The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-30 00:00:00

chic :f power of arbitration in his hands. Nay more,
we may go further, and even assert (although France
is :not our model for a free constitution, nor NAPO..
LOON our paragon of Liberals) that even the advo-
cates of national rights and popular liberties may,
remembering Magenta and Solferino, venture to
hope for better things for Poland at the interven-
ti.an, and by the aid of France, than (alas, that we
should have to say it !) of England. The people of
this country sympathise to their hearts' core with
the wrongs and indignities of Poland. At every
fresh outrage inflicted upon that long-suffering and
oppressed nation, our hearts thrill with pity and
indignation. Could the English people take a part
in the Congress of Nations how unanimous and em-
phatic would be their verdict! There would be no
parleying and palavering, no diplomatic hesitations
and hindrances, while folios of paper and time in-
terminable are consumed and nothing accomplished.
It would be far otherwise. As it is, however,we are
doomed, in outward appearance at least, to inac-
tivity. Bat as the great NAPOLEON encouraged his
soldiers to the onslaught by telling them that," forty
ages" of the past were contemplating their achieve-
ments, so now let the NAPOLEON of Peace, mag-
nanimously forgetting all pride and prejudice,
hearten himself to face the necessities of the hour
by the thought that, not alone the traditions and
glories of the Past, but the highest hopes and aspira-
tion of the Present and the Future, are now in-
volved in his acts and impending upon his decision,
Poland and Italy look to him with anxious hripe,
and Russia and Prussia regard him with incipient
and foreboding dread. France, as he knows well,
relies upon him with implicit trust; and England,
he may rest assured, or, a all events, the English
People, are disposed to regard with sympathy and
applause every effort he may have the courage to
make towards not alone the pacification of Europe,
but the re-establishment of outraged Poland.

The meeting of Germans last Saturday is a sig-
nificant step, and one to be regretted by wellwishers
to the cause of liberty. The speakers appear to
have been very animated on the subject, and to have
discussed the question with the intelligence and
determination for which their nation is celebrated.
The first resolution declared that the Constitution
separating Schleswig from Holstein was an attack
on the rights of the population of the Duchy, and
also on the right and honour of the German nation.
This statement is inconsistent in the extreme, and
even German logic would find it difficult to prove
how conceding to one nation its individual rights
was compromising the honour or interfering with
the integrity of another. All this apparent con-
tradiction is, however, to be expected when once
prejudice rules the day, and the jealousies of
national antipathies are aroused. Dr. KINKEL
was at great rains to explain the question of the
disputed Duchies to those who perchance did not
understand it so fully. Of course this account con-
tains a very one-sided version of the affair. Indeed,
on one occasion, the speaker declared that it was
just the same, in respect to the right of the present
KING to possess these places, as if King WILLIAM
the FOURTH had left Hanover to her present
MAJESTY. This is quite absurd in theory as in
practice, and altogether about as untent.ble as the
argument that the King of DENMARK cannot pre-
tend on any valid grounds to hold sway over two
States, when the Crown, as German state law
decreed, was to be in the male line only. The very
fact of the King of DENMARK assuming authority,

proves that he does not conform implicitly to the

regulations of the powers of Germany. Dr.
KINKEL seemed to tuase his claim on the fact,
that any State had a right to join
another if so desirous, and that Schleswig had
long desired to seihrate from Denmark and join
Germany. This is not the fact at all, but the

emissaries of the Confederation are constantly at

- -
work, and play their part so well, that discontent
must inevitably arise in some quarters, and thus
it is easy to represent isolated cases as general in-
stances, and to set forward the claims of those whose

ngenious devices and skilful tactics are worthy of
a better cause, The elasticity of the argument was
especially demonstrated in the very different sequels
that followed from two events not so different as
far as they are put here in evidence. In the first
place, the speaker observed that the protocol which
put the Dachies under Denmark had been rendered
valueless, because the conquering party had broke
it. The Prince of AUGLTSTENBURG, it would appear,
is not bound by any previous relinquishment, since
he is set forward in this emphatic manner after his
father has renounced all claims on the part of him,
self and descendants. It seems little short of
a quibble to assert that the renunciation did not
affect the son, and at all events the particularity
which lays so much stress upon one party adhering
so strietly to rule, and then permits another to cancel
and annul all promises and obligations. It is asto-
nishing how people can deceive themselves, and
therefore it is not a great matter to find that this
energetic orator winds up by remarking that the
honour of the nation required that it should render
assistance "to its own flesh and blood, who asked
assistance in a righteous cause." In other words
this must mean that it is the intention of a great
nation to crush the liberties, and trample upon the
privileges of a smaller one, and it yet remains to
be seen if this arbitrary act of tyrannical annexa-
tion will be permitted by the nations of Europe.
Mr. KARL BLIND was resolved not to mince matters,
and took several occasions to impress on the minds
of his hearers the necessity not to put any trust in
the devices of princes or the policy of courts.
Vehement as was his style, however, his speech
contained some warnings that, if taken to heart,
might be of great service to the visionary enthu-
siasts and more sober setters to rights who are in-
tent on some decided move, and seem resolved not
tolose any more time without stirring action super-
seding the study of protocols and the legality of
succession. « What hope had they," he asked,
he
the people's blood would not be recklessly
aPilt for th
furtherance of dynastic interests."
This is tittle:
13- true, because times without number
some showy pre
text has been made the excuse for
rushing to
pledged therot,„ The meeting, before separating,
lees to
accessary attempt, support the committee in all
t their end and farther
the object at heart.
ortivgy
and enthusiasm
pa
ot,
Federal
on
the
Thise . greatos
it demonstration mbtehudoeissit tion ce r -
tainly reveals much ever
it
Bmieatyabree
are sufficiently
to enforce, their claims they
apeakretd,oeftitill:neo.whoSurely, it tt,
strong to
resolved
ut all this
parade
and excitement in London. The Iv_
be able to do so without
proceeding
at Frankfort are of a most extraordinar
5' nature,
It is most unfair to exclude the Danish re„„
tive from the Federal Diet, yet such has been the
course adopted. Such conduct cannot but lower the
conclave in the sight of all upright and straightfor_
ward judges. It shows a sense of something not
quite clear and precise in the actions of those who
propose and sanction the plan. If such devices and
tactics triumph for a time the success will be but
momentary, and the eclat of very brief duration. It
is sad to contemplate the strife and dissension
that will be engendered by the angry feeeiege now
predominating, and doubtless we are on the eve 01
a severe straggle; but it the right cause is taken
uP with spirit and decision it must eventually win
the day, at all mats our Ministers had better come