The Sun.
London, England, 1830-04-20 00:00:00

LAMBETH-ST REET.

A woman of the name of Ellen White was chaNel
with leaving a child at the door of the Whitechapel
workhouse.
Mr. WALKER sent her to the House of Correction
for one month.

DUBLIN.

HENRY-STREET POLICE OFFICE.

On Wednesday two females, each bearing a boy
in her arms, applied to prefer a charge of bigamy
against a person for having contracted marriage
with both.

Mr. COLE—What is the name of the person
against whom you complain ?
First Wife—Martin Kavanagh, a pensioner of the
44th Regiment, and a varnisher besides. My own
name is Mary Maher, and I have followed him
through the Indies for years, as his lawful married
wife.

Second 'Wife—l haVe been married to hi.ru for
some time, and travelled Newfoundland with him.
I knew he was married before this, but I was not
sure of it.

Mr. COLE—Do you meau to say that he has got
a third wife?

Complaivant—Certaialy I do; be has three
wives at present. I can get the last to prove her
own marriage. _

Mr. COLE—What may be his family ?
First Wife—Why, I kayo three children ; this
woman has three children, and he has three wires.
Second Wife—Yes, your Worship, and when he
was going to marry the third wife, and I found it
out, " Martin, says I, " hava not yot," says I,
" married enough ; an' what would you be after do-
ing more ?" Well, your 'Worship, I brought kiln,
round to listen to good advice; an' he said to me,
" Well, Anne," says he, " if you'll live with me,
I'll live with you, an' I'll never do the like again ;"
so I consented, your Worship.
Here the first wife handed in her certificate of
marriage, celebrated by the late Mr. Woods, of
Straw-market celebrity.
Informations were directed to be taken, and a
warrant issued for the apprehension of the uxorious
Martin.

It is a remarkable fact that all the Chit.f
Magistrates of the different Republics on the Continent of
America are now filled by military Chieftains. About half
their number have been removed by rotation and petty re-
volution since 1829, as appeals from the following list ; but
the maxim of" Cedant arma togs" is completely reversed,
and every one of them is ruled by a military man—viz.
let January 1820. 1530.
United States John J. Adams.-- Gen. Jackson.
Mexico Gen. Bustaunenbx
Guatemala. Arcs Moranxan.
Colombia Bolivar.
Venezuela, separated from Paes (provisionally).
Gen. La Mar Goinarra.
Chile Pinto.. ........—.. Pinto.
Bolivia t int"ronumen.ricrre!e7ePartur.e.l Santa Cua-
Buenos Ayres Gen. Lavall.. '''''
Rosas.
Monte Video None '''' .. ...... Andrews.
Haiti Gen. 80yer............. .... Boyer,

1-IORRIDLE AFFRAY AND LOSS OF LIVES
AT BAILIEISOROUCiri.-By a letter dated the 13th inst.,
from Moyle, we have received an account of a sanguinary
conflict having taken place in the town of Bailieborougb,
on Easter Monday, in which the lose, we regret to state,
is estimated at ten persona killed, besides from thirty to
sixty wounded, It appears that a market is held there on
Mondays, and that Easter Monday being a holiday, it was
attended by considerable crowds from all parte of the stir-
rounding country. Our Correspondent states as follows I
—" In the course of the day s:veral persons were beaten,
but no serious occurrence took plat* until about haltpast
four o'clock, when a fight commenced so suddenly that it
appeared as if the entire town and all the persons in the
market were concerned in it ; the police were called
upon; but they, unfortunately, for all parties were
very few in number. They endeavoured as muck to in
their power to repress the multitude, but without moue,
and then loaded their wahines and fired upon the crowd,
who returned the fire with large volliee of ;Mute. The
conflict became general ; two men, one of the name of
REILLY and another of the name of CLAM:I, Were shot
dead upon the apot by the police, and several others were
wounded, I dare say, in the course of the night, not leas
than ten must have died by the wounds they received
from the shots and bayonets of the police, which were ap-
plied to keep the multitude from inclosing them. The
conflict lasted with great heat for about two hours, and
had it not
beet for the interference of Jonx DONNELLY,
EN•Aa Alagistrate, and the Rev. PAILLIP O'Reiwr,
pariah priest of Bailieborough, the effects would have been
dreadful. I think the loss may be estimated at about ten
killed, and from thirty to sixty wounded. A Medical
Gentleman, who resides is Bailieborough, stated that he
had in the course of the evening, thirty persons in his
house, a great many of whom he feat* ware mortally
wonmled,."— Tipperary Fret Prey

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

After the publication of last Wednesday's Bul-
letin, announcing the King.'s unfortunate indispo-
sition, wihad shared the hopes experienced by most
of his Majesty's syhjeets in observing that no
further Bulletins,. descriptive of increased or con-
tinued suffering, had been issued for many .subse-
quent days. The public tranquillity was, however,
interrupted yesterday,—i hough we unfeignedly bust
it will only, and for a very short space, have been
suspended,---by the unexpected appearance of
another Bulletin, stating that his Majesty " con-
tinues to suffer occasionally from attacks of embar-
rassment la his breathing." This, it must he ad-
mitted, is somewhat odd treatment, either for his
Majesty, for the country, or for both. If, as the
new Bulletin distinctly as erts, there had been no
cessation since the first Bulletin of a symptom so
grave as that of " embarrassed breathing," then it
is self-evident that there ought not to have been any
cessation of the Bulletins. If, on the other hand,
the breathing had become free, and had afterwards
become so difficult that a medical advertisement of
the fact was deemed unavoidable on the part of the
King's attendants, then we say that the malady
has been represented under deceptious colours, and
that his Majesty's subjects ought not to have been
told of their Sovereign being affected by a " con-
tinuance" • of his first disorder, when, in truth,
he had suffered an unequivocal and serious re-
lapse. This matter •is of too high importance
to be disguised or trifled with. To know
precisely the condition of their Sovereign,
when any disease of body or mind afflicts him, is
the- constitutional_right of every free people, and the
prescriptive privilege even of such as-are enslaved.
The uncertainty in which the world was left regard-
ing the health of his Majesty, from Thursday fore-
noon until yesterday, gave rise in some people to
painful fears of his aggravated illness; and in many
to still more cruel suspicions that his Majesty had
not been sick at all, but had merely got up the ap-
paratus of a " bilious attack," and a Bulletin, to
spare himself the annoyance of an indiscriminate and
crowded Court, although the consequence might be
a severe mortification to hundreds of the Nobility
and Gentry of the realm, and, what is far worse, a
loss of their bread to thousands of industrious trades-
men, whose families might at the time have no
other food than what could be obtained by mort-
gaging their prospective labours for the use of the
levee and drawing-room. This, we say, was a most
unfounded and cruel suspicion ; and the proof that
it ti as so is in the grievous Bulletin:of yesterday af-
ternoon, which implies a tendency in the King's
frame to a class of disorders, of which, neither in
hind nor in degree, is there one which can be viewed
without alarm. Should this uneasy crisis endure a
little longer, and no solution of it be afforded by me-
dical skill, or by events which set that skill at defi-
ance, the effect will, of necessity, be no less hurtful
to the public interests than afflicting to the hearts of
all honest and loyal Englishmen. Nevertheless, we
shall hope the best. The peace of England and of
Europe need not, we are well enough convinced, be
compromised by the removal of any one of its guar-
dians from his post; but who can answer that it
will not be so compromised ? We recommend the
most frank and straightforward dealing in official
juan upon this momentous occasion.—Tinres.

We regret to state, that the conclusions which
we drew yesterday from the cessation of the Bul-
letins of his Majesty's health, coupled with the non-
attendance of the physicians, have not proved to be
correct. Our readers will see from the Bulletin, in
the communication of the Court newsman, that his
Majesty's health has not improved. " His Majesty,"
says the Bulletin, " continues to suffer occasionally
from attacks if embarrassment in his breathing."
There is great reason for saying that a knowledge of
his Majesty's real state is confined to the very few
immediately around him, and - that many persons in
high official station are as little acquainted with the
facts as the mass of the public. For the very brief
and unsatisfactory statements which have been made,
we are indebted to the apprehension of responsibility
in his Majesty's attendants. The name of the
chief and authoritative mover of the Court machine
is kept from the public eye ; on him no responsi-
bility rests; yet it is certain that without him no-
thing is or can he managed either in regard to body
politic or natural. There are persons bold enough
to hint that the greatest indisposition in the case
was tin indisposition to undertake the trouble of
the Levee and Drawing-room. It would be strange
indeed if the slavery to forms were such in this
country that the Monarch must feign indisposition
In escape from the burden of them! So far, how-
ever, was this from the fact, that the first Bulletin
issued without a previous intimation to the indi-
vidual most concerned excited his high displeasure,
and that he desired no other should be issued. 'The
appearance of a second Bulletin in defiance of this
command is, therefore, we fear, to be regarded as
an ill omen, whatever be the terms in which it is
couched, and there is certainly nothing in the lan-
guage of that bearing yesterday's date to allay ap-
prehension. We bare said that persons in high
official station appear to kuow as little of the real
state of his Majesty's health as the mass of the
public, and the reason for our saying this is, that
we know the most contradictory accounts have been
given by some of them. While one nobleman says
his Majesty is not ill, another says he is very ill.
If persons who, from their stations, ought to know
the real state of his Majesty's health, give such
different representations, our readers do not require
to be told by us that all representations on the sub-
ject are to be received with considerable distrust.
When attacks of embarrassment in breathing are
mentioned, people are led to fear the worst. We
wish the professional gentlemen in attendance on
his Majesty could have stated so much as to satisfy
the public that the difficulty in breathing has not
its cause in circumstances calculated to inspire
serious apprehensions. The want of such expla-
nation may lead some persons to suspect the worst.
However, they have the best reasons for their
silence.—Morning Chronicle.

After all that political economists have said and
written about the wealth of rations, we believe it
will ever be found that the best riches of a State
are the comfort, the virtues, and the independence
of its people. This is the moral wealth that con-
stitutes the strength and bespeaks the true pro-
sperity of a nation. It is to the condition of the
middle and working classes that the genuine philo-
sopher looks for the indications of national welfare
or decline. :If those classes are industrious, comfort-
able, moral, and contented, he will infer that the
State is sound at its core, and that the subject re-
ceives, in return for his allegiance, the protection of
a capable and intelligent Government. If, on the
other hand, they are vainly endeavouring to struggle
agnitist circumstances over which they have no con-
troul, and the mass of the labouring population are
plunged in wretchedness and debasement, he will
not consider that country either prosperous in its
affairs or happy in the choice of those who admini-
Ater them, although sumptuous living and luxury
may prevail among the higher ranks of society, and
some fortunate individuals may possess a vast ac-
cumulation of capital. It is, indeed, to this " ac-
cumulation of capital" that the " political. econo-
mists" of the present day would sacrifice every
thing that makes a nation truly affluent, and
a people truly happy. They are a sect that
worship Mammon with an intense and ex-
elusive devotion. Their minds, ingapable of ap-
preciating the real dignity of man, measure
all degrees of human merit on a scale of
" capital." Their creed is Virtus post nunzmos—'
their motto Quocunque modo rem. In the zeal of
their degrading idolatry to wealth, they hate despise,
and, if possible, persecute the poor. They, at all
events, give advice to that effect. They milt oi,
them as the "superabundant population" that ought
to be got rid of some way or other; although it is
well known that this country, if its resources were
tinder a right management, has the means of mu;
taining a far greater population than that which

t at present possesses. It was well said by a
poet who gave to the dietates of good sense rnal
ight, feeling the finest inspiration of genius—
A time there was, ere England's griefs tegan,
When every rood of ground maintained its man.

That was not " accumulation ;" it was not a state
of things that dazzled the eye, while the substance
of national prosperity was wasting away. It was
not a state of, things that raised a few splendid for-
tunes upon the degradation of the great mass of the
people. No; it was that sort of policy which made
the nation rich and invincible by the diffusion of
comfort and the preservation of manly virtue among
all classes of society. In this country, at present,
there is great wealth, great industry, but still greater
distress. The resources of the country have not
been annihilated, nor have the energies of the
people perished ; but the folly and ignorance of the
Legislature have crippled the former, and ren-
dered the latter unavailing. Dishonest or super-
ficial reasoners are accustomed to appeal to the
luxurious habits of a large portion of our aristo-
cracy, and the great opulence of a few moneyed
men, as evidence to contradict the alleged distress
of the country; but the luxury and opulence of the
few are not incompatible with the poverty and
wretchedness of the many. When Rome flourished
in the pride of unrivalled empire, and excited the
admiration of mankind, there was far less luxury
and revelling and ostentatious splendour among her
higher classes than when she had forfeited her glo-
rious fame among the nations, and her power was
departing like the virtues that had sustained it.
Then was there wretchedness, and misery, and de-
basement among her people; and though the sum•
mits of society looked brighter for a time, as the
rays of declining prosperity flashed upon them, they
were SOON lost, like the regions beneath, in the gloom
that covered for ever the fortunes of the mighty em-
pire. But, unlike Rome in one respect, England
has still the means of regeneration within herself.
The industry of her people is still unabated—
their skill in the arts, that have poured wealth into
the country, yet unrivalled ; their energies only want
the free and judicious exercise which a wise Govern-
ment ' could give them, to make England great and
prosperous once more. But ►what can be done as
long as the doctrines of absurd theorists are in more
favour with the Government and Legislature than
the principles which raised the nation to an unex-
ampled state of opulence and grandeur ? Let
those principles be restoredLelet a real spirit of eco-
nomy among our rulers abridge the expenses of the
State, so as to enable them to reduce the taxes to
the level of our currency—let the grievous errors of
ignorant legislation be retraced—let the " political
economists," with Mr. Huskisson at their head, be
sent to try their cruel and absurd experiments in
some Utopian island of their own. Let these things
be done, and the people will do their part ; they
will beat down rivalry, as they did of old, and re-
establish the prosperity of the empire,—Morning
Herald.

The Bulletin published last night confirms the
apprehensions which were on Sunday, and the early
part of yesterday, very generally entertained regard-
ing the King's health, and the existence of which
we adduced as a reason why an additional Bulletin
was indispensably necessary. To those who are
aware of the tenacity of life and the astonishing
force of reaction in the physical powers of his Ma-
jesty, the continuance of his disorder cannot fail to
excite much anxiety. On all former occasions
copious bleeding has almost instantaneously re-
stored him. After this operation but a few hours
have seldom elapsed before lie felt new vigour mid
fresh life, the transition from pulmonary oppression,
extreme lassitude, and great feebleness, to a state of
convalescence and active health, being rapid in a re-
markable degree. The present attack, however,
has not terminated in any such sudden or salutary
change. The weakness has continued, and his
breathing has been impeded at intervals to an ex.
tent painful and even alarming. We do not,
however, despond, but, on the contrary, rest as-
sured that even this attack will be subdued. How-
ever, while we say this we cannot countenance the
delusion that his Majesty is not in a dangerous
state.—Morning Journal.
The manner in which the foreign department of the
Post-cffice is managed has long and justly been
complained of. If any system were sought to be de-
vised in order to retard business in the most effec-
tual way a more perfect mode than the present one
could not be invented. It is a bad system
in all its bearings—badly conducted from the
highest clerk to the lowest—and little less than a 1
positive obstruction to active commerce and the faci-
lity of transmitting foreign intelligence. It is well
known that the French Government have esta-
blished estafettcs between Paris and Calais, by
which newspapers and letters are sent to and
from Paris and the outpost in the shortest pos-
sible space of time. As soon as the mail-bag
arrives at Calais it is despatched to Dover with
the utmost expedition, and in ordinary weather
the mail-boat generally reaches Dover in time for
the London mail which eliparts at eight o'clock.—
It sometimes happens, however, owing to the
weather, that it does not reach Dover before eight
o'clock. In this case the letters are allowed to
sleep at Dover for twenty-four hours, and are
despatched by the succeeding day's mail. The
distance from Dover to London is only about
seventy miles, and yet this lumbering machine
culled a mail—(it might be driven by an old
woman and dragged by the post office bipeds in
a shorter time)—takes from eight o'clock in the
evening to seven next morning to accomplish this
poor journey of about seventy miles. This is doing
little more than six miles an hour. But this is not
all the delay. The letters that arrive at the Post-
office at seven in the morning are rarely distributed
in the metropolis till noon, thus giving them another
nap of four or five hours in St. Martin's-le-Grand.
The result of this sleeping here, napping there, and
indolence every where, is, that the letters and papers
of Paris are often longer in coming from Dover to
London—seventy miles—than they are in coming
from Paris to Calais—one hundred and seventy miles.
In the uni dated these facts will, doubtless, excite some
surprise. But the secret cause has only to be exposed
in order to account for the delay in a most satisfactory
manner. We have long expected to see our excellent
friend of the gironiele take up this question in his
seurching and persevering way. But he, perhaps, has
enough to do with the " unpaid," and the task, con-
sequently, devolves upon us. It is, we admit, an
Herculeau one, and a disagreeable one to boot ; but
we shall not cease till we have accomplished our ob-
ject, and swept away for ever all its jobs, tricks, de-
lusions, and a thousand et ecteras, all extremely dis-
graceful to the, foreign department of the Post-office.
Be it known, then, to all men that the foreign de-
partment of the Post-office is not under the juris-
diction a Sir Francis Freeling, but is managed by
y
about a devil's dozen of persons called secretaries
and clerks, who enjoy ex-officii salaries scarce ade-
quate to the supply of a stinted allowance of soup
emigre. They do little it is true, but still they are
wretchedly paid, and but for their perquisites, as
they are called, would be worse remunerated
.than
many of the respectable sweepers of crossings.
But they have their perquisites. Now, what
think you, curious reader, are these ? Why,
the right to trade on their own bottoms—keep boats
on their own account—outride the lazy jades
who drag the mail—and bring expresses to
bankers, jobbers, and the London newspapers.
A good delay at Dover is worth to them from
fifty to thrice fifty pounds per night, including
cost of transit. They live like the lawyers, not
by the laws, but the mail's delay. A French
ti;liffette is deemed an invasion of their privileges,
and we here no doubt they would if they could
bribe the directees of posts to abolish it altogether.
' It happens, however, .the.;_t the interests of the
British public run counter to their private interests
On this point, and therefore we hope some hind of
reform will be introduced by which they may be
enabled to keep themselves, their wives, their
little ones, and their tiburies, without the endurance
of this shameful monopoly. What is to prevent

the Dover mail from travelling to London in seven
hours ? Nothing, that we can perceive, but their
vested interests. What is to prevent the home
from managing the foreign department in. the Post-
office ? Nothing but their vested interests.—
They alone stand in the way of improve-
ment. Nothing exists to prevent the Dover mail
from leaving Dover at twelve instead of eight
o'clock, and travelling ten instead of six miles an
hour, and that as cheaply and safely the one way as
the other, but their vested interests, their private
expresses, their nice plump jobs, through which they
draw from certain foolish parties in London perqui-
sites which add to their incomes from 2001. to 3001.
a year. We believe the jobs to be worth more than
this—perhaps twice as much as this—but we state
the minimum of the reward in order to gain the
maximum of the argument. We shall return to this
subject, but meanwhile beg leave most earnestly to
press its importance on the consideration of Lord
Aberdeen, and subjoin an admirable letter from
Paris, for which we are indebted to our contempo-
rary the Times. The Times has stitched to the
letter a head-piece as well as a tail-piece, and we
therefore give the whole :
" Some of our leading merchants are earnestly engaged
in measures for bringing about an improvement in the
Post-office communications with France and the South
of Europe. These depend more or less on the Paris
estafette, an arrangement which has now existed nearly
twelve months, but from which all the advantages of
which it is susceptible are certainly not as yet derived.
Even with regard to the Paris merchants and the direct
communication with London by the estafette there appear
to exist impediments which betoken any thing but a zealous
co-operation on our side of the channel. These difficulties
and the proper remedy for them are well pointed out in
the annexed letter from one of the first commercial houses
in Paris, to which we have been requested to give publicity:
" 'Paris, April 11.

" ' In establishing the estafette` our adu.:oistration of
the post-office his shown great attention to the wishes
and the advantage of merchants. It has defrayed the
whole of the expense, a very small pert of which has
been hitherto covered by the increased rate of postage.
It would have seemed natural that the administration
of the English post-office should also make some efforts
to facilitate the correspondence by estafette, especially
as a pecuniary sacrifice was not so much required as
more expedition in the conveyance of the bags. But
your post-office has not co-operated with ours in en-
deavouriug to improve the means of communication be-
tween the two countries ; and we therefore address you
in hopes that the merchants of London, and your house
in particular, will snake an application to the Board
of Trade, er the heads of other offices, in order to
induce them to accelerate the service of the estafette
as much as possible. The following are the principal
points to which attention is requested by our direction
des posies:—
" 1. The estafette bag is despatched from Calais by
a special boat, which generally arrives at Dover in
time for the London mail. But it happens sometimes,
and particularly in winter, that the boat arrives at Dover
after the mail-coach has set off, and then the estafette
letters, which the French post-office has sent by express,
are detained twenty-four hours at Dover, and go by the
mail of next day ! I❑ such cases, which are not of
frequent occurrence, it is desirable that the English
post-office will either have the bag sent by express from
Dover to London, as is practised for the regular mails
which are landed late, or order the mail.coach to wait
at Dover for such letters. It may be observed here,
that it would be much better that the mail-coach should
set off from Dover at midnight, instead of eight o'clock;
the Calais boat would then always reach Dover in time,
and with proper despatch the mail-coach might arrive in
London by eight o'clock in the morning.
" 2. It is necessary, for the delivery of the letters at
Paris in convenient time, that the express start from
Calais by two o'clock in the afternoon, which cannot be
done unless the English packet sail from Dover at about
nine o'clock in the morning. This can easily be ac-
complished, even when the mail leaves London at mid-
night; but it frequently happens that the private interest
of the captains of packets induces them to remain at Dover
for passengers till a late hour, and consequently they ar-
rive at Calais only in the evening, thus rendering it im-
possible to deliver the letters at Paris till after the hours
of business. Strict orders, then, should be given by your
post-office that the estafette letters be despatched fur
Calais at nine o'clock at latest, and that the packet get out
of harbour earlier whenever the tide does not allow it to
be done at that hour.

" If the trade of Lenion set any value on the continu-
ance of the estafette it is absolutely requisite that they in-
duce your post-office to assist ours on the above points, or
any other of the same kind which we may not be aware of.
Otherwise this advantageous establishment must be given
up,'
" But, besides the facilities here sought for, and which
appear too reasonable to he withheld long after a wish ex-
pressed to that effect, it is the opinion of the merchants
here that the French estafette system is capable of being
usefully extended, in connexion with the German, Italian,
and Spanish mails, as well as the communications generally
with the Mediterranean, Greece, Egypt, and the coast of
Africa. As this embraces a very' wide range it may be
some time before the plans under consideration will be
sufficiently matured to meet the public eye ; but, the
subject being a highly-important one to the interests of our
commerce and manufactures, it is proposed occasionally to
revert to it under this head as nesv materials shall present
tbemselves."--Morning Journal.
A rumour has been for some time current that
the delay which has taken place in the negotiations
for the final settlement of the affairs of Greece has
arisen from the anxiety of Prince Leopold that pro-
vision should be made, by the generosity of the
Allied Powers, for the payment of the interest on
the Greek loans contracted in this country. In the
absence of all authentic information upon the sub-
ject, we agree with several of our contemporaries
in die opinion that this rumour must be incorrect,
inasmuch as it would be a monstrous extravagance
on the part of Prince Leopold, or on that of the
Greek bondholders—whose interests are chiefly
concerned in the accomplishment of his supposed
wishes—to expect the Allied Sovereigns to guaran-
tee to the latter the payment of annuities, for which
it is notorious to all the world that they never gave,
and the Greek nation never received, any thing like
a proportionate value. It does not, however, ap-
pear to us to be improbable that Prince Leopold
may have manifested some reluctance to assume
the Government of Greece so long as claims re-
mained in existence against the new State, by
which its character might hereafter be discredited,
and its financial or commercial operations might
be impeded or embarrassed. To enter upon his
dominions clear and unencumbered is an object
which does not appear to be unworthy of the attention
of his Royal Highness, but an object, on the con-
trary, by his attention to which he would give per-
haps the most unequivocal proof he hes yet had the
means of giving, of his fitness for the exalted sta-
tion and the arduous duties he is about to under-
take. The nominal amount of the Greek debt con-
tracted in this country falls little short of three
millions of pounds sterling. The stipulated rate of i
interest is enormously high, and the annual pay-
ment on account of these loans, if recognised ac-
cording to the letter of the contracts, would absorb 11
a large portion of the revenue which Greece
for many years to come can,
_upon the most san-
guine anticipation, be expected to yield. This
however, would be no valid plea on which to dis-
pute the claim of creditors. An honest contract,
honestly fulfilled on one side, ought to be so
fulfilled likewise on the other, however barren it
may have been of beneficial consequences, or how-
ever burdensome the obligations it enforces. But
were the contracts for the Greek loans honest con-
tracts, or were they honestly fulfilled on the part of
the Englishmen who were chiefly and ostensibly
concerned, and by whose conduct the inferior race
of speculators and Philhellenists, who confided in
these leaders and followed their steps, ought in all
equity to be concluded? Were any of these pecu-
niary transactions void by reason of fraud from the
beginning, or vitiated in any or in what degree by
the subsequent conduct of the parties ? What
amount in money or other valuable things did the
Greek nation actually receive ? What became of
the residue ? Was there any visible collusion be-
tween the agents of Greece and the leaders of the
British loan-mongers ? Were any of the latter pep.
mitted to traffic and job iii the bonds created by
those loans, not at their own proper risk, but to the
certain hazard and the eventual diminution of the

fund raised ostensibly for the maintenance of the
Greek cause ? Did the leading and prominent'
contributors, or those rather who chiefly induced
their more simple countrymen to contribute to these
loans, usurp and alsuse an authority over their out-
lay, convert it into a means of corrupt patronage,
employ engineers, who were more celebrated for
their skill in directing the power of faction than of
steam, provide steam-boats, of which the only fault
that ever could be discovered was that they would
not move upon the Water ? These are questions
which touch the very foundation of any claim that
can be made on the Greek State by the bondholders.
It would be absurd and irrational, no doubt, to
expect the Allied Powers to guarantee the interests
of the Greek loans ; but Prince Leopold may very
fairly and reasonably have been desirous, before be
took upon him the Government of Greece, to obtain
from the Allied Sovereigns a distinct and authorita-
tive expression of their opinion as to the relation in
which he and his future subjects would stand
towards a class of creditors whose claims are
weakened by so many grievous flaws, and sub-
ject. to so many important deductions. Con-
sidering all the circumstances which took
place with reference to these loans to the Greek
people—many of them notorious and avowed—a
more monstrous proposition could hardly perhaps
be advanced than the new Greek Government
is bound to recognize the debt at its full nominal
amount. To what extent it ought in justice to be
acknowledged, is a point which it would be well
for all parties to have determined now, at once and
for ever, by some competent and unimpeachable au-
thority. Whether the proportion of the nominal
amount which is really due may be best expressed
by shillings, or pence, or farthings in the pound, we
profess not to decide, although we strongly incline
to the opinion that ie lowest denomination of coin
will be found its most suitable exponent. Be this,
however, as it may, it is prudent and expedient that
a definitive estimate should now be framed and pro-
mulgated to the world. And as there is no just
principle of computation by following which the
sum justly due can be made to amount to much, it
is also perhaps prudent and expedient that it should
be liquidated without delay, if it were only for the
sake of disuniting the future fortunes of Greece
from the speculations of 'Change-alley, and pre-
venting the mischievous excitement and exaggera-
tion which will otherwise be sure to attend every
fluctuation in her affairs.—Morning Post.