The Sun.
London, England, 1837-06-08 00:00:00

du lards, then, have we and the rest of the world
been I But, thanks to Mr. Trope, we are clear-
s'ghted enough now. The French and Belgic
Revolutions, the Civil War in Spain, the Cholera,
the Comet, the Infiuerza, and the Whigs still
in office--all plurnomena, past, present, and to
come, are accounted fur. That cursed currency has
been, and will be, at the bottom of all I Oh rare
Trope Atwood I We should certainly have taken
you for a conjuror at the very leat,t; if you had not
told us that von ‘vere at first inclined to regard the
Reform Bill as a " beautiful creation," but that you
now find it tube little better than a " witch's phantom.
But nem° omnibus lions sapit,—even Homer some-
times nods, and it is not impossible, therefore, that
Mr. Trope may really have been caught napping a
the time of the Reform Bill, though it must be con•
fessed, that for a gentleman in his sleep, he made noise
enough in its favour. Is he quite sure that he is awake
now ? We might spend as long a time in commenting
upon this delectable speci:nen of oratory and Commer-
cial knowledge as Mr. Trope occupied in the delivery
of it, but we happen to have neither time, room, nor,
to say the truth, inclination, fur the task. We hope,
however, that the few beauties we have selected will in-
duce those who have more leisure, to read the whole,
and so learn tiie extent of the greatness, the wisdom,
and the knowledge of this Admirable Crichton of
currency crotchets. He said he was " the represen-
tative of buttons and buckles," and then again that he
was " the representative of the bees of the social
hive." We suppose he did not mean brass buttons,
and we are sure he ought not to have meant humble
bees ; but,' let him give himself what character he
please, there can be no doubt in the public mind as
to the position he should occupy in this nether world;
and, for fear he should outlive the existing generation,
and have his merits handed over to a march-of-intel-
lect-stricken posterity, we earnestly recormeend that
the honours of an apotheosis be awarded him forrl‘with
—at Brummagem of course ; because then Mr. Josepli
Parkes will chronicle the solemnity. His funeral pile

may be made of all Bank-notes above the value of 5/.
(for he holds them in as great detestation as gold and
silver, and bestows all his love upon the little ones) :
-and, instead of sending an eagle to the skies, Mr.
Muntz should let fly that live goose of his, which he
bought without its giblets, to announce the advent
of Trope Attwood's ghost to its kindred spirits—in the
moon.—Times.

A prudishly, circumspect, and over-cautious dispo-
sition, may manage the smaller matters of legislation
well enough, but is never fit to deal with great prin-
ciples. The cause which the Lord Chief Justice of
England has to sustain against a House of Commons
assuming an extent of inquisitorial power unknown to
the Constitution, is one which can only be injured by
listening to that weak advice which evinces more of
moral timidity than of sound discretion. The really
judicious course for Lord Denman to pursue, in our
opinion, is the very course which his own sense of
self-respect and manly feeling suggested. The weak
advice is that which would draw him aside from the
direct and intrepid resolution which he had formed of
meeting the act of accusation of the Commons by a
prompt defence. It may be very easy for Lord El-
lenborough, or any other Noble Lord, to consult his
own
.notions of cold and timid prudence upon such
a subject ; but it is not quite so easy for Lord
Denman to sit down in satisfied humility under the
insult inflicted upon his judicial character, even by
so powerful a body as that which has attempted to
overawe, by the powers of undefined and tyrannical
privilege, the Constitutional tribunals of the realm.
Sound as was the law laid down by Lord Denman in
the Court of King's Bench, and eloquent as was the
language in which it was clothed, we cannot help
thinking that a still greater charm for the public mind
was the frank and fearless spirit in which it was spoken.
He is not a friend, though-he may think himself one,
to the fame of the Chief Justice, or the high principles
with which that fame is associated, who would induce
him to descend from the vantage-ground which an
honest intrepidity has gained for him, and tamely sub-
mit to a wrong which wounds his judicial character
and the Constitution together. As to the technical
point which has been started—viz., that the Commons
has not yet formally notified its resolutions to the
Lords, we confess we cannot see the force of it. The
House of Lords has repeatedly acted upon the evi-
dence of the printed Votes of the Commons, and the
resolutions, we need not add, are upon the printed
Votes. The objection is so far from being an argument,
that it is not even a plausible excuse of postponing, on
the part of the Home of Lords, the great duty of settling
the question of disputed privilege, before the subject is
forced upon Parliament by another decision in a Court
of law, which will bring the judicial authority in
direct collision with the Commons. We are disposed
to believe that the other Judges concur in Lord Den-
man's sentiments. The Judges have a right to know
what view the Lords take of this question of the "col-
lective privilege of both Houses." We stated the
other day that the admission by the Select Committee
of the collective character of the privilege was in itself
sufficient reason why it should not be determined by
the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the Commons.
Lord Denman urged the same point on Tuesday
evening, in answer to the objection to the pro-
posed discussion, upon the ground that the resolu-
tions had not yet been regularly notified to tile House
of Lords. It is curious enough that the Committee
should assert that the privileges of one House are
the privileges of both, and follow that up by stating
that the House of Commons has the sole and exclusive
jurisdiction of its privileges—in other words, that the
House of Commons may assume whatever privileges it
pleases, and not even the House of Lords has any ju-
risdiction over those privileges, although they belong
to that House equally with the Commons. Had this
sort of reasoning appeared on the face of a document
from the " sister kingdom," it would have been called
an Irish blunder ! It is certainly a very remarkable
specimen of vicious reasoning by a branch of the legis-
lature arrogating to itself not only an unlimited extent
of power, but infallibility of judgment. We have
already entered so largely into the law of the case,
that we need not sac more about it at present ;
other opportunities will be afforded before the question
is set at rest. In the mean time, we refer with plea-
sure to some observations copied into our columns from
the Standard of last night upon this important sub-
ject.—Morning Herald.
M. Mendizabal, the most profligate and the most
corrupt Minister that ever disgraced a country, pro-
poses, as we understand by the last accounts from
Madrid, to seize on and melt down all the Church
plate, for the purpose of furnishing him with funds
to continue for a short time longer his reign of
intrigue and despotism. He confesses at last that
the Treasury is thoroughly exhausted, and that nei-
ther his artifices abroad nor his forced loans at
home can anv longer provide the means of sustain-
ing the Government or prosecuting the war. There
is not a shilling to be had in the shape of a small
loan, as Lord Palmerston's pamphlet recommended,
or as payment for licenses for the importation of
British cotton goods. Even the negotiation for
the revenues of Cuba being secured to M. Aguado
is given up, and the bankrupt state of the
Christino Government is openly proclaimed. Men-
dizahal has now no other resource than to de-
spoil the altars, and to convert the vessels of the
Temple to the use of the profligate crew by whom
he is surrounded, and for the providing a good re-
treat for himself, when his career, which he feels is
drawing to a close, be finally accomplished. Within
three years Spain has consumed four millions sterling
—the Toren° loan—the whole of the property of tile
convents, two forced loans—besides large contributions
imposed on those unwilling to be included in the con-
scription. The whole may amount to ten millions
sterling ; and, at the close of the fourth year, the civil
war, for 's hich that money was ostensibly raised, is
more extended than at the moment when the grasping
and blood-thirsty Libera!s usurped the reins of
power. Facts like these do away with the necessity
of reasoning on the subject; no person can repose
confidence in a Government which has so ill conducted
Ts affairs. It is difficult to foresee in what manner
• ate war is to be conducted, provided Don Carlos still
linctinues his system of prudence, and hesitates to
*arch on Madrid until the Government dissolves
roan incapacity to maintain itself. Where is the
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