The Sun.
London, England, 1837-11-03 00:00:00

POST-OFFICE.

......
4.0 TILE EDITOR OF THE SUN._
___.
I'''•-- 37 „
KELLY, OCT. 31, 18
n A •
YOU have ever been zealous in advocating an
e rOVH- 3
ti:ll:tilUrtilsYss,t;m in the Post-office Derrtnauefnut,umand made
=nice-
th c or, ~, -, your Paper the ready vehicle of
iIIIIY I Its 'subject, I beg leave to request
.a place, on an
i'll4i;?Y' fur the Abstracts I send herewith, which will
Nig, -7 contrast the Return made to an Order of the
)14iNN7- ?vciU.nnions moved for by me in 1834, and another ;
tlit 41i that mc.b first Return had the very same object in
ts''.4.4, 't 01 1837, and in fact comprehends
li l'ilt „. Period five years of
tots ~,,,-4,lt_ura of 1834 will prove the allegation I so often
oil Ttied ' in the House of Commons, and which was
hiltlet. sa for ..bly by Lord Lowther, of the systematic
iltlqttl-40' i sl!cuPst--offiee Depi.ir.tm. ent,.t.o furnish coin-
114,111'tit i't:riltion, when the possibility existed to evade
Itql.tiht titheetu..N you have a copy of for 1834 would have
41047, „ ''lle appalling results s are exhibited in that
etir tilt Cril a remedy might easily
%ttttl tine' aniount of losses preventedhave been found,ciu.
which have
1N4,, 4 it" ; but it suited the Post-office to
underevade .agiving
14,4t4 tilietutu--- and to shelter themselves pre-
kb' ,tl4l,,34lllrchension of the import of the Order for the
1-4 '4,14 • A
No and tL. serv.eu their purpose.
kit, ' ' and ~"(- country had dust throw in their eyes as
likr4r 1 sllv it to be prudent to de.i.t. until I had set
119"tly rely to forkagain—toascertain if
ht. 1,1•0. I had been
11451110 f ,i`lT'e, or was in error—as to the dreadfulireuutl
thill°4 wittslunder I had ascertained to my
.own_ein_ti.h.ougb
aft Ivas 4„,,g.r)in" on all over the three king',lon', k''''
tiNt,Ybstlie Ret Ili.")
il-ite,lll(,lo4;"ssieadn't:iyt the defenders of Sir Francis Frecliii,g
the faeeotfu.thc Commons of the m-
ot% cure than i' ' adverted.
uttl P. tilY bix MS, the said notable evasive return ex-
Na ti 180 eases, .amounting to 3651., whereas the re-
' ' for t/ •• d of years, shows fifteen
,s4tvlilllt wsatitilder:)lllo7/. I.lase. 98717 This great discrepancy appears
;te I,‘"Q 0,1"Ing it the way the Post-office chose to con-
-1 PR'e.l4l)l.((b‘er i the House of Commons, but which any
t',e 1-'"7, 111 "Pal— (meat would have construed as the Orderu
ttilitt. ttirT, last been done. Had this been the. case,
1. op -4, 1834 would have shown 5,689 cases of ii. 7
abs
-traction, or plunder from letters, amounting,

1830..
1331..
1832..
1333..
1834..
1835..
1836..

Besides Jewellery,
Powers of Attor-
ney, Lottery Tic-
kets, &c. &c.

£13,533 17 10

10,293 1E618,951 15 lli

The Dukc and llnclress of Sutherland, accompanied
by the Marquis of Stafford and the Ladies Leveson Gower,
will arrive at Stafford House, this afternoon, from Lanes
Hall. Their Graces will accompany her Majesty to the
civic banquet at Guildhall, on the 9th inst.
Yesterday a general meeting of the proprietors of
Vavixliall Bridge was held at the George and Vulture,
Comilla), for the purpose of considering the report of the
committee, and declaring a dividend. The report stated
the satisfaction of the committee at being able to commu-
cate the fact that a very considerable increase bad taken
place in the amount of the receipts, which were 1411. 9s.
Bd. more this year than last. A dividend of 10s. was finally
declared, and after a vote of thanks to the Chairman, the
meeting separated.
We are now experiencing all the rigour of wintry
weather—rain, sleet, and hail, alternately driving people
from the streets to the chimney corner. Hailstones mea-
suring two inebes in circumference were picked up in Carrick
on Friday last by a friend of ours.—.4yr Observer.

THE SUN, LONDON, ') AY, NOVEMBER 3, IS

DINNER to SIR W. L. S. TNELAWNY
Bart., and SIR WM. MOLES\VORTH, Dart., M.P.

(From the 1 Bri'on of this Day•)

On Monday last, pursuant to athertiscap;!.t, the-e was
a grand muster at Oliver's Hotel, Podmin, of the I;beral
Yeomanry of the hundred of Trigg, in the Eastern Divi-
s!on of Cornwall, to do honour. to the °Weal
the above stzarach, well tried, an 1 dctermiaed
Reformers. The meeting was rendered more interesting
from its being known that a handsome silver cup was to
be presented to W. K. Norway, Esq., of Wadebridge, p c-
dons to his temporary absence from the country, as a
mark of esteem and gratitude to that gentleman by the
Reformers (.1 the Hundred of Trigg, for his able and jade •
fatigable exertions in behalf of reform. Notwithstanding
the rain which poured down• nearly all day, there was a
very large attendance, and above MO gentlemen sat down
to an excellent dinner provided by Mr. Oliver, and served
np in good style. GEonGE COTSFORD CALS., Esq., took
the Chair, and was supported on his right by Sir William
Trelawnv, Bart., John Rundle, Esq., M.P., E. Tre-
. lawny, Esq , T. Woolleombe, Esq., and W. K. Norway,
Esq. ; and on his left by Sir William Molesworth, Bart.,
M.P., J. T. Leader, Esq., M.P., Rev. D. Stephens, E.
Duppa, Esq., D. P. Hoblyn, Esq., A. 0. Molcsworth,
Esq., &c. &c.
On the cloth being drawn, the CHAIRMAN said—l pro-
pose her Majesty Queen Victoria—may sl:e never forget
that the people, truly represented, are the only 'egi!imate
source of power.—(Three times three, and one cheer more.)
The CHAlRMAN—Gentlemen, I have to propose—The
health of an illustrious branch of the Royd Fatdly—;he
Duke of Sussex, that Prince of Reformers, with the Lo-
nours.—(Tremendous cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN—The next toast which I beg leave to
call your attention to is that great aed important cause for
which we have been struggling so many yeari—The cause
of Reform.—(Cheers.)

The CllAlRMAN—Oentlemen, I must now call your at-
tention to the immediate business of this day. I must
tell you candidly that I have been taken by surprise, for I
did not anticipate the honour of sitting in this chair this
evening. You will then pardon, I trust, any mistakes that
I may be guilty of committing in doing the duty which I
am called upon to perform. You may rely that my heart
is in the work, and what I say I really mean.—(Cheers.)
I am about to propose the health of my honourable friends
on my right and left band--" Our late representatives"—
(Tremendous cheering)—and deeply do I regret that I can-
not call them by that name at the present time.—(Conti-
need cheering.) Gentlemen, for every event that occurs in
nt to
his
longerwo
- rld there i s areason,
sitting
as
representatives
npa
Parliament
asmaye' that their
is
u our
own fault.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, we must share the
blame, for we have been guilty of the error, and without
alluding to any individual by name, or in the slightest de-
gree, I must say that the mistake has originated with the
Reformers of Cornwall.—(Hear, hear.) Some gentlemen
have proved apostates to their creed—( Hear, hear)—and
shame and contempt be with them !—(Cheers.) Others
from lukewarmness or from mistaken views of our late re-
presentatives, have forfeited, in a great degree, the high
station which they formerly held amongst us ; but I am
confident in my own mind that they see their error, and
we will be the last not to forgive it.—(Cheers.) Now,
gentlemen, I will give you• the health of our late repre-
sentatives—those well-tried, honest, independent, fearless
servants of the county of Cornwall.—(Tremendous cheer-
ing.) I challenge any man present to state one indivi-
dual case in which he would wish that they should missy
tile votes that they have given in their respective places in
Parliament.—(Loud cheers.) However, they may have
been beaten by the chicanery of the Tories, by priest-
craft, and other things of that description—(" Hear," and
cheers)—still I say they can look their former constituents
in the face with a clear conscience. I should like to know
whether our noble opponent can do the same at this pre-
sent moment ?—(Hear, hear.) I very much doubt it,
though the means of saying so is not in my power ; but we
know, and every individual in this room knows, that undue
influence has been at work—(Hear, hear, hear)—and had •
we but the money to enable us to go to a scrutiny, I feel
certain that hundreds of their votes would go for nothing.
—(Hear, hear.) But to dwell longer upon this subject
would be out of taste on my part. Our late representa-
tive on my right is still with us, and I am sorry that he
does not maintain his former position ; but our friend on
my left, we have not lost him, for he is still ours as much
as if he was with us—the decided, the straight forward, the
honest, fearless advocate of Reform, and able still to drive
our adversaries from the field.—(Loud cheers.) I give
you Sir William Trelawny and Sir William Molesworth.—
(Enthusiastic cheering that lasted several minutes.)
Sir WILLIAM TRELAWNT, on rising, was received with
several renewed rounds of loud and vehement applause.
Silence having been obtained, he spoke to the following
effect unexpected and the unwished-for invitation
which has called me here to-day, worded as that invita-
tion was, in the most flattering and kind terms, and com-
ing as it did from a body of the yeomanry with whom I
have struggled for political rights during the last thirty
years ; that invitation, coming as it did from a body of
Englishmen who have offered to sacrifice their persons
and their purses, and by whose kindness so humble an
individual as myself was able to take the high and ho-
nourable station in representing this county ; receiving, I
say, an invitation from such a body, I accepted it with
the greatest promptitude.—(Cheers.) I said, rather unge-
nerously, perhaps, that the invitation was unwished for.
I said that because it may be the means of stirring up
ugly and useless reminiscences of our failure in this county
—(No, no)—and such a meeting as the present must have
given trouble to many of my friends who attend from dis-
tant places to-day.—(Cheers.) Your kindness has over-
whelmed me,and I feel that I can never repay it.—(Cheers.)
The honour of holding the station that I did hold entirely
upon your means—for let it be known I should never have
thought of coming forward but for being called upon by so
numerous and respectable a body of yeomen—and the
honour and pleasure of acting according to your wishes,
will be handed down to my posterity as the proudest thing
of which they can boast.—(Clicers.) With regard to our
late failure, I attribute that entirely to the chances of war.
I blame no one whatever, and I must say that I believe the
defeat which we suffered from the Tories was not because
there is any re-action in your vice, s—(Loud cheers)—but it
was from the defects in the Reform Bill.—(llear, hear.)
That Reform Bill, long as we struggled for it, good as we

thought it, has not done so much or worked so well as we
thought it would.—(llear, hear.) - 1 must ssy this is either
a representative government or it is not ; if it is a repre-
sentative government it is a mockery to say that the con-
stitutipn of the present constituency is good.—(Loud
and continued cheering.) In order to promote a
further Reform, I would recommend you to agitate—
agitate at all your meetings, at your vestries, your markets,
your ordinaries, in the field and by the fire-silo ; struggle
on again for .Refgrm in Pal liament, for you have not got it
yet.—(Loud applause.) I have said before that this invita-
tion was unwished for by me ; I wish it also to be under-
stood that I accepted it the more readily because this is
the most central situation in the county; and this may
almost he called a county meeting ; but if this meeting
should be followed up by meetings in other towns in the
Division, I must say publicly that I shall not be able to at-
tend. 1 felt it to be my duty to attend this ; but if every

town—and I have a great many very deserving kind friends
in every town in this Division—should follow your example.
and ask me to a public dinner, then I must respectfully de-
cline attending. As I understand that there are a great
many very good speakers present, and as I am not any
longer your representative, and have no account to give of
any votes that I intended to give in Parliament, I most re- '
spectfully return to my former position.—( Cheers.)
Sir Wm. MOLESWORTII) Lart., M.P., on rising was re-
ceived with oft-repeated marks of approbation, which, hav-
ing in some degree subsided, he said—" Gentlemen, I feel
much obliged to you for the manner in which you have, as
one of your late representatives, drunk my health. It
is true that I still have the honour of representing a
great and important constituency ; and I can say, that
as long as I am a representative in Parliament, though
not your representative, I shall always be ready, always be
happy, to offer you my humble services.—(Loud cheers.)
I take with pleasure this opportunity of expressing to 3-ou
my sincere and heartfelt gratitude for the confidence which
you reposed in me during the five years for which I had the
honour of being one of the Representatives of this division
of the county. I do assure you I felt the deepest pain
and regret, when I found that I could no longer hope to
represent you ; when I found that some feeble-minded,
though . possibly good-intentioned men, yielding to their
habitual unsteadiness and puerile fears, would no longer
afford rue the assistance without which 1 could not hope
for success.—( Hear, hear.) That my reasons for not coming
forward again as a candidate were valid, is unfortunately
proved by the events which have just occurred. For if even
my honourable friend could not succeed, what hopes of suc-
cess could I have had? Words can hardly express my
sorrow and vexation at the result of the late contest in

Loud When I consider the force
oTory party, I am not surprised thit they should
hthfaivstehce n
r°eut Y.—turned one representative : the choice which they
have made is honourable to thcni, on account of the
moral and Intellectual qualities of their candidate ; but that
my honourable friend—the steady and uncompromising
friend of the people—was last upon the pal is indeed a
subject of deep and bitter regret.—(Lnua cheering.)
Though we are defeated, still the independent ycomacr)
of the county have but little cause for self-reproach. We
did all that was in our power, but the enemy was too
strong. We may console ourselves with the retletion
that our fate is s;ml
ar to that of most of the counties in
which there has been a contetted electioo.—( Hear.) Out
of gve and twenty county contests, the Liberal party was

defeated in twenty-threa—(Hear)--,art 1 ir the same causes
of defeat continue to exist., probably at the nest gcnertil
election, hardy a single Reformer will be returned from the
agricultural districts of England.—,'H .ar.) Yon may.
perhaps, consider this opinion somewhat exaggerate!, but
late events seem fully to justify it.—(hear.) The last
elections were supposed to take place under circumstances
singularly favourable to the popular party. A new rei;:-!e
had commenced, a young Queen was on the Tlirctne, to
youth and inexperience had excited the sympathies of the
people.—(Hear.) In every quarter the report was indus-
triously circulated, and believed-that her Majesty was im-
bued with the most liberal notions, and placed the most
unbounded confidence in her Ministers—',Hear)—some
even of the highest in rank, and supposed to be most liberal
in principles, and independent in the exp..ession of them,
condescended by these and similar means to iellucnce the
fancies and the prejudices of the pc plc—in short, to vote
against the Ministerial candidates was everywhere de-
nounced as an act almost of treason.—(Neer.) Yet, not-
withstanding all this—notwithstanding all the greet influences
which a Ministry can and always does exert in a general
election, none but the'lireling sycophants of a base Press,
or those feeble minded persons who view facts throuji the
distorting medium of their wishes, can deny that the Liberal
party has been defeated. And when the results of this general

election are compared with those of the preceding one,—
when it is remembered that the Court, Crown, and Minis-
try were hostile to us ; and hostile, too, with that activity and
unscrupulous profligacy by which the miniuns of such a
Court,—the flatterers and hangers on of the aristocracy—
(Hear, hear)—the baso and servile mjority of the clergy—
(Tremendous cheering)—in short all the tribe of the plun-
derers of the people whom we designate as Tories, are, and
ever have been animated, when they think place and power
are in danger, then indeed, compared with our past victory,
is our present defeat a signal one.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
The causes of our defeat are most evident. It was occa-
sioned by the unprincipled intimidation exercised over the
votes of the electors—( Hear, hear)—by the unwearied ex-
ertions of the Tories in the registration court3—(Hear)----
and lastly, by the general political apathy of the people.—
(Hear, hear.) Until the two first causes are removed, ex-
cept in periods of extreme political excitement, defeat will
only succeed defeat. For I trust that Reformers will not
have recourse to counter intimidation ; though undoubtedly,
if it were exercised by the masses upon those above them,
the effect would be irresistible, and the power of the
Tories annihilated—(Hear, hear)—but it is only the ex-
tremest necessity which at the last moment would justify
the use of such means.—(Cheers.) In the registration
courts, the Tories have a great advantage over the Re-
formers, on account of the superior wealth of indi% iduals of

the former party, though undoubtedly the aggregate pro-
perty of the Reformers is far greater than that of their
opponents. Moreover, the selfish views of the Tories
afford them stronger inducements to expend large sums of
money in elections than those persons whose only motive
to exertion is the public good.—(Hear, hear.) Now, what
in your opinion is the remedy for these evils ?—(An elector,
" The Ballot !" tremendous cheering.) The Ballot alone
will enable the elector freely and conscientiously to vote in
accordance with his wishes.—(Hear, hear.) The Ballot
will render the exertions of the Tories in the Registration-
courts useless—(Hear, hear) --for though they would still
be able to place their dependants upon the register, they
would no longer be able to control the votes thus made ;
and at heart these dependants are most of them Liberal.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Without the Ballot lam con-
vinced nothing can be effected. I, for one, am strongly
in favour of many reforms. I wish for Triennial Parlia-
ments—(Cheers)—for the attainment of which I think the
Ballot is necessary ; an extension of the Suffrage to. all
householders, at least.—(Cheers.) I am most anxious for
a good system of general Education—(Loud cheers)—and
a complete reform of the Irish Church.—(Tremendous
cheering.) These are questions of paramount importance,
which ought now and ever to he agitated and discussed ;
and which, as they are of the utmost consequence to the
progress and well-being of the community, ought, in the
minds of all sincere friends of the people, to outweigh every
consideration of a party nature. Public men should be
estimated by the people in proportion as by their acts, in
or out of power, they work for the attainment of these mea-
sures ; and the possession of political power by persons hold-
ing Liberal principles should be valued, not (as some seem to
think) as a good in itself, but as a means of effecting these
Reforms, and carrying on civilization.—(Loud cheers.)
To the party here assembled for the present purpose,
amongst the desired Reforms, the 13:111ot must appear the
most urgent, for you have just felt the undue influence—
(Hear, hear)—the un:crupulous intimidation exercised by
the Tory landlords. Ycu have witnessed how the Aristo-
cracy of this county compelled whole bands of tenantry to
vote against their inclinations. The tenants were men
fully as intelligent, and as well fitted to pass a judgment in
political affairs as their landlords were—(Hear, hear)—
they are men who ought to be as free as their landlords—
(Hear, hear)—nevertheless, they were forced to the poll,
compelled to look upon the elective franchise—upon the
highest privilege of a free man—as a curse—(Hear, hear)—
or to expose themselves and their fstnilies to the malice of
the persons upon whom they arc dependant. I cannot con-
ceive how any just person, after the late elections, can he-
sitate any longer upon the subject of the Ballot.--(Hear.)
A person who is blind to the evils which result from the
present representative system, or who will not adopt the
only remedy for these evils, ought neither to be designated
as a Liberal, nor to receive the support of Liberals, nor to
be treated as a political friend by the Liberal party.—
(Cheers.) What line of conduct will her Majesty's Mi-
nisters pursue with reference to this all-important question?
(Hear, hear.) I sincerely trust, both for the sake of the
popular cause, and for their own sakes, they arc now pre-
pared, without hesitation, to declare themselves in favour
of the Ballot, and to use every means in their power to
make secret Suffrage the law of the land.—(Cheers.) By

, -
thus acting, they-would excite enthusiasm among the
eation.• By proposing the most effective remedy to the
evils of the present electoral system, they would be justi-
fied in callingopon the people for support.—(Hear, hear.)
On no other terms, at present, can the people justly be
called upon to make one single effort in favour o f any
Ministry. For now that the electors have experienced in
its fullest extent the hideous magnitude of the evils of the
present system of Suffrage,—have seen the demoralization
and corruption consequent upon the undue influence of the
Aristocracy, and are convinced by repeated experience that
neither feelings of honour nor sense of moral reprobation will
prevent the greatest portion of that, class front being guilty
of thew critnes—(Loud cheers)—l contend that, with these
feelings and these convictions, liberal electors would not
he bound either by interest or by any higher considera-
tions, to make -exertions and suffer the sacrifices conse-
quent upon such exertions, for the sake of maintaining an
Administration who would remain unpledged to the Ballot.
—(hear, bear, and cheers.) But if the Ministry should
be wise enough to declare in 'favour of secret Suffrage, and
should find it impossible to carry this measur either on
account of the oppositian of the body of bereditAry legisla-
tors, or on account of the numerous friends and relatives
of that body, who, through the vices of the electoral system,
are returned fur most of our counties and smaller bo-
roughs, and who in mockery are termed representatives of
the people—( Hear, hear)—:f by the efforts of these merce-
nary men, Ministers should be defeated, then let there be
an appeal to the nation.—(hear, hear.) In my opinion
that appeal would be successful, for I most firmly believe
the electors sufficiently value their electoral rights, and es
earnestly desire to exercise those rights in freedom, and when
the opportunity is offered,. will fearlessly and actively work
for the attainment of that end.—(Cheers.) Without some
decided step ; without some act that will rally the people
of England around the present Administration, I cannot
refrain from coming reluctantly to the conclusion that the
period cannot be far distant when the Tories will re• usurp
power.—(Hear, hear.) Every one knows that a short
time previous to the death of the late monarch, it was ge-
nerally believed that the present Ministry could net much
longer retain office. With a small majority in their favour
in ihe House of Commons—with a large and determined
majority against-them in the House .of Lords—(Hear,
beer)—they were unable to carry any measure of import
ance, and all their schemes for the good of the people
sere invariably mutilated and mangled ; save, therefore,

in the disposal of patronage, the Tories, in reality, go-
verned the country.—( Hear, hear.)- The Tories, then,
were only waiting till the feebleness of Ministers was
rendered strikingly apparent, in order to seize the reins
of office, which the Lite Monarch would gladly have
confided to them.—(Hear, hear.) The demise of the
Crown opened a new prospect, and the friendS of the pre-
sent Ministry indulged in the fondest anticipations es to the
ensuing elections ; they boasted the elections would give
them such a majority as would overcome all opposition.
What has been the result ?—(Hear, hear.) 'lle majority
fivour of Ministers has diminished to the smallsst pos-
sible number ; anti when tl:e numerous election petitions
are taken into contitlciation—wben it is remembered that
at single elections the Tories arc generally successful on
account of their superior organization, and the greater fdtee
which they can bring to bear upon a single point, it is appa-
rent that this majority will soon be destroyed. It is with
unfeigned sorrow that I state this to he the result of my
sincere conviction. I cannot, under the influence.of my
wishes, alter this .belief ; nor, in my opin.. on, can any ad-
vantage be derived from endeavouring to blind ourselves to
the dark prospects immediately before us.—(Hear, hear.)
I do not mean to attiwk or accuse her Majesty's Ministers
--(Cheers)—no advantage can result from it at the pre-
sent moment. I wish them to retain power, even if all
that is to he gained thereby is the proper distribution
of patronage in Ireland.—(Cheers.) But this I deem
impossible ; and unless they contrive to awaken the slum-
bering energies of the people, their doom is scaled.—(Hear,
hear.) In such a crisis as this, men of superior intellects

followed by disgrace.—(Loud cheers.) ;low Ministers
will act, I cannot pretend to say, though I must conies, that.
my fears are greater than ray hopes.—( Hear, hear.) Daric,
therefore, as are the immediate prospects of the Liberal
party, still I am •n no way whatever inclined to despair or
even to dcaibt of the ultimate success of the good cause.—
(Cheers ) 1 put firm faith and trust in the intelligence of
the people.—(Cheers.) I am convinced of the gradual,
and even rapid prog-ess of Liberal principles among the
masses—(Continued cheering)—but the masses have not
as yet been accustomed to depend upon themselves ; they
have, from the remotest period, been misgoverned by the
aristocratic classes, and compelled to take their leaders
from these classes alone.—( Hear, hear.) In these leaders
they have been disappointed ; and not knowing, as yet,
whence to select them, they are in a state of political
despondency.—( Hear, hear.) Fortunate!y their prejudices
in favour of the Government of an aristocracy are gra-
dually fading away, and becoming extinct.—(Cheers.) The
salutary conviction is every day gaining ground amongst
them, that both that portion of the aristocracy which at
times profess to a certain extent liberal opinions, and
assume the name of moderate Reformers ; and likewise that
other faction which more boldly avows its hostility to the
people, and its dread of popular influence ; both the one
and the other on account of their prejudices, their selfish-
ness, and their want of sympathy with the people, will never
bestir themselves in the people's cause, and consequently
both arc equally unfit to be the rulers of this great nation.
—(Cheers.) The period will arrive, and neither the petty
strife of fictions nor the political profligacy of individuals
can prevent its speedy arrival, when the people will place
confidence in themselves, and select their leaders without
reference to the aristocracy ; then, indeed, will be the
triumph of the popular cause. The Hon. Baronet resumed
his seat, and the whole room rose and greeted him with
loud and long-continued applause.
The CHAIRMAN—I now call your attention to a toast
which is to me most painful, because I am about to re-
quest your kind wishes for a substitute for a man who
never wanted one while he served you ; but at the same
time we have got one that I should venture to recommend
to you again—a Right lion. and Right Gallant Friend of
mine, a countryman of ours—(Cheers)—a man who stands
high in his professional career—a child of Cornwall, that
Cornwall may well be proud of—(Cheers)—and one of
whose political character I am satisfied she will not be
ashamed of.—(Cheers.) I have seen him repeatedly in public
meetings ; I have heard him express his political opinions,
and I venture to assert that they are in perfect accordance
v.ith his predecessors.—(Cheers.) Deeply as I may regret
the change for " auld lang sync," still lam delighted that it

has fallen into so good bands ; and 1 must remind you,
countrymen! that we arc under deep obligations to this
gentleman, inasmuch as he was a friend in time of need,
and when, perhaps, if it had not been for him, this division
of Cornwall might as well have been in Schedule A—
(A laugh)—and cur votes as Cornishmen must have been

neutralise'd. That they are so how is not his fault, but
ours. I know that the most earnest wish of his heart was

;o sit as the colleague of Sir William Trelawny.—(Cheers.)
That he attempted to creep in under his colours, I will

deny is this company ; I will maintain it with my life's
blood.—( Loud cheers.) That there are erroneous opinions
existing—that some suppose that he did true, but sink-
ing the Chair entirely upon this question, I beg leave to

assure you that such is not the case. I know full well that
at the time he was first brought forward, I was written to,
among many other individuals, to be up and doing. I
said, " No ; I stir not one foot or hand till Trelawny is
safe."—(Cheers.) I had my friend's handwriting (Sir W.
Trelawny's) that he was content to go to battle. They
went in company ; if they have lost, whose is the mistake?
Not the individuals who struggled on your behalf; it is the

mistake of the constituency, and not dicks. I deny alto-
gether that there was any by-play on the part of my Hon.
and Gallant Friend, and every word of mine may be put
on public record, and if any one doubts what I say, I wish
them to waive my place in the Chair, and I will meet them

in any way to settlo the question.—(Cheers.) I hope that
my Hon. Friend's substitute will as well fill his place.—
( Hear and cheers.) I am a most decided Radical, and

though my Gallant: Friend rmly nit go quite so far, I re-
member he said very fairly in my presence " if the majority
of those who return me to Parliament wish that I should
advocate the Ballot I will do it."—(Loud cheers.) He
says he will yield his own opinion to the majority of his
constituents. That being the case, I think we may accept
him and receive him as a decided, pledged Reformer in

every sense of the word.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, he is
holding a very precarious tenure, for the Tories are ready
to trip him up as they tripped up my lion. Friend (Sir W.
Trelawny) here. They may have given, for the matter of
gaining thoc—and I have no doubt that they did—some of
their votes to Vivian ; they threw those votes into the
scale for Vivian, for the sake of overthrowing Trelawny.
—(Hear.) But I hope and trust that the choice they
have made is a Scotch bargain—(Laughter)—and I hope
further that every man will be up and stirring.—(Cheers.)
We must organise ourselves, as our friend said, into a force
to meet a counter force, which is immense. They have
the money, but I trust, that we have the heart, and that at
a time when heart will beat money.—(Cheers.) And with
that, I hope and tru,t, that with the strong phalanx of

Reformers in this room, we shall prove victorious. Let
every man subscribe his mite in person, and in purse, and
then let the tocsin of war be sounded, and then we shall

see whether we cannot man-handle them.—(Cheers and
Laughter.) With that feeling, and knowing that my Right
lion. and Right Gallant Friend will back you in every thing
of that sort, I propose the health of Sir Richard Hussey
Viaian.—(Three times three.)
J. Hooren, Esq., briefly acknowledged, in the absence
of the lion. and Gallant Member, the complimentary terms
in which the Chairman had proposed Sir H. Vivisn's health.
The CHAIRMAN said the time is growing short., and tho
evening running away. We have much to do yet. lam
;oing to call your attention to a toast to an Hon. Guest
present, which I know you will drink with the greatest
pleasure. The well-known hospitality of Cornwall treats
a stranger as a brother—(Cheers) ;—but in this particular
he has claims paramount upon us to the claims of a bro-
ther. lam about to give you the health of Ma. Leader.—
(Tremendous cheering, which lasted for some time, and cries
of one cheer more for " Young Glory.") Gentlemen, I have
not yet done with Mr. Leader. I feel it necessary to
make an apology to him ; but claiming kindred with him—
a brotherhood in the cause of reform—l know that he will
have a family feeling, and forgive what I may say.—
(Cheers and laughter.) Ti.e Hon. Gentleman is here, and
thanks to the Ri. formers of Westminster, Sir Francis Bur-
dett is not there.—(Great cheering and laughter.) Now,
of all the positive antipodes that I can by possibility ima-
gine, there must be an immense distance between my young
and lion. Friend on my left, and the dirty old —(Tre..
mentions cheering and Laughter, in the midst of which we
lost the conclusion of the sentence.) Gentkmen, I would
not trespass longer on your time, nor would I claim the
privilege of the station which I now occupy for keepit.g
you listening to me, but that the feeling of the day is para-
mount in my mind. But when we come to talk of young,
bold, and gallant be.arins, in an honest cause, and worse
than dirty decrepitude, I must be allowed to remark upon
it. I cenvassed the city of Westminster once for Mr.
Elliott, and I went to every public-house, and God knows
it was a service of danger then to utter a word against Sir
Francis Burdett. If I oily asked for a vote for Mr. Elliott,
I was bundled into the streets ; but it' I only said " your
second vote for Burdett" that brought me back again.--
(Laughter.) Now, 113 w does that man stand with re-
spect to those people who would have sacrificed every
thing for him ? He is a renegade, an apostate, and every
thing that is bad, everthing that is disgraceful to a man,
for he not only had his own political opponents, or he
pretended to have them, but he misled hundreds of thou-
sands, and brought them to the scaffold or very near it.
—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) And now he has ratted, or
worse than ratted. and he is as the dust on the street.—
(Cheers.) The Tories have him now.—( Continued cheer-
ing.) We all avoid a sting, we all avoid a nastiness if we
can, but these men hug it to their bosom.—(Laughter.)
Can they lock upon the traitor who has now resorted to
their camp with anything but suspicion? And if he lives,
—which I might almost say God forbid, with common
charity—he may yet rue the wrecking of himself.—(Cheers.)
That brings me back to my position—the object of my
contrast—and may he continue so, and may I always speak
of him in contradistinction to the man that I have just
described-1 give vett the health oF Mr. Leader. (This
toast was receited with the most unbounded applause
which was long repeated.)
J. T. LEADER, Esq., M.P., ascended the table, and
was greeted with the most enthusiastic reception. Ho said,
I thank you sincerely for the very gratifying manner in
which you received my name. As lam personally a
stranger to most of you, I can attribute your hearty we!.
come, and with pleasure I attribute it, sot. Iy to your Lip.
proving and concurring in my political opinions.—(Loud
cheers.) It is al;‘ nys a pleasure to me to be present at
public meetings of my fel:ow-citizens—they are good schools
for forming amongst the people habits of political examina-
tion and discussion.—( Hear, hear.) The tame has passed
when public affairs were discussed only in the apartments of
the rich and powerful—when Government was a mystery
veiled from the gaze of the community—when the manage..
ment of the people's affairs, and the guidance of the people's
opinions were considered to be the peculiar and exclusive

in possession of political power show their real greatness;
whilst inferior minds sink into that losigniticance for Ivineb
nature originally intended them. In such a crisis as this,
a bold and determined policy is the only prudent one—the
only one like!)• to he successful.—(Loud cheers.) With it
even failure is attended with honour—(llear, Lear)—on the
other bawl to attempt to conciliate foes--to pursue a tem—
porising policy, is the conduct of the most feeble-minded--
is the sure forerunner of destruction, ard it is invnrighly

privilege of the Aristocracy.—(Cheers.) That time, I re-
joice to say, has passed never to return.—(Cheers.)
And though the people have not yet the management cf
their own affairs—though the House of Commons fails to
l-present fairly that great majority of the people whose
House in mockery it is called—( [leer, hear, hcar)—
though the reins of Government arc still in the

cities ; in some a host of corrupt freemen turn the scale
in favour of Toryism ; and in all, many, many trades-
men, honest Reformers, have suffered persecution from
their custemers—( Hear, hear)—hare been run down
and almost ruined by the exercise of undue i: fluence cn

the part of the rich and the powerful. Even numbers
are found not to he a protection.—(Hear, hear.) I could
show you a long list of tradesmen elm have been deterred
from voting according to their conscience, by aristocratic
threats, even in the constituency which I have the honour
to repreecnt.—(Hear.) If the electors of Westminster,
with it constituency of many thousands, feel the necessity
of protection, and actually suffer injury for want of the
Ballot, how much more urgent must he the want—how
much keener the desire—in the small constituencies of a
few hundreds, or in the scattered and more dependent con-
stituencies of the counties ?—(Cheers.) It is evident to all
whc calmly consider the subject, that unless we have the
Ballot speedily, the Reform Bill will become a dead letter—
(Cheers)—observed, perhaps, in form, but violated in spi-
rit ; and that the House of Commons will represent the
people almost as ill as before the Reform Bill passed. In
slf-defence, then, let the present Ministers give this pro-
tection to the electoral body, which they, by the Refo7nt
Bill, called into existence.—(Cheers.) Let them relinquish
the vain attempt to conciliate the Tories—(Loud cheer-
ing)—let :hem take out of Tory hands the command of the
army—(Cheers)—let them employ their power in the State,
and their patronage in the Church, to weaken their ene-
mies, and to strengthen themselves—(Cheers)—let them
give to the people a free Press and a system of National
Education—(Loud cheers)—let them show a willingness to
admit the people to a share in the selection of their re-
presentatives, and to make the House of Commons what it
ought to be—(Cheers)—let them do this, and they may bid
defiance to the Tories, and remain for many years the
most powerful and the most popular Ministers that ever
ruled this country.—(Long-continued cheering.) But, in
order that Ministers may be enabled to do something for
the people—the people, on their side, must zealously sup-
port the Ministers in all liberal measures. Though Go-
vernments can do much for the people, when acting in
unison with them, the demand for Reforms must spring from
the people, and must be enforced by the people.—(Hear,
hear.) Whatever may happen in the approaching Par-
liament ; whether we are to have a Liberal, a Tory, or a
coalition Ministry, the course of the people is clear, and
should be unchanged. Their object is good and respon-
sible Government. Let them in all their public acts, and
words, and thoughts, keep in view that great object. I have
that faith in the intelligence and independence of the mass
of the people, that I fee! certain they will at no distant
period he triumphant over all the factious, or any coalitions
of the aristocracy. (The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat
amidst long protracted cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN—After the eloquent speeches which
you have heard, alluding to every particular point of the
great question of Reform, putting it into a variety of shapes
and bearings, to come home to every man's bosom in intel-
ligible language, I do propose the health of her Majesty's
Ministers as long as they study the interests of the people.
—(Loud cheering.) And I will couple with it—what I be-
lieve is a very fair coupling—the Reformers of Westminster
—that being the place where these Ministers hold their
sittings. I give you Her Majesty's Ministers, as long as
they study the interest of the Reformers of Great Britain."
—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. LEADER—I suppose, Gentlemen, you are just as
much surprised at seeing me again, as I am at again rising ;
but the Chairman informs me that it is absolutely necessary
for me to make a reply to the toast just proposed, and which
you have so well received. I believe that toast was " the
health of the Reformers of Westminster, and her Majesty's
Ministers." I prefer putting the Reformers of Westmin-
ster first, and her Majesty's Ministers next.—(Laughter.)
For the health of the Reformers of Westminster I thank
you most sincerely. As for her Majesty's Ministers, I
have very little to do with them, and I think there is as
little chance of my having as any man in the country ; for
though I supported them in the last Parliament, and in
every measure which you•may call liberal, yet on many oc-
casions, I am grieved to say it, I was compelled to separate
from them. So long as they act liberally, I will support
them most zealously--(Cheers)—but when the support of
her Majesty's Ministers is on the one side, and the main-
tenance of a great principle is on the other, you may depend
upon it I shall sacrifice her Majesty's Ministers to my prin-
ciples.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN should now give them the health of Mr.
Rundle and the Reformers of Tavistock.—(Three times
three, and one cheer more.)
J. RUNDLE, Esq., M.P., was received with renewed.
cheering. His friend, the Chairman, had called the bo-
yetigh- of Tavistock his (Mr. R.'s) own borough. He
Could only say that he possessed no other bold over the
Reformers of that borough than he obtained through his
Reform principles.—(Cheers.) The young baronet (Sir
Molesworth) though lost to the county of Corn-
wall, was not lost to the House of Commons ; a bright
career was open to him, and he (Mr. R.) hoped that it
would long continue so.—(Loud cheers.) As to his other
Hon. Friend, he could speak of him as a most consistent,
steady Reformer ; and for himself he could say that as
there was no man in whose assistance and advice he placed
more implicit reliance in the House of Commons, so there
was no man whose absence from that House he should
more feel than the Hon. Baronet's.—(Cheers.) But they
must not suffer things to remain in this county as at pre-
sent.—(Loud cheers.) He hoped that this meeting would
originate a spirit of resistance, which should place them in
the next election in the proud situation which they occupied
before the late election.—(Applause.) It had now become
a question whether Reform should go on peaceably, or be
dammed back, and resume such a force as should in its fu-
ture progress bear down all opposition. The question was
possibly, Reform or Revolution—(Hear, hear)—for he be-
lieved that Reform could only be stopped by revolution,
which every man, who. wished well for the peace of the
country, would desire to see averted.—(Cheers.) With
respect to the Ballot, he hoped that every elector would
sign a petition its favour. The Tories must be kept out
of power—(llear, hear)—because he believed that though
the Whigs had not done all that they ought to do, still they
had done something, and more than the Tories ever would
have done.

Izatufs of the Aristocracy—yet the people are becoming
daily more and more conscious of their own power : they

are waking to a sense of the injuries which aristocratic
rule has inflicted upon them, and of the necessity of taking
an active part in the management of their own concerns.
They are rehir, measures by mutual instruction—by com-
bination—by frequent intercourse and communication of
thought to assert and to enforce what they consider to be
their undoubted rights.—(Cheers.) Among the best means
for procuring for the people a proper controul over public
aff tirs, are a free Press to disseminate as widely as possib'e
the principles of good Government—(Cheers)—and fre-
quent public meetings in which the conduct cf public men
may be examined, public measures considered, and the opi-
nion of the community fairly elicited.—(Cheers.) I rejoice,
therefore, in this opportunity of meeting a body of Cornish
Reformers, and of discussing with them the present state
and.prospects of political parties.—( Applause.) The two
great parties of Reformers and Anti-reformers are appa-
rently very nearly balanced.—(Hear, hear.) The Reform
party consists of the Ministry—the middle classes through-
out the country—the independent yeomen in the coun-
ties, and a vast majority of the people, comprising the
labouring and productive classes. But there are many
sections of this greet party, and there have been amongst
them doubts and jealousies which prudence and straight-
forward conduct for the future will, I trust,.. dimi-
nish, if not entirely remove.—(Cheers.) The anti-reform
party is composed of the majority of the Lords—( Hear)
—of the parsons—(Hear, hear)—magistrates—tax-gather-
ers—pensioners—hangers on of all sorts—expectants of
pay or public plunder of every degree—(Loud cheers)—
the timid rich men, who foolishly imagine that the working
classes wish to seize upon their property—the indolent and
indifferent who will suffer anything for a quiet life—and
the corrupt knaves who raise a cry of our " Glorious Con-
stitution and our venerable Church in danger," in order
that the people may be diverted from inquiring into the
abuses of the Constitution, and of the Church, and de-
luded into a belief that their own interests and rights and
liberties are intimately connected with the maintenance of
the said abuses or customs of the " good old times."—
(Loud cheering.) While these pretended friends—these
" tribunes of the poor"—(Laughter)—these Conservative
Reformers are governing, plundering, and laughing at the
mystified community—the Anti-Reformers—better known
by their old and real name of Tories—having one great
object in view, the recovery of their ancient and ill-used
power over the people—(Cheers)—being admirably or-
ganised and all working together most zealously, have
gained on the Liberal party in the recent elections, and now
possess very nearly one half of the national representation—
(Hear)—they threaten by numerous petitions to convert
their minority into a majority, and unless the Liberal party
be as active in petitioning against Tory returns, they will
probably succeed.—(Hear, hear.) The Tories, thus fortified
by a majority, however small, in the Commons, and by a
great majority in the Lords, would of course rush like
half-starved wolves upon the offices of Government.—
(Cheers and laughter.) But they could not retain office
long.—(Hear.) They, in their new character of Conser-
vative Reformers, have been recently setting an examplesof
agitating—they have been agitating for the preservation of
the venerable fabric of the Church, which no one wished
taa,pull down.—(Cheers.) They have been agitating against
"the domination over England, of O'Connell and the Irish—
who far from wishing to domineer over England, ask only
for justice in their own division of the country—(Tremen-
dons cheering, and cries of " Justice to Ireland")—they
have been agitating for justice to the poor, whose worst
enemies they have ever been.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Should they regain office, their good example will not be
forgotten, they will then have agitation enough, and know
at last what agitation means.--(Hear, bear.) In Great
Britain there will be agitation for extended Suffrage—
(Cheers)—for shorter Parliaments—(Cheers)—for the Bal-
lot, for all those reforms in Church and State which fair re-
presentation would ensure—(Cheers)--and in Ireland it will
need a stranger word than agitation to describe the state
of that unhappy country, should the Orange faction again
become dominant.—(Loud cheers.) In the Colonies it
would be very difficult, if not impossible, to uphold the
old Tory system.—(Hear, hear.) The North American
Colonies, already incited by years of misgovernment, and
recently by insult, would not bear the strong measures of
the Tories, and Would either separate in violence and hos-
tility from England—(Loud cheers)—or involve us in a
doubtful, unprofitable, and disgraceful war.—(Hear, hear.)
A Tory. Government could not stand long against the op-
position and the obstacles it would inevitably have to en-
counter ; but its mere establishment might cause much
mischief and much misery.—( Hear.) Some men talk of
a coalition Government—(Laughter)—between what are
called the moderate men of the Whig and Tory parties.
Now supposing that any men of the present Whig party
could be found base enough to desert all their former
principles, and openly to coalesce with a portion of the
Tories, those are great obstacles in the way of any Go-
vernment which they could jointly form.--( Hear, hear.)
They would be heartily supported by none—(Cheers and
laughter)—they would hate and suspect each other—and
they would be hated and suspected by the people—
( Hear, hear)—and they would, probably, soon quarrel
over the division of the spoil, and the sharing of power.
Even from such a coalition this good effect would result,
that it would at once distictly draw the line, between the
aristocratic and the democratic parties—(Hear, hear, and
cheers)—and would show the people clearly how entirely,
under the present system, they are at the mercy of the
aristocracy, and would rouse them to cast off the yoke.—
(Great cheering.) Of the two parties, however, as at pre-
sent composed, that one will probably gain the immediate
victory which exhibits the greater share of activity, energy,
and combination. Whether we are to succeed now or
some years hence—whether the stream of Reform is to
flow on peacefully in its course, or to be interrupted for a
time till it acquire new strength—will depend upon the
manner in which the Ministry and the people make use of
the present opportunity, and mutually assist each ether.—
(Cheers.) The Ministers, by a bold and straightforward
policy, may secure themselves in office, and, confer much
good on 'the community.--411ear, hear.) By acting on
what they called a conciliatory policy—that is, conciliatory
to the Tories—but on what the people nut of the House,
and many of the Liberal party in the house, called a
weak and vacillating policy—(Loud cheers, again and
again renewed)—they injured themselves in the last
Parliament ; and if they continuo to net on such a policy
in the approaching Parliament, they will inevitably fall—
not so much by tlw strength of their opponents, as by their
own weakness.—(Continued cheering.) I have hopes that
the Ministers will relinquish their conciliatory or weak po-
licy ; prudence and interest el,ke admonish them—
(Cheers)—their best friends entreat them to take a
holder course.—(Cheers.) My hopes of more decision
and boldness in the Ministerial Councils have been raised
by some recent occurrences : but chiefly by a speech lately
delivered in the North by Lord Durham.—( Hear.) You
have probably read that speech, and many of the numerous
comments upon it. Now, amongst the comments, there
are many which I think rather too severe upon Lord Dur-
ham from h's friends, and there are many conclusions drawn
by his enemies, which I think they have no right to draw
from the speech.—(Hear, hear.) However, I rejoin; in
Lord Durham's speech, though in same points it does not
go far enough for me, and though I fancy he would cell
me ono of the " violent Raiiicals.ll—(Loud cheers and.
laughter.) Lord Durham declares that be is now, as for-
merly, an advocate of Household Suffrage, Triennial Parlia-
ments, and the Ballot.—(Loud cheers, and a voice " That's
what we want.") I rejoice at this public declaration
from such a man at such a time ; not that I agree with
Lord Durham in all points, nor because it comes from
that rare creature, a Liberal Peer—(Laughter)—but be-
cause, coming as it does from a man employed in a high
and responsible situation by the present Government, it
scents to confirm my hopes that the Ministers mean to act
more boldly than in the last Parliament.—( Hear, and cheer-
ing.) Observe, too, that the portion of the periodical Press
supposed to be hest informed on Ministerial intentions, ap-
plauds Lord Durha_m's'speecli, and urges :Ministers, in son--
.
degree, to follow his advice. It would perhan,s,, be too
much to expectpm,s that Ministers should at. once ado
Lord Duchpoliticalitt
tpormciples- pt all
the conaldtuencies our --at •
act upon them ; but
P7...ist on one of Lord Durham's
I),P
dr 0
tr;
tr.,
es o
Bel
imiloeat.s_u7r7s:.=e chat is protection to the electors
cheering.) It is difficult to
ronjecture why ‘Ministenrs°l3euld persevere in refusing this
protee;jon_t.
Hear, Imo
of them were strong ad-
vocates for the a"hear.) Lord lien had intro,,looeci it into thea; John Rus-
Pill.—(:Ohr, hear.) Lord Melbournedraftofhhis first Reform
isa the house of Lords that the exereiseef
ulemdseeelfhas stated
the great curse of society in England. Have not the influenceeie i s
tors suffered enough for conscience sake ? Have they in suflieiently clear language entreated the Government
t 0 to relieve them ; have not the recent elections convinced
r'vcry Reformer, at least, of the absolute necessity of the
Vallot to ensure anything like fair, and unbiassed, and un-
bought representation ?—(Great cheering.) Look to the
counties ; is there not a regular system of intimidation--
(Hoar, hear)—the landlords ruining their tenants in this
world, and the parsons threatening to ruin them in the next
—(Loud cheers and laughter)—if they dare to vote accord-
ing
to their own conscientious opinions. Look to the small
boroughs—some the property of individuals, and some in
the hands of a few corrupt jobbers ; can the Members for v
such places be called representatives of the people
(Hear, and cheers.) Look even to the great towns and

The CHAIRMAN now
_stated that he should temporarily
resign the chair to Mr. Stephens, while a slight reward
Was made to a zealous Reformer, so that it might be
done in the name of the meeting. He would propose the
health of the Committee who signed the requisition for this
meeting. The toast was then given, and Mr. Stephens
took the chair.
Mr. STEPHENS having taken the chair, said—Gentle-
men, without meetings for consultation, we cannot get up
petitions ; aril without petitions we cannot get a redress
of our grievances. It was by petitions the Reform Bill it-
self was carried ; it was by petition that the emancipation
of the slaves was rffected ; and I may lay that the greater
part of those salutary: measures which have been enacted
have been the fruits of the prayer of the people. Gentle-
men, is a proof of the importance of petitions, I will cite a
single circumstance. When Mr. llarvey had introduced
the subject of the necessity of a revision of the pensiou
list, in an able speech, Lord John Russell rose and sail
"as a proof that the people are satisfied with the penjon
list although notice bath been given of the motion there
arc but two petitions before the House, and these-contain
but a very small number of signatures." Now, Gentlemen,
I consider that this speaks volumes ;it she us that if
we want anything, we must ask for it. And, Gentlemen,
I am sure we should have been ungrateful had we not in
some way perpetuated the exertions of Mr. Norway in
defending the rights of the people.—Mr. Stephens then
read the inscription on the cup, which was, on one side, as
follows :

PRESENTED
To
ON THE, ..30TH OCTDBh.R, 1837,
WILLIAM KING NORWAY, ESQ.)
TIY TILE
YEOMEN OF TRIGG%
AND OTHER. FRIEND! nt,
On the other sib: Wbte the words—
Ay A MARK OF
GRATITUDE AND RESPECT
FOR HIS ZEAL AND ABILITY
Rq PROMOTING
THE CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY
OF THE PEOPLE.
Ad now, Sir (continued Mr. Stephens), I have the plea-
sure to present to you this cup, which you will please to
accept with the kind regards of all present ; and I hope,
when. you see it on any future occasion, you will possess
the pleasing reflection, that you are a Reformer of the
Hundred of Trigg.
The cup was then presented to Mr. Norway, amid the
most enthusiastic cheering.

W. K. NonwAv, Esq., was loudly cheered on rising.
He said—Gentlemen, you have made this the proudest day
of my life—a day that I can never forget. You have
taught me that I have not altogether wasted the spring time
of my youth ; that I have not altogether thrown away the days
that are passed ; but that I have been considered to have
done some service to my fellow-men—to have been of some
use to the great cause in which we have so long laboured to-
gether.—( Loud cheers.) Have I not then a right to be
proud of this ? Aye, proud and grateful too. Proud that
you have remembered all I have done well—grateful that
you have forgotten all I have failed in doing.—(Cheers.) I
believe, Gentlemen, that I was useful in first pressing upon
you the necessity of your acting together in union—in first
proposing the formation of parochial Committees—and
in urging upon the yeonianry—if they were really and
truly what they professed to be, the supporters of the
gi eat cause of freedom—in urging upon them the neces-
sity of taking the guidance of that cause into their own hands.
When we remember the first Parliament that, assembled

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 1837.

after the passing of the Reform Bill—the great and sub-
stantial power vested in Lord Grey—we cannot but re-
gret that he had not trusted more to the sympathies of
the people—that he had not relied more on thi it r
and insured their future support by looking only at
what was right and just, instead of taking into conside-
ration merely what might be palatable to the aristocracy.
He was so chary of his " order "—he was so full of con-
ciliation towards those who would not be conciliated—he
was so afraid of shocking the prejudices of the Peers, and
of compromising the interests of the aristocracy, that he
sacrificed the rights of tha people. That was the rock on
which he plit. Thus the first fruits of the Reform Bill
were thrown away by the timidity of our leaders. The
people had done their duty they had afforded their
good and efficient support—but they quailed before the
aristocracy, and quailing fell. The Whigs seem never to
have learnt the doctrine that fearless leaders will make brave
followers ; but foolishly expected that, although they

themselves shrunk from the power of the aristocracy
yet the people were to oppose themselves to that power,
and boldly dare all the evils which that power could bring
against them individually. Is it any wonder that the de-
pendant fat iner should give way to the threats of his land-
lord, when he sees the Ministry bow down to the House of
Lords ? Is it matter of surprise that the tradesman
should fear to offend his customer when he sees the
leaders of the people tremble at the Aristocracy ? Why
the very homage which these leaders pay to the Aristocracy,
is almost justification for the use of coercion by an Aristocrat
-is almost an excuse for a man's giving way to that cocr-
There an,
an old proverb which says " forwarned,
,orearmed." We have had the warning—we have had the
warning in the most disastrous form that it could come upon
us—in the loss of the services of the two Honourable Ba-
ronets who have this day honoured us with their company.
Let not that warning be in vain ; but let us prepare our-
selves by being forwarned for the next fight. Let us look
well to the causes which occasioned our late defeat, and
we shall find that it is our power to remedy most of them.
—(Cheers.) We cannot, it is true, prevent an Aristo-
cratic landlord from intimidating his tenants ; we cannot
prevent the clerical and magisterial incubi from using
their unconstitutional influences ; the Ballot alone can ren-
der these inoperative, and to the attainment of that
measure our energies must first of all be directed.—(Cheers.)
Let us shake off the numbing apathy that has been creep-
ing over too many of us. Let every man of us put his
shoulder to the wheel, and not hang back with the excuse
of " what can one do." One can. do everything, particu-
larly when, as with Cornishmen, that one is all.—(Loud
cheers.) Put not your trust in Princes—hang not your
faith upon the Magnates of the earil—they have feelings
and interests and prejudices that are diametrically opposed
to your interests. Trust only in your own bold hearts and
honest hands, and work out your own political regenera-
tion.--(Loud cheers.) The choice lies between you.
Exertion and success—apathy and degradation. A Cor-
nish proverb says, he who will not be ruled by the rudder
must be ruled by the rock. Mr. Norway sat down amidst
thunders of applause.
The CHAIRMAN—As your Chairman I give you the
name of Mr. Edward Trelawney—(Loud cheering)—who
fought the battles of Greece, and rescued her fame from her
enemies.
E. TRELAWNY, Esq said—l am not in Parliament, or
even an elector, or resident amongst you ; I have no right
to inflict upon you a long oration. It is enough for me to
say that my political sentiments have ever been the same as
those so ably advocated by your late high-minded represen-
tatives, Sir William Trelawny and Sir William Moles-
worth.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN proposed the health of" our legal advo-
cates at the late election with all the honours that they de-
serve."—(Three times three were given.)
B. LYNE, Esq., in returning thanks, acknowledged his
conviction now of the necessity of the Ballot.—(L9ud ap-
plause.) There was an individual in that room who had
been subjected to the most cruel persecution by a parson
and a county magistrate. Mr. Lyne here mentioned the
case of Mr. Griggs, which will be found more fully de-
tailed in the speech of the latter gentleman, and concluded
by calling upon the electors to make good their claim to
Sir Hussey Vivian's support of the Ballot.
The CHAIRMAN—Now, Gentlemen, to business. Will
you, or will you not, form a County Club? As many of
you as are favourable to that proposal, hold up your hands.
—( A forest of hands immediately appeared in answer to
the call.) It was then proposed, by a formal resolution,
that the Society should be formed, and the Committee
was named, the first meeting of which will take place next
Monday morning at Bodmin.
The CHAIRMAN—We ought to drink the health of an
humble individual who has greatly suffered in the cause. I
shall propose the health of Mr. Grigg.—(Loud cheering.)
Mr. GRIGG said—l feel proud, Mr. Chairman, that you
have drunk my health, I have acted right in the discharge
of my duty, according to the dictates of my conscience.
The circumstances which brought this persecution upon
me, as mentioned by Mr. Lyne, was in the election of 183.5,
when I stood up on behalf of Reform. Mr. Anstis pro-
posed Mr. Charles Buller, at Liskeard, and stated that the
lion was roused, and England would now do its duty. Mr.
Jope proposed Mr. Kekewich, and said " the lion was
roused, and Mr. Anstis would find himself a mouse ; and
and the mouse would be crushed." After both candidates
had spoken, I replied te Mr. Jope, and told him, " that if
Mr. Anstis would find himself a mouse, he (Mr. Jope)
would find himself a rat and when the mouse was crushed
and eaten, it would be time for the rat to trem-
ble."—(Loud laughter.) This called up his ire to a
high degree. He stated also "that he had stumbled on a
man of property," speaking of Mr. Kekewich. I replied
" that that reminded me of the fable of the golden ass :
you may load an ass with gold, and it is an ass still ; but
the ability of the mind and the integrity of the heart
were the principal qualifications for a Member of the
House of Commons ; and that pounds, shillings and pence
were the last ingredient in the composition of Parliamentary
qualification." This excited his rage to the highest degree.
Shortly after the election he seized the first opportunity of
purchasing 13-19ths of my undivided estate, which I entered
upon in Michaelmas 1832. He entered in the middle of the
year, stocking with sheep, bullocks, and horses, and endea-
voured to thrust a drunken bailiff into the House.—(Cries of
" Shame.") This continued for five weeks. During this
time I offered to take, buy, or sell ; all were rejected, and
lie advertised it to be let ; but when the circumstances of
the case were known, no tenant could be fonnd, till about
Michaelmas a gang of gipsies came into the neighbourhood.
He gave to them a local habitation and a name, planting
them on the estate, and endeavouring to thrust them into
the house, to prevent which I was obliged to keep the door
shut day and night. The 4th of November was a memorable
day to me. On returning from the parish vestry, I found
them occupying the house, and when put out from there,
they endeavoured to light a fire in the bedway between the
Wadl ec
geremoved
ionnf-firi oiromeu
stetl?
iecfiralel
e,
laNtl ewnfantangri
ont
ent
cosn, t hpfeleoeuftagrimal
ploughs,
barns and the stacks of col n.—(llcar, hear, and shame.)
with
aat
nhr farm-yd
an
imp!ements of husbandry : aad within thirty feet of the
barn fiileci with straw. Cattle had been fed in the same
place in the morning, and I considered it very providential
that my whole property was not consumed by the de•
vouring elernents.—(Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) At
Michaelmas last, he came with a sheriff's warrant, and
thrust two or three into the house, when I was obliged to
remove my wife and children to the first house I could pro-
cure. Oil Saturday morning I applied to Mr. Jope, senior,
the vicar of the parish, to ark the reason of his aiding and
abetting his son in persecuting me, when he threw himself
into a rage and struck me, and said " My son bought it to
punish you ; I assisted him, and I will assist him again ;
and you may go and Publish it in the market-place at Lis-
keard, if you please." With his grey hairs and wrinkled
cheek, I envy not the feelings of his heart ; and in spite of
this persecution, I am determined to fight the battle of my
country, let what may happen to be the consequences. [The
recital of this case excited great indignation amongst the
meeting, and Mr. Grigg was frequently interrupted by ex-
pressions of sympathy.]
Several other speeches and toasts were afterwards given,
when the party broke up.

cion.

The weather has now for a week been decidedly
tempestuous ; during the greater part of which, the river
has been in a highly swollen state. High winds, almost
incessant rain, and heavy showers of hail, have rendered
travelling cxtremely unpleasant. At half-past ten p.m.,
on Monday, two loud peals of thunder, preceded by vivid
flashes of lightning, right over the city, gave a sudden alarm
to the inhabitants; the rain descended in torrents imme-
diately aft r ; and, during the remainder of the night, vast
sheets of lightning, at short intervals, continued to illuminate
the atmosphere. The navigation upon the river, and along
the coast, has not been without dangerous hazard; and
hitherto there is no appearance of a change for the better.
Fortunately the fields are everywhere cleared in the lower
ward, and the whole crops have been housed or stacked in
safety.—Scots Times.

Bachelors accept all the pleasures of society, and
support none of the expense. They dine out, and are not
bound to give dinners in return. Instead of taking a box
by the year, they buy an admission for life ; their carriage
only holds two, and they are never obliged to set down a
dowager. Weddings, christenings, fetes—nothing comes
amiss to them. They are never called papa ; they are not
regularly assailed with milliners', staymakers', and jewel-
lers' bills. We never see them ruining themselves in suits
for conjugal rights—from them La Belle Mere is destitute
of point, and they yawn at La Femme Jalouse. They aro
never godfathers from reciprocity ; they sleep in peace
during the best part of the morning, leave balls when they
likcso and invest money in the funds.