The Sun.
London, England, 1837-12-09 00:00:00

FELLOW listoßmaas,
THE MEN of BIRMINGHAM, through the
COUNCIL of their POLITICAL UNION, address you.
''We have been long and patiently silent. A period has at length
arrived when silence is shame. We have hitherto been loth to ap-
DeS distrustful of the Whig Ministry. We looked upon them as
Controlled in their wishes by the hostility of the Court and the
Aristocracy. We trusted that their hearts were with the people ;
and that when a fitting opportunitiarrived, their deeds would jus-
tify our trust. That opportunity has arrived. The Court is no
longer cold or adverse, but warm and confiding. The Ministry are
free to act upon their own impulses. They have announced their
intentions to the world.

If yen are prepared to repudiate all those principles for which
You and we have been long and zealously contending, you will ap-
prove of those intentions. If you feel in truth and sincerity the
importance of giving free course to the great Bill of 1832—0 f reme-
dying its defects—of supplying its omissions—of making it what
you hoped it would be, and what, by its authors, it was pronounced
to be, the second great charter of English liberty, and an honest
exposition and fulfilment of the first—you will pronoUnce upon
them the judgment of condemnation, which they so well merit.
By the Birmingham Political Union, and by all Reformers that
are soundly instructed in the public wants, three things have ever
been deemed necessary to give perfection to the Reform Bill. We
never held that any other than a temporary line of distinction could
er ought to be drawn between one class of the community and an-
other, in respect to that highest social privilege, the choice of our
Legislators. As the necessity of the poorest, as well as the super-
fluity of the wealthiest, is called upon to minister towards the sup-
Port of the State, we have ever said, and reason says the same, that
the poorest equally with the wealthiest ought to have a voice in the
management of the common funds to which all contribute. We
accepted of the ten-pound franchise as valuable only by its approxi-
tnation to the just and perfect rule of free government, by which
taxation and representation are declared to be in principle co-exten-
sive.

Recognizing in all our fellow citizens of sane mind and legal
freedom, the inalienable right of suffrage, we include as an essen-
tial requisite that, in the exercise of the suffrage, no man should
be overawed by force or swayed by corruption ; but that every voter
should give his vote freely and honestly, as his own judgment and
conscience may dictate.

We ai-eawaieOf the risk that the electoral body must incur in
parting with their power for a number of years, as well as of
the incompetency which is a natural consequence of the rare and
distant exercise crf,the franchise, and therefore look upon the dura-
tion of Parliament for a single day longer than the proper discharge
of legislative duties absolutely requires, to be dangerous to the ho-
testy of the representative, and injurious to the interests of the
constituency.

Yet so thinking and believing, we have been slow to press upon
the Government our demand of extended Suffrage—of Ballot—of
short and certain Parliaments. We have been content to wait the
issue of the Reform Bill ; and, as experience should direct, to urge
our claims, or still to postpone them. But we have now witnessed
three elections since 1832, and what have they proved ? Is the
cumber of electors in any degree adequate to the population?
Rave violence and corruption ceased or diminished? Have the
appeals to the people been regulated by a desire of consulting the
Interests of the People ? Or rather, have they not been solely dic-
tated by the convenience of the ruling faction, abusing the name of
the People for its own selfish purposes? Is nomination suppressed
in our counties or our boroughs? Do we anywhere see the symp-
toms of that real representation, which was so boastingly promised
to us and so confidently expected? If here and there, as rare
exceptions to the general rule, we find the voice of the People pre-
vail, what is the fruit ? Do we not behold their honest advo-
cates invariably borne down by the votes and clamour of men
who .have gained admission to the Senate by the influence of the
factions, or by more questionable means ?
The motive and purpose of all legislation is the happiness of the
universal people. Let us try the Reform Bill by that test. Let
us look around, and examine carefully. What do we find ? Mer-
chants bankrupt, workmen unemployed and starving ; workhouses
crowded, factories deserted ; distress and dissatisfaction everywhere
prevalent. Is the welfare of the people more respected now than
it was seven years ago? Is the dominion of the factions less appa-
r,nt ? Do we not still groan under Tory laws, whose object and
effect are to enhance the price of food, while they lower the wages
of labour? And has not the burden of these anti-social and tyran-
nous enactments been aggravated rather than diminished by the
Whigs ?
Fellow Reformers ! were the people fully and fairly represented
in Parliament, could such things be ?
Not hastily nor inconsiderately, but after much and earnest
thought, the Birmingham Political Union comes forward, once
more to demand for the people such a full and fair representation.
Agreeably to the strictest principles of justice, we demand Uni-
versal Suffrage as a Rightful Inheritance, which the owners may
Consent, from motives of expediency, and for a time, to waive, but
which no one else has the smallest title to modify or restrict, much
less to deny.
' We demand an absolute protection for the voter in the conscien-
tious discharge of his duty ; and we confidently believe that the
ballot alone offers such a protection.
We demand a recurrence to the old and wise rule by which the
duration of Parliament was limited to three years.

Fellow Reformer:TWilTiniiiiiiiiiirnaiing good these de-
mands ? Without your general and hearty co-operation our utmost
zeal will avail but little; with it the victory is won, even before the
battle is joined. Are there any who will dare to stand against our
united voices ? _

Yes, Reformers, there is a handful of men who avow that they
dare stand against our united voices. J-Icr Majesty's Whig Minis-
ters have announced that extravagance of intention. Lord John
Russell, speaking in their name and by their authority, has declared
that he will oppose all extension of the franchise ; that he will op-
Pose the Ballot ; that he will oppose Triennial Parliaments. Yet
more--he has declared, that if the universal people were to rise and
demand these measures, he would not be an instrument in the
ands of the people to obtain them. Lord John Russell admits—
lettbi receive with becoming gratitude the valuable admission !—he
f(7,tas that if we are unanimously resolved on having these
and his his eleven brethren of the Cabinet, are not strong
to withstand us. But they will, at least, mark their disap-
probation by a division • they will abandon office, they will quit
Parliament, rather than lend to us even the help of their neutrality !
, Such is the determination of the man who, in 1834, so feelingly
lamented the grievous wrongs of the dependent voters • who then
recognized their claim to protection ; and who now, while he denies
that protection, does not deny that recent experience, so far from
lessening, has greatly added to the already convincing proofs of its
ltec.essity.
Behold, then, the terms on which you can alone hope to retain
sour Whig rulers. If you are content to abandon all your fixed
Principles—to forego your unquestionable rights—if you chose to
give up all hope of further political improvement—if you have made
~121, your minds that the Reform Bill shall continue in future, as it
has hitherto been, a dead letter, instead of a living spirit—that
Coercion shall proceed unchecked, and Bribery and Corruption un -
reproved—in that case you may still reckon on the services of Lord
John Russell and his fellow Councillors.
There is no course left you but the unequivocal and absolute re-
unquishment of the cause of Reform—of your own cause—and the
expulsion from office of men who have declared that the success of
Your cause and their political existence are utterly incompatible ?
With such an alternative, can common honesty, can common
Sense for one moment hesitate in their choice ?

Reformers, there are in your ranks a few men more noted for
their fears of evil, than their aspirations after good, and there are
not a few who wear your colours, who are prudent from policy ra-
ther than wisdom. These men, while they agree with you in
by
Ministers, would fain neutralize your just indignation
ID7 picturing the consequences of their dismissal. They will tell
You, that if the Whigs go out, the Tories must go in, and they will
ask you, whether in that case your last condition will not be worse
than your first ? They' will allow that, so far as England is
concerned, even a Tory Ministry could effect but little evil of which
I Whig Ministry is not equally capable. But they will deny that
the same rule holds good in other parts of the empire. They will
tell you to look to Ireland. They will ask what would be the
consequence of a return of Tory rule there.
Reformers, we do look to Ireland ; we are most earnestly desi-
rous that full and speedy justice should be meted out to her sons.
Are they not our brothers? But we contend, in Ireland as in
England, for the establishment of principles, not the dominion of
rersons ; for the permanent sway of equal laws, not for the casual
Influence of a benevolent governor. The Tories gave to Ireland
her Orange Magistrates. The Whigs have been in office for the
list seven years, with a power, when exerted in a popular direction,
"hove all precedent. What attempts have they made to purify the
Irish roll of the peace? What measures have they projected to
toake Irish Judges responsible, or Irish Juries impartial and effec-
tive? They support Lord Mulgrave. Did they not support Lord
Anglesey ? If Lord Mulgrave had been as cold-hearted as he is
kind, and as ignorant as he is enlightened, who will say that Whig
favour and Whig protection would not have been extended to him
with the same cheerful alacrity? Is there anything in their
words or their acts that shows them to be less kindly disposed to-
wards Sir Francis Head and Lord Gosford, than towards Lord
liligrave? And will it, for a moment, be believed, that they
1/40 have so eagerly espoused the cause of oppression and tyranny
Canada, can be sincere in their admiration of good and just
government in Ireland? The present peace of Ireland rests upon
a basis which time inevitably must and a thousand accidents may
destroy; and are we to be gravely told that, for the sake of conti-
nuing to Ireland so very precarious a blessing, we are to make
wining sacrifice of all that we deem essential to the well-being of
the empire ? But why should Ireland sink in despair in the event
°I the Tories returning to power? The union and spirit of her
tons sufficed to achieve the conquest of freedom in 1829; are they
unequal to its maintenance after seven years enjoyment? Are
Irishmen less combined and less courageous now than when the
Emancipation Bill was passed? Have the seven years of Whig
Protection, on which so much importance is placed, only issued in
diminishing the love of liberty and weakening the capacity for its
indication ?
But we deny that a Tory Ministry would be either a natural or
cessary consequence of the dissolution of the present Cabinet.
b" e have no such mean opinion of England and Englishmen as to
elieve that, for lack of other choice, our youthful Sovereign must,
in dismissing Lord John Russell, fall back on Sir Robert Peel.
e trust that there is ample store of men more worthy by their
principles, and more capable by their genius, of guiding the free
-nergies of our dear native land.
...Reformers, let no vain fears disturb you! Our cause is the
o4se of truth and justice :it must and shall prevail! Meet, there-
rlr:, and boldly, in your cities, in your towns, in your villages,
aid _your honest voices in defence of your principles. Invoke the
I,?ror your Representatives. Tell them, as the Members of Mr-
4,.:flliarn have been told by us that after the declaration of Minis-
v;i: it is the imperative duty Of every Reformer in the House, as
mit of the House, to oppose them by all means and on all
e 4 ions where political consistency and personal honour do not
forbidb. such an opposition. Agitate ! associate ! Let evert district
Union ! By, combination only can we conquer. The Men
aa,Pirmingham will either lead or follow. One name and our
tilZevements might well entitle us to claim the van ; but we shall
serv7hllly take our station wherever we can render most efficient
con,. • So that the fight be fought, and the battle won, we are
s.‘erit
P That it may be won speedily and triumphantly depends on the
j4t.''Ple alone. Let them speak, and it is done ! Before the ma-
fig 1 of their united will, Whigs and Tories, and all dark and deceit-
., th
ten inP, will flee away as the shadows disappear before the rising
Englandher will be merry England once more ; and while in
tot Palaces happiness and glory are guests, in the humblest of her
taoe, comfort and peace will be abiding inmates.
By order and in the name of the Council,
P. H. MUNTZ, Chairman,

SZA:r2S. HILL, Sec.
soirraingham, ith Dec. 1837.
Public Office.