The Sun.
London, England, 1863-12-21 00:00:00

to its writer's opinion, the Presiden-
tial election. With many elaborate and
unanswerable explanations, he demonstrates
the demoralising effects of the four-yearly
election, and declares that the panacea for every
evil would be a President without an Elec-
tion. In order to obtain this desideratum he
suggests that the Presidential term of office
should be fixed at eight or even ten
year=, and that at the expiration of that period the
Senator who had served in that body for the greatest
length of years should become President, and the
Senator next below him Vice-President. While
dilating upon the merits of this plan, its
advocAto is not blind to many objec-
tions which may bo raised against it. What-
ever the future may have in store, whatever ilit`Y
be the issue of the struggle, one fact is
and it constitutes the first and the last sentence of
the book we have been referring:to—"The American
Union, as it existed in the days of W AsEaNGTON, certain,
is
no more and never will bo again."

confederation have
The troops of the German
commenced their march, according to the later t
intelligence, and the crisis of this long-pending dis-
pute is now becoming imminent. The HanoverianS,
having been addressed by their King,
were about to enter on the most
who exhorted
them as if they
gn_..-and the Saxons, have passed
glorious campai
Magdeburg with
all the pomp of war, The Aus-
trians—who as yet number but 5,500 men, although
reinforcements to the extent of 15,000 are in readi-
ness—are also on the move, though in a quieter
fashion- It is said, and the rumour is gaining
grounds that the
Danish troops have orders to
retreat peaceably on the approach of the Federal
trcoPa• But on the other hand it is asserted that
the Danes will oppose the German invaders by
means not less effectual than a recourse to arms, by
cutting the railway communications and by de-
stroying bridges. The Danes will probably retreat
beyond the Eyler, which divides Schleswig from
Holstein, as the Elbe separates Holstein from
Hanover; but further they must not go. The King
and his Ministers will probably endeavour by every
reasonable means in their power to avoid those open
hostilities which might probably foreshadow a long
course of struggle and years of warfare, destructive
alike to the comfort and social welfare of the people
and to their moral and material progress. But their
concessions should not go too far. The right of
Denmark to exercise jurisdiction over Schleswig
must he maintained at any odds, and the insolent
pretensions of the Diet must be curbed. It is
but, too probable that the more the Danes
yield to their demands the further will they en-
croach, and will construe attempts at conciliation
into signs of weakness. We have just had a nota-
ble example of this. It was immediately after the
promulgation of the decree of the 30th of March,
granting Holstein its separate constitution, that
threats of Federal execution were first talked of.
That decree, although outstripping the claims of the
Holsteiners, excited the greatest indignation and
opposition in Germany, as most politicians and jour-
nalists in England foresaw. It was at once seen by
the Germans that the proclamation, while fully sa-
tisfying the legal rights of Holstein, left them no
plea for interference in the neighbouring duchy.
Accordingly, the complaints and remonstrances
with which the King of DENMARK had been fa-
voured for a good many years rose into threats, and
the proclamation became the grand cause.of com-
plaint. Since the late KING'S death his successor
has withdrawn the offensive manifesto, thus alto-
gether removing the plea for armed intervention.
But this concession has produced no effect whatever
on the excited Germans ; now it is contended that
the new constitution for Denmark and Schleswig
should also be withdrawn. It has been rumoured
that the KING and his advisers have contemplated
taking this step, but it is very much to be hoped
that they have no such intention. The Germans
can have no possible right to interfere in the inter-
nal legislation of the Danish kingdom, and if the
Danes claim the Duchy of Schleswig as an
integral portion of it, it would be Wgreat mistake to
revoke an important act like the granting of a con-
stitution at the bidding of a foreign Power. It
would be at once admitting that the Diet possessed
a right to legislate for Schleswig, and most as-
suredly such an admission would be only the pre-
cursor of further troubles. It would need but a
pretext, easily found, to dispute the succession of
King CHRISTIAN, or to declare him unworthy of
his throne, and then a fresh effort would be made
to place Denmark altogether under German control,
and appropriate her ports and her fleet as elements
of German power. One of the first acts of King
CHRISTIAN on ascending the throne was the sign-
ing of the constitution, which had been already
approved by the late Monarch, and this act was
joyfully hailed by the people as an earnest of his
liberal views and his intention of abiding by the
public acts of King FREDERICK. His popularity
would suffer a sensible diminution were it known
that he had revoked an act so recently passed, and
so well pleasing to his people at the bidding of the
Germans. Denmark must take her stand at the

Eyder, and there, if necessary, must England sup-

port her. Our sympathies as well as our political
interests are all on her side, and it is plainly our
duty, as well as our advantage, to come boldly for-
ward on her side. Without our aid she has no
friendly and powerful ally. Sweden, it is
hinted, is not altogether disinterested in her
views, and has visions of a grand junction of
the three neighbouring countries of Sweden,
Norway, and Denmark into one Scandinavian
power as of old. Germany meanwhile, like the dog

in the old fable who lost the substance for the
shadow, has put aside for the time being her efforts
at national unity, and the Prussians are growing
almost indifferent to their great battle of civic and
constitutional right in their eagerness after this
wild scheme of subduing Denmark and gaining the
harbour 01
Kiel. In their domestic struggle, Eng-
i ofa would have helped them with the
land rnir.ht a i
whole weight
far
more
her moral power, but her sympa-
thpitseies
of dynzsti aro
.Danish than Prussian, and in
alliances and diplomatic entangle-
s
menu tho English
sacrificed People will not suffer Danish
independence to be
desiresg
to the reed of Prussia.
France meanwhile
nothing better than an
excuseofsoirtidisl,
and
dislodging the Germane
sent pon from their pre-
a convietio transformingthe their "free-
bornboundary of
shouldn it is singu-
lar German Rhino" into
her territories. With such
that the German politicians
their headlong course. Knowing the Strong
and
Perslst in
crafty foe who lies in ambush for them ,they
to give him every opportunity to put, as it :"P
the weapons for their own disgrace and disconar,t:e;
into his band. Truly, they will not be deserving
of much pity, whatever the result of their in,.. ,
prudence may be, nor will they bo likely to obtain it.
Italy will, of course, hurry to the aid of France,
delighted at the opportunity for freeing Venetia.
The Diet, it seems, does not sec the risk run by so
many individual members of its body, or each is un-

wiling to believe the misfortunes will be his own,

and secretly indifferent to those of his fellows.

Certainly the dream of German unity does not seem

very near its realisation any more than the mil-

ienium of uoirers4 peace, of which we heard a good
deal some time ago. The fate of many States iz