The Sun.
London, England, 1830-09-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

Our readers will find in 'mother column the
speech of the King of the Netherlands in opening
the extraordinary session of the States-General of
his Kingdom on the 13th inst. That document,
taken in connection with our private correspondence
from the Hague' and extracts from the Menders
Papers to the 14th, contains all the informa-
flan which we can lay before them to enable them
to form a judgment on the most singular crisis
which ever occurred in the affairs of any people.
The sentiments and views of his Majesty seem to
have undergone very little change since he last ad-
dressed the nation on the sth, for lily present speech
appeera almost an echo of his previous prcclnmation.
Trewards its conclusion, indeed, the former expresses
h firmer purpo4e to resist unjust demands, and em-
ploys a more mena&ng tone towards factions div-
turbers, than the latter ; and we shall be delighted
to hear that the Royal confidence is founded on the
returning loyalty of his disaffected subjects,—on as-
surances of continued submission from the great
towns of Belgium, which haie hitherto remained
quiet,—and on <the anticipated support of the great
majority of the Belgic deputies. now us4embled at

the Hague. In thin casei the momentous task of
the Government and the Staten would be lightened;
and the threatened calamities of domestic war and

foreign interference would be averted. Were we to
measure the insurrectionary force of the two or three
revolted provinces by the extent of their declared
grievances, or the amount of their original demands,
we might anticipate a speedy return to order without
sny great sacrifices on the part of the Government.
When the first tumult occurred on the morning
of the 26th of August, the rioters evidently had no
definite political object, and were 'put down by their
more respectable fellow citizens, who professedly
took up arms to prevent pillage and restore order.
The arms and organization which were effective
againt the mob were, by an afterthought, turned
egainst the Government, and, like one of the
rapid mine changes in a melodrame, a body of
needy drunken rioters were replaced by a muni-
cipal army of wealthy insurgents, with the Ite-
gency end the Burgomaster at their head. The
first disturbers, for want of a better flag, hoisted
the tri-colour of France ; the Civic Guards !mid
out that they had a tri-colour of their own, and
hoisted that of their province. The originarinters
burnt the house of the Minister of Justice; their
sabeassors only required his dismissal : the former
clambered for bread, the latter demanded-political
rights. All the grievances winch 1 1 Jacl , seen accu-
mulating for years now occurred to the people of
Brussels, for no other reason, at Mix particular
season, but because the arms which they had
taken up for other objects entailed them to demand
more effectually their redress, while the people of
Liege imitated the example of taming themselves
for political objects, without any pretext whatever
of danger from the rabble. Hail these armed citizens
adhered to their original claims, it is not improbable
that by this time the differences between the Dutch
King and his Belgic subjects would have been ad-
justed, and permanent tranquillity restored. But
the grounds of discontent, and the demands for re-
dress, were shifted with every fresh concession.
The first deputation sent to the igue was em-
powered to ask a change of Council, the dismissal
of Van Maarten, and the convocation of the States.
His Majesty had already issued the decree of convo-
cation, and he subsequently accepted of the resigna-
tion, of the obnoxious Minister, promising an in-
dulgent consideration of every other ground of
discontent. It was not till after the arrival
of M. de &assert, and some .of the more
ardent Belgic patriots from Paris, or till the
conference with the Prince of Orange on the
34 instant, that the suggestion of ten adminis-
trative separation of the northern and southern
provinces was officially made. His Majesty has,
therefore, good ground for compluining that he has
not been fairly treated,—that concession has only
provoked demand,—and that his desire to conciliate
has not been met by a corresponding desire on the
part of his insurgent subjects. It is worthy of re-
mink, that through the whole of these transactions,
both parties have endeavoured to use a language
which can only he interpreted rightly bystheir actions.
The people of Brussels, though in arins--though
treating with the son of their King like an independent
body, though refusing admission to his troops, and
only admitting himself under the protection of their
own bayonets, still profess only to petition ; and
the Government on its part speakti of the original
tumult es the great evil, and thanks the existing
insurgents for puttinwit down, without hinting that
something like the standard of rebellion has been
erected on the suppression of a common mob. This
reluctance to strike a blow—this studious disguise of
the rod attitude of parties, that there may be no
necessity for civil war—leaves a hope that such a
eitisMity may he averted. We ire the more con-
firmed in this hope by the knowledge that the King
himself is personally loved and respected in both
divisions of his kingdom ; that the Belgians, though
they hate the Dutch, have no desire at present to
form a French connection; and that only a small
portion even of Belgium abets the objects, or sup-
ports the cause, of Brussels arid Liege. The great
commercial town of Antwerp, the manufacturing
town of Ghent, and various other important places.
In the southern provinces, have petitioned against
the separation as the greatest of calamities : and we.

only find in the list of separatists the chief towns of
two provinces out of the 17 which compose the:
Netherlands. When the latter count their numbers

end measure their strength, it will appear pretty
evident that they could not form sepurotely an aide
-
pendent state; and as France must repudiate the
new union, that they must not insist on their divorce
from Holland.—Times.

Wehave made copious extract* from articles in the
Canslilulionnel and Journal des Dehats, on the pre..
sent posture of affairs in France. These articles
are written with considerable ability. We certainly
think with these writers, that there is little ground tor
apprehending that the peace of the country will be
disturbed. The National Guard has too deep an

interest in the preservation of order, to allow dany

interruption to tranquillity. A foreign war might,
indeed, lead to such nn augmentation of a standing
army, as should ultimately enable an ambitious man
to controul the national will, But the National

Guard la identical with the nation; and from the
nature of its.constittition, one part of it etltirinty like
an army, be turned against another part. It is only
an instrument for the repression of foreign aggrea.
lion, and the security of person arid propertyrrere
the evil-dittpomed. What is required In France ie
such an extension of the suffrage as shall secure the
nation ageint partial intermit. If a million of men
can afford to arm themselves its National Guards, to
million of men MI be trusted with the ,suffrage.
Nay, would it not be daugerone to leave the suffrage
in the hands of 80,000 individuals, while the ()O-
men of a million of armed men is disregarded ? The
Bourbons, by their foolish conduct, alarmed all the
interests which grew out of the Revolution; and
amidst the general hatred, all the resources of France
at their command could ;tot obtain a majority in the
Chambers. But with n Government not placed di-
roetly in opposition to the nation, it would be den-
fieroi.et to allow 80,000 men to return the Deputies
,Iril:rume..Liberalism while the chief characteristic
1. pposition to the Bourbons, end Liberalism when
isiitTel.lon,ilrittiorescooutt the way,. are not always
electors might be trusted
Wiinit,,badtirlinregtillientnof,:tvlilt,eglfinic4al:llTedristiutztler Government bent
fed Church Establish-
ment that or
the
Ireland ; but they are
oat to "
trted withlc determination of what
rbeurirtlent the ti ttlrtia
tshtitli,teyti e„,t% w hen itvlattnheadiemarptiptien..
The National Guard, as it its prelit
y rle%)) art e d by the
Conatituilunirel, ‘vell represeirtitil"
Guard. The same Journal 1:,::,14.114 lite National
probity of the working elessesot Pji
position to pillage manifested in it. 4 We ts,ill'
"Ai -**"
Chapelle, and elsewhere; nod otZP'
word populace is for ever rated front thTFs're-ri-e-1;

guage. But the same Paper well remarks, that the
difference between the first and second Revolution
in this respect, in France, was caused by the former
having had to struggle with the effects produced by
vicious institutions; whereas the latter had the path
clear. Hence Lord Mikan, who approved of the
second Revolution because it was not like the first,
and disapproved of the first because it was not like
the second, was not over and above consistent. His
Lordship would have effects without causes; victo-
ries without battles. The article in the Journal des
Debate is plausible. It represents the working
classes as in a state of permanent hostility to the
middle clipsets, and thence infers the danger of en-
trusting them with any power of suffrage' which
would be used for the purpose of encroaching on
the middle classes. We have not. apace at present
for going into the consideration• of the questions in-
volved in this article. We know that the notions of
the French Journalist are very general among the
middle classes in England. It iii the knowledge of
this apprehension in the middle classes that chiefly
emboldens the enemies dhotis to perpetuate obti-es.
The schoolmaster has already done much, and it is
to be hoped that he will ultimately succeed in
making the different classes acquainted with their
tree interests.--Morning Chronicle:
The Extraordinary Session of the States-General
was opened on Monday, by a speech from the King,
which will be found its another column. It is, as
might have been expected, of too general a charac-
ter to allow of any inferences being drawn nom it.
The question of the separation, he says, " can only
be discussed in the manner which is prescribed by
the same fundamental law, to the observance of
which we are all bound by a solemn oath." If the
States-General were not to decide according to the
rules prescribed for the States-General, why aa-
limbic the States-General ? If the reason, however,
for proposing the separation gas the preponderance
of the Dutch, will that preponderance be less now ?
The Belgians will be defeated in the State—Gene-
rid ; and the question for consideration is, how will
they act afterwards ? tram* Chronicle.
'.. The opening paragraph of the pamphlet recently
published utek:r the title of The Duke of Welling-
ton and the Whi„os, affords tan exemplification of the
di-nicely of dealing with general propositions :
" It hits been said (observes the writer), and the ob-
servation has also been made in the House of Commons,
that the public good is often more advanced by a weak
than by a strong Government. Than this there cannot
he a greater emir. No Government, whatever be its
strength, can lung resist the force of public opinion in
such a country us Great Britain; and a strong Adminis-
tration, whilst it cannot, therefore, be successfully used
against the public, is enabled to act vigorously on its be-
half. On the other hand, a weak Administration, how-
ever well-intentioned, has not the means of effecting much
that is goad, or what is equally import int, of preventing
that which is evil."
Now, before deciding whether a weak or a strong
Government is snore likely to answer the public
good, a great many points must be first settled. In
the first place, how is a Ministry strong in England?
By a liberal application of the motley of the people
to those who, being returned to Parliament, not by
the people, have an interest distinct from that of the
people. It is for the interest of the people that as
little money us possible should be taken from their
pockets. It is for the interest of those who are re-
turned to Parliament that as much money as possible
should be taken from them, because, the more is
taken from the people the more they divide among
themselves; and, generally speaking, what they dis-
burse as tax-payers falls far short of what they receive
as tax-receivers. Where a Parliament is not re-
turned by the people, but by the aristocracy, a Mi-
nister will generally govern in the interest of the
aristocracy. Whatever the inclinations of a Minister
may be, he naturally.wishes to have few obstacles
to contend with. If be had the means, he would,
therefore, naturally strengthen himaelf by a liberal
expenditure of the public money. And, in truth,
economy has never been voluntary on the part of
any Administration, but forced on it by the falling
off in the revenue. Such a circumstance alone
would be deemed a valid argument against profusion
by those who have an interest in it, and who, if slot
attended to, would perhaps endeavour either to
thwart the Ministry in Parliament, or to intrigue
against them. Ministers have, indeed, again and
again stated, that to retteOch is to weaken them-
selves. So much, therefore, for the general propo-
sition, that the strongest Government is the best'
Government. The worst of the matter is, that a
strong oppositions cannot be of long continuance. The
hope alone of obtaining a share of the loaves and
fishes creates a strong opposition. But when the
meats and the mercenary find that 'Ministers can
stand their ground, they soon -desert their standard.
The more honourable remain, who may be powerful
in talents and honesty, but the Ministry will be
strong in numbers. We have not been convinced
by the article in the Edinburgh Review that an op-
position of Ultras (hating the Duke of Wellington.
because he emancipated the Catholics), of Whip
and independents, can agree in any thing more than i
opposing his Grace. The moment they should suc-
seed in overturning him they would fall out, having
hardly one principle in common. But if their oppo-
sition have the effect of inspiring the Premier with
a dread of their success, this alone may be produc-
tive of benefit. On this subject the Scotsman re-
marks, in an able article, which our readers will
Lind in another column, that
" If the three parties named have gained in anything
like the proportion alleged by the late elections, we think
the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel may look for a coa-
lition to turn them out of office. It the went of an efficient
leader do not prevent such a union, in all probability nothing
else will. But the question comes—in what manner is
this coalition to be resisted? The most obvious means of
resisting it would be, to detach one of the patties from the
other, by gaining it over. But the Duke is evidently
averse to this sort of tactics. He is unwilling to take an
entire party into the Cabinet; and the men he would se-
lect will not separate from their friends. Only one other
'means of Woke can avail the Ministers; and we shall re.
joke if their situation forces them to have recourse to it."
Our contemporary proceeds to allude to the tacs
tics to which, in such a predicament, Ministers must
have recourse—
. " in a word, then, they must wrest the wespons of as-
sault from the hands of their opponents ; they must bring
forward themselves those popular measures by which their
adversaries will attempt to supplant them in the esteem
and confidence of the country. The people care neither
for Whigs nor Tories. What they want is reform and
retrenchment ; the alleviation of burdens that are un-
avoidable ; the liberation of individuals from restrictions ;
the suppression of monopolies and abuses ; the cheapen-
Mg of justice; the rooting out of jobbing and corruption ;
of waste and extravagance in high plaCes and in law. II
Ministers exert themselves honestly and strenuously in this
course, they will carry the hearts of the people with them,
and may laugh at the efforts of any coalition."
But then, it is not enough that the Duke wishes
to have h 0 rivals near him in the Cabinet. He must
have Men, aide to conduct the business of , the
Country in. Parliament with at least average ability.
A numerous Cabinet is ofcourse considered in itself
a great evil ; and it may be safely allowed that the
Administration of a country will always be beet
conducted whets one presiding mind *tamps the pro-
ceedings with its impress. . Anarchy is always an
evil, but an anarchical Executive, that is, a Mini 7,
stry of heads of departments, each pursuing his own
system, or quarrelling with one another its the Cabi-
net, is a monstrous evil. But the difficulty is to
combine in a Cabinet sufficient ability with sufficieht
docility. It is easy enough to form a Cabinet of
men as subservient as so many serjeatits of the
Guards, who instinctively lift their hands to their
head whenever they open their mouths. But we
fear that sort of renouncement of self-consequence
will seldom be found associated with the qualities
which enable a man to be a successful debater. Be
this, however, as it may, we repeat, that in the pre-
sent state of things a strong Government is a great
evil. What is to be desired is, a strong indepen-
dent body in Parliament, ready to support or op-
pose Ministers according to the nature of their mea-
stares. Economy and retrenchment add to the
numbers of this independent body, and the strength
of 114 independent body again favours economy and

retrenehtfient. But strength of any other nescrtp-
tiou in Ministers than that which their measures
give to them, we never wish to see.—Morn. Chron.
It appears that the new French King, in endea-
vouring to take a walk in the streets a few Jays
since, as a private individual, was, on being recog-
nized, followed by a crowd who made his progress
impassab!e. On this subject one of the Paris Pa-
pers very properly remarks, "If the King has not a
right to walk without seeing immediately a crowd at
his heels, how can he find out the wants and wishes
of the nation ?" We may be allowed to add, too,
" What is become of the renowned politeness of
the French people, that they thus allow their
curiosity to get the better of their good manners ?"
King Philip, however, like King William, is new
to his subjects, and probably, es soon as the novelty
of Kings mixing with their subjects.haa worn off,
both Monarchs will be enabled to do so without
the inconvenience to which they are at present sub-
jected. There are persons among us, including
writers in some few of the public journals, who
profess to be exceedingly scandalized that Kings
should attempt to live and act like other men, anti
that a Monarch appearing on foot in the street iii a
circumstance quite dangerous to " religion arid
social order." Such persons are not the first who
have been known "to strain at
gnats and swallow
camels." They see no danger in the vices of
Kings; and so long as a Ruler, as the Pharisee in
Scripture, is " not like other men," he is hedged
with the livinity which these persons reverence,—
But let a King exhibit the domestic virtues, and
by mixing with his subjects, and, by becoming easy
of access, learn their wants and the means of meets
ing them, he sus lost all claim to reverence in their
eyes, who value the Kingly effice, not for its utility
hut its show, and who conclude' that, because the
Constitution says the King " can do no wrong,"
would deprive him of the means of doing right.--•
Morning flerald. •
The dinner given by the " Manchester Rail-road
Company" to the Duke of Wellington appears to
have been, in a political point of view, a complete
failure. Perhaps it was an error, to have imagined it
was ever intended by its projectors as any thing
more than a mode of giving eclat to a trading specu-
lation, by enlivening mechanical enterprise with a
daili of " Waterloo glory," without any reference to
the civil acts or character of the Premier. However
this may be, it is certain that no man, of any pOli•
tical distinction, with the exception of his Grace,
attended the banquet. This was strange enough,
considering all we were told, in the high-coloured
style of numerous " puffs preliminary," touching
the avidity with which the aristocratic classes sought
after the tickets, and the high premium to which
they rose front the competition to obtain them. It
was the more strange that there should have been
such a total absence of persons of political eminence,
seeing that the Duke's favourite Journal, in which
all his Ministerial merits are as zealously recorded as
are the virtues of any canonized Saint in the Roman
Celendar, had given a new stimulus to the inquisi-
tive spirit of the curious world, by milking a pompous
sort of demi-official announcement that the Duke
would take the opportunity of an after-dinner speech,
to explain his connection with the Vague° Ministry,
and to set the " stupid" accusation, which turned
that connection into a crime, at rest for ever If
such an announcement had appeared in any Provin-
cial Paper, or in any quarter holdinga less intimate
communication with the present Ministry, we should
have considered it merely as an additional puff to en-
hence the value of the tickets ; but, though we
could not suppose the Duke would be guilty of
the indescribable bad taste of introducing so pain-
ful and personal a subject into .a convivial party, and
defending himself in a place where he had no ac-
cuser, yet, from the confident manner in which the
allusion was made, it was difficult not to believe
that the Editor had received a communication to
that effect from the Premier himself. If so, his Grace,
has not redeemed his pledge, any more than the
pledges which were given of improvements in the,
administration of justice, and other ameliorations, in'
the Speech front the Throne at the opening of last
Session. He has given the preference to " second
thought," and left his political character still to the
defence of those assiduous persons whom Mr.
Brougham has described in terms of which no man
is desirous to enjoy the application. It is quite
clear, however, that the Duke had not made the.
Earl of Wilton acquainted with his change of inten-
tion.
That Noble Lord evidently anticipated a
display of political eloquence which would justify
the " flourish of trumpets" that had preceded it in
the Press. Preparatory to proposing the " health
of his Majesty's Ministers," he said he could not
sit down without expressing his regret at the state
of opinion in this country. But, if the Duke of
Wellington is so popular as his fawning parasites tells
us he is, why does his friend (the Earl of Wilton)
express his regret at the state of opinion in this
country ? Is not this an admission that the state of
Opinion is adverse to the Duke ? for, if it were in
favour of him and his Government, his adherents
would have no reason to. regret it. His Lordship
went on to say, he " remembered when public opi-
nion was obedience to the laws of the land, and
when the people wore obedient to the laws of the
country, without cavil or complaint—then they
were happy in attachment to the Aristocracy of the
country. He was sorry, however, to say that was
not so now." We do not know how many years
exactly his Lordship has been collecting his know-
ledge of the habits and sentiments of the people, or
how many generations of mortals have rolled away,
while, like the Nestor of an early world, he has been
repleeishing his mind with the riches of experience
and wisdom for the instruction of the modern
Achilles. His Lordship has, however, glanced a
great way back in the hoary annals of time, for he
recollects when public opinion was obedience to the
laws of the land, and consequently recollects when
the laws of the land were made in obedience to
the public opinion. Whether this was before the
era of Wilks and Junius or the American Revolu-
tion, or Mr. Pitt's plan of Reform, we cannot tell,
but certainly it was a long time ago; fori if we re-
collect right, there has been a struggle between the
laws and public opinion, at least from the time that
Oliver Goldsmith, a Tory poet, expressed, in the
glowing language of inspired indignation, his feel-
ings at beholding—
,o Each wanton Judge new penal Statutes draw,
Laws grind the poor, and rich men rule the law."
It is above sixty years since these lines were penned,
and surely that was not the time when public
opinion was obedience to the law—therefore his
Lordship's memory must glance buck upon some
remoter period. The spirit in which our penal
Statutes are framed has riot been much improved
since that period, notwithstanding the "enlightened"
efforts of Sit' Robert Peel to" amend" the Criminal
Code—that is, after the fashion of the Pharisee in
Scripture, to "wash the outside of the cup or plat-
ter, while the inside is full dad manner of 'Judean-
tress." Such Was the sort of amendment Introduced
into our forgery laws by his Bill of last Session,
which, with the exception of the "Beer Bill," was
almost the only "great measure" that the Adrainis-
tration were able to carry. Lord Wilton may're-
collect, as his memory is so good, that
it was the
Aristocracy, whose want of popular influence he so
pathetically laments, that restored all its cruel end
sanguinary provisions to the Bill of Sir Robert
Peel, in opposition to repeated and solemn decr siong of the House of Commons, In contemp-
tuous disregard of the
.petitions of the peoples
and in defiance to Chnstiae sentiment and pub-
lie opinion I If this be art instance of the
capacity, the judgment, the moral feeling, which
the Aristocracy display in waking laws for this
great civilized country, can it be wondered at that
the people no longer regard the laws with that re•
verence which they would command if framed in
conformity with the enlightened visit of public
opinion ? If the Arietooracy and the Admieistrn-
Lion have lost the public favour, who have they to
blame? When Apples. Claudius charges theßoma'n
patriot with bringing the Deternvirs into contempt,
what is the reply ? Dentatus tells hint that the