The Sun.
London, England, 1839-01-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2, 1839.

MEETING OF THE WORKING

CLASSES.

ARREST OF MR. STEPHENS.

Last night a meeting of Working Men took:place in the
Hall of Science, Finsbury, for the purpose of adopting
certain Resolutions with regard to " The National Petition,"
and " The People's Charter," and to express their feelings
upon the arrest of Mr. Stephens.
Mr. MERSON took the chair a few minutes before nine o'clock,
by which time about 200 persons were present.
The-Cnatattas said be was placed in rather an awkward
dilemma, because no intimation had been given him
that he would be called upon to preside at that meeting.
However, it was his duty to state to them the circum-
stances under which they were called together. A Com-
mittee had been formed, consisting of a certain number of in-
dividuals, fur the purpose of agitating the working classes of
London at this important crisis, in order that they might
establish a Central Committee; and that from that Central
Committee various District Committees should emanate for
the purpose of carrying into effect the objects which every
honest Radical had in view—the attainment of Universal Suf-
frage. To his great surprise and mortification, the individuals
who proposed the establishment of this Committee, and who
had invited the co-operation of himself and a majority of those
on the platform, and who had been the ground-work of this
Committee, not one of them were present.—( Shame.)
It was his duty also to state, placed in the situation he was,
that on last Friday evening the Committee held its first meet-
ing, when not lesslthan twenty members were present. That
Committee decided there should be three public meetings
held this week in the metropolis— the first in that place, the
second on Wednesday evening in Victoria Gardens, Lambeth,
and the third on Thursday evening, in Theobald's-road. That
was the agreement made by the members of the Committee
present at that meeting, and seeing that they pledged them-
selves to attend on the present occasion he was at a
loss to account for their absence. He trusted how-
ever, that the individuals present would not appear
ridiculous in the eyes of the present meeting.--( Cries of
" Hear, hear.") He could speak for himself and his col-
leagues present, the members of the London Democratic
Association, that they had from the commencement of their
political career as an Association invited all men to join them,
without reference to name, colour, or creed, who were deter-
mined upon political emancipation.—( Hear, hear.) It would
be unfair in him to presume to say he knew the reason why
certain individuals were not present ; suffice it to say, there
was talent and virtue enough yet among them to advocate the
object for which they had met—" Universal Suffrage, and no
surrender."—(Cheers.) Since they had selected him to pre-
side he was determined to do his duty, and to let every person
have a hearing whether in favour or against the resolutions
that would be proposed. —( Hear, hear.) He would leave it
to the meeting to determine upon the course it would pursue.
One volunteer was worth two pressed men. He trusted they
had all met as political volunteers, and he bad no doubt they
would find among them individuals willing enough to come
forward give their support to the resolutions. Various dis-
tinguished individuals had been solicited to attend, and he
believed Mr. O'Connor would be among them in the course
of the evening.—( Cheers.)
Mr. IRELAND, the Secretary of the Committee, moved the
first :esolution. He also was placed in an awkward dilemma,
for he had thought that certain persons more competent than
himself would have been present to have moved the resolution.
But he must say (and he was not afraid to use the expression)
that these individuals had shrunk from their duty.—
( Cheers.) At the first meeting he ( Mr. Ireland)
had been elected Secretary, and as such, it was
his business to take down the names of the members of the
Committee. On Sunday evening he wrote those names in a
book, but that book lie had not brought with him, thinking
all of them would have been present, and that he should not
have had to mention the names of those who had shrunk from
their duty. Since he had been in that room he had put down
on a piece of paper the names he recollected. The meet-
ing would see who were present, and would be able to judge
who had deserted them. Among the names mentioned by Mr.
Ireland were Vincent, Hartwell, Hetherington, Rogers, Law-
rence, Dyson, Cleave, Coombe, and Isaacs.—( Shame.) He
would not indulge in any surmise why certain individuals were
not present, but would leave it to the meeting to form their
own opinion. The resolution he had to move was this:—
" That considering the manifold evils under which the
working classes have long suffered are ascribable to the usur-
pation, by the few, of the political rights of the many, this
meeting is of opinion that it becomes the working men of
London and its environs to rally round the General Conven-
tion, and to assist in every constitutional way to procure
the adoption of the People's Charter as the law of the land."
They had not met to discuss the propriety of having Universal
Suffrage, for after the many arguments and reasons
they had beard, every one must be convinced of its ne-
cessity, and of their right to have it.—( Cheers.) The object
of that meeting was to consider how they could best obtain it.
They had been informed that local or district Committees
were the best means of organising the people. In further-
ance of his duty as Secretary, he had written to Feargus
O'Connor, James Whittle, Colonel Thompson, and O'Brien,
inviting them to attend. He did not know whether " Fear-
gus" would be present, he had sent him a letter by
the twopenny post, and if he had received it, and was
in town, no doubt he would be in attendance some
time before the meeting broke up. It appeared to him
there was an additional reason why the Working Men should
show their strength, viz., the arrest of that virtuous man—that
glory—that noble of nature, the Rev. J. R. Stephens
( Loud cheers.) He was a man who ought to have, and who
lie believed had, every support. They ought now to meet in
earnest, and to show by their demonstrations that they both
despised and defied the Government that tyrannised over
them.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Government would
act towards them if it could, in the same way that it
had punished the Rev. J. R. Stephens. The Government had
the same thing in the back-ground for them.—(" Shame,
shame.") Where was the difference between the infernal
bastile prison and the prison in which the Rev. J. R. Stephens
was then incarcerated ? He trusted that before the expiration of
the year that had just commenced, Universal Suffrage would
be the law of the land.—( Cheers. ).
_ _

Mr. LEE rose to second the resolution. In the north and
south, east and west—even in those agricultural counties,
where they had imagined the people to be bPsotted and igno-
rant of their political rights, men had met together in thou-
sands, while the intelligent workmen of London had
not called one single meeting.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
He believed that had arisen, not so much from an apathy
among the working classes as from a want of leaders to direct
the public mind. The present was not so much a speaking as
a practical meeting, to carry out the objects of former meet-
ings. It might, throw an air of ridicule over the meeting to call
so many together without competent speakers to address the
assembly, and even practised speakers sometimes found
it very difficult, without previous consideration, to speak to a
particular point. All men who lived by labour would never
have their rights until they were possessed of Universal
Suffrage. The working class was the most industrious class
on the face of the earth, yet there was not a class of people
half so ill paid, half so ill fed, or half so ill grown.—( Hear,
hear, and a laugh.) This did not arise from immorality,
drunkenness, or ignorance, but from political degradation.—
( Hear, hear.) All classes were duly represented in the
Legislature except the most important, and that which re-
quired the most protection, the working class.—(Hear, hear.)
They were, however, determined to exert themselves until
the People's Charter became the law of the land.—( Cheers. )
The Government had already taken the alarm, and had ar-
rested their friend. He did not pretend to say that gentle-
man might not have used strong language; but when the ex-
cited state of his feelings was considered, and the treatment
he had received from the parties who had imprisoned him, a
little excuse would be found for any harsh language
he might have used.—( Hear, hear.) It was not because he
had used harsh language that proceedings had been taken
against him by the Government, but because ho had influence
over the people, and was showing them that they were slave-
ridden, and because he had told the people it was better to die
in defence of their rights than tamely to submit to degrada-
tion.—( Cheers.) It was for that the Government had taken
him, and it was for that they would pounce upon all friends of
the Working Classes.—( Hear, hear.) It was only when
the Government attempted to put them down by the strong
• arm- of the law, that the people -.showed - any resistance.
In conclusion, he would urge the Working Men of London
to agitate until the just rights of industrious men were at-
tained.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN inquired whether any one wished to say
any thing upon the resolution which had been moved and
seconded?

Some person bellowed out " We are all for having our bel-
lies filled."—( Great laughter.)
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously.
Mr. KOE moved the next resolution—" That, in order to
effect the before-mentioned object, this meeting deems it ne.
cessary that a Committee for the district should be
formed to co-operate with the Central. Committee,
of agitation." He would mention one fact which perhaps
might account for the absence of some gentlemen. At the
meeting on Friday night it was arranged that a meeting should
he held in that hall on Monday night ; but the ball having
been previously. engaged they were obliged to postpone it till
the following night. Some might have attended on Monday,
and gone away disappointed. Besides, there was ano-
ther meeting in Dorset-square, and that might ac.
count for their meeting being so thinly attended. How-
ever, they were strong enough to effect their object, whether
this party or that party deserted them. The working classes
were the strength of the country, and could obtain any
thing they wished, provided they were united.—(Cheers.)
Mr. WHITTLE, the editor of the Champion, seconded the
resolution. His only object was to know what they intended
to do in consequence of the arrest of one of their most valu-
able delegates, the Rev. Mr. Stephens, and to assure them
that that arrest would not deter him in the course he intended
to adopt, or had it engendered one jot of fear in his breast.--
(Great cheering.) The resolution pledged them to union,
and the surest manner in which that was to be accomplished
was to impress upon the minds of the working classes how Mr.
Stepgl;i9e;dS"llplll the fearless advocate of the had been run down by the Government because he
het
peppWs rights.=
(Repeated cheering. a It wasimputed to Mr. Stephens
that he had been the cause of the destruction of a mill, and in
order to raise as much prejudice as possible against him in the
nubile mind, MF. ox Mauie bad beep sent to Perth to put
him down.--(Great cheering.) Now what was the real fact
with respect to Mr. Stephens ? Why, that he had not been
arreste4 for the charge rww trumpod uN againtt him, hilt for
eireumstancei'th4t had taken pike long before the burning of
the mill. He had never, in the whole course of his life, wit-
nessed g ".1
as I,ss as had been shown on the Dart of
the" goifuerrimlent''; uf* all t:.ftribotable tt3.-
P'ConOell,-4‘ grpar Cbe4,4l 4nd lie aionelt

was, that had pointed out that gentleman's destruc-
tion.—( Cries of " Shame.") There was an old Irish pre-
y( rb, that if the' devil wanted to roast an Irishman, he
would find an Irishman to turn the spit.—(Great cheering. )
Such was the case with Mr. O'Connell. —( Continued cheer.
ing.) He had been more trusted among mankind than any
other man since the time of Judas, and he had exceeded him
'in turpitude and treachery.—(Great cheering.) It was the
history of the Irish to be treacherous, and as a proof
of that, he need only advert to Grattan and Plunket,
and lastly O'Connell, who had capped them all.—( Loud
cheering.) Had it not been for the interference of
O'Connell, the Government would never have dared
to arrest Mr. Stephens.—( Cheers.) The Government had
now become oppressors, and had made the noble-minded Mr.
Stephens their victim.—(Great cheering.) If all present were
of the same opinion with himself, they would shun Mr.
O'Connell as they would the defilement of pitch.—( Great
cheering ) What the men of Lancashire had done, it be-
hoved the men of London to do—( Great cheering)—and
when they talked of acts of violence, he would ask them to look
at the Morning Chronicle and the Globe, in which there
were instigations to acts of violence—( Cheering)—and the
Standard and the Times, in order to throw stumbling-blocks
in the way of the Ministers, were praising up the course
pursued by Mr. Stephens. He felt certain that their cause
would prevail if the people of London would only be reso.
lute—(Cheers, and cries of " We will")--as everybody ad-
mitted that the present Government were not pursuing the
course they ought to have adopted for the good of the people.
—( Cheers.) One word more with respect to Mr. O'Con-
nell, and he had done. That worthy individual had stated
that it was not his intention to appear in the House of Com-
mons during the next session, as he thought he could more
efficiently devote himself to the interests of Ireland by remain-
ing in that country. —( Shame.) The worthy gentleman con-
cluded
by seconding the resolution, and expressing a hope
that the working men would be resolute, for if they were
they would assuredly accomplish their object.—( Cheers.)
The resolution was then put by the Chairman to the meet-
ing, and declared by him to be carried unanimously.
Mr. HETHERINGTON then came forward amid the most en-
thusiastic cheering, to propose a resolution condemnatory of
the arrest of the 'Rev. Mr. Stephens. They were now as-
' sem bled for the purpose of agitation in London, and the re-
solutions for effecting that purpose having been passed, he con-
sidered it his duty to move a resolution with respect to the ar-
rest of Mr. Stephens.—( Loud cheers.) Before doing
that, however, he thought it right to give some ex-
planation with respect to the People's Charter, which
one of the speaker.; had thought was part of the work of Da-
niel O'Connell. Now, with respect to that, the people ought
'o be undeceived. It was true that Daniel O'Connell was one I
of the six Members of Parliament who were appointed to co-
operate with the Working Men's Association to draw up that
Bill; but, if it had been left to the Members alone, the Bill
would never have come into existence.—( Cries of " Shame.")
The Working;Men's Association could never get them to work,
so they drew the draft of the Bill themselves, and then called
upon the Members, at whose head was Mr. O'Connell, to
sanction it. When they came before them, the moment the
preamble was read, Mr. Daniel O'Connell objected to it,
and threw it out altogether—(Loud cries of " Shame")—
saying he would dictate another, and laying his watch on the
table, said he would give them an hour, as that was all the
time he had to spare. He took an hour to dictate the new
preamble, which the Working Men's Association instantly, re-
jected.—( Cheers.) They drew another bill, but they could
not get the Members to attend, and so the matter rested.—
(Cries of " Shame.") But, if they would join the men of
Lancashire and Yorkshire, if they would follow their footsteps,
Parliament must give the people the Charter they required.—
(Cheers.) When first he began to consider politics, he said
every man ought to have a vote, for, if they had not, they
would be no better than slaves.—( Great cheering.) !Let there
be union among them.—( Cries of" There shall.") They must
not let little differences split them up into parties, for if they
did their great object would be lost.—(Cheers.) The able
and efficient advocate of their cause, Mr. Stephens, he knew
to be an honourable and upright man. He (Mr. H.) had had
the pleasure of being under his roof and had partaken of his
hospitality ; he had had his children in his arms, and he should
despise himself if he did not come forward to say he would
assist him in every mariner in his power.—( Great cheering.)
If he wanted money he would get up a subscription for him,
and if he desired sympathy he felt confident that he would have
it in the breasts of tens and hundreds of thousands of his
fellow men.—( Cheering.) He (Mr. H.) knew what it was
to be in the hands of cruel oppressors.—( Cheers.) He knew
the spies with which they were surrounded.—( Cheers.)
When he was in Clerken well Prison, spies were sent there to
sweep off himself and his family.—( Cheers, and cries of
Shame.") Why had Mr. Stephens been arrested? Why?
because the Government wished to get rid of a man who had
shown himself to be the talented and fearless advocate of the
people's rights.—( Cheers.) What sort of evidence was it,
he would ask, that had been brought against Mr. Stephens?
Why, one person had stated directly the contrary of the state-
ments of another; and one witness did not know when Mr.
Stephens used the word " burning," whether he meant the
burning of his heart, or the burning a factory. He did
not mean to say that the expressions of Mr. Stephens were so
guarded as they might have been, but, if he had been guilty
of an indiscretion, he (Mr. H.) considered it a justifiable one.
—( Cheers.) When he knew that Mr. Stephens was a good
and upright man, he was not going to condemn him because
his words were not exactly within compass.—( Great cheer-
ing.) The Government finding that they had made such a
pretty business in arresting Mr. Stephens on the flimsy charge
of sedition, said now that it was not their doing, and threw
all the blame upon the county Magistrates. He (Mr. H.)
trusted that the working men would not be humbugged
by that.—( Cries of "Wo will not.") What he would
ask, was Sir Frederick Roe sent down for?—( Hisses.) The
people of Lancaster had done nobly in the Delegates they had
elected, and be trusted that the Working Men of London
would arouse themselves, and would proceed in such numbers
to welcome those Delegates to London, as would show the
Government that they were determined to have their rights,
and would not be trifled with.—( Great cheering.) For him-
self, he would labour incessantly to force the adoption by
Parliament of the People's Charter, being convinced that there
was noescape from the oppression and plunder to which they
were subjected, until the people had the right of choosing
those that were to govern them.—( Cheers.) The working
classes were treated worse than beasts, everything was got out
of them, they were ground down by oppression until they
were unable to work, and then were condemned to the Poor-
law Bastile.—( Cries of " Shame.") He entreated of them
to knit themselves together as a. band of brothers, and
if they did so they would be sure to succeed —( Cheers )
Mr. Hetherington concluded by proposing the following
resolution :—" Resolved that the meeting expresses their un-
qualified disapprohation of the conduct of Goxernment in ap-
prehending the Rev. J. R. Stephens on the flimsy charge of
sedition, for having freely and honestly expressed his opinion
at a public meeting of his fellow countrymen, and emphatically
declare their belief that his sentiments have been grossly mis-
represented; and his character maligned by the mercenary
Newspaper Press, and in hereby manifesting the deep sym-
pathy we feel for him, pledge ourselves to use every just and
legal means we possess to enable him to triumph over his and
our oppressors."—( Great cheering. )
Mr. WHITTLE seconded the resolution, and read to the
meeting the speech delivered by Mr. Stephens at the
dinner given him by 500 working men on Christmas-day,
(for which see our Paper of yesterday). The reading of the
speech was repeatedly interrupted by tremendous cheering.
The resolution was carried unanimously.
Thanks were then voted to the Chairman ; three cheers
were given for Mr. Stephens ; three groans for Mr. O'Con-
nell ; three groans for the Morning Chronicle, " and their base
and brutal supporters, the Whigs and the money mongers, and
bite meeting separated.

RADICAL DEMONSTRATION IN

MARYLEBONE,

A very numerous and respeetablc meeting of the tradesmen
and workmen of Marylebone was held last night, in the large
room of the Portman Arms, Milton-street, Dorset,square.
Colonel THOMPSON in the Chair.

The CHAIRMAN said they were met in a peaceable manner
to consider the best means of improving their situation, and
preserving and enlarging the liberties transmitted to them by
their ancestors. They would, by steady perseverance, suc-
ceed, and afford to their adversaries no arguments against pub-
lic liberty. When all the mischief that had been laid to their
sumo might have
charge was considered, they need not shrink from a cornparl-
sboene
nwi
ledth their
away
much
thoughzea
i_.pteernh energy.--( Hear,
perhaps
much
and cheers.) No society could be found better conduct.
Here was no exultation, no excitement, though, from the
season of conviviality it might have been expected. They were
there to hail the rising sun of human happiness ; and he might
point to their conduct to-night to prove their right to a greater
share in making the laws by which they were governed—
( Cheers.) Sir J. Graham, a gentleman of talent and weight,
had said at Glasgow, that he agreed with Lord J. Russell
that a graduated scale of taxation and the abolition of the law
of primogeniture would make a republic. If this were the
case they have a republic now, for there is a graduated tax
levying more on the poor than on the rich. The poor paid
seven times more for tobacco than the rich did for cigars, and
other things in the same way._.( Cheers.) To abolish the law
of primogeniture would make all children equal, instead of
leaving the elder to plunder the public for the younger.—
(Cheers.) The people bad been accused of urging physical
force by the man who so often said--
" Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not
Who would be free themselves must strike the blow."
Had they ever talked of a British Legion to put down the
people of Ireland ? He regretted the defection of thatemi-
tient person, who had been disappointed of getting one of his
tail into this borough.—(Cheers.) The three objects of the
meeting were Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments, and
Vote by Ballot, which had been so often ably advocated, that
he need not trouble them with more on the subject now.--
( Cheers.)
Mr. MaecoN eq. proposed the first resolution in favour of
the People's Charter. He said they were not met for plea-
sure, but, meu as good as any in the legislature, to maintain
their common rightq,—(Chpers.) Their opponents were
neither gods nor angels, but common dust ; and although they
might moulder in sepulchral marble, in a few years they could
not be distinguished from common men.--( Cheers,) They need
not call to view pistols and torchee, et eansider and lay a
(mod feß(l?,tip bufere they began to ornament the building.—
NueitiOn, hisses, order.) No editors had dared to meet the.
principles of the Charter—(Cheers, opposition, order)--hut
said the people were not fit ; hut, rl,l VP4140.4 O'Connor said,
they were " fCan At.! "violent language he deprecated.-
1-oar, beer.) lit' was fotillish.-4 Murmurs.) Stephens's
words were extravagant. He should say wait and see, if

asked what to do. —( Cheers.) Violent men were least to be
I trusted.—(Hoer, bear; " You have showed yourself an advo-
cate of physical force.") He had often advocated Universal
Suffrage, but never was interrupted before. Daniel O'Con-
nell—( Hisses. ) He was not going to advocate his cause.—
(Cheers.) He called upon them to support the Charter, and
concluded amid much cheering.
Dr. WEBB seconded the resolution. He apologised for
being unable to speak when he first rose, from a disease of the
heart, but said he could not die in a better cause.—(Cheers.)
Before the few observations he had to make in support of the
resolution, he could account for the interruptions of the last
speaker. He was a non-resident, and did not know the meet-
ing. There were men of all creeds and parties—Whigs,
Tories, Radicals—and the gentleman could not expect the
same attention as from his own friends, purposely assembled in
his own lecture-room, to hear his eloquent lecture.—( Hear.)
In speaking against the Registration Clauses of the Reform
Bill, the gentleman did not seem to be aware that the Charter
contained Registration Clauses. He (Dr. Webb) had been
the humble but zealous advocate of Universal Suffrage from
his childhood ; and be made-no exceptions—young or old—
rich or poar—men or women.l--(Cheers and murmurs.) He
I contended that the man—call himself what he may, Whig,
Tory, or Radical—who denied the woman's right to vote was
a tyrant in his heart.—( Cheers.) He had sons as well qua-
lified to vote as nine-tenths of the Electors of Marylebone and
Westminster, who, in many cases, actually did not know what
they were about.—( Cheers from the opposition.) Being for
Universal Suffrage, the question was how to get it. Moral force
was necessary to rise the Charter, for in the most despotic coun-
tries the people were all armed. But to gain the Charter, an
" imposing attitude," as diplomatists call it, was necessary.—
( Cheers.) It was thus the iron-clad Barons, with their swords
and battle-axes, and the bold freemen, with their bows, ar-
rows, and bills, obtained Magna Charta.—(Cheers.) It was
thus England was now keeping in cheek the ambition of
Russia, by " an imposing: attitude," not by the nonsense of
moral force.—( Cheers.) We do not want to go to war, but
the way to prevent it is to show we can blow every Russian
ship out of the water, and destroy every town the broadside of
a man-of-war can reach. He would say no more on that sub-
ject. But if he heard, in a week's time, that ten millions
were withdrawn from the Saving Banks, and locked up in
their tool chests, and,' in consequence of that, that not a
butcher, broker, or publican in Marylebone, could give change
for a five-pound note; he should say the Charter was safe
without a drop of blood.—( Cheers.) Rasing gained the
Charter, he would call upon them to let " justice guide their
their aims." To make no attacks on property, which would
be ruinous to the country, though beneficial to him, as his
share, would enable him to build his colonnade pavement
railways over the foot-pavements of London. He earnestly
seconded the resolution.—(Cheering.)
Mr. WILLIAMS supported the resolution, describing in
forcible language the hardships of the poor and the oppressions
of the New Poor-law Bill. The Guardians under which, be
described as worse than Grcenacre; and recommended work-
ing men's wives to deal with the shopkeepers of Shoreditch
for being more liberal to the poor.—(Cheers.) He recom-
mended them to set a mark upon all who were opposed to
them, and have their names pointed out and exhibited in their
shop windows.—( Cheers. )
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously, as
was another to meet every Wednesday at the same place, to
collect the National Rent to support the Charter. And after
a vete of thanks to the Chairman being carried by acclama-
illation, the meeting separated.