The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

HEUALD.—It is the custom of the enthusiasts for
Polish independence to represent Russia as the only
obstacle to the realisation of their desire. If the
power of the " Colossus" could only be broken ; if
the Czar would appreciate the sagacious advice with
which they inteepolate their abuse to contract his
frontiers, abandon all interference in the affairs of
Europe, and take to civilising Calmuck Tartars, then
Poland would, they tell us, at once regain their in-
dependence, and the standing danger to the peace of
Europe which arises from her discontent would be
removed. It may at first seem to be hardly worth
while to discuss an argument which rests upon as-
sumptions which have not the faintest chance of
realisation ; but the error is really a very mischiev-
ous one, in the encouragement it gives to the war
feeling, and therefore deserves refutation. Germany
is a greater obstacle to the independence of Poland
than Russia. The two German partitioners are
quite as resolutely determined to prevent the re-
establishment of a Polish kingdom as Russia can
be. That kingdom would be an instrument in the
hands of Russia by which she could seriously
threaten Germany, whereas Poland, a discontented
province, is a source of weakness. With an inde-
pendent Poland on their frontiers, Austria and
Prussia would be always in danger of war. An
independent Poland formed out of the Russian
parts of Poland could not rest without striving to
regain the portions in the possession of Prussia
and Austria ; and these possessions, absolutely
necessary to the new kingdom, the partitioners
cannot possibly abandon. Prussia, deprived of her
Polish possessions, would be deprived of all con-
sistency, and her strength would be frittered away.
Her most important provinces would be cut off from
all connection with the centre of the monarchy ;
her principal port would go, and her capital would
be completely open to a Polish incursion. Austria
equally must hold Galicia, not only because the
province is a rich one, governed in ordinary times
with sufficient ease, but because its loss would
leave her quite naked and defenceless. 'lt was an
overpowering instinct of self-protection which led to
the partitions, and Austria and Prussia will never
surrender their Polish provinces until after a war
in which they have been decisively defeated, and
then only to wait until they have sufficiently re-
cruited to be able to strike again for them. Yet
there are politicians who pretend that Austria is
ready to give up Galicia, and that Prussia would
make no serious opposition to the surrender of
Posen ; who fancy that because the two Powers
have not aided Russia by energetic measures to sup-
press the insurrection, that they are indifferent to
its success. The truth is that Austria did not inter-
fere, partly because she has an ancient grudge with
Russia, and partly because, confident that Russia
would put the insurrection down, she was glad to
make capital with Europe by a liberality which cost
nothing. Prussia, too, has confined herself to the
guarding of her own frontiers; but only because she
entertained no doubt of the ultimate triumph of
Russia, and was anxious not to provoke an inter-
ference on the part of Prance, which would have
seriously inconvenienced her. Let those who doubt
this determination mark the language used by Herr
Von Bismarck in the Upper House of the Prussian
Lae dtag. The Prussian Premier refused to allow for
one moment that the insurrection had not broken
out in the Polish provinces of Prussia because the
Poles only desired to throw off the yoke of Russia ;
reason was to be found in the military preparations
of the Bovernment, and he added—" If, however,
there was no intention to draw our provinces into
the insurrection it would still have been the duty
of the Government upon political, social, and moral
grounds, to interpose to prevent the movement in
Poland from triumphing, since an independent
Poland on the frontiers of Prussia would always be
a danger for the monarchy, which would occupy
a great part of the army. The Government,
moveover, could not suffer a movement to suc-
ceed which soils itself with unheard-of crimes
and delights in the apotheosis of assassination."
This is very plain speaking, but whatever Govern-
ment may come into power in Prussia will pursue
the same policy, if it does not avow it so clearly.
Austrian Ministers are obliged to use more reserve ;
they have been playing a very deep game with the
Polish question, and cannot speak out as the plain-
spoken Prussian Minister can; but Herr Vou
Schmerling and one of his colleagues, in the recent
debate in the Lower House of the Reicharath, de-
clared plainly enough that the object of the Poles
was to sever Galicia from Austria, and that the
Governnient would combat that purpose, with all
energy. Austria and Prussia both feel 'that any
insurrection of the Poles is ultimately directed as
much against them as against Russia ; they feel,
too, that they have more to apprehend from its suc-
cess than Russia, and, wherever they fancy it has
the slightest chance of success, they will oppose it
with all the resources at their command. What
hope can there be that a European Congress will
establish any compromise between these irreconcile-
able extremes ? On the one hand are the Poles and
the revolutionists of all countries demanding the
absolute independence of Poland in its ancient
limits ; on the other hand, three great Powers re-
solved never to allow that independence. W hat can
any powers of Imperial eloquence, any solemn de-
cision of the representatives of other European
states, any threats, indeed, of war do to induce the
three partitioners to surrender territories which
have now become integral and necessary parts of
their dominions ? The only means to move Russia
would be a coalition, in which Austria and Prussia
should both take part against her. The moment
the question of Polish independence is broached
Austria and Prussia must make common cause
with her. There is no compensation in other
parts of Europe which would be deemed by the
partitioners equivalent for the surrender of Poland
—and the Congress, if it meets, must, as far as
Poland is concerned, be sterile. No valour, no de-
votion can restore Poland, as none could have saved
it after the 18th century commenced. Whatever
religious and political liberty the Poles may here-
after possess, they must take from the hand of Rus-
sia, Prussia, and Austria—take, not as Poles, but
ordinary citizens of those empires. We have so
profound a conviction of the utter hopelessness of
all attempts to revive Poland, that we hear with
satisfaction that the insureaection has burnt down to
its last embers. The fight is hopeless, its prolon-
gation entails useless misery in Poland, and it is well
that the end should be at hand. The Polish news
manufacturers have, indeed, in the last few days
supplied several stories of victory, but the fact is
that the work of "pacification" is going on as surely
as the Russian Government could desire, and the
energetic measures the Austrian authorities ate about
to take in Galicia will materially expedite it.
TIMES.—The prospect of Colonel Waugh being
deliberately set at large by a Court of Bankruptcy
is calculated to spread a panic among shareholders
and creditors of joint stock concerns. So colossal
was the scale of depredations upon society which be
organised, and so consummate the audacity w_i_ts.
which he played his own part, that even at this
tance of time his evil fame has not been ed.
abje
any subsequent frauds. Others, Perhaps'
credit
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upon pretences more transparednvanytadgeelussoivf sociale,but
very few have combined
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ing is regular, and that the decision
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chance of escape may be justified by plausible argu-
ments. It appeers that when the bankrupt, for