The Sun.
London, England, 1839-01-29 00:00:00

the best adapted for the purpose ; but as I do not wish the
people to submit to the dictation of any man, so I will never
submit to any man's dictation.—( Cheers.) I have been speak-
ing of the 'dreadful consequences of the nefarious legislation
we have been denouncing, and what is the unfortunate result ?
—( Uproarious cries for Universal Suffrage.) You do not al-
low me sufficiently to enter into those details which justify the
denunciation of those laws on the part of Mr. Alderman Had-
ley—you do not allow me sufficiently to enter into the details
which will justify Mr. Salt for having endeavoured to obtain
the repeal of those laws (as he tells us) ten years ago ; but
you must allow me now to call your attention to the dreadful
consequences as they affect yourselves. The manufam
tures of this country have born transplanted to other
countries ; the raw material with which those manu-
factures are made has followed the manufacturers them-
selves ; the very machinery has followed the raw
material, and now the master manufacturers have followed
their machinery.---( Hear, hear, hear.) But what do they do?
They take away with them their capital—they take away the
most experienced and industrious of their men—and they lease
lishind them those men who have no means of carrying them-
selves to foreign countries—who have no means of supporting
themselves without their former employment at home—and
who are left to nothing but beggary on the highway. Having
this important object in view, to give to the Imo; le that food of
which they have been robbed, it is most unjust to impute to us,
who it is acknowledged are engaged in a great and virtuous
cause, bad motives, because they have no other fault to find
with our conduct. Some time ago the people of England
had n good chance cf carrying an Extension of the Suffrage,
the Vote by Ballot, and Triennial Parliaments—they were
likely to have carried those measures; hut they have been
ithdrawn from the pursuit of those to that wild chimera,
which it is very well known they will never attain.
It is absurd to pretend that a man may not pursue two objects
at the same time. You have already done it—(Cheers)—
your ranks I have joined, in the agitation for political Reform,
hut, at the same time I never considered myself prevented
from joining in the pursuit of the attainment of every other
object calculated to benefit the people. Thus, I have endea-
voured to advocate the freedom of the slave—l have endea-
voured to advocate the relief of suffering Irishmen, and the
relief of suffering Englishmen, and wherever I have done that.
I have found Mr. Salt was in the way. Mr. Salt opposed all
those efforts and substituted in their place, to the best of his
power, some wild visionary scheme which he must have known
could never be accomplished.—(Hear, hear.) I know that
many of you are acquainted with the sufferings of Irishmen,
and when they have been very much reduced in circumstances
they are said to have had nothing better than potatoes and
salt. Now, you go further than them, and you are deter-
mined that the poor of this country shall have no potatoes—
nothing but salt.—( Cheers and laughter.) Gentlemen, there
was a preacher on the continent who denied the eternity of
the torments of hell. His congregation and the people of
the town rose up against him and expelled him. The King
of Prussia restored him, and the people expelled him again.
At last the King said, " Since you are determined to have
everlasting damnation, take, it as you please. Ever yours,
Frederick." I now leave you the salt without the potatoes.
--(Great cheering and laughter.)
Alderman HADLEY then came forward and proposed three
cheers for Mr. Thomas Attwood, which were given with great
vehemence and heartiness. He said, Mr. Mayor and fellow-
townsmen, as I am suffering under very considerable ill-health
at the present moment, it is not my intention to address you
at any great length. If, therefore, I, who have stood by the
people of Bimingham any time for the last twenty years, be
worthy your attention for five minutes, I claim that attention
at the present moment. I hold in my hand an addition, not
an amendment to the resolution which is now before
the chair, and which I wish, of course, to add to that
resolution. I will read it to you, and I beg your attention to
it. I will first read to you the resolution as submitted by your
Hon. Member ( Mr. Joshua Scholefield), and I will then read
to You what I wish to have added to it. (The worthy Alder-
man here read the resolution, and proceeded.) Now comes my
addition—" and, at the same time that we are perfectly aware of
the dire effects of the Food-laws. and fully alive to the dreadful
consequences which would be the result of a continuation of
them, we feel it incumbent on ourselves to state that, taking
into consideration the preponderating influence in both Houses
of Parliament of what is commonly termed the landed interest
—the general opinion of the agriculturists that property is
almost entirely independent of trade and manufactures, not
apparently understanding that the destruction of one of the
three would inevitably be the ruin of all—taking also into
consideration the very small minorities that have hitherto voted
for the abolition or even the modification of the Food-laws, and
more than all, that the Judge and Jury by whom the question
would be tried are personally interested in the decision,
it is the opinion of this meeting that there is little probability
of the repeal of the Food-laws until the psople are more equally
represented—( Vehement cheering)—in the Commons' House
of Parliament : that this meeting therefore deems it useless
on that subject to petition that House as at present consti-
tuted." Mr. Mayor, and fellow-townsmen, it will be in the
recollection of some thousands now at this magnificent meet-
ing, that the Brummagen men have agitated this question for
the last fifteen years—that on the vast variety of occasions
both at public meetings, and meetings held at large houses in
Birmingham, that they have expatiated at full length upon the
enormous iniquity, Gentlemen, I have a thousand times over
explained to you the mischiefs which, sooner or later they
must entail upon this great manufacturing country.
But we have not only done this—we have not only preached
those doctrines in this town, and thousands will prove the truth
of that assertion, but, also, my fellow-townsmen, we have
spent your hard-earned pennies, for the purpose of circulating
this intelligence through all classes of the community, and this
we have done a thousand times over. We have endeavoured
by all possible means to enlighten the Administration—the
manufacturing lords—and the landed interest upon this im-
portant subject. There have been meetings in former years ;
but how comes it that while these ruinous Corn-laws have
been in operation 23 years, that the eyes of these Gentlemen
have been only opened to their enormity so lately ? Gentle-
men, I think lam justified, notwithstanding all the intelli-
gence that has been manifested at Manchester, Liverpool,
Leeds and elsewhere, by laymen as well as Parliamentary men.
1 think I am justified in attributing either, on the one hand,
the grossest of ignorance with regard to the depression of our
manufactures ; or, on the other hand, a large amount of utter
stupidity, or vicious criminality, in not joining with us at
former periods for the removal of the Corn-laws. On either
horn of this dilemma must they be fixed.—( Cheers.) Now,
Gentlemen, what are we called upon to do ? Let it go forth
to the world that the Brummagem men for years, have ex-
pressed their opinions most unqualifiedly against those laws,
although they have been entirely disregarded by those great
men, in and out of the House.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
What are we now called upon to do ? Mr. Mayor and fellow-
townsmen, I have been too long before the public, to be hum-
bugged by the parcel of men around me.—( Much cheering.)
I shall ask one question at this stage of the business, which is
now getting interesting. I ask any gentleman to come for-
ward. who has ever contributed one shilling to the funds of
the Political Union. I believe they would rather wish to put an
end to it. I ask, Gentlemen, surrounded as we are probably by
a great many Tories—( Laughter)—l know we are surrounded
by a great many Whigs, and I was once one myself, bet I ask
of these Whigs and these Tories individually and collectively to
come forward and tell us whether they have ever assisted us on
former occasions with regard to the removal of the Corn-laws,
or the attainment of an Extension of the Suffrage.—( Loud
cries of " No, no.") I will tell you why, Gentlemen. Be-
cause there were about three hundred old women in London

frightened out of their wits by your agitation in 1832. And
yet these are the men, together with the Manchester and Li-
verpool mill, v‘ho pretend. and I say it boldly, to teach the
Birmingham men politics ?—(Tremendous cheering.) Well,

for my own part, fellow-townsmen, thank God: I don't
think mysdf too old to learn. These men around me
say, " we don't want you to give up Universal Suffrage."
Will they go with us?—( Hissing, groaning, and loud cries of
" No, no ") These men now, for the first time in their lives

(God help their ignorance), now call upon us to go with them
for the removal of the Corn-laws. Allow me to say one word
more, and then I shall go into the probabilities of their carry-
ing this most sapient measure. I shall have no objection what-
ever to have given those men, either in doors or out of doors,
a fair hearing. But what is the fact? I was consulted by
some of their leading men tais morning, and some of my friends
,were also consulted as to the probable success of the resolutions
to be submitted. I told them honestly there was not the
remotest chance of their carrying their resolutions. The people
know that they have a small loaf, but they know
also that both justice and liberty and independence with re-
gard to the House of Commons are tied to Heaven—they are
gone, and there is no semblance of them there. The attempt
to bring such a question before such a House (and the Hon.
Member for Birmingham knows it as well as I do, for how
often has he told us of the impossibility of the cries and groans
of the people being heard in it ?)—the attempt to bring such
a question before it is altogether absurd. Has not the Hon.
Member upon this platform over and over again—and I think
it but fair to avail myself of the high authority of the Hon.
Member in support of my argument—has he not repeatedly
stated in this hall, that it is utterly useless, constituted as that
House is, to carry the prayers and the petitions of the people 1
before it? Now, Gentlemen, what are the probabilities that
this measure, which they now cry out for, is likely to be
carried ? From a strict and careful observance of the pro-
ceedings of the reformed Parliament—a reformed Parliament 1
—(Great laughter)—from a careful and strict observance of
the conduct of that House, one time facetiously and most vil-
lainously called a reformed House of Commons, I can state that
I do not see any more chance of getting the measure carried
now Hear. and cheers.)
‘ehcaitm was thantheduring ri‘rv, g
Whig
jt
ghe o
conductco al old
s i bsotorernoLord
_ .Jw.T.,ehe mn .
have
R—jsbsee
been
Russell,
taunted, ,
that precious
and,s
upon my soul, with
great justice, for having turned out the
Tories in 1832—but what did his Lordship say at the com-
mencement of the Session? Why ; that he could never
ps,
do anything while the old King lived—that he was an impe •
dimwit to all good legislation, all liberal views, and all sound
policy.—( Groans and hisses.) What was his conduct when
the Queen ascended the 'Throne ? Did he not delare for
the finality of the Re form Bill ?_(Renewed groaning.) This
is one of the men you have to contend with. Again, what
was his declaration to his constituents at Stroud ? He writes
down and tells them that he cannot consent to the repeal of
the Corn-laws, but to a fixed duty. Now, what would be the
effect of a permanent duty?
sure
him) e you
withoutwill agree
with
me, that he and Spring Rice i( am
help
bene-
fiting the country one shilling, would put into the
Exchequer
the amount received from that reduced duty. lam glad,
therefore, to find that the men of Manchester are going for the
total repeal of these laws. So much, however, for the de-
clared opinion of the leading, men of the House of Commons.
Again, look at the men constituting the House of Commons. I
assert,after having examined the condition and situation of these
men, and I hold that nine-tenths of them are connected with the
landed interest, or that their property is chiefly in land. The