The Sun.
London, England, 1837-05-19 00:00:00

" by what process" was it that Mr. Leader was re-
turned at the former election ? We do not doubt that
le:s purse on that occasion prevailed aaainst the forties
of Mr. Broadwootl. Unquestionably Liberals as well
as Tories resort to corrupt means under our present
base representative system ; but there is this distinc-
tion, that Reformers seek to amend, and Tories to per•
petuate the system. We rejoice to learn that the venal
electors of Bridgewater will not escape detection and
exposure, and we shall soon sec what species of " re-
action" obtained the return of Mr. Broadwood.
Nearly two hundred electors have been bribed
by the partisans of that gentleman, who will
probably repent being a cat's-paw of the Carbon
Club. Mr. William Holmes and his pensioned
son, who graced this contest• with their presence,
may he " pure as unsunned snow," and, for aught
we know, may have preached honesty and purity
of election to the Piano-fifiies ;* but we think at
least it would have been decent and politic in the old
whipper-in" to train up a child in the way he should
gorand to leave him in the safe possession of his pen-
sion of 5001. per annum on the Civil List. Mr.
Thomas Knox Holmes, the son, at present enjoys
this pension for no earthly service to his country since
the year 1830. In virtue of this pension Holmes, the
younger, has probably received the goodly sum of
3,5001. ! Perhaps a future House of Commons, in
sonic period of real re-action, will examine into the
merits of the youthful pensioner. We doubt whether
the civil services of the parent at Bridgewater will
further justify this quartering of the son on the public
purse. A Committee on that return, or perhaps on
the Pension List hereafter, may have something not
very acceptable to say to Holmes and Son. For
further particulars on the pension of Thomas Knox
Holmes, and the public character and calling of the
father, we refer to the columns of the Times.—
Morrting Chronicle.
• The renal electors, alluding to Mr. Broadvcood'a trade of
piano-forte maker, called out no pianofortes, we must have
piano ;?flies.
In the number of the Times, which contained the
report of Lord Morpeth's speech on introducing the
resolution preliminary to the Irish Tithe Bill of this
session, we stated, in no very ambiguous language,
the deep condemnation which that Bill in our opinion
merited, and the aggravated system of harshness and
plunder which, as compared with the Tithe Bill of
1836, it promised to inflict upon the Church. We
characterized the measure thus indicated by the Irish
Secretary as one which, instead of recommending itself
to honest men and friends of the Constitution, by
an abandonment of the iniquitous appropriation clause
of last year, or by showing some decent respect for
the rights, and some feeling of humanity for the
comforts, of the clergy, contained a version of
the appropriation clause worse and more grinding
than that which had formed the first Whig-Ra-
dical manifesto against the Established Church, and
the war-cry of Lord Melbourne's Government. It
was obvious that the second Bill—namely, that of
which the second reading has, for reasons which the
mover will not hastily 'acknowledge, been postponed
to the 9th of June—bringe at once into certain and
immediate action that principle of which the abstract
assertion only was positive in the former Bill, and the
actual operation against the Church contingent on the
future existence of a surplus. The present measure
does not leave the " surplus" dependent on any con-
tingency. It perpetrates a direct robbery on the
clergy, and applies the fruits of it, without the slightest
ceremony, to the benefit of those whose aim is the
total destruction both of church and clergy. As is
already known, this measure of Lord Morpeth cuts off'
101. from every 1001. which the commutation clauses
still leave to the clergy, and diverts it to the mainte-
nance of a parochial school for teaching Roman Ca-
tholic children. But this is not all. We listened at-
tentively to Lord l'aforpeth's speech, and heard him
distinctly, unless our ears deceived us, adduce an act of
Parliament, 28th Henry VIII., as his authority for
sweeping away 10 per cent. of the revenues of all
ranks and orders of clergymen, for the support of a
charity school in each parish. Now, at the time the
truth of this matter was with us, we avow, conjecture
only. We were indeed sufficiently satisfied that there
could be no particle of analogy between the purpose of
Henry the Eighth's Government, which was noto-
riously to teach the English tongue, or to imbue the
native Irish with English manners, tastes, and habits,
and that of any rational Administration in the present
day, when the language of England is thoroughly
known throughout Ireland, and the exact opposite of
all English tastes and sentiments is industriously spread
among the lower orders of Irishmen, by a class of
teachers to whom alone, unfortunately, they listen.
But that is far from being the extent to which Lord
Morpeth carried his misrepresentations in the instance
to which we have just referred. He not merely mis-
interpreted the general scope of King Henry's policy
with regard to te instruction of the Irish poor, but
he literally perverted into a fresh pecuniary exaction
from the clergy those clauses of the Act 28th of that
King, which provided a pecuniary indemnification for
them in re-payment of their toil as teachers. The
Act of Henry enjoined the established clergy to keep '
a school " for to learn English, if any children of
his parish come to him to learn the same." And the
clause goes on thus--" he, the incumbent, taking"
(not paying, as Lord Morpeth in his speech trans-
lated it, but taking) " for the keeping of the same
school such convenient stipend or salary as in the
said laud is accustomably used to be taken." No-
thing here about a tax of 10 per cent. upon the
Protestant clergy of Ireland. How the O'Connell
Secretary came to recite such an Act of Parliament for
so queer a purpose, or to confound two things in their
nature so distinguishable as the offices of paying mo-
ney and -receiving it, can only be accounted for by
that faculty of transposing the pronouns possessive
" meant" and "Mum," which would be so natural!),
and easily acquired under a schoolmaster like him who
has lately given lessons to Lord Morpeth. Indeed,
apart from all objects of party spite, we wonder little at
any repugnance evinced by the O'Connell Ministers
to have this hateful and dishonest measure exposed to
Parliamentary discussion. It is one which must ine-
vitably get fractured in the handling. It is one which
will not bear so much as to be looked at. It is one
which no set of politicians, not either grossly ignorant
of the first duties of British statesmen, or entirely reck-
less and desperate as to the good or evil which might
result from their -undertakings, would have dared to
imagine against an institution so sacred as the Church,

Another triumph for the Conservative cause is soon
to be achieved, and a triumph scarcely inferior in im-
portance to that which has just been won by the Con-
servatives of Westminster. A vacancy, as our readers
are aware, has been created in the representation of
Glasgow by Mr. Oswald, the late Ministerial Member
for that city, having accepted the Chiltern Hundreds.
The writ for a new election has issued, and a staunch
Conservative candidate_a candidate in all respects
worthy to represent the commercial capital of Scotland
—is in the field, surrounded by circumstances which
afford all but the abs,:lute certainty of his triumphant
return. Mr. Monteith has many claims to the con-
fidence of the citizens of Glasgow, and we have great
satisfaction in stating that his claims are generally re-
cognised by the clear-sighted and sober-minded inhabi-
tants of Scotland. It is not that the name of Mr.
Monteith is associated with the commercial pro-
sperity of his country—it is not that he and his
family occupy an elevated position in the society
of that city which he aspires to represent, or that they
so occupy their social position as to diffuse around it the
radiance of intelligence and virtue—it is not that the
father of Mr. Monteith had the honour of receiving
'under his roof Sir R. Peel nil the recent memorablevisit to Glasgow of that
('.l.4tnont statesman, a
higher or a prouder tlistriction can scarcely be ima-
gined : Mr. Monteith prefers a claim to the suffrages
qf con.;,tryinen more indisputable and more exalted
than any of these—a claim founded upon his personal
zeal in the cause of Protestantism as opposed to Po-
pery—of religion as opposed to infidelity. The new
candidate for the representation of Glasgow is an
avowed, a conscientious, an intrepid, and, as he will
prove, we have no doubt, a formidable, antagonist to
that unprincipled party in the State whichdares t 6
profess its • belief that politics and religion have
no connection with each other ; that the Govern-
ment of a Christian country may, without blame,