The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-18 00:00:00

MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, Nov. 17,

(Before the Assistant-Judge.)
THE CASE OF THOMAS JOSEPH GEORGE, A SOLICITOR.

At the sitting of the Court this matter was again brought
forward.

Mr. Sleigh, instructed by the Associate Institution for
Improving and Enforcing the Laws for the Protection of
Women, said he had now to mention, he believed for the
last time, to the Court the e: se of Thomas Joseph George,
and to renew the application he had formerly made, on the
authority of affidavits which were already on the files of the
Court, that the dispositions of the prosecutrix be read be-
fore the grand jury, so that they might either find or ignore
the bill against him. He had also in his hand a further affi-
davit of the sister of the prosecutrix, and as it was very
short, perhaps the better plan would be to read it to the
Court at once. It was as follows :

"I, Barbara Leech, wife of George Leech, of No. 2, Ogle-
street, Marylebone, in the county of Middlesex, make oath
and say-1. That on Tuesday, the 27th October, I met Ro-
bert John Long (who has been keeping company with my
sister, the prosecutrix, since February last), in Savillo-
street, Marylebone, and ho then informed mo that they were
married, and produced to me his marriage certificate, show-
ing that such marriage took place in All Souls Church, in
the parish of St. Marylebono, on the 22d day of October
last. 2. That I then spoke to him of this prosecution, and
told him that I should have to appear again at the Middlesex
Sessions on the following Monday, to which he replied that
I might go, but she (meaning the prosecutrix) would not, as
he did not intend to let her prosecute, as they were going to
New Zealand. I then told him I was aware she had taken
£75 to compromise the matter, to which he replied that he
supposed I knew all about that now. I then spoke to
him of a debt due to me from my sister, and he said that
they would give me what they had left after paying
their passage, and he then gave me a sovereign on account.
3. That the said Robert John Long did not inform me where
my said sister was then residing. 4. That on Saturday,
the 14th inst., I saw Mr. Long, the father of the said Robt.
John Long, and told him that I came to inquire about his
son, who had married my sister, to which he replied that
he could not tell me where they were, as he had received a
say that they had left England. 5.
letter from them to
That I have at the present time no knowledge as to whore
my said sister can be found ; and from the above facts I be-
lieve that she has left England, and will not attend to give
any evidence on behalf of this prosecution.—BAßßAßA
LEECH.— Sworn in open court at the Sessions-house on
Clerkenwell-green on this 17th day of November, 1863."
While he (Mr. Sleigh) was making his application last
session to have the depositions read before the grand jury,
the defendant, who was then in court, handed to him a
counter affidavit, but he could not then examine it, and it
was handed back to him. Mr. West, clerk to the solicitor
for the prosecution, however, saw it and read its contents,
but Mr. George took care never to let him (Mr. Sleigh) see
it again. He, therefore, now moved that the depositions of
the prosecutrix be read before the grand jury.
The Assistant•Judge—The safer course will be to dis-
charge the recognisances of the witnesses, and then no risk
whatever will be done. Therefore the recognisances of all
the witnesses will be discharged. If I were to send the de-
positions of the prosecutrix to be read before the grand jury,
and they were to ignore the bill, then there would be an end
of the matter for ever; but by taking this course the prose-
cution can be renewed at any time that it may be thought
proper to do so.
Mr. Sleigh—As your lordship pleases.
The recognisances of the NI itnesses were then discharged,
and so the matter has for the present terminated.

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A public meeting, called under the auspices of the
National League for the independence of Poland,
was held last evening at the Beaumont Institution,
Mile_end, at half-past 7 o'clock—Lord Campbell in
the chair. Among those present were—The Rev.
G. T. Duffield (rector of Bow), Messrs. G. Wilson,
A. S. A. Pardon, Allardyce, Shillett, T. Ditchburn,
Fletcher, Armstrong, J. B. Day, Pope Hennessy,
Edmond Beales (the president of the National
League for the Independence of Poland, John R.
Taylor (hon. secretary of the League), Napoleon F.
Z I. T. Lach Szyrma, Geo. Burney, and others.
The objects of the League are to give to the Poles
all the moral and pecuniary aid we lawfully can in
support of their righteous cause ; to urge on Par-
liament and the Government the duty of no longer
recognising any claim by Russia to dominion over
Poland ; to obtain for the Poles the recognition of
belligerent rights, and to insist on the withdrawal,
if necessary for these purposes, of our ambassador
from St. Petersburg.
The Hon. Secretary read letters of apology from
Mr. M. Chambers, Mr. Hanbury, jun., Mr. Butler,
MX., Mr. George Thompson, Mr. S. Morley, and
Sir T. F. Buxton.
Lord CAMPBELL, who, on rising to address the
meeting, was much cheered, said—Ladies and gen-
tlemen of the Tower Hamlets, it was not my in-
tention to occupy the chair to-night. I meant only
to present a resolution to your notice, but having
been instructed by the promoters of the meeting,
and advised to occupy the chair, I did not hesitate
for a moment at occupying that position in which,
according to their jedgmentt I could be most useful
to the objects of the meeting. (Hear, hear.) It is not
too much to say that deep interest in Poland and
grave commiseration for her wrongs, and a strong
and genuine desire for her deliverance, now pervades
and influences all classes of society in this country.
(Hear, hear.) But if these feelings are so general,
they must—and I think you will agree with me—
much more forcibly prevail in that class to which
at the present moment I happen to belong, viz., the
class of those who, as travellers, have recently re-
sided in the oppressed and melancholy capital of
Poland, and who, from that terrific scene, have
brought away impressions which they are not able
to forget nor altogether adequately to communicate.
I will not dwell on that depressing theme, but will
point out to you the practical occasion of this meet-
ing. At the time to which I have ventured to al-
lude, while residing for about a month at Warsaw,
I took the opportunity—as any other member of
either house of the Legislature in myposition would
have done—of submitting to some of the most en-
lightened, temperate, and well-conducted patriots
which that capital contains, this very question,
How far British agitation was of service to their
object ?" At that time many meetings had been held
and much popular opinion had been expressed, and
those leading in IVarsaw this great insurgent move-
ment for the freedom of their country had had ample
opportunity of judging whether the efforts of the
people in Great Britain were or were not favourable
to their cause. After arguing the point as to how far
agitation in this country would assist them, and
stating what could be said for and against it, and
pointing out its advantages and its disadvantages,
dwelling particularly upon the latter, the reply
which I received from them was this, " Come what
may, we would rather have a British agitation to
support us in the winter, no matter what risk it in-
volves." lam not, therefore, going beyond the limits
of discretion in announcing to you that the persons
most deeply interested in this question, who are at
this moment contending for life, liberty; and honour,
who have everything dear to them at stake, who
sleep, who go out, who live in the constant dread of
execution, of confiscation, and of imprisonment—it is
not too much for me to say that these parties, so
deeply interested in arriving at a just conclu-
sion upon the question, do desire a continuation
of our appreciation of them and ask for our sync •
pathy ; and although the agitation may not add
another firelock to their arms cr another soldier
to their levies, still it will have a strong prac-
tical and appreciable influence upon the issue
of the fatal struggle in which they find themselves
engaged. (Hear, hear.) And if that is so found—
if these leaders, not of the more but of the less re-
volutionary element in Warsaw, to some extent in-
voke your aid, and through the very medium by
which that aid is presented, through such a meeting
as this, then I ask, can it be refused—can our hu-
manity deny to own the popular opinion of Great
Britain so invoked by those who ere in a position to
judge how far it will be useful to them, so long as
our conviction impels, and our free institutions give
us power to give them what they ask? But no
doubt the League who are responsible for our as-
sembling here to-night will be required to point out
what particular results that agitation, so much de-
sired by the Polish patriots, may produce, and that
question I will, with your permission, answer, In
the first place, the agitation which we contemplate
tends to create a spirit in this nation 14 which the
Government of the country must be materially in-
fluenced, by which the Government of the country,
disposed to truckle to St. Petersburg,
if unhappily
would be arrested and restrained ; by which the
Government of the country, if disposed to standstill,
neutral, and indifferent, would be awakened to a
sense of the responsibility imposed upon it ; and by
which, if the Government of the country, high-
minded,and avo akened to a sense of its responsibility,
was disposed to act upon that sense would be en-
abled to act upon their convictions with a well-
founded confidence in public support and public
approbation. (Hear, hear.) There were two or
three practical points which the Polish Government
believe will be the result of this agitation. They
have asked the British Government, with those of
France and Austria, to concede to them belligerent
rights. (Loud cheers.) They have asked those so-
called friendly Powers to deny the title of the Czar
to the sovereignty of Poland after the violation of
those treaties by which alone that sovereignty is held.
(Hear.) Here are two distinct, well-known, intel-
ligible positions urged upon the British Government
on the part of Poland. Does any one suppose that,
without the loudly and frequently expressed opinions
of the people of this country, both or either of
the demands will be conceded, however anxious
the Government may be to grant them. (Hear,
hear.) Agitation may possibly fail in reaching
these results, but these results will never be arrived
at without it. (Hear, hear.) If you want any
proof of this position I will give it you in a minute.
It is not many weeks since Earl Russell addressed ,
through the remote Scotch village of Blairgowrie,
a speech which was meant to echo, as it did, through-
out Europe and the world. In that sp
eec.
noble lord the Minister for Foreign A h
Affairs did did not
scruple scruple to say that the time was come when the
title of the Czar to Poland should be
questioned,
the ground of the violation of the retie on
as under
Thatt speech was
which ho held its sovereignty.
read in Paris, in St. Petersburg, and at Warsaw.
I was in Paris at the moment of
its publication,
and can therefore measure in
some degree thein-
fluence it exercised in foreign parts. The y said—
" Great Britain is now about to net upon the mea-
surehich the Foreign Secretary has delineated ;
she
which
sabout to be true to the principle which Lord
Russel' has announced." Has that happened;? Since
the speech at Blairgowrie, the Foreign Secretary,
in a despatch to St. Petersburg, deprecates all fur-
ther correspondence, and retreats as well as he can
from the position in which his policy had placed
him, but does not proclaim even the most faint echo
of the manly words of Bla.irgowrie. (Loud cheers.)
Does his despatch contain the slightest intimation
that Great Britain will not recognise the right of
St. Petersburg to the sovereignty of Poland, which
she has forfeited ? Is there a word about it ? No ;
and why ? Is it supposed that the speech at
Mairgrewtie was inadvertent and precipitate,
that it was not long and maturely considered ?

Did it not express the principles which had been
impressed week by week upon Lord Russell by Gen.
Zamoyski, and which Lord Russell then conceived
to be just and which he sought to give effect to ?
(Loud cheers.) So much was that understood to be
the fact abroad that, happening to be in Paris at
the time the speech arrived, I know a gentleman
who went to Gen. Zamoyski, who was also there,
and said—" I congratulate you upon the success of
your speech at Blairgowrie," (Hear, hear, and
laughter.) Therefore I would ask you to remark
that this speech, which conveyed, so far as we could
judge, the deliberate conviction of the Foreign-
office, was not followed up by results, and therefore
there has been a discrepancy and incongruity be-
tween the speech at Blairgowrie and the subsequent
acts of the Government ? Why is This ? It is be-
cause the popular opinion of Great Britain has not
been
expressed with that loudness and distinctness
as to give even a cautious statesman the power and
the liberty to act on the convictions he has formed
—the convictions he has blazoned forth to the
continent. I hope I have thus brought home to the
humblest and the plainest understanding the con-
viction that agitatio has upon the Polish question
this tendency, namely, to giveb. to the Government
w
the freedom of doing that chit desires to do, but
which it shrinks from doing until it has the indubi-
table stamp of public approbation. Having thus,
I trust, convinced you that agitation is practicable
and friendly to the Government which rules us,
and is desired by those who wish for our support, I
will only remark at the outset that the League
of which I have the honour of being one of the
vice-presidents disclaims the accusation frequently
urged against it—that of attempting to light up
the flames of war in Europe. War is not our ob-
ject. It is true that in 1854 Great Britain, after
due deliberation, resolved that it was advisable to
go to war with Russia, not for the purpose of pro-
tecting herself or her allies, but Eastern Europe
from Russian aggression. (Hear, hear.) Hence the
Crimean war. It is true that the cause of that war
is emblazoned upon the annals of the country, but
no man with Balaklava in remembrance would wish
to see that principle acted upon at present if it were
possible to avoid it. The League does not aim at
war, but it does wish to avert that collision be-
tween Russia and the Western Powers which must
unavoidably be brought about should Poland be un-
happily exterminated. (Loud cheers.) But although
they do not wish for war, they wish to contend that
Polish independence is a British object, and that it
is our duty to preserve it on the ground of its being
our own interest to do so as well for the sake of
humanity. In the age in which we live France and
England go together. (Cheers.) So long as they
do, Russia may not be considered in Western
Europe as a formidable Power. (Hear, hear.) But
it is impossible to count upon the life of the extra-
ordinary man who now rules France ; he is not
immortal, and what politician could be so rash as
to count upon the policy of France when deprived
of its master mind? (Loud cheers.) 'Who shall
say that at all times Franca and England will be
ready to present to St. Petersburg the firm front
they did in 1854? Would that have occurred in
1830, in 1816, or in 1848 ? -Who, then, can always
calculate upon the continuance of their alliance ? I
ask you, therefore, to consider a moment what the
consequences will be if, when France and England
are not united as at present, the question of Turkey
should give rise to a disagreement between the
Cabinets of. London and St. Petersburg. If not to
France, where are we turn to for an ally ? We
must look in that event to the German Powers,
namely, Austria and Prussia; and so long
as the Czar holds Poland in his hands,
Austria and Prussia cannot be considered
as free agents. If you look at the map of
Europe you will see that Warsaw commands Berlin
and Vienna—Berlin being only 20 hours' journey
from Warsaw, and Vienna only 24. (Hear, hear.)
You can conceive how the Czar influences the de-
termination of political questions at these places,
and it explains the servile Russian part which
Prussia has acted in this very matter. At the same
time, it explains why Austria, wishing as she does
to act with France and England, has been compelled
to adopt a double-faced policy with regard to the
Polish question, especially with regard to
to which reference has recently been made by the
Galician members of the Austrian Reichsrath.
(Hear. hear.) So long as the Czar holds Poland he
holds Germany; so long as he holds the German
Powers as his footstool without France as our ally,
Great Britain is powerless to oppose Russia with
Poland in its possession. But with Poland emanci-
pated this could never be the case. (Cheers.) This is
a mere matter of geography and observation which
the eye of the least instructed man can see at once.
Let that extensive country stand between the Czar
and Germany, and -Western Europe is free from
Russian aggression. (Lond cheers.) Oa these
grounds the League is justified in saying tha: Polish
independence is a British question. (Cheers.)
.And
now, having proved to you that this is a British
question, you will be more prepared to listen to
those who will tell you that the Emperor of Russia
has forfeited his title to be Sovereign of Poland.
(Hear, bear.) I regret the absence on this occasion
of my noble friend Lord Ilchester, another vice-
president of the League, who, from the official posi-
tion he had occupied at the Hague, in Florence and
Vienna, and his connection with the Foreign-
office, would have been. able to have addressed
you with greater authorityhas on
been of this point, and whose
accession to the League great advan-
tage to it. The noble lord having called upon Mr.
Day to propose the first resolution, resumed his seat
amid loud cheers.
Mr. DAY proposed the first resolution :—" That
the devoted heroism of the Poles in their present
and in their past struggles for the independence of
their country entitles them to the admiration and
support of Great Britain? Russia was an aggres-
sive Power; she had increased her possessions, and
she would, if unchecked, in time be enabled to en-
tirely disregard the West of Europe altogether.
Had it not been for the Crimean war Western Eu-
rope
would have felt before this the aggressiveEpaori
° the
string of Russia. With regard to the speech f
Russell, he thought Lord Palmerston had pulled
string on him, and had decided that a neutral policy
e
should be adopted. (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
He
trusted that Great Britain was not losing its old
British pluck, or that we were going to give up the
position in Earopo we had hitherto occupied.
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. BURNEY seconded the resolution, and con-
tended that we ought to put an end to the fearful
atrocities which were being committed by Russia in
Poland, several accounts of which he read to the
meeting. If we were compelled to appeal to arms
we need not send a large army to the interior of
Russia, but could easily muzzle the bear by blockad-
ing the Russian ports, and when the bear wanted the
muzzle taken off,
making him pay all expenses.
Mr. POPE
HENNESSY said since he had had a seat
in Parliament he had given this subject his earnest
attention. This was the time when public opinion
could not be given forth in Parliament, and it was
the proper time for members of Parliament to as-
certain the opinions of the people whom they repre-
sented. (Hear, hear.) Now, what progress with
regard to the Polishuestion had been made since
q
First, there cuss the
the last public meeting.
speech of Lord Russell, in which he declared that
Russia had, l
Foreign Se-
ller sovereignty over Poland.
After such a declaration from the
cretary, he cared not what despatches had been
Then there was the
sent. (Hear, hear.)
he
Napoleon's ad-
important sentence in the
whi.ch he also declared that
dress the other day,
Russia had forfeited her rights over Poland. The
French Emperor spoke not only for France but for
E land and for the civilised world. (Loud cheers.)
England
The third great event was the recall of the Grand
Duke Constantine, who had been the author of the
oppreseion of Poland. Russia had herself admitted

VSPARER
St*ll-1.11
4 ,• ?rtkle::A
that the Pole were in a state of perm* 4211%
.
rection. These were two great poin _ 4be
us SitA444-..,VG<4
right of R
have it admitted that the
come void over Poland, and that the Poi
termined to obtain their liberif•
Vienna had been violated ; those re
wish to ink
Tahteie.:rev,rwfpr serhLeA
bound to uphold; and if we did not
into the position of a second-rate Power W. Laust
' c
not allow our obligations to be torn to pie eta bya
Russia. If we tolerated the crushing of
great disgrace would befall us. (Hear, hoar.) IL e
People of England must force the Government tk
save us from such a disgrace. (Hear, hear.)
Congress had been proposed, and upon that quos
tion the Times newspaper, after vacillating until it
found out the intention of the Government, came at
last to the conclusion that we are to have one, "un-
der certain conditions." (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
The Emperor told us that those who refused to
attend the Congress would contribute to bring about
a war. Now, we ought not to be afraid of war. We
had spent hundreds of millions upon bzeaamentB
since the Crimean war, and were our iroh-plated
frigates to be only used in saluting foreig sove-
reigns on their arrival in this country P (lift'', and
laughter.) We must not fear war when our
honour was assailed. (Loud cheers.) Lord Rust ell
had on a late occasion almost threatened war if ou r
demands on Russia were rejected. France, finding
the atrocities in Poland increasing, had asked us to-
join her in a war to compel Russia to behave with
was
our duty
but England had refused.
duty to have gone hand in
(Hisses.)humani lt w P
justice, he believed Earl
To do the Government
hand with France in the matter. (Loud cheers.)
Russell higher position if he
thought
he would
could rely upon
the opinion of this coun-
trywldtake
amuch
for support. The i
increasing, and so were
n s urtrheectio n
Russianin Polande
twi
eass.
one
case a lady,
Ladies were being flogged, an ai n
after being flogged, had nest day give
n birth to a
ohnulsy-
cbha inl
dd ,
havingw hic hds
iine do
e, abnede
nh aedx
el oosutt
ehde.r
s o reason,w, nhoetr
Russia, but England, was responsible for those
cities. (Hear, hear.) Let us, therefore, )
awtritoci
cFlraai
nan c et
oi
odeclaringn
dt htahtatßt uhses i aa
nhciaedn
tfokrifnegi tde(2d her
oe.
in
Poland must be restored to its proper position
Europe; and nothing less than this he was Pure
would meet the wishes of the people of this country
and the rest of the civilised world.
The resolution was carried unanimously.
Mr. EDMOND BEALES moved the second resolu-
tion—" That this meeting cordially approves of the
objects of the National League for Promoting the
Independence of Poland, and urges on the Govern-
ment the justice of extending to the insurgent
Poles the belligerent rights which they have asked,
in concert with other Powers ready to concede
them." Poland had been one of the greatest
nations in Europe. She had been the home and
refuge of the persecuted. She had been the nurse
of the arts and sciences, and her chief fault was
one which ought to endear her to Euglish-
men—a too great love of liberty. Her free. insti-
tutions roused the fear and hate of the despotic
Powers on her threshold, and they combined toge-
ther to crush and stamp her freedom in the dust.
Mr. DONALD M‘Nictrou, seconded the resolu-
tion, and M. NAPOLEON ZABA supported it.
The resolution having been carried unanimously,
the meeting terminated at a late hour with a veto
of thanks to the chairman.

Stitt