The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-22 00:00:00

posed were Messrs. Brougham and Creevey, whose
great and patriotic exertions were at last crowned
with success, by procuring their repeal. And yet
how did the Liverpool electors testify their gratitude
to those gentlemen who had been chiefly instrumental
in restoring the commercial activity of their languish-
ing town ? They rdected them ! and chose, along
with General Gascoyne, that very Mr. Canning,
whose " Orders in Council" had brought them
to the verge of ruin There were substan-
tial reasons, no doubt, for all this—but woe to Eng-
land when the merits anal services of her public men
are only weighed i►► the same balance that determines
the relative value of political pretensions at a Liver-
pool election.—Morning herald.

We copy from the Dublin Evening Post., and also
from the Globe, the account given of Mr. O'Con•
cell's landing at flowth, and of his reception by the
members of the trades, supported by an immense
multitude, consisting of the mob of Dublin. The
arrival of the Learned Gentleman was so timed, as
just to anticipate that of the King's representative
by three or four days—a short interval, but suffi-
cient, we have no doubt, for the purpose of the
learned agitator. If the report of the private cor-
respondence of the latter paper may be believed—
and the fact, unfortunately, is not the less worthy
of belief because it reflects disgrace on some of the
parties whom it implicates,—but if that report be
true, O'Connell, in the course of his harangue
to the populace at parting, " deprecated any com-
plimentary procession in honour of Lord Angleses,
On account of the peculiar circumstances under
which he assumes the Government." Lord Angle-
sea, when Lord Lieutenant, two years ago, was all
but worshipped by Mr. O'Connell us his it!ol. lle
was the noble-minded Anglesea —the friend of Ire-
land, the honest, the generous, the brave, and the
enlightened ! Lord A nglesea's Administration was
disliked on this side of the water, because the tone
of it was considered to be rather more democratic,

—rather more mob-loving,--a trifle more O'Connel-
lish, than might be seemly in a Lord Lieutenant,
who, though he was bound to be just to rich and
poor, and Papist and Protestant alike, WAS yet ex-
pected to consort and associate somewhat more
with the higher class of gentlemen in the land than
with those of an opposite description. That Lord
Anglesea was dismissed because of his indocile de-
monstrations of attachment to the Catholic cause, is
certain; that his personal courtesy to Mr. O'Con-
nell, in connexion with political affairs, was regarded
as one charge in the ministerial indictment against
the Noble Marquis, is, as appeared by the cor-
respondence, by no means less deserving of
credit ; that, in short, he was saerifioed for
Mr. O'Connell and the Catholic Association,
was, and is still, the universal feelint, of the poli-
tical work!. What, then, has since been the public
conduct of Lord Anglesea ? Ile voted for enranci-
pa•ion, and spoke with the animated eloquence of a
soldier in defence of it, and of the Irish Catholics.
Ile more recently (how discreetly is another ques-
tion) condemned the proclamations of the Duke of
Northumberland, for putting down the successive
hands of agitators enlisted by Mr. O'Connell for
preaching• up a separation front England ; and what
hits bee►► the reward of the Noble Marquis for all
this indulgence to Irish interests, as the interests of
Ireland were explained by Mr. O'Connell in person ?
Why, on his landing again upon her shores, the
people—the admiring►, the affectionate, thy grateful
people--are forbidden to pay their noble champion
the slight civility of an escort from the landing-place
at Kingstown to the Castle ! Forbidden, by
whom ? By the demagogue Dictator himself,
just reeking from the intoxication of those
same prohibited honours. Is it then, at length,
avo►ved to be his scheme, that no function-
ary of the state or nation, however eminent
his services, or beneficent his views, shall have
so much as a decent welcome to Ireland but at
the nod of this pirate politician ? And why ?
because Lord Anglesea, having helped to liberate
the Catholics, cannot be made a tool for ulterior

purposes. destructive to the peace and existence of
the realm ; and must, therefore, no longer be suffered
to stand in the presence of the agitator, us b rival
rallying point for public respect and attachment.
Lord Anglesea has declared himself a friend to the
Union, and, to prevent his being a stumbling-block
in the way of separation, he is to be bellowed down
from the first moment of his Lord-Lieutenancy,
and made odious to the people of Ireland by
every means—and they are not few—that fac-
tious malignity can devise, to counteract the useful
exercise of his authority. But Lord Anglesea will
not be so disposed of. lie goes resolved, we have
no doubt, to vindicate the just powers of the ma-
gistracy and of the law, and to prevent any faction,
under whatever pretext, from wresting out of his
hand the Government and guidance of the kingdem.
If, as there seems reason to apprehend, those arts
which have before so frequently proved successful,
shall work upon the spirit of the multitude, and
gain every day fresh proselytes to what is insidiously
termed" Repeal of the Union," but which means
and aims at a complete rending minder of all poli-
tical ties between Great Britain and Ireland, there
is no question that violence will follow numbers,
where the Catholic gentry will not be on their side
to restrain them. Then comes a new crisis in the

Irish histoiy. Mr. O'Connell, with a proportion
of the priesthood, and nineteen-twentieths of the
mob, will be opposed by the whole mass of property,
and honesty, and intelligence—by the Catholic ;iris-
tocracy, and the entire Protestant body,—by the
13ritiSh Government, and the feelings of the English
and Scotch nations, acting us a single man. Is the
Agitator prepared for the natural consequences of this
his yet half-digested, but easily discernible, pro-
ject ? " Repeal of the Union" is another name
for a Catholic Association, bearing the shape and
assuming the attributes of an Irish Parliaments—an
usurpation of the executive power, perhaps the le-
gislative also, by some arrogant and ambitious ad-
venturer,--a restless and diseased intolerance of
every iing British—laws, customs, maxims of
policy, foreign interests, religious establishment,
names, deeds, associations. Does any advocate of
" a repeal of the Union" pretend that such a total
overthrow of the British Empire would be achieved
without a struggle, the most bloody and desolating
that has yet occurred in the annals of either island ?
And if it should terminate, as it will not, in favour
of the revolutionists, what but a confiscation of
every honest man's estate, a substitution of a Ca-
tholic for a Protestant realm, and the insertion of a
deadly enemy into the side of England, would be the
inevitable issue? We therefore see with much sa-
tisfaction that the array of names in defence of the
Union is every hour extending in both countries.
We trust that the middle classes of the Irish will
consider in time how deeply and peculiarly they are
interested in allying themselves with the property
and character of the country, against its beggary and
desperation.—Times.
The state of the country at the present moment
is a subject of such universal importance, that it
would be almost inexcusable not to say something
respecting it ; and yet our columns, were they
wholly devoted to a description of it, would, on the
one hand, be insufficient to furnish it in detail, and
en the other, the question is one of so much diffi-
culty that no one can come to a satisfactory conclu-
sion respecting it. The disturbances continue and
extend in all directions—their subject is the destruc-
tion of machinery, the firing of farm-yards, and
riotous assemblages, to compel advances of wages,
incompatible with the hurthens on the farmer, and
the taxes imposed on the manufacturer ; and their
aim is an advance of wages, as their cause is un-
doubtedly the existence of serious grievances, and
the withholding of that rate of payment for labour
which is absolutely necessary for the existence of
the labourer. These are plain and indisputable
facts ; and the equally plain and indisputable con-
clusion to which they lead is, that however neces-
sary it may be for the preservation of person and
property, to put down Outrage and to punish the
the only effectual mode
destroyers of property,
in wh:ch the evils with which the country is at-