The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-18 00:00:00

MONEY MARKET.

The circumstances connected with the temporary stop-
page of Esdaile's bank have been the subject of general
conversation to-day (Tuesday) all over the city, and ex-
planations have been on all sides very freely afforded. The
true situation of the house was, it appears, disclosed at the
clearing on Saturday, and it would not have commenced
business at all on Monday morning had not such communi-
cations been made as left the partners in no doubt that ,as-
sistance to the extent required would be furnished by the
Bank of England. How the misapprehension arose has
not been very clearly explained, but if the directors were
not sufficiently explicit on so very important a subject, it is
a great reproach to them ; and the partners of Esdaile's
bank, on the other hand, to whom it was still more im-
portant, are still more culpable if they proceeded upon
false or mistaken grounds. Such, however, are the
charges which are mutually made by the parties against
each other, and it is material to the public that this
point should be hereafter cleared up, for the sake
especially of the character of the administration of the
Bank of England. This mistake, however, had the effect
of bringing forward the other private bankers to the as-
sistance of Esdaile's house, who no doubt had satisfied
themselves of its ultimate solvency, who thought also that
its stoppage would prove a great evil to the monied inte-
rest, and that the Bank had acted harshly in refusing the
assistance required on this occasion. The judgment of
the different parties could not, it is clear, be both right ;
and the principle may, perhaps, become a questionable
one hereafter, on which such assistance is given. Some
of the bankers decidedly objected to take any part in it.
Allowing, as we believe to be the case, that there is full protec-
tion in this instance, it is naturally asked by the lookers-on
how far it is to carry them, and whether it is to extend to
all cases of a similar kind. The extent of the assistance
given is said in the whole to be '240,000/., but the accounts
differ as to the sum furnished by the private bankers, some
stating it at the entire amount, and others at 140,000/., the
rest being furnished by the Bank of England. That it
was fully effectual for the purpose was apparent this
morning, the public statement of the difficulties of the
house having caused a most extensive run upon it,
which could only have been met by very powerful re-
sources. It is fully understood, that in consequence of what
has occurred the affairs of the house are to be wound up,
and the business to cease ; in fact, its numerous connec-
tions with country banks, which were nearly the largest of
any house in London, being about seventy in number, are
said to have been already distributed among other banking-
houses in the city, and three gentlemen have been selected
to superintend the final arrangements. 'I.. bere cannot he
any doubt under these circumstances of the payment in
full of all demands upon them, and it has been further con-
fidently stated by persons acquainted with the affairs, that a
large surplus will'afterwards remain for the partners. This,
however, can only be fully ascertained after a more com-
plete inquiry than is practicable at first can have been insti-
tuted.—Times.

FREEMASONRY.—PETERBOROUGII, JAN, 14... E
The Brethren in this city were convened by special sum-
monses to assemble on this day, at the Masonic Hall,
contiguous to the Windmill Inn, to receive Br. Dr. Cru-
cifix, the J.D.G. of England, who had been directed by his
Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, 111.W.G./11., to con-
stitute them as a lodge by his warrant, bearing date
December 19, 1836, and numbered 646 on the Registry
of England. Brother Crucifix, after the invocation and prayer,
addressed the Ledge, earnestly imploring them to maintain
and uphold the principles of the craft. lie then installed as
the first Master, Brother Thomas Ewart, according to an-
cient form. The brethren adjourned for a short time to the
Talbot Inn (in consequence of the death of the landlady of
the Windmill Inn, which took place only a few hours be-
fore the meetin), and returned to the Hall for the purpose
of initiating a new member. It is needless to state that
the ceremony was performed with all due regard to the
strictest regulations, and the brethren testified their grati-
tude to the worthy brother who had left London for the
purpose of constituting them as a Lodge, by the presents;
tion of an address to him, couched in very appropriate terms.
We hail the establishment of the Lodge as anticipatory of
the appointment of some leading member of the Society
as Provincial Grand Master.

The Duke and Duchess of Somerset have arrived at
Stover, from a tour in the North. Her Grace has been
placed in mourning by the death of her brother, Sir Michael
Shaw Stewart, Bart.

From inquiries that were made at Covent-garden
Theatre yesterday respecting the accident that occurred
on Friday night last to Madame Irvine, it appears she still
remains in a serious state. The height that the unfortunate
woman was precipitated was at least 20 feet.
Lord Longford, who has been on a visit to Colonel
Conelly at Castleton, has arrived at l'akenham Hall,
Sir G. Warrender has arrived in Albemarle-street,
from his seat, Lochend, Scotland.

Baron Bulow, the Prussian Minister, is expected to
arrive at Mivart's Hotel, on Friday, from Berlin.

THE FUNDS.-CLOSING PRICES.

BRITISH FUNDS.
Bank Stock .10 Omiii.itti
3 per Cent Red 9l7i India Stock ............, ........ .. 200
3.per Cent Cola-
,) !q, Ditto Ronds..... ......... lslm.
3% per Cent. lOO South Sea Stack
3% per Cent Rei1............. ...... 9904 Ditto Old Annuities
New al, per Cent y9% Ditto New Annuitics•
$ per Cent. Assented — Ex. Bill., tuniii .31. .. 23 pm
Dissented — Ditto 500/ •.,3 pm.
Long Annuities to expire Ditto tost/ 23 pin.
Jas. 1830 L..,
.•:..16 Bank Stock for Opg.
Oct !MO _ lama Stock no Act. ............ 91,4
Jan. IWO 145 Consols for Act.
FOREIGN FUNDS.
Austrian, 5 per cent — Ikntuguese Bonds, 5 per cent. 73
Belgian, 5 per cent lo'2 Ditto, New Ditto 514
Brazilian Bonds .,.. 27 Prussian, 5 per cent.
Buenos Ayres, 6 per cant...... Rwsituu Bmds, 5 per cent
Chilian, 6 per cent — Ditto, Metallic
Colombian 6 per cent. — Spanish, 5 pet cent —
Ditto, !Ka
I Danish, 3 per cent — French, 5 per cent ...... ... —f. —c.
Greek Bonds, 162.5.5 per cent — Exchange —l —c
Mexican, 5 per cent. — ' lunch, 3 per cent I. c.
Ditto, 6 per cent., 18'25' ....... 25% Dutch, 2i per cent. f;s
Peruvian, 18'25, 6 per cent.... , Ditto. 5 per cent. ........ ....... 10:11,i
SHAIIES.
Eastern Counties Railway
Great Western Railway 45
London and Brighton Railway (Rennie's)
London and Blackwall Railway 1 „
London and Greenwich Railway ... '2O
Manchester and Leeds Railway
No other variations in the Prices of Shares since our One o clock

List.

GRAND REFORM DINNERS AT BIR-
MINGHAM.

On Monday last, the members of the Birmingham Re-

form Association mustered in considerable numbers at forty-
six different convivial meetings. The principal dinner took
place at Mr. Cresswell's Room, in the Old-square, where
about 130 gentlemen were present.
HENRY MUNTZ, Esq., presided ; supported on his right
by Thomas Attwood, Esq., M. P., A rseott Molestvortle
Esq., G. F. Minns, Esq., and Benjamin Hadley. Esq.
On his left sat Joshua Scholefield, Esq , M.P., Sir William
Molesworth, Bart., M.P., William Boulthee, Esq., John
Betts, Esq., I). Wakefield, Esq, Amongst those present
were William Wills, Esq., George Attwood, Esq., Thomas
Bolton, Esq., Thomas Cletves, Esq., John Merrideth, Esq.,
M. Perkins, Esq., &c.
Over the head of the Chairman waved several elegant
banners, and others of a like chaste description were
sus-
pended in various pat is of the room.
The cloth having been removed, the CHAIRMAN said
before proceeding to the business of the evening he thought
it due those gentlemen present, who were not residt nts in
Birmingham, to state, that they should not have In d heir
meeting in that small room, had it not been for the alt ra-
tions of the Town Hall, which would deprive the le bli ; of
the use of that edifice for some time to come. He co dd
state, however, that there were 1,750 good men and true, upon
whom they could rely, and who entertained the sante opinions,
dining at the same hour as themselves. Without they had
adopted that plan, they must have abandoned the festival
altogether, and he would leave it to the company whether or
not they had adopted the better course. He would then
proceed to give that, which ought to be the first toast drunk
by all true Reformers ; it was a toast which had invariably
been given at the meetings of that Association ; he meant
" The People."—(Cheers.) He would not attempt to
discuss then the question of the Monarchy ; but would
leave them to judge whether the King could do without
the people, or the people without the King.—(Tremendous
applause.) They had before now an example in the
United States of what a country could do without a King,
and until lately they had the example of Charles the Tenth I
without, a people.—( Hear, hear.) He begged them to I
drink" The People," with three times three.
The CHAIRMAN next gave " The Chief Magistrate of the
People--the King." They had upon the throne now a
Monarch who had less faults than any of his predecessors ;
who, bred under Tory despotism, in the Court of George
the Third, had done more good than could possibly have
been expected from him. There was a light dawning upon
them ; for there were reports (he did not say they were
true) that his Majesty had said, so convinced was he that
further reform was necessary, that any reform, calculated
to promote the general welfare and interest of the country
should have his cordial support. He begged them to drink
" The King."—(Three times three.)
The CHAIRMAN next gave " The Princess Victoria ;"
which was drunk with the usual honours.
The CHAIRMAN requested each gentleman to fill his
glass. The toast he was about to introduce to their notice
was one which had ever been received in Birmingham with
that enthusiasm which ought to mark the reception of a
similar toast in any town of which the representatives did
their duty. There was no scarcity of Members of Parlia-
ment ; there were 658 in the House of Commons, but there
was a dire scarcity of good ones—some trading for their own
interests, others for the interest of a party, and others who
did not know what to do. They had, fortunately, sent from
the town of Birmingham men who would calmly deliberate
upon all questions, and hear both sides—two men who had
never flinched from their duty—and whose votes could al-
ways be calculated upon where the interests of the people
were concerned.--(Cheers.) He gave the healths of
Thomas Attwood, Esq., and Joshua Scholefield, Esq., the
. Members for the Borough, with three times three.
The toast was drunk with every demonstration of ap-
plause ; after which,
Mr. ATTWOOD rose, and returned thanks. He thanked
them most sincerely for the undeserved honour which they
had conferred upon him, on that and many similar occasions.
It was true that he, and his excellent friend Mr. Scholefield,
had fought the battles of the people, and they had been told
they had fought them faithfully—they had at least fought
them without fear—without brandisement ; and, undoubtedly,
they had done their duty, although he regretted they were
unable, however desirous they might be, to effect more.
They had at least done all within their power, but they had
to deal with most impracticable materials. In tie better
days of Sir Francis I3urdett, and in the worst days of the
House of Commons, that assemby was described by him as
a " bad place ;" but in the worst days of Sir Francis Bur-
dett, and the better days of the House of Commons, that
gentleman had told them it was a " queer place—he did
not know what to make of it." It was true they had got
658 members, with none of whom they could individually
find fault ; but they were obstinately bent, collectively-,
either in promoting their own interests, or those of the
Ministers or the Opposition ; but very few were found
fighting the battles of the people. He could not help no-
ticing that circumstance when he knew how the people of
England bad suffered for 20 years before they had achieved
the victory of Reform. The late Parliament was gone,
and he thanked God for it ; for among the number of 200
who had been sent to Parlament as the friends of justice
and humanity, they were, after passing the Irish Coercion
Bill, the Poor Law Amendment. Act, and discussing the
questions of the Dorchester labourers, the Hempstead
labourers, the Calthorpe-street Jury contaminated, and
the vengeance of the people drawn down upon them,
and they were sent back to their constituents with all
their blushing honours thick upon them.—(Cheers.) There
were among them, then, some few false friends of the
people ; independent of' which they had opposed to them
nine-tenths of the gentry, the whole of the clergy, four'
fifths of the liberal professions, who considered not for one
moment the love of the people. They pursued their
career of crime, shame, and degradation, and the Tories
were cashiered. The new parliament then assembled, and
their opponents, puffed up with worldly pride, told them that
their majority of 200 was reduced to seven ; then they
talked of re-action ; but he at that time told them that
they misunderstood themselves, that shame and degrada-
tion would lighten on their heads, and that the same spirit
was abroad which manifested itself during the struggles for
Reform ; in spite of the meetings at Lichfield House and
all the efforts of the Tories, the Peel. Administration was
dismissed by a house which they themselves had sum-
moned. They were now a better Parliament, but he was
afraid that Ministers only sought to keep their places, to
give nothing to the people, and to keep out the Tories ; so ,
did he wish to keep out the Tories, but still he wished to
give the people just measures, and he thought they had
been trifled with too long ; that Ministers had been laying
at tweedle dee and tweedle dum until it was difficpult to
make a distinction. Lord Melbourne was the best of the
lot, notwithstanding he was not so brave and bold as a po-
litician as he (Mr. Attwood) would wish him to be. His
Lordship certainly had said many times in the House of
Lords that he would stand or fall by this or that measure,
but he had not been supported afterwards, and little had
resulted from those declarations. He should have said, I •
have been insulted once in advocating the cause of the
people, and unless full justice is done to them I will not
again take office. If he had done that, Tory, Whig, and •
Radical would all have rallied round him, and be
would have been popular throughout the whole coup-
try, notwithstanding the sort of House of Commons with
which they had to deal. They had done something, at'
though that something was very little ; they hug p.,ea a -
measure for abolishing. entirely and for ever that odious
monopoly in the East India trade. He would say nothing
relative to the slavery question, or to the corporation, not-
withstanding they were both important questions; but cer-
tainly, in reference to the latter, he might remark that they
had shrunk back affrighted and alarmed when requested to
extend to Ireland and her municipal institutions that jus-
tice which they had extended to England. The natives of
Ireland were perhaps not considered to be so fit as we Sax-
ons to be entrusted with the exercise of liberty, but there
were those who thought differently, who, having enjoyed
those blessings since the days of Alfred, were determined
to extend them to those who had never before participated
in their benefit. There ought to be a community °Heeling
between themselves as Englishmen and their counts omen in °
Ireland—but bad such been the case when an English
army had been permitted to exercise its tyrannical powers
in Ireland, in support of a church opposed to the religious
tenets of a majority of the people of that country—was
it possible that there could be any union of feeling under
those circumstances ? He thought there could not, and
that they were bound to obtain for the Irish those liber-
ties and privileges possessed by the English people. He
trusted that they would not long be compelled to contri-
bute to and support taxes enabling the English aristocracy
to crush their Irish countrymen.—(Hear, hear.) Mr.
Attwood then referred to the loudly called for reformation
of the House of Lords, and said they might recollect the
services of the pretended ancestors of the present Peers,
whom he looked upon with as much respect as he did their
old cathedrals as relics of antiquity—as records of the
grandeur of by-gone days. But he thought that when
they began to play Dummy, then some reformation was int-
peratively called for. The American writer, Franklin,
said he had examined them all and they were not capable
of drawing hurdle-carts. He did not think that they were
better as hereditary legislators now than fifty years age,
and he was of opinion, in spite of all that had been said to
the contrary, that if' the Lords were once in the hands of
the Commons they might be fairly and effectually dealt
with. They had, at the present moment, many difficulties
to contend with, and it was a hard task to devise what
course should be followed. It appeared to him that they
should give every support to the Ministry so long as they
continued to do justice to both countries. He did not wish
to press any measure before the public mind was thoroughly

p repared to receive it ; but lie did not wish that in all their
public measures they should make an advance equal to the
advance of the mind of the nation.—(Cheers.) He
knew that among Ministers themselves fair play was not al-
lowed with regard to those questions which the public had
a right to expect would he open questions; for instance,
there was the question of the ballot, which their honoured
friend, Sir William Molesworth, could more minutely detail
to them, if Ministers would let their colleagues vote upon
such questions as that, then all would be right; but instead
of that there appeared a desire to meet another and an op-
posite party. It was like a Member who met his consti-
tuents, and being requested to take a certain line of policy,
said my heart is with you ; but consider the difficulties of
the men in power, which render it impolitic to take such a
step. A representative thus pathetically appealing to his
constituents over a glass of wine, received an unlimited
carte blanche to vote which way he pleased, and that per-
mission to often enabled them to serve the interests of those
in power. Mr. A. then referred at some length to General
Jackson's Message recently delivered to Congress, and ably
combated the argument of the President of America, that
a depreciation of the currency acted most injuriously to
the working classes, either of this, country or of the United
States, and remarked that if General Jackson persisted in
• restricting the issue of notes of a less value than five pounds,
America would in fifty years from the present time 'become
a wilderness, and only fit for savages. He then went on
to say that the revolutions of America and of France had
been attributed to wrong causes ; the former was occa-
sioned by meddling with the currency—while Pitt had
represented the former as being promoted by the writings
of Voltaire and others ; but could it be supposed that any
such effect would be produced by a few pamphlets ? He
(Mr. A.) had written pamphlets himself, which he did not
hesitate to say were worth more than Voltaire's. Burke,
at the time to which he referred, was paid 2,0001. a year
for telling lies upon the subject, and that they were lies
was proved by the fact that that good man, Arthur Young,
travelled through France in 1787, four years before the
glorious fall of the Bastile, when he found that the mansions
of gentlemen in several parts of the country were conti-
nually burnt down or destroyed. He would ask whether
Voltaire's writings had found their way into those deserted
districts ? He thought not ; and it ought to be a guide to
them with regard to any measure which they might con-
template with respect to Ireland. If the people of that
country were well fed, and had a proper field for the exer-
cise of their honest labour, and no inducement in the shape
of poverty presenting itself for crime, alarming evils would
be prevented, and justice done to an injured people. He
doubted not that whatever might be the occasion, the
men of Birmingham would be prompt and decisive. It had
been said, that change was a word of ill sound to happy
ears—but when the desire for change became general, then
change was inevitable. Mr. Attwood concludei a long and
very impressive address by a brief allusion to the Rural
Police Bill and to the Poor Law Act, which, he was
of opinion, was not working so oppressively towards
the poor in the parish of Aston as in many other
. places. Great events were coming, and it required
their serious consideration whether they were to be
Lumbled and ground down by the Tories, or by preserving
unity and avoiding all expressions of and squabbling
and quarrelling, they were to be successful in the advocacy
of the cause of freedom in England. He trusted that all
things would go on mildly and amicably. But if the Tories
came into power, which was not unlikely, the feelings of
the people would be aroused, and the Ministers, being out
of power, would be more violent, and then he should have
more pleasure in shaking them by the hand and joining with
them to turn out the Tories. That once, more effected, he
could not doubt they should go on as successful as honest
men deserved. The Hon. Member sat down amidst great
cheering. •
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD then rose, and was received with ge-
neral acclamation. The Hon. Gentleman, after thanking
them most sincerely for the kind reception he had experi-
enced, and expressing his regret that his humble abilities
had not enabled him better to deserve the compliment, took
a short but excellent review of what had been effected by
the recent Parliament, and a glance at the subjects which
!night be naturally supposed to engage the attention of the
legislature during the ensuing session. He thought that the
principle of reform could not be considered to be fully car-
ried out, unless vote by ballot were obtained, nor unless the
elective franchise was extended, not universally (for that he
believed at the present moment to be impracticable), but
to all householders ; for it could but be considered by
every one as most inconsistent that such a town as Bir-
mingham should have its constituency reduced by the
Reform Bill to 3,000 persons. It was a disgrace to
the name of Reform. He wanted such subjects as these
made " open questions" to the Ministry, for he believed,
with Mr. Attwood, that then some measure of liberality,
and partaking of justice, would be obtained. The next
question that would be brought before Parliament was the
Reform of the House of Peers. It was well known, and
generally understood, that to be effectual a reformation of
the. House of Commons must be followed by that of the
Rouse of Peers ; for it had been well remarked, that the
Peers were made for the people, and not the people for the
Peers. Mr. S. then alluded to that difficult question, a
Reform of the Church, in regard to which he would ob-
serve, that the gain, rather than the performance of the
religious duties, was the principal object. It was true that
• something had been done in the shape of reforming the
Church, but it had been merely to enact that Bishops should
not receive more than 5,000/. or 6,0001. per annum. No
one was more disposed to oppose that Bill than he (Mr.
S.) ; but he trusted that everything would be, in the course
of time, properly effected. On the subject of the Church-
raies, he trusted they would be found unanimous. The
Irisis Church was the " evil of evils," and that, with other
questions of equal importance, would require discussion ;
and he trusted that their cause, protected by God's blessing,
would be successful. He concluded by proposing " The
Vote by Ballot, and its able, honest, and independent ad-
vocate, Sir William Molesworth." The toast was received
with thunders of applause.
Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTII rose and was received with
loud cheering. After it had subsided he spoke as follows :
The grand object of a good Government is to elevate as
much as possible the social condition of all classes of the
community. To the gentlemen whom lam now addressing,
the condition of the industrious classes must be a matter of
the most intense interest—no one can doubt that much can
be done by a really good Government to elevate them by
education, by teaching them to rely upon their own exer-
tions, and by rendering those exertions as profitable as pos-
sible. It is impossible to overrate the importance of edu-
; each day power is passing into the hands
eating the people
of the masses ; each day the masses are acquiring greater
and greater influence over the Government of the nation ;
• tne question is, whether that influence shall be exercised by
'men utterly ignorant, any more than those who have ac-
quired as much knowledge as can be obtained in their station
of life. There is no set of men so easily reasoned with, or so
easily instructed as the industrious classes ; for they have
no interests permanently opposed to the interests of the
community—their prejudices are therefore the prejudices re-
sulting merely from ignorance, which can be easily removed.
The industrious classes wish to be instructed, as they are
convinced, that all instruction must tend to their good by
teaching them what are their best interests ; therefore,
ninny the Conservative party dread the instruction of the
people for principally this reason, namely, that the people
will become acquainted with their own interests, and insist
upon those interests being steadily consulted. A popular
Government would adopt every means of instructing the
People. For this purpose a really good system of national
education is required, and every facility should be given to
the diffusion of knowledge ; and here I cannot but express
,disapprobation of the conduct of the Chancellor of the
sistteZquee with regard to the taxes upon knowledge, in in-
that tax falls
temo:upon a penny stamp upon newspaper.s ;
inuil; entirely upon the industrious portions of the corn
while who do not receive their newspapers by theo post,
Thus the richer classes it is simply a cheap pstagsf,
the richees.poorer contribute towards paying till postageu_exe
Id of
theinselives The Members of the popular party
every obstacle • people, and
t 0 obtain the repeal of that tax, and to remove
which stands in. the way of instructing the
so,d,gove of teaching the industrious classes how much
rnment depends upon their own exertions—how
.much th
Teeln, a'' happiness and prosperity are in their hands. This
ittbeteniZnidstistist7:l4:rtblaunceeannot be too carefully cultivated, for
anything else to elevate the condition of
this feoint,:°.lus classes—every thing which tends to destroy
account I°,vas s roductive of the greatest evil—and on this
enabled the idie(Tanosed to the old system of poor-laws which
community bette.:l,rdligate to live at the expense of the
system which teed:("i an their meritorious neighbours—a
which taught the tab:: Pauperise the whole community,
rates, instead of relying,"lng classes to rely upon the poor-
.es!ions. file present sy:ss they ought, upon their own ex-
good of the community, sheen' acknowledges, that for the
destitute ought to be relieved,
but that the condition of
ferior to that of the indepeodeentn.auper should be made in-
the
flabourer, who meritoriously
supports himself—so that
motive to ruin the condition of the may
should recoil from the degradation e have a strong
ol latter nes, and the latter
persons have drawn terrific pictures of
ePauperism. Some
,ases of conceivable
cruelty, which are supposed to have
iich c
be'rieeevie.ned under ,
extremely the present poor-law ; those cases are, I
exb-
aggerated, and the remedy is one wl
possible that in som
an be eeasci.,yseso -
tained. Undoubtedly it is
good law may be ill-administered, and that, I will not den •a
mhay be the case sometimes „with the present poor-laws y'
t ough the cases are but few—but a distinction must care-1
fullyhave
be drawn. Those persons to whom I have referred
finaameelgene on to attribute to the framers of that law,
y, the Whigs, motives of a discreditable descrip-
tion ;at the same time they have A thout proper to ex-
empt from all blame the Vag majority of the popular

party who supported that measure. There is no foun-
dation in fact for these imputations. If the law is a
bad one, whatever blame attaches to the Whigs, the same
amount of blame attaches to the Radicals. If the law is
a good one, whatever amount of credit is due to the Whigs.
the same amount of credit is due to the popular part
who supported that measure. lam one of that number—
and still most cordially and zealou,ly support the law in
question as a means of improving and teaching the indus-
trious classes to rely upon their own exertions, and that of
elevating themselves in the social scale. If the industrious
classes are to rely upon their own exertions it is the duty of
the Government to take care that those exertions are as
profitable as possible, that every obstacle should be re-
moved which prevents the industrious from attaining the
highest possible wages. In no country in the world is
there such an accumulation of capital as in this one—in no
country are the people more industrious, nevertheless the
profits of the capital are low, and the wages of labour
are small, and there is a wider spreading feeling of dis-
tress amongst the labouring classes. The cause of this
distress is, that labour and capital are not sufficiently
productive ; and the field of employment, both for labour
and capital, is too small. Can this evil be remedied by
the Legislature, or is it one over which the Legislature
can exercise no controul ? In my opinion, at least by
repealing obnoxious laws, the Legislature at present can
increase the productiveriess both of capital and labour, and
can extend the field of production ; and any Government
which sincerely has the interests of the community at heart,
would attempt to do so, and would endeavour, for instance,
first to repeal the corn laws—the corn laws cause a large
quantity of capital and labour to be expended in the pro-
duction of a small quantity of corn—thus capital and labour
are rendered unproductive ; consequently, the amount to be
divided between the labourer and capitalist is small, and pro-
fits and wages are consequently low. By repealing the corn
laws, we shall be enabled to exchange the proceeds of our
industry for the corn of other countries. Thus the field for
the productive employment of capital and labour will be in-
creased, with a smaller quantity of capital and of labour a
larger amount of corn will be obtained ; both labour and ca-

pital will be rendered more productive, the amount to be di-
vided between labourers and capitalists will be augmented,
and consequently both profits and wages will be high ; for
wages are high or low, in proportion as by them can be ob-
tained a greater or a less portion of the necessaries of life ;
first and foremost amongst which is corn. By the present
corn laws the price of corn is enhanced, consequently wages
are low ; by a repeal of the corn laws the price of corn
will be diminished, and wages will be high. There are
many other arguments in favour of free trade, generally,
the most noxious violation of the principle of which is the
corn laws. Insidious attempts are made to turn your atten-
tion away from this subject to other questions ; for instance,
the poor laws, by means of any alteration of which, in my
opinion, no relief can be given to that feeling of distress
under which you have suffered—that distress can only be
alleviated by so extending the field for the employment of
capital and labour—that profits and wages will be high,
whether or in what manner the Legislature can extend the
field of production, I will not now discuss, though I cannot
refrain from expressing my opinion that much could be done
by a really good Government ; but undoubtedly the Legis-
lature can remove those restrictions on industry by which
both wages and profits are at present unnaturally lowered.
I again repeat, the corn laws are the worst of those re-
strictions, and any Government which prefers the interests
of industry to those of the landlord, would exert itself to
do away with that pernicious statute. But in order that
the Government should permanently and steadily pursue
the interests of the industrious classes, there must be an
identity of interest—a similarity of feelings between the
people and their rulers : in my opinion this can only
be attained permanently by a complete system of repre-
sentative government, for I consider that in this country
the people will more steadily and more beneficially
pursue their own interests than any set of men will do
so for them.—(Cheers.) I consider that the poorest men
in the community have the same stake in good government
—the same interest in the preservation of property—.
and in the accumulation of capital, as the richest ; and I

believe that in this country the vast majority of the peo-
ple are sufficiently aware of these facts, so that power may
safely be placed in their hands. But as it is impossible for
the people to assemble in masses, and to determine by what
measures their interests can lie best secured ; or congregate
in multitudes to discuss a law—the people are obliged to
choose representatives to be the guardians of their interests,
and to determine in their stead the laws which are required
for their welfare. In order that their guardians should
really represent and steadily pursue the interests of the
community, it is necessary that the people should have the
fullest and freest choice of their representatives, and that
those representatives should be frequently and strictly re-
sponsible, to the electors. It is evident that the only prin-
ciple upon which a person ought be excluded from the elec-
tive franchise is, upon the supposition that he is so igno-
rant of his own interests as to be unfit to express an opi-
nion with regard to those interests. I will not stop to
inquire what portion, or if any portion of the community
is in such a state—but numerous are the reasons for ex-
tending the elective franchise as much as possible. The
elective franchise interests the possessor of it in the con-
cerns of the nation—he feels that he is a portion of the
ruling power—that the laws are his laws, to which he has in-
directly given his assent, and which he respects as emanat-
ing from himself ; even when he disapproves of a law or an
act of a Government, he does not consider it as the oppres-
sion of the powerful few over whom he has no controul, but
as an injudicious act of his friends and equals, with whom
he can hope to convince by argument the act of a majority
which to-day is against him—which to-morrow may be with
him—these feelings, more than any others, tend to produce
order and tranquillity in a community of intelligent and in-
dustrious men, whilst the limitation of the franchise pro-
duces the contrary feelings—divides the community into the
proportions of the rulers and the ruled, of the electors and
the non-electors, and the latter are apt to consider the for-
mer as oppressors, from whom redress can be obtained only
by brute force. Instead, therefore, of the calm, quiet, and
deliberate expression of the opinion of the people by means
of their votes—shielded as they ought to be by the secresy
of the ballot—the opinions of the people can only be ex-
pressed by their assembling in simultaneous masses, and
under the influence of angry and excited feelings they are
apt to be carried away by the impulses of the moment,
and passion instead of reason determines their conduct,
These are, in my opinion, cogent reasons for extending
the franchise as much as possible. The first step at the
present moment should be a repeal of the rate-paying
clause, which has disfranchised an immense number of elec-
tors.

The only plan upon which a property qualification

. . . .
has ever been justified is, that the person possessing
such a qualification is sufficiently acquainted with his own
interest as to be competent to join in the choice of a re-
presentative of those interests. Now it is evident thlt the
mere fact of paying the rates a few weeks sooner or later
does not alter the fitness of an individual to select a re-
presentative. The elective franchise ought not to be looked
upon merely as a right to be purchased for a certain sum
of money, but ought to be considered as an obligation
which is to be imposed, for the benefit of the community,
upon all who by nature and education are fit—of which fit-
ness, absurdly enough, the possession of a certain amount
of property is considered as a test—and of which fitness
the individual is no more deprived by abstaining from paj-
ing his rates than he would be by abstaining from pa)ing
his taylor's bill. A repeal of the rate-paying clauses, I
think the Members of the popular party ought to exert

Lemselves to obtain immediately. lundoubtedly think

that all householders are perfectly qualified to be electors.
Indeed, the danger appears to me to be on the other side, of
limiting the franchise, whilst there is little chance of evil,
and much prospect of good, in extending it. But in order
that the possession of the elective franchise should be of
any use, it is necessrry that the elector should be enabled
to exercise it conscientiously, without fear of punishment,
without hope of reward. First, therefore, and above all
things, Gentlemen, it is necessary that we should obtain
the ballot. That question is one almost of life or death
to the Liberal party, for the majority of the electors of
England are men in dependent circumstances ; they cannot
be expected, nor will they, nor ought they, to sacrifice
themselves or their families, for the sake of their poli-
tical convictions. The shopkeepers in every town, the
farmers in every county, the dependent electors through-
out the whole of this empire, will tell you that without
secret suffrage the elective franchise is to them an evil
and a curse—a moral obligation imposed upon them
only to be violated. We ought to assemble, to agitate,
and to petition, till one universal cry in favour of the
ballot is raised throughout the nation, and the table of
the House of Commons be laden with the prayers and
commands of the people demanding vote by ballot.

The men of Birmingham have often set a good example
,to the rest of England—they are looked up to and re-
spected by the remainder of the citizens of this empire.
The line of conduct which they adopt will be universally
followed—now is the time for them to act—union amongst
themselves is necessary, and this union should consist in
unity of purpose, in clearly and distinctly determining the
means by which their ends can be obtained—those ends are
all the benefits of good government. For this purpose, the
power of the people over the Government must be aug-
mented, and the first steps at the present moment are the
repeal of the rate-paying clauses, and vote by ballot.
Three cheers were then givers for Sir William Moles-
worth and the ballot.
The CHAIRMAN then gave " The Men of Birmingham,
and may they ever be actuated by the principles that dis-
tinguished them in 1832." _ _

Mr. Muwrz rose to return thanks. The men of Bir-
mingham had no doubt done their duty in the great task
which they had undertaken. They had not only done jus-
tice to themselves, but to the nation at large, There was

no doubt that great events were, as they
.had been told,
about to take place ; for the aristocracy, vindictive as of
old, were determined to enslave the people to the utmost
of their power.—(Hear, hear.) The Tories, because the
Political Union had been quiet of late, asserted that the
people of Birmingham had become tired of that body,
:nd saw that the pestilential members of it had deceived
them. What was the foundation of this ? In the year
1832, the people of Birmingham were punished in their
comforts and in their pockets, and made miserable in their
families. They rose to emancipate themselves ; hut had
they done so ? The Whigs had not effected what had
been anticipated from them ; they had not done What they
should have done, and what they must yet do.—(Hear.)
He said what they must do if they wished to exist.—
(Hear.) Why the Whigs had not done this, was that they
were first to aristocratic, and, in the next place too timid ;
they wished to do everything so excessively genteelly, that
they never did anything at all ; in fact, they would sooner
let the people die of starvation than take one step to save
them ; but he would tell the Whigs, that if they did
not regenerate themselves they would be very quickly
regenerated by the nation.—(Hear.) By a change in the
commercial affairs of the country the people had had some-'
thing like prosperity ; but there were too many here who
knew that this state of things was not permanent, and.that in
a few months, perhaps in a few days, this state of things
might be changed to the same misery and humiliatory
circumstances which operated in 1830. In that case the
men of Birmingham would strike the foundations of Eng-

land and the thrones of the world, and they would have
what they were entitled to in the beginning. Mr. Muntz at
some length commented upon the " diabolical conduct" of
the Tories in prosecuting the American and French wars, and
contended that the faction had been compelled to resign
through the exertions of the Political Union. In com-

menting upon the recent speeches of Sir Robert Peel, at
Glasgow, be considered that to the " boys" as one of the
soundest and most agreeable sermons he had ever read ;
but that the Hon. Baronet had spoken too eulogistically
of classical attainments. As to the second speech, it was
something like the celebrated manifesto at Tamworth.
Sir Robert spoke as having no doubt of being able, with
the assistance of those who feared God and honoured
the King, to take again the Government into their own

hands, and that to the satisfaction of the country.—:
(Hear.) And then Sir Robert Peel spoke of the Lords
being responsible to God.—(Oh, oh !) He would ask
them as commercial men, whether they would like to
leave their ledgers to such responsibility ?—(Hear, hear.)
If they did, he thought they would soon have a pretty
good number of returned Bills.—(Cheers.) . All this
might do very well at Glasgow, where there were parsons
filled up to the chin with nonsense, but it would not do for
men of common sense like those whom he now had the
pleasure to see before him. It was a disgrace to the people
of England that Sir Robert Peel should have the impu-
dence to tell them this ; but it was some consolation to
know that the time was drawing near when the Liberals
would join together and obtain, and maintain those rights
which God had given to them, but which the Tories had
taken away—(Cheers)—and when they should say to that
faction, " Ye shall be so effectively changed as ye shall not
know yourselves."

The CHAIRMAN called on Mr. Douglas to propose the
next toast.

Mr. DOUGLAS said that the speech he was about to
make was not intended for him, but for Mr. Roebuck ; it
was that of Peerage Reform.—(Cheers.) Why he took
the " Peers" was, as Falstaff said, because " they lay in
his way ;" they left him no alternative but to knock them
out of the way, or break his shins over them.—(Laughter.)
Sir Robert Peel was very anxious to place the Reformers
between the horns of a dilemma on the question of a Re-
form in the House of Peers—his position was, that they
must have a second House or none at all. He (Mr. D.)
had no objection to doing away with the House of Lords.
If they had a good House of Commons, the deliberation
in a second House, which, if worthy, must do the same
thing that the first did, was in his opinion a piece of prac-
tical absurdity. He then proposed, for he understood, he
said, that there was another toast put down on the paper
for him, " the health of our worthy Chairman."—(Cheers.)
A person here entered the room, and begged to be al-
lowed to ask question.—(Hear.) He came from one of
the dinners to know whether a deputation from this (the
central one) would attend it. He begged to say that
Mr. W. Gammon, had been waiting with the company ever
since four o'clock.

The CHAIRMAN explained.
The CHAIRMAN, in returning thanks, said that for the
last half century they had an aristocratic Government, at-
tempting to create prosperity without liberty ; but not a
prosperity for the people, for the aristocracy did not care
" one curse" about them. They wished for prosperity
merely as a man did who fattened his victim.—(Hear.) A
great deal had been said of the necessity of the present
Ministry resigning. He did not see that any benefit would
arise from this ; if they did resign they would have the
Tories in power again ; and then let the meeting only
consider of the Clergy preaching up to their knees in blood,
with bayonet in hand. He then wave " Daniel O'Connell,
and happiness and prosperity to Ireland."u
Mr. MACDO.NNELL returned thanks.

Several other toasts were drunk, and the Meeting sepa-
rated.

REPRESENTATION OF SOUTH

DEVON.

On Monday last a meeting of some of the most influen-
tial gentlemen identified with the cause of Reform in this
division of the county, was held at the Guildhall, Totnes.
Stanley Cary, Esq., presided. Among the gentlemen pre-
sent were Sir R. Newman, Bart. ; J. Parrott, Esq., M.P.
Col. Seale, M.P. ; Col. Carlyon ; H. Studdy, Esq. ; J.
Garrow, Esq. ; T. Newman, Esq. ; Captain Comby ;
Peak, Esq. ; Alen, Esq. ; Harman, Esq. ;
Clark, Esq. ; Captain Seale ; H. Watson, Esq. ; W. W.
Rowe, Esq. ; R. Tucker, Esq. ; Captain Wells ; W. F.
Windeate, Esq., Mayor of Totnes ; Abraham, Esq. ;
Kingston, Esq. ; Vallence, Esq. ; and Messrs. Pe-
therbridge, Thuel, Skinner, Harris, J. Gillard, Esq.
Letters were read from the following noblemen and gen-
tlemen, expressing their approbation of, and determination
to, assist in carrying out ,the objects of the meeting.
Lord Cranstown, Lord Seymour, Lord Russell, J. Rundle,
Esq., M.P., Honourable Newton Fellowes, Captain Ham-
lyn, G. Soltau, Esq., E. M. Elton, Esq., Geo. Latauch,
Esq., Mark Kennaway, Esq., R. Crouther, Esq., Gustavus
Smith, Esq.

The CHAIRMAN said he had convened the present
meeting in consequence of the trust reposed in him at the
late public dinner. Its object was to adopt effectual
measures for restoring the South of Devon to an ho-
nourable share in the liberal representation of the county,
to remove the disgrace of being under Tory sway, to wipe
away the stain incurred by allowing the Tories to triumph
over the man who has 'done more than any other for the
cause of civil and religious liberty. Many of the electors,
feeling they had no representative in the House of Com-
mons, had omitted to attend to the registration, but it was,
therefore, their duty to register their names as voters ; if
they failed in thi4, another election would find them with-
out the power to exercise their
,right. The Chairman,
having acknowledged the readiness with which the gen-
tlemen of the county had responded to ,the exigencies of
the present occasion, called on those present who intended
to address tle meeting ,to come, forward with their views
and observations.

Sir R. NEWMAN, Bart., rose to propose a series of reso-
lutions, which he said embodied, some of the requisites so
highly essential for obtaining the object of the meeting in
the event of a re-election. The loss to the county of the
distinguished talents and eminent qualifications of Lord J.
Russell was to be imputed to the want of necessary precau-
tions in getting themselves registered, not to any falling off
in the ranks of the Reformers. Much as he hoped that.
Reformers would profit by their experience, still it was too
true that many had not so privileged themselves ; and it
was the object of the present meeting to stimulate them in
the attainmea of an object so desirable as an efficient re-
gistration.—(Cheers.) Before they-could expect that a
Reformer would contest the county, it was indispensable that
they should have some means of ascertaining the probability
of his success. 1 t was a duty which the electors owed the
present Ministry to endeavour to maintain them in power,
as they had fulfilled all just expectations—indeed, all they
had professed to do.—(Hear, hear, hear.) No other
Ministry had better served the interests of the country,
considering the difficulties with which they had been sur-
rounded. And the present Ministry, so worthy their con-
fidence, could continue in power only by the support of Re-
forniers—by that support contemplated by the present
meeting. It was, therefore, the duty of Reformers to send
men to Parliament who would assist his Majesty's present
Ministers, as it would be impossible for them to stand un-
less backed by a majority in the House of Commons.—
(The worthy Baronet sat down amid loud cheers.)
Colonel SEALE, M.P., in seconding the resolutions, said
the battle of elections must be fought at the registration
rather than at the poll, for if the Reformers have not a
,strong register a large majority of good wishes is of little
service. The registry has not been so well attended to by
the Reformers as it has by their opponents, who every year
worked the machinery with immense labour and expense.
Still he understood the Reformers were not so badly off as
not to be able to return at least one Member.--(Cheers.)
This be understood from gentlemen who had given great
attention to this subject in different districts. He also ap-
proved of that part of the resolutions which empowered
the Committee to examine the present year's registrations
that they might be prepared to offer some notice to a liberal
candidate or candidates in the event of another election. The
'Hon. Gentleman again expressed the satisfaction he felt in
seconding the resolutions, and sat down ufnid loud cheers.