The Sun.
London, England, 1830-03-06 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 6, 1830.

of the people and of the revolution. The counter-
revolution had, by its follies, baptized him First
Consul and Child of the Republic. A second time
flight carried the Bourbons to foreign camps. Thus,
for having offended, not with their own hands, but
with the bands of their friends, the national feel-
ings,—for having threatened the rights acquired
by the revolution, they were dashed to pieces
like glass. Buonapartism, the centre at that time
of strength and union, cast them off; and it
became manifest that they had been only adhered
to in the hope that they afforded a sanction to the
revolution. That hope was betrayed, and they were
deserted. Had not foreign sovereigns felt an interest
for them, but had in like manner deserted them, they
would have died in exile.
What would have been the fate of France and of
liberty under Buonaparte and his dynasty ? Lneasy,
and perhaps little dignified ; at least, so we think ;1
and even at the price of the humiliation of a second
invasion,—even at the price of so much treasure!and
glory lost,—even at the price of so many end such
fierce years of contest, our education as a free people
does not seem now to have cost too much. . But in
proportion to the price it has cost, and et:naiades to
cost every day, so the dangers of those Princes who
do not accommodate themselves to it increase.
We have just seen how the Bourbons were
banished by the people and the army, because they
offended the people and the army. In vain had a
faint Aurora of political liberty shone upon them, in
the midst of a feeble and ignorant legislation ;
habituated to the Imperial yoke, counter revolu-
tionary sophism had obscured it, and though some
patriotic minds, some young spirits awakened by
hope, for a moment rallied round them, the same
hope drew them to Buonaparte, imploring liberty
in the Champ de Mai, perhaps as an actor, but as an
actor whose part carried him farther than he wished.
Too long has been forgotten the influence which those
three months had in our political regeneration, when
popular and military scenes were acted—when the re-
newal of federations was seen—when club and tribune
agitation resounded through the land—when appeals
were made to the recollection of the campaiges of
1792 and 1793, and when the sacred songs of old
victories were heard. Ah ! which of us, then
young, amidst the agitation caused by so many
unknown emotions, which the books of our infancy
had been unable to excite,---which of us in the
midst of this clangour, of arms and these cries of
liberty, though but a cold imitation of what had been
before, did not fancy himself carried back to the
great days of our fathers ? Which of us did not,
with tears in his eyes, and his arm trembling with
enthusiasm and indignation, and fired with fidelity
and bravery,—which of us did not brandish his
sword and believe himself as great a hero as any of
the heroes amosig the Marcelloise, ready to conquer
or to die under the standard of reviving liberty ?
Who, too, among the children of the old emigrants
or Vendeans, still recollecting the hymns to the
martyrs of Royalty chanted in 1814, did not also
dream of fortune, and endeavour to seek it in some
obscure.part of the country, where they thought
themselves powerful and likely to be seconded ?
Pardon us this return to 1815. It was not for the
purpose of diverging from our object : for, after the
victory of the Bth of July, after the restoration, this
time certainly forced on us by foreign bayonets, the
counter-revolutionary party, which returned with
the Bourbons, was obliged to follow the same path
which Buonaparte and the friends of the revolution
had just followed. It also made an appeal to liberty,
and by means of speeches, laws, anti votes, it under-
took to destroy what had been consolidated for 25
years.

The Chamber Introuvable raised the hatchet
against every popular institution while pretending
to popularity, as the adherents of the south mur-
dered the Protestants while pretending to compas-
sionate them. Confounded, broken-spirited, and
divided, the nation seemed to submit. No well-
connected opposition was organized : there was no
longer any military Buonapartism, or civil discipline,
as on the 20th of March. There was no longer any
intelligent, liberal, strong, or united opinion. Still
here and there attempts at conspiracy and revolt
were made, and it was always the son of Buonaparte
that was opposed to the Bourbons, but still without
sincerity and without sympathy in the masses of the
,people; or rather, the masses did not dare to trust
themselves, though in their hearts they were very
much inclined to seek any Prince rather than him
in whose name a legal counter-revolution was
operating and boldly advancing. Had the power of
this Chamber, conducted by the La Bottrdonnayes,
the Corbieres, the Villeles, the Castelbajacs, the tri-
bunes of aristocracy and Catholicism, continued
much longer, a civil war would have broken out.
The foreign kings perceived this, and Louis XVIII.
before all of them. With his sagacity, his great
personal tact, and also his honesty and pride as
author of the Charter, he perceived the coming dan-
ger; and in spite of the opposition of his Court, he
stretched forth his hand. The Chamber was dis-
solved, and tranquillity restored.
Here commenced an epoch of confidence and hope
for the nation. The King presented himself to its
eyes in the character of a saviour. If, on the one
hand, desperate Buonapartism still here and there
gave signs of existence, and, on the other, the ex-
tiayagant and disconcerted counter-revolutionists ex-
pressed theis.discontent, the mass of the people re-
mained tranquil, and produced as the organ of their
wishes and wants a third party, composed of the
friends of monarchy become prudent like the King,
and of the friends of liberty tempered by hope.--
Three years passed in a satisfactory mariner. A
law of eleCtions,—a happy and bold development
of the democratic elements,—a law of recr&t-
ing, which guaranteed equality,—the abolition of
the censorship over the journals, a first step to-
wards the liberty of the press—a direction of vi-
gorous studies imprinted on the superior branch of
education,—popular instruction encouraged,—finan-
cial improvements,—finally, the liberation of our
territory, and the removal of foreign flags,—all these
things announced fair intentions on the part of the
Government, and these intentions were answered
in a corresponding manner by the people. The
hateful principle of secret enmity was supplanted
by an avowed and sincere democratic opposition.
Every thing was done openly, and, as one may say,
in the broad day.
At Paris the Society of the Press, composed of
the principal cit zees, animated and directed the
public feeling; but without any after-thought, with-
out any other object than prevailing by proselytism,
by the union and concentration of efforts. The spirit
of the Charter extended itself. It gradually spread
through the provinces, which were still paralysed, by
or trembling at, the violences of 1815. It triumphed
in the election. Suddenly this power was stopped.
The day succeeding. the ordinance of the 9th of
September a league was formed which boasted of
having the support of the heir to the Throne, and
opposed his name to the name of the King. This
league, half religious and half political, directed by
prelates and statesmen, amongst whom wasremarke-d
a great genius who advocated liberty sincerely in the
midst of hypocrites who wished to stifle it, pub-
lished journals, thundered in the pulpits, and orga-
nized bands of supporters. The clergy, hitherto
but secondary agents, now appeared in the first ranks.
The spirit of combination, of hierarchy, arid Jesu-
itical associations, which distinguished this league,
was tranferred to the royalist party, which resumed
habits of conspiracy and its corresponding societies,
as in the time of the emigration. Secret societies,

' under a thousand different titles, but all approaching
the same centre, which was audaciously called the
Pavilion ilfarsan, the Bannerets, the. France Re-
gendrs, &c., were were spread over France like
net-work. In some places these societies ruled by
terror ; in others, they excited irritation by malicious
provocations. They conspired for the object which
they had in view, or they caused their imprudent
adversaries to conspire. The tombereau fatal of
Lyons,—the revelations of LigUevel and Legall, or-
ganizers of the Chouans in Brittany,—the tiial of
Canuel,—thd3yest missions—all revealed the dou-
ble intentiorroirdestroying liberty by the faults of its
friends, or of stifling it by violence. Finally, parricidal
votes invited foreigners to enter France for a military
occupation, which was necessary to the accomplish-
ment of their project, and the name of 'the Prince
was constantly put forth as a support and sanction
for their conduct. Then the national party began
to bestir itself. Its representatives in the Chamber,
alarmed at the secret movement which made all
tremble around them, with grief and anger de-
manded the development of those institutions which
alone could protect liberty. This demand added to
the terror and embarrassment of the Government,
and carried the royalist intrigues to their height.
Thus re-action commenced. A blow from the
poniard of a fanatic, who wished to stop it, preci-
pitated it. The only Minister who still opposed the
league, the belored favourite of the King, was
driven from the Palace amongst the cries of a furi-
ous party, who took a bloody robe for their standard.
The liberty of the press was destroyed, and next in-
dividual liberty. Then the law of elections was at-
tacked--the law of elections, which was the last
rampart of legal resistance. What, under these
circumstances, could or ought the national party to
do ? It uttered complaints, prayers, fatal pro-
phecies. The ardent, honourable, and enthusiastic
youth of the nation heard and adopted its senti-
ments. They assembled around the Palace where
their destinies were under discussion, and uttered
supplications and murmurs. They were dispersed
by force, and blood was shed.
This impropriety on the part of the young men
belonging to the schools was the subject of great
complaint. The Government pretended to discover
in this a spirit of concert, a plan of revolt, instead
of observing in it merely a melancholy anticipation,
a proof of affection for the liberty about to be lost,
and the turbulence natural to youth. Certainly we
need not now conceal that there has been for ten
years a secret and concerted hostility. We may,
we ought to acknowledge it in the face of the
country, for now frankness and information is re.
quired. Frankness is likewise necessary for the
throne which is now hanging over the same abyss
which was opened in 1820 by a guilty reaction.
No; the national party entertained no projects hos-
tile to the existing dynasty; .it sought only a legi-
timate defence. No; there was no conspiracy, when
conspiracy was flagrant and avowed on the other
side. If subsequently a plan of defence has been
formed--if designs hostile to the dynasty have been
entertained—if in some parts of the country these
designs have found favour and support—if dangerous
associations have existed secretly for a long time—if
insurrections have been attempted—all this did not
occur (we can prove it) until after the example set
by the other side, until after the attack and violation
of the charter. We can prove that even under M. de
Villele, in consequence of discussion finding a legi-
timate vent by means of the press, acts of hostility
were repressed, and that they only broke forth at a
later period, when, overcome by discussion and by
the progress of political morals, this Minister at-
tempted a third violent reaction by establishing the
censorship, destroying the purity of election by
fraud, and dipping his hands in the blood of citizens.
Then again the question of dynasty was brought
forward. But only a few days passed over, when
the King perceived his danger, and all was forgotten.
M. de Polignac has again raised the storm. The
violence of this storm will increase daily if lie con-
tinues in office, or if he be succeeded by any one,
either bold or timid, who may attempt by force or
stratagem to oppose the henceforth irresistible dere,
lopment of popular liberty.