The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-08 00:00:00

Consultations free.

TEETH.-By MR. ESKELL'S INVENTION
(Royal Seal granted 17th July, 1860), Sets or partial
Sets of Teeth, exquisitely enamelled to nature, are made and
fitted in a few hours by means of his patented soft elastic and
imperishable base of the colour of the gum, to which It ad-
heres with wonderful tenacity, dispensing with springs or
unsightly fastenings, and defying detection by the closest
observer. The peculiar attribute of Mr. Eskell's invention
is, the readiness with which these teeth can be re-adapted to
any change of the mouth (even by the wearer); and as they
act independently of all disturbing causes which affect teeth
of ordinary construction, they are guaranteed tc last a life
time, as well as for mastication and articulation. Mr.
ESKELL'S TREATISE, which fully explains his invention,
post free for seven stamps.—lnspection of specimens and Con-
sultations free. Terms strictly moderate.-8, Grosvenor-
street, Bond-street, London; and 39, Bennett's-hill, Bir-
mingham.

The New York Herald of the 26th ult. states
that the captured steamer Stettin, which has been
taken into the Federal service as a cruiser, had succeeded
in capturing a large paddlewheel steamer while attempting
to run the blockade off the Charleston coast. The captured
vessel is supposed to be one of the new blockade runners
recently sent from England.
MILAN, Dec. 28.—The police are in despair. A
photograph is circulating here which represents Dr.
Zanetti at the moment when he is extracting from the foot
of Garibaldi, the ball of Aspromonte. On the reverse of the
photograph are the following words in Italian :—" Garibaldi,
faithful to the King, risked his life while shouting Rome
or death ;' to which the King replies 'Die "

DEATH OF MR. CHAS. DANCE, THE DRAMATIC
the 1:t
AUTHOR.—Mr. Charles Dance, the dramatic writer,
died on Monday, at Lowestoft, in his 69th year. He had
sfuorffreareciftohrasnomne time with disease of the heart. Besides
being well known as a dramatic writer, and the founder, it
Olympic Theatre Wm:sy.be said, of the burlesque school of entertainments, he
cersiovievleynt registrar,Deb tor .
Court,taxing officer, and ahnedhcandi ehfelclerk
office
When Madame Vestris held the
years Dance was one of the stock writers.
" The Morning Callu,i,
Among his succeesiVisfr.
productions were " Beulah Spa,"
was a member of the Ga"r
and
acboonelvi
shihvaei
The Country Squire," &c. He
to a large circle for his socialkl and other clubs, and known
sadllecitfuht
Be-
fore the New Bankruptcy Act qualities.
oi
Insolventtieehsi.l
d rße
ne -
ance he has not long
Debtors' Court Mr. Dance retiredsuperannuation al-
lowance of £BOO a-year, which allowance
enjoyed. Although twice married, h
and had survived both his wives. Mr. Dance
. had resided
in Moraington-road, Regent's-park, and retired to Lowes •
toft for the benefit of his health,

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

HERALD.,---It is never an easy matter to predict
the policy of the present Government. Lord Pal-
merston's Cabinet has not, and cannot possibly
have, any guiding principles or any strong collec-
tive convictions. Formed by a coalition of men who
were yesterday—and would if their official connec.
tion were dissolved become again to-morrow—in-
veterate and bitter antagonists, it fluctuates to and
fro as pressure from without gives ascendancy to
this or that statesman, or as the chances of parlia-
mentary warfare appear favourable to this or that
idea. One day Mr. Gladstone is the ruling spirit,
another day Lord Palmerston has it all his own
way; this year everything is to be sacrificed to a
commercial treaty, next year the resources of the
country are strained to the uttermost in order to
support a policy of antagonism to the very power
with which that treaty was to unite us in the bonds
of common interest and intimate alliance; now ex-
travagance is in favour, and now economy—one
thing only we need never expect, and that is con-
sistency. Coalitions, from their very nature, can-
not be consistent. When Conservative rene-
gades, old 1,% higs, and Manchester Radicals unite
to govern the country, their union can only
be maintained on the principle of alterna-
tion. As under the old Roman constitution, when
the two consuls took the field together, }Emilius
commanded in chief one day, and Varro the next,
so now we are all for 'fortifications and a spirited
foreign policy with the Premier, and anon with the
disciples of Mr. Bright, all for peace, isolation, and
a reduction of expenditure. And as the Roman
plan resulted in the rout ef Canute, so one invari-
able result attends the conduct of our affairs by the
present Ministry—the country always suffers, whe-
ther an important branch of revenue is sacrificed to
Mr. Milner Gibson or an extra twopence added to
the incon e tax to carry out the crotchets of Lord
Palmerston ; whether we assert the theories of Lord
Russell, at the risk of a quarrel with France, or
indulge the American sympathies of the Radicals
by the total sacrifice of the trade of Lancashire.
he enormous cost of a Ministry of this kind is not,
perhaps, the worst of its inconveniences; but it is
aconsideration triflingany policy which
importance. England
is
rio
henou
g h of n
to o
afford almost
any coherent patty can be supposed capable of ad-
vocating. She can afford the expense of maintain-
ing armaments powerful enough to make her in-
fluehce felt and her dignity respected all over the
world ; she may bear, with some grumbling, the
cost of war kept up through years of peace; she may
support forces sufficient to allow her Ministers to

dictate in the East, to naedd:e in the West, Co
quarrel with every one, and be prepared to make
their quarrel good. Or she may find in the
elasticity of her revenue the means of remitting
one innocuous tax to gratify a demagogue, and
another to purchase commercial concessions from a
despot; she may even be able to undergo a series
of financial experiments and still make both ends
meet. But she cannot, rich as she is, endure
at once the expense of both systems ; find
means to support the warlike policy of Lord
out the commercial
fancies Palmerston,
ofMessrs.a nd t o carry
Cobden
and Bright. She
cannot endure to have her revenue sacrificed to

the crotchets of the Peace Party, and at the same
time to be called upon for a permanent war ex-
penditure, No other nation could so long have
found it possible to pay for a Coalition Ministry ;
we are already beginning to find the burden intole-

rable. Partially made aware of this by the debates
of last session, the Cabinet has, as we are positively
informed by one of its acknowledged organs, de-
voted its serious consideration to the subject of ex-
penditure. " The heads of the great departments
have been engaged in a searching revision of the
estimates, with the view of diminishing expense, so
far as can be done without impairing that efficiency
which it is the principal object of the nation to pre-
serve." We are very glad to hear it—and we will
not be so ill-natured as to ask why that which it is
found possible to do in 1863 could not have been
done in 1861. We will not inquire whether this
late awakening of the Ministerial sense of respon-

sibility be due to an earnest conviction of the neces-
sity of retrenchment for the country's sake, or to a
thorough comprehension of the difficulties anu dan-
gers of the next Parliamentary campaign; whether
the laborious investigation of their estimates by Sir
G. C. Lewis, the Duke of Somerset, and Mr. Glad-

stone, be prompted by compassion to the suffering
taxpayers or by fear of Mr. Cobden; whether their
tardy conversion be due to the eloquence of any
other figures than those which represent the num-
bers in a possible division; whether it be the Finan-

cial or the Patronage Secretary of the Treasury who
has assisted at the councils of these repentant

spendthrifts. We will give them all credit for
good intentions until we know what their inten-
tions really are ; and we will not attribute to them
any other motives than those suggested for the
purest patriotism and the most disinterested peni.

tence. It is not necessary that we should remind
our readers how earnestly the chiefs of the Con-
servative Opposition endeavoured last session to
stem the current of extravagance, or how posi-
tively the spokesmen of the Ministry maintained
that there had been no extravagance, Mr. Glad-
stone's strange admissions and candid self-im-

peachment at Manchester notwithstanding. But
we trust that one thing will be distinctly-
understood ; that Conservative advocates of eco-
nomy have no tolerance for the usual Whig substi-
tutes—that they do not propose and will not permit
a reckless and extravagant retrenchment like that
which, after seven years of Liberal Government,

resulted in the disasters of the Crimean war. Nei-
ther the Opposition nor the country will tolerate
what is generally found to be the fulfilment of Whig
promises of economy—a hasty curtailment of neces-
sary expenditure, without any reduction of that
profusion which is profitable to the interests of the
party in power, and without any regard to the real

requirements of the public service. What England
demands, and will have, is retrenchment in the di-
r(ction indicated by the Conservative leaders, not
retrenchment inspired by the spirit of Mr. Bright.
We know that we can have a formidable army, an
irresistible navy, a thoroughly effective system of
defence by sea and land, for less than we are now
paying for defences that are declared by our rulers
to be insufficient ; and these things we intend to
have, either at the hands of the present Ministry,
or at those of abler or more conscientious successors.

DAILY NEWS.—Mr. Seward was 61 lest May,
and he can therefore remember the war of 1812.

He was a very clever boy, too, with a gentleman of
ability, cultivation, and prominent social position,
for his father ; so that he took head to political
events as they passed, and received political training
from his childhood upwards. He was early marked
for a high position in his own State of New York,
and, few doubted, for office at Washington. He
was reputed a scholar ; and some pronounced him a
philosopher. This last reputation was won by two
methods which he is understood to find very con-
venient at this day, after forty years' use. He can
always, on the shortest notice, justify any view, or
explain any phenomenon by some grand natural
law from which there is no appeal, or from which
his admiring hearers are not at the moment dis-

posed to appeal. It is true, these very grand laws
of nature do sometimes sanction opposite con-

clusions, but that cannot be helped; the law
can't be wrong, so the conclusion must be the

flexible part of the apparatus. This is the way in
which Mr. Seward is an abstract philosopher. His

way of being a concrete one is exceedingly attrac-
tive to his friends. He is entirely devoid of ambi-
tion ; he so covets the lot of a country gentleman,
tilling his fields in the mornings and studying
ancient philosophy in the evenings, that he is always
on the point of leaving public life for ever. At
every turn of his career he has been winding up his

' public affairs, and very impressive about the impos-
sibility of his being induced to undertake any more
public duty. There is something about his philo-
sophy which reminds irreverent people of Square's;
but then, philosophers are not so ♦ery numerous in
the world but that one may easily bring up the re-
membrance of another, and the copiousness of dis-
course and instruction which is common to Mr.
Jones's tutor and Mr. Lincoln's factotum really is a
point of resemblance. After a few years' practice
in the law, and before he was 30, Mr. Seward was
an active member of the Senate of his own State;
and from his life of philosophy thirty-two years
have been cut out and given to politic,. The office
of Governor of the State seemed to belong to him ;
ho was well qualified for it, and his family eminence
indicated him for the honour. If he had succeeded
on his first attempt be would hardly have been
heard of in this country till within the last two or
three years ; but he was not elected till 1838 ; and
thus the affair of the Caroline, and the danger of
war on account of M'Leod occurred while Mr.
Seward was Governor of the State of New York.
It was his duty to take care of the territory of his
State; and very vigorous indeed was the part he
took in the attempt to criminate Great Britain
generally and M'Leod in particular. The acquit-
tal of M'Leod was the natural and most satisfac-
tory close of the controversy, but it left behind it
a strong impression of Mr. Seward's characteris-
tics as a controversialist—characteristics now
familiar to all the world through his own pro-
fuse publication of despatches_ Thirteen years
ago he appeared in the Senate at Washington;
and for upwards of ten years he was generally re
garded as a virtual, though not an avowed aboli-
tionist. He was stronger and brighter in this phase
of his life than in any other. He was regarded as a

constitutional authority by the anti-slavery party ;
and he was more consistent and for a longer time,
than he has shown himself in any other department
of political cont►oversy. As the Republican party
became developed he manifested his antislavery
tendencies more and more openly, till he pledged

himself to his countrymen as an abolitionist by his

great speech at Rochester in 1859. It is an interest-
ing speculation (for which we have not room) what
_ _ _

would have been the consequences to his country if

his nomination by the Republican party in 1860 had
taken effect. The consequence of its not succeeding

has been that from that hour he has retreated from
the ground of his Rochester speech, so that we now
see him extored by our Secessionist journals for his
moderation, and stigmatised by the leaders of the
Republican party in America as the malign in-
fluence which retards the regeneration of the Re-

public. Theraare some strange things in the retro-
spect of his course. As Governor of his State he
dared the vengeance of Virginia on behaif of cer-
tain sailors who were concerned in the escape of
some slaves. As a senator be exposed himself to a
long course of insult and calumny from Mr. Roe-
buck's "gentlemen." Next, it was understood that
Mr. Lincoln, after being elected, had a strong dread
and dislike of Mr. Seward as an abolitionist ; that he
was delighted to hear of Mr. Seward's invincible
determination to bury himself at last in the seclu-
sion that he loved ; and that when the President
elect proposed to pay his former rival the harmless
compliment of offering him an office he would cer- ,
tainly refuse, he was confounded past concealment '
by the arrival, by the first post, of Mr. Seward's
acceptance of the Secretaryship of State. And now
the spectacle is of the President's inability to part '
with his Minister, while the popular fear is that Mr.
Seward's influence will weaken, and not fortify,
the resolution of the executive in fulfilling the
pledges of the Government in dealing with

the well-understood cause of the war. How
have these strange things come to pass ?

However much may be said on the spot, the case
is pretty generally understood and agreed upon in
fact, though not in any avowed way. Mr. Seward
gives no impression to observers of having ever had
a genuine conviction in his life. He may suppose
he has, and therefore has often spoken as if he had;
but his lifelong habit has been to address himself

expressly to the assumed state of mind of hearers
or readers; this is a practice which grows gross
and palpable in course of time, and at once generates
distrust in others, and renders the man himself in-
capable of seeing, feeling, and understanding things
as they really are. Mr. Seward never felt as other
men felt, that a revolution had begun, and that
there would be a bloody war. He has never felt
the pervading emotion of the Northern population,

animating them to root out the curse of their polity,
and finish the struggle in the most thorough way.
He long ago paltered with the great doctrine of

free labour on which he had before taken his stand

and now his countrymen perceive that his whole
action is of a retarding—not to say damaging—

character. It does not Appear that he is much more
liked by Democrats than Republicans. He might
slip from under them in making a compromise with
the South, as probably as he has slipped from under
the Republicans in the critical year of their policy.
He himself probably cannot help it now. Those
who have read any score of pages of his despatches,
and, much more, those who have heard him dis-

course for an evening, can well understand how
this may be. When it is said that his coaxing
style of address is unpleasant and impolitic, this
does not mean that he flatters the inclinations and
vanities of those to whom he speaks or writes, but
that he expects to win them by philosophising,
which he supposes they will take for a compliment.
He has thus arrived at offending all orders of
minds by treating them like infant scholars. A
milder degree of this method was once admired by
prepossessed constituents, and he now tries it with
aggravation on the Foreign Ministers of the Euro-
pean Powers, and on high and low at home.
Whether the President likes it, or whether he puts
up with it for the sake of having a self-confident,
plausible, and indefatigable Minister to lean on, we
shall know soma day. Meantime, the last mail
brings us much light as to what is going on.

RETENUES OF THE COURT OF BANKRUPTCY.
The amount paid by the Commissioners of Inland Revenue
to the account intituled the Chief Registrar's account, for
the week ending 30th December, 1862, has been duly cer-
tified at £1,146 14s. 4d, the largest sum we believe yet paid
in by the commissioners in any one week ; but even the
smaller amounts that have been received, have resulted,
up to the 30th October, in a very favourable balance to
the account of the chief registrar. This fact is the more
gratifying, from the circumstance that so large a propor-

tion of the business occupying the attention of the court
during the year has been of the insolvency category, a
very considerable number of cases paying only the £1
stamp, and another very considerable proportion pay-
ing no stamp duty at all. It may be, indeed, very
reasonably calculated that, but for the pressure of
,this
class of business, the number of the £5 petitions would have
been much larger than it has been, so that the funds of the
court would have been enhanced by the large amount pay-
able from the higher stamp duty, and from the allowances
upon collected assets, &c. There might seem to be now
room in the building in Basinghall. street for taking the
lower class of cases apart from the higher classes ; and if
this could be arranged it would be in every point of view
desirable. Of course insolvency, as a fact, is insolvency,
and an insolvent an insolvent; but in this respect, as in all
the features of our highly artificial state of society, there
are practical distinctions which must be kept in view. It
is impossible. by any moral reasoning, to persuade an East
India merchant that, because he cannot pay, and
there-
fore in the strict sense of the term insolvent, is, com-
mercially or socially, in the same category ryon.
his account
coal-shed keeper; and his creditors, both 'ahneinsolvent
the distinction.
and on their own, are equally sieisnsaibnd
cognate classes, are
Deb'er and creditor alike, in this
averse from being mixed up in the same bankruptcy admi-
nistration in the same court-room with the mob of insol-
vency.—Gazette of Ilank,rup tcy.
Committee The Rouen Charitable has decided on
giving a grand charity ball on the 7th of next
month,
requested the Chamber of Commerce to
and have
allow the fete to take place in the Grande Salle des Consuls.
The mayor of Rouen, in the name of the municipality, has
promised the committee a sum of 3,000 f., and the Prefect a
sum of 2,000 f. The committee has also resolved that all its
present members, and those who should hereafter join it,
shall each contribute an annual sum of 10f, for the next
two years.