The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-28 00:00:00

GENERAL ELECTION.

xnuwwil, Jut., t 7.

On Saturday morning it *ea annnuntied by the Oran

Purple party thit their candidates, Colonel Peel and
Charles Ogle, would arrive at Norwich about half.paq
three. In consequence great preparation, were made by
the party to
,form a capital proneesion. Plc/artist Slip,
binds, coaches laden with their friends, and a cavalcade of
shout 130 horsemen, with a large eotetnblage of voter* and
nun.voters, milieu" to lend their certittentukcct if they'
could give nothing rite, assembled about a mile from the
city, to which they marched in pi ocoasioa, alietruthely
greeted by booting and cheering. In one or two piste*
they met with a few sturdy Opponents, who lustily ex-
claimed against Mr. Peel's opposition to the law hill, and
particularly along the market, where a "ver'y large bed, of
the friends of Gurney and Grant stood, thy were arcosted
in terms nut the most friendly. At the Norfolk Hotel
Culotte! Peel addressed them at length, amidst smith noise.
declaring his consciournees of basing returned the trust
they hail reposed in him unsullied, and that he bad telly
acted rip to the principles he bad proliesaed, cal which he
should continue to uphold. Ifs pledged hinuell to vote
for every reduction consitteot with the real of the Stetv
iletded that be voted against the Ili4r 1311 tenet:adj., licit
only against the clause materially affecting public' Ironies,
because he did not wish to injure invested property, arid
because lie thought that was SW true principle of
don which did the greatest pablie good without private
injury. He alluded to hi. serviees in passing the Port
Bill, and infested that, to the city was about to herniate a
port, so Admiral was a proper perk)* to represent it. He
had always felt it a proud satitilsction to represent .1110.'
Orange and Purple party, whose principles pre oatught. beet ,
for the country, and by whieli rule his teevittet bail been
guided. lle ileclered lie voted Ow Hill probibitiog
colours being given to the electors at injisiiiiaa to tricle,•aitil
its not meeting the object inteniled,—.the prevention of
any influence; for electnr, would state their itpinhins
boldly; every one knew each other's *pinions, whether
iliaplayed by a cockade or not, and the voter whim, prin.
chiles were to be swayed by suck a gift could be little de-
pended upon. Mr. Peel spoke in thehiglieet. terms of the
ging% speech, which be did/tied spitke the rule or his
conduct, and which lie hoped would be the guide to ether
represtntatives. Ile then intreilueed Sir C Ogle, who
"polio shortly, but ,sae quite inaudible.
The election coevals is limit extiettlinely in favour of
. i:i,rrttvy anti [,rant, t►urre sot titan their loot
der
tt.rAilire;oit,:::,
(.hly ;01
_thy it favour, and the I.urtduu rises equally, if Poe The Oranges area day behind in the rlattvaga.
Many staunch supporter* of their party speak, and will
rote, in favour er Ali. Grant, who has ni ide great
univ
with intireat.ed effect.

IWCKINUHAAt.
I)ay of election dud for Friday, July 30.
CAUKltibut.
Elections for the University and town miil tale pl 4,
on Saturday and 'Monday kit.
The county election is appointed to ectuntence 041 'rota.
day-, tl.e 10th of August.

• ,
An error leas crept into the account
the Court eirridur of the' ititArter " 1".1.1
"".
MOililAy. It it. itateil 4114$ the Wt:4l.
knelt twit kkottil tilt]
apthority to ti ly thin Ali did
jetty of Woattoustrito tvni, i€t CV teV pr4+=, iv, VOCO "

SPIRIT OF THU PUBLIC JOURNALS.'

The French Papers of Sunday contain despatches
from the Cottimander-irt.Chief of the Algerme
tsedition to the 14th instant, and consequently give
us accounts five or six days later than the official re.
ports from the same quarter which we lately pub.
lisbed. General Bourmont still seems to arrange
plans, and to write despatches, under the impres-
sion that, as the conquest of Algiers was solely the
result of the .French prowess, so its settlement is
to be left solely to the dictation of a French con.
queror. Hence ha has proceeded, in conformity
with the principles announced in his despatch of the
Bth instant, to provide a passage for the Dey to
Italy, changing his destination, according to his
own wish, from Leghorn to Naples, Hence he has
sent sway 1,300 Turkish soldiers (called in his ours
retie" and in that of Admiral Duperre Jo.
finalise) as if they possessed no right to remain in
the country which they formerly ruled, and as if
they carried with them to Asia the resignation or,
the last remains of that sovereignty which, three
centuries ago, the first of the Barbarossas had
brought in his scabbard to the north coast of Africa.
In order that there might be no mistake in these
indications of future policy regarding his conquest,
the General tells us that a municipal commission of
the Moorish roe has been installed, and that its
" enlightened members" accept with joy the part
which they are henceforth to take " in the adminis-
tration of their country." Then 'we hear of the
tribute sent by the vassal Chief of Tittery, and
of the expected submission of the Bey of Constan-
tine. Whutever, therefore, is to happen, it is plain
that fur the present, the new Marshal's baton is to
be regarded as the sceptre of Algiers; that the prints
of Turkish dominion are at once to be obliterated
from the soil by the feet of the victor, and that a
new destiny is fixed by French arms for the native
population. If, after conquering our army in
India, the victor should insist upon sending our
Governors-Generil and our troops home instead of
retaining them as prisoners of war, we could easily
foresee, without any explicit manifesto, the course
of policy intended to be pursued with respect to
the conquered territory. It might therefore appear
puerile to attempt any further proof of the plain and
almost undisguised views of the French Commander-
in.Chief,That he wishes and affects tobe considered
the founder of French colonial authority in Africa—u
second Scipio Africanusa French Pro-consul on the
ruins of Algiers, if not of Carthage—there can be
no doubt. Nay, we will go further, and even ad-
mit that in the present state of the French Cabinet
its members would not be distressed to find thut
the professions of their General were believed; that
the French nation coaisidered the question one of
a solution merely French; and thet they might
reap some popularity from the mistaken notion
that they had added a profitable accession of power
and territory to France by extending her naval
establishments to the opposite coast of the Mediter-
ranean. It would be rather hard to require card-
players to throw away the best trump in their hands
when their game is most in danger. The French
Ministry are not only pushed by their friends us a
source Of power, but by their enemies as a source of
embarrassment, to keep possession of their new con-
quest, and may therefore be excused in publishing
the despatches of their commander and fellow.
minister, without any explicit renunciation of his
pretensions, or any prompt declaration of their own
views. But, in making this admission, we see no
reason to doubt that the French Court must be dis-
posed to consult, not only the interests of its own
temporary populerity, and the national views or
prejudices of Frenchmen, in the disposal of its new
acquisition, but the peace of Europe and the good-
will
of its allies. It has long been an admitted rule
that no member of the European community cats ac-
quire an accession of territory in the neighbourhood
of the rest, without submitting to them the ques-
tion how far the new possession alters their existing
relations. Sometimes this examination and adjust-
ment takes place at longer, sometimes at shorter in-
tervals from the date of the conquest, but it must
always take place sooner or later. In a season of
general peace the attacking party usually explains his
object 'before the commencement of the aggression.
This was the case in the invasion of Spain by the
French in 11123, and the invasion of Naples by the
Austrian troops two years before. Its other in-
stances the conquest is made first, and the question
of restitution or retention is afterwards settled. In
a continued' war, where a series of conquests takes
place, this settlement is generally delayed till its
termination, and made the subject of treaty in 11
general congress. But in no instance has so im-
portant an acquisition as the whole Regency of
Algiers been made by an European Power, without
the general concurrence of its allies and neigh.
boors. One of the French Liberal journals thinks
that it has for ever set at rest this question, by
tilling us that France has the same right to Algiers
that England has to Gibraltar or Malta—the two
latter possessions having been acquired by the same
power, and held by the same tenure, its the for.
mar. lint it is plain that this assertion is only par-
tially true. England acquired these stations by the
sword, but she did not decide on their permanent
occupation till she had made them the subject of
negociation with her Allies. We say nothing about
what would be, or what will be, the result of
similar tiegociations on the present occasion,
taut we are sure that we are only speaking
the sentiments of the French Cabinet, as
wall as those of political moderation and good
faith, when we place the policy and intentions of
the French Government in opposition to the hasty
decisions of its ardent General and its factious op.
pepents. Whatever influence France may wish to
exareise over the fate of Africa, will be most bene.
fleialla end effectually exercised by a general under.
wending end coneert with her Allies. Of all con-
quests in the world, that of Algiers seems best
adapted to be made the subject of a general arrange-
ment. The existence and barbarities of the pirati-
cal despotism by which it was governed have been
long felt as a reproach to Christian sympathies and
European civilization. Joint expeditions have,
therefore, frequently been proposed for its over-
throw ; and even joint attacks have been made to
avenge its common wrongs. The English in 1816,
slid not diedain the essistenee of a Dutch squadron,
awl ease the Congress of Aix-hi-Chapelle, the
Prima and English concurred in a summons for the
suppression of pinto), by a joint mission. - In fol-
lowing out this idea, the French Monarch, both in
his address to the late Chamber, and his answer to
the congratulations on his recent victory, has spoken
about the conquest as a boon to humeeiry as well as
to France, We have no doubt, therefore!, that he
will, without any jealousy or reluctance, admit oilier
Governments, whose champion he in part professes
himself to have been, to consult with him the settle..
meta of the conquest, as well us share in the benefit
of the triumph.—Times.
We have before adverted to the extraordinary ex-
hibition presented by the University of Dublin, in
setting up a candidate on the professed ground of
the " No Popery" principle. But we now entitle
to a circumstance connected with this electioe-coe.
test, Which appears scarcely less to bed deprecutcd on
memunt of its absurdity, than the factious uttempt
of the Orenge partisans is on account of itewieked.
fleas. really can hardly believe that so' rationul
arid liberal-minded a man as Mr. North cars seriously
bowed to indulge the vanity of upp
caring pmlititt,n ti.tisgoaltd_eLy of botienCetfille,
()ratr„e'
_„7,l4"ice. help the return of the
ekes
elti
.n
etiturrost but know, that if
lihroulihiligpersistiiwy tof, their ttferonhiai friends the
bun there is
a very great prohability 'rit` the: ioc„,
learned iectildiary ',they, and „(!es.ss tde
able and mischievous party, prori, Itvel:"lll6c-
tire of common sense, of regard for the sect
his education, of atter:lmmo us the great cause of
enlightened government., of which he Fine ever been
the friend, Mr. North must wish to prevent the
di•grace of having his University represented by a
feetioe; for what WWl' Wane than that of far:titre

can be given to a body of men who have no bond
of union but fierce intolerance, hypocritically assum-
ing the cloak of religion, and whose means of attain-
ing their objects consist of the lowest arts of in-
trigue, and of the most audacious system of misre-
presentation and calumny ? We have reason to be-
lieve, both from information and from some per-
sonal experience, that the vast majority of the
senior and permanent members of the College is
opposed to this party, the strength of which lies
among the younger students, of whose inexpe-
rience advantage has been taken, and who have
been flattered and cajoled into this posthumous
opposition to Catholic Emancipation. It is said,
indeed,—but surely it cannot be true,—that
the learned Provost, whose special duty it is to pre-
serve tranquillity and discountenance turbulent dis-
plays of party spirit, will, nevertheless' vote for Mr.
Leroy. Is it possible that the old leaven of No-
Popery can prevail over his academical feelings ? If
other motives of a more worldly kind have influence,
we trust and think that the hope, will be disap-
pointed. Be that, however, as it may, we must
again urge the propriety—we had almost said the
duty—of Mr. North's abstaining from endangering
the return of a liberal candidate; and for no object,
as fur as we can see, except the gratification of per-
sonal vanity. Where there is no reasonable chance
of success, a sound-headed and liberal man—and
such we believe Mr. North to be—must feel it to be
unworthy of his character to persist in a course
which will at once injure the party which befriends
him, and promote the triumph of a common enemy.

London has not, for many years, exhibited such
scenes of animated gaiety as have occurred within
the last fortnight. In spite of the depression which
the state of trade and of the currency have mainly
produced, the affable and endearing conduct of King
William and his amiable consort seems to have
driven away " dull care" from the hearts at least of
the Londoners, who, one and all, seem animated and
enlivened by present enjoyment, and by the prospect
of a permanently better state of things, which ap-
pears likely to flow from so auspicious is commence-
meet, Though the King's engaging demeanour
evidently springs from the spontaneous goodness of
his own heart, yet were it otherwise, and were his•l
Majesty, instead of the most open-hearted of man-
kind, the most designing of all wary politicians, we
should still say that he understands one branch of
political economy better then the lute King's Ministers
appear ever to have done; we mean the mutual ad•
vantage which results both to the governed and to the
Government by the latter making the good humour
and happiness of the former objects not beneath
their notice. The King, it is evident, does not think
the whole world centred in Downing-street, or the
smiles of office towards its obsequious expectants,
nil the benignity which the heads of a popular Go-
vernment need bestow upon the people. His Ma-
jesty, it is quite evident, looks to a much wider
circle, and, while he is not indifferent to the splen-
dour of his Court or the good will of the Aristo-
cracy, looks to the legitimate source of power, the
people at large, and is evidently anxious to live in
their hearts and reign in their affections. And in
how few abort days has this great, this noblest ob-
ject of ambition, been at once sought for and ob-
, rained 1 And while we pay the King the homage
that is due to him for the good taste, the judgment,
and kind-heuredoess which have distinguished him
on the occasion, let us not withhold from the people
themselves their share of the merit. They have
nobly and readily responded to the call of the Monarch.
No gloom, no distrust, no misgivings, have, for a mo-
ment, intercepted the right current of their feelings:
and though public events, and the conduct of public
men, hnd generated a feeling almost bordering on
despair, no sooner do they perceive in the new
Monarch a disposition to identify himself with them,
'anti with their interest., than they rush to meet the
King half-way in the career of kindness and good
humour, and John Bull lays aside in an instant
every trait of his characteristic tendency to grum-
bling. Is there, we would repeat, no lesson which
the King's Ministers might gather with advantage
from his Majesty's high and gratifying example ?
Are there none among them, for instance, whose
pride and hauteur have hitherto been as disgusting
as the King's affability is gratifying ? Cannot they
learn bow unprofitable the one has been, from the
ready and ample return which the latter has pro-
duced? Above all, cannot they learn this useful
lesson from their Royal Master, that Government
exists for the benefit of the many, and not of the
few—that few, also, but too generally composed of
hungry expectants and flatterers for place, and who
are among the first to abandon and revile the hand
which can no longer feed them.-21foreing herald.
"The cause of the disinclination to stand for coun-
ties is not alone the increased expense. From the
increase of private heftiness (for every thing is now
brought into Parliament), the Member for an exten-
sive and populous county has become a complete
drudge. In an aristocratical country like England,
labour will not be much coveted by the higher
classes : and it would not, therefore, at all surprise
us to see the counties altogether declined by the
gentry, and a revival of the old practice with re-
gard to them, of paying a man of business to repre-
seat them in the House of Commons. No doubt,
a County Member who is at all assiduous, in sup-
porting Ministers, does contrive at present to 0 -
rain a few pickings; but still this consideration
will soon be found unavailing to tempt Members to
undergo such drudgery us falls to the share of Sir
Edward Knatchbull, the Member for Kent, for in-
%tenet. Mr. Laseelles (Lord Harewood) and Mr.
Stuart 'Wortley (now Lord Wharncliffe) toiled as
few men will consent to toil, for many years. If the
freeholders of Yorkshire, by way of honouring
themselves by their choice, return Mr. Brougham,
it will, of course, be necessary for that gentleman
to stipulate au exemption from the drudgery of
county business, for were he to consent to take
a seat Gn the condition of bearing bin share,
the honour would be a costly one, involving,
as it would, the sacrifice of his professional
business. No wonder that rotten boroughs should
rise in price, precarious as this species of property
often is. The Member of a rotten borough is hide-
pendent, and not under the necessity of keeping
what may be called a solicitor's office. He can de-
vote himself to public business of his own
choice. For Batton, the !property connected with
which lets at about 3,000/. a year, no less a SUM
-was asked than 180,0001. Some time ago time re-
port was that it had been purchased for Lord Mon-
son at 170,0001.; but we have since heard that it is
yet in the market. Deduct the land and house
connected with it (and houses in the present day are
everywhere let for little more then what keeps
them in repair, the gentry having lost the taste for
a country residence), and art idea may easily he
formed of the high value bet upon a borough. This
corresponds with what fell from Lords Grey turd
Durham in the debate on the East Itetford Bill, as
to the increased market price of boroughs. First,
there is the increased and constantly increasing ex.
pence of open boroughs; and secondly, the ruin at.
fondant on a contested county, with time fatigue of
the collets! busituats. In the Marrsion-house report of
yesterday, a young roan was brought before the
1.,.0rd Mayor, charged with having threetened to do
his Whet some desperate bodily injury, on account of
the father having failed to keep his promise of
making him is freeman of Rochester, which was a
a loss to bite of 00/, that a vote for that piece was
now worth. This we suspect is a little exaggerated;
but the competition is keen in that borough, which
till lately was by no means an expensive place. But
in every open place there is now what is called a
third party, the object of whiell is to prevent two
candidates from obtaining their seats without ex-
trending for the good of the voters a round sum of
money. All this has a tendency to raise the value
of eloae boroughs, though it has also a tendenty to
stimulate rich men to attempt to open them. From
thca
inilu)ol4!..e_o_if!rn!roltlyed Men in this country, and.
Lleachrog"TrZt. late years the science of
Os, should riot be *liquified if

many places reputed close were opened ere long.—
When that coxcomb, Capt. Basil Hall, was travelling
in North America with a view to find matter for in-
creasing the self-love of the spending.class at home,
he took care not to see any thing to the United
States deserving of the notice of his countrymen.
The Americans have, however, made many valuable
improvements on the Institutions of the Mother
Country, both Legislative and Judicial ; and some
of those improvements are not undeserving of the
attention of Parliament at a time when Parliamentary
business is found so oppressive as to frighten gentle-
men from standing for counties and populous places.
The indefatigable Mr. Joseph Parkes, of Birming-
ham, the author of " The History of the Court of
Chancery," has just published an octavo volume
under the title of " The Statutes and Orders of the
Court of Chancery, and the Statute Law of Real
Property of the State of New York, recently re-
vised and amended, with a brief account of the
Equity Jurisdictions, and Law.of Real Property and.
Registration in the United States of North America;
in the introduction to which we find the following
very curious account of the means to which the
Americans have had recourse for overcoming a dif-,
ficulty to which the British Legislature has hitherto
proved unequal :
" Bat the department of North American jurisprudence,"
says Mr. Parkes (introduction, p. exi.), which is most
worthy the attention and imitation of the British Legisla-
ture, is the wise, cautious, and practical mode pursued in
the revision of the law, and in the improvement of the ju-
risdictions and circuits of the Courts. This important
and difficult province has not occupied merely the Congress
and the State Legislatures, in numerous assemblies—
bodies alone ill-suited to the due execution of judicial and
legal revision—but it has been committed, under the sanc-
tion of legislative authority, and subject to ultimate legis-
lative review, to learned and eminent men, specially ap-
pointed, and adequately remunerated for devoting their
time and talents to a deliberative and responsible office.
Such a delegation of power will become absolutely neces-
sary in England. The British Parliament cannot long ex-
ercise its multifarious and incongruous labours of
tien. The physical powers of the leading and protein.
sional members of the House of Commons must give way
under the accumulating pressure of official and senatorial
avocations. Awful and melancholy instances of individual
sacrifice to public labourshavesuccessfully happened and will
most certainly recur, of public men of the first class of mind
attempting to accomplish labours beyond the physical and
intellectual powers of human nature;--labours which, if
surmounted, would have been hut imperfectly accom-
plished. The constitution of the House of Comnsmons
was not originally formed for its present oppressive and
inconsistent union of deliberative, judicial, executive, and
manifold other duties. The House of Commons has the
power of choice; either the creation of Provincial As-
semblies, or Stipendiary Committees of Legislation, for
Local Legislation and Jurisprudence. The ' private bu-
siness' of the House of Commons, and the opening labours
of legal reform, cannot be undertaken by the same indivi-
duals, in conjunction with the official affairs and public
legislation of the country. Important alterations of pub-
lic laws—repeal and consolidation of large masses of sta-
totes---the introduction of new principles of law, and the
re-modelling and new creation of Courts of judicature, re-
quired by the altered circumstances of the country, should
not be entrusted to the single judgment of a Minister of
State, overwhelmed with official labours, or be confided to
the private opinions of individual Members of the Bar, to
whom a Minister may delegate favour and power. The
hurried consideration of such important subjects of le-
gislation—frequently at the end of a Session—amid
cursory debates on second and third 'readings,' and
midnight colloquial discussions in Committees on Bills,'
cannot wisely provide laws and constitutions called for by
the rapid increase of population, commerce and wealth,
and the exigencies of modern society. Such loose experi-
memo in legislation must be necessarily unsuccessful. In-
numerable enn,ndatory acts must be required from Session
to Session.

" The Legislature and the Courts must he constantly sur-
prised to find what has become law, and each succeeding
Parliament will be occupied in repealing the Acts of its
predecessor. These remarks ate far from being made in
a spirit of detraction, of an indirect reflection on the
Jammu of Sir Robert Peel. The general character of
utility and sincerity which has marked his successive,
though circumscribed labours iu the field of legal reform,
entitles him to the grateful thanks of the public, and dis-
tinguishes him tneritoriously as a Minister of State. But
Sir Robert Peel, if he wish to do effectual legal service to
the country, must eventually take a wider and more com-
prehensive view of the exigencies of the times, and of the
principles of jurisprudence."
Mr. Parkes then proceeds to detail the means
to which the several States of the American Union
have had recourse for the revision of their laws. The
division of legislative labour, however, generally fa-
cilitates their endeavours. Division of labour in the
arts is the cause of all mechanical improvement. 7
Engrossing seems, however, the process most fami-
Far to the House of Commons. It is a common obser-
vet ion in the world, that the men who are always over
bead and ears in business never do anything. The
British Parliament finds nothing too high or too low
for its notice ; and we all know the result.
majority of the States of the AmericauUnion,
says Mr. Parkes, " in their Provincial Legislatures,
have periodically and successfully amended andim-
proved their legal constitutions." Virginia alone
bus had twelve entire revisions of her laws. How
different this from what takes
place in England,
where no man knows what laws are in the Statute
Book 1 Even Lord Thurlow said he did not pre-
tend to know " the damned Statute Law." Last
Session sickened two or three Members of Parlia-
ment. If Mr. Hume be spared, by killing two or
three Ministers outright—for nothing less will pre-
vent them from rubbbing on—we may expect some
endeavour to meet the evil.—Morning Citron:de.
There seems, whether we consider the general
temper and feeling of the country, or refer to the
daily accounts of the actual transactions in progress
in different places, no reason to doubt that the re-
sult of the approaching election will be to assemble
together a House of Commons in which the spirit of
party will possess no inordinate or mischievous in-
Genre, and in which those sentiments of confidence
and esteem which his Majesty's Ministers so well
deserve, will be so far predominant, us to extinguish
the hopes, and effectually discountenance and put
down the efforts of factious or systematic opposition.
That a large majority of the nation give credit to
the existing Administration for a sincere intention
to govern well—to abolish with all prudent and
practicable speed whatever abuses have crept into
the management of public affairs—go economise the
national resources--to respect the national feelings—
to uphold the character and promote the interests
of the country, and for talents competent to the
execution of these honest and patriotic purposes,
must be evident to every observer from the
facts—facts which we rather think are quite new in
the history of elections—that the language of ob-
loquy or reproach is nowhere directed against Minis-
ters as a means of propitiating popular favour—that
candidates generally adopt the tone of respect and
confidence towards the Government—and that those
even who have hitherto manifested the most deter-
mined hostility towards Ministers, deem it prudent
now, when brought into immediate contact with
their constituents, to abate their violence, and to as-
sume the appearance, if not of friendship, at least of
moderation. Since the period when George 111.
appealed to the country for the support of the Mi-
eister of his constitutional choice against the domi-
neering usurpation of a Parliamentary coalition, no
Ministry in Englund has been placed in so proud and
enviable a position ut any general election as that
which is occupied at this moment by the Adminis-
tration of the Duke of Wellington. An English
Ministry,
i would, however, but ill discharge its duty
to its Sovereign or the country, however confi-
dently t might rely on the spontaneous suffrages
of the independent electors, if ut the period
of at general election it were to be entirely supine
W
or inactive. e hold, in opposition to the opinion
of smite of our. contemporaries, that it is at such a
period it very important part of the duty of Go-
vernment to distinguish its friends from its enemies,
to increase the former, and promote by all legal
means their success ; and, with the same limitation
cooly as to the Melilla employed, to discourage and
defeat the latter. The composition of the House
of Commons is a mutter of infinitely to, great
left
to the future march of Government to be
left by any prudent and practical Statesman to the

dominion of accident. In a country like England,'
however popular and however worthy of popularity
the Administration of the day, there can never fail
to be a considerable number of persons belonging
to the various aristocracies of rank, of wealth, and
of talent, who, from ambition, disappointment,
or envy, aro anxious for its overthrow. The
influence of these persons must be considerable,
and it is sure to be exerted to the utmost to pro-
, cure the return of candidates whose Parliamentary
conduct will be calculated to obstruct, embarrass,
and enfeeble the Administration. To affirm that
the personal and official influence of Ministers ought
to remain in abeyance during the election of Mem-
bers of Parliament, or to deny that it is their duty
to exert it in order to promote the return of can-
, tlidates whose principles and views are in unison
1 with their own, is therefore in effect to say that
the Ministerial party ought to meet the country at
in
feriority
--that election upon terms of self-imposed
that they should willingly submit to disadvan-
tages from which every other-party is exempt, that
while all other parties enjoy the aid and encourage-
, ment which the efforts of their natural leaders must,
afford, the Ministerial party alone is to be deprived
of this important assistance—that the stability and
permanency of the Administration are objects to
' which our representative system is permanently
and upon principle inimical—and that one main ob-
ject of our periodical or accidental dissolutions of
Parliament is to secure total changes, at least
equally frequent, of the Executive Government.
' It would be difficult to imagine any thing more
absurd than these propositions, which are direct
and unavoidable inferences from the doctrine (if
indeed they be not identical with it) that the
influence of the Ministers of the Crown ought not ,
to be employed, directly or indirectly, in the elec-
tions of Members of Parliament. A more complete
demonstration of the absurdity of the doctrine itself
can scarcely be required. A wise and prudent Mi-
'lister will, however, perform that delicate arid has
portant part of his duty which consists in applying
the legitimate influence of the Crown in the forma-
tion of the House of Commons with great reserve
and moderation. He will respect the peace and
harmony of society in our towns and counties. He
will seldom attempt to disturb the beneficial local
influence of property and rank, although it happen
to be opposed to him. He will not strive to get
up an opposition even to the return of men
who are the opponents in Parliament of many
of his measures, if they be in other respects
men of real value in the discussion or ma-
nagement of affairs, or particularly if they be
identified in the estimation of the country with
any cause or any set of principles likely to conduce
to public advantage or entitled to any degree of
public respect. Of this prudent and becoming
moderation we have a remarkable example in the
case of Mr. Hume, who is likely to be returned for
the metropolitan county without opposition from
any candidate in the interest of Government. It
cannot be denied that Mr. Hume is a very trouble-
some opponent of Government in the House of
Commons, or that in the mere useless consumption
of time, he does mischief more than sufficient to
balance all the good he ever has done, or is at all
likely to do. Neither can it be doubted, we think,
that the Minister, now that the Royal Family and
Court is decidedly ministerial—the former, we re-
joice to believe, for the first time unanimously so—
could easily have procured the return for Middlesex
of a friendly candidate in opposition to Mr. Hume,
or any other man whatever. But Mr. Hume has be-
come in some measure identified in the opinion of
the country with the cause of economy and retrench-
ment in the national expenditure. The opinion may
be erroneous. We think it is so. But the fact of
its existence is not to be questioned. To have ex-
erted the influence of Government in opposition to
the return of that gentleman might probably, there-
fore, have given rise to injurious misconstruction.
He lute the merit of having been the most indus-
trious and prominent, although not perhaps always
the most judicious advocate of economy; and this
merit, it now appears, is enough to cover a multi-
tude of sins in the estimation of a Minister who, in
the cause of economy, has more than his zeal with
less than his rashness, and who, en account
merely of his strenuous efforts in this cause—mis-
directed although many of them may have been—
is yet disposed to regard him in the light of an ally
rather than in that of an opponent.—Morning Port.
It will be seen from an article in another part of
our paper, that large exportations of gold arid silver
have lately taken place, or are about to take place.
Such a circumstance would have been viewed, some
time ago, es little less atrocious than a direct robbery
of the nation; and even now there are many who
look, not only with jealousy, but even with con-
siderable suspicion of wrong and ruin, on the expor-
tation of the precious metals. We beg them to
calm their fears, and to take comfort in the fact,
thut individuals seldom give away large sums of
money, without receiving an equivalent value in
return. If the gold and the silver are now taking
their departure for the Contiment, the true inference
is, that they are wanted there—bear a higher price
than in this country, and are exchanged for other
articles which are more in request here. We
are aware that it may be urged, that it would
have been much more advantageous to the
country—at least to the working part of its
population—had the payment fur our sup-
plies from abroad been made in the.natural pro-
duce
,or manufactures of the country ; and we wil-
lingly give in to the objection. At the same time
there is no possibility of controuling the course of
commerce. For the silver and gold now in process
of exportation, an equivalent value of British or
other manufactures—most probably of the former—
was no doubt given ; and it may turn out to be
equally matter of fact, that the articles for which
our gold and silver are now exporting, are not only
specially required here, but that in lieu of them a
large quantity of British produce has been, or is
about to be exported to quarters where nothing but
the precious metals can be got in exchange. The
States of South America may be instanced its an ex-
ample in point, and even some of the oldest European
countries might safely be classed with them. In
truth, however, the matter is not worth talking
or writing about, except for the erroneous notions
which prevail respecting it. Whatever may be the
course of commercial transactions, it may always be
taken for granted that there is a 9:thl pro quo—that
no one parts with his valuables, without receiving
an equivalent ; and that if the bargain be advan-
tageous, gold and silver may us readily be given in
exchange as any other articles. They are looked
upon generally as mere money—or articles in which
labour has not been required—but they are as much
matters of commerce and manufacture as cotton or
silk. They arc paid fur as such—they are need as
each, and as they are now bought and sold as such,
there can be no reason why their exportation should
be reputed us a calamity. When they become
scarce here, and bear a higher price than they do on
the Continent, there can be no question that the
importation of them will be as extensive as the
exportation, which we have noticed elsewhere.—
jihn ;zing ildvertiler.

By a marriage which took place a few days
ago, the lady becomes mother to her brother, sister to her
grandmother to her nephew, aunt to her grandson,
slaw to her daughter, and mother to her aister,—.Edia.
burgh Evening (Alumni.

A few days ago, an animal answering in every
particular the description of a crocodile, was caught near
mann, in this county, in a culvert that crosses the road.
It vim tires di►covered by a woman, who heard it cry out
from her own door. On approaching the spot, she saw it
at the mouth of the culvert. It is now in the possession
of Mr. Ism:iv, of Haywood. It is nearly four feet in
length, and is still living. It is said that last year a man
and a woman were travelling- the country with some young
animals of this species, aid that they washed them in a
brook near ilium ; one of them escaped, and it is believed
to be the one caught as before stated.—Slaffordsitire
Advertiser.

SUMMER ASSIZES.

HOME CIRCUIT._CIIELMSFORD, JULY 27.
The commission for holding the Assizes was
opened here yesterday, by Mr. Baron GARROW.

MARKS V. MOSS.
This was an action against the defendant to
recover damages for injuries and losses sustained in
consequence of the carelessness of defendant's
servant.

It appeared from the statement of Counsel, that
the plaintiff on the 3d of December last, was re-
turning in a chaise-cart from Romford, where be had
been to market ; on the road he stopped at a pub-
lic-house and had some tea, and then went on his
way with all reasonable expectations of attaining
the end of his journey in safety. When he got
near a place called Irish-row, he heard a noise of
some vehicle behind driving at a furious rate; and
this was a postchaise belonging to the defendant
Moss, and driven by one of his post-hoys. The
latter was immediately called to, but disregarded
the cry to atop, otherwise there was plenty of room
to have reined in the horses. The consequence was,
that the chaise coming in contact with one of the
wheels of the cart, overset it : Marks and a person
with him were thrown out, by which the plaintiff
was severely injured. Previous to overtaking the
plaintiff, the post-boy had nearly driven over some
others. Defendant very violently refused to make
any compensation, and so the present action became
necessary.
No defence was offered, and the Jury returned a
verdict of 201. damages.
John Harris and John Brown were indicted for
burglariously entering the house of John Thomp-
son, at Ilford, on the night of the 23d of March last.
The prisoners were found Guilty, and death was
recorded against them.

NORTHERN CIRCUIT.—YORK, JULY 26.
The commission was opened here on Sunday
by Judges TINDAL and BAYLEY, who yesterday prc-
ended in state to the church that adjoins the
Minster (which is yet under repair) to hear Divine
Service.

This day Lord Chief Justice TINDAL proceeded
to try the city prisoners at the Guildhall, and having
disposed of one of the three which are for trial, ad-
journed with his learned colleague to the Castle to
open the Courts. Mr. Justice BAYLEY presided at
the Crown Side, and the Chief Justice at Nisi
Prius, but there was not a single case in either
Court which possessed the slightest public interest.
The calendar is extremely light, haring on it the
names of forty-one prisoners only.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

BOW-STREET.

Yesterday a man named Phelp, who keeps a
livery-stable in Hart-street, Covent•garden, and his
wife, were placed at the bar, charged with having
stolen It sovereigns from a person named Baxter,
who stated himself to be a botanitt.

It appeared from the prosecutor's statement, that
on Friday last he went to the house of the pri-
soners for a change of linen, and brought with him
14 sovereigns, which were tied up in his cravat.—
He placed the handkerchief and money next to his
hat, and in a short time after he missed the money.
No person was in the room at the time but the fe-
male prisoner, and he saw her speaking to the male
prisoner, who merely looked into the room, and
went away almost immediately.

Mr. C. Phillips, who appeared for the prisoners,
cross-examined the prosecutor at considerable length,
and drew from him several strange admissions. He
had been, he said, to Botany Bay, to collect plants
for Mr. knight, of Knightsbridge, and he was worth
20,0001.; but somehow or other, whenever he drew
money, it was always stolen from him, and the next
.morning he found himself not worth " a dump."—
He had several times provided himself with money
to go down to Scotland, for the purpose of visiting
his friends, but was always obliged to abandon his
intention, the funds which he had drawn for the pur.
pose having been stolen from him. The night pre-
vious to this robbery he had passed in a house of
accommodation in Lisle-street; but he was quite
certain that no person there had robbed him, as he
had taken the precaution of
.placing the sovereigns
which he had about him in his cravat. He had lived
for five days in another brothel in Lisle street, the
landlady of which had furnished him with a bill
amounting to 40/. lie admitted that he was in the
habit of drinking pretty freely; but he was seldom
drunk before dinner.

Mr. C. Phillips submitted that the prosecutor, by
his own admission, was not entitled to belief.
Mr. MINSHULL said, however, that as the loss of
the sovereigns under the circumstances described
had been distinctly sworn to, it %vas his duty to
commit the prisoners for trial. He, however, would
take good bail for their appearance at the Sessions.
The required bail was accordingly put in, and the
prisoners were discharged.
In the course of the morning Mr. MINSHULL re.
ceived a communication from Mr. Harmer, stating
that the witnesses in the case of Captain Helsham
had arrived from Boulogne, and were ready to be
brought forward.

Mr. MINSHULL replied, that Friday next had been
appointed for the hearing, but as the witnesses were
in attendance, ho would send to the prison for Cap-
tain Helsham, and have the case brought on, pro-
vided that gentleman offered no objection.
Captain Hrlsham was accordingly sent for, and
upon his arrival, was taken to the private room,
where, in a conversation with Mr. Minshull, he re-
quested that the case might stand over until Friday,
as Mr. Adolphus, whom he had retained on his be-
half, was at Chelmsford, and could not attend before
that day.

Mr. C. Phillips, who appeared for the prosecu-
tion, had understood Captain ilelaham to have said,
that if he (Mr. Phillips) made no statement against
him, but merely went into the evidence, he had no
objection to meet the charge at once. To this ar-
rangement he (Mr. Phillips) was willing to accede;
and, indeed, it would not be necessary to make any
statement, as the two witnesses who had come over
from Boulogne would be sufficient to prove the fact
of the duel, which was all that was at present re-
quired to make out a prima facie case against Cap-
tain Ilelaharn.
Mr. MlNtinut.t. had agreed to let the case stand
over until Friday, which was all that Captain Hel-
sham required.

Mr. C. Phillips regretted that the case could not
be brought forward at once, as on Friday next hia
professional duties would require his attendance at
the Canterbury election,
The case was than appointed for next Friday, at
one o'clock.

Information was received by Sir 11.11tiottE in the
course of the morning, of an intended duel between
two barristers; and Taunton, the officer, was imme-
diately despatched to bring the parties to this office.
On their arrival with the officer, they were brought
before Sir it. litamk, in the private room, when
the fact of a hostile message baring been proved
in evidence, both gentlemen were winked to give
bail in the sum of lOU, to keep the peace towards
each other for 12 months. The affair was managed
with the greatest secresy, and neither the names of
the parties nor the cause of quarrel were suffered to
transpire.

LAIIBETILSTREET.
A professional gentleman named Kelly, yesterday
came to this office, accompanied by a young woman
named Sarah Measures, and stated that he wished
to know why the parish of All Saints, Poplar, re-
fused to allow the young woman a certain sufficient
sum weekly for the support of the male illegitimate
child which she carried in her arms.
It appeared that the young woman had been se-
duced by the steward of an Indiaman. The parish
officara had gone to him and had agreed to receive
34/. es an entire exoneration to the young man for
any trouble the child might bring him into.
Mr. Clark, one of the overseers, said the parish
had no other intention than to allow the woman a