The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-04 00:00:00

THE INTER

tration.
Mr. Chase and the Committee of Ways and Means
which controls his operations have finally agreed
upon the financial scheme which is to rescue the
country from its-present monetary perplexities, or
sink it still deeper into the slough of bankruptcy.
The Government must have 900,000,000 dols. im-
mediately, or it must collapse. Mr. Chase and the
Committee have agreed that this sum must be raised
by three separate modes,—first, by the issue of
300,000,000 greenbacks, or legal tender notes ; ,
second, by a loan of the same amount, secured by
three-year bonds, bearing 6 per cent. interest, con-
vertible into legal tender notes; and, third, by a
similar loan for 20 years at 6 per cent., inconvertible.
The President, having protested against the issue
of 100,000,000 dols. for the payment of the army,
may for consistency's sake protest against the
300,000,000 dols. ; but as Congress will certainly
pass the Bills, the protest will be vain unlessllMr.
Lincoln, in the exercise of his prerogative,h
re-
solve to veto them. But as this would bring
to a dead lock, and prepare the way f a Lord Pro-
tector Cromwell or a General
Monk,
s to restore the
President, it is not
Union with Jefferson Davis as Pre,
likely that Mr. Lincoln will be either so conscien-
tious or so desperate.
The series of resolutions introduced by 'Air.
MWougall, the senator from California,. threatening
the Emperor of the French with the vengeance of
the United States if he do not immediately With-
draw his forces from Mexico, is everywhere con-
demned or laughed at. Mr. M'Dougall has no politi-
cal weight or influence ; and it he had, the Senate
knows too well that the Federal Government caunot
afford to quarrel with France just now, or even to
debate a matter so likely to produce mischief, ex-
cept to scout it contemptuously from the House.

The New 3 ork, gribune contains the following
intercepted despatches :
No. 7.
Confederate States of America, Department of
State, Richmond, Oct. 17.
Sir,—Since my No. 5 of 26th ult., of which duplicate is
herewith forwarded, some circumstances of a very remark-
able character have come to the knowledge of the President,
to which your earnest attention is invited.
On the 7th inst. the President received from Governor
Lubbock, of Texas, a letter, of which a copy is annexed,
marked A, with inclosurcs No. 1 and 2.
The very singular nature of the correspondence initiated,
as you will perceive, by Mr. B. Theron, French consular
agent and Spanish vice-consul at Galveston, naturally ex-
cited a lively interest ; but we have not yet arrived at any
satisfactory conclusion as to the nature and extent or the
source of the intrigue evidently on foot, when, on the 13th
inst., the President received from the lion. W. S. Oldham,
senator from Texas, a letter, of which a copy, marked B, is
herewith enclosed,
The concurrent action of two French consular officers at
points so remote from each other as Galveston and Rich-
mond, the evident understanding which exists between
them, the similarity of their views and conduct, the choice
of Mr. Oldham as the party to be approached, he being ge-
nerally considered as identified with the party opposed to
the Administration, while Mr. Wigfall is its supporter—ail
concur in satisfying us that there is not only concert of ac-
tion between these officials, but that their conduct has been
dictated by some common superior. • In plain language, we
feel authorised to infer that the French Government has, for
some interest of its own, instructed some of its consular
agents here to feel the way and if -possible to provoka-eorno
movement on the part of the State c f Texas which shall re-
sult in its withdrawal from the Confederacy. It is difficult,
if not impossible, on any other hypothesis, to account for
the conduct of these agents.
I have, in accordance with the instructions of the Presi-
dent, expelled both Mr. Theron and Mr. Tabouelle from the
Confederacy, and have forbidden their return without the
previous permission of the Government. I enclose you copies
of the orders of expulsion, marked C and D.
In endeavouring to account for such a course of action on
the part of the French Government I can only attribute it
to one or both of the following causes :-
1. The Emperor of the French has determined to conquer
ant hold Mexico as a colony, and is desirous of interposing
a weak Power between his new colony and the Confederate
States, and in order that he may feel secure against any in-
terference with his designs on Mexico.
2. The French Government is desirous of securing for
itself an independent source of cotton supply to offset that
possessed by Great Britain in India, and designs to effect
this purpose by taking under its protection the State of
Texas, which, after being acknowledged as an independent
republic, would, in its opinion, be in affect as dependent on
France and subservient to French interests as if a French
colony.
It is more than probable that both these considerations
would have weight in the councils of the French Cabinet
and we are not without suspicion that the tortuous diplo-
macy of Mr. Seaward may have had some influence in in-
spiring such designs. The desire to weaken the Confede-
racy, to exhibit it to the world as a 'rope of sand,' without
consistence or cohesion, and therefore not worthy of recog-
nition as an independent member of the family of nations,
would afford ample motives for the adoption of such a course
by the Cabinet of the United States, which is driven to a
diplomacy of expedients in the desperate effort to avert the
impending doom which awaits the party now in power in
Washington. One other suggestion cccurs to me, which
you may receive as purely conjectural on my part. It is
known to me personally that, at the date of the annexation
of Texas to the United States, M. Dubois de Salim, the
present French Minister in Mexico, and who was then
French Charge d'Affaires to the republic of Texas, was ve-
hemently opposed to the annexation, and was active in en-
deavouring to obstruct and prevent it. Even at that date
the despatches of M. Guiz' ot, which I had an opportunity of
reading, were filled with arguments to show that the interests
of Texas were identical with those of France, and that both
would be promoted by the maintenance of a separate na-
tionality in Texas. The intrigue now on foot, therefore,
accords completely with the policy in regard to Texas that
may be almost said to be traditional with France ; and it is
not impossible that the movement of the consular agents
here has received its first impulse from the French legation
in Mexico, instead of the Cabinet of the Tuileries. These
movements are not considered as having the slightest im-
portance so far as their effect on Texas is concerned. 'the
answers of Governor Lubbock, and the letter of Mr. Old-
ham, will satisfy you how little those gentlemen were dis-
posed to encourage such attempts, while the popular feel-
ing in Texas is best evinced by the fact that she has 70
regiments of volunteers in our army. But the evidence
thus afforded of a disposition on the part of France to
seize on this crisis of our fate as her occasion for the
promotion of selfish interests—and this, too, after the
assurance of friendly disposition, or at worst, impartial
neutrality which you have received from the leading public,
men of France--cannot but awaken solicitude; and the
President trusts that you will use every effort to discover
the source, extent, and designs of these intrigues, and
whether the United States are parties to them. It may,
perhaps, be in your power to make use of this discovery also
by awakening the British Government to a sense of the fact
that designs are entertained of which that Government is
not probably aware, and which it may be unwilling to see
accomplished. An enlarged and generous statesmanship
would seem to indicate so clearly that the establishment of
Southern independence,on a secure basis (and with a strength
sufficient tcrcounterbalance the power of the United States,
as well as to prevent extensive French colonisation on our
southern border), would promote the true interest of Great
Britain, that we find it difficult to account for her persistent
refusal to recognise our independence. The knowledge of a
secret attempt on the part of France to obtain separate ad-
vantages of such vast magnitude may, perhaps, induce a
change in the views of the British Cabinet. I speak of the
attempt as secret, for it is scarcely possible to suppose that
the act on the part of the French agents is taken with the
concurrence or connivance of the British Government. If
you come to the conclusion that these conjectures are well-
founded, you are at liberty to make known to her Majesty's
Government the facts herein communicated, either through
the British Minister at Paris or by concert with Mr. Mason.
It is deemed desirable that, in either event, you should ad-
vise Mr. Mason of the course you may adopt, as it is very
probable that the English Government will learn from
Richmond the fact of the expulsion of the Consuls and the
cause of the action of this Government, which, from its very
nature, is accompanied with some degree of publicity.
I enclose to Mr. Mason, for his information, a copy of
this communication.
Your obedient servant,
J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of State.
DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE.
The following are the letters referred to by Mr.
Benjamin :
(Private and Confidential.)
Executive Department, Austin, Texas, Sept. 11, 1862.
To his Excellency Jefferson Davis, President, &c., Rich.
mond, Virginia.
Sir,—l have the honour to forward for your considers.
tion the enclosed copies of letters, the one (marked A) from
the French and Spanish Consul at Galveston, the other
(marked B) being my reply thereto.
As the proceeding of the said consul would seem to indi-
cate an incipient intrigue, I have deemed it proper to advise
you thereof on the threshold.
I have the honour to be, with great respect, your obe-
dient servant, F. R. LUBBOCK.
A.—(Confidential.) _

•
Consulate Agency for France and Vice-Consulate for
Spain in Galveston, Galveston, Aug. 18, 1562.
To his Excellency F. R. Lubbock, Governor of the State
of Texas.
Sir,—Will you be kind enough to inform me confiden-
tially of your personal opinion on the following q
1. The annexation of the Republic of Texuasreto_tuhe United
States was or was not a good political mtieoasn r
of the State of
2. The act of disunion and of theoi un e
not another good
Texas to the Southern Statasthw:sstartcwr
And
or bad political stop
the old Republic of Texas will
3. The re-establishnt7tob:fur
uestitozesdir,adopted country ?
will serve me as a
or will not be beneficiasletoq
Your answer
.ttc:c
eal oorrespondenee with the Government
guide in have I'
which I t evlimouncohurrteospreeeptr,etosebnet.3-Toulrhoabveeatiehnethsoenrvoauari
sir, and with er
°B; THERON, French and Spanish Consul.
I certify the above and foregoing to be a true copy of the
original now on the file in the Executive Department at
Austin, Texas.—JAmEs PAUL, Private Secretary.
i3,--Executive Department, Austin, Texas, Sept. 9, 1862.
To B. f heron, Esq., French and Spanish Consul,
Galveston.
Sir,—Yotir communication of the 18th ult. is before me,
and contents duly noted.
In answer to your first interrogatory, permit me to say
that the annexation of Texas to the United States was a
good political measure.
As to your second question, I answer most emphatically
that " the act of disunion and of the junction of the State of
Texas to the Southern States was a good and proper politi-
cal step."
In reply to your third inquiry, I have to say " the re-
establishment of the old Republic of Texas will not be be-
neficial to our beloved adopted country."
Texas has linked her fate with that of her sisters of the
South. She will be true, steadfast, and victorious.
I have the honour to be yours very respectfully,
F. R. Lvesocx.
True copy of the original—LULES PAUL, Private Secre-
tary.
Richmond, Oct. 13,
To his Excellency Jefferson Davis, President. 1862.
Sir,—On to-day M. labouelley -Consul at
French Vice