The Sun.
London, England, 1839-01-18 00:00:00

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NO. 14,467.

THE NATIONAL RENT.
THE FRIENDS of the PEOPLE'S CHAR-
TER and NATIONAL PETITION are hereby informed
that Subscriptions in aid of the I.,bove object will be received at the
following places :
William Lovett, 6, Upper North-place, Gray's-inn-road
Robert Ha:An-ell, 85, Cornwall-road, Stamford- street, Blackfriars
Henry Hetherington, 125, Strand
John Cleave, 1, Shoe-lane, Fleet-street
James Watson, 15, City-road
A. Dyson, 146, Kingsland-road
R. Ridley, 19, D'Oyley-street, Sloane-street, Chelsea
Mr. Butterfield, Canterbury Arms, Marsh-gate
Mrs. Brooks, 212, Tottenham-court-road
Mr. Harper, 18, Vincent-street, Stepney
William Hassell, 5., Horseferry-road, Westminster
T. Webb, 15, Warren-street, Fitzroy-square
T. Watts, leather-cutter, Islington-green
Mr. Dooley, Bell Inn, Old Bailey. •
The Central Rent Committee respectfully request all those per-
sons who have Subscription Books, to make their returns to the
various District Secretaries as soon as possible ; and that t:11 per-
sons havingLSheets of the National Petition send them in as soon
.as conveniirik,
-.L.C:c COOMBE, Secretary.
Central (Orntri rn,.6,Uplier North-place, .
Gray's"-inn..road.

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0.111 .
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i 4.4 p
46-‘-'

PURSUANT to a Decree of the High Court ti!
Chancery, made in a Cause GINGELL v. GINGELL,
any person or persons claiming to be Next of Kin to WILLIAM
HENRY GINGELL, of Hill-street, Finsbury-square, in the
parish of Saint Luke, Old-street, in the County of Middlesex,
Builder, who died on the 13th day of December, 1837, are, forth-
with, by their Solicitors, to come in and establish their Cllirn,
before ANDREW HENRY LYNCH, Esq., one of the Masters of the
said Court, at his Chambers in' Southampton-buildings, Chancery.
lane, London, or in default thereof they will be excluded the benefli
of the said Decree.

G. CLARK, Plaintiff's Solicitor,
64, Old Broad-street.
WIRE and CHILD, Defendant's Solicitors,
9, St. Swithin's-lane.

22d December, 1838.

PURSUANT to a Decree of the High Court ol
Chancery, made in a Cause GINGELL v. GINGELL;
the Creditors of WILLIAM HENRY GINGELL, of Ilil4
street, Finsbury-squire, in the parish of Saint Luke, Old-stree
in the County of Middlesex, Builder, who died on the 13th day of
December,..lB37,. are, forthwith, by their Solicitors to come in and
prove their Debts Wore ANDREW HENRY LYNCU, Esq., one of
the Masters of the said Court, at his Chambers, in Southampton-
buildings, Chancery-lane,, London; or in default thereof, they will
be excluded the benefit of the said Decree.
G. CLARK, Plaintiff's Solictor,
• 4, Old Broad-street.
WIRE and CHILD, Defendant's Solicitors,
9, St. Swithin's-lane;

22d December, 1838.

PUBLICATIONS

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PIIHE LIFE of COLONEL HUTCHINSON,
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WITH WHICH THE " TRUE SUN" IS NOW CORPORATED

LONDON-, FRIDAY EVENING,
JA_NUARY D 4, 1839

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, 17171 IMP

GREAT LIVERPOOL MEETING
FOR THE REPEAL OF THE CORN LAWS

LIVERPOOL, WEDNESDAY.—The great Liverpool meeting,
to petition Parliament for the Repeal of the Corn-laws, took
place this afternoon at the Sessions House, Chapel-street.
The Mayor of Liverpool, HUGH HORNE; Esq , occupied the
chair. The proceedings commenced a few minutes after one,
and did not terminate until five o'clock.
It was the wish of many persons that the meeting should
have been held in a situation better calculated for the accom-
modation of the vast number interested in this great question
Cla3ton-square, a large open area in the centre of the town,
has previously been the scene of the great political meetings
in Liverpool, and many hoped that in this place the present
meeting would have been held. But there were two objec-
tions against it; first, the inclement season of the year,
operating against the practicability of long exposure in the
open air; and secondly, the belief entertained by the Mayor
hits-self and his friends that meetings, over which the chic:
Magistrate of Liverpool preskled ex officio, ought not to be
held beyond the walls of the Sessions'. house.
The building a small one (the place where the mee'oiss
was held, is the Nisi Prins Court of the South Lancashire
Assizes), is the least eligible that could have been selected for
such a purpose. The Court was crowded to excess, end the
doors were besieged long before the hour fixed for the com-
mencement of the proceedings.
Although a number of leading Tories ia the town signed
the requisition to the Mayor for calling this meeting, yet fees
attended, it being understood that a split had taken place
between them and the Abolitionists at the preliminary meet-
ing, on some of the mooted points. Sonic of the leading
Tories, opposed to any change in the present Corn-laws, dl•i
however, attend, for the purpose of defeating the object of tie,
meeting ; but in numbers, as well as argument, they cut a most
pitiable figure. They even had the temerity to move counter
resolutions, which were indignantly scouted by the vast ma-
jority present; and finding their position so helpless, they re-
tired -crest fallen at an early hour, leaving their triumphant op-
ponents in possession of the field.
Fearing that the Tories meditated a ruse, which they had
practised with some success in the same place on former oc-
casions, the Mayor very properly gave orders that no persons
were to be admitted into the Court except the requisitionists
and the press, until the hour announced for the commence-
ment of the proceedings. This precaution was the more
necessary, on account of the Court not being capable of con-
taining more than seven er eight hundred people—a number
the Tories could readily have packed, provided circumstances
favoured the experiment. Formerly, taking advantage of the
smalluaess.of the place, and procuring the attendance of their
friends before the hour of meeting, the Tories assembled in
great force, and contrived to disturb, and even on one occa-
sion defeated, in this same Court, an expression of opinion cei
some leading political topic on the part of the Reformers.
This, however, was effectually guarded against to-day, and
the Tories who attended, as the advocates of the famine
laws,- were listened to with patience, and even attention.
The conduct of the Mayor, who claimed at the outset a fair
and impartial hearing for eve:), speaker, and exerted himself
successfully in obtaining • it, won from all parties an expres-
sion of admiration. Among the leading Tories present were
-Mr. Nicholas Robinson, Mr. Duncan Gubb, Mr. R. Horsfall,
Mr. J. Sheppard, Mr. Dunlevie, &e., &c., accompanied by a
very unmanageable, but impotent tail. The leading Aboli-
tionists present included Mr. William Rathbone, Mr. Wal-
lace Currie, Mr. J. Walmsley, Mr. R. Shiel, Mr. R. E. Har-
vey, Mr. 0. Wood, Mr. Thomas Thornely, M. P., Mr. Gco.
Holt, Mr. James Aitkin, Mr. Thomas Bolton, Mr. Earle,
and a number of other wealthy individuals, whose united ca-
pital would represent all the " dirty acres" belonging to the
Squirearchy in half a dozen counties.
T. THORN:J.I', Esq., M. P., rose and said it was a mat-
ter of great congratulation to him, amidst the sufferings in-
flicted on a large portion of the population, in consequence
of the high price of provisions, arising from the late unpro-
ductive harvest, that in this important community, and in
many of the principal commercial and manufacturine
towns, the attention of the public was about to be directed
to the operation of the Corn-laws, with a view to prevent
those advancements in price which were so injurious to the
community at large, and to extend the commerce and ma-
nufactures of the country so much, that in the event of a
return of such visitations of Providence, we might be better
able to sustain the grievance that would press upon us. He
hoped many of the gentlemen in the room had attended to
the important proceedings which had recently taken place in
the neighbouring town of Manchester en this subject. The
per plc there, from their peculiar position at the head of the
cotton trale of the world, experters of manufac:ur s to every
part of the globe, were better informed than ethers as to the
grievous interference with the trade of their district, owing to
the establishment of manufactures in every foreign country.
The facilities for the esteblisment of manufactures in foreign
countries were very great. Every machine made in Englan.!
was capable of being expoittd, or at least there was no tin
cult) whatever in the man who constructed it transporting him-
self, and establishing manufactures in rivalry of our own
We had great d:fficulties to contend with. We had anhenor.
mous national debt, and we were bound to pay the interest of
that debt. But the pressure of that debt was an additiered
reason why every restriction ought, as far as possible, to be
removed, so as to give free scope to the industry Gf the reople.
(Cheers.) Ile had alluded to the cotton trade. But there was
scarcely a trade in the country that was not, to a certain ex-
tent, similarly circumstanced. A friend of his, then in Court,
had declared that the manufacturers on the borders of the
Rhine, he believed, could undersell him. He had been asked
if it was a fact, as stated in the petition to be submitted to the
meeting, that the people of the Continent could successfully
compete with us in hardware and cutlery? He could prove
most unanswerably that such was the case.—(Hear.) The
manufacturers of Sheffield had represented to Government
that not only were they successfully competed with in hard-
ware and cutlt ry, but that manufactures were brought into the
bonded warehouses, of London chiefly, with the forged marks
of the Englieli manufacturer, and sold here, for exportation
to the Colonies and elsewhere, at a cheaper rate than they
could be furnished at by the manufacturers whose names were
forged upon them.—( Hear.) In proof of what he had stated
he begged to read a section of an Act of Parliament passed
last Session, called the Customs' Amendinent Act. It was
passed on the 15th of August last, and the 6th section, after
reciting the state of the case, as he had put it, enacted that
" from and after the sth of January," the present month,
all goods so imported should be forfeited.." The first and
great object of the trading people of this country ought to
be to remove all restrictions on the importation of corn, in
order that they might have increased supplies of food for the
labouring classes, and an increased demand for the labour of
our people by increasing the demand for manufactures. He
trusted no gentleman in that meeting would consider himself
merely a member of a commercial, and not also of a manu-
facturing community. The prosperity of this country was
derived from its manufactures. This town was sustained by
its imports for the use arid consumption of the manufac-
turing population, and by the agency which it carried on for
the exportation of manufactured produce.--( Hear, hear.)
They were, therefore, bound to give their hearty co-operation
to Manchester and other towns, and to petition the Legisla-
ture, through the medium of their Representatives, to remove
the restrictions on the importation of corn.—(Cheers.) Mr.
Huskisson had foreseen the particular crisis in which they
were then placed. On the 18th of March, 1830, in a speech in
the House of Commons, he had used these words:—" If the
price of those particular articles which we never export, and
are frequently compelled to import, be materially dearer
here than elsewhere, that dearness 'cannot - be shifted to the
articles which we export; it must fall, in the way of deduc-
tion, either on the wages and comforts of the labourer, or on
the profits of those who afford him employment." Had Mr.
Huskisson been present at the meeting in Manchester, or in
that room, he could not have used words more descriptive of
the condition of the people of this country than those which
he had used nearly nine years ago. The price of provisions
was materially dearer here than in foreign countries; and if
our manufacturers were to carry their goods abroad, and sell
them at the sane price as those produced where subsistence
was cheaper—if they were to keep up an export trade at all,
they must either reduce their rate of profit, or still worse, the
wages of the people. He had, a day or two ago, received a
letter from one of his constituents at Wolverhampton, in which
he said that they were there, with the iron and coal under their
feet, and yet, from the rate of subsistence, the price of food,
they were undersold by the hardware manufacturers of the
Continent of Europe.—( Hear, hear.) There had been at
all times laws for the regulation of food. In 1815 Parliament
bad prohibited ,the importation of wheat till the price rose to
80s. per quarter. They were now paving, or liable to pay, a
high duty on wheat till the price got to 735., per quarter.
Then the duty was lowered to one shilling per quarter.
But those who framed that law ought to have given a guaran-
.tee that the price should go no higher than 735. It had, how-
ever, risen to 80s„ which was the average of the presenttime.
All sorts of laws had been enacted with respect to
the importation of food. Sometimes large bounties
had been given on the exportaiion cif British corn.
He remembered sales by auction in the brokers'
offices, of American wheat and flour, attended, according
to Act of Parliament, by an officer of customs and excise,
who kept a regular catalogue of the prices; and whatever it
sold for below the guaranteed price was paid out of the public
money. He held in his hand a list of the rates of duty of
foreign and colonial grain from the sth of January, 1837, to
the sth of January, 1838. The duty paid was not very con-
siderable, but the meeting would be surprised to hear that,
though there had been only 219,000 quarters, the average rate
of duty was very nearly the enormous sum of 30s. per quarter.
134,000 quarters bad paid 1/. Bs. Bd. per quarter. In • Sep-
tember last, in consequence of the high price of corn, the
duty fell to is. per quarter. It only remained at that point,
however, one week ; the next week it was 2s. 6d., the third
los. Bd., the fourth 16s. Bd., the fifth 20s. Bd., the sixth
21s. Bd., the 7th 225. Bd. Then it gradually fell till it again
reached the nominal rate of Is. He could not for bis life ima-
gine a Pestent of trade more completely absurd than the exio.-
ing duties.—( Cheers.) A prohtisitory duty was a grievous in-
justice. Its effect was to drive manufactures of the country.

The corn trade of this country was no trade ; it was gambling
and speculation. No foreign merchant could tell at what
price he could afford to sell his wheat or flour in thi&
country, because he could never know what duty he should be
obliged to pay.--( Hear.) We had laws in this country ; we
had societies formed, and were at great pains in providing the
means of emigration. He wished every man who believed he
could better his condition by going abroad, to do so.--( Hear.)
But why not let the people stay at home, if they chose, and
bring the cheap food to their own doors ?—( Hear, and ap-
plause.) There were very many societies highly creditable. to
the various town in the kingdom, for the relief of the poor'.
But why have laws that, by preventing the importation of
food, prevented the people maintaining themselves ?—( Hear,
hear.) Their Poor-laws, and their Poor-law Amendment
Acts, partook, in his opinion, of the same absurdity.—( Hear_)
The resolution which he should have the honour to propose
was merely introductory. If the petition were adopted, he
would urge on the meeting the necessity of the most energetic
measures for the co-operating with their excellent and enlight-
ened neighhours of Manchester, by sending a deputation to work
with them, in ()tinging before Government in the most forcible
manner the merits of the case. He had a great respect for the
lAnd/ords of the country ; he envied them not, but it was not fair
to reckon the benefits they received by the price of wheat merely.
How much-had the value of the land on which this town stood
been increased by the business carried on in it.—( Hear. hear.
and ch, era. ) He might. instance the Earls of Derby and
Sefton, the Marquis of Westminster, with his immense pro-
perty in Ilelgrave.square, and others. They were indebted
to the industry of the British people. He mentioned the
recent successful resistance of the market gardeners of
London to a proposed reduction of the duties on Foreign
fruits, to show that opposition must be expected, and that their
exertions must not be confined to the business of that day. If
they meant to succeed in that great and good cause they must
earnestly set their shoulders to the wheel. He concluded by.
movieg, " That in a country of limited territory, in propor-
tion to its population, the resources of manufactures and
Foreign-commerce are absolutely necessary to the support of
internal prosperity, and to the maintenance of a position of
power and influence in reference to Foreign states."
Mr. CHRISTOPHER RAWDON, in seconding the motion, ob-
served that he had suffered considerably from the competition
of Foreign manufacturers. He had been driven from one
M arket after another, and two years ago he had beenin-
formed that the French could undersell them. He had been

sformed by his correspondent in Columbia that goods could
be obtained cheaper from Aix-la- Chapelle than they could be
supplied from this country.--(Hear, hear.) He had conse-
quently been obliged to abandon the whole trade, and could
no longer furnish the same employment to the British la-
boater.-_( Hear.)
The resolution was then put from the Chair, and carried
with a few dissentients.
Mr. H. BOOTH said, not being directly engaged in either
manufacturing or commercial pursuits, he might be allowed
to look at the question in a moral point of view. He con-
ceived that the direct tendency of laws, like our Corn-laws,
was to make any nation first stationary and then retrograde.
This nation had all the elements of prosperity, and for making
a great and happy people, except one—it had not abundance
of food. But such abundance could be procured. The ma-
nufacturer, after having produced his goods, looked around
for a market. He had it not at home, but he saw a country
which was differently constituted, and existing under a diffe-
rent state of society; which country was willing to give food
in return for manufactures. This natural compact was just
about to be made, when the landlord stepped forward with
his mystical word " protection," and stopped it. The land-
lords had frequently in their mouth a phrase which they
seemed to have considered very significant ; they said—
" Have we not a right to do what we like with our own ?"
Surely, when the landlord stepped in jest as the labourer
was about to dispose of his stock of produce in exchange for
The food which would be in demand in his own country, the
labourer also had a right to exclaim—" Have I not a right to
do what I like with my own ?"—( Applause.) The labourers
of this country, after having industriously toiled to make goods
to supply half tha habitable globe, were shut out by the land-
lords from the best markets. The consequence was that we
that were now sending our people abroad—fie were establish-
ing normal schools in every nation to teach the arts which we
ourselves knew. Nut only were we suppling other nations
with the means of manufacturing goods for themselves, that
they might Leconte competitors of ours, but our artisans were
going over and absolutely teaching them how to make the very
tools and machinery wherewith to operate. The generality of
the people were not aware of the great effects which were
thus being brought out. He had observed what had been
brought out at the Macchester and other mectiegs on this
subject, and the information had come like a clap of thunder
upon the people. After a few other observations, Mr. Booth
concluded by proposing a resolution to the effect, that the ten-
dency of the present code of Corn-laws was to cripple our
commerce and manufactures, and destroy the main sources of
our national prosperity.
Mr. JAMES MULLINEUX said he had been requested to
supp :rt the motion, and he did so With great pleasure. He
had thought much on the subject, and was of opinion that it
was the intention of the Almighty that the fullness of the
harvest of one country should be used to supply the deficiency
another, and thus to hind man to man all over the world.
This had been frustratel by the will of a few of those in-
habiting this nation. lie believed it to be a fact that the
prosperity of a nation mu,t depetd upon the happiness and con-
tentment of the bulk of its population. The bitter could not
be either happy or content if they were not well end abun-
dantly supplied with food. Future generatioas, he believed,
would scarcely credit that they could have tolerated a codo of
laws so impolitic.-- (Applause.)
Mr. DUNCAN GIBB said the gentlemen who had hitherto
addre,sed the meeting had spoken only of the export tredo
of the country. He begged to remind them that they had
forgotten the great and main • feature, without which the
quastion could nor be said to be fairly considered in all its
bear;ngs. He begged to ask what was the amount of the
exp et trade and what was the amount of the home trade?
He be lieved the latter was at least six times as great as the
former.--(" Hear, hear," loud cheers, and some expressions
of disapprobation.) The effect of the Corn-laws had.been to
keep up the price oflabour.—(" No, no," laughter, and cheers.)
He would ask Mr. Thorncly and Mr. Raw don, what was the
amount of the borne trade as compared with the export trade.
The high price of wages consequent upon the operation of the
Corn-laws, had the effect of enabling a man to earn what al-
lowed hilt something to spare for the luxuries as well as the
necessaries of life.—(Cheers and disaprobation.) Impressed
with these considerations he could not suffer the resolution to
pass end remain silent ' • he would, therefore, meet it with an
amendment. He had some little experience, and was rot
quite a boy in Liverpool. The landed interest, thirty years
ago, had given energy to commerce, and had enabled it to go
forward. It would be ungrateful in them to forget that, and
lie wished to speak with proper gratitude of those interests and.
institutions of les country to which commercial men owed a)
much. Mr. abb then read the following an eldment:-
-" That this meeting is satisfied that, after the experience of
ele7en years, the existing laws for the protection of t ha, B. itish
agriculturist have proved themselves to be just, po'itic, and
salutary—just, because the landed interest is entitled to the
same protection and encouragement which are freely 3i 'bled
to the manufacturing aad mercantile interests of the coun-
try—politic, because a large and stated supply of foreign
grain, while it would in the first place essentially injure the
British grower, and limit the extent of home cultivation,
would eventually render us dependent, more or less, upon,
fcreln nations for a vital article of food—a condition which,
in the event of war, might prove most inconvenient, if no;
mo t disastrous—and salutary, because, in ordinary years,
the fair fields and golden harvests of England have been
found fully adequate to the wants of her people, and the la-
bourer, who has tilled those fields and reaped them down,
has been protected so as to enjoy his rightful share of the
common prosperity; while in years of scarcity like the pre-
sent, through the ingenious and admirable working of the •
laws in question, the ports of the kingdom open at the mo-
ment when foreign corn is needed, and supplies of flour
are poured in upon us till they are needed no more.
That on these grounds this meeting is of opinion that it
would be highly inexpedient to propose to Parliament to
make any alteration in the existing Corn-laws." Mr. Gibb,
while reading the amendment, was frequently interrupted
by cheers, laughter, and loud expressions of disapprobation.
The Mayor bad more than once to get up and call the meet-
ing to order, to enable Mr. Gibb to proceed.
Mr. C. T. DUNLETIE said that he stood up on behalf of
the- labouring classes, fur the Corn-laws had the effect of
making the price of labour in this country higher, and the ob-
ject now sought to be-attained was, therefore, the lowering
the rate of wages —('` No, no"' " Hear, bear," and some con-
fusion.) Mr. Dunlevie proceeded to remark upon the supe-
rior amount of the agricultural over the manufacturing produce
of the country. The whole amount of the agricultural pro-
duce, animate and inanimate, amounted to 246,000,000/.
sterling, while that of the manufacturing interest was
1-48,000,0001. sterling. The whole amount of the exports Qf
the country, in the year ending 1837, as he could prove from
Parliamentary documents, was only 14,000,0001. The num-
ber of acres of land in cultivation amounted to 46,000,000;
the number capable of being brought -into cultivation to
15,000,000 ; and the number of unprofitable to 16,000,000,
making together 77,000,000. He stood there as the friend
of the poor—(Laughter, and cries of " Hear")--and be
asked any man if he could not understand that, if they
encouraged the importation of corn to such an extent,
they would ultimately become dependent altogether upon
foreign countries for their supply of food, the ope-
ration of which, in case of a war, would be such ae
ought to arouse their apprehensions; while another effect of
such an influx of corn would immediately be bls,
e_cadeyteersi.T.) Theationof
the price of labour.—(r, No, no," and
home market consisted of purchasers who were our friends ;
they were, in fact, bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh; the
sinews by which the State was to be defended, and its prospe-
rity secured. He wished, for the reasons which he had stated,
that gentlemen would be cautious before they gave their votes.
There were 15,000,000 of acres of land capable of being
brought into cultivation, and he put it to the meeting whether
it would not be better to cultivate that than to bring in foreign
corn, by doing which our labourers would not at all be bene-
fited ? He had therefore great pleasure, on the part of the
poor men, whose wages he would rather see raised upon the
spot than subjected to a reduction, in seconding the amend-
ment which had been just proposed.
Mr. GEORGE Hove said he did not rise to make any re-
marks upon the amendment, because he thought that unne-
cessary ; but merely to set Mr. Gibb right as regarded one
article of manufacture—that in which he (Mr. Holt) dealt.
In regard to cotton, so far from there being six times as much
consumed as exported, the fact was exactly the reverse.—
( Hear. hear.) Tea estimate of Mr. Huskisson wee tba• e' 'ton
g- ,• mitt • etuied to the extent of 34,000,0001 or
35.000,i00/., of which amount 21,000,0001. or 22,000,0001.
were exported, and the remainder consumed at home. The

statement of Mr. Gibb was so extremely fallacious, that it be-
came necessary to meet it with a contradiction.
Mr. Gren (after considerable interruption, and cries bf
" Spoke, spoke,") •explained that he did not allude to any
particular article, but to the whole of the export and home
trades.
Mr. OTTIWELL WOOD said, that he ventured to stand for-
ward on this occasion because he had now attained his seventy-
ninth year, and having been engaged in a manufacturing busie
teas for the space of forty years, be had not been an uninte-
rested spectator of the changes that had been going on in this
great commercial and manufacturing country.—( Hear, hear.)
He had likewise attended to the changes that had taken place
in the agricultural districts. He had been no uninterested
spectator of what had been going there. The results of his
observations were these—that he totally differed from the gen-
tleman proposing the amendment ; for, instead of looking upon
the Corn-laws as just, politic, and salutary, be considered them
to be the very opposite of all those, three. Was it just to
forbid the distribution of the food that heaven had occa-
sionally poured out like manna ? Was it just to withhold
the benefit from those whom God had
~thought proper to
bring into life ?—( No, no.) Was it politic, as regarded the
commercial interests of this country, to interdict the inter-
hange of produce of which our country and others stood in
ced? He begged to ask one question from the friends of
numanity and peace—was not the introduction into Great Bri-
tain of corn from foreign cou .tries a 'tears of keeping us at
peace with the great nations of the Continent? Then, as to
salute y, be did not know what was meant by it. That which
was salutary was conducive to health; and was it conducive
to heaith that the great body of the people should be over-
worked and under-fed ? With these observations he should
sit down, expressing his great surprise that any man who had
a character for talent and understanding should have thought
fit to bring forward such a resolution —( Loud applause, n:in-
gled with some few expressions of disapprobation.)
Mr. Joins Smell (lecturer on education) said be could not
do less than ex,iress his astonishment at the amendment,
as well as the arguments which had been brought
forward to uphold it. Granting the statistics which
had been brought forward by its proposer to be correct
(which he was by no means disposed to do)—but granting that
the home trade was six times as great as the export—why was
it so? Why was not the export trade six times—aye, sixty
times as great as the other ?—( Hear, hear, and applause ?)
It was the Corn-laws which cramped and trammeled
the very sinews of commerce, and prevented the
healthful diffusion of prosperity. If the. Corn-laws did not
rU3 fr m ,ur basing from foreign countries by our ma-
nufactures corn in those countries would not be so cheap, and
the prices would be more clue' all over the world, so that
Brltish labour and energy would have free scope. Let them
not be deluded with the fallacy that a free importation of corn
would reduce the price of labour. That had been tested in
the county of Sussex.—( Hear.) Mr. Smith here read some
remarks, showing that in the cheap year, 1837, when wages in
Sussex were 10s. 61. per week, it cost the labourer 6s. 7d.
per week for bread, leaving for general purposes a balance of 3s.
Ild. The next year the wages rose to l Is. 6d., when it cost 9..
7d. for bread, leaving for general purposes only Is. 1 Id. They
were all the inhabitants of one fair field, of which one portion
was more productive in one way, and another in some other.
—( Hear, and cheers.) Was it not a monstrous absurdity to
tell them that they would make themselves dependent upon
foreign nations? Were they not so for numberless corn
rnodities ? They could not grow cotton in Sussex. Where
did they get their pepper, their cotton, their coffee, their
sugar? Did they ever dream that they should want these
things because they were grown in foreign countries ? Yet,
if the supply of cotton were stopped, they would have thou-
sands of their population starving, because without cotton
there would be no work for them, and without work they would
have no wages. Mr. Smith proceeded to contend that the
agricultural interests would not suffer by the repeal of the
Corn.laws. If the people bad an abundant and cheap supply
of bread, they would have more money to lay out in the fruits
and luxuries produced by the lard, and these would more
than compensate fur the lowered rate of corn, which was pro-
duced at great expense, through the necessity of culivating
bad lands. :llr. Smith concluded by expressing his hostility
to the amendment, and determination to support the original
motion.

Mr. HARDY bad heard much spoken about taking off the
protecting duties against the introduction of corn. He should
like to see them go on a fair principle, and also advocate the
taking off the protecting duties from tea, sugar, and coffee,
and every other article. It was not right to advocate measures
. for taking cff a part of the protecting duties without taking off
the whok.
Mr. FOSTER (rep3rter of the Liverpool Standard), made
also some observations in favour of Mr. Duncan Gibb's amend-
ment.

Mr. BENJAMIN SMITH asked what America was doing at
the present moment ? Why, she was manufacturing goods
cheaper than England could do ; for the natural consequence
was, that if the population of the United States were with
drawn from agricultural pursuits. they would seek employment
in the best way they could. He himself was very favour-
able to public discussions, because an opportunity was thus
afforded of showing the fallacy of the reasoning that W s
used by many persons. If such an opinion as that which as-
serted that we export only one-sixth of our manufactured goods
had been uttered fifty years ago, it would have been laughed
to scorn. Why was it that, after the vast improvements which
had been effected by us in machinery and in the useful arts
and sciences, we should not he able to manafacture goods as
cheap as the continental nations ? What was the cause ?
Why, it was the want of cheap food. —( A cry of " Take off
the duty ca intoxicating drink.") He held in his band a
copy of the Tradesmen's and Mechanics' Almanac for the
year 1834 in which he found that out of 32,000,000
acres of land in cultivation, only 3,250,000 acres were
employed in the growth of wheat, or one-tenth part of the
whole amount. It was likewise stated that there were
waste lands to the extent of nearly 6,000,000 of acres, but
those lands it was not advisable to bring into a state of culti-
vation. Why ? Ohl because it was necessary to keep up
the price of corn. If the restrictions on the importation of
food were removed, he contended that neither the landowner
nor the agriculturist would suffer, because they would then
feed more cattle than now. The pasture lands of this country
amounted to 17,000,000 of acres, while the wheat lands were
only 3,000,000 of acres. England had more need of cheap
food than any other country, because it was the greatest ma-
nufacturing country in tire world. He should oppose the
amendment with all the might in his power. Individuals
might differ, and they had a right to differ, in their sentiments;
but he held that that man who legislated for himself where the
public interest was concerned, was a most despicable character.
Mr. LAWRENCE HEYWORTH spoke in favour of the original
motion. He maintained that the Corn-laws were iniquitous
and unscriptural in their character, because there were thou-
sands, and tens of thousands, of children that were never reared
to maturity, in consequence of their not being properly fed and
clothed. How could that be a Christian community in which
such things took place ?
Mr. OWEN, druggist, advocated the going of the whole
bog, and if protecting duties were to be repealed, not to stop
at the duties on corn, but to advocate the repeal of protecting
duties on our colonial produce, French cambrics, &c.
Mr. LLOYD supported the amendment at considerable
length. He said that-the agricultural interest was the chief
and most valuable interest in this country, and the agricul-
tural population, and those connected with agriculture, ex-
ceeded by two-thirds the manufacturing population, which
he read statistical tables to prove. It would, therefore, be
most unjust and absurd to oppress the many for the advan-
tage of the few. If we were once made dependent for the
supply of corn upon other countries, what guarantee had we
that they would not impose restrictive taxes on the importa-
tion of their grain for the protection of their manufactures?
—( Hear and cheers.)
The Mayor, then put the question, when about fifty hands
were held up for the amendment, and a great majority for the
original motion, 'which the Chairman declared to be carried
amidst loud cheering.
Mr. WALMSLEY, in moving the third resolution, said the
resolution which had been confided to his care was, fortunately,
one that required little advocacy ; it was, in fact, almost a
self-evident proposition. He could not, however, help adding
his humble testimony to that of those who had preceded him,
on the inexpediency and the injustice of the present Corn-laws.
-He had thought the time had gone by when he should hear
such barefaced assertions uttered at a public meeting without
the slightest attempt at proof—that the price of wages was de-
pendent on the price of food. He could not have supposed
that in an assembly of merchants such statements would have
been made, merely for the purpose of deceiving the labouring
classes. He thought such attempts had been left to the 'land-
owners themselves. He apprehended that the price of labour
was dependent on the quantity of employment, and it was to
increase this employment by removing the restrictions on fo-
reign commerce, and by equalizing the price of food, that he
sought to advance, not to reduce the labour of the artizan and
the mechanic. He would not, however, follow the example
which had been set him, of making assertions without offering
any proof. One gentleman had named Ireland as a proof
of the proposition. He would repeat it as the contrary.
Wages there were miserably low, corn comparatively high,
employment was wanting. In America wages were high, corn
low, employment was plentiful. But there were authorities
that even the gentlemen who took the opposite side of the
question were wont to think orthodox. What say Paley,
Adam Smith, Colonel Torrens, White, Colonel Thompson,
and various others ? Here he quoted a passage from each of
those authors, to the effect that the price of labour was not
dependent on the price of food. So much for the assertions
of these pseudo friends of the people. Satisfied as he was
that the landowner and the corn-merchant were the only
parties who derived any benefit from the corn-laws, he should
not, were he considerate of his own interest only (being in-
terested in both) have to apologise for occupying the time
of the meeting with remarks which, coming from him,
might be considered out of place. He wculd not doubt,
however, that each merchant was disposed to yield some-
what of his own views and interests where the welfare of
the community was so vitally concerned.---( Applause. ) The
subject was one which involved more extended interests,
and, perhaps, a greater degree of prejudice, than any other
of a purely legislative character, and inquiring into its bear-
ings it was rendered more difficult, from the fact that that
assembly to which we naturally look for an exposition of the
causes of our grievances and for their redress, feels itself,
at least as respects a majority of its Members, interested
in smothering inquiry, and in the perversion of the truth.
It had to long been the misfortune of the people of
this country to have Legislators willing that the interests
of the many should be subservient to those of the few. Well
was it stated by the London Times Newspaper, that the
present Corn-laws were an extension of the Pension-list to
the whole of the landed aristocracy of Great Britain, and
aptly was the apoth( gm illustrated by the fact, of twenty
millions of people bAng made to pay a Parliamentary
price for bread that 36,000 extensive landowners should

live in affluence and luxury. Whilst he spoke of the British
agriculturists generally with the greatest respect, he could
not help designating a portion of them as the canker-
, worm of our national prosperity. But he believed the
great body of the agriculturists. farmers, and the agricul-
tural labourers, were as little interested in the mainte-
nance of the bread monopoly as were the manufac-
turing population themselves. The landowners will take spe-
cial care that the farmer never permanently retains more
than a fair profit on the outlay of his capital over labour, nor
could he long be kept out of this fair remuneration, and the
agricultural labourer could scarcely be placed in a worse posi-
tion than toiling from sunrise to sunset for 7s. to IN. per
week, with provisions 40 to 50 per cent. above their proper
value. Disentangling the question of the f.allacie% with which
it has been so ingeniously interwoven, it resolves itself thus .
—Whether the great body of the people of this country—the
producers of our national wealth, shall continue to labour
twelve to fourteen hours per day, ill clothed, and little better
than half fed, not only without the slightest prospect of ever
bettering their condition, but with the moral certainty, if the
present Corn-laws be continued, of its yearly becoming worse
—whether the resources of this country—the skill and in-
dustry of her inhabitants—her manufacturing superiority shall
be sacrificed en masse to satisfy the cupidity of a monopolising
landed aristocracy? Wbat, he asked, could the landowner
offer to compensate for the virtual exclusion of our manual
productions from the various markets of the world ? How could
they indemnify us for the formidable rivalry which their mo
nopoly is yearly raising up against our manufacturing skill in
ev-ry quarter of the globe ? Is it by 3 early squandering
la,ge sums, and working the bone and muscle of the people
in cultivating barren soils, merely to add to the-value of their
previous acres? To tell us that the home market is better
than the foreign, when at home goods will only exchange for
one half the quantity of food they would command elsewhere, is
littleless absurd than thefallacious doctrine so wiekedlybut indus-
triously propagated, that the price of labour is dependent on
the price of food. He would not offend the understanding of
the enlightened assembly he had the honour to address, by of-
fering any reply to the oft refuted assertion that it would be
dangerous to depend upon foreign nations for supplies of
grain, lest they should be denied in times of war or scarcity ;
nor would be enter into any argument to show the utter i !-
utility of these laws as a means to prevent fluctuation in price i.
Experience had sufficiently proved their absurdity, and the
voice of common sense, and that of justice, cried aloud f r
their repeal. Free trade was the very bond of peace, and
there needed no more forcible illustration of the folly of do-
couraging the growth and importation of foreign corn than tl-,e
present high prices and short supplies. What he asked, would
have been the state of the people of this country, had our late
crop been deficient to a much greater extent than it was ?
What would inevitably be their condition if our present ibsane
policy were continued with a gradually diminishing labour
market, and a rapidly increasing population ? The picture
was too frightful to look upon. There was a fearful and awful
responsibility resting upon our rulers; and he trusted they
would awake ere it was too late, even at the eleventh hour,
whilst the people were willing to make terms, lest the time
should arrive when they might demand all that was due—that
property, not labour, should bear the burden of taxation. We
had been recently taunted by the organs of these high minded
landlords, that if we were not satisfied with the present laws,
they would prohibit the importation of foreign corn altogether.
Surely this is filling up the measure of their iniquity, and, l.e
trusted, would raise such a spirit of indignation as would
lastingly convince them that the just demands of the no-
tion could no longer be denied with impunity. He trusted
the time was not distat:t when we should look back
upon these laws of feudal tyranny with astonishment and
wonder, that they could so long be permitted to trample on
the energies of the people calling themselves enlightened and
free. But it was not sufficient merely to assert their rights,
they must be prepared to defend them ; they should follow the
example of their fellow-labourers of Manchester—they should
form a permanent committee, appoint deputies to represent
their interests in the central committee in London—subscribe
liberally—in fact, be prepared on all points, and show such a
formidable front, both as respects arguments and numbers, .s
will induce the landowners to concede whilst concession may
be made with safety. (Mr. Walmsly concluded his spa,-en
amidst the most enthusiastic cheering, which lasted for several
minutes.)

Mr, Raeurioenz rose amidst great cheering. He slid that
the kindness with which he had been received, in some
measure unfitted him for entering properly upon the consi-
deration of the important subject before the meeting. He
entered upon it, indeed, with the fear lest the inadequacy of
his advocacy should do it injustice.—( A loud cry of " Mr.
James is coming," followed by excessive laughter.) He be-
lieved that the policy and legislation of the landowners bad
been wrong and short-sighted; and he also thought that
there was no need for injustice, for the right course would be
equally beneficial to the landed interest of this country as
to the people at large. They had 'heard the foreign trade
of England a good deal underrated ; but it ought to be r:•-
membered that it was the foreign trade that, by taking off the
surplus productions, give a price to articles. They, therefore,
saw, that when the American trade, which was only one por-
tion of our foreign trade, was, two years ago, disorganised, it
threw this country into the greatest difficulty and distress,
though only withdrawn for a single year. With respect to the
effect on our manufactures from the operation of the Corn-
laws, he could tell them a circumstance which bad been related
to him by Mr. Smith, and which might, he understood, be
relied upon. A gentleman in Calcutta sent an order for cut-
lery and hardware to this country, which was to be of certain
patterns, and the price of which was to be within certain
limits. Shortly afterwards the gentleman himself came from
Calcutta, and found that the order could not be executed at
less than an advance of twenty-five per cent. on the limits
prescribed by him. He went to the Continent, where he had
the order executed at a reduction of ten per cent. on the
price mentioned by him, that is, thirty-five per cent. below
what it could be furnished for in Sheffield. A gentleman
who had travelled through the manufacturing districts of
England went afterwards through the manufacturing
districts of the Continent; and he had said that the
statements made by Mr. Smith at the Manchester meeting
were not exaggerated. To this gentleman, an individA
who had gone on the Continent and established there a manu-
factory, said, " I wish to throw a Manchester man out of the
Continental markets." " How can you accomplish that ?"
was demanded, " I will undersell him." " Then you must
lose." " No, if I sell 12 per cent. below him, I am only
foregoing my profits ; and, therefore, I have only to forego
my profits for a short time, and I shall entail a loss of 10 per
cent. upon him, and must ultimately ruin him." Mr. Rath-
bone then went on to say, that if they could retard the pro-
gress of manufactures in other countries, they could not stop
them. They would of necessity be established both on the
Continents of America and Europe, and they ought to be ;
for we could never uphold a monopoly of them, if desirous.
He disliked the word " monopoly" in any form ; but still we
had a right to take care of ourselves. To continue the Corn-
laws, and to throw men out of employment, was to abandon
them as the willing dupes of such men as Stephens, O'Connor,
or Oastler, who, lecturing men with empty bellies and bare
backs, could lead them as they would. The English, as an
Irishman had observed, were a nation of ventriloquists ; and
when they spoke with empty bellies—and he (Mr. Rathbonc)
believed they were right in the sight of God—they were na-
turally a very angry people.—(Cheers.)
Mr. MURRAY, an artisan, and a Brougham-Institute lec -
turer, stood up in the midst of the crowd, and advocated
the necessity of abolishing the Corn-laws. He stated his
views with clearness and ability, and was occasionally loudly
applauded.

- The resolution was then put and carried. The dissentients
were not more than a dozen.

Mr. JAMES AITKIN moved the next resolution. He con-
tended that the agricultural labourers were much worse off
in consequence of the Corn-laws. It had been said that land
yielded only 2i per cent. ; but when was the valuation taken
on which the interest was calculated ? If the valuation were
taken for the period when this country began to be an im-
porter of corn (about fifty years ago), it would be found
to be something like 25 per cent, instead of 24. The
value of land, within the period mentioned by him, had in-
creased wonderfully, not only in Liverpool, but in the re-
motest districts, and this arose from the increase of trade
and the doubling of the population. The danger of
dependence upon foreign countries had been pointed
out ; but if they looked calmly about them, what
would be found to be the facts of the case ? Why,
that we were at this moment in a state of dependence. And
what had England a right to expect ? The answer which had
been received—" If you will not take from our abundance,
you shill not take from our pittance." But let this country
take from those parties that grow corn, and pay for it in ma-
nufactured goods, and it would be found that there was no
danger, because self-interest would always control them. Let
England make it the interest of the world to provide her po-
pulation with food, and it would be done ; but adopt the op-
posite course, and then, when in necessity, foreigners would
say, as had been said by the King of Naples, " No, you shall
not have it from us when we want it ourselves."
Mr. GEORGE HOLT, after a few remarks, seconded the re-
solution. He thought it a monstrous proposition to advocate
the making food dear.
The resolution was put and carried unanimously with mucl,
applause.

Mr. Alderman EVANS moved the next resolution. He said
that if he had no other reason than the lateness of the hour, he
should have felt it expedient to confine what he had to say to
a few sentences; but after the great flood of light which had
been thrown upon the subject, both at Manchester and here,
and the excellent workmen that had preceded him on both
occasions, he had little to say that was not common-place.
He felt himself in the position of a gleaner going over a field
that bad already been gleaned. He had heard a great deal of
those old arguments that had been adduced in favour of every
monopoly that had ever existed. There had been a period when
the Barons of England had the right of life and death over
their children and dependents, and when the power was at-
tempted to be taken from them they had their arguments
also. In like manner all other monopolists had their
arguments, including the East India and China mono-
poly. But what were the arguments worth? There
was in everything a primordial right or wrong; and, as
an abstract proposition, it must be admitted that the free in-
terchange of commodities was a natural right, and that
those who would interfere with it were bound to make out a
very strong case. That, in the instance of the Corn-laws, its
supporters had entirely failed to do. England possessed
many advantages over other countries ; she was like a Hercules
among pigmies; and when she was, in the article of food,
placed on a footing► with other nations, those nations would
fall into the position which nature intended them to occupy,
aid England would become thjn manufacturer for the world.
Mr. THOMAS BOLTON seconded the resolution. He main-
tained that they bad shown an equitable regard for existing
interests by not asking for an immediate and unconditional