The Sun.
London, England, 1839-04-17 00:00:00

EVENING EDIT! ON

ment, and there is a very perfect freedom for commercial
havellin7 from the oppression awl terror of robbers.
England,' in respect to the state of the roads, follows next
after Italy and Spain.

After adverting to the unprotected state of goods
on canals and roads, and the plunder of wrecked
vessels and property, the Commissioners come to
the conclusion that the great mass of crimes com-
mitted for the sake of property is ascribable to one
common cause, namely, the temptations of the pro-
fit of a career of depredation as compared with the
profits of honest and even well-paid industry, and
these temptations appear to them to arise from the
absence of appropriate and practicable arrangements
by means of a constabulary, such as forms the main
subject of the inquiry. It appears from the evidence
of several governors of prisons, that the notion that
any considerable proportion of the crimes againyt
property are caused by blameless poverty or cle:,ti-
tution has very little foundation. The late Mr.
Wontner reckoned it scarcely one-eighth.
The Commissioners thus sum up their labours :

" The principles embodied in our recommendations

. .
being based on extensive experience, we feel confident
that, however they may for a time be impeded by ad-
verse interests, these interests, and the prejudices en-
gendered by them, will yield before the light of future
experience, which will lead to the ultimate adoption of
measures on the principles of those we propose. If
one uniform and trained force be efficiently directed to
the prevention or repression of crime, we cannot doubt
of success.

" We can find no solid grounds for the supposition
often entertained that a large amount of crime is a ne-
cessary evil incidental to the present condition of so-
ciety, and, that the most ignorant and base of the com-
munity may defeat the exertions of a well-appointed
agency instituted for the repression of their crimes.
" The appointment of a proper force for the preven-
tion or repression of crimes has sometimes been viewed
with apprehension, on the supposition that such a force
might be used to impair the political liberty of the
subject.

If we were to admit that a diminution, instead of
an increase, of the political liberty of the subject, w,:re
the probable consequence of the establishment of an
efficient constabulary force, we should nevertheless be
prepared to show that the evils we have found in ex-

iste-nce in some districts, and the abject subjection of
the population to fears which may be termed a state of
slavery, which the objectors would endure from a ground-
less fear of the loss of liberty, form a condition much
worse in all respects than any condition that could be
imposed by any Government that could exist in the
present state of society in this country. We do not
believe that in this country any Government could pos-
sibly exist which subjected the people to domiciliary
attacks, and to have their houses broken open and plun-
dered, and their lives endangered at night, or which
caused a large proportion of the population to abstain
from travelling singly after dark, for fear of being put in
danger of their lives, and stripped of their property by
armed men—which allowed its agents to pillage or mal-
treat the unfortunate people wrecked on the coasts, or
which generally inflicted such evils as are now inflicted
by upwards of 40,000 thieves, robbers, or marauding
hordes of various descriptions, against whom the
honest in almost every part of the country have been
driven to associate for self-defence. Neither do we see
any motives which .could induce any government in
these times, to impose political restraints so oppressive
or so mischievous on any industrious community as we
find imposed by illegal means on the manufacturing
population of the city of Norwich, and other parts of
the kingdom ; nor do we believe that by any form of
the abuse of the powers of a government it could use
any agency such as secret committees have employed in
the manufacturing districts to coerce the honest and

industrious, but -peaceable, to purposes injurious to
them, by actual murder, or the fear of ►ife, or maiming,
or the threats of such fire and pillage as were dis-
played in the burning of the city of Bristol.
" The apprehensions expressed of danger to the li-
berty of the subject from the institution of a preventive
police' are usually supported by reference to institutions
having that name on the Continent ; but we believe it
will be found that the notions prevalent as to the state
and operations of such institutions are even more erro-
neous than those we have found prevalent on the state
of the penal administration in this country. We believe
it will be found that the police force in a neighbouring
country, which has been referred to as a preventive po-
lice, is in no proper sense in sound theory, or in actual
practice, preventive ; and that it has had none of the chief
effects popularly attributed to it. Although organised for
political purposes, to the neglect, as we believe, of the
main purposes of a preventive police—the protection of
private individuals in the enjoymentof their rights against
infractions by depredators or others—it has not saved
the various governments which have depended
on it, if any have ; and in all large movements by the
whole of the community, it has been disregarded or
thrown aside as of no serious account. The trained

force which we propose is of little more than one-Co;
stable to 2,000 inhabitants—a force three or four times
more numerous than that we propose were absurd as a
means of constraining the whole community to any
course which they felt to be inimical to them. What
such a force might do with tie tacit consent of the com-
munity, and what we believe to be most. important for
the liberty of the subject it should do, is to enforce the
laws for the suppression of conspiracies, riots, or danger-
ous violence!, by which ignorant, or fanatical, or rapa-
cious minorities may seek their ends. Without the as-
sent or aid of the community, that is to say, without
information from the people, a police or constabulary
force cannot perform properly even its ordinary duties!'
" The safe course for maintaining the freedom of the
subject appears to us to be, not to render the authori-
, tics impotent, but to make them strictly responsible for
the use of the power with which they may be invested
for the public service. The securities respecting which
the greatest anxiety should be manifested, are the secu-
rities that the power which the Legislature may confer
for the general advantage shall be fully used. Tile great
mass of evil indicated in our Report is ascribable not to
the abuse, but to the neglect and disuse of beneficial
powers. The chief and proper objections, as we con-
ceive, to the police forces abroad are, that they act on
powers which are arbitrary ; the force which we pro-
pose could only act on powers which are legal, and for
which they would be responsible to the courts of law,
and ultimately to the Parliament.
" What has been done partially in particular places
may be done generally and more completely through-
out the country, by the more efficient application of
the like means. If a constabulary force were well ap-
pointed and trained on a uniform system, and were
placed under trained and responsible direction for the
whole country, it would, we are assured, soon enable all
your Majesty's subjects to sleep under a feeling of se-
curity from midnight plunder and violence ; it would
give protection to the industrious classes in the enjoy-
ment of property, and by enhancing its valuet create
additional motives to industry and frugality ; it
give freedom and security to travellers on the roads, and
humane succour to natives, and hospitality to strangers
thrown by shipwreck on our coasts : it would free the
country from mendicancy and vagrancy, and the various
evils that follow in their course ; it would free the in-
dustry of the manufacturing labourers, and increase
the inducements to the investment of capital by
protect-
ing them from lawless violence ; it would tend to secure
the people from the alarms and dangers of riotous dis-
turbances of the peace, by affording a powerful means
of repressing them without the risk of military execu-
tion and bloodshed, without putting hostile parties in
array against each other, without engendering animo-
sities by arming neighbour to conflict with neighbour,
and master with servants ; all this, and much more
' beneficent service it might be made to render at an
immediate expense of less than one-fourth of the sum
recently saved by one amendment in local administra-
tion ; or, as we feel confident, all these great objects
may be accomplished with an ultimate saving of the
whole expense from upwards of 2,000,0001. of money,
now chiefly expended on what have been proved before
Committees of both Houses of Parliament, and pro-
nounced by them to be ineffective or demoralising sys-
tems of punishment.
("s Allin e which(
law. es
.n)oCHAShumbly
.certify
vo yLEu Majesty.iT
(L. S.) CHARLES ROWAN.
" Whitehal4ll.aSce.), March 27, 18N39C.,,HADW

A NOVEL WAREHOUSE.—In a street not a
hundred miles from the Halifax Market Place, is a newly-
painted sign, on which, after the name of the shopkeeper,
are the words " tailor and hat warehouse;" thus repre-
senting the occupier of the house as both a man and a
warehouse !—Halifax Express.
MAD-HOUSES.—It is painful to observe that,
at most of the quarter sessions, increasing demands are
made for licences for private lunatic asylums; while in the
metropolitan county, and others where there are public
ones, the size of the latter is not found to keep pace with
the demands for admission. The more painful the subject,
and the more the evil increases, the more does it demand
the rigid investigation both of the moralist and the states-
man. To the latter, we apprehend, it has hitherto been
almost a sealed book, or, at all events, one which has at-
tracted little or no observation. Yet there are, we believe,
already in existence paid inspectors of such places, who
might, we should think, be called upon to make an annual
report, similar to that of the Vaccine Board ; and whose
gdndares
res
observations on the causes of the increase of the frightful
disease in question, might be of infinite value and irr port-
ance.-111orning Herald.
ADDRESS TO HER MAJESTY.--
h e Address
to her Majesty, which has been in the course of situ
since the 4th instant, has been subscribed by 10,306
per-
sons, after deducting all fictitious subscriptionsandwas
despatched on Thursday to Lord John Russell.--Scctsman.
CRIME.---BREAD-TAx.—We's.careely ever take
up a provincial paper whose columns-do not contain ac-
counts of sheep-stealing in their respective districts—a
pretty convincing proof of the pressure of the times on
the labourers, as well as conclusive evidence of the con-
nexion of crime with the odious bread-tax. The increase
of crime, and the diminution of the loaf, seem to be in
the nature of cause and effect.

LONDON :
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 17, 1839.

Last night the Peers presented sundry petitions, but did
no other business.

A ballot was appointed in the Commons to try the me-
r'ts of the Wigan Election.
A new writ was issued for Tryone in the room of Vis-

count CALEDON.

According to Mr. LANGDALE, great excitement has
been caused at Malta by a proclamation issued
there requiring the Catholics to take the same
oaths as the Catholics of England, to which the people
object. On asking a question, Mr. Lanouctmax
assured the Hon. Member, that the Colonial Office knew
of no such proclamation.
In reply to a question from Mr. GIBSON, Mr. WALLACE
stated that if the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER did not
bring in Bill to carry the resolution of the Postage Com-
mittee into effect, he would about the middle of May.
After a considerable number of petitions had been pre-
sented in favour of the present Government of Ire-
land, amongst which was one by Mr. O'CONNELL, from the
great meeting lately held in Dublin, the adjourned
debate on Lord JOHN RUSSELL'3 motion was resumed by
Mr. EMERSON TINNENT, and occupied the remainder of
ae evening.

The Hon. Member made a very long oration, contend-
ing that to the Protestants of Ireland, and especially to the
Church, the Government of Lord NORMANBY had been for
four years a series of great sufferings. He complained of
the protracted misery caused by not settling the Tithe
question, which was the fault of the Tory Lords. He
made a number of quotations to show that the Govern-
ment of Lord GREY was very different from that
of Lord MELBOURNE, and to taunt the Ministers
with a want of consistency relative to the appropriation
clause. Ha eulogized the North, and vilified the South
and West of Ireland, and concluded by saying that he saw
no one point in the Irish policy of the Ministers of which
he could approve.
Mr. S. O'BRIEN remarked that Mr. TENNENT, in cen-
suring Lord NORMA NBY'S Government, went against the
testimony of Sir R. PEEL. He defended the Government
of the Noble Lord, and contended that much had been done
by it, in putting down faction fights, &c., to give security
aed peace to Ireland. He referred also to the mode of
letting land, as one great cau3e'of the bad condition of the
peasantry, and spoke of Lord LORTON'S conduct, in dis-
possessing many persons of their holdings, as not calculated
to give peace to Ireland. He supported the Government.
Colonel PERCEVAL and Mr. L ASCELLES spoke in favour
of Eir R. PEEL'S amendment. The latter Gentlemen an-
nouncing that he hadaoted for Lord J. RUSSELL till Easter,
but meant now to vote against him. We presume the Hon.
Member was, in general, a Tory, though we have a recollec-
tion that he supported the Ministers on one or two questions.
Mr. BELLEW was in favour of the motion, and Lord
POWERS COU RT for the amendment, for he contended there
were now more crimes than formerly and fewer persons
brought to punishment.
Mr. D. O'CONNOR, or, as he is called, "THE 0' CONNOR
DON," of course supported the Government ; Mr. SID-
NEv HERBERT sided with Sir R. PEEL, neither of them
making any observations of importance.
Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE declared that the vote of
the Lords was a vote of censure on the Irish Govern-
ment, and which he was in duty bound to support.
Ile candidly admitted that he could not charge all the
crimes in Ireland on any Government, but many of those
of which they heard in Ireland were exaggerated, or were
inventions of the newspapers. Sir WILLIAM made one of
the most sensible speeches of the evening.
Colonel CONNOLLY, as usual, excited the laughter of' the
House. Mr. GRATT AN gave his support to the Ministers,
and described Sir R. PEEL'S amendment as a malicious
hbel. He referred with great propriety to the volun-
teers of 1792, whose example will not be forgotten,
should the Irish be required to follow it. Properly did
did he discriminate between the habitual, if feeble, support
which the Whigs have given to freedom, and the habitual,
an l not feeble, efforts the Tories have always made to
astAblish and protect tyranny.
Mr. LUCAS made a few observations, and announced
his strenuous opposition to the motion.
At a Quarter to One the debate was adjourned, on the
motion of Mr. BARRON, who will resume the debate, we
presume, to-morrow. All the speakers were of little note
or mark, and there was nothing said in the debate to alter
the character they already bear. The whole was dull, and
the House never full; it is probable a similar debate will
take plice to-morrow.

Those who would attach importance to the spe,
citic terms of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S amendment
only wish to mislead the public, or afford an ex-
cuse to waverers for deserting their public prin-
ciples. The question now before the House of
Commons involves the good or bad government of
Ireland certainly, but it involves also a great many
other considerations which both Orangemen and
Conservatives would anxiously keep out of view ;
land among the rest, one of the first importance to the
I people of this country, the finality, or the progressive
improvement of the Reform Act. On this point the seri-
, timents of Sir R. PEEL and of all .his followers are
well known. With them the Reform Act is now
ale ark of the Constitution—it is too sacred to be
touched ; and whoever votes for the amendment,
votes,in stipport of the party who lay it down as
one of their unalterable principles, that Constitu-
tional Reform shall cease. Have the Government,
even with all their faults, laid down or acted upon
any such principle ? From what fell from Lord
JOHN RUSSELL on Monday, as well as from
other circumstances, we have good reason for
believing that the imputations cast on him,
of entertaining the Tory doctrine of " finality,"
have been grossly exaggerated. The very
Bill brought in by the LORD ADVOCATE of
Scotland this Session, with the consent of the Go-
vernment, is at utter variance with any such princi-
ple. On that head, however, we shall wait for
' his explanation, merely putting this question, whe-
ther we ought to trust most to a party brought
into existence, and hitherto kept in life by Parlia-
mentary Reform, or to one that opposed it from the
beginning, and have avowed their determination to
oppose it to the last ? But independent of this there
are other questions which press themselves on
the notice of the friends of liberty. Lo [its PHI-
LIPPE only wants the accession of the Tories to
carry out his designs in favour of the monster
Cit it L os, to favour the return of another of the
same stamp to Portugal, to neutralise representa-

tive government, not only in the Peninsula
but in Switzerland and France, to join with
the Ministers of the Holy Alliance, and establish a
system in the west of Europe, the very reverse of
that which placed him on the throne. All
the monarchs of Europe are anxiously looking to
the result, because the vote of this week will de-
cide whether England is to be virtually with them,
or remain, as she has been for the last ten years, at
the head of constitutional and liberal Governments,
the terror of despots, and the hope of the friends of
liberty.

After reading Lord JOHN RUSSELL S speech with
more care than we could yesterday evening bestow on
it, we can say, without any political bias, that we con-
sider it judicious and able. Nor will we withhold from
Sir ROBERT PEEL'S speech our meed of praise. It
was calm, cautious, very moderate, and very cunning ;
in the latter quality it almost equals his Corn-law
oration, and, however suitable in his new capacity of
Lord RoDEN's cad, was, in our humble judg-
ment, quite as unworthy of a Statesman. Putting
aside mere technicalities the rough, tasteless,
and vast husk by which a small kernel is covered—the
question at issue is, whether Ireland shall be governed
according to the Whig policy of concession to the mass
of the people, or the Tory policy of attempting to give
a dominant tyranny to the Orangemen. Talk about it as
the Members of the House of Commons may—and they
will talk—that, and nothing but that, is the question. Lord
JOHN'S motion brings that to an issue and no other. Sir
R. PEEL'S amendment raises a different but a subordinate
question, namely, whether the Tories in the House of
Lords, or the Whigs and Radicals of the House of
Commons shall give way. That i s a question only in-
cidentally discussed. It does not appear to be distinctly
noticed, though it ought to be, that Lord JOHN Rus-
SELL'S motion does not allude to the House of Lords;

,bat body is nominally dragged in by Sir ROBERT PEEL

—though, being dragged in, as we yesterday observed,
Lord J. RUSSELL did not shirk that subsidiary ques-
tion. It is under this aspect alone—viz., whether Ireland
shall be governed by the Whig policy of concession, or
the Tory policy of tyranny, always pushed to the ut-
most point of endurance, that we must consider the
speeches of the two leaders.
Under this aspect, Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S speech ap-
pears to us a very creditable performance. The first
part of it refers chiefly to Sir ROBERT PEEL'S amend-
ment, but the subsequent part is a clear, unanswerable
proof that the condition of Ireland, under the old
system, was much worse than under the new. In fact, up
to 1830, the country was seldom free from an insurrec-

tion, and never relieved, we believe, from something in
the shape of an Insurrection Act. Then, indeed, Protestant
life and Protestant property might be only exposed to se-
cret assassination and to incendiarism,but Catholic life was
continually taken in the most wanton manner, the lives
of the peasantry were held as nothing, and Catholic
property was habitually spoliated. In particular, that
part of Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S speech was effective and
conclusive, in which he showed that, to the time of the
Marquis of NORMANBY'S assumption of the Govern-
ment, the people had no confidence in the law. They
soon acquired confidence under his Government, ap-
pealed to the law, and abided by its decisions. He was
enabled to enforce }mine more than his predecessors,
and thus commitments and convictions might increase.
By his opponents his very virtues were turned against
him, for the confidence with which he inspired the people ;
and the vigour with which he enforced the law, increased
twofold the individuals who came under its operation.
As a finished piece of special pleading Lord JOHN
RUSSELL'S speech stands below Sir R. PEEL'S, but in
earnestness and sincerity, in numerous well selected facts,
and in honest deductions, it is as much superior to it as
truth is to falsehood.