The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

I'HE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, _FEBRUARY 6, 1865%

LAW INTELLIGENCE—rris Day

QUEEN'S B V,NOII.
CLALE v. LORDS OF THE ADMIRALTY-PETITION OF

RIG TITS.
This case concluded to-day. The result was a verdict in
favour of the Crown.

CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT.--This Day.

OLD COURT.
THE CASE OF CAPTAIN RUXTON.
The jury this afternoon acquitted Captain Ruston and
John Bertie of the charges made against them.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE—This Day.

MARLBOROUGH-STREET.

Peter M'Donald was charging with assaulting Elizabeth
Beasley with a poker, in Princes-place, Newport-market.
The complainant said, in consequence of a quarrel with
her husband yesterday, the prisoner said he would give it
her with a poker in the evening, and he kept his word.
The defendant said complainant broke his window and
knocked him down.

The magistrate bound both parties over to keep the peace.

AV ESTMINSTER.

Thomas Warner was charged with picking pockets yes-
terday near the entrance to the Houses of Parliament. The
time selected for operation was just as the Prince of Wales
was leaving the ILmse of Peers. A number of handkerchiefs
were found concealed about his person.—Remanded.

MARKETS—This Day.

MARK LANE.

The supply of home •grown wheat on sale here to-day
was very moderate, and the greater portion came to hand
in but middling condi ion. Generally speaking, the de-
mand ruled inactive, yet no change took place in prices
compared with Monday.

With foreign whcattha market was fairly supplied, In
most descriptions a limited business was transacted at pre-
vious quotations.

Floedug cargoes of grain were in fair request at late
rates.

Malting barley was very firm, and its value was fully
supported. Grinding and distilling qualities changed hands
steadily at full prices.
Malt met with a sluggish trade on former terms.
Oats—the supply of which was very small—ruled firm,
and good and fine parcels were somewhat dearer than on
Monday.
Beans and peas were in slow request at Monday's cur-
rency.

For flour there was a very moderate demand, In price o,
however, no alteration took place.

ARRIVALS THIS NV-ERIC.
Wheat. Barley. 11 alt. Oats. Flour.
English.— 010 3'o i 720 t I 340
Irish
Foreign 6,030 4,740 I 3,100 ; 240 sack.
11,660 brls

(Continued from Page One.)

I to attempt to follow him into a subject with which he is so
much better acquainted than I am ; but there is one point
upon which he naturally diet not clivell in the mannerwhich
I think it deserved, and that iathe personal contribution
which he has himself made of time,and labour, to say nothing
of munificeidcontribution, to alleViate the distress in Lan-
cashire. (Hoar, hear.) It may be said that others have be-
stowed more time and more continuous labour to that object;
but, however that may be, there was one thing desired which
the noble earl has supplied. It was to be desired that what-
ever differences might at other times, and within the last 20
years. have existed between the manufacturing body of Lan-
cashire and the great landed interest of the country, those.
differences and divisions should be effaced by an act which
would show the feelings of charity, of good feeling and good
will which the landed interest entertained towards those
engaged in manufactures, and that the great landed pro-
prietors should be bound together with the manufacturers
and the great body of the working classes in one work of be-
nevolence and charity. No man's example for that purpose
could be more powerful than that Of the noble earl, and I must
say I think the country owes him a great tribute of grati-
tude. (Cheers.) Having now, I am afraid, exhausted all
the topics upon which I am happy to agree with the noble
earl, I come to those upon which I differ from him, and in
respect of which I must take exception to his remarks. He
seenis to think that I am disposed to meddle in everything.
Now, oildly enough, it happens that, with regard to the
United States, when we were asked to give advice, the Go-
vernment refused to give any advice whatever. Then, as to
Mexico, where our co-operation was desired and invited, we
declined to continue that co-operation, and are entirely free
from any charge of interference or intervention in that
country. I may also say, although it is a minor subject, but
still connected with the great questions of the East, that
during the fights and contests that took place last summer
in Montenegro—although advice was given by France, by
Russia, by Austria, and by Prussia—yet no advice was
given by the Government sf this country. But the noble
earl speaks of advice which we gave to Denmark and to the
Pope of Rome. Of the nature of that ad vice I will speak
presently, but I would first refer to some advice that was
given in 1859 by the British Government of that day, if I
am not misinformed. Every one who knew anything of the
Italians in 1859 knew well that they had made up their
minds to this course of policy—that if it. should happen
that in the event of a war their Sovereigns should take the
popular side and engage in the war against Austria, those
princes should retain their thrones, but otherwise they
were determined to get rid of their Sovereigns. It appears,
however, that advice was given by the British Government
to the Grand Duke of Tuscany to resist the popular power,
and to the King of Naples, to remain neutral. Both princes
lost their thrones, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany went to
the Austrian headquarters. The King of Naples preserved
neutrality, but he was driven from his country and loft his '
throne. Now, it might not be intervention, it might not be
interference, but certainly the advice of the noble earl had
in that instance an effect most unfortunate for those to
whom it was tendered. (A laugh.) The noble earl
seems to think the advice I gave to the King of Den-
mark was given without any provocation whatever.
I must say the noble earl in that part of his speech showed
a total ignorance of what has been passing of late years. I
den' t blame him for being ignorant of the facts, but cer-
tainly he has made really assertions and assumptions on
that ignorance which are not easily justifiable. It did so
happen that in 1861 the German Powers had almost deter-
mined on an "execution" in Holstein. That would have
led them to the confines of Schleswig. The boundary had
never been settled, and I thought the occupation by Ger-
man troops of a boundary t o unsettled, especially with the
excitement which then prevailed on both sides, was likely
to bring on war between Denmark and . Germany, and that
war might extend to other powers. Now, it may be a great
fault, but I confess, since I held the Foreign office in vary
troubled times, I have felt exceedingly sensitive as to those
circumstances that might bring about a rupture of the ge-
neral peace; and I have endeavoured, it may be unsuccess-
fully perhaps too frequently, to prevent any chance of war
by friendly advice given to one party or the other. My
belief is that the advice which her Majesty's Government
gavaat that time was conducive to the peace of Europe,
because it was settled at that time that, instead of an " exe-
ci,ttion," instead m
of the comencement of war, Germany and
Denmark should negotiate together and endeavour to come
to an agreement on points on which they differed. Towards
the end of 1862, when these negotiations had gone on with-
out conflict of arms, but with very bitter discussions on one
side and the other, it appeared to me that there was no
chance of an amicable termination of that correspondence,
and I proposed what I thought perfectly compatible with
the independence and integrity of Denmark. It so happened
that they did not like my plan—they did not agree to it. My
conviction is if they had agreed to it they would have been
in a better and safer position than theyare,at present, keep-
ing up so vexatious a quarrel, in which the feelings of Ger-
mans, though not at present very active, may at any time
be aroused, and an immense body of Germans might be di-
rected to solve the question. Then the noble earl finds great
fault with the advice he seems to think was very gratui-
tously given to the Pope. What happened was this :—Mr.
Russell, being in Rome in the beginning of the summer,
wished to return home before the unhealthy season. Just be-
fore he was coming away he received an intimation that the
Pope wished to see him the next day, appointing the hour,
Mr. Russell had the honour of an audience with the Pope.
The Pope spoke to him very much of Garibaldi being in
Sicily, and, appearing to have considerable apprehensions
of the state of Italy, he asked the question whether, if he
sought an asylum in England, he might rely on our hospi-
tality. To this Mr. Russell replied that our hospitality was
well known, and that we gave asylum to all who sought it.
The Pope afterwards referred again to the subject, adding,
"perhaps I may one day seek the hospitality of England."
Now, the noble earl seemed very much surprised, but, for
my part, I think nothing was so natural, because it was ob-
vious that if the Pope went to France, Austria, Spain, or
any other Catholic country, in the first place there would be
great jealousies among other Catholic Powers, and in the
next place there is no Catholic Power that would not de-
mand from the Pope some privilege of appointing a bishop
or some ecclesiastical change ; whereas if he went to any of
her Majesty's dominions he might be quite sure that we
would ask nothing of him from the beginning of the year to
the end of it, we should not interfere with his perfect free-
dom, and he would thereby be more secure, more at liberty,
than in almost any Catholic country. Certain it is that
appeared to be the impression of the Pope. After that I
certainly wrote a despatch recommending that course, be-
cause I thought it would relieve the Pope from the painful
position in which he now stands, in which he, an Italian
Prince, is opposed to the almost unanimous wish of the rest
of Italy, and at the same time feels himself conscientiously
bound to defend all the ancient powers and retain all the an-
cient territories belonging to the Holy See. I must say, how-
ever much I may wish the independence of Italy, I cannot
help entertaining the greatest respect for
the conscientious
feelings of the Pope, and regret that he should be exposed
to trials to which he cannot conscientiously yield, but which
must be painful, though nearly all his countrymen dealt e a
different course. Well, I wrote that despatch ; it was taken
in very good, part at Rome. Cardinal Antonelli thanked
the British Government for the offer, and the Pope after-
wards personally thanked Mr. Russell for the offer made on
the pare of the British Government; and the report made
by Mr. Russell was that it had produced the best feeling
among those who surround the Pope, and who had hitherto
considered us personally hostile to him.
" Non obtuse adeo gestamus pictora Peeni."
While I could do so without sacrificing the opinions of the
Government with respect to the independence of Italy, I
was glad to have given to that venerable man the comfort-
able assurance that he might resort to the hospitality of
England. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl appears to think
that we have submitted to very strong language from France
and Russia in order to give up the candidature of Prince
Alfred; but nothing was further from the truth. The fact
was we were the first to propose ajoint declaration that none
of the princes belonging to any of the protecting Powers
should be capable of accepting or wearing the crown of
Greece. It was naturally asked at 'the same time of the
Russian Government whether the Duke of Leuchtenburg,
who had been brought up at St. Petersburg as a Russian
Prince, who appeared in their almanacks as part of the Im-
perial family, and was to all intents and purposes part of it,
would be excluded by the protocol of 1830. The answer
was there were critical doubts about it. We then said if we
were to have a protocol of exclusion, it must not be merely
operative against the Royal Family of England, but must
also be operative against the Imperial family of Russia. We
were not prepared to sign anything which applied to Prince
Alfred that did not apply to Prince Leuchtenberg. (Hear/
hear.) 'Whereupon that negotiation ceased—at least for
some time. It appeared to me that the proper course was to
leave the Greeks entirely free to take their own course in the
first instance, andreserve our objections. The consequence
of that policy was that after a time the Russian Ambassador
at her Majesty's Court informed me that he was ready to
sign a note excluding Prince Leuchtenberg on the one aide,
provided her Majesty would exclude Prince Alfred on the
other. It appeared to me that to have left matters depend-
ing upon an uncertain and unintelligible protocol would
have enabled the Russian Government to propose the Duke
of Leuchtenberg, and we might have had complications,
but by the understanding come to the princes of all the
three families were excluded. When the noble earl comes
to the subject of the lonian. Islands, I confess that I differ
from him Os Coto both as to his history, his facts, and
his principles. The noble earl admitted in the first
instance that the lonian Islands were not a part of
the dominions of her Majesty; but he entirely forgot
that fact iu all the rest of his observations. Now,
what is the history of this protectorate given to Great Bri-
tain ? I have heard it orally from a lamented friend of mine,
the late Lord Deauvale, who knew all that happened at the
Congress of Viennaeand I have found all that he said con-
firmed in the protocols and treaties of that Congress. As
the noble earl has said, six of these islands were then in the
ngheld been acquired by her
own arms, of Greatd—
possession
the otherwas temporarily Britain, having
by another
Power. The Austrian Government offered, as they were in
an
'a position affecting the tranquillity of the Adriatio coast, to
undertake the government of these islands, securing to the
islanders the enjoyment of their own privileges. But it hap-
pened that at the time the voice of Russia was very power-
ful. The results of the campaign had given the Emperor
Alexander very great influence With the Congress, and

Count Capo d'lstrias, a Minister in that Emperor's confi-
dence, who had a patriotic feeling in favour of the nation-
ality of the Greeks, suggested, when Austria made her
proposal, that the lonian Islands should be maintained in
all their privileges as a free State under the protection of
Great Britain. He said that the institutions of Austria did
not give any promise of freedom to the lonian Islands, but
he admired British institutions, and wished the lonians to
have the benefit of them. The consequence of that decla-
ration and that interference of Russia was a treaty in which
it was said that Great Britain should have the fortress of
Corfu, to give her power in the Mediterranean? Nothing
of the kind. It said that the lonian Islands, naming each
island, ehould form one single, free, and independent State,
under the name of the Republic of the lonian Islands. So
that it is by no moans a possession of Great Britain or any
part of the Queen's dominions—but is, by that treaty of
1815, a free and independent State. Well, what becomes
of all the argument, if I may call it so, about the impor-
tance of the fortress and the position ? My opinion is, that
having adopted a trust, having made yourselves the pro-
tectors of this free and independent State, you are bound
to look to the welfare of the lonians. Above all that you
are bound to discharge your duty faithfully and conscien-
tiously towards that free and independent Republic. I
believe the importance of Corfu is very much exaggerated.
But if you were to say, " We care nothing about the wishes
of the lonian Islands, but what we do care about is a for-
tress for ourselves, what we do care about is a harbour for
Great Britain." I believe that all Europe would cry out
upon you for that declaration, and those who gave you that
trust would say "You have perverted the solemn trust
confided to you, and that which ought to have been treated
according to the original terms of the stipulation for the
benefit of the lonians you have considered only as a part of
the strength of your dominions." (Hear, hear.) Because,
that was the whole gist of the noble earl's remarks. He
never spoke for a moment about the lonians or their wishes.
The Earl of DERBY, in explanation, was understood to
say that he had referred to their being consulted.
Earl RI) SSELL—.:That is exactly what we are going to
do. We mean to consult them. Moreover, this is a matter
which also requires consideration from the other Powers.
We say first to the lonians, "If you, on the meeting of your
Parliament, to be convened for the purpose, shall declare
(as once or twice they have irregularly done) that Greece
being now an independent kingdom we wish to belong to
Greece," then we shall consult the other Powers of Europe
who were parties to the original treaty as to what should be
done, and whether, it being the wish of the lonian Islands
to be joined to Greece they ought not to be so joined. If it
is clearly the desire of the Islands, as it is very possible it
may be, notwithstanding the symptoms that have from
time to time been exhibited, if it is their desire to enjoy the
benefits of the protection of Great Britain, which I think
are very great, tending to civilisation, then one consequence
of this will be that we shall be free from the reproach which
is cast upon us from every side—that while in every corner
of Europe we profess such liberal principles, while we
profess that Italy ought to be independent and free to
control its own concerns, we coerce and oppress the lonian
Islanders, who wish to be released from our rule. (Hear,
hear.) These islands being no dependency of the British
Crown and no part of the British dominions, if they fairly
and deliberately declare their desire for union with Greece,
I maintain, that be the advantages of our having a fortress
in the Mediterranean what they may, it does not belong to
the character of this great country to say that it will keep
them in subjection, although they wish to be free and are
entitled to be so. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl may laugh
at this whole question if he likes ; but I confess that to see
two countries, to which such great recollections belong as
Greece and Italy, rising again into freedom, independence,
and happiness, is a great pleasure to me—(hear, hear)—and
it would, I think, be a great glory to the Government of
Great Britain to have contributed to such a result. This is
not a new policy, but one that has been pursued by the
statesmen of this country for generations. Our conduct in
regard to Holland, Portugal, Greece, and Belgium in past
times bears evidence to the exertions of Great Britain to-
wards the establishmentof free and independent communi-
ties. That is our true policy; and the extension of our em-
pire is not so valuable to us as this extension of free and
independent nations, which, having the support of Great
Britain, there is no chance of that single despotic dominion
by which Eur;ope has . wore than, once
,been oppressed.
(Hear, hear.) ,Your,lordships will be better able to judge of
these matters when you have read the papers which will be
laid before you. My lords, if the noble earl opposite and my
noble friend behind me have been unable to go through this
debate:without paying some tribute to the memory of Lord
Lansdowne, I feel that it is impossible for me, who had been
so long connected with bim in friendship and by political
ties, to omit the mention of his name. (Hear.) The recol-
lection of his life is one of no ordinary character. It is thq
recollection of a life pure, honoured, and respected—knowri
to this house by combined wisdom, moderation, dignity, and
courtesy—known to the public at large by the many ser-
vices which he contributed to the legislation and the; insti-
tutions of his country. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I hope
that a spirit like his may preside over your lordships' de.
iberations. His spirit was this, that while he dearly loved
the Constitution he was a friend to every improvement
every well-considered advance that could be made in our
institutions. So that as a Steadfast friend of the Constitu-
tion, that Constitution would never suffer in his hand, nor
the cause of sound progress be impeded. When your lord-
ships consider the great measures which have been passed
with his assistance and co-operation, some of them affect-
ing the rights of Protestant Dissenters, Roman Catholics,
Jews, and relating to matters of religious belief; others,
like free trade and the repeal of the Coln Laws, deeply
affecting material interests; others, like the Reform Act,
affecting the balance of political power in this country—l
think you will admit that the spirit which animated
Lord Lansdowne is the spirit which ought to animate all
who take part in the proceedings of your lordships' house.
(Hear.)

The Earl of MALMESBURY cordially agreed with the
last words of the noble lord in reference to the lamented
nobleman who had been so recently taken from them. He
hoped that all future leaders of the Government in that
house would attempt to imitate the late Lord Lansdowne as
nearly as possible. It would be superfluous for him to enter
into the feelings already expressed with respect to the auspi-
cious event announced in the first part of the Speech; and
lie would not have trespassed at all on their lordships if it
had not been for some observations of the noble earl in an-
swer to his noble friend on that side of the house. Before,
however, he alluded to those observations, he wished to say
that he entirely agreed in the noble lord's policy with re-
gard to the American war. He entirely agreed that he could
not recognise the Southern States without going further, i
and insisting on raising the blockade. But though he en-
tirely agreed in that part of the noble earl's policy, he could
not go so far as to think that his policy was right as to the
offer of mediation by the French Government. He thought
it was our duty as a Christian people, as a Christian nation,
being of the same religion and of the same blood and speak-
ing the same language as the Americans, to do whatever
was possible to stop the struggle which was going on, pro-
vided we did not place ourselves in a position of risking our
neutrality, or incurring any dishonour. He could not con-
ceive, if they recollected what the proposition of the French
Emperor was, that any harm would have arisen to the Go-
vernment of this country, by joining in that proposition,
If it had succeeded it would have been to the everlasting
credit of this country; it would have been a most credit-
able page in our history. If it had failed, if the
Northern States had refused our proposition he did not see
why that should have been attended by detriment to this
country. Even if it had been received with insult, no in-
sult ought to be cared for which did not bring with it
dishonour. (Hear, hear.) It would not have brought
dishonour with it, but credit; and notwithstanding what
the noble lord had, said, he did not feel convinced that it
would not have succeeded. I t seemed against common
sense and probability that in a country inhabited by
millions, anti cursed by tho misfortunes and horrors of
civil war, there should not be hundreds of thousands,forra-
r
, ing a peace party in that country, who would not welcome
peace if they could get it with honour, who would even be
glad of excuses, and who sacrifice a little pride if you would
only hold out a hand and give them a chance of grasping
it. This, he thought, was common sense, and he could not
think why the noble earl could not have joined the French
Emperor. The Emperor of the French had adhered t ) his
purpose. Alone, and of his own aecord, he had renewed
the effort to stop the war. If he succeeded he would have
plucked from us one of the greatest opportunities we ever
had for distinguishing the Government of this country. He
would express his sincere hope that the noble lord, though
he had been baffied—and he knew he had been baffied—in
treating with so extraordinary a people as those of the
United States, or rather the Government, wouldln the end
succeed. He knew he had attempted by his advice, and the
progress of public opinion in this country and Europe, to
mitigate some of the horrors that were going on. He had
no doubt he had done so, and that he would be able to show
it by the papers which he would lay on the table. But with-
out distressing their lordships by enumerating some of the
horrors, unparalleled even by barbarous nations, he should
like to know whether the noble lord was aware of what was
a diabolical act of cruelty on the part of the United States
Government. That Government, contrary to the common
law of war, and all precedent, even in the remotest times of
ignorance and barbarism, had declared that all medicines and
surgical instruments were contraband of war, in plain Eng-
lish implying that a wounded enemy was still an enemy, and
that they were not justified in mitigating his tortures, or
seeking to save his life. (Hear, hear.) That was so horrid
an act that it required the public condemnation of every civi-
lized Government in Europe. He now came to that part of
the noble earl's speech in which he taunted his noble friend
behind him, who had properly rebuked him fort the 0111
i
cious advice he gave on all and every occasion,wi h having
done the Fame thing himself. He taunted hlioatig noble
in gfirviionngd
with having been equally fidgetty and officious
advice on every possible occasion, and heclutootethde ash,i
King
of the advice given by his Government
which
he
said
amounted
war or em-
of Naples and the Grand Duketkoef
pTaurstcainnya,ny
amounted to this—" Ddiosnp'
broils yourself in any ttotlbetween Austria, Piedmont,
dispute
at home governing your I
and France, but quietly
subjects and not meddling with others." In the first place
he did not recolleet.Nseuneh advice being given to Tuscany,
but Naples. He thought it was
but he knew it was gin,
sound advice to tell.a y one to look after his own business that of other people; but there "
and not interfere
a great difference between that:and the advice gtvento,
and Denmark, (Hear, hear.) Besides, the
the Pope, - frig
of Naples asked for their advice, which mode a great difg.
ference. (Hear, hear.) The advice which the government
of which he was a member gave to the Italian sovereigns
was given in the hope of forming a congress of
powers 8 in
Europe. (Hear, hear.) That could hardlybe called an
officious act, whose object was by the most
to avert war. But the advice given to thei°elZ.ineag oefljeaul!
mark was not only unasked but it was extraordinary, be-
cauco it Was contradictory to the advice tendered to Den-

1
mark before. In a despatch dated Dec. 8, 1860, the noble
earl acknowledged that Schleswig was a Danish duchy, and
that the German confederation had no right to interlere in
its administration; but now he adopted the German view
of the question, and gave advice to Denmark which would
alter the whole coestitatioa as regarded Schleswig_ He
also disagreed with the style in which the noble
lord had
addressed Denmark. Denmark was an independent coun-
try, it was a mere ancient country than ours, some of its
monarchs having sat on the English throne, and through
all changes it had maintained its independence. Such a
country ought to have been treated with great respect by
the noble earl, but he had not treated it with respect. Rye
had used one language to Denmark and another to the Pope. With regard to Greece, he was astonished at the course
which the government had taken on that subject. If diplo-
matic contracts existed which prevented the acceptance of
the throne by Prince Alfred the government ought to have
immediately declared that such was the case. (Hear, hear.)
That would have been more respectful to the royal family
of England and to Greece. By not at once making that
declaration they acted unfairly and cruelly to the Grecian
people, because every day's delay was equivalent to a day's
anarchy in that country. information received from Greece
showed thatanarchy was beginning, and if the question was
not quickly settled it was impossible to say what would oc-
cur. With respect to the lonian Islands the noble lord
spoke very boldly, and he confessed he heard him with con-
siderable fear, if not dismay. He said he was going to give
up the lonian Islands because we had beau taunted by the
various nations of Europe that England held them for hellish
purposes. Now Corfu was one of the best ports of the Me- ,
diterranean,and the strongest fortress ; and if the noble earl 0
was to be influenced by such taunts, the same thing might
be said of Gibraltar and Malta. (Hear.) Corfu could not be
defended by the Greeks, and if given up by England
would inevitably tall into the hands of France or Russia.
Because they and their predecessors heti mismanaged the
islands that was no reason for giving them up.
Earl GREY said he did not share the regret of the
noble earl opposite that the Government did not accept
the overture of France with regard to mediation in the
American war. The South insisted upon independence,
the North insisted upon the restoration of the Union; and
it was obvious that any proposition which could be proposed
would be rejected. Nothing could be gained by the propo-
sal; and, on the other hand, it would excite greater hosti-
lity towards this country. (Hear.) With regard to the
cession of the lonian Islands, he did not agree with the
noble earl that:there was any necessity for the consent of
Parliament to the measure. He thought if anything was
better understood than another it was that the Crown had
an undoubted right, to make treaties with foreign Poivers.
It had been observed that the surrender of the lonian
Islands might, in the event of war, entail great disadvan-
tages upon this country. He, on the contrary, thought
the retention of them would be injurious to Great Britain.
The period which had been referred to had no application to
the present time. There had been no steamships in those
days, but now troops could to conveyed and concentrated at
a given place with astonishing rapidity. He had heard
nothing said of the advantage that would be conferred on
the islands by having them merged in the new kingdom of
Greece ; for it should be remembered that the islands had
been entrusted to this country for their benefit, and not
for the benefit of England. (Hear, hear.) This country
received no tribute from the lonian Islands. But his
noble friend the Secretary of State had told them that
the cession was only to take place under certain conditions,
and under these circumstances he thought it very desirable
that they should be ceded to the new kingdom of Greece.
(Hear, hear.)
The Earl of CARNARVON hoped that the cession of
the lonian Islands would not be completed without further
consideration. The noble earl (Russell) based the policy of
the cession upon the wishes of the lonians, making little of
the importance of the harbours which these islands afforded
to Great Britain. But the modern improvement in shipping
rendered coal depots very important. (Hear, hear.) They
were bound to have good reasons shown for the cession. It
was not justifiable upon economical or political grounds. He
contended that it was not competent for Great Britain to
resign the trust to the people of the lonian Islands. The
Government was bound to resign the trust into the hands of
the great Powers who had placed it in the keeping of Great
Britain. The lonian Islands were described as a single,
free, and independent State in the treaties which placed
them under the protectorate of this country. But what
would they be if ceded to this unknown, uncreated, impal-
pable Power 'which was called Greece ? (Hear, hear.)
Would that cession be agreeable to any Power ? There were
many who believed that it would rather be a cession of
Greece to the lonian Island than of the lonian Islands to
Greece. Would Turkey like it ? Would it not rather look
upon such an accession of power to Greece as a throat and
a danger? In the late correspondence with the Russian
Government the noble earl started a candidate of his own.
Earl RUSSELL—I beg the noble lord's pardon. I never
started anybody. (A laugh.)
The Earl of CARNA RVON said that probably the noble
1 earl did not actually put forward a candidate, but he cleared
I the way for a British prince to be put in nomination, and it
was by that means he compelled the Russian Government
to come into his views. (Hear, hear.) Then the Bing of
Portugal was put forward without any attempt being made
to find out whether or not the King of Portugal would ac •
cept the throne. Upon his Majesty's refusal the Prince of
Saxe Coburg was put forward, and now it seemed that he
also would not accept the gift.
Lord WODE I.I.OUSE said that the noble earl had
scarcely stated the question fairly. He thought there was
a very distinct difference between our tenure of the lonian
Islands and the tenure of possession which we had in colo-
nies and dependencies of the British Crown. It was quite
competent for the Government to get rid of a protectorate
which was onerous whenever they could properly do so ;
and he thought they acted quite wisely. Undoubtedly it
would be nedessary to obtain the consent of the other
powers who signed the treaties, but he understood from the
noble earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that
the consent would be _ought for before the cession of the
Islands took place, There was one point upon which he
differed from his noble friend the Secretary of State fcr
Foreign Affairs, and that was the difference between Den-
mark and Germany. He thought that the case of Holstein
and Leuonburg stood upon different grounds from that of
Schleswig, and the duchy of Schleswig should bo preserved
to Denmark. Upon one other matter of great importance
he agreed cordially wi h her Majesty's Government. He
thought they had acted moat wisely in not' interfering in '
, the American war.

Lord EBURY laid a bill on the table* to amend the
Act of Uniformity.
The Address was then agreed to.

Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening.
OPENING OF THE SESSION.

The members began to assemble about one o'clock.
Among the earliest arrivals were Admiral Walcot. Sir C.
Douglas, Col. Gilpin, Mr. Briscoe, Mr. Walter, Mr. Locke
King, Mr. J. B. Smith, Col. French, Mr. White, Mr.
Coningham, Sir F. Trelawny, Mr. 6. Hatfield, Mr. Milnes,
Sir H. Willoughby, Mr. Powell, Alderman Sidney, Sir E.
Bowyer, Mr. R. Knightley,. Major Gavin, Mr. Mills, Mr.
Bentinck, Mr. Packe, Mr. Stanfield, Sir J. Shelley,
Mr. Dillwyn, Sir J. Paxton, Sir F. Crossley, Mr.W. Wil-
liams, Lord Robert 'Montagu, Mr. Evart, Colonel Sykes,
Mr. Lindsay, and Mr. Roebuck.

The first member connected with the Government that
entered the house was Mr. Knatchbull-Hugesson ; shortly
after Mr. C. Gilpin and Sir Wm. Dunbar took their seats
on the Government bench.
The Speaker entered the house at a quarter to one o'clock
and took his seat in the Chief Clerk's chair. The right
hon. gentleman was warmly greeted by the members, the
majority of whom passed up the house and shook hands
with him.

At five minutes,past two o'clock Sir Augustus Clifford,
the Usher of the Black Rod, entered the house, and sum-
moned the Speakt(r and members to the House of Peers to
hear the Royal•Cemmission and the Queen's Speech read.
The SPEAKER and nearly all the members present, num-
bering about 100, immediately proceeded to the Houso of
Lords.

At 25 minutes after two the Speaker returned.
The sitting was then suspended until four o'clock.
The SPEAKER again took the chair at four o'clock.
NEW MEMBERS.

The following new members were sworn in :—Alderman
W. A. Rose (Lord Mayor of London), for Southampton, in
the room of Mr. Wilcox, deceased ; Mr. Pender, for Tot-
nee, in the room of Mr. Mills, deceased ; Mr. Alfred
Seymour, for Totness, in the room of Earl Gifford,
deceased; Mr. C. P. Grenfell, for. Stoke-upon-Trent,
in the room of Mr. J. L. Ricardo, deceased ;
Mr W. Cubitt, for Andover, in the room of Mr. H. B. Coles,
deceased ; Sir E. Dering, Bart., for Bast Kent, in the room
of Mr. W. Deedes, deceased.

SESSIONAL ORDERS.
The SPEAKER read the usual sessional orders, and they
were agreed to.

NEW WRITS.

On the motion of 11Ir. BRAND, a new writ was ordered
to be issued for Devonport, in the room of Sir M. Seymour.
On the motion of Col. TAYLOR, a new writ was ordered
to be issued for Cambridge, for the election of a member, in
the room of Mr. Steuart ; also for East Kent, Somerset-
shire, in the room of Mr. C. Mundy; also for the county
of Cambridge, in the room of Mr. E. Ball.

RAILWAYS.
Mr. WHALLEY gave notice that to-morrow ho would
move for leave to introduce a bill to diminish the expense
of passing railway bills.
___

BOST-OFFICE SAVINGS BANKS.
Mr. BRAND gave notice that the Chancellor of the
Exchequer would to-morrow move that a committee of the
whole house be appointed on those banks.
ELEC LIONS.
Mr. BRAND gave notice that on Monday the Secretary
of State for the Home Department would introduce a bill
to prevent corrupt practices at elections.
MILITIA ESTIMATES.
Mr. BRAND gm «) notice that a bill would be introduced
on an early day with respect to rendering these estimates.
COTTON (INDIA).

Mr. J. B. S3IITII
i gave notice that he should on Tues-
day move for papers n respect to the production of cotton
in India, and the.quantity likely to be available.
CHURCH RATES.
Sir J. TRELAWNY gave notice that to-morrow he
should introduce a bill to abolish church rates.
BIRTHS, DEATHS, &c. (IRELAND.)
Sir R. PEEL gave nolico that on an early day ho
should move to inntroduce a bill on this subject.
ENFORCED LABOUR IN EGYPT.
Mr. D. GRIFFITH gave notice that on the 20th, on
going into coruraittee of supply, ho should ask if the Go-
vernment intended to support Ismael Pasha in his deter-
Mination to abolish enforced labour.
GAME LAWS.

Mr. PAUL gave notice that on an early day he sh'Aild
introduce a bill on this subject.
THE MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.
Lord PALMERSTON (who was much cheered on
Com-
ing his seat) laid papers on the table relating to the merge
of the Prince of Wales with the Princess of Denmark.