The Sun.
London, England, 1839-03-30 00:00:00

to a distance of fifteen miles from the Post-office.
A number of the Sections which apply generally
have reference to public-houses, coffee-shops, and
houses of refreshment. It is proposed to place
public-houses and coffee-shops on the same footing
as regards the hours of opening and closing, and
this, so far as it goes, is a great improvement. But
we can see no reason whatever for saying that a
public-house shall be closed at a fixed hour. In a City
like London, where there is such a variety of occupa-
tions—many of them carried on at night, it would
he a great hardship to persons engaged in these oc-
cupations, to be prevented from getting refreshments.
The present system is infinitely preferable. Let the
publican keep his house open as long as he chooses,
but make him answerable for any disturbance or
riot at an unseasonable hour. It is also proposed
to fine publicans for supplying any sort of spi-
rituous liquor to boys or girls under fourteen years
of age.; but how is the publican to know the
age of his customers, or even if he did, why
should a IRd of thirteen years and three hundred
and sixty-four days of age, be refused a draught
of beer, plus gin, even, as Lord BROUGHAM
remarked, on a similar Bill, while a lad, only
one day older, might have what he liked ! All
such minute legislative provisions are absurd.
They would, in fact, become a dead letter, except
in particular instances, where an informer might
choose to annoy a publican for his own advantage.
The clauses which prohibit publicans from har-
bouring reputed thieves—which authorise the
police to enter unlicensed theatres or places used
for bear-baiting, dog-fighting, cock-fighting, &c.,
and gambling-houses of any description, and also
those for putting down thimble-rigging of any sort,
besides a number of others which we have not
space to enumerate, are excellent. We fear,
however, that in some instances, the Bill would
give too much power to the Magistrates and the
police. 'Why, for instance, should a constable take
into custody without a warrant any person having
the care of any cart or carriage, who shall ride on
any part thereof without holding the reins, or why
should respectable men (for respectable men some-
times get drunk) be sent to the House of Correc-
tion, with or even without hard labour, for fourteeen
days, because they have been found drunk in the
street and been guilty of riotous behaviour? A
fine in the latter case would be amply sufficient,
and taking the number of the cart or carriage in
the other, as at present, would lead to an equally
salutary punishment. These are certainly excep-
tions. The two last clauses we give at length, be-
cause they would do away with what at present are
felt to be great hardships—the refusal to accept re-
cognizances from persons arrested on petty charges,
and the practice of not binding over persons making
a charge to appear before a Magistrate to substan-
tiate it :

And be it Enacted, That whenever any person charged
with any offence of which he is liable to be summarily
convicted before a Magistrate, or with having carelessly
done any hurt or damage, shall be, without the warrant
of a Magistrate, in the custody of any constable of the
Metropolitan Police in charge of any Station-house during
the time when the Police Courts shall be shut, it shall be
lawful for such constable, if he shall deem it prudent,
to take the recognizance of such person, with or without
sureties, conditioned as hereinafter mentioned.
And be it Enacted, That whenever any person charged
with any felony, or any misdemeanour punishable by
transportation or other grave misdemeanour, shall be with•
out warrant in the custody of any constable of the Metro-
politan Police, at any Station-house, during the time
when the Police Courts shall be shut, it shall be lawful
for the constable in charge of the Station-house to re-
quire the person making such charge to enter into a re-
cognizance conditioned as hereinafter mentioned, and
upon his or her refusal so to do, it shall be lawful for such
constable, if he shall deem it prudent, to discharge from
custody the person so charged, upon his or her recogni-
zance, with or without sureties, conditioned as hereinafter
mentioned.

In Mr. O'CONNELL'S speech at the meeting of
the Precursor Society, which was held on Tuesday
last at Dublin, there are some valuable truths,
which at the present moment—or " crisis," as the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman justly calls it—can-
not be too often, or too urgently, insisted on. The
Ministry, he tells us, if they hope to succeed by
the assistance of the people, must drop the " foolish
idea of the finality of the Reform Bill. Finality,
what folly ! Man, and finality I Just as if the
progressive improvement of the human race will
not every day require proportionate changes to be-
made in the manner in which they are governed 1"
Most assuredly they will. But this is a truth
which, judging from the past, we shonld say Mi-
nisters have yet to learn. Having satisfied their
own party notions of legislation, they imagine they
have satisfied a nation. Like the Tories, they have
but imperfect ideas of the wants and wishes of the
Many; and hold it as one of the essential articles
of their Faith that common sense, equitable feeling,
and enlarged understanding reside only with the
select Few. Great Britain with them is Whiggish.
If she is not, she ought to be. Hence their one-sided
legislation. Arc we wrong in saying thus much ?
Let Lord JOUN RUSSELL'S declaration of hosti-
lity to the Ballot, and Lord MELBOURNE'S state-
ment that those who advocated a free trade in corn
are lunatics, make answer for us. Now we desire
to see an end put to this narrow, partial spirit of
legislation. The time is arrived when all paltry
distinctions of Whig, Tory, and Radical should be
forgotten, and when Government should act upon
the broad, manly principle, that there is an Empire,
as well as a party, to be provided for. " Man and
finality !" In these few, but forcible and compre-
hensive words, lies the whole question at issue be-
tween Ministers and the people. The former, it
should seem, are for " finality ;" that is, for acting
on the notion that the system of Government has
already attained its acme of perfection. The latter
are for " man ;" that is, for proceeding gradually
and temperately in the work of improvement, and
legislating in accordance with the improving spirit
of the times.
Warned by experience, let Ministers take up the
cause of " man,' in preference to that of " finality,"
and we will answer for their success. But, as
O'CONN ELL truly observes, there must be no more
equivocation—no more shuffling—no more tem-
porizing. Those who cannot make up their minds
to go forward, must be content to give way to those
who will. " Finality," indeed ! Why, applying
this doctrine to individual cases, what is it but to
say, that Lord Jou N RUSSELL, at the present mo-
ment, is just as wise as he ever will be—that ex-
perience has nothing to teach him—advancing age
no new lessons of moderation and sagacity to im-
press upon his mind ! That Lord MELBOURNE has
already successfully solved the abstruse problem of
Government, and attained the absolute perfection
of statesman-like sagacity ; and that SPRING
RICE has nothing more to learn in the way of re-
mission or addition of taxation ! Now, though far
from being hostile to Ministers, we will not give in
for an instant to absurd notions like these. We
are with O'CONNELL, for " man," in preference to
" finality." We advocate an onward movement.
We demand the " Ballot," " Triennial Parlia-
ments," " Household Suffrage," and such other
improvements as the experience of the age calls for.
If Ministers will concede these to us, we are their
staunch, unwearied friends : if not, we cross over
the way, and take our seat on the Opposition
Bench.