The Sun.
London, England, 1830-07-28 00:00:00

, tit
Mint

LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 98, 1830.

The Kt No held his second Levee since his
accession to-day. The number of presentations

was very great.

ANOTHER REVOLUTION IN FRANCE.

We hazard little in asserting that a second
Revolution, not less decided, though, perhaps,
less sanguinary, in its character than the first,
is on the eve of breaking out in France. The

KING, with a boldness, or rather, with an infa-
tuation that cannot fail every where to excite

emotions of astonishment and regret, finding
that the Elections were almost wholly in the
hands of the Liberals, and that his Ministers,
as the law at present stands, were comparatively
powerless whether for good or ill, has published
a number of ordinances of the most despotic
nature, such as BONAPARTE in the height of
his power, with the whole army to back him,
and the Continent at his feet, would scarcely
have attempted. In fact his Catholic Majesty
has drawn the sword, and thrown away the scab-
bard, resolved, at all hazards, to maintain himself
and his Ministry in the possession of absolute
power. By his first Ordinance, which, by way
we presume of heightening its importance, is
countersigned by all the Members of his Go-
vernment, the liberty of the Press is suspended
—annihilated is the proper word. By the
second, the Chamber of Deputies is dissolved.
By the third, the present Law of Elec-
tion is annulled, and a new law substi-
tuted, by which only Deputies of Depart-
ments are to sit in the new Chamber. Of the

probable effect of this last Ordinance we scarcely
dare trust ourselves to speak. Its object, which
his MAMITY seems scarcely to think it worth
his while to conceal, is to do away with the
freedom of election altogether, to place the
Chamber wholly at the mercy of Govern-
ment—in fact, to restore the slavish syco-
phantic spirit of the old " Parliaments of
Paris." That France—liberal and enlightened
France—will submit to such an infringe-

merit on the privileges of her Constitution,
we do not for an instant believe. The moment
the news becomes generally known throughout
the provinces, that moment, we moat sincerely
believe, and as sincerely desire, the great moral
reaction will commence. When once commenced,
who shall say when or at what point it will stop ?
From the style and quality of his MAJESTY'S
resolves, we should imagine that he considers
the army wholly at his disposal. But how can
he count on this as a certainty ? An event
unforeseen to.day, but taking place to-
morrow, may alter the whole position both
of himself and his army. Let but
two or three regiments be won over to the po-
pular cause, and the liberal contagion will spread,
desertion follow on desertion, and the sceptre of
the 13°111(11(ms pass away from them for ever.
What would be said in England to is law
which should disfranchise all cities and bo-
roughs, no matter how influential, wealthy,
or populous, throughout the kingdom, and
enact that the House of Commons should

henceforth consist of Members elected only for
counties ? What we ask, would be thought of
such an unheard of violation of the Constitution?
Yet his CATHOLIC MAJESTY'S third Ordinance
enacts all this, if not more I It annihilates France
as a free nation, and reduces her to the
state of a Turkish province, dependant fin
its very existence on the caprice of its Royal
Master. In a word, it throws her back to the
state of vassalage in which she existed under the
regime of the Grand Monarque and his drivel-
ling, idiotic, and profligate successor.
Will France, in the 19th century, after all

Ind she has shtrered by the revolution ; after all

the experience she has gained during, and
since, the reign of NAPOLEON, submit
to this ? Impossible. Her moral power is
too great ; she has but to put forth
her full energy, and despite a hundred thousand

bayonets—i so many bands can be found to
employ them—she will compel her enemies to

,ow to the spirit of the times.

'e wait with intense interest, but without
apprehension as to the final result, the next in-
telligence from Paris. A few weeks, probably
'4 few days, will decide whether the nation or
the Bourbons are to triumph. Meanwhile we
tney observe, that the KING by his precipitate
ratilineha—how is it that the recollections
of the Cotuit IYAnTGIS are so torpid?,
—4145 completely destrt; yeti the healing

effect that a timely concession might have
produced. He cannot now yield with ho-
nour : if he does, his concession will be an
act not of graciousness but of timidity ; and if
be be no longer feared, it will only be, because
contempt has taken the place of apprehension in
the feelings of his people towards him.

(From the Moniteur of Monday, July 26.)
REPORT TO THE KING.

Sint.,--Your Ministers would be little worthy of
the confidence with which your Majesty honours
them, if they longer delayed to place before your
eyes a view of our internal situation, and to point
out to your high wisdom the dangers of the pe-
riodical Press.

At no time for these fifteen years has this situa-
tion presented itself under a more serious and more
afflicting aspect. Notwithstanding an actual pro-
sperity of which our annals afford no example, signs
of disorganization and symptoms of anarchy manifest
themselves at almost every point of the kingdom.
The successive causes which have concurred to
weaken the springs of the monarchical Government
tend now to impair and to change the nature of it.
Stripped of hs moral force, authority, lost in the
capital and the provinces, no longer contends, but
at a disadvantage, with the factious. Pernicious
and subversive doctrines, loudly professed, are spread
and propagated among all classes of the population.
Alarms, too generally credited, agitate people's
minds, and trouble society. On all sides the pre-
sent is called upon for pledges of security for the
future.

An active, ardent, indefatigable malevolence, la-
bours to rain all the foundations of order, and to
snatch from France the hapt:iness it enjoys under
the sceptre of its Kings. Skilful in turning to ad-
vantage all discontents, and to excite all hatreds, it
foments among the people a spirit of distrust and
hostility towards power, and endeavours to sow
every where the seeds of trouble and civil war; and
already, Sire, recent events have proved that politi-
cal pas:ions, hitherto confined to the summits of
society, begin to penetrate the depths of it, and to
stir up the popular classes. It is proved also that
these masses would never move without danger,
even to those who endeavour to rouse them from
repose.
A multitude of facts collected in the course of
the electoral operations confirm these data, and
would offer us the too certain presage of new com-
motions, if it was not in the power of your Majesty
to avert the misfortune.

Every where also, if we observe with attention,
there exists a necessity of order, of strength, and
of duration ; and the agitations which appear to be
the most contrary to it are in reality only the ex-
pression and the testimony of it.
It must be acknowledged these agitations, which
cannot be increased without great dangers, are almost
exclusively produced and excited by the liberty of
the Press. A law on the elections, no less fruitful
of disorders, has doubtless concurred in maintaining
them, but it would be denying what is evident, to
refuse seeing in the journals the principal focus of a
corruption, the progress of which is evertday more
sensible, and the first source of the calamities which
threaten the kingdom.
Experience, Sire, speaks more loudly than theories.
Men who are doubtless enlightened, and whose good
faith is not suspected, led away by the ill-understood
example of a neighbouring people, may have be-
lieved that the advantages of the periodical Press
would balance its inconveniences, and that its ex-
cesses would be neutralized by contrary excesses.
It is not so, the proof is decisive, and the question is
now judged in the public mind.
At all times, in fact, the periodical Press has been,
and it is in its nature to be, only an instrument of
disorder and sedition.

What numerous and irrefragable proofs may be
brought in support of this truth ! It. re by the via
' lent and incessant action of the Press that the too
sudden and too frequent variations of our internal
policy are to be explained. It has not permitted a
regular and stable system of government to be
established in France, nor any constant attention
to be devoted to introduce into all the branches of
the Administration the ameliorations of which they
are susceptible. All the Ministries since 1814,
though formed under divers influences, and subject
to opposite directions, have been exposed to the
same attacks and to the same licence of the pas.
sions. Sacrifices of every kind, concessions of
power, alliances of party, nothing has been able to
save them from this common destiny.
This comparison alone, so fertile in reflections,
would suffice to assign to the Press its true, its inva-
riable character. It endeavours, by constant, per-
severing, daily-repeated Ante, to relax all the bonds
of obedience and subordination, to weaken all the
springs of public authority, to legrade and debase
it in the opinion of the people, to create against it
every where embarrassment and resistance.

Ito art consists not in substituting to a too easy
submission of mind a prudent liberty of examina-
tion, but to reduce to a problem the most positive
truths; not to excite upon political questions frank
and useful controversy, but to place them in a false
light, and to solve them by sophisms.
The Press has thus excited confusion in the most
upright minds--has shaken the most firm convic-

and produced, in the midst of society, a con.
fusion of principles which lends itself to the most
fatal attempts. It is by anarchy in doctrines that it
paves the way for anarchy in the state. It is
worthy of remark, Sire, that the periodical Press
has not even fulfilled its most essential condition—

that of publicity.—What is strange, hut what may
be said with truth, is that there is no publicity in
France, taking this word in its just and strict sense.

In this state of things, facts, when they are not en-
tirely fictitious, do not come to the knowledge of
several millions of readers, except mutilated and dis-
figured in the most odious manner. A thick cloud
ranted by the journals conceals the truth, and in
some manner intercepts the light between the Go-
vermnent and the people. The Kings, your pre-
decessors, Sire, always loved to communicate witli
their subjects : is a satisfaction which the Press

has not thought fit th►tt your Majesty should enjoy.
A licentiousness which has passed all bounds has,
in fact, not respected, even on the ►nose solemn
occasions, either the express will of the King, or
the words pronounced from the throne. Some have
been misunderstood and misinterpreted; the others
have been the subject of perfidious commentaries, or
of bitter derision. It is thus that the last act of
the Royal power,—the Proclamation,—was
dia-
credited by the public even before it was known by
the electors.

This is not all. The Press tends to no less than
to subjugate the Sovereignty, and to invade the
powers of the state. The pretended organ of pub-
lic opinion, it aspires to direct the debates or the
Chambers ; it is incontestable that it brings into
them the weight of an influence no less fitful than
decisive. This domination has assumed, especially
within these two or three years, in the Chamber of
Deputies, a manifest character of oppression and
tyranny. We have Sect! in this interval of time the
journals pursue with their insults and their Outrages
the members whose votes appeared to them uncer-
tain or suspected. Too often, Sire, the freedom of
debate in that Chamber has sunk under the reiterated
blows of the Press.

The conduct of the opposition jonre4lk, in the
most recent circumstances cannot be characterioed
its terms less severe. After having themselves called
forth an address derogatory to the prerogatives of
the Throne, they have not feared to re-establish as
a principle the election of the 221 Deputies whose
work it is: and yet your Majesty repulsed the ad.
dress as offensive; you had publicly planned the red
fusel of concurrence which was expressed in it ; you
had announced your immutable resolution to defend
the rights of your crown, which was so openly
m ri The periodical journals have paid
no sto;his the contrary, they have taken
it upr irtFttliitedeni to renew, to perpetunte, and to Igo-

vale the offence. Your Majesty will decide whether
this presumptuous attack shall remain unpunished.
But of all the excesses of the Press, the most se-
rious perhaps remains to be pointed out. From the
very beginning of that expedition, the glory of which
throws so pure and so durable a splendour on the
noble crown of France, the Press has criticised with
unheard-of violence the causes, the means, the pre-
parations, the chances of success. Insensible to the
national honour, it was not its fault if our flagd:d
not remain degraded by the insults of a barbarian.
Indifferent to the great interests of humanity, it has
not been its fault if Europe has not remained subject
to a cruel slavery and a shameful tribute.
This was not enough. By a treachery which our
laws might have reached, the Press has eagerly pub-
lished all the secrets of the armament; brought to
the knowledge of foreigners the state of our forces,
the number of our troops, and that of our ships ;
they pointed out the stations, the means to be em-
ployed to surmount the variableness of the winds,
and to approach the coast. Every thing, even the
piece of landing, was divulged, as if to give the enemy
more certain means of defence; and, a thing un-
heard-of among civilized people, the Press has not
hesitated, by false alarms on the dangers to be in-
curred, to cause discouragement in the army, and
pointing out to its hatred the commander of the en-
terprise, it has, as it were, excited the soldiers to
raise against him the standard of revolt, or to desert
their colours. This is what the organs of a party
which pretends to be national have dared to do.
What it dares to do every day in the interior of
the kingdom tends to no less than to disperse the
elements of public peace, to dissolve the bands of
society, and evidently to make the ground tremble
under our feet. Let us riot fear to disclose here the
whole extent of our evils, in order the better to
appreciate the whole extent of our resources. A
system of defamation, organized on a great scale,
and directed with unequalled perseverance, reaches,
either at hand or at a distance, the most humble of
the agents of the Government. None of your sub-
jects, Sire, is secure from an insult, if ha receives
from his Sovereign the least mark of confidence or
satisfaction. A vast net thrown over France en-
velops all the public functionaries. Placed in a con-
stant state of accusation, they seem to be in a man-
ner cut from civil society; only those are spared
whose fidelity wavers,—only those are praised whose
fidelity gives way: the others are marked by the
faction to be in the sequel, without doubt, sacrificed
to popular vengeance.
The periodical Press has not displayed less ardour
in pursuing with its poisoned darts religion and its
priests. Its object Is, and always will be, to root
out the heart of the people even to the last germ of
religious sentiments. Sire, do not doubt that it will
succeed in this, by attacking the foundations of the
Press, by poisoning the sources of public morals, and
by covering the ministers of the altars by derision
and contempt.
No strength, it must be confessed, is able to resist
a dissolving power so active; as the Press at all times,
when it has been freed from its fetters, has made an
irruption and invasion in the state. One cannot but
be singularly struck with the similitude of its effects
during the last 1.5 years, notwithstanding circum.
stances, and notwithstanding the changes of the
men who have figured on the political stage. Its
destiny, in a word, is to recommence the revolution,.
the principles of which it loudly proclaims. Placed
and replaced at various intervals under the yoke of
the censorship, it has always resumed its liberty only
to recommence its uninterrupted work. In order to
continue it with the more success, it has found an
active auxiliery in the departmental Press, which,
engaging in combat local jealousies and hatreds,
striking terror into the minds of timid men, harass-
ing authority by endless intrigues, has exercised u
decisive influence on the elections.
These last effects, Sire, are transitory; but effects
more durable are observed in the manners and its the
character of the nation. An ardent, lying, and
passionate spirit of contention, the schools of scandal
and licentiousness has produced in it important
changes, and profound alterations ; it gives a false
direction to people's mind., it fills them with pre-
judices.—diverts them from serious studies—retards
them in the progress of the sciences and the arts—
excites among us a fermentation, which is constantly
increasing—maintains, even in the bosom of cur
families, fatal dissensions—and might, by degrees,
throw us back into barbarism.
Against so many evils, engendered by the perios
dical Press, the law and justice are equally obliged
to confess their want of power. It would be super-
fluous to inquire into the causes which have
weakened the power of repression, and have in-
sensibly made it an ineffectual weapon in the bands
of the authorities. It is sufficient to appeal to ex-
perience, and to show the present state of things.
Judicial forms do not easily lend themselves to an
effectual repression. This truth has long since
struck reflecting minds ; it has lately become still
more evident. To satisfy the wants which caused
its institution, the repression ought to be prompt
end strong; it has been slow, weak, and almost
null. When it interferes, the mischief is already
done, and the punishment, fur from repairing it,
only adds the scandal of the discussion.
The judicial prosecution is wearied out, but the
seditious Press is never weary. The one stops be-
cause there is too much to prosecute : the other
multiplies its strength by multiplying its transgres-
sions. In these divers circumstances the prosecutions
have had their appearances of activity or of relaxa-
tion. But what does the Press care for zeal or Juke-
warmness in the public prosecutor ? It seeks in mul-
tiplying its successes the certainty of their impunity.
The insufficiency, or even the inutility of the
institutions established in the laws now in force, is
demonstrated by facts. It is equally proved by
facts that this public safety is endangered by the
licentiousness of the Press. It is time, it is more
than time, to arrest its ravages.
Give ear, Sire, to the prolonged cry of indigna-
tion and of terror which rises from all points of
your kingdom. All peaceable men, the ups ight,
the friends of order, stretch to your Majesty their
suppliant hands. All implore you to preserve them
from the return of the calamities by which their
fathers or themselves have been so severely afflicted.
These alarms are too real not to be listened to—
these wishes are too legitimate not to be regarded.
There is but one means to satisfy them I it is to
return to the Charter (renirer dans to Charte).
If the terms of the Bth article are ambiguous, its
spirit is manifest. It is certain that the Charter has
not given the liberty of the journals and of perk).
dical writings. The right of publishiag one's per-
sonal opinions certainly does not imply the right of
publishing the opinions of others. The one is the
use of a faculty which the law might leave free or
subject to restrictions : the other is a commercial
speculation, which, like of hers, and more than others,
supposes the superintendence of the public authority.
1 he intentions of the Charter on this subject are
aceitrately explained in the law of the 21st of Oc-
tober, 1814,, which is in some measure the appendix
to it this is the less doubtful, as this law was
presented to the Chambers on the lith of July---
that is to say, one month after the protoulgation of
the Charter. In 1819, at the time when a con•
teary system prevailed in the Chambers, it was
openly proclaimed there that the periodical Press
rsrtiot governed by the enactments of the eighth
Article. The truth is besides attested by the very
laws which hove imposed upon the journals the
condition of giving seeurisecurities.
Now, Sire, nothing remains but to inquire how
this return to the Charter and to the law of the 21st
solved this
questions
We °off the present jila4i'etilureQliabse
condition of a representative
we
in
nut decieve ourselves,--we are
ao
principles on which it has been
longer in the ordinary
Gover.nment• the
established
.could not remain entire amidst the po-
nt.
leigntiotimoautre
plaoTe,r. tends it disportst o ltit t
)ideal vicissitudes. A turbulent democracy, which
has pitsrelf enetrates) La: epillaceevoe
of the majority of time eleetions by means of the
journals and the assistance of numerous affiliations.

It has paralyzed, as far as has depended on it, the
regular exercise of the most essential prerogative of
the Crown—that of dissolving the elec.ive Cham-
ber. By this very thing the constitution of the state
is shaken. Your Majesty alone retains the power
to replace and consolidate it upon its foundations.
The right as well as the duty of assuring its
maintenance, is the inseparable attribute of the
sovereignty. No Government on earth would re-
main standing if it had not the right to provide for
its own security. This power exists before the laws,
because it is in the nature of things. These, Sire,
are maxims which have in their favour the sanction
of time, and the assent of all the publicists of
Europe.
But these maxims have another sanction still
more positive—that of the Charter itself. The 14th
article has invested your Majesty with a sufficient
power, not undoubtedly to change our institutions,
but to consolidate them and render them more stable.
Circumstances of imperious necessity do not per-
mit the exercise of this supreme power to be any
more deferred. The moment is come to have re-
course to measures which are in the spirit of the
Charter, but which are beyond the limits of legal
ord6r, the recources of which have been exhausted
in vain.

These measures, Sire, your Ministers, who are to
secure the success of them, do not hesitate to pro-
pose to you, convinced as they arc that justice will
remain the strongest.
We are, with the most profound respect Sire,
your Majesty's most (skilful subjects,
(Signed) Prince de POLIGNAC.
CIIANTELAUZE.
Baron D'HAUSSEZ.
Count de PEYRONNET.
MONTBEL.
Count de GIJERNON lIANVILLE.
Baron CAPELLE.

ORDINANCES OF THE KING.
CHARLIE/3, &c.
To all to whom these presents shall come, health.
On the report of our Council of Ministers, we
have ordained and ordain as follows:--
Art. 1. The liberty of the periodical Press is sus-
pended.

2. The regulations of the Articles Ist, 2d, and
9th of the Ist section of the law of the 21st Octo-
ber, 1814, are again put in force, in consequence of
which no journal, or periodical or semi-periodical
writing, established, or about to be established,
without distinction of the matters therein treated,
shall appear either in Paris or in the departments,
except by virtue of an authority first obtained from
us respectively by the authors and the printer. This
authority shall be renewed every three months. It
may also be revoked.

3. The authority shall be provisionally granted
and provisionally withdrawn by the prefects from
journals and periodicals, or semi-periodical works,
published, or about to be published, in the depart-
ments.

4. Journals and writings published in contraven-
tion of Article 2, shall be immediately seized. The
presses and types used in the printing of them shall
be placed in a public depot under seals, or rendered
unfit for use.
.5. No writing below twenty printed pages shall
appear, except with the authority of our Minister
Secretary of State for the Interior at Paris, and of
the prefects in the departments. Every writing of
more than twenty printed pages, which shall not
constitute one single work, must also equally be
published under authority only. Writings published
without authority shall be immediately seized, the
presses and types used in printing of them shall be
placed in a public depot, and under seals, or rendered
unfit for use.

6. Memoirs relating to legal process and memoirs
of scientific and literary societies must be previously
authoriocd, if they treat in whole or in part of
()an-
tics, matters, in which case the measures prescribed
by Art. 5 shall be applicable.
7. Every regulation contrary to the present shall
be without effect.
8. The execution of the present Ordinance shall
take place in conformity to Article 4 of the lOrdi.
nance of November 27, 1816, and of that which is
prescribed by the Ordinance of the 18th of Ja-
nuary, 1817.

O. Our Secretaries of State are charged with the
xecution of this Ordinance.
Given at Chateau St. Cloud, the 25th of July, o
he year of Grace 1830, and the Gth of our reign.
(Signed) CFIARLES.
(Countersigned)
Prince de POLIGNAC, President.
CIIANTELAUZE, Keeper of the Seals.
11n1a0roNnTDB'llIEA, Ulli 818rEdsZter of Financeiliinitero.Marine.
Count GUERNON RANVILLE, Minister
Ecclesiastical Affairs.
Baron CAPELLE, Secretary of State for
Public Works.
CHAR

To all to whom these presents shall come, &c.
Having considered Art. SO of the Constitutional
Charter, being informed of the manoeuvres which
have been practised in various parts of our kingdom
to deceive and mislead the electors during the late
operations of the electoral colleges; haying heard
our council, we have ordained and ordain as follows:
Art. 1. The Chamber of Deputies of Depart..
ments is dissolved.
2. Our Minister Secretary of State of the Inte-
rior is charged with the execution of the present
Ordinance.
Given at St. Cloud, the 25th day of July, the
year of Grace, 1830, and the sixth of our reign.
(Countersigned CHARLES.
) Count de PEYRONNET,
Peer of France, Secretary of State for the Interior.
Cll.\ ROCS,
To all those who shall see these presents, health.
Having resolved to prevent the return of the
manoeuvres which have exercised a pernicious in-
fluence 011 the late operations of the electoral col-
leges, wishing in consequence to reform according
to the principles of the constitutional charter the
rules of election of which experience has shown the
inconvenience, we have recognised the necessity of
using the right which belongs to us, to provide by acts
emanating from ourselves, for the safety of the state,
and for the suppression of every enterprise injurious to
the dignity of our Crown. For these reasons, having
heard our Council, we have ordained and ordain—...
Art. 1. Conformably to the articles 15, 36, and
30, of the Constitutional Charter, the Chamber of
Deputies shall consist only of Deputies of Depart-
ments.
2. The electoral rate and the rate of eligibility
shall consist exclusively of the sums for which the
elector anti the candidate shall be inscribed indi-
vidually, as holders of real or personal property in
the roll of the land-tax or of personal taxes.
3. Each department shall have the number of De-
puties allotted to it by the 36th Article of the Con-
stitutional Charter.
4. The Deputies shell be elected, and the Chamber
renewed in the form and for the time fixed by the
37th article of the Constitutional Charter.
5. The Electoral Colleges shall be divided into
colleges of arrondissement, and colleges of depart-
ments, except in the case of electoral colleges of de-
partmeets to which only one Deputy is allotted.
6. The electoral colleges of arrondissement shall
consist of all the electors whose political domicile is
established in the arrondissement. The electoral
colleges of departments shall consist of a fourth part
the highest taxed of the electors of departments.
7. The present limits of the electoral colleges of
arrondissement are retained.
8. Every electoral callege of arrondissement shall
elect a number of candidates equal to the number of
departmental deputies.
9. The college of arrondissement shall be divided
into as many sections as candidates. Each division
shall be in proportion to the number of sections,
and to the total number of elector*, having regard
as much us possible to the convenience of place and
neighbourhood.
10. The sections of the electoral college of arron-
dissements may assemble in different pieces.
11. Every section of tho

{;

rondissemente shall choose a candidate, awl- pro
separately. , ~, ~I'e
12. The Presidents of the sections of thelf
tonal college of arrondissement shalt be alt
by the prefects from among the electors Of thill
rondissement. , ee
13. The college of department shall chewed
deputies; half the deputies of departments4hsll
chosen from the general list of candidates propel
by the colleges of arrondissements ; nevelt)**
the number of deputies of the departmentll 0
even, the division shall be made without WOO
merit of the right reserved by the college 014
partment.
veild4.orlneases wher
double
nominations,proposed by the colleges of arrondissements.*
be incomplete, if the list is reduced belmvlolo
' by
the
number required, the college of department 4
choose another deputy not in the list; if then
etffbee citist of
eofm oilssedo
ioeh
ct,
reduced below a fourth, the college of depirt.
may elect beyond the whole of the &Wieser 6
partment.
15. The prefects, the sub-prefects, and thie
ral officers commanding military divisions OP
partments, are not to be elected in the deptolo,ol
where they exercise their functions.
16. The list of electors shall be settled
prefect in the Council of Prefecture. Its
It
posted up five days before the assembling 01,7
~
colleges.
17. Claims regarding the power of votlllgW„,,,i,
have not been authorized by the prefect', •
•Inig7
decided by the Chamber of Deputies; et itili
time that it shall decide upon the veliditi!i
• '.
operations of the colleges. )
18. In the electoral colleges of deportioes,o,4„,,,
two oldest electors and the two electors Irmv 1-'
the most taxes shall execute the duty ofeers,"lll,6
The same disposition shall be obserresLit
sections of the college of arrondissement,oo77
at most, of only fifty electors. In the othlr.," 1
sections the functions of set utators shall bel,:'
by the oldest and the richest of the eleclOstr,
secretary shall be nominated in the collar
section of colleges by the president and the
19. No person shall be admitted into the
or section of college, if he is not inset:oo,oo
ei
list of electors who compose part of it. „iol(
will be delivered to the president, and IsuVAik
posted up in the place of the sitting 01°4,774
during the period of its proceedings. •
~..ii
20. All discussion and deliberation whet.
forbidden in the bosom of the electoral collet
21. The police of the college belong to Ove
co l
sident. No armed force without his, orde
..,r .mw
placed near the hall of sittings. The militrq-'7-
mandant shall be bound to obey his requitit
22. The nominations shall be made in the, el
el
and sections of college, by the absolute see '
the votes given. Nevertheless, if the nett,
are not finished after two rounds of serewal
bureau shall determine the list of perseee":7l
have obtained the greatest number of r! r;
doublembgeeisymeendeex.
ee
except
httatttobopef
ettribiseiorndnsormienuistnicadrt(iboetninl:ponstleir,477:lo;
the second round. It shall contain sceriscon
bntoae
and the nominations shall be made by a re"-- '' •-i
jority.
23. The electors shall vote by bulletin'
L 0
bulletin shall contain as many names *0 07
nominations to be made.
21. The electors shall write their Vote', ,t,
ir T 1
bureau, or cause it to be written by ono -,
~,1
scrutators.
of each elector who shall deposit his A
25. The name the qualification, and 41,0 4011 '
andea
c2h9s.shiatltlinbg: e.
Conformably
T declaredhi s
ptdrooucraei :al hellellProds
be inscribed by the secrets& on a list des/IP '4
establish the number of the voters. , WO
26. Every scrutiny shall remain open (orb.' ^ ~,:i,
27. There shill be drawn up a preeelvtaerpr
tgivectlerlibea4siigit thimelglt.bzoom!
all the members of the bureau. ' '.
of the
0
tional Charter, no amendment can be Moue poisi
law in the Chamber, unless it bee ,been beepproie
and consented to by us; and unless it lute
cussed in the bureaus.
present. or
29. All regulations contrary to the Pre-
trance shall remain without effect.
30. Our Ministers Secreturiesof
with the execution of the present ordillencli.,lo
Given at St. Cloud, this 25th day of .111 y ~ 4
year of grace 1830, and 6th of our reign. ;
Cliitifrrigs4
the
(Countersigned by hy all .
CH A Atte, liC. Spel '
To all who shall these presents sees Os
Considering the Royal Ordinance 0ft(30..
It
respecting the organization of the Electond
_istilt,
On the report of our Minister Secretary °' ,
of the Home Department, ':`,
We have ordered, and order, what folios/I:$.01
State sue c1ie5,,,,,,,,,
1. The Electoral Colleges are to meet-'slli
Electoral Colleges of Arrondissements 00,„,elli. oesi
of September next, and the Departmental P. ~t
Colleges on the 18th of the same monl,h•
2. The Chamber of Peers and the tAiTfoll!`,
Deputies of the Departments are convolou
28th of the month of September nest' the
De3p.arOtmuerehtlie cb
inistearrgSedec‘rweittabrythoe eu
f eSxteatetficenr tosbefrot
sent Ordinance. he 254.,k
Given at our Castle of St. Clouds
;The ilfr
June, of the year of Grace 1830, and -
year of our reign.
By the King (Signed) CIIABLEe4I.'
Count de PEYIO:`
CHA ate; Ise. ii Off' Y'll
To all who may see these presents greSsiaill„
On the report of our keeper of the See,tticesir.
Secretary of State of the Department of e"" . .
have ordered, and order, what follows :-'", sol/
1. The Sieur Delaveau, Councillor of coor
extraordinary service, is appointed Celle
State en ordinary service.
2. The Sieurs Count de Vanblanc, --11,1011L4
don, Ministers of State; Marquis de •""
Issarts, Baron de Frenilly, Francliet pest-CP:4
count de Castlebajar, Syrieys de ISlarieoeiL
cillors in extraordinary service, are author of
assist at, rind participate in, the deliberstleei ,
Council of State. , feel
3. The Sieurs Cornet d'lncourt. 10" mt 0
cillor of State, and Baron de Villeboiss -,, itei:;
Requests, are named Councillors of Stil:t sh.,l
traorditiary service ; and authorised to se,
„ell,Oll r
participate in, the deliberations of our I:''' -
State.
4. The Sieurs de Formor, Viscount de ..Clll
/stager of Requests, ere nutned Councillors!
in extraordinary service, and authorized tor' '
in the deliberations of our Council of State.
5. Viscount de Curzay, Master of Reg° zor
feet of the Department de la Correies'e , 4
Councillor of State in extraordinary service: 04
6. Baron de Chardieu, Prefect of the Digriee, r
of La Loire, and Sieur Mery de 03°a
1.... 01
named Masters of Requests in extraordina),tste.,
7. Our Keeper of the See's, Minister o.t;th tio
the Department of Justice, is charged ot
execution of the present Ordinance.
the
silt'
Given at our Castle of Sr. Cloud, ti list',
July, in the year of Grace 1830, and ill 'he
~
our reign. GOARIP •
By the King. (Signea) ("60,4.
The Keeper of the Seale and 11iinieter 0_,,, AO .
ClIANiP''
........'
C 11.4. &C. reetit 'Od
To all who may see these presents go so a, ,
On the report of our Keeper of t_ind grilefioe
Minister of Justice, we have ordered, rie
enoty Ift 0.
1. The Sieur llergasse, formerly +4,iroreP`_,ol,
Litates General, named Honorary Coul'u,"mipisl!„,
2. Our Keeper of the Seel*, eill,,f itiO,r'
Justice, is charged with the execution " a d
the 2stiip
sent Ordinance. s
the ..
Cloud,
,Id
0, 01
of
JGoilvy.e,nioattirtehyeeoCraosftleGorfaScet:
1830,
year of our reign.

By the Krug

(Signedd C
liAsillitiknetlift
—.raft 111

•Mposlible -to describe the astonishment and the
terror with which Paris was seized this morning on
theappearattee'of the lihniteur. The Three per
Cents, have experienced the following variations :
25e. 77f. 25c. 7M. 60c. Thus since Satur-
day the decline has been nearly four francs.
Half-past Three o'clock.- 75f. 40c.
• Faxxcn FUNDS.-Pixis, Jury 26.-Five per Cents:,
403 f. 103 f. 50e, 103 f. 1026 25c. 103 f. 40c. 103 f. 1021.
Ve. 50e. 40e. 1021. 80c. 25c. 102 f. 101 f. 75c. 50c.;
Three per Cents., 76f. 50c. 70e. 60c. 50c. 76'. 76f. 20c.
;761. 75f. 60c. UP. 60c. ; Rentes de Naples, 86f. 85f.
.50e. 25c. 85f. 84f. 90c. ; Rentes Perpetuelle d'Etpagne,
701. Exchange on London, one month, paper, 251. 400.;
money, 25f. 35c. ; three months, paper, 25f. 25c. ; money,
25f.'20c.--Cours .4utheatigue.

We have received advisee from Madrid to the
16th inst., the contents of which are important.
The 'pretended hostile return and descent of the
emigrants had been made the pretext for ne w
persecutions. The Government had transmitted
to all the Magistrates of the kingdom detailed
-instructions, the nature of which will be seen
from the following extract :
" On various occasions, and by different channel., the
OnvetnUtent has just learnt that a revolutionary junta exists
at London, headed by General Torrejos, who is in com-
munication with - correspondents in France, under the
cover of Dauber and Co., for Mr. Thompson ; and at
Gibialtm*, under that of Thomas Wilson, jun., that Colonel Guerrea corresponds with London under the
title of M. Ileisson, and with France under that of An.
tosaio Gabega, and that he was to begin operations on the
oast of Arragon ; that. Dun Ignacio Lopez Ponte was to
fro to Paris, to' concert'with a respectable French General
the means of raising resources, and General Placentia to
Proceed from Jersey. to London to arrange the proceedings
4WO the Junta; that their agents at. Marseilles were Cols.
Iralida, Anglada, Pereira, and a son of General Milano ;
that at Gibraltar sn agent of the junta lots, with the
Englishman advanced /5,000/. sterling ;
that they had freighted a vessel of 300 tons,. carrying
ery ar-
littd commi:vied by &Captain distinguished for his
orav; and also a steam-boat, to transport Dorrijoa to
Algesiris,• where ad attempt had been made to seduce the
garrison; that the revolutionists bad prepared a manifesto,
to be published On the day of their insurrection, declaring
that their only object is to give liberty to the entire nation,
And the independence requisite for the free ar.d uncon-
troulled choice of institutions suited to the country ; that
IP the meantime they would establish provisional junta*, to
consist of at least seven persons, whose temporary powers
should he emPloyed in aid of the General-in-Chief, to dis-
solve the. present, and form new municipalities and public
uses; to make a new division of taxes, and in this re-
spect to inquire whether there are any ancient laws that
might be again enforced, Sic. This circular concludes with
an assurance that the Government has taken sufficient mea•.
sures to destroy the hopes of the revolutionists, and that
ell their steps are Watched. Already several persons, in
different parts of the kingdom, have been arrested as oc-
culted 9r euspected of being engaged in the conspiracy. On
the evening of the Stis inst. a violent mutiny took place in
one'of the barracks at Madrid. The provincial militia.
men, who occupied them, uttered the cries of Death to
the tyrant!' ' Down with the Government !' ' Long
lire liberty !' The inspiration Ives so great, that the of-
ten, had great difficulty in restoring order. The gates
Were shut, and the military posts doubled. The garrison
of the town was under arms all night, and whole compa-
Wes patrolled the streets: Several individuals have been
a!tested with medals lately struck, hut where, or for what
purpose, is unknown. Upon one of these medals, on one
side, are a shepherdess, the letter V., and this inscription
"'t King, Law, Inquisition.' On the other side, a crown,
the emblems of liberty, and this inscription--.' Spanish
Restoration, A. R. S., 1830.' Three Portuguese, who
recently landed at Comma, with proclamations printed at
Terceira, were arrested by the Spanish Magiatrates, and
sent off, under the escort of six men, to Madrid. On the
Way they were cost by a band of eight mounted brigands,
sud it became necessary to abandon the prisoners, who
**eyed, and have not since been heard of. A Guerilla
Potty,of24o men, well armed, have shown themselves near
14614, and had a skirmish with the Revenue Officers.
The Guerillas, whilst fighting, shouted ' The Constitution
for ever !,
They afterwards moved towards Oliventa."