The Sun.
London, England, 1837-10-26 00:00:00

SUN, 14()N DON, '1",..1j11

namely, that of prevtntinp, a sale or tithe-evould have
lacked meads of eXeiting the taihe lciisttlitt'v to alts of
fOriolis and le;e'n necessary
re-
sort to such, for carrying into effect the crimnal ob-
ject of their meeting ? The dread of massacre super-
seded the teeolitse tO it, or tiVASsACte ttotild beyond
quesiion hake plidn Men *obit! :Mt lairs
chase Ait tithe-sheep because they were afraid of being
butchered, and for that reason alone they were not
butchered. So the clergyman was defrauded, and the
poßulae.e, by mit-if:mild of their Reverend leader, who
had brought many of than with him from a distance
of 12 (upwards of 15 English) miles, dispersed with-
out supererogatory bloodshed ; and this is what the
enlightened reporter of the Romish otgic apostrophites
as " tt gloticus triumph "—and this what we are hourly
deafened with under the name of " Irish tranquillity."
—Times.
The " Napoleon of peace" proceeds with his con-
quests. Mascara was laid in ashes—Tlemecen sub-
dued—Bona occupied—and now " the tricoloured
flag floats over Constantine." More than 800 miles
of the African shores of the Mediterranean have been
added to the French conquest of Algiers, since the
French government gave a pledge to our own that
there was no intention of forming any permanent mili-
tary settlement in Africa. Instead of evincing anv
intention of abandoning these conquests, the French
push their arms into the interior. Constantine is an
inland acquisition. Besides, it is or was a dependency
of Turkey—part and parcel of the empire of our Ot-
toman ally, whose territories are drily becoming the
spoil of Russian and French ambition. The fate of
Poland was a precedent which, we suppose, will soon
be pleaded in justification of the partitioning of Tur-
key. Thus the " Napoleon of peace " makes con-
quests and collects Spoils and military glory as well as
the Napoleon of war. But it is very possible that
England will one day have to unmake those African
acquisitions on the shores of the Mediterranean. Rus-
sia has succeeded, by taking advantage of the weak-
ness of the Sultan, and the nothingness of English
diplomacy, to convert the Black Sea into a Russian
lake. France has long wished to make the Mediterra-
nean a French lake. Her conquests in Africa are not
without some reference to this favourite object. While
a general peace prevails in Europe, she carries on her
warlike schemes in Africa without hindrance or moles-
tation, except such an occasional check as even a French
army sometimes sustains from the Arabs of the desert.
By the prowess of Abdel Kader the beams of Gallic
glory were somewhat shorn, and Achmet Bey drove
them last year from before his walls in disastrous flight.
What then? The carnage of French discomfiture which

choked the road from Constantine to Bona has been
cleared away, and the recruited army of the Citizen
King has retraced a path covered with the gloomiest
recollections, until it has planted the " tricolor" in
the light of victory upon Achmet's towers. Whether
the triumph is complete, or the taking of Moscow on a
small scale only repeated, we have yet to learn. French
victory is not apt to be so little communicative as we find
her in General Vallee's bulletin. She does not tell
us how many enemies " bit the dust," or what distin-
guished warriors " covered themselves with glory."
The fate of General Damrernont is the only casualty
of battle which she records. In the spirit of well-cob-
ceived poetry, a good deal is left to the imagination.
Let us suppose, however, that the triumph is as com-
plete as the " Napoleon of peace" could wish it to be.
Let us suppose that Constantine has indeed fallen
never to rise again, except as one of the centralised

cities of African Gaul. We ask whether in that case
England is to remain silent respecting the pledge which
the French Government at the time of the taking of
Algiers gave to ours, that it had no intention of making
conquests in Africa, or even of retaining Algiers as a
French settlement ? Is not the Duke of Wellington,
who was Minister at the time, bound to bring this sub-
ject under the notice of Parliament ? Though the
dynasty has been since changed, the engagements of
the Government with foreign States have not been
cancelled. France has violated her pledged faith to
England in making conquests in Africa, and lining
the coast of the Mediterranean with her fortresses.
If England takes no step to peaceably check
the ambitious progress of the French arms in that
quarter, she will one day be under the necessity of
repeating in Africa her anti-Gallican expedition to
Egypt. Obsta principiis is a good rule in politics as
well as in morals or medicine. Russia and France are
the two powers which have taken advantage of the ge-
neral peace to aggrandise themselves by military expe-
ditions. Russia picked a quarrel to subjugate Turkey,
and has since that extinguished Poland. The tame
acquiescence of the British Government in this exten-
sion of her power has emboldened her to proceed with
her aggressive policy. The Circassian blockade and
the affair of the Vixen have covered our incapable
Ministry with indelible disgrace. Reports are sedu-
lously spread of late, that disagreements have taken
place between Russia and France. We do not credit
them—Nicholas and Louis Philippe understand each
other better. Nicholas allowed Belgium to become
to all intents and purposes a province of France, and
France interferes not with the Russian schemes of am-
bition in the east. We believe they are both more
sincerely hostile to British power than to each other.
In the mean time our foreign department is managed
in a way that must give them great sati,sfaction.—
Morning Herald.
Many symptoms have been presented within the last
few weeks of Mr. O'Connell's desire—not to separate
himself from the Ministers of the Crown, for in. this
case the patronage of the Crown in Ireland, to which
he is devotedly attached, would pass from him—but to
terrify Ministers and their friends by the threat of a
separation, which the latter know would be fatal to
them, in order to check the impertinent interference
with that patronage in which interlopers so entirely
insignificant and worthless as Lord Mulgrave and Lord
Plunket now and then show a disposition to indulge.
There have been some very dirty squabbles of late be-
tween these rival pretenders to the exercise of the ►mo-
narchical power—squabbles in which the British public
can scarcely take any other interest than that of mere

curiosity, since, whether the possession by Lord Mul-
grave, or by Lord Plunket, or by Mr. O'Connell,
of the power to nominate the Queen's Officers
in Ireland would reflect the greater disgrace
upon the Royal authority, is a question which
it would be very difficult to decide, and which no
Englishman, of whom we have ever happened to
hear, thinks worth the trouble of deciding. We con-
jecture that Mr. O'Connell has found it on some re-
cent occasions more difficult than heretofore to keep
his Ministerial confederates to the spirit of the Lich-
field House treaty, and that some invasions have been
attempted of the regal authority in Ireland, with
which, according to the plain intent and meaning of
that compact, he was to be permanently invested.
The Dublin journals which live by his patronage and
are supposed to shine, when they do shine, by such
lights as he can lend, have recently indulged in cen-
sures, more than usually unreserved, on the general
conduct and policy of the Administration ; and we
now find Mr. O'Connell availing himself of the op-
portunity afforded by an invitation to dine with the
Working Men's Association in London to denounce,
in express terms, the Reform Bill and its authors,
and to inculcate the doctrine that the people of
England must rebel against both, unless they are
content to remain the slaves which, according to Mr.
O'Connell, this great Whig measure has made them.
We quote here Mr. O'Connell's words :
" You do me but justice in deeming me pledged to uni-
versal suffrage.' It is really an insult of the grossest nature
to the people of England to suppose that they are unfit to
select proper persons to represent them in Parliament ; and
it is the very excess of insolence for one class of English-
men to assume that they aro so much better than their
neighbours that they alone ought to choose representatives,
and that no others are so fit ! Are those proud men stronger,
wiser, honester than you are ? If they be, take off your
hats for them, bow lowly before them, and admit yourselves
their inferiors, and then go home and write yourselves down
slaves. Yes, you are slaves, so long as the law allows a
master class' to have political privileges, and a slave class'
to exist without these privileges. Any one man who gives
the law' to another is the master of the other, who is nothing
but a slave to that master. So, if you multiply the law-
giving one to thousands, they are masters ; and those to
whom they give the law, although they may be millions, are
slaves. You who have no votes are necessarily slaves, and
slaves the Tories will make you continue, unless by peace-
able but persevering agitation you make your taskmasters