The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-22 00:00:00

DEFENCE OF COUNT PEYRONNET.

The Count read his own defence in the most itnpreesive
manner. He commented by an affecting appeal to the jus-
tite and generosity of his judges to hear him with patience,
and make a proper consideration for the circumstances of
his eventful and unfortunate life. In allusion to the kind
remembrance yesterday, by M. de Martignac, of their
early friendship, he expressed his warmest gratitude ; po-
litical differences, it was true, had long separated them,
but his fellow-citizen, now in the hour of his adversity,
showed like a man of honour that he still remained his
friend.s.--(Here Ml de Martignac wept.)—With reference
to his own principles, his life s-as before the world : to
Napoleon he had never yielded his principles, and was for-
tunate enough in his own province on one occasion to have
saved thirteen soldiers who bad been tried by a council of
war, and at other times to have saved different political of-
fenders. At the restoration he never courted the Bourbons
but bad remained tranquilly pursuing his professional busi-
ness in the south. His that entrance into public lift was as
deputy for Bordeaux, an honour unsought by him, but
kindly conferred upon him by his fellow-citizens. As a ma-
gistrate, he believed it would be said in his department,
even by his political enemies, that he had ever implicitly
regarded the principles of justice and the rights of huma-
nity. In political life, he knew he had made enemies ; but
he could say, like the British Minister Sunderland, that he
had filled high office without ever having done any thing
for himself. His bitterest opponents could not impute sel-
fish motives to his acts throughout the whole of his admi-
nistration, or that he had ever compromised his principles.
Ile then proceeded to enumerate the various public measures
which had been passed in his time, and the moderation
which he had himself always shown during the agitation of
projects that had led to great excitement among others; for
instance, the law upon sacrilege; and other acts of that
mixed religious and political character. It was well known
in the south of France, that upon many occasions, he had
by his own efforts saved a number of persons who were
it not for that interference, would have lost both liberty
and life. In reflecting upon these events he could name
at least 250 persons who were thus relieved ; so that if his
lot were to be ransomed from the enemy, the task of re-
demption would not be difficult for his ransom bad been
already paid. As to his private fortune, the best proof he
could give that that had never been increased while in
power, was, that when be had fallen from political station,
there was only 400 francs difference between his income
and what he had derived by inheritance in the year 1822.
He then most solemnly denied that he had ever despatched
a telegraphic order to execute the prisoners from Marti-
nique; in point of fact, the jurisdiction of the tribunal
which tried them was not, in any part of its proceedings,
under his controul, and this was easy of proof. With re-
ference to the ordinances, and the coup d'efat, all be
could say was, that he had used all his efforts to reconcile
conflicting passions, and if he had not succeeded, it was
his misfortune rather than his fault. The secrets of the
Council he could not disclose, even to save himself from
being the victim of misrepresentation and misapprehen-
sion, and he solemnly declared that nothing was further
from his intention than to invade the tights of the people,
land the imputation against him of having conspired against
their liberties was utterly destitute of foundation. Ile was
grateful for the attention with which they had heard his
disclaimer of charges so grave : his public life was closed,
—his fortune ruined ; to friends or to foes he could now
only offer his tears—(Here he wept with great emotion)
—and these he freely poured for those who sought his
life, as well as for those who honoured with sympathy the
condition of a fallen man, whom circumstances, over
which he had no controul, had prostrated.
This defence of Count Peyronnet was untnerked by any
striking features : it was an appeal to the humanity of his
Judges, and a demand upon them merely to confide in his
own assertions of the purity of his intentions.
M. Henneqiiin rose at twelve o'clock, as Counsel for
Count Peyronnet, to speak further in his defence. He
commenced by stating, that it was to Count Peyronnet
the public were mainly indebted for those acts of the late
Administration which had regulated the improvement of,
the public edifices, and afforded general convenience to the
nation. He then entered into a long legal argument to
explain what walk the real import of the articles of the
Charter of 18144. which had, lie said, a striking analogy
in their modiffeations to the popular branches of the Bri-
tish Constitution, but could not, tram the niture of the
mixed.opinions and institutions of France, after so many
revolutions,"be acted upon with the same steadiness and
precision. Against the accusation that Count Peyronnet
meant to upset the institutions of his country, he had to
oppose the acts of his whole life, which had been devoted
to their perfection and preservation. lie then went over
pretty nearly the same ground as M. Martignac did yes-
terday, in showing from the example of England, that
extreme rigour did not follow from changes of dynasties
or governments, but that on such occasions political ene-
mies were always generous, and did not tarnish their
triumphs by the spilling of each other's blood when the
heat of the battle was over. So it was in England in the
year 1688, and so it ought to be in France in 1830. As
to the conduct of Count Peyronnet in the Council of
Charles X., could he lift up the curtain which veiled it,
his fellow.countrytren would see that it was marked by
moderation and liberal feeling, and that no man felt more
anxiety than he hid done during the three memorable
days to obtain a cessation of hostilities, a revocation of the
ordinances, and his own removel from the Ministry.
M. Sauzet, Counsel for M. Cbantelauze, followed. (We
have not room for the speech to-day.) At half. past four
o'clock the sitting was adjourned till tomorrow (Monday).

SIXTH DAY.—Dsc. 20.
DEFENCE OF M. DE CHANTELAUZE.

M. Sauzet this day resumed the defence of M. de
Chantelauze. The prisoners were conducted to the bar at
half-past ten o'clock Prince Polignac appeared weak and
dejected. Count Peyronnet was reading a newspaper with
apparent attention.

Sauzet began his discourse by discussing the legality
of a coup d'etat under the old charter, provided the Go-
vernment felt the King under the necessity of making one
for the maintenance of his throne. Ile denied with a
good deal of force that the ordinances bad caused the re-
volution of July,—three days had indeed accomplished it ;
but fifteen years bad been employed in preparing it. The
links between the throne and the people had been gra-
dually but irreparably broken, and the unhappy ex-Mi-
nister whom he defended was innocent of the catastrophe,
although he had become one of its.victims. The Learned
Counsel employed muck eloquence to show, that a Govern-
ment established as the restoration had been, by force of
foreign arms, bad various difficulties to contend with, from
which those thronet-were free which had grown up from
their foundations aiming the feelings and wants of the
sfourchiteaprGesoevrverentinoinenotftewnassooft
necessity
is strict
accordance with legal usage.
drivene oa &nude a stuhraets
He enumerated several of
the acts of the Legi.lature previous to the revolution,
which had implicated the Throne and the Government
long before the ordinances. Among them was the law of
indemnity for the ancient possessors of property before the
old revolution, which, though just in itself, having been
misinterpreted by the people, was the source of great mis-
chief. Let them speak to a peasant of liberty,
and he would understand them ; hut speak to him
of theories of government—tell him that foreigners had
replaced the Throne of his ancient King, and he tail
feel his national independence compromised, and dash thel
spade front his arm to seize the weapon with which he had
before rushed to the frontiers to contend on the field of
battle against the invaders of hie country. It was in the
midst of these melancholy collisions of :public feeling be-
tween the monarchy and the nation that the late unfortu-
nate Ministers of Charles X. took office, and were com-
mitted, for the salvation of the throne, to take measures
which, under different circumstances would never have
been thought of. But he called upon the Chamber of
Peers to bear in mind, thee they had themselves been
parties to many of the 'immures which had brought the
throne of the late dynasty into its danger, and that the
subjects of the late monarchy had been long comprised
before the formation of the Ministry of the Bth of August.
lie then adverted to what lie deemed the many attacks
which the late Monarchy had sustained, before it had
turned round to defend its rights. The Preis had teemed
with assaults of this nature, until the King at length
found that this extreme liberty of the Press was incom-
patible with the existence of his throne. They should
always remember, that the value of the liberty of the
we veryuld b
e likely
formedt o
Press was a great problem of modern times,-.--that it was
be
e
unknown
toi inu pou ancienttrbi governments, o vyearrni
carious
opinionstg,
and a
in the Cabinets of Princes...-. The journals had raged
against all the principles which the monarchy had held
dear, and it was natural for the King to look epos it with
a jealous eye, as bent upon the annihilation of the power of
the Bourbon race. It had been said by the Commission-
ers for the accusation, that the people had upset the hats

throne with reluctance, hut this was against the whole
evidence of their acts ; they were bent upon its overthrow,
and the only hope of the Crown was to endeavour to save it-
self by strong measures, or unresistingly received its prostrate
fate. The old and the new principles were brought into fatal
collision by a long series of unfortunate measures, for which
the unfortunate Ministers on trial were not responsible,
and the train of which it was too late to avert when they
received the helm of Government. He then proceeded
thus have proved the sincerity of the Ministers, but
more especially of M. de Chantelaute. Ah ! ma) I then
hope to see him restored to liberty, and to that noble
corps of which be was one of the brightest gems? You
know it, gentlemen, the bar itself has come forward to
demand that the Ministers may be looked upon as pri-
soners of war, and not as criminals. Besides, is it not
evident, that the law would be unjust in inflicting any
punishment on their devoted heads? Mad the throne re-
mained inviolable, had not the veil hung before its sanc-
tuary been shattered to pieces, then indeed the law might
have taken vingeince on the adV*rs of the Crtivett: But
tic., such has not been the case. The mouthing of Scot-
land conceal the unhappy remains of three generations
of Kings; and the broken sceptre of Charles X. suffi-
ciently shows that he has expiated the errors of his admi-
nistration. And, besides, where will you stop if once you
launch out into the career of proscription ? When no re
the executioner begins his direful functions for political
wrongs, who can tell when he may return his sabre to the
scabbard ? Here the orator examined in full length the
question of ministerial responsibility, and continued to
show that the accused cannot be condemned without the
most signal injustice. The people preferred to attack
the throne, and abjuring all idea of vengeance, thought
it better to ensure its future happiness by the over-
throw of the monarchy, than by shedding the blood of
the Ministers.

The days of vengeance are gone by.—the day of justice
dawns upon us : justice for the. man who has confided his
defence to my weaknes4, and justice for you, gentlemen, is
clemency, and clemency is the mint noble off:ring you can
make to France. Let nobody pretend that recent mis-.
fortunes demand vengeance; no, the taunts of the victims
of liberty demand no other sacrifice than tears and regret ;
and perhaps on the great national festival, when we shall
all surround their tombs, four families will perhaps timidly
present' their homage and the offering of their heartfelt
gratitude for the preservation of their parents. Ah !
then, then indeed you will really feel your grandeur, when
you will have given the nobles the rare example of a
whole nation sacrificing its dissensions to the peace of the
country. Peers of France, you will shine at the head of
this great festival, because it will be the fruit of your
labours.

Notwithstanding the injunctions of the President, the
audience gave the most evident marks of approbation to
the young defender. On the audience being suspended,
several Peers shook bands with him, and 111. Dupin stifle
went up to embrace him.