The Sun.
London, England, 1839-01-08 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUARY 8, 1839.

MESMERISM.
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Mr. Editor,—Thinking it not improbable that a wrong im-
pression may be taken up by the profession, and the public ge-
nerally, with regard to the Meeting on Friday of the Medical
Students of University College (of which your Paper of Sa-
turday contained a very gcoi and faithful report), allow me,
Mr. Editor, to say that the supposition must be carefully
guarded against, that that meeting was intended to express
any opinion as to the merits or demerits of " Mesmerism."
It was nothing of the kind ; it was convened simply to con_
sider the question of Dr. Elliotson's resignation, and (on the
part of the majority) of trying to effect his restoration to the
chair he had vacated, arid although it was impossible wholly
to exclude the subject of " Mesmerism," it was alluded to
merely so far as it bore on the question of his resignation.
Dr. Elliotson did not introduce " Mesmerism" into his
course of lectures on the " principles and practice of medi-
cine ;" and the voting of students on either the " resolution"
or " amendment" must not be considered as a test of their
opinion on the subject. Trusting you will do me the favour
of inserting ibis letter,
I remain, Mr. Editor, your obedient servant,
A STUDENT (who voted).
University College, Jan. 7, 1839.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE

TATTERSALL' S—YESTEnDAr.
THE DERBY.

The room was fully attended yesterday afternoon, and busi-
ness very animated until after the usual hour of closing the
room. Among the principal favourites one or two changes
will be found ; 12 to 1 was taken about Brother to Bay Mid_
dleton, 16 to 1 about Flambeau, and 17 to 1 was offered against
Ilderirn, whose party has fallen off amazingly. Erin-go-
Bragh and the Dey of Algiers were severally backed at 22 to
1 each, the friends of the former being very anxious to " go
on" at the same price. A great deal of betting took place
about outsiders. Pastille, Cammellino, Peon, Sir Gilbert
Heathcote's three, and some others were backed freely, and
several attempts made to lay out money on the Honeymoon
colt, but nothing done, the buyers having confined themselves
to 40 to 1. A very busy day closed as foLows :-
12 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Bro. to Bay Middleton—taken
16 to I agst Duke of Rutland's Flambeau—taken
17 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Iltierim
20 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Erin-go-Bragh—take 22 to 1
22 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Dey of Algiers—taken
25 to 1 agst Lord Albemarle's Tros
25 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Epidaurus—taken
28 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's Zimmerman—taken
28 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Accelerator—taken
30 to 1 agst Mr. Greville's Derrynane
35 to 1 agst Mr. Wreford's Wapite—taken
25 to 1 agst Mr. Batson's Brother to Plenipo—taken
35 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Bulwark—taken
40 to 1 agst Mr. Dixon's Cammellino—taken
40 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's The Lord Mayor (Honeymoon
colt)—take 45 to 1
45 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Meunier—taken
50 to 1 agst Mr. Greatrex's Tontine colt—taken
50 to 1 agst Duke of Grafton's Pastille colt—taken freely
1000 to 15 agst Sir G. Heathcote's Valaincourt—taken
1000 to 15 agst Sir G. Heathcote's Oronooko—taken and after-
wards offered
1000 to 15 agst Sir G. Heathcote's Chimborazo—taken
4000 to 60 agst Duke of Cleveland's Kremlin—taken
7000 to 70 agst Mr. Worrall's Peon—taken
2000 to 10 agsc Mr. Dixon's Hyllus—taken
2000 to 10 agst Mr. Dixon's Mountaineer—taken
25 to 1 agst Sir G. Heathcote's lot—taken
1500 even on Sir Gilbert agst Derrynane—taken
1500 even on Derrynane agst Tontine anti Pastille—taken
1000 to 800 on Tros agst Derrynane
500 to 25 agst Tontine and Sir G. Heathcote's lot—taken
850 to 50 apt Wapite and Bulwark—taken
700 to 20 agst Peon and Wapiti—taken
1000 to 50 agst The Dey of Algiers, 4000 to 100 agst Brother to
Plenipo, and 2500 to 50 agst Pastille, laid in one bet
The odds quoted agst Epidaurus, Zimmerman, and Accelerator
were laid in one bet.

COL.L7;I,:i7,IICIAL It L: A YBE TWEEN

GREAT BRITAIN AND TURKEY.

(PROM A CORRESPONDENT.)
The Commercial Treaty with Turkey is, without
doubt, the most important measure that has been
agitated in the Councils of Great Britain since the
accession of the present Ministry. It is not solely
the advantages to the trade cf our merchants that it in-
volves, but whilst our profit on that score alone would
be great from a skilfully-drawn up and practicable
treaty, the vastly more important result to Great Bri-
tain would be effected, of forming an enduring alliance
with Turkey, of securing the ascendancy of British
influence in the councils of the Sultan, and of pre-
venting the machinations of Russia, which, by a slow
but sure process of internal disorganization, hopes to
reduce her to a state of weakness, which shall enable
that aggressive Power to bring about the favourite ob-
ject she has had in view since the days of Peter the Great,
the conquest of the Ottoman Empire.
To descant, at this time, upon the importance to
Great Britain of preserving the integrity of the
Turkish Empire, would be to insult the good sense of
the public. It is sufficient to say, in the words of
Marshal Marmcnt, " who first gets possession of
Constantinople is master of India." When the vital
interest of England is at stake it becomes the religious
duty of every Englishman to lose sight of all party or
other feelings that might obscure the national welfare
in his sight, and 1 to scan with a jealous eye any act of
her legislators that might tend, in the remotest degree,
to compromise her
The main object desired to be attained by a treaty
with Turkey is the strengthening of our political con-
nection with that country—a treaty having for its
object mutual commercial advantages is the best means
of securing such desirable connection. It is clear that
an acquaintance with the internal condition and re-

sources of each conniry is necessary for framing a
treaty which shall so act to mutual advantage, and
that any enactment which shall not be for the expected
advantage of the two contracting parties must first
become a source of dissension, will be found imprac-
ticable, and finally fall to the ground.
On a careful examination of the Treaty with Turkey,
which has just been ratified, we find that in some
points it compromises the rights of England—that it
is at variance with the interests of Turkey—that it
betrays a want on the part of the British
Minister of (what is indispensable to the pro-
per drawing up of a treaty) acquaintance with
with the internal condition of Turkey—that it will be
impracticable in operation, and consequently of no ad-
vantage to either country—that it will occasion dissen-
sions in Turkey, and excite in the minds of the Otto-
man subjects animosity against England—and thus
lead to the frustration of the object for which that
treaty was originally contemplated.
By Article Ist of the additional articles, we
are to pay a duty of 5 per cent. on goods imported into
Turkey, whereas formerly our merchandize was ad-
mitted at a duty of 3 per cent.—a right secured to us by
treaty, and which cannot be given away by a Minister
without the consent of the nation, whilst at the same
time the alteration is a violation of the religious prin-
ciples of the Koran, and so will tend to excite dissatis-
faction in Turkey.
By Ai ticle 3d all goods brought to Turkey for the
purpose of transit to other countries, are to pay a tax
of 3 per cent., instead of being admitted free, which is
likewise a disadvantage to English interests, the Sultan
having formerly agreed to admit them free of duty when
intended for transmission to other countries I

Any one acquainted with the internal administration
of Turkey must see at once that the treaty now ratified
is at variance with the interest of that empire, and con-
sequently impracticable. By Article 4th, all merchan-
dize purchased in Turkey for exportation is not to pay
the interior duties formerly levied, but instead thereof
there to be one fixed duty of 9 per cent. on all arti-
cles exported. A full comprehension of the detriment
to the interests of Turkey which would accrue from
this clause, if practicable, involves an acquaintance with
the system of taxation and the internal regulations of
that country. It may suffice to say that the Turkish
revenue is not raised by indirect taxation, as in this
country, but by duties levied on articles after they are
manufactured, and on produce generally, when in a
state fit for use or exportation—that the natural ferti-
lity of the soil and the absence of imposts bearing on
the means of production, enable the Turkish people to
produce a great variety of articles at extraordinarily
cheap rates—that their revenue is chiefly raised by
duties levied on the goods exported or sold to fo•
rei,,ners such duties being calculated at different rates
on different articles, 10, 20, 30, 50, and even up to 150
per cent., according to their relative facilities of
production, and the demand in foreign markets.
Now the fixed additional duty of 9 per cent. on all
articles indiscriminately, will not only be depriving the
Sultan of a great amount of revenue, to which
he is justly entitled, but will also be a vexatious inter-
ference with the internal administration of the Sublime
Porte, and one wholly at variance with its general
spirit. It cannot be expected that the Turkish Go-
vernment will long submit to have its resources crip-
pled, and its regulations disarranged ; we may, there-
fore, look forward to the Sultan speedily taking ad-
vantage of the sentence in Article 1 of the additional
articles, to the effect that the Treaty " does not pre-
clude the Ottoman Government, in any manner, from
the exercise of its rights of internal administration,"
&c. (it is very easy to misconstrue a clause when it
falls in with one's interest to do so), and gradually re-
imposing the old interior duties, which will simply
leave us in the position of being subjected to 9 per
cent export duty from Turkey more than we were be-
fore I The dissensions that will be created between
the Sultan and his subjects by an attempt to impose
the new regulations, or the refusal of the Sublime
Porte to carry them into execution, and consequent dis-
pute that must take place with England will hold out
to Russia a fresh source of working the internal dis-
organization of that country, while she will not fail to
profit by the new and powerful handle thus afforded of
exciting between Turkey and England, and
counteracting our intended alliance. By Article 3of
the Treaty, British merchants are admitted to right of
internal traffic on the same footing as the " most
favoured classes of Turkish subjects," whereas the
Russians, by the Treaty of Adrianople (which they
dictated to the Sultan) secured for their subjects
greater privileges than those enjoyed by the Turkish
subjects themselves. We are, therefore, by the
Treaty placed on a worse footing than the Russians,
who by their superior privileges, which they can
confer on such Turkish subjects as they choose to
make their agents, secure a preponderating influence
in Turkey, and give them a lasting means of keeping
up the barrier of separation between that country and
England.
In this Treaty, which might and ought to have been
the most important advantage to England during the
we see a positive realization of the
present century,
views of Russia I We see annihilation of our influ-
ence in Turkey, and a strengthening of that of Russia.
We are foiled, baffled, frustrated in every object we
contemplated by this Commercial Treaty. We suffer
ourselves to be deceived by the feigned anger of the
Russian Minister, and the declamation of their hire-
ling journals that pretend we have overreached them,
only for the purpose of diverting suspicion from the
fact, that we are carrying their own measures! If we
adopt this Treaty, we shall become as a nation what
our diplomacy has long been—the laughing stock of
Europe.

A DIFFERENT VIEW OF THIS TREATY.
(From the Correspondence of a Morning Paper.)
CoNsTANTINoPt.,
.DEC. I2.—That numerous and respec-
table body, the Bntisu merchants of Smyrna, have addressed
to Lord ponsonby a very handsome letter of thanks for the
new treaty. The follon ing are copies of the letter alluded to,
and of his Lordship's reply :

" Smyrna, Dec. 7.
" My Lord ,—A negotiation, conferring incalculable advan-
tages on the interests connected with this country, has by your
Lordship's unremitting exertions been crowned with success.
" The commercial treaty lately concluded at Constantinople'
is a measure of too vital importance not to excite in favour of
its author the most unequivocal expressions of public approba-
tion, and the undersigned British residents of Smyrna cannot
disguise the pleasure they experience, that in all quarters such
a feeling has been manifested.
" Destined as they arc to participate more immediately in
the benefits this treaty insures, they would have taken
stand among the first who have come forward ,to offer their
tribute of gratitude to 3 our Lordship, had they not feared thata
like proceeding would have been considered premature. But

now that such a motive fur silence no longer exists, since the
treaty has appeared in the public prints of this city, they hasten
to offer to your Lordship this humble, but sincere and heart-
felt, manifestation of what they owe your Lordship, in return
for this your act, or rather victory gained over long and deep-
rooted prejudices and interests so decidedly opposed to it ;
which victory, it is to be hoped, augurs a new era of commer-
cial prosperity ; a prospect the more cheerful to the inhabi-
tants of this city, as hitherto on them have weighed most
heavily the abuses which the new treaty, they doubt not, will
be the means of bringing to an end. And here, my Lord,
they presume to affirm, without hesitation, that the interests of
the British commercial community established at Smyrna, are
inseparable from the essential interests of this Government ;
for on looking back to a sad and disastrous past, it cannot but
be aive to the dangers of a system which during the last ten
years has concentrated all the trade in the capital, to the preju-
dice of those places whieh, nevertheless, have so considerably
contributed, even during periods of the greatest calamity, to
the prosperity of this empire.
" The undersigned, relying on the wisdom which has dic-
tated and brought to a conclusion the late treaty, continue to
look forward with confidence to the termination of the pend-
ing negociations respecting the regulation of the tarif. They
feel persuaded that in the 7th article of the treaty no intention
exists to define or classify certain places alone as the places of
exportation of certain articles of produce, which would be
only an indirect mode of shackling that freedom of trade on
which are based all the hopes of the commercial, and, more-
over, political regeneration of this country ; for this is the
twofold advantage now to be expected from the spirit of the
treaty; an advantage assuredly sufficiently weighty to over-
whelm the efforts which may be brought into action by per-
sonal interests, to deprive the most important place in this
empire of its full share in the benefits of a perfectly free trade.
" The undersigned have the honour to subscribe themselves,
with the greatest respect, my Lord, your Lordship's most
obedient and most humble servants,

(Signed)
" J. A. Werry " Gout Brothers
Hanson and Co. W. Atkinson
Franc] and Jackson John Maltass
W. G. Maltass H. P. Borrell
Winckleman and Co. W. Talbot Bothwell and Co.
G. Hunter S. Woolley.
R. A. Abbott C. Hadkinson
Hays, Lafontaine. and Co. E. Woodmass
C. Whittall and Co. Kerr, Black and Co.
Lee and Scns. J. Mattrass, Jun.
"To his Excellency the Right Hon. Lord Ponsonby,
G. C. 8., &c., Constantinople."

" Therapia, Dec. 11, 1838.
" Gentlemen—The letter you did me the honour to %rite
.0 me is a happy and valuable confirmation of the opinion ex-
pressed in favour of the commercial convention, by others
highly Allied in the affairs of trade.
" You have also adverted to the political bearings of the
treaty. British commerce is intimately united in this country
with British policy, and would rapidly decrease, if not wholly
perish, unless protected and fostered by that policy, founded
on justice, prudently conceived and energetically executed.
The concurring opinion of numbers of highly informed prac-
tical men, entitle to Lope that this convention will be found
to merit the approbation given to it, for I have no doubt
her Majesty's Government will vigorously guard Against its
infraction or evasion. Our country is too enlightened not to
know that its conimerciA prosperity is a great source of its
own riches. England has no hostile intentions against any
part of the world, but England is prepared to defend her rights
against all attacks, and what she has done shows what she
can do.

" I confidently trust this Convention, when acted upon, will
answer all reasonable expectations, and prove that there has
been no solid ground for an alarm that any one interest will be
sacrificed to another.

I thank you for the approbation with which you honour
me. I receive it with the consciousness that I have laboured
to deserve some small portion of it.—l have the honour to be,
Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant,
(Signed) " PONSONBY.
" To the British merchants resident at Smyrna."

The Smyrna gentlemen, in alluding to the interpretation of
the 7th article, refer to a report that the Commissioners en-
gaged in settling the tariff have arranged that certain objects
of produce shall be conveyed to certain ports only, all
the Brussa silk thus coming to Constantinople, all the opium
going to Smyrna, and so forth. This report is perfectly well
founded, and the motive of having recourse to this plan is
the prevention of smuggling, which it is extremely impor-
tant to defeat by every possible means, as, otherwise, the
treaty, instead of being a blessing, would prove a curse to the
fair trader. What is most to be feared, however, is that by
prohibiting the open remission of silk from Brussa to Smyrna
means will be found to send large quantities secretly, and now
that 12 per cent. is the duty, it will set the wits of thousands
to work how to save so important an amount. The Frank
Commissioners have suggested that confiscation be the penalty
of a discovered act of smuggling, 20 per cent. of the amount
being paid to the informer, but the Turks appear to be averse
to this severity, and I apprehend that some of them have per-
sonally profited by the smuggling system, to an extent which
has attached them to it—not that they smuggle themselves,
but some of their friends do, and a large portion of the money
thus acquired goes into their, the official Turks, ever-yawning
pockets. If smuggling caa be pursued profitably every one
of them will make a rapid fortune.