The Sun.
London, England, 1839-02-22 00:00:00

despond. They had, been beaten under rather peculiar
circumstances. They had sat round that table daily,
representing 3,000,000 of sores—representing all Lan-
cashire, the greater part of Yorkshire, and a consider-
able part of two or three counties in Scotland—(Hear,
hear)—they lead been repulsed by individuals sitting in
another Peouse, the majority of whom represented a far
less aeumber than a quarter of the individuals they did.
; ---(ldear, hear.) Were they to go back disheartened at
that ? They well knew that no great principle was ever
gained in that House—it must be gained out of doors.
---(Cheers.) They would have to go back to fight
for the principles of free trade, and they must
eonquer.—(Cheers.) They had learnt a lesson
which be was astonished had not been learnt before ;
the great town populations of this kingdom had joined
and shaken hands together, and would not separate.—
(Cheers.) Historical records told them what result might
be expected. They had heard of the union of the
Hance towns. Why did they unite ? To put down
aristocratic plunilerers—( Hear, hear).—and they would
say to the Aristocrats of England—" Why do you
Plunder the bee hive of Lancashire and Yorkshire ?
Why do you not as we do assist in the cultivation of
your own land, and not live a life of idleness, wantonness
and dissipation, and putting your hands into our
pockets to support it ?"—(Hear, hear, hear.) Let
them remember the result of the union of the
Hanse towns. He had sailed up the Rhine,
the Danube, and the Elbe, and had exulted over the
ruins of the castles once inhabited by the feudal land-
lord& Instead of those baronial residences there were
now fertile vineyards, cultivated by a prosperous ten-
antry.---(Hear, hear.) Repeal the Corn-laws, and then,
and not till then, England would have a contented, a
Prosperous, and a rich tenantry, such as there was
abroad. The Corn-laws must be got rid of before the
peasant or the farmer would be free, independent, or
hPpy.—(l-icar, hear.) In fact, before the tenant or
e peasant could be men they must get rid
of the Corn-laws. They had learnt another lesson
from the proceedings in the House of Commons the
other night. They had been told by very high autho-
rity--by Sir Robert Peel—that this was to be a labour.
cie's question. Ile would find it would be a labourer's
question.—(Cheers.) He would find it would be an
agricultural labourer's question.—(Continued cheering.)
They would go each and lay before the agricultural
labourers the information they had intended to lay be-
fore*the House of Commons, and even if they wt re
compelled to go into every village, those facts should
be known.—(Hear, hear.) They had been told by
Mr. Cayley that they had the power to regulate wages.
—(A laugh.) Why they had no more the power of
aegulating the price of labour than they had the
power of regulating the catch of mackerel.—(Renowed '
laughter.) But be (Mr. Cayley) had forgotten that
that was an argument which acted two ways. If they
had the power of regulating the wages of the operative
spinners or weavers, surely the landlords had the power
of regulating the wages of the agricultural labourers ;
and what were the wages the agricultural labourer:
rot, in comparison with the manufacturing labourers ?
—(Hear, hear, hear.) He and his partner had in their
empleynteat, upwards of a thousand men ; they paid
those men upon an average 22.5. a week, and they bad
not case mun who was so badly paid as the average of
the- serfs on my Lord Ashley's estates.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) Those were the principles they would
bring to bear on the aristocracy themselves. The
country would never hear of a disunion between
Manchester, Leeds, Blackburn, and all the great towns,
until they had emancipated themselves from those odious
laws. Since they had been in London they had not had
an opportunity of making appeals to the community of
the metropolis. He believed no one would benefit
so .much by the repeal of the Corn-laws as the inhabi-
tants of London, because London would then become
the centre of traffic 'ear all the countries of the world.
A proposition had been made for entertaining the Dele-
gates at one of the theatres, and it had been notified to '
them that the arrangements were in operation. He
had to express" the thanks of the Delegates for the
honour intended them, but as they would now have
to depart they would not be able to accept of the
insetation. He was certain that nothing would have
been so gratifying to the gentlemen as having the op-
portunity of publiely stating their sentiments, and show-
ing how cordially they would unite with the people of
Linden in 'endeavouring to carry out the great principle
for which they were contending.—(Cheers.)
Colonel TuoatesoN thought the strongest argument
that had been urged against the manufacturers was
that they had still some property left.—(Laughter.)
Their position struck him as being similar to that of the
ICA'S in this country when their teeth were drawn as
means of extracting their wealth. Teeth were drawn and
t'aeieealth was left ; but still there was a shrewd suspicion
that if they were properly looked after something more
might be extracted from them.—(Renewed lauebter.)
No. that was the pith and substance of the great
argument urged against them.* If they' complained.
th y were told they had built factories.—(Hear, hear.
and laughter.) He would "nit it to them'whether they-
would quietly submit to this—Whether they would con-
tinue the agitation, which mtitst-be like the Trojan war,
and lucky would they be if they got to the end Of it
within the period of that celebrated* perforniance.---7
(I.aughtker.) Was there not something peculiarlyll444llg about the tribunal they had just appealed to ?
-1-(1-lear, hear.) If a Grand or Petty Jury had
taken an oath to administer justice impartially, but had
de4:ided directly in favour of their own interests on a
qu6srion in which they were individually concerned,
ilit would naturally excite some suspicion, and an ap-
peal 6-another tribunal would be made. Well, then, he
would contend they had a right to have a hearing before
a'different set of men—a new jury.—(Hear, hear.) He
ied-dlit now make a communication to them which be
iliniaght would be rather cheering. He had of late been
inaking,some small experiments in the agricultural dis-
tricts, and his general impression was, that the agricultu-
rists were far from being their bitter enemies (Hear). He
had been told that if he had attempted a few years ago
what he had attempted the other day he would have
buil mobbed and turned out of the town. He had a
struggle with his friends the Chartists, and it was a
question still who came off with the most advantage.—
(Laughter.) He felt for the Chartists, having consider-
able remnants of friendship left for them, he hoped that
allowance would be made for them as young poli-
ticians—(Laughter)—and they would find them in a
few years walking where they were now hardly able
to crawl.—( Renewed laughter.) He was sure that every
gentlemen present would see the importance of cultivating
harmony among all classes. It was said that after a
foolish thing had been done, then came reflection.
That would be the case with the Chartists, and he did
riot believe that any woman in Birmingham would rattle
halfpence in tin-boxes again.—(Hear.) When they
found how they had been pinched in the bread-basket,
lit thought their courage would be damped for a repe-
tition of any such operations as that.—(Roars of
laughter.) fie did not believe that any man who went
before the agriculturists would be maltreated, and none
cf them ought to give way to despondency.—(Hear.)
There were friends, he meant Quakers, in that room.
They all knew how infallible was the success of every-
thing that Quakers undertook--(Laughter)—by .the
token, he believed, that they never undertook anything
they were not certain of succeeding with.—(Hear, hear,
and laughter.) They were birds, though plain in
plumage, of exceedingly good omen.—(lmmense
laughter, in which several members of the Society of
they
ends heartily joined.) In conclusion, he trusted
l-i
would go on without despairing, and they
might be certain of success.—(Cheers.)
Mr. BOULTBEE said Mr. Aiken had lamented that their cause
had received considerable disparagement from a misapprehension
on the part of the working men that their object was to lower
wages ; and he (Mr. B.) believed that the working men of
Birmingham thought this was a scheme to lower the price of
provisions, and the immediate consequence would be to lower
the price of wages. Now he thought this objection might be
removed, and a few documents would show the injury which
working men sustained even from people being thrown out
of employment. Rethought it required little logic to show when
manufactures were restricted, those who assisted in those ma-
nufactures must be thrown out of employment.—( Hear, hear.)
Another misapprehension abroad was that which existed on the
part of the landlords, that the repeal of the Corn-laws would be
ruin to them. He thought a few statements would show the
landlords had nothing to apprehend, and that the free trade
which would benefit the manufacturers, would benefit the land-
lords.—(Hear, hear.) He had been defeated in his objects
to obtain a Committee for the. purpose of drawing up a few
facts, but he was still of opinion that nothing would benefit
them or disabuse the minds of the landlords and the Chartists
more, as putting the thing in a plain and concise point of view
before them, and which would show that it was not one class
of society against another.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. G. A. YOUNG in allusion to what had been said by Mr.
Cobden,was sure that the Meetings in the northern counties would
be responded to by the metropolitan districts.—( Hear, hear.)
Ile could not help following the example of gentlemen, in al-
luding to some of the statements made in the House of Com-
mons, and he regretted that a Nobleman who had so distin-
guished himself on the great question on the abolition of Negro
Slavery (Lord Herrick) should have pursued the line ...f argu-
ment he did on the Corn-law question. Lord Howick had said
the facts relating to this case were perfectly known—that there
was a Corn-law in 1815---ehat there was a Core-law new, arid
that it was not necessary to inquire into the operation of the
one. or the other. He might as well have "said there
was a river in Macedon and a river in Monn.outh, and there-
fore the river in illacedon and the river in llimmouth
must be the same.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Then as
to the Gov, enment making tine an open question.
What was the meaning of an open question under any
cireumetances ? Hid it not effect a compromise between truth
and principle? Was it not putting into the balance on the one
side the interests of the country, and in the balance on the other
side the interests of place, and allowing the interests of the
country to kick the beam ?—(Hear, hear.) No other defini-
tion could be given to the system of open questions, so fatal to
the country at large, and so fatal to the character of any Mini-
ster. But on constitutional grounds, he contended that the
pprinciple of open questions was equally objectionable. Why
i.iid they submit in this country so cheerfully, loyally, and if-
ftionately to the authority of the Crown ? It was only be-
cause they had substituted for a Royal responsibility a Ministe-
rial respoosibilit V' and while they anti the Monarch could do no
wrong, they made the Minister responsible for the Monarch's
:'.---(Cries of .4 Hear, hear." If ever a case was made
:out (Cries in 51 /lien the representatives of the people ought to attend
"tags assertion
of the people, it Iva', the present case. There
-. as,ertion of facts by Mr. Villiers,
and an assertion of
: opposite facts by Sir Robert Peel ; and how could a case be
nitre
-v9lcerly made out for inquiry than when they found two
' ' '
C?'"
.teterects in the House of Commons joining issue on a
• . - e ,f `,..-1 •'—( Cheers.) There you'd be no doubt that !
ie • ~a,!.. . ),,
, ... .. •.• •.ir of being he rd at the bar of the i
, . 1 • - ...hose who sent them there, the an- i
~....._ e