The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-25 00:00:00

would not be only geographically moral, as it is now—moral
in Europe, where immorality would be dangerous, but very
immoral at the east of the Cape of Good Hope, where immo-
rality is believed to be safe. If we could appeal to a majo-
rity of the people of England having votes for Parliament,
I believe they would condemn with an almost unanimous
voice the errors and crimes which the power of England is
constantly committing and is now engaged in in the Eastern
Seas. (Cheers.) If that were so, your £70,000,000 of taxes
might very well be reduced by many millions. Those
articles which the great body of the people consume so
much of, and which are heavily taxed, would come to them
much cheaper, and every million left at home and spent at
home, and every million now wasted, would be employed in
some profitable industry which would give increased em-
ployment because of the greater demand for labour, and give
higher wages and a more independent position to the work-
ing man in every part of the kingdom. (Hear, hear.) I bear
a great deal about the excellence of our institutions, We
are taught to thank God that we are not—you recollect who
did that—as other men are. We alter his exclamation and
say, "Not even as this republican." (Laughter and cheers.)
I have heard a very intelligent man say, who looked with
a pretty impartial eye at what was doing with regard to
some of the English institutions, " The rich enjoy them
and the poor endure them." (Cheers.) I confess I care
very little for institutions or constitutions which look only
at the rich and great, which neglect or stand in terror of the
great mass of the people. I disbelieve in efforts, however
full of benevolence and individual excellence, which aim to
raise the people by private or public charity. To me it ap-
pears that the largest donations of the rich afford but a tem-
porary and almost momentary relief to the poor, and as it is
said that no man can redeem his brother or give to God a
ransom for him, so I believe that no class can raise or save
another class but by freedom and justice, and that the work-
ing men of England will never stand on their rightful
ground until they are invested with the powers and with
the dignity of citizenship, for
"'Tits Jehovah's plan
That only manhood ever wakes a man."
I think we all have a right to complain that on this ques •
tion of the political rights of the people we have been be-
trayed. (Cheers.) If I were disposed to be angry at the
distance of three years time, I might say we suffered some-
thing very much like an insult, and if you were to turn back
now and refer to the language of the debate when that bill
was being discussed in the House of Commons, you would
agree with me in saying that the tone of some of the speakers
was so insulting—mostly on the other side of the house—
that in times of great excitement it might have been held to
be little less than revolutionary. Now, is there a moral law
for statesmen and administrations? Because if there be I sus-
pect some penalty will have to be exacted for this betrayal.
The Whig party is admitted by its confidential friends and
warmest admirers to be in a sickly state. It is an enfeebled
and sickly party, and a political party which is enfeebled
and sickly does not go long in that position without being
despised. (Applause.) Look at the recent elections. If a
man goes down to offer himself to a constituency with spe-
cial recommendations from the Prima Minister, and is
proved to demonstration to be a most remarkable statesman
by the press of the Prime Minister, he is nearly sure to be
rejected. The constituencies are getting tired of shams—
and I know it for a fact that in many constituencies some
of the most earnest and excellent men who have fought the
good fight of many previous contests are so shocked and
disgusted with the course taken by the Government, parti-
cularly with regard to this great question of reform, that
they come to any new contest with a languishing zeal, or
stay at home and won't take the trouble to ascertain who is
about to be returned. When a party gets into that condi-
tion you must be sure their end is not far off ; and I am
afraid this Government now remains in power chiefly by
the toleration of a section of the Tories who don't happen to
like the only men among them who can be of any great ser-
vice to them in the House of Commons- When the break-
up comes we shall be handed over, I presume, to the
ancient and avowed foes of freedom, till the Liberal party
is purified by a prolonged and deserved humiliation. (Uud
cheers.) lam afraid that some of you who hope for better
things will say that I have drawn but a very unpleasant
picture of the state of affairs, not at all consistent with the
advantages held in such great admiration in Downing-street;
but if this picture be a gloomy one I think there is a light
beyond the gloom—(hear)—though our laws are the same,
though Parliament is elected exactly as it has been lot the
last 30 years, notwithstanding this opinion will bavc become
so powerful, that at the occurrence of the first accident it
will demand to be established by Parliament and by law.
The right is conceded. Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli, Lord
Palmerston himself and Earl Russell—all have conceded
that it is necessary that there should be an extension of the
franchise to some considerable portion of the people who are
now unonfranchised, and if this be admitted by the universal
voice of Parliament, then I am quite sure that there will
come some accident before long which will make that which
is now only a hope, a reality to us. (Cheers.) But there
is one point of this question to which I must refer before I
sit down, and that is, that the enemies of popular right and
power have been pointing to the dreadful proof which is
afforded in America, that an extended suffrage is a thing to
be shunned as the most calamitous thing possible to a
country. I won't refer to the speeches that have dwelt with
this question in this manner, or to newspapers which have
so treated it. I believe now that a great many people in
this country are beginning to see that those who have been
misleading them for the last two or three years have been
profoundly dishonest or profoundly ignorant. (Cheers.) It
I am to give my opinion upon it I should say that which
has taken place in America within the last three years
affords the most triumphant answer to charges of this kind.
Let us see the Government of the United States. I might
say a good deal in favour of it in the South even, but we
will speak of the free States. In the North they have a
suffrage which is almost what here would be called a man-
hood suffrage; there are frequent elections, vote by ballot,
and 10,000, 20,000, and 100,000 persons vote at an election.
Will anybody deny that the Government at Washington
as regards its own people is the strongest Government in
the world at this hour ? (Cheers) And for this simple
reason, because it is based on the will, and the good will,
of an instructed people. (Cheers.) Look at its power I I am
not now discussing why it is, or the cause which is develop-
ing this power; but power is the thing which men regard
in these old countries, and which they ascribe mainly to
European institutions; but look at the power which the
United States have developed I They have brought men
into the field, they have built more ships for their navy,
they have shown greater resources than any nation in Europe
at this moment is capable of. Look at the order which has
prevailed at their elections,at which as you see by the papers,
50,000 or 100,000, or 250,000 persons voting in a given
State, with less disorder than you have seen lately in
three of the smallest boroughs in England—Barnstaple,
Windsor, and Andover. (Laughter and cheers.) Look at
their industry. Notwithstanding this terrific struggle,
their agriculture, their manufactures, and commerce pro-
ceed with en uninterrupted success. They are ruled by a
president chosen, it is true, not from some worn-out royal
or noble blood, but from the people, and the one whose
truthfulness and spotless honour have claimed him univer-
sal praise, and now the country that has been vilified through
half the organs of the press in England during the last three
years, and was pointed out too as an example to be shunned
by many of your statesmen, that country, now in mortal
strife, affords a haven and a home for multitudes flying from
the burdens and the neglect of the old Governments of
Europe--(cheers)—and when this mortal strife is over—
when peace is restored, when slavery is destroyed, when the
Union is cemented afresh, for I would say in the language
of one of our own poets addressing his country,
I' The grave's not dug where traitor hands shall lay,
In fearful haste, thy murdered corse away"

—(loud cheers)—then Europe and England may learn that
an instructed democracy is the surest foundation of govern-
ment, and that education and freedom are the only sources
of true greatness and true happiness among any people.
(Immense cheering.)
A vote of thanks to the mayor, presiding, closed the pro-
ceedings.

A SCOTTISH MUSICIAN AMONG THE JAPANESE.
—A letter from Yokohama, dated Sept. 11, says :
" Mr. Marquis Chisholm, musical artiste, a native of Glas-
gow, arrived here from China a few weeks ago, and is
giving concerts, attended with great success. Mr. Chisholm
is the first musical artiste who has visited this remote part
of the world, and the astonishment of the community, both
native and foreign, was somewhat wonderful at the an-
nouncement of a series of concerts about to be given,
at a time when no European dare safely venture
out at night unless armed to the teeth. At Nagasaki Mr.
Chieholm performed before an audience of Japanese
alone, amongst whom were several of Prince Satsuma's
officers, who scarce eight days before fought at the battle
of Kagosima. The artiste did all he could to catch the
humour of his peculiar audience, but German, Itali an,
French, English, Scotch, and Irish music, grave andl ngatyh,
they listened to with the greatest indifference, and at ening.i_
made the following communication to the crest-f
cian in pigeon English :—' Coolie (serva.nt).
(fetch) one placie (one) sing-song girl (singsiinnog. I)
gsong.' This
song girl come, makie muchie more better c :la a in; n.c ast ci
ng hie.
an imitation of
there proceeded from his largo hi.tnrlng
was Mr Chisholm's cue to his great sunceneisusni, for next moment
girls—and every girl
in Japan is a
.singing girl-7
the wild shrill notes of t.hese sidngtki
he rude accompaniment c,f
eleetrifie tonand listened to the per-
timoThers were at Tess
1 atten; after which several of
little, wiry, three-stringed so real that the
their'
demanded that the instrument be dissected,
complied with on the part of our clever
revealed to them, a request which
finding ntohtahtianfgtetroawnaorurarnfrtitehnectir, susp, i-
fatohnredrantAnhurneepheaidlyith_nbinrieraystery
was good-nature
4' and at late hourßas a
a sent a
countrymati, when, -r_ %nese instrument concealed inside,
cion ot their being a ..,.
they
realnlus'escort to see him to his re,:dence in the English
carne.c
itaon tdheevi
l fconclusionromt'-
the
wee.; .
militarysettlement unmolested.
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