The Sun.
London, England, 1839-10-03 00:00:00

(From the Herald.)

Dr. Lushington would appear to be descending ra-
pidly in the estimation of the opponents of Church-
rates—of the people whom he has himself taught to be
" factious for redress" of imputed grievances connected
with the privileges of the establishment. The specific
cause of offence is this. In February 1838, Dr. Lush-
ingtop l,qt his signature to an " opinion," which, in its
tendency, favoured the spirit of resistance to the Church.
Recently, the learned civilian has pronounced a decision,
directly in the teeth of the opinion, which he so solemnly
propounded to his dissenting clients. It is pleasant to
note the effect of this discrepancy between the opinion
of the barrister, and the decision of the judge, on the
temper of certain of the barrister's and judge's former
partisans! The notorious Mr. John Childs of Bungay,
discourscth on the subject in the following strain
" I have often and zealously endeavoured to divert my
fellow-sufferers from confidence in man, especially in the
professions of great men, to a course of vigorous self-de-
pendence in their efforts for religious freedom. Few public
men have paraded their professions more than Dr. Lush-
ington, and few have received greater credit ; but, as soon
as a weapon has been found annoying to the ecclesiastical
extortioners, this stanchest retainer' of a much-profes-
sing, little-doing Ministry, steps in with his judicial authority
to shatter the weapon, and palsy the arm that wielded it.
To effect this purpose, he will even sacrifice his own con-
sistcncy, and contravene his own formal enunciation of the
law. These be your Gods, 0 Israel ! Such of my fellow-
countrymen as abhor the ecclesiastical courts too much to
be voluntary parties to any suits therein, will find nothing
in this transaction to mitigate their objections, although it is
probable the many who arc willing to turn upon their op-
pressors the arms of their own warfare will not be discou-
raged by a decision of their friend, which their worst foes
will scarcely venture to confirm. It is fortunate the
Learned Knight does not yet preside over the highest
court of appeal."
Our Contemporary, The Sun, adverts to the same
point, in even blunter terms :
" We do not profess to be able to explain such contra-
diction as this. Dr. Lushington must either he very igno-
rant of his business, or he must be actuated by vow base
motives. Our correspondent inclines to the latter opinion.
Ile seems to think that the Learned Gentleman has politi-
cal reasons for blowing cold on the abolition of Church-
rates,
,and that (he) blends his legal opinions, or rather
adapts his judicial functions, to the supposed views of the
Ministry. We are not disposed to take this view of the
case. We recollect, however, that the Tory Lords refused
last Session to allow him 4,0001. per annum, as the salary
of his new office, principally on account of what they called
his violent partisanship. The 4,000/. may be granted
hereafter, si se bene gesserit."
We are not sorry (excepting for the credit of the
Judicial Bench) to find that the admiration which his
" Liberal" supporters formerly professed for Dr. Lush-
ington, has given place to feelings such as pervade the

paragraphs which we have quoted. To no °then- -Judge
in the kingdom (as we believe) would corrupt or• "base
motives" be imputed, even by the most reckless• A' dis-
appointed litigants! Dr. Lushington's public career
has long been offensive to good taste. His subse rc iency
to the Whig Cabinet is now scornfully alluded t o even
by one of the party, which acted in concert wit It that
very Cabinet, in all its attacks upon the Este bashed
Church. His intemperate career in the-House of Com-
mons has been felt to be utterly unbecoming in a Judge :
—while, the circumstance that this Judge happens. to be
an ecclesiastical Judge—and that this ecclesiastical
Judge has signalised himself by the bitterest hostdi ty to
the Church, imparts a peculiarly offensive charactx :r to
his political history. Dr. Lushington is likely , at
length, to receive his reward. \Ve are content toN leave
him in the hands of his former admirers!

The Times contains a leading article made up .7.lilefly
of rxt.racts from the earlier speeches of Mr. Shcil, v ; hom
our Contemporary takes the opportunity of abusin; ; in its
most characteristic style of elegance and gentle ness.
There is also another article on the subject of o"oCon-
mil's late letter about the Repeal of the Union , from
which we quote the following passage :—" Mr. 0 eCon-
nell has unceasingly boasted that he and his Irish c arried
the Reform Parliament agaiust the majority of E rrglish
and Scotch Representatives ; which, though it be a
boast of his, is true. Strange, then, that he per nitted
this insult, this exclusion, this mot;strous injustice to his
own beloved couutry. Strange tkat he did not twicld
his power to work out a measu:e of equal: jus-
tice to that country whose representatives were
the meritorious cause of all reform. But what. the
defect of justice he complains of ? If the pr opor-
tion of male adults invested with the fraxichii'se is
smaller in Ireland than in England, the tTUC re ason
is, that in Ireland there are so much fewer who 1 'lave
property to clothe them with a qualification.- '1 'hen
the principle of the Reform Bill having been al m .xed
principle of property with numbers, on what pre-
tence of equality can Ireland now claim a fra 2hise
proportioned to numbers irrespectively of propel -ty ?
Thus it turns out. that all the 'vantage groun d 3 of
justice taken up by the Repealer crumble at the
touch. The subject of corporate constitutit 'us
is cut from under him, not merely as
matter of no genuine interest, hut as substat
tidily settled already, without repeal or other cx -
tretne retort—church maintenance and elective fran-
chise, as a brace of sham grievances and shallow frauds.
The great magic in politics,' says this letter, is to, be
in the right.' If so, Mr. O'Connell, with all his fa-
culties of speaking and writing,' can be no conjurer.
The seventh and last of the' reasons' for believing- in
the advent of repeal is the national hatred of die Irish
to the Union : in other words, the extensive ignorance
of that people, and their consequent readiness to be-
lieve the impostors who beset them. We do not' ms:an
to undervalue this evil, which has been a distu.whin
cause of established institutions in all countries ; btat
believe a good deal is to be done by informing the, ig;
norance, and a good deal by repressing the imposture.'
The Morning Chronicle has an article suggested by
the late Protestant meeting at Manchester, from which
we quote the following passage, illustrative of the spirit
of one or two rampant clerical speeches made at that
meeting :—" The Legislature must directly or indirectly
recognise Popery, or it must separate secular instruction
entirely from religious, or it must proscribe the Catholic
population from education, miscalled National. The
last point is that at which the fanatics are driving ; al-
though they are also ready, by adhering to the negative
of the first, to leave the whole community, Protestant as
well as Catholic, uneducated altogether. In fact the
exclusively Protestant education, as they would have it,
would be little more than nominal, and soon degenerate
into a mere sectarian job. But we need not dwell on
these absurdities. Offensive as they are to all good
men, they require no laboured refutation ; and the chief
use of pointing them out is to show to what depths
faction can descend to catch supporters, and how Tory-
ism, like misery, makes men acquainted with strange
bedfellows.'"

(From the Morning Post.)
It is most probable that ere very long the circum-
stances of the country will force upon general conside-
ration the subject of the public finances. It were very
desirable that so very important a matter should he
carefully contemplated and calmly discussed before the
arrival of a period in which deliberation will be no longer
possible, and calmness must give place to active ex-
ertion. We are glad to perceive, in the new Num-
ber of Blackwood's .14-agazine, an article under the
title of " Whig and Tory Finance," which, though
obscure and unsatisfactory in some of its details, is,
from the clearness and earnestness of its reasoning, cal-
culated to lead the public into that channel of thought
which is at present so expedient for the general in-
terest. Nothing, however, is more difficult than to
persuade even the British public, deeply concerned
as they are in the state of the national finances, and
in the certainty that the public creditor will suffer
no disappointment—nothing is more difficult than
to persuade them to take an interest in that branch
of the public affairs which more than any other
directly concerns them. The British public is
manifestly most negligent and most irrational upon
the subject of national finance. If it were not so,
is it possible that we should hear so little discussion
in public regarding the habitual falling away of the
revenue as compared with the expenditure ? If it
were not so, should we hear people in every direction
talking with something like exultation about the in-
tended reduction of the postage, and utterly forget-
ting that this reduction will take away a million and
a half from the public revenue, which already falls
considerably short of the public expenditure ? How
do those irrational persons suppose that their divi-
dends are to be paid if this system of throwing down
revenue is to go on, combined with an increasing
expenditure ? One would almost suppose that they
thought that Government stock, when entered upon
the Bank books, spread roots, and grew there,
bearing the fruit of dividends, twice a year, in the course
of nature. Have they yet to learn that the power to
pay their dividends depends upon the excess of the
produce of taxation above the expenses of the civil Go-
vernment, and the naval and military defences, and that,
if that produce be diminished, while those expenses are
increased, dividends must by and bye cease to be paid ?
Does no idea of this kind mingle with their exultations
over grossly improvident reduction of taxation ? We
fear that it scarcely does. The people do not exercise
common sense and common carefulness upon this subject.

(FROM THE EVE::ING PAPERS OF LAST SIGHT.)
(From the Globe.
The appointment of Lord Monteagle to the Comp-
trollership of the Exchequer, and the pension of 1,000/.
a year to Sir John Newport on his vacating that post,
formed so " infamous" an arrangement, so indicative of.
indifference to public opinion, and so glaringly at variance
with public honesty, that it filled up the measure of
Government delinquency to the full. The speedy
exodus of the Melbourne Cabinet was now cer-
tain. Nothing remained but for them to retire ;
and for the Tories to enter in and possess the good
things for which they have so long pined, and from
which they have been so long debarred. The Times
for three successive days filled its columns, well nigh
to bursting, with the fiercest denunciations, and with
the most exhilarating predictions. After commit-
ting this foul crime—this sin unto death—it was ut-
terly impossible for Ministers to meet Parliament :
the Tories would be in possession of Downing-street in
a twinkling ; and the Carlton Club would be illuminated
in celebration of the triumph ; while joy and gladness
would pervade every Tory domicile throughout the
land Alas for us, or rather for those whose hopes
we were the instrument of scattering to the winds, by
exploding the foundation of lies on which they rested!
A plain matter-of-fact statement demolished in a mo-
ment the fabric which, with so great labour, the Times
had built, and on which the Tory gobe-mouches were
gazing with reinvigorated expectations. The mere ex-
hibition of the cost of the management of the Exche-
quer under tile Tory administration, contrasted with its
cost under the system introduced by their successors,
showed an annual saving to the public of thirty thou-
sand pounds.

(From the Courier.)
The observations which appeared in our journal of
yesterday on the subject of the Currency have produced
a multitude of inquiries from various quarters as to the
probability of a re-issue of 1/. and 2/. notes by the Bank
of England. Our readers are well aware that this mea-
sure could not be adopted without an Order in Council.
Should this course be thought advisable at the present
time as a means of assistance to the mercantile and
trading interests, under the peculiar circumstances of the
case, aggravated as they have been by the novel and ha-
zardous proceedings of the Bank of the United States, it
does not appear to us that the Order could with pro-
priety be withheld. But whether it is in the contempla-
tion of the Bank to recommend the adoption of this
course or not, we have no hesitation in saying, that a
strong opinion prevails, that the issue of 1/. notes at
this juncture would be a seasonable measure. The
great bulk of the community would take the as readily
as sovereigns, and thereby the use of sovereigns, so far,
would be saved. Our readers will remember that in
1825, at the height of the panic, the re-issue of some
11. notes accidentally preserved from the general de-
struction, was resorted to by the Bank in the extremity
of its difficulty, and succeeded perfectly. 'When the
pressure had passed, the notes were withdrawn. It
may be said that the circulation which 1/. and 2/. notes
would supply is already supplied by the gold now in
circulation. Still, the substitution of notes for gold
certainly would set free so much gold for export. It
has been over and over again proved that it is the drain
of only a few millions of gold that disturbs the general
circulation. That fact being so, it seems to follow, that
the few millions of gold now in use for internal circu-
lation, would be better employed in filling up the va-
cuum caused by the foreign demand for it. We do
not say that this measure would, in itself, be sufficient
to remedy the imperfect system of the currency ; but it
would be, at any rate, a help at the present time.
(From the Standard.)
We are glad to find that Lord Ebrington is deter-
mined to fulfil the anticipations to which his conduct