The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-27 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Correspondent of the Times.)
NEW YORK, Oct. 13.
Rumours of disasters to the Federal arms both on
the Rapidan and Chattanooga have been current
during the whole of yesterday and to-day, and have
sent up the premium on gold from 48, at which it
stood on Saturday, to 56 this afternoon. The Go-
vernment is in possession of despatches from both
quarters which it refuses to publish; and thus adds
to the general alarm, until it almost amounts to a.
panic. Bat the steady rise in the premium prior to
Saturday and its sudden leap to-day are not to be
solely attributed to the unfavourable opinion in the
money market of the rumours from the Rapidan,
from Chattanooga, and from Charleston, but to
other and purely economic causes. The " Fall" or
autumn importation of dry goods and articles of
luxury from England and France, rendered larger
than usual by the extravagant habits of the 22014
veaux riches, and by the gradual exhaustion of the
large stock of goods previously on hand, has led to
a double demand for gold. As Europe does not
need American breadstuffs this season in Anything
like the quentity of past years, and as America can-
not consequently balance importation by exporta-
tion, the difference must be paid in the precious
metals, The exports of produce for the week end-
ing on Saturday last were of the value in green-
backs of 2,413,600 dols., and iu gold of about
1;600,000 dole.; while the imports were of the value
of 2,994,500 dols. in gold, showing a difference of
1,334,500 dole. to be now or hereafter remitted to
Europe. The total exports from January to Octo-
ber have been 93,000,000 dole. in gold valuation, and
of imports for the same period 145,817,776 dole. from
which it follows that America has purchased from
Europe to the amount of 53,000,000 dole. more than
she has sold. During the time gold to the amount
of 35,000,000 dole. has been remitted from New
York and about 10,01)0,000 dole. direct from Cali-
fornia, leaving, if these figures be correct, about
8,000,000 dole. still due to tne Old World for com-
modities which the N'ew World is not ab:e to pro-
duce. The natural effect has been, in conjunction
with the war news, to raise the premium on gold
from the low level of 20 or 22 per cent., when Mr.
Chase would gladly keep it, to the high rate of 56,
which it reached this afternoon. And, as Mr. Chase
will not take his own greenbacks in payment of
duties on imports, but insists upon specie, there is
a large domestic, as well as foreign demand for
hard money. These influences have not only com-
bined to make gold scarce for trading purposes, but
to deter holders from effecting sales, in the expecta-
tion of that further rise which is certain to occur
under one or all of the four following contingencies,
each of which is both possible and probable :
First, the capture of the whole army of Cosencrans;
second, the defeat of General Meade ; third, the rais-
ing of the siege of Charleston; and, fourth, the re-
appearance of Mr. Chase in the money-market as
the borrower of another sum of 50,000,000 dole. to
pay the amount which was due to the army and the
navy on the first of this month. Should these
events, or any one of them, occur simultaneously, it
is safe to calculate that gold will reach a higher
premium and greenbacks a lower depreciation than
has been known since the commencement of the war.

To-day the State elections in Pennsylvania and
Ohio will be decided; but the results are not likely
to be known with anything like accuracy until the
end of the week. The issues raised in both States
by the candidature of Judge W oodward in the one,
and Mr. Vallandigham in the ether, are political
rather than national. Judge Woodward has said
little; but his friends assert in his behalf that he is
not opposed to the continuance of the war against
the South, but only to the mode in which Mr.
Lincoln conducts it, and to the suspension of the
which he has deemed necessary to
prosecution. General M'Clellan, de-
parting from his usual prudent course of saying
nothing, has written a letter to a Mr. Biddle, of
Pennsylvania, in which he expresses his belief that
the election of Judge Woodward is called for by the
interests of the nation, and in which ha takes ground
in no equivocal terms against the whole policy of the
Administration. Gen. M'Clellan is opposed to the
conversion of the war into an agency for the eman-
cipation of the slaves. " Understanding," he says,
" that Judge Woodward agrees with me that the
sole objects of this war are the restoration of the
unity of the nation, the preservation of the Consti-
tution, and the supremacy of the laws, I would,
were it in my power, give the Judge my voiceand
my vote." This is the Democratic platform, very
good as far as it goes, but having the fatal demerit
of being utterly unable to bear the weight of the
superincumbent circumstances. The Union is dead,
and the Constitution has become a piece of waste
paper. Gen. M'Clellan and the War Democrats
would revive the dead, re-establish voluntary Union
by force, and set up again a Constitution which, by
the consecration of slavery, would inaugurate a new
rebellion at no distant day, with this only difference,
that the rebels and secessionists of that time would
be the Republicans and Abolitionists of this ; and
that Mr. Lincoln,
and others would Mr. Seward,.pr
oba Mr,
yan find
Chase,
themselvesMr .
occupants of Forts Sum-
ner,Lafayettethe and. M'Henry instead
of the more logical reasoners who people thosedun-
geons to-day. In Ohio
the issues are the same as
in Pennsylvania. Mr.
Vallandigham hopes against
hope that the unity of the nation will
be restored,
and that the rivers of blood Which
have been shed
will be bridged over, so that peaceable and
friendly
men may pass to and fro as happily and uncon-
strainedly as before ; though, with the spirit of a
lawyer rather than with that of a soldier, he
believes that an armistice for six mon ths;vvould be
far more likely to produce the desired result
than any prosecution of the war, however suc-
cessful. In reality the only importance to the Ame-
rican people and to the outer world of the struggle
to be decided to-day in these two influential States
will be the effect of the victory of the one or the
other party upon the Presidential canvass of next
year. Whatever the decision may be, the Adminis-
tration and their friends, comprising all the sincere
Abolitionists and theoretical Republicans, as well

as the contractors, will leave no stone unturned to
gain the victory. They have resolved to win by the

ballot if possible—by the bullet if need be or oppor-
tunity offer, in the outbreak, spontaneous or orga-
nised, of disturbances at the polls. Another charac-
teristic of these elections and of that which is
approaching for some of the minor offices in the gift
of the people in the State and city of New York is,
that they will be more purely American than any
similar contests of the last quarter of a century.
Heretofore, it has invariably been noticed whenever
State or city elections drew near-in:any part of the
Union that immense numbers of newly arrived
aliens applied weekly and daily for the " first
papers," or attested declarations of intention to be-
come American citizens. Armed with these, and
propped up by a little forgery, they were held to be
entitled to the privilege of a vote, and voted accord-
ingly. Another class of immigrants, who had taken
out their first bet not their second papers, and who
had qualified themselves by right of residence to
vote at elections, were diligently hunted out by the
agents of both political parties, and induced to com-
plete their naturalisation, in order that they might
help the party to which their sympathies attached
them, or by which they been bribed and bought by
promise of worldly advancement, or a share in the
loaves and fishes of corruption. But this year all
has changed. The aliens are no longer ambitious
of the privileges of American citizenship,involving
as they do the unenviable privilege of conscription ;
and those who have taken out their first papers
obstinately refuse to take out the second, because
they would thereby forfeit all claim to the protec-
tion of the countries whence they came. This
natural, but as it appears unexpected action of the
foreign population, has greatly deranged the calcu-
lations of the election-managers and wire-puller, and
established the principles of the ancient party of
"Know Nothings" in a manner which the most
violent supporter of native Americanism never
anticipated.

A yellow-covered pamphlet, entitled " Secret Cor-
respondence Illustrating the Condition of Affairs in
Maryland," has just been privately printed at Balti-
more, and circulated among a chosen few through-
out the Northern States. One copy having found
its way to a New York editor, copious extracts have
been made from it in the columns of his journal,
and have thence been transferred to the press gene-
rally. The correspondence is stated by the com-
piler, insurer, or printer to be " published as a con-
tribution to the materials of which the future history
of Maryland is to be written,"and the endorsements
on the backs of the letters as well as the letters
themselves are affirmed to be exact copies of the
originals. The series commences with the letters of
"spies and informers" addressed to Mr. Seward and
Gen. Banks, when the latter was in command at
Annapolis, among which spies and informers are
several postmasters in the towns and cities of Mary-
land, the Republican and Abolitionist Governor of
Thomas H. Hicks; a lady who signs
the State, Mr.
herself S. M. Bonaparte, and who is said to be the
wife of General, or Mr. Paterson Bonaparte, the son
of King Jerome ; and several others of lesser note.
The second series consists of letters from and to Mr.
Seward, Mr. Ex-Secretary Cameron, Gen. McClellan,
Gen. Banks, and others, and refers exclusively to
the arrest of the members of the Legislature of
Maryland in 1861 by the order of Mr. Seward, not
to punish those gentlemen, or to bring them to trial
for anything which they had done, but to prevent
them from doing something which it was supposed
they would do—namely, the passing through the
Legislature of an act or ordinance for the secession
of the State of Maryland frem the Federal Union.
The letters have all the appearance of authenticity,
and must, if genuine, have been stolen from the
archives of the War Department and that of the
Secretary of State by some minor official in the
service of the Government, or been given to the
press for a political purpose, with the connivance and
consent of Mr. Stanton or Mr. Seward. The
pamphlet is very damaging to the reputation of
four persons—Mr. Seward, Mr. Cameron, General
McClellan, and General Banks ; but, as it discloses
nothing particularly new with regard to the Secre-
tary of State or to the ex-Secretary of War, nothing
in fact that was notpreviously known with regard
to the willing and zealous part they played two
years ago in the arbitrary arrest of their political
opponents, it is probable that the intention of the
publisher or publishers of the pamphlet was mainly
to tar and feather and set adrift upon the street to
be hooted by the people those hitherto immaculate
and unsuspected patriots, Generals McClellan and
Banks. If Burnside, Schenck, Butler, and Milroy,
are to be held up to public odium for the alacrity
with which they lend themselves to the dirty work
of an incipient despotism, the acts of these gentle-
men prove that as the Butlers and Schencks were
and are in 1862 and 1863, McClellan and Banks
were-in 1861. The two following letters, selected
from the mass, are sufficient to tell the story. The
first is from:SecretarY Cameron to General Banks :
War Department, Sept. 11, 1861.
General,—The passage of any act of secession by the
Legislature of Maryland must be prevented. If necessary,
all or any of the members must be arrested. Exercise your
own judgment as to the time and manner, kut do the work
effectively.—Very respectivefully your obedient servant,
SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War.
To Major-General N. P. Banks, commanding
near Darnestown, Maryland.
The second letter marked "confidential," is from
General McClellan to General Banks on the same
subject, dated on the following day :
Head-quarters, Army of the Potomac,
Washington, Sept. 12.
General,—After full consultation with the President,
Secretaries of State, War, eke., it has been decided to effect
the operation proposed tor the 17th. Arrangements have
been made to have a Government steamer at Annapolis to
receive the prisoners, and carry them to their destination.
Some four or five of the chief men in the affair are to be
arrested to-day. When they meet on the 17th you will
please have everything prepared to arrest the whole party,
and be sure that none escape.
It is understood that you arranged with General Dix and
Governor Seward the modus operandi. It has been inti-
mated to me that the meeting might take place on the 14th.
Please be prepared. I would be glad to have you advise
me frequently of your arrangements in regard to this very
important matter.
If it is successfully carried out it will go far towards
breaking the backbone of the rebellion. It would probably
be well to have a special train quietly prepared to take the
prisoners to Annapolis.
I leave this exceedingly important affair to your tact and
discretion, and have but one thing to impress upon you—
the absolute necessity of secresy and success.
With the highest my dear. General, your
regard, I am,
sincere friend,
GEO. B.
M'CLELLAII, Major-General
United States Army.
Major-General N. P. Banks, United States Army.
All the world knows how very well the "affair"
was managed; with what skill, secresy and success
it was planned and carried through, and that the
victims, torn from their beds at night, were confined
for 14 months in the dungeons of Forts M'Henry,
Lafayette, and Warren,
and submitted to indigni-
ties and indecencies such as make the flesh curdle to
hear and read of; but no one, except the members
of the Administration, knew, until the
publication
of this" Secret Correspondence," how thoroughly
and with what gusto these two popular Generals
lent themselves to the work. Uuder all the circum-
stances of the case it is not likely
that they have
been published by some member of the Government
for the malicious purpose of outing both McClellan
and Banks from the ring of candidates who aspire
to the Presidential chair in succession to Mr. Lin-
coln. Both Generals are prime favourites among, the
Democracy ; and, as the Democracy have made the
illegal arrests ordered by the Government, the sus-
pension of the habeas corpus, the atrocities of Gen.
Butler, and the blundering offensiveness of Burn-
side and Schenck the stalkinghorses of their oppo-
sition to the Administration and the party it repre-
sents, it is extremely probable that this exposure is
an electioneering " dodge," intended to make an end
of the patriotic pretensions of both Generals, espe-
cially of McClellan's, and to bowl him out of the
political game. Though Mr. Seward and Mr.
Cameron show but ill in the business, the polka.

Tne political and anti. British deification of the
Russian officers continues unslackened. The British
Admiral and his little fleet take their departure lo-
morrow, without having been participants in any-
thing but the curiosity of a few sightseers and the
hospitalityof a few citizens, much to the satisfaction
of the British residents, who ever since the Admiral
arrived in port have been apprehensive that a
studied insult or mark of disrespect would be shown
him by some arrogant official of the city or the Go-
vernment. Nothing of the kind has happened, and
the absence of the fleet will doubtless give a renewed
impetus to the laudations which the Republicans
and Ministerialists are never weary, publicly or
privately, of piling upon the Czar, his Government,
his policy, and his sailors. A dinner, to which
2,000 guests have been invited, is to be given to
Admiral Lesoffsky and the .ether-officers, at the
Academy of Music, at which, doubtless, all that
can be directly said in favour of a Federal alliance
with Russia, and indirectly hinted against amity
with Great Britain, will find utterance. In the
meantime the admiration of the Russo-maniacs vents
itself at smaller dinner parties, got up at the cost of
eminent contractors, and the proceedings at which,
together with the bill of fare, are duly chronicled
in the newspapers. At a dinner of this character
given last night at Astor-house, Mr. Brady, a dis-
tinguished Hibernian and hater of England, which
he calls a "detestable land," was in the chair, and
spoke of his " friend" Admiral Lesoffsky, whom he
called his friend because he was the friend of his,
Mr. Brady's, struggling country, and proposed
the toast of "The Emperor of Russia" for the
reason, among others, that he was "absolute as a
reand allied to the people of all lands by
mhiosneaffoh' efforts in behalf of the freedom of his own."
In reply to the toast of "The President of the
United States," who was declared to be the elected
leader of the nation which was solving the question
of self-government, and which was very properly
proposed by an Irishman, unconscious of the blunder
made in regard to a man who has done more to
destroy the principle of self-government than any
man of Anglo-Saxon lineage since Cromwell or
James 11., the Hon. Mr. Winter Davis could not
let slip the opportunity to sneer at the British
aristocracy, denounce the mercantile classes of
England, and declare that, in return for the noble
reception given by the Americans to the Prince of
Wales, there was nothing to show " but the imper-
tinence of the Trent affair,,' and the fitting out of
the Alabama and the Florida, and a nest of pirates
to swarm around the American coast. The Rev.
Dr. Chapin was as complimentary to Russia, and
uncomplimentary to England, as all the previous
in speaking to the toast of '6 The Govern-
ments Russia and the United States;" while ano-
tshpeerake of
rev. gentleman, Dr. Hitchcock, who had, per-
haps, never heard of Prince Gortschakoff's letter to
in 1861, proclaimed that Russia was
tMher.oLnliillnyePoower in Europe that had any real sym-
pathy with the Federal Government. The "shoddy"
interest was largely represented at the banquet, one
member of which wound up the proceedings by a
toast that is said to have largely astonished and
amused the polished Russian Admiral, who tho-
roughly understands the English language and
knows the full significance of the word " buncombe,"
by proposing as a sentiment, " The City of New
York ; with her left hand she grasps the harvests
Wrest; with her right hand she weds the
tin This was not to be outdone,
theeaovnfedrtlhaaelslgsea l
afte: oratory fell so flat and stale
as to have been judged unworthy of being re-
ported. The Russians have much of the same sort
of tribulation yet to encounter, as they have ac-
cepted invitations from the municipalities of Boston
and Baltimore. Doubtless a grievous amount of
" buncombe" is in store for them in these cities,
both in the shape of praise of their own country and
abuse of Great Britain.

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

WEST WORCESTERSHIRE.

The election of a knight of the shire in the room
of the late member, Viscount Elmley, now Earl
Beauchamp, took place at Worcester yesterday. The
Hon. Frederick Lygon, brother of the present and
second son of the late Earl Beauchamp, was the
only candidate, and the Liberal party in the county
put forth an announcement some weeks ago that
they should not oppose the election of Mr. Lygon
out of respect to his father. The hon. candidate
was met at the outskirts of the city by a strong
body of mounted freeholders, who escorted him to
the Grand Stand at Pitchcroft, where the election
took place.
The writ having been read, and the High Sheriff
(Mr. Heming) having briefly addressed the electors
On the business of the day, and asked for each
speaker a fair hearing,
The Hon. WILLIAM COVENTRY shortly addressed
the electors, and nominated Mr. Lygon as a fit and
proper person to represent the Western Division in
Parliament. He observed that Mr. Lygon (Ed not
come before them as an untried man, having been
for some years member for the neighbouring bo-
rough of Tewkesbury. Mr. Coventry paid a tribute
of respect to the late Earl Beauchamp.
Mr. T. G. CURTLER, in seconding the nomination.
alluded to the fact that the county of Worcester, or
the Western Division, had been represented for 70
years by a member of the Lygon family, and he
added that that fact was not so much owing to their
territorial possession and influence as to the politi-
cal principles which they maintained, and the re-
spect in which they were held in the county. Mr.
Lygon also stood before the electors on the present
occasion not in the character of a nevice, but as one
who had had large Parliamentary experience.
(Cheers.)
No other candidate being nominated, the High
Sheriff declared the Hon. Frederick Lygon duly
elected, amid much cheering.
The Hon. F. LYGON then addressed the electors,
and after acknowledging in feeling terms the
kind
remarks which had been made by the previous
speakers with regard to his father, said
he should
so endeavour to follow his good example as to
gain
for himself at least a portion of that esteem and re-
spect which had been paid to the memory of his late
father. He went on to say that this was not a time
for entering into a disquisition on Conservative prin-
ciples, but he would say that ho would continue to
follow the course which ho had adopted.in public
life hitherto. (Hear, hear.) He might also on this
occasion be permitted to touch briefly on some of
the public questioue of the day. It had latterly
'that there was no
become greatly the fashion to
sa
difference nowadays between Whig and Very. H©
believed that was a great fundamental mistake—
(hear, hear)—and when he heard people say that
political differences were now melted away he an-
swered that no persons who made that assertion
could have elerely 'poem(' vi hat was going on
either at home or abroad. The). e would always be
a difference of opinion with regar to both our fo-
reign and our domestic politics, and there would be
always those who were unwilling tes change and
those who would be always changing. ile wished
it to bo ulderstood that he was not averse to Change.
No unprejudiced man could bo averse to cua iti°us
and wise changer, hut it was another thing to g ° On
recklessly changing
[
(cheers)—and getting for the mere sake of change —'g
into such a state of confusion
as that which they were unfortunately in in Ame 7 I

Irice. The progress of affairs in America showed
how fallacious were the principles which a few years
lego SOO6 people thought would ultimately prevail
in England. When we paw how much blood had
been shed, how much treasure had been wasted,
and what evil had arisen in A manner from the
form of government which the Americans had
sketched out for themselves, we ne-tgeit congratulate
ourselves that our own different Reran of govern-
ment established by our forefathers Led exempted
us from those evils; and we should eeke care
that the blessings which the Constitution Df this
country secured for us might be handed dowel .from
us to our children and to our children's chileLan.
(Cheers.) He felt strongly the lesson which wee
derivable from the state of affaira in America ; tie
felt that that lesson had been brought home to the
convictions of many who had before allowed them-
selves to float down the stream of public opinion
without caring where it drifted them . to. He
thought it right at the present moment to make
some remarks on the question whether their Home
Government was to be supported. or opposed by the
Conservative party, and on this point he must say
that he believed Lord Palmerston had done more to
degrade ana deutoralise public opinion than any
other statesman. He was a man who had never
maintained any great principles of his own, but had
always been at the beck and call of the majority,
which was adangerous and unsafe position for any
1 leader of her Majesty's Government to take up. At
1 the beginning of the present century Lord Palmer-
ston was a Tory of the Tories, and held office un-
der Lord Liverpool, and afterwards was a supporter
of Canning. At Canning's death he took office un-
der the Duke of Wellington, and was in the suc-
cessive Ministries of Lord Grey, Lord Melbourne,
and Lord John Russell, and when Radical opinions
were in the ascendancy he was ready to give h #
support to any Radical. And while at one time
Lord Palmerston was ready to lend himself to a
large degradation of the suffrage, so he now thought
it wise, with Lord Russell, to turn round and laugh
at those who had raised them to power, on the pre
tence of advocating that extension. Mr. Lygon then
referred to Earl Russell's recent speech in Scotland,
and went on to say that he was not one of those
who asked for any extensive degradation of the suf-
frage; but he was astonished at reading that speech,
remembering as he did that so recently as the year
1859 Lord Russell had solemnly stated in public
that as he had supported reform when he was young
so he would not desert it when he was old. With
regard to other public questions he might allude
to the course taken by Lord Palmerston on the
church rate question as illustrating his character as a
statesmen. Some years ego when there was no ques-
tion raised about church-rates, Lord Palmerston
supported their imposition. Subsequently, when the
agitation against them was raised, and church-rates
were pronounced to be doomed, Lord Palmerston
consented to give them up, and voted for their abo- '
lition. That was not all; a change again took place; '
the opinion of the House of Commons was altered, 1
the minority against their abolition increased,
and at last was turned into a majority. What did
Lord Palmerston do then? He paired with a mem-
ber who it was well known was in Italy, and left
the question to take care of itself. And thus he
maintained the character which he (Mr. Lygon) had
given of him. Whichever aide of a question had the
majority was the side supported by Lord Palmer-
ston. He (Mr. Lygon) maintained that this was not
the motive that should actuate public men and
leaders of public parties. A man entrusted as Lord
Palmerston was with public affairs ought to main-
tain a principle, abide by it, and make sacrifices for
it. (Hear, hear.) Ha should make up his mind what
was the right course to pursue on a public question,
end having done this he should follow that course.
(Hear, hear.) It was all very well to say that Lord
Palmerston was always found on the winning side.
That might be so, but that was not the only qualifi-
cation that they had looked for in a statesman. To
maintain a great principle, to promote the education
and improvement of your fellow-man, and to lay
down a great principle of government, was a task
to which any man might aspire ; but it he became a
1 mere weatherglass, to record the opinions of a ma-
jority which might be black one day and white on
another, was the worst possible state of things that
could exist. He eves not one of those who meant to
say that a man might never change his opinions ;
but he did oppose any such change when it became
principle, but a change in order
not a change in
to maintain in office the party effecting it. (Hear,
hear.) He next alluded to foreign affairs. They
had an unfortunate state of things in Poland, and
a Ministry doing something for the sake of
doing something, and treading in those steps of
vacillation which in 1854 led to the war with
Russia, and which he feared might lead them to
war again, although contrary to the wishes of the
people of this country. (Hear, hear.) He believed
that the people of this country were not prepared to
go to war with Russia for the sake of Poland.
(Hear, hear.) If unfortunately war should arise
between this country and Russia, it should be made
known that it had arisen from want of principle on
the part of her Majesty's Government in reference
to its conduct towards foreign nations. In con-
clusion the hon. gentleman thanked the electors for
the kindness they had shown towards him and his
family, and moved the thanks of the meeting to
the High Sheriff for his conduct of the election.
Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, in seconding the vote,
paid a passing tribute
to the memory of the late
Earl Beauchamp,
who in the House of Commons
and the House of Lords had represented the county
over a period of 45 years ; and, alluding to the ab-
sence of opposition to Mr. Lygon's election on the
part of the Liberals of the county, said he would
accept that fact as a mark of respect offered to the
memory of the late earl; but (Sir John added) he
suspected bound discretion had something to do with
the decision of their political opponents. Bat Mr.
Lygon had now been elected, and would proceed to
Parliament to support those Conservative opinions
which he had that day expressed to them in so
accurate and just a manner; and in no respect was
be more accurate in his enunciation of Conservative
principle than in his statement that Conservative
opinions were not opposed to liberal and gentle pro-
gress. (Hear, hear.) What Conservatives opposed
was democratic innovation, We loved our consti-
tution, we loved our country, and we loved that
liberty which was the result of those institutions.
That was the feeling which actuated the Con-
servative party in the country—(hear, hear)
—and he (Sir John) believed that the great
body of the British people sympathised in the
soundness of the Conservative policy, and that it
was this unanimity of feeling that had obliged Lord
Palmerston to abandon those principles on which he
' had taken office, and to govern the country on Con-
servative principles, in order to keep him and his
colleagues in office. He had only to add his con-
gratulations on the proceedings of that day, and on
their choice of a member who would do honour to
the county of Worcester. He had known Mr. Lygon
from a child, and respected his abilities. He was
one of those young men who preferred to devote
themselves to the public setvice of their country
rather than to give themselves exclusively up to
pleasure. Re had had the pleasure of acting With
him for a short titue in official life, and he hop
would long live to represent them. Although .1.10 e
ed
(Sir John) was not much in the habit of quoting in
doe
opinion of Earl Russell, he thought he could n
better than close his remark i with the few
oble earl.
words
of advice lately offered to them by then
elected
:,
Ho would ther2fore say that, having now
good member, it would well I"("tncs )
and be thankful." (Laughter and eh e
erin to " rtst
the
vote, EIGH SHERIFF having Acknowledged tee
duo form been
vote, and the new member saving --
in
girt with a sword, the proceedingsend ed.
The hon. member afterwards rode
in procession
. through the streets of the city.