The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-07 00:00:00

" We have no mystery to make of propositions
made in entire good faith, entirely in the spirit
and letter of the Treaties of 1815, upon the basis of
which an exchange of ideas had been agreed upon;
and which, according to our conviction, contain a
method of a pacific solution of the question conform-
able to the interests of the Kingdom of Poland.
The Imperial Cabinet had believed itself justified in
inferring, from the despatch of the 18th of June,
that the Count de Rechberg had anticipated our re-
fusal to adhere to a Conference of the eight Powers
that signed the General Act of the Congress of
Vienna, seeing that his Excellency subordinated to
the previous consent of Russia, the adhesion of the
Austrian Government to this combination. We
had not inferred from the despatch any approbation
of that refusal. We had seen in that reserve a sen-
timent of dignity, which in a like case the Cabinet
of Vienna would have claimed for itself,, and we had
rendered justice to an equitable act. As to the view
of what the dignity of Russia called for, that was a
consideration for our august Sovereign alone ; but
it was evident that a combination which did not
seem conformable to the dignity of the country,
ought for that very reason to be considered im-
possible.
" But Count de Rechberg has thought he per-
ceived in our proposition of an' understanding be-
tween the three Courts, with the view of putting
the situation of their Polish possessions, to which
the stipulations of the Treaty of 1815 apply, in
harmony with the circumstance of the moment and
the wants of the age, the idea of establishing be-
tween the Kingdom of Poland and Galicia an assi-
milation
which his Excellency repudiates. We had
no thought of establishing any assimilation what-
ever. That there is a necessary solidarity be-
tween the interests of the three neighbouring
Courts and their respective Polish possessions is
attested by the historical traditions and precedents
which have created the order of things actually
existing. Facts have more than once demonstrated
how much the situation of each of the provinces
re-acts upon the condition of the others. Actual
events, and the active part which the revolutionary
elements of Galicia lake in the insurrection in the
Kingdom and its ultimate object, are additional
evidence of it. The Cabinets of Austria, England,
and France have pre-supposed it in basing their
diplomatic action upon the reaction which the
troubles in the Kingdom exercise upon the posses-
sions of the neighbouring States, and thereby upon
the tranquillity of Europe.
" We were actuated by the conviction of this
solidarity in proposing an understanding destined
to bring about the necessary harmony between the
institutions which it would be a question of intro-
ducing in the Kingdom of Poland, after the pacifi-
cation of the country, and those which exist in the
Polish possessions of the neighbouring States. It
was a friendly idea, conformable to the relations of
the two Imperial Courts and their mutual interests.
We are bound to repudiate every different inter-
pretation.
" As to the substance of our propositions, we
believe that, appreciated with the conciliatory spirit
which dictated them, and applied in good faith,
they could lead to a rational and practical solution
which would meet at once the rights and interests
of the three neighbouring Powers, the stipulations
of the Treaties of 1815, upon which rests the
general balance of power, the reasonable wishes of
the Poles, and the solicitude manifested by Europe
in favour of the tranquillity of those countries.
" We can only then regret the different impres-
sion which the instructions addressed by the Count
de Rechberg to the Ambassadors of Austria at
London and Paris gave us intimation of.
" You are authorised to give his Excellency a
reading of the present despatch. Receive, &C.,
" GORTSCITAKO FF.'

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Tunes' Correspondent.)
NEw YORE, July 24.

The tide of victory that seems to have set in so
strongly in favour of the Federal arms has begun to
alarm that very large and influential class of people
who have made, are making, or hope to make for-
tunes out of the expenditure of the war. Brokers,
speculators, and contractors on the one hand, and
dealers in and manufacturers of army and navy
stores and accoutrements on the other, together with
all the retail traders of the great cities who prosper
flpon the lavish outlay of the numberless persons
who revel in their newly-acquired riches, look with
anything but complacency upon the prospects of
Peace. They do not sympathise with the South, but
,either do they desire it to be so thoroughly con-
.`lued es to be unable to. protract the contest for
two or three years. During this interval they hope
to consolidate
and realise their gains, and either to
tarn thouselves t
Europe to enjoy it or to invest them in
the greet their own country. They know that
soon as the
'Parer balloon of credit will collapse as
'war is over, and hope that before the
inevitable crh the .
fortunes onto ran Y will be able to snatch their
deluge, since it tege 01 calamity. " After us the
vest let there
ndsrtsNveleaet,hbere.t" daring
our be
her-
prayer and calmeatinb. Such is their
would not be sorry
if For these reasons they
defeat General Tweade .General Lee were to
Shenandoah, or re-eatltt
er the valley of the
m
Maryland
—aryl d
of which there seem as an invader,
to he a
the defenders of Charleston prospect, and if
annihilate the fleet of Monitors Were
to capture or I
now seem to be too successfullAnediirenclads that
Sumter. Nor is the fear ®fth eagerin_
K Fort
e cense
peace confined to these sordid nble queues of
gse
worthier, and more respectable people, ".
Steadier
,
the war, and believe it to have been wrwoul detest
menced, wrongly conducted, and in every a I°l'
disaster both for North and South, dread the - 4
finan-
cial convulsions that must attend its close, and
would fain discover where safety lies. Look where
they will, they are unable to detect any solution of
the national difficulties, except in bankruptcy and re.
pudiation. The prospect, gloomy as it is, does not
affect Americans with as much horror as it would
Europeans. They pride themselves on the courage
and elasticity of mind of their people, and on the
boundless resources of their continent. Half a mil-
lion or a million of me n now in possession
and
of
worldly wealth, may be reduced to poverty
destitution. But what of that ? These men can be-
gin the world again, and, if they do not, a younger
and more vigorous class will spring up to carry on
the work of trade and industry. Nobody is placed
so high above his fellows as to fall very heavily, or
to be much missed when he is gone. There are no
princely families to be ruined, and to bear with them
to oblivion the influence, the glories, and the tradi-
tions of centuries. There is no national church, with
imperial revenues, to be confiscated to the needs of
the State. There is nothing a century old of which
the destruction would create a void. There is no-