The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUARY 10, 1837.

with you in the opinion that the sole cause of the unnatural
state of Ireland lies in this—that religion is made a point

of honour between the Catholics and the Protestants.

" By point of honour I understand a motive to irritated
feeling and exasperated passion, arisinc, from the painful
sense of unjust inferiority on the one hand, and the con-
temptuous pride resulting from unjust superiority on the
other.

tude, which has never been acknowledged as such a
debt ought to be acknowledged by a great public
manifestation of respect and admiration. They ha-
zarded their lives, and some of them actually suffered
what many would consider a greater punishment than
the loss of life itself, in defence of principles which
Reformers hold dear. Those principles have triumphed
—have been recognized by the nation at large—and
been made the foundation of all the improvements in
our institutions which have either taken place or are
contemplated. It is therefore a duty—a national duty
we might say—to testify gratitude towards the men who
fearlessly maintained, and by so doing gave effect to
the principle of Reform at a time when its advocates
were few, and exposed to the persecution of a Tory
Government, headed by a bloodthirsty renegade.

" My answer, then, is, that I entirely concur with you
in that opinion. You have discovered the true, the great,
the gigantic, the all-pervading cause of the unnatural state
of Ireland. It is, indeed, the sole cause—for it so exas-
perates and envenoms every other portion of misgovernment,
that although without it our evils should be curable—they
are rendered deadly only by the admixture of this fatal in-
gredient of ever-recurring religious rancour."
Religious animosities are the cause of much misery
in Ireland, but we deny in toto that they are the sole,
or even the principal cause of the penury of the great
mass of the Irish peasantry. In what counties of Ire-
land are the people most wretched ? Most undoubt-
edly in those in which the ascendancy of Protestanism is
least perceptible. In Derry, in Down, in Armagh,
in Tyrone, in Fermanagh, and in the lower part of
Cavan, the spirit of Protestanism is more offensively
paramount than in any other part of Ireland ; and yet the
labouring poor are not half so miserably off as they are
in the counties of Leitrim, of Sligo, of Galway, of Queen's
county, of King's county, of Roscommon, and of Clare,
where Catholicism is uncontrouled by the predominance
of the professors of a hostile creed. Any man with two
ideas in his head has only to look to the relative con-
dition of the peasantry of different counties in Ireland,
to be convinced that religious dissensions are not only
not the sole cause, but that they are a very remote
cause of Irish misery. Let him look closely to the so-
cial condition of the mass of the peasantry in the
Western and Southern districts of the kingdom—let
him enter their miserable mud cabins as we have done—
let him note carefully the total indifference of an absentee
aristocracy to their very existence, beyond what is
shown in plundering them of the hard-earned fruit of
their daily toil, and we will answer for it that he will
not ascribe the sole cause of Irish misery to the domi-
nation of one religious sect over another.
Mr. O'CONNELL and the people of Ireland know
that in saying thus much, we are as strongly opposed
as they can be to the legal ascendancy of the Protes-
tant Church in Ireland. We applaud the exertions
now making by the Irish people to fling off a yoke im-
posed upon them by a priesthood in whose tenets they
do net believe. We are for equality and fair play in
religion as in everything else. We consider it a grievous
wrong—an act of refined oppression—to compel a Ro-
man Catholic to pay for the maintenance of a Pro-
testant Church ; and we hesitate not to say that we
should despise any Roman Catholic who would volun-
tarily do so, except out of obedience and respect to the
laws. It is therefore the duty of Mr. O'CONNELL to
(10 all in his power to abrogate the law, and his exer-

The Paris Journals of Sunday announce the ac-
quittal of the Courrier Francais, by the Court of
Assizes, on a charge of violating the laws of Septem-
ber, which forbid the mention of the KING'S name in
conjunction with the public acts of the Government.
The article for the publication of which the Courrier
Francais was subjected to a trial, was copied from the
Siecle, whose name was originally joined in the same
indictment with it, by the public prosecutor. M. P.
DupiN, Counsel for the Courrier Francais, opposed
this arrangement, well knowing that the Government
had resolved upon the conviction of the Siecle for its
able exposure of the weakness, ignorance, and pre-
sumption of the present Administration ; and for its
ludicrous expositions of the Constitutional Regime of
King Lours PHILIPPE. The trial of the Siecle was
concluded at one o'clock on Saturday, when the Court
sentenced the conductor to a fine of two thousand
francs, and two months incarceration. An hour
afterwards the trial of the Courrier Francais was
commenced, and terminated in the acquittal of that
Journal. This some of the opposition prints are
pleased to call a "triumph." A triumph of what ?
Not of justice surely, inasmuch as the Court
that pronounced the acquittal of one Journal, con-
demned to fine and imprisonment the responsible con-
ductor of another equally guiltless. A triumph of the
return to a more liberal policy ? By no means ; for
both trials took place in the same day. If, therefore,
it be called a triumph at all, it can only be regarded as
the triumph of Ministerial and judicial inconsistency in
France.

tions to that effect shall have our best support. But
we deny that religious intolerance is the sole cause of
Irish misery ; and we further assert that we have
the authority of Mr. O'CONNELL himself for reitera-
ting such denial, as often as we may see cause for so
doing.
What particular object Mr. BEAUMONT may have
in addressing a series of letters to Mr. O'CONNELL,
will be known to-morrow in Dublin ; as the Hon.
Member for Northumberland stands pledged in his
second letter to meet the Hon. and Learned Member
for Kilkenny at the Corn Exchange on the 11th inst.
We rather think from the tenor of his last letter, that
Mr. BEAUMONT anticipates a " scrimmage" hetween
himself and the great Liberator, whom, however, he
professes not to fear. There exists no grounds for such
an apprehension. At least we may be permitted to
infer as much from the following passage in Mr. W.
BEAUMONT'S last letter to Mr. O'CONNELL
" I shall be in my place in Parliament on the first day of
the Session, prepared to move an amendment to the address
(with no hostile intention to the present Ministry), for the
immediate and entire abolition of tithes as a Church impost.
I do not desire the landlords to be benefitted by the ar-
rangement, for that would be a spoliation of Church pro-
perty which would never enter the pockets of laymen ; but
I shall explain my views candidly and fearlessly upon the
first favourable opportunity. This question is simpler than
it appears, because I fear it has occasionally been wilfully
mystified by the operation of interest or ambition. You
have been kind enough to admit my talent for discovery,
and I have other discoveries in reserve."
This settles the main question between these gen-
tlemen. The leading facts may be, thus recapitu-
lated :—Mr. WENTWORTH BEAUNIONT, in the pur-
suit or cultivation of his " talent for discovery,"
stumbled upon the " sole cause" of Irish misery, along
with many others, of which we hope to hear more
hereafter. He immediately addressed a letter to Mr.
O'CONNELL, requesting to be informed whether the
Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny thought his
dicovery the right one—namely, that Irish misery was de-
termined by a sectarian" point of honour." Mr. O'CON-
NELL, in his answer, commenced with a definition of his
Hon. interrogator's terms—a not unnecessary preliminary
—and often deciding a " point of honour" to mean reli-
gious intolerance, he declared such evil to be really
the sole cause of the degradation of his native land.
Mr. WENTWORTH satisfied with himself so far,
and resolved not to leave a good work half achieved,
addressed_Mr. O'CONNELL a second time, appris-
ing him of his intended visit to Dublin, and of
his determination to commence his Parliamentary
career with a motion for the removal of what
Mr. O'CONNELL had admitted to be the sole cause
of Irish wretchedness. Wherefore, then, the boast
of fearlessness on the part of the Honourable Member
for Northumberland ? He cannot anticipate less than
an embrace from the friend whom he has made by his
" discoveries."

Mr. OWEN STANLEY, brother to the Secretary
of the Treasury, has—as we perceive by a paragraph
in the Carnarvon Herald—offered himself as a candi-
date for the representation of the county of Anglesea.
We trust that this gentleman will be successful, for his
principles are those of Reform—not Tory Reform—
and he maintains a high character—consistency and
straightforwardness. His opponent is already in the
field ; but we understand he has little or no chance, so
strong is public opinion in favour of Mr. STANLEY.
Nevertheless,, the electors of Anglesea should not relax
in their exertions ; but put, each man, his shoulder to
the wheel, just as if the chances were against the Re-
form candidate. Justly observes our Contemporary, the
Carnarvon Herald, " the contest is between the oli-

garchy and the people ; between Toryism and liberty ;
between corruption and Reform ; between those who
abuse and prostitute the national institutions ; and
those who would reform, renovate, and restore to their
utmost utility those institutions ; between those who
hold that Government is for the aggrandisement of
the few, and those who look on it as a compact for the
benefit of the many." Such being the exact nature of
the contest, can the Anglesea electors hesitate which
of the two candidates they will prefer—Mr. MEYRICK,
the Tory, or Mr. STANLEY, the Reformer ? The
former would keep down the many, in order to keep
up the monopoly of the few.; the latter would see fair
play to both. The former would, if possible, deprive
us of all the advantages we have gained, or are likely
to gain, from the Reform Bill ; the latter would follow
it up in a liberal, manly, and constitutional spirit. Mr.
STANLEY, then, is the candidate for Anglesea ; and
so we shall see in a few days.

We beg the attention of our readers to an announce-
ment, which appears in another part of The Sun, of a
public meeting to be held with a view to some perma-
nent commemoration of the names of Mulft, PALMER,
and the other early advocates of Parliamentary Reform.
To these noble-minded men we owe a debt of gratis

It was supposed in Paris on Sunday that the Go-
vernment would take advantage of the acquittal of the
Courrier Francais, to demand from the Chambers the
passing of a Bill for getting rid of the Jury system in
the trial of all offences committed by the Press. This
is extremely probable. Remarkable as are the Jurors
of Paris for the extreme pliancy of their consciences,
it must be allowed that they do not always realize the
expectations of Ministers. It would be much more
convenient, therefore, were the Government in a condition
entirely to dispense with their services. There would
likewise be a considerable economy of time, trouble, and
expense, were the offices of Judge, Jury, and Public Pro-
secutor merged into one. Prosecutions and convictions
of the Press would then, of course, take place in the
the sittings of Cabinet Councils ; and thus the delin-
quents would be spared all costs of defence, and all un-
necessary exposure previous to conviction.
But if such a law be really contemplated, why do
not Ministers boldly demand the re-building of the
Bastile, and the revival of Lettres de' Cachet ? The
magnitude of oppression can alone force men of
some minds to regard it with higher sentiments than
those inspired by a contemptuous disgust. If the
people of France are to be robbed of their just rights,
let a Moloch rather than a Belial preside over the
Royal Councils. Besides, it would be a safer course
on the part of the Government to conduct its opera-
tions against liberty on an extensive scale. It would
then see the danger, and be prepared for its approach.
Now it sees nothing. The people neither respect nor
fear it, and they tolerate its invasions of their liberties,
only because they look forward to the time when they
will trample it in the dust. The men who now filch
from them their privileges, have taught them that there
is a way by which they can be all recovered. What
may be done at any time in a few hours, easily admits
of postponement. No preparation will be necessary ;
for as the Government assumes a position whence it
cannot see the danger in its approach, it will not be in
a condition to oppose it, were it a thousand times less
tremendous than the concentrated fury of millions of
betrayed Frenchmen.
With respect to the crime of which the Courrier
Francais was accused, we may be allowed to observe,
that no legal fiction can protect the KING from cen-
sure, so long as he insists upon retaining the whole
ower of the Government in his own hands. In as-
suming the functions which constitutionally belong to
his Ministers, he necessarily becomes publicly and in-
dividually responsible for acts performed in the name
of his Cabinet. If the KING be content with the
exercise of the power vested in him by the charter,
the Press will not mix his name up with its censures
of Ministerial acts ; but, on the contrary, if he retain
all the power in his own hands—if he employ no
men to conduct the affairs of the country but such as
render implicit obedience to his commands, and are
ready to be made the scape-goats of his policy—
then must he be held responsible for every function
performed in his name. No laws can protect him from
such responsibility ; and the aggrieved, by the conduct
of his Government, will have recourse to crimes of the
deepest dye for that revenge which, in the case of a
criminal Minister, they would seek by accusation and
impeachmeant.
There is no news of any moment in the French
Journals from the Spanish frontier. Private letters
from Bayonne state that Don CARLOS is suffering from
severe indisposition, brought on by his late reverses.
He labours under great depression of spirits, which his
family and his Generals vainly endeavour to remove.
It is also stated that VILLAREAL is to be removed
from the command of the rebels to make way for
GOMEZ. The latter will have enough to do, as NAR-
VAEZ, at the head of his division, is already on the
Navarrese frontier.

The health of President Jackson, judging from the
complexion of various letters from Washington, must be
rather worse than better. The impression seems to be,
that he will not long survive.—New York paper, Dec. 10.
We can now state positively that the registration for
the Northern Division of Northamptonshire is most fa-
vourable to the Liberal party. No doubt whatever is enter-
tained that at the next election a Reform Member will be
sent to neutralise the votes of Lord Brudenell ; and Mr.
Maunsell, of high Church notoriety, will be relieved from
his onerous duties in St. Stephen's.—Lincoln Mercury.
From an account drawn up by the Minister of the
Finances, up to the 31st of October, 1836, it appears that
there is in the Treasury a sum belonging to the savings-
bank of Paris amounting to 45,517,191 f., also sums be-
longing to the departmental savings-banks amounting to
42,634,62-If., the whole forming a total of no less than
90,151,815 f.

The heifer shown at Oakhain agricultural meeting,
belonging to Mr. Stafford O'Brien, and which took a prize
there, and also in London this year, was purchased by Mr.
Morton, roasted whole, and thus shown to 1,700 persons at
6d. each. It weighed 1,2001 b., and 1,400 persons dined off
it. The skeleton, in a perfect state, with head and horns,
is now exhibiting.—Lincoln Mercury.
During the late severe weather the body of a smug-
gler, who lived in a commune near Le Cateau, not far from
Cambrai, was found on the road to Poix (France). Life
was totally extinct, but the cause of death was not appa-
rent. His dog, which remained by his side, defended his
master with such ferocity, that it was a task of no slight
difficulty and danger to approach the body. The unfortu-
nate man had with him a quantity of contraband tobacco.
Paris is exceedingly crowded and remarkably plea-
sant at this season. There has been comparatively but
little snow between Boulogne and there.: