The Sun.
London, England, 1863-11-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

PosT.—lt is not without sincere regret that the
English Government is about to decline to give its
adherence to the proposed European Congress. We
cannot but feel that the purpose of the Emperor
Napoleon was worthy of admiration, but at the same
time it has not appeared to the statesmen of this
country that the means by which he wishes to carry
out his projects of peace would in reality effect what
he aims at. We objected at the outset to a vague
Congress, to be convened for indeterminate purposes.
This objection has been met in the most candidspirit,
and whilst the Cabinet of Paris naturally felt that
it would be impossible to trace out a positive pro-
gramme, and to determine for the Congress what
would in some measure appertain to its own deci-
sion, nevertheless it has been understood that pre-
liminary negotiations might be entered upon which
could hardly fail to have the result of confin-
ing the deliberations of the representatives of Europe
to pending questions. Thus it became evident that
a Congress was to be summoned, not to recast the
map of Europe, nor to attempt the solving of new
problems, but to settle in a business-like way the mat-
ters which give rise to present uneasiness and
menace us with future complications. With this
intention the suggestion was thrown out that if
the Congress could succeed in dealing with Poland,
Schleswig-Holstein, Italy, and Moldo-Wallachia,
it would amply fufil the aims which originated the
proposition for its meeting. To practical minds in
England this has seemed a scheme presenting too
many difficulties for its realisation. Negotiation has
already failed with Russia, and it is thought here that
while we could say nothing more in Congress than
we have already said in despatches, to which we have
a final answer, it would hardly become us to meet her
with the olive branch in our hand and no new re-
solution in our heart, while she still continues her
career of extermination in Poland and when her
representative would appear with a sword still drip-
ping with the bloodshed we fain would arrest. If
we turn to other questions other obstacles meet us.
True, the state of Holstein is menacing, and the re-
lations between Germany and Denmark in much
peril; but what could a Congress effect that is not
already secured by the treaty of 1852, by which
the great Powers and many of the minor German
States are already solemnly bound If they de not
observe its letter, all conventions are butes so much
waste paper. Even the very States, Hanover and
Saxony, which have lately been directed to carry
out the Federal execution in Holstein, are parries
to the Treaty of 1852, and by it obliged to main-
tain the rights of King Christian. If duty and
honour fail to bind Kings and Governments, of
what use is it to register in Congress Acts which
could derive no additional value from that process ?
If, again, we look to Italy, what can we effect
there ? The Austrian would quit the assembled
plenipotentiaries the moment the word Venetia
was mentioned. Of what avail would it be even
for a majority of the remainder to record their
wish that the Kaiser should abandon his hold on
that portion of Italy ? The wish would be as value-
less as if it were uttered by the Anthropological
Society. A Congress could have no power to de-
stroy existing rights. Independent Powers would
each in its own interest refuse to acknowledge a
new and unheard-of despotism. No State would
be safe if existing law were tampered with or
ignored. And while Italy was treated of, sup-
posing Venice to be passed over, would King
Victor Emmanuel be glad to see his limits per-
manently traced and all hope for the Queen of the
Adriatic for ever shut out? Would he feel that any
sanction of the Powers in Congress would give any
useful validity to that ample recognition of his rights
of which he is already in possession? Or would it
serve any real or tangible end to record once more
the profession of France that she is desirous to quit
Rome ? While it seems difficult to answer these
questions in any satisfactory manner, still more
hopeless does it appear to expect to attain any good
result by meddling with and opening up the great
Eastern question. Russia would gladly seize the
opportunity of asking to be relieved from the obli-
gations she entered into in 1856, while she would pre-
fer endlees accusationsagainst the Porte, and seek to
sow seeds of new troubles in every part of Turkey.
Such are a few of the difficulties that are aroused
in this country, and all that can be urged to dis-
miss them is, that by refusing to meet questions
you do not'dispose of them, and that it might be
preferable to discuss, face to face, and to attempt
to settle quickly, those affairs which must inevitably
form the subject of protracted negotiations between
Cabinets! On weighing the advantages of the course
proposed against the disadvantages, the latter seem
to English minds to weigh down the scale, and Ap
prehension sways the balance against Hope
`Whilst, therefore, we admit the force and eloquence
with which the Emperor advanced the scheme which
his fertile and ingenious mind suggested ; whilst we
concede that if high purpose and strict logic could
rule the world, the proposed meeting might bring
about great results, it strikes Englishmen that this
new remedy will not in reality heal old sores or prove
a specific against new complaints. The Ministers
of a constitutional country do not feel themselves
justified in advising their Sovereign to send her
representatives to a meeting which they regard
as Utopian. We cannot blame them for this.
It is a great responsibility to assent to a Congress
which might only become the beginning of discord.
And we must admit that though such a meeting, as
in days gone by, may be necessary after a great
convulsion, it is difficult in peaceful times to consti-
tute any other tribunal than that which holds its
seat in the general conscience and finds its expo-
nent in public opinion.
TIMES.—The mutual struggles between the Go-
vernors of St. Thomas's Hospital, the public, the
united and divided parishes on the south side of the
Thames, the Governors of Bethlehem Hospital, the
Metropolitan Board of Works, and everybody who
could get hold of a corner of interest in the matter,
seem likely at last to have been finally decided. A
general Court of Governors, held on Tuesday last,
approved an agreement entered into by the Grand
Committee with the Metropolitan Board of Works
for the purchase of seven acres of ground to be re-
claimed from the river at Stangate, and the agree-
ment only awaits the sanction of the Court of
Chancery to be finally settled. The public will pro-
bably think that the sooner this is done the better.
A better site might, no doubt, have been found for
the Hospital than Stangate. The course which re-
commended itself to common sense was for St.
Thomas's Hospital to remove to the site of Bethle-
hem, and for Bethlehem to be removed into purer
air and larger grounds in the country. Common
sense, however, is not to be expected in Grand
Committees, and the short-sighted rapacity of the
Governors of Bethlehem made such an arrangement
impossible. Failing that, and finding that public
opinion would not allow them to indulge their
singularly original project of a metropolitan Hos-
pital in the country, the Grand Committee must
have been glad to find so good a site as Stangate
at their disposal. They must, indeed, have had a
troublesome time of it the last nine months. It
would be interesting to know the feelings which are
entertained by the Grand Committee towards the
Directors of the South Eastern Railway Company.
To be turned out of their old domain, and to be left
to find seven acres in London wherever they could,
and, worse than that, to be exposed to incessant
petitions, remonstrances, and threats from the
parishes of Southwark, to an infinite amount of all
sorts of advice, and finally to be handed over to the
tender mercies of the Metropolitan Board of Works
—all this combined can hardly conduce to a state of
benevolence towards its authors. Perhaps, indeed,
the consideration may explain the otherwise unac-
countable fancy of the Governors for removing a
London charity entirely away from London. They
may have wanted to get as far away from the South
Eastern Railway as possible. There is not much
to complain of in the site they have at last deter-
mined on. In some respects it is even better than
Bethlehem. We are hardly able to judge of it fairly
yet, for, in fact, it hardly exists. We associate the
side of the river opposite the Houses of Parliament
with filthy mud-banks and smells the reverse of
wholesome; and it must be confessed that, as the
Thames exists at present, its banks do not seem vemry
..
eligible sites for a hospital. But it muat beefing Temethe
bered that we are steadily and surely
river from its impurities, and when that
wvoolume of
complished its banks will enjoy a greater .
other site. The
pure air than can be obtained in any. frkis
stipulates
ewit
thath the
ee
a thosen d boyf
two the
th e
landM reclaimed
some time after
banked by Dec. 31, 1865; it
etreohpeolllibtaenllrebßloaaiterdedofanWd Works
that before the new Hospital is buieln.t,
time it can be occupied the new drainage scheme
iever affords a
river considerably
ought to be uompleteaddvaanndcethde. embankment
w When
Will be few
will be as
switoerekesear
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htheerr
cheap and easy means o f access to the Hospital,
and the site of the new Hospital
complete a reproductiott as possible of that of
the old St- Thomas's at Lendon.bridge. As
everybody except the Governors of Bethlehem
wanted to get hold of the Hospi it
Hospital, was to be
expected that wherever the Governors went they
would leave a train of dissatisfied
claimants behind
them. It is not surprising. therefore that the
St. Olave's district Board of Works and the other
parishes of Southwark
object
to the site as " highly
inconvenient to the sick poor of Southwark.'
They have not, however, very much to complain of.
The new site will certainly not be inaccessible to
tho Southwark population. The distance from