The Sun.
London, England, 1830-11-23 00:00:00

LIOUSP. OF LORDS, Nov. 22.

in coneequence of it being generally reported that the
new Lord,
,Charicellor (Lord Brougham and Vaux) would
take his seat in the House of Lords thie evening, long be-
fore the House was opened to the public crowds of bar-
risters and respectable persona assembled in every passage
leading to tl►e House in hopes of secing,the ceremony.
Shortly after Three o'clock the !louse wee opened, and
among its, occupants we observed Lady Brougham, at-
tended by one of her children.
The .I.ollb CHAINCIIILLOR (Lord Brougham), at Four
o'clock, entered at the door where the public are usually ad-
mitted, preceded by the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod,
and the usual attendants. Immediately upon his Lordship's
entering the House he was introduced to the Peers present
by Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt. Prayers were then read by the
Lord Bishop of Gloucester, and the oaths as Speaker of
the House were administered to his Lordship by Mr.
Courtenay. The oaths as Lord Chancellor and Peer were
not ed►nialatered, in consequence of his Lordship's patent
not having arrived. On this occasion the throne was
uncovered, and the brass rails surrounding, it were
removed in order to allow his Lordship to kneel down and
place his patent on the thione ; but, in consequence of
the nnn•arrival of the patent, the throne was turned with
its brick towards the House.

Immediately after the administering of the oath, his
Lordship took his seat on the worileeek, all the Peers in
the Muse flocking round hit Lordirhip pay their eon-
gratulation& to him.

Several petitions against Negre'llbwery Were presented
by Earl ADUIRROT, and the Marquis of SALIIIBUICY
On the ;notion of Lord DURHAM (who appeared in
full Court mourning, and sat on the Ministerial benches)
the Muse adjoUrned during pleasure. ._

Earl (Ivey, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Durham,
and. Lord Goderich entered the House shortly before Five
o'clrxk, and took their scats on the Ministerial benehes.
The Duke of Wellington, the Earl of Rosalyn, and Lord
Ellenborough, entered shortly after, and took their seats
on the Opposition benches. _

• .
NEGRO • SLAVERY.
etitions were presented against Negro Slavery by
Lords Spencer, Cleveland, Roaeberry, Carlisle, Rosalyn,
Shaftesbury, Groavenor, and Wharncliife.
Lord SUFFIELD underatanding that the Noble Mar-
pue oppoeite (Salisbury) had postponed his motion' for a
etnntmtt#o. to inquire into the state of the labouring classes
till Monday next, begged to say a few words. He con-
sidered the subject to he one of vital importance, and
he trusted* Noble Lord would on no account postpone
so important a motion to a later period.
The Marquis of SALISBURY assured the Noble Lord
that he had no intention to postpone his motion longer
than Mondtiy* next, he had only done so in consequence of
the state of his Majesty's Council.
PARLI AM ENTA RY REFORM.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented two peti•
thins, from plaoes of which we could not catch the name,
praying for Parlismentary Reform. In doing so he begged
leave to state that he entirely concurred with the sen•
timents of the petitioners. It Was his decided
opinion that some amendment in the representation of the
country was necessary. Ile felt that in stating that
.change was neceisary, he Was completely borne out by
reference to the'prestnt condition of the country. When
he looked to the great stake which the commercial 'and
manufacturing classes of this country had recently acquired
in its well-doing,—when be looked to the vast body of in-
telligent and well-educated persons which existed in come-
quente in the ComMunity,—when he looked to the veil,
one interests which had been called into existence by the
opepetity of the country...by the distribution of wealth,
And by the progress which the arts and sciences had mode
in the last 50 years,—when he considered that these nume-
rous and intelligent bodies were without any means of
direct communication with the lailStattite...4 communi-
cation- which he considered as necessary to the safety of
the Government as to the well-being of the people)—he
could not but agree with the petitioners in believing that
soma amendment of the present system of the reproenta-
tion of thipenple_was necessary. lie thought with then.
that the consideration of this question with a view to its
errangernSintrwaioieceseary. With all this he would say,
Ottt6nf no Worm, and to no pwititiou for a supposed

' reform, which did not !tett to the property anti edhcation
of the country a share, and a preponderating share, too, in
the legislature, could he as an honest man, looking at the
permanent welfare both of the people and of the monarchy,
give his consent. Having now the high ljonour of a place in
,his Majesty's Councils, together With his Noble Friend (Earl
Grey), he Was deieirnined to support this measure as long.
as it WA brought forward consistent with the principles
he had 'laid down. Whenever that measure was brought
forward it should have his utmost support, for he %it con-
vinced that some alteration in the representation a the
country was 'toenail,. lie should not say ffirthernn the sub-
ject at preareii% but this he would addsthat lie thought the
subject of Parlitimetitary &farm r'as Well deserving of the
deliberation and serious attention of Parliament.
Earl GREY—I have beard with satisfaction what has
just been stated by my Noble Friend, and, my Lords, I
feel inclined to take' occasion to state very shortly--which
I hope will not be unbecoming in reference to what he has
addressed particularly to fete words explanatory of the
principles on which 1 have, by his Majesty's eottunande,
accepted the high honour of the situation I bow fill, and
pledged my best eerVices in its performance. My
Lords, Upon this Most important question to which the
petitions just presented refer, it cannot be necessary for me
to say much. My opinions on that subject have long been
known. It is not long since I had an opportunity of
expressing them to you in the debate that occurred on
the first day of the Sessions. I then stated what I now
feel the necessity of, that the Government of the country by
whom alone that measure can be satisfactorily settled, that
the Government should take into its immediate considera•
tion the state of the people in Parliament, with a view
to re-establish that confidence in the ' public mind
which the present constitution of Parliament does not at
present enjoy to the full extent requisite for the safe
government of the country. My Lords, on that occa-
sion I stated, and I now repeat, that I am not ene
of those who will support any of those fanciful plans of
Reform, which will lead, not to Reform, but to the work
of mischief. I have never supported, nor will I now, those
principles of 'universal suffrage--of wild and extravagant
changes—the idea of which has certainly been too much
promoted in this country. I wish, I say, to stand as
moth as I can, on the true principles of the settled .insti-
tutions in the country—(Cheers)—and feeling that some
reform is necessary, the principles on which I should
wish to regulate that Reform will proceed en that
footing. My Lords, your Lordships will easily
feel that this will he a task of no slight difficulty ;
but it will be my object to secure to the people of
this country their due influence in the Courtedl
in which they are more particularly represented
—to secure to them that due influence by the
means calculated to restore satisfaction and con&
dence—and by which me am alone the business of Go-
vernment can be effectively carried on. I do not know
that it is necessary for me to say more—indeed, it is im-
possible for me to say more—and what I have said is ge-
neral—all it amounts to is this—an acknowledgment
of the principle of Reform, the statement of its necessity,
and my anxiety to regulate it in such a manner as to re-
store confidence without upsetting any thing of essential
importance in our Constitution. I will only add,
that the extravagant theories, in which I know
some indulge, would, I believe, if carried into effect, in-
stead of re-establishing confidence, produce a system
of collision and counteraction which, whatever it may
be my duty to propose or support, it will never be
my object to advocate. So much on this petition,
upon which it is only necessary to add, that be-
fore I undertook to enter into his Majesty's Councils, I
had his Majesty's permission to be allowed, at 'a proper
time, and Noble Lords I am sure will extend to me
so much indulgence as to have ample time to pre-
pare it, as this is a question which is not lightly
to be takes up, but requiring much time and considera-
tion—l say, I could not have been induced to have obeyed
even his Majesty's commands, kindly imposed on me as they
were, if I had not his gracious permission to propose
to him a measure for his final sanction on the prin•
ciple of Reform. There are one or two other points on
which I feel called on to say a word. We succeed to a Go-
vernment in a situation of unparalleled difficulty ; all I
can say on this is, and particularly in consequence of what
fell from a Noble Friend of mine opposite, that I look with
anxiety not only to the labouring classes, but to the whole
situation of the country. We are as yet unsettled—we
have in fact keen but three hours in office, and we have
not yet had access to any official papers, therefore I can say
nothing is to the situation of Government or the measures
to be adopted. MI I can protnise is, the most imme-
diate, the most unceasing attention to what calls two')
us, more than under any other circumstances could have
been the case, the present condition of the country. Un-
ceasing, and so instantaneous shall our attentions on that
point be, that at this moment I have the summons for a
Cabinet Council for this evening in my pocket to enable us
to proceed to the immediate consideration of the measures
necessary to be adopted—(Hear, hear)—the distresses of
the country, to relieve them to the utmost of our
power our most anxious efforts will be directed. At
the same time I speak here for myself, as well as my cid-
leagues, that we are animated by a resolution, whenever
outrages are committed, to repress them with severity—se-
verity, in my opinion, being the very first measure to adopt.
(Hear, hear.)—While we are anxious therefore to remove
the distresses of the country, there will not be want.
ing on our part a determination to repress those dis-
turbances which England—God forgive me for bringing so
groundless a charge against England—but which a portion
of the people of England has been deluded into, who, whilst
they complain of want, destroy those very means by which
it might be obtained. So far, then, my Lords, with respect
to our future services, and which is nearly all I have to
say, except a word or two on another subject which pre-
*ode itself—l mean the reduction of all unnecessary ex-
penditure ; maintaining whatever is necessary for Govern-
ment ; maintaining all that is necessary for its due support ;
but cutting off whatever can be spared—(Hear)—from
' that necessary expenditure. On accepting office, we have,
in the first set nut, turned our st;entiun to that subject,
and have already discontinued some of the expenses attend-
ing the formation of a Government, heretofore incurred
in certain departments of Government. But do not
imagine my Lords we limit our views to that. Our
observations will be applied in every quarter, and
every reduction consistent with the public service that
can be made will be made, with all the promptitude and
diligence we can apply. That which is necessary for the
support of the Government . must be maintained, but
every reduction that can possibly be made, our ut-
most efforts and powers *ball be strenuously applied for
that purpose. My Lords, the only other point on which
it might be satisfactory to bear any explanation on
this occasion is the et Ito of our nation with respect to
Foreign Powers. Upon this I must state, as I have already
stated as to another branch, that hitherto we have had no
means of officially knowing what has been done. All
I can, say is that our first object, our Interest and
our duty, will be to maintain by all the means consistent
with the honour of the country, the preservation of peace.
Upon the discords that have taken place in another part, I
have already said that the due policy of this country was as
far as it could be maintained—non-interference. Thus
much I can say, that on looking to the means by whiCh
peace can, be preserved, I must necessarily look to the
maintenance of those connections with those Powers'
with whom his Majesty is in alliance,—and with.
whom undoubtedly it mutt be the rare of the new, as
I am persuaded it was with the old Government, to main-
tain a proper harmony and good understanding, with
a view to the essential adjustment of those disturbances
that might take place. The 'Government of France,
I trust, will be able to conduct matters in a concilia-
. tory manner. Between two such Governments there
ought to be union, and then there would result that
interest that arises from the common principles of
good understanding; and there ought to be in common
that abstinence from interference with other coon-
Vies strictly maintained, and all objects and views
'of aggrandisement and ambition which might disturb our
common peace diligently avoided.-..(Hear, hear, hear.)
These are the views, any Lords, under which I appear be-
fore your Lordships, and I certainly, must say that the
'principles upon which this Administration stands, I trust
will be found to be amelioration of existing abuse
a system of unflinching economy—and every possible
endeavour to preserve peace consistently with the honour
of the country. Under these circumstances I have in
obedience to his Majesty's commands undertake% the' task
to which I have not the affectation or nresumptien
of thinking myself capable, and, my Lords, may I be per-
mitted to says without the appearance of presumption,
that I have not coveted this situation, but front
accidental circumstance have been placed in a that-
etion, in which, if I had declined the task which his Ma-
jesty was graciously pleased to impose upon in„,
I hail
reason to fear that a Government, would have been
with difficulty established. I have, therefore been
urged to the acceptance of a tusk which 1 feel my-
self by no means adequate te, biy Lords, to rum up
in.* few words, the principles on which I soma will, I
trust, be found to be these—Amelioration of Abuses--
Promotion of Economy—and the endeavour
to preserve
Peace consistently with the honour of the coentry.—
(Hear, bear. )—Under these principles I have oaderete,a,
a task to which' I have not the affectation or presumption
to consider myself equal. At my advanced age, ietitetheot
and repose would be more fitted' to theldroutruusuess

under which f am itlacd, AO that active and anxious
to which
exertion whichl shall be subjected.n the high office to
which triYgracions Sovereign bas been pleased to call me.
But, my Lords, the fact that 1 am now here wises from no
Merits of my own; it may rather be coneiderad as founded
upon accident. My Lords, I remembered my age and my
limited capabilities, but I knew that if I declined the task
which had been allotted to tae, there was reason to fear the
attempt to ibeitt an Administtatioh might have failed alto.
gether. Urged, thirefdre my Lotils, by my public duty
! to attempt that CO Milch II am riot equal, my only trust is
in the tuilport of this Howie and of the public, and above
all, in the gracious kindness and confidence of hip Majesty,
which alone can carry me through. With this support I
am ready to attempt all things for the service of the coon
try.--looking always to the principles on which I have de-
manded this support, and claiming now that indulgence
which may be well and justly accorded to an Administra.
tion farmed under such circumstances and so recently cone-
pleted,—(Cheers.) If hereafter it shall he found that I
cannot execote.what I have undertaken—if I cannot con-
duct the public affairs in a manner satisfactory to those
from whom I claim support—if it be proved that lam un-
able to bear the load I have essayed to carry, I shall be
ready to resign into his:Majesty's hands that power which
lie has so graciously, so kindly, and so confidingly submit.
ted to me.—(Hear, hear.) It is not necessary for me to
repeat my gratitude at the confidence of his moat gracious
Majesty, which alone enabled me to form an Adnainistra-
tion so rapidly and under such peculiar circumstances. It
is only this day week when I was listening on the other
side of, the House to the speech of the Noble and Learned
Lord lately on the Woolsack, and little did I then suppose
that such an event would come to pass. It is only by the
gracious confidenciof the Sovereign that I have been within
this short space of time enabled to assemble around me,
with no view to Parliamentary influence, and without any
view except ti the efficiency of the persons, the friends
with whom I act. My Lords, the Administration stands
before you and the public. You know the persons—you
have heard our principles—and for the maintenance of
them we throw ourselves upon the confidence and suppoit
'of our Sovereign, the House,. and the country.—(Hear.)
The Eat! of RADNOR was of opinion that the limited
declaration made by the Noble Lord would scatter dismay
and consternation through the country. He contended
that giving representatives to the great manufacturing
towns was doing nothing, when they proposed to leave the
most objectionable part of the system untouched.
Earl GREY—I am surprised at the manner in which
the Noble Earl has received what I said. I stated, that I
think' the question of Reform should be taken into con-
sideration; and that I had the permission of his Majesty
to bring before him, at, a proper time, a plan for reform-
ing the representation. What I said was, that looking
with apprehension to the wild and fanciful theories which
I regretted were too much promulgated, but feeling also
that the defects which had been occasioned by timein the
representation required correction, my object would be to
propose—if the happy medium can be found—ouch a Re-
form as would in this respect satisfy the public expecta-
tion, without endangering—here was" the limit, anti the
only limit--(Cheers)—by sudden change and violent dis-
turbance, the settled institutions of the country.—(Loud
cheers.)—Dees my Noble Friend mean to say, that a Re-
form which rested on that statement would be at once re-
jected by the country ? If so, I tell him that those who
would thus reject it expect revolution, and not Reform.--
(Loud cheers.)_My great object is the desire of prevent-
ing that which, be it needed as it may, must always be the
greatest of possible evils. The principle of my Reform is
to prevent the necessity fur Revolution. And I must say,
I do not think it fair of my-'Noble Friend to look for a d....
claration leas limited. or to wish for details. I trust the
House will be satisfied with the principle of the limit I
put, and which has`been so much misrepresented. When
did he find that I limited the Reform to giving representa-
tives to the large towns? The principle on which I
mean to act is neither more tor less than that of reforming
to preserve, and not to overthrow.--(Cheers.)
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE also defended himself
from having limited the proposed reform to giving repre-
sentatives to the large towns. He contended that it was
impossible for them to enter into the details of a measure
so difficult, and he trusted the. House would not expect
them to-say more upon the subject, or themselves prejudice
the measure by any obserVation, until it had ripened into
such a shape that it could be produced before their Lord-
ships and the sober and thinking part of the community,
who wished to preserve .1 improve, not to subvert, the
institutions 'of the country.--..(Cheers.)
The Earl of RADNOR observed, that if the Noble
Marquis did not talk of giving Representatives to the
large towns....(No, no)—at least, he appea'ed to the
House, if this was not the interpretation to be put on
ivlutt, he said ?

bird WHARNCLIFFE felt satisfiction at the acknow-
ledgement that reform was necessary. It was too late to
shut the door entirely to reform. What then was to be
done ? That which the' Noble Earl hid stated--4o re-
form the Representation, while they at the same time pre-
served the monarchy and the institutions of the country ;
and if he did so, he should have his support, and he
trusted, th it of every thinking man. There were other
points of the Noble Earl's speech which be bad heard
with great satisfaction. The dederation that peace was
to be preserved, as long as it could be consistently with
the honour of the country, gave him great pleasure—and
retrenchment, so far as it could be carried without injury
to the public service, should have his cordial support.
Ilut would the Noble Earl permit him to offer a word
of advice? The party of which the_Noble Earl had long
been the leader, had always been too prone to give way to
Popular clamour ; but be trusted the Noble Earl would not
stiffer himself to be led away by it. The people were now
persuaded that the most extravagant benefits would result
from Parliamentary reform, but even were it granted in
the fullest extent, they might find that their distress
would not only remain, but perhaps, that they had been
following a false light, which would guide them to their
ruin. He assured the Noble Earl, he was desirous to give
him hie full support. He would certainly watch the pro.
ceedings of the Administration anxiously, but from him
he should never meet unnecessary opposition.
The Earl of CAERNARVON complained that there
were no details of the Noble Earl's measure to be gathered,
except by a vague surmise. He had always believed that
some Reform was necessary, and that the refusal of all
Reform must have- occasioned the destruction of the
country ; but he could not believe that Reform, radical or
Moderate, would be found to be a sovereign remedy for the
public distress of the people. The Noble Earl would find
that there was no safety for his Government and the
country in yielding to popular clamour; when the people
found that their distress was increased after the attain-
ment of their present object, this disappointment would
bring the danger of the country to its climax. He trusted
Government would not; leave to individuals in the other
House the task of inquiring into the state of the peasantry,
They should look to the causes which bad, far the last lb
years tended to create that distiess—and they should con-
sider the progress of that system-by which the peasantry
of whole districts, some reduced to motive their miserable
subsistence from the poor rates, and four or. five families
were compelled to seek shelter under the same roof—a
system which made the poor of England worse than any
poor in the world. He thought, however, that something
'might might. be yet done to restore edinfort to the peasant,
and eompitence to the fanner ; but he suggested that any
'to alter the Poor Laws being in• the nature of a Money
Bill, should Originate in another place. It was well known,
that, during the last twelve months, agricultund capital
greatly diminished. Thera could he little doubt that
it bad been reduced a half. 'What were the best means
:of remedying that evil the present was not the proper time
to inquire ; but he hoped that the subject would very
speedily attract the notice of his Majesty's Government
and of Parliament. He trusted that that subject, like the
subject of Parliamentary Reform, would be taken up by
.his Majesty's Government, and would' be brought by them
before Parliament. The onityhetrytuardletopud
wtoisolooaknielhepdruadnegnetr
in
meathsuerfesac,e.theylt;wdeouinidg eventually tually reap the fruits of their
decision.

earl GREY observed that after he hall stated that the
principle of Parliamentary Reform was recognised by hie
Majesty'e.Government, ha should have thought that the
warmest friend to reform would have abeteinid at the pre-
sent Moment from entering at any length upon the sub-
ed. It was probable that, on the principle of the tees.
'sure which it might be desirable to adopt, thtre. was Pot
much difference between his Noble Friend end himself;
nifioscronwcheii)ctlii,onli.e rosel
but at present it was inipossible for him to go into any
s.
the observations lt' c n rTrleicel°liriatp
whichtairPopplei"ae;edh whlto:vabeidearressed to their Lord.
ahips, he did not connect the question of reform with the
question respecting the distresses of the country. He had
treated the two subjects separately and distinctly. So
deed, had he been from connecting them that he had
far,
unequivocally stated that the Arst eithject which pressed
itself on the consideration of his Majesty's new Walters
was the state of the country; that their first object would
he to examine into the nature of the ittieting distress, and
then into the ditturbaneei consequent upon that distress,
and, as there was every reason to helittre, upon the insti-
gation of parsons whom that distress did 'not affect. That,
he bed'observed, was the first" object which his Majesty's
Ministers had in view; sod, with reference to that object,
a privy Conned Witi to be that evening Iteld.. -It waitab...

•

surd to think of giving Parliamentary Reform lie priority
of such a question. The danger with which the country
was threatened was to be the first subject of consideration,
and must be met with a prompt and determined hand.—
(Hear, hear. hear.) •
After a few words in expianation from the Earl of CAR-
rusvorr, who said that in what had fallen from him be
had opt adverted to his Noble Friend,
The petition was then ordered to lie on the table.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNEpresented a similar pe-
tition from Cupar.

AMENDMENT OF THE COMMON LAW.
Lord Tenterden's various Bills, the Judgment and Eze.
ention,Bill, the Interpleaders' Bill, the Prohibition and
Mandamus Bill, the Arbitration Bill, and the Witness Exa-
tniiation Bill, Went respectively through Committees.
The House then adjourned.