The Sun.
London, England, 1830-02-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The county meetings go on without interruption,
and not entirely, we hope and trust, without the
chance of producing some beneficial consequences,
inasmuch as a prayer for rigid economy and re-
trenchment enters for something into the proceed-
ings of them all. Suffolk has met, and Sir Thomas
Gooch has exhibited his independent spirit, by
loud complaints of the contraction of the currency
—the fall of prices (involving as it must that of
rents, Sir Thomas,)—the rise of debts and taxes—
and the universality of the public distress, &c. It
is easy to see where the shoe pinches the worthy
Baronet, and hard enough it must pinch Sir Thomas
Gooch, before he, of all loyal •life-and-fortune men,
would give tongue after this bold, nay mutinous
fashion, against any measures of any existing Govern-
ment. The petition to Parliament which was proposed
by Sir Wm. Parker, and supported, as above, by Sir
Thomas Gooch, dwells upon the " cruel fluctuations
of the currency," which have rendered the circu-
lating medium " inadequate to the wants" of the
country,—on the fallacious protection which appears
to guard the interests of British agriculture,—on the
taxes upon beer and malt,—and, filially, on the par-
tial distribution of the coal tax. The prayer of the
petition disagrees, however, with the sentiments of
Sir Thomas Gooch, because it solicits a greater
" expansion" of the currency, with which the worthy
Baronet declares that it is now too late to meddle;
but they are unanimous as to the necessity of giving
" protection" to agriculture. What protection, then,
would the gentlemen of Suffolk require ? Do they
flatter themselves that the price of corn could, by
any effort of human legislation, be kept up to one
uniform standard through all changes of the sea-
sons, and without a total destruction of our com-
merce ? And if the price be not unchangeable as
well as the seasons, how are farmers to be secured
against loss, and landlords from occasional incon-
venience ? As for taxes, we never heard that Sir
Thomas Gooch had much compunction about agree-
ing to as many as the Minister thought fit to pro-
pose, or that he ever shrunk back with the least
symptom of alarm from a loan of ever such magni-
tude; or that he was an advocate for any species of
retrenchment until it had become a question whe-
ther the country gentlemen or the Minis:ers should
retrench, in which case, with their usual courtesy,
the loyal squires are anxious to give precedence to
his Majesty's Government. We, too, join in the
earnest demand upon Ministers for a real, reso-
lute, and searching reform of the expenditure.
The appendages of the Court are intolerably
costly ;—the public officers are too largely paid ;
the diplomatic department is a gulf of wasteful-
ness. For the army and navy there is, on one
ground, less motive to be constitutionally jealous—
they contain a less rank end seductive field for un-
worthy patromige than is afforded by the civil ser-
vice of the state. But with respect to the army
we must observe, that an enormous portion of its
charge on the revenue goes to the maintenance of a
useless, though dazzling, humbug—a ridiculous num-
ber of Cuirassier, Hussar, Lancer, &c. regiments,

kept up at an expence which is absolutely frightful,
and to no military end whatever, save the supply of
a glittering lounge through the United Kingdom for
some five or six hundred bedizened and bewhiskered
men of fashion, who form the corps of officers, or
staff, of that huge and inefficient skeleton, called
the " British cavalry," in time of peace, is surely
not an object in any manner conducive to the na-
tional security, nor to be justified, as the establish-
ment of marching regiments may be, by an ac-
knowledged aptitude to every exigency of the public
interests as affected by the unfriendly policy of
foreign states towards England. It has been said
that a timely reform of any Government is the surest
guarantee against sweeping revolution. We believe
that the best and only safeguard against a convul-
sion in our system of finance is to be found in an
early adoption of the most honest and rigorous re-
trenchment. A meeting of the Magistrater, &c., of
Renfrewshire, in Scotland, has been held, and the
usual topics connected with the creed of universal
distress, unremuserating prices, and currency, have
been enlarged on in the resolutions of the parties
there assembled.—Times.

In relation to the subject which, in our Paper of
yesterday, created so much attention in the public,
we must first say that it is most unfortunate when
people of unpopular characters are in that rank Of
life that they can, of necessity, obtrude themselves
where they please, and drop in upon those whoin
they may choose as associates at will. It is indeed unfor-
tunate for the persons who are thus distinguished ; for it
cannot be but that the potent guest will impart to his
friends a portion of the peculiar regard which adheres to
himself; and that aptitude which may unfortunately exist
to believe ill of him, will of course extend itself to those
with whom he establishes relations, perhaps only of ordi-
nary civility. A more intimate knowledge of the very
painful transaction to which we alluded yesterday, has in-
duced us to judge that such is the case in that very melan-
choly concern. But how miserable, if the lady (as we
now conscientiously believe) be innocent, her lord con-
vinced of her innocence, aid only unable to bear up,
because the world unjustly thought he put rip with
that injury which it would have been base in him to suffer
tamely, but which he himself knew he had never sus-
tamed ! And all this, because one man is what he
is ! It was a younger member of the family of the lady
who went down to Hampton-court to announce the
melancholy event which had taken place ; and in a
letter which he wrote from thence, when there could be
no idea of the suspicions which were about to be excited
on the subject of the Coroner's Inquest, lie wrote to
an honoured relative is London, to describe the effect
of his distressing news upon the widowed sufferer and
her family. "It is her only consolation," says he
" that the last letter she ever received from her husband"
(that which was sent down by Spry, the servant, by
the coach),—" the letter which he wrote when in con-
templation of the rash act, was the most tender and
affectionate she ever received from him in her life." This
is the letter which we said ought to have been produced
at the inquest ; and which there is in truth no difficulty
in producing. With respect to the inquest itself, we still
say that, in a matter of such importance, a man of the
experience of Mr. Gell ought not to have hurried it over
so hastily. But we are informed that he had five inquests
to hold on the same day, and that the family most
anxiously desired to have this inquiry opened again, if it
were possible. But the Coroner has stated to them that
lie saw no reason for such a step, and that he positively
had not the power. 'We are assured also, in contradiction
to the statement in the account sent to us for publication,
that the Jury did not meet till ten. It was late before we
received these several explanations, and we shall, of course,
have occasion to recur to the melancholy subject again to-
morrow, we sincerely trust for the last time.—lbid.

The conduct of the Times, in alluding yesterday
to an unfortunate event, is of so atrocious a charac-
ter that we can scarce trust ourselves to speak of it
with moderation. The allusions, however, are too
pointed to be misunderstood or passed over in
silence. We happen to be in possession of all the
facts, and know the source of the vile calumny which has
preyed upon sensitive feelings and declining health, and
ended so fatally. But our lips are sealed for the
present. We may venture this much, however, and
we state it with deep sorrow, that the author of
the calumny—the original author—the inventor and
the propagator—is a woman—a lady of rank, whose own
frailties should have restrained her from poisoning a less
callous mind, and for no other reason than the simple one
that the object of her spleen and fiendish malignity was a
near relative. As far as another party is concerned we
court the fullest inquiry, and join the Times in demand-
ing another investigation. But the Times is evidently
ignorant of the fact, which certainly we have no wish to
expose, except from necessity. If, however, the duty
should be imposed en us, we will not shrink from it,
even though the wife of a Cabinet Minister should be the
victim.—Morning Journal.

We cannot refrain from calling the attention of
our readers to the sentiments uttered by Mr. Baring
and Mr. Hart Davis in the Commons on Monday
night. The former gentleman was evidently placed
in a very painful situation, and almost confessed
that he had been compelled to give evidence in a
bad ease, in defence of a system he had again and
again condemned, and in the teeth of facts which
as a man of sense and honour he knew to be as in-
dubitable as the light of heaven. There is but one
reason which can, even by his friends, be assigned
for his conduct, and of which we are quite disposed
to give him the full benefit. He was requested
to lend his assistance to the Government, and he
consented. For instance, he was required to repu-
diate his former arguments, deny his own statements,
prune down his recorded opinions, and veil the
truth to the fullest extent of his courage and his
liberality. And all this, the generous Mr. Baring !
—the proud London merchant !—the instructor
of Cabinets, and the representative of liberal senti-
ments ! most courteously condescended to do, and
did do, at the expence of his consistency and the
hazard of his health. Well ! these are strange times,
and the statesmen of the day are far, very far (we
hope this is no libel), from being infallible! Th.:,
distress is not so severe nor so general as is repre-
sented, says Mr. Baring. The measures of Parlia-
ment cannot have produced the distress that exists,
says Mr. Baring, for the Members of Parlia-
ment are all sapient, cautious, clear-headed, and
intelligent men ! Oh, Lord ! if this be not irony,
it is something worse. If this be not satirical, it is
the gravest libel on the understandings of the people
ma of doors which it has yet been our misfortune to
peruse. How hard run must the Honourable Gen-
tleman have been for an argument when he resorted
to this ! It is true that all the Members of Parlia-
ment, from Mr. Dawson upwards, Mr. Baring side-
ways, Mr. Peel crossways, and Sir Thomas Leth-
bridge always, may be patterns of purity, ability,
and consistency. But what has this to do with the
question ? Are not the painful facts before our
eyes ? Does not misery confront us wherever we
go ? Do not the sounds of distress ring in our ears
when we lie down at night and when we rise up in
the morning ? Is there a single spot, like
" A sunny island in a stormy sea,"
to which Mr. Baring can point and say—" That
place is prosperous—these men are thriving—this
trade is flourishing—these labourers are well :paid,
or these artisans one degree removed from ab-
ject pauperism ?" If there be such a favoured
spot we should be obliged if Mr. Baring would
point it out. There may be prosperity on the Stock
Exchange—there may be prosperity in Apsley-
house—Mr. Peel may experience no hunger
—Mr. Baring himself may roll in affluence—
some twenty thousand pensioners may feel happy
and contented, and be conscious of no pangs
engendered by the reflection that they revel
in luxuries at the cost of the bones and sinews of
a starving population—all this may be true—but

ungracious statement to serve a political purpose,
and to give a colour to that " moderation"—to that
feverish desire of " moderation"—which Mr. Peel
is so anxious to impress upon all the intelligent and
independent members of the House. But we leave
Mr. Baring to his reflections, and shall treasure up
this speech for future occasions. Come we now to
Mr. Hart Davis. This gentleman stated also that
trade in general was far from being so disastrous as
has been represented. 'Why so ? The Honourable
Member speaking, as he said, from practical know-
ledge, affirmed that the woollen trade is in a tolerable
and improved condition ! We ask him no questions
here about the Spanish wool trade, but we merely
require him to state candidly and fairly whether
the mercantile' establishment with which he has
some connexion will indorse his statement, or verify
his facts so far as they are concerned ? The house
in question is one of the most eminent in the com-
mercial world—its character stands deservedly high,
its wealth is unbounded, and its credit of course
doubted. But we ask him to state how much this
house has lost or gained on its transactions in wool
for the last few years ? This is a fair question, and
it. bears directly on his argument. If he will ven-
ture to affirm, in his place in Parliament, that the
house in question has made one single penny since
1826, we shall then repose confidence on his state-
ment. But till he condescends to do this we must
entertain our own opinion as to his veracity, and
the object he had in view by palming so gross a
fiction on the Commons of England. We are ac-
quainted with the whole facts, and we are quite sure
Mr. Hart Davis will not tempt us further. But
such are the facts brought to console Mr. Peel, and
such the representatives of the people! It is no
wonder that men of all ranks now cry for a speedy
reform.—Morning Journal.

We have no foreign intelligence to communicate ;
but assuredly if we had, every thing would yield in
interest to the excitement caused by the self-murder
of Lord Graves. The town rings with the story
of his wrongs, and the alleged author of them, it is
said, is no where to be found ! That every thing
connected with the death of this Nobleman wears a most
mysterious—nay a suspicious—appearance, every one
allows. Why were there only three witnesses examined?
Why was the inquest held before the body of him, who
only a few hours previously had transacted the business
of the country, with his usual discretion and good
sense, was cold? Why were the jurymen taken out
of their beds to sit on the yet warm remains of
him, who bad on the preceding day been equally
hearty and sane as themselves ? Why were all re-
porters excluded from hearing the evidence ? and,
finally, why should not all the circumstances which led
to the melancholy catastrophe have been inquired into ?
The whole subject is full of suspicion, and, as we have
already observed, the town rings with surmises respecting
the causes of it. To enlarge upon it would be useless.
The feeling of every honourable mind supplies the com-
ment. If Lord Graves murdered himself, there can be
no question that he was insane at the time, however short
it might be ; for who, that had possession of his senses,
would not have rather aimed the blow at the original
cause of his sorrows than at. himself? Man or wife—
stranger or alleged friend—there ought to be no medium
in these cases. Tooth for a tooth, and eye for an eye—
blood for blood—was the ancient law, and it would in
many instances be well were it to be put into practice
now. Is there not to be another inquest? Is the country to
be overrun with monsters in human shape ?—Morning
Advertiser.

A Select Committee to inquire into the present
State of the Affairs of the East India Company,
and to inquire into the State of Trade between
Great Britain and the East Indies and China, was
moved for last night in both Houses—in the Lords,
by Lord Ellenborough, and in the Commons by
Mr. Peel. Ministers would appear to have their
opinions yet to seek respecting India. They do not
say to Parliament, impressed with the importance
of the question, and aware of the extent of our re-
sponsibility, we have laboured to make ourselves
thoroughly acquainted with the state of India, in
order to be able to discharge adequately the duties
which the present period imposes on us, and we are
prepared to lay before Parliament an outline of the
measures which we have it in contemplation to re-
commend, and at the same time ready to consent to
such inquiry as Parliament may deem it necessary
to institute, in order to be able to form a correct
judgment respecting such measures. Instead of
this, or some similar course, Ministers, to escape
the responsibility of governing have, as usual,
abandoned their functions to Parliament. Here
we are, they say, ready to procure for you all the in-
formation necessary to decide respecting India, and
whatever measures you choose to recommend, we
will sanction them. Constituted as Parliament is, per-
haps the course recommended by Ministers has, upon
the whole, its advantages; though the necessity of
carrying on the Government by Parliamentary Com-
mittees, says little for the working of our Political
System. " This Committee, Sir," said Mr. Peel,
"is not proposed for the ptepose of ratifying any
engagement entered into between the Government
and the East India Company; no such engagement,
open or secret, expressed or implied, exists—(Hear,
hear, hear)—nor is this Committee proposed for the
purpose of sanctioning any premeditated determina-
tion en the part of Government ; no such determi-
tistion has been formed.—(Hear, hear.) But, hav-
ing stated that no such engagement has been entered
into on the part of Government, I feel myself enti-
tled, on that very account, to impress on the House
the extreme importance of the measure before them.
and to implore them to consider that they must
have other objects in view than the merely deter-
mining in what manner British commerce is to be
carried into that part of the globe."—(Hear, hear.)
The gentlemen, whose minds were like blank paper
with respect to the commercial policy of the Co-
bony, only asked for time to acquire the information
necessary to inform their judgment; they did not
seek to devolve on others the responsibility of re-
commending
measures connected with the business
of their department. The subject of the letter to
Sir John Malcolm was introduced by Lord Dur-
ham, and Lord Ellenborough's conduct was de-
fended by the Duke of Wellington. Without
offering any opinion as to the style of the letter, arid
admitting that expressions in it are open to rather
an unfavourable construction, by those particularly
who form their judgments of India from this coun-
try, we are still of opinion that Ministers are right
in the main. In a country like India, not self-go.
versed, but subjected to a handful of strangers,
there Is not the controul on Judges which exists in a
country like this, where they are amenable to public
opinion, and to the Legislature. The India Com-
pany and Board of Controul supply the place of
Parliament and public opinion with respect to the
Judges. The power that holds the sword in India,
and which is responsible for the tranquillity of the
country, must necessarily have the controul of the
Judges, subject, no doubt, in the exercise of that
controul, to the review of the supreme power at
home. Were Judges not to be checked in India by
those who are the only guardians and representatives
the people of India possess, the most serious con-