The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-25 00:00:00

the whole question. For example, Austria and
Prussia being already committed to the Treaty of
1852, it would be extremely difficult, at the least,
for those Powers to commence hostilities with
Denmark on the avowed ground of supporting the
House of Augustenburg ; although the intelli-
gence of our correspondent at Paris, as will be seen
in another column, is that they have actually
adopted the pretensions of Prince Frederic. But
there would still remain the question of the alleged
infraction of her engagements by Denmark in Hol-
stein and Lauenburg ; and the new question started
only a week ago, of the incorporation of Schleswig.
into the Danish monarchy, by virtue of the common
constitution granted on the 18th inst. to Denmark
and Schleswig. It is difficult to suppose that a
Federal invasion, to which Austria and Prussia '
should be parties, would openly bear the character
of an act designed to violate the Treaty of
1852; but it is not so difficult to entertain the
contingency of an invasion, under a specious as-
sumption of Federal prerogative, which should
at last have the result of enforcing the claims
of the present pretender or some other play-
thing in the hands of the Frankfort Diet.
Thus we learn that the Courts of Vienna and
Berlin have already delivered a protest to this
Federal body against the common constitution just
granted to Denmark and Schleswig. This act of
Christian IX. they resent as a violation of German
rights, inasmuch as they claim Schleswig as an tap-
panage of Holstein, and disavow its constitutional
connection with Denmark. Independently, more-
over, of this new grievance, there were, as we all
know, anterior grounds of complaint on which a
Federal execution in Holstein, and not improbably
an invasion of Schleswig also, was designed before
the recent death of Frederic VII. If, therefore, the
Germans now resolve to invade Denmark in earnest,
it is with them rather a case of an embarrass de
rzehesse as to which pretext they shall adopt, than
one in which they are absolutely driven upon an
outward adoption of that capat mortuuna the Prince
of Augustenburg. King Christian himself, although
acting with rectitude and boldness, appears to have
felt the full force of the danger he was incurring at
the hands of Germany in adopting the new consti-
tution ; and, whatever may be the ultimate accep-
tance or rejection of the claims of Prince Frederic,
it is already apparent that Austria and Prussia per-
ceive that this new grievance affords them the ad-
vantage of a pretext on which they have in no way
committed themselves. Meanwhile, there is too
much reason to apprehend that the temper of the
aGdemr9amains tar antdivile orlisgtoeuinr ofp weophliec,whill urge them to acts
of vi.oience, unless this movement is repressed by an
in Germany at least,
there is at present no indication ; but, unfortunately,
altogether the reverse. In Holstein there is already
a civil mutiny, Nearly all the officials have de-
clared against King Christian ; and the deputies,
dislodged from their treasonable meeting at Kiel,
have already gone to breathe a freer air at Frank-
fort. On the German side of the frontier a branch
of the National Verein has already declared the
necessity of dethroning the Danish Monarch in the
three Duchies claimed by the Prince of Augus-
tenburg ; and the number of German Grand
Dukes who are thronging to his standard is in-
creasing. Public meetings are everywhere foment-
ing this agitation; and it bids fair to become a
serious question with the German Sovereigns
whether they will not be incurring greater danger
from their own subjects in restraining themselves
from an invasion than from the foreign Powers
who might present themselvea as the allies of Den-
mark. There appears to be little doubt that King
Christian will be obliged to maintain his rights
against the Holsteiners by vigorous measures, as
well as against the Germans. Impelled by revolu-
tionary influences from the left bank of the Elbe,
the Holsteiners appear as though nothing but mili-
tary force would restrain them from open rebellion.
If we consider what the force of the enthusiasm in
behalf of an invasion of the Danish dominions
already is throughout Germany, we may well ima-
gine how it will be intensified by the not improbable
spectacle of an active conflict between the King of
Denmark and his Holstein subjects. If the German
Governments shall then pretend that they are led
on by the force of the public will to actual warfare,
that plea, far from being entertained as any defence
of the fatal course they may then have assumed, will
reflect upon them the severest moral censure for
having failed to restrain the enthusiasm of the
public while it was yet possible to do so. But
whether Austria and Prussia shall openly adopt
the pretensions of the Prince of Augustenburg, or
whether they shall fall back upon other pretexts
for an invasion of lioluteio—which, whether it ex-
tend to Schleswig or not, can now be nothing less
than a war with Denmark both at sea and by land
—they may be certain that the Western Powers
will stand by the Convention of 1852, and they
will feel equally bound in honour and by policy to
defend Denmark in the trying situation in which
she will then be placed. It is therefore for the
Germans to bear in mind that the danger as well as
the responsibility, of the situation rests with them-
selves rather than with the Danes.

TEE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION.

The protest of Denmark against the motion of the
Envoy of Baden :

" The Envoy is obliged to energetically protest,
in the name of his Government, against all the pre-
tensions of the members of the ducal line of Angus-
tenburg to the succession in the Duchies of Holstein
and Lauenburg, these pretensions being utterly de-
void of foundation. The Envoy hastens to add—
with the view of meeting, once for all, any eventual
pretensions of this kind—that Duke Christian
Augustus of Augustenburg, by an act of the 30th of
December, 1852, has given to the royal Government
the assurances set forth as follows in Articles 2 and
3 :

" '2. Further, we not only engage ourselves by
this present in so far as concerns our person and
our family to establish henceforth our domicile
without the limits of the kingdom and country of
Majesty ; a country in which, it •
your royal Maj
course understood,
We
can nor wish to acquire any real estate ; but,
,' '3. We solemnly declare and ou r
and descendants
promise,
neitheron
our
word and honour of
to undertake nothing Nth-
oprt
hofeyeliaylc:
oothuuhenretEtrlViri Majestyenasnvalaeyerusteitullmylaai,talt ilyyvyaenfutudeori
:he'
which may disturb or im-
peril duke, ut kht
aheel,es
kingdom
rrndigu
ds
oni and a
no
du r
country
of
oppose the measures taken, or
d untod
under
re
your
taken,ou r sc
sceptre, or
your
the eventual organisation of the Dneranonfi
treaty,exam
great Powers, with the intention of
,te further
eör2m, refer
a:
German
no manner
hwspumetocehweaneenes nrsastiel succession
netoat thiotmonarchy.'noyk e
passed in London,
preserving the
peace and integrity of the Danish monarchy, which
treaty regulates the order of succession in this
ilvn ahti icohn is
of the
all
ppart monarchy.
in
the questions implicated in the order of succession.
Several German Governments have adhered to this
result of the most conscientious
treaty, and if others have had scruples in antici-
pating the decision of the Germanic Confederation,
th e conclusion The
two
l‘i
of this great
almost all of those which have declared themselves
on this subject have expressly recognised the legi-
timacy and opportuneness of the conclusion of this
treaty for the purpose of maintaining the peace and
ethqeuielxibereieutmienofeEf uthroepe and they are satisfied with
treaty.,
"The Envoy, in protecting in the most formal
manner the rights thus originating, and all the
other rights of his very august Sovereign, reserves
himself the right of making ulterior declarations in
the name of his Government."
The protest of Denmark againdt the motion o!
Oldenburg, Anhalt, and Schwarzburg is as follows

made during this
" DENMARK FOR HOLSTEIN AND LAUENBURG.
l
ha ini ed referring again to his decla-
rations,session, sees himself obliged to bring np specially
le
Eprirovtoeysls v,'
the circumstance that tie motion submitted to the
High Assembly has been p:esented by the repre-
sentative of a Government which has expressly
adhered to the treaty of London of May 8, 1852,
and whose Sovereign by an act emanating from him
directly, dated March 28,1854, clearly and witheva.y
requisite informality renounced his eventual rights
—rights, moreover, which were always denied by
Denmark—to the succession in the Lluchy of Hol-
stein, and that in favour of the actual reigning
•
-nts
King Christian IX., and of his male deseenn,„.
issuing in direct line from his marri •
age with Queen
Louise."

The protest of Denmark against the acceptance