The Sun.
London, England, 1839-01-30 00:00:00

CORN LAWS.

PUBLIC MEETING AT SHEFFIELD
AGAINST THE CORN -LAWS.

(From the Sheffield Iris.)
Monday, pursuant to requisition, the Town Hall was
crowded to excess sometime before the hour of meeting,
twelve o'clock, to consider the propriety of petitioning Par-
liament to repeal the present Corn-laws.
Mr. WILLIAM FISHER, in moving that the Master Cutler
should take the Chair, said that he rejoiced exceedingly tc see
so large an assemblage, and so prompt in their attendance.
The motion having been seconded by Mr. STEER,
The MASTER CUTLER took the Chair, and stated that his
first business would be to read the requisition requesting him
to call the meeting. In consequence, however, of the Chair-
man being oppressed with a cold, which affected his voice, Mr.
Palfreyman read the requisition ; after which the Chairman
spoke as follows :
Gentlemen,—The requisition which you have just heard
read, having been presented to me to call a public meeting of
the inhabitants of this borough, to consider the propriety of
petitioning Parliament for a repeal of the Corn-laws, I had the
greatest pleasure in complying with that request. The question
of the Corn-laws is one of the greatest possible importance to
a manufacturing country like ours. Ido not think that agitat-
ing the question of a repeal of those laws, when the price of
corn was comparatively moderate, as was the case two or three
years ago, would then have been attended with any beneficial
result, but the time for action is now arrived, and it has
been taken up in Manchester, and many other large and po-
pulous towns, with a spirit and a unanimity, and a deter-
mination, that there seems no doubt whatever of ultimate
success attendiO'g their united efforts of ridding the country
of those most impolitic and unjust laws. How can the ma-
nufacturers of this country compete with those of other
countries, where provisions, on the average, cost less than
one-half what they do here? Even so recently as last
week, we see that the loaf of bread weighing 4 lbs. cost in
Paris qd., whereas the same loaf in London costs a
difference of 70 per cent. But, Gentlemen, it is notorious
that for years past the disproportion in the price of bread be-
tween the Continent and this Island; has been considerably
greater than that just stated. Gentlemen, I will not detain
you, but allow me just to state that a letter addressed to the
Master Cutler, by Mr. Smith. the Chairman of the Man.
chester Anti-Corn-law Association, was lately received, in-
viting me to attend at a public dinner in the Corn Exchange
there, at which many M. P.'s had signified their intention of
being present. The Manchester Committee had also deemed
it desirable to invite the Mayor of every commercial and ma-
nufacturing town in the kingdom, and requested them to bring
deputies with them, that as great a display of the feeling of
all those interested should be made on this important occa-
sion as possible, but more particularly that the Committee
might have the opportunity of availing themselves of the
advice of gentlemen from • different parts of the country, as
to the best course to be pursued, in petitioning to be
heard by counsel and evidence at the Bar of the
Houses of Parlianient. Gentlemen, the Cutlers' Company
being aware of the importance of the question, did me the
honour to nominate me to attend the meeting ; and with your
permission I will read one of the resolutions unanimously
adopted on that occasion, viz. :—" That this meeting cannot
separate without expressing its deep sympathy with the pre-
sent privations of that great and valuable class of their coun-
trymen who earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow
—so many of whom are now suffering from hunger in tke
midst of boundless fields of employment, rendered unproduc-
tive solely by those unjustrlaws which pa event the exchange of
the products of their industry for the food of other countries.
So long as a plentiful supply of the first necessaries of life is
defied by Acts of the British Legislature to the great body of
the nation, so long will the Government and the country be
justly exposed to all the evils resulting from the discontent of
the people. With a view to avert so great a danger by an act
of universal justice, this meeting pledges itself to a united,
energetic, and persevering effort for the total and immediate
repeal of all laws affecting the free importation of grain." In
conclusion, I would adopt the declaration made by one of the
speakers in his address at Manchester, viz., that all we require
is—.. Free trade, a fair field, and no favour."—( Cheers.)
During the above address, and the reading of the resolution,
several persons in the body of the Hall cried out for an adjourn-
ment; which was opposed by others who had been so fortu-
nate as to obtain good seats and standing places. Mr. PAL-
FREYMAN, for the Chairman, said two letters had been received,
one from H. G. Ward, Esq., and the other from John Parker,
Esq., the Members for Sheffield ; the former, having been
already published, it was not necessary to read, and of the
latter the following is a copy :
" Dear Sir—l am sorry:that I cannot attend your meeting on
Monday, the 28th inst. But I regret it the less from know-
ing that arguments and speakers cannot be wanting in a
borough which has so long felt, and which, from the nature
of its trade, has had so much reason to feel, the pressure of
the Corn-laws.

" For myself, having voted during the last six years for the
several motions on this subject, which have successively been
brought before the [louse of Commons, by Messrs. 'Whitmore,
Clay, and Villiers, I have nothing new to say upon the
subject, except to express my satisfaction that the great manu-
facturing community, of which Manchester is the centre, and
Leeds, Birmingham, Glasgow, and Sheffield the most consi-
derable outposts, have at length taken up the question, beyond
all others the most important, both as relates to the internal
tranquillity, and foreign connections of the country.
" It is a question in which commercial men of all parties can
fairly and honourably join—one, too, in which a minority of
the landed proprietors, who see that their true interests consist
in dealing fairly with that commerce which enriches them be.
yond the landowners of any country upon earth, will give us
their support. But we must not deceive ourselves with the
idea, that the struggle will be easy, or the burden light. It
is ono, not against an oligarchy, as was the case with the Re.
form Bill, but against a class, which consists of small as well
as large proprietors, many of whom erroneously believe that
the value of their property is at stake, and who will exert all
the influence in their power by tneans of the counties and small
towns, in the Legislature, against our claims.

" It has so long--been the fashion in this country, favoured by
the whole course of our legislation, to consider land as regu-
lated by other principles than those of trade, that out of the
commercial districts it is not easy to find many who have ar-
rived at correct views of the subject, you will, therefore, have
to apply yourselves in your subsequent proceedings to this
portion of the difficulty, and by commingling each mass of
facts with those about to be adduced from other seats of trade,
you must give your case the character and dignity of one
emphatically national'—and powerful as the landed inte-
rest is, both in the House of Commons and the Lords, I can-
not persuade myself, if a proper interval of preparation is al-
lowed to exist, and sufficient means are taken to inform the
nation generally, both as to its hearing on our social condition
here, our commercial relations with other countries, and last
not least, when the real incubus is dragged out to public view,
against which our diplomacy in vain struggles, when it has to
combat the retaliatory measures of other States, am unwil-
ling to believe that common sense and justice will not have
the same triumphs in this, as
practically we have found to be
the case in past struggles between freedom and monopoly.--
myrespectfulcompliments to the meeting, believe me,
.V
yoursth very faithfully,

«J. PARKER.

" Treasury Chambers, Jan. 26, 1839.
" To Luke Palfreyman. Esq."
During the reading of the above letter, the cries for an ad-
journment were renewed ; several calling out that there were
numbers in the passages waiting for admittance. In order to
obtain a decision on the subject, the Chairman put the ques-
tion fairly to the meeting ; and on a show of hands being
taken, there appeared a majority in favour of remaining in the
Hall. This did not appear to give general satisfaction, and a
second show of hands was taken, when the numbers certainly
appeared to be more equal. The noise beginning to increase,
it was thought best at once to adjourn, and the assemblage
accordingly proceeded to
PARADISE-SQUARE.
There, in the course of a few moments, a dense crowd had
assembled, which d to increasecontinu during the meeting;
the speakers and others taking their station on the steps of
the Freemasons' Hall. The number assembled might be esti-
mated at about 8,000.
Mr. PALFREYMAN commenced by re-reading Mr. Parker's
letter, as above ; after which
WM. IBBOTSON, Esq., came forward to address the meet-
ing. He said he came to move the first resolution. He was
sorry it had fallen to his lot to do so ; but he was one who
never flinched front that which his friends imposed on him in
cases like this. He should, therefore, without further pre-
face, read the resolution.—( See another column.) Some
speakers presented themselves before a meeting with an end-
less command of beautiful expression, but a want of matter ;
but he presented himself before them to-day without very
great display or command of words, but his difficulty arose
from an abundance of matter. He had, in fact, so much,
that he scarcely knew where to begin, or how • to com-
press. Could he convey to them with his lips what were
the feelings of his heart, they would find that horror, indig-
nation, and sympathy were commingled in his breast, when
he thought on such a subject as the Corn-laws; horror to
think that our glorious Constitution admitted of such a
flagrant violation of our rights as Britons, and that by
a paltry monopoly of eating idlers—of indignation, when
he witnessed men, calling themselves respectable, who,
for the sake of personal aggrandizement, could sacri-
fice the best interests of their country—and of sym-
pathy, when he saw the millions of fellow-men who were de-
prived of the necessaries and comforts of life by such a princi-
ple. He would only ask, what had they to expect from land
owners ? On Saturday last he received a letter from an old
friend of theirs, Mr. Buckingham.—( Cheers.) And it so
happened that Mr. Buckingham gave his opinion on this ver)
subject, and said, " I agree with you that the Radicals should
have taken up the Corn-laws as one great question, and
they would thus have carried a much greater force with
them. If you carry the Commons, the Lords will still

' have to be moved ; and I consider them so blind and
selfish, that I see no hope for that by ordinary
means. Nothing but fear to lose their all will induce them
to relinquish any portion of their gain; and, therefore,
such agitation as will bring us to the brink of a revolution,
without actually causing one, will alone move the Lords."
This was the opinion of a man whom they respected,
and who deserved their respect; and all the use he
had now to make of it was to urge them to the
necessity of doing their utmost to save the country.
If they wanted to learn what the landowners were,
let them look at what they had done. They were
well aware that during the last twenty years of peace the
landowners' servants, the tenants, and labourers, had been in
a state of almost unparalleled suffering; and they were aware
that a few solitary instances had occurred where ten or fif-
teen per cent. had been allowed on the rents, which had
been exhibited in the newspapers, hut merely as exceptions,
not rules. Then what was the condition of the tenants and
labourers for the last twenty years ? why, for many years.the
landlords had been declaring that they could not under-
stand what it was that produced agricultural distress; and
they would also be aware that allusions to such distress had
appeared in the King's speech, and Committees had
been appointed to consider what was the cause of it, so as to
take steps to remove the evil. Now in 1835 there was a pe-
tition presented to the House, among many others, praying
that the Members would stop the supplies unless Government
granted relief to the agriculturists; and in 1836, a Noble
Lord came forward and proposed that the agriculturists
should be relieved from taxes. In other words that they of
Sheffield should contribute their mite towards relieving
his servants.—( Hear, hear, hear, and cries of " Good
lad.") He ( Mr. Ibbotson) felt so indignant, twelve
years ago, at hearing the landlords talking on the subject, and
declaring that they could not understand the cause of the
distress, that he subsequently wrote a pamphlet, in which he
told them that it was neither more nor less than high rents,
and if they would only lower them to what they were in
1793, it would be presently cured. In that work he intro-
duced Ireland, hazing visited that country twenty years ago,
and having found from inquiry and examination that the fault
was nothing but the landlord eating up all that there was, and
his taking to himself the fruits of the earth, and leaving the
poor tenant, like the mole, to live on the roots. In 1833 he
sent his pamphlet to many alembers of the two Houses ; but
few condescended to notice it, but either forgot or put it away, I
perhaps into the fire, when they saw it stated that high rents
were the cause of the distress, according to his doctrine.
However, in the Session of 1836, they got a Committee of
Inquiry into the cause of the distress ; and it would
never have been known what that Committee had learnt
by their inquiry, and by the evidence brought before it,
bad it not been for party strife, and this he thought was
one of the very few instances where party spirit had done
any good. But in this case, owing to party spirit, it came
out that the evidence which had been given only proved that
high rents were the cause of the distress.--( Cheers.) After
the treatment that the tenants and labourers had experienced
from the landlords, he was sure they bad no right to expect
that reason would produce much effect upon them ; and be
therefore quite agreed with Mr. Buckingham that nothing but
fear would move them. Not that he should recommend that
they should take the sword, except it were the sword of the
spirit and sword of truth. They did not make swords there ;
and he rejoiced to think that they broke them into pruning-
hooks. But they had a moral power there, which, on being
exercised on any subject, produced the expected effect. All
they had to do was to come forward in support of the great
cause ; and I-e was quite sure that if the people of Sheffield did
their best, it would have an effect on other towns? and if those
other towns acted in concert, a mighty result would be the
consequence. Was it just that the landowners should have a
monopoly in corn ?—( No, no.) At the peace in 1315, they dis-
covered that it was just ; and he ( Mr. Ibbotson) would ac-
knowledge that he was then misled by the arguments. But
he had since learnt, by fearful punishments, that it was a sad
mistake. He had learnt by carefully studying the subject,
that it was a great delusion, and he was now convinced that it
was so. The landowners, because of the National Debt,
wanted a duty on the importation of grain. Now some years
ago he had calculated that the people of the manufacturing
towns paid by far the larger proportion of the National Debt ;
and that, therefore, any protection which was to be given
ought to be given to the manufacturers. In other words, that
they ought to have a premium on their exportations. Mr. Ib-
botson here alluded to the able speech made by Mr. Johnson,
at Manchester, who said that he had 1,700 persons in his em-
ploy, and that they paid to Government the sum of 8,4671. 10s.
per annum. He also said that he was the owner of land pro-
ducing 1,0001. per annum ; and reckoning forty persons upon
it at the same rate, it would show 1701. paid to Govern-
ment per annum. Now his (Mr. Ibbotson's) little manu-
factory, at the Globe Works, was upon three acres of
land, which, if well worked, would pay to Government
more revenue than some of our noblemen's whole estates. Ho
wished them to understand and consider this. From the ar-
guments he had adduced he thought they must perceive that
there was no need whatever for a protecting duty on corn ;
and he was sure that if it were unnecessary it was also im-
politic. The landowner must remember that we cannot im-
port from abroad a quarter of wheat but it costs 14s. ; and
surely that was a protection for him, without requiring a pro-
tection of 205., or, in other words, 20,000,0001. a-year in fa-
vour of corn. This was unjust and impolitic. He had a few
days since received a letter from a foreign country, in which
the writer said that the native manufacturers were fast super-
seding English goods, and that cheap goods would not regain
it ; it was only the quality that could save us, and then they
would be too dear. Now, if this were true, they must consider
themselves as fairly cut out. What would be the effect if all
those who were working for foreign markets were to leave the
country? Why it would be that we mightsend the corn after them.
And the landlords must know that the trade of England was
fast going to foreign countries • and that this would soon be
our doom unless the Corn-laws were crushed. He was
himself a corn-grower ; and as a corn-grower he would tell
them fearlessly that this country could grow corn with any
country in the world, if they were only allowed to take it as
it was grown. Suppose, now, that every man present had his
wages increased is. per week, what would they spend the
money in? Why in agricultural produce to be sure, either
for the belly or the back. Twenty million people at ls. per
head was fifty-two millions a year, and he had calculated that
to get corn for the demand it would require ten thousand ships
to bring it from different parts of the world, and sixty thousand
seamen. Were they ever likely to get it ?—( Cries of " Yes,
yes.") He wished they might. He never took up a
religious subject but as a religious man ; he thought this
was a religious questioe, for the Almighty had declared
that the greatest temporal blessing he could bestow
was an abundance of corn, and wine, and oil.—(Hear,
hear.) The Duke of Wellington told them ten years ago,
that he considered the cause of the agricultural distress was
owing to three or four good harvests ; and so the poor crea-
tures were starved because they had too much.—(A laugh.)
He would close his remarks by giving some quotations from
a man who he knew many would respect ; he meant the late
Dr. Adam Clarke, a pious and learned man. That gentle-
man said in his comments upon the Scriptures :—" We can
never bring ourselves to believe that the bread on which

alone mankind can subsist is a commodity of which any go.
vernment have a right to make merchandize ; and in its pas-
sage from the hand of the subject to his mouth, to seize hold
of a large portion for themselves and their retainers."
Another quotation from the same Learned Doctor was the
following, being a commentupon Proverbs xi. 26. "He that
withholdeth corn, the people shall curse him." " Yes," said
the Learned Doctor, "and GOD shall curse him also; and
this curse shall be a canker in his money during time, and a
canker in his soul during eternity."
Mr. EBENEZER ELLIOTT said,—Master Cutler and Fellow-
townsmen,—Poor dupes of palaced thieves ! If Corn-laws
are good for farmers, why don't they keep them to them.
selves? Why nut confine them to the agricultural districts, and
let the manufacturing districts have a separate legislature ?
Let the farmers keep their Corn-laws, by all means ; but let
London, South Wales, the West Riding of Yorkshire, the
county of Lancaster, and the district of Glasgow, buy food
with their goods where they can buy it cheare,t, (that is to
say, not of the British farmer), and I will venture to say, that
before the end of three months, every landlcri in the nation
will demand a repeal of the Corn-laws. So much for their
justice. If Corn-laws are blessings to manufactures, how
happens it that you, who maintain twice your number of
agriculturists, are in danger of starvation ? Oh, you have
not land enough. Perhaps not ; but if you had no land
but what you stand on, if England were a barren rock, or
covered with paving stones, you ought not to be in danger of
starving, while yon have goods to offer for foreign food—as I
will now prove. The territory of Hamburgh, twelve miles
square, furnishes only three quarters of an acre to each of its
inhabitants, and they have only two means of living, namely,
horticulture arid commerce, yet there is little poverty in Ham-
burgh, only casual poor, chiefly foreigners ; while here,
though our territory furnishes three acres to each individual,
and though you have four means of living, namely, horticulture,
agriculture, commerce, and the greatest manufactures in the
world—constantly increasing poverty and crime cover the
country from sea to sea.----( Hear, hear.) What is the cause
of this difference ? Want of land cannot be the cause, and
want of industry cannot. The cause is bad Legislation ; and
we are met to enquire, whether you are to hove fair play, or
die like flies ?—" To be, or not to be, that is the question."—
(Cheers ) lam old enough to remember, when the duty on
foreign wheat was 6d. per quarter, and the average price 555.
Nobody then, called the landlords palaced thieves, but agri-
culture and trade flourished together, as they have never done
since, and may never do again ; for, thanks to the Corn-laws,
twenty-three years of peace have converted ur customers into
rivals. When I came to Sheffield, about twenty years ago.
you had no rivals, for the prohibitory Corn-laws were
only commencing their operation. Your cutlery was
~then
the best in the world—it was made of "GL steel ; but
the pressure of those laws, in a few years of peace, forced you
to use worse materials, steel made of Grid, or St,,enboek ;
then you came down to " S," then to " CCND,, then to
common Swedes, then to British ; and now you can hardly
sell a pair of scissors unless you make them of sotv.metal.—