The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-19 00:00:00

threshold of that "other place," the name of which
cannot be mentioned openly to ears polite within

the popular branch of the Legislature. Among
them, there is one form at any rate that almost all
who glance at the strange group will recognise with
something really like an unaffected sense of com-
placency. Meaning—need we say it ?—the amiable
and accomplished member for the borough of Pon-
tefract. It seems an odd successor, this, to have
chosen, nevertheless, as the new literary peer to
fill the vacancy left by the premature passing away
of Lord MACAULAY. So to speak, it is for all the
world like putting a brilliant little humming bird
into the cage of some dead and gone Eagle of the
San. The author of "Palm Leaves
"—in lieu of the
Master Essayist and the Historian of England !
Yet—while wincing at the contrast—none will be-
grudge the crowning honour about tobebestowe
bestowed
upon this liberal-minded gentleman
true-
hearted man of letters.
Turning from which not ungratified glance at
Mr. MONCKTON MILNES, we remark hard by there,
among the select few, one other name of note in
its way (in a very different way, however) : not
another GREY, nor yet a RUSSELL, nor yet an
ELLIOTT, but next door to each, meaning as a
matter of course an ELLICE. Mr. EDWARD ELLICE,
that is—an Ursa Major who would consequently
seems to have hunted his fellows (by deputy,
of course) to some purpose, besides the
mere accumulation of wealth, in the forest wilds
of the Hudson's Bay Company's Territory. In
startling contrast to whom, comes, in the
person of Mr. WENTWORTH BEAUMONT, an opulent
leader of ton, who has won a peerage for himself,
not in the sylvan wilds of North America, but in
the very thick of the creme de la creme, curdled
together between Mayfair and Belgravia, in the
very centre-point of our social civilisation.

Stich would appear to be the distribution of
the court cards in this last deal by Lord PALMER-
STON prior to—shall we say it ?—the probably
coming Dissolution of Parliament.
Miching Maleclao, or "it means mis-
chief," might have been adopted as the motto
of the bold, slashing, political article con-
tributed—(manifestly, we would enjecture, by no
other than Lord ROBERTCECIL)—to the current num-
ber of the old Tory Quarterly. And while the Op-
position gives thus unmistakeable evidence of a
determination to do battle in downright earnest,
immediately upon the commencement of the
now fast approaching session—the Government
that is, affords the world those equally unmistake-
able evidences we here speak of, evidences that
they are at length putting things in train, betimes,
for a clean sweep out, should occasion require. The
favourite Whig notion of a clean sweep out in the
contingency of any Parliamentary contretemps—
being, of course, not Resignation but Dissolution.
And so, the golden bowl of this present Parlia-
ment (already mature of age as Parliaments go !)
rolls steadily on towards its appointed goal. With
what bias, who does not recognise ?

The Proclamation of Mr. LINCOLN for the Eman-
cipation of the Slaves of his enemies must be a
stumbling block to those of his friends. What is
good for the one could not surely be bad for the
others. Well may those doomed to slavery ex-
claim, " Save us from the PRESIDENT'S friends !"
for all his virtue has gone to the other side, and
we are still left in bondage, because of the good-
ness of our masters. Verily, it is a sad prefer-
ence for us, while our masters exult that virtue
is its own reward." So says Mr. LINCOLN, and
those who support his rule.

The great problem now is, how will the matter
work ! That, time alone will decide. It were as
idle to reason as it would be presumptuous to prog-
nosticate. The deed is done for the present, and
hope may hope, or fear may forbode, the future.
All is, we doubt not, unmixed with grave anxiety.
Still the question recurs—lf the act was good, why
not have done it before ? If it was inexpedient
sooner—then is it politic now ? Events must prove.
Out of slavery Mr. LINCOLN has redeemed but
three millions, and left the fourth in chains, by
way of hostage for their masters' fidelity. And
this he calls emancipation. But the freedom
which he affects to bestow is not in his
own gift, nor has he the power to persuade or en-
force it. Now if he were really bent on freeing the
slave ho had ample opportunity at the beginning,
but made no sign. Compromise might have resulted
from a fair argument of the matter, and the issue
have proved mutually beneficial to master as to
slave, and a world of horrors be prevented. But
no. Mr. LINCOLN would brook no arbiter. He
wculd predominate. Empire was his idol—the day-
dream of his ambition—simple civilian though he
was. In his own lust for empire he would permit
no rival for independence. The glorious Republic
had, in his eyes, more virtue than that of the
" almighty dollar" in the cupidity of his friends.
The Republic had hitherto been successful beyond
all human experience, and there seemed no
bounds to his hopes. It was idle to reason with
destiny ; and the failure of every succeeding attempt
only served to stimulate renewed exertion in the
overweening belief that fortune was only trying
his fortitude the more. Thus faith in the future
but nerved his strength the more that he would
redeem the melancholy failure of the pest. And
so he went on, reckless of the cost, for that con-
cerned others—not him. Therefore "he put his
foot down," and none might dare to question his
omnipotence.

It was hopeless to point to the finger of time,
for present power will not calculate on future pro-
babilities. The day was his own, and to-morrow
also—for divinity was undefinable—

" So runs the world away."

Although Mr. LINCOLN had expended nearly half
his term of power with Each warlike catastrophe
more deplorable than its predecessor, still, like the
spendthrift gambler, he would risk another throw
and stake his—no, not his own—but the fortune of
others on the cast and tempt the fate of the already
cracked Republic on the event. True, he had his
doubts on the peril of the game, and hoped to
Heaven that he was doing all for the best. He
might be wrong, but he wished to be right—so
it saved the ,Union Thusheapopfecarleeadtitoon Heavenwortlty
as if there were no other portion
ofit
its care, sirauvetothbee.
...P Republic that was, and the re-
united And so the EVIDENT has puthisf
on theootdow
down with
a vengeance by playing his last trump
game
s a his hand
of et
butanc w
iP at
ioounl.d notri win,
eheld
becausethe c
he felt 50 strong
that rd
that he would palter with destiny. The world
wondered at his temerity, but took no measure of
i before,
the fathomless depth of his power. As for money,
he had command of inanity—more than CHASE
could count or STANTON conceive. The weird
sisters—not Gen. SCOTT'S—beguiled him on until
his remaining senses were bewildered with the
never-ending, still beginning, toil and trouble of
his charmed infatuation. Poor man I we could
pity him, but for his persistent perversity.

The Southern States ? Aye, there's the rub.
What's HECCUBA to him, or ho to HECCCBA ? Mr.
LINCOLN may call rebels from the sultry South, but
will they come ? Not they indeed, save such un-
welcome visitors as LEE, " STONEWALL" JACKSON,
and STUART have already proved. " The Rebels"

have a President of their own—one who prefers to
rule in the South than serve elsewhere.

As recourse to compulsion has only resulted in
discomfiture, and another trial were only an excess
of mockery, Mr. LINCOLN now launches his " tarna-
tion" edict, but the charm hath lost its virtue;
even the sanctity of Sunday will not restore the
freshness of loose fish, and the more they are
hawked about the more offensive they become.

As for the three million slaves which Mr. LIN-
COLN'S Proclamation professes to set free, how is
he to accomplish it ? The " idea" is good and
glorious, but how is it to achieve a local habita-
tion and become a fact ?—for practically it is only
as yet a name. Before you satch old birds pat salt on
their tails—which Mr. LINCOLN has only as yet
attempted by a sprinkling of sea water—and the
' majority of the blackbirds have sought the shelter
of swamps and forests. They fight shy of the forbid-
den fruit—Mr. LINCOLN'S talismanic hypocrisy has
no charm for them. Slaves though they be, they
have more faith in the devils they know than
trust to one who holds forth the olive branch
with one hand, while he flourishes the scorpion
lash in the other.

Mr. LINCOLN'S policy, if he has one, seems to
perplex himself as much as it troubles his friends,
for no one knows what he would be at. To day
looms large with the note of preparation, and
expeditions on a gigantic scale are on the move
—but to morrow looks in vain for their coming—
and the day after the world wonders whither
they are going. The secret deepens in mystery
until the uprising of a dense fog unfolds the day of
disaster half veiled in doubt! And this not once
but often, as if repetition delighted in playing its
unaccountable series of downfalls. But there is
still balm in Gilead; if any one can be to blame—
Mr. LINCOLN extends his protecting shield, and
would be " whipped" himself rather than allow any
of his chosen men to be " suspect." There is chi-
valry in this, perhaps, if the President had to pay
the piper; but his privilege of office forbids the ban,
and doubting sycophants demur to state the reason
why.
No, no : Mr. LINCOLN may be a good man, but
he is unquestionably a weak one. Ho wt.uld be all
things to all men, but any thing for the Union.
He knows his own mind in that if in nothing else.
He is virtuous on compulsion, and only great when
he cannot help it. Obstinate doubt seems to be
his guiding principle, and freeman or slave is all
one to him. He would embrace both under the
cloak of the Union—but apart they are each intole-
rable.

Archbishop WHATELY'S letter to Mrs. STOWE
j is one replete with common sense from beginning
to end, and his arguments must carry conviction to
the minds of all not hopelessly wedded to their
own particular prejudices. At the outset he
makes a statement which might do for an epitome
of the whole, and certainly sums up most perfectly
the prevalent notions that are entertained in this
country on the great conflict now raging across the
Atlantic. " Some few sympathise with the
Northerns, and some with the Southerns, but far
the greater portion sympathise with neither corn.
pletely ; but lament that each party should be
making so much greater an expenditure of life
and property than can be compensated for by
any advantage they can dream of obtaining." This
is quite correct and conformable to the prevail-
ing sentiments extant in the country. Arch-
bishop WHAT ELY then goes on to say that those
who are against the North are not so from any
admiration of slavery, but because they under-
stand the question of the war as that of dis-
puting about the Union. They say that the
Southerners had as good a claim to secede as the
Americans formerly possessed to separate from
this country; and, again, many hold the opinion
that, considering the fearful sufferings in
the cotton districts, it has been a great
stretch of forbearance on our side not to have re-
cognised the South and broken the blockade. Con-
tinuing his long line of reasons, the writer next
states one cause that should be taken to heart by
the blustering set who have done so much mischief
by misrepresentation and spiteful inuendoes. He
says that there are many who are provoked at the
incessant railing against England, and threats of
taking Canada, which some of the American papers
promulgate as their new course of procedure. The
next point is not a reason that will be otherwise
than irritating in the extreme to Yankee self-
esteem and importance. It sets forth that some
consider that if the Confederates continue to hold
their ground a little longer, they must necessarily
gain their point, since the European Powers are
certain to acknowledge people who have maintained
their independence for two or three years. Another
unanswerable argument is next adduced, when the
archbishop states that the position of the negro in
the Northern States is not so enviable ; as, besides
being treated as an outcast, he is prevented from
taking many employments, on account of the white
men refusing to labour with him ; hence, says the
1 astute reasoner, "he will have gained little by taking
refuge in the Northern States." This concludes the
series of statements, which are based on good autho-
rity and which are manifestly put forward by one
who speaks what he does know. They are also full of
good sense and justice in the abstract. We cannot
hope that they will convince the lady to whom they
are addressed, because her views on the subject are
so decided, and, of course, she will think that her
original ideas aro correct, and that we do not
care for the question that lies so near her heart.
Mrs. STOWE should remember that when she came
to our land as the authoress of " Uncle Tom's
Cabin,"
3. she was warmly welcomed as the able ex-
ponent of a subject that came home to the feelings
of every true-hearted inhabitant of a country on
whose shores the slave is free. it is othor wise now ;
and those who sent the expression of their wishes
to their countrywomen of America met with no reci-
procation. It is not fair now, when it suits poli-
tical purposes to give au adherence, to turn round
upon us and call us the upholders of slavery, that
they did not seek themselves to put down, when it
could have been done without bloodshed. The
grandest victories are not those won by force of
arms, but by the gradual influence of reason, and
the gentle teachings of wisdom. From these meek
yet most mighty auxiliaries all great national
benefits must gain strength and acquire a
rooted position. If Mrs. STOWE had asked
our assistance in times of peace to aid, by
entreaty or expostulation, a gradual subversion of
slavery, we would willingly have acceded; but
now, when the blast of war has sounded in our
ears, for us to compromise the dignity of our
country by rushing in to make confusion worse
confounded with an intervention that would be
laughed to scorn on one side, and only irritate
the other, would be simple madness. Besides, it
is not Slavery that is the war-cry, but the Union,
and to call one thing by the name of another is
a paltry subterfuge to which we cannot conde-
scend, and which would entail upon us the odium
of crying out peace when there is no peace. Like
many well-meaning but one-sided arguers, Mrs.
STOWE has got herself into a false position, ~nd
is indignant with us that we will not share her
difficulty. Circumstances are altered since she came
here, and hence our line of conduct must be dif- '