The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—There can now be no doubt of the mag-
nitude of the Polish insurrection. The dates and
the names of places cannot err. The column of
Polish news and a map of the country are enough
to show how widespread is the revolt, and how
little progress has been made in suppressing it, in
spite of alleged victories over the insurgents. We
cannot but expect that public opinion in England
will be much moved by the news of these events.
This generation has been brought up in the belief
that the partition of Poland was the greatest of
modern political crimes. It has also been accus-
tomed to look upon the particular Government of
the late Emperor Nicholas as harsh and vindictive
beyond the precedents of the most despotic
monarchies. The right of the Poles to throw off
so oppressive a yoke, and the duty of sympa-
thising with them, and, if possible, assisting
them, has passed into the creed of every liberal
Englishman ; and however strong may have been
the feelings of men on this subject years ago, they
have been made still stronger, first by the Russian
War, and then by the spectacle of Italy successfully
winning her freedom from a Government much less
oppressive than that of the Czar. How, then, shall
we ask our countrymen to act at such a time as
the present P It is a difficult question, for England
has little influence with the Government which has
driveii the Poles into rebellion, and she has no
direct power. In the heart of Europe, far beyond
the reach of Western fleets or armies, the Impe-
rial troops are fighting with hasty levies of
Polish citizens, or peasants led by men whose
bold spirit or the possession of a military train-
ing has marked them out for command. The
first impulse of a people like our own is to meet
and protest against the violation of human rights,
or to demand of the Government that it should take
some steps to make the national opinion known at
St. Petersburg. But a Government has a very plain
and decided path of duty. Experience has shown
how impolitic, how undignified, how mischievous, it
is for statesmen in office to make themselves the
mouthpiece of national indignation or irritability.
It is for the people, for the press, for private men in
Parliament to express sympathy and antipathy; but
for Ministers of the Crown there is one golden rule
in foreign policy—either to do something or to say
nothing. The curses instead of the blessing of re-
volutionists have been on this country many times
during the present century because high officials
by imprudent language have held out hopes which
could never be realised. The speakers meant no-
thing but to express in vigorous terms public opi-
nion at home, or to rebuke a high-placed evildoer
on some continental throne. But those who are
in the heat of a revolution and whose fate is trem-
bling in suspense cannot make allowances for Mi -
nisters who are also members of Parliament and
accustomed to make popular harangues. They think
that the land of liberty is about to interveneactively
in their favour, and when they find that all the de-
monstrations meant nothing, and that the eloquent
statesmen content themselves with a smartly writ-
ten despatch, they not unnaturally accuse England
of selfishness and deception, if not of truckling to
absolute power. We may hope, therefore, that if
Mr. Hennessy or any other private member brings
the subject of Poland before the House of Commons
the Governmentwill meet the question prudently and
with a sense of this responsibility. It is just be-
cause we think it the duty of civilised nations to
do their best to bring to an end the long agony of
a brave people that we would deprecate any rheto-
rical commonplaces about liberty and despotism and
the iron domination of the Czar. In this respect
the conduct of the French Government, with which
we should have to act in any remonstrance, might
wisely be taken as a guide. It may be said that
the Emperor Napoleon has shown himself too favour-
ably disposed to Russia, and that his Minister the
other day checked rather too unfeelingly the sym-
pathies of the Assembly with the Polish cause. But
we cannot condemn this conduct when we remem-
ber how little was done by the annual protests of
the Chamber of Deputies in Louis Philippe's time,
and by that Monarch's ostentatious ratification of
them. Nothing went more to give Nicholas a be-
lief in his own strength, and to encourage him in
assuming an arrogant tone towards Europe, than
the spectacle of the first Continental Power and its
chosen dynasty thus showing their impotence to
help his rebellious subjects, The French Emperor,
perhaps, has no intention of interfering even by
amicable counsels. It may be that when the dis-
cussion took place two or three days ago the Govern-
ment was not yet aware of the serious character of
the insurrection. But even now it may think
that the Russian army, with its numbers, its dis-
cipline, and its resources, must shortly crush the
bands that have risen up against it. To do anything
effectual for Poland must be to carry armies half
over Europe, and first to fight the German Powers
which shared the guilt and the spoil of the par-
tition. Influenced by these considerations, it
may be that Napoleon will do nothing for the
Poles; but whatever may be his intentions, we
cannot blame his Government from refraining
from any premature anti-Russian demonstrations,
and we trust our own will follow its example.
Far be it, however, from us to suggest that this
opportunity of redressing the greatest of European
wrongs should be allowed to pass away unused. It
is impossible to read the intelligence which comes to
us from Poland without feeling that the present is
one of those great national struggles which ought
not to be suppressed in blood. Nor are we without
other provinces of
i
some reason for supposing that
the empire are almost wearied other
revolt. In Poland
itself it is difficult to conceive how an insurrection
could have been so well planned, and should have
broken out so suddenly and so successfully, unless
something like disaffection existed among the troops
who had been so posted, after the experience of many
previous revolts, as to act with the best advantage
against the population. The changes through which
Russia is passing and the personal character of the
Emperor combine with the resolution of the Poles
to encourage a hope that the Russian Government
might be disposed to make concessions. The peace
of Poland, the esteem of Europe, and the progress
of Russia herself require that the scandalous ri-
gour of the Warsaw Government should be abated.
Is it out of the power of nations like England and
France to recommend these necessary reforms? We
think it is not, and that the goodwill of Prussia
and Austria might possibly be secured for such a
scheme. At least, the opinions of the civilised West
might be deliberately made known to the Czar, and

then on him would rest the acceptance or rejection
of its advice.

DAILY NEWS.—A paragraph in the notices of
motion printed in our summary of Parliamentary
business yesterday discloses a little corner of Mr.
Gladstone's forthcoming Budget. The duties on
tobacco and snuff are to be reduced. At present
these duties yield nearly one-fourth (£5,604,032)
of the total revenue (£24,000,0n0) derived from
customs duties. Our financiers have always treated
these luxuries as articles which they were war-
ranted in taxing as heavily as possible, without that
tender regard for the interests of the consumer
which is just when duties on articles of necessity,
such as sugar and tea have become, are in Question.
Accordingly a customs duty 3s. ltd. per lb., equal to
900 per cent. on the value, is levied on unmanu-
factured tobacco, and a duty of 9s. 51al. per lb. on
imported cigars and snuff. An agitation for a re-
duction of these duties in the interest of the con-
sumer is perhaps what nobody would think of at-
tempting. Not but that there is a great deal to be
said of injustice and inequality in the levying of the
tax on various classes of the community, since the
real Havannah and the cheap and nasty cigar, the
one worth ls., the other 10s. or lls. per lb., pay the
same duty. However, we do not expect to hear the
Chancellor of the Exchequer proposing a reduction
of the duties in committee on these grounds. We
rather anticipate that, like his predecessors, he will
consider it right to levy as large an amount of duty
as he can from tobacco, and will recommend a re-
duction of the rate as a protection to the revenue,
and indeed as a means of increasing it. Mr. Glad-
stone proposes to reduce the duty on foreign cigars
from 9s. 51d. to ss. per lb., And on snuff from
9s. 51d. to 3s. per lb., while other manufactured
tobacco is to pay 4s. He further proposes that
" unmanufactured tobacco warehoused in any
warehouse approved for security of duties
of Customs may, in such warehouse, be
manufactured or converted into the articles
denominated cavendish or negrohead tobacco;
and upon every pound thereof produced by such
manufacture or conversion there shall be charged
and paid on the delivery thereof for home consump-
tion the Customs duty of 3s. 81" Some change in
this direction is necessary if we are not to lose the
large revenue we now derive from these articles,
and with it the means of absolving more impor-
tant commodities from excessive burdens. Under
the present system of duties the revenue from
tobacco and snuff is languishing. It does not par-
take of the elasticity and movement common to the
revenue derived from other articles which enter
into general consumption. The duty is checking
consumption, or at least what for fiscal purposes is
the same thing, it is checking the consumption of
the duty-paid article. In their report for 1861 the
Commissioners of Customs show that while in the
preceding year the consumption of currants rose 33
per cent., of spirits 11 per cent., of refined sugar 6
per cent., of tea 6 per cent., and of coffee 3 per cent.,
that of tobacco rose only 1 per cent. For the ten
years 1850-1860 (air importation of manufactured
tobacco stood still, and since the latter date it has
been falling off. Nobd.y believes that we actually
consume less tobacco than we formerly did; the
falling off arises from the evasion of duty. Our
high rates place a premium upon smuggling and
adulteration. The Report of the I.2ommissioners of
Customs are full of stories, some of them very enter-
taining, of the ingenuity by which the revenue laws
are evaded in respect of these articles. Against the
professional smuggler precaution may be taken, but
when the bulk of our seafaring' population, and
nearly all the people who bang about the shipping
in port, dabble in smuggling as an occasional occu-
pation, it is another matter. Indeed, our revenue
officers admit that they cannot prevent the smug-
gling of tobacco while the inducements to it are so
great. The true remedy for this state of things,
injurious alike to the public treasury and public
morals, is that which was pointed out by Mr.
Hume's Committee in 1844; it consists in reducing
the rate of duties to such a point as that smuggling
may become unprofitable, while the loss to the re-
venue will be repaired by the increase in the quan-
tities of the commodity brought to duty. We have
reduced Customs duties for various reasons of late
years—some in order to encourage trade, some to
lighten the burden to the taxpayer; these tobacco
duties need alleviating for the sake of the public
revenue. The enormous consumption of tobacco
leaves not the least room for doubting that an aug-
mentation of the revenue would follow the proposed
change.
HERALD.—The Duke of Saxe-Coburg has defi-
nitely declined the throne of Greece. The an-
nouncement jars strangely with the report that Mr.
Elliot had intimated the consent of the Duke to the
Greek Provisional Government. But from Lord
Palmerston's explanations last night it may now be
assumed that his Royal Highness is not likely to
change his mind again ; and that, notwithstanding
Duke Ernest's desire to oblige Earl Russell, who did
sot-disant Liberal Germany a good turn in his
Schleswig despatch, and who has set his heart upon
giving the Greeks a King of his own choosing, the
throne of Greece is still vacant. The terms of the
Duke seem, indeed, to have been so exorbitant, or
his determination not to " change' his position" so
strong, that Earl Russell at one time broke off the
negotiation and looked elsewhere for an eligible
Sovereign. Aud now the gift has dropped from his
hands; he is once more in search of a constitutional
King. We shall not be surprised to find him re-
turning toKing 0 the, and recommending the Greeks
to make a third trial of that unfortunate Sovereign.
Possibly the lonian Islands may bribe them into
accepting his lordship's dictation. For our own part
we were not so confident as our contemporaries pro-
fessed to be, that the Greeks would ratify Earl Rus-
sell's undertakings. They gave him no commission
to choose them a Sovereign ; and the particular per-
sons he had selected as King and Crown Prince
were, for very good reasons, especially objectionable
to them. The Great Powers, in recognising the
Provincial Government, have recognised the
right of the Greeks to choose their King, and have
undertaken to recognise any King whose election
should not be a violation of treaties or an encour-
agement to revolution and aggression on Turkey.
The Greeks elected Prince Alfred, but the English
Government intimated to them that the Print:e
could not accept the throne. The Greeks did tut
reply by asking the English Government to procure
them some other King. Earl Russell has acted
precisely as if they had given him that commis-
sion. He picked out King Ferdinand of Portugal,
and declared him King. When Ferdinand de-
clined he elected the Duke of Saxe Coburg ; on the
Duke's refusal he selected Prince Leiningen—and
then he came back to the Duke, and presented him
anew to the Greeks as their King. The Greeks
we expected would resent this interference with
their independence, and would resent more espe-
cially the selection. The Duke of Saxe-Coburg is
an able and upright prince ; he is connected with
the Royal family of England. But these merits will
scarcely weigh against his nationality, his age, and
his unfortunate want of children. The Greeks
learned in the reign of Otho to hate Germany and
the Germans. What they most congratulate them-
selves upon in this bloodless revolution was that
they had done for ever with Germany ; and yet
they were asked to take another German Sovereign,
to bear the presence of another shoal of German
councillors and courtiers. They wanted a King for
whom they could feel some enthusiasm ;
,they
wanted a young man, as ho, living in Greece, mak-
ing it his country, might imbibe something of
Greek feelings ; a King who, although not born a
Greek himself, might found them a Greek dynasty
—a King from whom there might spring princes
born on the Greek soil, bred up in Greek traditions
and customs, knowing no other home than Greece,
no other passion and interest than its glory and
prosperity. They were offered a King whose age
prohibits enthusiasm, who told them plainly enough
that he did not care about them, and that he thought
their sovereignty a somewhat thankless task; a
King whose affections and interests, much of whose
time, must have been devoted to his other posses-
sions, and who is childless. The only chance for
the Duke of Saxe-Coburg was, that the English
Government made his election the price of the cession
of the lonian Islands. To gain that increase of
territory the Greeks might accept a Sovereign whom
they disliked in the hope that they would soon have
4

Births.

BRADSHAW.—On the 7th inst., at Arno's-grove, South"
gate, the wife of Captain Bradshaw, R.N., H. 111.5
Severn, of a son.

ELRINGTON.—On the 7th inst., the wife of Col. Elringtolit
Rifle Brigade, of a daughter.
GWYNNE.—On the 6th inst., at Brecon, Mrs. Edmund

Gwynne, of a son.
MILNE.—On the Bth inst., the wife of Jas. Dundas
Esq., R.N., of a son.

Marriages.

COOPE—BUTTERY.—On the 7th inst., at St. Georgeta
Queen. square, Robert Coope, Esq., of St. Louis, Ar"
U.S., to Maria Ann, daughter of the late Chas. Butterit
of Cloudesley-square, Islington.
MOENS—HILL.—On the sth Dec.' at Bareilly, India, Alai
Moens, Esq., 8.A., Bengal C.S., to Emma Monteith:
daughter of Lieut.-Col. G. M. Hill, Accountant-Geubrgh
for Bengal.