The Sun.
London, England, 1839-02-19 00:00:00

BEER SHOPS.

The NOBLE EARL also presented a petition from the
Board of Guardians of Cambridge, and from the Ata-
gistrates of Bury St. Edmund's, against the elxistii)g
Beer Laws. He believed there was no question that
more concerned the interests and morals of the com-
munity, or one in the consideration of which their
Lordships could better occupy their time than this;.
lie expressed his gratification at finding the Noble
and Learned Lord opposite intended to bring thi s
subject under their Lordships attention, acrd
would give that Noble and Learned Lord the support
of his feeble talens.

O LAo W w SN.
The Marquis ofCLARNN-
D S
trecawf.:e-
tition against any alteration in the existing' en
E PresCon-fla A
NOBLE LORD presented a similar petition fro in
East Grinstead, Sussex.
The Earl of SCARBOROUGH present'cd a pel
tion from the Mayor and Corporation of Yarmoat.hii;
favour of an alteration.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented petitions
from the East Riding of Yorkshire against any altera-
tion, in the prayer of which he heartily concurred.
Lord GAGE presented a petition from two or thrne
places in Sussex against any alteration.
A NOBLE LORD presented a similar petition iroza
Croydon, in Surrey.
The Marquis of SALISBURY presented similar
petitions from the county of Hertford.
Lord CLARE presented a petition from the Charm.
bcr of Commerce, Limerick, praying their Lordships
not to pass any measure for an alteration in the
existing Corn-laws, without considering the effect such
a measure would have upon Ireland.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented petitions from
several townships in the North and East Riding of
Yorkshire in favour of the Corn-laws.
Lord HARDWICKE presented petitions from
places in Huntingdon against any change in the present
system.

. . I
am here to oppose myself to no portion of the com- instead of 365., or at Odessa, where it is 245. instead ok
munity. Whosoever expects to hear one word 365. Suppose that from any or from all of these ports
they ship Polish corn, which is with some persons whom
cross these lips of mine disrespectful to any
one class of the Queen's subjects as a class, I well know an object of very great dread, or Odessa
corn or Malta corn, brought chiefly from Africa, to the
will ge hence disappointed in that respect.
Whose expects one word to be said in disparagement of amount of 100,000/. The venture sails, or the ven-
the landed interests—in depreciation of its acknow- tures sail, from the different ports—the fleets cross the
p
lodged, and by me most readily admitted, paramount sea—they arrive, and then, when the importers had
importance to this community—will go hence dis-
well hoped that they might be permitted to land the
cts one word to drop
corn, and when it had been well hoped that the
from me which betokens a wish that any
market would receive the benefit that the pres-
sure of the scarcity which had raised it to 70s. preference whatever should be shown to masses
and numbers over the rights of property--will would be relieved by this foreign importation,
of 100.000/. worth or foreign grain—they find that in-
be disappointed. My Lords, I stand here as the advo-
cate of my country ; I represent here the case of all stead of that there has been a fall from the 70s. by the last
• classes—of land, of trade, of
rnannfactures, of corn-
week's average while the ships were upon the sea,
merce, the landed interests, the commercial interests, all when it was utterly impossible to stop the venture—
professional interest!, the interests of producers, of con- when they are all but landed they find that when they
sumers, of workers up, of exchangers of commodities, all were in the middle of the Atlantic or of the North Sea,
these classes, I embrace in the view I take of this great that all of a sudden in the last week by some change in
question. And my Lord, I
am " out of Court" --if the weather, or in the speculation of the grain dealers
your Lord4hips will allori me to use a professional at home, that instead of wheat being at 705., with the
phrase—l am out of this the highest Court of Justice duty at Is., it had come down to 635. or 655., which is
in the land, if I stand upon any but universal comprehen- the prohibition price when the duty is at 245., and then
sive catholic ground—embracing at once the interests of they cannot land one single ounce of that corn without
eacleandthe interests and rights of all. But,myLords,ltrust ruin.
I shall not sit down without satisfying your Lordships The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said they might
that you can grant the prayer of these petitions— bond it.
observe that I am here not to argue the Corn- Lord BROUGHAM—They may bond it if they
law question upon its merits to-night I am
choose to be ruined.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
- ,
hero not to call upon you to grant the repeal of I know they may bond it. Do Noble Lords
the Corn-laws, in whole, or even in part. I am here to suppose one does not know that ? Why one would be
ask you to inquire—to hear the case—before you de- extremely ignorant on the subject. I dare say I am.
ciele the case to hear it—l have only to ask you to look If I do not know the A B C of it I know the A B.
to it—to examine it—to investigate its details— —(Laughter.)—l know there are such things as bonded
to tender you help in that investigation, and to warehouses, and that leads me to what I was going to
furnish you with the means of that examination, and all state. It is easy to say you can lay it in bond, and get
tint I have now to do is to state so much of the case Gf it out when the duty is low. What. think your Lord-
the Corn-laws—to make such assertions as I know I ships, is the consequence of that? Six shillings ae year
can prove by evidence on oath—as is necessary on every quarter is the expense in a bonded warehouse,
to drive Chase who oppose the prayer to be heard— The grain must be turned generally once a week. The
for that is this only question—as will drive those grain must be stowed away, and the warehouse-room
adversaries to this dilemma, that they must either admit and rent paid. The interest of money at 5 per cent.
my proposi.ions of fact to be true, and therefore require at least upon the merchant's capital must lie dead and
jug no proof—or they must state them to be so false, as profitless ; but if it is disputed, I have witnesses to
that no proof can demonstrate them—or riser-
`how it. This is what I ask ; I want to be allowed to
them to be so immaterial that whether true Prove it. Give me leave, and I will demonstrate that
or false it signifies not to inquire. My Lords, 6s. is below the amount.
I have shown you the kind of statements I The Duke of BUCKINGHAM—Nobody doubts it.
am to make, rather than the arguments I Lord BROUGHAM—WeII then, what is the con-
am to use before you. I am about to sequence ? They cannot tell when the corn is to get
tender evidence, and to explain the materiality of. out again. They want to get it into the market. Its
that evidence, and nothing—absolutely nothing more. being in the warehouse is no use to them whatever.
!Sly Lords, as these are the views which alone I think They had better have sent it back to Odessa, and then
it my duty to bring before your Lordships, I think I they would not have to pay the landing and the bond-
sitliraetlnl save your time by at once coming to the dif- ing warehouse charges ; but it is now in London—it is
matters of fact, in ruch an order as may now in Bristol—it is now in Newcastle, a place from
scree to aid the inquiry by somewhat arranging which my Noble Friend presented a petition the
"e , giving them method, and then leaving it to other night, for there is no place in the Queen's
YOUrLordships to say whether what I have ten- dominions, where these laws are felt more, as I know
dered to your Lordships is impossible to professionally,' than at Newcastle-upon-Tyne. But
prove or admit that is the only proper ground what is the consequence ? They cannot get it. They
e_ fn bringing a subject like the present one may wish, but let them sigh ever so much—let them
u aer the consideration of the House. First of weep ever so bitterly over their fate in the bonding ware-
all,
re 7 Lords, let us come to what the present Corn- house, the winds won't sigh the louder—the rain won't
laws actually are, and then state what they do—your fill out the measure of their tears—it depends upon the
Lordships always bearing in mind that every one weather—and until they get grain at 70s. again,
assertion I make, not one
vileis meant—not as a statement ounce of that can come out of the bonding warehouse.
but as I call o you to believe, or admit, It may wait there for two years, it may wait for three
as one that I am prepared to prove at your Lord- , years. What if it wait five years ? What if it wait
shins' bar.
agricultural interestTheformotate. of things was given to the I six years ? What if it wait seven years ? there is not
this country by the Bill of 1804, I only the profit upon the venture gone, but the whole
commonly called Mr. Western's Bill, from the name of 1 capital absorbed, two and forty shillings a quarter
Eth-
an old friend of mine, now ennobled. That Bill enacted ! sorbed. My Lords, this is what no man can deny is
the uPening of the ports for the importation, of foreign the possible consequence of this system—no man can
grain only when the price, takeni
certain._ number of towns, fell y the overage of a ' deny that it is the probable consequence of that
v.,.........................v.m.e....................... t
when Corn was at a fow price,belowha certain price. :' system. But I go further. I told your Lord-
- ports opened, [ ships that in showing the probability I should

prove the fact. What I have told your Lord-I others
ing can. If the demand is to be increased by the open-
ships—and I implore the attention of the Noble Duke lof our
ports, particularly the ports of England and
and the Noble Earl opposite—what I have put to I
Scotland (for I believe the Irish would he able to defend
your Lordships as a possible case is a fact. It hap-
themselves by the cheapness of the grain) the immediate
peneel, took place here—it happened in the ray where
effect would be to raise the price of Dantzic core, and
Polish corn would also rise, and a check would be put
you now sit. It happened upon the river that washes
upon the low prices. Then it :may he said on the other.
these walls. A merchant imported 100,0001. worth of
hand that the consequence would be an additional
grain from the Baltic. In the year 1831 the price al-
growth of that corn, and it is said that there is en un-
lowed him. He hoped to be able to land it :he ex-
bounded supply of corn if not of land, and that it would
petted to make a reasonable profit. The ports were
open new tracts of cultivation. It is very possible
open—l say open, because the duty was so low as one
that may be so. I am prepared with evidence to show
shilling when he shipped it in the Baltic. here ports your Lordships the difficulties attending that alteration.
were closed when the vessels arrived in the river.
How the land could be brought into immediate cultiva-
He had recourse to a bonding warehouse. He tion, which is now overspread with thick and impene-
was told in his distress, as I was told in my argu- treble forests—how difficult it would be to get hands
meat a little time ago—" Oh ! but there is the bonding
to cultivate it—how much land there is capable of
warehouse."—(Laughter.) Into the bonding warehouse
cultivation towards Volltynnia and the Ukraine, which
went the 100,000/. worth of grain ; and the 100,0001.
it is almost impossible at present to get at. All
of the merchant's capital might as well have gone into this lam prepared by evidence on oath, and docurnen-
the river, upon whose banks the bonding warehouse was tare as well as parole, to prove to your Lordships here,
built. Whet happened ? Seven long years—for that
if ;!ou will give me leave. But it is possible, barely
was no supposition of mine—seven long years prices possible, that in the course of years this additional ex-
kept so low that not one ounce of that grain could be
tension of agriculture would make an addition to the
sold in the market.—(Hear, hear.) During that seven
supply of foreign grain, and consequently the effect of
years the whole profit—not only the profit but opening our markets would be to raise the price of that
the corpus of the venture, the capital—was con-
commodity. It is possible that that miy be so. But
sumed in charges. The house failed—a Newcastle 1. am now about to show that the manufacturers could
house—therefore it was, among other reasons, that gain nothing at all in point of cheapness. I aml
said my Noble Friend's petition justly came from canting now to what, in my mind, is still more ins-
a place which had suffered so much. But that is not. portant, and that is the next subject of consideration.
the only instance. The House, a most respectable one, e
e am now about, for the rest of my statement, to assume
failed, became bankrupt, has not paid is. in the pound : that there is to be no cheapening of food or grain what-
and I have hint ready to be produced at the bar of this ever ; and lam about to show, what I ant prepared on
House to prove upon oath that a commission agent, for oeth to substantiate, would be the inevitable conse-
he was no more—not the adventurer, not the merchant, quence, and slyest beneficial consequence of that. Now,
not the speculator—but the commission-agent lost one first of al!, it gives you the best possible security against
and twenty thousand pounds by being such commission- panic, and the present system exposes you to the
agent. Now, my Lords, that which happened to this greatest possible risks of it. That is the first proposi-
respectable man may happen to any one man any one tion of fact I take, following the course I have hitherto
day that he ventures into a speculation of this sort.
pursued. lam about, first, to show you whet is not
My Lords, I think, therefore, that I have some improbable, thet you may not say what is the use of
right to state this is a trade which is not fit for a calling witnesses to prose what is impossible ; and neve
discreet merchant to embark in, a trade which is not fit I am about to offer to call evidence to show that
to receive encouragement from the nature of its chin- what is probable a priori, is in point of fact
nela, precarious, tortuous, broken sho tle, and true. The smaller the space is over which any
impelled with rocks and quicksands, which no chances of calculation go, the fewer the instances
sounding can enable e•ou to fethorn, which never in any matters of uncertainty in which you cen
can be laid down in the ch erts, or buoyed. It
calculate with a precision on which you ten piece
shifts like the rapid river's course every night, with reliance. I pray your attention to this. It is a very
the winds and weather in the 24 preceding hours. obvious course of reasoning which lam about to pursue,
But fine weather. comes—but the harvest looes. well— but it requires a little attention. Suppose, for example,
but the yield appears great—down go the prices and any men were to calculate before-hand what the number
the poets shut. A trade more unfit for merchants to of male and female children would be to be produced
embark in—a teed° more unfit for fair speculation— by any given marriage. It would be impossible to arrive
one more unseemly for the employment of mercantile at anything like a conclusion to be depended upon. Sup-
capital cannot well be imagined ; for gambling—a pose, on the other hand, the calculation would be whet
trade for desperate speculations—for needy hungry were to be the number of male and female children to
adventurers—for persons without capital ; it may do be produced in a given parish, the conclusion would not
well ; for regular traders and the wholesome operations be so very uncertain.—(Hear, hear.) If it were
of commerce, it is utterly unfit. Now, my Lords, the a small perish it would be more uncertain ; if it
next view cf the subject which I inn about were a large parish it would be less uncertain,
to impress upon, you and the next body of evidence and if it were of the community it would be almost cer-
which lam about to tender to your Lordships, relates tain. Suppose the chances were to be calculated as to
to the irnmeciate effects of this system of cramping the state of the weather. To tell what the weather would
the supply of corn, and the stinting effects of those laws be on any given day would be impossible.
•
upon prices. s • ‘eid?my Lords, I am about to admit that
a great deal of exaggeration has been put forward on Lord MELBOURNE—I don't think that is quite
impossible.
both sides.—l am about to admit that the fears of the
Lord BROUGHAM—I dare say tile Noble
landed interest have exaggerated, and the hopes of the Viseouet, from his various reading, may be in a situation
manufacturing interest have exaggerated, the cheapness
to say what kind of weather there will be on a given d.e.y,
that would result. I may give ne great satisfaction to
is not impossible, but I can only say that from my reading
either party, differing as I do upon this point from the
petitioners. I stand here not as their agent, but as one I conceive it to be impossible. Well, but suppose a
men [rely be called upon to say whether the next season
of your Lordships, if you will ellow me to call myself
would be a good season or not—that he has no
such. But noes I think the probability is, and lam b
ready to prove it to your Lordships, that some cheaper of kuowing—ut if you take ten yeere
n-
you have some means of knewing ; if you take twenty
jug of the commodity, although not perheps a very con-
you have better—if you take a century you have still
siderable lowering of it, would he the consequence of a (setter, because it ahnost amounts to a certainty that in
repeal of the Corn-laws, and leaving the trade in grain
the courseof that time the seasons would be about equally
absolutely free. But what I have already said about the
e ln.‘ e
price of wheat in Dantzic proves that. In Dantzic the good and bad. Exactly the sum principle app to
different countries. No man can guard against a bad
price of wheat is 365., and adding about 10s. for costs crop on a particular farm nor in a particular country ;
(making 465.), is the price at which that wheat
but it very rarely happens indeed that there is a uni-
may be sold in our market. But you are selling vernal failure of crop all over the country, because dif-
it at 555. or 605., being 10s. or 15s. per quarter dearer ferent countries differ a little in climate, greatly in soil,
than you could get it at Dantzic. From Malta
and fromaccidental circumstances operating upon theta,
the average price of wheat, for ten years
the thing, taking the whole of them, will come almost
ending 1836 was about 325., and adding for expenses to a moral certainty, or I ought rather to say, a oily-
15s. 6d., make 475. Gd., or 4Ss, for Malta wheat. But
sisal certainty. If you take the whole world together
within the last ten years your average has not been 4Ss., there is hardly any season in which all the crops would
but somewhere about 585., which is a difference of 10s.
be good, or all would be bad. Now, what do the
At Odessa the price of wheat is differently stated in
Corn-laws do ? What does the exclusion of wheat
different places, and it has been said by way of alarm-
do ?—( Hear.) What is your object but to guard
ing the agriculturists, by a Mr. Saunders, in his evi-
against the national calamities, a scarcity or famine!
dente given in 1836, that Odessa wheat was selling for
and this confines your chances to one country. It eon-
-103. or 12s. only, consequently if you add 153. to that,
fines your chances to one kind of weather—it confines
it makes the priceof Odessa wheat in our market under
rn-
-30%, and therefore, says this friend of the farmers, your chances to one season—it confines you to one co
munity, and that is neither more nor less than handing
and say the friends of the system (although I have been
y
told he has changed his opinion within the last fewou over to the mercy of the national winds and die-
ments. But if you have the whole of Europe, much
yeais)--.--" You all will be ruined."' He omitted a very
and
Material circumstance, which I. shall supply to your
more the East, the Levant, and Africa,
eall
Lordships. During the time that he said the price was
America to calculate upon, it is an athose certainty
10s. or 12s. that was quite true, but he forgot to tell that if there was a free trade from all places no
s
the jury that at that particular time the Dardanelles scarcity or dearth could ever show themselves in this
were shut, and consequently the wheat brought down country, for if you had bad seasons there would be good
was a drug in the market--(Hear,hear)—but when the seasons in other places, and their superfluity would
Channel trade is open Odessa wheat is 10s. or supply your want ; but dearth is inflicted by the bad
season, and if man did not interpose his luckless hand
12s. higher, being nearly 305., which, added to 1,55. 6d,
for charges, makes that wheat 455. Gd. in our market to help the mischief of the bad season, by convert-
-not a very material difference between that and Bal- ins a dearth into a famine, it would be dearth,
. dearth only ; but the existence of the Corn-
wheat from it than from Dantzic and the Levant, and
tic wheat; because, whereas, it is cheaper to bring ama
laws expose you to the inevitable risks of a famine, and
I
the expenses are only two-thirds less from the Baltic am ready to prove to you from all countries, by per-
than from the other. But now, my Lords, I think it
sons from those countries, persons who have been
may be assumed from the price of bread on the Con-
traders in those countries, persons who have been resi-
tinent being considerably less than here, partly ni) doubt dents in those countries, men who have shown the bad
owing to taxation, but partly owing to the Corn-laws, seasons balanced by the good—persons who can show
which regulate the price of bread. My Lords, when
you the wholesome, and if you will but be wise, the
I find that in 1838 the 41b. loaf on the other side of most comfortable inference from this fact, that if you
the Channel was sold for 4d., while on this side of leave their trade universally free, a famine is almost as
little to be dreaded in this country as an earth-
the Channel it was sold for Bd.—(A Noble Lord on
the Opposition side said, "It is now a shilling")—l am quake, My Lords, the next great evil which is
talking of that time. lam not about to state that the
_ct.ene by the Corn-laws, next to taking away secu-
Corn-laws have been very baneful or otherwise in their rity against famine, and of converting dearth
operation, nor do I mein to give way to any clamour into famine—the next great mischief of the working of
the Corn-laws, is to make the price of corn fluctuating
about cheap bread one way or the other. lam going to
and uncertain. lam the more apt to put forward this
state to your Lordships that I do not expect any
very great cheapening of bread. I think it will view of the subject, and to tender my evidence upon it,
fall very little—l think it won't fall very much—that is because it was the ground of the Bill when that Bill
was brought in. It was said by those who opposed the
my belief—l may be wrong ; but suppose it fell only
ss. a quarter—suppose you make an average of the Bill, Oh, you want to make corn dear. No such
thing, said the supporters of the Bill, nothing is further
usual price, and take it at ss. lower. When your
Lordships consider that there are some 50 millions of from our intention than to raise the price of wheat.
quarters of grain, and 12 or 13 millions of wheat con- Then it was said you want to keep the price up. No
annually, you will see what an enormous sum
thing
.of the kind, we assure you we do not ask that—
is levied by these laws. I don't mean to dwell upon tnat is not our object, you mistake us altogether.
this—this is not the view I take of it—l have much Why, it was said they're a very odd sort of people these,
higher objects in view in making grain cheap—not that what do they mean ? they don't want to let foreign
I undervalue making cheap the steff of life—not that I
corn in, they don't want to raise the price of wheat, and
undervalue the effects of these laws upon our whole they don't want to keep the price up. They deel in
system, not only upon the comforts of the people
corn, and they say they don't want it to be dear. They
upon our system of trade and commerce—not that I but would rather have it cheap. What do these men
mean ? We will tell you what we mean—we mean
underrate that ; by no means ; but I am afraid, from
steadiness—(Hear, hear)—steadiness is what we mean,
the very nature of things, it is not likely that the re-
and steadiness is of much more importance titan cheep-
duction will be what is anticipated, and neither the land-
ness.—(Hear, hear, from the Tory side of the
owners on the one hand, with their exaggerated appre-
hensions, nor the manufacturers on the other, who cherish House.) I agree to that. That is my own proposition.
Well, then, they said, we want not to make corn dear,
such fairyhopes—hopes which appal the one, and enchant
we would rather have it cheap, but we don't want flue-
the other, arising from the somewhat incorrect and
tuation ; make it as cheap as you please, but only let it
superficial views on the subject which they have taken,
be steady.—( Cries of " No, no," from the Opposition.)
will find their expectations realized. But, my Lords,
I know that was said—l heard it myself—l heard it
suppose there is only a permanent reduction of le.—
and I think that is putting it low enough—suppose, that urged so e:sewhere, and they may be as reasonable and
instead of ss. a quarter difference, as I have now
as rational elsewhere as here. They said so ; and at
argued—(l suppose it will be admitted on all hands that ,
all events I entirely agree that is a grand object to the
the result would he a reduction of Is. a quarter only)—
Prevention of dearth. Certain circumstances may be
; but there can be no accommodation to a
and suppose, that as the steady, permanent, effectual accommodated
consequence of the repeal of the Corn-laws, which now fluctuation ; and of all the curses that ever were inflicted
upon a country those great fluctuations of prices that took
exclude foreign grain from the home market, and that
the difference would be neither more or less than Is.—
place by tampering with the standard at the tail of the
I ask your Lordships to pause and reflect well one mo-
last century were the set crest. I was one of the parties,
mont upon what that shilling means. It means a tax—it and I take great blame to myself for not taking greater
means a poll-tax—it means that capitation so hated in care to moderate the rapidity and the uncompromising
ancient times under the justly bated and execrated rapidity of the changes that then took place. I was
name of a poll-tax, which in this country, in civilized most dangerously ill at the time (I do not know whe-
times, is never resorted to, and never viewed with other
sentiments than those of abhorrence, and which is thein the discussion, but I was always one
tiler that would be any excuse or not), and prevented
taking any part
natural resort of corrupt and arbitrary Governments—
a tax from which there is no escape, for all must eat Duke of 'acknowledge it, and I take
Wellington.? I .
of the parties.--7( Hear, hear, as we understood, by the
and all must pay—a tax which falls upon all, the poor
and that is one of the very few things
equally with the rich—upon the tnen who can hardly Duke
lupobnwite,
doe agree. Upon the whole I supported
great blame to. myselfn for it. I agree with the Noble
support life by the sweat of their brow, and upon men p
uMrouPwelel.'s Bill. If I had been in vigorous health at
who are wallowing in wealth, and worth one hundred
thousand pounds per ye ir. He and his family pay five
great doubts I had, whether we should come hack
shillings tax upon their bread,—as much as theimiaasniolf
opinion, I think, would
the.time and been able to attend the House with the
from that standard,. my
fifty or a hundred thousand pounds a yea!, who
same number of children. Of course he pays morethta.ne
others if he has a larger family. But, my Lords, therefr is made some pause between the two extremes.
have been that it would have been better to have
more than that—a great deal more—bread
thano ms af
much greater portion of the food of the poorcurse never visited any country than when those great
But at all evets I am of this opinion that a greater
theyo
of steadiness of rice and prevention of fluctuation I
your Lordships ; you have luxurious living, which
know not of. It is as if you were taxed for part,e,veAryneof and enormous fluctuations took place. Now, in respect
look at the continuedp operation of the Corn-laws with
the food you consumed—(A Noble Lord,k
additional alarm. I will show your Lordships the
degree in which those laws have affected steadiness of
are")—and for most of it you are. I nowdt,hbauttsoydo wui esr
spices and wines, and other luxuries are taxed,
. hard that they must pay, in their
scanty 'means, as much or more in proportion than any fluctuation and I am about to tender evidence to your
humble sphere and price and fluctuation. I say they have not prevented
have not prevented
thels fluctuation. Nay, I will go a step further, and 1
one—the wealthiest of all. My Lords,lthink this Lordships, showing you they
quite enough to disincline any man from supportingmnst
detain your Lordships with many figures, but I will
present system of taxation, from any but the un- will show you theyy have caused fluctuation. I will not
Take seventeen years,
brought
doubted and peculiar advantages. Nosy, m y Lords, I
have already said I care not (havinglt. give you one or two abstracts.
from the year 1773 to the year 1790, the fluctuations
3d.-4id• per cent. was
paused
down the cheapening effect of time repei.oalitnhcrose lawsb
from 7s. to 55., and from ss. to Is. ; and hwere not more than 2s. or 2s.
that Lord BROUGHAM—BY WELLINGTON—Do you take the
to make a supposition of that cheapness,
it may The Duke of WELLIN
I. .ca*renot if the whole measure of the fluctuation.
that shilling be taken away entirely. Possibly
not lower the price at all, because, in all thosecalcula- average of years.
I will afterwards
tions of the effects of the repeal, suffer me to say
one thing has been left out of view by the alarmed agri- take the average in each
year—the different prices in
culturists on the one hand, and the sanguine manufac- each year. lam now. taking the average by years, and
tumors on the other. I have already stated that the the greatest fluctuation as not more than 4/ per
c t. •was
price. Now I stop
price of wheat at Dantzic is 365. ;at Malta, 425. and;bd en --it was a very steady.
at Odessa, 30s. All this is the price of foreign wheat at 1790 for a very obvious
nextth _ ears reason—l mean to
under the present st stem of our Corn-laws, omit they u to 1804 and 1805, for
years—
pose our markets were thrown open—suppose there this reason
was as free an importation of foreign grain lucre
as anythere wereP two years of scarcities,
1795-1796,, that might confound the calculation,
other consumption, There was stillat
article, is it-likely, with that increased : i a worse year, 1800, while I admit
that the supply would continue to be as great c
was
selling
?—[A
tle fluctuation in 1801 was 114 per cent.—wheat
Noble Lord—Certainly not.)—Some Noble Lords ar l at • . 104.= per quarter. Then I omit
I those
as .. ; that it -mos the begio-
argue by steps, and I cannot take two steps at a time ifling of the depreciation so that for these three reasons,

d'spute that now, I have disposed of it already—you in-
crease the difficulties in the way of the manufacturers of
oar own country entering into competition with foreign
manufactuters in continental markets—you tend to shut
out your manufacturers from the foreign markets, giving
to the foreign manufacturer a premium at the expense of
your own. My Lords, this is the probable theory,
and I tender proof upon oath. I am ready to prove
on the evidence of unquestionable witnesses, that
whenever your markets are open to foreign corn,
thera is a check given to foreign manufacturers, and an
encouraeement to your own. I have evidence of facts
which I shall presently state more in detail, and which,
if they are admitted to be true, on that hypothesis alone
can your Lordships reject the proffered evidence. I
shall upon them, ground resolutions which your Lord-
ships cannot than but agree to. My Lords, there is
another evil which the manufacturers of our country
sustain from the torn-laws. In order to be able to
export our goods—and this applies, therefore, to the
merchant Who exchanges, as well-as to the manufac-
turer who works up, commodities, to enable them to
approach foreign markets with profit—they will not do
so without—it is necessary that means exist in that
foreign market for furnishing returns to our exportations.
Nominally, it is done by bills of exchange, &c. But
unless Sou take the goods of your foreign customers,
they will cease soon to be so. Now what is the effect
of the Corn-laws ? In countries to which the
Corn-laws do not apply in this way, which have
other commodities besides corn to send in return for our
manufactures, our merchants have a considerable trade,
and our manufacturers export large quantities of their
goods to those countries. But how is it with those
countries which have nothing but corn and timber to
give us in return ?—and the argument applies to timber,
for there are timber laws in the Colonies to answer to
our Corn-laws at home—those countries which are
much fitter customers for us than others, inasmuch as
they can be communicated with four or five times to
once with other countries ; the districts on the Baltic,
for example, which lie within a ten days' or a fortnight's
voyage, .and which produce nothing for exportation but
corn and timber ; if you will not take their corn and
timber, they will not take your manuFactures ; so that
you arc not contented with raising the prices of your
own manufactures--;with lowering the prices of foreign
commodities—with giving the Continental manufac-
turers a premium against your own—but you must
shut out your manufacturers, hampered as they are
by the restrictions of the Corn-laws—you shut them
nut altogether from foreign markets, by saying that
they shall not receive the only commodities which the
foreign merchants can offer them in exchange for their
manufictures. The- operation of this result of the
Corn-laws is confined to Europe, and principally to
the northern parts of Germany, and the districts bor-
dering on the Baltic. What is the test of this effect ?
It is this—simple, I think, and decisive. Examine
what are your exports to those countries from which
you decline to receive the manufactures. Then take
another set of countries—those which have other com-
modities besides the prohibited ones, to send you in re-
turn : that is, Africa, Asia, the West Indies, South
and North America—all which countries have some com-
modities, either gums, or metals, or cotton, or
sugar, &c., which they can supply us with.
Examine where your exports have increased, where kept
steady, and where diminished, under the influence of
your Corn-laws. And the result of the two branches of
the inquiry will show the effect of those Corn-laws,
whether prejudicial, innocent, or advantageous to our ma-
nufactures. Now, my Lords, I will open to you the evi-
dence which on this part of the question I am prepared to
lay before you. In those countries to which our Corn-
laws do not apply, they having other commodities to ex-
change with us, there has been fram 1816 'o 1836, twenty
years, an increase of our trade, from 16,000,0001. annually
to 28,000,0001., clearly showing that there was no want
of skill in our manufacturers ; that there was as great
a demand for our goods as ever, where our customers
had the means of buying them—that is in Africa which
could export her ivory and gold dust, the West Indies
which had their sugar and rum : and America, which
had her cotton ; in all these countries there was an
increase of fifty per cent. in our exports in twenty years.
On the other hand, in those countries where our Corn-
laws acted as a prohibition on their commodities—for
the five years ending 1820, as compared with the five
years ending 1836, there was a difference of no less
than twenty per cent., a diminution to that,
amount, in the latter period, of
,our exports.
For one or other, or both of two reasons, my witnesses
will show to your Lordships that their experience leads
them to believe that they have found out the real cause.
For my own part, I believe that it is not one, but both
of the reasons to which I have alluded, that operates
upon the commerce of the country—the favour
which the Corn-laws gave to the foreign manufacturer,
by keeping down their prices and raising ours, and by
shutting the,home market to the only article. with which
they could pay us for the articles they wanted. My Lords,
I will go into more detail in my evidence. The re-
turns of the exports show a most alarming increase.
in the export of those articles upon which we have
spent little or no labour—not one of the most alarming
aspects is the great increase of new manufactories
abroad, and 1 can prove, by witnesses at the bar, by
men of skill, by men of experience and knowledge—l
will show by these gentlemen that the operation of, the
Corn-laws has been to make,to force foreign nations to be-
come manufacturers. Now, my Lords, look at the kind of
articles in which your exportations have decreased. My
Lords, the raw materials have increased in a most extra-
ordinary ratio—while the export of manufactured articles
has most materially fallen off. In bar and pig-iron the
exportation has increased very greatly—they are the
raw materials, but cutlery, the manufactured article, has
not increased, but has in many places fallen off. Again,
take the article of woollen cloth : the exportation of
''en cloths had greatly fallen off, but the exportation
,;:eatly increased ; for instance, the woollen
of wool has
in 1826 amounted to 346,0001.
goods exported to
fallen off 2-sths of that
W ell, sixteen years later
amount, as it then amounted to no ,Lnore thar.!.22,.. 111 00(tdb.;
but the export of wool has greatly increZ'ed .
thtee years ending in 1827 the amount of the wo.?1 ex-
ported was 178,000/., while in the three years
ending in 1837, it had amounted to the enormous sum
of 3,744,000/. Again, the yarns exported in 1827
amounted to the sum of 154,0001., but in 1837, they,
like the wool, had increased to the large sum of
2,472,000/. These figures which I have laid before your
Lordships clearly show that the exports of the raw ma-
terial has most materially increased, while the manu-
facturing article has most sensibly and alarmingly fallen
off. What do we find—do we not know that in former time
England supplied the whole markets of Germany,but now
Germany and Belgium supply themselves to our exclu
sion, as I am perfectly ready to prove by credible wit-
nesses at your Lordships' bar. I will now illustrate
to your Lordships by a few facts—facts which I am
prepared to prove on oath at your Lordships bar. I will
shew you the places where the the manufactures have
been established—the manufactures of Nottingham has
been for a long period of years—the stocking trade,
which trade has also for a long period been carried on
in Saxony. In that country in 1815 the stocking frames,
according to authenticated returns, was only 1000, while in
Nottingham they amounted to 16,200. By the last returns
in Saxony there were now 16,000 stocking-frames, being
as near as possible the number now in Nottingham.
This, my Lords, is only one particular branch of trade.
I could show your Lordships that the manufacture of
spinning machinery has most largely increased abroad ;
but I would greatly prefer proving it to your Lordships
in a more compendious, 'satisfactory, and con-
vincing manner, by evidence on , oath at your
Lordships' Bar. I look around me in order to see
what office itself is the best test to try this question,
and it immediately occurs to me that by looking at the
supply of machinery to foreign nations is at once going
to the fountain-head. If I can demonstrate to your
Lordships that there is an almost incredible increase—
if I show that the manufacture of cranes, spinning-
jennies and wheels is now going on by the gross for fo-'
reign nations, I shall have demonstrated to your Lord-
ships that there is _great danger accruing to our manu-
factures. If I demonstrate to your Lordships that a
great many establishments have been erected abroad
for the purpose of making machinery, I will have
proved to your Lordships the necessity for
some change. I am prepared, my Lords, to
prove that these establishments .either now exist
or are in the course of erection, by two most respectable
witnesses—by two gentlemen who have been much
alarmed at the falling off of the manufactures of this
country—by two gentlemen who have visited these
establishments, not out of any idle curiosity, but be-
cause they were alarmed at being successfully opposed
by foreign manufacturers in markets which hitherto
were their own. They are prepared to state, my Lords,
that these foreign manufactories are greatly on the in-
crease. They are prepared to state, my Lord, that there
is a large manufactory for machinery at Dresden ; that
there is another at Chenitz, which is worked and super-
intended by English hands ; that at Prague there is
another of the same sort ; thht at Vienna there
is another, which is thought of so much impor-
tance by the Government of that enlightened
country, that. the .establishment is absolutely fixed
in the palace ; two, in fact, of those I have enu-
merated are established in palaces. At Elberfeldt there
is another—at Aix-la-Chapelle there is another, and
each of them worked by English hands ; and I pray
your Lordships to observe, that when I speak of one
manufactory at each of those places, I speak of many—
I might say that every one of them is a manufactory
of manufactories, becftuse each of them being a manu-
factory for making machinery alone, must supply a
great number of manufactories. Spindles, wheels, and
cranes, every kind of machinery is made at Zurich, and
I am prepared to prove to your Lordships that they use
no less than five tons of pig-iron—that no less than five
tons of pig-iron are melted and used in that establish-
ment in one day. If your Lordships want another test
—if your Lordships will like the test of numbers, I am
prepared to prove that at Liege there is one manufac-
tory alone where 4,000 hands are employed under Eng-
lish auspices, and worked by English capital. A Noble
Lord to-night presented a petition, which I saw made
its impression on the House, and in commenting u
it said, if the Corn-laws were repealed English lartarrn-
would be under the necessity of seeking their fortunes

:who pay hundreds of thousands a year in wages--it is
not only to them of the highest importance, but it is of
the last necessity that• they should know what prices
they can fearlessly and undoubtedly rely on. They
are in the dark, groping their way without a
glimmering of light to lead them, ignorant whe-
ther they are entering on a speculation that is
to redound to their wealth or to prove their ruin.
But for that, standing still is the best course to take,
according to the proverb that where you cannot see you
should not move, for all classes—for the consumer of
corn—for the buyers of manufactures,—for e ery per-
son, be he the industrious worker with his hand, or the
capitalist trusting to his profits, or the idle consumer, hav-
ing an income to be spent by him—for all classes it is of
the first importance to have steady prices affecting all
the commodities in which they deal, either to purchase
or to consume. The price of corn will more or less affect
the price of all commodities. When you tell me that
prices are steady, you tell me that every man's income
is steady , and that each person, be he agriculturist or
manufacturer, producer or consumer, knows his
own resources. But if you tell ma that prices
fluctuate, you tell me that no man's income is known,
that no man's resources are within his own kno
ledge, that no man can play the part of economy and
prudence. And I believe that steadiness of prices,
followed as it is, by a certain knowledge of each man's
resources, is, of all the helps to prudential conduct—
of all the preventives to extravagance and dis-
sipation—the most important which lawyers, minis-
ters, or moralists, can desire or aim at. There-
fore it is my Lords, that I look upon fluctuation
—which makes every man, more or less, a speculator—
which causes every man, more or less, to lead a gam-
bling life—fluctuations in the prices of the necessaries
of life, I look upon as that evil against which the wise
lawgiver would most sedulously guard by every means
in his power. My Lords, it is for that reason I have
tendered the evidence upon this head, and have gone
into it at some length, because I think it is altogether
impossible to overrate its importance. And now, my
Lords, I come to another part of the evidence I ten-
der, and which I think hardly inferior to, and is, in fact,
closely connected with, the last. My Lords, the effect
of the Poor-laws—(The Noble and Learned Lord, who
who thus said Poor-laws" for " Corn-laws," was re-
minded of his mistake by Earl Stanhope ; he imme-
diately corrected himself and proceeded.) My Lords,
when I look towards that part of the House where my
Noble Friend sits, I am instinctively reminded of the
Poor-laws, and hence arose the error.—(Laughter.)
The two subjects, in truth, are by no means uncon-
nected—(Hear)—and I may say this in passing—the
landowners, who have the burden chiefly of maintain g,
the poor—(Hear, hear)—have a great interest in cheap
food, which they yet, by some strange fatality, never
seem to be conscious of. If they sell corn high they
must pay high wages ; or, when there is a scarcity,
maintain the labourers out of the poor-rates. So it is
not all gain for keeping up a high price of corn, and
fluctuation is of most pernicious tendency, for whenever
there is an uncertainty in trade, there is variation as to
the numbers employed, and this throws from time to
time numberless persons on the poor-rates, that is, upon
the landowners.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I was
about to state to you a very important head of evidence
—that with respect to the inequality of prices produced
by the Corn-laws in different parts of the world. The
consequence of our not taking corn from the Continent,
corn being the only commodity in many countries
offered to you, is to make corn unnaturally cheap in
other countries, to create a greater difference than
nature would between the price of corn in England and
the price of corn elsewhere. Consequently, it has a
tendency to make a greater difference than naturally
would be produced between the price of labour
here and elsewhere. Consequently, it tends to
make a greater difference than is natural
between the prime cost of producing our manufactures,
and the prime cost of producing manufactures elsewhere.
Consequently, again, it makes a greater difference than
natural, between the facility of entering a market, to the
foreign manufacturer, and the facility which our manu-
facturer possesses of entering the same market. And
this produces another consequence, or rather, perhaps,
the same result in a different shape. I wish to drive
home the conclusion, that when you, under the " pro-
tection," as you call it, of the Corn-laws to your agricul-
ture, intended to produce steadiness in prices—l don't

...........
,er•II

in distant lands--(Hear, bear.) I am far from • ncYnig
that your Lordships should shut your ears. I also. Say, "
Hear, hear," but I say " hear" both sides. I say
here it is necessary that your Lordships should hen. r the
proof that the petitioners have to lay before your L ,ord-
ships. It is necessary, I think, that your Lord ships
should hear those individuals, probably not very well
informed upon the subject, but individuals whose whole
dependence is upon their understanding of the questtion.
It is incumbent upon your Lordships to hear :from
them what is now gonig on—to hear frow them w hat "
has been going on,and what will continue until our manu-
factures are overwhelmed ; it is necessary that your
Lordships should have that proof before
you on .oath.
They will tell you upon oath what has already takenplace.
My y Lords, my prayer to you is to hear my desire., 15
that you should hear ; but I am desirous that yeu
would only not hear fears and fancies ; but that
you should Lear the truth.—(Cheers.) I am desir-
ous that your Lordships should hear not only what I
may take place, but that you should not refuse to
allow me to prove what has, taken place. My Lords
is it very natural, is it dek-able that the English
manufacturer should go abroa4 and settle in foreign
countries. Let me ask yoter Lordships if a
single English farmer was to go abroad, whether it
would not be much to be regretted, because we might
lose in this country a very valuable meneher of society.
But if an English manufacturer goes to Zurich, be
does not go that you should lose a good subject at Wol-
verhampton, or an excellent justice of the peace at the
Sessions—but he goes to work up into manufsectures.
and machinery—he goes to work up into spindles and
spinning jennies, five tons of pig iron, for the pure ")se
of enabling him to compete with the manufacturers in
this country.—(Hear, hear.) Another goes to Liege'
and he takes away with him not only a valuable menthe
of society, but he establishes a manufactory where
4,000 persons are employed, not in making cotton twist,
but a manufactory of it. I know I shall be told by
sold.: of my noble friends opposite, who are so fond of
having one side of the question stated and not the other,
who are more desirous to indulge with an audience the
man who dreads and apprehends, rather than the man
who proves.—(Laughter.) I know I shall be told that this
case is only the case of the manufacturers, but that they
have to consider the landed interest. All I have said,
my Lords, applies as much to the farmer as the manufac-
turer. lam speaking for them as much as for the stinew
facturer, and I must tell your Lordships that there is n°
such very great reason in maintaining these Corn-laws as
sound men imagine. But there is a much greater yeasa
—that your Lordships have a far higher interest in c.hank
leg the present down-hill progress of manufactures, shicuf
the Corn-laws have effected. I will now address nee'a°l
especially to the landed interest, and I think it is 500-
thine in favour of my position at least that man; of the
landed" interest have expressed their decided cinita"ethat the present system of Corn-laws ought not to Bond
tinue.—( Hear, hear.) Individuals of high character,
large capitalists in land say that they would be Dwell.
better without Corn-laws than with them, and that l
will prove, if your. Lordships give me the opportunity of
doing so, at your Lordships' bar. If I were to name
ae.ongst all your Lordships any individual who has a greet
stake in the country, more than another—an individual r‘ll°
can have no possible interest in putting any impediment in
the way of the agriculturist—whose whole means of wealth is
with the agriculturist, I might name my much loved and
Noble Friend who brings forward this motion ; for lao
only preceding him in my statement to enable him to lay
the matter more clearly before you—l allude to the Nell
Lord who is connected with Yorkshire. That Noble Lor
has great possessions in that county, and also in Ireland'
which must be considered as entirely an agricultural
country. That Noble Lord has stated his firm
viction that this country is much worse, from the es-
istence of the present Corn-laws, than it would. 11
been without them. Such is that Noble Earl's ogle
nion, and such I believe also to be the opinion of a ki
Lord who is one of the greatest agriculturists conneete"
with the county of Norfolk. That Noble Lord does 1144
consider the Corn-laws a benefit to the farmer. Ido 10
inquire at present with respect to the nature of the alters'
tion made—at all events the fixed duty is not the presel
system. Another Noble Lord, to mention whose name
am sure will excite veneration in your Lordships, 00e
whose whole life had been spent in the pursuits of agrictll'
turd, I allude to the late Lord Thanet, of whom it was
not enough to say he had applied himself to this subject'
but whose knowledge upon it almost excelled that a sea
other. I believe that no man was more experience"(
upon the subject than he was—he was a man °lf
immense landed property, and I err very groeatel
indeed if he did not uniformly maintain that the 1-;,11.'„-
laws did the agriculturist more harm than good--(
some Noble Lords on the Opposition side called out '`
no.) Well, perhaps, that Noble Lord did not knOss.,'"
own mind, perhaps he did not know any thing of. fard7,4
—( A laugh)—but be that as it may, I think I have stet 7.
enough to show your Lordships that it does not follow the
a man connected wit%, land is always a friend of the Corn;
laws. Now I can bring before your Lordships a gre,ii
number of instances where farmers have stated ex
ee"L
the same thing. One fact I will mention to your b°l. f
ships by way of blunting the edge of the appetite °
those Noble Lords on the other side of the House, n't,i
seem to wish for my destruction. The ports were close
and there was a complete monopoly in the home marls
,„°
from 1832 to 1838—now what was the price of
during the whole of those years till the ports wed
open—( Hear, hear.) why the average price t""
365. and a fraction.
Earl STANHOPE—That was the lowest.
Lord BROUGHAM—I am going to give you a cOll2-
parative statement. It is a matter of indifference to or
whether it was the highest or the lowest. If I was eenlY
taking one year, then it would make some difference ; bet
I am going to compare the years when the ports were open'
with those when they were not-365. 7d• was, t,ebe
average of December 1835, that is the average cle'enc
medium period of shutting the ports. Your Lerdss
will find that average to be by no means high at thaetilne,"
I take the month of December 1835, because I have 11';
otherp average, whea the ports were opened, oceeri
December. In December, 1835, the average is 365.„1,3:
In December, 1838, when the ports were opened,
This fact, my Lords, I think will blunt the edge
of the appetite for my , destruction which , say
among some Noble Lords opposite.—( Laughter). the
therefore,
that there is this very material detriment to
landowner from the present state of the Corn-
laws.
d
will admit that the present measure is as wise as it it "6.
been framed by an angel—l will admit that all enY argbut
m,;:lts and evidence proves nothing—l will admit all toli
the wet:nest. advocates of the measure can desire--I
do all this—os:t, then, I will say that they are not nee:st,
sary laws—that tieev are repealable laws.—that there tbe
been a fluctuation of place under them, and this rau-s pi-
conceded to me, that as long as these laws co.ntinue e:;tibt,
trusts will entertain a doubt, and as long as that :lose
continues capital will be withheld from the land. I sal.
a large capitalist, who will prove before you that a rert4,
of the Corn-laws, and a few months' steadiness in fall: iege
will let louse millioris now in the funds, which are yiel%
only a profit of 3i per cent. I think, anything more ettic
ficial to the landowner cannot well be imagined than. My
application of a large capital in the cultivation of land. the
Lords, it is a benefit to the landowner—it would be
greatest advantage to him if tee protecting duties on re
aper
factures were removed—if manufactures we'v sold che rt.°.
consequently —if the people could buy goods, either rats
prpa-
duce, or the manufactured goods which enter into the ere
nufactured wares of this country, consumed by the ferin of
—if you could buy them without any of the increalo.
price which is occasioned by what is called the malt to
turing or protecting duty, it would be a great begs loss
the fanner. I need not tell you that until the Corn- 0,
are repealed, no man will propose so extravagant a PlO,
s tion as to deprive the manufacturer of lo
protectiog..e,
les when you Keep them up in favour of the 'entice/14r.
Bat my last observation of the effect of sna
tn.tiking
tures in behalf of the landowner, is one of so sri gee
a nature that I do beseech, esty
best attention of your Lordship I
to it. In refereorear
what I have stated as to the wane of our manufacTo
I began by saying that not one word should escsr°_, the
my lips depreciating the agricultural, the land intere%' this
landlord and farmer, whose great influence by right !;:t of
community I admit—whose great influence in PFled tie
fact, in tli's community, I admit—whose being n".O the
with the fate of the country from the stake he bas 10011
country, I am the last man to deny, or hesitate to. _ ma'
lorece
to
concede, but so neither will I say one word against 0;00
nufacturer—(Hear)—or w6isper one breath which ere'
to undervalue that most resptctable, useful, essentials b. the
bar of the community ; and I have lately seen, !st 00e
greatest astonishment, from a Noble Friend of rals.e.'elee-
of the present Ministers, a statement made upon eb"tery.,
tion occasion I suppose it roust have been—( orits
in which he places in the most inviduous contrast th,enf face
of the manufacturer and the cultivators of the land• roe
rality, tranquillity, of all the qualities that make 00 gIY-1-,
and good citizens he places in the most odious cell°.o all
manufacturer and the landed interest—( Hear, hear) van'
things relating to morals, to steadiness of conduct, tiod
quillity as good subjects, he conceives it to be a wflaetorer
gination, a dreaming fancy—to compare the Inanaeie 07
to the landed cultivator. My Lords, these are not ee eS:
timents. As my Noble Friend has in his experie°„olo°'
pressed great alarm at the bare thoughts of Gc)ser-1
I A aird'im• 'e
to
venturing to touch the Corn-laws—he says--,- ° to ee;e
say that this Government (then in opposition) niesne,nee P-
up the Corn-laws to the manufacturers—the expert'd, that
has laid before us has altered his views, and he 6fleessess
these Corn-laws are not so beneficial, and he now P"7,09/
fixed duty. My Lords, it is not a statesrnanlik!...it
ig
to give preference to one class over another eal
to •
neither a statesmanlike, or a correct view'
the
H I dpi
OW
that one class of the community better deserveence or protection of the Parliament of England' ono Oo
one of the old-fashioned individuals who think tha- het
our old writers taught more practical wisdom than 13 Child
statesnien are practising or pursuing. Sir Josiakon
used the memorable words—" Land and trade are ;t over
gether, and together must wax or wane, so that
shall be well with land but trade's the betterthiur tee
wherever trade shall suffer, land shall fall."
diction be as classical—though I infinitely Pre
Huntingdon address—(Laughter)--I won't stoepw.tovi. tee
quire, but this I will say, that that is a sound to coin'
subject, and the last member of it ought above a rbe
mend the attention of the House—that it shall nroro, to
with trade but land too shall fall. Now; mY ato toil
rerheit.tef
show you what trade has done for you—aYe, and I°-
it even to the test of the price of the commoti_iitoYd";thers
only recite the price of wheat. For certain Fe'
the Price':
was a bounty of 55., which must be deducted ft;?T,.1.0.,
am now about to recite. For 50 years from iu t;.
accession to the year 1773, the average price of we_as 2 9..
English market, deducting the bounty of sa;
_2"6f2,. ea
The average price of 56 years, ending in 182% togs reas.otr:
Deducting the 20 years from 1800 to 1820, temtpuLcd so es
that they were periods of the currency being. tr. a
thegt Yc Yee'
and therefore years of fluctuation—deducting
,_ie the pri
it
it made the price 52s.—which was exactly d !,07,, ,that .
of grain before the year 1773. So se, s Josiah Ch"c"_o3.
shall never be ill with land but trade shall suffer, a