The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-13 00:00:00

THERMOMETER.

This morning
This day at Two o'clock 75
Barometer-30.44.
Wind—W. ; light, and fine weather.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
To-woßitow.-Morning, 12h. 10m.—Afternoon, 12h. 40m.
THIS DAY.—Morning, lh. sm.—Afternoon, :1h- 29m.

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LONDON, MONDAY, JULY 13, 1863.

Mr. ROEBUCK, so far, in a Parliamentary sense,
is Master of the Situation. To him the House of
Commons looks at this moment with a glance of
eager curiosity. The enigma of the house is—
What the course may be that he, the member for
Sheffield, will adopt at this period of supreme
emergency. In the very height of the dog days—
the alarm suddenly is that TEAR'EM, unmuzzled, in
a high state of excitement, and agitated by an
excess of wrath caused by two or three most irritat-
ing circumstances meuns mischief ! Miehirag
malecho, more completely, it is to be conjectured,
than any other sententious motto that could be
selected, expresses his feelings at this juncture the
most aptly. The motion submitted to the house by
Mr. ROEBUCK, the motion now lying before the
house for its adoption or its rejection, is
explicit enough in its way in all conscience.
About its meaning there cannot, of course,
be one instant's misapprehension. It is
in less than half•a-dozen blunt words—as plain as
a pikestaff. And viewing it, as we may, from any
point of view it is brought forward, as things fall
out, at a time the most peculiarly critical that well
could be, At the very tail of the session ! At the
very crisis of the war! While Mr. SPEAKER is
beginning, probably, to indulge in pleasant antici-
pations of autumnal leisure in his sylvan retreat at
Ossington Hall down in Nottinghamshire. While
General LEE, at the head of his victorious army, is
knocking, as one may say, at the very gates of
Washington. Precisely at this moment it is, and
at none less deeply interesting, that Mr. ROEBUCK
throws the apple of discord, or the bone of conten-
tion, or however else we may typify it, between
the confronting ranks of the Government and
the Opposition in the British House of Com-
mons. The juncture is so imminent—the query
now put to the House is intrinsically of such
vital importance that it might be considered as only
comparable in its way—in its importance, and in its
imminence to the momentous question sung of by the
Rev. GEORGE CRABBE in one of the most famous
of his homely tragic poems—a picturesque incident
with which the hand of a female artist a few years
back familiarized even the non-reading public who
perhaps never yet handled a volume of CRAB'S&
Here immediately prior to the death of the session,
COMES Mr. ROEBUCK with his Momentous Ques-
tion addressed to the bewildered, and it may even be,
could we but know their hearts, the somewhat
remorseful Government.

Shall the independence of the Confederate
States at length be recognised ? that is
the Question ! As yet Mr. ROEBUCK has be-
trayed no fattei ing whatever in his way
of putting ii. Supposing he were to hesi-
tate now in driving it to a division he would stultify
himself, as even he, the member for Sheffield, the
amateur diplomatist to Schoennbrun, and more re-
cently, to Fontainebleau, has never stultified
himself previously. Supposing any Con-
sideration—it matters just absolutely nothing,
what ! supposing any consideration in the
'wide world were to induce him now, in deference

to the wishes of Lord PALMERSTON, of the Emperor
NAPOLEON, of the North, of the South, of the
Opposition, or of the Government to withdraw his
motion without requiring a division—the posidon
in which he would stand would be nothing less than
simply ridiculous. It would be ridiculous, and yet
it would have about it, too, infallibly a spice of crimi-
nality. For, having once put the Question to the
House of Commons, as he has, Mr. ROEBUCK, as the
propounder of it, has at this moment devolving upon
him a heavy weight of responsibility. So far from
the altered position of the belligerents out there,
westwards, at the seat of war, so far from their al-
tered position, relatively to each other, having ren-
dered the putting of this vital and momentous
Question to the British House of Commons in any
way inopportune, it is precisely the very reverse.
Never yet has there come a moment, since
the commencement of the war, when an
independent member of the English House of Com-
mons could more opportunely, could so opportunely
put it to that House, Whether or not the Indepen-
dence of the Confederate States shall be recognised ?
By the answer accorded to that inquiry the
Gordian Knot may be cloven asunder. Its involu-
tions defy unravelling. Sooner or later it must
needs be severed. Whether shall this be by the
blood-dripping
blade of one or other of the two in-
furiated belligerents, or by the keen stroke of policy
(it matters little at whose instance) causing
at the same moment of time a remark-
able division of the House of Commons
and the virtual settlement, upon the opposite
shores of the Atlantic, of an otherwise inextricable
Difficulty ? Upon Mr. ROEBUCK'S firmness,
probably, there devolves at this moment the
solemn and weighty responsibility of pronouncing
the decision in this alternative. Will he pronounce
it or, rather, by insisting upon earryiag his
motion to a division, will he enable the House of
Commons itself to pronounce it ?

The state of our relations with Japan have, as
might have been expected, been brought under the
consideration of Parliament. The tragic events
which have lately occurred in that country must be
fresh in the recollection of our readers. It is not
very long since the ports of that peculiar and isolated
people were opened to English commerce, and our
merchants were congratulated on the important
extension of their Eastern trade. It is true that
the terms of the treaty which conferred these privi-
leges on the European trader were limited and
partial; but it must be remembered that the very
sight of a foreigner was new to Japan, and we had
no right to be unreasonable in our expectations. For
a time we felicitated ourselves on having conferred
a mutual benefit on the English merchant and the
Japanese trader as well, in having opened the way
to progress and civilisation in that long-benighted
country. Our gratification proved, however, some-
what short-lived. The first thing that disturbed it
was an attack on the British Legation, evidently with
the object of taking the life of the Consul. In this
attempt the assassins were fortunately unsuccess
ful, but they were only repulsed by fire-arms. Not
long after two marines on guard near the Legation
were fatally wounded, and in the month of
September, last year, occurred that unpar-
donable outrage for which the English Go-
vernment have, very properly, demanded
reparation. An English lady and some gentlemen,
residents in Japan, were riding along a high road,
which is one of those which it is expressly stipu-
lated in the treaty shall be free for the use of Eng-
lish subjects. They were unfortunate enough to
meet with a procession accompanying a Daimio or
great Japanese official from Yeddo to Miako. They
got on the side of the road to allow it to pass, but
the opportunity for injuring the hated foreigner
was not to be lost. They were surrounded and
attacked by the retainers of a Japanese bearing the
dignity of Prince of SATSUMA. Unarmed and
defenceless as they were, their only
alternative was flight. Mr. RICHARDSON
fell covered with wounds, his companions
escaped with difficulty, and the lady reached the
nearest town, terror-stricken and covered with
blood, to tell how the pleasant morning's ride had
been converted into a tragedy. Earl RUSSELL,
in defending the course pursued by the Government,
said very truly that no doubt many of the Japanese
objected to the permission accorded to foreigners to
take up their residence in Japan, and considered
that no such intruders should be suffered to remain
on the road during one of their grand official pro-
cessions. But the noble lord added that it was
impossible that we should accept such sentiments,
or even religious motives, as sufficient reason
or excuse for the murder of unoffending
Bzitish subjects. Reparation was very justly
demanded in each of these three cases. With regard
to the attack on the Legation the punishment of the
offenders was asked for ; a pecuniary compensation
was demanded on behalf of the families of the mur-
dered marines ; while in the case of Mr. RICHARD-
SON, our Admiral has been directed to obtain from
the Prince of SATSUMA the punishment of the
assassins. We do not see how less could have been
done. It would have been most unwise as well as
highly unjust to have suffered such offences
to pass without notice, unless we wished to see
the lives of every English man and woman
in Japan fall a sacrifice to the frantic
fanaticism of the semi-barbarous population.
:t by no means follows that the enforcement of our

demands by the presence of an armed force will oc-
casion war. In dealing with a
people like the
Japanese,
We must remember that anything like
hesitation or uncertainty is at once attributed by
them to fear. If they can be brought to realise the
stupendous strength of their despised ally, they
will not only be more careful of the lives of the
British subjects, but considerably less likely to pro-
yoke a war. It is mistaken lenity which for fear
of incurring hostilities between this country and any
other would adopt a timid and vacillating policy,
in cases of real urgency. It has been truly observed
that weak persons do as much harm in the world
as wicked ones, and though England can hardly be
called weak in resources, yet her foreign policy has
too often been of that character.. ‘, Pais ce que
dolt, advienne que pourra" should be the motto

for nations as well as individuals : otherwise
Fiat justitia ruat colum. If it be true, as
Lord CARNARVON and Lord GREY asserted, that
the English merchants, traders, and residents in
Japan have been greatly to blame in irritating,
overreaching, and insulting the people, such
conduct should be inquired into and punished
with the same severity as we should
be made into the story of the Eng-
exact from the Japanese in similar cases. Inquiry
assed on a portion of the Tycoon's
siihsohunaldanesphecoiatlrleysp
dominions to shoot wild fowl, which were esteemed
sacred, and who shot the official who endeavoured
to stop him. In a case like this a severe penalty
should be inflicted on the offender, and the Japanese
should be made to feel that we will not tolerate

injustice or aggression on either side on any ground
whatever. But it is not the way to secure peace or
respect for property to overlook such dire offences
as the attack on the Legation and the
assassination of Mr. RICHARDSON because Eng-
lishmen have in certain cases disregarded the law.
On the contrary, it will induce the residents to

take the law into their own hands, and produce a
state of which things will infallibly lead to the
war which we so much deprecate. It will, in
fact, be a blessing to the Japanese themselves if

a check is put on the irresponsible power of the
great Daimios who from their old feudal position
are quite independent of the limited power of the
Tycoon. The Daimio in question, the Prince of
SATSUMA, has a castle on the coast in which
he is sheltering the aosassins, and boasting of the
crime. We have yet to see whether he will re-
peat the boast to an English Admiral. The latest
news intimated a hope that reparation would be
made. In any case, the Government have only
done their duty, unless we intend to abrogJq to
one of the first rights of civilised powers—the
protectiona
bolte' ogulro
bceo, ufnrtormy mt esnr a innn
ye,v ei rn
jy. u
sqtui
caer,t ear
nodt
oppression.

The note on the Polish question sent by Earl
RUSSELL to Russia at the same time as those
from Austria and France, has been published. It

appears to be one of his happy efforts, and there
seems little to cavil at in its tone or tenour. In the
course of this courteous epistle, Lord RUSSELL has
contrived to impart solemn truths, and these are
words of import which convey a warning and offer
advice. It is to be trusted that some attention may
he paid to this excellent exhortation. Of course we
cannot expect that all, or indeed any, of the sug-
gestions therein made will be immediately adopted ;
but if consideration is given to them in time, some
good may accrue to the persecuted nation
whose sad fate now occupies so many
minds with reflection, and fills so many
hearts with dismay. The six points of the note
comprise all that the exigency of the case demands
for the Poles, and they are well worthy of notice :

" 1. Complete and general amnesty.
" 2 National representation, with powers similar to
those which are fixed by the charter of the 15-27th No-
vember, 1815.

" 3. Poles to be named to public offices in such a manner
as to form a distinct national Administration, having the
confidence of the country.
"4. Full and entire liberty of conscience; repeal of the
restrictions imposed on Catholic worship.
" 5. The Polish language recognised in the kingdom as
the official language, and used as such in the administra-
tion of the law and in education.

"6. The establishment of a regular and legal system of

recruiting."

After enumerating these, Lord RUSSELL truly adds
that they will serve as indications of measures to
be adopted after full and calm deliberation. This
will be the right way of considering the matter
only to carry out the intentions of the proposal in
anything like a fair spirit, there should be a truce to
hostilities, even if it is only of a temporary cha-
racter. While long months are going by in wait-
ing for a suitable adjustment of difficulties,
cruel havoc is rampant, and devastation is
reaping a fearful harvest of death. So much strife,
angry hatred, and oppression are springing up that
it will take very long for these excited elements to
subside into calm. The sad truth of this passage is
recognised by all. It is no easy task to restore the
confidence which has been lost, or to regain the
peace which is now everywhere broken. Lord
RUSSELL cites two leading principles which should
animate all who are concerned in the conduct of
the State. First of all, then, is mentioned
the establishment of confidence in the Government
on the part of the governed. This is indeed the
basis of all strong Governments, and without it
there can be no success of a striking kind,
and no existence of a prolonged date for
any authority. The next principle is "the supre-
macy of law over arbitrary law." Commenting on
the felicitous results of such a state of affairs, it is
observed that " where such supremacy exists the
subject or citizen may enjoy his property or exer-
eise his industry with peace, and the security he
feels as an individual will be felt in its turn by the
Government under which he lives. Partial tumults,
Secret conspiracies, and the interference of cosmo-
polite strangers will not shake the firm edifice of
such a Government." The Russians are not at all
an impressible nation, but even they ought to be
struck with the firm and dignified tone of our
Foreign Secretary. It must be long before such a
sketch as Lord RUSSELL has given in hie despatch
can be carried out, but that is no reason why
the promise should never be realised. Perhaps
when all other plans have failed, in sheer despera-
tion the Russians may resort to the essay of a scheme
that the first principles of justice should long ago
have rendered imperative. Finally Lord RUS-
SELL dilates upon the importance of establishing a
suspension of hostilities. He states that this case
is not similar to that of a war raging between two
hostile nations who are divided in interests from
each other. The object now sought for is to ob-
tain civil peace, and therefore the desired suspen-
sion "might be done in the name of the Emperor
of RUSSIA without any abnegation of his dignity."
Whatever effect this may have on the Russian
Autocrat and his subordinates, Earl RUSSELL has
acquitted himself in a style and a spirit worthy of
a Minister of England. Atrocities and barbarities
cannot now be perpetrated in a form that would
become the dark ages, and suit the annals of savages
more than the records of even demi-civilised lands,
and their upholders declare that no State has inter-
fered. to stay the sacrifice or at least protest against
its enactment. The -reply of Russia to the three
Powers will be eagerly looked for, and thereon hang
many hopes and rest many expectations. If
from motives of expediency and policy any
abatement is made in the arbitrary course
that is now established in Poland, they
who have so eagerly and strenuously taken
up the desperate cause will not regret the pains
they have been at, nor the caution they have exer-
cised in pleading the cause of the oppressed. Cer-
tainly no offence coutd be taken from any part of
Earl RUSSELL'S despatch ; but, at the same time,
without resorting to hard or harsh terms, no lan•
guage could more forcibly have expressed the pre-
valent opinion entertained in this country concern-
ing the cruel war now devastating Poland. Neither
could any expressions have been better chosen to
testify to the unwarrantable license assumed by the
Russians to tyrannise over and wantonly destroy a
brave people and a noble country. Whether this
attempt at mediation gain success or not, it deserves
t,o do so most unquestionably on many grounds.
A I

. seal ring of silver, in excellent preservation,
weighing three-quarters of an ounce, and bearing
the effigy of Macrinus, with the inscription, " Imp. C. M.
Sev Macrinus. Aug.," has just been found by a brickmaker
at Saint-Riquier-sur-Hyore (Seine Inferieure). A Roman
road from Beauvais to the sea formerly passed by the spot,
and Gallo-Roman ruins still exist in the neighbourhood.
The Emperor Macrinus was born at Algiers of an obscure
family, and after being successively gladiator, intendant,
and prootorial prefect, caused Caracalla to be assassinated,
and succeeded to the Empire A.D. 217. He was killed at
Cappadocia in the following year by his soldiers during a
revolt.

M. de Romeuf, who lost his life in the accident
at Saint• Cloud, is nephew of M. de Romeuf, Ques
tor of the Legislative Body. 111, Coste, the other gentle-
man who escaped with only a dislocated shoulder, is one of
the composers of the music of the comic opera of "Il etait
tole fois un Roi," of Mlle. Brohan, lately performed with suc-
cess at the Union .4rtistique. They had dined with Mlle.
Brohan, and were taking her to her Paris apartment when
the accident occurred.
Ax AGED ROPE DANCER.--The Gazette des
Etrangers states that Mme. Saqui has again applied for
authorisation to resume her_ public exercises as a rope
dancer, but that it has been refused in consequence of her
age--86.