The Sun.
London, England, 1830-11-03 00:00:00

Lad come hack's...) learned and eloquent upon a subject
which was not supposed to be popular with him—ahe
meant the subject of finance.--(Loud laughter.)7-The
Whole drift of the Hon. Member's speech seemed to be,
:that his own feeling of liberality was so great, that lie could
trot permit the mover or seconder of the Address to deplore
that anything had happened in other countries of a nature
•I°,eolottreMise the repose and endanger the peace of Europe.
—(Hear, and laughter.)—Now he deplored, as wells the
Eon. Mover or Seconder—who, by the bye, had expressed
no opinion as to what was right or what was wrong—he
deplored the fact of dome convulsions, from whatever cause
they' might have originated, which now prevailed abroad
and which it would he rather difficult Pr the Bon.' Mem.
' 'her.; with all his talent and knowledge, to allaya-a(Hear,
sad laughter.)—The Hon. Member bad told theM that
he Wait bred to the Foreign ileparfreent—thet he was
• 149it.tead in diplomatic lore—that he had travelled in
various countries, and collected great information in dif-
ferent parts of the world; and after telling them all this,
14 comforted them with the look-out, that there
:was nut one of the great European family who would
lint undergo the same fate with the Chiefs of the houses
of Nassm and of Bourbon._(Mr.Wellesley,“ No, no.")—
Ile begged the Hon, Member's pardon, he had not'in;
tended to misrepresent him ; be was desirous to follciw
him faithfully through his whole harangue.—(Laughter.)
--But to proceed—there was an amendment made by a
Noble Lord to an Address proposed to his Majesty's
gracious Speech. Now, for his pert, he thought it a
good Speech but for its omissions, though lie certainly
Agreed with the old proverb--" least said soonest mended"
--(Laughter)—but he thought it a good and gracious
Speech, and he received it with pride and pleasure as
coining from his Majesty, who was bred on board a
flllirt.nr..war, and
out ofeducated in a cockpit, and who came
the midshipman's_ chest to take his seat on the Im-
petial Throne of these realms.—(Cheers and laughter.)
"To him also, who had the honour of belonging to the
same profession with his gracious Sovereign, it was a
!natter of exceeding gratification to see the array of people
assembled on that, the first day of the Session, to witness
the progrese anti hear the Speech of his Majesty, and to
discover what that Honourable House proposed to dole
out from their concocted wisdom as the system which
Way to tiecure repose to .Europe, and the blessings iii
peace to the whole world.—(Lund cheers and "much
laughter.)---The Noble Marquis opposite had proposed
an Aineetluient to the Address, which, in the lana
guage of Ida (Sir J. Yorke'a) profession, he would call a
tough and long-spun yarn—(flar, and ogliter)—indeed
it looked more lice the lengthy pamphlet of a political
doctrinaire set'aa a rider upon tie Addresa than an ordi-
nary Amendment. Ile felt for the speaker while lie was
reading it, el
a rouge he was sure lie posse,oied a p.tir of
lunge in the hest order and of most exemplary materials
--(Hear and laughter)--but he felt for his wben lie read
first the Address and then the apparently interminable
Amendment, and then the Amendment rain.--(Hear.)
And
a certainly he was much surprisedthat that Noble
the representative there of the illustrious house of
,ttlarlborougla should, with all his courage and man-
tinesta and gentlemanly feeling, have for a moment
rPaled to present Ouch an Address, or the Hon.
miter to approve of it, since, if taxes were done may
with altogether, neither would the illustrious 'house of
ittlerllterough, or the illustrious house of Wellesley, enjoy
411 great share of public bounty which had been bestowed
open them by the gratitude of a mighty people—(Loud
Cheers, which were continued for several minutes.) He dui
iitset quarrel with the Address, because his Majesty declared
was anxious to allay the turbulent spirit which
prevailed abroad, Ile did not understand, nor could any
titan who had sat. in that House and voted away twelve
hundred millions of money, why all this should be com-
ely lost ao us. Was his 'Majesty not to revert to tree-
Was be to be struck dumb, and sit with his orb in
are Land and his sceptre in the other ? Was he, in a
Word, to be reduced to a nonentity, and to suffer the Bel-
gian fortresses, on which so much English treasure had
sines expended, to pass into the hands of Franue—tile
!liehlt to fall under her dothinion—and Antwerp, which
AaPaleon ()nee described as the key of Holland, , meaning
thereby that he who possesses Antwerp, and could muster
!tleleient force, might overwhelm Holland with the le-
ttions lie could pour aflame the ice? He thought that his
a4eieety could not say less than he had said—and not do
l
I CI" Ito Jiad rtatiOnneed his intention of doing. He
considered, too, hat the kiittietere, with all their responsi•. ritY. had done well and wisely in putting the Speech
l!thfajtetyalted that day delivered into his mouth. This
Was a. nsn tiandawason et which they should look out with
the utmost caution : if Femme should again gain possession
tt Belgium, it was easy to see whet would be the result ;
Ito he trusted that the good feeling of the House and of
ttatnation to de that by themselves and their fatnilies and
‘
country and thew King, which would enable them to
oatonit unimpaired to posterity those blessiags which they
themselves enjoyed....-,(Hear.)
kr. HUME assured the House he had great reluctance
Owning forward upon the present occasion, because he
na4 expected that some of his Hon. Friends below hint,
veho'could express their sentiments in a stronger form—
[before the Hon. Member began to speak, he moved from
the tint Oppotition bench to his favourite pillar)—would
have noticed the subject of his Majesty's Speech. The
speech of the Gallant Admiral breathed war throughout,
and advocated a lino of policy which was to be condemned
85 s Portion of that system formed by the Holy Alliance
to Put down liberty and support despotism. in Europe.
Lile regretted that -the ands
Admiral should have so
14114 approved of a Speech which breathed nothing but
and expensive establishments. It was a Speech
"'tell would be read with' deep regret in the country. It
nt4t once touched upon the distress of the country. He
,Pleased to hear the Hon. Member opposite (Mr. La
tio'hi.ley) express his gratifitation at the French Revolu.
at acid hie disapprobatien of the tone recommended by
Ministers in the Steeds On the contrary, be' felt extreme
indignation 'at. the ibeethe. enta upheld by others. He asked
!via" "tatrY Was this they had got into ? Was this Eng.
cradle of liberty? Was it here that in a Speech
"livered from 'the' Throne there Was to be au eepreasion of
litatp regret that France had wrested'her freedom from the
114"er4 o(Universal cries " No, no—the
nder"f despotism ?—).....1n the name of 'the people of England, he
tv'ttaAestell against the
:system of the Speech being fole
to by ttPeechers.a..(Laughter.) There was no tune
th, Zvf what you wore about. He was bound to take
*nit 41:alre Speech, and the Mover's and the Seconders,
e %Haut Admiral's speeches all together.—(Loud
Letla! 'ter.).--Ile did regret—he regretted from Isis heart
tilieete thould have been any expression of regret in
mdse sass that Prancer which had bets oppressed by an
est should have hurled him, not from the throne
tor Ancestors for, it bad been forfeited long before and
1,41, knother for many ages—(Cheers arid laughter,
teett;al,l4l4 for some minutes)—he meant years ; but vo
4isid '''°w long it was taeld—it was held by another in.
eneitnelt and the prospect of the re-establishment of the
that 4_,PlutY was at one time as faint and frilling as
,(Caae •"ottld now be made King of the French.—
, die nog :and leugliter.)—Foreign bayonets, however,
Need , • • .
trekti Ist. aameon, atm the nation* of the Continent
.freo ia
'Put" him on the pledge that they were to receive
stitutiotte is return for the blood end money they
-1,74 e3trepeirolel in the struggle. The Bouriain, however,
attin tri"e" l'Y the British bayonet, and tyranny was
Constit: sampled at the tame time with a
anthttni 6" watch from the first he attempted ,to
oonly a tte :and overthrow. The King of France was
"" eZtcuti • •
nly
hi va Officer :to fulfil the duties unposed
lin, °t
encroach the Legta' 'alive Charter. Still, from the
4„4tnente were made upon this Charter
intitertete_they how heard A -11ritielt King and British
teheltne'd !,Prese hie regret that tyranny had not over-
.l: ranee, but thet it mem restored: to liberty.. Fite
over-
, ;11, tin regretted to see a Red-coat second an,
the hutxo4.a_ltueracter was formed by military discipline. To
teennitor, f France mid Frenchmen) nu change-of
dergiou nallever been made with more exemplary:
In whia,7tlitke conetrica in which despotismnews :4".11143
tescalrold was drenched with blood,' and •tlaani
tom
'an* af thousands were expatriated. ail, rt.,
lq his Majesty had -made such a Speech, butt the!
spa ~t Ili* heart was 'in concert with free inatittli
b;* ale attributed the evil sentiments to hi) bud
ntnitezta which filled him with disgust and 1,04
`dtastion,
lthei le denied that the country was indifferent 14
%441" going on abroad; 4-Aths of the people, ottailmi
eattits' looked oti with it most anxious eye. lie tuttst
ri‘t7ll: King utter
'with regret a British) 11Iiniiter ar
et ....mg utter sentiments so much at variancewi
'eitetiosalaainutiuntil at, lerge,hati expressed. Ile has on hadivid7
!_alittl,ni e.eittg with the seconder, that there Were t 46,1 :1 country who Mott be sorry for what Jodi
.44,4 ,4, 101 o :
°n the Continent. In the peaceable setts-1
!bank for
~iaace they no doubt saw ground for...darns fur;'Wend
44' wee unjust rights which they bad 104 nta,
-the eanaaa.attll wished to keep against. the will of
Potet—x',.leend they saw, in the quiet establisha
tan4e"e, the pretient GoVernment of Fretwee
tiT""n„._•':,nt id of their shameful mottoßnilew.""their peculiar
gee were in , tneti r danger, and no doubt such sort
etted the occurrences on the continent. But
rieeretaty h
at t Par
41 "
g speechcespeechfor the Home De t t who, in' his
trail sent „ al, end of the last" Parliement, hat! tie'
werk r al
would adopt no ineaiuretilnt
4t if "thet with the tvishs or the people, and
f
o the Duke of Wellington's Ail-

ministration to fall back on the people of England for
support ; that he should entertain such feelings was in-
deed most surprising. He would ask the Right 'don.
Gentleman if he thought that what he hail put into the
mouth of his Majesty were in accordance with the opinion
of the people? If such was his belief, he would soon
find himself mistaken. Throughout England the people
had met on the subject of the changes that had taken place
on the Continent, and every where had they expressed in
the highest terms their admiration and approbation of the
conduct of the French._(Cheers. )—He asked the Right
Hon. Gentleman whether it was consistent with the line
of policy the Government meant to pursue, to put into the
mouth of his Majesty a determination to interfere with
the affairs of Belgium ? He wanld boldly assert that all
inn who were friends of freedom, all who felt for the true
interests of this country, would deeply regret such an in-
terference: EVery man who loved liberty admired them for
turning out the Duteh—(Hear, bear, in opposition from
the Treasury Benches)—who had acted in such an infa-
mous manner. They had heard of incendiaries in Kent—
had there been none in Antwerp ?—(Hear)—a fine city
laid in ruins, and that too, when the King of Holland had
not the slightest hope of retaining poseession of it. Could
it be that the Ministers of England thOught such conduct
deserved the langu ige which they hail put into the mouth
of his Majesty ?—Was it an enlightened Government that
took away every vestige of personal liberty from the sub-
ject? Was it consistent with an enlightened Government
ruling over two countries, that out of ten officers of the
Government, nine should be Dutch? Hall the Right
Hon. Gentleman forgotten that the freedom of the Press
had been abolished—that the trial by Jury had been taken
away by this enlightened Government; and was it after
these things that the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel
had thought fit to call the Government enlightened, and
to put into the mouth of his Msjesty sentiments so abhor-
rent to the people of England ?—Was it possible for them
to inflict a greater indignity on the British people? Let
not the Right Hon. Gentleman suppose that the explosion
beought about that in Belgium. The Belgians were ready
before, and, indeed, every one must be convinced that it
was impossible for the system recently adopted there to go
on long. The Hon. Member who bad spoken first had
not been fairly dealt with ; he did not say that all Go-
vernments were about to be revolutionized; he said,
that all those countries which had been parcelled out
by the Holy Alliance, contrary to the feelings of their
people, must undergo some change. Such a circum-
stance was by no means improbable; and what was it in
the King's Speech of which the'people of England had
to complain ? Why, that those Treaties which it was said
were to pacify Europe, having been found to have exactly
the Opposite effect, were, notwithstanding that fart, still to
be maintained. It was for that Howie, on behalf of the
People of England, to tell the Minister that they would
not concur in supporting those Treaties.—(Hear, hear,)
Was it net time for them to hesitate, to doubt that policy

which might have appeared wisdom at the time, but
which was now proved not to be en ? Was it not time
for them to pause when they saw France removed from the
Alliance that bad supported those Treaties, and when they
must know, that if those Treaties were at all events to be
supported, they must be supported by the labour and at
the expense of the People of England, at whose expense
they had indeed been originally procured ? The Hon.
Officer had talked of finance. Did he not know that
eight or twelve hundred millions had been expended by
this country to restore the Bourlyine, and that in three
days all that we had done at so much expense hail been
destroyed? Did not the House see that the ill-treated
but glorious Belgians had been parcelled out like so
many pigs to a purchaser, in a manner disgraceful to
Europe, but especially disgraceful to England that had
suffered such parcelling? Under these circumstances,
could a greater insult be, offered to the House of Com-
mons and to the suffering and starving people of Eng-
land, than that of being told that his Majesty meant
to interfere in support of those Treaties which had
already fallen to pieces? In that respect the Speech
was most improper, and he hoped that the House
would not concur with the intention there expressed,
but would support the Amendment. He should be glad
to know how non-interference with Donna Maria,
and interference with Belgium, could be reconciled? They
could not he reconciled; and such conduct, instead of add-
ing to the character of 'England, would heap disgrace
upon it, He asserted that England was tint prepared to
sacrifice men or money in interference with the affairs of
other countries.—(Loud cheering.)—lt was against the
declaration that the Duke of Wellington had put into the
mouth of his Majesty, ` that the House ought to oppose
their opinion expressed lay a attain majority. it would be
a disgrace to England to boast of her own liberty, and yet
force slavery on other nations. Some things might have
happened since the last Parliament whiCh had changed the
opinion then expressed by the Ministers. He feared there
had ; but he must say, that if ever there was a man' dis-
appointed in his expectations of what other men would
do, be was that man. He came down, expecting that
some sort of reform and retrenchment would be prop: sed
—that something would be done to relieve the burdens of
the people—but lie found nothing of the kind ; but on the
contrary, be found the Ministers putting into the mouth
of the King sentiments which threatened the interference
of this country with.
,the people of others. Instead of
what he bad anticipated, the first ten paragraphs of
the King's Speech were about foreign politics. What
did we care about foreign politics.—(Cheere.)—The
people were starving at home. He would ask any Mem-
ber (at least every Member who had constituents) if he had
nor heard, before he came to that House, that, as the first
part of his duty, he must attend to the reduction of the
public burdens ? He slid not put that question to those
who were their own nominees, nor to those who, by the
use of unjust means of influence, bad obtained seats in
that House, but of all the rest he asked whether they had

not pledged themselves to effect for the people a great relief
in the amount of taxation?—(" Hear, hear," from Mr.
Briscoe, followed by cheers in several parts of the House.)
Yet not one word bad been said in the Speech about re-
duction of taxation.—(Sotne observation was here made
to the Hon. Member, who continuid.)--To abstain from

noticing such *natters was not true delicacy towards the
King—.those men used the King ill who did not speak the
truth to him—such individuals as the Right Hon. Gent.
and his colleagues, for instance—if it was they who kept
the King in ignorance of the real situation of the country.
Whit were the people told in the Speech about economy?
Literally nothing. If the Right. Hon. Gent!eman thought
that the British people were for ever to be hewers of

wood and drawers of water, while a small class lived
luxuriouqly on their burdens, he would find himself mis-
taken. What the people wanted was relief from taxation,

and with' that a cure of the present vice of elections.
They wanted to get the Peers out of the Commune, to
confine the former to their own departtnent. That was
the cry from one end of the country. to the other.
They asked for bread, and they were given atones—they
were told that the Government meant to meddle with the

kirtirs of other countries, and he believed they did eio to
keep the people of England quiet; for such had always
bees the tricky policy of this Government. But was such
a coarse to be pursued when thousands were dying of
waut.—(" No, no," from the Treasury &lichee. )—He
was not surprised that they who fattened on the riches
of the lind should deny hie assertion ; but he wished they
would go and look into the state of the peepll in different
parts of the country, and then they would not deny that
which no man could with truth deny. The people- re-
quired a reform of that House, because that House was the
origin of all the evils from which the country suffered.
The Noble Lord who had moved the Address had expressed
a wish with which he (Mr. Hume) most heartily, con-
curred.7namely, that the Govern►►tent ohould give liberty

to all, injury to none. He agreed with that sentiment;
but he asked, was that the case at the present moment,
when millions were granted for the gratification of a few
at the expense of the starving artisans of the country?
Every act of that House tended to the same point. He
concurred with the Hon. Member who spoke last hut one,
that if his Majesty had declared his firm intention of re-
Eluting the taxes, he would indeed have proved himself
the Father of his People. Wsa it_ Consistent with their
duty as representatives, or even ars repre-
sentative* 'of the people, to pass such a milk end wa-
ter Address as that which had now been put before
them—an Address which left out every thing that was of
importance to the country? Perhaps he was wrong in
the severity with which he had spoken on one point, for
some Hun. Gentlemen might think that there was
.abundance on the table of every peasant throughout the
country. The Seconder' of the Address bad re-echoed the
sentiments of the King as to handing down the Constitu-
tion of the country turimpairetla cutbititution whiCh the
Hon. Gentleman had described us untainted with innova-
tion.
~ tlre Hon. Member mean to say that the Con_
stittmon this country now was what it was a century,
and a half agog , If so, he, (Mr. Hume) denied the state.
went. A change had been effected for the benefit of the
Aristocracy ut the expense of the people, And whet bad
thus 'weir takett,frons the people ought cow to he restore.'
to thein.—(Hear, hear.) That was ,the u triton of
tilo
people, and on aktivhehaif
which the Governtriert were now
imptgrtcafiaLtigainst the course
pursuing.. (Perte)was
one other thing tOwhich he wished to allude :7 The :speech
stated that there were individuals Whe,Were'indeavotaing
to disturb the publio mind, and flat diseir,etinn
exit ;i
among the Peoopk. . Nr denied it ; there was, :indeed, great
dissatisfaction with the Ministry, but no ditatTeetion to the

King. It did not oast in ScAillind ; he had %teen much of
them lately, and more quiet or better people ha had never
seen. ! There was no disaffection in England; perhaps it
Was meant to apply to Ireland,—(llear.) What ! site it
because the lion. Member fur Waterhad had got some
whim in his head ?—(Hear, and laughter from the Minis.
terial benches.) Why might be not have a whim in his
head as well as anybody else? Was that, he repeated,
any reason why the Government of Ireland should
exercise all its powers ? Was there a man breathing, be.
beyond the precincts of the Castle, who thought such pro-
ceedings necessary ? The name of Mr. O'Connell must
have frightened them; and so, because Mr. O'Connell had
written a letter, calling a meeting to discuss whether it
would be proper to dissolve the Uuiun, the Government
of Ireland had thought fit to prevent the meeting by Pio-
clamation. What, was the Government so weak as not to
be able to bear thepaper bullets of one man ? In the House
of Commons his reasons insist ultimately be weighed ; if he
would convince Min (Mr. Hume) that the Union ought to
be at an end, be would vote for the separation ; but the
lion. Member would certainly have greet difficulty in ac-
complirbing that task. He had no hesitation in saying,
that if any one should bring forward a proposition to put
an end to the Union, he should listen to it with patience;
and if Ireland was still to he treated as at this moment,
he should entertain it with favour. Ile regretted that
passage in the Speech which related to the Union, for
Won it was not. Ireland was not united to this country,
but treated as one of her colonies, and in her Government
were to be found all the vices of a Colonial Govern•
ment. When he saw the tenor of the Speech and of the
Proclamation, he must think that it was the object of the
Government to resider despotism familiar to every man.
if it was meant that disaffection existed in Ireland, lie
meant to deny the statement ; for, setting the Duke of
Leinster's meeting in opposition to that of the Honourable
Member for Waterford, whit did the whole matter come
to but to a difference of opinion? He regretted that
the power of the Irish Government had been exercised in
such a manner as to de no credit to that Government. If
the Proclamation was meant against Mr. O'Connell, why
did it not name him ? A former Act had been passed
against hint, and if the Duke was bold enough to do so,
In him came the man. He (Mr. flume) found no other
ground for speaking• of disaffection in Ireland, except to
frr as related to Mr. O'Connell.—(Hear, hear.)—•As
long as Ireland was governed by the present system, die-
satisfaction with the Government there must be, and no
wonder if some few should express their sentiments
strongly. Was not that House the fit place for the ei..
pression of those sentiments ?—(Sir 11. Peel led a matt
significant round of cheering in answer to this question.)
—Then why did not the Right Hon. Gentleman thunder
out his edicts in that place against those Proclamations
--(A laugh.)—He would assert that these Proclamations
were gags upon the people of Ireland. The enormous
power given to the Lord Lieutenant had been unfairly used
—the Proclamations were unnecessary, and to issue them
was, it fact, nothing but an act of oppression. With the
exception of two sentences, he could not concur with the
Speech, and he warned the Ministers, that if, after the
warnings given elsewhere, they still pers'svered in the same
coarse—on them, and on those who supported them, must
be the responsibility for the evils that would follow To-
morrow, when the Report was brought up, he should
place on record his opinion, so as not to let it appear that
he had been guilty of deserting his duty in bringing to the
attention of his Majesty the real state of the country. The
lion. Member resumed his seat, after apologising for the
length at which he had troubled the House, and for any
warmth of expression that in the course of his speech
might have escaped from him.
Sir R. PEEL said, as it appears to lie the prevailing
wish of the House to come to an early expression of their
opinion on the subject of the Address, I a►►i happy to think
that it will not lie necessary for me to interpose many ob-
stacles to the accomplishment of their desire. After the
fair and temperate, and candid speech of the Noble Lord
who seconded the Address, it will be sufficient for me to
make a few observations, without entering into any vindi-
cation of the Government for the conduct they hove pur-
sued. When the Hon. Member who spoke last, with the
loudest denunciations attempted to find fault, lie has only
been able to do so by what, I am sure, was unintentional
misrepresentation. He says that his Majesty charges the
people of England with diuffection. Why, Sir, his Ma-
jesty, on the contrary, states that he places his main reli-
ance on the loyalty and affectionate attachment of the great
body of his people.— (Hear. )—He does not charge the
people of England with disaffection ; but he says that he
cannot view " without grief and indignation the efforts
which are industriously made," and they are made, to mag •
nify the distresses and sufferings of the people, by persons
wile, by these means, hope to raise themselves to an unen-
viable notoriety. I regret that such should, indeed, be the
case; far this is a time wisest we most requite all this tem-
per, patience, and moderation we possess; and that at
such a time, too, inflammatory language should lie
used—not with a bad intention, perhaps—but, us it ap-
, pears to me, in a manner not likely to Meditate the coolant'
temperate consideration of the condition of the people. Is
it necessary fur the Hon. Member who has just spoken, to
represent the people of England as in a starving condition ?
If there be in some parts of the country distress and priva-
tion, I commiserate theta ; nod however determined I may
be to repress, by legal means, the violet), el which may lie
committed, that determination will not in the !eat pre-
vent ins from considering the cause of that disarm, and at-
tempting to apply a remedy. But the people of England
are not starving. There is not that severity of distress, and
thee starvation among them, which might tie inferred frotn
the Hon. Member's speech. In a country like this, there
must occasionally be some marks of suffering and distress.
It is almost unavoidable in a commercial country, but still
that circumstance will not of itself justify the statement
that the people are starving. The Hon. Member has re-
ferred to the Speech from the Throne on the subject of
foreign affairs. In doing se he has broached a new doc-
trine iu the Parliament of England—namely, that we have
nothing to do with foreign concerns. When he talks of
economy and retrenchment, I must beg leave to tell
him, that foreign concerns, whether lie wishes it or not,
will force themselves upon him, and if lie estimates our
public taxes only with reference to the internal condition
of the country, and excludes all others, I must tell him
that he will be a dangerous adviser of the Crown, and nu
trite advocate of the people. With respect to the obser-
stations upon France, lie is mistaken ; and I roust say
that, short as has been the interval that has elapsed since
he was called on to consider the Speech, it certainly has
been sufficiently long for him to know the expressions cun-
tained in it. But before I enter upon this subject, 1
must protest against the doctrine that the Government is
to be responsible for the expressions used by the Mover
and Seconder of the Address. I certainly heard none from
which I should dissent ; but let me tell the Honourable I

Gentlemen, that if either of them (and both, I must say,
distinguished themselves much, and gave great satisfae.
tion to the House)—l say, if either of them had thought
fit to assert that independence which he claims for himself,
and had stated their opinions on subjects not in the Address,
I should have bad no means of preventing it, and I am
surprised that the Hon. Member should think that they
were tutored by the Minister of the Crown, and that lit
was responsible for their expressions. The Hon. Member
has assumed that his Majesty regiets what has taken place
in France; and, therefore, that be disapproves of the op.
position to the Ordinances, and that he approves of those
Ordinances. Let me deny the truth of this assumption.
Let me deny that there is one word of disapproval of
what has taken place in France. His Majesty has con-
tented himself with narrating the events that have oei
Inured there; and, perhaps, after the condition of the elder
branch of the Bourbons is considered, and it is remembered
that theyare now again in exile, it will be admitted that he
could hardly have been required to use strong or severe
terms respecting them. If the Hon. Ateinber expects that I
should defend the issue of those Ordinance*, of those fatal
acts, es inconsistent with true policy as with the funds,
mental law of France, I can assure him he is much mis-
taken: I deeply regretted what then occurred. I feared
that it might interrupt the growing happiness and pro.
sperity of France, and our own commercial relations with
that country ; I regretted, I say, those occurrences, and

I deplored and condentned those acts which immediately
caused them. During the period that has elapsed since
we separated, there has been an attempt to renew that in-
sinuation which I thought I had then sufficiently repudiated,
namely—that the British Crown was not in the least de-
gree responsible for the appointment of the French Mi-
nistry. I then stated most distinctly, and, as I
thought, to the 'general satisfaction of this House, that that
charge was wholly and entirely unfounded, and that neither
directly nor indireetly—(and when I use these phrases
wish t.o exclude every peasible mode of isithienr4—was
an imquenee ore ;he part of this Government, or
of any member of -thisGuvernment, in the nomination of

the Ministry of which M. de Pohgn4c was the chief.
Again, it Las been tai that we were partiet 0 those gr,
dinanms, or, if net parties, that at leas; we alight have in-
terfered to prevent the exvnitiort of the °idiotism*.
Sorely if it ordly necessary for ►ue to deny the last of
these charges, \%'e hail not the means of counselling the
fk,rbeating of the issuing these Ordtetioces, for we had not
the slighteet knowleilie, or means of knowledge, that they
were about to be ioneti ; and the secrecy in which the 0-
reation of i•tining them was involved precluded the poi.
itibilite of our friesialy.iitlvice, 'With respect to France, 1
thin it I have answered every fair objection the Hon. Mon.

ber advanced, for the purpose of showing that we do not
regret the events which have occurred; and T think
have shown that the silence obeerved in the Speech on
this euleject in not to be attributed to participation on the
part of the British Government, or of any air
prow el by them of what has been done. I note come to
the Hon. Member's observations regarding the state of
the Netherlands. Surely he must understand the dis-
tinction between what has been done in France and in
the Netherlands. Every one else is aware of it. 1
must a ey, that, looking to the condition of the Nether-
lands for the last few years, lend comparing it with its
condition in any former period. I cannot but think that
the contrast, with respect to prosperity in commerce, ra-
tional freeiom, and independence, is in favour of the Go-
vernment of the King of the Netherlands. The Hon.
Member asks, whether I have seen what has taken place
at Antwerp. The reference in the King's Speech has
nothing to do with that; it relates only to the subject of
the first revolt. The Hen. Member says that the Speech
breathes war, and threatens interference with the Nether-
lands, in order to compel the people of Belgium to accept
a certain Government ; and then he says that you who
have recognised a Don Miguel and Louis Philippe, have
no right to interfere with the Belgians. In the first place,
I know not on what expression it is that he founds his in-
ference of interference; but let me remind him that the
situation of the Netherlands is a peculiar situation. No
man who knows anything of history can be ignorant that
it never le s had an independent government. At one time
it was subject to Spain, at another to Austria, at a third it
was incorporated with France, but at all periods it leas
been the ground on which the conflicts of Europe have
been determined, and all the States of Europe have felt
the deepest interest, not in its form of Government, but in
its conduct with respect to its hearing on the subject of
general peace. In 1614, when Buonaparte's power was
about te be overthrown, the Netherlands were occupied by
Austrian troops, and were under the Government of Baron
Vincent. At that time the Government of the Nether-
lands was offered to the King by the five parties to the
Treaty of Pat is, on condition that that country should be
governed by him in a certain manner. What are the facts?
A revolt from the authority of the King takes place : Bel-
gium claims her separation, and eireumst ewes have oc-
curred most afflicting to every friend of humanity. A civil
weir rages, and there appears little chance that, if the par-
ties are left to themselves, there can be any settlement of
the points at issue. Is it, then, very nnwise fur the
Powers who were parties to the treaty of 1814.—who in-
corporated Belgium and Holland—or is it inconsistent
with their policy or with the dictates of humanity for
them, France being one, ley their interference to attempt,
in the terms of the King's Speech, to restore tranquillity
by such means as shall be consistent with the welfare and
good government of the Netherlands, and at the same time
with the security and repose'of Europe? Is the House
prepared to withhold its assent to the propriety of such a
proceeding ? If such a single Power were to offer its me-
diation, a degree of jealousy might arise among the rest
that would prevent time very end of mediation. I can only
say that such a course of policy semen advisable on the part
of the Government of the King of England and of the
King of the French, and that the other Powers leave con-
sented to endeavour to bring about an adjustment of aff,tirs
which shall be satisfactory to all the penis.. who are so
deeply interested in the result. With respect to Portugal,
the course of policy on the part of this country appears to
me precisely in the light in which it is presented in the
Speech horn the Throne. We have always fully ex-
pressed our opinion of the imptelicy of the acts of
Don Miguel, and we leave never concealed our
aversion to them. I assure the Hon. Gentleman, that
whenever the acts of Don Miguel leave prejudiced the
rights of British subjects, we leave demanded and
exacted from him the most complete reparation,—
Without, therefore, departing from the sentiments
I leave always expressed on dee circumstances under which
Don Miguel brume possessed of the Sovereign euthority
in Portugal, I may ask this House Whether it is prepared
to condemn Government fur thinking that the time has
at length arrived when, if certain acts of justice and ate
inanity be done, thee interest of British subject* requires
the recognition ? We leave constantly refused the recog-
nition of Don Miguel until a general amnesty for all poli-
tical acts directed against him on his usurpation of the
Sovereignty should have ben agreed to on lei* part. We
leave now the positive assurance that that act lens been
agreed to ; we hare not, indeed, made it a condition of
our recognition, hut we have always asserted, that until
such so amnesty lead received the consent of Don Miguel,
we could not take the question of recognition into consi-
deration. Two years and seven months have, I think,
now elapsed since Don Miguel assumed the Government
of Portugal apparently with the acquiescence of his sub-
jects : the interests cif British subjects during that period
have been materially affected by the state of uncertainty,
and the question is—whether, with the apparent acquies-
cence of his subjects in the sovereignty of I)on Miguel,
we are now prepared to renew diplomatic relations, or
whether we are never to renew them ? If, never-..what,
let me ask, will be the consequences to British interests ?
I therefore hope that the policy initialed by this Go-
verment towards Portugal will not meet with the
disapprobation of the House. The honourable Gen-
tleman has characterised es a disgraceful act the
directed to prevent the die-
susruhea tioefei
taoif,Pl rtfiliciale: mar
gtalitttio:seti si'n ofn w telt.
Icoduilde country,
hops the
haega parsingin
in-
volving
of the Catholic Bill would have tranquillised for ever. I
believe that the chance of renewed dis:urbance would never
leave arisen but for the late events in Paris and Belgium,
which leave been taken advantage of by the designing for
the purpose of impressing upon a higle-spirited and unre-
flecting notion that the same success would
attend tlie'elParueilll:in the
ruta—
.(Much cheering. )—The lion. Gen•
denten asks whether a man is to be prevented in this
House from arguing the policy or impolley of the repeal
of the Union with Ireland ? And lie follows it up with
another question--whether, because the Hon. Member
for Waterford has taken a whim Into his head, is lee
therefore to lie prevented by a proelatuation front stating
his reasons at a public meeting, and discussing the ques-
tion by fair argument ? I reply by inquiring is that the
course which the Hon. Member for 'Waterford meant to
pursue?--(Bear, hear.)-14 it fit, for the indulgence of
such a whim, that the repose of it whole country should
be hazarded?--.(dear, bear)—that it should incur thee
risk of revolution and bloodshed ?(llear, hear, hear.)—
What, let the ask, is the dreadful responsibility of
those men—l know not whether it be a legal respon-
aibility—befere God and their country, who thus take
upon themselves to incite and inflame a whole popue
baton, in the rnatmer against which this proclamation
was directed.—(Much ceering.)---The Hon. Member
must ant expect that we are to be gulled and deceived
ley the declaration that the object of the tneeting was only
to promote the getting up of petitions to Parliament.
Has the Hon. Gentleman read the declaration which ac-
companied the summons of that meeting? Even the
Hon. Member fur Waterford will hardly stand up here and
leek us to credit the assertion, that the sole übject of the
meeting was to make a temperate appeal to Pettliument.
That Hon. Member has already said that Ireland is not
yet ready to oppose force tee force--(Hear, hear)—and can
any man doubt for a monteut, that the intention of the
Hon. Gentleman was to form a permanent assembly in
Dublin, meeting front time to time, by tuljournmetet ?
The people were thus to bee organized creel iniluenced—to
be inflamed and incited, until things had arrived at su
ewlott(teldnibiteY hwelld'endatniegeerltieours4toGdullyill'inriceeeiniigointt.—lronttirettutil
purposeclieers.—
)unldt isdeigl
i uity firm conviction that ouch was the
of the Hon. Gentleman' in suumutrie
ins that meeting. It is because I Relieved it to ho true
mercy to prevent this popular organisation aced incite.
meet, that I was a party to the issue of that Proclaims.
ttnu.—of(lireellare'elhedarr;ntruy nlsactitetrney cticieant,itelterietpiereens?ent rtuttdiT
prepared to refuse my approbation to those measures
which shall he celcUleted to relieve Ireland ? No; but
because I ant moat anxious to see her relieved and
agitationam el io e di-- resorthcuts:,
the:
eAleithuotomipiarteivmeluitcielyxoiiiltenzti t
power,itn.l
and incur the responsibility of issuing tie Proclamation.
because I dere met incur the responsibilityof withholdiog it.
cheeriteg from all aisles.).--tile !
Sir, do not let
us play with a suleject of well deep interest. Do not let
us run the risk of reviving religious animosities. Do not
let tie allow the populetion of billeted to be incited and isa••
;,
flamed, in order that a project may be attempted that
'lever can be carried into eaCCOli,lll—tlint of 11i5"I'h/g the
union.hetween the two countritta.-4Reiterated cheers.)--,
ler this nue conditien, that having achieved the eiensoliele-
tioo of the strength of the empire we are to undo till we
have eccomlillelled? Are we tee bt)gin at the ramtmence-
meet ? Having reconciled the dieiaiotis of the Ilepeerchy
—having conquered Welter-united Seethed, and 'finally
included ;Mewl itt the great bond of hammy, are see to
eetrece our steps and resolve at ote:e! the coneeeMo tearte
of this valet maimed combinatioe? If we begin with
abrogating the Union with Ireland may net other melte it's,
equally }noted of their independence; elaien that they too
shall lee included in the dissolution ? Ole when the time
conies for submitting such a question to Nei deliberation
end lair argument, I do nut ee„pir of iiiiimioor from the
f
she hail "elwatu Petlitiment—by the ityrop thy that has
0111"14'ne° tlO9 past.---tiy what oceorred in 'lntiened when
been planted and grown up in English minds ; that the.
fetel metteure'ef dissolving the Union may ridge an indie

vidual to -it ." bad eminent). ;" but it must be at the or.
pence of the best blood of the txts countries, at the ex.
'tense of the repose and tranquillity of the whole empire.
--(Long and loud cheerio followed the conclusion of this
speech.)
Mr. O'CONNELL rose befwe the cheers had subsided,
and on his first addressing the Chair they were vigorously
renewed. The tlnty (he said) that I have to perform to.
night is to tne extremely pleasing, it affords me some op.
portunity of repelling calionny, and of vindicating my own
motives. Ido nut stand forward to claim the favour of a
'tearing—assailed as I have been, I should be entitled to it
anywhere ; but here I appear as the representative of the
people, with almost as many constituents as any Member
who hears me, and with more than those of the
Ministry combined..,—(Cheers.)—The Members of Go-
vernment have carefully slunk from all populous places—
scarcely one has been returned for more than a rotten
borough; but I am sent here by a large body of the
people, and I claim to speak as their representative.
First, I appeal to every man whether the Speech put inte
the mouth of the Sovereign is not one of the most un-
satisfactory discourses ever pronounced by the chief of a
great nation? I speak of It both as it relates to foreign
and to domestic concerns. 1 did not hear is it one word
about the poverty and dilaters of the people in any part
of the kingdom—uot one word regarding relief. The
rotten borough system—.the oligarchical mode of returning
Members to this House is, I know, reckoned among the
blessings of our condition; and for this reesun net a
syllable is said respecting that distress which the Right
Hon. Gentleman was unable to deny. If there be
no distress, why is night made horrible by fires, the
blue of which may be seen from the metropolis? Why
are the people in a state of disturbance and insubordina-
tin within a short distance of the very seat of Govern.
meat ? Is there no cause for this, and is the calumny to
he pronounced upon the people of England, that they break
out into acts of open violence without the pretence of suf-
fering ? Nothing is said about the alleviation of 0104.,
and, above all, nothing about the Alleviation of the dis-
tress of Ireland. But I arraign the Speech for what it
says or omits on our foreign as well as on our domestic po-
licy. We have had excuses for not rejoicing in the success
of the -French people, and great praise has been lavished
upon the courtesy of the King of Belgium. Courtesy,
indeed, to cut down and massacre his unoffending people
without pity or remorse! Regret Ministers may feel.—
not at the unmerited sufferings of those people, but that-
the efforts of the King of Belgium have not been successful
in rivetting upon them the chains of slavery. —(T he
Hon. Member here adverted more particularly to the con-
duct of the King of the Netherlands—to his attack upon
the elective franchise, upon the liberty of the Press, and
to the trial and conviction of De Potter, and then con-
tinued.)--Let us refer to Portugal. Don Miguel is
to be recognised—and why ? Because he has promised
an amnesty to his subjects; that is to say, he who has
been bound by no oaths, is to be trusted on his honour.
When will this amnesty arrive? When the dungeons
have been cleared, because the scaffolds have streamed
with human blood. The Right Honourable Gentleman
ells us that Don Miguel is King with the approbation of
the people, hut let us remember that four or five thou-
sand British troops happened to be looking on at the time,
and aided the tyrant in his usurpation of the sovereignty..
There is this great difference between King Philip and
King Miguel—King Philip has separated Church from
State ; lie has dissolved the adulterons connection that
injures the cause of religion wherever it exists; but King
Miguel has united Church and State ; and while he rules
the one, he tramples on the other. The Right Hon.
Gentleman most pitifully implored the House to tell him
why this country should not interfere in the affairs of
Belgium, when a civil war was raging there. I deny the
ex'stence of civil war : it is a war between nation and
nation—the Belgic nation and the Dutch nation—(Htar,
bear)---4ind I do not think that, excepting the union of
Great Britain with Ireland, there is a fouler blot in the
page of history than the annexation of Belgium to Ilul.
land. The people decided against it, yet it answered the
purpose of the Holy Alliance to declare that SO meet
constituted a majority, and 700 votes a minority. The
Government of the King of the Netherlands is called an
enlightened Administration ; if so, the rebels are without
excuse, and nothing can justify their acts. I assert that
the administratiun, instead of being enlightened,was odious
tyrannous, anti grinding—that it refused independence
to the Judger, and the trial by Jury to the people; if any
reforms were proposed they were as hypocritical as
the Right Hon. Gentlemen's reforms of the law in this
country, where great evils are perpetuated by the removal
of insignificant abuses. Why am I listened to, as it were,
with sufferance, when I ask whether such an adlninistre.
tion is enlightened ? The suppression of the liberty of the
press may, indeed, have its recommend ttion with his Ma-
jesty's Ministers and with many gentlemen who hear me.
W:44 that an enlightened administration which decreed that
the language of Courts of Justice should not be the
gouge of the country, and that process should be in High
Dutch where Low Dutch only was spoken ? Was it a proof
of an enlightened administration when the King abolished
parochial schools and diocesan seminaries ? Yet this is
the Ulan whom the Right Hon. Gent. has so warmly
lauded—who is flailed enlightened, while he is involved in
the darkeet ignorance, and who perseveres in these mea-
sures when the world is is a state of transition, and when
the blind systems by which men have been oppressed for
ages are distppearing before the light Of science and the

h-eat of truth': Such is the foreign policy of the King's
Speech. Is there, from beginning to end, one particle of
sympathy wi.h the success of Liberty—one spark of joy
at the destruction of despotism ? I look in vain for any
recognition, however distant, of the great principle, that
the people have only to be united to he ouceessful, and
that when they are determined to struggle in a just cause,
military power becomei powerless, and the inn of force
is withered at the moment it is raised to strike.—
(Hear, bear.)—But, if we are to interfere, in con-
junction with whom are we to intermeddle with the Affairs
of Belgium?—With the Members of the Holy Alliance ?
No; they have too touch to do at home. If violence have
not yet displayed itself, ii will break out, and la guerre
sourde will, ere long, be converted into open and avowed
hostility. ©teat Britain would herself be at war at this
moment, were she not bound in sureties of the peace to
the extent of eight hundred millions sterling. I little
thought I should ever have cause to bless the Nation:li
Debt; but I bless it now, since it incapacitates the Bri-
tish Government from interposing to crush the growing
spirit of human freedom. This brings me to remark, that
not a word is said in the Speech regarding the reduction of
taxation—the abolition of military imuitutions—or the
destruction of the rotten borough system. Old Sarum
and Gatton art to be preserved; and, notwithstanding the
formal reseinti3n of this very day, that it is a high breach
of privilege for a Peer to interfere at an deities), I do not
want the aid of my glass to look round me and say, " You,
and you, and you, have been sent here by Members of the
other branch of the Legislature." If I have a Ivish to
rescue my country from the fangs of an odious oligarchy,
I must pursue that course which has been so loudly ren-
sured by the Bight Hon. Gentleman. He has talked id'
my conduct upon a recent occatinn ; and let the be repu-
diated by the supporter of the King's Speech. lam eon.
tent. I can vindicate myself before soy God ; hut no, I
will not condescend to do it here.—(Hear.) I ton much
obliged by the sympathy that cheer implies ; it shows that
there is no necessity for a separation of the Parliament of
Great Britain and Judaea. I thank you. You may
triumph over my country—you have triumphed....but you
never will again. It is easy to triumpla over the indivi-
dual, and 1 wish you joy of it.--(Maur, hear.)—ln the
King's Speech I read tlukt hie Majesty •" cannot view,
without grief and 'indignation, the efforts which are in-
dustriously made to excite among the people a spirit of dia-
content and dissffietion." If it he tionint to impute to
those who take a Constitutional and legal part in leeloit,
that they are ill of to the present King, l will assert
that a grosser calumny was never uttet ea, ' 'they are eon.
vinced that there is not in thekingdom a better intentioned
matt' than its Sovereign. Never did Monarch reaelvo
more undivided all) oam than from the MO \On' are
diposesl in Ireland to agitate the question of the Vaiot,
Never, te.o, w,us thetas grosser CaltUtlq than to assert that
they wi,h to produce r 4 separatians bc,tween the twst.tunin.
tries. Never was there 4 iocatter mistake tlian to suppose
that we wish to (nsaolve the eonoectian. No; bus we
want a cthaneetion of Authority, not of *tattier-
vi,Atey—of equality, not of solunloalon, Ireland
must be equel, not inferlot.midie must be a kingdom,
not a province; and jf declare 'solemnly that' 1 14
lieve it would be mitrd for the benefit of Eii,glatt(l than of
1re1a,,,01 that the Union ehould be dissolvett and that her
Parliament shad be restored tct ;rebind. It would lead
to, far as-field to delia;4l now the question of 14113
Uuiun ; but let e.;ti ask soy mini what gia)d did let ever do
to iii" unfortunate country I have put this question a
thouZtnit times. you atuiwere,it kits accelereted CA.
tholie En aneipation. l sivoy its it postponed it, tite
Actsm of eanespatioo were passed in Irelaspl ttiovo
ears, and then, Caine the Union in Seven yaars afterwark,
loft the meitsura should be Ultimately carried; It was in,•
lite 4 tardily concealed' by Great Britain, when those wise
long oppmed it suddenly turned round, deserted thtic
cleat adherents, and claimed the intuit of libe-rality for
Whet was extorted from their rev. Poet any mart who
hears Me knew how the Ihilon was brought Shout ? that
it teas avows) in the Irish. Parliament that a relsaints had
,
beets fostqed foT the VUrputir, sod thnt: it cast lilt ooveru.

ment 3,500,000 L to buy over the Oppositiou. In short,
it may be safely said that all other corruptions were pure
and honest compared with the gross, bare-fared corruption
which accomplished the Irish Union. —(lieer, hear.)
Cavalry and ittfantry were employed to prevent
public meetings ; and if a design of the kind at Clon-
melt had been persevered in fur one moment longer,
thie streets would have flawed with the blood
of the Preteetant gentry. What advantage has Ireland
derived from the Union? Nothing hut olisadvantiv.e. The
rental of Ireland aught to be twelve million*, and no less
than five 'talons of that suns Were remitted to absentees.
The productive taxation of Ireland has been diminished
since the Union to the extent of three minima although
the populatior has More than doubled, the cumi-Imam of
tea, wine, and sugar, has decreased. In short, there is
net a single piece of evidence derived from the stale of
the revenue which dues not prove that Ireland has been
grivouily injured by the Union. (The Honourable Mem-
ber here went over the :several recent Acts by which,
as he eintenti,d, the landlord had obtained additional
power over his tenant, particularly noticing the Sub-
letting Art; and after referring to the poverty and
distress prevailing in Naaa, Newry, Cork, and Dublin,
he proceeded as follows.) There is disaffection in Ire-
land—disaffection to the Government that has oppressed
—and let use tell you that you would have disturb-
ances too in Ireland, hut for the man who it looking for the
repeal of the Union, and who happily postmen* so much of
the confidence of the people as to be able to prevent them.
Take away that influence, and what would be the result?
You may send over a military Secretary to put down the
public spirit by a military foree, but m vain, Tell the
poop's of Ireland that you have no sympathy with their
sufferings.-..that their advocate is greeted with sneers and
laughter—that he is outlaw in the land—and that he
is taunted with want of courage, because he was afraid
of offending his God.—(Much cheering and confusion.)
Tell them this, and let them hear also in what language
the Secretary of State who issued the Proclamation to
prevent meetings in Ireland has spoken of Poliguse. If
he be asked his reason for issuing that Proclamation, he
will answer. " Ify will," although at the carne meanest
It would be easy to demonstrate its illegality. ltut I will
not RAW into this discussion curee—l ematiot trust myself
--stay feelings overpower use.—( Hear.) Phrases have been
attributed to vie which, if I had used, I 'Weld regret, but
which I never did use ; but I have no apology to snake
to the instruments of despotism anywhere. The Bight
Hon. Goodman hes asserted that I said that Ireland
was not yet strong enough to oppose force to force. I
never said never said anything like it. I ant mire
that he is incapable of inventing the expression ; hut those
who have informed him have informed him falsely. I
found my country agitated by poverty and distress from
one end to the other, and it has been asserted that I there-
fore crested the cry for the repeal of the Union. How
much men mistake! It would be cruel--.tun severe a
putnehment—to ask lion. Gentlemen to read all my
speeches from the time 1 first entered upon political life ;
but if they did read them, they would find that the re-
storation of her domestic legislature to Ireland was my
earliest thesis—toy constant avowal, 1 would not revive
the topic in the last session--I was prevented iu part by the
discussions on the eohl-blooded additions to the taxation of
Ireland in the shape of ass increased stamp duty, which
would have had the effect of crushing the Press. This fact
shows the sympathy of the Ii -use for the sufferings of Ire-
land—asytnpathy of which it affords fresh evidence when-
' ever I attempt to speak. The Irish people, seeing that
they became poorer every day—that they declined fritsn
bad to worse—thought that the only chance of prospeitry
was to be found in the repeal of the Union. In looking for
the accomplishment of that nil, who has talked of the ens-
ployment of force ? Nobody but they all knew that to
come to Parliament with one or two petitinee was who've
them neglected, and that nothing of this kind email be
effectual but the universal petitions of the people of Ireland
claintirg the repeal of the Union. This is the only mode
by which great measures of reform eon be obtained.—
While only a few petitions came front small towns or
villages, the comae of reform in Parliament was ridiculed
and !coated ; but now it is supposed by the population of
minis et sal Eugland, the whisper fliers from bench to bench
that the time is approaching when it must be conceded,
I think the people of Ireland aggrieved. flow are they
to procure relief?' Hy petitions, Ilow are petitions tit
be obtained ? Ily origin? N0..-only by men meeting
mid associating together for oat common object. Polignac
never would have attempted in Franey what has been ac-
complished in Ireland; and even the King of 13elgium
would have refrained until, by the importation of
the law of conspiracy, be bad melded De Potter.--
The modes we adopt, anti which we wish to adopt,
ate legal and constitutional-.-we want nit force but the
force of reason, and we eschew all violence, even the
violate* otargument. Wherever we have influence there
is no disturbance; where we have no influence, there
Whitebnybrut end Itibbossisms prevail. Let ate he shoutial
down—takeaway my influence, and how will you prevent
confusion? The conseqttenees will not rest upon rose...,
for them you alone will be responsible. (Thedons nod
Learned Gentleman here adverted to the growing poverty,
disease, and distress in Ireland, trod to the manner in
which the money of Ireland wee exported to absentees, re-
(erring particularly to the counties of Wicklow and West-
meath.) So loug as the people of Ireland proceed for the
repeal of the Union legally and constitutionally, they shall
have all the aid I can give them; Let Alioiaters suspend
the Habeas Corpus Art, it shall not deter one. Prepare
your gaols and your dungeons; these are times when men
must speak out, and I will do it. I will discharge my
duty, in spite of taunts of cowardice and threats of punit.b.
ment ; and 1 will proceed, be sure, not less firmly and
resolutely because uonstitutionelly. You may deprive Ire-
land of the poor wreck of her liberty, but you shall never
make Me your willing slave.—(Much cheering.)
Mr. CURTEIS said the great majority of his consti-
tuents cordially approved of the measures of Ministers to
resist the progress of sedition in Ireland, increased by the
patronage of the Hon. Member for Waterford.
Mr. 13ROUGHA11I—It is with feeling of satisfaction,
mingled with pain, that I feel Myself called on to say a
few words on this debate--.with eatiefaction that the Hots,
Member fur Weterford low bed an opportunity of answer_
big that personal *Meek which the House hail witnessed,
and that the patient and profound attention with which he
has hem listened to, gives an ample refutation of the litre.
(libel I would nut say, for I wish to avoid any thing
harsh), but the seeertiou against justice contained in the
complaint that its Members were determined to (demur
down the arguments of the lion. Member, and *hut their
ears to the complaints of his constituents. It is with sa-
tisfaction, therefore, that I heve listened to the able and
eloquent speech of the lion. Member delivered on such
an occasion; but it is with pain, with very great pain
also, that I have heard this speech, because it retinas a
picture of Ireland, 'which, if not raaguifled in its proper-
tions—if not painted in exaggerated colours, raceme to
lay mind one of the moat tnelattehoir end *farming con-
ditions of society ever heard of, or reworded in any state
of the civilixeeb world. I was indeed iu seine hope when
I beard the lineaments of that picture, traced as they
were by a hand powerful fur the ta.k, and when I
ienaclledalltethme inadtivtahaat4entre
ofa itrionmhigthit ctrl
icatian auel
genco which that office gave them, had frequently sea
knowledged the et:curacy of the Hon, Member's infortritte
qua on the state of the country, and the fidelity, of
his representations ; when I retolleeted all this,' end
heard that lionourible Member 'deleribet a iltalitt'Of
(Litres* in Ireland to which all Europe can bring No pa-
ralbri, and yet saw not one Member of the Government
rise in hit place and give these statements a denial, I
confess I felt a pain which it is difficult adequately to des
scribe, if 1 had not looked ut the Speopli which boa hem
delivered from the Throne ; there wet, therefore, enough,
to ittflict pain and create disoontent. Ent when 1 mos.

mine the 'terms of that Speech, 1 find mew to raise ot int
me all the vigilance which my situation as a representa-
tive of the people demands, and to till me with still greater
fear and anxiety for the futures Let me first, however,
discharge the more pleasing office wlikh may shay as a
good subject demands from me, by espousing my lwart-
felt satisfies:sat at the line of eutaluet Ids Majesty's patter,
nal goodness has led him opoUtitomilvly to adopt, it, ten..
,iering unhesitatingly, for the use of the couotry, all those
extensive Crown YVV•OKOO) which form his pSttimuol,)
possessions, and by declaring mol premising that the
civil List shall lot redueed4 while he et the vitae time
giva op all these Minus, imeauslitutional sources of ro-
Venue 0114 p,rqui%itto, of Royalty which are to be found
in the Mika of the Admiralty, the Four and a llalf per
(ent. rum!, anti the bertaisary seveaues of every kind in
*otland and Lartorniters a thewheres ilt home and
abroad, which ‘lt former Yeigas the Coma has Wee, so
hidh to teViNtlilltt Iluis declaration is to me a matter of
unmixed utjtkOtetion ; and when the Noble ta-nti who
kooved the Address spoke of the aheettee of pomp
and extravagance which distinguished this pretest rnigo,
and which M 1044 his .Majesty's desire to live as a plant
Rfiglialt gentleman, 1 could nut hot atop to think whether
the plittur,“ which liillowed ghat announcement would have
'fit to reit went and so general If uttered in the rt,igrt
which preceded the present. I now tome to the more
painful 113.13 of the duty which I owe to that House, to my
B,ii,tvigu, mad to the country, in entering my solemn pna
test 'against the' doctrines 0011141E4 in the Speech' Ow
be'fore hear.)--4futt Speteh bt4,44* inter-
frreneett from beginning 04140 t bear 4