The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-26 00:00:00

INDEPENDENCE OF POLAND.

night a public meeting of the inhabitants of
IslLatinagton, convened by the National Polish League,
was
aheld in Myddelton Hall, 115, Upper-street,
Islington, in favour of the independence of Poland.
The Right Hon. Lord Campbell,
one of the vice-
presidents of the League, presided, and among those
present on the platform were Pope Hennessy, Esq.,
Nix.; F. Lawrence, Esq. ;
Richard Wilmot, Esq. ;
Major
(r;dishC hdaes. Sz
legatuelc;z Napoleon
LachszyFrm. Za,a.Ebas,q.E;sl..
Vize, Esq. ; C.
H. Elt, Esq. ; Messrs. Wallarage,
Collett; E. Beales,
Esq., (President of the League),
Peter Carrigan, Esq.,
William Fitcham, Esq.
Mr. J. R. TAYLOR, the hon. secretary, read let-
tors of apology for unavoidable absence from Sir S.
M. Peto,
Mr. Cox, M.P., the Rev. Hugh
Allen, DiD., and Mr. R. B. Sheridan, M.P., the
letter enclosing a cheque for £5 in aid of the funds
of the League.
The Noble CHAIRMAN on rising to open the pro-
ceedings was loudly applauded. In the absence of
the representatives of Finsbury he ventured, as one
of the vice-presidents of the League, to explain the
objects of the meeting and the position which the
League took with reference to the question at issue.
They wished to draw out the expression of a strong
public opinion in the first place of the people of the
metropolis on the question of Polish independence.
From its extent it was impossible to do this
thoroughly unless by holding separate meetings in
the various boroughs of the metropolis. Last week
they broke ground in the great borough of the
Tower Hamlets, with, he hoped, good results, and
he hoped a similar result would ensue on this occa-
sion. The meeting had a right to ask what were
the precise results at which the League aimed in
calling them together. They aimed at creating as
it were such an atmosphere around the Government
as would enable them to act with confidence and
determination upon their own views and convictions
on this question. They did not aim at urging upon
the Government any definite opinion or policy, but
simply to call into existence a public feeling which
would enable them to take high ground, and at the
same time deprive them of the power of complain-
ing that they were held back by any slackness or
faintness on the part of the people. (Hear, hear.)
If an additional reason was wanted it would be
found in the fact he had stated at the Tower
Hamlets last week, namely, that the most
eminent patriots at Warsaw, whom he had recently
consulted on that subject when in that capital,
were most desirous of an agitation in this country.
Finding that such an agitation was not undervalued
by the Polish leaders, he felt bound to take part in
it. He held that in the interest of Great Britain it
was important that Poland should be a free and
independent nation. If it was restored to its ancient
position it would exist, not as a republic or under a
despotic regime, but under constitutional arrange-
ments, and every country eo governed was a source
of strength to constitutional Great Britain upon the
Continent. The desire of the leaders of the incur.
rection was to restore the Constitution of 1791,
which more nearly approached that of Great Bri-

tain than any on the Continent. Sweden, Norway,
Denmark, and Belgium, all constitutionally go-
verned countries, leant most strongly to British
policy. What countries were most strongly opposed
to that policy ? The most despotic, such al
Russia. (Hear.) Should, therefore, the indepen-
dence of Poland be restored, it would be under con-
stitutional arrangements, and that would lead to an
alliance with us. (Hear, hear.) It was said Ity
some veteran diplomatists that if a war should hap-
pen between France and Great Britain, it was im-
portant that Russia should hold Warsaw, in order to
enable her to act in Western Europe. But if a war
of that kind did arise, who could say that Russia
would not side with France, instead of England—
(hear, hear)—and in that case England could only
look to the German Powers for allies, and as long as
the Czar reigned at Warsaw he reigned also at Ber-
lin and Vienna. (Hear,) It might be asked, if
Poland was made independent, what guarantee
would there be of the permanence of that situation

in the face of the tremendous odds they would have
to face ? What chance was there of that object being
attained against such fearful odds ? The League did
not disguise from themselves that the Poles were
fighting against fearful odds; but they saw that
since the commencement of the present struggle,
three years ago, the Poles had made few errors,
while very many had been committed by the Russian
Government, and they had hopes that success would
be ultimately found on the side which committed the
fewest errors. (Hear, hear.) Calculation of contin-
gencies united with sympathy in commanding our
hest wishes as well as our best efforts in aid of that
success. The present troubles commenced almost
with the accession of the Czar to the throne. He
visited Warsaw, and the Poles, misled by the reports
of his clemency and friendly feeling, approached him
with an ill-founded confidence in his good intentions
towards their country. When they met him in this
spirit, they drew from him in reply this language—
"No dreams, What my father did was well done,
and I endorse it." That was the first error. Then
in 1860, by the fiat of the Emperor, the representa-
tives of the three partitioners of Poland were assem-
bled in Warsaw, and that meeting roused all the old
love of Polish nationality—the presence of these men
was an error, because it brought to the recollection ot
the Poles al. their wrongs and all their ancient glory.
(Hear, hear.) Then, in 1861, came the well known
massacre of February, in which Polish blood was shed
without the smallest provocation or justification.
That error was followed by the still greater one of
the dissolution of the Agricultural Society and the
banishment of its high minded and enlightened pre-
sident, Count Andre Zamoyski. That society was
to niPosed of the most patriotic, enlightened and mode-
rate rues in Poland, whose counsels would have had
an item_
tte one© use influence on their country. Its dissolu-
tionthrew the influence into the hands
to extresnablernen, and made the insurrection inevi-
have. Count aot;tt Z4.moyski and his friends would
evil day of internecine war
as long as possible ; but with their downfall
the day of
the civil wee ~,,arsatteb counsels passed away and
result. Then came that
rewerihreoiccrthlng ha_ all Europe has rung, and
recruitment with Nylijoi
and
lEa
su
trioyp e
theeedemned as a gigantic
urged
eer_ror oerftc:antu.mdelionsly
the six peril's
practically
g coni:: it
andu Russia
gi
thea t by
y strongh theol
d
Powers, and
Great
judgment,
Poland
snoutchbyantraecactuymbuultabtron
of
hand.
hope that
of policy, and of actions induced a strongof PI
the Power which could be guilty of then, must
all
in the end, and the League, in that belief"
xpression
of public opinion as would enable the Gay
upon the people of this country such an e urged
esnmeet
to take their stand upon their own recorded opinions
on this question. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. HENNESSY, who was warmly received,
moved the first resolution, which was, " n'at the
devoted heroism of the Poles in their present and
in their past struggles for the independence of their
country entitles them to the admiration and support
of Great Britain." The hon. member said the cause
of Poland appealed at once to the judgment and the
feelings, and he was glad to sae present both men

and women. The cause of Polish independence was,
no doubt, familiar to many, if not all of them, but
in eupport of the resolution he would briefly run
*Ter th© leading facts with respect to the partition