The Sun.
London, England, 1837-08-18 00:00:00

Talbot, J. H.

Meynell, H.
Ferguson, Sir R. A
Batesen, Sir R.
Jones, T.

'Ellis,

Daimler, Hon. 43
Cootc, Sir C.

—Fitzpatrick, John
O'Connor Don
French, F.

Somers, J. P.
Shell, R. L.
Cave, Otway

'Bateman,
'Alexander, Lord
Corry, Right Hon. H.

Power, lanes
Stuart, W. VI Tiers
Wyse, Thor.,as
Barron, W. H.
Chapman, 111 E L.'
Nagle, =,ir It.
Power, James
Maher, John
Walker, C. A.
Howard, It.
Grattan, J.
.Howard, W.: .

THE MEMBERS FOR IRELAND:

(From the Morning Chronicle.)
Falsehood, palpable falsehood, reiterated again and again
in utter recklessness of refutation, and in the glare of noon-
day truth, forms still the staple of Tor 3 ism.
The Ministry have gained in Ireland ; the friends of the
Queen's Government there have been returned to Parlia-
ment, in many instances by vast majorities ; and it serves
the purposes of faction to represent this proof of the de-
termination of the Irish people to sustain the Ministry of
their young and benevolent Sovereign--of her to whom
they are attached •by every sentiment of hope and grati-
tude—as the work of priests and demagogues.
A glance at the representation of Ireland, and at the
changes which have taken place, and are now sure to occur
in that representation, will show how hopeless it is for the
Tories to practice this species of delusion with the remotest
prospect of imposing upon minds of even the grossest
credulity.
There were returned from Ireland in Sir Robert Peel's
Parliament about 42 Tories and 63 Liberal Members. Of
these last, we believe, about 29 were Roman Catholics.
In the ensuing Parliament there will be an increase of at
least 10 Liberal Members ; that is, there will be, at the
most, 32 Tories, and at the least 73 Reformers.
It follows, that in order to preserve the former propor-
tions there ought to be an addition of at least four Roman
Catholics. How many Roman Catholics does (the reader
think will be, in fact, added to the Irish Representation ?
Not one. On the contrary there will be a positive diminu-
tion of their number. Seven Roman Catholics cease to be
Members of Parliament from Ireland ; Messrs. Finn, Fitz-
simon, Maurice O'Connell, Brady, Musgrave, Sir Patrick
Bellew, and Dr. Baldwin. Of the new Members five
only are Roman Catholics--Messrs. Chester, James,
Reddington, and Archbold ; and Captain Bryan.
So much for the absence of sectarian feeling in ruling the
political predilections of the Irish. Of the Roman Catho-
lic Members who have retired, several have been replaced
by Protestants under circumstances indicating the most
complete union o'f all classes of the Liberal party in sup-
port of the-successful candidates. In some places, where
for a long period there had not been an election without a
contest, the Tories did not show their faces at the hust-
ings. In others they fought with desperation and received
the most exemplary thrashing. Witness the county of
Dublin, where there was no contest, and the city of Cork,
where, after polling 150 non-resident freemen, admittedly
not entitled to the franchise, and better known by the name
of " Baron Pennefather's Bucks"—all of whom were ac-
tually struck off by a Committee of the House of Commons
—the Tories were, nevertheless, left in an instructive mino-
rity of upwards of 540 at the close of the poll.
The truth is, that the changes made in the Irish repre-
sentation during the present elections are of a character
which attests, as strongly as any fact recorded in history,
the amazing improvement wrought in the tendencies and
opinions of a susceptible people by the enjoyment of good
government and the hope and prospect of its continuance.
In no one instance has any man holding extreme opi-
nions, and not possessing property and station, been se-
lected to displace a Tory. The new members are not only
for the most part Protestants, but, whether Protestant or
Catholic, they are chiefly men of moderate opinions, of ex-
tensive possessions, and many of them bound up by family
connections, as well as by property, with England and her
interests. •

Mr. Fitzsimon, a Roman Catholic, the son-in-law of Mr.
O'Connell (and a man, we may add, who conciliated the
respect and-esteem of those most opposed to him in poli-
tics), retires from the county of Dublin. He is succeeded
by Lord Brabazon, the son of the Earl of Meath, who is
not only a British Peer, but is also one of the oldest Pro-

tcstant Peers of the Irish pale ; and (a fact which remark-
ably evinces the altered state of the public mind in Ireland)
Lord Brabazon, now restored to the representation of the
county of Dublin by suph a combination of support that
the Tories did not dare to essay a contest, was the very
man who, upon the question of the Repeal of the Union,
was excluded in 1832, when, after a violent conflict, Mr.
Fitzsimon was elected in his steed.

In Drogheda, Sir William -r oomerville, a Protestant en-
joying most extensive possessions both in England and Ire-
land, the son-in-law of Mr. Denison (Member for Surrey),
succeeds Mr. Randal Plunkett, who, it will be remembered,
was seated upon a mere point of law instead of Mr. Carew
O'Dwyer (a Roman Catholic), on account of an alleged
technical defect in the qualification of that gentleman.
In the county of Longford we shall probably have to an-
nounce in a day or two the return of one or both of the
Messrs. White. These gentlemen (who arc both Protest-
ants), arc between them the owners of landed property
yielding some five and twenty thousand per annum. One
of them, Colonel Henry White, was selected in preference
to Sir Percy Nugent, a Roman Catholic Baronet of ample
fortune and considerable popularity, who was lately High-
sheriff of the country—a preference given, not from any
disinclination to support Sir Percy Nugent, but from an
honest desire of the popular party, in which Sir Percy him-
self is understood to have with great good feeling at once
concurred, to select the individual around whose person,
under peculiar circumstances, the largest forces could be
mustered for the expulsion of a Tory.
In the county of Cork the electors have chosen as the
candidate by whom Colonel Longfield is to be removed,
Mr. Roche, a Protestant, a young gentleman of great pro-
mise, and the heir to a large and unencumbered fortune.
We believe they would have returned Lord Kingsborough
or Lord Boyle, if either of these Noblemen were inclined
to re-enter Parliament.
In the great Catholic city of Cork Dr. Baldwin, a Ro-
man Catholic, has retired, and he has been succeeded by
Mr. Burnish, a member of one of the wealthiest commer-
cial houses in Ireland, a stanch Protestant, who has been
sent into Parliament by a majority so great as utterly to ex-
tinguish in that spirited city all hopes of Toryism for the
next generation.

The city of Dublin, for which the late Mr. Ruthven was
returned as a Repealer, has selected Mr. Hutton, a Pro-
testant Dissenter retired from trade, and residing near
London, connected with England by family ties, a strenuous
supporter of the Union, and not less remarkable for the
moderation of his opinions than for their liberality and in-
telligence, and the unflinching firmness with which he main-
tains them. The colleague of O'Connell is as much op-
posed to Popery as he is attached to civil and religious free-
dom ; and is as much an enemy to the project of a repeal of
the'Union as he is a friend to the best interests of Ireland.
captain Bryan, the new Member for the county of Kil-
kenny, a Roman Catholic, who succeeds Mr. Finn (also a
Roman Catholic), is one of the wealthiest landed pro-
prietors in that county, and a member of one of the oldest
families of the Irish Aristocracy.
In the Queen's County Mr. Vesey has been displaced by
Mr. Fitzpatrick, the heir to the extensive Ossory estates,
connected with many of the English Aristocracy, a strict
member of the Church of England, and a staunch Whig.
Mr. Roddington, the new Member for Dundalk, a Ro-
man Catholic, is a young gentleman, Irish by birth, with
English connections, who has just entered into the posses-
sion of a very large landed property in the county of Gal-
way, with the ample savings of a long minority.
Lord Belfast and Mr. Gibson, the new Members for the
town of Belfast, are, we need not say, both Protestants ;
one belonging to the Church of England, and the other
being an older of the Presbyterian synod of Ulster. Each
received earnest support from some 450 Roman Catholics
who are registered electors of Belfast ; but if either were
told that he is a protege of O'Connell, we fancy he would
receive the intimation with a burst of laughter.
Mr. Edward Rutbven, of whom we shall say no more
than that it was very desirable that he should no longer
have a seat in the House of Commons, was, during the
popular heats upon the subjgct of a repeal of the Union,
returned for the county of Kildare. He is replaced in that
county by Mr. Archbold ; having received just two votes
in a contest in which Mr. More O'Ferrall and Mr. Arch-
bold vanquished the Tory candidate, Mr. Bourke, by a
majority of we know not how many hundreds, in a compa-
ratively small constituency. This contest was in two ways
singularly instructive as to the existing state of the public
mind in Ireland. It was one of the most signal defeats
sustained by the Tories ; and it showed the utter failure of
efforts most industriously made to detach the people, by
appeals to prejudices which are supposed to exist in the
humbler classes, from their support of candidates who
claimed their suffrages upon the sole ground of being
pledged friends of the present Ministry.
Mr. Ashton Yates and Mr. Maule, the new Members
for the county and borough of Carlow, arc Protestants and
Englishmen.
Mr. Mahony, returned for Kinsale in the room of Colonel
Thomas, is a Protestant, who has recently purchased a
large estate in Ireland, out of the fruits of honourable in-
dustry. This gentleman was the chief promoter of the
document called the Leinster Declaration, which contained
the protest of many hundreds of the wealthiest and most
influential of the Irish Liberals against a repeal of the
Union. This proceeding led to, or widened, an open rup-
ture between Mr. Mahony and Mr. O'Connell, who had
been formerly in habits of confidential friendship, and drew
on Mr. Mahony a long continued storm of popular indigna-
tion. The private quarrel and the public flame have both
ceased, under the influence of cool reflection and improved
government ; and Mr. Mahony enters Parliament a popular
Member, pledged to sustain the Ministry and policy with
which her Majesty has commenced her auspicious reign,
and equally pledged as an unchanged and uncompromising
supporter of the Union.
Mr. John O'Connell, who retired fom Youghall, is suc-
ceeded by Mr. Howard, an Englishman, a Protestant. a
relation of Lord Morpeth, connected by marriage with the
house of Cavendish, and bound by every obligation that
can result from habits, from interest, and from kindred, to
sustain the institutions of England as well u to reform

them. Mr. Power has withdrawn from Dungarvo t, at.d.
Mr. O'Callaghan, son of Lord Lismore, a Protestant
Peer, one of the steadiest friends of the Whig Ministry, and
the largest landed proprietor in the great county o" Tippe-
rary, has been elected in his stead. Here, too, a striking-
illustration has been given of the progress of sound ',pinion
in Ireland. Dungarvo.n was represented in 1832 by Mr.
Ebenezer Jacob, who was returned as a repealer. Mr.
O'Callaghan, who was then excluded from the representa-
tion of the county of Tipperary, because he was opposed
to a repeal of the Union, is now the member for the very
borough which elected Mr. Jacob for the express purpose of
supporting that repeal.
Mr. O'Connell, who is° represented as the embodied
spirit of repeal, is no longer Member for Kilkenny ; and
the electors of that city, where the desire for a domestic
Parliament was perhaps more fierce and determined than
in any other part of Ireland, have spontaneously chosen
Mr. Hume, the constant opponent of a repeal of the Union.
Thus, while in the late Parliament we believe no one
Englishman sat as a representative of an Irish constituency,
we find that of the ten Members which Ireland has added
to her Liberal representation, four are Englishmen, and
all these Englishmen are Protestants. Can any proof more
clear and conclusive be given that Ireland, under the po-
licy of the Government which has ruled her since the spring
of 183,5, has in that short period advanced with vast and
rapid progress to habits of cordial harmony with the Sister
Island?

Such, as far as our knowledge yet extends, is the new
representation of Ireland. We find the people of that
country, careless of the creed of the candidates for their
favour, selecting every where the best man, and only asking,
" Does he support the Queen's Ministry and the p'resent po-
licy of Irish administration ?" We find no appetite for wild
and impracticable theories, no encouragement to popular flat-
tery, no yielding to appeals to prejudices or passions such as are
sometimes said to sway the multitude when invested with
power. We find the people selecting as their leaders men
whose property and station are pledges against the sup-
port of rash or dangerous doctrines, hut whose opinions
are thoroughly and firmly enlisted in the cause of Reform,
and in favour of that system of state policy which is making
Ireland to England a tranquil garden of wholesome pro-
duce, instead of a wilderness of brambles. When the
changes in that portion of the Imperial Senate which is
contributed from Ireland thus exhibit the fruits of amended
government, well may the true friends of these two united
islands rejoice at finding the majority of the House of
Commons swelled by such additions as these. The Irish

'representation of the new Parliament will be such as a Bri-
tish Minister, who is a true Englishman and a firm Pro-
testant, may justly feel proud and gratified at seeing rallied
round a Protestant Queen, graciously resolved to govern
Ireland well and mildly, while sl upholds the religion

which the laws have established, and maintains the union

between the two countries ; destined, too, we trust, to be,
under Providence the instrument of dispensing through the

entire of ber fair dominions that repose and that happiness
which to one full third of ber subjects were for centuries
denied.

FAGGOT VOTES IN CAITHNESS

Mr. Train's Committee have published a list of twenty
gentlemen, for whim claims, as liferent voters, have been
lodged, to be enrolled at the ensuing registration court.
Thirteen of these are on the property of Sir George
Sinclair, and it certainly shows how completely Sir George
must have fallen from his former " high estate" as a politi-
cian, and a friend of purity of election, when he thus seeks
to swamp the County of Caithness by such a fictitious and
unconstitutional system. The following is the list alluded to .

" LIST OF LIFERENT CLAIMANTS ON THE ESTATE
OF SIR GEORGE SINCLAIR, BART., OF ULBSTER.—WiI-
Iiam Miller, writer, Wick, on the Farm of Whitefield ;
James Murray, messenger, do. do. ; Alex. Andrew, Sheriff-
officer, do. do. ; James Mill, surgeon, do. (10.,; John Ro-
bertson, fishcurer, Pulteneytown, do. ; Donald Sutherland,
accountant, do. do. ; Donald M'Leod assistant-c3mmissary
at Aimster, on the farm of Towerhill ; Gordon Clunes
Matheson, tenant in Kilgour, do. ; Wm. Brims, merchant,
Thurso, do. ; James Waters, son of James Waters, tenant..
Sordale, do. ; Wm. Smith, tenant in Weydale, de. ; J.
Water, farmer, Dalnaha, on the farm of Dalnaha ; James
Bain, residing at Millbank, on a Park near the Mill of
Thurso.

" ON THE PROPERTY OF MR. HORNE.—James Su-
therland, distiller at Aldouric, near Inverness ; Alex. Mac-
tavisb, solicitor, Inverness ; Jas. Rose, W.S., Edinburgh ;
George Dempster, Esq., of Skibo ; Robert M'Lachlan,
Accountant in the Aberdeen Town and County Bank in
Pulteneytown ; Peter Murdoch, residing in Pulteneytown,
son of Joseph Murdoch, fishcurer there ; John Nicol, mer-
chant in Berridele.

With several others, on houses, &c., in Thurso, belong-.
ing to the Tories."—Aberdeen Herald.

\lr. Buckingham, late M.P. for ShetUd, previous
to his embarkation, gives a farewell address this evening
(Friday, Aug. 18), at the Finsbury Chapel, Finsbury Cir-
cus, descriptive of the countries he proposes te. visit, and the
objects he hopes to accomplish in his projected voyage
round the globe.
THE SwEETs OF OFFICE.—The Tories are in
high glee about the result of the elections, and are already
enjoying by anticipation the sweets of office. We have the
pleasure of saying, in its most vulgar sense, we wish they
may get it. If Peel can fancy a very large nose, with a
thumb resting upon it, and some extended fingers in playful
motion, he has an exact picture of our mental action, when
we are writing about he and his friends getting into place
again. Our artist seems to have been in the same jocund
mood, and his right. hand must have been ambling over his
left shoulder in merry mockery, when he thought of de-
picting the Tories, as in the enjoyment of the sweets of
dice. It is all very well to chuckle about their gains by
the late elections, but to parody a well known couplet of
Richard the Third—

Melbourne's still in—Victoria lives and reigns,

When these are gone—then they may count their gains.
But as we hope Melbourne will long be in, and Victoria
will long live and reign, the Tories will be a long time be-
fore they have any real gains to calculate. Bribery has
done its most we know, in influencing the late returns to
the House of Commons ; but the spirit of Reform is
abroad ; there is a pressure from without, and if the lower
house were to have a majority of rank Toryism, it might as
well try to stop the current of Reform, as any one might
try to keep the sea from off the shore with a hair broom,
or to speak more appropriately, it would be as difficult. as to
endeavour to check the proudly swelling circulation, of re-
generated Figaro ! Our cut presents many delicate touches,
and that in which Peel is shown tr3ing popularity in the
form of an ice is a nice hit, at the extreme coldness he would
most assuredly find in that quarter. The Queen is repre-
sented as officiating behind the counter, being of course mu-
blewatical, of her royal determination to se;Te the Tories
out on every reasonable occasion.— F gar°.
_

It is understood about the Houses of Parliament,
that after the return of the present writs for the election of
new Members, there will be a prorogation till the com-
mencement of November, when the Parliament will be as-
sembled for the dispatch of business. A meeting of the
new Parliament before Christmas becomes absolutely re-
quisite, to enable the Members to be sworn in, a work of
some days, and to afford the opportunity of trying petitions,
and disputing the correctness of diverse elections. With
respect to the business really to be done on the assembling
of the new Parliament, it is understood that the speaker-
ship will not be disputed, and that Mr. Abercrombie will
be allowed to resume the chair without opposition.—Herald.
POSTING ABUSES.--There is a grievance existing
in posting on rOIIIC of the southern roads, which, though
felt, is not generally known, by which,the public are con-
stant sufferers, and will be so as long as it is allowed to
exist. Every driver of a pair of horses receives from the
master of the inn he drives to, three shillings and sixpence,
with a hot meat dinner, and as much beer as he pleases ;
and if not given to him he would be extremely abusive,
and woulti not drive to that hotel again. This he receives
in addition to what he gets from the traveller whose carriage
he has driven. Were this abuse corrected, the price of
posting in that part of the country would be immediately
reduced.—Morning Paper.
NEWSPAPER COVERS.--It cannot be too strongly
impressed on. the minds of parties wishing to send news-
papers abroad, that the direction must always be written,
without any printing whatever. We have now several
covers before us which have been sent to France, and
merely because " The-Leeds Mercury," and " Mr.," was
printed thereon, they have been returned, having written
on " Printing on cover." This Post-office law applies, we
believe, to all parts of the
H Continent.—Leeds Mercury.
„
BRIGHTON.—We
e are informed that the works now
in progress at the Palace will take six weeks, at least, to
finish, and that the Palace will not be in a fit state for the
reception of the Queen and the Court till about the latter
end of September or the beginning of October.—Briihton-
Gazette.

CORONER'S INQUEUT.----Last ni:;lit an Inquest
was held at St. Thomas's Hospital on the body of T.
O'Brien, aged 59, a patient in the institution, who com-
mitted suicide by cutting his throat. E. Toffey, a pa-
tient, stated that the deceased, who was an inmate of the
same ward, had been in the Hospital for the last nine or
ten weeks. His (deceased's) complaint was an affection of
the throat, producing considerable pain. About half-past
nine o'clock On the preceding night witness was in bed,
when he observed the deceased cutting his throat with a
knife. Witness immediately gave a❑ alarm, and some of
the attendants went to hini, and the surgeon was sent for.
He (lied shortly afterwards. Mr. Springhall, the house-
surgeon, described the nature of the wound which had
caused death ; after which the Jury returned a verdict of
Insanity."

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Parliament meets for the dispatch of business in
November ; and never• did a British Legislature as-
semble under circumstances so awfully momentous.
The struggle between the friends of free institutions
and a despotic faction will be one of the most arduous
on record. The interest with which it will be re-
garded will be proportioned to the importance of the
stake to be played for, and the strength of the con-
flicting parties ; but the struggle, though severe, will
be but of short duration. A few weeks, perhaps the
first week of the Session, will be decisive of the ques-
tion whether the Government of the Queen is to con-
tinue to be conducted on popular principles, or whe-
ther it is again to be usurped by the band of political
profligates who have already entailed so much misery.
on the people of this country. Need we, then, say
what is the duty of the newly elected Members of
Parliament in a crisis of such fearful importance ?
Can they—can any one of them—need to be told,
that they stand at this; moment in a situation of
unparalleled responsibility ; and that no consi-
derations of a merely personal or relative nature
can justify their absence from their place in
Parliament one single day after its doors are opened ?
ln the neck-and-neck race which the opposing par-
ties will have to run, it is impossible to tell the vast-
ness of the importance which may attach to a single
vote. No one can say whether the destinies of Great
Britain, and, indirectly, those of mankind throughout
the world, may not hang on the solitary voice—the
" Aye" or " No''—of ail individual Member. The re-
sponsibility, therefore, which will attach, on the open-
ing of Parliament, to every Member of the representa-
tive branch of the Legislature, is one which ought to
fill their minds with fear and trembling. It is now,
we believe, beyond all question that there will be a con-
test for the Speakership. The Tories, intoxicated with
the recent accession they have received to their nume-
rical strength, have determined on making a demon-
stration of their power by starting Sir Edward Sugdcn
as candidate for the Speaker's chair, in opposition to
Mr. Abercromby. Should they carry their point,
there can be no doubt as to the consequences which
will follow. Can any Liberal Member be so igno-
rant of the peculiar position in which parties are at
present placed, as to doubt for a moment that the
success of a Tory confederacy on this question
would be fatal to the existence of the Melbourne Go-
vernment ? Or any one be so inattentive an ob-
server of the signs of the times as not to see, with the
clearness of demonstration itself, that the ejection of
the present Administration from office, in the existing
circumstances of the country, would be, to use Lord
Melbourne's phraseology on another occasion, to
" give a heavy blow and a great discouragement" to
the cause of civil and religious liberty ? We warn
the Reform Members of the House of Commons thus
early to be at their posts on the opening of the ap-
proaching Session, in order that there may be no ex-
cuse for the absence of any one when the hour of
trial arrives. We do not speak without book when
we say that the Tories themselves look forward with
exulting anticipations to the result of a contest on the
Speakership, and that much of their confidence of a
triumph rests on the assumption that there will be a
remissness cn the part of the Liberals. Tiler know
there is no chance for them—not the slightest pros-
pect of office—if the Members who have been re-
turned on Reform principles are at their posts on all
important questions during the Session ; but they lay
the flattering unction to their souls that there will be
occasional absentees among the Liberals, and they
narticulaily expect this on the opening of the Session.
It will ❑ot be our fault if they do not find that they
have been grossly deceiving themselves.—Morning
Advertiser.

Time out of mind, it has been a characteristic con-
comitant of general elections, that every defeated Li-
beral is distressed beyond measure at the extent to
which the country suffers by his own individual ex-
clusion from Parliament. Of coarse any personal dis-
appointment to himself is wholly out of the question.
What he.is mainly concerned about is the injury
done to national interests ; nor is there anything more
consolatory or more compensatory to Whig gentlemen
at the bottom of polls, than their positional facilities
for acquiring and proclaiming those clearer views of
public questions which .their successful rivals, occu-
pying a dizzier and hazier altitude, are often una-
ble to form. For instance, it is truly astonishing what
an adverse poll will do in the way of making
converts to the Ballot. The circumstance of not
being included in the Sheriff's return iffords the
omitted party a good deal of time to tale a survey
of his own merits, and to ruminate :upon the
causes of his rejection. Viewing the Ballot in the ab-
stract, he tells you plainly that heretofore he has
opposed it. It was a cowardly and unmanly subter-
fuge ; it was alike immoral and inefficient ; it was
such a temptation to ingratitude and treachery as would
actually disfranchise thousands of the better class of
electors, who rather than be exposed to its inevitable
infamies would permanently withdraw from the regis-
tration roll : and with these constitutional views the
Hon. unchosen commences a valedictory address, which
he terminates by renouncing them. But then, ob-
serve, the worthy gentleman is a little out of tem-
per. He has just been thwarted in a prime object
of his ambition. The constituency having been asked
to declare whether he is or is not a fit and proper re-
presentative of their opinions, have had the audacity
to estimate his pretensions very differently from what
lie had anticipated. He insists that he knows their
sentiments far better than themselves. They are in
love with him even to madness. They are literally
panting to return him to Parliament. The pre-con-
certed majorities in his favour had ensured his election,
and because the persons whose names were affixed to
his requisition have long been dead or disqualified, he
jumps to the conclusion that the personated voters, whose
franchise was forfeited by removals or dissolution,
has been so coerced by those great Tory landlords,
Poverty and Death, as to justify him in declaring out
and out. his convictions in favour of the Ballot. Nor
has a pinched majority been less effectual in achieving
such conversions than an actual defeat. It is an infir-
mity of Whig candidates that a hostile estimate of their
claims cannot be believed by them to be genuine. On
no account can the electors be permitted to form an
opinion of them less flattering than they had formed
of themselves. Nothing but coercion could have
forced an expression of their hatred to Whiggery ;
therefore nothing remains but the Ballot to protect
them in their predilections in favour 9f a Whig candi-
date. Now here let it be carefully marked that among
successful Whigs, we hear nothing about the Ballot in
any shape or form. Only return them to Parliament by
a respectable majority, and the open mode of voting is
the best that can be contrived. Narrow that majority
to 20 or 30, and you have a monstrous evil which
nothing but the Ballot can overcome. Thus, Mr.
R. Steuart, in the Haddington burghs, Mr. Long
in VVest Surrey, and several other Ministerialists
have resorted to the Ballot salvo, as the only
available resource to remedy their casting majorities, or
to palliate their ignominious defeat. Let the public
bear this in mind. These men, and various others in
the same uupopular category, have broadly declared
themselves in favour of secret voting. Before they
made such an avowal, they were highly objectionable
on many accounts. The local constituencies had no
favour or liking for their principles. The men were
odious for their own sake as well as for that of their
political party ; but now, when in addition to former
sentiments of the most obnoxious kind they openly
express their attachment to a system that must inevi-
tably corrupt and dishonour the whole British consti-
tuency, we fervently trust that their newly acknow-
ledged ballot propensities will be regarded as only
strengthening their future claims to a more thorough
and contemptuous rejection. Another new light
which adversity has forced upon the Whigs, is
the necessity or desirableness of extending the
elective franchise. This has been insisted on with
great zeal in divers' quarters, but especially by the
Honourable convict who has been sentenced to seven
years' transportation in the penal colony of Kilkenny.
Joey, as he is familiarly dubbed by his Irish confra-
ternals, is decidedly of opinion that representation
ought to go hand in hand with taxation—in other
words, that every man who pays indirect taxes ought
to have a voice in electing the taxers according to the
interests he has at stake. Whether women should be

excluded from this privilege or otherwise, the defeated
of Middlesex does not condescend to say. For our-
selves, provided the proposal were to be carried out on
any principle of equity, we are not sure that we should
seriously object to it. An able friend of ours is of
opinion that the 101. franchise is precisely the most
dangerous that could have been fixed on. Placed ex-
actly between the 20/. householders, who, besides being
generally members of the Church, are favourable to
quiet reform, and the Si. tenantry, who are both too busy
to bestow time on political agitation as well as too poor
to pay seat-rents in voluntary chapels, our friend con-
ceives that the ten-pounders consist almost entirely of
the class whose democracy, dissent, and infidelity, have
given such an ascendancy to liberalism in many. of the
boroughs of England. He, therefore, thinks that by
extending the franchise to the Si. householder, we
should receive the support of a class of poor Church-
men of whose suffrages we are now deprived. There
is much plausibility in this, and if individuals were
allowed to hold one vote or more, according to their
rental or taxation (votes being muitiplied or restricted
in individuals by an equitable scale of proportion), we
feel inclined to think that the political influence
awarded to men in strict relation to the extent of their
interests in the country, might probably prove safe and
beneficial to the maintenance and improvement of our
national institutions. To effect this, however, in any
just or satisfactory way, it is clear that the observance
of the law of proportion is wholly indispensable. The
proposed alteration does not originate with us. It
comes from the party who, as Sir Robert Peel said,
would be the first to find fault with their own Bill of
Reform. If, therefore, Joey of Kilkenny finds that
he must endeavour to do something for the breechless
bogtrotters who have offered him a sanctum in adver-
sity, let him only propose his plan of an extended fran-
chise on a fair scale of proportion, and we can promise
him, that notwithstanding the polluted quarter from
whence it comes, it will be considered by the Conser..
vatives with a due regard to the rights of all the par-
ties concerned.—Times.

In the recent elections the Whigs have received very
intelligible hints of the general and merited odium in
which their starvation and imprisonment " boon" to
the poor is held by the people of England. When
Lord Holland pronounced a eulogy on agitation, some
time ago in the House of Lords, in defence of O'Con-
nell, whom he had formerly joined in denouncing in
the speech from the throne, for the very same pestilent
sedition which he subsequently praised, we took the li-
berty of telling the Whigs that they would soon have
more agitation than would be agreeable to them—agi-
tation excited by the cruelty and oppression of that
Bastile law, which seemed designed to extirpate charity
from the land, which had long been the favourite
abode of the first and fairest -of the Christian
virtues. We told the Whigs that at the next ge-
neral election they would discover into what an error
they had fallen, when they supposed that they had
strengthened their power in sacrificing the rights
and comforts of the poor, to conciliate, by a sordid
appeal to their pockets, the support of the rich.
We were not deceived. The Bastile law told power-
fully against the Whigs at the late elections ; and if it
had not been for the unaccountable infatuation which
induced some Tories in the late Parliament to begrime
themselves and their cause, by jumping into the quag-
mire of Whig Poor-law legislation to save thcir sink-
ing adversaries, the effect would have been still more
powerful. How different was the conduct of the
Whigs, when, to retain the sweets of office, they
covered the walls of the metropolis with placards bear-
ing this sentence, " If you would stop the Duke, go
for gold," thus advising a general run upon the banks
—a demolition of public credit, and the creation of a
wide-spread commercial confusion, rather than they
should lose the place and patronage in which the soul
of Whip. patriotism delightcth. In one English
county alone, the Whigs succeeded at the late elec-
tions in displacing a Conservative. That was in East
Cumberland, in the instance of Sir James Graham,
who had distinguished himself in the last. session of
Parliament by a support of the Whig Poor-law in all
its grinding oppressiori; worthy. of the paid advo-
vocate of the Central Board of hashaws at Somerset
House. Nerer did any man work more zealously'
and indefatigably in the harness of the pauper kings
than Sir James Graham. As a member of the
mock-Committee of Inquiry into the working of that
law, lie acted throughout not as an impartial investi-
gator of the truth, but as one who was anxious to
white-wash the Whig oppressors of the poor, and gild
the bitter pill which the unfeeling and. unconscience-
less qilacks of the Malthusian Cabinet prescribed for
the labouring population. What has been the reward
of Sir Seines Graham ? Tne Whig journalists and
the Whig emissaries have evinced their gratitude by
the most malevolent and rancorous abuse, while the
Whig Ministers took advantage of the unpopularity
into which the worthy Baronet had fallen by the sup-
port of their pet measure, to eject him from the re-
presentation of Cumberland. We cannot say we ,re-
gret very much the lesson of Whig gratitude which Sir
James Graham has received. It seems like an act of
signal retribution for the assistance which he gave to
their scheme of oppression against the poor. Per-
haps, when he is next in Parliament, he will leave the
Whigs to enjoy the undivided credit and fame of their
own 'I-flundering or iniquitous measures, and not run
a race with their well-paid hirelings to help them
out of the pit of their own digging. The Whig
Ministers, who used to claim the exclusive merit
of the Poor Law Bill for themselves, are now ex-
ceedingly anxious to share it with the Tories. We do
not wonder at it. They find it very convenient to get
other shoulders than their swu to rest a share of the
odium and unpopularity of that disgraceful measure
upon. We no longer hear Mr. Spring Rice declaim-
ing, through some hundreds of " superficial inches"
of a newspaper, in praise of the wonderful excellencies
of that Bill. Even Lord John Russell ceases to ap-
peal to that proof of the extraordinary legislative wis-
dom and ability of the Whigs ; and Lord Morpcth
himself, his elongated ears stunned with the sound of
public murmurs, admits that the Bill, which he used
to describe as all perfection, may be improved by ju-
dicious modifications. What a condescending avowal!
Now, as to modifications of the Poor Law Bill, let us
say what we think. The open and avowed supporters
of the law—the whole-hog advocates of the Bastile
and starvation system .we know how to meet ; but
there is another class of persons who, by their
faint and temporising opposition to the Bill, are
calculated to do more mischief than those who are
its unqualified admirers. We allude to those persons
who peck and nibble at little details, while they
leave the rank and monstrous principle untouched.
Such was the sort of petty and partial opposition offered
to this unchristian law by some dozen Members in the
late Parliament whom we could name. Those Mem-
bers objected to several details of the measure, but
they never held up to public reprobation the odious
principle which confers upon- three Commissioners at
Somerset-house the power of King, Lords, and Com-
mons, in legislating for all tFie‘ parishes of England and
Wales. This is a principle which ought never be al-
lowed to take root in our free state. It is wholly at
variance with the spirit of our free Constitution, and,
if tolerated, must eventually familiarise the people with
the most odious exercise of arbitrary power. It is
true that in the eyes of some of our Whig-Radical
philosophers this very objection is the greatest charm
of the Bill. So it was with Mr. Grote, when he said
that the only fault he, had to find with the measure
was, that it was not more arbitrary and more uncon-
stitutional ! He has received a lesson in the city of
London, as Sir James Graham has in Cumberland,
and Mr. Roebuck, another admirer of the Bill, has
in Bath, which he will not. soon forget. When
Mr. Hume found the opinions whieh he had expressed
in favour of this poor-grinding Bill rising in judg-
ment against him at the Middlesex election, he—even
he—thought it prudent to acknowledge that things
had been done under the Bill which ought not to be
tolerated. This was a mean' recantation of his former
sentiments. Among other things, he gave up as in-
defensible, the " sepaiation of man and wife," but
had the unparalleled assurance to say that the Bill
was not in fault, but the Guardians. He well knew
that the Guardians have no more power to originate
any measures of their own, than those black slaves
had, whose bondage the liberty-loving Joseph wished
to perpetuate. The Malthus- lan Act certainly does

say that man and wife—parent and child, are to be
separated—but it does what is the same, or rather
worse, it gives the arbitrary power to the three Com-
missioners, of making that or any other violation of the
rights of hnmanity, nature, and religion, which it
chooses to promulgate, a law for all the parishes of
England and Wales. It is that monstrous power that

we want to see cut away. We want to see the rate:
payers " emancipated" from the despotism of the
Central Board, as well a 7... the starvation dietaries raised
to a scale of really charitable and Christian allow-,
ance. We want to see " relief" on the condition
of perpetual imprisonment done away with, as a dis-
grace to a Christian country, and the means of inflict-
ing. the punishment of crime on the victims of mis-
fortune. But unless we strike at the root of the upas
tree, it is of little use to lop away one or two of its
branches.—Morning Herald.
The consistency of the Whig-Radicals affords a
never-failing theme for admiration. With respect to
the elections, this pre-eminent virtue of theirs has been
wonderfully conspicuous. From the beginning, when
they exultingly dwelt upon the certainty that but a
" very few" Tories would be suffered to " creep into
Parliament" at this election, to the end, when they
snivel forth in reproachful accents the admission that
Great Britain has sent a majority of Tory representa-
tives to the House of Commons, all has been of a si-
milarly consistent and homogenous character. As the
living- Lord Brougham said of the late Commoner
Cobbctt, the Whig-Radicals are eminently consistent
in their inconsistency ! Their latest effort in this way
is perhaps the most transcendent of all—finis coronat
opus. When we carping Conservatives were so illibe-
ral as to suggest that a few additional joints to the
O'Connell tail was but a poor compensation for the
particularly sound thrashing which the Whig-Radicals
had received in many of the towns and most of the
counties in England, we were answered that it
was an exceedingly naughty and .unconstitutional
thing to make distinctions between the representa-
tives of one place and the representatives of an-
other. We were told that it was unconstitutional to
prefer the representative of an English county, how-
ever rich or extensive, to the representative of an Irish
town, however poor and insignificant, because they
are all equally, in the eye of the law, Members of the
House of Commons. We were told that it was absurd
to triumph in having driven Joseph Hume out of the
representation of the county of Middlesex, since he
was returned, whether he would or no, Member for the
town of Kilkenny. Well ! this did tolerably enough
for a day or two, as the irrefragable logic of Whin-
Radicals ; but after a day or two it was quite intole-
rable, even to them, to admit that they had altogether
broken down in the British struggle, and that they
were in Great Britain no better than beaten men.
What then do they fall upon for consolation ? Why,
the very distinction between places which—with refe-
rence to Ireland—it is so abominably unconstitutional
even to hint at. True we are beaten, say they—or some
flourish of words to that effect—true we are beaten in
the aggregate of British elections ; but then the great
towns arc all in our favour ; and, this being the case,
"we may boldly set the Tories at defiance." Now, if
Conservatives may not even hint that there is anything
less of " moral cogency" (as the Globe prettily and
scientifically expresseth it) in the support of the
O'Connell tail Members than in the support of the
representatives of English counties, how happens it
that 'Whig-Radicals may, without scruple, have their
distinctions even within the kingdom, and set down
the Members for Manchester as marvellous proper
men, and most respectable Members of Parliament,
while the Members for the county of Lancaster are to
be set aside, as unworthy of consideration among the
genuine representatives of the people ? Are we to look
upon this as another illustration of that proverb which
a writer of much pith and humour quotes as giving
the very spirit of Whiggism, viz:, that " one man may
steal a horse, while another must not look over a
hedge ?" The Whig-yadical logic comes to this—
that the AletnlE'r for an Irish county—that is to say,
any of the O'Con'nellized counties--is very much to be
prcferreal to a'lVlemblr for such English.townS as math
or Norwich, which return Tories ; but a Member -for
Cockermouth or Huddersfield, which towns return
Radicals, is, on the other hand,- to be regarded as a
much more considerable public character—a repre-
sentative deserting of much more weight with the
" enlightened" public—than any of those who are
returned by the counties of Essex or of Surrey, or
any other Conservatively-minded county. Whoever
can swallow this may certainly swallow any thing else
which Radicals present to them. Whoever cannot,
must admit that the Radical attempt to rate highly
the importance of the Members of Parliament who
support them, by reference to the places which have
returned these Members, has utterly failed. • It is
granted that if the present Government have not
its majority from Ireland it cannot have any ma-
jority at all. Now, if the •Ministerialists
as by their reference to English returns they seem to
allow—that a distinction is to be made between
the representatives of one place and the represen-
tatives,of another, they cannot get rid of the additional
concession, that we have a right to consider this majo-
rity in its Irish character, and to weigh accordingly its
claim to public confidence and respect. To us there
seems something not a little ridiculous in the hypothesis
even of the O'Connell-nominated Members of Parlia-
ment being entitled to equal weight—so far as the im-
pression upon:the public mind is concernd—with the
representatives of British constituencies. The exqui-
site Globe, however, with all its lively perception of the
pleasant, and its logical discrimination of the true,
sees nothing of this. " There are the Papists," it
says, in.its prodigiously humourous way, " there they
ate, alive .and kicking, and voting, too—why not ?
and just as like to vote you mad as you te vote
them so." This may seem very conclusive, and
doubtless it will be so when the House of Commons
proceeds to divide upon the question of the madness
of its Members ; but if we go a little beyond the
mere faculty of voting, and inquire into the faculty
of judging, and the honesty which leads to a-vote in
conformity with the judgment of the voter, how will
the case stand then ? A madman maysvote that he
is sane, but that will not lead the public to confide in
his sanity. .Now, with all due allowance for the well-
known sobriety, sedateness, coolness of judgment, and
independence in the declaration of it, which belong to
the Radical constituencies and representatives of Ire-
land, we must be allowed to doubt whether their opi-
nion concerning our madness is entitled to as much
weight with the country as our opinion concerning
theirs. But—to leave the very important and prac-
tical view of the' great political question involved in
the Globe's assertion of the equal right of the Irish
Papists to declare the English' Conservatives mad—
ler us consider for a moment what a certain Whig
Commission has decided concerning this same Irish
population, whose Representatives—with the full ap-
probation of the O'Connell Ministry—are hencefor-
ward to rule our legislation here in England. These
Whig Commissioners assert that .out of the " seven
millions" so celebrated in the shouts of Mr. O'Con-
nell, and the•screams of Mr. Sheil, there are 2,300,000
in a state of " permanent destitution." No doubt
many of these " destitute persons," according to the
testimony of Poor Law Commissioners, are freeholders
of 101, a year according to the O'Connell registers of
persons qualified to vote for Members of Parliament ;
but are we to admit that the representatives chosen by
them are just as trustworthy in making laws for the
protection of property as the representatives chosen
in English counties ? We hope that as soon as the
question concerning the comparative madness of English
Protestants and Irish Papists shall have been' satis-
factorily settled, other questions concerning the leg,isla-
tive protection of property may be allowed'some con-
sideration. The Whig-Radicals may console them-
selves while they can with their strenuous efforts to
depreciate the county constituencies.of England—now
that these counties have rejected them—and t 6 exalt
the Irish constituencies, whose very considerate and
splendidly independent judgment is still in their fa-
vour. But when Parliament meets, and the divisions
are exhibited, with reference to the constituencies re-
presented—as we shall take care they shall I:l7l—they
will then perhaps find that public opinion will not
sanction the verdict of Ministers in favour of that
portion of the empire where alone they can escape de:
feat.—Morning Post