The Sun.
London, England, 1863-02-10 00:00:00

LUXURIANT WHISKERS, Moustaches, and
Eyebrows produced in a few weeks by the use of
ELLIOTT'S TONIC LOTION, the stimulative properties
of which are unta ling in their operation. Thomas Elliott
invites a trial from the most sceptical, that they may be con-
vinced of its i tfallible power. Price 3s. 6d.. Rs. 6d., 10s. ed.,
and 21s. Forwarded on r( ceipt of postage stamps.—Thomas
Elliott, hairgrower (first floor), 51, Fenchurch-street. T. 11. 's
wigs, £1 10s.

OLDRIDGE'S BALM of COLUMBIA
established upwards of thirty years. Is the best
and only certain remedy ever discovered for preserving,
strengthening, beautifying, or restoring •he hair, whiskers,
or m.,ustaches, and preventing them turning grey. Sold in
bottles, as. 6d., 65., and I ls., by C. and A. OLDRIDGE, 22,
Wellington-street. Strand, London, W.C., and all chemists
and perfumers. For childrens' and ladies' hair it is most
efficacious and unrivalled.

RHEUMATISM, CHILBLAINS, &c.
OOLES'S ALGA MARINA is the only really
v CONCENTRATED Essence of the Sea-weed. It is daily
increasing in celebrity as a remedy for all kinds of Rheuma-
tism, whether Acute or Chronic, immediately relieving the
pain, and sp edlly curing the disease. It is the best remedy
for Spinal Attentions, Contractions, Weakness of the Limb.,
Scrolulius ,wel•ings, and all those affections for which the
sea-side is recommended, and is also AN ADMIRABLE APPLI-
CATION FOR CHILBLAINS.
The public should be careful to obtain the original prepara-
tion by askingCOLES'S ALGA MARINA," each
bottle ot which is enveloped in a Pamphlet containing nume-
rous Cases and Testimonials, without which none is genuine.
Sold in bottles, 2s. 9d., is. Cd., and lis. each, by T. KEATING,
790, Sbt;ePr:ouli'os Cthhuorcohryivarit;LtonAdLoonialvnidAbnymaAll Cthheemoisams.e
of
"JAMES COLES " is engravers on the label.

niiaidl.
OYAL FREE HOSPITAL, Grn
U in tli,3 immediate vicinity of the Great Zo ihme ' r rßoa
way Terminus, at iiing's-cross.

the for-
mality _ ---
Patron—The QUEEN.
President—The Duke of BUCCLEIJn
Treasurer—Edward Masterman, CEsg' K.G.This was the first hospital to introduce the principle of free
.
o
and instant admission to the destitute sick,
of governors' letters. It is entirely devoted
tution in its most pitiable form—viz., that which is aedeeomstl-
panied by sickness and disease, and is now of sufficient
magnitude that, with adequate support, it may be rendered
capable of admitting into its wards a very large proportion of
the casual sick of this great metropolis. It requires but the
funds in order to have 500 beds available for the reception of
these the most wretched of our fellow-creatures. Moreover,
it gratuitously aflords medical advice and medicine to more,
on the average, than 3,000 out-patients a week.
The Weekly Board feel it their imperative duty to make an
EARNEST APPEAL to the public for continued support,
to enable them to t dmit and relieve the distressing cases that
daily present themselves.
Contributions are received by the Treasurer, Edward
Sias errnan, Esq.' Nicholas-lane; also by Messrs. Coutts and
Co. ; Drummond and Co. ; Herries and Co. ; Ransom and
d sand ; Barclay and Co • Denison
Co. ; Prescott, Grote, and Co.
Co.; Smith, Payne, and Co. ; Glyn
and Co. ; Jones Loy ,
and Co. ; Messrs. J. Barned and Co., Liverpool;
ly lliams, Deacon, and_ Co. ; Overend, Co.
and
NisbetanCoa;atthe and C 0
Hospital.. ;
STANFORD S. SMITH, Secretary.

The first requisite, in the opinion of her Majesty's
Government, was attachment to constitutional prin-
ciples, and a readiness to perform faithfully the
duties of a Sovereign in a free representative mo-
narchy.

In this respect, no one was more clearly elegible
than King Ferdinand of Portugal, whose wisdom,
moderation, and respect for liberty has been proved
by experience.
King Ferdinand, however, I am sorry to say, has,
on account of his affection for his sons, and for the
country he has adopted, absolutely declined to allow
his name to be put forward.

MR. H. ELLIOT TO EARL RUSSELL—(Received Jan. 17.)
Athens, Jan. 5, 1863.
My Lord,—Your lordship's despatch of the Ist
inst. reached me yesterday.
I had constantly discouraged the suggestion that
a deputation should go from hence to convey to
England the offer of the Crown to Prince Alfred,
and I have again informed the Greek Minister and
other influential persons that such a course does not
appear to your lordship to be admissible.
I find, however, that a very universal inclination
prevails in favour of adhering to the proposal. It
is urged by all those with whom I have spoken
that the wish of the people to have his Royal High-
ness for their King must be ratified by the National
Assembly, and be brought before her Majesty's Go-
vernment with the utmost solemnity.

It is considered that this could only properly be
done through a deputation or a special mission ;
and, of the two, I rather encouraged the latter,
though I urged that neither of them was necessary,
as the answer of her Majesty's Government could
equally well be conveyed in writing.

It will probably still be ten days or a fortnight
before the verifications of the elections will allow
the Assembly to proceed seriously to business, and
the question of the deputation will then be one of
the earliest which will occupy its attention.
I may mention that, among other reasons which
are felt in favour of sending a deputation, there is
unquestionably a lingering hope that, if sufficient
time is given, Parliament may reverse the decision
of her Majesty's Government with regard
to the non-acceptance of the crown by Prince Alfred.
Indeed, it is hardly possible to convey to your lord-
ship an idea of the persistence with which the Greeks
still cling to their hopes.

The right of her Majesty or of tier Majesty's Go-
vernment to decide upon the matter is sometimes in-
dignantly denied ; and it is occasionally seriously
proposed to carry on the Government under a re-
gency, in the name of King Alfred, until his Royal
Highness shall be of age, when he should for him-
self decide upon the acceptance of the crown.
As long as it remains uncertain to whom it is de-
sirable that the choice of the nation should be
directed, the prevalence of the feeling in favour of
Prince Alfred continues to have the most salutary
effect, by proven ting the countryfrom being divided,
by a diversity of views.—l have, &0.,
(Signed) HENRY ELLIOT.

EARL RUSSELL TO MR. H. ELLIOT,

Foreign-office, Jan. 10, 1863.

It appears from your telegram of the 13th inst.
that the President of the Provisional Government,
being at length convinced that the desire of the
Greek nation to have his Royal Highness Prince
Alfred for their future sovereign cannot be realised,
has expressed his hope that the British Govern-
ment would recommend a candidate for the vacant
throne.

I have already informed you by telegraph that
her Majesty's Government considered that it was
very desirable that the Prince elected by the Greeks
for their King should be well known for his libe-
ral opinions, and not likely to violate the Constitu-
tion, and I have intimated that if the Provisional
Government were disposed to accept favourably a
proposal to recommend a Prince so distinguished,
her Majesty's Government might not be indisposed
to do so.

Among princes proposed of these qualifications
her Majesty's Government consider that the Duke
of Coburg might well be brought under the notice
of the Greek Government.

I hope shortly to be able to write more fully on
this important subject. Her Majesty's Government
have no reason to question the correctness of the
opinion formed by you soon after your arrival in
Athens, that if the Greeks are n6t assisted in
choosing their future sovereign, anarchy and con-
fusion are but too likely to arise in Greece.

EARL RUSSELL TO MR. H. ELLIOT.

Foreign-office, Jan. 22, 1863

Sir,—The great confidence felt by the Greeks in
the constitutional principles by which her Majesty
has always been guided, has no doubt been the
main cause of the spontaneous enthusiasm which
has been elicited by the mention of the name of his
Royal Highness Prince Alfred as King of Greece.
As, however, the three Protecting Powers have
declared that the Protocol of February, 1830, is
still in force, you will declare to the Executive
Council in Greece that his Royal Highness Prince
Alfred cannot accept or wear the Crown of Greece.
Yon will accompany this declaration with the ex-
pression of her Majesty's full appreciation of the
value of this unsolicited mark of friendship and
trust on the part of the Greek people.
You will at the same time state that it appears
to her Majesty's Government that the first object of
the Greeks should be to elect a King who will not
set aside the Constitution by violence, nor pervert
it by corruption.
The Princes upon whom the greatest reliance can
he placed in this respect are those who have ac-
quired a reputation in Europe by their consistent
adherence to liberal principles, and those who have
been accustomed to live in a free country.
In the former category there is no one more en-
titled to regard than the Duke of Coburg.
Her Majesty trusts that this suggestion on her
crseo f t
Britain
will be viewed by the Greek Government and
nation in no other light than as proof of her Ma-
jesty's due appreciation of the confidence shown by
them in the British Royal family, and in the prin-
ciples
of
political
her
et ar
inson
an r ef
P freedomroiunne
de Alfred
o founded
hai
and
dh theeaas n
ta eise institutions
th the
of. pGlea
impos-
sible that
Greek Crown, her Majesty
confidence by confidence in suggest-
ing for the consideration considers that she is
only repaying
England may and i the Greeks a Prince
who by Close
b7e g-established connexion with
main conditions whicehnie thed
to possess some of the
to be chosen as their
Greeks appear to be de-
sirous of finding in the person
Sovereign.—l am, &c.

(Signed) RUSSELL.
p.S.—you will read this despatch to the Presi-
dent of the Provisional Government, and, if he de-
sires it, give him a copy of it. R.

In all political circles the King's reply has pro-
duced
a discouraging impression, and even mate-
rial interests are affected by the present state of
affairs. Doubts begin to arise touching the credit
of the State, such as is the case in states where the
administration of the finances is not subject to strict
control. The feudal party is, of course, in a state
of great exultation, as they have succeeded in per-
suading the King to adopt their system. A part
of their system is to induce his Majesty to make a
circuit through his states, after the fashion of the
Second Empire, of which opportunity will be taken
to make demonstrations of loyalty to his Majesty
by the feudal party. Unfortunately, however, some
enfant terrible of this party
has prematurely
divulged the whole project.
The House of Peers has also passed an address to
his Majesty, in which the peers talk much regard-

ing the maintenance of the constitution; but after
some circumlocution they come at last to set forth
their own point of view. Each of the three govern-
mental powers, they state, have been acting accord-
ing to their rights—the Crown, the Chamber of

Deputies, and the House of Peers. There is no law
that could decide upon this conflict ; but a German

word that calls the Sovereign the "Father of his
country," commands respect to his authority. The
quintessence of the address, however, is contained
in its conclusion. Till, however, harmony be re-
stored, the Government of his Majesty has
rightly judged it to be its duty to guard the
rights of the Crown, to maintain in full strength
the means of defence, that is, the reorganisation
of the army, and to secure the firm manage-
ment of the Government. Instead of fulfilling
their mission of being the Conservative regulators
of affairs of state, the Prussian peers proclaim the
patriarchal theory of the "Father of the country,"
that formed a part of the absolutism of the past
century. Instead of stepping forth as impartial
mediators they exasperate the people by their
strengthening the Government in its anti-constitu-
tional doings.
I cannot withhold from your readers a few speci-
mens of the political wisdom of the peers. Baron
Von Zedlitz, in whose opinion the address was too
moderate, called the present conflict " a contest of
anti-Christ against Christendom." Count Krapow
compared the relation of the Prussian kingdom to
its constitution with that of Christ to His apostles.
To Count Bruhl the effigy of the "father of the
country" appeared to be too indulgent; he would
have preferred to have " masters commanding and
their subjects bound to obedience." He even sees
the moment drawing near when one would be
obliged "to choose between a constitution without
a King, or a King without a constitution." Herr
Von Kleist-Retzow spoke against any address alto-
gether, as such would appear to be something like
to a Government by the Parliament. Herr Von
Walden- Steinhofel declared that only a few literates
out of the eighteen millions of Prussians were dis-
contented with the present unfixed state of the bud-
get. Herr --, but I suppose yeu will have
enough of this comi-tragical anthology.
To report details regarding the Polish insurrec-
tion
is scarcely possible, owing to the fact that
statements that are to-day regarded as authentic
are to-morrow disavowed, although the telegraphic
communication between here and Warsaw, via Moy-
slowitz, is uninterrupted, and also the railway com-
munication is still continued by means of temporary
bridges. We are quite uncertain as to the strength
of the insurgents. That they have gathered toge-
ther in some places in considerable force, and are oc-
cupying some strong positions, is undoubted. The
town of Olkusi is in their hands. The telegraph re-
ports to-day that Wengrow, in the government of
Lublin has been taken by them. All these reports
are, however, so contradictory and confused that
we are forced to draw our own conclusions from
the few facts furnished by the Russian papers. The
Dziennik Powszechni reports skirmishes with bands
of rebels, but it is easy to multiply these numbers,
and to suppose that a certain military organisation
has already been formed. It appears also as if the
revolution is acting according to a certain plan,
although the Wacht, an organ of the committee,
states that the intention of the revolution is to ex-
haust the Russian Government by a guerilla war.
From Posen no alarming accounts have arrived
hitt erto, but the menacing proclamation just issued
by the president of this provincial government has
been violently attacked by the papers of that -
vince, as it is adapted to alarm the peaceful inhabi-
tants. Great agitation prevails in Gallicia. A few
days ago a band of eighty young men from Cracow,
consisting principally of workmen and artisans,
joined the insurgents. Austria, as Prussia has
already done, has despatched a considerable force to
the frontiers. Negociations have been entered upon
between these States and Russia, and perhaps they
intend to surprise Europe with another "holy
league" in a new shape.
The journals that sympathise with the noble
Poles relate that no more cruelties occur, private
property is everywhere respected, and even at the
commencement of the insurrection on the 23d they
had only attacked the soldiers in order to secure
their arms. Two proved cases, however, that
recently occurred rather contradict these statements.
One is the assassination of the wife of an officer of
the Government by one of the agitators, travelling
in clerical garments, for the reason that she would
not betray the retreat of her husband ; the other is
the attempted poisoning of the Marquis Wielopolski.
A war against females and a resort to poisoning
cannot impart any favourable feeling. It is
evident the management of the agitation is not
in one hand, nor in that of the central committee
that has proclaimed itself the "provisional govern-
ment," as it is opposed to the " White com
mittee," and in addition the chiefs of the emi-
grants who are pouring into Poland principally
from Italy, Paris, and London, seem to claim an in-
dependent command.
The Kolnwehe Zeitung relates that Furst Orlow,
before the commencement of the revolution, wrote
a pamphlet on the danger of the retirement, which,
however, did not come to the hands of the govern-
ment, and that Lord Palmerston had received in-
formation regarding its contents. Should this be
true, it is indeed somewhat peculiar, for our minis-
ters are not usually parsimonious with their admo-
nishments—of course only where they are not
wanted. I have just been informed that the troops
Prussia has concentrated along the frontiers amount
to 25,000 men, and the Russian army it is reported
will number almost 80,000.
Two unions of old veterans out of the years 1813-
15 have commemorated the 3d February—one is
the union of volunteers that obeyed the summons,
the second combined the other warriors of those
times. In both meetings his Majesty unexpectedly
made his appearance, and delivered a short speech
to the gladly surprised braves, in which he praised
them for their valour. His Majesty conversed with
a few members, and drank the health of the coun-
try and the army, and parted with these words—
"We meet again on the 17th of March." (On this
day the veterans are invited to a royal banquet.)
The speech of her Britannic Majesty upon the open-
ing of Parliament has been communicated to us per
telegraph in a verbal version. Till now the tier-
man journals have not delivered their opinions
thereupon.

THE KING'S LETTER TO THE CHAMBERS.
At the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies on
Friday the President read the reply of the King to
the jtddress, the ministers and deputies remaining