—(Cheers.)
Had not the Duke of Wellington confessed the
power and force of public opinion, as concentrated
and expressed by the Catholic Association ?
(Cheers.) And might they not expect similar
effects to be produced by similar means ? If the
public opinion of England was but fairly and ener-
getically expressed, there could be no doubt that the
hero of Waterloo, who wished on all occasions to
stand high in the public esteem, would sacrifice
wealth to meet the views and wishes of the country.
—(Cheers.) Mr. Edmonds then happily contra ted
the manly conduct of the Tories as compared with
the insincere dirty conduct of the Whigs, whom he
described as extremely patriotic tea-table politicians,
but who would never do any thing except with
closed doors.—(Cheers.) Mr. Edmonds concluded
by exhorting all present to enrol their names as
members of the Union, at the office in Paradise-
street; and as money was the sinews of even moral
wars, to immediately subscribe to the funds. He
sat down amidst loud and vehement cheering.
The motion was then put and carried, 20 to one,
amidst the most deafening cheers.
The subsequent motions, all of which will be
found belew, were moved and seconded by Messrs.
W. MARTIN, C. JONES, SALT, RUSSELL, HAR-
RISON, &c.

The censure of the High Bailiff was momentarily
opposed by Mr. B. RkDFERN ; but on marked symp-
toms of disapprobation being evinced towards the
speaker, he precipitately withdrew.
Thanks were vo ed to the Chairman and Mr.
Attwood, and likewise to Mr. Beardsworth, for the
accommodation he had arc,rded to the meeting;
when, after three cheers fur the King, proposed by
Mr. Attwood, the immense assembly quietly dis-
persed to their several habitations.
Such an exhibition of public feeling, nor one
which has excited so intense an interest throughout
the whole neighhourhood, is not in the recollection
of man.