The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-20 00:00:00

Ragusa, nr did they bear to he orders coming from some
other quarter ?
M. Reinerwieski, interposing, replied—M. tie Ragusa
desired several off►cers to run after M. de Foucault, and
get back the orders from him,
M. Pair—Who wrote the ordets under the Menthol%
dictation I'
M. de (suise—As for me, I never wrote such an order.
hf Poir—Did the hand-writing appear to be that of the
Marshal ?
M. de Foucault--The bud .writing appears to he
similar to the signature ?
M. Persil—Was the order long ?
M. de Fouralt—A line' and a half :—" Arrest the per»
sons whose names follow." Signed, thike de Ragusa,
Commandant-General.
itemerwieski, With ViVacity—l wish to ask M. de
Foucault, wile deciphered the order for him ; for if written
by the Marshal, I defy him to decipher a word of it ?
AI, tie Cities (the other Aide-de-Camp) recalled.
The President, to M. do Guise)—Do you knew if the
Marshal received any letters or parcels either from the
Ministers or from St. Cloud f M. de Guise—No.
The same question was put to M. de Komietouski, who
made the same answer.
M. Arago, member of the Academy—l saw the Mor-
elia' almost every week, either at his own house or at the
Observatory. Many rumours were then in circulation
concerning the coups &slot ; he did not at ail believe
them. Any mea•ure of that kind appeared to him too
petilous. However, his conviction soon began to give
way to a feeling of distrust, especially on hearing Charles
X. affirm that two circumstances of his life had given
him peculiar satisfaction. The war of Algiers, in the
opinion of that Prince, was not to occupy an eminent place
iu history. One of the circumstances the King alluded
to was, to use the King's own words, "my opposition to
the pretentions of the tiers dot, in 1189 ;" and the other
is the nomination of the ministry of the Bth of August.
The distrust of the Duke de ftaguea was soon increased
by a conversation which he had with a personage whom
he did not name. The Marshal told me, that on a cer-
tain day, the newspapers having treated the question of
resistance, and the means of opposing the coops d'etat,
the personage inquired what would be the conduct of the
army, if the opposition indicated by the journals should
be made use of. The Marshal replied, that the army
would at first obey ; but the soldiers, finding the interests
of the people to be the some as their own, would soon es-
pouse the cause of the nation. These observations
made no impression on the personage alluded to, and
from that moment the apprehensions of the Marshal
were increased to the highest pitch of anxiety.
On Monday, the I6th, the. Marshal came to see me,
continued the witness, and said, " Well, you see that I
was perfectly right. The fools push on to extremities.
You have only to lament this event as a good citizen ; but
what is my situation ? I, who shall, perhaps, be obliged
to get my head broken for the defence of measures that I
abhor, and from persons who have done all in their power
to disgust me from the public service." The Marshal,
notwithstanding his repugnance, was invested with the
command of Paris. During the fatal days of July I went
through the different quarters of Paris, and in several
groups I heard persons say, that the Marshal had now a
fine opportunity to retrieve his reputation. This word
instantly gave me to understand that something ought to
be done in the present circumstances, to inform the Mar-
shal of the fact. I immediately repaired to the staff, but
as I was obliged to ►nix with the people, in order to ar-
rive at the Tuileries, 1 was afraid of being looked upon as
a spy, and massacred on the spot. On returning home, at
about half-past one, I received a letter from a person in-
forming me that the Marshal had listened to councils of a
conciliatory nature, and that if I joined him he would per-
haps take a definitive determination. I cons quently
went to the staff at about two o'clock. When I sew the
persons who surrounded the Marshal, I could not help re-
gtetting that they were not all military ; for amongst
them I perceived sonic persons belonging to the Foreign
Department, and also the editors of certain journals. The
' officers of the staff facilitated my progress, and 1 entered the
apartment where the Marshal was conversing with several
General Officers in disguise. Some of the latter manifested
opinions which appeared to me very unreasonable ; others,
on the contrary, anti especially Gen. Tromelin, gave ad-
vice which ought to have been followed. I informed the
Marshal of the object of my visit, and told him that the
only resource left was to set off immediately for St. Cloud,
and to resign the command of Paris into the hands of the
King, if the Ministers were not dismissed, and the ordi-
nance repealed without farther delay. The Marshal ap.
peered to be in a most painful ►tate of agitation. His opi.
nion concerning the ordinances was the 'awe as before;
but l►e watt governed by the false ideas of military honour.
He thought that he could not make any concession during
the combat. He experienced a certain feeling of shame
on seeing the best soldiers of the whole world routed in
every quarter of Paris by the people, who bad not even
arms on that very morning. However, I still hoped to
tiring him over to my opinion ; but an unforeseen circum-
stance Made all my efforts fruitless.. An aide-de-camp to
General Quinones informed the Marahal that the General
could no longer resist the efforts of the people in the quarter
of the March 6 des Innocens, though he had both cannons
and four battalions to support him. I represented to the
Marshal that the resistance of the people was legitisnete,Tor
that they defended their institutions. As our conversation
was going on in this tone, the Deputies were announced. I
left the Duke, and went into another room. There I was told
hr the first time that the Ministers of the King were also at
the etaft quarters; I even saw four of them, who were I be-
lieve MM. de Polignac, Monthel, d'llsusses, and Guernon
de Ren►ille. The Deputies left the Marshal, and I learned
that they had been unsuccessful. M. Mauguin highly
praised the reception they bad met with from the Marshal, hut
said that certain circumstances prevented him from coin-
ciding with their views. The Deputies were going down
the staircase when an officer recalled then► ; but it soon
proved to be an error. In the mean time I engaged in
conversation with an eideole-camp, M. de I.► Rue, end told
him that I ahould return and see the Marshal, if the troops
had not thee passed over to the side of the people. These
words matte a deep impression an N. de la Rue. " What
do you say ?" be exclaimed. " I say the truth," I replied,
" I have seen the troops shaking bands with the people."
He replied, " Inform the Marshal and the Ministers of this
news." Ilut as I was desirous of saying that I had not
seen the Ministere, I refused to comply with the demand.
M. de la Rue immediately told the Marshal and M. tie Po-
lignite of this circumstance, and returhed saying, .4 The
Minister does not understand French. When I told him
the troops of the line were espousing the cause of the
people, he replied, " Well, fire on the troops." (Here
M. de Polignac made a negative sign ) A slight difference
exist* between my present testimony and written deposi-
tion. I said in the latter that the Marshal told the Prince
of what M. de 14 Rue had 'aid. M, de la Rue, who is
now in a foreign country, has written to me that he spoke
to M. de Polignac in person, and that he replied in the
above wends to M. de la Rue. I therefore retract my for-
mer deposition concerning that particular circumstance,
Persil—Who were the persons belonging to the
Foreign-office whom the witness saw at the staff?
M. Arago—l saw M. de Flavigny.
M. Persil—How is it there were any peeons belonging
to the Foreign-office at the staff, whilst M. de Polignac
has said that he had ceased to hold any ministerial time-
tions on the Wednesday?
N. de l'elignac.—lt is very true that M. de Flavigny
came to ask for instructions relative to the papers which
had been left at the Foreign-office. lie remained with
me but a very short time. I should wish the witness to
say if he saw any tidier person there with me.
Arago—l saw M. de Flavigny, and also another
person, who was said to be your private secretary.
de Polignac---I first declare that I do not at all re-
member the worths attributed to me; anti I also declare
that I never knew that the troops had abandoned the ser-
vice of the King before my arrestation. The witness, in
relating a few word* of M. de Magnin's maintains that he
said, " And for people who do their utmost to inspire me
with disgust." Well, if the Marshal was here at present,
he would say that he did not allude to me. I was always
on the best terms with him, anti he even wrote to me ae•
vend letters expressing hie gratitude towards me. He
had often appeared desirous of being invested with the
command of the first military division; I had already
spoken of it to the King ou different occasions, who gave
me to understand that such a thing might take place, and
I availed myself of the absence of General Coward to ob-
tain the (abject of the wisher of the Marshal.

_ ..._.,.......
M. Arago.-1 declare that M. ifs Ragusa always &poky
favourably of M. rle Polignac.

de Martignac-...The deposition which has just been
heard is the most painful of the whole affair. M. de
Polignac is accused of a crime of the greatest magnitude.
The debate is open ; each witness is prompted both by the
conscience of the Judges and also by his own, to tell the
troth ; but hitherto none of them have been able to speak
of any personal fact. And here comes a witness who so
coats M. de Polignue of the most barbarous expressions
pronounced without necessity, and without being able to
prove his assertion. The witness merely repeats the words
of another man, and that man is now in another country.
So that such an atrocious accusation is merely grounded
on it vague report. I hope the Court will take this tit-
cumstance into consideration..

The discussion was suopended during a quarter of an hour.
The President (to M. Arego)...You have 'pokers ofir

letter written to you by M. de la Rue; have you the letter
in your possession ?
M. Arago—No; I gave it to M. de Guise.
The President (to M. de Guise)—!lave you the letter?
—No, Sir, I have it at home.
Your residence is not far; you can go fur it.—Witness
left the room.
M. Glandeves, Governor of the Tuileries, was then in-
troduced.
The President—Do you know if the refusal of M. de
Polignac to see the Deputies was concerted With the other
Ministers —Ntit
DO you know if M. de Regina had frequent communi-
. cations with the Ministers ?—Nn, I do not ; for their
apartments were contiguous to each other.
Do you know if any letter was sent to St. Cloud ?
The Marshal told me once th,tt belied written to the King.
Were the Ministers inforMed of what took place on
Wednesday ?—The rOortir were made with greattliffieulty.
What efforts did M. de Ragusa, make to prevent the
effusion of blood ?—M. de R tgusa expressed the gre ttest
desire to put an end to the hostilities.
Do you know if M. de Ragusa ordered any arrests?—
i saw no list of such a nature.
Was not a proposition made to keep the Ministers as
hostages whilst the two Peers should go to St. Cloud ?
Having no troops at my disposal, I could undertake no
measure of that kind. If M. de Ragusa had proposed it,
I should have accepted of it readily, and by such action I
believe I should have accomplished the duties of a good
citizen and of a faithful servant of the King.
What took place during the capitulation of the Tuileries?
—1 remained at the Tuileries three hours after the Palace
had surrendered ; and I went the next day to St. Cloud.
Did you inform the King of what had taken place, and
did you ascertain whether the King acted according to the
dictates of his own heart, or to the advice of the Minis-
ters?—l had no private conversation with the King.
M. Galle—On Thursday morning I went to M. de RI.
gnu, who was then at the Tuileries; he received me very
kindly, and I spoke with energy of the barbarous orders
which be had issued the day beliire. The Marshal main-
tained, on the contrary, that he bad only done his duty.
The witness then went into a variety of details, merely
descriptive of the state of things in Paris at the time.
M. Trouchin, Lieutenant. General, saw the Marshal at
the Tuileries on Wednesday, who complained to him of
his unfortunate condition ; that were he not to succeed he
should be compromised with his colleagues ; and that if he
succeeded, he had nothing to expect but ingratitude. As
witness went out be met Prince Polignac, who Nei I that
the troubles of that day were not greater than the former
troubles in the rue St. Denis.
M. lleyaux, formerly Advocate-General of the Court of
Paris, said that no instructions had been given beforehand
to secure the execution of the ordinances, and he saw the
Minister of Justice quite tranquil, under an impression
that the tumult would at once yield to military force. The
rest of his evidence was according to the testimony already
published.
A witness, employed at the Octroi of Paris, proved
that on the Wednesday he had stopped an estafette sent by
the Prefect of the Loire, to announce, that conformably to
his orders the Swiss corps in the garrison of Orleans was
on the point of marching to Paris.
M. de Peyronnet earnestly declared he had sent no such
orders; it must have been either the spontaneous set of the
Minister of the Loire, or an order of the Minister at War,
of which be had no knowledge.
A Peer said that possibly the order might have been
given by telegraph. Then, rejoined Peyronnet, some trace
of such an order must remain in some of the °niece.
The Marquis do Semonville, the Grand Referendary of
the Chamber of Peers, aged 71, repeated his testimony,
as already published, relative to his efforts on the Wed-
nesday to save the Monarchy and France from the dread-
ful policy of the Ex-Ministers. The Marquis was allowed
a chair on account of his age, hut he delivered his answers
with the greatest earnestness and precision. Ile descrikd
the dangers which he and Count Argout encountered in
making a great circuit to get filet to the Tuileries, and
next to St. Cloud, where he in vain implored Marshal
Marmont, Polignac, and the King, to revoke the ob-
noxious orders. The Marshal, it will be recollected, he
described as dreadfully agitated at the duty he had to per-
form ; Mignon cold and reserved; Peyronnet most
earnest for hastening him (witness) to St. Cloud, to see
what impression could be made on the infatuated King ;
and finally, the failure of his well-meant efforts.
The President—M. le Marquis, the Court are aware of
the motive of the silence of M. de Semonville respecting
the conversation which be had with the King, in the
King's closet at St. Cloud, yet it is my duty to remind him '
that he has sworn to tell the whole truth. In consequence
of this obligation, I ask him, what was the opinion he
formed from his own observation, of the real intentions of
the King, and if he thought his Majesty was at the time I
under the influence of his Ministers ?

M. de Semonville—l am about to reply to the Presi.
dent's question. I have always thought that the opinion
of the King was of old and long formation, and of his own
personal conviction, as well as being the result of the com-
bined influence of what he deemed to be a political and re.
ligious system. My urgent entreaty met from the King
fur some time an obstinate resistance, which I did not suc-
ceed in overcoming, until I thought I had made him fully
understand the imminent danger of his dynasty. I sue.
ceedrd in compelling him to understand that the safety of
the Dauphines► at least required a prompt answer—for he
turned aside from the details of the state of the people
(the Duchess of Angouleme was then in a distant part of
the country)—that, absent from Paris, she had to pass
through provinces where she was liable to detention. The
King than, moved by entreaties, at length yielded, placed
his head between his hands, and declared that he would at
once assemble his council.

M. Persil (a Commissioner of Accusation) then begged
of the witness to explain a conversation which he had
with M. de Polignac concerning the Chamber of Peers.
111. de Semonville replied, that the Prince Polignac had
often spoken to him of changes which be wished to make
in the constitution of the Chamber of Peers ; but that
there never was a question of acting without the Chaim.
ber of Deputies, and he never spoke of coups (fetal.
With ;reference to the observation of M. de Semonville,
alluded to in his former interrogatories, of Peyronnet de.
siring him to hurry quick in the gardens of the Tuileries,
111. de Peyronnet wished to explain that his expression of
go quick referred to the state of Paris then in tumult, and
not M. de Polignac's carriage, which was then accidentally
following to St. Cloud.

M. de Martignac said it was quite evident that the
pointing of the hand of M. Peyronnet was to the spot where
the danger lay, namely Paris, and not to M. de Polignac.
Prince Polignite then rose, and with great earnestness
gave some explanations respecting his interview with
MM. de SemonviPe and d'Argout on the Thursday,
and reiterated his declaration, that there was 1.40 ques-
tion about the resignation of the Ministers, but solely
with regard to the revocation of the ordinances. How-
ever, that upon arriving at St. Cloud, he had declared
to the King that no inducement could retain him in the
Ministry. He gave the most solemn asseverations of the
truth of this expressed intention, and concluded in these
wards :—" If I had to chuse a tribunal to examine my
acts, I should have preferred that of the Chamber of Peers;
but I declare thst I should not have refused to appear be-
fore a tribunal selected from the inhabitants of Paris,--of
those citizens who during three days were soldiers, because
before justice there is no passion, and Frenchmen know
no enemies except on the field of battle."
M. Mauguin (the Deputy) was next called in evidence,.
when M. de Martignac said, that he did not object to his
testimony, although he was one of the Commissioners
charged with the examination of the act of accusation.
M. Mauguin thought he ought not to be examined es a
witness, and he was permitted to withdraw.
The President then said, that the Conunissioners for the
accusation were to speak to evidence to-morrow.
Adjourned till to-morrow.
At ten o'clock on Friday night, when this report left
Paris wee perfectly tranquil.

FOURTH DAY—Dm 18.
The Court met this day at the usual hour; the pri-
soners were conducted as before. The utmost tranquillity
reigned in the neighbourhood of the Luxembourg. In the
gallery, exactly opposite the Count Peyronuet,
stood, in
the uniform of the National Guard, Colonel Fabian, the
gentleman of colour from Martinique, who was ignomi-
niously branded and sent to the gallies during Peyronnet's
colonial administration, and whose care was, since the re-
volution, before the Chamber of Deputies.

. _.....
The business of this day was principally the speaking to
evidence of the Commissioners in support of the accost-
and devoid of
a6tutyo.strlikti‘nVgUintteedrieoslti.s, full\Ve ohftvreePenteittiQrnoso'm this day for
these speeches, and must enndente them into an analysis.
M. Persil, Procureur-General, and one 4.1 the Commis-
sicitiers,deecivnoilvrne7t7pon d by
yim naihf
idingto the responsibility
which enlarging, on this occasion,
upon the nature of the accusation which the Chamber
ocfhaDrieeismxtie.s 117111exbeertolutignIgit
tialetisaindsutty, b should the e
E's-Ministers of
perforM
his task with moderation. fie then went over all
the well-known circumstances of the concoction and 1
promulgation of the ordinances; the exclusion of MAL
Courvoisier and Chabrol front the Council the better to
arrange theta fatal measuret; the appointment of a mili-
tary consmanditut of Paris, to endeavour, by fore* of arta,

to extinguish public liberty; the noble resistance of the
journalists ; and the splendid spectacle presented by the
people of Paris, at the sacrifice of many valuable lives ;
the war of extermination which the wrecked Government
of the day had directed to he waged against them ; and
the moderation with which the populace had crowned
their glorious achievement. The orator went over the
oft-told history of the three last days of July, in all its
memorable details, and asked if responsibility attached to
the Ministers of a Government (and that responsibility, he
contended, existed in all Governments) whether in the
case of crimes of this kind it ought not to be enforced
against the authors of such a daring infringement of pub.
lie rights. To connect the accused will these fatal tran-
sactions, he pointed out the evidence which fixed them at
St. Cloud awl the Tuileries with Marshal Marmont, while
the sanguinary orders went forth to shed the blood of the
people, anti their rejection of the repeated offers mule to
put an end to the contest. This was shown by the failure
of the deputation of Messrs. Lsfitte, Perrier, &c. ; of the
Alitequis de Setnonville, and so many others who stood fur-
ward at once to save the throne and the people. In fact, the
whole details allowed that the late dynasty were 'kilt upon
establishing arbitrary power, ly military means, upon the
ruins of the constitution which they had previously sworn
to maintain. For these acts the accused were deeply respon-
sible. They had acted deliberately, they had placed Paris
in a state of siege, they had ordered the troops to act in
mass against their fellow-citizens, and they had wantonly
and cruelly shed blood to enforce their illegal measures.—
This was not the sudden and impetuous act of one indivi-
dual, but the combined operation of a Council exercising the
functioneof the Government of a great nation. The Learned
Commissioner then went rapidly through the evidence against
the accused, commenting, as he went on, upon such parts of
it as bore against the accused, particularly Prince Polignac
who was found everywhere directing the execution of vio-
," lent measures, and resisting the counsels of wisdom and
moderation which were so earnestly presented for his
adoption. Besides the summary of the evidence, he gave
a brief historical narrative of the tormation of the Consti-
tution in 1814, upon the restoration of the Bourbon
dynasty, and the various attempts subsequently made to
infringe its provisions under the pretext of modifying them
until the last blow was struck by the coup d'etat of the
Ex-Ministers. It was for that attempt at consummating
all the atrocious grievances of the State that the Chamber
of Deputies charged before the Chamber of Peers the Ex-
Ministers of Charles X. of the heinous crime of high
treason. Their ordinances were a direct and flagrant
infraction of the Charter--(Here he read the ordinances
and the articles of the Charter, which bore upon his
case)—and justice required to be satisfied, or else the
people could no longer feel themselves secure under the
sanctuary of their laws. It had been said that there
was no law in France, he meant no positive law, to au-
thorise the trial of these Ministers ; that, in fact, they had
no clear law of treason as in England ; this assertion he
combated at some length, and asked what meant the oaths
to maintain the Charter, if its violation were not to be
penal; what meant all these constructive principles of
their criminal code which invested the judicial authorities
with discretionary power to punish general offences? But
here was a direct case and not a constructive one; here
was the crime of breaking the electoral laws, decimating
the Chamber of Deputies, awl overthrowing all the founda-
tions of public liberty. When France, fatigued with re•
volutions, restored the previously ejected dynasty, the
charter of Louis XVIII. was the condition, the bond,
established between the King and people. It remained
for the survivors of the family of that monarch to break
this sworn compact ; and was he to he told that the people
had no law to redress their grievous wrong? But it was
said " the Ministers being responsible, the person of the
King is inviolable; hut you have pursued the Monarch ;
you have taken your own election, and why DOW turn
and pursue the Ministers?" This argument was com-
pletely erroneous, for the ordinances were the sole cause
of a'l the misfortunes of the country last July, and they
were signed by the Ministers, who thereby fixed their
own personal and penal responsi'aility. Beside., an
accomplice, it was well known, according to the prin-
ciple of every law, could not demand an acquittal, be-
cause the principal criminal had been condemned. He
admitted there were distinguishing circumstances some-
what in favour of Messrs. Chantelauze and Guernon de
Ranvi le ; but lie denied that they could in any degree be
used as exonerating them from the consequences of bay-
ing signed the fatal ordinances, in their capacity of Minis-
ter of State. He then went into a good deal of details re-
specting the steps taken by the Ministers to overawe and
influence the elections, and in proof of their direct viola-
tion of law upon this point, lie read copies of the various
letters which they sent into the provinces. to accomplish
by threats, bribes, and promises, a Chamber of Deputies,
such as they hoped would become their tools for the esta-
blishment of despotic sway, and these acts lie traced to
the personal influence of Prince Polignac in the Cabinet.
It would be remembered that at the period of these elec-
tions, two new Ministers (Peyronnet and Capelle) were
called into the Council, each of them presenting what were
deetneisufficient guarantees for their capacity. Peyronnet
it was who first endeavoured to organize a system of ge.
neral intimidation, and to use the power of the Sovereign
to perpetuate base and arbitrary intrigues. No arts were
spared to effect by these intrigues what was afterwards at-
tempted to be accomplished by military violence ; and in
every part of these measures there was proved the direct par.
ticipation of the accused Ministers. All these preliminary acts
constituted the first head of accusation against them. The
second was the issue of the actual ordinances, the fit co-
rollary of their previous plane : the first attacked the
general liberties of the people : the next went to subvert
by one blow that Press which 113 nobly asserted these
rights. There was reason to believe that Prince Polignac
and the Dauphin were here deeply implicated. (The
Prince Polignac here laughed at this insinuation.) To
show the public evils which arose from these violent mea-
sures, lie contrasted the tranquil state of the public mind
of France at the end of the Session of 1829, compared
with that of the same period of 1830, and he asked what
safety there was for nations, if these frightful agitations
could be perpetrated by Governments with impunity.
lie knew it had been said, that the 14th article of
the Charter gave the King a latitude to make or-
dinances " for the security of the State," but surely
the rational construction of this article was, that these
ordinances should be conformable to the law, or at
least only to supply the place of their fairly interpreted
omission. He by no means pretended, that in a time of
great danger, the King was not empowered to exercise the
whole authority of the State to provide for its safety ; but
this could not be done by virtue of the 14th article of the
Charter,—but only iu a case of itnniinent and palpable
necessity.—(Here there was a buz in the Court, and the
President enforced silence.)—From the Bth of August the
day of Prince Polignac's nomination, M. Persil proceeded
to state that the apprehensions of the country were roused,
and these illegal acts, anticipated with a melancholy truth,
soon realized by events, were the consequences of culpably
wicked advice, and not of any forced construction of an
article in the Charter. The orator here recurred to the
narrative of the troubles of Paris on the Tuesday, the at.
tacks of the troops upon the people in the Place du Palais
Royal, rue St. Honore, &c., all of which were the direct
and inevitable consequences of the orders of the Ministers
to execute these ordinances. The third head of accusa-
tion was the sanguinary manner in which the execution
was attempted. The most striking circumstance in this
shocking event was, that the troops first attacked an un.
armed population ; French soldiers were first need for this
horrid purpose, and then foreign troops (Swiss) were
employed to support these attacks. But it was said,
Ministers had never ordered these attacks, and this was
sail in the face of the notoriety of the fact that such orders
were actually given, and in writing. By whom, then,
were they given ? Was it not in evidence that the troops
were ordered to act in mass against the citizens ? But it
was slid the people were the first to attack the troops...-.
This was not true, for a charge of cavalry, quite unpro-
voked, was the opening of the conflict. However, sup-
pose the people had first attacked, their act was justi.
haw, for they would have been only repelling a forcible
aggression upon their liberties, and even under any cit.-
cumstances of popular tumult, why order troops to fire
by divisions of
order troops to mow down unarmed
and mixed groupes ?—would any man say that such a
degree of violence ought to have been resorted to in the
public streets of a great city, to sustain the dominion of
any Administration ? And was there no crime in au-
thorising such a movement, and distributing money to
execute it, and at once driving the people into civil war,
to prevent the sacrifice of all that was dear to them ?-
lEcf."
message
aure4nrgeoll :pal
in
edt
sent
To prevent the recurrence of such crimes the present
process was instituted. The blood of the people thus
horribly spilt milled for justice, and it was that justice
fur calm
vaelindgeadnelciebertaotiavappje:
which in their behalf the Chamber of Deputies then
demanded ; thely)re:siknetlied
tiee, ouch as the law empowered and sanctioned—and
thet,paasssiosonlsneof the people. Here again the orator re-
o
(erred
jpihaatrittiuceli,larAlyfatrsohatiliemlezonwtr,sitAteinde.frdoe.m.
Prince Polignac was privy to the
to head-quarters from the King, for the
troops to sot in man, anti that time Prince wished the
troops, who were fraternising with the people, to be fired
upon...--(Here M. de Polignac shook his head In denial.
The Prince throughout this speech was earnestly intent.
11P" the speaker, Time three other prisoners seemed tb

listen with comparative indifference. )--He contended tha
throughout these proceedings Prince de Polignac was the
most criminal of the accused. In saying this he touched
not upon the known unconstitutional opinions of this un-
fortunate Minister, but on the part which he was proved
to have taken during that metnerable week. It was na
turd that Prince Polignac and his defenders should have
yesterday endeavoured so earnestly to rebut the atrocious
expression attributed to him. True this circumstance
depended on the evidence of a single witness, Here M.
Persil contended at some length against the old principle
of law, that the evidence of one witness was sufficient in
such a ease as this. They had, however, the oral testi-
mony of the respectable witness in the Tuileries, who ex-
clairrted, " We are lost, our Minister does not even under-
stand French !" and they had likewise the written corro-
boration of that evidence from M. de la Rue, in England.
There were then to that remarkable fact two witnesses
and not one, as had been elsewhere asserted. M. Persil
then said lie should pass from Prince Polignac to the case
of M. Peyronnet, who, though less culpable than
President of the Council, was yet highly culpahl
entered office with a knowledge of the part which he
must take to retain his place—he was proved to have
signed the ordinances—to have tranquilly remained
at the Tuileries while Paris was declared in a state
of siege. If be bad not signed that order also,
it was clear he had not opposed it. He pretends that
the police were entrusted to other bands than those
of the Minister of the Interior, during these struggles,
and that, therefore, he was not responsible for their arts.
This pretence was set up against the notoriety of the fact
of his being a Minister up to Thursday, and having sat in
the last Council of the then Alinistry. The commissioners
were certainly inclined to believe, that after the signature
of the ordinances, some mysterious but superior power
controlled the operations of the Government, and assured
the Ministers that the ordinances might still be executed
by the agency of cannon shot. Suppose, however, this
to have been the case, it was nevertheless clear that Count
Peyronnet was an accomplice in these crimes, and as such
responsible. As to M. de Chautelauze, his excuse was
that he was unacquainted with the policy of the Cabinet
when be entered it. However, when known to him af-
terward., be (night to have quitted an office which no man
could maintain with honour; lie signed in council ordi-
nance's which might have: produced amid), r monarchical
sth of September, and he admitted his having dared to
draw up that report against the Press, which was in itself
an act of high guilt. In regard to M. Guernon de Renville
it was only known that, though he a lid he looked upon the
charter us his political gospel, he yet signed the ordinances
for its overthrow. After such acts, it was time to show
the world whether ministerial responsibility was or was
not a mere name. M. Persil concluded with a strong op-
peal to the Court to do justice on this occasion between the
Government and the people, and to inflict the highest pu-
nishment upon the accused.
The speech of the Commissioner lasted till after one
. _ _

o'clock.
Count Peyronnet immediately rose, and with great earn-
estness of manner, said, I cannot hesitate, Gentlemen, to
point out to the Court and to the Commissioners of the
Chamber of Deputies a serious error, in point of fart, at
to a matter which immediately concerns me, and which
appears to have escaped their attention. This air& a
new proof of the embarrassment to which an accused is
subjected in obliterating a false impression which has once
been formed against him. I have been reproached with
' writing several circulars. In my interrogatory I have
stated that I bad written only one. That di l not hinder
them from still accusing me of having written several.
Interrogated by the Commissioners of the Chamber of
Peers, I repeated that there bad been but one. I have
begged that the Chamber would order my actual letter to
be read; and I flatter myself that no one will find in it
any thing reprehensible. Yet the Commissioners of the
Chamber of Deputies assert that I had written several
circulars. I conjure them to produce what they assert
to have been written—to make known at least the date
and signature. When this duty has been performed, I
shall give such explanations as will doubtless satisfy the
Chamber.
M. Persil—We have only quoted one circular. But he.
sides the circular, there is a Ministerial correspondence;
and this it is that we have quoted.
M. Peyronnet—Allow me, Mr. President, to investigate
the matter of which the commissioner has complained.
M. Persil—We have done what it was our duty to do.
M. Peyronnet—You institute an accusation ; you call
for severe punishment ; you have every thing in your
power. I could tell you what it is your duty to do.
Here. a packet was passed to M. Peyronnet. On open-
ing it, he found that it contained the correspondence al-
hided to by M. Persil.

M. Peironnet—Thi4 is dated the 19th of April. 1 waa
not a member of the Ministry till the month of May : my
circular was posterior. (This incident produced a strong
sensation in the court.)

The Court here suspended their sitting for about 20 mi-
nutes. When the President and Peers resumed their seats,
M. Persil begged leave to reply to the last observations
of Count Peyronnet. He admitted, in justice to the lat-
ter, that the letter promising an appointment after the
elections were over, was written by M. de Montbel, and
not (as be had said by mistake) by the Count. Still he
contended that Peyronnet had, in point of fact, endeavoured
to exercise an undue influence over the elections for the
purpose of the latter enabling the Government to establish
arbitrary power, in support of which opinion he referred
to some parts of the evidence, and to letters written from
the office of the Minister of the Interior to some provin-
cial authorities.
Count Peyronnet, in a rejoinder, repelled this imputa-
tion, and complained in strong terms that the Commis-
sioners had withheld the production of these letters when
he was under examination before them. He had himself
during his unfortunate life been much connected with the
administration of justice, but had never behavel so to any
unhappy person who had been placed under the pressure
of the laws. They ought not to have withheld these pa-
pers, if they had attached any importance to them, while
he was under his preliminary examination, and now pro-
duced them here.

DEFENCE OF PRINCE POLIGN AC.
M. de Martignac rose at two o'clock to tendert eke this
duty. lie commenced by an allusion to the extraordinary
coincidence, that at a moment when the arms of King
Charles X. were gloriously triumphant in a foreign con-
quest (Algiers), his authority at home, and his dynasty,
should have been overthrown and trampled down. This
extraordinary spectacle, he remarked, it had pleased Pro-
vidence to exhibit as a memorable lesson to thrones and
potentates. In the midst, however, of all these great
dilapidation., one great institution remained, and must
for ever remain, unshaken—the empire of justice—and
to that he now appealed on behalf of his unhappy and de-
serted client, before a tribunal where the voice of en ac-
cused must be ever heard with imperious silence and pro-
found and considerate attention. lie then drew a rapid
sketch of the state of France during its awful changes from
the period of the revolution of 17110 down to the restora-
tion of Louis XVIII., and of the crimes which, under
the mask of law, were perpetrated at the different epochs
comprehended within that space of time. Upon the re-
storation, it was the warm desire of the King to give
new and liberal institutions to his subjects, and to repair,
as far as he could, the disasters of frightful times, and the
ravages of military despotism. It was, however, found
very difficult for Louis to conciliate all the different spirits
he was called upon to rule, and to give them at once institu-
tions calculated to inspire general confidence. It would,
lee remarked, be borne in mind, that there were two great
interests brought into juxta-position by the mime of events
—the former possessors of honours and wealth, of which
fur years they had been deprived ; and theme who bad
more recently, and tender a different regime, acquired
tenth ; the one naturally wishing to regain what they had '
lost, and the other to retain what they had acquired. It
was in the midst of these contending interests that the re-
stored dynasty had endeavoured to consolidate new institu-
tions. Thus had arisen a state of things in which in the
end it occurred that the people thought themselves a power
contending with the monarchy, and the monarchy found
itself at issue for its very existence with the people. Ile
knew well that this ought not to have been the feeling of
either, and that the interests of both might have bean better
reconciled. Still it behoved him to show, that although
he was not one of those who thought the monarchy ought
to have considered itself attacked, by the desire of the
people to remodel their institutions, it was natural that
others reared under more extreme notions of the mo-
narchical principle, should lure entertained a different
opinion, and felt themselves called upon, in moments of
excitement, to resort to extreme measures for the preser-
vation of a principle which they held sacred, and believed
at the moment to have bevel unjustly opposed. It was
thus Charles X. felt himself placed when the recent
troubles were on the eve of exploding. Still, at the epoch
of forming the administration of the unhappy man who
then sat as a prisoner behind him, he could prove there
was no intention of violating the charter, and that Prince
Polignsc throughout wished it to be preserved. In an-
other country the unfortunate Prince had studied the value
of free
own. To
freein stitutisotnrse,nagnthen llis
d he wis
Ministry
oe7
he soughtthempres foerved in
the
aid of talents, and he found them in the person of his un-
fortunate friend, Count Payrontiet, of whom he (M. de
Martignae) could not speak without emotion; for they
were natives of the same towna members of the same

tel profession,bevn colleague,mu s•l of the m t
in
thessaameealiglei, andnistry h. ad
Taot o m
see
suchm
amemaatn accused of a capita crime, and to find himself in
the situation of his defender, was one of those reveries if
fortune for which good men of all parties would easily find
syinpathy The Learned Counsel then referred in-detail
ot the unfortunate events of July, and declared-that be
mem they heard of the disturbances, determined on re-
noxious, and abandoning an administration which they
I.Prifti;lll,l'a.dinrda:tniiiiirt:elle,'lejetiti.angfotterie;nhr:iieanpmlarpEutsvcrleettsahotohflwteehlhneiaciriclicfni feelings
accused
theyirnnl
lgs iii
ihgrtf°onafiut'antt e;h,:ilehi stabil::iorsh.dpaisitg i ititt:smoreol it:lay-el
.rlii,lla, iiaineihlatilliebeeiinnpr,ultvatlion ymetnhttaionletei
;W de
and ohresred e
should
dproy art;
that his whole time WAS employed in endeavouring to Iwo-
duce a change of the Ministry, and a repeal of the Atte
which the people had felt to be an attack on their lastitu-
tions. In no instance had Prince Polignac given, oilers
• for military movements up to the time when tiie throne
, was destroyed and that dynasty altered which be itittl on
earnestly wished to preserve. The effect of theititnewor
the revolution was again to immure Prince Pak* to
that dungeon in which he had already spent mintilf the
biter days of his early youth, and upon a enttetrienn
interpretation of a crime at variance with evetillend
principle of constitutional law. "It was my *vo the
suite of these circumstances," continued hi: de') o''
"to have been selected by this 'unforttinatiltiO h"
legal defender; and I remember with ride thilltleo I
announced tha-. circumstance to the Clambitiff lie'l
ard that in consequence I could take no put in the 'ill'
the proceedings in this CAW!, there was a-gene on"
meat of satisfaction, of which I should -bef tlettged to
hare found an example in the history of the Coin intens of
Englind.—(A buzz of approbation, for whiehilitilith•
man could not conjecture the - ant,. thalilltifrge
claimed by M. de Martignac, it being one of Ow"'
monest occurrences in the House of Commeirdl4-00-'•
twHhieetnpiheroolnet•tehsedetyeQdoutfriei nths'stiteittrreiaitlnittaeatnntdthioanegh,prunisinnireedred iik*lllll64lNelli.?'
from justice, but something frombaillifiethinnieltilitfeaorf
passion. So much so indeed, that )14 Ind
inten led to apply for trial befit!" a tribunal Unloved
from the seat of the principal. incitement; but this
intention was transitory, and they tepoettlitheirliv"
with just confidence in the firmness, and linetbue, gad eitta.
science of this au.:,ust tribunal, and in the custody ef Met
brave civic guard which now surrounds. the was of hie
'it first
Ch :other. The learned counsel at
,sonlo hinllthAtwuwia. 01
that upon the law of the case hi; unfortni**,,,..- 'Mit, i
been most harshly treated, and that it willall'A`""*"d,°
ouppuse th it the invioltbility seemed by the Oirteuto
us
King was to be limited to the safety of bleMilleaPts.ti:
and not extended to the power which lit bat exii,77.-
They had exacted the wake of his power from thirsting"
and yet they afterwards widied to.saeri4ce.ble MOTs;
thus with the remnant of the charter,io ihoirPn"'
!toed,
charter which the legislature bad since lillito-•d0 this ;
they sought to enforce a penal racqnsibililis Th.. which
upon the suppos-d permanence of provii49oll.o ~.'wel of it
the accusers had themselves abro;atedr to'! 414141' h they
to be any longer in force. Was ail: then' o,,whicimors
wished to present to the contemplation 4h, .11,,ice
of civilised Europe ? Was this the en ensum' "`E, of
w hick was to he exhibited by the reformed ,irtelibroriLA,
constitutional France ? The war of opiniOn'',ho'°r„ie
was at this moment happily over in frolic& !JO 77d.
had tt iumphed, and their glory was hitherto.. lore
But what did this accusation import? .That 14%e re
yet persons in France who, after n•gretiCvi6t•L` pot
not content with seizing unfortunate fugitirelis mod. i
satisfied with having them prisoners-4'4llwatt) I": Lit
ful privilege of eats striking off their .heidg;±l.o"fs ,
violence to be perpetrated by this hiethoot,triPwrhad
ciii:illrisemd,rSogtaattev,Landllntytivmirtcuoeuvoufiasilosnwo
owthraiehstir4hat Stitelmugh
y '.
spectacle had ever been exhibited—no tnumpbOnibin.
would have ever, inn he heat of victory, allot PI hid
critics of the lives ofil
their' opponents, whorl powt„,,,,
been wrested from their hands, and whetohditio,r4
they bail ceased to be of consequence. , In•stilion, •
indeed, they might have wished to fiery} thrill
.1 lip
taking away of their lives they warted have. &to
been murder in cold blood. lie then strongly;; or,
the constitution of the tribunal of the Court ofo,„. 0
this occasion, because, after the very Indictirieldl.
which the accused were proweented was (mod; thtfirrh
o I Psers hid been stripped of eightY•ettt 'of 'IIIM-rily
rhos the judges were not the onto no thel- tiwic;,lo i
would have been had the prisoner; been 0411 acclf:,..
the law in existence at the time of , their alleged
_,,.
What would have been said by Europ hid It_ing 7.11 n:
of England put upon trial the Alinistebr!t of Jnaraet,",
anomaly which the. eat Pr°°"ivio
spunwte .after
flprtemioe)edarnnoeranrl:tetiotirehhihs.eeei fide
iwsrt
judgedra n hurled
g e a ? that
He
. e ,111 i
11
,nent
ta rwr h: t
hfrosmioetie
dthearot.ge;7o-17,
exhibited. cTones t impeachment
icttti :1 ai ot
Chamber
pbe or f.O
fi‘tv 11)
ea sti
lei
rpet
udr itr;uwanpacaorli
could
Vbiodtlyetga
o,etibilis
ri:a
ovh.;‘4 11 1
iiii
eratical portion of toe —4IS I I . t.,i,nac
setotnfritae.Aringrgbiitestelftfri'laail
nbicaGacatalurhinvteernhrrat.potni:ver:rtruel:siwedc beoeeundsctlifhilttirilythltileit4Pfdiggirriv;ipsii;MH:ji
d
hs
It
judgment.
Courttaidisgemd et furni.,te.i r rho
plrioewrt
coelealdlten,uldsctuenhtelalortttheiofolfouorugrtoreitibotia3tcglblesocpr:eernke:-(rtfie,:o.ftcti►
t;id.:lo(inaii:doisi.P;a:ovelhi_
illit
against the false interpretation of the lave' 0rnL,40.114
make this case one of high tresion. Ilse tteZ'orlor
Strongest terms that the process was secn7o4,oo.
when drawn out in this extreme form; ,tbel nt, oat
deed, construe any crime into an act of treetr
,Polideol
in England before the great declaratory Snit?" shod the
111., which rigidly defined that or
ana 4 o'lo
riTerioegdid precedent oi
lit
CiterisiatrPilegroyweichTetpirloinvneduseitio;sf:Jsbdildco:trifig:l):looffi..oolo.l:
lazed in their observance of the laws of the .. , boa,
let in Cromwell to abolish at once all the prirint"
of the State.

must he' Of!: 1/21Ajcb
ctolotmiv:kyoniefocetoaoryrr::,tinsnegth&hissolirgithuatderiisedtntichdsaeasaodpfiegtoli:eithitio;hPire:m..',°o!nlay
coac,
.do
td_Arnilre:thisoeifo,
xiP.a
dt ae communicationl s dtenrLt
oi
gufanteao:thlsatooyn
which
i eSha tilt
irid so 1:::::
I el tr'
ouli unwelcome::nnhwipevoanter'rsiitaananlioatttigtobereuryeiali.lne
interval
ails oecveti:d
reisn:te 11
thatilse tpsha igls:(11:en_IIII n 11,7;9: ::Itibee.
o'clock Ito-
that he wd:naen) of approbation. .le4. •• I.
period some symptom mei WIT! '*the
,re,nitteuhttoelf°i
nfurtihhg°ierhs the
gliiiisiePettm7mbeejobrnfd°or
mr:
toetirr-tellfroll24'.--:m.1,11111,4P—'
i;:oir:ci'llibi
uttered iy a man whose sppeiraneu waled
.1:, Os
beotujohconhoeas
tiommtheediattieglyht behind me. maep.proTpthilsetodStioli,,„teua ell',13(1,:
t
•
jemnioo.ointorn.earoat:liirtsatlietsa
w:iatanosbwuhtaton.
kabetd.rnifgoiohni
rettaatblniegedainoieretxferc;cra,lriaunTop,ditifitooi onouisibbetts!rdeco., :1117::
/Vs;
at
ii
to n ,
trial, isinsiadereini4tahnedanwthelims lieserit. Id
scot`
tba
lie.'
Per.
vopifrt.oitTahrahewpeliblityuoiCket of admission with which I have .1 riga°
hie, le
is fortunately one of those called a bald ha° ,10,
or but quietly, pushed (ruin his pise_ibtof
twos,
posaepartout, which not ()sly 00-- ,1:04
ahnoyt,pwaritthofththeeopeaaaalaceiondar
aiindgotthethawlttoolearfortltii,
atiottnerfinr any supposed deficiency, an ecs or A IVar.os;l,'
.ret
e've to parry the thrust of " Circe/es tog hi.
tAhoo.heette carte 10, VO7ll ne paws pas relAtfilio
havegh more
than
""
compelled
"1614.4°
ill
t ofitherto succeeded in witnessing the Most il!"iti 0 .
witnesses, the trial, the examinations of the prilet,',ol
the interlocutory speeches of the 1109rsir •
the_.,e accused, particularly those of Peyronnet lIndf"!
F,erasomewhat declamatory address this morldatortir
naci isl 3 and the brilliant oration with which O& •
Tilt, at this moment electrifying his audience. io or
aiv. :it! u4i
intrusted
to the uninterrupted
of
preservationt h e tranquillity
fourth
ofdtwaky:is: shuibr :inn, gar:
.Asrce°B:7ll:rilitider
before
enfourhme sbtehtrneionicofecmtlhilanetetin,renetecmiaguehntbiteonousfr htwondhie,ic,ohibaul.t ioorrY 01,140010
ihterocapital and the suburbs, has induced the snit
pru enee
..et
on duty in the interior of die palace, and the rhiw-i•li"-f""la"- 4:rail
gardens, has already been greatly diminished ; lOW
great beams which on the first day had been" ft. f 'SO
means of hinges to the ponderous foltling-00—t:of I°
principalclosing
entrance, fur the purpose of acting ee s : We
stocncei. gb,taboemwhagollayinrsetarovyeda.ttemopot &altos
iffehrociial:lo44..o,l_,roY4do,lt%
peace will
occointtbineuwest,ithoitaatlywahoadtaevorger
endangered.
lastly; "I
.
..

have
to
assure
yo(nFroonti
tthlise
soo..
0,4010:1.0f."
firs,:
disayswoitfilthitiovelkoardisin,,Trl;U Tgs SOY; NoilthigoragicPtlion:44.-trblai
tranquillity which has prevailed in Paris 'aurinti fir
great trial. The publis lOUs*