The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

LONDON REVIEW.—A contest of considerable
importance has been carried on with great keenness
during the last ten days in not a few of the counties
of England. The point in dispute was the manage-
ment of the kighways, and the contest lay between
the public, who wish to have the roads kept in good
repair, and the parishes, who wish to maintain their
ancient privilege of repairing them as badly as pos-
sible. In this struggle the public was represented
by the county magistrates assembled in quarter
sessions, who, under the Act of last Session, have
power of forming highway districts by the union of
several parishes. The parishes appeared on their
own behalf, and strenuously defended their ancient
right of a separate and independent control over the
roads within their own limits. Success has varied,
but on the whole victory has inclined to the
side of the public. But parochial authorities
are proverbially tough, and generally die hard.
And they have never made a harder fight for any
of their anbient privileges than for this power of
managing the highways by separate parishes. They
successfully resisted any change in Parliament for
more than a dozen years. Every Ministry, both
Whig and Tory, since the time of Sir Robert
Peel, has attempted to take the management of
the highways out of the hands of the vestries.
Every Secretary of State since 1849 has brought in
a bill with that object, and after all these repeated
attempts, the Act which was at length
passed last
year did not itself enforce a change of management,
but gave the power of enforcing it to the Justices in
Quarter Sessions. Hence it happened that the
whole battle had to be fought over again in every
Quarter Sessions through the country.
Each of these
assemblies was turned for a time into a local
parliament, which was vexed with petitions from
alarmed ratepayers, and besieged by importunate
vestries, who were making a last desperate effort to
ward off any change. Happily the justices have,
for the most part, stood firm against this pressure,
and the new Highway Act will now be very gene-
rally adopted through the country. The natural
remedy for the evils of the present system is to in-
crease the size of the divisions which are under
separate highway management. Accordingly, under
the new act, several parishes will be grouped to-
gether, so as to form a single highway district, the
roads in which will be managed by a highway
board, formed partly of persons elected by each
parish, and partly of the justices residing in the dis-
trict. This board will elect a surveyor, who will re-
ceive a salary. The country will probably be able to
furnish 200 or 300 professional surveyors, though it
could not supply 17,000. There will not, how-
ever, be any change in the incidence of the taxation
necessary to meet the expense. The estimates of
the repairs required in each parish will be made
separately by the district surveyor, and the parish
will continue as before to pay for the repair of its
own roads, with the addition only of its share of the
common expenses connected with the officers of the
board. The principle of the new system is to make
the highway districts of such extent, as to enable
the board to obtain skilful management, and thus
secure efficiency as well as economy. The system
of unprofessional surveyors, must in the end prove
the most expensive, even though these officers re-
ceive no salary. Want of skill, wherever professional
knowledge is required, is always want of eco-
nomy. The advantages of enlarged districts
are so obvious that it might have been sup-
posed that the parishes would have willingly
accepted the change. The very reverse has been the
case. The opposition of the ratepayers has been
mainly founded on the idea that the employment of
paid surveyors would lead to increased expense.
This fear seems to be without foundation. The ex-
pense that will be saved by more skilful manage-
ment may fairly be set against the salaries of the
surveyor and the other officers of the board. But
on this point we are not left to mere conjecture.
The experience of the six coun ties of South Wales
is sufficient to reassure the alarmed ratepayers on
the head of increased expense. In those counties,
highway districts, similar to those now proposed,
have existed for several years, and there is a unani-
mous concurrence of opinion that since that system
came into operation there has been a very marked
improvement in the state of the roads without
any addition whatever to the annual expenditure.
Another objection is urged against the new system
on the ground that it tends to the destruction o,
local self-government. Centralization and bureau.
cracy are words of fearful import in English ears,
and there is little doubt that this objection had
great influence on many persons who opposed the
new act. It is, however, manifest that subdivision
may be carried to such an extent foe the purposes of
local management, as to become an absurdity. The
question in such cases always is, what ought to be
the size of the district on which separate powers of
government are bestowed. And it is manifest that
if the subdivision be so minute as not to warrant
the employment of professional knowledge when it
is necessary, local self-government has been carried
to an extreme. If the ratepayers of every street in
a town bad the separate control of the paving of
their own street, that would, doubtless, be local
self-government, but it would be government re-
duced to an absurdity.

SPECTATOR.—In 1839 there existed a society in
Paris called the " Societe des GI( na de Lefties," to
which most of the French literary celebrities be-
longed, and whose object—like that of our own Dra-
matic Authors' Society—was to protect the rights
and interests of authors and dramatists. Balzic re-
fused, for a long time, to join the society, chiefly,
as far as we can learn, because he considered his own
interests were more advanced by acting indepen
dentty of his literary colleagues. However, in the
ahoy.) named year, he was bitterly annoyed by the
extent to which hie works were pirated in Belgium,
and the idea struck him that this system of piracy
could be suppressed by a gigantic libraryd con federa-
tion, of which this society
might be made the nucleus.
Fur this object he got himself elected a member,tbe e and
proceeded, with his usual impetuosity in
mencement of every undertaking, to revolutionize
organization. With this view he laid before the so-
ciety' the draft of a complete literary code. Thelfirst and
fundamental condition was, that no author belong.
ing to the society was to make any agreement with
a publisher without submitting it previously to the
sanction of the committee. The terms under which
the society, or rather their agents, were at liberty
to sanction an agreement were laid down with
The number of editions and
minute particularity.
copies in each edition was to be defined by written
agreement. Unless there was any clause to the con-
trary, the author was to have the right of republi-
cation of any work published in a newspaper or re-
view. Every agreement which bound one author to
one publisher for more than three years was to be
null and void. All newspapers who had employed
a writer to write forty articles a year or upwards,
for ten consecutive sears, wereobliged to providenim
with a pension of not less than £4B a- year. Again, in
all literary contracts the presumption was to be in fa•
sour of the author as against thepubeb' This view
was based upon the principle that the
purchaser; of
of an unwritten work was not a commercial but a
speculative operation, and that therefore the pur-
chaser, in fixing the price, estimated
the eAlance,
of loss arising from the failure of health or ability,
or the want of good faith on the part of the
author.
Plagiarisms, either of title or subjects, were for-
bidden under heavy penalties. Foreign authors
were secured equal privileges in France, to what
were acceded to French writers by the Government
of their OVVII countries, and the right of translation
watiluof to be conceded without the consent of the
author. In order to protect the privacy of literary
men, it was declared illegal to write birigraphies of
living authers, to attribute to any one the author-
ship of of an anonymous article with a view of
his reputation, or to make any allusion
in print to his domestic circumstances and per-
cenal habits.
How the sixty-two clauses of
the _Code, of which
we have culled the principal
(MS, were to be enforced, Balzic does not
appear to have clearly provided.
'ems to have been that the Society fl)ating idea
Writefosrhouvid refuse to
allow any of its members to
who did not adhere to these stipulatiaonn4s publisher
the Government should be induced to and that
thateetahlish
the
literary code as the law of the land. The dieenesion
of the code was adjourned till a committee or the

society had drawn up a report, which was to be
laid before the Government. This committee, of
which Balzac was the author, consisted of himself,
Victor Hugo, Louis Desnoyers, Meruau, and Fran-
cis Arago. After a year and a half of delays and
discussions and difficulties, the only result of their
labours consisted in a prologue to the report, which
ended thus :—" In conclusion we would add, that
France has owed the supremacy she has obtained
in Europe alternately to her arms and her writers.
And yet what has her Government for that power
which has bestowed upon her such glory in the
eyes of foreign nations ? Nothing. No !we are
wrong. As long as a writer is unknown, the Go-
vernment abandons him, and leaves him to struggle
alone against all the miseries of his early progress.
As soon as he has made a name, the Government
either prosecutes him, or tries to corrupt
omrnis-
petlaim.”
Wearied with the procrastination of h
sion, Balzac then proposed that itshouldebweiunidd up
e
its labours, and that instead a petition
presented to the King, asking in the name of the
o
society for the establishmenturgaoefmaensytstoefmloitferdaetcuerne-
nial prizes for the enc.
Therer
prizes of X 4,000 for the best
tragedy, y, were
comedy,i
Bnoel, opera, nel, treatise on Christian
t
and archaeological essay, and one of
philosophy,
for the best epic poem. The required sum
for these prizes was to be provided by a permanent
endowment, and not by a parliamentary grant; and
all posts in the national libraries were to be re-
served for literary men. In fact, the idea of
regenerating literature by combination was aban-
doned for that of reinstating it in public respect by
a system of Government patronage; and even this
idea was soon thrown aside by its fickle author.
Two years after he had joined the society, Bal-
zac perceived the very obvious truth that an
association of this nature, however advantageous
to young and unknown authors, is always detri-
mental to men whose reputation is made. It appears,
as far as M. Gozlan's somewhat confused account
enables us to understand the story, that according
to the statutes, the society had the power of autho-
' rising the reproduction of any work of its members,
and that the money derived from this privilege
went into a common fund, divided amongst the
members. Thus, if an author had a novel publish-
ing in a Paris paper, the proceeds of its republica-
tion in a Lyons journal would have gone, not to
the author, but to the common stock. Of course a
writer like Balzac lost by this, as he contributed
more than the average amount to the fund ; and,
also, the fact of his novels being published in seve-
ral newspapers depreciated their saleable value
when completed. As soon as his eyes were open to
this conclusion, Balzac wrote a letter resigning his
membership. The society refused to accept it; and
thereupon he forwarded an indignant circular to all
the newspapers, warning them that if they ven-
tured to republish his novels on the authorisation
of the society he should prosecute them for piracy.
Thus ended the great scheme for establishing a
society for the mutual protection of men of letters.
The thought must, we think, have presented itself
to most writers, what an enormous power literature
would be if there were any solidarste amongst
authors. Fortunately perhaps for the world, any
scheme to secure this object is pretty sure to end as
Balzac's did.

SATURDAY REVIEW.—The Emperor of the French
has no living superior in the composition of State
papers. His speeches and addresses always express
the intended meaning, and they have often the ad-
vantage of novelty. The colourless formality of
English Speeches from the Throne well becomes a
constitutional Government, and it is equally natu-
-1 ral that an individual ruler should impress a per-
sonal character on his communications with the
' subordinate bodies of the State. In one respect the
style of limited royalty is more dignified and more
modest. In sketching out the business of the ses-
sion
no Minister would think it necessary to vindi-
cate the ancient and unquestioned institutions of
England, but the French empire is too recent to
take itself for granted, and it has not yet succeeded
in conciliating educated opinion, although it is sup-
ported by popular feeling and prejudice. In sum-
ming up the recent achievements of his reign, Napo-
leon 111. virtually admits that the fabric which he
has raised is still partially supported by his own
ability and vigour. It is yet uncertain whether the
arch will stand when the temporary framework has
been struck away, nor is any form of Government
to be considered permanent until it has stood the
test of adversity, and even of feeble administration.
The Speech to the Senate and Legislative Body is
at the same time an elaborate apology for the em-
pire, and an appeal to the multitudinous consti-
tuency of France. The current questions of the
day are passed over with slight mention, to make
room for the successes which have attended the
existing Government, both in peace and war. The
termination of ten years from the re-establishment
of the empire, and of five since the election of the
Chamber has been considered an appropriate occa-
sion for the review of all the important transactions
of the period; and as the desired effect will pro-
bably be attained in France, it is not for strangers
to censure;the apparent disrespect of using an osten-
sible Legislature as a mere channel for the transmis-
sion of the Imperial thoughts to the people. The
Senate and the Legislative Body might be supposed
to deal with the finances, with the Mexican war,
and with the ambiguous policy which has been
adopted in Italy ; but the only reference to their
duties is the general phrase that useful work is yet
in store for the conclusion of their labours. The
members of the elected Chamber are exhorted, at
greater length, to prepare for the coming dissolu-
tion by urging on their constituents the choice of
fresh representatives as loyal and as docile as them-
selves. The King of Prussia might take a lesson
from the temperate and persuasive language in
which a really able sovereign deprecates popular
opposition. Instead of vapouring about divine
right Napoleon 111. tells his manageable subjects
that he will always be ready to adopt whatever
may be for the interest of the majority, and that
they, on their part, must avoid conflicts, "and send to
the new Chamber men who, like you, accept with-
out reserve the present system, and prefer serious
deliberations to sterile discussions." It is true that
in Prussia there is a responsible and regulated con-
stituency which may fairly assert an opinion of its
own on national affairs. The French Constitution
disfranchises the political classes in favour of the
Imperialist peasantry; and yet Napoleon 111. has
the good sense to ask the support of the electors in-
stead of demanding their obedience. The diplomatic
papers which have since been published are, in
some respects, more communicative than the Speech.
One statement of M. Drouyn de Lhuys will cause
reasonable surprise to the best informed English
politicians. It appears that Lord
oLoti Palmerston
Lord Russell, while they alingtoeresetdonand
cede
tha the
lonion Islands to Greece, have formally invited the
Pope to take up his residence at Malta. It is diffi-
cult to understand the motives for so nnexpected a
proposal; and the objections are so numerous and
reasons,
li ,op
eat Malta wou ldibea would required to
justify obvious,
the
hma tesatsruorng measure.
l
himself in the midst ofthaedlhotsiae o
t bigoted
priesthoodedCatholic
population in the world, n
would take every opportunity
of
exclusive allegiance to their spiritual d i displaying l allyeiandg. their
A l
l
the Catholic Powers of Europe would claim the
right of watching over the interests of the Pope;
and even if they made no pretension to protect
his person, they would constantly interfere with
the administration of an important English PS-
nession. For all the troubles of the Holy See,
its heretic protectors would be held responsible;
and Irish Ultramontanists would not fail to ttri-
',lute to the basest motives
it ou
otivewstlhde
b©
eenerous offer of
apnopaesywhoimuld‘vbheeraet the mercy of his
, asuggested,
insted;ettiel-e rate enemies, Prudent Englishmenwe tll concurh
with M. Drouyn de Lhuys in his hope 'n
the Pop?, at any future time, charges his artest if'
dence, he will give France, or some other
country.,
a preference to the Queen's dominions.

SOCIETY FOR TILE PROTECTION OF YOUNG
FEMALEs.—This excellent society will shortly be
removed from Tottenham to the Woodhouse Mansion at
Wanstead, the Conservative Land Society having sold the
residence bite in the occupation of Mr. Money Wigraro,
with nearly four acres of land, to this admirable institution
of which the late Prince Consort was Patron, and hi the
prosperity of which the Lumnted Prince took the deepest
interest.