The Sun.
London, England, 1839-05-09 00:00:00

[44rters :____

'ir ROBERT PEEL—First Lord of the Treasury,
and Chancellor of the Exchequer.
e Duke of WELLINGTON—President of the

Council.
LT
(/'`. YNDHURST-Lord Chancellor.
KArl of ABERDEEN-Secretary of State, Foreign

Department.
Lord STANLEY—Ditto for the Colonies.
Sir JAMES GRAIIAM—Home Department.
Sir FREDERICK POLLOCK—Attorney-General.
CRESSWELL—SoIicitor-General.
The Duke of BEAUFORT—Lord Chamberlain.
Earl of WILTON—Lord Steward.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE—Lord Lieutenant of Ire-
land.
Lord
ELlOT—Secretary for Ireland.
'it EDWARD SUGDEN—Lord Chancellor of
Ireland.
It is said that the Duke of RICHMOND has been
aPPlied to, but refused to join Sir ROBERT PEEL'S
Lord DE GREY has also refused.
It is said that Sir WILLIAM FOLLETT is to go
abroad for some time in consequence of the state of
44 health.

The great question at present is—dissolution or
111;) dissolution ; but in any case we advise all true
i'Qrmers to be prepared for any alternative. To
6e forewarned is to be fore-armed.
Sir ROBERT PEEL has stolen into office by
t
rieicery on his own part, and by treachery on the
Part
of others. We wish him joy of his position !

t seems to be settled that Sir ROBERT PEEL
an
1d the Tories are to undertake the Government,
'Ol will at once substitute the conflict of princi-
ples for that of persons. Face to face will bigotry'
4114 unlimited toleration, the arroganti and domineer
11g Church and the voluntary syste n, the govern-
ment of a few and the government of the many, an
t7gxtrcliv and a democracy,' the reign of terror and
rei;.!n of justice, :he rule of the Tory Lords and
le sovereignty of the people, a tax on bread and
free
trade—face to face will all the great principles
now
divide the hearts and minds of the
I:i°Ple struggle for supremacy in Parliament, and
'!,,Pre33. Hitherto the great services which some
l'uLviduals have rendered in
d past times to these
causes r p ively, have ma
esectde the principles be
eisedssed partly in subservience to their conveni-
r"eir and the contest has been one of persons
than thin-s. Now, however, this respect
ill be at an end, and a fair stand-up fight of prin-
eiples
will arise.
cie,Wty itself is e have stated moie than once of late that
undergoingso-
continual change- and its
present transitions are more rapid perhaps than ever

hi7fore. In a report of Mr. CARLYLE'S lectures on
Itt:voiursons, now in progress of delivery, which
appeared yesterday in the Morning Chronicle, we
find this truth also dwelt on with great effect. As
Lord JOHN RUSSELL in his Letter thinks it seemly
to sneer: at it, though the practical denial of it is
the base of that Tory policy to which he has, un-
happily for himself and his party, apparently
become a convert,—we think it worth while to
quote Mr. CARLYLE'S opinion. He is described as
one of the sincerest men, and profoundest thinkers
now living, and being a philosophical Tory, his
agreement with Radicals is a proof that his opinion
is accurate. He says:—
The last three hundred years had, in truth, been one
revolution, " fytte after fytte" and to shift the age man
lived in was impossible. In space he might move, but not
in time. Since revolution, then, was inevitable, it became
all men to inquire into it, and understand what it was, not
with " sectarian vehemence," but in " a Catholic spirit."
In this these lectures had originated. The first grand
consideration was, that the gradual development of man,
as of nature, depended on change. He was a being made
of time—his very element mutation. " Morning was,
noon is, and evening will be." With him, as with trees,
a " large growth" depended on " sudden expansions."
Hence arose the great truth that all "successful revolu-
tions" had been " needful"—indispensably precious—a
good the world could not have gone on without. In the
interior of them all lodged a priceless thing—a true faith.
At the bottom •f every revolution lay a " divine idea of
right;" not the wish for it merely, but the faith and con.
viction. But there it ought to be, and was.
Now there can be no question that the living
generation are acting their parts in a great social
revolution at present in progress, such as that of
which LUTHER was the hero ; and it becomes a
most important question, what is the " precious
good"—" the true faith"—" the Divine idea of
right"—" the conviction" which is operating this
great change. Belief, Mr. CARLYLE declared,
was the only ground of stability or greatness ; and
we agree with him, though, perhaps we differ in
opinion as to the origin of this belief or conviction,

which can only be itself stable, as it is confirmed
by that stable, or rather regular external world to
which all men continually appeal as the only com-
mon test of truth. We agree too with Mr.
CARLYLE, that the duty of legislators is
" merely to discern what lay in the world already."
A law, he says, " must lie dimly in the minds
before force can call it forth." If this be true, as
we believe it is, if the lawgiver has to regulate his
conduct by the " convictions," " belief," and
" faith" of the existing generation, in order to en-
sure stability, and if the battle amongst us is to be,
as we say, henceforward about principles, we think
the contending parties cannot too soon, and too
earnestly examine the convictions, faith, and be-
lief, for which they are to contend.
On what grounds do the Churchmen claim their
arrogant dominion over others ? What is the
Divine idea of right, the profound belief, the
stern conviction for which they are to do battle
against the Catholics, the Dissenters, and all the
champions of extensive reform, and political and
religious freedom ? The preservation of the pro-
perty of the Church. The priest clutches after
gold. He imprisons THOROGOOD for gold ;
he shuts JONES up in prison for gold ; he resists
the claims of the Catholics to equal privileges
with himself, for the sake of gold ; and for the
sake of gold he refuses to set the Dissenter free
from the Church-tax. Steady, powerful, unflinch-
ing, and often victorious is the love of gold,
at least in •ommerce, where it overcomes all obsta-
cles, and equally penetrates through mountains, and
makes new courses for rivers ; yet as it cannot, and
dare not be avowed by the Christian priesthood, as
it is directly contrary to the faith, belief, and con-
nection, which they preach as Christianity, we
may at once conclude that their reasoning will be
vacillating and weak, and that in the contest of
principles they will be defeated.
Again what is the faith of the landlords who
insist on taxing our bread ? What is the Divine
idea of right on which the Corn-laws are
based ? Also gold. The rich landlord, who
lives in opulence on the labour of other men,
is not rich enough ; and the bright belief, the
deep conviction, the true faith he has, is that he
is deserving of more gold, and more gold he exerts
his taxing power to get. Other men love gold as
well as the landlord and the priest ; other men have
a Divine idea that it is right not to pay taxes to
enrich landlords and parsons they have an
earnest and a deep conviction, a solemn faith even,
that they ought not to be taxed to gratify the love
of gold in other men. Theirs is one of the creeds
which have got into society before they have got
into our laws, which lie, as Mr. CARLYLE says,
dimly in society before it can be embodied into
words, and which will compel the landlords and par-
sons, and their political servants, to crush those who
entertain that faith, or it is of that nature that it
will get the mastery over them. A pretty pros-
pect, however, that opens fur the present ruling
classes. To continue the taxing power, to main-
tain their arrogant supremacy, they must stifle a
burning faith in other men, or they must crush
them out of existence.
It is deserving of deep consideration that the
new Ministry is to be formed on the principle of
gratifying this impure love of gold in the priests and
the landlords. Sir R. PEEL and all his friends are
pledged to the Corn-laws and to Church Extension ;
they are pledged to give more gold to the priests,
and to continue to give gold to the landlords, and to
take gold from other people. He is to govern on

their system of unjust taxation, and must follow
out their conclusions of crushing the faith
and crushing the bodies of other men to
get gold for the parsons and the landlords.
It may be a year, or it may be ten, before
such a system come to an end, but it is so
plainly opposed to the " Divine idea of right"—the
" precious good" which lies at the bottom of the
great revolution now going on in society, that come
to an end it must, and Sir ROBERT PEEL is un-
dertaking an impossible task. We pray, that from
his ideas of the supreme power, his attempts to
overcome this impossibility may not overflow the
land with blood.

Mr. O'CONNELL has addressed a stirring ap-
peal to the people of Ireland on the probability of
the accession of the Tories to power, and the means
to be adopted by his fellow-countrymen to avert
such a calamity, which will be found in another
part of The Sun. The Hon. and Learned Mem-
ber for Dublin, calls upon the Liberals of every
shade of opinion, to unite against the Tories, and
he promises, on his own part, that if such men as
the Duke of LEINSTER and Lord CHARLEMONT
come forward, and " take their natural and
prominent station in front of the Irish people,"
no extreme opinion shall be enforced, nor shall the
Repeal banner be once unfurled during the struggle.
This is fair, and honourable, and patriotic. The
time has: certainly arrived when it behoves all Re-
formeis to unite under a common standard against
a common enemy. Though convinced ourselves
that a Tory Administration, conducted on high
has become impossible, we are not
Tory principles,

the less anxious to witness the adoption of measures
on the part of the people which shall have the
effect of preventing those evils which are inseparable
from a protracted struggle for political ascendancy.
The hest cure is prevention ; and it is besides much
easier to keep the Tories out of Downing-street
than to oust them ►after they have had time to
establish themselves in their old quarters. As for
the MELBOURNE Cabinet, its dissolution was a
suicidal act. Had it accepted Sir ROBERT
PEEL'S offer of neutrality on the Jamaica Bill,
and left both that question and the Canada
Constitution open to the deliberative wisdom
of Parliament, it might have remained in office
till the exigencies of the State would have
called for a still more Liberal Administration. But

whatever were its faults, it well deserves all that
gratitude and that support from the Irish nation
which Mr. O'CONNELL so eloquently' and so
powerfully invokes in his address to his fellow-
countrymen.

The Madrid Papers of the 30th ult., just re.
ceived, contain no news to which it is possible to
attach the shadow of political importance, much
lass novelty. The National Guard of Madrid was
dissatisfied (when was it otherwise?) with the con-
duct of the Cortes ; the Cortes were displeased (a
common circumstance) with the inertness of the
Ministry ; and the Cabinet was of course out of
humour with both. The valiant General Qui-
ROGA, after learning that the Carlist bands
had quitted the vicinity of the capital laden
with plunder, sallied forth at the head of
troops equally brave with himself, and, by keep-
ing some twenty leagues in their rear, chased
them for several days without the loss of a single
man. On the 29th he re-entered the capital
covered with dust and " glory !" his illustrious
sword as innocent of bloodshed as when he set out
on his perilous expedition 1
When General ESPARTERO has taken Ra-
males, General ALAIX promises, at the head of
20,000 men, to exterminate CABRERA and his
villain hordes. From what we know of EsPAX-
TERO, this is not likely to happen before the
Greek Kalends.

Amidst the confusion and uncertainty that pre-
vail in the political horizon of England at the
present moment, it is a relief to turn to the im-
proved aspect of affairs in our North American
colonies. Perhaps at no former period was there
such a strong feeling in both countries in favour of
preserving amicable relations as that which prevails
now in this country and the United States ; and
rarely has there been exemplified such a gratifying
proof of the blessed effects of mild and conciliating
policy in settling national differences. Had the
settlement of the Boundary question been left to
hot-headed men like the Governor of Maine and
Sir F. B. HEAD, it would have been settled only
by war. By the mild but firm conduct of Sir J.
HARVEY, the judicious advice of General SCOTT,
who rendered such eminent services in the cause of
peace during the late border warfare, and the mild-
ness with which the English Press responded to
that of America respecting the collision between
New Brunswick and Maine, all hostile feeling has
died away. A mild answer, indeed, turned away
wrath ; and the two nations seem disposed to settle
the long-contested question on rational and equit-
able principles. For the sake of both countries we
confidently hope the forthcoming Ministry, will not
neglect or mar the work so well begun : but we
have our fears. The Tories are more celebrated
for attempting to carry national objects by the last,
and the worst of all extremities, war, than by peace.
ful negociations.

The Ministerial crisis continues in France. The
KING is reported in the journals of Tuesday to have
made an offer of the Presidency of the Council to
Marshal GERARD, with permission to select his
colleagues entirely from the Left Centre, but the
Marshal declined the offer on the plea of ill health.
In the meantime the trade of France is rapidly de-
clining. In the commercial world things are pro-
ceeding from bad to worse with a velocity truly
alarming. The manufacturers of Lyons, and the
merchants of Bourdeaux, have declared themselves
ruined ; and should M. MAUGUIN'S address
not be carried, or fail to produce any effect
upon the KING, a movement more danger-
ous than any yet attempted will take place
among the bankrupt merchants and dis-
tressed manufacturers, and the workmen employed
by them. If we trust the opinions of a « Recent
Visitor to Paris," who has just published a clever
pamphlet on the crisis in France, the difficulties of
the KING'S position, and his inability to put an
end to the present alarming state of things, must
continue hourly to increase. According to this
gentleman, the Crown is in a position so false that,
whether the KING yield or resist, he has reason to
apprehend the most serious calamities. He says :
" The King is fully aware of the critical position in
which he stands, and all his secret resources, his private
fortune, and his public patronage, are employed to neutra-
lize the influence of public opinion in the Chambers. In
so doing, he is not merely struggling for the predomi-
nance of his political maxims, he is fighting for the ex-
istence of his throne, and the permanence of his dynasty.
The King fears that, once overborne by the opposition ar-
rayed against him in the Chamber of Deputies, no effectual
restraint will be left on public. opinion, which will
then rush in upon him with all the resistless - Ado--
fence of an overwhelming flood. Should the Gauche
(the ultra-Liberal party) obtain the reins of power,
he fears that his personal influence will be annihilated,
that all the diplomatic relations he has so laboriously
established, will be scattered to the winds, and that he will
be left, unsupported from without, in the midst of a nation
opposed, almost to a man, to the interests of his dynasty.
Electoral reform, and the legislative alterations, likely to
be adopted by the men of the Gauche, would, he fears, have
the efft ct of di,arming power, and of transferring the Par-
liamentary franchise to the classes most inimical to his
throne ; the consequence, he apprehends, would be, that
instead of 100 or 150 Deputies notoriously desirous of de-
throning him, 300 at least would find their way into the
Chamber. His present resistance, therefore, to a coalesced
Opposition, is a question of political existence to him,
rather than a struggle in favour of any distinct political
maxim. For awhile he is known to have contemplated
audicating in favour of his son, but this scheme he speedily
renounced. He was made sensible that such a measure
would in no way prevent the transfer of political power;
that, on the contrary, such a step would only encourage
faction by betraying the weakness of the Throne, and by
substituting for the King, who enjoys a high reputation
for personal ability, a young man whose talents and cha-
racter inspire no confidence. Thus the conviction has been
forced upon the King, that he must either triumph in the
struggle in which he is engaged, or be prepared for the
downfall of his dynasty.
" Another circumstance tends to augment the difficulty
of the King's position. The Chamber of Deputies,
though firmly bent on nullifying the Royal authority, is
divided on the means for attaining that end. This circum-
stance produces two disastrous impressions on the King's
mind. In the first place, even were he disposed to yield,
it makes him uncertain on which party to lean for sup-
port. Secondly, the division among his opponents en-
courages him in a system of resistance, by which he
hopes to fatigue all parties, and in the end to rally a ma-
jority of his own. This position, however, is preg-
nant with the most imminent danger. The Chamber,
divided into various hostile factions, can constitute only
a wavering, ephemeral, and contradictory majority,
sometimes in favour of one principle, sometimes of ano-
ther. This makes it improbable that the present crisis
should be brought to an early close, by the complete triumph
either of the King's system, or that of the Opposition ;
and the consequence will probably be, that France will
continue for several months exposed to all the ill effects
of a crisis that will every day penetrate more deeply into
the recesses of the social system—will inflame fanaticism,
and heighten the virulence of party ; while all commercial
transactions will be suspended by the instability of public
affairs; the commercial, aggravated in the same ratio as
the political crisis, will every day become more general
and more menacing, till at last some trifling occurrence,
some ill-considered act on the part of the King, or on the
part of the Chamber, some event, in short, unexpected
and insignificant, will act as a spark to fire this combusti-
ble accumulation—and the explosion will ensue I"
The KING has himself to thank for all the dan-
gers by which his dynasty is threatened. He pro-
voked the contest and must abide by the issue.
His intrigues, instead of weakening the opposition,
have only exposed the arts by which he would
baffle the just expectations of the nation.
The accounts from the French frontier are so
contradictory that we can give no credit to any of
them.

Letters from Constantine, of the 23rd ult., men-
tion the arrival of the Bishop of ALGIERS, and seve-
ral Sisters of Charity in that city, from Stora,
under a military escort of 700 men. The " sisters,"
who were to remain there, at once entered upon the
Christian duty of visiting the sick without regard to
creed, colour, or place of nativity. The Bishop
left Constantine for Algiers on the 19th.
Subjoined are extracts fi cirri the French Jour-
nals :

Among the expenses included in the project of law for
au extraordinary and supplementary vote of credit, which
is asked for the year 1338, is a sum of 2,309,315 francs,
for the departm(nt of the Marine, for the increase of the
armaments on the coast of Mexico and Buenos Ayres.

The Doputies, when they consider this demand, will
have to examine whether the prolongation of our diffe-
rences with Mexico was called for by our digr.ity and na-
tional interest, and whether it was worth while to bear for
a year the expense of a fleet to obtain in the end conditions
less advantageous than those which the Mexican Govern-
ment had offered us at the outset.—Le Commerce. _ _

-
Le Corsaire says—" Our Number of Sunday last has
been seized to-day at our office. We expect the summons
to learn what is the offence imputed to us, and in which of
our four articles it has been discovered."—Le Constitu.
tionnel.

BOURSE, PARIS, TuannAy, May 7.
H•I.F.PAST THREE.—Business has been slack, and te.raorrow
being the day fixed for resuming in the Chamber of Deputies
debate on . 'Mauguin's proposition for an Address to the Crown
on the pending IN:inisterial crisis, the market has been, it wouid
seem, influenced thereby. For the Account the Three per Cents.
,i
cen6do,d. 7iteid,ritcoe, f.l
f. 35c.
TheThn Fs
theiv'e pert.al
cCPe'nute4s., afitrstBplrtice9,3lel
in the Three per Cents, is 30c., which makes them at the same price