The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-19 00:00:00

CAMBRIDGE.

at lb
1. J. C. Hawkshaw, Trinity ........ 11112
11 6
2. W. C, &ayly, Trinity
3. R, H. Morgan, Emmanuel ... 11 10
4. J. Wilson, Pembroke l2 0
6. C. H. Lo Mothe, St. John's.. l2 3
6. R, A. Kinglake, Trinity
7. J. Chambers, Trinity
8. J. Stanning, Trinity
F. H. Archer, Corpus (coxswain).• •. • 5 8

A letter from Marseilles states that a second
manifestation in favour of the Poles has taken place on the
rlaine St. Michel, but the crowd immediately dispersed, on
the appearance of the police, with cries of " Vive l'Empe-
mr I" " Vivo la Polotue

THE POLISH QUESTION,

DEBATE IN THE FRENCH SENATE.

PARIS, March 17.
The debate in the Senate on Polish affairs yes-
terday afternoon had not the anticipated import-
ance. Prince Napoleon and M. Billault, who were
both present, took no part in the proceedings, these
great athletes reserving their forces for the conflict
later; yet it elicited some sentiments from Viscount
de Lagueronniere and others which are of sufficient
interest to justify my troubling you with a con-
densation of the voluminous report of the proceed-
ings which was sent roun d to the journals shortly
after midnight.
The debate commenced by one of the Marquis de
Boissy's escapades. He had a strong regard for the
Irish, but he would not admit their right to petition
the Senate to interfere between them and England,
nor could he recognise the same right in the Poles
to implore the interference of France between them
and Russia. They were foreigners anc: had no right
to petition the Senate. The foolish marquis gained
his object by causing some trouble in the examina-
tion of this constitutional question, which was at
last referred to a special committee.
M. Bonjean then addressed the Senate—" The
astonishment and sorrow which I felt the other day,
on hearing the Commission propose the orders of the
day, has not diminished since I read their report;
for the Polish question is the only one on which
every one is agreed in France, the only one which
has the privilege of inspiring universal sympathy.
If this feeling be more intense in the workshop and
the cottage, where the old Gallic blood has not been
cooled down by political exigencies, it exists, though
somewb at tempered, in the higher classes of society ;
and is it on such a question that we are bidden to
pass to the order of the day ? for that would imply
that the petition is undeserving of interest or atten-
tion. The Commission seems to declare that it would
be satisfied if Russia would cease its massacres,
and would realise to Poland its promise of 1815.
For my part I would accept any reform joy-
fully, but only as an instalment, for which
I would not give a receipt in full; for I could not
hold such palliation as sufficient satisfaction for the
general European interests which are complicated
in the Polish question." M. Bonjean then entered
into an historical examination of the Polish ques-
tion. He narrated the perfidies of Catherine in
1772; the remorse of the nobler Maria Thersea,
who told the French Ambassador at Vienna, in
1775, "The partition of Poland is a blot on my
reign ; but I should be forgiven were it known how
I had yielded to the pressure of Russia with the
assent of Prussia." The orator continued his his-
torical citations to prove not only the iniquity of
the partition, but the necessity for the reconstruc-
tion of the kingdom of Poland on its original basis.
" Who could have forseen in 1859 that Austria
would have given up Lombardy ? And since then
what changes have we seen. For my part I have
boundless confidence in right and justice. England
has abandoned us in the Polish question, as she
abandoned us in Mexico, as she will abandon every
power when she sees the way to her own interest,
or to the injury of others; but she, as well as
Austria, will eagerly accept our support and aid
when we shall have called upon Russia to give up
Poland. Let us hope that the Emperor will be
able to deliver Poland without peril to France; it
would be the noblest act of his reign, and would
justify the old adage, Gesta Bet per Frances.'"
The Viscount de Lagueronniere thought that
France ought to interfere energetically, by diplo-
matic means, and that her action would induce the
European Powers to act with her; but he abjured
for France a European conflict, the interest of which
would not:compensate either its dangers or its sacri-
fices. The " order of the day " did not imply indif-
ference to the petitions, hut confidence in the Em-
peror's judgment. The Viscount then entered, like
his predecessor, into an historical disquisition on
Polish partitions. Austria, he said, had entered
unwillingly into the compact of 1772 to avoid hav-
ing the two great Powers banded against her. For
Russia, the rending asunder of Poland was the
condition of the double movement which led her
on to the East and to the West. It extended
the bases of Prussia, and enabled her to become
what she now is—a great German Power. Russia
and Prussia were impelled by ambition, Austria by
the necessity of keeping pace with them. And the
concentration of these three Powers on the wreck
of Poland prepared that coalition which Napoleon
himself was powerless to break up. " Messieurs, it
is time for Russia to give up those compromises,
those concessions, those restricted reforms, which
have only ended in disappointment. The time has
arrived for adopting a larger system, by returning
to the rights of treaties from which Russia has
diverged. Where would be the obstacle to the re-
turn to the treaties of 1815 ? At Berlin ? The
public irritation against the convention of the Bth
of February sufficiently shows the opinion of the
Prussian people. At Vienna ? Would not Austria
follow the traditions of her policy, and allow her-
self to be drawn into new aspirations and sympa-
thies for a cause which France would defend with
her ? Would England be an obstacle ? Why, she
has anticipated us in her zeal. (Murmurs.) She
has given a great: impulse to the diplomatic move-
ment. She has taken the initiative; and as Eng-
land does not generally pass for an adventurous
nation, she must have had some cause for hopes of
sucess in her diplomatic interference. As for France
her policy is clear. In 1855, when Count Walewaki
requested Count Persigny to call the attention of
the British Government to the situation of Poland,
England replied—' That she would see with plea-
sure the re-establishment of the guarantees of 1815,
as a satisfaction accorded to right and justice. She
regretted that she could not extend her hopes
farther, as she considered the reconstitution of an
independent Poland as a barrier against the en-
croachments of Russian policy.' If England has
isolated herself, as in Mexico, in America, in Italy,
it is because she objected to a collective action ; but
it is not the less true that by her individual action
she has recognised those principles which we now
defend, and has devoted her great influence to their
triumph."

M. Dupin—She knows how to get out of them
when it suits her.

M. de Lagueronniere—Yes. She knows how to
get out of them, but here is a decisive fact resulting
perhaps from political expedients; and when these
principles are avowed before Europe by the most
illustrious of her statesmen, England will not dis-
avow them. The hour has come for reviving the
rights secured to Poland by the treaty of 1815, and
it is in this sense that the Senate should give its
support to the Government. This is the policy of
peace. There is another policy of war. I admit
my mistrust when I saw the English press urging
us on to the Rhine, for I know that when England
bids us look to the Rhine her gaze is turned towards
the East. When she throws open to us the road to
Poland, it is to involve us in a quarrel with Russia.
(Hear, hear.) This is the expedient of a jealous ally,
who would forge chains for an alliance which we
could not easily break. If jealous love be the most
sineere, there is a vivacity of sympathy in England's
conduct, a delicacy of sentiment, which leaves
nothing to be desired. Yes, Messieurs, there is a
war policy, not only in the perfidious incitements
of the English press, but also in generous and im-
prudent passions. This is a war policy the result of
which may be appreciated by its very promises. It
demands the annihilation of treaties. It desires a
great Poland, and that Russia should be effaced from
amongst the great Powers of Europe. But is not
this great Poland a dream? What would be its
geographical expression ? where would it begin or
end? And is France interested in diminishing the
power of Russia? The two Powers are too far sepa-
rated to interfere with each other. Russia, tending
towards the East, is destined to become a great
maritime Power. We fought against her ambition
at Sebastopol, but we should now rejoice to see her
resume her influence on the seas. It behoves France
to ask Russia, not for an independent Poland—that
she would not grant—but a free Poland, with con-
6titutional institutions, or a grand generous policy
which would wipe out the stains of the blood which j

THE SUN, LONDO

has been shed. Let France pursue this object.
There would be more honour in attaining it than
wisdom in going beyond it. (Hear, hear.)
Prince Poniatowski said that he spoke, not as a
Pole, but as a French senator. He expressed his
dissent from the viscount's conclusions, and assured
him that the peace of Europe could never be secured
until Poland was reconstituted es a great and free
kingdom.
The debate was then closed until this day.

PARIS, March 18.
The debate on Poland was continued to-day in
the French Senate.

The Marquis de la Rochejacquelin supported
passing to the order of the day, and maintained that
the movement in Poland was not national but
revolutionary.

M. Walew,ki protested against the Marquis de
la Rochejacquelin, and said that the treaties of 1815
did not establish the rights claimed by the Czar over
Poland. He also protested against the assertion
that the Polish insurrection was a revolutionary
movement.

Prince Napoleon opposed passing to the order of
the day, a course which would, he said, be consi-
dered by public opinion much less sympathetic
with Poland than it the Senate were to refer the
petitions for the consideration of the Government.

The Prince continued :—" By simply referring
the petitions to the Government, without stormy
debates, would have strengthened the confidence of
the Senate in the wisdom of the Emperor, and
would have shown France abroad to be intimately
bound to the Government on the Polish question."
Alluding to the treaties of 1815, Prince Napoleon
said they should only be mentioned to be execrated.
The insurrection in Poland was, he said, lawful on
account of the conscription, which was a real pro-
scription en masse directed by the good pleasure of
the police.

The Prince enumerated the barbarous measures
taken and the atrocities committed by the Russians,
and asked whether the Emperor's Government
ought not to do for Poland what preceding Govern-
ments had done ?

In reviewing the position taken up by the great
Powers, the Prince was of opinion that Russia
sought to disturb the good understanding existing
between France and England, in order to carry out
her designs in the East. " Russia, in order to hold
her troop available against the emancipated serfs,
endeavoured to conclude a convention with Prus-
sia."

With regard to Austria, Prince Napoleon said
that her conduct, though it might cause surprise,
was satisfactory.
The Prince then drew attention to the unanimity
of the Polish movement, and said, " Men of all
opinions and all ranks, up to the Archbishop of
Warsaw, take part in the insurrection. With this
state of things it would be deplorable to be only
able to give to the Poles counsels of resignation.
To pass to the order of the day is to vote against
the national feeling of France. Circumstanees are
more favourable than ever. The Emperor is in
the prime of his years and his genius. Our pres-
tige is great abroad, and affairs at home are on a
solid basis. The moment has come to act."

Prince Napoleon concluded by expressing a hope
that the Senate would not pass to the order of the
day.

M. Billault requested the Senate to adjourn the
debate till to-morrow, in order that the govern-
ment might reply to the many imprudent words
that had just been uttered.

The Turkish Bombardment of Belgrade.

A correspondent in a contemporary says:—Will

you allow me to lay before the public a short state-
ment of the bombardment of Belgrade by the Turks,
which was spoken of and misrepresented in your
House of Commons last night.
I announce myself a Servian, and therefore labour
under the disadvantage of being considered a partial
witness. I can but assert facts, however, which are
notorious, and which I defy any one to call in
question.

On Sunday, the 15th of June, two Servian lads
going to draw water were assaulted by two Turkish
soldiers, who killed one on the spot. Several Ser-
vian gendarmes at once arrested the murderers, and

led them off to the Turkish police-office to give them
over to the Turkish military authorities. A dis-
charge of musketry, fired from the Turkish police-
office, killed the two Servian officers of gendarmes,
and this at once was the signal for a fight between
the Turks and Servians in that part of the town,
and the latter soon carried by a rush the two gates
leading to the Turkish quarter—Varoshkapi and
Savekapi. The Turks guarding these gates
were allowed to retire into the fortress with-
out further molestation. Meantime, the Tur-
kish police-station, into which the murderers of
the Servian boy had retreated, was found to
be occupied by 300 regular soldiers, and a num-
ber of irregulars and militia, and these were at-
tacked by the people, During this scene of confu-
sion some Turkish shops and houses were pillaged
by the dregs of the population. During this terrible
scene the British Consul-General Longworth pre-
vailed on the Pasha to put an end to the battle, on
condition that the blockaded Turks of the plice-
office should be allowed to retire into the fortress.
Through the exertions of the Servian authorities
and the Consuls these Turks were marched through
an exasperated population and the fortress, and we
congratulated ourselves that the worst was over.
An armistice was signed by the Servian Govern-
ment, the Pasha. and the Consuls. This was on
Monday. At 830 on Tuesday morning two Turks
came from the fortress with a white flag, requesting
M. Garashanin to assemble the Consuls in the fort-
ress. This was agreed to, but while these gentlemen
were on their way more than 100 cannon of the
fortress showered upon a defenceless European city
a storm of shot and shell. I will not attempt to
describe the horrible scene of dismay that followed,
but while I reflect with anguish on the destruction
of once happy homes, my hearth throbs with pride
when I recollect that every man in the city thought
but of resistance. Barricades were extemporised,
and a galling fire of native rifles killed several
Turkish gunners. On such occasions it is well known
that the strongly built churches are the first places
of refuge for the women and children. the Cathedral
of Belgrade was an especial object of the Turkish
gunners. After some hours of bombardment, the
French and English Consuls, by the force of indig-
nant remonstrances, caused a cessation of the fire,
and then gave themselves up as hostages to the op-
posing parties to ensure a continuance of the truce.
All honour to these devoted and courageous men,
who nearly lost their lives from an attempt of the
Pasha to renew the bombardment !

Such, sir, is, as I call God to witness, a true and
unexaggerated account of the bombardment of Bel-
grade last June. On July 9 the Prince of Servia
wrote to Lord Russell to help to save the country
from a recurrence of such horrors. He received a
cool reply, in which his lordship says, "It appears
• that an attack was made by the Servians on the
gates of the town occupied by the Turks in virtue
of ancient usage and recent treaties, especially the
Treaty of Paris in 1856 ;" thus unfairly and un-
generously ignoring the previous assassinations and
the attack of the Turks, and making it appear that
we were the aggressors.
Now, Sir, I do not call on von to believe me
merely on my own
word, since I may be considered
a not impartial witness, but, in the name of com-
mon sense, I would ask are the Servians such idiots
as to attack the garrison of a fortress which com-
mands their whole city with more than 100 guns
of heavy calibre, and that without even removing
their women and children ? The Princess, too, was
residing under these guns and narrowly escaped.
We are not among the foremost of cities in arts and
sciences, but we have at least the instinct of ani-
mals, who keep out of shot when in danger of the
hunter. Mr. Layard says we "are worked upon by
intriguers." Yes, and these intriguers are the shot
and shell which have worked us up to the point of
despair. Are any other intriguers required to make
us anxious to remove from our centres of population
fortresses full of Asiatic barbarians P It is not many
months since the officers and soldiers of the Sultan
massacred, without the pretence of provocation, at
least 5,000 Christians in Damascus. These men ,