The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 17, 1863.

nied that the uncertainty which now prevailed as to the
future would exercise a very deleterious effect upon the cha-
racter of the lonians. The manifest destiny of the lonian
Island was to be absorbed in Greece. He had no objection
to see them belong one day to Greece ; but it must be a
tranquil well-governed Greece. (Hear.) He believed that
expense of the occupation of the lonian Islands might be
greatly lessened, though the truest economy was the main.
tenance of the national character. By thus precipitating
an event which later might have been done with honour,we
had acted with impropriety towards our allies, and had
gained neither the gratitude of Greece. nor the good opinion
of Europe.
Mr.CLIFFORD said that the people of the lonian Islands
might be divided into two classes—those who had got places,
and those who wanted them. Though always remonstra-
ting, he believed they had been far better governed than
if they had been united to Greece. As a military station he
thought that the value of these islands had been ranch over-
rated, and since the introduction of steam they were no
longer valuable as a naval station.
Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, I own that when the hon.
member who made this motion gave notice of his intention,
my curiosity was greatly excited to discover what could pos-
sibly be the ground upon which he would found an at tack
upon her Majesty's Government for its conduct in regard
to this affair of Greece. And certainly the result of his
speech has shown that, whatever talent he possesses—and
I do lull credit to it—even his ingenuity and that of those
who have followed him have been very much at fault to find
any tangible point upon which they could rest a real attack.
They have been liberal in their personal abuse of my noble
friend at the head of the Foreign Department. But the
conduct of our foreign relations by my noble friend is suffi-
ciently known to the public to make him perfectly indiffe-
rent to the personal attacks which have been made on him
this evening. (No, no.) And judging by recent allusions
to persons in the lonian Islands, who are described as only
attacking the Government when they want places, I think
that if that be a reflection generally applicable to mankind,
my noble friend may be more indifferent than ever to the
observations which have been made this evening. (Laugh-
ter.) As far as I was able to collect what has fallen from
gentlemen opposite, I think there are one or two things
which have grievously weighed upon their minds, and
which have excited on their part bitter regret and disap-
pointment. The first is that the Greeks should have exhi-
bited so universal a desire to elect an English Prince. (No,
no.) I will prove it, because one attack which has been
made on the Government is that we did not let the Greeks
know that by our diplomatic engagements, and by conside-
rations of our own, Prince Alfred could not accept the
Crown of Greece. (Hear, hear.) But those who raised
that objection were compelled by the papers to acknowledge
that at the earliest possible moment we did let the Greeks
know that our diplomatic engagements and our own impe-
rial considerations would prevent him from accepting the
Greek crown. That when we told the Greeks that Prince
Alfred could not accept the crown if elected, and when in
spite of that communication they went on with a full de-
termination to elect him, hoping that, as they themselves
avowed, in spite of the first refusal, those objections would
be waived if he were elected by an unanimous vote of the
Greek nation, it is said, "You committed an egregious
fault because you actually told your Minister in Gret ce he
was not to interfere in the Greek election." Well, that
was indeed a grave offence. Would hon. members opposite,
then, have had Mr. Scarlett and Mr. Elliot to have gone
about to all the Greek hustings and all the assemblies where
the elections were taking place, saying to the people "Now,
mind, you are not to vote for Prink Alfred, but vote for
anybody else you please ?" Why, if we had instructed our
Minister to interfere in any such way, we should have been
told that it was most unbecoming thus to meddle with the
domestic concerns of any foreign nation. (Hear, hear.)
We:did our duty by taking the earliest opportunity of ac-
quainting the Greeks that Prince Alfred could not be their
King, if elected ; but it would have been a gross imperti-
nence on our part had we interfered in the election by trying
to prevent the Greeks from voting in a particular manner.
(Hear, hear.) The noble lord opposite talked about the
instructions given to our Minister with regard to the ballot
or open suffrage. Surely the noble lord could not have
supposed anything so absurd ? What was meant was what
the plain words expressed—namely, that our Minister,
having told the Greeks what the decision of the English
Government would be, was not to meddle with the manner
in which they might see fit to express their opinions by
their votes. Sir, lam astonished that hon. gentlemen,
Englishmen, should feel this sort of regret that the Greek
nation have expressed such confidence in England. (" No,
no I") If that is not their feeling, what is it they mean,
and what is it they would have had us do ? Two things
evidently weighed upon their, minds,—first, that the Greek
nation should have been permitted to express a unanimous
vote in favour of an English prince, and next, that they
should not have been allowed to elect a Russian. ("No,
no 1") That is the only conclusion to which we can come
from the arguments that have been used. (" No, no I")
When hon. gentlemen declare that we have befooled the
Greeks, that we have deluded them, and brought them into
a wretched condition, we deny every one of these assertions
and say that our course throughout was perfectly frank
and straightforward. We told the Greeks from the first
what our position was, and what would be the result
of their election ; and if they chose in spite of this
to manifest their confidence in the British Constitu-
tion, and their attachment to the Royal family of this
country, I say that instead of repining at that, as hon. gen.
tlemen do—(loud cries of "No I ")—they may cry " No "
if they please, but the country when it reads this debate will
say " Yes I"—instead of repining at such a mark of confi-
dence, they ought to feel proud at an election which enabled
the Greeks in the face of the world to show their respect
for England, and their admiration for the Royal family of
this country. (No, no I) It is said that we have neglected
the Greeks—that we have not taken pains to fulfil the trust
reposed by them in the British Government with respect t o
suggesting to them a Sovereign. But, sir, we have lost no
time and spared no pains to accomplish that object. We
have communicated with several distinguished persons
whom we thought fit to be selected by the Greeks for the
high post of reigning over that which, in spite of all that
has been said, is, I believe, a most enlightened nation, and
one destined to a high place among the Powers of Europe.
The very fact of the distinguished persons to whom our at-
tention was directed as being fitted for the selection involved
the fact that they were persons who had had other interests
and other occupations which might prevent them from ac-
cepting the throne. But, undoubtedly, we did from time

to time let the Greek Government know we were in con-
nexion with these persons. We we re greatly mortified and
the Greeks were much disappointed when one after another

these illustrious persons felt themselves prevented by their
local duties and ties from allowing themselves to be put in
nomination for the Greek throne ; but we do not despair

that we may yet be able to point out to the Greeks one who
may be fit to perform the high duty of reigning over
Greece and be acceptable to the people at large. At the
same time the selection of a Sovereign lies with the Greeks
themselves, for we have not received, as my honourable
friend seems to suppose, plenary powers from that peo-
ple t-) select a sovereign for them. They are to exercise
their own choice. All the British Govonment can do is to
Suggest a primn who may appear fitting on the one hand and
whom they would be likely to eucceed on the other. (Hear.)
Sir, it has been said that the Greeks are reduced to a lament-
able condition. They are reduced to no lamentable condi-

lion. (Hear, hear.) They have shown great moderation
and prudence ; t hey have conducted a great revolution in a
manner that does them honour. (Cheers.) There have
been no acts of violence—no outbreaks. (Hear, hear.) They
have had great difficulties in arranging their Provisional
Government, but they have done it to the best of theirjudg-
went, and nothing has happened to make any man say that
their condition is a miserable one or that they have suffered
in the eyes of Europe by the course which they have pur-
sued. (Cheers.) It is most m( ritorious on their part, be-
c,,use undoubtedly the Government they have suffered
under for the last 30 years has been calculated to degrade
a-A demoralise them. It has been a Government carried
on by cox ruption for the purposes of arbitrary and despotic
rule. It has been a Government on which a Constitution
was forced in 1843, but which from that time down to the
last moment of its existence endeavoured by every device
and artifice to render that Constitution null. That endea-
vour was made by corruption of every description which at
last led to the events of October. (Hear, hear.) And, sir,
when hon. gentlemen say the Greeks are so difficult to go-
vern that it will not be easy to find a prince to undertake
that task, I say that a nation which has submitted for 30
years to 'such a Government as the Greeks have at last
severed themselves from cannot be difficult to govern.
There must be in such a people a latent feeling of subordi-

nation and order which must give rise to a feeling of en-
couragement, and not of difficulty, in those who are called
upon to take a part in managing their affairs. (Hear, hear.)
I should like to know in what manner we have laid our-
selves open to imputation in our dealings towards Greece.

I say that from the beginning of the negotiations to this
moment we have been frank and straightforward in our lan-
guage to the Greeks, and that we have been persevering in
our efforts to find a prince willing to accept the throne who
would be fitted for that high position and acceptable to the
Greek nation. (Hear, hear.) What has been said by my
hon. friend (Mr. Layard) as to the conduct of Russia is quite
true. I will speak out. The shuffling and evasion on the
part of the Russian Government were such that it was with
the utmost difficulty we got them to acknowledge that the
Duke of Leuchtcnberg was, as he is, a member of the Impe-
rial family. He is doubly a member of the Imperial family
—first, as the son of the daughter of the late Emperor, and
next through an ukase by which he was aggregated to the I
Imperial family, and brought within the line of succession
to the Russian throne. The Russian Government were not

straightforward in the matter, and we had to bring them to
acknowledge that the Duke of Leuchtenberg is excluded
by the protocol. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, other topics
have been brought into the discussion. My hon. friend
the Under-Secretary has been taxed with having intro-
duced the subject of Turkey and the European provinces
of Turkey. It was not he who introduced it. It was my
hon. friend the member for Galway (Mr. Gregory), who,
soon breaking away from Greece, entered into Servia and
other places. (A laugh, and hear, hear.) My hon. friend
the Under- Secre4try has very rightly corrected the errors
into which my hon. friend the member for Galway had
fallen. From his knowledge and personal experience of
the country, no
man has a better right to express an

opinion on the subject, and he has stated that, so
far from Turkey being in the decrepid state in which it
is the fashion in some quarters to represent to the house, it
has of late years made great progress towards that st ate of
eivili,ation at which we hope soon to see it arrive. My hon.
friend the member for Poole (Mr. Seymour) has used lan-
guage which shows he has prejudices against the Turks.
He ought to get rid of those prejudices, for it is perfectly clear
that education and intelligence are abroad in Turkey, and
that the Turkish Government is improving. (Hear.) I
bust their organisation will go on improving from day to
day. As to the Christians, no doubt there are privileges
and equalities yet co be acceded to them ; but they are much
better off than they were at any former period. I will not
go into the siege of Belgrade--(a laugh)—or the attack on
the fortresses, but there is another question which has been
introduced, and which is connected with the subject of the
debate—namely, the cession of the lonian Islands. The
h, n. member for Devizes (Mr. Griffith) says they were a
Brdish possession, and that in the course of last autumn,
when Parliament was not sitting, we alienated them. Now,
first, the house knows that the lonian Islands are not a
possession of the British Crown; and secondly, it is aware
that though we intimated that under certain circumstances
we should take certain steps which would lead to the cession
of those islands to Greece, yet nothing has been done.
Therefore, when the hon, member says we have surrepti-
tiously alienated what he calls a possession of the British
Crewn, I must reply that we have done no such thing.
(A laugh, and Hear.) The hon. member icr Shoreham (Mr.
Cave) said he was much opposed to the cession which we
propo: d ; but he added that if the Greek Government would
maintain order• and peace, and conduct itself in such a way
as to render the people happy, then it might be well to cede
the lonian Islands to Greece. But, Sir, the hon. member
has only paraphrased a passage in the despatch of my noble
friend ; because these were the conditions on which my
noble friend said the Government was willing to take
steps for a cession of the lonian Islands to Greece.
(Cheers.) The hon. member, though, began by stating
facts which had come to his knowledge to show that the
lonians were anything but willing to part with the English
protection and be ceded to Greece. No doubt, as Greece
was under the late Government, under King Otho, it
would have been a great misfortune for the lonian Islands
to have been transferred to Greece, and when we are
told that we argued against the cession it was because it was
so ill-governed at the time that we felt it would have been
a cruelty to be accessory to depriving the lonian Islands of
the protectorate of this country and ceding them to Greece;
but if the Government of Greece becomes a good one, regu-
lated by the principles referred to by the hon. member for
Shoreham, then the feelings of the lonians may became en-
tirely altered, and they may be desirous of being transferred
to Greece. Again, it is said that annexation to Greece is
the manifest destiny of these islands. If that be so, we are
not to blame for saying the time may come when that des-
tiny may be accomplished to their profit and not to our loss,
and that we ought to aid in accomplishing it. The hon.
member says that we are laughed at in France for this
transfer. Perhaps, in a country which so very lately made
such acquisitions as Savoy and Nice, the voluntary surren-
der of anything belonging to us may be looked on as a
childish piece of folly ; but I cannot help thinking that the
example, if we set it, of a country on principle, and without
any regard to selfish considerations, releasing a population
from her rule on the ground that it is for the advantage of
that population she should do so—l cannot help thinking
that may be an example so applicable to many transactions
pending in Europe as to be not only honourable to England
but useful to other parts of Europe. (Cheers.) I can only
say that I hope the hon. gentleman will be contented with
having expressed his own opinions. We shall be ready to
give any papers which may seem to bear usefully on the
subject, and 1. hope that, notwithstanding the late hour, ho
will now allow us to go into committee of supply. I pro-
mise him that as time and the correspondence go on, or when
there are other papers whieh may be useful to the delibera-
tions of the house, we shall have no objection to produce
them. (Cheers.)
Mr. S. FT TZGERALD said that though the debate had
wandered very far from its original purpose, and though
various members who had spoken had carried the house
half over the map of Europe, the question before the house
was short, simple, and narrow. The noble lord had cer-
tainly recalled the house to the real question before it, and
yet he too very adroitly had tried to lead them away from
that which was in fact presented to their consideration.
(Hear, hear.) It seemed as though the noble lord were con-
scious of the weakness of his answer—(hear,hear)—and as if
he well knew that on the particular points which the member
for II oniton addressed himself the Government could offer
no reply. (Hear, hear.) He ventured, therefore, on topics
which were utterly unjustifiable by the whole course of the
debate, and which certainly had nothing on earth to do with
the question before them. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord
said he was surprised to find that this debate had been taken
advantage of by gentlemen on that and on the other side of
the house to make a personal attack on the noble lord at the
head of the Foreign-office. He had listened to the debate
from the commencement, and he had heard nothing from
either side which in any shape could be called a personal
attack. (Hear, hear.) If criticism on a Minister and his
policy were to be characterized as a personal attack then
there was an end of all freedom of debate. (Hear, hear.)
The noble lord even went beyond that, for he said that it
seemed to be a matter of regret with honourable gentlemen,
particularly on that side of the house, that a Russian
prince had not been placed on the throne, and that they
had complained of the Greeks for showing their respect
for this country and its Sovereign by offering the throne
to a British prince. Not only had no such reflection
been cast on the Greeks, but, on the contrary, there had been
an universal opinion expressed that it was a credit to the
Greek people, and a compliment to this country, that to an
English Prince in the first instance the hopes and aspira-
tions of Greece had been directed. The question before the
house was whether the policy of the Government towards
the Greek people had been frank and straightforward.
(Hear.) No one had regretted that an English Prince had
been elected, but the complaint was that, when that com-
pliment was paid to this country, the policy of the Govern-
ment had not been that which became an English Govern-
ment. (Hear.) The noble lord, in strong language, had
given his opinion of the Greek people, and of the manner
in which the revolution was carried through.: He had told
the house that it did honour to the Greek people to have got
rid of what he called a corrupt Government without vio-
lence and without bloodshed ; that they had asserted their
right to the establishment of a constitutional Government,
and that they had directed their wishes to this Country as
the best security for such a form of Government. The noble
lord pointed out that they did not desire to wage war or to
commit any act of aggression, and that they desired simply
to obtain their rights in a peaceable and constitutional
manner. But what eves the position of the Greek people
now? They were without a Government and witho,lt a

Sovereign. This very day news had been received that the
Greek army was divided into two parts, and that the peo-
ple at this moment were in fear of massacre and bloodshed.
(Hear.) What had led to this state of things ? When the
revolution on its outset was peaceful, and in its course cre-
ditable to the Greek people, how was it that, contrary to
all that could have been expected, instead of constitutional

Government there was anarchy, and instead of peace
massacre and bloodshed were feared ? The reason was that
the wishes of the people had been trifled with. An oppor-
tunity had been lost for establishing constitutional Govern-
ment, and to a great extent this was the fault of the
policy of her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) The
noble lord and the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs
had not dealt quite fairly with the house in quoting from
the papers, No one had regretted that his Royal Highness
Prince Alfred had not accepted a position which would
have been a fruitful source of embarrassment and danger
to this country, and would not have contributed to his own
future peace and honour. But what was to be regretted
was that the Government, having in the first instance,
adopted a clear, open, and decided policy, and having an-
nounced that policy in-the most unmistakeable terms, had
afterwards changed their tone and allowed the Greek people
to believe that it was possible that if Prince Alfred were
elected he :might accept the throne—the result of which
was a cruel disappointment to the Greek people. (Hear.)
This might easily be proved by a reference to Mr. Scar-
lett's despatch, No. 92, page 86, in the papers. After the
noble lord at the head of the Foreign-office had announced
in the clearest terms that no Prince of the Royal families
of Russia, France, and England could be eligible to the
throne, and had desired Mr. Scailett not only to communi-
cate his views to the Greek Ministers, but to make them
known in society and in every quarter as widely as he
could, he sent a telegram dated November 10, which was
acknowledged by Mr. Scarlett in his despatch of the 24th.
Mr. Scarlett says in his despatch,—
" Your lordship is aware that on account of the uncer-
tainty hanging over the question of a successor to the
throne of King Otho, and more especially since I received
a telegram from your lordship (dated the 16th of
directing me not to interfere at all in election of the King,'
but to leave them ' to choose whom they like," I have in
my position here maintained the necessary reserve on that
important subject. When informed previously that a de.
monstration was likely to occur in front of the Legation, in
order not to give umbrage to any of my colleagues I pur-
posely left toe home, and by my language deprecated the
intention of the Greeks to make any manifestation of this
kind before my residence, thinking it might have the effect
of compromising her Majesty's Mission, and causing a
false construction to be placed on the neutral tine of eon„
duct I had determined to adept."

It a as been once
I;;feCtlyclearthat Mr. Scarlett,. having
directed clearly to announce publicly that Prince Alfred
could not accept the throne, was thrown into a state of
cr mplete uncertainty by the telegram which directed them
not to interfere at all in the election, (Hear, hear.) He then
went on to describe another demonstration in favour of
Prince Alfred, in answer to which he returned thanks for
the honour done to his Royal Highness, and expressed
sympathy for the Greek people. On the same day there
was another demonstration, and when he was asked by the
spokesman on behalf of the crowd to be the bearer of the
unanimous wish of the people to have Prince Alfred for
King, he said, "To this I replied that I was not autharised
to give them an answer on this point." Not authorised to
give them an answer, when the very instructions which he
had received from Lord liussell in the first instance were to
make it publicly known that Prince Alfred could not accept
the throne ! (Cheers.) But that was not all. On the
-iinday a still larger demonstration took place, and Mr
Scarlett, after describing the form of demonstration, says :
"I was then addressed in the same manner, and I spoke

to the ssme effect, adding that I felt bound to continue my
reserve, as the acceptance of the throne of Greece must de-
pend upon considerations which I was then unable to de-
termine."
(Cheers.) Was it not perfectly clear that in the first in-
stance the Government intended to exclude members of the
Royal families of the three countries ; that they sound Rus-
sia willing to give a nominal, and not a real, adhesion to
that exclusion ; and that, changing their tone, they allowed
the Greek people to believe it possible Prince Alfred might
accept the Crown, in order to prevent the election of the
Duke of Leuchtenberg ? Another object was to put Russia
in this position--that finding, through the popularity of
Prince Alfred, the Duke of Leuchtenberg had no chance,
the Russian Government might be driven to concede that
the Duke of Leuchtenberg came within the exclusion.
The English Government succeeded in preventing the Duke
of Leuchtenberg being elected, and in extorting from the
Russian Government the admission that he was ineligible.
But was that a policy which the British Government ought
to pursue ? Was it straightforward, frank, and candid ? It
appeared to him to be a disingenuous and tricky policy, and
one which reflected no credit either upon this country or its
Government. (Cheers.) This was the charge which was
made against her Majesty's Ministers, and they had not
sought to meet it except by quoting inaccurately the papers
which they had themselves supplied. The Government, as
had been well said by the hon. member for Honiton, had
betooled the Greek people and made them and the English
Government ridiculous by acting from impulse, and without
consideration or advice. He had oth6r grounds of quarrel
with the Government. What was the course which they
took with regard to the other candidates? They proposed
King Ferdinand ol Portugal. It was soon found that he would
have nothing to do with it. The more reasonable plan would
have been to ascertain what were the feelings of King Fer-
dinand before proposing him to the Greek people. (Hear,
hear.) The same with the Duke of Coburg. They not only
went the length of proposing him, but of authorising their
Minister to announce his acceptance of the Crown, be-
fore ascertaining the grounds on which they were proceed-
ing. (Hear.) This hasty hand•over-head sort of policy
marked their conduct with respect to the lonian Islands.
Before Greece had a Government they signified to the Greek
people that England was willing to give up the protectorate
provided. the new sovereign would do what King 0 tho did
30 years ago—promised everything and fulfilled nothing.
(Hear.) Did it never strike the Government that the ques-
tion might be considered by the British Parliament of suf-
ficient importance and magnitude to deserve their advice
and consideration? Before they threw this apple of discord
among the people of the East did it never strike them that
the lonian people ought to be consulted ? (Hear.) The
noble lord told them that it was a mere offer, and went for
nothing, because it was necessary to consult the other
Powers who were parties to the Treaty of Vienna. Did it
never occur to the Gcvernment to ascertain whether Austria
who was deeply concerned, would consent to the cession;
or was it a cheap piece of generosity, by which the Govern-
ment might be able to say, "We are willing to make the
cession, and are desirous of consulting the feeling of nation-
ality, but here is Austria again standing in the way ?" It
appeared to him that throughout the affair the policy of the
Government had beenhasty and ill-considered, and, whether
they regarded the negotiations about the candidates, the
cession of the lonian Islands, or, still more, the conduct
which the Government pursued in first refusing the candi-
dature of Prince Alfred and afterwards encouraging it, it
was such a policy as reflected no honour upon them or upon
this country. This was the charge against her Majesty's
Government, and it had certainly not been properly met
this evening. (Cheers,)
Mr. B. COCHRANE said he had no intention to divide
the house. (Cheers.) The noble lord had misrepresented
him. He had never said that the Greeks were oifficult to
govern. On the contrary, he expressed his admiration of
their conduct in the increased difficulties consequent upon
the noble lord's policy. It was also a misrepresentation to
say that hon. gentlemen on those (the Opposition) benches
regretted the popularity of Prince Alfred. The conduct of
Lord Russell had excited false hope, and was disrespectful
to the Sovereign in making use of Prince Alfred's namefor
the sake of a diplomatic intrigue. (Hear, hear.)
The motion was then negatived.
ORDER OF THE DAY.

On the order of the day for going into committee of
supply being read,
Colonel BARTTELOT moved that the house should
resolve itself into a committee to consider of an humble
address to be presented to her Majesty, praying that she
will be graciously pleased to give directions that the stop-
page from the pay of cavalry and Horse Artillery officers
for forage be discontinued. He urged that the pay of officers
was insufficient to support them in their position as gentle..
men, and in the case of officers who had risen from the ranks
the stoppages were peculiarly oppressive.
Sir G. C. LEWIS said that whilst some gentlemen were
trying to cut Town and keep down the estimates for the
army, others were bringing pressure to make the cost of
the army greater. (Hear, hear.) They had a debate the
other evening in which the cost of a soldier in Denmark
was said to be £l2, and it was contrasted with that of the
British soldier, which was said to be nearly £lOO. Now
they had an hon. gentleman asking for an increase to the
pay of the officers. (No, no.) Yes. If it was not an in-
crease of pay, what was it, (Hear, hear.) It would re-
quire a supplemental estimate to provide for these allow-
ances, amounting to about £20,000. The Government could
nor consent to the motion.
Colonel NORTH supported the motion, as did also
Colonel DUNN.
The house divided—
For the motion
Against
Majority —32
SUPPLY—ARMY ESTIMATES.

The house then went into committee of supply, Mr.
Massey in the chair.
On the vote of £635,637 for barrack ettablishment ser-
vices and supplies, a conversation took place about some of
the charges to which soldiers were subjected in barracks.
Sir M. PETO referred to the immorality existing at the
camp at Aldershot. There were no efficient police regula-
tions to check the spread of immorality, which was accom-
panied with a large amount of disease.
Sir G. C. LEWIS said he had investigated the question
of canteens, but he did not find any great abuses existing,
and he was at a loss how to make the alterations sug-
gested. With regard to the camp at Aldershot, he ad-
mitted the evil, which it was difficult to exaggerate ; but the
difficulty arose how to devise a remedy. He did not despair
of finding a practical means of mitigating the evil, and in
the coarse of the session he hoped to be able to make a
statement to the house upon the subject.
Atter a few words in reply from Mr. WYLDE,
The vote was agreed to.
The vote of £46,097 for the new form of divine service
was agreed to,

On the vote of £43,012 for martial law a discussion en-
sued ou its details, and the vote was ultimately agreed to.
On the vote for £255,993 fur medical establishments, ser-
vices, and supplies,
Gen. eEEL said they were bound to provide the best
medical men it was possible to procure for the army, never-
theless, in consequence of the warrant of 1859 not having
been carried out, it was now impossible to obtain the ser••
vices of properly qualified practitioners for the army. Great
dissatisfaction existed amongst the medical officers at the
warrant not having been carried out, and no doubt they
were justly entitled to complain on the subject.
Sir G. C. LEWIS said the warrant had not been carried
out in consequence of a difficulty having arisen as to giving
effect to the corresponding warrant in the navy. However,
negotiations had been entered into with the Admiralty, and
he was happy to say that they had now taken a favourable
turn, and that the warrant would be shortly carried out in
a form satisfactory to the medical officers.

Lord W. GRAHAM inquired how —it was that Dr,
Sutherland came to be employed on work on which ordi•
nary military men might be employed.

Sir G. C. LEWIS said that Dr. Sutherland was employed
on duties the performance of which was inconsistent with
permanent military service.

The vote was then agreed to.
_ _

On the vote of £754681 for the disembodied militia,
Colonel DICKSON pointed out that militia surgeons
ought not to be required to reside at the head-quarters of
their regiments. Their pay was not more than £4O a year,
and it was a great hardship to compel them to reside in a
particular locality.
The vote was agreed to.
The next vote of £94,162 for the yeomanry was agreed to,
when

The Chairman was ordered to report progress, and the
house resumed.

The report of the committee of supply was brought up
and agreed to.

The Consolidated Fund (f,10,000,000) Bill was read a
second time.

The Alutiay Bill was read a second time.
THE NAVAL COAST VOLUNTEERS ACT
AMENDMENT BILL,

On the motion for the third reading of this bill,
Mr BERKELEY said that if this mischievous bill passed
it would destroy the fine body of Coast Volunteers, for it
would give power to send them to all parts of the wort, in-
stead of not going more than three hundred miles from our
coasts. These Coast Volunteers replaced the Sea Fencibles
of French war, and the passing of the bill would destroy
their efficiency, which was to protect our shores. He would
therefore move that the bill be read that day six months.
Mr. H. BERKELEY seconded the motion.

Lord C. PAGET said his belief was that while the pre-
sent amendment to the original bill was necssary to make
the Coast Volunteers at all available, the act was not re-
trospective, and only applied to the future.

The amendment was negatived without a division, and

he bill was read a third time and passed.

REIGATE ELECTION.
The petition in this case was withdrawn.

The house then adjourned.

Importing Tee without colour on the leaf pre-
vents the Chinese passing off inferior leaves as in the usual
kinds. Horniman's Tea is uncoloured, therefore, always
good alike. Sold in packets by 2,280 agents.
Acc4 rtiinie Giorna/e di Napoli, the It iiian
quadr.)n which is to set out for tn. Pu ECUs carries 170 guns
and 2,000 men. Rear-Admiral Vacca, in command of it,
will hoist his flag on board the Re Galantuomo.

THE POLISH INSURRECTION.

The following is the full text of the IVlanifeAto of
Generfangiewiez on nssutning the Dictator-
ship:—

" Fellow •citizens I —The most devoted children of Poland
have commenced, in the name of God, the combat pro-
voked by the violence and oppression exercised by the Mus-
covite domination ; they have commenced it against the,
eternal enemy of liberty and civilisation—against the Mus-
covite intruder, the oppressor of our nation; they have
commenced it for the liberty and independence of
our country. In the unfavourable circumstances in the midst
of which of our enemy has provoked the explosion of the
insurrection, by the excess of oppression, the contest begun:
with empty hands against the armed multitudes of Russia
has continued not only for nearly two months in a great
portion of our country, but increases and spreads fluffier
and further, thanks to the activity and devotion of the whole
people, who are resolved to become free or to perish. Polish
blood flows in torrents upon the fields of battle; it flows in
the streets of our towns end villages, which the Asiatic
enemy is utterly destroying, massacring inoffensive inhabi-
tants, and abandoning to pillage the remains of their pos-
sessions. In view of this life and death struggle, in view of
the murders, pillage, and flames with which our enemy
marks h s route, Poland sees with grief, by the side of the
grandest devotion and enthusiasm of her children, the want
of a military and avowed leadership, capable of preventing
the scattering of the forces which have been called forth,
and of arousing those who still slumber. It follows, from
the general situation of aff,irs, as well as from the nature
of the struggle which is proceeding, that outside the camp
of the insurgents there is not to be found throughout the
whole territory of the country a spot where a central power
publicly avowed could establish itself; and this is the reason
why the secret Provisional Government which emanated
from the former secret Central Committee has not been
able to present itself in open day before the nation and the
whole world. Although there are in the country men
who are far shove myself in capacity and merit—although
I appreciate the extent and the gravity of the duties which
in a position so difficult weigh on the supreme national
power—l assume, nevertheless, with the consent of the Pro-
visional National Government, the supreme Dictatorship,
prepared to deposit it, when we shall have shaken off the
Muscovite yoke, in the hands of the representatives of the
people. I assume it in consideration of the urgency of the cir-
cumstances which imperatively demand a prompt remedy,
in consideration of the necessity of increasing the forces of
the nation by the concentration of the civil and military
powers in one hand iu this murderous contest against hostile
troops directed by one sole will. In reserving to myself the
immediate direction of military operations, or in claiming
the power of transferring, if necessary, the military com-
mand in chief to other chiefs in provinces which will be
named, I deem it useful at present to confide all the civil
administrat on of the insurrection, as well as that of the
freed territory, to a private civil Government, which will
act under my inspiration and control, The powers and the
organisation of this Government will be indicated in a
special publication. In taking the Dictatorship I commence
nothing new, but simply finish the work commenced by the
National Provisional Government. I confirm, then, and
proclaim again, in all their entirety, the fundamental prin-
ciples expressed in the manifesto of the Provisional Govern-
ment dated Jan. 22, in the name of which the flag of the
national contest for liberty and independence was raised,
especially the liberty and political equality of all the sore
of Poland, without distinction of belief, of condition, or of
birth ; also the giving, under conditions, of the landed pro-
perty, subjected until now to rents or charges, to the rural
population, with indemnity to the proprietors, who will be
saved from harm out of the funds of the State.

"And now, peoples of Royal Poland, of Lithuania, and of
Ruthenia, you who form one nation, in the name of God I
call you mice more to universal and immediate insurrection
against Muscovite uppr,ssion and barbarity. The concord
drill the children of Poland, without. disliuctiou of class or
belief, the community and universality of efforts and sacri
fives, and the unity of the object will raise the scattered
forces to a power which will be fatal to the enemy; they
will procure independence for our country, liberty and hap'
piness for our descendants, and will assure immortal glory
to those who may meet the death of heroes in this sacred
struggle. To arms, brothers I to arms I for the indepen-
dence of the country.
" General PrIARYAN LANGIEWICZ, Dictator.
"Headquarters, Goscza, March 10 "

COUNTRY MARKETS.

COLCHESTER—MAucIi 14.
A mod€rate supply of wheat, but trade was more active,
and late prices fully supported. Barley quiet, at a slight
decline. Beans and peas unaltered.
Wheat, white 46s 52s Beans, Mazagan..3oB 330
red 42s 48s middle & small.3ss 428
Barley
Oats