The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-27 00:00:00

Aberdeen is little better than an old woman, that
Lord Panmure thinks too much of " Dowb" and too
little of his duty to the country to be a eor an
efficient Minister in a time of national d :r ger ; that
speculation and peculation, jobbery a: d robbery,
0
pervade every department of the pu ervice ; and
that war, always deplorable and ed, is parti-
cularly horrible and unchristian when waged in de-
fence of such a rotten and effete institution as the
Turkish empire, which maintains slavery, and is
therefore no fit member of the comity of nations.
He is not aware, while speaking, that two officers of
the Grenadier Guards, disguised in citizen's attire,
have been sent to the meeting by the War-office to
take notes of his speech, and, having ended his ora-
tion, amid the enthusiastic applause of his audience,
goes home to supper. A few night afterwards, think-
ing no evil, and believing himself to be a citizen of a
free country, he retires quietly to bed as usual. But
his sleep is not permitted to be of long duration.
Shortly after midnight he is aroused by a violent
knocking at the outer door. He springs to his feet,
thinking the house is on fire, and rings the fire
alarm accordingly. His wife, children, and house-
hold gather in great alarm, in their night clothes,
on the stairs and passages. The outer door is bat-
tered in, and a company of soldiers enter, the cap-
tain with his sword in his hand, and each man pre-
sents a bayonet at the breast of the bewildered legis-
lator. The ladies and children scream or faint, while
Mr. Bright is told to dress immediately and consider
himself a prisoner. Mr. Bright dresses himself, bat
objects to go to prison. The generous blood of a
true-hearted Englishman rushes to his face, and he
declares that he will rather die defending his life
than yield to his lawless and brutal captors. His
words are vain. He is violently seized and hurried
through the streets to the railway station, where a
special train is in waiting to convey him to Bir-
mingham. On arrival he is locked up in a military
prison. Next morning he is brought before a court-
martial, composed of one brigadier-general, one
colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, three majors, and
two captains, and put on trial on a charge of sedition
and treason. He declines to acknowledge the juris-
diction of the court, and demands as a British sub-
ject to be tried before a civil judge and a jury of his
countrymen. His demand is haughtily, summarily
rejected, and the trial proceeds. The officers and
" gentlemen" who condescended to act the part of
spies for the Government detail and somewhat per-
vert the expressions which he used in denunciation
of the war and the conduct of the Administration ;
and after an investigation which lasts two days, Mr.
Bright is committed to prison until the judges agree
upon their verdict and decide whether he shall be
incarcerated till the war is over, banished to Russia
to live for the future among the friends withwhom he
sympathises, or summarily shot or hung. Would the
British people tamely submit to such a wrong in-
flicted even upon a much humbler person than John
Bright ? Would not the newspapers of all shades
of political opinion unite in expressing their indig-
nant displeasure ? And would not the House of
Commons and the House of Lords also ring with
denunciation of the act ? And, if these bodies were
not in Session, would not every city and town in

the empire hold immense public meetings to call
upon the Queen to dismiss from her councils the
unworthy Ministry who so degraded their function
and so grievously imperilled the pnblic peace ?
Every honest Englishman who values the inesti-
mable right of free discussion and the supremacy of
law will reply in the affirmative. Substitute the
name of Clement Laird Vallandigham for that of
John Bright,and the war against the South for the
war against Russia ; lay the scene in Ohio in 1863
instead of in England in 1854, and the imaginary
story becomes true; and every incident related is a
literal fact. Andwhat, it may be asked in England,
have the Americans done under the circumstances ?
They have done nothing. The leading newspapers
are silent. The leading people are so busily engaged
iii Making money that they have neither time nor
inclination to attend to such a trivial matter. A
meeting of Democrats held to protest against the
wrong is but thinly attended. Several clergymen
publicly from the pulpit approve the " vigour"
displayed by the Government, and rabid politicians
in petticoats express their unfeminine joy at the
arrest of so distinguished a Copperhead, and
hope that ha will be hanged or shot, as a warn-
ing to other evildoers who dare to speak of
peace. It may be objected to the comparison
between the imaginary case of Mr. Bright and the
actual case of Mr. Vallandigham that in the one it
is a foreign war which is in question, and in the
other a civil war. The distinction may be admitted
without damage to the inference. If a man be the
free citizen of a constitutional Government he has
the same right to criticise the acts of people in power
and the policy of the Administration, whether the
criticism apply to domestic or to foreign affairs. It
is only an arbitrary despotism that will deny such
right or punish its exercise.
The specification of the charges against Mr. Val-
landigham, as set forth by the Judge-Advocate,
might suggest the doubt not only whether America
is, but whether it had ever been, a free country :
" On or about the Ist of May, at Mont Vernon,
Knox County, in the State of Ohio, he, the said
Clement Laird Vallandigham, declared the present
war to be wicked, cruel, and unnecessary;' a war
for the purpose of crushing out liberty and erecting
a despotism ;" a war for the freedom of negroes and
the enslavement of white men;' and that if the
Government had so wished, peace might have been
honourably attained by listening to the proposed
intermediation of France." These were the main
points of the alleged treason, brought out in fuller
detail by the military spies who gave evidence before
the court. One of them, a captain, who trusted
partly to memory and partly to written notes, de-
clared that Mr. Vallandigham had said " that peace
might have been restored some months ago, the
Union saved by reconstruction, and the North (Mr.
Vallandigham said the South) won back and gua-
ranteed in its rights." It was also-declared by
Mr. Vallandigham,—" That the Federal armies
did not meet with success; that neither Richmond,
nor Charleston, nor Vicksburg was taken ; that
the Mississippi was not opened, nor would be,
as long as there was cotton to sell or contractors
to be rewarded ; that no more volunteers could
be had ; and that the Administration had to re-
sort to a French conscription Act." He added,
" that he would not counsel resistance to the mili-
tary or civil law, as that was not needed." Mr.
Vallandigham, it appears, explained at the close of
his speech that the legitimate and peaceful action
of the people at the polls was the true remedy for
misgovernment, and " advised the people to come
together to the ballot-box, at the appointed time,
and hurl the tyrant from his throne." It is as cer-

tain as that all men must die that if the forms of
American liberty last as long as Mr. Lincoln's term
of office, the agency of the ballot-box will consign
that unlucky functionary to private life, and elect
some other President in his stead; end why, in the
meantime, Mr. Lincoln should be greater than Pope
or Kaiser, and why it should be considered treason-
able to say of so comparatively small a person—
what no one ever thought it treasonable'to say of
so great a hero and patriot as George Washington
--is one of the many mysteries and anomalies that
will, perhaps, puzzle the future historian as much
as they puzzle all disinterested spectators of current
events. Altogether, Mr. Vallandigham's speech, as
reported by the military authorities who gave
and logical in argument, but
evi-
dence against him, was not only p
singularlyatriotic ifnrepe.urfproomse
treason or sedition ; and if improprietycould
df of expression on
which
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obappear
servant's conduct or policy,
ness, as the case may be, Amerinanilsibonity" foolish-
of the past, and the coming despot has but is
a thing
and make an end of its name as well as its
The swarm of returning volunteers whose term
of service has expired continues to encumber the
streets and draw the people out to make holyday.
Saturday, Sunday, and yesterday were all busy days
in this respect, and Broadway presented from sun-
rise to sunset the busy and festal appearance which
it might be imagined to exhibit if peace were re-
stored, and the conquering heroes by whose valour
it was won had come back with all their gory hon-

ours thick upon them to receive the gratitude of
the happy and exultant nation. But under the
of rejoicing was the skeleton of sadness, The
regiments that went out 1,000 or 1,200 strong re-
turn bronzed, weather-beaten, and hardy, but num-
bering scarcely more than 200 or 250, all the re-
mainder having perished in the shock of arms, or in
the more deadly perils of the swamp and the hos-
pital. The return of one regiment, the Duryea
Zouaves,' was particularly noteworthy. The men
took part, under General Hooker, in the deadly
struggle of Saturday, the 2d of May, at Chancel-
lorsville. Their time expired on the 3d of May,
and they insisted on going home, even though
Hooker's army required at the time every man who
could be made available. There was no means to
retain them in the service. They had fulfilled their
contract, and they called upon the Government to
do the same. Transportation was therefore pro-
vided for them, and the " heroes " left the battle-
field while the bloody fight was still raging, and
arrived in New York to receive the plaudits of their
admiring countrymen—none of whom seemed to
think it strange that the heroism had not been
stretched a little, so as to have included within the
sphere of its display the second as well as the first
day of Chancellorsville. It is a crime in the eyes
of the Lincoln Administration to discourage enlist-
ments, It may be asked whether all these " heroes"
are not virtually among the strongest discouragers
it is possible to find—and whether their strictly
legal—but, under the circumstances, somewhat
cowardly abandonment of their countrymen on the
field of battle was not a worse crime against the
safety of the Republic than Mr. Vallandigham's
" treason," even though Mr. Vallandigham had had
ten thousand tongues, instead of but one.
Postcript.—General Hooker has outdone Pope,
Bobadil, Munchausen, and himself in the matter of
bold, brazen, unblushing brag. In a congratula-
tory order to the Atmy of the Potomac, dated on
the 6th inst., but only made known to the public
of this city this evening by telegraphic despatch
from Falmouth, he claims a great victory over the
Confederates. Though he admits that the army
did not accomplish all that was expected, he thinks
that, as the army knows the reasons of its own
little failure, nobody has any right to complain or
criticise, and asserts that "it will give or decline
battle as its interest or honour may demand." He
also affirms that it will be "the guardian of its own
history and its own arms ;" and is of opinion that
it " has added new laurels to its former renown,"
because it " has made long marches, crossed rivers,
surprised the enemy in his entrenchments, and
whenever it has fought has inflicted heavier blows
than it has received." He claims to have " taken
from the enemy 5,000 prisoners, captured seven
pieces of artillery, placed hors de combat 18,000 of
his chosen troops, destroyed his depots, filled with
vast amounts of stores, damaged his communica-
tions, captured prisoners within his fortifications,
and filled his country with fear and consternation."
These are brave words, and General Hooker's
boasts almost assume the character of sublimity.
They take people's breath away to read them, and
compel the question whether the Army of the Poto-
mac is either deceived or pleased by them, whether
the rank and file are truly of opinion that their
commander is so mighty a man of war as he repre-
sents himself to be, or whether they would not
have a hundredfold more confidence in such a man
as M'Clellan than in such a vain blusterer as this.
General Hooker passes lightly over his own loss,
and is consoled for the death of his brave com-
panions, whose number he does not estimate,—
though other people place them as high as 20,000
or 25,000—" by the conviction that they have fallen
in the holiest cause ever submitted to the arbitra-
ment of battle." General Hooker should leave off
writing. If after such a piece of bombast he does not
immediately swallow up Gen Lee and all his force
he will be in a position ridiculous enough to ruin
any public man in any country in the world—ex-
cept America.

Mr. Roebuck, M.P., on the Recognition of

the South.

SHEFFIELD, Tuesday Evening.

A great open• air meeting was held in Paradise. square to -
day, to consider the advisableness of memorializing Govern-
ment to "use its good offices to procure a suspension of hos-
tilities between the North and South, with a view to an ar-
rangement of the difference between them." The meeting
was called, in pursuance of a requisition, by the Mayor (Mr.
J. Brown, and was attended by about 10,000 persons, in-
cluding all classes of the inhabitants. Mr. Roebuck had
been announced to address the meeting, and he was received
with considerable cheering. _ _ _

The MAYOR opened the proceedings by stating the object
of the meeting. He read a letter from Mr. George Hadfield,
NLP., who was unable to attend.

There was a good deal said before the meeting about the
shortness of the notice that had been given, and an attempt
was made to damage the character of the meeting on that
ground. The Mayor, however, explained that there had
been no unfairness, and that, in fact, the meeting had been
called for the last day on which Mr. Roebuck could attend.
The extreme Abolitionist party here, who have had
small meetings from time to time of t heir own party, and
carried votes in favour of the Federals, mustered strongly,
and moved an amendment on the present occasion; but
their opinions were obviously not acceptable to the vast
majority of the meeting.

The MAYOR called upon
Mr, ROERUCB—(cheers.)—Gentlemen, first and foremost
I hope you will excuse me for keeping my hat on. Now,
then, Mr. Mayor—(Here a drunken man, outside the crowd,
began delivering a speech on his own account.)—I think
that gentleman has begun rather too soon. (Loud cheers
and laughter.) (The man persisted in proceeding; and as
he had a most stentorian voice, it was hopeless for Mr.
Roebuck to attempt to go on. Finally, the oration was
cut short by the ruthless grasp of a policeman, who carried
the man off amid great laughter.) Now, gentlemen, the
question we are about to discuss is one of the highest
possible importance. The Mayor has asked me to attend
this meeting, for he tel.l me that you would be glad to hear
my opinions. (Hear, hear.) Those opinions shall be
frankly stated to you. It is my habit always to speak
out. If you don't like 'em, I can't help it. (Laughter.)
I have done my best to attain to what I conceive to be a
wise judgment, and you must hereafter decide whether you
coincide in it or not. It is to me a matter of great grati-
fication that you should pay such respect to me as to ask
me my opinion. I think that it is honourable to me and
honourable to you; for you have chosen a man in whom
you have confidence, and you are prepared to ask him his
opinion, letting him know at the same time that though
you will give it due weight, you still reserve to yourselves
the power—aye, and the responsibility—of judging for
yourselves. (Hear, hear.) Now, what is the question
which we have come here to discuss ? So far as lam con-
cerned, I can tell you that it is to me an entirely English
question. What I have to consider is what is for the inte-
rest of England. What is for her interest I believe to be
for the interest of the world. We hold such a position that
every step taken by England as a country reverberates
throughout the whole world, and influences the happiness
of every man. (" Hear," and a loud voice " No," followed
by cries of " Turn him out," and confusion.) Well, this
gentleman is so vehement a friend of peace that he won't
keep it. (Laughter,) I was about telling you the way in
which I propose to view this question. I look upon it simply
as an English question. What, then, are the circumstances
under which we are called upon to act? I will briefly de-
scribe thew, and beg you to bear with me while I do so, and
freely express my opinions to you. Those opinions have
have come
not been hastily formed : they are not crotchets of mine.
They are the result of long consideration of all the diffi-
culties hich
m they judgment question
incorrect
is
conclusion, surrounded.
the And
fu
Dda therefore
ltis n
o
i t
one of want of care that I have devoted to it. It is that in
the
weakness
to
ofan d
gment I have come to error, Judge
for yourselves whether I am in error, but listen while
I explain myself, (Hear, hear.) Many years ago Eng-
land planted great colonies in America, They raised them-
selves up to a great height. They became 3,000,000 of
people ; and they then determined to separate from Eng-
land. They declared that they had a right to separate when
they thought fit to do so. (Hear, hear.) They supported
that judgment of theirs by arms. They fought England;
they beat England (hear, hear); they declared themselves in-
dependent. (Hear, hear.) The consequence of that is, that
they established this great principle among mankind, that
when a people are determined to throw off a yoke, whatever
that yoke may be, if they have the power, they have the
right to do so. (Cheers, and" No, no I") As many as please
statingT h Then
n camewha what
Francel b e
alliance with our re.
lmt ioeavye aid. ctrhEyenmg‘ Na
England
France
oscie;s' tPed
enteredthaems these
nmpteoeorpae
an
people.
volted colonies. Thereupon we declared war against France,
We carried on that war. We were again beaten. We yielded
the independence of America, and we made peace with
France. Then again we established another great principle,
that when a people are fighting for their liberty, it is in the
power of any other State—any neutral Power—to ally them-
selves With the so fighting body. They have a right to do
not talking wildly. 1 am
so,
atiiiii justified doing
have the power to. maintain themselves. they
so. lam appealing to history.
have The facts are as I state. The con-
clusionsbeen drawn by mankind. Now, after above
80 years of alliance, the United States of America habe
separated in two. A. large body of these states, calling