The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-22 00:00:00

FOREIGN TRADE AND TARIFFS.

At a soiree held on Monday evening in St. George's-hall,
Bradford, in conneetion with the annual meeting of the
Brad ford Chamber of Commerce,M r.W. Forster,M.P ~ senior
vice-president, was the chairman, and moved the adoption
of the report of the council. After referring to the Great
International Exhibition of last year, and to the successful
display of Bradford manufactures there, he said the Exhibi-
tion naturally reminded them of foreign trade and tariffs,
and he thought they might congratulate themselves on the
success of the long efforts of the Chamber with regard to the
Belgian treaty. Having had something to do with the diffi-
culty connected with obtaining that treaty in his place in
Parliament, he was very glad to have that opportunity of
expressing his obligations to a member of the Chamber,Mr.
Behrens, for the verygreat assistance which he gave towards
its accompl shment. He hoped their success in the matter
of Belgium would rather spur them on in keeping their at-
tention directed to foreign tariffs generally. The fact was
that the French treaty had operated to initiate a reform in
tariffs throughout the Continent, and he thought our Go-
vernment had in some measure lost the initiative, and that
they ought to have followed up the French treaty immedi-
ately by proposing to other countries to reduce their tariffs.
They had rather left it to France to initiate the thing, and
France having done so, there was probably no Government
on the Continent with which negotiations would not be
entered into for a fresh arrangement of the tariff. The
French treaty had been followed by the Belgian treaty and
by the treaty of the Zollverein. They saw that day that
there had been a treaty signed between France and Italy,
and they heard rumours of fresh tariff arrangements in
Austria, Russia, and Spain. This movement with regard
to tariffs made it most important that the members of the
Bradford Chamber of Commerce, being greatly interested in
them, should keep their attention directed to the subject,
and that they should furnish information to the Govern-
ment upon it. He knew it was often said that, having
adopted the Free-trade principle, we had lost the opportu-
nity of making any bargain with foreign Governments; that
we had already given everything to them, and, therefore,
could give nothing in return, and that, therefore, our Go-
vernment might hold their hands. He believed such a
laissez fairs system as that would be as unwise and unsound
as any policy could be, and those who advocated it were
providing for the Foreign-office an excuse for neglect and
indifference which they themselves did not profess or adopt.
They did not find that the Foreign office considered that it
ought to do nothing in the matter. They felt that Protec-
tion was a disadvantage to the country protected, and there-
fore they felt that the Government ought to make itself a
propagandist of the principle of Free-trade. It did so hap-
pen that those Governments which were most protected
were those whose real and true interests were damaged by
Protection, Take Austria as an example. Nothing was
more clear than that the people of Austria, the great mass
of the consumers, were immensely injured, and that the re-
sources of the country were not developed, by reason of the
Protection which was given to a very small number of ma-
nufacturers. The same was the case in Russia. In that
country the duty was almost prohibitory. Mr. Behrens
had given him particulars of the Russian tariff, which was
at least 117 per cent, upon English goods. An English
Orleans piece that cost 20s had a duty of 25s levied upon
it. It must be plain to Russian statesmen that it was
against the interest of the people of Russia that they
should have their clothes so much increased in price by
this heavy protective duty; and that it really answered
merely for Protection, and not for revenue, was
proved by the result upon the revenue. The re-
venue derived in Russia from the Customs duty on all
worsted and woollen goods imported from England,
France, and Germany was only £94,000 per annum ; and,
therefore, for a very small sum they were immensely in-
creasing the price of the necessaries of life to their popula-
tion. However, it might be said that this was a matter not
merely for the Government, but for the press of England
and the press of other countries, to take up, in order by
every possible means to spread the principles of Free trade;
but in addition to that there was this, that our Government
should claim that no preference should bo given to any
other country over ourselves. That made our strong case
with regard to Belgium, and, determined as the manufac-
turing interest in Belgium were to maintain their mono-
poly as long as possible, it was felt by the Belgian Govern-
ment to be an irresistible case. Tho Belgian Government
felt it would be almost an act of hostility to this countfy
to continue to prefer France to us in the way they did.
Wherever that injustice existed, the Chamber might fairly
call upon the Government to protest against it as strongly
as possible—and it was very rarely that that course did
not before long produce the desired result. They had such
a case with regard to Austria, where the duty upon the
goods of the Zollverein was only two-thirds, on the ave-
rage, of what it was upon English goods. He believed that
was a case in which an able memorial forwarded by that
Chamber would have a real effect upon the. Government,
giving them information upon which they would act, and
he could not but think that it would be responded to by
Austria itself. There was another case which might claim
the action of the Government. England did something
towards the formation of the Kingdom of Italy, but it
could net be intended by the great statesman who formed
that kingdom that we should be made worse off than
before. Such, however, was the fact, for the result
of the substitution of the Piedmont tariff for the old