The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-06 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, JULY 6, 1863.

It is of the utmost possible importance that the
precise nature of the subject-matter now in dispute
between the French and English Governments
should not on any account be lost sight of. And
for the very simple reason, that it has suddenly led
to a position no less grave than this—that it in-
volves within it a startling ques6on as to who it is
that ought to be believed. The Saturday _Review,
always bent upon coming at once directly to the
point at issue in any misunderstanding, no matter

who may be the disputants, puts the Query yet
more plainly, by asking, point blank—Who is it
that has told the Lie? Whether is the person
whose veracity is at fault—Mr. ROEBUCK (and
with him, of course, Mr. LINDSAY —or
y _or Baron GROS
—or E.lrl RUSSELL (and with him, of course, his
Under Secretary, Mr. LAYARD)—or—the Emperor
NAPOLEON ? Among those personages there have
within the last few days, sprung up statements so
distinct, so positive, and at the same time so
diametrically opposed to each other, that some
one amongst these great personages must for cer-
tain have done a very great deal worse than
simply quibbled or equivocated. The whole
question, therefore, when regarded as the
plainest possible matter of fact, resolves itself
to this—Who amongst them all is the one
at fault ? Who is the author or promulgator of the
untruth that by one or another of them undeniably
has been put forth ? Another week must elapse
before the adjourned debate upon Mr. ROEBUCK'S'
motion—oat of which it all grew—can be renewed.
During this intervening week we are left purely to
conjecture. Mr. ROEBUCK and Mr. LAYARD have
already, in the House of Commons, contradicted one
another quite flatly. Since then Mr. LINDSAY has
corroborated to the full every statement put forth by
his colleague in the late eccentric expedition to the
EMPEAOR at Fontainebleau. The member for Sunder-
land has done this in a letter to our chief morning
contemporary, That letter we reprinted in our co-
lumns on Saturday; so that our readers are au courant
with the whole course of the dispute from its very
commencement. Subsequently to the exchange of
denials between Mr. ROEBUCK aLd Mr. LAYARD
in the House of Commons, aad to the publication of
the letter of Mr. LINDSAY in our leading contem-
porary, the Moniteur has given to the world, what
we publish a literal translation of, in another part
of our impression of this evening—the version of
this unhappy little incident as panned by the hand
of the EMPEROR himself. It is a version in
every point of view so remarkable of its kind that
it is entitled to very particular consideration.
According to Mr. ROEBUCK'S statement, for the
perfect accuracy of which, in all particulars, Mr.
LINDsAT deliberately vouches, vide his letter already
referred to, as transferred to our columns on Satur-
day--...the Two Ambassadors Most Extraordinary,
as Mr. P.
humeroursly dabb,:d thew, went
over to France in order that they might, if pas-1

sible, by means of a private interview with the
EMPEROR, clear up a mtsunderstanding as to the
exact views of his MAJESTY in relation to
the recognition of the South. The EMPEROR
himself, however, through the official state-
ment just put forth authoritatively in the columns
of the Moniteur, now gives an entirely different
account of the purpose of that strange mission of
theirs ! " Messrs. ROEBUCK and LINDSAY says the
Moniteur," visited Fontainebleau to engage the Em-
peror to take official steps at London for the recog-
nition of the Southern States," and so on. Here
are the ipsiesima verbu : MM. ROEBUCK et LIND-
SAY sont Venus a Fontainebleau afin d'engager
l'Empereur a faire une dimarche officielle aLondres
pour la reconnaisance des Etats du Sud, dans leur

opinion, cette reconnaisance mettrait nn terme a
la lutte qni en sanglante les Etats-Unis." Not,
observe, to clear up any misunderstanding as to
what might be the EMPEROR'S views, but actually
to urge his Majesty—to "engage" him "to take steps
at Zondon"—in other words to induce a foreign ruler
to move—to a certain policy atLondon,thecouncils of
her Britannic MAJESTY'S Government 1 Hardly the
kind of work, this, we submit, to have been under-
taken by any two members of the British House of
Commons! A kind of work, indeed, wholly unbe-
fitting any English Member of Parliament at all—
however eccentric, or however independent.
Again, it should be particularly borne in recol-
lection that in bringing forward his motion, in mak-
ing his original statement to the House of Commons,
the member for Sheffield (TEAR'E3i, with his teeth
drawn, and yet for still greater security talking
as one may say through the elegant French
muzzle strapped on him by imperial hands at
Fontainebleau)—spoke of himself very grandly as
one authorised and empowered to address the
British House of Commons, on the part, and in
the name, of his Majesty the Emperor of the
FRENCH. Recall to mind Mr. ROEBUCK'S very
words—" I know certain things about the state of
the mind of the great French ruler, which I am
authorised to lay before this House." Again—" The
Emperor of the FRENCH said, and he gave me au-
thority to repeat it here"—this, that, and the other.
And speaking then in the House, as though it were
the EMPEROR himself who was talking, he added—
" I give you full liberty to state this my wish to the
British House of Commons, and to say to them that
I have determined," so and so ! What says the
EMPEROR himself, however, now, in the official
statement his Majesty has just put forth autho-
ritatively in the columns of the Moniteur ?
Why, words could not be more explicit in
the way of contradiction to all this astounding
fanfaronade. The imperial statement closing
with the very emphatic declaration that "Every
impartial person will see by this simple explanation
that the Emperor has not attempted, as certain
papers pretend, to influence the British Parliament
through two of its members, &c." Here again, how-
ever, we give the very words themselves :—" Tout
homme impartial verra, par ce simple expose, que
l'Empereur n'a pas cherche, comme le pretendent
certaines feuilles, a influencer le Parlement britun-
nigue par l'entremise de deux de sesmembres, et que
tout s'est borne a de franches explications echangees
dans une entrevue a la quelle Sa Majesty n'avait
aucune raison de se refuser." Another time, we
conjecture, his Imperial Majesty will hardly feel
disposed to prove himself so over-courteously
accessible to travelling English gentlemen, even
be they eminent members of Parliament. For,
out of his latest over-courtesy in this way—

surely an over-courtesy in Mr. ROEBUCK'S in-
stance, remembering all that hon. member's re-
cent railings and personalities in regard to the
personage he now speaks of with 'bated breath,
as the great ruler of France—out of the Em-
peror N./QOLEON'S latest over-courtesy, in this
way, has sprung this vexatious and almost
alarming imbroglio between the English and French
Governments, Remembering Mr. ROEBUCK'S esca-
pade in Austria, and now again more recently,
and far more flagrantly, in France—TEAß'EM runs
the hazard of being better known in future, or
we are very much mistaken, as the MARPLOT of
Imperialism.

The approaching interview between the Emperor
of AUSTRIA and the King of PRUSSIA may well give
rise to speculation concerning the result of the con-
ference. It is not too much to expect that some
good may accrue from it, and notwithstanding the
many and lamentable failures that have been made
in the endeavours to bring King WILLIAM to a
more genial frame of mind, and thus to effect a hap-
pier policy, this event referred to may not be with•
out its significance. The Emperor of AUSTRIA has
a grand opportunity before him if he will but avail
himself of it and he will merit the thanks of many
if he dia so. He can speak with experience, and he
can illustrate by example. One personal argument
goes so ranch farther and carries tenfold more weight
than a large string of platitudes and a solemn array
of isolated facts. Thus the EMPEROR may cite for
the benefit of the KING the vast importance of the
reforms that have taken place ira Austria, and the
necessity that he has recognised of conforming in
some measure to the popular desire. Also he may
bear testimony to the good results that have ensued
therefrom, and the better understanding that pre-
vaii3 in consequence between his people and him-
self. Ho can urge his cause with so much better
effect, because he can speak with authority, and thus
escape the disadvantage which the most skilled ad-
vocate must
labour under when he addresses a supe-
rior. From the peculiar bent of the King of PRITSSIA's
mind it must be apparent to all who consider the
point, that those who
give him advice or even
offer suggestions have the difficulty of their task
thus increased twofold, and their chance of ulti-
mate success rendered
more than doubtful. Let us
hope, then, that one Who
has more advantages on his
side will reap more than common good, and that
the unfortunate ration of Prussia may find in
the AUTOCRAT who is to meet their SOVEREIGN
an able and efficient ally. If be only acts up at
all to the spirit that animates him When at home,
ho must make some on the mind
good impression
of one so • •
misguided and mistaken as the Monarch
he visits. The Count
DE BISMARK'S visit was
most inopportune and ill-timed; but however
rooted may be the prejudices with which the
KING set out on his
journey, however strengthened
they may have been through untoward circum-
stances, still many will expect great things from
this meeting, and many will be • grievously disap
pointed if the result should be an u • nsatisfactory
one. It seems quite a fortuitous chance, and a
lucky coincidence that it should take place at this
particular juncture. Perhaps for no one more
fortunate than King WILLIAM himself. If he
trifles much longer with the feelings of the people,
and seems determined only to be informed
or guided by those decidedly inimical
to popular sentiments, affairs may become
ton serious to allow of any retrogade movement
being made at all, and the fall of his dynasty even
may tremble in the balance. It is not unreasonable,
then, to expect that, considering the vital interests
at stake, and the importance of the vexed questions
now disputed being speedily settled, both
Sovereigns will be impressed with a due sense of
the significance of their meeting. It may be that
nothing positive is the result, They may meet, eon.