The Sun.
London, England, 1863-10-19 00:00:00

THE SEM LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 19, 1863.

may establish, and
which the British Government
iron clads to break any blockade of the Irish coast
thatn or another at least 200,000 Irish
d _ Americans will enrol themselves in the
a one way
enterprise, in two armies of 100,000 men each, one
under the command of the ex-rebel, General F. T.
Meagher, and the other under that of the ex-rebel
and rum-seller, Gen. Michael Corcoran, The whole
story is narrated in one of the sensation journals of
this city, with all the magniloquent phraseology
and magnificent bounce, bluster, braggadocio, and
exaggeration with which every story of the kind
must be introduced if it is to receive any attention
from people with appetites so palled and jaded with
highly seasoned " buncombe" as those of the great
bulk of the Americans. Ireland's deliverance is pro-
phecied as close at hand ; the English aristocracy is
declared to be in mortal terror of the approaching
storm, and the British Government to be ready to
yield anything to Mr. Seward on the question of
Mr. Laird's rams, or any other that may arise,
rather than incur the threatened onslaught of the
terrible Fenians.

called Giggleswick Tarn, but which is now cultivated land.
The canoe was found lying on a rock of laminated clay. It
is roughly formed from the hollowed trunk of a pine tree.
It is 8 feet 5 inches long, 2 feet in extreme breadth, and 1
foot 7 inches inside ; the outer depth being 1 foot 9 inches,
and the inner depth 1 foot 5 inches. It is flat-bottomed,
with upright sides, and the stem and stern are very rudely
shaped. Attached to one of the sides was a triangular piece
of timber, fastened by wooden pins to the outer side of the
gunwale, running nearly its whole length ; a similar piece of
wood had fallen from the other side, and was broken into
several fragments. It was at first supposed that these pieces
of timber might have been used as weather boards; but as
they were not movable, it was concluded that they were in-
tended to give more bearing or stability to this very unsteady
vessel. These were no traces of rowlocks, and the probability
is that this boat was propelled by a single paddle or pole.
A piece of roughly-made plank is fastened over the taffrail,
which looks very like a seat. There is also a similar but
narrow piece of plank, fastened across the upper part of the
bows, as if to prevent the splitting of the open-grained pine
wood, It was stated that Fince this curious ancient British
boat has been deposited in the museum the evaporation of
the water with which it was soaked has caused it to decay,
and there was some discussion among the members respect-
ing the best method of its preservation, but no plan satis-
factory to the curator of the museum was proposed,
"On weapons of ancient tribes
his absence by Mr. GEORGE
duinstigin'ated by drawings of numerous
and bronze, which had been found
WRIGHT.owf
eAy poporanpissehmr rbaedyiet 1
olwwfr
was
Bst:rune:ea,
,in the neighbourhood. Ths meeting then adjourned.

PRUSSIA.

(From the Correspondent of the Times.)

BERLIN, Oct. 15.
The King returned to Berlin yesterday morning, and
was received by Marshall Wrangel and the Commandant
of the city. M. von Bismark and the chiefs of the
civil and military cabinets had arrived the preceding even-
ing. A meeting of the Ministers took place at noon at the
Foreign-office, and afterwards a council was held at the
Palace, which lasted three hours. This, and the King's
sudden return, gave rise to fresh reports of a change of
Ministry, for which, however, there appears to be no better
foundation than for others that have arisen at intervals for
some time past. The Ere= Zeigung says, and it is pro-
bably true, that the council was busied exclusively with
foreign affairs—Poland and Austria, The attitude of the
French Government with respect to Poland causes uneasi-
ness here. It is believed that the Emperor Napoleon
entertains the idea of a recognition of the Polish insurgents
as belligerents. It is not doubted that Prince Czartoryski
had been authorised to communicate to him the arguments
of the Polish National Government to that effect. Of the
moral force of the insurrection there can be no doubt, but
I have it from Polish sources that its material force in the
field is very small, and that it daily finds greater difficulty
in maintaining itself. The seizures of arms and supplies
sent to it have been so numerous and extensive, that every
weapon now in the hands of its supporters, may be locked
upon as having cost twenty times its original price, and the
frontier is so strictly watched that a rather considerable
corps, which had been formed outside of it, was lately com-
pelled to abandon the idea of crossing, Information that
reaches me from Warsaw tends to show, that the whole in-
surgent force under arms does not number more than
15,000 men, while fully ten times as many Russian sol-
diers are engaged in restraint and suppression. Still, the
determined spirit of the population seems in no degree to
flag, even under the unexampled rigours of the Russian
military Government, of which we have just had fresh
examples in the confiscation, at Warsaw, of the Grabowski
house, and in the imprisonment of the Bernardine monks,
in whose convent a chest of gunpowder was alleged to have
been found.

To return to domestic matters. The King's non-
attendance at the consecration at Cologne is to be
accounted for only in one way, although attempts
are here making to put a less unpleasant colouring
upon it. The Official Gazette of this date gives an account
of his Majesty's passage through Cologne, of his reception
by the civil and military authorities, of the speech he there
made, regretting that his late brother had not lived to wit-
ness the completion of the work he had ordered, of the con-
gratulations he offered to the Cardinal Archbishop, and of
the further regrets ho expressed that " urgent business of
State" prevented his remaining for to-day's ceremony. The
whole took place, as the French say, entre ehien et lout',
just as twilight was setting in ; his eminence the Arch-
bishop conducted the King through the church, a short
choral was sung, and the official journal adds, there was a
loud hurrah from the crowd as his Majesty left the build-
ing for the railway station, where he dined, and whence he
departed for Berlin. Urgent, affairs of State are of course
just as good an excuse for a Sovereign as urgent private
affairs for humbler individuals. It is, however,
well known, that M. Ponamer-Esche, Over-Presi-
dent ,of the Rhine Province, and M. Moller,
Government-President of Cologne, were ordered to
report ea the state of feeling of the population of that city,
with a view to a decision being come to as to the Royal
visit. It was proposed to get up a procession, which the
clergy and certain Ultramontane societies were quite ready
to promote ; the charity children, the workmen employed
in the cathedral, &c,, were to be paraded for the occasion.
But cuch efforts would have had but poor results in the ab-
sence of co-operation and sympathy on the part of the po-
pulation, and those, it was ascertained, would positively
be wanting. The people of Cologne would have remained
at home, the Royal visit would have been a failure. As it
is, the break-down is sufficiently annoying, and it would
have been far better to have declined the invitation in the
first instance. As the King sleeps away, the princes of
the blood do the same, and so does the Duke of Mecklen-
burg. Schwerin, who was to have been present on the occa-
sion.

The publication in the Kreuz Zeitung of this date of a
letter from the King to the Corporation of a little place in
Silesia called Steingrund is, perhaps, intended as a refuta-
tion of the reports above referred to, that a change of Mi•
nistry has been in contemplation. The worthies of Stein-

grand had addressed his Majestyin somewhat fulsome
terms, saying that, were it possible, they would have se-
lected him as their Wahhnann—their delegate to vote in
the election of a deputy to the Chamber. As this could not
be,w
ssu was agreeable
fundamentallypt
eho
wer they
otubhle deg gfpae
irdnet
agreedospersuade
tone rhtksen )Ministry,
tsnhtvst
them,
hye, t h
theye r , by
sh
ochoosingo mi egn
whatwh
who
aies,r
atwhether
his.
The
iwe
esetryeexwttrrauesme , e
notalys
loyal but undecided Steingrunders had but one wish, and
that was to do what their Sovereign desired, and to go up
to the elections with the old Prussian cry of " Long live
the King I" To this application the King replies, that, if
Steingrund desires to testify its fidelity to him, it can
do so only by electing such men as are firmly deter-
mined to support his Ministers in the carrying out of the
tasks assigned to them by him. "A hostile bearing to-
wards my Government," he continues, "is incompatible
with fidelity to my person." And he insists, above all,
upon the necessity of fixing the military institutions of the
country on a firm basis, as essential to the security of the
country, and declares that the exertions of his Ministers to
that end are in perfect accordance with his wishes and in-
tentions. The letter or declaration is ono of those which
are written for the King, which he is prevailed upon to
sanction, and to which he not unfrequently afterwards re-
grets having affixed his signature. It will hardly have
much effect upon the result of the elections. I hese, accord-
inc to all the information that reaches me, are likely to be
in a very radical sense. The frequent meetings of original
electors (urwahler) held in Berlin prove this as far as the
capital is concerned. Everywhere the Fortschritt is in the
ascendant, and uncompromising opposition is shown to the
moderate Liberals. It is pretty certain that the Chamber
will not gain in respectability by the new elections. As
for the next Assembly being found more tractable
than the last, that is not for a moment to be
anticipated. What, then, is to be the upshot
of this long and painful quarrel between li,ng and
people ? Assuredly the present condition of the Prussian
State is not one that can be viewed otherwise than with the
deepest regret by the friends either of the nation or of the
dynasty. At a moment when the immediate future of
Europe is enveloped in uncertainty and even in gloom, one
beholds in Prussia divided councils and general discontent,
a detested Ministry, an unpopular King, a Parliamentary
Opposition most violently embittered, a general sentiment
of profound irritation throughout the whole country, At
what a disadvantage does not Prussia thus
whatus drift
sproenteozwt can
the chances of an European war in spring. Rent and en-
feebled as she is by her internal quarrels,
she hope for her power abroad, and what value can she ex-
pect to be set upon her alliance? Those who, as must
be generally the case with English politicians,
only desire to see the Prussian people prosperous, happy,
and free, and the house of liohenzollern beloved, respected,
and firm upon its throne, cannot but grieve to remark what
injury the present state of things is doing to the prospects
both of the country and the dynasty. The defiant bearing
and arbitrary acts of the Bismark Administration have
aroused in the Liberal party a feeling of irritation border-
ing on ferceness. Many of the things one daily hears said
aro better left unpublished. The arbitrary restrictions im-
posed upon the press by the ordinances of the Ist June have
had the usual effect of producing a host of epigrams and
lampoons, passed from mouth to mouth. One may trace in
individuals the advance that public feeling has made in a
democratic direction. moat persons (not of the small party
which still upholds the present regimen) are disposed to go
farther now than( they were
plorable to find tho ideas of conciliation scouted by many
sricxocnultondaths ago,
te,desiraenddniot is de-
who, up to a comparailirelY
:v
than to behold it realised.
eh caused the
Helt'ehledereipEorutreedpes,payt,lovrarßeauwsslatnheacgrienmej 7rdered in the,
ate
inxo pdnu
ml
he
yiyo
sntt
eohrf all h
ei
uesu ttandeevr
iietnni retnue a
—r tee: s.p
pof
eAa therc house
seAccording
red
have
in
to anh
letters
tts ar
ea:
iti
the
German papers, he was a medical man, and his name
Dr. Hermani. Some two or three years ago, such a persona
was seen in Vienna and its environs, and was reported to
mei a
and also
to
hisihmjseolufronuatlr'itoappearsrs
tbheatthteh ce
ruer,reasspeolns
edwe nhte
roef, ahne
gEenvgel
have taken with
partt hieil tho Italian campaign of- 1859, A letter
English r haveforecs in the served
as
surgeon

from Munich says that he was there about six weeks ago,
under the name of Hermann Bartholdi, and that he then
came from Stuttgart, where he had been for a considerable
time, and had published a small newspaper. Both in Stutt-
gardt and Munich he spoke much of his relations with
highly-placed persons in Russia, and in both places he at
last excited suspicions as to his true character.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

SATTJRDAY REVIEW.—The election for Tamworth
undoubtedly has its disagreeable side when looked
at from a Ministerial point of view. It was intended
as a mortification for Sir Robert Peel, and it has
probably carried out its intention. As no such symp-
toms of discontent ever manifested themselves be-
fore he entered upon his present office, it is pro-
bable that it is to his performances as a statesman,
rather than as a landlord, that his faithful con-
stituency take objection. His position as a states-
man is very peculiar. He does not occupy his seat
upon the Treasury Bench as the representative of
any school of opinion, for no other thinker is nimble
enough to follow in the course of so brilliant but so
wanderings light. Nor has he been so selected for his
utility in debate, for he rarely opens his mouth
without exasperating into rebellion some sup-
porter of the Government to 'which he belongs.
He sits by the more secure title of Lord Pal-
merston's peculiar favourite. According to the ru-
mours that universally prevailed, his admission to the
Ministry was resisted by all the other members of
the Cabinet, and was effected by the potent voice of
the Prime Minister alone. And Sir Robert Peel

has done his best to prove himself worthy of this
distinction. He always acts and speaks as though
he bore no allegiance except to his patron, and
makes a point of ignoring the other Ministers alto-
gether. He proclaims a fixed policy of No Surren-
der upon the question of the Irish-Char2ll, not in
name of the Government, but in the name of "him-
self and his noble friend ;" and he fights the battle
at Tamworth, not for the Government of which he
is a member, bat only for Lord Palmerston. But
Sir Robert Peel is not only a faithful adherent of the
Prime Minister; he is a disciple in the strictest sense
of the word. It is not Lord Palmerston's brain, so
much as his good digestion and strong backbone,
and unflagging animal spirits, that have recom-
mended him to the nation. They like to see such a dis•
play of physical strength as that of a statesman who
at the age of nearly eighty can ride out in a pelting
rain, make twelve speeches in three days, and poke
fun at his antagonists in the House of Commons
with untiring gaiety at three o'clock in the morning.
This is evidently Sir R. Peel's theory, and in his
mind it bears no unpractical fruit. The arts by
which his patron has climbed to fame are not only
a study to be admired, but an example to be fol-
lowed. Sir Robert has compared the muscular with
the intellectual plan of statesmanship, and has come
to the conclusion that the former is at all events the
best suited to his own natural gifts. Accordingly,
' he has devoted himself to the task of copying his great
original, and has cultivated the rollicking style with
some success. if it be true that in these days a consi-
derable muscular development and ajaunty reckless-
ness of manner are the true road t.o fame, it is highly
probable that Sir Robert will be as great a man
as his father. To be sate, the style is somewhat
different. It is doubtful whether the late Sir
Robert Peel would have attempted to influence an
election by knocking down the electors, or would
have publicly exhorted his friends to "bonnet" the
other side. And it is possible that, in those less
advanced days, neither Sir Robert nor his friends
would have been equal to the feats of muscular
prowess which have stied so much glory on his son.

But every age has its o mil way of looking at these
matters, and it would be very unfair to measure one
age by the standard of another. Muscular politics,
like muscular Christianity, had not made their ap-
pearance in the days of the late Sir Robert Peel.
At the same time, it must be admitted that the re-
mown which his sou is likely to win is still in the
future. Though it is easy to see that there is in his
conduct during the last two years great promise of
the qualities which constitute political merit in our
time, still he is at present a mere tyro in his art.
His proceedings at Tamworth show that he is still
far removed from a perfect comprehension of the
secrets by which his great exemp'ar has succeeded.
His practice is too violent. Good humour is essen-
tial to a rollicking politician. Lord Palmerston
might possibly have given the order to bonnet the
refractory elector; but at the same time he would
have taken very good care that it was not obeyed.
And he would never have knocked down a voter
over a p Sir Robert Pe©l has formed too fero-
cious a conception of his part. The elector who
fell under Sir Robert's fist has earned a title to dis-
tinction which falls to the lot of few men. Probably
there is not another man in the three kingdoms who

has been knocked down by a Privy Councillor in an
election row—still less is there one who can boast
of having afterwards broken his cane over the said
Privy Councillor's back. The paths to fame are very
various. One man was feted in London because he had
been shut up by a Chinese mandarin, anther because
he had stood face to face with a gorilla. If the gentle-
man who was knocked down by Sir Robert Peel,
and afterwards caned him, would come up to town
next February, we have no doubt, he would be the
lion of the season. Such a position really is a great
rarity, and ought to be prized accordingly. Officials
holding important offices, and trusted with a consi-
derable share in the government of the United
Kingdom, usually avoid pugilistic encounters with
their political antagonists. The sons of illustrious
statesmen, the' bearers of a name which nations
honour, are generally careful not to drag it through
the mire. Powerful landowners ordinarily think

that they owe it to their own dignity not to attempt
to replace a waning influence by the intimidation
of personal assaults. The victim of Sir Robert Peel's
violence—if such a term can be applied to so fortu-
nate a man—has been in himself the subject-matter
of a departure from all these sacred rules. It is a
great honour to befall a man; for such an event is
like the transit of Venus—it does not occur three
times in a century. Before next election, he will,
no doubt, be considerably improved. He will have
learned that bonneting his opponents and knocking
them dowa over pails is too practical a form of
jauntiness. Possibly he may have practised him-
self a little in jokes, and learned a pun or two ; for
at present his only efforts at fun consist of this
rough horse-play, and it is impossible to be jaunty
without jokes. Perhaps, too, be will have culti-
vated gallantry towards ladies, in which at present
he is lamentaloly deficient. Amorous compliments
to electors' wives are much more efficient -weapons
than menaces to electors. So acute an observer
cannot fail to have noticed how abundant a resource
this has proved to Lord Palmerston in those mo-
ments of extreme need which befall a public man
when he is called upon to speak at a•public din-
ner. But it is the duty of the inhabitants of Tam-
worth to lend themselves to this training. They
must not object to occasional bonnetiags' or other
exhibitions of muscular statesmanship, if such way-
ward frolics should seem to be a necessary part of
the training: of a jaunty politician. It will be an
undying honour to them if they can contribute by
their patience to provide a due succession of rol-
licking rulers, to carry on, whenever unhappily the
need shall arise, the traditions of Lord Palmerston.
SFECTATOR.—The Peels, unlike the Peelitea, are
politically failures. Lord Russell's Government, in
1851, took the very first opportunity of introducing
one of the family into official life, and for an instant
the country half hoped he might wear his father's
mantle. It was soon perceived, however, that the
old wine had lost its body. Mr. Frederick Peel was
as grave as his father, but not with the weight of
thought • as formal, but not as accurate ; as full of
self-confidence, but without the administrative
ability, which, more than his many other capacities,
justified Sir Robert Peel in refusing any place less
than the first. A manner which annoyed all who
assailed or criticised his department increased the
disfavour, members voted him pedantic, and out-
siders discovered that there was nothing beyond
routine work to be expected from the member for
Bart'. Still they turned with some hope to the
elder son, the member for Taanworth. He, at least,
was no prig, and though clubs talked, clubs always
talk, and a man's youthful history is, in politics,
very seldom indeed recorded against him. Sir Robert
spoke brusquely, his enemies said insolently, but
what he said was often forcible, and he had
the courage to say very frequently things which
wanted saying
but which everybody else had
shirked. The outside world, at all events, did not
wonder when Sir Robert Peel was made Secretary
for Ireland. Every month, however, diminished his
political status. The scene with the O'Donoghue
annoyed the house, and the speeches in which the
partial distress of Ireland was palliated or denied
wearied all who wore conscious of the real state of
affairs—a weariness which rose to disgust when Mr.
Gladstone flatly contradicted all the smooth things
put forward by the Irish Department. Blunders
in Ireland, however, rarely attract even their due
attention, far less excessive. obloquy; and it was
not till the Tarnworth election that Sir Robert's
total unfitness for office became manifest to the
world. There can, however, be no further disguise.
Wholly apart from his action as member ande
landlord, Sir Robert Peel has broken all those
e,
offi-
cial etiquettes which have the force
of law
and are usually far more handimpoirtatn.tetis,l te
one
we all know, do influence elections,
Minister, at least, in the Cabinet holds his post by
of his skill as an electioneering agent.to
iSnotedrn
"h they are forbidden by law
ee the open interposition of a
any election but his
• Sir Robert

Peers, thoub-
fere in any way, 1,--
member of the Government ~..
own is as unusual as it is inexpedient,
Peel, however, not only broke through the tat._
1
and decorous rule of reticence, but actually entered bar iv.
into a contest with refractory electors, almost com- We took tie ~