The Sun.
London, England, 1863-06-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 10, 1803

SEA.—FELLOWS and CO., Shipbrokers, 127,
Fenchurch-street, E.C., require MIDSHIPMEN and
FOUR First-class APPRENTICES in an A 1 clipper India-
man, 1,501 tons. Premium moderate, returned in wages.
Also stout Lads, without premium, for other ships. Wages
£35.

SEA.—MIDSHIPMEN required for splendid
ships for Australia and India. Premium, 50 to 60
guineas, may be paid in two instalments. Apprentices also
wanted, with and without premium. —Apply to W. Suther-
land, ship and passage broker, 11. Fenchurch-buildings, by
107, Fenchurch-street! Established 1851.

HERR SPRENGER'S NI ORNING CONCERT
will take place al the HANOVER -SQUARE ROOMS,
on TUE ,DAY, 16th inst. Artistes—Lemmons-Sherrington,
Louisa Vining, Elvira Behrens, Shepherd Ley, Reic, ardt,
Allan I cvinE.f, R egon di, ar.d Booth. Conductor, err Ganz.
Tickets, lOs. 6d. and 75., at the rooms, and of Herr Sprenger,
35, Clarendon-road, Notting-hilL

present arrived, for he evidently entertained no hope
of their producing immediately the desired result.
Indeed, considering the self-confident and sanguine
tone which generally characterises his lordship's an-
nouncements to the house on the subject of his foreign
policy, there was something touchingly appealing in
his peroration—" I ask with humility, because I
feel how incapable lam of conducting affairs of
such great difficulty, but being responsible for the
conduct of these negotiations, I do venture to
ask your lordships to pause at this time, and
to await the result of further communications."
That these communications have been made with the
best intentions and in a most proper spirit we do
not doubt • that they ought to have been made with
the view of clearing the ground is also extremely
probable; but that " when her Mgjesty's Govern-
went fearlessly produces to Parliament the results
at which they have arrived," they will be " obliged
to say that, after all our efforts, we have failed in
obtaining those advantages which the Poles had
expected to gain," we most confidently predict. The
Government will then feel, when the exhaustive
process has been completed, that the question will
have been cleared of many of the difficulties which
now complicate it, and will present itself for soln-
tion under another form. Lord Russell apparently
has very little confidence in the ardietice which has
been proposed being accepted, " The question whe-
ther it is possible to have an armistice or not is sur-
rounded by immense difficulties. It is surrounded
by such immense difficulties as makes me hesitate
to give any assurance to the noble earl that we can
come to any satisfactory termination of the discus-
sion." We have already pointed out what those
difficulties were. If the armistice is allowed to take
the form of an amnesty, it willabenanimously re-
jected by the Poles. The only armistice Which they
are likely to accept must be based upon two condi-
tions—one, that they are allowed to retain their
arms, and the military advantages, whatever they
may be, which they now enjoy; the other, that the
armistice should be extended to every point not
merely of the kingdom, but in the provinces where
any insurrectionary movement exists. This will be
paractically recognising them as belligerents,
and will give them an opportunity during the
interval of negotiations of taking advan-
tage of the respite to raise money, import
arms and ammunition, and consolidate their
system of civil government to which no armistice
could apply; it would entitle them to a national flag,
and would in many respects place them in a much
more favourable position for the resumption of hos-
tilities, more especially if the armistice could be
protracted over the winter. Under these circum-
stances it is not likely that the Russians will cone
sent to a description of armistice which would only
be agreed to by the Poles as a measure of strategy ;
for the chances of any favourable solution of the
question by the discussion of the six points pro-
posed by Austria are infinitesimal. Already a diffi-
culty has arisen with respect to the second point,
and Austria has been obliged to submit that the
assimilation of Poland to Galicia with reference to
national representation did not correspond to the
spirit of the treaties of 1815. By those treaties a
distinction was made between the kingdom and
the provinces. To the former the Emperor Alex-
ander granted an independent constitution and a
national army, while to the Austrian and the Prus-
sian, no less than'to the Russian Polish provinces,
national institutions and a national representation
were intended by the treaties to be accorded.
While, therefore, Austria might stipulate that so
far as the provinces were concerned they should
have institutions granted to them similar to those
conceded by her to Galicia, the kingdom would not
be satisfied with any such limited measure of con-
cession. In fact, it is extremely doubtful whether,
if the treaties of 1815 were complied with in the
most liberal sense, and those national institutions
which it was evidently the intention of Europe to
guarantee were recognised, the Poles would now
be satisfied. But inasmuch as the proposals of
Austria fall far short of this, we may take it for
granted that even if the weighty matter of the
armistice were settled, negotiations would break
down upon the points which would still have to be
considered, more especially as it would be in the
interest of Poland only to entertain them in order
to improve her military position. Russian states-
men cannot be blind to these considerations; and
while, therefore, we do not see what other course
it was open for the Government to pursue under
the circumstances, we cannot hope from it a solu-
tion of the difficulty. Meanwhile Austria has shown
a very proper sense of the obligation she is under
to adopt a decided policy in a matter in which she
is most nearly concerned, and we trust that she will
be induced, by the support which has been accorded
to her efforts thus far, to take a course which may
conduce to the settlement of the Polish question in
a way satisfactory to that nation, while it will give
her an opportunity of contrasting the services she
will thus render to the cause of liberty and consti-
tutional government, with the blows recently
levelled at both by the monarch of another great
German Power.
HERALD.—The citizens of London have been
showing the illustrious Princess who is one day, in
the natural order of things, to hold the sceptre of
the British Isles, that the enthusiastic devotion
which greeted her reception amongst us three
months ago is part of that ci'd-fashioned loyalty
which suffers little from the influence of time.
From Marlborough House to the Guildhall the
metropolis poured out its countless crowds of ad-
miring spectators, and the welcome that greeted
the Royal lady on her first arrival amongst us
from the home of her fathers lost none of its warmth
through the intermediate experience we have had
of the merits that later have been justifying it.
The visit to the City
magnates was marked by
none of the contretemps
which cast a shade over
the gaieties and triumph which marked the proces-
sion and illuminations that did honour to the
reception of the Princess and the marriage of the
Royal pair. All that a careful and long-sighted
organisation could do to secure order in the visit
and return was brought under requisition, and all
that money could effect to make the Guildhall
worthy of the historical pageant of which it was the
scene bestowed with a profuse band and an amount
of taste not usual in civic festivities. Our reporters
have already done justice to the decorations of the
Guildhall. The reception hall is admitted to have
been a model of good taste in the most splendid of
its developments. The predominant hue, a light
cream or stone colour, assisted the appropriate deco-
rations to an ea relief ; and the mirrors and storied
tapestries, set off with draperies of crimson, under
the graceful arches of the old hall, supplied exactly
the coup d'ceil suited to a Royal reception. The
splendour, however, which reigned in proportions
more or less modest through the rest of the edifice
culminated, we are told, in the central hall, where
all that the picturesque beauty of the ancient con-
struction could receive of decoration from modern
taste was added with an artistic effect that made the
scene more like the realisation of some painting by
the romancist than the meeting place of a London
corporation to do honour to their future King and
Queen. But beneath all the pageantry of the spec-
tacle and festive pleasures of the entertainment lay
the subtle meaning and wiser lesson of a political
event. Whatever the homage of the City to their
higher return from
City. It was a
itlhluesptrrioieuesevaisnitdorsr,
iteheeereeewteas
tahe
revival of the old link between the reigning dynasty
and the spirit of free institutions, as impersonated
in the municipalities of the day. The compact
of the City of London with their Princes, and the
aids which they so often rendered in emergencies
when the existence Qf the monarchy was in
tahlowseaylsecbaalse pdrivileges and liberties
to our own time, have only lost
on the consideration
qowfu
he
respecti sct
hi o, n
swefeeornred n g
de
their special value by their gradual diffusion
through the rest of the community. the commer-
cial spirit has always been favourable to the deve-
lopment of freedom. Among our ancestors was
shown the happy art of reconciling a full share of
municipal privileges with tile prerogatives of the
Sovereign, and the earliest of our records point out
London as acquiring in its local government privi-
lreegpeusb ich ne h ; while giving it almost the aspect of a
monarchy, induced little jealousy and
power. In our
withmunicipali-
ndoa3s,etrhieourseloatpipoonsietiothneosfetvheererigegnal
ties is rather one of social ties than of political in-
terests. The meeting of the City with its Princes,
where it is not a private tribute to traditional
associations, is now a linking together of the three
orders of the State, and a graceful acknowledgment
on the part of the Crown that its rights merge in
the duties of the position, and that whatever the
inequalities of station between the grades of society
there is a common ground on which all may meet
for the cultivation of the good understanding on
which all our well-being depends. It is our duty,
however, to remark, that the due effect of one of
these great occasions of state ceremonial is hardly
given when a personage in the position of the
Prince of Wales is found the first guest of the
greatest City in the world with the chief Ministers
of the Crown virtually discrediting the visit by
making their absence the most prominent fact of the
entertainment. We are not bound to know what are
the precise relations of the Government with the

authorities of the City, as it may very well be
.that
the mismanagement which marked the procession
and illuminations, and the attempts made at the
Home Office to acquire the control of the City
police and new-model the corporation charities,
have not produced the best feeling between the tw o
governing bodies. But the squabbles of adminis-
trative government should import no disrespect to
the Executive, and in a public festival historical in
its importance and specially intended to do honour
to the Heir Apparent and his charming bride, it
might be expected that the Ministers of the Crown
would have taken care not to have missed their
becoming share in the loyal greeting. The adjourn-
ment of the houses at an early hour made the
courtesy easy, and the country will not be dispavd
to interpret very charitably so remarkable a slight
on the Royal pair, unless Ministers are prepared
with a better explanation than that suggested
either by their misunderstanding with the corpora-
tion or their unwillingness to permit the event to
be made the stepping-stone to those honours to cor-
porate authorities which it is customary for the
Crown to bestow on such occasions.