The Sun.
London, England, 1863-05-01 00:00:00

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valip
_

LOIW°N, FRIDAY, MAY 1, 1863.

Last night on the order for reading the Cus-
toms and Inland Revenue Bill a second time,
Lord R. CECIL took occasion to advert to clause
of the bill, which proposed to impose a new
charge upon the people. Tile noble lord said le
was anxious to call the attention of the house to
the hasty and unprecedented measure in which
the right hon. gentlemen sought to proceed with
this measure. This was the first time an attempt
bad been made to tax charitable funds that
were devoted to the sustenance of the poor.
There was no precedent in our Legislation for
such a tax, and therefore it ought to have been
very carefully considered, and the fullest scope
should have been allowed for its discussion. In
stead of that the iChancellor of the Exchequer
was proceeding so hastily, that if he was left
unchecked they would not discuss the question at
all till Monday, and then in its final stage as it
were. He hoped the House would not allow an
unprecedented tax to pass without having it fully
discussed. There was great truth in all that the
noble lord said, and it is most satisfactory
that the question should be taken up at
once, before it is too late to adopt preventive
measures. There was a considerable discussion on
the point, and several hon. members spoke most
strongly on the vexatious course pursued by Mr.
GLADSONE in seeking to deprive the poor of the
benefits derived from these institutions. Mr. GLAD.
STONE spoke in his most unyielding style, and cer-
tainly chose a novel argument in support of his
tavel experiment in Enance. He said that the
ground upon which the Government was prepared
to stand was simply the ground of justice. This
shtraordinary statement even as proceeding from
the Chancellor of the Exchequer was properly re-
futed by Mr. HENLEY. He said, "it was the first
time he had heard it was just to rob the poor." This
was received with cheers. He said, " they had had
considerable pressure in the country from the in-
come tax. Many of them were able to recollect
it for the last 60 years, and during that period
that view of justice was never taken till it
came into the mind of the right hon. gentleman,
whose sense of justice it was to take something
from the poor, the halt, the lame, and the blind.
That was a new system of justice—a new code of
morality—which he hoped the right hon. gentle.
men would give them time to digest." Mr.
GLADSTONE deserves to be told the truth, for he has
been wanting in consideration towards those who
above all others should have engaged his care, and
thought. Mr. BAGWELL said that the Catholic
Church in Ireland was supported by voluntary con-
tributions, and the Catholic charities were on the
same footing. He warned the Government that they
would be only increasing their unpopularity in
Ireland, if they persisted in this measure, and im-
posed a further tax upon a country which could
vith difficulty bear its present burden. Mr. WAL-
nix pointed out an error made by Mr. GLAD-
STONE in stating that St. Bartholomew's Hospital
would only pay £7OO out a property of £36,000,
whereas the sum paid would be upwards of £l,OOO
a year, To this Mr. GLADSTONE replied that when
Ise stated the amount he did not mean absolutely to
be tied to £lOO, This is an unworthy subterfuge on
the part of a Minister. No one who is aware of
Mr. GLADSTONE'S facility in figures will believe
that he could not easily have ascertained such a
simple fact as the foregoing, and the result is the
snore dubious as the mistake made by the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer was to the advantage of his
argument. There was no good in Mr. CARDWELL
expressing such virtuous indignation against Mr.
HENLEY for his remarks on the Chancellor of the
Exchequer endeavouring to extract "something
from the poor, the halt, the lame, and the
blind," since nothing could controvert the fact.
It is earnestly to be trusted that next Mon-
day, when Mr. GLADSTONE finally proposes
this scheme, he will be defeated. He, has] de-
clared that he will stand or fall by its justice.
l;urely no arguments are needed to prove the falsity
of this plea. If Mr. GLADSTONE is mistaken
enough to make a decided resistance to the general
feeling expressed on both sides of the House on
1 his question, he is ranging his followers to fight
in a cause in which it is unworthy of them as
Englishmen to wish to succeed. This is not a party
question, it is not a subject of political differences,
it is not invested with public prejudice, and it is
not put forward by private partizanship, but it is
general and comprehensive. Philanthropy is of
no country, and requires no distinction of creeds.
Its work is met with everywhere—

"From realm to realm, with cross or crescent crowned,
Wbere'or mankind and misery are found."
It is because this new proposition of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer militates
against the workings of that blessed
influence and impedes the sacred cause of charity,
that we would invoke the aid of those able to
'aPPotte the measure to do so with all their might
a
in secure that, if they fail, they will be
honourable position than their con-
querors. if they thicceed, they will have the

I satisfaction of feeling that they have done their
part to ease the burdens, lighten the sorrow, and
assaug© the sufferings of those whom Providence,
for some wise purpose, has placed beneath them
here in temporal advantages, but who are heirs of
the same eternal and glorious privileges that they,
as Christians, trust to enjoy hereafter.

It is not surprising that in the address recently
issued by JEFFERSON DAVIS to the Confederate
States, the Southern President should speak with
same degree of pride of the achievements of the
young Republic. The close of the second year of
the war leaves the Confederacy, which began the
contest against such desperate odds, possessed of the
vantage ground which the mere fact of having held
out so long against all the forces of the North must
give them, Besides this general gain, and the
strength they derive from their moral recognition by
Europe, they have obtained substantial advantages,
of which President DAVIS reminds his people.
The naval achievements of the Confederates may
well be their proudest boast, for on the very point
in which their deficiencies:were most manifest, they
have won the greatest distinction. "We began
this struggle," says President DAVIS, "without a
single gun afloat, while the resources of our enemy
enabled them to gather fleets which, according to
their official list, published in August last, con-
sisted of 437 vessels, measuring 840,086 tons, and
carrying 3,026 gnus ; yet we have captured, sunk,
or destroyed a number of these vessels, including
two large frigates and one steam-sloop of war,
while four of their captured steam gunboats are
now in our possession, adding to the strength of
our little navy, which is rapidly gaining in num-
bers and efficiency."
In no respect have the Confederates proved their
English origin more completely than in the skill
and aptitude of their seamen, labouring as they
did under every disadvantage. The exploit at
Charleston, which raised the boasted blockade for
a few hours, showed the daring of the besieged as
well as their seamanship; and no part of the failures
of the North has been more mortifying to them
than their naval defeats and disappointments.
It is the spirit, unanimity, and resolution of the
Southern States that has won them the sympathy
of this country. At the outbreak of hostilities we
were prejudiced against the Confederates by their
perversity in upholding their right to their atro-
cious " domestic institution ;" but it was not long
before we perceived that the war had no claim to be
considered a war for abolition. It was a war for mo-
nopoly and priority on the one hand, and for inde-
pendence on the other; and the resolution and per-
severance which have upheld the South through
the dreary months when, according to the admission
of President DAVIS, they were compelled to refuse
thousands of volunteers for lack of arms, and many
of their strongholds owed their safety to the care-
ful concealment of the fact, that there was no supply
of powder for the protecting cannon. The people
of the Southern States have cause to remember with
pride, that " to oppose invading forces, which have
already exceeded 1,300,000 men, they had no
resources but the unconquerable valour of a people
determined to be free;" and the tremendous ob-
stacles they have successfully surmounted, prove
that they belong to a race worthy of some-
thing better than the defence of a traffic
which disgraces humanity. After touching on
other topics connected with the war, in all of which
he finds grounds for hope and confidence, Presi-
dent DAVIS goes on to appeal to the patriotism of
his people. He begs them not to be deluded
by false expectations of speedy peace, to
forget that the recent disastrous seasons
have reduced the supplies of the army,
far below the ordinary level. He charges them,
therefore, to contribute to the efficiency of the troops
and the maintenance of their brave soldiers, by de-
voting their fields for this season, at least, to the
production of food for man and beast. " Let corn,"
he adds, " be sowed broadcast for fodder in immediate
proximity to railroads, rivers, and canals, and let all
your efforts be directed to the prompt supply of
these articles in the districts where our armies are
operating." Ho also calls upon the people to
assist in procuring a good supply of meat
for the army, which various circumstances have
contributed to keep out of the market. By
this President DAVIS shows, as he has often
shown before, his capacities for statesmanship, and
certainly he has more cause to feel satis-
fied with the result of his two years of
Presidency than his northern rival has. Let
us hope that when success eventually crowns
the efforts of Southern gallantry, they will show
themselves as worthy to prosper in peace as to
conquer in war by loosening the fetters of the
slave, and thus gradually placing themselves in the
front rank of civilisation and freedom.

Our colonial policy has of late been frequently
under discussion, and we are not surprised that,
under existing circumstances, the military defence
of Canada and New Zealand should have been
brought under the consideration of the House of
Commons. Nothing very new was elicited on Tues-
day night by Mr. MlLLs's motion for the produc-
tion of the recent correspondence on this subject
between the Colonial-office and the Governors -
General ; but it is well for the matter to be openly
discussed and fairly considered. It appears to us,
however, that hon. members enter on these debates
in a spirit somewhat hostile and antagonistic to the
colonies, not sufficiently weighing the difficulties
with which young and unsettled countries have to
contend, nor allowing for the many drawbacks
which our own narrow and shortsighted policy has
placed in their way. We have recently seen an
eloquent and able pamphlet " from the pen of the
Hon. JOSEPII HOWE, Premier of Nova Scotia,
which sets forward very clearly and forcibly the
colonial side of the question ; and although some
allowance must necessarily be made for natural feel-
ing and association, he certainly makes out a strong
case. We commend the attentive study of the facts
he adduces, to the consideration of all interested in
the matter, since it is only just and reasonable to
hear both sides of a case. Mr. HowE expresses,
in the strongest terms, the attachment of the North
American colonies to the mother country. He de-
scribes them as proud of the connection, rejoicing
in England's success, ar.d sympathising with
,her
sorrow; contented with the laws under which tney
live, satisfied with the system of administration,
and glorying in their share of the arts, science,
and literature of the Empire. He complains, how-
ever,
that England does not meet this warmth of
feeling with a cordial return ; that " Norway and
Wurtemberg, with their million and a half of people
—Saxony, with its two millions—even Oldenburg
and Brunswick, with their quarter of a million,
are treated in England with a deference and dis-
tinction never accorded in this country to the
North American provinces with their four millions."
He complains, also, that although California is re-
presented at Washington, and Algeria at Paris, no
delegate from the English colonies is permitted
to represent their interests in the English
Parliament. Thriving as are the fortunes of
the North American colonies at. present, Mr.
Howe says with justice that they might
be in a very different position had not the home
legislation fettered their energies and restricted

their development. For sixty years after the esta-
blishment of the Independence of the United States
the colonies were hampered by petty interference.
" We could not change an officer, reduce a salary,
or impose a duty, without the permission of Down-
ing-street. The Republicans could open mines in
any part of their country. Our mines were locked
up until seven years ago by a close monopoly held
in (his country by the creditors of the Duke of
YORK." Those; who gazed with admiration at the
marvellous specimen of Nova Scotian coal in the
Exhibition, adds Mr. Howe, would have been
surprised to know that, for half a century, the
colonies could not dig a ton of it without
asking leave of half a dozen capitalists in this
metropolis_ This was the second of the three stages
of our colonial government referred to on Tuesday
evening by Mr. ADDERLEY. Had the co'onies then
possessed the advantages now accorded them, had
emigration been turned in that direction, had no
monopoly of any kind been allowed, nor the fine
district of country, now known as British Columbia,
been left to the marten and the trapper, the popu-
lation and resources of the British North American
colonies would show very different results. What
a lesson is conveyed in the statistics of the shipping
of one Nova Scotian port alone, as given in the Yar-
mouth Tribune ! The tonnage owned in the
port of Yarmouth in the year 1822 was 3,000
tons ; in 1832, 4,318 tons ; but, in 1839, Lord
RUSSELL conferred the boon of self-government
•
on the provinces, and in the next decade the figures
rose to 13,765. The recent increase is even
more remarkable—the tonnage in 1862 showing an
advance of more than 26,000 upon that of 1852.
Mr. HOWE busies himself to show that the force
furnished by the Canadians is fully commensurate
with the military preparations of England in the
days of the great Armada, when her population bore
more resemblance to that of Canada than it does at
present. This is hardly fair, considering the ad-
vance made in every respect since those days, and
the independent legislation accorded to the colonies.
More plausible is his argument, that the young
Canadians are trained to field work and field sports
from childhood ; they are inured to exposure and
ready in resource; "they can camp in the woods
in half an hour without the aid of canvas, and
hut themselves in the winter anywhere where wood
is to be had." Such training is by no means des-
picable; it lays the foundation upon which the
superstructure of military drill is easily raised, and
Mr. HOWE, who suggests the co-operation of
English and British North American troops, says
with truth, that the young recruits would as speedily
acquire the necessary discipline and routine from
experienced soldiers, as the latter would learn
from them the knowledge so indispensable amid
the snows of Canadian winters. Our author in his
advocacy of colonial public spirit and energy, re-
minds us of the achievements of the Provinces in
the war of 1812-15, in the defence of Quebec and

at Chateaugay. In reference to the latter he quotes
the words of General SMITH, who says that the
action "is remarkable as having been fought on
the British side almost entirely by Canadians. The
Republicans were repulsed by a very inferior num-
ber of Canadian Militia and of troops raised in
Canada," thus affording, he adds, a practical proof
of the good dispositions of the Canadians, and of the
possibility of improving thier militia so as to render
them fully equal to American troops. From the
annals of his own particular colony Mr. HOWE cites
another instance. On the occasion of the dispute
respecting the north-eastern boundary, Governor
FAIRFIELD called out the militia of Maine to settle

the question by invading New Brunswick. The
Nova Scolians waited for no assistance from
England, but revised their militia law in a single
day, and gave their Governor powers " to spend
every pound of revenue and call out every
man in defence of the sister province." The
memories of that affair may perhaps be more grati-

fying to the colonists than they are to Englishmen ;
but President Lincoln and his war advisers may be
very sure that when " the day of retribution" they
talk of so often, comes at last, that mistake will be
rectified, together with a good many others, and
Portland and Maine will swell the extent of those
British. American provinces which Mr. HOWE is
justly proud of.
With regard to the vexed question of expense,
Mr. HOWE remarks that the real cost of the war of

1812 fell upon the colonies. It was a war, he re•
minds us, into which they were precipitated without
their knowledge or consent, and he bids us to pie.
tura the wars of the Roses come back again in Eng.

land, and then to calculate the cost of the campaign.
Mr. HOWE has justice on his side when he pleads
that because the old Thirteen Colonies defended

themselves against a few thousand French and
Indians, the five provinces of British America are
not to be expected to fight twenty or

thirty States, with a population of thirty
millions. He brings forward an argument, too,
which carried great weight in the House,
that as the colonies are liable to be plunged into
wars, in which they have no interest, by the policy
of the mother country, it is but fair that they
they should look to her for help. In fact, the
duties and advantages are reciprocal, and Mr.
HowE, while stating his own case very ably, does
not do full justice to the numerous advantages
which the colonies derive from their connection

with the mother country. The shadow of English

sovereignty sweeping across the seas is a stronger

'ortification on their coasts than forts and arsenals.

The fame of her sword, sheathed though it be at

present, deters the boldest aggressor. Mr. BUXTON

ustly observed that had it not been for England

being in the background, the long arm of Russia

might ere this have been stretched out to grasp the

❑orthern part of Canada.

The wise and

equitab e Government which the colonists en-
joy, free thought, free speech, free action—the

countless blessings of civil and religious liberty are

not to be lightly estimated in the debtor and credi-
tor account. At the same time, we do not under-

value those magnificent possessions which have

raised our country from a kingdom into an empire;
and have given us representatives and kinsmen to
share our language and represent our interests in
every habitable zone. Let both sides come forward

with hearty goodwill, and matters will be amicably
settled. Let the colonists furnish their due con-
tingents, and, above all, train their militia without
an hour's delay for effective field service, as well
as mere casual volunteering, and let the mother
country not begrudge her help to those who are
willing to help themselves. In one important
point,
at least, the colonists mny undeceive them-
selves. In spite of the extravagant theories of
Mr. GOLDWIN SMITH and the absurd arguments of
Mr. WILLIAMS, Nho seems to narrow his policy to
the old adage of " a penny saved is a penny gained,"

Englishmen are not disposed to surrender the links
that bind them to their kinsme❑ in other latitudes.

The angry opposition called forth toy the proposed
surrender of the protectorate of the lonian Islands,
which certainly brought us no profit, may give

these politicians some idea of what would be the
sentiments of Englishmen should a severance of
the ties which bind our noble colonies to us be
seriously proposed. No British statesman would

recommend so suicidal a policy, but if he did, he
would assuredly encounter the indignant opposi-
tion of the whole British public.

• the Hon J Letter
eto ti M
ht Hon. C. B. Adderley, X., by
plz R
he R
ford, owe) Premier of Nova Scotia, Stan-