The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-12 00:00:00

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5
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LONDON, THURSDAY, FEB. 12, 1863.

In the House of Commons,

which was built upon the foundation of human
rights, and to substitute for it one which should
rest exclusively on the basis of human slavery, was
likely to obtain the favour of Europe." This is a
wilful perversion of facts. The American Govern •

cause in this country uphold slavery in itself,
but only maintain that they have a right to a sepa-

ment could not have been built on the foundation

of human rights since it sanctioned slavery for so
long a period, neither do the advocates of the South

rate constitution. We can hardly believe that any
one who was not influenced by party prejudice, or
political infatuation, could enunciate such a theory
as this. Surely, if ever a man had a glorious op-
portunity in the cause of human nature, it was
when President LINCOLN began the war. If he
had at once put down slavery in the United States
how different would affairs have been, instead of
waiting till the eleventh hour to issue an absurd
edict that only affected those over whom he had no
power. It is well known that this is not a war of
slavery ; but it suits the purpose of some people to
declare that it is so. President LINCOLN next
states that " through the action of our dis-
loyal citizens the working men of Europe
have been subjected to a severe trial, for the
purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt.'
This is rather an ambiguous phrase, which seems
put in more for the object of abusing the opposing
side than for any other purpose. These next sen-
tences are fine-sounding, but have no stability in
reason. " Under these circumstances I cannot but
regard your decisive utterances upon the question
as an instance of sublime Christian heroism which
has not been surpassed in any age or country. It is
indeed an energetic and re-inspiring assurance of
the inherent power of truth, and the ultimate and
univeral triumph of justice, humanity, and freedom."
It was not sympathy for the North that has with-
held our Government from interfering, but the fear
of untimely meddling from Foreign States producing
more harm than good ; also the sublime heroism
which President LINCOLN so truly praises is not
the result of the good influence his policy and
that of his friends has spread abroad, but proceeds
from innate qualities and domestic associations with
which no stranger can interfere. The conduct of
the Lancashire people is beyond all praise, but it is
be regretted that their sufferings are thrown away
as far as the Americans are concerned,because there
is every chance that the war will leave them no
better - than it found them as regards the
moral question of slavery. Both sides have had a
grand chance and a glorious opportunity, and both
have missed it through obstinacy or indifference.
The North might have abolished slavery at home
and at the same time have allowed the South to
secede, while the South has lost a still better means
of establishing a separate and solid empire. Why
not have gradually set the slaves free, thus com-
bining the alvantages of caution with the benefit
of principle ? Then the world would have applauded
its consideration as much as they now admire its

Mr. ADDERLEY gave notice that on Taesday next
he should ask leave to bring in a bill for the better
protection of her Majesty's subjects from violence.
Mr. M'MAsox moved the second reading of the
Salmon Fisheries (Ireland) Bill, to assimilate the
law of Ireland to that of England.
Mr. MAGUIRE seconded the motion.
Mr. BUTT moved an amendment to the effect that
any legislation on the subject ought to be preceded
by a full inquiry.
_ _ _

Colonel WHITE seconded the amendment.

spirit. Unhappily, the prejudices of men have
come in to spoil again, as they have so often done
before, the many mighty and meritorious actions
that were so easy to accomplish and so advanta-
geous when accomplished. President LINCOLN
has not fulfilled the high expectations of his friends,
neither has he been able to discomfit his enemies.
His tenure of office has been overcast and dismal,
nor can anyone hold out a more cheering
prospect for the remaining term of his
power. History will not give a bright place to the
record of his reign. The fabric of the Constitution
has been shaken to its foundation. The grand
home of the Anglo-Saxon race in the New World
has been shorn of its glory, and what was once thought
the refuge of freedom has turned out to be the
nursery of slaves. The independent spirit that
fired the warrior of Bunker's Hill had departed
when the fight of Bull's Run took place, and the
philosopher of progress, in reviewing the transac-
tions might well exclaim " How are the mighty
fallen." The great republic has neither wisdom in
its councils nor valour in its soldiers; the majesty
of its creation has melted into tradition ; the
America of WASHINGTON has vanished for ever.
Mr. DISRAELI observed the other night, in the
House, that when this war was over we should find
the America of oar fathers had given place to a
State totally different. This is very likely to prove
the case. Such an eventful period as that which
our transatlantic brethren are now passing through
cannot leave them as it found them. Much must be
changed, old associations will be violently rooted up,
new ones, before inimical to their feelings, will
assuredly have taken root. Civil war is the last
desperate remedy of a nation ; how sad that it
should be tried in an existence so full of
promise as that of the United States. Its
gains are almost always more than com-
pensated for by its losses. The angry
feelings engendered take more than a generation
to efface them, and the bonds of union that united
various branches of a state into one harmonious
whole once ruptured are not easily knit together
again. President LINCOLN has a beau dire, as the
French say, with his facts and his flourishes, but
this generation will not see the end of the harm he
has done; and history has a sad page to hand down
to posterity in juxtaposition with the grand era of
the American Independence; this record of their
passions and prejudices, spoiling their own design
and overthrowing their own foundations. They
have furnished a better satire on Republics than any
despot could have launched into, and this will be a
great grievance to them to think upon when they have
time and leisure to do so. Mr. BRIGHT had hardly re-
covered from the frantic exertions he had made 'in
endeavouring to bring us to copy the Arlerican
institutions when the existence of those,-institutions
were in peril. We were told of ti:
-.15 advantages of
the Republic, and the RePu by
_Anus could not agree
as to what were their ri-
ghts or wrongs. It is a
warning to the pride sa
aelf-sufficiency of men to
when least expected. The
capture falls from internal
couldarise w
n
mark how delnegme -;
citadel no
disseludons. The house divided against itself can-
not stand, neither can any nation long endure the
terrible visitation of civil war without sapping its
foundations, and shedding the life-blood of its
existence.

Mr. LONGFIELD strongly opposed the amend-
xnent, and censured the Act of 1842, which he said
debarred the public from their rights, and deprived
thousands of honest fishermen of their livelihood.
The people of Ireland wanted to have the rights of
all parties clearly defined, The bill before the
house did not infringe the rights of property, and
he hoped it would be assented to.
Mr. HASSARD hoped the matter would be referred
to a commission or a committee.

Mr. SMITH thought that if the present mode of
fishing were persisted in the result would be the
extinction of salmon fishing.
Mr. HODSON spoke to the same effect.
Mr. MONSELL considered it very desirable that
an end should be put to the present disputes, and
thought the Government should take up the
matter.

Colonel DUNNE urged the house to pass the mea-
sure if they wished to preserve any fishery at all in
Ireland.
Sir R. PEEL, after commenting on the different
points of the question, expressed his readiness to
bring in a bill giving greater powers to the com-
missioners to open gaps and remove obstructions in
the rivers, with powers to make the owners of weirs
pay for them. He proposed to open all gaps for 36
hours instead of 24, to limit the projection of the
nets to the low water of the neap tides instead of
the spring tides, to limit the projection ofjbag nets
to one, to make the license tax proportionate to the
profit of the weir, and increase the penalties for in-
fringing the law. At the same time he thought it
only fair to allow the present bill a second reading..'
Mr. HERBERT heard the statement of the Irish
Secretary with satisfaction.
After some observations from Mr. Gore and Mr.
George,
Mr. M`MAHON declared he would accept no ann.

promise.
The amendment being withdrawn, the bill was
then read a second time.
The Drainage of Land Bill was then read a second

time.
The report on Supply was brought up and
agreed to.
Mr. NEWDEGATE obtained leave to bring in a bill
for the commutation of church rates.
Lord RAYNHAM obtained leave to bring in a bill
for the better prevention of aggravated assaults on
women and children.

A new writ was ordered for the borough, of
Lisburn, in the room of Mr. Richardson, Tea:4gned.
The house adjourned at twenty minv,res
past
four.

President LINCOLN . has addressed a letter to the
working men of Manchester, in r eply to a commu-
nication received from that body in December.
There is nothing particular
La this publication, but
all remarks from a man te
a Bo much censequence at
present, seem worthy of attention. He commences
by stating, that wYden he came to preside over the
United States he. found the country verging on a
civil war.
He considered then as now, that he had
but one paramount duty, to " Maintain and preserve
at once the constitution and integrity of the Fede-
ral Republic." What a thousand pities it is that
:President LINCOLN did not adopt better means
to accomplish this great end. He goes on to
eay that it is not always in the power of
governments to enlarge or restrict the scope of
moral results, which follow the policies that they
may deem it necessary for the public safety from
time to time to adopt." It appears, however, in
this instance, that it was peculiarly in the power
of President LINCOLN to control the moral influ-
ence of the American war. Further on he states
that 6.4 E.as been often and studiously represented
that the attempt to overthro this Government,

The subject of national education has of late
years been often brought before the public. The
questions of how far the State should interfere in
the matter, what restrictions should be put upon
Government grants, what system of instruction
should be adopted, have been discussed and debated
again and again. There is, however, one depart-
ment that is entirely under State control, and in
which unfortunately few persons are sufficiently
interested to make any troublesome interference.
Yet there is little doubt that the management of
this branch of national education is by no
means Conducted on the best principles, or
We allude to thethuep
attended with
upbringing
tisnosoafpfaaeutpcerry
children,re results,
which is open to very grave and serious evils. In
the first place, the position of a
pauper child is na-
turally a melancholy one; often separated from its
parents by death or desertion, it is dependant on the
Workhouse officials for that love and kindness with-
out which infancy and childhood are dreary indeed.
How little tenderness it receives in such a locality
may oe ',Qo uadily imagined. The depressing

moral influences have probably a disastrous effect

on the tender young life, for we learn that the

Guardians of the North Dublin Union declined to

receive some young children who were in the hands
of the police, on the ground that " it would be
nearly certain death to them." In November, 1860,

the Board of the same Union declared, in answer to

an application for the admission of two deserted

children, that in almost every case where children
under four years of age were admitted to the work-

house it proved fatal to them. It was remarked by
ADAM SMITII that in foundling hospitals, and
among the children brought up by parish chari-
ties, the morality is still greater than among those

of common people. Such are the drawbacks to the

healthy physical existence of the young in work-
houses ; their moral dangers are infinitely greater.

It is admitted that the ablebodied paupers of both

LATEST INTELLIGENCE.

[REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.]

THE WAR IN AMERICA.

NEW YORK, JAN. 31.

The _Richmond Dispatch warns the Democrats
and Conservatives of the North to dismiss from
their minds the delusion that the South will ever
consent upon any terms to re-enter the Union, and
says that if the North allowed the South to write
a constitution, and gave every guarantee, the South
would prefer the Government of England or France
to re-entering the Union.
The New York Tribune says the people want
to see the Government make war in earnest. If
they cannot make war, or if they make war and
fail, and shall therefore be satisfied that the struggle
is hopeless, people will next wish to ascertain if the
Government is equally incapable of making peace.

sexes are principally composed of the idle,
vicious, and dissolute. Are such the fitting
associates for innocent and susceptible childhood ?
Mr. TUFNELL says on this subject,—" The atmos-
phere of a workhouse that contains adult paupers
is tainted with vice; no one, who regards the
future happiness of the children, would wish them
to be educated within its precincts." Mr. SENIOR,
one of the Irish Poor Law Commissioners, adds his
testimony as to the certainty of contamination to the
boys, if they are employed on workhouse lands, or
in any other way among the adult inmates; and
he asserts the difficulty to be still greater with re-
gard to the girls, whose chance of going to service
depends on their knowledge of household matters,
which they must acquire in company with females
of bad character. Added to this evidence, we have
the emphatic declaration of the report, signed by
Sir J. G. SHAW LEFETRE, Sir G. NICHOLLS, and
Sir G. CORNEWALL LEWIS, that a workhouse can
not, with the greatest attention to classification,
be made a place in which young girls can
he removed from the chances of corruption!'
Whether all is done that might be done in the way
of classification rany very fairly be doubted, but
the fact remains that under the most favourable
auspices the workhouse is a very undesirable home
for the young of either sex, but most especially so
for girls. We remember reading in the report of
a workhouse chaplain some time since his descrip-
tion of the change that came over girls when re-
moved from among the children to the adult ward.
In the short space of one week there was, he said,
a perceptible difference in their manner, and no
wonder, for at that most susceptible age, unfortified
by previous moral training, unprotected by the shel-
tering influences of family affection, they are sud-
denly associated with some of the most hardened
and vicious, if not the most criminal of their sex.
Girls, who in another class of life would have been
guarded by parents and teachers from the faintest
whisper of evil, are suddenly condemned to hear
all kinds of bad language as the common conver-
sation round them. Boys are trained in habits of
precocious evil and thriftless idleness, while the
instruction they receive from the paid officials is
often of a very low order. What wonder that under
such a system our prisons are never empty. What
wonder that crime shows no perceptible decrease in
spite of school, and refuge, and reformatory ? Are
we not pulling down with one hand what we
build up with the other ? Where is the use of
private charity and individual exertion establishing
reformatories for the youthful companions of thieves
and vagrants, if the children brought up under
the auspices of the State are forced to associate
with those very characters? A. very able paper,
read at the Social Science Meeting, 1861, and re-
printed in the current number of the Journal of
the Workhouse Visiting Society, discusses this
question in its Irish aspect. The writer observes—
" The emoluments of a workhouse teacher are not
such as to draw the superior class of teachers
away from the free life of the ordinary national
school ; the well conducted and skilful tradesman
will not submit to the restraints of workhouse dis-
cipline for the stipend there allowed for the instruc-
tion of pauper children in trades ; in fine, no provi-
sion is made at the model agricultural schools
for the instruction as skilled labourers of the class
from whom the farm workmen of the country dis-
tricts should be drawn." Again, the same author
says—" The massing together of large numbers is
not conducive to morality; individual character
cannot be watched over among so many, and the
superintendence must be too limited to allow of care
being directed to developing good qualities and
restraining ' evil propensities." Various schemes
have been suggested for the amelioration of these
evils, among them the establishment of orphanages,
who place the children in humble fnmilies, thus
securing the inestimable advantages of family
training. Two of these in the sister kingdom, one a
Catholic and the other a Protestant society, appear to
have worked with great success. With regard to the
disposal of the growing boys and girls, the ease is
still more difficult. One of the best means of pro,
viding fer the girls seems to be the mode suggested
by the indefatigable paupers friend, Miss TWINING,
by the establishment of an Industrial Home in con-
nection with the Workhouse, where young girls
are trained for the various departments of domestic
service or nursing ; suitable places are found for
them, and a superyision is kept up for some time.
In too many cases the putting them out to work is
only the change front one evil to another. The
hardships of parish apprentices having been, unfor-
tunately, too often 'afore the public. The guardians
with a view 'co the practice of that economy which
they . ank first among the virtues, are generally too
glad to get rid of the expense of their helpless
charges to inquire very closely into the temper or
habits of the taskmaster to whom they aro assigned.
Englishmen are not generally consideded a nig-
gardly race; the readiness and indiscriminateness of
their almsgiving has sometimes incensed political
economists, and their lavish expenditure in every
public matter is proverbial. Their care for the
orphan and the destitute is testified by many an
asylum and refuge. The value they set on a sound
education is shown by many a public and charitable
school. How is it, then, that at the door of the
Workhouse all these qualities are suddenly
reversed, that in place of the open hand
we have the careful parsimony that shrinks
from the needless outlay of a sixpence, that in
every question of health, education, or morals, the
expense is the first thought. Truly, the intelligent
foreigner, if he read a few of the Admiralty esti-
mates, might question the necessity of sacrificing
health and morals to save a few pounds a year.
There is room for the reformer to work in this
quarter, else, while Royal Commissioners and com-
mittees are pondering over the relative claims of
rival systems and regulating the due preponderance
of opposing sects, it may chance to be said of
Christian England that she is bringing up a large
proportion of her children with virtually neither
creed nor knowledge,

The New York Herald and the 7snzes favour the
continuance of the war until the Union is restored.

ARRIVAL OF THE BANG AROO.

QUEENSTOWN, FEB. 12.

The Inman steamer Kangaroo, from New
York on the 31st ult. has arrived here with
the mails, 900,000 dols. in specie and 50 pas-
sengers. She has heard nothing of the China.

FRANCE.

PARIS, FEB. 12.

The Pays is delighted with the speech of M.
Billault. It states that he surpassed himself on
this recent occasion, and that the legislative body
can now entertain no doubt as to whist are the sen-
timents of France towards Turin and Rome. His
magnificent speech has dissipated the clouds of
doubt and obscurity which enveloped the minds of
some, and from henceforth all anxieties must cease
on this point. The language of France has
always been the same to Rome and to
Turin. She has always maintained that she
will not sacrifice the independence of Italy
to the Sovereign Pontiff, an' at the same time
asserted that neither will she sacrifice the indepen-
dence of the Sovereign Pontiff to Italy. In one
word, the opinion of France is, that the Kingdom
of Italy ought to organise itself without Rome for
its capital, and that the patrimony of St. Peter
should suffice to constitute a sovereignty that would
assure the independence of the Holy See.
The Siecle contains a communication recently
received from the Minister of the Interior, which
states that " certain journals, and especially the
Sieele, have raised objections against the notifica-
tion published by the Moniteur, which nothing can
justify. After a long dissertation on the subject, it
concludes by remarking that the Administration,
instead of bringing those questions before a tribunal,
wished to give the journals a benevolent warning,
which the spirit of party has made them mis-
represent.

BOURSE, Feb. 11.—The market continues ani-
mated, but without any further advance in prices.
Threes, for the Account, are now at 70f. The.
Railway Share Market rather heavy, but prices not
materially altered. Sales for realisation caused a
retrograde movement previous to the close, and the
the market closed as follows :

4t per Cents .. 99
Do. mad month....
3 per Cents
Do. end month 7O 50

New 3PeiCells..
Do. end month....

Credit Mobilier:::: 1230
Do, end m0nth....1235

Bank Shares 3400 --
Credit 1 oncier l5lO
Piedmontess Fives
Italian Loan 7l
Russian
Austrian
Spanish Threes —
Rome Debt ..

RAIL'

Orleans
Northern
New ditto ..
Lyons and Mediterraneal

Cash. Account.
1112 50 .. 1112 50
1036 25 .. 1035

1187 50 .. 1193 75

THE THRONE OF GREECE.

There is no truth in the latest rumour with re-
spect to the Greek Crown. Prince 'Louis of Hesse
is not a candidate, nor is there the remotest prospect
of his becoming one.
We believe we are quite justified in saying that,
as yet, no progress has been made towards the solu-
tion of the difficulty which still puzzles the states-
men of Europe. The ascertained facts are that
Prince Alfred and the Duke de Leuchtenberg are
excluded, and that the Duke of Saxe-Coburg and
the Prince of Leiningen have declined. There re-
main in the " Almanach de Gotha" a number of
names from which it may or may not be possi-
ble to select a prince. There are the Princes of
Baden—of these Prince William, the next brother
to the reigning duke, is about to marry a sister of
the Duke de Leuchtenberg, which in itself raises a
strong disqualification. Then there is Prince Charles,
of whom, however, little or nothing is known either
as to his capacity or disposition. The Archduke
Maximilian would no doubt make a most excellent
king, but it is understood that he would, as an Aus-
trian and Catholic, be little likely to prove accepta-
ble to the Greeks. Prince Nicholas of Nassau is
also a person of whose ability and general fitness
report speaks highly, but it is supposed, not with-
out good grounds, that by some of the Powers he
would not be well received as a candidate. There
have been one or two other names mentioned, but
they are those of princes on whom we could hardly
look with any favour, and indeed of whom it might
be safely premised that, in the event of their elec-
tion, we should not feel justified in ceding the
lonian Islands to their rule. Thus, then, unfortu-
nately, the question is hung up. The Greeks will
learn from unpleasant experience that it is far easier
to unmake a King than to make one. They them-
selves, after their first and unanimous choice of
Prince Alfred, cannot tell where to look. They know
little or nothing of the Princes of Europe; and, as
in the case of the Duke of Coburg, are much dis-
posed to adopt any good candidate that may be
suggested to them. But their friends now seem as
much at a nonplus as the most unsophisticated shep-
herd of Arcadia. In this state of things, it can only
be recommended to the Greeks to wait for the pre-
sent, and to evince by their peaceable conduct, under
circumstances which all admit to be of a trying de-
scription, how much they are worthy of the interest
and consideration with which they thus inspire the
Great Powers.—Morning Post.

ST. JAMES'S HALL.

CONCERT OF NATIONAL MELODIES.
The seventh entertainment of the series pro-
jected by this very agreeable enterprise was given
at these rooms last evening, and again formed an
attraction that crowded them in every part. This
is partly to be explained, however, by the fact that
Signor Giuglini was again the feature—being hie
last appearance in London previous to his departure
for Vienna. The other singers were Miss Banks,
Miss Saunders, and Mde. Lemaire. The choir were
again very successful in their rendering of " Scots
wha hae" and "Auld lang sync," arranged by Mr.
Martin, as well as in "The march of the men
of Harlech"—the patriotic air of Wales—
which is worthy to rank with that of
Scotland, and was so well given as to be encored.
Their delivery of prayer from " Mose in Egitto,"
and of the chorus in the " Trovatore," was also full
of depth and feeling. Miss Banks was very charm-
ing in the " Last rove of summer," and the ballad
from the " Lily of Killarney," "In my wild
mountain valley." Miss Saunders was not
less successful in " Auld Robin Gray," which
she sling with exceeding sweetness. Madame
Lemaire was very pleasing in the pathos of
" Kathleen Mavourneen," and not less in the bril-
liancy of "Non pin Mesta," whilst the instrumenta-
tion of the evening lay in a morceau fantastique,
upon the Carnival of Venice, arranged and payed
by Mr. Frederick Chatterton ; and " a grand coro-
nation duet for harp and piano," composed by
Bochsa, arid performed by Mr. W. Layland and
Herr Wilhelms Ganz. The feature of the night,
however, as we have said, was Signor Gniglini, whowas again in superb voice, and sung his r
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rHE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 12, 1863