The Sun.
London, England, 1837-01-20 00:00:00

IRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The accounts from Ireland continue in every respect
as favourable to the cause of reform, and to the cha-
racter of the liberal and enlightened noblemen upon
whom, in an especial manner, the Government of teat
section of the United Kingdom devolvea) tea tha most
sau'uine friends of freedom and nal.!anal contentment
could hope for or even desire. lu every county the
first duty dis'hargcd by the Assistant-Barristers, who
are now on their quarterly circuit, is to congratulate
the grand juries upon the peaceful condition of their
respective districts. At Kilkenny, at Limerick, at
Tipperary, in Clare—counties that used to supply
such abundant themes of lamentation to the frier g of
that country, and such teeming topics of unchristian
exultation to its enemies—in each of these counties,
once the prey of outrage and agrarian disturbance,
unexampled peace prevails. Let not the apostate and
the consistent abettors of Tory abuse presume to deny
this fact, on the pretence that its truth is attested
merely by Liberal journalists. There is incon-
testable, unquestionable evidence that the fact is
as we have stated. The charges of the As-
sistant-Barristers, delivered in open Court, and
received without dissent by the assembled ma-
gistracy, are testimony irrelragable as to the state
of the country. In one county, or rather in
a particular district of a county (Nenagh), where for-
merly, and down to a very reeetici period, the criminal
cases of the quarter sessions used to occupy the Bench
for several days, at the last sessions this branch of the
public business was disposed of in a couple of hours !
It does not suit the corrupt purposes of the Tory
newspapers to advert to, or even to state, these facts, so
pregnant with credit to the present Administration and
to the Irish people, but so full of reproach against that
party who, until 1830, wielded, almost without inter-
mission for half a century, the power of the Crown in
this Empire, and who are therefore responsible before
God and man for the crimes--the excesses—the de-
moralisation that sprung out of their policy. No, the
organs of the corruptionists prefer the profligate reports
of " diabalical outrages," manufactured either by their
worthy collaborateurs, the " state of the country"
prints, or by their own correspondents—persons mani-
festly well suited to the work that is imposed upon
them. Can the turpitude of the Tory faction be
more hideously manifested ? Can there be a more
damning commentary upon their motives and con-
duct ? What if, under Tory domination, Ireland was
a scene of confusion, a vast arena for fierce contention,
while peace follows in the train of a liberal Viceroy
and Chief Secretary—what if, during the Perceval,
and Liverpool, and Wellington Administrations, there
was neither cessation from religious conflicts or fac-
tious feuds, nor respect for the law or its administra-
tion, while one year of the Government of the Mel-
bourne Ministry has sufficed to crush factions, and to
make the laws feared and respected—surely this is not
a sufficient justification for the suppression of a truth
that should be universally known, by the organs of the
party whose policy is placed in such odious contrast
with that of their successors in office, by the undenia-
ble effects of each ? It must, doubtless, be galling
to the Tories to see their own system rendered hate-
ful by the gratifying results of its opposite. Sir
Robert Peel cannot help feeling annoyed by the un-
expected and unexampled state of subordination to
which his political opponents have happily brought
Ireland. He had been Secretary in that country : mid-
night murder and conflagration desolated the land, and
bore testimony to the baleful policy of its rulers. He
and his party are stripped of power—their principles
are banished from the Council-board—their system is
thrown into opposition with themselves—a completely
different order of things ensues, and the result is such
as to fill with joy the heart of the philanthropist and the
Christian statesman.' Ccedant arma togre. Martial law
has given way to the contitutional tribunals ; the word of
a beloved Viceroy is more potent than the Insurrection
Act; respect for the administration of justice has super-
seded the sanguinary code to which vengeful factions
heretofore applied for brutal redress of their real or ima-
ginary wrongs ; and a peaceful and just determination to
obtain their rights constitutionally and legally has sup-
planted a stern feeling of violent resistance to oppres-
sion. This is the great triumph of Lords lqulgrave
and Morpeth. Upon this can they and their Cabinet
colleagues take to themselves great glory. This it was
which caused the General Association, for instance, to
pass the admirable resolutions which we published on
Tuesday. To what besides can the invaluable speech
of Mr. O'Connell, which we that day laid before our
readers, be attributed ? Would he—could he--have
delivered that most able address, and proposed such
resolutions, in such an assembly and in such circum-
stances, did he not feel perfectly satisfied that the
heart of the country throbbed in unison with his pa-
negyric upon the existing Government ? Insulted
—calumniated—oppressed—and denied their rights
—the people of Ireland yet declare their purpose ra-
ther to endure, for a time, grievous wrong, than to
endanger the stability of a paternal Government, by
insisting at once upon all that they are legally and
equitably entitled to. And, when the Catholics are of
this mind, we really do think the Protestant opponents
of tithe can conscientionsly afford to moderate their
demands. Surely Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Sheil are
as anxious for, and as interested in, the total extinc-
tion of tithes, as a source of Protestant ecclesiastical
revenue, as Mr. Sharman Ciawford or Sir William
Molesworth can by possibility be. The Irish priests,
too, are, we imagine, as sincerely opposed to tithe—as
zealous for its appropriation to different uses—as the
Members for Dundalk and Cornwall. We allude to
these two gentlemen specifically, because we believe in
their integrity—because we feel perfectly assured that
they do not y belong, in head or in heart, to a class
which, under the guise of brawling Radicals, are either
the slaves of fiendish passion, or the base instruments
of Tory artifice. Against this class__ for unfortunately
it is of a class, and not of isolated cases, we are obliged
to speak—the friends of civil and religious liberty can-
not be too much on their guard. With professions of
freedom on their lips, their tongues arc covered with
malice, and their hearts filled with corruption. Why
will honourable men seem even to countenance the
doings of such a class ? Does Sir William Moles-
worth—does Mr. Sharman Crawford—think that
tithes can be altogether taken from the clergy of the
Established Church in the next Session of Parlia-
ment ? So monstrous a supposition cannot, we persuade
ourselves, find a receptacle in the heads of men who
claim to be intelligent and rational. Then why sternly
protest, as Mr. Crawford has done, and as Sir Wil-
liam world appear prepared to do, against a plan of
modified relief ?Is the mere assertion—for it can be
110 more--of an abstract principle just we allow, but
impracticable at this moment—is this so fine a thing
that it should take precedence of all consideration re-
specting the principle which is to animate the Cabinet
Council of Great Britain ? There are at this moment,
to wave all reference to English or foreign questions,
half a dozen antiquated Judges dozing or tottering
upon the judicial bench in Ireland. These gentlemen
are Tories—avowedly so with one exception, who
ought not in truth to be excepted—and they are run-
'ling their lives against the existence of the present
Cabinet. The instant a Tory Premier comes in, that
instant they go out on pensions, making way for a
young brood of Orange .Judges, to be composed of
-Messrs. Blackburne, Lefroy„Jackson, Litton, West,
Brewster,—men whose very names stink in the nostrils
of the Irish people, as their principles are abhorred.
Is this an evil of so trivial a nature as to warrant the
preference by a sincere Reformer and Liberal of the

mere assertim of a pleasing principle or impracticable
abstraction ? With this suggestion for the considera-
tion of sincere Reformers, we drop the subject for this
day.—Morning Chronicle.

The great West Kent meeting held at Maidstone
the day before yesterday was one of the right English
breed—a meeting of men who felt strongly, decidedy, manfully, and spoke plainly, that which they thought
and were resolved upon. The Church, in its natural
precedence, representing the religion of the country,
the King, and the House of Lords—the three great
powers now most. rudely menaced by revolution—have
found in the good sense, the honour, and the un-
flinching determination of the men of Kent, who were
there assembled, that when the hour of peril shall ar-
rive, neither Church, nor King, nor Lords, will perish
for want of champions. It might be invidious to single
OUt this or that speech as most deserving the notice

THE SUN, LONI)ON,

and applause of the public, where all the speakers effect. Let us not be tols of the .c.s.: -.
...
were animated with the same high spirit, expressed sitions of the Peers .save ttlApo-
-we -
.
their adherence to the same constitutional principles. sition -are well aware of that dispo-
_.----
se
and conveyed their sentiments with exemplary p- ' are well aware of the important measures
Striking force. There is, however, one
.•... which the hereditary Legislators have already thwarted,
-- .
stands on ground which it
. 6eve:.sea.nsvliti and have no doubt that they are as disposed as ever
t; sl .
_. some raars.P,ta ttiStnignialies to repeal thegthe
e:Put the flsicatieti isaticis presents
v
him from mos:,
u:
ncr peraisult Sit t 6 t'etliparis., and upon i:self i's; l' Will they have the power to do with the
%hos 'e address, eat that accotint, We feel d&irbk.ks of Mak- future measures of the Melbourne Ministry what
Itlg a betel remark: The goltteti4.An i'd Whom we allude is they have done with the past ?" There is a broad
Mr. Plumptre. thi)3 Hon. Member for East Kent, distinction between the disposition and the power to
colleague 'of •Sir IL Inatelibull, embarked in political do a thing ; that distinction must be manifest to the
life with views and opinions very different from those most obtuse understanding. Let us add, that it by
of that Right Hon. Baronet. He came into Parliament no means follows that because a certain body have
as a Reformer, and a Reformer he remains to this had the power at one time to do mischief, they are
day. Why, then, it will be asked, does he now asso- always to have that power. The House of Commons
date, and vote, and act with the Conservative party ? previous to the Reform Bill of 1832, was a Tory
The reason is sufficiently tiear. Mr. Plumptre was a House of Commons, and as such had the power, and
Reformer, not ;es. 'name only, but in substance, for the exercised it, of defeating every popular measure brought
sake of "Mtengthening and preserving" in the words of forward in that House. But power o f that • they were
loin Majesty, " the settled institutions of the country." stripped by the Bill in question. And is it not an equally
When he saw that those who still called themselves practicable thing to work a corresponding transforma-
CC Reformers" became banded together for purposes tion in the Uppr House ? Can that not' be done for
really detrimental to the Constitution, and that the it which was done for St. Stephens's ? Not a doubt
name of " Reform" :t as applied by them to schemes of it : there is no question it can ; there is equally
directly subversive of the Monarchy—that " Church little question it will. All that is required is a little
Reform as used by them, meant no mote than plunder time. Rome was not built in one day. Neither was
of the clergy—that " Law Reform" signified a cum- the Reform of the House of Commons accomplished
brous and costly ey:;tem of gross injustice—that " Re- in one year, or even in twenty years. Give the re-
form of thc,, Ilouse of Lords" was to he an entire over- quisite time, and the Lorda will be as much popu-
throw of thcConstitution and functions of that illustrious larised as the Commons have been. And Lord Mel-
body—and that "good government" was to be no other bourne, of all men, is the Minister to do it. He will
than the reign of the rabble and the coronation of do for the House of Lords what Earl Grey (lid for
anarchy—Mr. Plumptre, like a reasonable man, be- House of Commons. Nor will the time required be
came disgusted with this outraaeous abuse of terms, long. The moment for accomplishing the great ob-
-0 m
and, like an honest and brave an, broke at once the ject is rapidly approaching. The cause of Peerage
link which had united him with the now-exposed de- Reform is progressing with amazing speed. It has
stroyers of that Constitution which it was his aim to made greater advances in the past year than the Re-
perpetuate, acceding to the principle of Conservatism form of the House of Commons (lid in a quarter of a
—the grand object cf reform in the representation of century. We regard it as beyond all question, that in
the people being already gained. Listen to the words little more than twelve months it will be accomplished,
of Mrs Plumptre—for they embody the sentiments of it would not surprise us, were it to be achieved in half
many men of intelligence and distinction throughout that time. Events are hurrying it on at a most rapid
the kingdom besides the Hon. Gentleman himself. rate. Patience, then, a little longer. Let the people
Mark this, in the meanwhile, that it is a regular stead- confide in Lord Melbourne, and rally round his Go-
fast Reformer, one who came into Parliament on the vernment for one six months more, and then see whe-
shoulders of the Reform Bill, who so declares his pre- tiler the power of obstructing and defeating popular
sent feelings—a man of ancient family, wealthy, inde- measures be not wrested from the Tory Peers.—
pendent, upright, and pious, universally beloved, es- Morning Advertiser..
teemed, and trusted, one who has nothing to gain from The gladiatorial scene which occurred in Mr.
any course of politics. It is such a man who delivers
' '
himself with regard to the measures with which the nation O Connell s Dublin Parliainent, as reported in our
is about to be tormented, and the Ministers who forsome columns of yesterday, and in which the Learned Agi-
time have afflicted her. "If the elective system is to tator figured in desperate conflict with the Rev. Mr,
be introduced into the House of Lords, they will make O'Malley, afforded a highly characteristic view of the
the King a bubble, to be blown into the air." "He despotic ferocity with which the demagogue attempts
believes religion to be to a nation what it is to an in- to silence or to crush any person who dares to contra-
dividual, and to him it is his wisdom, his honour, and verse his sovereign will, by exercising the right of in-
his happiness." "He considers the Established dependent opinion. Nicholas, at Warsaw, was not
Church far more desirable than a voluntary principle, more domineering and insolent than the tyrannical de-
because he does not believe that the latter can be ap- mocrat in his Dublin convention. No man, even of
plied in this country" (in what country can it ?) his own party, who will not be his slave—who will
" with a beneficial effect." "If he be taunted be- not pamper his vanity—submit to his caprices—bear
cause he has so expressed himself, with the charge of with his insolence, and sacrifice all freedom of opinion
not being now a reformer, he replies to the imputation to his imperious authority, can hope to escape his per-
by asserting that he is as ready as ever to remedy abuses, secuting intolerance. It must be admitted that
when and where proved to exist, and to supply any de- Priest O'Malley dealt the alms-collecting Agitator
ficiencies which may be pointed out." But " I cannot," a severe blow, when he denounced the shuffling and
he adds, " hesitate to say that Ino longer repose the heartless conduct of himself and his slavish hench-
slightest confidence in his Majesty's present advisers, man,
.Mr. Sheil, on the question of a legal pro-
because Ido not consider them to be safe—to be honest vision for the Irish poor. O'Connell had not only
—to be constitutional. Ido not sly this in any spirit resolved to abandon his starving countrymen to
of idle bravery, but it flows from a deep conviction, their fate, but he exercised his ill-got influence to
arrived at after a long and painful watchfulness, of the induce all persons whose opinions and actions he be-
movements and actions of the present Government. lieved he could control, to pursue the same unfeeling,
They are not the men of talent—they are not the men cruel, and unchristian policy, as that of which he
of mind—they are not the men of consistency—they afforded both the precept and example. What an
are not the men of constitutional principles----that a audacious thing it was of Priest O'Malley to take the
great country like ours requires to have for the guidance destitute masses under his protection, after O'Connell's
of her helm. As for Ireland, and the attempts of the inhuman edict had gone forth against all legislative
Ministers to legislate for that part of his Majesty's efforts to arrest the progress of starvation and famine !
dominions, I believe they would throw the established What worse than audacity—what profanation it was
church and the established religion to the winds, so to resist the tyrant Agitator on the floor of his own
that they could but retain their places." So speaks society—to question the supremacy of the grim idol
an independent country gentleman, and some of in his own temple ! Must he not have his human
significancy. Why
his words are of no small sib
no longer" repose sacrifices like other idols—must not the poor perish
a
that his power may be maintained ? Who dare re-
ii it that Mr. Plumptre can "
any confidence in the King's advisers? The phrase
lease the victims from the altars of his ambition ?
implies that he did once place confidence hi them. He " What," said the Rev. Mr. O'Malley, "are we to
did so at first, like others who were not aware of the make it appear that this hot war upon tithes was not a
secret compacts by which they had hound themselves righteous war of principle, after all, but a wretched
to the enemies of Great Britain, or of the vile and paltry scramble for pounds and pence ?" We do not
treacherous tenure by which they were low-minded wonder that the moment " pounds and pence" sounded
enough to hold their office of advisers to the Crown. in the ears of the alms-levying Agitator, that he felt he
These stains upon the Melbourne Whigs, though vi- must either crush the man who knew how so well to
sible to us and others from the very moment of their lay his character bare to the bone, or he must be con-
assuming the Government, have since completely deve- tent to look a demagogue of smaller dimensions than he
loped themselves, through the wear and tear of po- did before, even in the eyes of his most servile fol-
litical action, to the entire world. Their criminal lowers. " Have I not a right," said he, starting up
abuse of the name and credit of Reform, for objects up in a rage, "to complain of being treated in this
with which Reform had nothing in common, and even way—my language and sentiments misrepresented, and
not a shadow of affinity, has affixed to them the seal, I tied to a stake, while the Rev. Gentleman is venting
as Mr. Plumptre affirms, of dishonesty. Their adop- his sarcasms on me as he goes along"—only think of
tion of the course dictated to them by O'Connell—the his intolerance of sarcasms, whose oratorical resources
very course which, in the same breath, he boasts will, chiefly consist in a stock of unmitigated scurrility. We
under his guidance, lead to the overthrow of the Pro- do not wonder that when it was put from the chair,
testant church in Ireland--bas drawn a deep and jai-
whether he was to be allowed to speak before Mr.
O'Malley had done, he should exclaim "
passable barrier between Lord Grey's policy—between a pretty pass
Lord Grey's Ministry, and that of the rump he left I am brought to in this place, when it must be put as
behind him. The reprobation with which Mr. Plump- a question from the chair, whether I shall have liberty
to speak." But the Rev. Mr. O'Malley, whose talents
ire brands the measures and character of the Mel-
bourne Whigs, since both were exhibited under their are considerable, and whose eloquence displays far more
true aspect to the country, is a sentiment in which intellectual power than that of O'Connell, touched
his character, as well as that of Mr. Shiel, on the raw,
all the old constitutional Reformers, par excellence,
who for years had formed the " popular party" when, in the course of a correspondence which he had
hi Great Britain, but who honour the King, esteem with the latter, on his attempt to throw the question of
the aristocracy, and reverence the monarchical constitu- poor laws overboard, he allowed his feelings to indulge
tion of the realm, must now inevitably sympathize. in the following apostrophe—" Oh ! how long are we to
We call upon such honourable politicians to declare, witness the sickening spectacle—sickening to the heart
as Mr. Piumptre has done, that Reform with them of every pure and generous patriot—the spectacle of
does not mean the demolition of the Church, the de- men of strong ambition and loose principles, stepping
gradation of the Peerage, the levelling of the Throne, into Parliament upon the shoulders of those poor brave
and the erection, upon the ruins of them all, of a fellows, and kicking them off as they get in ?" In
rude, blind, savage, and senseless democracy. Why that mirror, so held up by the Rev. Gentleman, did
does not Lord Grey come forward and leave this pre- O'Connell recognise his own image. Most cunningly,
cious legacy with the people, thus crowning his own
however, did be affect to be only solicitous for the da-
statue with his own hands, before he quits for ever maged reputation of his friend Sheil—but the latter
those who have raised it in memory of his public ser-
is too great a master of "rhetorical artifice," not to
vices ? He must, or be looked upon as one who
be able to take his own part in an assembly of orators.
We recollect when the Agitator described the said Mr.
either shrinks from his own solemn declaration, or who
Shed as a " melo-dramatic orator," and poured out
has already expired, and made no sign. We tell the
independent men of England, therefore the men of no upon him a variety of epithets equally complimentary.
party, that it is time for them to choose one, inasmuch It is generally understood that the Member for Tip-
as they have all a country to be saved. We tell all lierary looks to him with far stronger feelings of fear
real and constitutional Reformers, that it is time for than love. How generous, then, of O'Connell to
them to fall out from even their apparent alliance with forget himself—the giant of the anti-poor law agita-
a faction, with whose acts and name it is a stigma upon tion—while rushing to the rescue of his Grildrig.
men of public honour to be for one day associated. But the motive for his " chivalry" was, that he knew
The crisis draws near which must establish irretriev- they were both " tarred with the same brush ;" and
ably the class to which men belong, and the post if Mr. Sheil's character could not be rubbed clean as
which they are hereafter to occupy. The rnbicon once to the poor law question, his own must remain sadly
passed, there is no retreat for traitors to the British begrimed. Hence the priest was assailed, bullied, and
Crown—no safety will then be open to them but in
denounced—but though the servile clamour of his fol-
victorious treason.—Titres. lowers gave a momentary triumph to O'Connell, it was,
It is with unspeakable pleasure we refer to that part we suspect, a dearly purchased victory. The moral
of the speech of Mr. Attwood, at one of the forty-six triumph is with the Priest. We need not ask the
Birmingham Reform dinners, on Monday, in which he friends of the little factory slaves in this country, what
urges on the people of England the propriety of sup-
they think of the men of " strong ambition and loose '
porting Ministers. It is true that the Hon. Gentleman principles" who give their speeches to humanity, and
hints the extent to which he deems it right that such their votes to oppression. Even in Ireland it is quite
support should be given to the Administration of Lord evident that O'Connell's selfish cunning begins to re-
Melbourne. He does so, when he uses the words—
coil upon himself, and that his unfeeling treatment of
" In so far as they are disposed to do justice to both the claims of the poor begins to operate against him
countries." This is a judicious condition of support. with the force of retributive justice.—Morn. Herald.
No honest Reformer can object to it. Support on any " Audi alteram partem." It is a maxim which we
other terms would not be becoming the character of obey as constantly as we can. We will not take ser-
Englishmen—it would be fit only for slaves to give. vice with any leader without examining his opponent's
Our readers will bear us testimony when we say, that manifesto, nor embrace either of two conflicting opi-
on this condition alone have we ever adjured the nions -without inquiring by what arguments the other
friends of liberal principles to rally round the pre- is supported. Thus we will not be persuaded by Lord
sent Cabinet. It has never entered—it never could John Russell's books, till we hear what is advanced in
enter, into our imagination, to ask the Reformers to confutation of them by Lord John Russell's speeches ;
extend their support to Lord Melbourne,, further nor be convinced by Sir John Hobhouse's arguments
than lie evinces a disposition to do justice both on one side of a question, without endeavouring to
to England and Ireland. The moment we dist lovered weigh the reasons which led Sir John flobhouse to
b
any indications of a contrary disposition, that m oment vote on the other. Nay, we will not say white is white,
I
would we denounce the present, or any other, Mi- or black is black, without listening to Mr. Hume's de-
nistry, be it composed of what men it might, as alta:ge- monstration that it is no such thing. It is very
ther unworthy of the support of the people of England.. comfortable to us when it happens—as, indeed,
But, as we have before said times without number, ewe it frequently happens,—that a candid hives-
have the utmost confidence in the good intent:ions of tigation of our enemy's position conducts us to pre-
Lord Melbourne. We are thoroughlycisely the same conclusions as those at which we had
he is resolutely bent on doing full . •
just before arrived from a survey of our own. An instance
countries, and that he is the man, if' tee to both •
persuaded that
the requisite 0
,has recently occurred. We have had an astounding
time for maturing his plans be only 'allow d 1 • to
e him,
~
display of Conservative force in a district where, till
adopt such measures as will carry 1 • . •
, Conservatism was hardly known. We inferred
.a.. us purposes into latrt)

DAY, JANUARY 20, iB3l.

that the cause we advocate was making sure and rapid
advances. But, that we may not deceive ourselves, we
turn to the doings of the adversaties. We have had a
miserable exhibition of Radical weakness in a district
where, till lately, Itadicalism was paramount. We are
satisfied with the dotible proof: Let every man who
doubts the good effect likely to result from the noble
address delivered by Sir Robert Peel before three thou-
sand
.five hundred individuals at Glasgow hasten to
strengthen his hope of better times by studying, in
the columns of the Morning,- Chronicle, the vapid
common-place spouted by Sir William Molesworth
to one hundred and thirty persons at Birmingham.
The Birmingham meeting, like the Bath meeting,
and the Totness meeting, and whatever other meet-
ings the Downing-street gentry have rejoiced in,
proves satisfactorily two things. In the first place it
proves that the opponents of Sir Robert Peel are losing
daily their numbers, their influence, and their confi-
dence. In the second place it proves that the oppo-
nents of Sir Robert Peel, few, feeble, and fearful as
they are, are not the friends of Lord Melbourne. As
at Tewkesbury, as at Totness, we have now at Bir-
minuham the voluntary principle, the household suf-
frage, the abrogation of the Peerage, the vote by hal-
lot. Look back six years. Mr. Macaulay, one of
the most showy and popular expositors of the prin-
ciples of the Reform Bill, was claiming credit for the
Government on account of the entire acquiescence of
the country in the finality of its enactments—the en-
tire abandonment by the wildest and the most wayward
of their impracticable fancies. " Who now" said Mr.
Macaulay, " who now talk of the ballot ? nobody
but some crazy Radical, whom the boys pelt as he
walks along the streets." Well, six sessions have
passed. In the rhetoric of Radicalism Earl Grey,
the Prime Minister who carried the final measure, is
termed " an old bellwether ;" Lord John Russell, who
moved the final measure, is designated a "cracked man-
derin on a chimney-piece ;" Lord Althorp, who in-
sured the success of the Bill in the Commons by his
affability, is the most incapable man that ever inter-
fered with the Government of a country ; Lord
Brougham, who illustrated the beauty of the Bill in
the Lords by his eloquence, is unfit to be Chancellor
either of the kingdom or of his own University. And
as for the ballot, which in 1831 was in such disgrace
with the Whigs, Lord Melbourne, seeing the power of
the Radicals as compared with the Whigs, their weak-
ness as compared with the Conservatives, knows per-
festly well that his dilemma has only two horns—he
must reject the ballot, and be expelled from office
.by the disaffection of the seditious ; or he must adopt
the ballot, and be expelled from office by the indigna-
tion of the loyal.—Morning Post.