The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 1, 1863

The Wolverhampton and Dudley Mysteries,

-
THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Special Correspondent of the Times.)
ALBANY, NEW YoBK, Aug. 17.
Those of Columbus's contemporaries who disbe-
lieved the existence of a Western Hemisphere, be-
cause they thought that anything that went beyond
the rim of the horison must needs fall topsy-turvy,
were not, after all, so far wrong in their apprehen-
sions as science and experience would make them.
The sun rises in New York only five hours later than
in London, yet many of the most firmly established
notions and principles of the Old World are as tho-
roughly reversed in the New as if men here stood
on their heads. If Europe, for instance, had learnt
anything at its great cost, if there was a point
nettled beyond all dispute among us, it was this—
that war was a great evil, the bane of a nation's
prosperity, as fatal to the conqueror as to the van-
quished, even if the former had the luck and skill to
bring back its heaviest charges toweigh on the latter,
even if he contrived to "make the war feed the war."
" Well, Sir !" among these 'cute classes of Yankee
land the notion of the old doting wor;d is exploded ;
America—the Northern "Division of the Union" at
least—contrives to fatten on war ; she thrives like
Mithridates on poison, and plucks the jewel out of
the head of the ugly toad. There is nothing my
friends seems so anxious to impress on me here as
the boundless extent of well-being accruing to this
already so prosperous community from the last two
or three years of civil commotion. The facts speak
already eloquently enough to the eyes ; but they
are eager to convince me that this is no mere gloss
on the surface ; that the well-being spreads every-
where as far as the country itself; that it sinks
deeply from the highest to the lowest ranks of
society. It is precisely with a view to test the
correctness of their assertions, to study the causes
of this alleged phenomenon, that, after tarrying for
a month among the Atlantic cities, I have now
fairly turned my back upon the coast, and resolved
upon a trip through the inland regions, with a
particular tendency towards the Western States.
The Government at Washington has raised an
army of 1,000,000 or 1,250,000 combatants. It is
the host of Xerxes in vastness no less than in ineffi-
ciency ; it has been got up in such a hurry, and with
so little knowledge and judgment, with so reckless
and wilful a waste, as to cost three times as much as
it would have done in France, in Austria, or Russia.
A French fellow traveller of mine once told me that
he was fond of anything "qui fait router les ecus."
No human enterprise, certainly, could have set the
dollars a-going more briskly then this gigantic
armament. Money runs in the gutter like dirt
here, and it is held in no greater estimation—in
sober earnest, it is nothing but dirt. A lady of
my acquaintance, accustomed to deal with old
curiosity mongers in the Ghetto at Rome, used
to tell me that it was not merely the large sum
as expressed in mere words or figures that
tempted the cupidity of the peddling Jew ; it
was the same sum held out to him in bright
burning gold that exercised irresistible fascination;
it dazzled and bewildered the miser; it paralysed
his higgling faculties, it took him by storm. Now,
such a charm can certainly not reside in green-
backs. American money is not fit to be touched
otherwise than with a pair of tongs. The very
omnibus driver who hands you your few cents
change seems to loathe the crumpled bits of dingy
paper that soil his unwashed paw, glad to be rid of
them on any terms. The "almighty dollar" is too
foul a god even for the most grovelling worshipper
to bow to; people lavish it about with the heedless-
ness of gamblers playing with mere counters, as if
only half aware of the conventional value ettached
to the dross. The millions of millions set in circula-
tion by the war are there, however; every one helps
himself who has a mind to a share of them; and, little
as it may seem probable, even this dirty paper, this
fictitious wealth, may be realised into fine houses,
sumptuous feasts, glittering equipages, every variety
of comfort and luxury. A little Corsican, the
keeper of a small eating-house on the wrong side of
Pennsylvania-avenue, in Washington, told me that
he was two years ago driven to the resolution of
shutting up shop from sheer lack of custom, and be-
taking himself to New York, there to hire himself
out as a waiter, when, by the advice of a weather•
wise friend, he was induced to have better hopes for
the future. He stuck to the shop, and the war so
enlivened his business that in two years he has
netted and sent home safe to Ajaccio no less a sum
than 100,000 f.—an independent fortune in his own
native island. The landlord of the Maison Doree,
an establishment of the same kind, but on a
larger scale, in Union-square, in New York,
reckons his earnings in dollars instead of francs.
Extend this measure to all the hotels, railway
companies, to every branch of industry, and you
Will conceive how consumption has multiplied itself
throughout the country ; the very book trade, I
am informed on the best authority, has enlarged its
operations in the same measure as it has raised its
prices. Good times have come for people of all
classes ; so much money, I am told, at no time
within men's memory was paid into the New York
Savings Banks. Never was there so much business
done towards the extinction of private debt and the
redemption of property from mortgage. There are
good pickings for great and small ; the ill-wind
blows everybody good; and the raisers of that wind,
the mighty contractors, the " shoddy " gentlemen,
against whom you hear so loud an outcry, are crimi-
nals who can turn upon a large mass of their fellow-
citizens as sharers of their guilt; the difference lies
between thieves and receivers of stolen goods. The
prices of the most common-place commodities are
something appalling. A thimbleful of cognac brandy
after your coffee at dinner is charged 25c. ; wine at
less than 3 dole. is undrinkable ; a pair of shoes for
a working man is not to be had in all Albany for
less than 6 doll.; the garden labourer, -who was
satisfied with 10s. a day (New York currency) two
years ago,'has had his wages raised to 15s. ; every-
thing in proportion. Money is dirt—as freely
squandered as it is easily got. Reckless extrava-
gance keeps pace with frantic covetousness—with
ruthless extortion.
Are not high prices and high wages symptoms of
a country's well-being ? Many of my friends here
think so, and when asked whether the supply of
labour
keeps pace with the demand, they answer
"that the hands are scarce, truly, but not so much
Bo
ra24. to produce any slack or stagnation in business."
"dB pleasant city of Albany, I am told, furnished
to the war a contingent of 3,000 volunteers, out of
a population of 62,367 souls. The State of New
York ,with population of
than 250,000 3,851,563, put no less
men under arms. 'But these were not
at first the sort of people
missed in thecommunity. A good many of them
were the roughs,
the
urowdies, the loafers, whose
enlistment
was looked Ore of
nasa good riddance by
their fellosvcitizens. the regiments of New
York City was named to me, " admission to whose
ranks could not be obtained by any one who had
not been at least twice committed to the State pri-
sons." The Governor of New York, Mr. Seymour,
has given out no less than 5,000 commissions for
officers since last January. Even most of the officers
were members of a society that could be well
spared. The Northern Army is wasted away by
death. sickness, and desertion, at the rate of no less
than 50 per cent. The " Excelsior Brigade," a corps
which set out with 9,000 men strong, is now reduced
to consething like one-fourth its original numbers.
With an army raised upon 811C11 unenviable quali-
fications, conducted upon such loose and lavish
principles, it is no wonder it thinking men begin to
tire of the war, and look forward to its continua-
tion with gloomy forebodings. The day or reckon-
ing must come, and there are many who think it
, high time that it should come. The enthusiasm of
the nation has cooled down at as rapid a rate as it
boiled up at the outset ; volunteering is out of the
question, and the conscription is set down as a
blunder even by the stanchest supporters of the
Government. There is an end now of monster-
meetings, glowing war-speeches, cheers, patriotic
banquets, processions of flags. All rational hope
of a happy termination of the struggle have been
dashed to the ground by the extreme measures of a
universal confiscation and extermination of the
South, contemplated, and partly adopted, by the
Cabinet at Washington. There are, indeed, no symp-
toms of violent opposition apparent anywhere ; bat
the strength of the people here lies in the tie' inertia,

and the mere supineness of the masses, the collapse
of public excitement, is sufficient to paralyse the
efforts of the Central Administration. People are
here quietly waiting for the inevitable day of reckon-
in g. The first call to arms was pretty generally, yet

unequally responded to. Men and money were

everywhere forthcoming, but there were towns and
States which outran their neighbours in the race of

patriotic sacrifices. The tribute of blood and trea-

sure was paid by the North-East with more cheer-
ful readiness than by the more thrifty and sluggish

West. New York alone contributed more than

30,000 men above its quota. The day of reckoning

must come, accounts must be squared, and the West

will have to be distrained for arrears. The burden

will fall all the heavier on the Western States, as

they have comparatively little or no share in the

artificial prosperity created by the war movement

in these Atlantic communities. Now, there are sen-

sible persons in America who think that the very
soul and heart of the Union lies in the vast and fer-

tile valleys of the Mississippi and its tributaries.
The seaports on the border have narrow and com-
paratively barren territories ; they lie at a distance
from one another, they were colonised by men of
different classes; actuated by different views and
interests, marked by different characteristics. The
intercourse between them was at no time very brisk;
their communications are, even at the present day,
indirect and imperfect. Had the 13 original States
been for ever confined to their narrow margin be-
tween the sea and the mountains, they would hardly
ever have been blended into one people. The Bos-
ton Puritan would not readily coalesce with the Ca-
valier of Virginia; the Carolina planter could hardly
wish for any very close amalgamation with the
motley, bustling set of New York traders. It is only
west of the Alleghftnies that the different races of
original settlers joined hands. It is only in that
vast table land, the waters of which flow by a hun-
dred channels into the main streams of the Missis-

sippi and the St. Lawrence that the American cha-
racter was formed, that the Anglo-Saxon race, with
all the tribes it absorbed, found a common home, and
shared a common heritage. The Atlantic States, from
Maine to Georgia, are no more to the vast inland

continent than the narrow slip of Liguria, the bare
and sterile Riviera is to the broad rich plain, to the
vast concentric watercourses of the valley of the Po,
the lands of Piedmont, the Emilia, and Lombardy.
The West is the arbiter of American destinies; it is
the " master of the situation ;" and the West, I am
told, never was very eager or sanguine about a war
which, after all, had its hidden causes in the rival

aspirations of the different marginal States, in their
eager suit for the favour and custom of the West. The
seaports of the Atlantic had ail of them an eye to the
trade of the Western regions. It is not many years
since South Carolina strove hard to come in for its
own Mare of that trade by the great efforts it under-
went to open railways from Savannah and Charles-
ton to the cities of Tennessee and Kentucky. The
results of that enterprise were less splendid than its
projectors anticipated; and hence some of that ill-
blood between South and North which had long been
festering in the endless squabbles about slavery, and
which came at last to a head owing to the conflict of
political parties at the last general election. Anti-

pathies of political institutions furnish little more
than the pretext—electoral changes supply little
more than the signal for hostilities—but the real
source of enmity is to be sought in the collision of
material interests. A glance at the map of this con-
tinent will easily satisfy the beholder that the na-
tural outlets of what is, or rather was, called the
" Far West," must be traced either through the
Mississippi, or in the long chain of lakes emptying
themselves in the St. Lawnnee, or else, finally, in
in the narrow gap between the Alleghenies and the
Green and White Mountains of New England,
through which this noblest of rivers, the Hudson,
flows down to the harbour of New York. All and
each of the Atlantic cities have long and vainly
been striving against this irresistible necessity
of the geographical position of their continent ;
hence must all their differences be referred to
the arbitrament of that great West, to whose
wants they are all anxious to minister, whose
wealth is their wealth, and whose strength is their
strength. Should the West, and I am told, and
as I am now about to ascertain by personal 05-
- ervation, be weary of the war; should its material
interests be so virtually bound up with those of the
South, that the interruptiou of its free intercourse
with it must become intolerable, it is clear that the
Central States will put an old to the war, no matter
on what terms, or with what results. The West is
a vast granary, a boundless cornfield. It has for a
long time found it impossible to dispose of its pro-
duce otherwise than by selling it in the South, and
converting it into cotton, thus effecting its sale in
the Eastern American and in the European mar-
kets. It is not only an outlet for its corn, for its pork,
&c., that the West must have in the South ; it must
have a vast market there, an extensive district rich
in produce of a different nature from its own pro-
duce, a market where its own produce may either
be consumed or pushed further, after an opportune
assi ilation and transformation.
Such are the views entertained about this momen-
tous American question, as they have been ex-
pounded by some of the leaders of the Democratic
party to me here, on the threshold of the great
Western or Central region which I am now about to
explore, and in which I shall, I hope, have fair op-
portunities to test the correctness of their theories.
These gentlemen profess themselves eager for peace,
and they think that the South should be com-
pounded with on terms which might allow it to
live. They do not think the total and sudden aboli-
tion of slavery a feasible or even a plausible scheme;
they feel sure it would lead to the extinction of the
bnlea,g,cprkoilotolhueest,ysatnehadaynh, iof the white Southern race. "The
state of freedom in thes racem t d
8 withers
of
superior . and
numbersdecays
New York the ne roes increased fromw2hiso,l9fe7iBtnhinae
1840 they increatsoedotooo
whites. In
1790 to 39,367 in 1820, when slavery was abolished. Up to
50,000. From that time to 1860 they
their numbers by ine'hure'eissions.
have fallen off
40 years of this kind
20of notwithstanding
. the additions to
and escapes. At the end of
yemaancipation their numbers were
of five years, the deaths ofp
less than at the end of
Ithlites.ntehgroes exceeded their births
In Boston, during a period
wishtsiolnesthaendnae
of
ferereesballatckiss, the same.
theln
two to one. In Philadelphia
the whole Union the increase.
about
tiolns2 bpyermoaennut.m,
tgiej'ariaT:ncrease of. the slaves
, in ten years, is only
is equal to that of the more favoured nations,
of irrespective
of emancipation, and greater than that c.ountry. in
Europe, and this in spite of the 20,000 man:Mar:a which
are believed to have taken place during the last
They add that the number of Africans brought oveor to this
country was only about 300,000. To-day they number morels
than 4,500,000, slave and free. The number of slaves
car-
ried from Africa to the British Antilles from 1680 to
1786 was 1,483,000. Those islands at this time have only
one-third of that number of blacks and mulattoes.,'
In sight of these grave and melancholy facts,
these Democrats shrink from a sweeping measure
which would only aggravate the misery of the
African race. They think that " The negroes
should be separated from the whites, and gradually
carried to the South, where they could show such
capacities as they may have to sustain themselves.
Before the war this process of segregation and
concentration was rapidly goidg on, slavery was
being removed from the Border States of Virginia,
Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, to those lower
Mississippi regions which might have become for
them the safest and most genial home, and the
removal was being effected without expense, in a
Way that promoted the commerce and arts of the
wviehrll-1, and gave wealth and prosperity to the
vithieneountry. Had this process been undisturbed,
i. a few years this race, removed from the
withering influenceof ~
.
a majority of white men
would have been gathered at the extreme South in
such superior numbers as ^ea save them from the
depressing sense et' bearing despised colour."
There may be not a little a
the slaveholder's arguments
fi in these Democratic
of the speciousness of
speculations. But that the scheme of the general
confiscation and extermination
entertained by the
Cabinet at Washington is at least
be s chimerical, and
by far more inhuman, there can a
no manner of
S
doubt.
...................

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La ndon.

THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION.

THE NEGRO.

Dr. JAMES HUNT read a paper " On the Physical and
Mental Character of theNego." The paper generally treated
of the anatomical and physiological differences between the
negro and European races. The general deductions drawn
were—let. That there is as good reason for classifying the
negro as a distinct species from the European, as there is
for making the ass a distinct species from the zebra. 2d.
That the negro is inferior intellectually to the European.
3d. That the analogies are far more numerous between the
negro and apes, than between the European and apes. No
man who thoroughly investigates with an unbiassed mind,
can doubt that the negro belongs to a distinct type of man
to the European. This word species, in the present state of
science, is not satisfactory ; but we may safely say that
there is in the negro that assemblage of evidence which
would, ipso facto, induce an unbiassed observer to make
the European and negro two distinct types of man. My
second and third proposition must be equally patent
to all who have examined the facts. We must for the pre-
sent leave apart all questions of the origin of the negro,
and simply take him as he exists, and not as poets or fanatics
paint him. We shall then learn that it is only by observa-
tion and experiment that we can determine the exact place in
nature which the negro race should hold, and that it is both
absurd and chimerical to attempt to put him in any other.
Mr. GALTON said that the case was briefly this :
Among the negroes of Africa there were more frequent in-
stances of an abject and superstitious character, combined
with brutal behaviour, than could be paralleled elsewhere in
the world. It was a wonder that people like those of
Dahomey could mould themselves into any form of society
at all, and .
i▪ t was actually found that when the chief of such
a tribe died disintegrated and rapidly disappeared. In
short, the tribes of Africa were remarkable for their rapid
formation and short continuance. Many of their chiefs
were of ali▪
en descent, and it was remarkable how their
Arabgreatest
bi kingdomsblood—or,
do
r,
as hadc
abpeteani
n ruleds pe
Spoke
ey
nowTe
us
w a
informedreks
men with
y
straight-haired Whamas. How did it happen, then, that so
degraded a people could furnish men capable of constructing
nations out of the loosest materials ? The question once
stated was almost its own reply. The negro, though on the
average extremely base, was by no means a member of a
race lying at a dead level. On the contrary, it had the ca-
pacity of frequently producing able men capable of taking
an equal position with Europeans. The fact of a race being
distinguished by the diversity of its members, was well-
known to ethnologists. There were black and red sub-divi-
sions of many North African races, and the contrast be-
tween the well-fed and ill-fed classes of the same tribe of
negroes was often such as to amount apparently to a spe-
cific difference.
Mr. CRAFT, who was received with cheers, said that
though he was not of pure African descent, he was black
enough to attempt to say a few words in reference to the
paper which had just been read. While Dr. Hunt was
reading it a fable occurred to him which he would, with the
permission of the audience, repeat. A lion and a man were
walking together along the road, and disputing as to which
of the two could claim to belong to the superior race. By
and bye they came to a public-house, the sign of which was
a lion violently held down by a man. The man triumphantly
pointed to this in confirmation of his superiority, but the
lion sagely inquired who painted the picture. With regard
to the origin of the negro, he for one believed that black and
white men were all descended from a common parent. Many
scientific gentlemen present would probably dispute that;
but at any rate, supposing Adam to have been the founder of
a race of men, white,men had no stronger claim to him as
their father than black men, as it was admitted that owing
to the climate in which he commenced his existence, he
could have been neither blacknor white, but copper coloured.
(Laughter.) As Africans were very dark, and the inhabi-
tants of Northern Europe very fair, and as, moreover, the
nations of Southern Europe were much darker than those
of Northern Europe, it was perfectly fair to suppose that
climate had a tendency to bleach as well as to blacken.
(Hear.) The thickness of the skull of the negro had been
wisely arranged by Providence to defend the brain from the
tropical climate in which he lived. If God had not given
them thick skulls their brains would probably have become
very much like those of many scientific gentlemen of the
present day. (Laughter.) The woolly hair was not consi-
dered by Africans • as a mark of inferiority, though some of
them shaved it off, but it also answered the purpose of de-
fending the head from the sun. With regard to his not
being a true African—his grandmother and grandfather
were both of pure negro blood. His grandfather was a chief
of the West Coast; but through the treachery of some white
men, who doubtless thought themselves greatly his supe-
riors, he was kidnapped and taken to America, where he
(Mr. Craft) was born. He had recently been to Africa, on
a visit to the King of Dahomey. He found there consider-
able diversities even among the Africans themselves. Those
of Sierra Leone had prominent, almost Jewish features.
Their heels were quite as short, on the whole, as those of
any other race, and upon the whole they were well
formed. Persons who had any knowledge of Africans
knew that when they enjoyed advantages, they were capable
of making good use of them He might refer to the
instance of the little girl brought to this country by
Captain Forbes. This child was presented to the Queen,
who had her carefully educated. When she grew up she
mingled in good society, and interested every one by her
proficiency in music, and recently she had been married to
a commercial gentleman of colour at Lagos. Another case
was mentioned by Mr. Chambers in one of his works, and
another case was that of Mr. Crother, who was well known
to many gentlemen in this country. One word with re-
ference to the ancient Britons. When Julius Ca3sar came
to this country, he said of the natives that they were such
stupid people that they were not fit to make slaves of in
Rome. (Laughter.) It had taken a long time to make
Englishmen what they now were, and, therefore, it was not
wonderful if the negroes made slow progress in intellectual
development. It was, however, proved that they made
very rapid progress when placed in advantageous circum-
stances. As to the negro not being erect, the same thing
might be said of agricultural labourers in this country
(Hear, hear.) He pointed to Hayti as furnishing an in-
stance of independence of character and intellectual power
on the part of the negro, and contended that in America the
degraded position which he was forced to occupy gave him
no chance of proving what he was really capable of doing.
He was sorry that scientific and learned men should waste
their time in discussing a subject that could prove of no
benefit to mankind. He spoke with great deference to their
opinions, but, for his own part, firmly agreed with Cowper,
that

Fleecy locks and black complexion
Cannot alter nature's claim;
Skins may differ, but affection
Dwells in white and black the same,

(Loud and prolonged applause.)
The Rev. H. B. TRISTRAM said he had been a chaplain
for several years in a mixed school for blacks and whites in
one of the West Indian islands, and could testify that the
children of free negroes who were engaged in honourable
occupations were invariably more intelligent than the chil-
dren of slaves,

Mr. CARTER BLAKE said that he agreed substantially
with the author of the paper upon the anatomical evidence
which he had brought forward with regard to the negro
race. Mr. Craft had stated that the heels of the negro were
not longer than those of Europeans, but that was contrary
to the testimony of anatomists. He contended that in nearly
every instance of a negro attaining intellectual eminence it
had been ascertained that there was an admixture of Euro-
pean blood in his veins.
Mr. TRISTRAM said he knew Mr. Crother and all the
particulars of his history, and could testify to his pure
African descent.
Mr. CARTER BLAKE said that the evidence of the pater-
nity of full blooded African negroes in contact with Euro-
peans was rather difficult to ascertain. Anatomists had
ascertained that there were wide differences in the structure
of the negro and European, and specified some instances of
such diversity. In conclusion, he expressed his opinion
that, till Mr. Craft could rail away the seal which nature
had impressed on the physical character of the negro, his
breath was all but spent in vain when he contended for the
equality of the African European races.
Sir E. BELCHER said that he had spent nearly all his life
among the Africans, and believed that, when properly edu-
cated, they could be as true, as faithful, and as sound-
hearted as Englishmen. (Cheers.) The gallant admiral
mentioned several instances which he had met with in his
travels of remarkable intelligence in the negro, and scouted
the idea that he was naturally, either physically or men-
tally, of interior capacity to other human races. (Cheers.)
andP rtobfnessesogreWntlleLmsoenx
welabeimsnedppfoerrttehdebabnut,htobre
eorfedtitheef paperbeing
influencedtime
uc buht
hyseieoadinimdffse.ep
esr ierrldet a
nt
et
was
search out facts which could throw
inotgheliar
isssui
dvbeej
rr
ye
ac
bt umy npodf
rerort
ma dn i
tet ct
ohue smhs
have
ovinen. s
us Affio
some
sufficient
the
dcabt l
es L before
ys fi oar mb d tpwhp
bee ondr ye
ea,
nt
taetnnhdde e hda eg thate toh fot ughbfoefourteen,
rnt thattthe elnl n
e thuSani
had
progress of the negro
fallen into the error which a person who went into a work-
house among the most degraded and wretched of its occu-
pants to fled intellectual culture and capacity. The fact
waft that very few, if any, black children had any oppor-
tunity of pursuing theit education after the age of fourteen,
and in addition to that drawback, they had the misfortune
held down in the social world. The wonder
w
these unfortunate people had energy enough
to m
and to acquire knowledge sufficient
t o belong
crushed
ta hmake
that
t anda
their
n t o
y
escape degraded and oppressed class, which was
o f
to enable them to carve a way for themselves through life
(
racter was reads up of many elements; but a few hundred
as not many of them did. Cheers.) The English -
years ago the inhabitants of this island were cruel, unlet-
tered, ptactical people. When put under good training and
subjected to certain influences the Anglo-Saxon proved
capable of remarkable development, owing chiefly to the
native energy of his character. The same quality was ob-
servable in some tribes of the present day, such as the New
Zealander, and it was not wise therefore to argue as though
the absence of combination denoted a natural and primary
inferiority of race. (Hear, hear.)

Full benefit of reduced duty obtained,-by pur-
chasing Horniman's pure Tea ; very choice at 35. 4d. and
48. .4 High Standard" at 4s. 4d. (formerly 4s. Bd.), is the
strongest and most delicious imported. Agents in every
town supply it in packets,

Yesterday the adjourned inquest was held at the Waggon
and Horses, Bilston-road, Wolverhampton, on the body of
the man William Cheenery, who was found dead in the
house that he had occupied in No. 4 Court, Bilston. street,
with marks of great violence upon his person, his body
tarred, and far advanced in decomposition.
The first witness called was the deceased's mother, who
is now the wife of Richard Parnell, a miner, of Portobello,
near Wolverhampton, She deposed that deceased was a
wireworker, and would have been 26 years of age next
October. He lived at No. 4 Court, Bilston-street. It is
six years next May since he sent a letter to say that he was
about to bring up his wife from Liverpool. He afterwards
brought her to live at the house of my brother, in Birming-
ham ; her Christian name was Rosanna, and she always
went by the same name as my son did. At that time she
was at least 15 years older than her supposed husband, and
belonged to Birmingham. She was scarcely of middle
height, and was a fair woman with grey eyes. She had a
slight cast in her right eye, and this caused her slightly to
squint. Her figure was short. She continued to live with
my son until his death, but she never had any children, and
the last time I saw her was at 11 o'clock on the morning of
the fair day (July 10). I went back with her to her house
in No, 4 Court, Bilston-street, where I had before been
once or twice, 'and she then seemed comfortable and
happy. She was a dirty and lazy person, but neither she
nor my son were addicted to drink. I never knew them to
quarrel with each other. They formerly lived in Bir-
mingham after they were with their relative, and before
that they lived at Wellington, in Shropshire. Before
they went to Wellington they lived at No. 30, Walsall-
street, in Wolverhampton, where the woman was well
known, and in the market of which town she used to
stand. The furniture in the house in which the deceased
was found was very scanty, and consisted chiefly of
a few boxes. About five weeks ago I met
my son in Wolverhampton. He told me that he had re-
cently received his money, and placing his hand upon his
cheat said, "I have it here, for I am afraid my wife will
take it, as she had threatened to go away." He did not say
with whom he thought she would go. In April last Ro-
sanna left my son for 'a month, but she afterwards said that
during that time she had been to her brother's. Deceased
had searched about for her but could not find her. The wit
ness then described Rosanna's dress, but could not identify
as belonging to her the bonnet which was found by the side
of the corpse of the woman who was found dead, and her
body decomposed, and who was like the deceased, in au un-
occupied house in Dudley, on the day before the corpse of
the deceased was found. Witness, continuing, said—l heard
of the suicide at Dudley, but I have not been there to see
the body. She always wore a wedding ring and a keeper
made of a certain description of gold, and which I had given
to her. The keeper found with the ring upon the body of the
woman was shown to the witness, but she said that was not
the one of which she was speaking; she however identified
as a part of Rosanna's dress a portion of the dress found on
the body of the dead woman at Dudley.
The Chief Constable then said that he should be able to
produce sufficient evidence with reference to her bonnet.
The witness, continuing, said—ln the beginning of March
I received a letter from my son telling me that his wife had
gone away, taking with her 30s in money and 12s worth of
goods. He asked me to come ever and keep his house, and I
went. One eltening while I was there a man with dark hair
and inflamed eyes, as if he was used to drinking, opened
the door and inquired, "Is my Rosey in the house ?" I
said, " Who is Rosey ?" He then asked for William, who
came down stairs wh let this man was sitting in the
kitchen. It came into my miad that this was a man of
whom Rosanna had spoken, and I told him that if he did
not go out I would scald him with the boding water in the
kettle on the fire. After he had gone, my son said to me,
" I wish you had not spoken so, for I am in danger from
that man." This man was about six feet high, with coarse
features, and was dressed in a kind of jacket-coat and cap.
I am sure that I should know him again. Last Tuesday a
Mrs. Barry, of Wolverhampton, with whese husband my
son
of used
a to
dress live
whichwh il e
sßosannashe
said
swashe gaveawamy
y s showeden 3
dm. e a
piece for.
(The piece, worked into a quilt, was here produced, and it
exactly corresponded with the pieces of the dress before
produced, which had been taken from the corpse of the un-
known woman found at Dudley.)
The Coroner said-_I think the production of that piece
of cotton is very satisfactory.
The jury were of a similar opinion.
Witness identified
as belonging to Rosanna a Norwich
shawl that was found fastened up to a window of the house
in which deceased was found, and also an old bonnet brought
from the same place.
Rachel Barry, the woman spoken of by the last witness,
deposed that she was the wife of an image:maker in Wolver-
hampton. She knew Chenery and his alleged wife about five
months ago. Chenery came to her house and said that Rose
was gone away and was not again coming back. At the
same time he said that he would not again take her back
for a reason which he would not state. Three weeks after-
wards, and about a month after her disappearance, Rosanna
came to her house for her clothes, which, with some wire,
had been left there. Among these clothes was the skirt of a
dress, which she afterwards saw suspended as a curtain at a
window of the house in which Chenery's body was found.
In reply to a juror, witness said the night Rosanna
returned and came to my house a knock came at the door,
and a man's voice presently said sharply, " Come, now,
there, how much longer are you going to be F" She would
not let me go to the door, but rushed before me, and
beckoned the man outside to go back. I looked out, but
it was so dark I could not see any one. The man was
not Chenery, for he would not have come in that way.
Rosanna denied that he was one of her fancy men, but
said he was a man who wanted to pay her lodgings.
Coroner—When she came to get her clothes did she ap-
pear angry ?
Witness—She said, " I have heard say 'revenge is
sweet,' and it he does not give my clothes I will have re-
venge on the one-eyed
Did she say that if she could not do it herself she would
get some one else to do it ?—Yes, when she spoke of the
one.eyed --, I think she meant the deceased, as he had
but one eye.
A Juror—Did she say she would get some one else to
assist her ?
Witness—She said she would get them as would assist her.
A Juryman—Did you ever see another man down stairs ?
Witness—There was a man down stairs that she told me
wanted her to go and live with him, and he would keep her
as a lady, and if Williams (Chenery) came he would knock
his brains out. Her husband was present at the time, and
he answered, "You had better go with him if he can keep
you better than I can. I should like him to come and knock
my brains out." She said " I would sooner have Williams's
little finger than the other man's whole body." This man
I have seen, and he is down stairs. I am quite sure that
he is the man, because a night or two before he came to our
house.

h an image modeller, of Bell-street, and the
husband
iv o
eaf
last witness, gave evidence principally cor-
Mrs. Hannah Lewis, who occupies one of the houses that
adjoins the one in which deceased lived up to the time of
his death, deposed to the woman Rosanna, who passed for
rojoaannt Bortrfhy, tiat of his wife.
his wife, having, so far as she knew, lived comfortably with
the deceased. She never heard any quarrelling in the
house ; if they had quarrelled she should have heard them.
At about half-past nine in the evening of the 27th of July,
Rosanna knocked at her door and said " We are going out
into the country hawking, if
anybody inquires after us."
Rosanna then went back to the house, came out with
a shawl on, locked the door, and went away.
The witness here identified as the bonnet of Rosanna the
bonnet that was found near the woman who was discovered
dead at Dudley. Pieces of the jacket and skirt found upon
the body of the woman at Dudley were here identified as
having formed part of the clothes worn by Rosanna when
last seen by witness, who also identified the shawl found at
the window of the house in No. 4 Court as belonging to
Rosanna. About a week before the body was discovered a
very bad smell came from the house, and it continued until
the body was found. Witnese then described the finding of
the body, the facts of which have already appeared.
A. woman named Ursilla Jones deposed to the man Ed-
wards having frequently visited the house of the deceased
before he removed to that in which he was found dead. He
used to go there with Rosanna's niece.
Mrs. Barry recalled, identified the remnants of clothes
brought from Dudley as belonging to the garmettd worn
by Rosanna.
Police-constable Sansome, of the Dudley force, deposed
to the finding of the body in that down, decomposed, and
with laudanum by its side. The dead woman's hair was
dark. She was of tolerable height, and stout (previous
witnesses had referred to her hair as light.)
The Coroner remarked that the identification of the clothes
was complete, but not the body of the woman found at
Dudley as that of the woman Rosanna.
Among the other witnesses who were examined, was a
chemist, of Bilston, named Lister, who deposed to having
sold laudanum in the bottle before described. A second
label on the same bottle showed that the same kind of
poison had been sold in it by another chemist of Bilston,
named Gray.
William Edwards, who seemed to be a puddler, was called.
He said he had been summoned as a witness at that in-
quest. He knew the deceased and Rosanna, but he had
not seen them since the latter end of February or the begin-
ning of March. He denied that he had followed her to
Birmingham, but said that he was there on business and
met her at Digbeth. The deceased had a ked him to
ask her when she was coming home, if he saw her.
He told deceased when he came back that he had seen her,
and deceased said that if she did not make haste she would
be too late, for she was no wife of his. He had lived with
a cousin of Rosanna's, but she was now dead. She had died
at Derby. He had never said to Rosanna that if she would
leave the deceased and live with him that he would keep
her like a lady.
The Coroner, who had cautioned the last witness, said
there was no doubt that a shocking murder had been com-
mitted, and that the ends of justice would not be answered
unless the police had an opportunity of investigating the
matter further. To assist them he thought he ought to
keep back the result of the post mortem examination.
The jury concurred in this view, and the inquest was
adjourned until to-day (Tuesday) week,

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The question of the Confederate steamers
is becoming both serious and urgent ; we wish we
could add that it is also becoming more clear. Un-
fortunately, it is full of the gravest doubts, and
though probably not one Englishman iu ten would
be under any uncertainty as to what he would wish
to see done, it is by no means certain that the power

... , _
of action exists. Common belief, as well as current

report, assigns to the servsce of the Confederate Go-
vernment two powerful ironclad vesse:s now ap-
proaching completion in a well-known yard on the
Mersey, That these ships are war-ships, and of the
most formidable kind, cannot be disputed. They

arc plated with 42-inch armour, they have turrets
for mounting heavy guns, and their stems are so
constructed that they may be used as rams. On
this point, therefore, no question can be raised. But
our builders are constantly constructing ships of war
for foreign Governments, and it is only ou the pre-
sumption that these particular vessels are intended
for a belligerent Power that the lawfulness of their
destination can be questioned at all. Such a pre-
sumption, however, undoubtedly prevails. The ships
thonselves, as stated in our intelligence yesterday,
not only bear French or Algerian names, but are
distinctly alleged to be built on French account, and
one of them actually carries the French flag. Never-

theless, people persist in believing that, sooner or
later, and in fact very soon indeed, they will hoist
Confederate colours, and that, whatever pretext
may be employed to disguise their destination, they
have been designed from the beginning to join the
Florida and the Alabama, and prey upon the com-
merce of the Federals as those ships have done. The
consequence is that the Federals and their friends are
naturally enraged, and we are assured that if the sus-
pected vessels are allowed to escape peace between
America and England can no longer be maintained.
To the correspondence on the subject which we pub-
lished yesterday we now add another communication,
containing an exposition of the existing law on this
critical question. According to the views which,
not without authority, are there laid down, a ship
of war is so far contraband that if it is sold by a
neutral to a behigerent, the other belligerent would
be entitled to make prize of it, exactly as prize
would be made of arms or munitions, But it is only
on the high seas, or in the passage of the vessel from
the neutral to the belligerent port, that the seizure
can be effected. An English shipbuilder may Bella
ship of war impartially to either a Confederate or a
Federal purchaser, and deliver it without any
breach of law; but the vessel is liable to capture
and confiscation if she is overtaken at sea and her

destination can be proved. "There is nothing in
our laws, or in the law of nations, that forbids
our citizens from sending armed vessels as well as
munitions of war to foreign ports for sale. It is a
commercial adventure which no nation is bound to
prohibit, and which only exposes the person en-
gaged in it to the penalty of confiscation. That is
the doctrine laid down, not by the British Court of
Admiralty, but by the Supreme Court of the United
States. It is American, not English law, and no
law can be clearer. The lathes, in fact, is with the
Federals themselves. They are foregoing their own
rights in order to carry out more effectually a
certain paramount object. Their cruisers should be
where the Florida is, and the Confederate steam
rams, if such they are, ought, instead of meeting a
consort, to fall into the hands of a captor; but suers
is the overwhelming anxiety of the Federals to
press the blockade of the Southern ports that they
can spare no squadrons for the police of the seas.
However, after stating the facts as far as they can
be ascertained, and the law as we fipd it laid down,
we are ready to admit that there is much more to
be added. There is a comparatively recent statute
called the Foreign Enlistment Act, which was cer-
tainly designed to control the proceedings of neu-
trals in dealing with belligerents, and there is an
instinctive feeling on the part of the public that the
construction and sale of such vessels as the Ala-
bama for such uses as those to which the Alabama
is turned ought not, whether actually lawful or
otherwise, to be allowed by law. After making all
abatements due to the exceptional character of the
war between:Federals and Confederates, we must
needs admit that the case of war-ships is not like the
case of munitions of war. There is not so much di-
rect intervention or provocation in the one as in the
other. Rifles and gunpowder are soon lost sight of,
but a ship of war is an active engine, endowed, as it
were, with life and personality, and traceable in her
achievements from day to day. Indeed, if we sup-
pose that not only the hull, but the guns, the stores,
and the men are furnished more or less circuitously
from the neutral State, it is hard to see how the
supply differs from that of a regiment of soldiers.
We have only to ask ourselves what our feelings
would have been if, while we were blockading the
Russian ports during the Crimean war some neutral
State had furnished the Russian Government with
cruisers enough to close the sea against our com-
merce. Of course we should never have allowed
them such a range as the Alabama has enjoyed,
but some day or other even we, with ()lir enor-
mous navy, may find our hands too full. It is not
our interest to allow such a precedent to be esta-
blished for the first time, if it does not exist
already, nor to connive at its extension, if it
has any existence. Of all the doubts which the
question contains we ought to give ourselves the
benefit, and our interests, as it happens, coincide on
this occasion with the desires of the Federal States.
Still, the Americans, whether of the North or of
the South, must be perfectly aware that we can
make no concession to menace, and that the laws of
England, whatever they may be, are not to be
changed at the dictation of a foreign State. We
believe that if our Government could feel itself
justified in stopping any suspected vessel, the
public would be glad to see the power exercised.
We do not thing it morally right that ships like the
Alabama should leave our ports for such service as
that on which they are engaged. We do not wish
to see any more of them sail on the like errand,
though the Federals have themselves mainly to
thank for the mischief which these cruisers have
been permitted to work. We are even disposed
to think that if the Foreign Enlistment Act is not
comprehensive enough to prevent such dealings, it
might be advantageously made so, but our authori-
ties can only administer the law as it stands. The
alleged destination of the vessels in question is ap-
parently denied, and, even if it were admitted, the
absence of any " equipment" might render the bar-
gain lawful. The Isederals, too, should be reasonable
enough to remember that our impartiality in respect
of this kind of trade has been abundantly proved.
Whatever may have been the sympathies of the
country, there has been no favour shown in the
mat-
ter of commerce. The Northerners have had, with-
out
stint or molestation, cannon, rifles, power, and
every other description of warlike material to their
heart's content. They best know what they
besides, and what other items might be added to the
Without
list of their imports from England. entering
into these questions we can truly say that the Fede-
rals have found a free and fair market in this coun•
try for all their wants, and have newer had an im-
pediment thrown in their way. Our neutrality,
therefore, has not been vitiated by anything like
preference, and so little, even in the present case,
sympathies that it these Steam
r
araee influenced by
mws are really destined for the Confederate Go-
vernment we sincerely hope the law may be strong
enough to stop them.
HERALD.—Mr. Nassau Senior's note-book must
be a very compendious one if that gentleman re-
ports all private conversations as fully as the
one he held recently with Mr. Dayton, the Fede-
ral ambassador at Paris ; but it will certainly
not be a very valuable addition to current political
history. Mr. Dayton is, doubtless, all that Mr.
Senior describes him. He is besides a very
earnest, indefatigable, and zealous Federal agent.
But for these very reasons his opinions are hardly
worth recording with the exactitude and fulness of
which they have been thought wortey. If any writer
of ordinary observation had sat down to give a
Federal view of the relations between this country
and the United States he would have expressed him-
self very much as Mr. Dayton has done, and pro-
bably nine Unionists out of ten would regard our
obligations to their Government in the same light
as Mr. Senior and Mr. Dayton. There was
needed no prophet, not even such an authority ae
Mr. Senior's note-book to convince us that the
Federals are not exactly pleased with our neu-
trality. The New York Herald, in somewhat
more forcible language, has for two years past
indulged in the threats which peep covertly out
of " the conversation" with Mr. Dayton. And
Mr. Seward himself, when it was a question of
according belligerent rights to the South, was
equally threatening. But it is something new to
find this threat of war reproduced in the Times
newspaper in the name of en English writer of re-
putation ; and we can only attribute the novelty to
the recent development of amateur diplomacy, which
seems to be rapidly driving the professionals out
of the field. It appears that Mr. Senior " had con-
versed with many persons of political eminence on
American affairs," and that he was so impressed
with the gravity of these conversations that he
hurried off to Paris to communicate their gist to
Mr. Dayton. The eminent political personages
who were posted in the inevitable note-book were
then and there introduced to the ambassador, who
acknowledged the introduction with gratitude, and
in his turn favoured Mr. Senior with his own
convictions. These were that the opinion of
England was the opinion of the Times; that that
journal had gone mad on American affairs, and that
the English public was equally frantic. Mr. Geo.
Francis Train arrived at exactly the same conclu-
sion some two years ago. We can find no fault with
the Federal ambassador for making the avowal of
such a belief. But it is somewhat strange, to say

the least of it, to find the English writer more than
tacitly admitting its justice. Mr. Dayton assures
his obliging informant that the disruption of the
Union can do England no good, and that the Con-
federates hate England as bitterly as do the Fede-
rals. Mr. Senior at once agrees. "If we know all
that they think and feel we probably should feel
towards them as you seem to be trying to make us
feel towards you." That is a great point gained by
the Yankee minister. If he can convince English-
men that the South hates them, he will have
achieved much. Mr. Senior's note-book will not
very much aid him in this respect. What follows
is still more interesting and curious. Mr. Senior
changes the form of dialogue—the Socratic—and
offers himself freely up to the victim of his oppo-
nent's logic and ingenuity. Not all the world, says
Mr. Dayton, could influence the North in favour of
peace. " Not by persuasion ?" mildly suggests Mr,
Senior, " Not by force," severely retorts his oppo-
nent, and then Mr. Senior is silenced, and Mr.
Dayton has it all his own way. His argument is
singularly inconclusive. " What the South wants
is food, and that you cannot give her. She has
arms enough, but she is starving, and she will be
starved out." Yet the whole purport of the conver-
sation is a warning to England not to permit the
egress of arms or armed ships from our ports. If
the South has arms enough, why all this tuss about
these terrible phantom ships ? They will not give
the South food; they will not prevent her being
starved out ; but they would provide her with an
effective force wherewith to strike a blow. How soon
the process of starvation is to accomplish its object
we are not told. But, considering the state of the
grain crops of the present year in the Confederate
States, it seems likely to be a very tedious one ;
and as to our not being able to send food to the
South, Mr. Dayton ought to know that with open
ports where there is a demand there will soon be a
sufficient supply, and that Europe, with its abun-
dant harvest, has plenty and to spare for ell the
necessities of the South. However, we will let that
pass. The argument was grave enough for Mr.
Senior's note-book. But Mr. Dayton went on to
show our Government how the alleged Confederate
iron-clads were to be estopped, in somewhat the
following words :—" We maintain that these ships
are intended for the Confederates. We cannot
exactly prove it, except by inference. But do as
Mr. Lincoln would de—compel the builders to pro-
duce their orders. It' they refuse, detain the vessels.
If you cannot do this, amend your laws. Get an
edict from your dictator, Lord Palmerston, upset-
iug all your old ideas of justice and all your consti-
tutional practice. In short, violate your constitu
tion at the shortest possible notice, or—take the
consequences." What these consequences are Mr.
Savior tells us. Fairly to starve the South Presi-
dent Lincoln will go to war with this country. But
surely Mr. Senior, who has so many Federal and
Confederate friends, ought to know which party
has most benefited by our neutrality, and how many
tons of powder, how many rifles, cannon, &c., have
left English ports for the United States. He might
be aware, too, that Federal agents have been busily
recruiting in Ireland and in many parts of Eng-
land; and that although some persons have "main
tained" that recruiting was a breach of the Foreign
Enlistment Act. and although the " inference" was
obvious enough, our Government took no steps to
put a stop to so flagrant a violation of our munici •
pal law, simply because the effort would have been
useless. What have the Federals done for us that
we should swallow a camel when their interests are
at stake, and strain at a gnat when it is a question
of Confederate gain ? Mr. Senior, of course, writes
in all sincerity, and is honest in his alarm about the
prospect of war; but if he had held a brief for the
North he could hardly have spoken out more
strongly and partially. Like all Northern parti-
sans, however, he has overshot his mark. English-
men may entertain this or that opinion respecting
the war in America, and the building of ken ships
for belligerents; bat they are all prone to resent a
threat, and both Mr. Dayton and Mr. Senior may
rely upon it that if they wish to prevent a rupture
they must appeal a little more to an Englishman's
reason and forbearance, and a little less to his
'ears.

POST.—We are not surprised to find that the Con-
gress of German Princes at Frankfort has failed to
attract as large a share of public attention in Eng-
land as it deserves. The report of the proceedings of
the British Association at Newcastle will probably
be read with as much interest as the accounts which
reach us from Frankfort ; and the results of scienti-
fic investigation during the past year will very pos-
sibly absorb to a greater extent the leisure hours of
the holidays than those deliberations of crowned
heads which affect the destinies of a continent. In
the one case the subjects discussed interest the
masses, in the other only those who are conversant
with the complications of European politics can
appreciate the influence upon them which the Frank-
fort Conference may exercise. While the Newcastle
philosophers are expounding to listening crowds,
the German princes are secretly laying the founda-
tions of a new system of Confederate government.
Perhaps if the public were admitted behind the
scenes, instead of speculating upon the nature of the
discussions which arise, we might follow their pro-
ceedings with greater interest ; but even then few
would care sufficiently about the individual opinions
of the Duke of Baden to follow the objections which
he opposes to those clauses which more particularly
affect the status of his own dukedom ; nor should we
sympathise very warmly in the grievance of the
Elector of Hesse, who, it seems, might once have
been a king if he had chosen, but who clung to a title
to which so many great associations were attached,
and who nowfinds himself classedamong the princes
in consequence. These details would only possess
importance in our eyes as bearing upon the general
result ; and we must remind our readers that this
result may actually affect the funds—an achieve-
ment which will be impossible for the wise men of
Newcastle, or may. involve the necessity of making
use of those formidable engines of war which the
president of that learned body has made himself fa-
mous by inventing. It' we fail to attach sufficient
weight to the Frankfort Congress, it is because we
have not been in the habit ofmaking t he political chess-
board of Europe our study. Otherwise we should see
that whatever be the result of that Congress, it must
indirectly affect the balance of power. If it fails,
the cause of the failure will be Prussia; and the
eelreervtaeeeds
rteyi sdoopf l
rat
eht
Apieool nnnt
hda oote
iturogant
nhhacal
teitht
which
bwr
Im-
perial effect
of
Pvhaeoa wsmehroi
Austriartfheroecrm complete isolation ot that great
German Power from t
ht-pdA
l
hb eer trq av
nga
project may not be adopted, the Imperial
influence will have been extended and consolidated,
and Francis Joseph, even if he go back re infector, so
far as this particular scheme is concerned will
henceforward occupy a new and much higher?posi-
tion than he has hitherto done among the Sovereigns
of Europe. Prussia will, consequently, feel the ne-
cessity of looking for some ally to compensate for
that support which the North of Germany had been
in the habit of affording her, and this ally she can
only find in Russia; whether as a consequence of
the increased intimacy which common misfortune,
arising from misgovernment in both cases, may en-
gender, some territorial changes may not ensue is a
matter for conjecture. There can be no doubt that
an arrangement might be arrived at in connection
with the German provinces of Russia which both
Powers, isolated as they will be from all European
sympathy, may find it convenient to make. Under
any circumstances, the effect of a persistence on the
part of Prussia to refuse any consideration of the
project after it has been agreed to by the Princes,
wilt be felt by Europe at large, and not by Ger-
many alone. On the other hand, the Continental
equilibrium will be still more decidedly affected if
the King of Prussia repents him of his folly and ob-
stinacy, and reunites himself to his colleagues. In
that case, we hope to see that vision of a German
fatherland realised which has only heretofore existed
in the imagination of its poets, and every European
question now on the taps will assume a different
complexion. We need scarcely say chat this is the
result which in the interest of Germany, of Eng-
land, and of Europe, we should most earnestly de-
sire; if we are sceptical upon the subject, it is because
it would be one of those things" which are too good
to be true." The day does not seem yet to have
come when Austria and Prussia can play the parts
of the lion and the lamb. Certainly we can scarcely
put Count Bismark into the latter category. At
the dictation of his Minister King William writes
to " his exalted federal allies" that he " Can
only fix his determination when by business,
like deliberations on the matter by his council, the
proposed changes in the Federal constitution may
be harmoniously discussed in their relations to the
just interests of the nation." In other words, says
Count Bismark, " my Sovereign is not to be trusted
in a room in Frankfort among a lot of German
princes by himself." Inasmuch as the will of the
Minister is law in Prussia, the discussion in coun-
cil is likely to be eeceedingly harmonious; and
inasmuch as " the just interests" of Count Bismaik
• possess a considerable higher value in his eyes than
""the just interests of the nation," it is not likely
I that he will make a concession which would compel
' him to return to a constitutional form of Go era-
) ment, and render it impossible for him any longer
' to play the part of a despot. As, however, the
' ratification of the Chambers in the different States
' is necessary to legalise the Austrian project, it may
fairly be assumed that, until it has been rejected
still
' by a representative body, it ispending. Count
r Bismaik may feel confident that the Chambers at
Berlin would withhold their consent, on liberal
grounds, to the project ; but unfortunately for him
he has debarred himself by his own. act from appeal-
' ing to the constitution he has violated, and it' the
I Prussians are sufficiently credulous to believe that
F the real reason for their Sovereign's opposition to
' i
the Austrian scheme was that it did not contain a

provision for a representative Chamber, the rest of
Germany has taken a very different view of the
matter. If anything were yet wanting to reduce
Count Bismark to a lower level in public estimation
than he now occupies, it would be this audacious
attempt to discredit the liberal tendencies of Francis.
Joseph by a democratic profession of faith on his
own part. We confess that while a man so indif-
ferent to public opinion and his own character,
that he can venture to outrage one and tarnish the
other by a device so transparent, continues at the
helm of State in Prussia, we can only augur badly
for its future. On the other hand the Emperor of
Austria and his Ministers may console themselves
by the reflection that, if it has been in the power
of a_single unscrupulous individual to thwart their
efforts for the introduction of a canstitutional re-
firm in the Confederation, Count Bismark has done
much to raise them to the position they now occupy
in European estimation.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

,v

GLOUCESTER—Ato. 29.

The show of new English wheat to-day was very fair.
Prices may be quoted same as las. week. Foreign wheat
was extremely limited in demand. Barley, beans, and
oats very dull.

COLCHESTE
There was a thin supply of
of last week were realised. B:
and peas do not come freely.
Wheat, white ..44s 48s Beans,Mazagan..33s 36a
red 42s 46s middle & small.3ss 38s
Barley
Oats

Et—AuG. 29.
wheat to-day, and the rates
Irley more plentiful. Beans

,D—Auo. 28.

ay there was a fair quantity
alteration in prices. spring

E'eas, Partridge 378 40s
White 39s 40s
Boiling .. 40s 438
Dun 33s 36s
Ditto new --s —8
Beans, Tick, 31d 343 39s
new —s —s
Harrow Ticks 3ss 40s
new --s —a
Mazagan 3os 38s

RAIN—Ara. 29.