The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-17 00:00:00

let them know it, and let the people of Greece know it.
But if no application had been made to the King of Por-
tugal, then he contended a most unwarrantable liberty had
been taken with that personage, and a cruel deception and
mockery practised on Greece by proposing a man who was
but the mere idea of an English Minister. (Cheers.) Ther©
was another repetition of these expectations, for Lord Rus-
sell, after stating that King Ferdinand would not accept
the throne, said that the Duke of Saxe Coburg might be
brought forward ; and the noble lord at the head of the Ge-
ment informed the house that the Duke of Saxe Coburg
was willing to accept the throne. In the face of all these
statements he (Mr, Gregory) could only say, to use a vul-
gar word, that they were playing upon the Greek nation a
series of "sells," (Hear, hear, and laughter.) If the
Government had put forward those candidates without hav-
ing ascertained they would accept the throne, he could only
say that this course of diplomacy was reckless. (Hear,
hear.) It was reckless, because it made their diplomacy a
laughingstock, and because it weakened the influence which
it was important England should hold in Greece, and he for
one locked to a well governed and extended Greece as the
means most likely to lead eventually to the solution of the
Eastern question, and with this view he entirely concurred
in the offer of the cession of the lonian Islands. PALO
if there was a hitch about the 'mien islands it might
be settled in this way—that the lonian Islands were
offered to Greece when there was a chance that it would
be well governed ; but they had been refused to Greece.
The hon. member then gave a vivid sketch of the Turkish
empire, showing how the Government and people were
corrupt and venal beyond all hope of improvement, and
stated that all Europe would rejoice when the day of the
final dissolution of the "sick man" had arrived. He had
not overdrawn the condition of Turkey ; and, with regard
to Russia, if she held Constantinople, the will of the Czar
would be the law of Europe. There was, then, but the
choice of two evils—either to maintain the Turkish empire,
or perhaps submit to a general war in Europe through Rus-
sian aggrandisement, and possibly hostilities with France.
Of the two evils, England, perhaps, had chosen the least,
Russia was not the country she was ten years ago (though
she had not forgotten her cunning or her intentions),
having been " crumpled up" by the Crimean war in every
one of the materials necessary to military strength, ships,
stores, men and money. (Hear, hear.) Poland was eating
like an ulcer into her heart, and there was not a letter re-
ceived from that country but announced that the Russian
Government was sitting on a volcano. The whole state of
things was changed, and we might now be able to do justice
to those nationalities who were endeavouring to emerge
from the prostration under which they had so long laboured
and to join the other nations of Europe in the onward
course of improvement and civilisation. (Hear, hear.)
He referred particularly to Servia and the Danubian pro-
vinces, and what applied to them applied with a tenfold
force to Greece. It was urged, with regard to Italy, that
an extension of territory was necessary for the security of
peace ; and the same, he contended, applied now to
Greece. It was impossible to expect a good and stable
Government either in Servia or the Danubian provinces,
no long as they were exposed to be the focus of intrigues;
and they would continue to be so so long as England was
supposed to be in favour of those who were considered to
be their oppressors. The belief was that it was the strong
hand and strong influence of England that were keeping
these nationalities down, and could they wonder that Ser-
via, Greece, and the Danubian Provinces had been hitherto
the focus of Russian intrigues, and, after what had been
done, be disposed to look in any quarter for assistance rather
than to England ? (Hear.) The policy of England had
been the reverse of that of Russia, and the Greeks, per-
fectly aware of what they owed to Russia, hailed with en-
thusiasm and delight the manner in which their revolution
was received in England by men of all shades of opinion,
believing therefrom that the old spirit of her friends had
not died out. (Hear, hear,) Earl Rumen's despatch was
worthy of every commendation from his just view of the
Greek cause ; and when it appeared in Greece it was
translated into Greek, and was worn in the pocket by the
inhabitants as a phylactery, or charm—a compliment not
often paid to the noble earl's despatches. (Hear, hear.)
The Greeks, he contended, were justified in looking for an
extension of territory, and England should endeavour, by
all means in her power, to secure it for them. In spite of all
the eauses Greece had for her depression, there was hope for
confidence in her in comparison with Turkey. The Under.
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs heralded the approach
to power of the new Sultan of Turkey as the inauguration of a
perfectly happy and new e tate of things, yet not one of his
predictions had been verified. The Greeks had passed
through centuries of oppression, and it was not to be ex-
pected that they could speedily eradicate the evils of mis-
government ; but if they tested that country by the same
means that were generally resorted to to show the condition
of a country, they had every encouragement for looking
forward with confidence to the future Greece. Her popu-
lation had doubled within the last 30 years, and through-
out the whole of that country there was desire for informa-
tion. Old traditions were still cherished and stored up by
the Greeks. Commerce was alive in the Greek waters.
They monopolised the whole of the commerce in the Levant,
and Greek houses, been established in all parts of
Europe. England' . ' y should be to ensure to them
that they might lecke At her assistance in obtaining their
independence and selfegovernment, and thather endeavours
would be used in obtaining for Greece a wise and enlight-
ened Prince to reign over them, who should not be fettered
in his views of increase of territory by any diplomatic ar-
rangements on the part of England. He trusted they would
ultimately succeed, not, however, by violence or conspiracy,
but by giving examples of good government. (Hear, hear.)
He concluded by seconding the motion of the right hon.
member for Houiton.

Mr. M. MILNES doubted if the hon. gentleman who
had just sat down had done good service to the Greeks by
mixing up with the question before the house the condi-
tion of Turkey. He referred to the manner in which the
Greeks had conducted themselves in this crisis, and ex-
pressed his regret that ho could not give her Majesty's
Government his unqualified approval of what they had
done. He believed her Majesty's Government cordially
and sincerly sympathised with the Greeks ; but the
issue had not been so successful as their intentions. They
had shown deep interest with the Greeks, but they had not
treated them with due respect in leaving them in the hands
of diplomacy, which had not shown itself so wise as might
have been hoped. He could not agree in the necessity of
upholding the protocols which excluded the members of the
Royal families of Russia, France, and England from the
throne of Greece ; but, on the other hand, he entirely dis-
approved of the election of Prince Alfrad. Greece required
a ruler of experience and intelligence, and therefore it would
have been a mistake to have placed so young a man as Prince
Alfred upon the throne. The placing Prince Alfred upon
the throne would merely have meant English protection for
Greece, whilst it was most desirable that there should be no
foreign protection at all for Greece. Too much diplomacy
had been introduced into the matter, and the Greek people
had submitted to too much diplomacy. Her Majesty's Go-
vernment had not acted with much wisdom in proposing
candidate after candidate in the manner they did. (Hear.)
If diplomacy had been more reticent, perhaps diplomacy
would have been more successful. There was no doubt that
the failure to secure the elevation of the Duke of Saxe-

Coburg was a subject for profound regret. The Duke was
a prince of very original talents and of much courage; and
if it had been permitted him still to govern his German do-
minion/by-means of a regent, most probably his reign in
Greece would havebeen as successful as that of his distin-
guished uncle in Belgium. However, as there was no can-
didate who had received the full approval of the Powers,
be would recommend her Majesty's Government to give up
looking for candidates altogether. The future of Greece
did not appear to him to depend very much on the charac-
ter of the sovereign who at that moment might happen to
be elected. But why should not Greece revert to her old
institutions, and if she succeeded in upholding republi-
can institutions for a time, she would conciliate the goad

opinion of Europe.
Mr. LAYARD—Sir, of the hon. gentlemen who have
spoken on this question no one agrees with the other,
though all seem to disagree with the feeling of her Majesty's
Government, except my hon. friend the member for Galway.
I am desirous of calling the attention of the house to dates.
I think dates have been somewhat overlooked, especially by
my hon. friend the member for Honiton. To judge from

what fell from my hon. friend it might be supposed that her

Majesty's Government had not throughout the whole o,

those events in Greece held the same language. He says we

have treated the Greeks unjustly and ungenerously, that we
have misled them, that their present difficulties are a con-
sequence of that line of policy, and that if those difficulties

should increase and disaster ensue we shall be responsible.
Now, I think that by referring to dates I shall be able to
'low that my hon. friend's charge is an unjust one. On the
27th October the news of the revolution in Greece was tele-
Era Plied to us, and there was not the slightest idea then
that an English prince would be elected to the throne. Lord
Russell did that which he was bound to do ; he stated that
the English Government was not desirous of intervening in
the affairs of Greece, that they admitted the Greeks had a
full right to change their government, and that all England
meant to do was to adhere to her treaty engagements and to
insist on other Powers doing the same. Shortly afterwards
a rumour reached England that the Greeks were likely to
elect. Prince Alfred for their King. Lord
Russell at once
telemtphed to Air. Scarlett to the effect that the future
King of Greece could not be a member of a reigning f amlihly
of any of the three countries
The
of thefl
which had been
revolution.
parties to the
0 t pro col drawn up at the time
opinion of the French Government was asked, and, us_
will
be seen at page 21 of these
rs, they stated that they
took the same view of the protocol as we did. They cons?:
dercd the engagement then entered into to be binding, and
they meant to adhere to it. The Russian Government were
also asked for their views, and they answered that they
adhered to the views expressed in the protocol, but that
they insisted upon the article of the Greek Constitution
which made it necessary that the next King of Greece

should be of the orthodox faith. This answer excited come

suspicion in the minds of her Majesty's Government, seeing
that there was no princes coming within that definition
except the princes of the Imperial House of Russia. It was
thought necessary to ascertain the views of the Russian Go-

-
vornment still more fully, and we asked this distinct question
and required to it a categorical answer—Does the Russian
Government consider the Duke of Leuchtenberg to be in-
cluded in that protocol ?-- Originally the duke was not a