The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

going on with the Chinese, than seems to be in the posses-
sion of parliament at present, and which knowledge we cer-
tainly cannot obtain from the Royal Speech. So far as I

can judge from the communications that arrive by every
mail, there is constant fighting in China (hear, hear), and
it appears to be supported in a great degree by our fellow-
subjects. By one mail we learn that an English admiral
has been wounded ; another informs us that an English
colonel has been killed ; and there is a great deal of
slaughter which is occasioned by causes at present un-
known. But in the recess there was a communication
made to the public by a member of the Government on the
subject of China, which was of a startling character. There
was a meeting of a scientific society, which was attended
by some officers of distinction in her Majesty's service, and
these officers informed the Geographical Society that they
were going to China, having been engaged by the Em-
peror of China, and having the privilege to enlist their
fellow-subjects to fight in his behalf—in fact, another
Spanish legion. (Hear, hear.) That communication
created considerable surprise ; but there seemed to
be some doubt on the part of the eminent chairman
whether it was one that might be depended on, and seeing
a member of the Government present he ventured to appeal
to the right hon. gentleman to know whether there was any
authority for the statement. The right hon. gentleman said
it was perfectly true, he entirely agreed with the operation
and enterprise, and he wished those gallant Englishmen
who were enlisting in order to fight the Tartar dynasty of
China all success, and trusted that they would completely
accomplish their object. There is then a war in China. We
see, in fact, officers in her Majesty 's service are enlisting
British subjects in order to interfere between the Emperor
of China and his rebellious subjects. I want to know whether
this is a policy which he house approves of, or whether they
de not think it requires some explanation. Let me remind
the house it is about 25 years since our Chinese policy com-
menced ; the noble lord, the present First Minister, may be
said to be its author. It began by attempting to put down
the Tartar dynasty. The noble lord, when he was informed
by the late much-respected Sir James Graham, then a mem -
her of this house, that the population of China was " very
considerable," nearly half ,the population of the globe, and
that it was not easy to put down a Government which had
the resources of a nation of that magnitude--the noble lord
said, "It is very true ; the population consists of perhaps
300,000,000; but one-half of the population consists of secret
societies, which are not aware of the real state of China. The
great body of the subjects of the Emperor are discontented
with the Government ; we are confident we shall have sup-
port in attacking the empire of China which you have no
knowledge of; we are well informed, and depend upon it we
shall be successful." Their policy was successful certainly;
it is developing—and it has developed with great effect ever
since—those secret societies which are known by other names
familiar to this house. Twenty-five years have elapsed, and
the noble lord who was then making war against the Tartar
dynasty is now supporting it, and making war against those
rebellious subjects of the Emperor of China. We have
completely changed our position; we aro making war now
against an insurrection which is called the Taeping insur-
rection. Great controversies have occurred as to the nature
of the insurrection. Who are the Taepings? What are the
Taepings? I maintain we have nothing to do with the
Taepings. Whether the Taepings ar3 patriots, or whether
they are brigands, is nothing to the people of England. The j
status of the Taepings is a question for the Chinese, not for
the English; and if we attempt to deal with this question—
if we attempt, in this illegitimate and roundabout manner,
to support the Tartar dynasty against the Taepings, we shall
ultimately again be involved in a Chinese war, and that for I
a different object and on a
different side to that we have
hitherto taken. (Hear, hear.) I
importance, et a moment when
wheahyoiatrifsoar tmhaetfiterretoftimgreeoatt.
a reduction in the public expenditure, thcat,
Chinese
should not
get involved in a China war, All these
proved to be causes of financial embarrassmn
eint teowthairsschouanve_
try, and have led to that increase of taxation of which we
have heard so much lately. (Hear, hear.) We arc promised
reduction of expenditure, and, no doubt, it will not be in-
considerable, or else it would not have been mentioned in
the Speech. lam extremely glad to hear it. I ventured
last year, knowing what would inevitably cccur, to call the
attention of the house to our expenditure. Wo were then
told that retrenchment was impossible, because if you re-
trench you must be subservient to France. lam happy we
can now retrench, and we arc not subservient to France ;
retrenchment and reduction do not necessarily involve hu-
=illation to this country and subserviency' to France
toßutbe
if you want to have any real retrenchment it is not
had by a careless and hasty cutting down of an expenditure
which probably may be unnecessarily large; it is to be had
by taking care that our policy is a policy which does not
lead to expenditure. (Hear.) Chinese policies and some
other policies lead to expenditure; and you must take care
to check policies of the kind if you want real reduction, or
any reduction. If you have a policy which leads to expen-
diture, reduction will be mere moonshine. We hear
a great deal in these discussions of the late Duke of Wel-
lington. lie was not a Prime Minister who would have
starved the army; and it is well known he had an equal
admiration and feeling for the other branch of her
Majesty's service. Therefore it is quite clear that the army
and navy, when the Duke of Wellington was Prime Minis-