The Sun.
London, England, 1863-08-10 00:00:00

NEW YORK, July 29.
As few people believe the confident assertion
of M. Secretary Stanton—published in an official
document, with his signature attached—that the
army of General Lee was utterly " routed" by
General Meade, and could not possibly escape into
Virginia unless in disorderly and demoralised frag-
ments, few people are surprised to learn that the
Confederate chief—repulsed, but not defeated—
has crossed the Potcmac at his leisure, with his
stores, his ammunition, his artillery, and the spoils
that he gathered in Pennsylvania; that he holds
all the lower gaps of the Blue Ridge Mountains,
where Gen. Meade cannot pursue him ; and that
he is in such strength end spirits as even yet to
olarm Mr. Stanton as well as Mr. Lincoln and
General Halleck for the iutnre safety of Washing.
ton. In other quarters the Confederates, though
greatly disae poiated and grieviously damaged, are
not disheartened. Vice-President Stephens speaks
words of cheer to the people, and will not despair
of the cause even if Charleston, Savannah, and
Mobile should be wrested from the Confederacy,
raid Richmond itself be doomed to suffer the pain
and humiliation of hostile occupation. Charleston
makes a gallant defence, and repulses the foe at
Fort Wagner with a slaughter of which it is
sickening to read. Yet the Northern people would
be sanguine of speedy success to their arms, not-
withstanding all these discouraging circumstances,
were it not for the character of the recent news from
Mexico. They believe that the establishment of a
monarchical form of government in that country
under the auspices of the Emperor of the French,
whether the new potentate be the Archduke Maxi-
milian of Austria or, on his refusal, Mr. Patterson
Bonaparte—or Bonaparte Patterson—will speedily
lead to the recognition of Mr. Jefferson Davis and
an alliance offensive and defensive between France,
Mexico, and the Southern Confederacy. They
know enough of the energy and determination of
the Southern people to acknowledge that it would
not, under these circumstances, bo necessary for
the Emperor of the French to send a single regi-
ment to America; that the South does not want
his military aid, but solely that of his navy,
to open the ports and procure for the people
that access to the outer world for want of which
they have been reduced, more than by any-
thing else, to their present state of suffering. For
the time being the Mexican news absorbs the main
interest of American politicians of the higher grade.
Those of the lower grade are as local and municipal
as usual, but every man who can calculate the
chances of the future a little more accurately than
his fellows is of opinion that the chances of South-
ern recognition by France, with or without the co-
operation of Great Britain, were never so favourable
as they are at the present moment, and that these
chances do not so much rest upon Federal victories
or reverses as upon the turn which events have
taken in the laud of Montezuma.
Mr. Seward and some of the leading members of
the Democratic party appear to cling to the notion
that the South, if it cannot be coerced, can be con-
ciliated, and that Mr. Lincoln has only to propose
a general amnesty, for which they think the time
exceedingly favourable; a withdrawal of the Pro-
clamation of Emancipation, and constitutional gua-
rantees for the perpetuation of slavery in the Cotton
States, to secure a reconstruction of the Union.
The hope is illusory. Even if the South would
accept the terms—which is not in the slightest de-
gree probable—the restored Union could not outlive
another four years' Presidency. Such a compro-
mise would heal nothing, settle nothing, be worth
nothing. The flames of civil war might smoulder
under the heap of rubbish thrown over them, but
would burst forth again with redoubled violence at
no distant period. It is asserted that Mr. Seward
has urged upon the President to make the attempt,
and whether the fact be or be not as stated, it is
clear that a very large proportion of the American ,
people do dearly prize the Union as to be willing
to consent even to such a humiliation as this would
be to restore it in its pristine strength and cohesion.
But the thing is impossible.
The question of the draught in this city is held in
abeyance. The attempt to enforce it will infallibly
lead to further disturbance. In the meantime the
interest attaching to the riots of the 13th, 14th,
15th, and 16th days of this month has not subsided.
Whether arising in a sudden outburst of popular
indignation against the slavery of enforced military
service, or secretly organised by leaders who have
had the wit and the good fortune to conceal their
names, their persons, and their mode of action, they
are likely in their consequences to exert great in-
fluence on that Northern revolution which the Go-
vernment appears to have resoved to accomplish.
The " Woollyheads," or Republicans, have long ac-
cused the " Copperheads," or Democrats, of having
instigated insurrection in favour of the South, while
the Democrats, on the other hand, have as loudly
accused the opposite party of fomenting and en-
couraging the worst excesses of the mob is order to
have a pretext for declaring martial law in this
city, and of overriding and ultimately superseding
the constitution of the State of New York. Both of
these charges are baseless. The riots, which were
formidable enough at one time to deserve the name
of an insurrection, and might have grown into a re-
volution had there been as much courage in civil as
there is iu military life ice this country, were really
the spontaneous growth at' popular disgust both with
the war and with the conscription, and the Federal
Government was not only sorry that they broke out
as they did, but was most anxious to turn them to
account in its cl,riing purpose of welding the North
into a homogeneous nation by the extinction of
State rights. But, astute as were the politicians of
Washington, they found their match in Governor
Seymour. Elected by the Democracy of the State
to defend State rights against Federal en-
croachments, he knew the importance of his posi-
tion and the necessity of defending it. The Governor
of Pennsylvania, receiving little or no aid from the
Federal Government in his attempt to arrest the
progress of General Lee, had applied in his distress
to the Governor of New York, who had responded
to
his call by sending some of his best militia regi-
ment,
-wheu the
oChambersburg and other points of danger.
returnee riots broke out these regiments had not
of trooepe.
'and New York was consequently denuded
longed such few as remained in the city ba-
the comma to th: Federal Government, and were under
officer. Gsvaer of Major-General Wool, a Federal
danger, via,
411 nor Seymour having no suspicion of
on the coast oe _iat at an Atlantic watering place
out. The lanaysrZwthJersey when the riots broke
at first that the pc e city, Mr, Opdyke, imagined
and preserve order,ebet would be sufficient to restore
and the skiest as the insurrection extended
weprepirieedad:oned With the glare of burn-
ing houses, he a
of the Federal troops, „a:eneral Wool for the aid
absence of the State militiagniinitnpenanseyaivarueazn
i‘tihre.
Opdyke thus admitted that
the business of
the State authorities, and netweasfotthi;
vernment to maintain the peace Federal Go-
admission that will doubtless be remembereddes.
Yorkt—o
being
-01ffirecetfoorentthere
disadvantage hereafter, should he
into any fresh contracts with the War
supply of military clothing. General aerool
to the request ; but not having troops
enougriceded t
Federal forts in the harbour and elsewhere torlotee
with a riot that began to assume the most alarraLg
proportions, he made application to the Commander-
in-Chief of the Sovereign State of New York—that
is to say, to Governor Seymour, for the aid of such
militia as still remained within the remoter limits
of,the State, or that he could muster at sudden call
for the defence of society threatened with anarchy.
General Wool did what was entirely right, legal,
and constitutional under the circumstances, but he
grievously offended the Federal Government, as will
more fully appear hereafter. Governor Seymour
called out his militia reserves. General -Wool con-
tributed his services, and both forces were placed
by Governor Seymour under the command of
Major-General Sandford—a State, not a Federal
officer—and everything seemed to promise that,
with unity of counsel and of purpose, the insurgents
and the thieves who had joined their ranks would
be speedily dispersed or captured. At this stage of
the proceedings—late on Monday evening—a 110 W
actor appeared on the scene, Brigadier-General