The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-07 00:00:00

THE C:

ZICA,

(From the Times Correspondent)
NEw YORK, April 24.
The outcry against England has partially subsided.
The mails of the Peterhoff have been surrendered;
and the main interest of the war has been once more
transferred to Vicksburg and Port Hudson. The
Confederates appear to have relaxed their usual
vigilance at the first-named place, or so large a force
of gunboats and rams as safely ran the gauntlet of
the batteries could not possibly have got through.
The friends of the South in this city affect to treat
the matter lightly, though what grounds they have
for their comfort are not easy to discover. In other
quarters there is little doing. Charleston and the
Atlantic cities are relieved from the immediate
prospect of danger, and the rams and Monitors are
under repair, preparatory to active operations above
Baton Rouge. " Sail, says the King ; hold, says,
the wind," is a proverb that finds illustration to day
upon the Rappahannock. President Lincoln has
ordered General Hooker to advance; but rain and
mud, two more powerful potentates, have impera-
tively, commanded him to stay. And when General
Hooker is thus incommoded by too much water, the
safety of General Rosecrans is endangered by too
little; and generally throughout the wide regionr
drained by the Mississippi and its feeders there is a
likelihood of such a continued fall of the waters as
to cause considerable anxiety for the safety of all
Federal gunboats which have ventured into any but
rivers of the first magnitude. General Banks, be-
lieved to be in imminent peril between Baton
Rouge and Port Hudson, has made his appearance
unexpectedly in the rich region of the Bayou Teche
—called the garden of Louisiana—and, if successful,
will no doubt endeavour to make his way into the
country of the Red River, to co operate with the
fleets of Admirals Porter and Farragut—which can
either ply on that stream or the Mississippi, as cir-
cumstances may dictate.
Neither the President, General Burnside, nor
General Hooker appear to much advantage in Burn-
side's general order No. 8, under the date of the
23d of January, which was suppressed by the Con-
gressional Committee on :the conduct of the war,
with the prudential and patriotic motive of pre-
venting scandal. By some means or other the
document has been permitted to see the light. It
discloses the ugly fact that the demoralization of the
army of the Potomac, after M'Clellan was deprived
of the command, was extreme, and that either Gene-
ral Burnside or General Hooker is unfit to lead an
army. In that order General Hooker is accused by
General Burnside of insubordination, disrespect to
and disobedience of his superiors, and unmilitary
as well as ungentlemanly conduct which almost
amounted to mutiny, and for such misconduct he is
ordered, subject to the President's approval, to be
dismissed the army. Three Brigadier-Generals for
the same offences are subjected to the same degra-
dation ; and five other officers, of whom two are
Major-Generals, two Brigadiers, and one a Colonel,
are relieved from duty, and ordered to report to the
Adjutant-General. These charges are either true or
false. If true, the President ought to have con-
firmed the action of his Commanding-General, or
brought General Hooker to trial. If false, General
Burnside was unfit to hold his position and should
himself have suffered the doom which he wished to
inflict upon others. But the good-natured President
adopted a very original course of proceeding which
did justice to nobody. He allowed General Burn-
side, who made the charges, to resign his command,
and immediately appointed General Hooker to the
vacant place, showing, one would think, that he
believed the charges to be unfounded. But that he
could not have believed General Burnside to be
guilty of the crime of making false charges against
his subordinates would also appear from the fact
that he shortly afterwards appointed him to a high
command in Ohio, which he still holds. Nor is the
case more intelligible when it is considered that no
less than eight other officers were either rightfully
or wrongfully accused on the same authority, and
that a stain must rest upon the purity of their
military fame as long as these charges remain
uninvestigated, or, at all events, as long as General
Burnside keeps silence and refuses to admit pub-
licly that he was in error. It was notorious at the
time when he planned the ill-judged attack against
Fredericksburg, in which he was so thoroughly, and
it may be said so cruelly defeated, that all, or nearly
all, the General officers under his command disap-
proved his temerity and predicted the results.
Everybody said he was a gallant soldier, but no one
admitted that he was a wise one. In any other
country the publication of these facts, humanely
suppressed by the committee, would render it im-
perative upon the Commander-in Chief to order a
court-martial, if the accused officers did not them-
selves demand it. But, as the Commander-in-Chief
and the President are the same person, and as the
President's own judgment is impugned either by the
appointment of Hooker or the re-appointment of
Burnside, it is probable that as far as Mr. Lincoln
is concerned nothing further will come of it. It only
remains to be seen what steps, if any, will be taken
by the inculpated officers in vindication of their
characters.
Mr. Horace Greeley has offended the Abolitionist
party, and efforts are to be made to withdraw its
support from the Tribune, which his zeal and abili-
ties have converted into one of the most influential
journals of the country. Mr. Greeley's position is a
Singular one. More than any living writer he has
moulded and guided the Republican party. It was
his influence morethan that of any other person that
defeated Mr. Seward for the Presidency, and secured
the election of Mr. Lincoln. Hence Mr. Lincoln has
always treated his opinions with marked respect,
and Mr. Seward has as uniformly mistrusted end
disliked him. It was Mr. Greeley who goaded the
Administration into ordering the advance upon
Manassas, which led to the first battle and route of
Bull Run. It was Mr. Greeley who urged the Pr-
esident to issue the Proclamation of Emancipation.
In all cases of difficulty Mr. Lincoln is known to
have well considered what opinion would be passed
upon his decision by the Tribune and the party
which it led, and, even when he disagreed with Mr.
Greeley, has declared "that he could not afford to
quarrel with him." Mr. Greeley has been far too
honest a politician to be a thoroughly consistent
one. He has had the man Liness on several occasions
to admit that he was wrong, which is more than can
be said for any other public man in America. When
the first faint murmurs of discontent from the South
proved to the satisfaction of all far-seeing statesmen
that there would be a rupture of the Union Mr.
GCheeky expressed himself strongly in favour of let-
IR the South depart in peace. This was the true
Norther
Ptliey to adopt and if patiently acquiesced in by the
meat ter
People might have rendered the estrange-
niPararY which has now become permanent. But when the attack
was made on Fort Sumter he
was carried away, With the rest of his countrymen,
in the whirl of passion
He could not see that so which
trivic.hl a
matter did not in
wise to allow the that event excited.
reality affect the question
at il e
ssu and that if it were
South to depart quietly before
that vexatious but harmless bombar
equally wise afterwards. He has not rnveentt' it was
returned
to his original position in this respect, tho
are symptoms in his writings and throu ugh ghout the
editorial columns of the Tribune that he has raiEl- 1
giViDgB of the policy of bloodshed, that he is die-
heartened with the spirit no less than with the con-
duct of the war; and sincerely anxious for peace if
he can discover but a mode by which, -without loss
of dignity and prestige, the North may withdraw
from the conflict, and, leaving the South to the ma-
nagement of its own affairs, wait patiently for the
healing influences of time, and the paramount inte-
rests of commerce to bring together in a League—if
not in a Union—the kindred people who have come
so violently and so unnaturally into collision. To

this point ho will probably veer round at last ; and
if he do, he will find thousands of people to agree
with him. All the members of the Administration,
together with the bulk of the Abolition or Ultra-
Republican party, have endeavoured during the
whole course of the war to diminieh the rights of
the States, and to increase the power of the Cen-
tral Government. They have striven to construct a
strongoai,thconsolidated absolutism, to save what they
e life of the natio they lost all the lib libertiesdesirable, that would make their
Mr, Greeley lA@ seemed to

go along with them ; and has justified or palliated
many arbitrary acts of Mr. Lincoln and his secre-
taries, which must have jarred upon his feelings
and instincts as a sincere and enlightened lover of
freedom—for white men as well es for black. Lately
however he has awakened to the consciousness that
this policy is wrong, and that if the States do not
jealously preserve their State rights the freedom of
America has nothing left to stand upon. Mr. Greeley
sees the right course. n rerient a sex premiers
amours, and acknowledges—not for the first time—
that Northern liberty is worth the keeping--a fact
which too many of his Republican and Abolitionist
coadjutors have persistently ignored. It must not
be imagined that Mr. Greeley has abandoned his
old ideas on the subject of Slavery. On that point
he is true as steel to his early convictions. But the
bitter experience of the war, and especially the
failure of the President's proclamation to arouse
the anti-slavery enthusiasm of the North, or to in-
spire the Southern slaves themselves with the
taintest hope of freedom, has taught him that other
questions than those of slavery were involved in
the mighty war between North and South. Wash-
ington, the slaveowner, fought the battle of liberty,
and won it; and why should not Jefferson Davis,
the slaveowner, do the same ? Mr. Greeley does
not put the case in that form, but it is evident
he sees far more clearly than his party that he
has ranged himself on the losing side; that the
South is lost to the North for ever, except as a
foreign ally and a good customer; and that if it
were possible to restore the Union by the means
employed by Mr. Lincoln and his generals the
result would be an imperial, military, and perhaps
brutal despotism. Many persons predicted that
the President's Proclamation would divide the
North and unite the South--a prediction early and
completely verified ; but no one predicted that it
would cause a division in the Republican ranks, and
deprive them of the leadership of the mau to whose
teachings and promptings it was mainly due. Yet
this result has happened. The wise philosopher of
Abolitionists is dethroned, and uncharitable priests
and silly women reign in his stead.
There is an old Scottish rhyme which says—
" When gray beards weep and hens crow
The pride of the nation lieth low."
These lines are but too applicable to the present
condition of this country. If "gray beards" do not
yet weep for the miseries and degradation of the
land it is not for want of cause; and if the crowing
of hens be a. metaphorical expression for the unseemly
interference of women with the political affairs and
partisan passions of men, the crowing has begun,
and betokens a wide-spread demoralisation of the
people. A woman named Dickinson, a spinster of
25, from the city of Philadelphia, fresh, fair, and
blooming, with an amazing volubility and power of
vituperation, somewhat impaired by the nasal
twang and the Yankee mispronunciation, has been
engaged by the Contractors' League to enlighten
the Northern public on the aspects of the war and
the merits and demerits of every military and civil
servant of the Government who is prominent and
influential enough to attract her notice. This de-
magogue in petticoats held forth on Tuesday night
at the Cooper Institute to an audience of nearly
4,000 persons, at least one-half of whom were wo-
men, who rewarded her most unfeminine utterances
with the greatest amount of their unwomanly and
unmanly applause. She has a voice, according to
the reporters, "so powerful that masculine stump
speakers might envy it," and used it to effective
purpose in denouncing every general of the Demo-
cratic party who had ever been called to command
the armies of the North. Her principal spite was
directed against General M'Clellan, whom she de-
cleared to be no general at all—or, if a general, a
traitor ; a man who knew nothing of the art of war,
or who, if knowing, used his knowledge against his
country. " Burnside and Hooker," she said, " could
fight ; but this man (McClellan) kept out of the
battle, and sat down miles off, with his thirty
thousand reserves, drinking mint juleps and sherry
cobblers in safety. Never," she added, " did he soil
his feet by the tread of a blood-stained battle-field.
He preferred to come northward to tread on piled-
up mounds of bouquets, and to brave every element
of treason, secession, and meanness, going down in
the mud at his feet to do him reverence." There
was at least one sensible man in the crowd of lis-
teners who took offence at the silly arrogance of a
scold who presumed to criticise the actions of a
soldier, and expressed his displeasure in unmis-
takeable terms. A disturbance immediately arose
which lasted some minutes; blows were inter-
changed ; women shrieked and fainted ; men hissed
and hooted, and the police were called for ; but the
undaunted Miss Dickinson looked on defiant and
expectant, and as wholly unabashed as if she had
been made of marble. Comparative order having
been restored, the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher
stepped on the platform, and announced, amid loud
applause, " that the gentleman had been squelched,'
end that " the lady was triumphant." Miss Dick-
inson thereupon resumed her attacks on General
M'Clellan. She said she had understood that he had
joined a church, and " hoped he would obey holy
orders better than he did military orders." The
audience appreciated hugely this very poor joke,
and the Rev. Mr. Beecher, carried away by enthu-
siasm, acted as fuglemen to the applause. She de-
clared that the only real soldiers of the Union were
the Republicans and Abolitionists, citing the names
of Generals Hunter, Mitchell, Rosecrans, Sigel, and,
above all, Fremont, in proof of the assertion. She
also expressed the highest opinion of the courage,
ability, and patriotism of General Butler, whom
she contrasted favourably with Gen. Banks. The
latter was much too merciful and humane to merit
her commendation—a mere milksop, unfit to grapple
with the Southern " devils," whom she held in
such abhorrence. On the question of inciting the
negroes to take up arms against their masters and
mistresses she was particularly emphatic. " When
people ask me," she said, "if I would have the
barbarity to get up a slave insurrection, I
answer, Yes! When we are fighting the devil lam
glad to hear that an insurrection has broken out in
hell." At this point of the fair virago's speech there
was, according to the newspaper reports, "tremen-
dous applause, renewed so often thatit was difficult
to restore silence." Referring to the danger of en-
forcing the Conscription Act she said, "If the Demo-
cratic party attempt to resist the execution of that
measure the streets will be drenched in blood."
Again there was a tempest of applause, the women
being more vehement than the men. Anything
more pitiable and painful than this exhibition it is
difficult toconceive. The speaker herself—the bigots,
theorists, and contractors who paid her tc unsex
herself—the men
appiauded her, and the
Who
women who cheered her
alike detestable, unwomanly words, were
her Country's le.
eril A J
inthe
Joan of Arc who
p goes out into the battle field d
does a soldier's duty against a foreig foe aarn
spectable, though perhaps an unnatural charactere.
but a strong-voiced scold, however Young, bloom-
ing,
and eloquent, who in a time of civil strife in-
cites brother against brother, sister against sister,
panders to the lowest and most fiendish of passions',
openly advocates a servile insurrection and a war of
races, and gluts over the unutterable horrors which
such a war presupposes, is a worse nuisance to so-
ciety than a thousand hetairce. When the French
JacoLins dressed out a faded sister of the demi-monde
in the masquerade of the Goddess of Liberty, and
led her in triumph through the streets of Paris,
they unintentionally marked the point of the lowest
decadence of public morality in their miserable era.
a
Miss Dickinson's appearance on the platform marks
similar era in the decline of American liberty.

' -
_-.........—..m.
s'OPULATION OP QUEENSLAND.—In the colony of
Queensland, to which many
now proceeding, the increase of population in the year 1862
by immigration from Europe amounted to 8,
of our emigrants are
4,703 males and 3,377 females; and the increase by immi-
080—namely,
gration from other colonies was 1,72,5—namely, 1,285 males
and 410 females. As might be expected in so young a
colony, the population contains three males for every two
females ; but it is remarkable that in the course of tho year
1862, though the male births were 110.5 to every 100 girls
born, the excess of births over deaths gave but 387 males
and as many as 518 females, The total increase by immi-
gration in the year was 9,805; and the population on the
31st of December, 1862, was estimated at 45,077, of whom
27,186 were males and 17,891 females. A large proportion
of the intercolonial immig ration is of men who come to take
up new country, and do nc t bring their families in the first
lts
allow them to think of Marrl.
instance, or of single men who come to do pioneers' service
until their improved fortunehabits
's or their more settled
Abe. But in this small com-
munity there were 570 marriage'sinehtheMe maw.
year, so that one
perms in every 40 married in The tw

CALIFORNIA,

A letter from Sin Francisco, dated March 23,
says the 16th inst. I wrote to you by overland
mail that a vessel had been seized on the suspicion
that she hsd been fieted oat for piratical or other un-
lawful purposes. The investigation is being carried
on by the military authorities in Fort Alcatraz, the
public and the representatives of the press being ex-
cluded. The real character of the vessel and the ob-
jects of her owners have not yet been demonstrated.
The press has come to the conclusion, without wait-
ing tor the proof, that she is either a pirate, a pri-
vateer, or a Confederate cruiser. Some of the cir-
cumstances circulated as connected with her are
suspicious, and give colour to the accusations.
Many believe that she herself, her armament, and
munitions were all intended for the Mexican mar-
ket ; but such of the evidence as has been made pub-
lic -Loners, oaths, and papers—is contradictory. It
appears, however, that for some time back consi-
derable quantities of munitions of war have been
shipped from San Francisco to the coast of Mexico
against the repeated remons,rances of the Consul of
France, as I mentioned lately. Whatever the intended
destination of the J. M. Chapman was, the object
was a bad one ; and it is on all accounts fortunate
that the object has been defeated by her seizure.
Such of her cargo as was legitimate—quicksilver,
&c., shipped for Mexico—has been given up to the
owners, who were innocent of any illegal intention.
This matter of the seizure has created a strong
desire for further means of d.sfence and offence, and
a call for an increase of the land fortifications and
for improvising ironclads, &c., on the part of a pore
tion of the city municipality, in whose coffers there
is at present a large surplus of money. But another
and more reasonable, and certainly a more honest,
portion of this body, as well as a portion of the pub-
lic and of the press, oppose the " ironclads" scheme,
and assert that the patriotism of its promoters is
sharpened by the prospect of being able to sell ves•
se's of their own, old and rotten hulks, for conver-
sion into men-of-war, Any way, as there is a man-
of-war in port; as the national gunboat Saginaw,
heavily armed, is now here ready for service; as a
revenue cutter is about to arrive from Washington
Territory, where she is watching the smugglers of
goods from Victoria; and as a merchant steamer is
offered to the Government in the emergency, I don't
think a hosti'e vessel can leave the port; and most
persons are satisfied we run no danger from pirates,
privateers, or Jeff. Davis's cruisers, unless they come
round the Horn and capture the steamers en route
to Panama; and of any such movement there would
be sufficient notice to warn the men-of-war in the
Pacific to protect the steamers by convoy.
The Pacific Mail Company's steamer Constitution
left this morning for Panama. She carries three
companies of volunteers, numbering 283 men and
nine officers, who enlisted in California for service
in the Massachusetts Contingent as cavalry. The
whole force required, and which is being recruited in
this country for the State of Massachusetts, is 500.
Another company will soon leave for the East, and it
is expected the full complement of 500 will be ob-
tained, which, with 200 men formerly sent, will make
700 soldiers contributed by California to Massa-
chusetts. The bounty is double that of the Govern-
ment, and has, of course, had the effect of attract-
ing men ; but the movement is not popular, and has
induced the remark that the "solid men of Boston"
prefer paying to fighting.
The amount of treasure shipped by to-day's steamer
was—to England, 878,524 dols. 24c.; to New York,
214,852 dols. 97c. ; and to Panama, 18,200 dols.—
together, £1,111,647 dols. 21c., which makes the
total export of treasure from this port since Jan. 1
12,436,339 dols. 48c., being an excess of half a mil-
lion over the shipments of the corresponding period
of 1862. Exchange : London, 60 days' bankers'
bills, 48d. ; private bills, 49d. Paris, 60 days', sf.
Gold bars, 830 fine, at par, ere 1 per cent, cheaper
than at date of last mail's departure, in consequence
of the abundance of the supply.
We have news from Victoria to the 17th inst. by
the steamer which arrived on Saturday night. I
shall encroach on your space and patience only to
give a few extracts of interest. A merchant writing
from Victoria to myself remarks that—" Business
Is dull but will improve soon. Real estate still rules
high, notwithstanding money is scarce. The re-
ports brought by miners recently from Cariboo are
most encouraging. They expect that from seven to
ten million dole. will be taken out this year. Had
they a mint, so as to keep a due proportion of this
yield in Victoria, instead of letting it pass through
to San Francisco to swell your exports, it would
help us along wonderfully, and we could better
afford to pay for improving our young city. A gold
escort is about to be established, the merchants here
guaranteeing the Government from loss in working
it to the extent of 20,000 dols." Next to the con-
struction of roads and bridges and the establish.
ment of ferries this gold escort is the most useful
measure ever adopted.
I have been in communication with Governor
Douglas on the subject of the silver discoveries, of
which I wrote fully in a late letter to you, with the
object of obtaining further information. The Go-
vernor informs me that the statement in that letter
" is essentially correct," and adds," The silver lodes
of Cariboo, from what I have heard, are second in
importance only to its auriferous deposits. Roads
only are wanted for their rapid development, and I
am straining every possible resource of Government
to supply that want." This is encouraging; but I
feel it my duty to warn English capitalists from
hasty action until the lodes are more fully developed,
their extent and quality better ascertained, and the
roads completed. The only prudent action for the
present is exploration by competent persons.
On the subject of roads, to which the Governor
has devoted much of his time and attention, with
what success will appear from the following excerpt
from his letter, he writes :—" The carriage road is
now within 30 miles of Alexandria, some 300 miles
from the coast, and will be finished up to that place
by the middle of Jane next. Thomas Fraser River
is navigable to the Rocky Mountain, on which por-
tion of the river, I may remark, a steamer will be
plying this summer, carrying passengers and goods
on the way to Cariboo, taking both to within a
moderate distance of the mines." The Governor is
sanguine that his roads, which have given him
so much trouble, will, "in a few years, open a
commerce down the eastern slopes of the Rocky
Mountains into the valley of the Saskatchewan
and Red River, and finally into the British pro-
vinces on the Atlantic." He corroborates all other
accounts as to the good fortune that has attended
the miners last winter :—" The miners who re-
mained at Cariboo have been at work all winter,
with marked success; Barker and Co. having made
out of their claim the sum of 126,000 dols. since the
the beginning of last October. The gutter' or
gold-lead has also been traced several miles further
down William's Creek than it was before known to
exist. All this is encouraging, and inspires the
public with confidence in the country."
The amount of tonnage which entered the port of
Victoria in February was 8,427 tons, of which 2,246
tons
Asw showing
oe
owfßi
nr British. i
hh e g
. Number of vessels, 44; cleared,
11,134 tons, of which 2,932 tons were British.
Number
vessels,6r4o.wth of the town, I cut out the
following paragraph from the Colonist of the 9.h of
March :—" Improvements in Progress.—Every-
where around the city houses are starting up as if
by magic, and generally they are of a substantial
and tasteful appearance. On the upper part of
Fort-street several new houses have been finished,
and others are in progress. At the head of John-
son and Yates etreets several new houses were lately
put up, and lots in that quarter are scarcely to be
had. If the improvements by the corporation
would only keep pace with private enterprise, in a
short time Victoria would be a second San Fran-
cisco. The city authorities should stir up the con-
tractors for the streets now that fine weather has
set in."

The French corvette Cornelie, 24 guns, Comman-
der L'Eveque, has been in San Francisco Harbour
since the 12th, refreshing.

ran benefit of reduced duty obtained by pur-
chasing Horniman's pure Tea, very choice at 3s 4d. and
4s. " High Standard "at 4s. 4d. (formerly 4s. Bd.), is the
strongest and most delicious imported. Agents in every
town supply it in packets.

ME SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENIN

LAW INTELLIGENCE,--May 6.

VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT.
(Before Vice-Chancellor Sir W. P. Wood )
GURNEY V. GURNEY.

The arguments in this cas9, which had been adjourned at
the conclusion of the plaintiffs' case, were this morning re,
sumed. The object of this suit, as has been already stated,
is to carry out the trusts of a settlement of 4000 made by
Mr. J. H. Gurney in January, 1862 (after his divorce), for
the benefit of the children of the marriage, and to obtain a
declaration that the two infant plaintiffs (born before Mrs.
Gurney's elopement), as the only children of the marriage,
are absolutely entitled to the property comprised is the set-
tlement.

The case made by the bill is as follows :—The plaintiff,
sir. Gurney, of Catton-hall, Norfolk, was married in 18.16
to his cousin, Miss Mary Jary Gurney. Previously to 1859
when cohabitation ceased, there were two children of the
marriage, the infant co-plaintiffs. On the 13th of Decem-
ber, 1859, Mrs. Gurney eloped from her husband's house in
Kensington Palace-gardens, with one Taylor, a groom in
Mt. Gurney's service. On the 23d of December she left
England, accompanied by Taylor, for France, where they
remaintd until the 18th of September, 1860. Mr. Gurney
immediately after the elopement commenced proceedings
in the Divorce Court, and on the 13th of February, 1861,
obtained a divorce 2izsi for the dissolution of his marriage,
the final decree dissolving the marriage absolutely being
dated on the 22d May, 1861. On the 4th of May, 1861,
Mrs. Gurney, who had continued ever since her elopemen
to live with Taylor, was confined of a full-grown male, child,
the defendant in the present suit. Linder these circumstances
the bill was filed against the trustees of the settlement and
the infant born in May 1861, for the put pose of carrying
into execution the settlement made by Mr. Gurney in Jan.,
1862, for the benefit of all and every child then living of
the marriage of the said J. H. Gurney and Miry Jane
Gurney; and in order to exclude the child born to Mrs.
Gurney in May, 1861, a declaration was prayed that the
two infant co. plaintiffs, as the only children of the marriage,
were absolutely entitled to the trust funds comprised in the
settlement. Evidence was given at great length for the
purpose of rebutting the ordinary presumption of legitimacy.
and of showing, from the absence of all access after Dtmem-
ber, 18;9, that Mr. Gurney could not have been the fathei
of the child born in May, 18.51.
From the nature of the defence raised, it is not necessary
to advert to the evidence further than to state that the only
time during all this period when Mr. and Mrs. Gurney were
in the same country was towards the end of September,
1860. It appears that on the 18th of September in that year
Mrs. Gurney came to England alone and endeavoured to see
her husband, who was at that time staying with Mr. de
Bunsen, at Abbey-lodge, Regent's-park. On the 22d of
September, early in the morning, she went with Catharine
Ginsworthy, with whom she was then lodging, in a cab to
Abbey-lodge, and sent Mrs. Gainsworthy into the house
while she remained in the cab. Mrs Gainsworthy contrived
to see Mr. Gurney, and the interview was thus described by
Mr. Bunsen—
"ln passing along the hall, so as to have a full view of
the front door, I saw Mr. Gurney and a female standing in
the lower part of the hall. That woman was not Mrs.
Gurney. The woman was in what I must call an imploring
attitude—ber hands folded, and she was impressively look-
ing into Mr. Gurney's face. Her tone of voice denoted
much emotion. I heard her while in this imploring atti-
tude utter three or four words. I heard her say, 'Do take
her back,' or z Take her back.' Mr. Gurney made no
answer. I recollect his attitude, with both hands uplifted.
He moved them towards the woman. I immediately left.
It was an instant. I heard and saw nothing more."
The cab drove back with Mrs. Gurney, who had remained
in it all the time, and Mr. Gurney left London that after-
noon. Mrs. Gurney was shortly afterwards joined by Tay-
lor, and they had continued to live together ever since.
The Solicitor-General, Sir Hugh Cairns, Mr, Aspland
(common law bar), and Mr. Hutton, for the plaintiffs, con-
tended that the evidence conclusively negatived the ordi-
nary presumption of legitimacy arising in favour of children
born during wedlock, Access of any kind for the whole
period after Mrs. Gurney's elopement was shown not only
to have been improbable, but even impossible. The only
time when there could possibly have been a meeting was in
September, 1860, when she left her paramour and returned
alone to England, but the evidence proved distinctly that
Mr. Gurney had absolutely refused even to see her, The
circumstances as to the birth of the child, its recognition by
Taylor, the period of gestation, &c., were all conclusive
against its being the offspring of Mr. Gurney, or entitled to
the benefit of the settlement to which this suit sought to
give effsct.
Mr. Walford appeared for the trustees of the settlement,
but took ro part in the argument.
Sir Fitzroy Kelly, for the infant defendant, denounced
the proceedings as a mere c_intrivance for the purpose of ob-
taining a judicial declaration which would in effect bastardize
the infant defendant. There was no precedent for such a
suit, and the Court ought at once to discountenance any
attempt to obtain its decision upon a merely fictitious
proceeding. Looking at the amount of Mr. Gurney's
for' une, and the trifling amount of the sum settled, there
could be no doubt—in fact, it was not disputed—that
the settlement was a mere device for the purpose of
raising this question, which was of most vital interest to
this poor helpless child. If this suit were to succeed a most
dangerous precedent would be established, and it would go
forth to the world that anystranger, however malignant his
motive, however overwhelming the misery thereby occa-
sioned, would have nothing to do but to create a trust deed,
invest some hundred pounds in the funds, and then be able
to raise such a question. What an advantage would be
afforded to the rich over the poor if such a contrivance were
allowed to succeed I The juestion might be raised upon
most honourable, virtuous, and praiseworthy motives, but
it was equally true that a man with raoney at his command
might by this means be enabled to gratify his determination
to wound and lacerate the feeling of a whole family, and
bastardise a.poor infant possibly destitute of the slightest
protection. Such a suit, whatever might have been the
conduct of the mother, ought to be at once discountenanced.
The propositions that bad been stated by the Solicitor •
General as to the possibility of rebutting by evidence the
ordinary presumption in favour of legitimacy could not be
disputed, but, at the same time, if there had been any possi-
bility of access, the case against legitimacy must be over-
whelming and irresistible. There must be that which
amounted to an absolute physical impossibility, that the
husband could be the father of the child. No doubt the
evidence against legitimacy in this case was strong, but not,
it was admitted, conclusive. Access in September was not
only Feasible, but easy; and looking at the facilities for
travelling now existing, the old doctrine that the party must
be ham quatuor maria to afford a possibility of access was
considerably modified. Could the Court say that the case
was free from doubt ? If not, then this child ought not to
be bastardised. But he would rest his defence mainly upon
the objection that he had already urged to the frame of the
suit, and the dangerous precedent that would be established
if the social status of this child wore allowed t) be thus
affected for life by the contrivance to which Mr. Gurney
had resorted.

Mr. Sergeant Ballautine and Mr. G. N. Colt followed
on the same side, and offered on behalf of the guardians of

the infant defendant to bring into court a sum equal to that
comprised in the settlement, and that the trustees should

be at liberty to apply the whole of the settled fund for the
benefit of the infant plaintiffs.
The Solicitor-General, in reply, said that upon the record
and upon the evidence the suit was equally just and benefi-
cial to the infant plaintiffs. A settlement had been made,
the money had been invested, and there was not a single
fictitious element in the tiansaction to which the infant

plaintiffs by their father as next friend sought to give effect.
In cases as to the custody and guardianship of infants no-
thing was more common than to settle some small sum for
the purpose of giving the Court jurisdiction to deal with
these questions. (The cases of Shelley's children, Mr.
Adrian Hope's children, and that of Alicia Race were re-
ferred to.) Here the object of the contrivance, if contri-
vance it was, was righteous, honest, and just. It was for
the benefit of these children—aye, even for the benefit of
the infant defendant himself, that his status should be now
determined, rather than at a later period, when associations

had been formed, and the stain of illegitimacy would be
more keenly felt. The plaintiffs were therefore entitled to
have the question now determined once for all, and as the

attempt to show that the defendant was illegitimate had been
abandoned the declaration asked by the bill must follow as

a matter of course. His Honour, in the course of the argu •

ment, observed that although the Legislature bad recently
given jurisdiction for obtaining a declaration of legitimacy,
no similar jurisdiction as to illegitimacy had been afforded,
Mr. Rolt was also in the case, on behalf of the infant de-
fendant, but is still confined to his house by illness.
The Vice-Chancellor said that he had been from the
first struck with the novelty of the manner in which the
question at issue in this cause had been raised, and the ob-

jections were undoubtedly entitled to groat weight and con-
sideration. Looking at the large and vital nature of the
interests involved, and the great anxiety that must natu-
rally exist in questions like the present to obtain the di-
rection of the Court, it was singular that this simple course
had never before been adopted. As to comparative justice or
injustice. comparative advantage or disadvantage, it was
. .

very difficult to discover any consideration upon which it
could be for the interest of this child that this question as

to his legitimacy or illegitimacy should be determined after
he had attained riper years rather than now in his infancy,
when he had acquired no status whatever. There could be
no doubt that it was of the greatest possible importance for
this child's welfare that his social position should be deter-
mined at the earliest possible period. The cases at common
law cited by Sir F. Kelly did not appear to raise any real
difficulty. The Courts had said that they would not allow
their proceedings to be trifled with by having questions
submitted to them in a fictitious form. This Court, ho
feared, had very often been mado an instrument of by miens
•'

of proceedings which were in reality instituted for the mere

purpose of advertising particular articles, and it might be
well that some test should be adopted for the purpose of as-

certaining the bona fide nature of the proceedings in cases
of that description. In this case, however, grave and serious
interests were beyond question at stake. It was said, in-
deed, that those grave and serious interests were not those
which were properly raised by the bill. But courts of com-

mon law had never proceeded so far as to say that they
would not determine a point legitimately brought before

L, MAX' 7. 1861

them because that determination might involve in its con-
sequences large and grave interests far exceeding the Matter
originally placed in issue. As to the jurisdiction of this
Court, the cases cited by the Solicitor •General as to the cus-
tody and guardianship are entirely applicable. This Court
had acted and continually acted in cases where the mater
upon which it had acquired jurisdiction was for the very
purpose of raising these larger and more important questions.
Cases as to the guardianship and custody of children in-
volving quite as important interests as in this case were of
frequent occurrence, in which some provision had been made
for the purpose of giving the Court jurisdiction. In many
instances this had notoriously been done for the express
purpose of taking the child from its father's custody, or of
educating it in a faith different from that of its surviving
parent; and with what success he need only refer to the
case of Shelley's children, Wore Lord Eldon, and to that of
Alicia Race, before Vice-Chancellor Kindersley, within the
last few years. On the settlement now before him, how
could he escape from determining who were the objects of
the trust by the circumstance that he might happen to know
the eosition and fortune of the father, and that he had made
the settlement for the express purpose of raising the question
of who were or were not his children ? It was said that the
peace of families ought not to be disturbed by allowing a
stranger to come forward and make such a provision in
order to raise a question of this kind. Courts of common
law had no doubt refused to countenance wagers, as interfer-
ing with the peace of families. (Nis honour referred to the
case of the notorious Chevalier D'Eon and the wager as to
his or her sex), and there were instances in which this court
had struck out provisions from settlements when inserted
for an obviously improper purpose. The answer to all these
objections was, that the Court dealt with such cases as it
found them. The case before the Court was that of a father
who had good reason to dispute the legitimacy of this
child. He had other children, and considered it for their
happiness, and even for the happiness of that infant, if it
were his child, that the status of the family should be at
once ascertained. A more proper object could hardly be
suggested. The settlement was made, and the infant plain-
tiffs, by their father as their next friend, sought to have its
trusts carried into execution. No one could dispute that it
was for their benefit that their interests in the trust fund
should be ascertained and determined. The mode of meet-
ing the case which had been suggested at the bar, via., by
lodging in the hands of the trustees a sum of money equal
in amount to that settled by Mr. Gurney, could not for a
moment be listened to. Besides protracting for this infant
the period at which his status would be ascertained, it would
be altogether stultifying the proceedings of the court to
allow the suit to be thus bought off. Some argument had
been founded on the circumstance that the Legislature
had recently sanctioned proceedings for the purpose of ob-
taining a declaration of legitimacy, but had not given a cor-
responding power for the purpose of obtaining a declaration
of illegitimacy. The Legislature might have thought that
the peace of families would be disturbed by allowing pro-
ceedings for that purpose to be instituted by any stranger ;
but it must have been aware that in various collateral pro-
ceedings these questions constantly had to be determined.
He could not, therefore, draw any inference from that cir-
cumstance either ono way or other. Having had full op-
portunity of considering the C2BO since it was first opened,
he saw nothing to lead him to say that he ought not to
entertain the bill. As to the facts, the case was in effect un-
defended. Every step, no doubt, hod been taken that was
possible, and this infant had not suffered from any lack of
means for having its interests protected and asserted. It
gave him the greater satisfaction in determining the case
that all that was possible had been done for the purpose of
proving the child's legitimacy. It was hardly necessary to
dwell for a moment upon the evidence. The case was very
much stronger than that of " Morris v. Davies," 5 Cl. and
Finn (in the House of Lords), for it was proved, so far as
negative evidence could establish the fact, that never for a
single moment were Mr. and Mrs. Gurney even within
sight of each other from the first moment of the elopement
down to the birth of this child. The time of Mr. Gurney
had been so accounted for that there was not even a pre-
sumption upon which to go to a jury that he ever left this
country for France during all that time ; and so with Mrs.
Gurney in the same way. It was quite true that in Sep-
tember, 1860, she seemed to have some wish for a reconci•
liation, and that she came over to England alone, and made
an attempt at an interview with her husband (whose ad-
dress she clearly did not then know). But it was clear
upon the evidence that the attempt utterly failed.
Even if the husband had not been active from
first in taking proceedings in the Divorce Court to separate
himself from this woman, there was every possible reason
for presuming, under the circumstances, that an interview
between them was impossib:e. Every circumstance in this
case was much stronger ag-inst the legitimacy of this child
than in "Morris v. Davies,", and the only conclusion that
he could come to was, that it was the offspring of the un-
lawful union between Mrs. Gurney and her paramour.
There must accordingly be a declaration that the trusts of
the settlement of January, 1862, ought to be carried out,
and that the infant plaintiffs, as the only children of the
marriage, were absolutely entitled as tenants in common to
the whole of the trust funds comprised in the settlement.

"served. out." If to sell for profit be the dietinc-
twn, as every reasonable man must see it ought to
be, then the gin palace stands alone, and the Club
and the private dinner party and the family go
free. There is no "principle" upon which Mr.
Gladstone can put this tax which will not go very
much further than ho is now prepared to go, or
than the English public will ever permit a Chan
cellor of the Exchequer to go. The principle of
English taxation, so far as we understand it, is to
get as much money as possible at the smallest pos-
sible interference with individual liberty of action.
The only principle discernible in this new crotchet
is to impose an indefensible restriction upon indi-
vidual action without any advantage to the revenue.
To grant a licence is, as Lord Russell and Mr.
Adams now know, to assume a power to refuse a
licence. If you can insist upon a club taking out a
licence to serve out wine to its members, of course
you can refuse the licence, and thus at the will of a
Government department shut every club which
rents a house above £lOO a year. The whole thing
is so utterly unarguable that we might suppose
that it was produced like the tail of Alcibiade's
dog, and intended to be cut off to distract attention
from weightier matters. Well, cut it off, Mr.
Gladstone, and have done with it. It is not a
creditable thing to do, and it is not a profitable
thing to do.
POST.—When the news reached Poland that the
three Powers had determined to address their re-
spective notes to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg the
more shrewd amongst the Poles found little diffi-
culty in guessing at their probable tenor, or at the
nature of the replies which hey would evoke. Few
were deluded with the idea of supposing that this
description of diplomatic intervention would in any
way advance the national cause, or practically affect
the question at issue between the nation to which
they belonged and the Russian Government. That
question is one of life or death to Russia or to Po-
land—it is a duel a mail; and it is past the power
of the most ski:ful or well-disposed friends to pro
yoke explanations or apologies which will be ac
cepted on either side. Prince Gortschakoff, in his
reply to Lord Russell, argues the point of regrant-
' ing the constitution of the Emperor Alexander upon
its legal grounds. He maintains that the Poles
have forfeited their right to that constitution by the
Revolution of 1830. This is the old story, which
does very well for foreign Powers, but it is not the
real reason. The Russian Government would be
thankful to pacify Poland by that constitution if
the concession would ensure its loyalty ; but Poland
does not look to a constitution as an ultimatum.
Nothing but absolute separation and independence
—the status quo ante 1772—wi1l satisfy her. Every
concession granted by Russia will be eagerly seized,
but only to be converted into a weapon against that
Power. The constitution accorded by the Emperor
Alexander led to the Revolution of 1830, and the
same constitution granted again would simply be
to purchase tranquillity for the moment at the price
of a still more formidable revolution a few years
later. It might easily be shown that from those
reforms, which the present Emperor prides himself
upon having introduced, the insurrection derives in
a large degree its force—while during the reign of
Nicholas the policy of terrorism kept it quiet. There
is no alternative for Russia between a recurrence
to that policy or the dismemberment of the empire.
It is a painful but undeniable fact that those
national institutions, for the most part elective,
with which. the country has been endowed," al-
luded to by Prince Gortschakoff, have been of
the greatest possible assistance to the Central Com-
mittee at Warsaw, by enabling it to thwart the civil
and military action of the Government; while that
" social transformation which has been undertaken
and accomplished in a few years, and that system
of gradual development which has been applied to
all branches of the public service and to the exist-
ing institutions," has really had the effect of render-
ing still more impossible the task of governing a
nation in whom the sentiment of independence is
paramount, and who, in proportion as their moral,
material, and intellectual resources are developed,
become more and more able to give it expression.
It is only natural that such should be the case, but
it also explains the unsatisfactory nature of Prince
Gortschakoff's reply. The position is one which :t
would have been impossible for a Russian states.
man to explain to England, and he therefore pre-
fers arguing the point on legal grounds ; but it is
as well that the Powers should clearly appre-
hend the nature and extent of the difficulties by
which the Russian Government is surrounded,
in order that they may be able to measure
accurately the value of their interference. Any
compromise short of Polish national independence
may produce a temporary lull, but that European
peace of which the Emperor Napoleon speaks
with such tenderness will not be ensured to Europe
so long as a spark of Russian authority remains in
the powder-magazine called Poland. Inasmuch as
by the treaties of 1815 Poland is guaranteed by
this country, as one of the contracting Powers, to
Russia, we have no difficulty in perceiving why
Prince Gortschakoff accepts with such readiness
those treaties as a basis. He possibly foresees the
day as not far distant when he in his turn may wish
to appeal to the Powers to adhere to the engage-
ments which they entered into upon that occasion.
Meantime, in his note to the French Emperor, he
contents himself with a few significant allusions to
what he terms " the party of disorder" in Europe.
There can be no doubt of the existence of this
party, or that to their efforts is due the spread o:
" the cosmopolite elements of revolution" through.
out the Continent. That they have done their best

to produce agitation in ',Poland is also extremely
probable, and that, owing to the Russian system of
government, they found there a soil well adapted to
receive the seeds of revolution, is not to be wondered
at.; but, to suppose that the insurrection would have
assumed its present proportions without the exist-
ence of a strong national sentiment to give it vitality,
is simply ridiculous. The whole of the Polish aris-
tocracy is deeply compromised in the movement ;
it extends from the most wealthy and powerful
members of the oldest noble families to the humblest
stable-boy, and though the train may have been
lighted by some enterprising members of the party
of action, the fire has spread far beyond their con-
trol. It is a blaze of patriotic ardour, not of demo-
cratic principle;
and when Prince Gortschakoff
endeavours to persuade Europe that the Polish
national movement derives its inspiration from the
European party of disorder, in the hope of frighten-
ing timid autocrats abroad, his misrepresentations
will certainly not have the effect of alienating the
sympathies of the British public from those whose
only aspiration is national independence. Fortu-
nately in this country the machinations of the
"cosmopolite revolutionary party" do not in the
slightest degree alarm us; but we can make allow-
ances for the tone of irritation which occasionally
peeps through the Russian note. It must be acknow-
ledged that the treaties of 1815, though an inexor-
able political necessity at the time, have embarrassed
a good many people during the last 50 years. They
imposed upon Russia an impossible task. When
they placed within her frontier a nation with great
historical traditions and an invincible determination
never to remain there, they perpetuated an act of
injustice which had already been committed against
that nation, and they at this moment bind us by
obligations which are diametrically opposed to
our sympathies. " Why," insinuates Prince Gott.
schakoff, "if you are so exceedingly tenacious in
the matter of the treaties of 1815, do you openly
express sympathy with a nation whose whole aim

and object in the present struggle is to destroy,
them ? We are not to blame ;we have tried every-
thing. The constitution which the Emperor
Alexander gave led to a revolution ; the iron

rule of Nicholas was eminently conducive to
peace; the reforms of the present Alexander,
taken advantage of by the party of disorder, have
produced the present insurrection." Such is in fact
the condensed reply of the Russian statesman, who
naturally found some difficulty in conveying the list
idea, and therefore wrapped it in so much obscurity
that we have come to his assistance and cleared it of
all ambiguity for the benefit of our readers. They
will perceive that the rejoinder affords scope for
that exercise of ingenuity and lngic which we shall
doubtless find exhibited in the next blue book on
the affairs of Poland.
HERALD,—Now, if ever, is the moment for a per-
manent and peaceable solution of the Polish ques-
tion. The Russian Government responds with
courtesy to the appeals of the Western Powers, and
declares its determination to develop in Poland an
administrative autonomy, on the basis of provincial
and municipal institutions like those of England.
Practically, although not in terms, it renews the
engagements it had long repudiated, and recognises
the right of England to see to their fulfilment. That
is to say, it allows everything which a regard for
the interests of the Poles and the dignity of its own

country will allow the English Government to ask,
There is no English statesman who can believe that
the immediate attainment of complete independence
by Poland would be desirable in the interests of
Europe or of Poland itself. There is no one who
believes the attainment possible, and therefore there
is no one who would commit England to the Quixo.
tic task of demanding it. What the Czar now ex-
presses his readiness to give Poland—an adminis-
trative autonomy—would undoubtedly, if honestly
carried out, pace the Poles in a better position than
at any time during the last four hundred years of
their existence. A distinct administration and na-

~.

tional institutions would satisfy every real want of
the people. Such an autonomy would allow the fullest
liberty of religion and instruction, full personal free
dom, and every opportunity for the solution of those
great social questions which, if Poland is to remain a
nation, must be taken in hand for settlement at once.
Her aspirations after an independent existence
would indeed remain unsatisfied; the dream of a

NEWARK—
White wheat new, 45s to 53s
Red do. 458 to 478
Old white —s to —s
Red do. --s to —s
Barley, malting 378 to 42s
Peas, ....

reconstitution of old Poland would continua.
dream ; but these sentimental longings, of whie.t'
moreover, there is no chance of obtaining the gr.6t
fication, might well be laid aside in the erl.o
ment of the solid material advantages which,
guaranteed autonomy would give her. B°6si
herself is destined in all probability to underg
some considerable political revolutions which ma:
change the form of her government and alter th
relations of the different provinces of the empire
and the Poles, in possession of all the real benefit
of liberty, could afford to wait for opportunities °
peaceably and surely effecting their independence
and if those opportunities should never come woult
still have little to regret. That is the questiol
which they have now to consider; and it is on'
upon the decision of which the future of the nation
and perhaps the peace of Europe depends. If the:
will accept the offers which Russia makes to Ell
land, acting on their behalf, the insurrection for
its sacrifices will not have been in vain. If the]
refuse these offers they may plunge Europe Lil'
war, but they cannot effect their own purpose- ":",'
Poles will no doubt say—their partisans in Engle°.
and France have already said it for them—that theJ
can place no confidence in the promises of Russia
This is a statement which, although constan",le
made, has very little warrant. Russia has, ji„,
doubt, governed Poland very cruelly, but Elbe,":,
not in that matter been guilty of much deceit. .11'
promises which Alexander made were, indeed, for
yoked ; but the Poles gave no small justification 1°
that revocation in their attempt to use what ,W,,as
freely given by the Czar to extort something 'Nu'',
he could not give them. However, let the Russian
be as bad as they are described—the great wordn°l
with the Radicals is Asiatic—the Poles rneY Ye,,
with very great confidence accept their offers. 1.,';
the first place, the Russian Government will te.
every care not to run the risk of such a rebellion
..
again. Whatever the security it may feel of 111%
mate success, it cannot afford, at a time that it
bueied in introducing liberty in Russia and in oleo
ing great social and economic changes, either 0
incur the odium of Europe or to make the enornilf
exertion and sacrifices which the suppressinnwa
an insurrection clearly justified by its °-13.
duplicity would impose. Prince Gortschakoff 0
serves, with justice, that Russia must have the 1e,70
lively desire to restore durable peace to Poland. 'id
Poles, put in possession of liberal institutions) Wt..
use them for their own defence. But apart 01Bt
gether from this natural desire to avoid troubles id
home, it is the pressing interest of Russia to lelvo
another insurrection. By accepting the ter la
offered them through England the Poles 01100
pledge Russia to England, and England in Sold
way to themselves. The Russian Government vi,°b".e.
not venture to act with ill faith towards Poland, e,
cause at the same time it would violate its erlgettis
ment with England, and an engagement of 100,
kind would be much more sharply looked to 13 6,,
than it was 30 years ago, when the dread of 11110
sian power overshadowed Europa. Then Allt,,th
and Prussia were both despotic States ; now `""pot
are constitutional ; and if in Prussia for the n3°°/;es
the constitution is apparently disregarded the Pe."ol
of the people is not the less felt. Austria of
Prussia will oppose a l'outrance any attenlP,ttia
Poland to acquire independence, but they Pio
every interest in the peace and content of Ell,ssdge
Poland; and if the Czar should break any PLO
now made to the Poles they would join EDP-
and France to enforce them.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

—. •iii%
A fair attendanceLYNNmark
etTUESDAY 1331ddi
to-day, with a
,1 tog
show of wheat, in excellent condition. The deman%rce4
steady, and sales were made at late rates. Barley sly
Oats fully maintained their value. Beans sold reach"
extreme quotations. SO
White 47s to 51s 1 Barley. 4 ...•300tp30
Red.. 44s to 47s 1 grinding 3os 2,9
''''
Beans .—s to —s 1 Oats ..
. .235 t° „A
..,0 to
New 36s to 42s 1 Peas

HULL--TUESDAY. Or
The wheat trade during the week has been steadigtvbiell
day there was a small supply of English wheat, 0- ibet
was taken off at last week's currency. Foreign was 0,0 de
neglected, but not quotably lower. Spring corn of
scriptions mot with more demand

to 49'. 0

23 86 es °0 :11
dt tt
0:043,
.:5 q : °ll 04
ati
Wheat.... Old white.... per qr 4Bs Od ~,
Old red . ~
New white .. „
New red .... 79
Barley.... English malting
Grinding 3444
2481
00°( 1
acidd
trt
0: 1,/;41 :: oito° 3°
26s 6d to ',‘F,' oil
Saul and Oderbruck .
Holstein and Danish 2Bs Od to ,0 04
Grinding
Oats English, old
Archangel and Riga, per at
Friesland and Dutch osl3d to 0091
Swedish and Danish 013121d t 4
Beans ....English, old, per qr
New pigeon 42s Od to f,6 oo
New tick
Egyptian
Peas Foreign boilers ~
Grinding
Tares .... Spring, 49
Indian Corn
Linseed, feeding
crushing ... 4os Od to 51, 0
:33342
6330°6sssgssss 1000000:dddddl
ttittto:Loo,
03:
,321: 0
400:1614
AlO " 0
Linseed cakes (Hull) S9 15 0 to -- 9 0 A
Foreign Bl5 oto 610 `,l'
Rape cakes
Bones .. 5 5 oto

-WEDNESDAY. to 31g
1 Barley, grinding. • 22s to
Oats, old, .. ...... 21i s 0
.. to ,0
New do .......... 'tO 4U
Beans.. .......... 43s 010
Beans, new ..... .343
40s to 445.