The Sun.
London, England, 1839-03-28 00:00:00

1-IVEN ING EDITION

1 'RE GRAPES ARE SOUR 1

lg
atTa.
gra
keyaaiMessieurs 1 The grapes are sour,ts
rnirt_ laid, when he could not get at them."—Vide
q it id,
of yesterday.

(.lace on a time a fox, we're told,
lade by-thirst and hunger bold,
E lalted 'neath a vine which bore
P ruitful branches by the score.—
What a tempting sight 1" he cried,
A s the ruddy grapes he eyed,
110 w fresh they look, how juicy too 1
E gad, I'll mount and pluck a few 1"
o saying, with prodigious glee,
I teynard strives to climb the tree ;
But, tho' so sly and dextrous, he
Not only fails, but with a whack,
'r%2oines plunging down upon his back—
Aha quoth he, .. J see it now,
his fruit's not fit to eat, I trow ;
I merely climbed, by way of frolic,
I;k'ul not to munch, and get the cholic ;
urt 'llll4llk my stars, I know what's what,
—a
1,11:e2 fruit is ripe, and when it's not.;
-u grapes are sour, despite their
'44, soar verjuice, damn their eyes le
•I'Ust so the crafty Tories cry,
Fugthey cast a hungry eye,
"11-1 of sly and shrewd design,
At the
Treasury's State vine;
l'axd they strive, with might and main,
To clutch the fruit, but all in van*
SO, finding 'tis beyond their power,
They cry, with Reynard, hour by hour,
" Curse the vine, it's grapes are sour I"

COURT CIRCULAR.

Vi,cotint Melbourne and Lord Hill had audiences yes-
ter
day of the Queen.
, Majesty honoured Mr. Leslie, R. A., with a sitting
ntte;day for his picture of her Majesty's Coronation.
The .Royal dinner party at the Palace last evening in-
qlded the Marquis of Headfort, the Earl of Surrey,
'iecount Melbourne, and Colonel Wemyss.
Mr. Stevenson, the American Minister, had a long in-
tt',..srview with Lord Palmerston at the Foreign Office on
(.4exday,
Mr. Charles Shaw Lefevre, Mr. Chadwick, and Col.
°ll4ll, had an interview yesterday with Lord John Rus-
t,ll at the Home Office.
iluitAePutation consisting of Mr. Parker, Chairman of the
Company, Dock Bethel', M. P., Mr. Broadley,
Do.F;;',-„Attr. Hutt,,,MP , and Mr. Frost, solicitor to the
cello; —f°,l2Pany, had an interview yesterday with the Chanf-
Trli,l,°';''',,e Exchequer, the President of the Board o
eC F. Baring, Secretary to the Treasury, at the
caThe-.E taddie Board of Trade.
,of Go f d, the Earl of Carnv:ath, and Col.
houvrenlid;,."',nad interviewssr yesterday with Viscount Mel.
A uowning.street.
re t, ePlatation from the Court of Requests in the Bi._or-
vv,g Including Mr. Alderman Humphery,
,rentt?tle, -Harvey, M. P., Messrs. Hedger, Bowditch , E
interview
WI% °P, Curling, Maymouth, and Drew, had an
Th'e'rd John Russell yesterday at the Home Office. _
irtter„? Commander of the Forces and Lord Nugent had
Colonialvesterda with the Marquis of Normanby at t
Ce„ Y
Fussell. rile Hu had. an interview yesterday with Lord John

, ,
here th; '-'R) MARCH 27.—Lord Brougham arrived
11114-(1s morning by coach from London, and embarked
tkhi;latelY on board the Britannia steamer for Boulogne,
way to Paris.
Qa4el 111 OP JUDGE GAZELEE.—Sir Stephen
N•
leieoela' 1,! It , late one of the Justices of the Court of
'Red I Pleas, died on the 26thinst. in Montague•place,
6
• 1.).;
"eath 111 O SIR tIERBERT TAYLOR.—The
°f tli,.°l this well-knownentleman, gentleman, the confidential friend
la•ca- utile of York, and Secretary to George. 111. took
el[t 11. the 13th instant at Rome. He was a Lieutena_n_t-,
ptiliejalln the army (May 27, 1825), G. C. B. and G. C. It%
‘stll 101511 Aide df,",.,,D t the Queen, and Colonel of h....
lerbe`,°°tv to .which----hen wase appointed in May 1823. Sir
114-.179-' was appointed Cornet in the 2d Dragoon Guards
'49a, 4' "aving joined the British army in Flanders in April
4a voals Secretary to Sir James Murray ; he was present
i.'Res kivriteer at the actions of St. Amand and Fama.,, tali:.
tirmis
,?' Valenciennes and Dunkirk, and most of the -
144,,41ring that camaign • he also served in the cam_
`Atei a°,',1794, including the' battles of the 17th, 22d, and
2ci A,-T• 4Pril, De
Careau;and of the 10th, 17th, a
ininertlY' near Taorurna bsides many other affairs of less
tet'ur.,---cna(± Jamese reiteat through Holland. On
con-
cL•th'liri Murray to England Sir Herbert c
I'l iVia;r,lli9tn,o Duke of York as an assistant secretary.
01-
rai lent wt. 0, he was promoted to a troop in his re,
'44d, r, "en his Royal Highness returned to Eng-
the c litain TaylL was appointed Secretary
nto
titient, Curtain
of the British forces on the Co -
I'll 4 a" continued in that situation with Lieut.- Gene-
-I'l,4'll:nolin and Sir D. Dundas, until September, 1795,
appoint" returned to England in consequence of being
'lll after Aide-de-Carup to the Commander-in-Chief, and
Jaly, I.ler Assistant-Secretary in H. R. H.'s office. In
LlNte4lB. he attended Lord Cornwallis, appointed Lord
find A.I, eta
to Ireland, as Military and Private Secretary
nl pebde-Camp. He continued with his Excellency
4PPoin •' 1709, when he returned to England on being
‘-Pterlitebe Private Secretary to the Duke of York. In
t°
Holland.r of that year he attended his Royal Highness
eez. He remained with Sir James Pulteney as
4011aetaarY until the return of the troops from North
Secret He Ho continued in the situation of Private
Y -saq and Aide-de-Camp to the Duke of
Prlrvkate until June, 1805, when he was appointed
ceiv_ , Secretary to his Majesty George 111. ;he re-
l.-- " the rank of Colonel July 25, 1810. In March,.
Privatelq ee
pro-- appointed one of the trustees of the King's
Re Perty, and soon after, in consequence of the
Iti,rneY, Private Secretar to the Queen ; the 4th of
N 0
vee, 1813, he obtained they rank of Major-General. In
Holl mher, 1813, he was ordered on special service to
4' Tari.d,%anid and,
few days after his return from the army undo umndii(i.r
tar„ . ".r‘ Itro, in March. 1814, he was sent oi.
_.
0;
aiiouinamte,daivindasttoe:hoer Hgi I
~,,Inission toown Prince of Sweden, to 61r Til
'4 nt he held till his Decereber 1818, he was
dKoaaa-tthhjee.r.ine'ns Hospi't-al, which' appoint-
11P'44.

LONDON :
THURSDAY, MARCH 28, 1839.

The Lords' met to hear the Royal Assent given by
Commission to several Bills, and then adjourned to
April 11th.
In the Commons' the SPEAKER enforced in the case of
a Private Bill a very proper rule against allowing re-
ports of any kind to be altered or modified, except the
Bills be re-committed.

Lord G. SOMERSET presented a petition from persons
interested in the carriage of goods between London and
Birmingham, complaining of the conduct of the Railway
Company, and the complaint seemed to find a general
echo in the House. Mr. POULETT ThomsoN then an-
nounced that on April 11th he should move to appoint
a Select Committee to inquire into the subject. If
it be properly directed and guided, we have little
doubt that it will come to a conclusion that Parlia-
ment has done a most unwise thing in passing
se many Private Bills for Railways, which are of such
a nature that they probably ought to be kept in the
hands of those who are responsible to the people. At
the instance of Lord G. SOMERSET, a return was or-
dered of all the monies raised under the sanction of
Acts passed since Ist January, 1836.
In answer to the same Noble Lord, Lord J. Rus-
SELL said, he intended in the course of the Session to
introduce a Bill for the renewal of the Poor-law
Amendment Act, which would increase the power of
the Commissioners, so far as concerns Unions under
Gilbert's Act.

In answer to Mr. MUSE, Mr. LABOUCHERE stated
that the explanation given by Colonel PRINCE, who
had ordered several prisoners taken by the Indians to
be shot,' in Canada, was unsatisfactory, and that the
case was undergoing investigation.
A conversation, elsewhere adverted to, took place on
the Boundary dispute, in which Sir S. CANNING, Lord
PALMERSTON, Sir C. GREY, and Sir It. PEEL took
part.
Lord JoHN. RUSSELL wished to introduce a Bill to
suspend the Legislative functions of the Jamaica House
of Assembly ; but the motion being opposed, he was
unable to proceed.
Colonel SEALE is, after Easter, to bring forward his
motion for allowing corn to be ground in bond, and Mr.
Sergeant TALrouan is to renew his measure to provide
for the custody of infants.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL fixed April 22 for taking the
affairs of Canada into consideration.
The Ordnance Estimates were voted in a Committee
of Supply, which was remarkable for nothing but a very
unmannerly and unwarrantable attack made by a Colonel
THOMAS on Mr. HUME.
The House at nine o'clock adjourned till April 8.

The dispute between England and the United
States. relative to the boundary between Maine
and New Brunswick, was last night the subject of
some brief remarks in the House of Commons.
Sir STRATFORD CANNING asked Lord PAL-
MERSTON some questions, the principal of which
was whether the Government had received any
official intelligence of the appointment of an
American Plenipotentiary to open further negotia-
tions in London as to the adjustment of the boun-
dary question. Lord ,'PALMERSTON replied that
he had yesterday received a despatch from Mr.
Fox, dated Washington, March 7, communicating
to him officially that the American Government
had it under consideration whether they should send
a Special Plenipotentiary for that purpose, or whe-
ther fresh negociations should be opened. Under
these circumstances Lord PALMERSTON very
properly forbore to enter into the subject, and the
House seemed generally to recognise the discretion
of his conduct. But though the matters may not
be ripe for discussion in Parliament, it is of too
much importance to be neglected by the Press.
The last arrivals from America brought
ac-
counts of the Congress having with promptness
and vigour placed in the hands of the Executive
Government, the means of maintaining, by force
of arms, the claims •of the State of Maine.
There is no disposition, we hope and believe, in
the Government of either country to hurry the two
nations into a war, which would be for both most
disastrous ; but there appears to be no disinclination
in the people of the United States to risk even a
war rather than suffer what is represented to them
as an intrusion into their territory. We can suppose
that their feelings on this point must be much
stronger than ours. The inhabitants of New
Brunswick may, perhaps, though it is scarcely pos-
sible, entertain similar feelings to the inhabitants
of Maine, but in England we cannot feel any en-
thusiasm as to which of the two Governments
should exercise a troublesome jurisdiction over a
few thousand acres of uninhabited, uncleared land,
visited, but not occupied, by a succession of border-
ers and lumberers.

The inhabitants of New Brunswick appear to us to
have a strong pecuniary, rather than a political, in-
terest in the question. They are great " manu-
facturers of lumber ;" they prepare much tim
ber, many deals and staves for our mar-
ket, and for the use of our West Indian
islands. In one province of New Brunswick, the
amount sawed in 1836, was estimated, we are told,
at 124.3431. The value of their lumber is
.en-
hanced by our timber duties, which in general are
thought to be as pernicious to our colonists, by
turning them from the stationary and steady occu-
pations of husbandry, and making them wandering
wood. cutters and luinberers, as they are acknow-
' ledgedly injurious to the mother country. The
timber duties have annihilated cur trade with Scan-
d.navia, and they levy on us a heavy tax to make
us use a bad commodity. They enrich the inha-
bitants of New Brunswick, and the capitalists who
set them in motion, and give them a pecuniary inte-
rest in getting or keeping possession of the
unoccupied district, to work up the lumber for
exportation to Enland. On that account our peo-
ple ought to look-with some suspicion on this dis-
pute. First, we submit to a most injurious tax,
and that tax serves as an incitement to claims that

RI ay involve us in war. Chancellor OXENSTIERN
consoled his diffident son by telling him the world
was governed by very little wisdom. We shall be
inclined to believe, if we are dragged into a war
by our injurious timber duties, that the world is
governed, not by very little wisdom, but by very
great folly.
The pecuniary interest felt by the inhabitants
of New Brunswick is, at the same time, not to
be compared to the strong political feelings of
the inhabitants of Maine. The former live under
a Government to which many of them are but feebly
attached, and to which they prefer the more liberal
institutions of the United States. To them it would
be a matter of comparative indifference whether they
are incorporated with the United States or remain
under the costly government of England. But to
the inhabitants of the United States who have
openly revolted from England, who have gained
their liberties in the field of battle against us, who
are as it were at home on that soil, while we inhabit
another hemisphere, the presumed aggression on
our part is enough to make them arm to a man.
They feel even stronger perhaps than we should feel
if France possessed the Isle of Wight, and also
claimed the Gosport side of Portsmouth harbour.
Great allowance should be made for their feelings
and their readiness to arm, their eagerness to de-
fend, what they call their soil, and their country
ought not to be a rule for us.
We trust, therefore, that our people will look
calmly on this important question, and not by any
intemperate demands urge the Parliament or the
Government into a course of conduct which might
plunge us into war. Mr. C. BULLER last night
said very properly that though the American claim
was untenable, the British claim was preposterous,
and that our negotiators, to be successful, must
found their demands on justice. The inhabitants of
Maine will have to bear the brunt of the contest,
and the inhabitants of New Brunswick will fall back
on England, which, having only a remote interest in
the matter, will be at all the cost. It may be neces-
sary, as it is said to be for New Brunswick, to pre-
serve a direct communication with Canada, but that
object may be obtained without insisting on 'pre-
tensions that will involve us in a ruinous war.
We decide not .which of the two disputants is
right, but it appears to us that forms and treaties
and vague sentiments ought not to stand in the way
of doing substantial justice. The strong political
feelings of the inhabitants of the United States
may well make them regard the least hostile appear-
ance, approaching to an intrusion on their territory,
as a question of life and death, while to us it can only
be a question of giving a little more or less extent to
an empire already inconveniently large, and already
costing us more than we like to pay to preserve it
entire. We subjoin a part of the article of
the treaty of 1783, which has given rise
to the dispute, but the dead letter of a treaty
framed in total ignorance of the great increase of
population, from the side of St. John's, and from
the side of Boston, since 1783, ought not now
to be rigidly adhered to, if it be not advantageous
to the living interests of both countries :
" And that all disputes which might arise in future on the
subject of the Boundaries of the said United States may
be prevented, it is, hereby agreed and declared, that the
following are and shall be their boundaries, viz.—From the
north-west angle of Nova Scotia, viz., that angle which is
formed by a line drawn due north from the source of St.
Croix river to the highlands, along the said highlands,
which divide those rivers that empty themselves into the
river St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic
Ocean, to the north-westermost head of Connecticut river ;
thence down along the middle of that river to the forty.
fifth degree on north latitude."

Lord JOHN RUSSELL last night, in order to
aive his friends full time to' attend, postponed his
motion relative to the Executive Government of
Ireland, from the 11th to the 15th of April. As
that will continue to absorb all political interest, the
postponement, which we believe, however, to be
essential, will waste a few additional days. Till the
question be settled the country seems almost with-
out a Government. The present Ministers hold
their offices provisionally, and so they themselves
seem to consider the matter. They postpone most
of the business which depends on them in Parlia-
ment till after the question sh all be decided, and doubt
has taken the place of confidence in their stability.
The boldness of the Chartists and the Tories will
increase, and the public will at once adopt the doubts
which Ministers express by their conduct. To urge

them now to a more liberal course, would, we are
afraid, be in vain. They would do little more than
make professions which at present would only be
liable to sinister 'interpretations. By what they
have hitherto done they must stand or fall ; no
promises, no hopes they may encourage of a
brighter future, can now be of any avail to them.
If they look back, as we hope they do with regret,
on opportunities lost, "on fair clecasions gone for
ever by," they must know that they are irrecover-
ably gone, and that, like the dead, there is no re-
versing the decree which their own conduct has
dictated. Ireland is the strong point of their policy,
and they are extremely fortunate that the bigots
should have made that the object of attack.
If they can prevent attacks on other quarters they
will be safe ; on the side of Ireland they appear
invulnerable.

The countless inconveniences, disappointments,
and losses to which all classes are exposed from the
irresponsible power entrusted by Parliament in the
hands of Railway Companies, are beginning to be
very generally felt throughout England. Recently
as these Companies have been established, and
questionable as may yet appear the success of some
of them, they, nevertheless, have contrived to
convince the public that, without the strict super-
vision of the Legislature—without a constant ap-
prehension of the intervention of Parliament,
they would become so many branches of a mono-
poly,
commercialfor the
intercourse.
destruction
In
rather than the
promotion the
House of Commons last night, Lord G. SOMER-
SET, presented a petition signed by 3,500 persons,
of whom 15 were public carriers between London
and Birmiugham, setting forth that the Directors of
that Company had refused to convey their goods,
although openly engaged in carrying the goods
of a rival firm. Before applying to Parliament
for relief the petitioners sought a legal remedy ;
but they found that the Executive had no power
to compel the Company to redress so grievous an
injury. Had the hardship in this case been
less notorious and less generally directed against a
class of most useful public servants—had the peti-
tion, instead of being signed by the warehousemen
of London and Manchester, and the Aldermen
and other municipal authorities of Chester, origi-
nated with some obscure individual carrier or
merchant, we doubt whether the circumstances
of the case would have been thought of sufficient
moment to occupy for an instant the notice of either
Parliament or the Press. When such flagrant acts
of general injury are openly perpetrated, we may
form some faint conception of the liability of indivi-
duals to imposition, neglect, and all the mischiefs
which can result from commercial rivalry, and the
corrupt partiality of Railway Directors. The princi-
ple of self-interest is manifestly an insufficient gua-
rantee for a due regard, on the part of Railway Com-
panies, to the promotion of the public convenience,
inasmuch as they have nothing to fear from competi-
tion—the only effectual controul, independently of
Legislative interference, which the public can exer-
cise over such establishments. In fact, in a great
manufacturing, commercial country like England, the
right of regular transit should be as common to all,
without distinction, as the right to breathe, or to sus-
tain life by the use of food. The carrying of goods
by the only means of conveyance now within the
reach of mercantile men, subject of course to the
payment of a regulated fixed rate of charge, should
be no more a question for the determination of Rail-
way Directors, than the right of a hungry man to
eat bread, if he have the means of buying it. We
are not, however, without some hope of a remedy.
After repeated delays, grounded on frivolous
excuses, the President of the Board of Trade
has fixed the 11th of April for moving of the
appointment of a Committee of Inquiry, which

we may presume will extend to the management of
all established lines in the United Kingdom. The
Right Hon. Gentleman's connection with Man-
chester appears hitherto to have kept him in a state
of passive suspense. He could neither move nor.
speak without displeasing either the Railway
Directors or the public, and he very consistently
with his previous career as a Minister, preferred to
both the repose of office, and the long-coveted plea-
sure of drawing quarterly bills on the Chancellor
of the Exchequer.
And yet, were the arguments put forth by the
Times to have any weight with Parliament, we
should soon witness the extension of all the abuses
of the railway system in this country to Ireland.

Notwithstanding the flagrant proofs afforded of
the monopolizin.g tendency of English Railways,
the Times is indignant that Ministers should pro-
pose retaining the control of the Railways to be
established in Ireland in the hands of the Govern-
ment. The Times ha-s a virtuous horror of job-
bing ; but if the right to enforce freedom of com-
mercial intercourse be considered as a job, then, on
the same principle, must every function exercised
by the Government be so regarded. The Army is a
job—the Navy is a job—the Police system is a
job—the maintenance of the Court is a job—the
diplomatic service is a job—the whole business of
Legislation is a job—inasmuch as there is not one
of these branches of the public service less
open to competition than a system of
Railways. The Times, in an article which will be
found in another column, under the head of Irish
Railways, has the following argument in support of
the system of non-interference with private enter-
prize, which the Tories are so anxious to have
adopted in the case of Ireland

"We maintained, and we still maintain, that long ex-
perience has proved the Government in this country to be
utterly incapable of that economical and effective system of
management by which alone the foregoing advantages
could be derived from the construction of railroads at the
public expense. Look at the Post.office, look at the
packet service, look, in short, at any and every
undertaking labouring under the incubus of Govern-
ment management, and compare its tortoise pace
with the giant strides of individual enterprise, its callous
indifference for the interests of the public, and sometimes
even its insolent contempt for their wishes and opinions,
with the zeal, the promptitude, and the intelligence which
are displayed in the arrangements of most private under-
takings in this country, because called forth by that must
powerful—perhaps the only really efficient—of human mo-
tives—self-interest."

Here we have the fallacy of the possibility of
competition assumed as the very basis of the argu-
ment, and hence a blunder from beginning to end.
When there can be no competition, any Govern-
ment is more economical, more under the con-
trol of public opinion, and less exposed to the
operation of corrupt iyluence than a private com-
pany or other corporate body. Bad as is the ma-
nagement of the Post-office, it would never have
been reformed to the extent it is, had it been
in the hanils of a private Company with
powers adequate to the exclusion of all competition
This is equally true of the packet service. A Rail-
way Company is no more acted upon by the idea
of competition than au old corporation by the
gabble of the Times about the progress of
society, and the consequent necessity for a
change of system in the- local administration.
Both feel themselves in a condition to compel the
social machine to move at any rate which they may
think proper to fix upon. The history of the East
India Company will furnish the Times with
ample proofs of what may be expected from the
public virtue of all Companies placed, either by
legislative enactments, or by their position, :beyond
the reach of competition.
The Times affects alarm at the idea that if the
Government control over Railways be admitted
in Ireland, it will be demanded to an equal extent in
England and Scotland. We trust it will. We
are now convinced that the management of Rail-
ways will ever be imperfect till the Government
assume the whole direction of them. Nor is this
conviction owing to the malpractices of any Com-
pany now established. Eight years ago, in advo-
cating the formation of Railways then a
subject by no means so popular as it is
now—we strongly recommended to the Govern-
ment the wisdom of establishing such roads
by means of loans, and of appropriating the profits
to the diminution of the public debt of the
country. We pointed out tsuch roads as an
excellent source of national revenue, which it
would. be as great a piece of folly to concede to
individuals as to farm the taxes without sti-
pulating a price for them. We showed
-ulating
that otherwise transactions in them would de-
generate into a system of gambling as open
as unprincipled; and now the public can
easily determine how far we were from being mis-
taken.

We are, therefore, for a Government system of
Railways in Ireland or none at all. If our space
admit of it, we shall to-morrow give our reasons
more at length upon this question, and likewise in
support of public loans for the formation of roads,
as recommended by the Commissioners.

It will be seen froin a report in another part of
the paper that a numerous Meeting was held- at the
Freemason's Tavern yesterday, on the great ques-
tion of National Education, untrammelled either
by any peculiar doctrines of the Established Church
or of any other class of Christians. The feeling
.evinced by the speakers was highly credit-
able to them. They made no attack on
the Clergy, or on the party who have been
so active lately in protesting against any system of
national education which shall not be under the
controul of the Church. All they wanted was a
national education for the people, accompanied by
religious instruction, based on the great rock of
of Christianity—the Bible. But one feeling pre-
vailed, too, as to the small sum proposed by Go-
vernment for encouraging education—only 30,0001.
a year, while they give cut of the Consolidated
Fund annually twice that amount to the police of '
the metropolis alone. Notwithstanding the inter-
ruptions of some Chartists, who now are to be met
with at all public meetings, resolutions in accord-
ance with the object of the meeting were carried
almost unanimously.

It will he seen by our account of a meeting at
Shoreditch, that the Universal Suffrage men car-
ried their views in opposition to the persons op-
posed to the City Police Bill. There is, we appre-
hend, a considerable party in the Metropolis, well-
organized, which has houses of call in every quar-
ter, and which is resolved to attend all public
meetings, and pervert them into meetings favourable
to Universal Suffrage. Persons calling public
meetings ought to be on their guard, for whatever
object they may have in view, will he defeated.

Madrid Journals of the 10th inst. have reached
us, but they bring no news either from the capital
or the provinces of the slightest interest.

The French Journals of Tuesday, contain hopes
that the Ministerial crisis is drawing to an end. The
leaders of the Coalition had at last consented to ad-
mit the claims of M. GUIZOT to the Home De-
partment, in return for which concession the KING
affected to accept the programme of the Cabinet,
drawn up by TRIERS and SOULT. The only dif-
ficulty was about M. BA rtnoTT's election to
the Presidency, of the Chamber, which the KING
refused to make a Cabinet question, although M.
TIMERS declared that the Coalition could not, with-
out dishonour, accept office on any other terms.
The Debuts states that TIIIERS and GUIZOT are
on the best terms, and that in the new combina-
tion, M. GUIZOT would be Minister of the Inte-
rior ; M. THIERS, Minister for Foreign Affairs ;
M. DUCHATEL, of Commerce and P
M. PAssy, of Finance ; M. D UFAURE, of Jus-
tice ; M. SAUZET, of Ecclesiastical Affairs ; M.
VILLEMAINE, of Public instruction ; and u Mar-
shal SOULT, Minister of War and President of the
Council.
Trade is suffering in France from the unsettled
state of the Government. It depends upon the
casting of a die whether there will be a new Cabinet
or another revolution in that country before the end
of the Easter holidays.
The Messager of this morning .says:—".Marshal Soult
having renounced the task of forming a Cabinet, the Duke
do Broglie was sent for yesterday by the K Nothing
certain has transpired respecting the Duke's interview with
his Majesty. It seems certain, however, that the influen-
tial members of the right centre are engaged in the com-
position of a Ministry; but nothing is yet settled."
It was generally affirmed this evening that Al Guizot
and M. Thiers had met, and agreed together about the
points in which they differed a fortnight ago.
It seemed to he believed that we should at length have
a Ministry, and that within forty-eight hours at the farthest
the Moniteur would publish the names of the members of
the new Cabinet.
In this combination, M. Guizot, as Minister of the In-
terior ; M. Duchatel, of Commerce and Public Works ' •
M. Thiers, of Foreign Affairs; M. Passy, Finance •• NI
Dufaure, Justice; M. Sauzet, Public Worship ;
lemain, Public Instruction ; Marshal Soult, Minister of
War and President of the Council. —Journal des Debats.
The Moniteur of this morning has no official part.
M. de Broglie saw M. Thiers yesterday. The
Duke
desired to communicate to M. Thiers the conversation
which he had had with the K
ing, and in which he confined
himself to giving, advice.
M. de Broglie is net commissioned to collect the state-
ments cf a new Cabinet, but he may consider himself as a
useful mediator to reconcile persons and situations—Le
Constitutionnel.
The Echo Francais of Rio de Janeiro of the 19th of
January says, " If we may give credit to the assertions of
some travellers who have arrived at Buenos Ayres from
Paraguay, Dr. Francia is still in perfect health, in spite of