The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—lmperfectly ae we are acquainted with
the institutions of Japan, we Are still not witne.,ut
the means of forming an accurate opinion on a point
which is just now of the greatest importance. We
can scarcely tell how the Japanese are governed, or
what are the influences at work to affect the posi-
tion of foreigners at the settlements opened under
the Treaty. We do not know with any certainty
what are the relations between the supreme Govern-
ment and the aristocracy, or what the views by
which their respective proceedings are determined.
On these points we can do little more than estimate
probabilities, but there is a point most intimately
connected with the questions now pending on which
there happens to be no room for doubt. We know
from unimpeachable evidence that the people of
Japan are ready and willing to trade with us, and
that they are as freely and as naturally disposed to
buy and sell as we ourselves are. Their country is
rich in products of great value, and they are ex
ceedingly quick in answering a demand. They
have discovered with singular acuteness what pro-
duce will prove most remunerative, and have acted
accordingly. They are now drawing considerable
sums of money from foreign countries, and receiving
imports of great utility ; nor will it be easy, we
think, after a perusal of the statements subjoined,
to doubt the effect of those circumstances on the
general disposition of the people. Be it remembered
that four years ago there was no trade with Japan
whatever. For two centuries that populous Empire
had been sealed against all foreigners, with a single
and scarcely appreciable exception in favour of the
Dutch. A couple of years ago—that is to say, at
the beginning of 1862—the trade at one of the ports
opened under the Treaty had already become consi-
derable. As many as 33 foreign vessels, with an
aggregate burden of 15,000 tons, arrived at Kana-
gawa in the first six months of the year, 14 under
the British and 12 under the American flag. But we
have now an official report of the arrivals at the same
port during the first six months of the present year,
and we find that in the brief interval between these
periods the trade had all but doubled itself. The re-
turns give 74 vessels in'place of 33, and the tonnage
as 25,000 instead of 15,000. Our own share, too, in
this trade has been more than maintained, for, out
of the 74 vessels 40 were British, and 19 only Ame-
rican. There can be no question, therefore, about
the natural expansibility of this commerce. When
we recollect that the spring of the present year was
signalised by political disturbances threatening the
very existence of our settlements in Japan, we must
acknowledge that a trade which could make such
progress under such discouragement must be a very
legitimate trade indeed. But there is something
more to be learnt from these returns. The Japanese
of Kanagawa, who bought goods of us to the value
of 170,000 in 1862, enlarged these dealings to the
extent of £112,000 in 1863. It will be said, per-
haps, that these are insignificant figures after all ;
but they represent the trade at a single port, and
for six months only. The essence of the story, too,
is in the comparison between the two successive
years. If the Japan trade does but continue to grow
at this rate, it wdl soon form an important branch
of our national commerce ; and there is evidence to
suggest that such a growth is not in_probable. It
was but the other day that we knew little or no-
thing about the production of silk in Japan. The
first importation of this article took place in the
summer of 1859, but the failure of the silk crop in
France and Italy naturally turned the attention of
our merchants to the capabilities of remoter regions,
and one of the first inquiries made in Japan was for
silk. It was answered with incredible promptitude.
Iu 1862 the Japanese—we are still speaking of the
port of Kanagawa alone—sold us £200,000 worth of
this commodity ; but iu the year following they had
more than doubled this supply,and the total amount
of silk exported from Japan during the present sea-
son is valued at nearly £2,500,000. In four years,
therefore, a supply of a very precious article has been
more than quadrupled. Nor is this the only speci-
men of Japanese enterprise. Atter inquiring so
successfully for silk, we proceeded to inquire for
cotton. The Japanese had hitherto only cultivated
this plant to a small extent for their own use, and
in 1862 they had not a single pound to spare
for us. No sooner, however, had the demand been
notified to them than they set to work, and their
very first year's contribution, received during the
present season, amounts to nearly 9,000 bales. The
American supply made no such beginning as that.
When, therefore, we describe the exports from Ka-
nagawa alone as amounting to upwards of half a
million in value, that sum in itself tells but a small
part of the tale. What renders these figures so re-
markable is the proportion which they bear to the
returns of the year previous, which reached but a
quarter of a million. The fact to be noted is the dis-
position which these transactions irresistibly evince
When we discover that the first demand on our part
is met by the Japanese with such energetic efforts
to create a supply, it is impossible to believe that
they are wedded to political exclusiveness, or that
they can desire a return to the isolation of former
days. On the contrary, we must necessarily con-
clude that a people so disposed are only kept to
their old traditions by force and terror. The great
nobles of Japan may be opposed to the new policy
as inimical to their interests or authority, but the
customs on which they insist with such savage bigo-
try can have no real hold on the population of the
empire. It is possible enough that the old laws or
traditions of Japan did ordain that foreignersshould
be massacred whenever they were found ou Japa-
nese soil, but it is safe to conclude the, except for
the commands of the aristocracy, such laws would
no longer sway the proceedings of industrious and
enterprising traders. The idea that a people so eager
to sell would feel an impulse to murder those who
came to buy is utterly absurd. So far as we can
judge, we have the Government and the people on
our side, and the aristocracy and their retainers
against us. It even appears as if the Ministers of
the Daimios themselves were disposed to peace and
amity, though they are unable to impress this
policy on the minds of their masters. Uader such
circumstances, it is not to be expected that we
should submit to injuries at the hands of these wil-
ful and obstinate nobles. Besides the guarantees
of the Treaty, we have probably the support of the
Government, and certainly the goodwill of the
people, and there is no reason why we should
surrender these advantages for the satisfac-
tion of a class. The alternative before us is simple.
We must either give up this growing trade alto-
gether, or we must defend our rights to such pur-
pose as will secure the lives and property of our
countrymen. It an Englishman may be murdered
on a high road simply because he meets a Daimio
and his retinue, there is an end of our sojourn in
Japan. It may be true enough that such an offence
was a serious crime according to the old traditions
of the Empire, but unless these traditions are re-
pudiated we can have no place on Japanese terri-
tory. Nor can we think it altogether unprofitable
to eradicate such doctrine. It is almost as charitable
to reclaim a people from habits of indiscriminate
assassination as to reclaim them from cannibalism.
We should not, perhaps, have charged ourselves
spontaneously with the mission ; but if, in protect-
ing the lives of our countrymen, we can teach these
Japanese better morality, we shall have done them
some service. It is deeply to be regretted when
innocent people suffer for the faults of their rulers,
but that, unhappily, is an incident of all wars alike.
We must protect ourselees by force if we cannot
enjoy security otherwise, and when arms are once
appealed to the consequences are rarely confined to
those who have deserved them.

POST.—At the present juncture it may not be
inopportune, for various reasons, to point out what
are the stipulations and provisions of the Treaty of
Paris of 1856 with reference to the neutralisation
of the Black Sea, In the preliminary negotiations
for peace it was proposed that the Black Sea should
in future be open to merchant vessels and closed
be
vessels of war. No naval arsenals were to e
erected or maintained on its shores. It was
.i
an_
pro-
posed that the protection of the commercial
maritime interests of all nations should be
is2s din the Black Sea and its ports by instituetaitoablisha
con-
formable to international law and
customs referring to matters of
___t this nature.
conformity with this, Article X. 1
neutralised ; its
declares that "the Black Seahrlsown
open to the
fnatbtueretr.ealtyn
waters and its ports are
mercantile marine of every
or of any
atnhye
interdicted to the flag of war
mally and for evernation,t and are for-
other Power, with. the
either of the Powers
fourteenth possessing
acep tio nist scoa
mentionedsts ,
and nineteeeernetehinarttbicelewsaotefrtehaentdrepaetyrie"
be perfectly free, and sub-
By Article XII., commerce
health, customs, and
spirit favourable to the d
regulationsasha of
sub-
ject elttihmaeo, Black
nf
riya ni et
odSein a
develop-
ment of such commerce itself. Article XIII. de-
clares that, the Black Sea being neutralised, in ac-
cordance with the terms of Article XI., " the main-
tenance or establishment upon its coasts of military-
maritime arsenals is alike needless and purposeless ;"
in consequence whereof, "the Emperor of Russia
and the Sultan engage neither to establish nor to
maintain upon those coasts any military-maritime
arsenal whatever." Article XIV. is to the effect
that the Emperor of Russia and the SW.tan, having
concluded a Convention for the purpose of settling
the tome and the number of light vessels necessary
for the service of their coasts, and which they re-

served to themselves to maintain on the Black Sea,
such Convention shall be annexed to the treaty, and
be construed with it, having the same validity and
effect as if it had been part and parcel thereof. It
is further expressly declared and stipulated tha.r.,
this Convention " cannot be either annulled or
modified without the assent of the Powers signing
the present treaty." The Powers signing the treaty
were England, Austria, France, Russia, Sardinia,
and Turkey. Let us now pass to the Convention
which is declared by the treaty to form part and
parcel of itself. The Convention sets out with d
glaring by its firs' article that the " high contrnct
ing parties mutually engage not to have in the
Black Sea any other vessels of war than those of
which the number, the force, and the dimensions are
thereinafter stipulated." What these vessels are to
consist of is specified in the next article, which pro-
vides that the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan
"reserve to themselves each to maintain, in the
Black Sea, six steamveeseis of fifty metres in len.gth.t
at the line of floatation, of a tonnage of eigh
hundred tons at the maximum, and four light sieara
or sailing vessels, of a tonnage which shall not e:%"
teed two hundred tons each." Such are the stiee
Miens by which the two Powers are bound with
reference to the neutralisation of the Black Sea, and
the Convention wherein they are comprised is to be
deemed and construed as an integral part of the
Treaty of Paris, to which, as we have seen, Eng'
land, France, Austria, Sardinia, Turkey, and Bus"
sia were parties. Reports have been circulated t;la
Russia has disregarded these provisions of the treaty •
But until there is positive evidence produced of this,
it is to be assumed that Russia is incapable of doings
or, at least, has not done, such an act—an act which
would of itself give just grounds to three of tbe greet
European Powers, and to Italy and Turkey in on
inaction with them, for going to war to enforce the
observance of the treaty thus broken, in case al
peaceful remonstrances failing to produce a satire'
factory effect. The five Powers who, in addition to
Russia, were parties signataries to the Treaty a
Paris, are under an obligation to see that it is dull
observed by the last-mentioned Power. But we
.should hope, and be disposed to believe, that Rus-
sia would not disregard the solemn obligations of a
treaty made so recently as 1856, whatever she may
have done in the,case of treaties made no longer age
than the Treaty of Vienna. Perhaps it may not be
out of place if we venture a few remarks here upon
the warlike preparations which appear to be actively
going on throughout the Russian empire. As ne
Power or Powers that we are aware of contemplate
any aggression upon Russia, it must be admitted that
these preparations have something portentous about
them. As Russia has no reasonable grounds to fear
an attack from other Powers, the irresistible logical
inference is that she meditates something aggres-
sive herself. The Russian army is, it is stated,
being augmented and placed upon a war footing,
We hoar of a sum of £15,000,000 having been re'
quired within the past half year for military pure"
poses beyond the usual peace expenditure ; and tel
exclusive of large additional sutna applied in pro-
viding necessaries for the increased troops, such as
clothing and food. Quantities of provisions are
being bought up for the army. New loundaries and
arsenals for producing arms, ammunition, plates
for
covering ironclads, rifled steel cannon of the most
formidable construction and dimensions, with shot
and shell of the most approved and destructive
types are spoken of as being established. Powder
mills are being established in proportion. Quantl•
ties of munitions of war of all kinds, including largo
supplies of saltpetre, are also being imported frogs
abroad. We hear of Government orders being given
to the St. Petersburg foundries for supplies of shot
and shell ranging from 15,000 to 50,000. Guns are
being cast to throw shells of 5001 b. weight. Tb°
frontier and maritime fortresses are being;
strengthened with earthworks and by means of
iron plates a foot thick. Torpedoes for exploding
under ships' keels, and blowing them to pieces, are
being constructed; 300 are said to have been
down to defend Cronstadt. One of the channels is
blocked up by the sinking of 300 vessels filled with.
stones, after the manner of the Federals at Charles"
ton. Mention is also made of a new engine of war.
of singular construction, for which the Government
is stated to have granted a sum equal to about
£27,000. It is a large water-tight vessel forsub-
marine navigation. It is to be furnished with a
sharp prong at its row but its chief use is to con-
sist, it seems, in placing infernal machines under
ships' bottoms and exploding them by electricity's
Finally, by next summer there are to be, 16 iron-
clads at Cronstadt, 12 of which are to be monitors er
turret ships. We give these alleged facts as they'
reach us. The statements in question are certainly
of such a character as to deserve attention ; at least
• until they should be proved unauthentic.