The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

SATUBD .14 AY ....evrew,T
by -..x.-
he extraordinary dulness
of
the Summer Assizes, was, to some extent, re-
lievedthe trial about Campden House—a
trial of considerab.e interest to that numerous
oloss who insure their houses and their furni-
ture.
charge people, The case in itself was interesting, and it
was doubly interesting as showing the sort of
grounds on which the managers of two lead-
ing insurance offices thought it right and decent to
fire triateevi not merely with arson, but with
rson committed under circumstances which in-
volvedhe the moral guilt of a triple murder of the most
his rrhible character., If Mr. Wolley really converted
without
aa t sorttak i
nogf
any
precautions infernal m acl Ji na ec,,a
iandeat
theset
curiosity to see
destruction. of the Temples, he undoubtedly com-
mitted a crime infinitely more atrocious than the
common run of murders. The verdict of the jury
having cleared his character from this diabolical
gui't, it becomes matter of something more than
what were the grounds on which
the two companies in question considered themselves
warranted in imputing it to him. The fire at
Campden House occurred between three and four
in the morning
of the 23d of March, 1862, when
the house itself and its contents were destroyed.
The tenant of the house, Mr. Wolley, was 45 years
his of age. In
youth he had been, as we learn
from the offensive and impertinent cross-examina-
tion to which the defendants thought proper to sub-
ject him, in what people call " an uncertain posi-
tion ;" that is, he had been something between a
waiter, a clerk, and an actor—a little of each. In
p
1847 he married a Miss Coape, who, as well as
her younger sister, had a fortune of £35,000. In
1854, he bought a 99 years' lease of Campden House,
and in 1855 he let it to Colonel IN augh, end he went
himself to live at Tonbridge Castle. Whilst there,
his wife was accidently drowned during her hus-
band's absence, and after her death the younger
sister continued to live with her brother-in-law.
Each of these ladies appear to have entered fully
into Mr. Wolley's tastes. He laid out the whole of
his wife's fortune in buying,
furnishing, and orna-
menting the house. Nearly £16,000 out of the
fortune of his sisterein-law, was spent in the
same manner. The family lived on the income
of the rest of her property. The house itself
would appear from the evidence to have been
a sort of old curiosity shop. It was full of
curious carvings, ornamental ceilings, pictures, rich
carpets, gildings, chandeliers, and all manner of
other things of the kind. Mr. Wolley carried his
taste so far that he once bought an estate in Essex
for 11,300, and sold it again for £9OO, merely for
the sake of being able to remove some rich carvings
which it contained, and which thus cost him £4OO.
In short the description of the house and its con-
tents is exactly like that which Balzac gives in his
novels of the dwellings of such monomaniacs as
Cousin Pons or Balthasar Claes. The use to which
this remarkable house was put was that of giving
splendid parties, at many of which amateur plays
were acted. One lady said, " There were large as-
semblies there very frequently, and theatrical en-
tertainments, perhaps 20 in the season." " There
would be sometimes 300 or 400 people there at as-
sembliee and concerts." The plays seem, for the
most part, to have been for the benefit of charitable
institutions. The last season of the splendour of
Campden House was that of 1861, after which Mr.
Wolley and Miss Coape went down to a small
nnttly nea
house at Brighton, where they appear to have lived
like other people till the time should come round
again for a new set of festivities. Early in March
Mr. Wol:ey returned from Brighton to CampdeniHi
goeuds et
to
withh o.
vhei s
Crozier,r whom he was cb-
lOrn because he was
subject to epileptic fits. A carpenter and builder,
named Temple, whom Mr. Wollev had kept con-
stantly in his employ for many years, was taking
care of the house at the time, with his wife and son ;
cosenrsvtaa
and there, according to the theory of the defendants,
Mr. Wolley and Crozier spent three weeks in deli-
berately preparing to burn down the house, with
the Temples in it—a plan which, the Insurance
Company assert, was duly carried into execution.
Certainly all the antecedent probabilities of the
matter are fligantly opposed to this view of the case.
The particular facts which the defendants deemed
sufficient to support the theory that Mr. Wolley
did burn his house, notwithstanding all this, were
that he carefully prepared the house for burning—
that he hung the walla with paper, pnt tapestry
over the windows to conceal the flames during the
early part of the fire, varnished the wainscoting,
and laid out the books on the tables as if to dry.
It was admitted that there were plausible " pre-
texts" for all this—that the varnishing was natural
enough, that the paper was said to have been hung
up over the varnished wainscots for the sake or
keeping off dirt and insects, that the tapestry was
hung against the light in order that the holes in it
might be easily seen and conveniently mended, and
that the books might have been opened to dry. It
was said, of course, there would be pretexts, but
here there were "striking coincidences. If it was
an accident, it was the most wonderful that ever
occurred ; there was the varnishing and repairing of
tapestry and the drying of books, and the covering
up of walls all happening at the same time." This
is the sort of argument which may be excused in a
counsel who has a weak case, bat it is astonishing
that cool men of business should act upon such
absurdly frivolous reasoning. There is about as
mach marvel in this coincidence as in the coinci-
dence between taking up the carpets, whitewashing
the ceiling, and putting brown-holland covers on
the furniture, which may usually be observed when
a family goes out of town. The simple fact is, that
each of these operations was connected with setting
the house to rights, and all, therefore, would natur-
ally take place at the same time. Besides this there
is something monstrous in the notion of a man carry-
ing out all these designs under the eyes of domestic
spies who would haee it in their power to boar wit-
ness against him, arid whose absence he might easily
have procured. The presence of the Temples in the
house was barely consistent with the theory of the
defendants. This was (after recapitulating the
evidence) the substance of the case. It is curious to
see how little it comes to when it is put together.
There is not in the whole range of the evidence a
single fact which really proves any one of the
elements of such a crime as was imputed to Mr.
Wolley. There is ro proof of motive, no proof of
preparation, no proof of execution. There are
isolated facts which, if you choose to begin by
assuming that there was a crime at all, point out
the way in which it was committed. Assume
that Mr. llfolley did burn his house fraudulently,
and the different facts proved will no doubt bear the
construction put upon them by the companies ;
but there is nothing whatever to compel that con-
clusion, though they might suggest it to persons
whose interest and, to some extent, whose duty it is
to be suspicious. The case is a good instance of the
nature of suspicion as distinguished from proof ;
and, we may add, it is a striking example of the

extent to which suspicion may be made to do duty i
in place of proof. A Court of Justice was occupied
for a whole week in listening to " evidence" which
it did not need two minutes' deliberation to stamp
as utterly frivolous and worthless. The fact that
the jury found a verdict for the plaintiff on the
instant, without leaving their box, furnishes a suffi-
cient comment on a proceeding which is probably
unexampled, and which, it may be hoped, is little
likely to be regarded by Insurance Companies as a
precedent for imitation.
SPECTATOR.—The report, for it is only a report,
that the Czar is willing to reconstitute the Grand
Duchy of Warsaw under an Imperial Lieutenant, is
in itself an important testimony to the strength of
the insurrection. Three years ago the Poles only
claimed to be governed as an independent province.
Provided their religion were respected, the right of
educating themselves conceded, the relations of
nobles and peasants amicably settled, and industrial
enterpriee encouraged, the party of progress, headed
by Count Andre Z moiski, desired nothing more for
years to come. 'ihey knew Europe was weary of
the Polish question, they desponded of their own
strength, and in spite of the Czar's unworthy speech
atWarsaw—"l shall know how to be severe"—they
believed that the tyranny of Nicholas could never
be renewed. They had yet to learn that a weak,
well-meaning man, with such creatures as Wielo-
polski, Gortschakoff, and Mouravieff, might be more
fatal to his subjects than the sovereign whose sole
faith had beenlhis own divinity. Since the massacre
of Feb., 1861, when the Russian soldiers fired on a
peaceful and unarmed multitude, the Government of
St. Petersburg has pursued a relentless policy of ex-
tinction. It menaced the clergy, closed the churches,
suppressed schools, and made a state of siege the
police of the country. Under the Grand Duke
Constantine the last outrage on national self-t aspect
was perpetrated. It was resolved to press all the
energy and intelligence of the country into the ser-
vice of its oppressors. Then, and then only, it was
decided by the majority of a single vote in the
Central Committee of the National Government
that the conscripts had better die fighting against
Russia than in her ranks. No Pole at that time
expected the reaults which have actually been
achieved. The single hope that seemed probable,
that of foreign intervention, has been painfully
disappointed. But, through a number of unfore•
seen circumstances, a singularly mild winter, the
incredible negligence of the Russian generals at the
outset, the demoralisation of the troops, and the un-
precedented union of different classes in Poland, the
insurrection has maintained itself and spread. Russia
at. this moment has 250,000 men in the kingdom
and the old provinces, has sent even the Guards
from St. Petersburg, and bas decreed a fresh levy
in the two-thirdslof her empire that can be trusted.
She has had from the first ttie cordial support of
Prussia, equivalent at least to an additional corps
d armee, and latterly something more than neu-
trality from Austria. Her military governors, once
roused, have acted with vigour, and, setting aside
Lithuania as the theatre of an exceptional monster
—Mouravieff, the results of the last year are suffi-
ciently startling. In Warsaw, a fourth of the
population is said to be in arms, killed, or trans-
ported ; in the district of Lublin, one of the best
governed, one hundred gentlemen have been im-
prisoned, and iu Kalisch only a few are out of
prison. Confiscations, flogging, hanging, sometimes
even burning alive, have been episodes in the ter-
rible struggle. At the end of eight months the
National Government is more firmly organised than
ever, dismisses officials, interrupts railway commu-
nication, forbids taxes to be paid except to itself,
and, unhappily, is even able to retaliate death on
the secret agents of the enemy. Its troops, in spite
of official bulletins, occupy the country, and the
Russians hold not an inch between Warsaw and
Galicia on which they are not in force
enough to give battle. The Imperial trea-
sury is so nearly exhausted that silver is
nowhere seen except in Warsaw, and the salaries
of the chief officials have been unpaid for months.
Of course, this state of things may be altered at
any moment. Men without drill, without muni-
tions of war, without regular encampments, and
without hospitals, are at terrible disadvantage
against the chances of battle or disease. Neverthe-
less, the last reports say that the insurgents have
.been victorious at Janow and threaten Lublin. It
is at this moment that the Russian Government,
bankrupt of money and men, and painfully con-
scious of the loathing it excites in Europe, pro•
poses to quiet the revolt by an offer of provisional
L independence. It is as if George 111. had proposed,
after the convention of Saratoga. that the Ameri-
cans should disarm on condition of being allowed to
, tax themselves. The imprisonment or death of
• 40,000 men and women may seem a very small
• thing to the Court of Peterhoff—but it leaves memo-
. ries that are not easily effaced among the suffering
people.

LONDON REVIEW.—It can scarcely be said that

the conquest of Mexico is yet complete, or the new
form of government fully established, or the future
Emperor irrevocably chosen. It may be that the
French may still find much work before them, ere
their self-imposed task be thoroughly accompished.
Minor guerilla chiefs may refuse to submit, and
may continue to give considerable trouble—brigan-
dage, and faction may retard for some time longer
the final reduction and pacification of the country ;
and it is possible, though not probable, that on
looking more closely at the prospect before him, the
Sovereign elect, the Archduke Maximilian, may be
induced to decline the Imperial throne. Still we
cannot apprehend that any of these possibilities will
materially affect the ultimate result. We may be
quite sure that Louis Napoleon will not draw back
from an enterprise which is now so nearly com-
pleted, and which cost him so much. France can.
not afford to be baffled, and is not accustomed to
put up with failure and defeat, even in expedi-
tions which are not or were not popular ; and
if the Austrian prince should finally prefer a quiet
life at home to the splendid temptations of grati-
fled ambition, other less cautious, and perhaps less
eligible candidates, will no doubt be found. The
idea of erecting a monarchical government in Mex-
ico did not originate with the French Emperor.
More than twenty years ago it was felt by the
best and ablest dictator Mexico ever had, Santa
Anna, that the elements of a permanent and vigo-
rous democratic administration did not exist in
that country, and could not be created, and that
her only means of escape from ceaseless anarchy
and utter ruin would be found in the establishment
of an autocracy, and the selection of a European
prince. All that was sensible and educated among
the Mexican people felt as Santa Anna did. A ne-
gotiation, with the view of bringing about such a
result was (about 1842, we believe) entered into
with the chief powers of Europe, and their, sanc-
tion and co-operation were requested. The plan
was favourably received, and matters even went
so far that the crown was informally offered to the
Archduke Frederick, and not retused either by
him or by the Court of Vienna. But the United
States threatened violent opposition, and the har-
mony which at one time had reigned among the
potentates of the old world was disturbed ; Santa
Anna fell from power; and the scheme fell into
abeyance. It was, however, in the main, too natu.
ral and judicious not to be sure of revival on the
first favourable opportunity ; and having been now
taken up and acted on by so.resolute a Sovereign as
Louis Napoleon, we may fairly assume that, under
some modification or other, and under some chief
or other, Mexico will become a settled state, with
an imperial regime, and under the protection and
enforcement of a French army of occupation. It
remains for consideration how far and in what man-
ner this stupendous change will affect the ulti-
mate position and policy of the two great
divisions of what was once the United States. In
the first place a crushing blow has been struck at the
" Monroe doctrine," and that by the only Power
with which the propounders of that doctrine never
seem inclined to quarrel—perhaps because it is the
only one which is always ready to take up any
gauntlet. That insolent declaration, which assumed
to forbid not only the establishment or intervention
of any European power, but the erection of mon-
archical government, on any portion of the vast
continent of North America, was of itself preten-
tious in the
extreme,and could find nothing either
in the claims of justice or the ultimate welfare of
the human race to warrant or excuse it. It was only
a few years since European and monarchical autho-
rity had been compelled, in the era of its feebleness,
to relax its hold on some of the fairest and most fer-
tile and most extensive regions of that continent. It
became year by year more obvious that republican
institutions were utterly unsuited to the
those countries which, though they had succeeded
in throwing off the yoke of Spain, showed them-
selves quite unable to utilise or to maintain the free-
dom they had gained ; and that the continued
attempt could only insure a long period of suffering
and turbu ence:and a final result of complete degene•
racy and exhaustion. This, however, was of course
what the United States foresaw and desired. They
hoped, and with reason, that if they could only
warn off European aid and monarchical vigour long
enough from the emancipated colonies of Spain,
these would fall into their grasp as soon as they
were ready to take possession, and would, indeed,
be so wretched in their existing condition as to wel-
come any foreign conqueror who would rescue them
and rule them. Mexico especially was marked as
the first prey of the all-devouring Republic of the
West, which had already desolated her in two wars,
and snatched from her an enormous slice of terri-
tory by a shameless mixture of force and fraud.
The establishment of a settled and strong Govern.
mer,t in Mexico, under the protection of a first-
Ouse European power, to be recognised by the rest
of Europe as a matter of courtesy and right, as soon
as the establishment is complete, is therefore

double blow to the ambition of the Anglo-Ameri-
cans; it deprives them of a vast and rich inherit-
ance which they had long counted as their own ;
and it cuts them off from the still more tempting
countries which lie still further to the south. In
fact, it gives them, for the first time in their national
existence, a fixed and definite Southern boundary.
It renders their territory limited instead of un-
limited, though still enormous. It hounds their
imagination, and by that simple process wounds
their national vanity.
EXAMINER.—It was a maxim of Jonathan Wild
the Great to do no more mischief than was abso-
lutely necessary, as mischief was a thing too pi e-
cious to be wasted. The American Government
seems to hold a similar opinion as to falsehood, and
in Mr. Seward's review of the war there is a sur-
prising amount of truth. The Foreign Secretary
evidently thinks that sufficient for the day past was
the flim-fiam thereof, and he therefore does not
romance about events which have passed into the
domain of history. What, indeed, would have been
the use of wasting precious falsehood upon facts
now beyond dispute ? It was all very well upon
occasions of disaster to make things pleasant by a
little concoction of invention ; but that is all gone
by, the truth too well established, and any fibbing
now would be worse than useless, absolutely detri-
mental. If the war were now described as a series
of successes, with a few exceptions having no con-
sequences, such as Bull's Run and Fredericksburg,
people would naturally say, why is it not all over?
If so much has been done, how can anything remain
to be done ? Gross, indeed, must be the mismanage-
ment which allows the war to drag on which has
been marked with a succession of triumphs. Mr.
Seward is cunning enough to see that this would
not do, so he is truthful enough in his review of the
war till he comes to the recent turn of its fortunes
in favour of the North, and then he expends upon
it all the fine colouring he has kept in reserve.
Indeed, the dark shadows of the earlier passages
serve to set forth more brightly the present pros-
pect. According to the Foreign Secretary, the
Northerns were beaten till they could be beaten no
longer. They had exhausted defeats. Trey travelled
in the long lane of disaster till they came to the in-
evitable turning. For all this the American
Government will some day claim credit, showing
that all its seeming reverses were cunningly-
planned expedients for ultimate success. There
was once upon a time a charlatan who professed
drawing teeth without pain. When the credulous
patient was in his hands he would give a tug at the
grinder with his instrument, and, in reply to the
roar and angry complaint that followed, say, Now
that was merely to show you Cartwright's method,
that you should see the difference between his and
mine. Another tug, and another roar, and the ex-
planation that the pain was only to exhibit Spence's
method, and so on till :he tooth hung by a thread,
when the quack said, Now you shall have a speci-
men of my method, and whipped the tooth out
without more pain. And so President Lincoln, if
he ever succeeds in extracting the tooth, will say
that Bull's Run was only to show Burnside's me-
thod ; the period of inaction, M'Clellao's ; Frede-
ricksburg, Hooker's; and that his own conduct of
affairs commenced when the bunglers were all dis-
posed of. Upon the breaking out of the war we
repeatedly expressed our opinion that the North
could not keep any very large force permanently in
the field. They have succeeded in doing this to a
greater degree than we thought possible, but the
voluntary levies are now fairly exhausted, and the
Government confesses that its only remaining re-
source is conscription. How that will work we
shall soon see. But if it gives soldiers, it will give
such soldiers as will full surely revenge their forced
service by tremendously increasing the demoralisa-
tion already existing. In the memoirs of a French
veteran just published it is shown what a canker in
the armies of Napoleon was the rapine, which had
become a condition of their existence, and cause of
their dissolution. If this was the case with the
armies of France, how will it be with those of
America under a discipline so much taxer, and with
a national propensity so much stronger to insubor-
dination ? To be sure, it may be said that robbery is
the order of the day in the Federal States, that every
one who can is pillaging, and that the soldier only
does on a small scale what contractors and crea-
tures of the Government are doing on a great scale;
but when men with arms in their hands follow this
prevailing fashion they are apt to cut out more work
than is bargained for, and woe to their employers,
with the wolf by the ears, which they can neither
hold nor let go. One day the conscripts' turn may
come, and they may say to the Government, " You
made us soldiers against our will, and soldiers we
will now remain against your will, and help our-
selves to indemnities for our forced services." For
law and liberty in America sad times are too evi-
dently in store, " bad begins and worse remains
behind." One good effect has been brought about
by this war. It used to be the reproach of quiet
citizens that in their security they delighted in thr
account of battles, and could hardly be satisfied
with any amount of kil:ed and wounded. This is

certainly no longer the case. The American war has
surfeited with carnage, and the battles, one just like
another, have lost all interest. The imagination
cannot grasp or follow things on so large a scale.
The high numbers are confounding. In a word, the
American war has become a nauseous drug, and
many people have resolved to hear no more about
it till it is over, like the Irish traveller in the sacked
town, who gave his order as he took to his bed,
" Call me when it is done." But when is it to be
done Mr. Seward tells all in Europe who desire
a restoration of peace, for the renewal of commer-
cial prosperity, to withdraw support and favour
from the insurgents, as if these were the only obsta-
cles to the termination of the war. Leave us to
ourselves, he says. But have the favour and support
been all on one side ? Have they not been pretty
equally divided, the South getting the largest share
of the fa' cur, the North the largest share of the
support in the substantial shape of arms, munitions
of war, and the raw material of soldiers in many
thousands of emigrants ? There is always some
reason for not succeeding in a conflict. "If it had
not been for this or that, I should have thrashed
him,"says every foiled combatant ; and Mr. Seward's
appeal to Europe betrays the consciousnes of diffi-
culty at the bottom of all his vaunts of Buenas.

COURT JOURNAL.—The Archduke Maximilian is very
wisely hesitating as to his acceptance of the Mexican throne,
which, however tempting it may look at a distance and in
theory, would in reality be a hotbed of troubles for any un-
fortunate Prince sufficiently bold or ambitious to accept it.
The Archduke has consulted his brother, the Emperor of
Austria, and his father-in-law, the King of the Belgians,
on the subject; and the latter Monarch, who is ever ready
to give his friendly advice and services to those of his family
who seek it, cannot fail to point out to his relative the
dangers and disagreeables which would ensue upon his ac-
ceptance of the French offer. It is very clear that, without
a lengthened occupation by French troops, the Mexicans
will never become willing subjects of a foreign Prince; but,
however undesirable this may be, the Archduke Maximi-
lian's rule would be the only security which Europe would
possess of the French occupation not becoming a perpetual
one. In case of the Archduke's refusal, a French Prince
will undoubtedly supply his place, and Mexico, in that case,
will be nothing better than an appanage or the Imperial
throne of France. While the Archduke Maximilian has
been thus debating a proposal so momentous both to himself
and to Europe, his brother has been actively engaged in ne •
gotiations of even greater importance, and which deeply
concern the future prospects and welfare of Germany. The
Conference at Frankfort has been brought to a close, but not
without having been productive of a great amount of utility.
It is true that Prussia steadfastly declines to accept the
proposals of the Austrian Emperor, and that one or two
minor Princes of no influence or note whatever have fol-
lowed in the suit of the King, to whom they are tied by
personal or pecuniary interests; but, nevertheless, the re-
mainder of the German Sovereigns have made up their
minds to adopt the Austrian programme in its chief par.
titulars ; and even if the union should bo a partial one, it
will certainly be a source of greater strength to the different
elements that compose the great German nation. Nor were
the deliberatiims of the thirty Crowned Heads solely con-
fined to the consideration of German Unity, for, although
only a secondary object, the Polish question was duly
deliberated upon in the private interviews which the
Emperor of Austria and the Grand Duke of Saxe-Coburg
held with the remainder of the German Princes. One and
all they concurred in the policy adopted by Austria, and,
such as it is, they lend their influence to support the three
Great Powers in the measure which they have adopted
towards Russia for the benefit of the Polish nation. Russia,
friendless and unsympathised with by any other nation,
except Prussia, would not dare to press matters on to active
warfare, in which, with all her power, she would certainly
have to succumb to the united forces of the remainder of
Europe. But while we ace every cause for congratulation
at the time adopted by the German Stages as regards their
own interests and those of Poland, we cannot but deplore
the policy which they seem inclined to pursue towards Den-
mark andg:Schleswig-Holstein, Without attempting to
plunge into the unfathomable mysteries of the eternal sub-
ject on which Scandinavia and Germany are at such com-
plete variance, it needs no argument to show that Denmark
is in every way justified in retaining her hold upon the
Schleswig-Holefein provinces. Surely, while they are still
matter of dispute, the party in possession cannot be ex.
petted to deliver them up to the rival complainant, and
Desmark has done all that could be reasonably expected of
her in offering to submit the question to the consideration
of a general conference. Should Germany refuse this very
fair proposal, we cannot be surprised at the King and people
of Denmark resolving to maintain their rights ri et antis ;
and it is gratifying to observe that Sweden and Norway,
with a noble spirit of generosity and self-sacrifice which is
not often met with in the transactions of nations, hey° de-
termined upon lending every assistance to the Danes, who
claim the same origin as themselves, have the same re-
ligion and manners, and whose language is only a slight
different larigueise from that spoken by the Swedes and Nor-

wegians. In the deplorable event of war between Germany
and the Scandinavian Powers the duty of England would
undoubtedly be one of strict neutrality, but there can be no
question as to which side our sympathies would incline.
Malgre a certain awkward Danish despatch, which has now
become matter of European notoriety, our Government
would know this, and no Minister, whether Liberal or Con-
servative, would dare lend the slightest assistance to the
enemies of Denmark. Nevertheless, we trust that the good
sense of the Austrian Emperor will avert this threatened
calamity, and that he will endeavour to keep intact that
admiration and sympathy which he has excited in this
country by his bold attitude in Polish affairs, and his un-
flinching determination to grant his subjects a liberal and
truly constitutional system of government.

WILLS AND BEQUESTS,

(From the Illustrated London News.)

The will of Mrs. Margaret Stancoinb;of Trow,
bridge, Wilts, was proved in the London Court by
her son, Mr. Wm. Stanconab, the surviving execu-
tor. The personal estate was sworn under .E 120,000
The testatrix died in April last, and WES the relict
of the late Mr. Wm. Stancomb. The will bears

date 184:5, and a codicil 1852, and another 1860.
Her property she directs to be divided into six equal
parts, leaving to her son andfive daughters a share
each. A legacy is left to the Sunday-school con-
nected with the Baptist chapel at Trowbridge, at
which the testatrix attended, and a sum is to be
expended in clothing and other gifts for poor mem-
bers of the congregation. Legacies and annuities
are also left to her servants. The will of Major-
General Sir Joshua Jebb, K.C.8., of The Elms,
Fulham, was proved in London by the executors,
Mr. Samuel Henry Jebb, the testator's brother, and
the Rev. Charles Campbell, the testator's brother-
in-law. The personal property was sworn under
£30,000. Sir Joshua entered the Royal Engineers
in 1812, became colonel in 1855, major-general in
1860, had served in America in 1812-13, and retired
on full-pay. Sir Joshua held the offices of Sur-
veyor-General of Prisons, Inspector-General of
Military Prisons, and Chairman of the Directors of
Convict Prisons. Sir Joshua, who was in his 70th
year, died in June last. His will bears date, 1854,
and there are two codicils, dated 1858 and 1860.
To his wife, Lady Amelia (who is the daughter of
the second Earl of Chichester), he leaves a liberal
annuity and a portion of the furniture, wines, &c.
To his son, Mr. Joshua Gladwyn Jebb, he has de-
vised his real estate, and after leaving a pecuniary
legacy to each of his three daughters, directs the
residue of the personal estate to be divided between
them and his son.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

10-

NOTTINGHAM-SATURDAY.

There was a fair show of wheat to-day, and the condi-
tion was good. A fair demand, nd prices is over late rates.
—White wheat, from 43s to 50s ; :red wheat, 40s to 475.
Barley—malting, 36s to 40s ; grinding, 30s to 325. Oats,
old, at 24s to 31s Od ; new, 22s to 275. Beans sold at 38s
to 43s per qr, ; new, 38s to 425.