The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-23 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, FEB. 23, 1863.

The prospects of Poland are brightening. The
universal recognition of the extent and importance
of the insurrection—the anxiety, whether dictated
by sympathy or fear, with which all the Cabinets
of Europe are watching its progress, testify to the
general success of the insurgents, whatever their
isolated losses. The moral support of England
has not been wanting; the voice of her lead-
ing statesmen has given utterance to the
feelings of the nation, while the press, with
unhesitating unanimity, have throughout de..
nounced the conduct alike of Russian Emperor
and Prussian King, and applauded the indomitable
spirit of the brave and oppressed Pales. In France
expressions of sympathy have not been wanting in
the Chamber of Deputies or in the columns of the
pres 3. The organ of Prince NAPOLEON professed
to believed that the ambiguous phrase, in the EM-
PEROR'S reply to the address, referred to Poland,
but no word or sign gave grounds for such hopes.
Le Constitutionnel, on the contrary, frequently
expressed its conviction that the insurrection was
a mistake, and that it would be better for the true
interests of the Poles to counsel them to await
patiently the reforms promised by Russia than to
incite them to revolt.

Now, however, affairs have taken a new turn.
An article in the Constitutionne/ is significant of
coming intervention, for which
an ample excuse is
afforded in the rash and unjust conduct of the Prus-
sian KING. " The Polish insurrection," says this
article, "might at its outbreak have been considered
a matter of interior policy, but the intervention
of Prussia has rendered it an European question."
A false state of things has thus been produced
between Russia and Prussia, which, it is declared
may have grave consequences. Serious disquietude.is
thus occasioned in Europe, and the conduct of Prussia
is described as the more deserving of censure, as
France has been doing violence to her earnest sym-
pathy for her ancient allies by refraining from the
expression of her interest out of her respect for
treaties. The strongest passage in the article in
question, however, and one which no empty hopes
or courteous phrases can neutralise, is the follow-
ing :—" It may be doubted whether, in the haste
of Prussia to aid Russia, Europe may not see

under the present arrangement of the map
the old name of Poland, and instead of
an insurrectisn of subjects against their Government
see a reclaiming of nationality." If anything can
startle the autocratic Czar and the " right divine"
King into wisdom and clemency, we should think
it would be these ominous words. We heartily
hope that it may be too late ; that the Emperor
NAPOLEON may indeed act with vigour and promp-
titude upon "an idea" which all liberal Europe
shares with him, and which would give to his
reign a splendour and a prominence which might be
a worthy ambition. The warm feelings and bright
swords of the French would be readily enlisted in
such a cause—he would meet with none of the
opposition felt even more than expressed in regard
to the Mexican expedition. Why should he seek
laurels in the New World when the Old offers a far
worthier opportunity of signalising the prowess of
people. His astute and far-sighted policy must
readily apprehend the immense advantage to
Europe generally, and to France in particiar, of
the erection of a natural boundary against
Russian ambition, and a counterbalance to the
fatal " slope to the East," which so many successive
statesmen have had cause to deplore. The Poles,
by religion, by tradition, by kindred sentiments,
ever the allies of France, would be slow to quarrel
with their restorers, while, as a French journal of
to-day observes, they would offer a protection
against the encroachments of Germanism on the one
hand, and fanatacism on the other. We do not
anticipate seeing the crowns of France and Poland
again worn on one head, as in the days of
HENRY union even then found impossible ;
but we see no reason why an independent
and cordial alliance between the nations should not
guarantee the separate existence of Poland, and
protect France against those encroachments on her
power which England can never desire to see suc-
cessful.

For ourselves we cannot wish our country to be
behind in the good work. " The conscience of
generations," as Le Constitutionnel has it, has pro-
tested against that iniquitous partition which
English statesmen stood by and witnessed. The
heart of England has stirred at every fresh tale
of Russian tyranny and oppression, at every
new outrage offered to suffering patriotism. Were
the struggle of KosciusKo against the tyrant to
be repeated in these days, public opinion would
scarcely suffer our statesmen to listen quietly to
" Finis Poloniae," it would scarcely tolerate the
application of the principle of non-intervention
in sight of such heroic resistance on the one
hand, such cruel tyranny on the other. If the
Emperor of the FRENCH proposes to address a
remonstrance to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg,
let Lord RUSSELL take heed how he says that "the
time has not come," for Parliament and people
will assuredly demand an account.
_

With regard to the other actor in this mournful
and thrilling drama, the Prussian deputies have
fulfilled our expectations. The animated debate in
the Chambers on the 18th redeems them from all
charges of supineness or indifference in a matter of
such moment, and it terminated by a resolution
declaring that the interests of Prussia required an
absolute neutrality, a resolution which will no doubt
be carried by a large majority. The speech of
Herr VON BISMARK was no more than might
have been expected from him, while the honest in-
dignation of the Prussian people found vent in the
vehement language of Herr WALDECK, who de-
nounced the treaty as nothing better than an agree-
ment to supply so many policemen to a state which
has been long propped up by the gaoler and the
gendarme. "It has come to this," he indig
nantly exclaimed, " that Prussian soldiers
will be obliged to die in order that
absolutism may be preserved in Russia." In con-
clusion, the speaker declared that if Herr von Bls-
MARK persisted in his refusal to give up the terms
of the treaty they would have to pass judgment
on his unconstitutional conduct; while in wait-
ing it was necessary for them to condemn and
to stigmatise, as contrary to the interests of
their country, a treaty which he considered
unprecedented in the history of the world. This
language was not too strong if we remember
the intelligence and freedom of Prussia, and
her position as a constitutional monarchy
possessing a free press, a free Parliament, and
a free people. That the Deputies are not to
be trifled with is proved by the resolution
they have lately passed rendering the Minis-
ters personally responsible for their unconstitu-
tional expenditure last year. The position of the
Prussian people is a painful one. Their Cabinet,
as a French journal remarks, appears to be struck
with deafness and blindness ; it refuses to hear the
voice of indignant protestation addressed to it by
other nations. But the Prussian people, says the
journal referred to, hears and sees, and is indig-
nant at being attached to this right divine Govern-
ment as to a corpse ; it makes Europe hear its
protestations, and applauds with enthusiasm the
energetic opposition of the Chambers.
The aspect of affairs is most critical, and it
would be difficult for the wisest prophet to fortel
the result. We cannot, however, help gathering
hope for that unhappy nation for whom our sym-
pathies have always been warmly expressed, from
the very malevolence of its enemies, as well as
from the increased activity of its friends. The
Europe of to-day will scarcely tolerate a renewal of
the crimes of its forefathers, or if it again looks
on and tamely witness the enslavement and sub-
jugation of Poland, let France no longer profess to
advance the interests of civilisation—let England
no longer declare her sympathies with justice and
, freedom.

It is much to be regretted that Lord RAYNIIAM'S
excellent measure for the better protection of
women and children should have been thrown out
of the house. It was a remedy that would most pro-
bably have been efficacious, and, at all events, there
was no valid argument adduced against its trial.
The Attorney-General's speech was a complete
failure in its endeavour to make the worse appear
the better cause. His remarks as to the advan-
tage of magistrates having the power to inflict fines
were quite absurd. No punishment is ever more
insufficient than fines. They are only an incen-
tive to some persons to commit an offence since they
console themselves by thinking that if dis-
covered no very great inconvenience will
follow on detection and conviction. It is
really lamentable that our legislators persist in ig-
noring the spread of crime, and throw all sorts of
obstacles in the way of improvement until the dan-
ger becomes threatening, and, then, perforce, they
proceed to summary arrangements, and make some
stringent laws in a hurry which do not answer the
purpose, and irritate by their extreme of severity
after the previous unwise leniency. Besides, they
do not relieve the many who have suffered wrong
and experiencedof u
subjecting
waiting for their advent.
The proposal
teot. ng
corporalthe
punishment o f
would
be a penalty
re-
ferred to in this bill
that would bring their crimes
home to them at once, and they would
dread this infliction ten times more than
the mild discipline they experience within
the prison walls. The idea of getting up sentimen-
talism abcut such characters is too ridiculous ; and
why are the magistrates and their subordinates to
be so tender to those who are brought before them