The Sun.
London, England, 1839-08-23 00:00:00

A

EVENING LoDITION.

CAMBRIDGE GREAT REFORM
MEETING AT THE HOOP HOTEL.

(From the Tbird Edition of the Cambridge Adverlis.er.)
WEDNESDAY NIGHT, TEN O'CLOCK.
This evening, a meeting of the Reformers took place in
the Large Room of the Hoop Hotel, which was crowded
to suffocation in every part, there bring at least eight hun-
dred persons present.
Amongst the gentlemen who attended we notice Alder-
men R. Foster, E. Foster, Nutter, Simpson, and Newby; Dr.
Woodhouse, H. Gunning, H. S. Foster, W. Searle, H.
H. Harris, G. Livett, J. Sheean, I. Eaden, jun., P. Beales,
T. B. Burchatn, C. Eyres, F. J. Gunning, W. J. Cannon
and J. J. Cribb, Esqrs., Messrs. W. Warren, A. G.
Brirnley, W. Herring Smith, C. Asby, Thomas Hallack,
W. Warwick, E. Wells, J. Barrett, C. H. Cooper, C.
Watson, Winterborne, W. Crisp, R. Johnson, Dison, &c.
On tha motion of Mr. GUNNING, seconded by Mr.
II BRIMLRY, Mr. Alderman Richard Foster was called to the
chair by general acclamation.
The CHAIRMAN observed, the meeting was of singular
importance to the independent constituency. A colifi-
d-ntial communication had been received from the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, from which it appeared that the
Right fIL.n. Gentleman was about to retire from public
life. Three or four active friends of Liberal principles
hid thereupon proceeded to London, to take steps suitable
to the emergency which it was probable would arise. It
was clear the Member for Cambridge ought to be a man of
talent, for the constituency would never submit to be re-
presented by a dolt, an ignoramus, or a blockhead. After
due inquiry, application was made to a gentleman, who,
though disposed to advocate Liberal measures, was un-
friendly to the Ballot; it was therefore intimated there
was no hope of his representing the borough of Cambridge.
The gentlemen referred to then applied to Mr. Gibson—a
man of great taleht,who was brought up in the lap of Tory-
ism, after acting on those principles for a year or two, disco-
vered their pernicious nature, and notwithstanding every
inducement to the contrary, became a Reformer, and ho-
nourably and honestly surrendered his trust to those who
had elected him on different views. It was for the electors
to determine whether this gentleman should be brought
forward as a candidate, and he put it to the meeting whe-
ther it was their pleasure then to hear Mr. Gib ion.—
(Loud cries of " Yes, yes," and cheers.)
After the lapse of a few minutes Mr. Gibson entered
the room, and was received with loud and long-continued
cheers. He then addressed the electors in a speech of
nearly two hours duration, of which the following is a
correct outline.

The HONOURABLE GENTLEMAN observed, that before he
proceeied to state his opinions on political matters, it was
right he should explain the circumstances under which he
then appeared before the meeting. He had retired into
the country, without the expectation of being engaged in
a political contest, when he received a letter, intimating
that if be presented himself to the electors of Cambridge,
it was highly probable his sentiments would meet with the
approval of the Liberal party. He had no intention of
()erectly soliciting the suffrages of the constituency, until
he had submitted himself to a general meeting cf the
Reformers, and asked them if they approved of his prin-
ciples ; nor would he have even taken this step unin-
vited. It was easy for any man to offer himself for a
place, to collect a few votes, divide a great party, and
give a triumph to the adversary. If they felt that any
other gentleman would better represent the views of the
I Reformers, he would readily and cheerfully withdraw.
He had received an invitation from Perth, but as there was
a gentleman already in the field, on Liberal principles,
he should not have felt justified in offering himself, had
no other reasons interposed to induce him to abandon
any intention of accepting the invitation. He (Mr. G.)
was there simply with the view of submitting himself to
their approval. He ought, in the first place, to give some
little account of that political apostacy, of which they had
Idoubtless heard so much. It was true he was elected by a
Conservative constituency, but he went into Parliament as
a Liberal Conservative, and a strictly independent man—
.determined to give every vote in strict accordance with his
jt, dgmeut and reason. When he found his reason placed
hips in opposition to the views of those who sent him into
Pareiament, although he might have swam with the stream,
yet he could not stifle the dictates of his conscience, and felt
bound t.' join that party to which all his sympathies tended.
His were of to be a Tory failed. He sat and listened to all
their arguibeents, and the arguments of their opponents, and
be found that Conservatism was not as it was represent.
ed in Sir Robert Peel's famous Tamworth Manifesto
which professed to lee favourable to the Reform of all proved
abuses, and the redress pf all real grievances, and in short that
that profession was a mere jesuitical pretence upon which
there appeared to be no honest intention of acting. He then
, resigned his seat. What more could he do?—( Loud cheers.)
1 They might call it apostacy, but he would ask of what use
was knowledge? —of what use was argument ? —of what
CLIO W3S inquiry? Were fresh circumstances, was information,
was:debate to produce no effect upon the mind of man ? Was
he'olestinately to adhere to old prejudices ? If so, what
was ti vs use of education ? A great deal of what was said
about political consistency was patched up, to prevent men
from thinking. No party was more severe in their cen-
sures ou any departure from what they called political con-
sistency, than were the Tories. They wished to introduce
military tac:ics into politics, and to carry every thing by a
coup de main, by compelling all their adherents to obey
their leaders. One of the questions on which he voted in
opposition to the views of the Tory party, was the question
.of national education ; but in his address to the constitu-
macy of Ipswich, he said they would find him an advocate
of oettional education on principles of religious liberty.
'Could he then depart from the advocacy of that opinion,
imerely because it might suit partizans, for a temporary
itriumph, to raise the cry that the Church and religion
swere in danger ? He was a Churchman. It was his
vs. ish to see the principles of the Established Church
six -ead far and wide, but, as a Member of Parliament, his
bus iness was with men's civil rights; and it was his
bout .den duty to prevent the Established Church, o ran
other religious society, from imposing such tests and cou-
ditiona • on secular instruction, as would virtually exclude
numbos s of persons from being able to avail, themselves
of an sal,vantage derived from the general taxation of the
people._ ..,(Cheers. ) The cry raised on this subject had
no found/salon in truth or justice. Religious instruction
and secular knowledge were distinct and different things.
The stale .vas bound to allow persons of all sects to enjoy
the advantage of secular teaching, leaving them at liberty
to add theosolves such doctrinal religious instruction as
they may think proper, and when they were told that those
who advocated this principle were infidels and atheists, he
felt bound to say that this was put forward merely to raise
the passions and shock the feelings of the pious, to gain
a party triumph. There was no greater corruption of the
Christian religion—nothing so hostile to its genius and
. .
VIM as attempting to make it an instrument of party
Power. The opponents of the Government measure said
it ivas repugnant to Christianity. But Christianity ac-
knowledged no exclusive principles--but plainly inculcates
the duty of forbearance and charity. They said you shall
notlearn to read or write—you shall not be taught arith-
metic or geography, or any kind of secular knowledge,
toeless you go to Church and learn the Church Catechism.
Tboy said " unless you eat our pudding you shan't have
our meat." You must take both or neither.—( Laughter,
and cheers.) The whole thing was a device to limit
education—to throw obstacles ,in the way, and as much
as possible to prevent the spread of knowledge. They
said in effect we will teach none but the
mem-
bers of the Established Church, and we will
teach
them only the Church Catechism. What does their r-
ligious instruction amount to? They merely lodge in the
memory the Church Catechism and historical parts of
the Old Testament. He thought the Government plan
aid not go far enough, but he hailed it as a step towards
more extensive improvements, and therefore felt bound to
support it. He was, nevertheless, decidedly opposed to
tile Government taking the whole education of the country
into its hands, as tending to discourage voluntary efforts.
The .;rories were timid respecting the spread of know-
ledge, old were alarmed lest the people should be t aught
too much. • I hose who laboured with their hands, they
said, had e tithing to do with such matters as writing,
arithmetic, a ied geography, such knowledge would make
them disconte. seed; they affected to consider that there
was something 1 evolutionary in the spread of such infer-
elation. They fe a.red the growth of intelligence amongst
the people, suspect il2g it would lead them to inquire into
their political and st.seal position—( Hear, hear)—and per-
haps to ask for an ex tension of the franchise, to demand
protection to the voter;, or to discover that the present
Corn-laws were not ;so advantageous to the working
classes as had been repret-ented.—(Loud and continued
cheers.) Nothing did the Tories dread so much as
the spirit of inquiry. Tile .old Corporation in this town
dreaded inquiry, and with great reason, as appeared by
a little book which had .been put into his bands that
day._( Great laughter.) \Wien men oppose inquiry,
reason says all cannot be richt- -they fear the diffusion of
the light which would dispel thm'e dark prejudices they
would wish to see maintained. His opinion was, that
education should be brought within the reach of the
humbler classes; that in every parish, there should be a
day school ; that the time should be passed in acquiring-
useful information ; that children of all p'ersuasions should
meet on the common ground of secular instruction—of intel-
lectuet and moral culture, and it must be not only that a b oad
and general knowledge of the great practical principles of
Christianity should be inculcated, but that all parents who
ds':l not approve of the religious instruction should be en-
title i to withdraw their children at the time it was taught.
There is no common religious ground upon which all
classes e en be successfully instructed, and therefore in a
plan of naoonal education, secular must be separated from
religious teaching; the former being supplied to all chil-
dren at the common day school, and the latter by the
N:inisters of the 4ifferent persuasions, at other times and
places, and according to the views and wishes of the
parents. A similar plan had been tried in Holland with
the greatest success, and is now in operation. Another
question on which it was right he should state his opinions
explicitly was, th e protection to be given to the voter in
the exercise of his franchise. The great object of Go.
Ballot..( Great
vernment in this point ought to sccure
the
eeeda of action,
Although he CIL-. G.) advocated
cheering.)—he coOld not expectthat would
thepath of purify• men's
s 4 hearts, and induce thtlil to pursue duty instead
of that of interest; but if a voter were d to act
,conscientiously, the Bat‘l44 would tend most effectually
re
to protect that man from opC-n and injury.—( Renewed
ehe.e .ing.) For his part he b •tt,acu, ed no great importance
to the publicity of a vote ; ana
dation in a man exercising the Po e"
law gave him, secretly instead of r-•
had been successfully adopted in other cc.
protect the coustituerey from extraneous p
beea introduced in France, with a view of
limited constituencies of that country
could a .!e no great iegra-
r of voting which the
. `l7‘er, üblicly. The Ballot
low them. In this country it was regairea
purpose. It was wanted to protect the people
untries in order to
fi
crisi et.ssure_. It had
Protecting tho
1i,., masses be.
• f no such
C).
fr mn not
influence e not
influence of the aristocracy which was used to a de;; roe •,,,
to be justified ; and which no one ever attempted to justify
but the Duke of Newcastle, who openly and boldly avoYea
his right to do what he liked with his 0wn...--( Laughter.. )
lii this country there was no fear of a pressure fom below :
the protection was required from the aristocracy above,
for be was persuaded 1,
Chases were decidedly 1-- f the middle
sympateies o ...e
in favour of the diffusive
t -e'
principle. In France the Ballot operates quite in a

contrary direction to what was originally intended,
for despite the great power of the Crown 'in that
e mntry, the King could not find means to nominate a
Chamber to his liking ; and the elections always termin-
ate in a manner which the Aristocracy do not relish. On
the subject of the extension of the franchise, his views
were simply these. On principle he was friendly to such
an extension, and hoped the time would, at no distant
period, arrive when a more extensive franchise could be
conceded with a due regard to its proper exercise. He
must, however, look to fitness, and before he consented
to transfer political power, or rather to extend it, he must
be satisfied that the classes to whom it was proposed to be
given, were in a condition to exercise it in a manner in
which it ought to be exercised. If the extension of the
franchise depended on mental and moral culture, it might
be used for the progressive improvement of society. He
repudiated the principle of finality, and considered that
every day was bringing us nearer to the time, when the
suffrage might be progressively extended on just and im-
partial principles. Any proposition which might be made on
the subject, he would consider calmly and dispassionately,and
although he would not pledge himself to vote for any definite
extension, yet if it could be shown that any particular plan
would operate for the welfare of the nation at large, he
would readily support it ; but not if
.it was intended
to make a transfer of power for the benefit of class inte-
rests and monopoly. The whole question required mature
and deliberate consideration, and it was one on which he
was anxious to watch his time, or perhaps he might defeat
his own object, as had been the case in France. There
was a great difference between the Ballot and the extension
of the Suffrage—the former did not make a transfer of
power, it merely enabled the voters to use their privilege
according to their own consciences and judgments. It
was intended to protect the electors just in the manner
the law protected the people from highway robberies.—
( Cheers.) He had been thought very presumptuous for
having dabbled a little in what was called the principle of
the Reform Bill. The Tories attached vast importance to
the finality of that measure. They seemed to fancy it was
the result of a sort of sacred inspiration, containing all
the virtues any legislative measure could possess. He
undertook to think for himself, however, and it appeared to
him that a man ought not to lose his vote because he
removed from No. 1 to No. 2.—(Laughter.) He could
not believe it would endanger the institutions of the
country to give each elector the privilege of retaining
his vote for the whole year if once placed in the re-
gister, and to declare that he who was considered fit to
vote in July, should be considered fit to vote in October.
He had the audacity to bring in a Bill to alter the law in
this respect, and for so doing was considered by the
Tories, as having been guilty of one of the most flagrant
acts of insubordination ever known. The Bill passed the
Commons, but was thrown out by the Lords ; but though
it passed the Commons, the whip from the Tory side was
used to defeat this measure. Perhaps (said Mr. G.) the
meeting did not exactly understand the allusion to the
Tory whip, but if his Honourable Opponent Mr. Manners
Sutton should obtain the honour of a seat in Parliament
he would not be long before he would discover what the
Tory whip was.—( Great laughter.) With the Tories
class interests always were uppermost. They said with
respect to the Bill to which he had alluded, the Liberals
have more removals than we have. This was the real
ground of their opposition, and not any attachment to the
principle of the Reform Bill, of which they boast so much.
And now he felt it necessary to proceed to another topic.
He had recorded his vote in favour of the appointment
of a Committee to inquire into the duties on the importa-
tion of foreign corn. He had voted simply for an inquiry;
but the Tories call it repeal—they always think inquiry
means a serious alteration. That which is good will bear
inquiry. The old Corporation would have stood, if it could
have borne inquiry. His own opinions, he said, were
decidedly against the present Corn-laws. He consi-
dered they operated seriously to the detriment of the
working classes. They raised the price of bread, without
raising the amount of wages; for they lessened the de-
mand for labour. Wages depended not on the price of
bread, but on the demand for labour, which was restricted
by the existing Corn-laws. In Ireland bread was dear,
and labour cheap. In America bread cheap, and wages
high. Whatever tends to lessen our resources, lessens the
demand for labour, and thus lessens wages. The Corn-
laws operated by no means so beneficially to the landed
proprietary as was supposed ; they destroyed pounds and
created sixpences. The effect of an alteration would be to
lower the price of corn to about 505., and to keep it at that
rate. Steadiness of price was of the greatest advantage to
the working classes. There was no benefit in being
starved one day and surfeited another. It was a poor con-
solation to a man who had too little food in winter to give
him too much in summer. The Corn-laws were main-
tained from misrepresentation and misunderstanding. After
some further remarks on this subject, Mr. G. proceeded
to observe, that he would not say repeal these laws
directly.—(Loud cheers.) Under these bad laws, great
and important interests had grown up, which could
not be disregarded. He would view the question
calmly and dispassionately, taking into consideration
the existing interests. Colonel Thompson, and other
thick-and-thin opponents of the Corn-laws, said the land-
lords had no more claim to consideration than a highway-
man, who had robbed for years, had to compensation. This
was all very well as an ad captandum argument, but there
really was a vast difference between the case of one who
was daily transgressing the law, and the case of those who
had been encouraged by the law. If the ports were opened
on the morrow, he thought very Effie land would be thrown
out of cultivation—what was saved in bread would be spent
in meat, The Provision-laws were worse than the Corn-
laws, for as regarded foreign beef, mutton, and pork, there
was a total prohibition ; and it should be recollected, that
the agricultural labourer usually tasted meat but once a
week. He was for admitting foreign meat, under due re-
gulation.—(Cheers.) He was aware this was a question
upon which men of all parties differed materially ; but he
could not think of blinking so important a question, or, in-
deed any question. Perfectly free trade between nations
would, he thought, do more to civilize mankind than all
the laws that could be passed; nations would be bound
together by the strongest of all ties—mutual inte-
rest. If it had not been for the merchants of Man-
chester, who have so great an interest in the trade
in raw cotton, we should have been engaged in a
war with America, instead of which we very wisely
pocketed our little affronts, and gave up that grand talking
about national glory which had produced so much blood-
shed and misery in former times. A free exchange of
the commodities of one country for those of another would
raise up the most kindly feelings, and it was doubtless in-
tended by Providence that nation should depend upon
nation, as man was obliged to depend upon man. With
respect to the free trade in corn, it was important to re-
collect that the New Poor-law came into operation when
bread was cheaper than it had been at any time during
the preceding half century, and that circumstance was
mentioned as an argument in favour of the introduction of
the new system. The abuses of the old law were greatest
when bread was dearest. It was never so dear as in

1795, and yet in that year began the allowance system.
High prices first caused the breach in the principle of the
statute of Elizabeth. A great deal was said about the
poor man depending on his own resources ; but let the
landlords depend on their own resources unless they could
show they were taxed higher than they ought to be
( Hear.) The Corn-laws operated as a tax upon the rest
of the country. If they had read the Tory papers they
had no doubt seen the epithet "renegade" applied to him
( Mr. G.), accompanied with a statement that no con-
stituency ought to depend on him. Now the Times,
that great leviathan of Toryism, had but recently
stated that there was no man for whom they had so
little respect, or whom they felt so little disposed to
follow, as Sir Robert Peel. Yet he (Mr. G.) was
abused by this very paper, because he did not choose
to follow this same Sir Robert Peel.—( Loud cheers.) He
had been called by the Times a prating jackdaw of libe-
ralism disguised in Conservative plumage. His jackdaw
liberalism was borrowed from the Times. The Aristocracy
he knew cared more about the rents going down than they
did about the religious instruction of the people.—(Tre-
mendous cheering.) The Duke of Buckingham, the leader
of what Mr. Elliot had called the bread-tax-ocracy, was
much more concerned about the price of corn, than the
spread of Popery. There was a tendency to undervalue
the great talents of Sir Robert Peel. The Hon. Baronet
was not deterred from taking office on a recent occasion by
the Ladies of the Court, but by the general aspect of af-
fairs, and almost said as much in his explanatory speech (to
which Mr. G. referred in detail). The Tory party were
most dissatisfied that Sir Robert did not hazard all in an
attempt to regain possession of Downing-att.( et, rather than
be frightened by four Ladies of the Bedchamber. The
Tory party, though apparently large, was composed of most
discordant materials—there were the Liberal Conservatives

—the State-conscience men—the currency-men, &c.; all
united for the present, but only for the present. He re-
ferred to the Duke of Newcastle's Letter to the Lord Chan-
cellor, which involved hn admission that the Duke was wil-

ling to evade the Test Repeal Act, and was a direct contempt
of the highest judicial authority in the country. Lord Win-
chelsea had avowed in the House of Lords, that he should
be glad to have the Catholic Relief Act repealed. The
Tories frequently called the year 1829, the fatal year;
and the Tory party rarely talk of the great merits of Sir
Robert Peel, but complain continually of the mistakes they
say he has committed. If Sir Robert were to come into
rower to-morrow, he would, whatever were his own senti-
ments, have no alternative--he must distribute Irish
patronage exclusively to Protestants ; thus virtually re-
paling the very Act Sir Robert had himself introduced.
The Tories were prepared to make a retrogade move-
ment in order to strengthen their position, and Mr. G.
referred to the conduct of some of that party in reference
to the Bill as to the spiritual instruction of Catholic
prisoners in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) The H tnourable
Gentleman then recapitulated his sentiments on the various
questions before adverted to, and expressed his readiness
to answer any interrogatories which might be put. If his
sentiments and his conduct should give dissatisfaction to
the constituency, he would willingly do as he had done at
Ipswich—resign his seat into the hands of those who gave
it
him.—(Cheers.) Mr. Gibson referred to the abuse
which had been poured upon him by all the Tory
papers, more especially the Standard, which, with all
its professed abhorrence of Popery, contained in its lead.
ing articles all that was obnoxious in Popery. It
advocated the cause of clerical tyranny and religious in-
tolorance. The Catholic religion had produced men
deeply imbued with the principles of religious tole-
ration, and he mentioned particularly Fenelon and Pascal,
venom he contrasted with the Bishop of Exeter. To show
how
strongly the Standard and Times were imbued with
the spirit of Christian charity and Christian love, he
alluded to the former papar having designated the Irish
jpeeuarsaaanitrhyadassti
tz"tasahtiirstel
(els
ts,
er ucffiaatrh. sb,l'i'e
priesthood as
the name of ProtestanTs "
last-named while the
_
sur-
pliced ruffians." Too nmy, oefs
ttahbelischlertghye
mweosutldg,riuenvdbaers
tyranny over the minds and consc
the i •
encos of men. Real re-
ligion had a practical effect on lives of its professors,
who practised those doctrines of forbearance and charity
rich were so eminently tire
genius
The Tories had in some places of Christianity.—
made the Wesleyan
I,;,,tflaizts subservient to their
own party purposes. The
y wa., for religion about which they did not care a tig
'roe real iSbjeat saes to get their votes ; and to secure tilt;
object, they o.upled nit to stigmatize their opponents as
advocates of inhiNity. After Paying a high compli-

ment to the talents and character of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, Mr. Gibson observed that the Ministers
were, he firmly believed, actuated by a strong spirit of
reformation, but had a most difficult task to perform, in
consequence of the formidable oppostiun in the House
of Commons, which emboldened the House of Lords to
pursue the course they did. Mr. Gibson deprecated,
in the strongest and most forcible manner, the ap-
peal to physical force made by the Chartists, whom he de-
nounced as the great opponents of real and rational liberty ;
and who had, ha said, done mare to impede reform,
than could have been done by twenty years of Tory
agitation. The great security of freedom was the autho-
rity of the law. He was, however, friendly to Law Re-
form, and would have law practically what the Judges
said it was,--equal to the peasant in his cottage, and the
peer in his palace. Mr. G. referred to the probability
of important changes in the Administration, and ex.
horted Reformers to lose no opportunity to send to Par-
liament men who would support her Majesty's Government
in effecting great national advantages. The Queen had
shewn herself an advocate of a Liberal Government, and
all her sympathies were with her people. She had declared
for the diffusion of civil rights, and the extension of popular
privileges. When the monarch was favourable to class-

interest, clerical domination and aristocratical usurpations,
the Tories were fervent in their professions of loyalty ; but
at the present time the loyalty of the Tories lies in a very
small compass, and points rather towards Hanover than to
the Queen on the throne.

At the conclusion of this address, the assembled multi-
' tude gave a succession of deafening cheers in favour of Mr.
Gibson, whose reception was most enthusiastic.
PATRICK BEALES, Esq. proposed a resolution expressive
of the fitness of Mr. Gibson to represent the borough in
the event of a vacancy. Mr. Gibson had delivered a most
able and eloquent exposition of his sentiments, which was
perfectly satisfactory to his ( Mr. Beale's) mind, and would,
he doubted not, be equally so to the great body of Re-
formers throughout the borough. He advocated the Ballot
—he disclaimed the doctrine of finality, and was prepared
to support measures suitable to the spirit of the age.
Mr. Alderman E. FOSTER said he had heard Mr. Gib-
son's powerful and splendid speech with sentiments of ex-
ultation. He had, however, a silent source of regret in
his own bosom, when he reflected that he (Mr. Foster)
and his family were, as Dissenters, deprived of the pri-
vileges of participating in those academical advantages
which Mr. Gibson had so gloriously improved. Some corn-
plain!s had, he hears, been made as to two or three gentle-
men having proceeded to London. He was sure, however,
that after having beard Mr. Gibson, no real Reformer
could feel any other sentiment towards those gen-
tlemen than that of gratitude for having introduced
a man of such commanding talent to the notice of
the constituency. He ventured to predict that Mr. Gib-
son would one day occupy a conspicuous and highly ho-
nourable situation in the annals of his country. He made
no doubt the same unanimity amongst the Reformers
would prevail at this, as at former elections, and that Mr.
Gibson would occupy the same proud station on the poll
that the Reform candidates had uniformly done ever since
the emancipation of the borough.—(Cheers.) In the
course of his address, Mr. F. referred to the Elector's Re-
moval Bill, and Mr. Gibson's resignation of his seat at
Ipswich, and concluded by seconding Mr. Besles's pro-
position.

The CHAIRMAN proceeded to put Mr. Beales's propo-
sition, which was carried unanimously, amidst reiterated
and tremendous shouts of applause.
HENRY GUNNING, Esq., M. A., reminded his brother
electors that there was another candidate in the field. He
was a gentleman of high family, splendid connections, and
of a most generous disposition; so much so, that he (Mr.
G.) doubted not he would gladly spend every shilling of his
own sinecure, or of his father's pension, to secure the proud
position of representative of this borough. He was a
gentleman of amiable manners, to whom his friends
were much attached. Though he said this, it was not,
of course, to be supposed he intended to propose him, much
less to vote for him. He exhorted the electors cordially
to support Mr. Gibson; and concluded by moving that the
Committee at the last election be requested to act on be-
half of Mr. Gibson, with power to add to their numbers.
W. SEARLE, Esq. seconded Mr. Gunning's proposition,
and expressed his conviction that the Committee would
receive an accession of active and strenuous supporters of
the cause of reform.

Mr. Gunning's motion was then put and carried unani-
mously.

Mr. GiasoN again addressed the meeting briefly, and
stated that after the kind manifestation in his favour, he
should be justified in soliciting the support of the elec-
tors. It was for the constituency to decide between him
and his Hon. Opponent, Mr. Sutton. —( Cries of " Gibson
for ever.")

The CHAIRMAN having left the chair, the thanks of the
meeting were unanimously voted to him at the instance of
H. H. Harris, Esq., seconded by Mr. A. G. Brimley ; and
in returning thanks, the Chairman reminded the meeting,
that in less than seven years, the Reformers of Cambridge
had five times successfully contested the Borough 1 !!
Three cheers were then given for the Queen, and three
for Mr. Gibson, and shortly afterwards the vast multitude
quietly dispersed.
A more satisfactory meeting to the Reformers has, we
believe, never before taken place in this borough ; and
Mr. Gibson has made an impression on the minds of the
electors, which we feel assured neither Mr. Manners Sut-
ton nor his friends will be able to efface. Indeed, at a late
hour this evening, it was confidently rumoured, that Mr.
Sutton finding that discretion is the better part of valour,
had determined not to waste the sinews of war on a con.
test which must be hopeless. For ourselves, however, we
attach no importance whatever to the report, and recom-
mend our friends to be vigilant and active.
The following is Mr. Gibson's address:—
To the Independent Electors of the Borough of Cam-
bridge.
Gentlernen,—Being encouraged by a numerous and in .
fluential body of the electors of Cambridge, to aspire to
the high honour of filling the approaching vacancy in their
representation, I feel justified in announcing myself a Can-
didate for your suffrages.
The principles upon which I shall solicit your support will
meet, I doubt not, with the approbation all liberal and
thinking men, who, duly appreciating the importance of
stability in all social institutions, are yet unwilling to bend
under the yoke of prejudice, or to surrender their reason to
the control of party or of passion.
Firmly convinced that the only sure foundation for the
progressive improvement of society is in the intellectual
and moral culture of all classes of the people, you will
find me the zealous advocate of the cause of general edu-
cation, without distinction of sect or creed. Highly
prizing political independence, and deprecating all obstruc-
tions to perfect freedom in the exercise of the franchise, I
am deeply impressed with the growing necessity of some
legislative measure tending to secure to the voter the power
of expressing his opinion without present sacrifice, or fear
of consequences.
To all monopolies and legislation for the benefit of class
interests, I am strenuously opposed, and trust that, should
I have the good fortune to become your representative in
Parliament, my conduct will prove me fully conscious of
the great responsibility of such a position.
I have the honour to remain, Gentlemen,
Your obedient humble servant,
THOMAS AIILNER GIBSON.
Cambridge, Wednesday Night, Aug. 21, 1839.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—Ava. 22.

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool-
sack at Five o'Clock.
BASTARDY BILL.

On the motion of Earl SHAFTESBURY, the
Report of the Committee on the Bastardy Bill was
brought up.
CORPORATION PROPERTY (IRELAND)

BILL.
On the motion of Lord DUNCANNON, the Cor-
poration Property (Ireland) Bill passed through a
Committee.

EXCHEQUER BILLS BILL.
On the motion of Lord DUNCANNON, the Ex-
chequer Bills Bill was read a second time.

OYSTERS.
Lord MELBOURNE laid on the table papers from
France relative to the Oyster Fishery.
The Marquis of BUTE presented a petition signed
by upwards of 900 of the inhabitants of Ayr in favour
of the extension of parochial education. Also a petition
from the same place, praying for Church extension.
The Noble Marquis likewise presented petitions from
Argyle, Paisley, and other places, praying their Lord-
ships to adopt such means as would prevent the intru-
sion of officers into parishes against the wishes of the
people.
Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Co-
lonel Bradley, complaining of the treatment he had
experienced. The petitioner had been arrested, im-
prisoned for 312 days in a tropical climate, and dis-
charged from the service. He prayed that her Ma-
jesty's Ministers would be pleased to take his case into
their consideration, that he might be restored to his
commission, and for general relief.
The Duke of WELLINGTON would be sorry to
interfere with any disposition that might exist on
the part of the Noble Viscount opposite and the
petitioner, but he doubted (as we understood),
whether this petition could be received without the
consent of her Majesty. If her Majesty should be
disposed to consent to it the Noble Viscount ought to
signify that it was her Majesty's pleasure that the peti-
tion should be received and that the House should take
Col. Bradley's case into its consideration. No doubt
Col. Bradley had been placed in an unfortunate situa-
tion, and the question respecting him, which had
occupied a great deal, not only of the attention of the
public, but also of Courts of Justice, for many years
past, was a very difficult and nice question.
Lord MELBOURNE was not aware that the peti-
tion could be received without the consent of her Ma-
jesty, and if that consent were necessary, he could only
say that he did not know sufficient of the facts of this
petition to be prepared to say that her Majesty would
consent.

Lord BROUGHAM said that the petition prayed
for general relief, and that he apprehended it was quite
competent for their Lordships to receive it. What the
Noble Duke had said of its being a nice and difficult
case, showed the importance of their Lordships' giving
it their attention, and he sincerely hoped that this gen-
tlemen would have mercy shown to him.
The Duke of WELLINGTON, though he was
Commander-in-Chief at the time, had no feeling what-
ever on the subject, and he could have no possible ob-
jection to the utmost indulgence being shown towards
Colonel Bradley. He thought, however, that a better
caurse might have been adopted than petitioning Par-
liaroePt•
Lord BROUGHAM observed, that after what had
been stated by the Noble puke, which he was sure