The Sun.
London, England, 1830-12-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT Or THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

Lord Althorp appeared prominently lust night in
his chat-deter of Chancellar of the Exchequer, and
his propositions Were received .generelly with great
Whinge ; the; first' Wag, to appoint a Committee, on
Thursday next, to consider at once, and before any
thing le received, what reductions ought to be made
in the salaries and emoluments of all officers tickling
places et the pleasure of the Crown. The next was,
to call for a veto of. credit on Farley, on account,
'Litton the Civil List, in order to carry over the ques-
tion of its pirmenentipodification till after the re-
cess, the intervening time being necessary to arrange,
reduce, and render simple, and intelligible that dark
and oppressive account. We were sorry to observe
Sir Robert Peel, generally so candid when in the
ministry, start a technical difficulty on a matter of
form,--as if, because a Committee on the Civil List
had been appointed by the motion of Sir Henry
Parnell, on which the last ministry was dispossessed,
therefore the labours of that Committee could not
be suspended. Lord Althorp showed, however,
that even in point of form ne such difficulty existed.

It is, we believe, determined by the Ministers, in
commendable compliance .with public feeling, that
Dr. Phillpotts shall riot hold Stanhope in commen.
dents with his distant Bishopric.; but it has been in-
sinuated that Lord Grey now intends that valuable
living for his brother. We believe his Lordship's
good taste will have prevented him from intending
any such thing, rind that it Is the good nature of the
world, or the kind regards of his political enemies,
that would impute such a project to him ; at least
when his Lordship know* what the feelings of the
Church and of the country would be upon such an
issue of the Mug:agitated question of Stanhope
and Exeter, he Will abstain with promptitude from
what, if contemplated at all, can only have been
contemplated through inadvertance.--Times,

It was not without reason that we urged the
people generally to press forward now, with ten-
fold eagerness, to secure for themselves a solid Re-
form of Parliament—now, when the Government,
being pledged to that all-important measure, may be
said to have thrown itself upon the nation, to assist
its efforts in the great cause of freedom against the
common enemy. The nation are rneeOng every
where—the English, Irish, and last, but not least
valuable of all, the Scotch—have acceded to the
holy league in favour of a literal, as well as real and
practical, representation of the people. No where
has the public feeling been held in such contempt us
in Scotland. In no part of the empire has the ep-
paretus for choking every whisper of independent
opinion, through the organ of the legislative body,
been so dexterous and perfect as there. In Edit'.
burgh--a city,. a capital of 140,000 inhabitants—
the person who pretends to represent their in•
teteats and wishes has been returned to Par-
liament by thirty-three electors! Electore,elected as
their fathers were before them the humble ad-
hereto-of family.,‘ of which, whatever
individual was pointed out by the head of it
has had their votes for a series of generations, and
with as much right to designate himself the mem-
ber for " Edinburgh" as for London, Paris, or New
York. Imagine all England to be an overgrown
Old Sarum, and you have some idea of the system
of Scotch representation. Accordingly, the people
of Scotland have struck upon the heated iron of this
great crisis, and have declared in language, and with
a unanimity,'in which an honest Government must
lee its most powerful support, and a corrupt or op-
pressive one its immediate downfall, that thq will
have Reform. Even the corporations begin to find
that their hour is come, and, folding up their robes,
they prepare to die with decency. 'That of Glas-
gow: has acknowledged its Own constitution to be
cone, which .reoeires atnendenent. But a meeting has
taken place at Edinburgh, to which public attention
ought to Aasepointedly invited, where the people of
highest atinseter ' and influence crowded the spaci
out assettablyarooms in Georgesstreet, listening with
eigortuate to the indignant condemnation pronounced
by sonny able spec kers upon tife degrt4di;rg iiondition
under which those who ought to form the constituency
of &offend had been so long dein ived of their most
obvious rights, and passing without a dissentient voice
resolutions which indicated that they would no
longer submit to the privation. When we recol-
lect that the whole body of Scotch electors, as well
for counties as for burghs, amounts to only about
two thousand five hundred voters—not above half
as many as are polled at any contest for a moderate-
sized English county—we can the better sympathise
with Mr. Adam Black (Master of the Merchant '
Company), who exclaimed, One only wonders
that this wretched system should have round abet-
tors and supporters fore so many generations. Is it
not as true us it is humiliating to Scotland, that the
Scotch Members are a proverb and by,word for sub-
serviency, even to' the most profligate Ministers,
who constantly look to this steady phalanx for their
unflinching aid against all crusades against liberty
at home and abroad, in the perpetrating of every job,
and the maintaining of every abuse ? Who
supported the Bathurst and Dundas job ? I low
did the Scottish Members vote on the last do-
claire question of the Civil List ? We find that 30
voted for a large and long-continued txpendi-
lure, without inquiries, and only seven for inquiry
and retrenchment." This appears to us a satiable-
rory proof that the Scotch are neither blind to their
political situation, nor likely to remain dumb as no
its vices and disgrace. It is at the same time requi-
site tO add, in the words of another eloquent mem-
ber of the same meeting, " that although we have
won the Government, we have not yet won the
Legislature." That, indeed, is true ; one branch.
snore particularly of the Legislature has slot yet been
won to the cause of Reform—we mean the Barre
'of Lords; end we would, therefore, with much
deference, put it to their Lordships to consider how
&On-Ole—how desperate—how lost—would be
their condition, if, unhappily, the House Com-:
.mons should pass a Bill for a substantial and
thorough purification of Parliament, and the House
of Lords venture to reject that Bill I So much for
the principle of Referm. With respect to the details
of it, much, doubtless, is yet to be determined.—
Morning throttle/4

Ltest,night , a very pertinent question was ad 7
dreseed by,Mr., G. It. Dawson to the Chancellor or
.the. .I.txchstquer, respecting the rumour of an inten-,
tion to remove Sir Anthony Hart froM the Chan.'
cellorshlt.'a relatsrl accompanied' by a pathetic'
latnentatton, Olaf due of the first acts of the new.
Government would thus fix upon the country en'
additional pension. •I`so doubt the Ex-Ministers'
sorely, feel the substitution of pensions in their own
ease for the emoluments of office; but with what
greet* this question was proposed will be seen by.
that which Wee retorted by Me. Tennyson on Mr.
Goulhurn. It appears that after the Kx4Vlinisters
were, in feet, out of office, and only held the seals.
until in w arrangements could be completed, his
Greco the .Doke of Wellington uctoelly granted
four additional pensions to favourite* of his own;
none of theta, es we learn, person, who,had rein
dared any service to the public, sod two of the four
parties, who, if entitled to any remuneration, ought
to have reenlist! it front his Graces' privy pursei
for personal assistance to himself. He: might with
as much propriety have granted pensions out of the
public-money to his house-steward and his better,
as to his. priVate eecretaries-Ifferniog Chronkle.
Lord Althotp, last night to the state of
the disturbed districts, observed,, that ireadditioh
to the Commissions already issited,,another .had
Upotted the Great Seal, for the trial of- offenders in
ucisinghamshire. There ssen,ld he in the issue of
any wt*S;lPortuniseiritie eimeiderable difficulty in
-huffing dodges: to try the etrAltititt, ' He fully ton
carted with. his Noble Vriend, that none of these
persons ought to 40 tried by the Magistrates under
whose warrants 'they were committed, or by any
person liable to he eweyed by local or any undue inf.
mance This opinion highly creditable to Lord
Althorp. We trust the principle invoked itr it will
receive in time greater extension. No man might

to be a judge in his own cause; and in ninety-nine
cases out of a hundred the Magistrate is judge in his
own case, or- he judges in a similar cause of his neigh-
bour ; and his neighbour, in' return, judges in a
si-
milar cause in Which he is a party. Hence the com-
bination under which the peasantry have at length
sunk, and from the pressure of which they are now
making a desperate effort to extricate themselves at
the es:pence of the 'peace Mid security of the country.
We consider the Magistrates far more to blame in
these disturbances than the peasantry. We are as-
sured by a gentleman of the East of Rent, that
nothing would have beets more easy than to have
arrested the disturbances in the commencement.
Two or direct labourers went about from farm to
farm, collecting here a couple of men, and there a
couple. lied these men met with deterMination,
they could have math! 1115 head. But the Parson
Magistrates took fright, end the rioters began to
think themselves more formidable personages than
theyleally were. The trifling punishment of three
days' confinement, and the recommendation of the
Magistrates to the furniers .to raise wages, set the
whole country in a flame. A gentleman from the
part of Sussex where the disturbances began, as-
sures us that the evil had its origin there in the
same source. Preto tattle to the Bother, a wild,
woodland country, of about tea miles in length, and
about the same in breadth, there Is no Magistrate.
Our informant tells us that on the Wednesday be-
fore the outrage:, as he was passing to Hastinqs,
he found a number of men assembled, who were dis-
satisfied with the conduct of the Overseer, who had,
they thought, been unnecessarily severe towards
them, and they civilly conducted him out of the
parish. This passed. On his return on Vriday he
found that they had assembled, and forced the far-
mers to agree to raise their wages. Still this
passed. On the Monday and Tuesday the whole
district was in insurrection. The only Magistrate
of that part of Sussex who has acted with vigour
and energy is Sir Oodfrer Webster, and be has had
two farms fired in consequence of his seal. Our in-
formant had a conversation with a yeoman possessed
of a small property, rat the subject of establishing a
watch and ward, which he exerted himself fruit.
lessly to effect. This man remarked that " Sir
Godttey Webster was well served—that he had no
business to put himself forward." There can be
little doubt that many Magistrates allowed their
fear of their property to prevail over their sense of
duty. The old remark has been exemplified—what
is every one's business is no one's business. The
Magistrates are ready to act when their activity is
mischievous I when their services are really wanted
they are not to be found; --Morning Chronicle.
In our report of the proceedings of the House
of Commons, on Monday evening, it was erro-
nenasly stated that Mr. Tennyson had then pre-
sented a petiticn from the electors of Stamford,
complaining of the conduct of the Marquis of Exeter
at the last election. We find, however, on a re-
ference to the printed votes, that Mr. Tennyson
only gave notice of his intention to present that pe-
tition on Tuesday next. The subject is one to
which we have repeatedly adverted, and we now
entertain sanguine hope that, under the auspices of
the new Administration, the House of Commons
would do its duty in this matter. Whatever reforms
may be contemplated, unless ballot is to form a por-
tion, the Constitutiou will always he open to inva-
sion by all such political poachers as Lord Exeter
and the Duke of Newcastle. The discussion, there-
fore, which is to take place on Tuesday, is one to
which the attention of the public will be anxiously
directed. Stamford not being a decayed borough,
and possessing at present an admirable franchise,
will not have to undergo any reforming operation,
except such 'as may protect it in future against the
only evil of which its inhabitants complain.
..re curious to learn what the remedy proposed for
ouch cases as Stamford and Newatk may be, and to
see the Members for Aldborougband Boroughbridge
and for Stamford itself, resisting any attempt to
pinion their Noble Patrons.—Morning Chronicle.

No plan of Parliamentary ReforM 'can be efficient.
in itself, or satisfactory to the nation, Which does
net go the length of cutting off that mockery of re-
presentation which exists in the decayed or rotten
boroughs, such as Old Serum, (Litton, Corfe Castle,
East and West Looe, Dunwich, Ludgershall,
Bramber, Castle Rising, and others of that descrip-
tion. Such disfranchisement—or, at least, the
transfer of the franchise to great and populous
towns, such as Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield, Bir-
mingham, Bolton, Stockport, Blackburn, Brighton,
Cheltenham, and u few more at present unreke-
sented—would not be a violation, but a revival, of
the Constitution. The principle of representation
Was originally regulated by the joint considerations
of Property and population. The decayed boroughs
have, as their name implies Jost those characteristics.
They have, in the efflux of time, wasted away from
their original importance into suck a state of utter
insignificance as operates as a virtual disqualification
to send Representatives to Parliernent, there being
nothing for that high privilege to work opine accord-
ing to the sense in which it was conferred by the
founders of the Constitution, But this subject in-
volves the question whether the proprietors of those
boroughs are entitled to compensetion or not. The
author of a pamphlet on " The State of the Repre-
sentation," which Was addressed to " Henry
.Brcugham, Esq , M.P., for Yorkshire," a short time
before the elevation of that distinguished individual
to the Woolsack, is of opinion that they are entitled
to compensation, and he argues the point in the fol-
lowing words :-44 Now, without supposing for an
instant that any person can acquire a moral, or even
strictly, a legal right to sell the power of making
Members of Parliament,- still a kind of conventional
right may be acquired. The case seems to resemble
that of the slave-holders of the \Vest Indies, who
cart have no abstract right to detain for a single
day their fellow-creatures in bondage, but who yet
cannot have their slaves justly taken from them, by
a Legislature which has sanctioned the existing state
of things without being allowed a pecuniury com-
pensation for the property of which they would thus
be'rleprived. in like manner the House of Commoes
have long known and long permitted the sale of
seats for the decayed boroughs, and the sale of the
property in those boroughs. They must not, there-
fore, now affect ignorance—nor must they teke
from a man a property which may have cost him,
within those few yeers, a large f,t/111 of money,
without affording him a fair remuneration. A
borough is generally reckoned to produce its owner
about 3,0001. a year, the seats being worth 1,5001.
per enema, About 60,0001. might, therefore, be
the value of the franchise to the patrou. Now if
this be the only obstacle—and I believe it to be the
only real one that exists-'--I doubt not that the
people of England would willingly make the neces-
sary sacrifice. Let Commissioners be appointed to
treat. for borough property, and let about 150,0001.
per annum be allowed them ;—two boroughs might
be thus purchased annually, and, in tea years,
twenty large towns, now unrepresented, might re-
ceive representatives. Where is the difficulty of
the plan, if the will to make these necessary im-
provements be not wanting ?"--sSo far this advocate
for One" vested rights" of the borouglimongers;—
though, for our own part, we are not acute enough
apprehend ;saw it is- possible for arty .man to have
a vested right in a public wrong. The author of
the pamphlet, indeed, admits that the patrons
of rotten boroughs have neither morali, nor,
strictly speaking, legal right to sell the power of
making Members of Parliament, and therefore he
is under the necessity of propping up their claim for
compensation upon what be calls a " conventional
right,'' and compares it to the case of the slave-
holders in the West Indies. Let us try the sound-
ness of this argument. Every body will at once ad-
mit that there can be no moral right in a corrupt
practicee--no legal right in an illegal practice—and
no constitutional right in a practice which goes to
subvert the Constitution. The making Members of
Parliament for a venal consideration is declared to
be.eurrupt, illegal, and unconstitutional, by the law
• of the land, and by the law of Parliament, Which is
putt of the lex torte, • is punishable by fine and

imprisonment, as a corrupt and illegal practice, eon-
etitUting a breach of privilege and a high misde-
meanour. Can any man have . a conventional right
to commit a misdemeanour? The supposition is
absurd. Can Parliament recognize, in the prac-
tice of violating its own privileges, a valuable right,
the taking away of which establishes a claim to
compensation ? The notion is ridiculous. But
then the patron of the borough may have paid
a large stun for this " right.' An illegal prac-
tice ►s not the better for being founded on a
corrupt consideration. 'Whoever pays money to
enable him to do an illegal act, pays it in his own
wrong, He makes a contract not valid in law ; he
does not, when he asks for compensation, come into
Court with clean hands. Let us suppose a man
makes a contract with another, founded on a breach
of the revenue laws he cannot enforce that con-
tract by law; it is null and void—and It would be
a most mischievous example if it were net ;—but
the violation of the laws to secure the purity and
freedom of Parliamentary election is a more im-
moral, a more dangerous, and ought to be a more
detestable crime. The wrier in question says,
"The House of Commons have long known, arid
have long permitted, the sale of seats." We admit
the Members of the House have known of such
things individually, but, in their collective capacity,
they have always felt themselves bound to denounce
the practice. What wm the alleged reason for not
prosecuting the late Lord Castlereagh for an offence
of this nature ? Not that the practice was permit-
ted, but that the alleged sale of the seat had not
been completed. What sent Sir Manasseh Lopes
to, prison for two years? Was it the exercise
of a conventional right? Can is man claim money
from Parliament for being deprived of the power
of doing that which, when proved, only gives
him a claim to be sent to Newgate ? The
House of Commons, corrupt as it has been
at some periods of our history, has never bad the
shameless effrontery to avow any sort of right or
permission to the purchase or the sale of seats—al-
though the fact of such things being very generally
done was admitted by the late Lord Colchester,
when he stated in the House of Commons that "such
practices were as notorious as the sun at noon-day ;"
notorious, not in the way that legal evidence could
be furnished of them, but in the same way that
smuggling, or the sale of game against law, are no-
torious, or any other illegal act, which is oftener
practised than detected. But then, if detected—if
brought home to the perpetrators by proof—the law
is bound to punish. Supposing Parliament was so
base, so venal, so profligate, as openly and un-
blushingly to acknowledge a right in borough patrons
to corrupt the public privilege of representation at
its source, and to acknowledge they had a vested in-

terest in the profits of this most scandalous venality,
would the people sanction the appropriation of their
money to reward those plunderers of their constitu-
tional rights ? We apprehend not. Yet here
is a modest proposal, that the people shall
place 150,0004 per annum in the bands of
Commissioners, that in ten years they may pur-
chase twenty rotten boroughs, and transfer their
franchises to as many populous towns 1 We are not
told what salaries those Commissioners are to have
who are to execute the delicate trust of com-
pensating, with the money of an over-taxed people,
the regular and avowed traffickers in Parliamentary
venality and corruption ! We know there is a pre-
cedent for what the writer proposes in what took
place at the passing of the Act of Union with Ire-
land; when each patron of a borough disfranchised
by that Act received, we believe, 15,000/. Such
a precedent is " more honoured in the breach than
in the observance." No precedent can contravene
the known and settled principles of the Constitu-

. .
don. • if it could, any historical fact of the most
pernicious consequences would have the authority of
law. As to the patronage of boroughs being like
the property in slaves, we will merely obserVe that,
whatever may be thought of the question in a moral
and abstract point of view, the master has in reality
a legal property in . his slave. We wish it were
otherwise, but there is nothing more certain than
the legal claim to this degrading right, which has
been repeatedly recognised by Acts of Parliament—
and thus has the sanction not merely of connivance
but of positive law. Besides, there was formerly,
even in England, and that, too, since England had a
Constitution—a legal property in slaves, who tilled
the soil in as abject a state of bondage as the slaves
in the %Vest Indies; but no person ever had a legal
property in the corrupt practice of selling seats in
Parliament.—Morning Herald.
The country is at length awake on the subject of
Parliamentary Reform; and, what is more gratify-
ing, even that portion of it, over which a worse than
Bcentian darkness and insensibility was generally
supposed to have been irrevocably spread, is ex-
hibiting a spirit which must stimulate thousands to
follow its example, and diffusing; a light, whose
cheering influence will, we hope, extend throughout
every quarter of the kingdom. In a word, the
North, the representation of which was notoriously
the most vicious, but whose inhabitants were thought
to be satisfied with the slavish inactivity to which
they had been condemned by vicious legislation and
aristocratic influence, has been the first, and the
loudest- to call for Parliamentary Reform. Ott Zia.
Outlay last a meeting was held on the subject of
which we give an abridged account elsewhere—on
the preceding duty another great meeting, principally
composed of the most wealthy merchants of the
" Modern Athens," was held—in Glasgow similar
proceedings have either taken place, or are stirring
—in Leith a meeting has been held, expressive of
the sense of the community respecting a reform of
the representation—in Kirkaldy there has been an-
other to the same effect—and, in fine, turn to what
quarter of the North we may, end we find the same
spirit prevalent, and the same resolutions unani-
mously passed. Nor has Ireland been idle. There
has been a meeting at Belfast—there has been
another lit Derryand another at Armagh, and
there will be " another, and another, and another,
and the last more heart-stirring than the first 1 "
So be it. But what is doing here in the mealtime P
—The King—our most gracious, and most popular
Sovereign—has declared, that Reform is necessary—''
the Ministry stands or falls on the question of Re-
form, and yet, we again ask, what has been done in
this quarter of the United Kingdom, to forward the
interests of the cause, and support the only King
and the only Ministry svho ever gave earnest of
their being on the side of the people ?—Nothing,
absolutely nothing comparatively. A few meetings
have been held; but they have only answered ex-
pectations by their favourable results—the great
mess of wealth and talent in the country has not
yet exhibited itself, and until it takes an active part
in the question no favourable hopes can be enter-
tained of the results of the anxious desire enter-
tained by his Majesty's Ministers to place the re-
presentation of the country on a firm and perma-
nent basis. Tho cause is good, and it ought to
prosper' without being " bolstered;" hut let the
people only think for a moment of the (1461110 es
to be encountered by his Majesty's Ministers, l„
currying a question which strips the aristocracy of
its power, and unites the people and their repre-
sentatives in the closest bonds, and they will be.
.convinced that, though they have justice and reason
4upport which the
. It is not aon their side, they require all the
vox populi can possibly afford them,
re-
formed Parliament, be it remembered, to which the
decision of the question is to be referred, but a
feel the liveliest sympathy with the
Parliament elected the old :system, and, therefore,
not likely to
people's tights. But, to conclude, in the language
of The Sun of yesterday evening, " lint people
may
rely on it, that they cannot be trio persevering, or
too united in their demands for reform. If they
desire to see the failing health of the Constitution
recruited—corruption deprived of its influence—
taxation reduced—the Corn Laws modified—the
name Laws abolished—suritice rendered cheap and
accessible to all—ifs in short, they desire, to see
England as she should be, but as she never yet has
been, free, prosperous, and happy, tranquil at home.'
respected abroad, the envy of Europe and the

EXETER 111 Al
Reef (score) 7s. 6d. 81. 04.
Mutton (1)s ) 0 4 0
'Veil and I Ands —A 7 0 0
Pork 0 4 0 6
Oeese (each) 8 0 4 6
I)ucke (coup'e) 0 4 6
Fowls 3 0 4 0

K ETS.—Dec. 1.

Wheat (bushel) Bs. tk3. R. 3d,
Barley 4 n 4 0
Oats 2 9 3 0
Beans 5 0 0 0
Butter (Ib) 0 0 010
Eggs (10).....» 0 0 I 0
Potatoes (peck) 0 0 7 8

GLASGOW M A nKrrs.
(From the Glaegow Herald of Monday.)

The transactions in Raw SUGAKS have been 'rather
the isles are only 165 hbds. and trs., and prices are
without variation ; moist brown Demeraras and Trinidad.
sold at 455. dry browns 465. a 495., and middling at
sla• 641. ; refined and crushed Sugsrs are without altera-
tion ; Candy, 10Id. a I Otd.
British Morasses 20s.

One hundred and fifty hap dark ordinary Demerara
Comm were brought forward Ly auction, only 89 bags
of the quantity were sold, the remainder having been with-
drawn for higher prices; broken, Shs. a 85s. 6d. ; sound,
40e. a 404. 6d.
A small parcel of Ptstarcro was sold at 41d. a hid.

Nothing doing in Rum ; prices are without alteration.
About 100 casks TALLOW sold at 435. 6d., and emsll
parcels at 446. 6d. a 450.
No alteration in the demand or value of other articles.

RKETS.
ITE.--Fatinilf, Dec. it
From 'Fo w. p.
,158 Wheat,per barrel 20 stone 28 0 441 0 34 gg
21',11 Here l7 atone 12 0 15 0 14 0
4511 10 stone 14 3 15 0 15 4
2,758 Oats l2 biome 11 0 15 0 13 3g
11,457 Cwt. stone' 7 0 28 0
058 8 stone 12 0 17 0 14 8
Sold to Rakers only.
10,242 Cwt.
Average price
Receipts of Flour. 11
Sales of Do. 11

IRISH MA
DUBLIN MARKET No.

Is fl
f Wheat ana Hour
nin Fi'
Thrth!, froi
fro
"irds , fro]
TRICZ 0? I) AD.
10,1, I Half Quart,

28 O I 21 2%
Od. per sae .
rm 2lis. od. to 25.. Od.
lin Mt. M. to 214. Od
rill '7l. Od, to 144. Od.

Barley.
per barrel
Itt stone.

Oata. Flour,
per barrel
14 :dune. ht.