The Sun.
London, England, 1863-06-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

TlMES.—Although important negotiations are
said to be proceeding, we cannot regret that Lord
Ellenborough has called attention to the state of
affairs in Poland, and inquired as to the probabi-
lity of peace being restored to that unhappy country.
It is now nearly five months since the insurrection
began, and it still continues, as obstinate though it
may be as hopeless as ever. On one side are the
armies of a powerful empire which has lived by war
and for war during generations, and is now putt ng
forth all its strength ; on the other side are half-
armed bands, often without muskets, always with-
out artillery, and only capable of carrying on a de-
sultory warfare against isolated bodies of troops.
Such an unequal contest as this seemed likely to be
soon over, particularly as the country in which it
is carried on is not like Spain or Montenegro, suited
to such irregular fighting. Probably, if the Poles
had asked for advice, there would have been hardly
any one who would not have told them from the
beginning that they were striving after an impossi
bility. What could they do against the power of
Russia? Her immense armies, her inexhaustible
hordes of people, her
_well-filled magazines, must
prevail against poverty of numbers, means, and dis-
cipline. This must have been the judgment of
everybody at the beginning ; it is probably the
right judgment now ; but the course of the insur
rection shows that the Poles have been little affected
by such calculations. In every part of the country
where the insurrection first began it still continues
with varying success, the Russians one day routing
a levy of scythemen, on another losing a detach-
ment which has been suddenly pounced upon by
some active leader. In some districts the insurgent
bands are said to be more formidable in numbers
and capable of fighting regular battles with the
troops, and we are told that in the country near
Warsaw they have really gained considerable ad-
vantages over the Russians. But the most impor-
tant part of the latter news is the spread of the in-
surrection far beyond the limits of the kingdom of
Poland. Although we ought, no doubt, to receive
with some suspicion reports which come from
such remote regions as Lithuania end the
provinces of Volhynia and Podolia, still it
would be denying its due weight to testi-
mony if we refused to believe that there are
movements of a most important kind in what
was looked upon as an entirely Russianised part of
the Empire, Tracts of country far greater in extent
than the Poland with which the treaties of 1815
have to do, and stretching to the frontiers of the
Danubian Principalities, are described as full of in-
surgents. The proprietors join in the movement,
the peasantry are in some pieces for and in some
against it, but every where there is commotion, and
the Government is alarmed at the insecurity of the
tenure by which it holds the conquests even of the
first partition. Such a state of things cannot but
engage the sympathy of lookers-on, though, per-
haps, we cannot hope that Poland, unaided, will be
able to do more than lengthen out a disastrous gue-
rilla warfare, to the exhaustion both of herself and
her enemy. The knowledge that an insurrection is
raging over a large tract of Europe ; that it spreads.
though without a chance of overthrowing the Power
against which it is undertaken; and that the result
must be the desolation of the country in a manner
that years cannot repair, may well induce a member
of the British Parliament to suggest some kind of
interference. This, too, is the more allowable since
the Government of England, in common with those
of France and Austria, has already acted as a me-
diator between the Czar and his alienated subjects.
Notes have been despatched from London, Paris,
and Vienna, calling upon the Emperor Alexander
to conciliate the good opinion of Europe by mercy
to his subjects, and to fulfil the stipulations which
his uncle made in 1815, by giving the Polish King-
dom a Constitution after the manner of the Western
nations. Not only has this been done, but other
States have been invited to join in the general re-
monstrance. Prince Gortachakoff has had to reply
to Sweden, Spain, and Turkey; and even the United
States might, if their Government had chosen, have
had a share in lecturing the Czar on the duties of
a ruler. Lord Ellenborough, therefore, finding that
the Government has done so much, asks whether
there are to be no results of their labours. He
thinks that they have a great opportunity in
the face of the dangers which threaten Russia.
He looks upon the insurrection as likely to last
in Poland, and permanently to weaken the Em-
pire. This consequence, his lordship tells us, he
does not wish to ensue. France is strong, perhaps
too strong. Russia does not now threaten Europe
as she did in the days of Nicholas, and she may be
at any time useful in helping to maintain a Conser-
vative policy in Europe. Lord Ellenborough
would, therefore, do nothing which would deprive
Russia of the power of interfering, should the affairs
of other nations require it. But Russia may be
barred from the West either by having Poland in a
state of chronic revolt, or by seeing it constituted
an independent kingdom, with a national Sovereign
and a policy of its own. Either result Lord Ellen-
borough deprecates, and he would accordingly sug-
gest that " the wiser course for Russia to pursue
would be to propose to dissever the connection
which was established at Vienna between the Rue
sian Empire and Poland, with such arrangements
for mutual convenience as might be suggested, as
an independent country, with respect to internal
government, under the sovereignty of a Prince of
her own family." The only objection to this scheme
is that it is impossible for any reasonable man to
expect that the Russian Emperor would consent to
it. The difference between a Poland governed by a
Sovereign of the House of Romanoff, and one of
some other hinny, would be small indeed if once
Poland obtained self-government and real index
pendence. History shows that family alliances have
little effect on the actions of monarchs, and that they
do for the most part what suits their own interest
for the time. Russia welt knows that to give up
Poland in any way, or even to make a permanent
Viceroyalty like that which Egypt forms in rela-
tion to the Porte, is really to abandon the country
altogether, and to draw back her frontier 300
miles from Berlin and Vienna. Nor does she forget
that the insurrection, which is gradually speeding
over the Eastern provinces, bears witness to the
identity of the Poland of all the partitions; and that
if, in deference to the Powers, the Czar were to esta-
blish the Kingdom of Poland as an independent
or subsidiary State, the same independence might
be demanded by other and equally important
regions. What, too, would Prussia and Austria
say of a scheme which might induce their own
Polish subjects to desire union with the new king-
dom It seems to us that Russia would be willing
to make very large concessions in the administra-
tion of the Kingdom, but would reject positively

any such plan as that which Lord Ellenborough
proposes. Of the form which the propositions of
the three Powers have taken we can know nothing
certain as yet ; but if, as Lord Russell says,
answer of the Austrian Emperor to the comnaunica-
tions from London and Paris is expected to-morrow
we shall not be long in suspense. All that we need
do is to urge on the Government to abridge as
much as possible the forms of diplomacy, if by
diplomatic action any stop can be put to he
miseries of this war. Lord Russell's expressions
point to a renewal of the Constitution granted in
1815 ; if the Poles will be contented with this con-
cession we shall sincerely rejcice, and believe that
the blood which has flowed so plenteously has not
been shed altogether in vain,
HERALD.—The fly on the water-wheel, who
boasted that he moved it round, is in very much
the same position as the diplomatist who attempts
by a series of letters and protocols to arrange the
affairs of Poland. The " nation in mourning" has
appealed to that supreme arbitrament against whose
decision all protests of statesmen are in vain. We
have the greatest respect for men who, in despite of
ail the Powers that be, would vindicate their free-
dom by the strength of their own right arms.
When, instead of pusil animous waiting, despon-
dency, and appeals for help, a nation that has long
been oppressed takes its own cause in hand, and
bares the sword against its tyrants in a sort of mad
despair of conquering or dying, it has entitled itself
to our applause, if not to our entire sympathy.
The struggles of Poland, manful as they are, cannot
but be grievous to us who, liable as others are to an
access of sentiment, arc yet conscious of how much
is imperilled by them, how much is unattain-
able by these all but superhuman efforts, and
how wasted is this ocean of blood that is being
shed in a desperate cause. If we put the
power of Poland in the balance against that
of Russia we cannot doubt which will prevail
in the end. Will the Poles have bettered their
position by all this self-sacrifice ? Will all the
Powers—humane and well-intentioned though they
may be, but resolved, whatever happens, not to en-
gage in a Quixotic struggle with Russia—be able
to avert the inevitable result of this most unhappy
insurrection, that Poland will be left exhausted.
fainting, and bloodless, at the feet of the conquerer ?
The insurrection of 1831 deprived the Poles of one
constitution. The insurrection of 1863 may be the
death-blow to another. If we could only anticipate
the possible triumph of the patriots it would be
time for us to discuss the altered conditions under
which the Polish nation might be regarded by
Europe. So long as Russia continues to assert her
authority we can neither expect freers the insurrec-
tion a restoration of Poland with her ancient boun-
daries, nor even the independence of the Poland of
1815, unless by the grace of the Emperor Alexander
11. The Government, we are told, has agreed with
the French Government on the plan for pacification
which it will propose to the Emperor of Russia. It,
is waiting for the concurrence of Austria, which
has not yet been notified. We fear that, pending,
the issue of the Polish insurrection, these proposi-
tions will have but little weight. An amnesty has
already been proclaimed, and rejected with scorn.
The independence of the Warsaw kingdom may be
promised to-morrow. It will be received as an
admission of weakness. For a great country like
this it seems almost undignified to advise where we
are not prepared to dictate. France and England
may wish well to Poland ; but as neither France
nor England will fight for Poland, the issue, as
between Poland and Russia, must be left to the
God of Battles, to whom Poland, in her last ex-
tremity, has rashly made her appeal.
PosT.—The King of Prussia has determined that
his decree against the public press shall not be a
dead letter. Six journals have received the first
of the premonitory warnings which, according to
the terms of the ordinance, pave the way to total
suppression, It was but natural to suppose that a
proclamation which at a single stroke swept away
the entire liberty of the press should call forth com-
ments from those whom it principally affected, and
it was equally natural that those comments should
be of a kind to excite the displeasure of those from
whom the proclamation emanated. Half-a-dozen
Prussian newspapers have dared to protest against
a gross and flagrant violation of one of the dearest
liberties of the people, and they are forthwith
threatened with extinction by means of the very
instrument which has called forth their indignation.
The Ministry appear fiat to be satisfied with hav-
ing browbeaten the representatives of the people.
They mutt needs make the people themselves
acknowledge that they are all-powerful. It is not
sufficient that those who give expression to public
opinion should submit with patience to enforced
silence, they must kiss the hand which forces the
gag into their mouths. If anything could be want-
ing to make the ordinance of June 1 particularly
odious and offensive to the Prussian people, it has
been supplied by its colourable compliance with
the provisions of the constitution. The efforts which
have now been so persistently made by the Prus-
sian King to replace the constitution he pledged
himself to support by a pure despotism is too
apparent to need demonstration at our hands. His
affected respect for the constitutional privileges of
his subjects is therefore all the more contemptible.
It is certainly true that, according to one of the
provisions of the constitution, the Government are
empowered under extraordinary circumstances, and
whilst the Chambers are not in session, to make
ordinances which shall have the force of laws. It is
in apparent accordance with this provision that the
late decree has been issued. But it is only in appear-
ance that its publication can be justified according
to the terms of the constitution. No circum-
stances at a 1 similar to those specified in the
63d article of the constitution existed to
require its promulgation ; and if the Cham-
bers were not in session it is well known that
they were prorogued with the object of enabling
the Government to supply a plausible pretext for
legislating for the country. If the proceeding which
has now been sanctioned by the Prussian King and
his Ministers be constitutional, then there seems no
reason why Count Bismark and his colleagues should
not continue to rule the country by ordinances pro-
mulgated under cover of the 63d article of the Con-
stitution. Such ordinances would eventually re-
quire the sanction of the Legisture when the houses
met; but, with a bold ministry and a submissive
people, the next meeting of the Chambers might be
postponed by the Sovereign for an indefinite period.
So far as regards the provisions of the present ordi-
nance but little need be said. Its mode of applica-
tion has now been illustrated in a manner which
speaks more eloquently than any words we could
utter of the ultimate consequences to which its strict
enforcement must inevitably lead. If Prussia will
be content to exist without a press, then the ends
of the Crown will be attained, and the ministry may
issue any other ordinances they may deem essential
for the maintenance of that peculiar form of govern-
ment which has now been introduced into Prussia.
With the exception of such journals as are content
to echo sentiments of the Court, there will remain
in a few weeks none in existence. By virtue of the
provision of the constitution above refereed to, the
ministerial ordinances would be regarded as laws
demanding respect and obedience; and, as one of
the many grounds supplied by the late decree for
the suppression of newspapers is" exciting to dis-
obedience of the laws of the country," it would be
impossible for any journal to comment upon the
new system of legislation without incurring certain
extinction. As after a second warning has been
given the local authorities of the place in which the
journal so warned is published may proceed to pro.
hibit its further publication, it may be taken that the
fate of the six journals which have already received
the preliminary avertissement is definitely sealed. It
is provided that the publishers of such journals as
have committed any one of the multifarious infringe-
ments of the new law shall be formally tried in a
closed court, and, in the event of an adverse deci-
sion being given, shall have the right of appeal-
ing to the Ministry. Here again apparent con-
formity, but real antagonism, with the commonest
principles of justice manifest itself in this remark-
able document. The publisher of an offending
journal shall be heard in his defence before the
publication of his paper is suppressed; but the pro-
ceedings shall be conducted with closed doors. If
dissatisfied with the judgment of the court he may
appeal, but it is to the Ministry, that is to say, to
successfullyrah
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to asked where all this will end. Will the Prussian
King succeed in his endeavours to subvert the con-
stitution of his people, or will he fail ? Is Prussia
ready to abandon all that she has wrested from her
former rulers, in order to gratify the ambition of
the present, and, it might so happen, the last repre-
sentative of the House of Hohenzollern P The Prus-
sian people would make many sacrifices before it
took up arms against a Sovereign whose family is
intimately associated with the growth of its politi-
cal greatness. But then the patience of a people
may be subjected to too severe a strain. The present
possesses for most men an interest much stronger
than any which the associations of the past can
serve to awaken. Up to this moment the attitude
both of the Prussian people and of its representa-
tives offers a marked contrast to that of the Sove-
reign and his Ministers. The deputies were firm
whilst they were respectful in the remonstrances
which they addressed to the Crown. Whatevermay
be the issue of the contest which has arisen between
the Sovereign and the people, the members of the
Lower Chambers may at least congratulate them-
selves on having in no way contributed to Widen
the breach which theGovernmeat insisted on creat-
ing. But it will be difficult to expect from the
masses the same display of moderation in the pre..

sence of ordinances like that issued by the Govern-
ment within a week after the Chambers, in which
alone rests the power of legislating, had been pro-
rogued. We do not helit,ve that the Prussian people
will submit without a struggle to the regime whicn
the Junker party proposes to establisn. Sooner or
later must come that collision between a people
battling for its liberties and its would-be oppressors
which invariably results in the discomfiture of the
latter. The leadefs of the popular party are well
aware of the dangers with which a revolution Is
fraught, not only to the royal family, but to the
kingdom itself. But they ma; not be able to con-
trol the impetuosity of thousands who suddenly
find themselves stripped of political liberty. The
storm is evidently approaching, but when it will
break no man can say.